1111 311 DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/ironcladsinactio21wils Ironclads in Action 31 Qketctj of tyctval *$avfave FROM 1855 TO 1895 RONCLADS IN ACTION FROM 1855 TO 1895 WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BATTLESHIP IN ENGLAND H. W. WILSON Sometime Scholar of Trinity College, Oxford. WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY CAPTAIN A. T. MAHAN, U.S.N. AUTHOR OF " THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER ON HISTORY," ETC. WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS IN TWO VOLUMES — VOL. II. FIFTH EDITION. LONDON SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON AND COMPANY Limited. §kt. ©un6fan6 + 6 &ou6e+ FETTER LANE, LONDON, E.C. 1897. First Edition, December, 1895. Second Edition (corrected), January, /< Third Edition, February , i8g6. Fourth Edition, March, i8g6. Fifth Edition, October, 1897. LONDON • PRINTED BY HORACE COX, WINDSOR HOUSE, BREAM'S BUILDINGS, E.C. 35^ V.A MAPS AND PLANS. Map Face page XIX. The Bombardment of Sfax and the Battle of Foochow 2 XX. Descent of the Min and Torpedo Action of Sheipoo . 12 XXI. Caldera Bay. Insets, Chilian Littoral, Valparaiso Bay, Torpedo Action . . . . , .21 XXII. Rio de Janeiro Bay 36 XXIII. Sta. Catherina Bay ....... 44 XXIV. Attack on the Aquidaban. Elevation of Aquidaban, showing Injury. ....... 46 XXV. Theatre of the War in the East and Wei-hai-wei . 52 XXVI. TheYalu, I. . 88 XXVII. The Yalu, II., Ill . 90 XXVIII. The Yalu, IV., V. ....... 92 XXIX. Naval Formations. . . . . . . .156 XXX. Accidents to the Grosser Kurfurst and to the Victoria 194 ILLUSTRATIONS AND ELEVATIONS. Plate Face page XIX. Japanese Sailors at the Yalu . - . Frontispiece XX. The Wei Yuen and King Yuen . . . . 14 XXI. Elevation of Blanco Encaloda ... .28 XXII. The Itsukushima . 58 XXIII. Elevation and Deck Plan of Ting Yuen and Chen Yuen 62 XXIV. The Yoshino 68 XXV. The Tsi Yuen's Conning Tower ..... 70 XXVI. Elevation of the Naniiva ...... 74 XXVII. Admirals Ting and Ito 82 XXVIII. The Matsushima's Officers. ..... 94 409766 viii ILLUSTRATIONS AND ELEVATIONS. Plate Face page XXIX. The Chen Yuen in Battle . 100 XXX. The Chen Yuen's Side after Battle . . . .no XXXI. The Chih Yuen 114 XXXII. The Ting Yuen 122 XXXIII. The End of a Battleship . . . . . .172 XXXIV. H.M.S. Victoria 197 XXXV. Diagram of the Victoria just before she capsized. . 202 XXXVI. The Last of the Victoria 204 XXXVII. English Ironclads, I . . .220 XXXVIII. Systems of Protection 228 XXXIX. English Ironclads, II. . . . . . . .232 XL. Early and Modern Breech-loader .... 246 XLI. Eight-inch Quick-firer 250 XLII. French Ironclads ....... 262 XLIII. The Battleship Neptune 264 XLIV. The Battleship Formidable 266 XLV. The Cruiser Alger . 268 XLVL The Submarine Boat Gustave Zede .... 270 XLVII. The United States Cruiser Columbia .... 288 XLVIII. The Cruiser New York ...... 290 XLIX. The Battleship Indiana ...... 294 L. The Battleship Kearsarge ...... 296 TABLES. (Pages 316 — 340.) I. II. III. IV. V. VI VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI United States' Naval Ordnance, 1861-5. Union Fleet at New Orleans. Confederate Forts and Squadron. Union Fleet at Fort Sumter, April 7, 1863, and Confederate Forts. Union Fleet at Mobile. Union Fleet at the Second Bombardment of Fort Fisher. The Southern Commerce Destroyers and their Prizes. Italian Fleet at Lissa. Austrian Fleet at Lissa. Comparison of Fleets at Lissa. Types of French Ironclads in 1870. German Ironclads. Fleets of Chili and Peru, 1878. Ships which took Part in the Bombardment of Alexandria. Armament of the Alexandria Forts. Shot and Shell Expended at Alexandria by the British Fleet. French and Chinese Ships at Foochow. Congressional and Balmacedist Squadrons, 1891. Fleets in Brazilian Civil War. Chinese Fleet at the Yalu. Japanese Fleet at the Yalu. Comparison of Fleets at the Yalu and Notes on Guns. Details of Japanese Losses at the Yalu. Leading Types of English Battleships. 1. Progress in Size, Dimensions, and Armour. 2. Progress in Armament. Progress in English Cruisers. English Heavy Guns. Summary of Torpedo Operations. Types in the United States Navy. 409766 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVI. French Naval Operations in Tunis and the East. page Difficulties between France and Tunis ..... i Sfax bombarded. July io-i6th, 1881 2 — 3 Capture of Sfax. July 16th, 1881 4 Hostilities between France and China 4 Courbet at Foochow ......... 5 — 6 The French attack the Chinese. Aug. 23rd, 1884 ... 7 The Chinese squadron destroyed . . . . . 8 — 9 Descent of the River Min. Aug. 25-28th, 1884. . . . 11 — 12 Torpedo affair of Sheipoo. Feb. 15th, 1885 . . . . 13 The Chinese ships sunk ........ 15 Rice contraband . . . . . . . . . . 15 CHAPTER XVII. Naval Events of the Chilian Civil War. The revolt of the Chilian fleet. January, 1891 . . . . 16 Balmacedist and Congressional fleets. ..... 17 — 18 Physical features of Chili . . . . . . . . 18 The Blanco Encalada hit at Valparaiso ..... 20 Balmacedist torpedo-vessels leave for Caldera .... 22 The attack on the Blanco Encalada. April 23rd, 1891 . . 23 Congressionalist account. The Blanco sunk .... 24 — 6 Captain Goni's report ........ 27 Action between the torpedo vessels and the Acongagua. April 23rd, 1891 . * 29 — 30 Subsequent torpedo operations . . . . . . 31 Fall of Balmaceda 32 The case of the Itata 33 — 4 XII CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVIII. The Civil War in Brazil. PAGE Revolt of Admiral Mello. September 7th, 1893 ... 35 Ships and resources of Mello and Peixoto . . . . 36 — 7 The Melloist ships pass the Rio forts ...... 37 — 40 Peixoto acquires a fleet 40 Worthlessness of his fleet, Collapse of the revolt at Rio . . 41 — 2 Torpedo attack upon the Aquidaban. April i5-i6th, 1894 . 43 The Aquidaban discovered ........ 44 She is torpedoed by the Gustavo Sampaio ..... 45 Melloist version , . 46 — 7 The value of the battleship 49 Lessons of the war ......... 50 CHAPTER XIX. The Struggle in the East. Outbreak of war between China and Japan. July 29th, 1894 . 51 The Japanese revival ......... 52 — 3 The effeteness of China ........ 54 — 5 The state of the Chinese Navy ....... 56 Renders tactical conclusions uncertain ..... 57 The ships of the Japanese ........ 57 — 61 Japanese merchant marine, and docks ..... 61 Organization of the Chinese fleet ...... 62 The Chen Yuen and Ting Yuen ...... 63 — 4 Other Chinese ships 64 — 5 Chinese Merchant Marine, and Docks ..... 65 — 6 CHAPTER XX. The Action off Asan and the Sinking of the Kowshing. Chinese and Japanese ships off Asan ...... 67 The Naniwa engages the Tsi Yuen. July 25th, 1894 . . 68 — 71 The state of the Tsi Yuen after the action 72 The Kwang Yi and Tsao Kiang destroyed or captured . . 72 The Naniwa meets the Kowshing . . . . . 73 The Naniwa sinks the Kowshing. July 25th, 1894 ... 75 Violation of International Law . . . , . . . 77 The position of the Kowshing 78 Admiral Ting puts to sea ........ 80 Orders of Li Hung Chang to Admiral Ting .... . . 81 CONTENTS. xiii CHAPTER XXI. The Yalu and its Lessons. PAGE The Chinese despatch transports to the Yalu River ... 83 Ting with the fleet convoys them 84 Japanese fleet in the Gulf of Korea 85 The two fleets sight one another ...... 86 Preparations of the Chinese 86 — 87 The battle opens. September 17th, 1894 88 The two lines of battle 89 The Chinese roughly handled ....... 92 Both sides draw off ........ 95 The Matsushima's share in the battle ..... 96 Fortunes of other Japanese ships ...... 97 — 99 The Chinese ships in detail ....... 99 — 103 Alleged misbehaviour of the Tsi Yuen ..... 103 The Yalu compared with Lissa ...... 104 — 6 Losses of the Japanese . . . . . . . 108 Losses of the Chinese ........ 109 Does naval warfare grow bloodier no Guns of the Chinese . . . . . . . . . 112 Broadsides of the two fleets . . . . . . . 112A The Japanese Canet guns ........ 112B Size and speed in the two fleets . . . . . . n 2D The ram and the torpedo not used ...... 114 — 5 Value of deductions from the Yalu ...... 116 Line abreast . . . . . . . . . . 118 The value of armour ......... 119 The gun still the predominant factor . . . . . . 123 Tactical value of speed in the battle . . . . . . 124 Training and discipline the secret of victory . . . . 125 CHAPTER XXII. Naval Operations at Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei. The Chinese fleet retires to Port Arthur . . . . . 126 The Japanese capture Port Arthur. Nov. 21st, 1894. . . 127 Wei-hai-wei bombarded 128 Torpedo attack upon the Chinese Fleet. Feb. 4th, 1895 . . 130 The Ting Yuen torpedoed . 131 Torpedo attack of Feb. 5th, 1895 132 Surrender and suicide of Admiral Ting, Feb. 12th, 1895 . . 133 xiv CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXIII. The Naval Battle of To-morrow. PAGE Little material for induction . . . . . . . 136 A special class of ships to fight in the line necessary . . . 138 The cruiser and the battleship 139 Inferiority of the cruiser ........ 141 Cruisers are of three classes ....... 143 Weak ships in line a disadvantage . . . . . . 144 Examples of the division of a fleet 146 Sphere of torpedo craft in battle. The torpedo-gunboat . . 147 The torpedo-boat in battle . 148 The ram in battle ......... 150 The pneumatic gun ......... 150 The position of the Commander-in-Chief 151 Battle dispositions . . . t . . . . . 153 Line-abreast and bow-and-quarter line ..... 155 Groups . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Line ahead : its advantages . . . . . . 157 Manoeuvring before and during battle 158 The value of the ram . . . . . . . . 160 The value of the torpedo . . . . . . . . 161 The warship's top-hamper ........ 162 Effect of the long-range fire . . . . . . . 163 Fires in action 165 Percentage of hits in battle . ...... 166 Maintenance of internal communication on board ship . . 167 The conning-tower ......... 168 Perforation of armour in action ....... 170 The encounter at close quarters . ..... 172 Loss of life in battle ......... 173 Duration of battle 175 Losses of ships .......... 176 The type of battleship best adapted to this forecast . ... 178 The armament of the ideal battleship . . . . . 179 Devolution of command during battle . . . . 181 Summary 182 CHAPTER XXIV. Ironclad Catastrophes. The Captain 183 She goes to sea with the Channel Squadron . . . . 185 She founders during the night. September 6 — 7th, 1870 . . 168 CONTENTS. xv PAGE Story of the survivors . . . . . . . . 187 Verdict of the court-martial 189 The Vanguard is rammed by the Iron Duke. September 1st, 1875 190 She sinks . ... 191 Verdict of the court-martial. . . . . . . . 192 The Grosser Kurfurst rammed by the Kb nig Wilhelm. May 31st, 1878 193 Effect of the collision : the Grosser Kurfurst sinks . . . 194 The Victoria 196 A dangerous manoeuvre ordered ....... 197 The manoeuvre executed ........ 199 The Camperdown rams the Victoria. June 22nd, 1893 . . 200 Efforts to save the Victoria ........ 202 Splendid behaviour of the Victoria, } s crew ..... 203 The ship capsizes with grievous loss of life . . . . . 204 Finding of the court-martial 206 Loss of the Reina Regente. March, 1895 ..... 207 CHAPTER XXV. The Development of the English Battleship. Great changes in the implements of naval war .... 209 These changes due to steam . . . . . . 210 Growth of displacement . . . . . . . . 212 Number of engines on board ship . . . . . . 214 Specialization in the type of ship . ...... 215 The application of armour to ships 217 The Gloire and the Warrior ....... 219 Captain Coles invents the turret ....... 220 The central-battery ironclad ....... 221 The Sultan . . . . . . . . . . . 222 The Alexandra and Temeraire ....... 223 Early turret-ships ......... 224 The Devastatian class ......... 226 The armour deck . 227 Unarmoured ends : the Inflexible . . . . . . 228 The " echeloned " turret-ship ....... 229 The " Admirals " 230 The Victoria and Sanspareil . . . • . . . 232 The Nile and Trafalgar ........ 233 xvi CONTENTS. PAGE The Royal Sovereign class . . . . . . . . 234 The Centurion and Barfleur 236 The Renown . . . . . . . . . 237 The Majestic class . . . .... . . 238 Summary of progress in ironclad construction .... 239 Reappearance of moderate armour . . . . . . 241 English and foreign types of battleships compared . . . 242 The development of artillery . . - . . . . 245 The rifled gun and the early breech-loader .... 246 Resistance of early ironclads to artillery 246 The monster gun . . . . . . . . . 247 The muzzle-loader abandoned in England 248 The new breech-loader 249 The quick-firer . . . 250 Improvements in projectiles ....... 252 Improvements in armour . . . . . ' . . . 253 Progress in engineering . . . . . . . . 254 The first cruisers ......... 255 The Esmeralda and fast cruisers ...... 255 The belted cruiser ......... 257 The torpedo-boat . . . . . . . . 257 The torpedo , . . . . . . . . . 258 Appendix I. The* Development of the French Navy, 1855 — 1895 260 — 275 Appendix II. Report of the French Committee in 1870 upon the practicability of attacking the Prussian littoral . 275B — 76 Appendix III. The Progress of the United States Navy . 277 — 301 Appendix IV. British Ironclads ...... 302 — 3 Appendix V. Leading Authorities consulted . . . 304 — 313 Appendix VI. Illustrations ....... 314 Tables I.— XXVI 316—340 Index I. Actions ......... 341 II. Names 343 III. Subject- Matter and Technical Terms . . . 385 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. CHAPTER XVI. French Naval Operations in Tunis and the East, 1881— 1884-5 In i 88 i, difficulty with the Khroumirs, a Tunisian tribe on the Algerian frontier, and the fact that the Bey of Tunis was in secret abetting them, led France to take vigorous measures against Tunis. In the last week of April the army on land commenced operations whilst the fleet supported it. On April 25th, Tabarka, an island on the coast of Tunis, which was protected by an antiquated castle, was bombarded by the gunboat Hyene, supported by the Surveillante, Tourville } Chacal and Leopard. A very feeble resistance was offered by the Arabs, and next day a detachment of troops landed and occupied the place A week later Bizerta was seized to serve as a base for the French operations. On May 7th, Beja was captured, and it was supposed in France that the war was over. A few days later the Bey practically accepted the protection of France, and about the middle of June the French army was recalled. But as a matter of fact the Arab popula- tion was by no means ready to submit to France. Fostered by Mussulman agitators, an insurrection against the Bey, who was accused of selling his country, broke out in the south. Sfax was seized and occupied by the insurgents, and the foreign residents in the country were in grave danger. The French did not quietly acquiesce in these proceedings, On the contrary, as might be expected, they at once made Vol. II B 2 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1881 preparations to re-conquer Tunis. For operations on the coast they had a formidable squadron ready in the Mediter- ranean under Vice-Admiral Garnault and Rear-Admiral Martin. The first had for his flagship the Colbert, the second, the Trident. The other ironclads of the squadron were the Galissoniere, Friedland, Marengo, Surveillante, Revanche, Alma, and Reine Blanche. With these were the unarmoured vessels Tourville, Hirondelle, Desaix } Voltigeur, Hye~ne, Chacal, Leopard, and Gladiateur. To the force thus con- stituted the Intrepide, Sarthe, and Pique were added. On July 5th, the Reine Blanche and Chacal appeared off Sfax, and the latter reconnoitred the place, and bombarded it at a range of 5000 yards, directing her fire especially upon the water battery, which was some little distance from the town wall, and making a breach in it. Only eighteen shots were fired in reply. Next day two more formidable vessels, the Reine Blanche and Alma, opened upon the town, early in the morning. They continued to shell it till midday when they were joined by the gunboats Pique and Chacal. As the reply of the Tunisians was exceedingly feeble and ill-directed, the gunboats ventured in to 2400 yards ; in the evening the Hyene arrived. This day the batteries only fired thirteen shots. On the 7th, the Reine Blanche and Alma resumed their slow bombardment of the town, assisted by the Hyene and Chacal. A lighter, mounting one 14-centimetre smooth-bore, was also employed, and was of great value, since it drew very little water and could therefore be taken close in to the town. The depth of water in the Bay of Sfax was indeed the chief difficulty which the French had to face, as it prevented their heavier and more powerful ships from playing that part in the operations which would have been expected from vessels of their size and strength. On July 8th, a boat attack was made upon the place. The boats approached within 1000 yards of the land and opened a vigorous fire upon the Arab trenches and lines. They were supported by the Chacal and Hyene. After this some days VSFAX > Vv^VBATTERY / Wharf / / ( (7 Pique : ^Chacal : Hye'netf 0 Leopard / / Alma^ ^Galissoniere : \ tfDesa'u Intrepide^ • /' / Friedland q .-•*" Surveillante ^Revanche / / / / 0 ° 0 ^Colbert / / / / Marengo Trident BOMBARDMENT OF SFAX &. FhjJjjp Sc. Son, 1881] THE FRENCH FN TUNIS AND THE EAST. 3 of inaction followed, during which the two ironclads shelled the town from time to time. On July 14th, the rest of the French squadron arrived, and on the following day the bombardment was resumed with increased vigour. The attack was delivered by the ironclads, gunboats, and boats of the squadron. The ironclads anchored according to their draught at a mean distance of 6500 vards from the town. They were in two groups : * in the first, furthest out, were the Marengo, Surveillante, Colbert, Revanche and Friedland ; in the second, the Alma, Reine Blanche and Galissonlere, with the unarmoured cruisers Desaix, Sarthe and Intrepide. Nearer in, at a distance of 2200 yards, were the gunboats. Finally, the boats of the squadron, armed with Gatlings and machine-guns, moved to and fro only 500 yards from the shore. The boats were supported by two lighters on one of which was a 16-centimetre rifle, and on the other a 14-centimetre smooth-bore. The Are maintained by the ships was slow and steady, and did much damage to the town. On the next day, the 16th, it was decided to effect a landing. The beach was of soft yielding mud and the shallowness of the water made approach difficult, but this was overcome by the construction of a temporary floating jetty. Six of the ironclads had been ordered each to prepare a raft of spars and topmasts on the evening of the 15th. When ready, these rafts were towed in separately by launches and fastened together as close to the shore as possible. The boats laden with men were to be ranged as near in as they could go by four o'clock in the morning, and, at a given signal *from the gunboats, were to dash in and land the men on the jetty. There were eighteen boats in all, armed with four 12-centi- metre and one 4-centimetre gun, besides thirteen various machine-guns. By daylight the preparations were completed, and at 4.30 a shot from the Colbert opened an unusually fierce bombardment. . . * See Plan. B 2 4 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1881 The boats were massed 500 yards from the batteries and only waited the signal to dash in. The landing party numbered 3000 men, and was composed of 1600 sailors and 1400 soldiers. At three in the morning the raft was secured firmly inshore about 400 yards from the mole ; at six, the signal for the troops to land came, and they made for the shore with some little confusion. The Arabs, however, had been unable to hold the trenches under the fire of the ships and boats, and to add to their discomfiture a great quantity of esparto grass near their lines was set on fire by shells, and burnt fiercely. The French sailors and soldiers quickly carried the water-battery, and forced the gates of the town. The loss of the fleet was not heavy. In all it amounted to eleven killed and fifteen wounded. The attack upon Sfax was well conceived and well executed, but, of course, little resistance could be offered by the Arabs to the powerful artillery of the French squadron. Here, even more than at Alexandria, the attacking force was so much stronger than the defence that the result of the fighting was bound to be very one-sided. No damage was done to any of the ships. In 1884, France, provoked by the attitude of China towards the corps of Black Flags or freelances on the Tonkin frontier, proceeded to acts of hostility against that power. Without any previous declaration of war, the port of Kelung in the island of Formosa was bombarded and occupied on August 6th. Nine days later the Chinese Government issued a declaration of war against France. A French squadron under Rear-Admiral Courbet had, before the declaration, ascended the River Min, on which stands the city of Foochow, where was the most important of the Chinese naval arsenals. The ships which Courbet com- manded included the Duguay- Trouin, a large composite cruiser, the Villar s and E stain ? y both wooden third-class cruisers, the Volta± a wooden sloop which carried the admiral's flag, and three gunboats, the_LynXj Aspic, and Viper e, all 1884] THE FRENCH IN TUNIS AND THE EAST. 5 composite, and all of about 450 tons displacement. In addi- tion, at the mouth of the Min, lay the armoured cruiser Triomphant e, a central-battery and barbette vessel protected by iron armour, 6 inches to 4! inches thick. Her commander was busy lightening her for the ascent of the river, as he had received Courbet's permission to attempt it. Including this ship, the squadron mounted six 9/4-inch, eight 7'6-inch, fifty- one 5"5-inch, and nine 4-inch breech-loading rifled guns. The weight of one discharge from these would amount to a little over 6,ooolbs. Two torpedo-boats were present with the squadron ; their numbers were 45 and 46, their speed was sixteen knots, and they were armed with spar-torpedoes, containing a bursting charge of 281bs. of gun-cotton. The total of the French crews was 1830 men. Ascending from the coast, the River Min at first takes a south-westerly direction, but about a mile below Foochow, at Pagoda Point, makes a sharp bend to the north-west. At this point no less than seven channels or waterways converge, the main channel of the river alone having sufficient depth of water to permit the movements of large ships, and then only at flood-tide, which lasts at this point four hours. Admiral Courbet anchored his ships at the angle of the stream, the Voltgjbemg just abreast of Pagoda Point, the two torpedo- boats on her port quarter, and the three gunboats astern. The other ships were lower down, in the centre of the stream. On Pagoda Point were Chinese batteries, whilst other works protected the arsenal, which is 2000 yards above the Point. pn the River Min was moored a considerable Chinese squadron."* This included one moderate composite cruiser, the Yang W jiq, which acted as the Chinese flagship ; six very indifferent wooden sloops, Foo_PoOj Chi-an , Fei Yue n, C/iing Wei, Foo Sin g and Yu Sin g ; two transports ; two Rendel gunboats, each mounting one heavy gun in the bow, the Qhen Sing and Fuh Sing ; seven launches fitted with spar-torpedoes ; and eleven war junks, sailing vessels, armed only with smooth- * Vide Table XV. for details. 6 IRONCLADS IN ACTION, [1884 bore guns. This flotilla was as badly manned and commanded as it was armed. The eleven steamers of any size included in it, carried only 1190 men, whilst the artillery on board, ex- cluding smooth-bores, comprised one 18-ton, two 16-ton, one 6^-ton, eleven 3^-ton, twenty-four 45-pounder, and two 40-pounder guns, mostly muzzle-loaders, and of inferior power and penetration to the French breech-loader^] The weight of metal discharged by them was under 45oolbs. The French had thus a superiority of one-third, which would probably have given them the victory over well-trained opponents, but the men whom they were to fight, a disciplined force themselves, had neither skill, discipline, nor courage. Add to this that the Chinese captains, with one or two exceptions, were as ignorant and as cowardly as their men, and it will be seen that the work before Admiral Courbet was not of a very difficult nature. The Chinese flotilla was thus disposed : * Abreast of the E stain g, and lowest down the Min, lay the Oiling Wei ; , abreast of the Villars , the Chi -an ; and abreast of the D uguay Trouin, the Fez Y uen. In a backwater of the river between Pagoda Point and the mainland, lay nine of the junks ; two others with the torpedo launches were on the opposite side of the river, thus flanking the Volt a and the French gunboats. The rest of the squadron lay above the Volt a, between her and the Arsenal, and the leading ships Y ang Wo p and JFoo Sing were 400 to 600 yards ahead of her. In the river were several French mercantile steamers, the English warships Champion, Surprise, and Merlin, and an American squadron composed of the Enterprise, Juniata, Trenton, and Monocacy. These vessels were either above or below the hostile squadrons, and kept well out of the way, in view of a French attack upon the Chinese. /For day after day the two enemies confronted each other, whilst the neutrals expected every hour to see the attack begin. The French were always cleared for action ; their * Vide Plan, p. 2. 1884] THE FRENCH IN. TUNIS AND THE EAST. 7 upper masts were struck, their cables ready for slipping, and their crews, in watches, relieved one another at the guns. Each day brought rumours that this was the appointed time, and as each day passed without incident, the vigilance of the Chinese, never very remarkable, was relaxed more and more. The French were waiting for the arrival of the Triomphante • the Chinese close under their enemy's guns, perhaps, imagin- ing that the French did not really mean business. They were to be terribly undeceived. On Friday, August 22nd, in the evening, Courbet summoned his officers to his flagship, and there made known to them his plans. Next day, just before two o'clock, when the tide ebbed, the ships were to weigh and get to work. A signal from the admiral would tell the torpedo- boats to steam forward and attack, No. 45, the .Yang Wnn and No. 46, the Foo__Sirig. A second signal, and the ships were to open fire, the D^Estaing, VJlLcws, and Dugua^z, Trouin upon the Chinese steamers which lay abreast of them, with their port batteries, whilst their starboard guns played upon the junks off Pagoda Point. The Dug nay- Jj^mm when this work of destruction was completed, was to settle the launches and support the Volt a , which in the meantime would cover the torpedo-boats, and with either broadside assail the junks. Finally, the three gunboats were to steam forward and sink the Chinese vessels off the Arsenal. j^The morning of the 23rd dawned cloudless and intensely hot, the strong sun causing the men at the guns of the French ships no little discomfort. Courbet early gave notice to the consuls and others, that he intended to attack the Chinese soon after noon, so that he gave his enemy some warning. To the watchers on board the Enterprise, the hours seemed to go slowly beyond endurance, and it appeared as though the French were never going to begin. At 9.30, the flood-tide was in, and soon after, steam was up, and the French crews took a meal. J At 1.30, silently the men went to quarters, and the Chinese followed suit. A quarter-of-an-hour later, anchors were weighed, and the preparations were completed. At 1.50, 8 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. the T riom phaTite. came in sight, and there passed some signals between her and Courbet. Six minutes later, the stillness was broken by the rapid discharge of the Hotchkiss in the Lynx s top, and almost simultaneously the Citing Wei replied with a broadside. At the signal, the torpedo-boats had dashed forward, and only twenty-seven seconds after the first shot, the sound of a terrific explosion dominated the uproar of the engagement. No. 46 had exploded her torpedo under the Yang W ads side, amidships. Of 270 men on board the Chinese vessel, only fifteen escapecT^and so great was the force of the explosion that, it has been stated by an eye- witness, mutilated bodies were found after the engagement on the roofs of houses a mile away on shore.* ^The Yang; Woo drifted away, an utter wreck, and as the French continued to pour in a hail of shells, caught fire and sank. The boat which had dealt the blow, reversed her engines, but was struck by a shell and disabled. Having lost one sailor, killed by a bullet, she drifted slowly down stream and anchored. No. 45 was not so successful. As she ran forward to attack the Foo Singj a Chinese torpedo-launch encountered her, and forced her to swerve to one side. Thus she failed to strike the Foo Sing amidships, and, embarrassed by the Chinese boat, caught her bow in the Foo Sing's^ side. A hot fire was poured in upon her by the Chinese. Her commander was dangerously wounded, and one of her crew had his arm broken. At last she got clear, and retired down streamjtowards the Enterprise, whose surgeon went to the help of her wounded, feer crew were bespattered with blood from head to foot, but their boat had received no serious injury. They had not, however, disabled^the ^00 $ing+ which was slowly steaming ahead, when a second torpedo attack was made by a launch from the Volt a. The torpedo this time exploded close to her screw, and completely disabled her. She drifted slowly down stream * Messrs. Roche and Cowen. "The French at Foochow," p. 25. The statement seems to me most improbable, but I give it for what it is worth. THE FRENCH IN TUNIS AND THE EAST. 9 upon the French vessels, which received her with a terrible fire. A minute or two later she was boarded and carried, but she was too much injured to float, and quickly went to the bottom. Meantime, the French fire upon the Chinese was terrific. In the stillness of the air the smoke hung heavily about the ships, but it could not save the unfortunate Chinese. The Volta was hotly engaged with the junks, and had a shot through her chart-house, which killed her pilot, and all but killed Admiral Courbet. She retaliated by sending the junks to the bottom, and even when they were helpless and sinking, con- tinued to fire her machine-guns into them. The Chi-an and^JV/ Yuen could offer no resistance to the Vil lars and Dugnay, and they were quickly on fire and sinking, whilst the Chinese crews fled ashore. The Ching Wei al one showed heroism, and for a time, faced the D' E stain g bravely. But now the Triomphante was coming on, having passed the Chinese batteries with the interchange of only a few shots, and as she neared the Ching Wei, fired her 9/4-inch guns at her. A shell from one of these struck the Chinese vessel in the stern, and, passing the whole length of the ship, burst with a tremendous cloud of smoke in her bow, lifting her in the air and setting her on fire. The gunners thereupon jumped overboard, but the officers stuck to the ship, working her guns with their own hands. They made a desperate effort to run her alongside of the D' E stain g a nd sink their enemy with them, by exploding the Ching Wei's magazine. Attempting this, they received a tremendous broadside from the Villars ; fresh fires broke out ; the small-arms' ammunition exploded ; and the Ching- Wei went to the bottom, but not before she had fired one lasf parting shot as she vanished in the water. In seven minutes from the first shot the action was virtually over, and every Chinese ship was sunk or sinking. The Foo Poo h ad run away up stream at the commencement of the fight. Her captain drove her ashore, breaking her baxk, gave her crew leave of absence and then fled himself. A second Chinese io IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1884 captain, after firing one broadside, left his ship with his crew, having first set her on fire. The Lynx l Aspic, and Vipere, proceeding up stream after the Chinese sloops, were now busied in shelling the Arsenal and the shore forts, and traces of their handiwork soon began to drift down the river towards the heavier ships. At 2.8 a Rendel gunboat came round Pagoda Point, and fired her 16-ton gun at the Duguay , but missed her. Immediately the guns of the fleet were concen- trated upon this luckless craft, and the torrent of descending and exploding shells was so great that it literally stopped her way. Two minutes she remained almost stationary, a helpless target ; then, with a crash, her magazine exploded, and she dived headlong to the bottom. At 2.20 a mine the Chinese had laid under the dock at Foochow exploded, fired either by inadvertence or the French shells. At 2.45 the French fleet, which had slackened its fire, again opened on the Chinese forts. All the while burning Chinese vessels were drifting down past the neutral shipsT] One sloop was seen in a great blaze with crowds of Chinamen close under her stern clinging to her hissing rudder-shaft ; one of these had had his thigh shot close off, and many were terribly wounded. The water was full of wreckage and Chinamen, six or seven together, clinging desperately to masts or timbers. Many were rescued by the English and American launches. The French machine-guns were extremely effective. " The continued hail of shell from Hotchkiss cannon in the tops of the French men-of-war upon their antagonists, swept them down like wheat before the mower. Relays of men could not be brought up from below fast enough to fill up the gaps in the gun-crews. The diminutive shell came crashing through the sides and bulwarks of the ship. Splinters, flying in every direction, killed many more."* ^About four o'clock the French ceased their fire, when at once the land batteries redoubled their exertions. Flaming * Roche and Cowen, 43. 1884] THE FRENCH IN TUNIS AND THE EAST. 11 rafts, set loose by the Chinese, came drifting down upon Admiral Courbet's ships. Courbet re-opened the duel with the forts, whilst the rafts were caught and towed aside. At 4.55 the fleet anchored for the night out of range. The ships were not much injured. The Volt a had one hole a little above the water-line. Her pilot and two men at the wheel were killed, whilst six powder passers, on the berth deck, had been cut down by the shot which hulled the ship on the water-line. The Duguay _ 2lt\6. the other ships had the most trivial hurts. The French loss is reported, by eye-witnesses, to have been twelve killed, though in the official despatch of Courbet it is only given at six killed, with twenty-seven wounded. The Chinese loss is returned at 521 killed and 150 wounded ; and, in addition, there were a large number of men missing!! This fight, if fight we can call it, has been described by French writers as a most splendid achievement. " The great glory of Foochow," is the title given. As a matter of fact, it was little more than slaughter — necessary no doubt, but yet deserving no extravagant laudations. It may be placed in the same class w r ith the bombardment of Alexandria. Both operations were undertaken against men who lacked training, and in each case very heavy loss was inflicted by the Western force upon its Oriental opponent. Courbet's great reputation rests rather upon his professional ardour, and the skill with which he formed his plans, than upon great performances on e scene of action. His enemy was contemptible^ The day after the battle the French once more bombarded the Arsenal. That night the Chinese attempted a torpedo attack, but on being discovered by the search-lights of the fleet ran ignominiously. On August 25th Courbet moved his flag from the Volt a to the Duguay, and prepared to descend the river, his ships being placed in the following order : Triomphante, Duguay, Villars, D' Estaing, Volta, and the three gunboats. A succession of Chinese batteries fringed the banks, but most of the guns pointed down stream, and little preparation had been made against the possibility of an attack 12 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. from above. The French ships, except the Triomphante, had ascended the river before the declaration of war, and thus they were in a peculiarly favourable position to effect the destruc- tion of the forts. For this they used their 0/4 and 7'6-inch guns, the 5-5 and 4-inch weapons, being too small to make much impression. Whilst they were at work the cannon of the Galissoniere and Bayard, two ironclads similar in type to the Triomphante, could be heard bombarding the forts on the lower reaches. On the 25th a battery on Couting Island was silenced by fire from the rear, and its one 8-inch gun burst by a landing-party. The fleet then entered the narrows of Mingan, on which a number of works bore. On the 26th these were attacked in succession by the Duguay and Triom- phante, and silenced one by one. On the 27th landing parties destroyed the guns with gun-cotton, after which the ships weighed and proceeded to the Kimpai Narrows. On the afternoon of that day a battery there was silenced, and during the night a number of junks loaded with stone, which had been placed in readiness to block the channel, were attacked and destroyed by the French boats, covered by the gun- vessels. Next day the squadron, reinforced by the Sdone and Chateau Renault, proceeded to force the narrows. The passage here is little over 400 yards wide, and on either side of it wooded hills rise steeply. Two strong works, armed with 7-inch and 8J-inch guns, had to be silenced. This operation was very skilfully conducted. The Duguay and Triomphante anchored with springs to their cables. These were paid out, till, dropping down stream, the ships' batteries would bear upon the first embrasure. On this the whole fire was concentrated, and, needless to say, at such short range, the work quickly crumbled away, and the gun was silenced. These tactics were repeated with embrasure after embrasure, till at noon on the 28th the Chinese had abandoned their forts. Courbet then led his fleet through the narrows, and after forty days' absence rejoined the ships which had remained below. Map XX. 1885] THE FRENCH IN TUNIS AND THE EAST. 13 The next important action in the East was the affair of Sheipoo, which took place on the night of February 14th — 15th, 1885. Two Chinese vessels, the cruiser Yu-yen, mounting one 8J-inch, eight 6-inch, and twelve 4' 7-inch Krupps, and the despatch-boat Tchen Kiang, carrying one 6'3-indi, and six 47-inch guns, had been cut off by the French, and were lying between Sheipoo and Tungnun Island. They were watched by the French warships Eclazreur, Nielly, Bayard, Aspic, and Sdone, which effectually prevented their escape. As the navigation of these waters is intricate and difficult for heavy ships, Admiral Courbet decided to attack them with torpedo-boats, on the night of the 14th. For the command of the two launches selected, he designated Lieutenants Gourdon and Duboc. The boats were 30 feet long, carrying spar- torpedoes loaded with 281bs. of guncotton ; the engines w T ere constructed to work silently, and picked coal was burnt. The colour of the hulls was black. At eight o'clock the boats were made ready, and at 11.30 M. Gourdon started from the Bayard. At 12, M. Duboc was to follow. M. Gourdon* gives us the following account of the expedition. " The moon was new, and the night absolutely dark, so that it was a matter of great difficulty for the vidette boat and launch, which were accompanying my torpedo vessel, to keep together. We repeatedly lost and found one another. Our difficulties were increased by the fact that, from fear of injuring the spar-torpedo, I could not go close to the vidette boat, and the strong south-easterly current was another disturbing factor. A turn brought us clear of the Ngew Tew Straits ; then leaving these narrows we tested our conductors and their insulation, and ran the spar in and out. All worked well. And now we go straight for the Chinese, but they are not at the anchorage which they occupied during the day. They have disappeared. It is 3.15 a.m., and we steam in search of them. At 3.30, I see a great black mass in front * I have compressed the account given, but without, I trust, losing the spirit of the narrative or impairing its accuracy. i 4 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1885 of Sheipoo, with four or five lights on shore. The vidette boat is detached to inform Duboc of her whereabouts. I get her three masts in line and move slowly on. On shore there are numerous lights ; are they signals ? The loud rattle of my boat's engines prevents me from hearing anything. When 200 yards from the Chinese, I run out my spar, and connect the firing wires with the battery, then ' Full speed ahead.' The frigate lights up ; on port and on starboard there are spurts of flame. Are these the Nordenfelts ? On we go swiftly. Then the order 'Astern,' and a violent shock. The torpedo has exploded ; the boat is violently lifted and strikes the enemy's side, catching in it. ' Astern quickly,' is my order. The quarter-master is trying to push us clear, when a Chinaman looks out of a port-hole and gets his fist in his eye. All the while the boat is stationary, and steam escaping from her valves. The oil feed has been smashed by the shock ; I plug it with a bayonet ; still the boat does not move. Our spar has caught and must be abandoned. It is freed and falls; the boat goes astern at last, and leaves the lights of the frigate. Duboc' s boat has come up now, and I wait to help it, in case it needs assistance. Meanwhile, the Chinese ships are firing on each other, and the men ashore on both. A marine falls killed by a bullet. Through the hail of projectiles, Duboc advances, passes to starboard, and explodes his torpedo, then retires. We meet ; ' What news ? I have a man killed.' ' We've not a scratch.' We cannot find the vidette, which was to show a red light. I take Duboc in tow, and we are off."* Whilst retreating, the boats experienced some little delay through the towing rope getting caught in the screw of the leader, and then through Gourdon's craft running aground. He got her off, and rejoined the Sdone soon after ten o'clock that morning. The vidette-boat saw the explosions, and waited till six o'clock, but then as the boats did not re- appear, gave them up for lost. It was a welcome surprise when they returned safe and sound. # Loir, 215-8. The Chinese Sloop Wei Yuen See p. 132. Plate XX. The Chinese Cruiser King Yuen. See p. 64. 1885] THE FRENCH IN TUNIS AND THE EAST. 15 On reconnoitring the two Chinese ships, it was discovered that both had sunk. As only one had been torpedoed, this must have been due to the carelessness of the Chinese, who doubtless fired into friends in the hurry and excitement of the attack. This is a serious danger in all night engagements with torpedo-boats, as the English manoeuvres have shown. One or two questions of importance in international law were raised during the war. On October 20th, 1884, Courbet proclaimed the blockade of all the ports and roads of southern Formosa. England, however, protested against this blockade as inefficient, and the proclamation was withdrawn. On February 20th, 1885, the French Government declared that it would treat rice, when bound for open Chinese ports, as contraband. Four days later this declaration of contraband was restricted to cases where the rice was being conveyed to the northern ports of China. In a note the French Govern- ment explained that the stoppage of supplies would bring China to reason with less injury to neutral trade than would be inflicted by a close blockade of the Chinese ports. Protests were made both by the English minister at Pekin and the English Government at home, but the war came to an end on April 7th, 1885, before the point at issue had been settled. In the course of the war French cruisers seized lead on English ships as contraband, though it was a regular article of trade with China. They also used Hong Kong as their base, coaling and refitting there. CHAPTER XVIJ Naval Events of the Chilian Civil War. January — August, 1891. In January, 1891, the Chilian fleet, which was lying off Valparaiso, declared against the government of President Balmaceda, who was accused by the Congressional party in Chili of aiming at a dictatorship. On the 6th, the ironclad Blanco Encalada, which we have met before, the fast Elswick- built cruiser, Esmeralda, which had replaced Arturo Prat's gallant little craft, the O' ' Higgins and Magallanes, put to sea. That night they were joined by the Cochrane, and returning on the next day, took possession of the Huascar, which was lying, out of commission, in the harbour. Having prepared her for sea, they added her to their squadron, of which Captain Montt took command. They also laid their hands upon every steamer which carried the Chilian flag, including some mail steamers of the South American Steamship Company. The Imperial, however, the fastest vessel of the line, happened, with another vessel, to be laid up, and consequently escaped seizure. President Balmaceda was thus left without a sea-going warship on the coast. He had the Imperial, which he armed, and which could perhaps accomplish fifteen knots an hour, and he had a dozen torpedo-boats of various patterns, mostly equipped with spar-torpedoes. Two torpedo-gunboats of the most recent design, were on their way out from Europe. Their names were the Almirante Condell, and the Almirante Lynch. They were steel vessels of 750 tons displacement, 1 891] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. 17 built by Messrs. Laird, of Birkenhead, and launched in the previous year. With water-tube boilers they had steamed twenty-one knots under forced draught on the measured mile, and with a bunker capacity of 175 tons, could carry coal enough for 2500 knots at economical speed. Their armament consisted of two 14-pounder Hotchkiss quick-firers placed en echelon forward on their deck, and one aft, besides four 3-pounder quick-firers and two Maxims. They carried four torpedo-tubes for the discharge of the 14-inch Whitehead torpedo. The Capitan Prat was building for the Chilian Government in Europe, but was not ready at the beginning of the war ; and two other cruisers, the Presidente Errazuriz, and the Presidente Pinto, were detained at La Seyne, in France, till the French Supreme Court should decide whether they were to be permitted to depart. Week by week the Balmacedist papers reported the movements of these ships, as if they were actually on their way to Valparaiso, and thus, perhaps, deceived the people of Valparaiso and Santiago, if not the Congressionalists. Balmaceda held the forts of Valparaiso, where numerous heavy guns were mounted, and had at his back an army of 40,000 men. The Congressionalists had the ironclads Blanco, Cochrane, and Huascar, of which full details have already been given. All three had been re-armed with the 8-inch Armstrong breech- loader, and the two central-battery ships carried each four 6-pounder quick-firers, four Nordenfelts, and two Gatlings, in addition to their heavy guns. The speed of the three cannot have exceeded eleven knots. Perhaps the most formidable vessel of the squadron was the Esmeralda, the first fast protected cruiser, launched at Newcastle in 1884, of 3000 tons displacement, and 18*3 knots speed on the measured mile. She carried an end-to-end i-inch steel protective deck, a little below the water-line, under which were boilers, engines, and magazines. Above the water-line she had considerable protection from her coal-bunkers. Fore and aft were mounted 1 o-inch 25-ton breechloaders, and amidships, six 6-inch breech- Vol. 11. C ig IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1891 loaders, three on each side in sponsons, with steel bullet-proof shields. In her bunkers she carried 600 tons of coal, which would enable her to steam 2000 miles at ten knots. She was a good sea-boat though so heavily gunned, and her speed, which was in 1891 sixteen knots or a little less, made her a dangerous enemy to the craft which Balmaceda possessed. The other Congressional ships took little part in the struggle, or have been already described. The Aconcagua, however, deserves a word. She was a mail steamer of 4100 tons gross, and had been armed with two 5-inch guns, one 40-pounder, and several machine guns. Her speed was twelve knots. The physical configuration of Chili, to which we have already alluded,"* rendered sea power of peculiar importance in this civil war, as in the struggle between Peru and Chili. Since 1880, the Chilian frontier had been moved north 450 miles by the annexation of the arid and waterless Peru- vian provinces of Tacna and Tarapaca, and the Bolivian department of Antofagasta, territories which are rich in nitrate and guano deposits, and which for that reason are a source of great wealth to the country. Dues levied on the export of these commodities formed no inconsiderable part of the Chilian revenue, so that whoever held the north held the purse strings. Land communication between the nitrate ports and Valparaiso or Santiago there is none ; in fact, the towns along the coast might be regarded strategically as a series of small islands, each separated from the other by seas which are represented by deserts. The Congressionalists with their mobile naval force were thus at an enormous advantage, of which they proceeded to make the fullest use. The small Balmacedist garrisons in the various nitrate ports were attacked one by one and compelled to surrender. The first interchange of shots was at Valparaiso on the 9th, when pickets on shore fired on a boat in the harbour, to which the warships replied from their tops. The Congres- * Vol. i. 314. 1819] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. 19 sionalists procured their supplies from the ships which they had seized, and from the coast to the north and south, whither their vessels were despatched to raise recruits and obtain food. At a later date they actually drew coal, stores, and provisions from Valparaiso itself, by a most ingenious use of neutral ships. These would come into the harbour and load the stores most required by the insurgents, and then proceeding up the coast would be brought to by Congressional warships, and would, under the pretext of compulsion to satisfy their consuls, sell coal and food. President Balmaceda knew perfectly well what was happening, but owing to the presence of strong foreign squadrons on the coast, found it expedient to shut his eyes. On January 16th the only Congressionalist ship in Valparaiso Bay was the ironclad Blanco, which was quietly lying at her moorings. Her business off the port was to procure supplies and forward them north. There was no blockade as yet, and indeed, when the Congressionalists endeavoured to close the harbour and to stop all trade at a later date, the foreign consuls refused to permit such action. She was distant from Fort Bueras, which was on her starboard beam 150 feet above the water level, 600 yards, and from Fort Valdivia 1200. Suddenly, at 5 a.m., these two forts and Fort Andes fired each a round at her. In Fort Bueras a 20-ton 10-inch muzzle- loader was used, firing a common shell of 450 lbs. weight, filled, and fitted with a time and percussion fuse. The charge on this occasion was i3olbs. of pebble powder, a very heavy one. The shell struck the 8-inch armour on her starboard battery just upon a bolt, and bursting outside drove the bolt through. It disabled an 8-inch gun and made a large hole in the deck above, but did no other damage. The shell from Valdivia was fired from a Krupp 8 - 2-inch 10-ton gun, with a charge of ioolbs. powder, and weighed 25olbs. It struck the Blanco's stern outside the armour, and, entering a compart- ment, where a number of the crew were sleeping on deck or in hammocks, was shattered by the 5-inch iron bulkhead which C 2 2o IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1891 protects the central battery from raking fire. Fortunately for the forty men asleep in the compartment it was charged, not with powder, but with sand, yet even so it killed six men and wounded six others, three mortally. One of the killed, who was in the line of fire, was horribly mutilated. On its way into this compartment the projectile had passed through the captain's cabin, and carried the pillow of an officer sleeping there from under his head, without hurting him. The third shell missed. After this the Blanco slipped her moorings and stood in to the town, making fast to a buoy off the Custom House. Here she could not be fired at without the risk of projectiles dropping into the town. At night she left the harbour, and henceforward watched it from a distance. The 0 ) Higgins joined her, and pitched some shells from time to time at the torpedo depot outside the bay. Meanwhile Balmaceda fitted out his torpedo-boats, which were not much the worse for the O i H iggins' fire, and armed the Imperial and Maipo, both merchant steamers. About the same date the rest of the Congressionalist squad- ron was busy in the north laying its hands upon the nitrate ports. Iquique was the first place to be attacked, but in it was Colonel Soto, with a Balmacedist garrison, who gave no signs of willingness to surrender. A blockade was maintained by the Cochrane and other ships for some days, and the Con- gressionalists, concentrating their troops, marched upon it by land from Pisagua. After a check the town was captured on the 1 6th of February, but three days later the Balmacedists re-entered the town, driving the Congressionalists to the Custom House. The rebel ships supported their men ashore, and vigorously bombarded the town, the possession of which was of vital importance to them. In the afternoon a dynamite magazine blew up and the town took fire. On this the English commander on the Pacific Station, Rear-Admiral Hotham, invited the Balmacedist and Congressional commanders to a conference on board his flagship, and succeeded in arranging aii armistice. Next day Soto evacuated the town, though he Map XXI. 1891] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. 21 should have held to it to the last ; and the insurgents obtained control of the richest of the nitrate ports. On January 27th an attempt was made by a steam-launch of the Blanco to destroy the armed steamer Imperial with a Whitehead. The torpedo missed the Balmacedist vessel, pass- ing unpleasantly near the British mail-steamer Britannia. After this the torpedo boats in the harbour, which had so far remained inactive, in spite of the entreaties of Balmaceda's officers to be permitted to take them out against the enemy, were more on the alert and patrolled the harbour. On March 8th the Maipo, an armed steamer, was carried off by her crew to the Congressionalists. On March 21st the torpedo-gunboats Lynch and Condell arrived. They were in very bad order, as their English engineers had left them at Buenos Aires, not caring to face the risks of war, and the men who had brought them on had damaged their boilers, burning through many of the tubes. These were replaced at Valparaiso, and a French torpedo artificer was engaged to handle and adjust the Whiteheads. At last they were ready, and on April 1 6th left Valparaiso in the company of the Imperial. On board this ship was Mr. Hervey, the f< Times " correspondent, whilst Captain Moraga, of the Condell, was in command of the small squadron. Under him was Captain Fuentes, in charge of the Lynch. Both these officers had passed through the torpedo school at Valparaiso, and both were admirable disciplinarians, men of dash and determined courage, beloved by their crews. Just before he left Valparaiso, Mr. Hervey had somewhat indiscreetly telegraphed to the " Times" that he was leaving with a torpedo expedition, and the news had been cabled back from Europe on its appearance to Chili, and on April 21st it was published in the Congressionalist journal " Patria." Hence the in- surgents received some warning of what was to be attempted. After some days of constant small-arms and torpedo practice at sea, the three vessels left Quinteros Bay on April 21st, the Condell and Lynch hugging the shore, and the Imperial 22 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1891 further out. No lights were carried at night, the better to escape the Congressionalist ships, though of these there was only one, the Esmeralda, faster than the Imperial, and even she would, in fine weather, have been distanced by the torpedo- gunboats. The destination of the squadron was Caldera Bay, 450 miles north of Valparaiso. According to the information which Captain Moraga had received, the revolted fleet was at anchor there, without its torpedo-nets, which had been left at the outbreak of the insurrection in store at Valparaiso. On the 22nd the Imperial lost sight of the gunboats at dusk, and heaving-to off Caldera waited for signals from them. The night passed without any being made, but an officer on board believed that he heard firing towards Caldera. The gun boats reached Huasco on the afternoon of the 22nd, where news was received that at Caldera were the Blanco, Cochrane, and Huascar, with a corvette and three transports. Captain Moraga, therefore, summoned Captain Fuentes on board his vessel and arranged with him the plan of attack. He did not stop to take Mr. Hervey on board, as had been agreed, but went straight on to Caldera. A little later the Lynch, which had been running her torpedoes, spoke a boat and received the intelligence that three Congressionalist vessels had already left Caldera, and that if the torpedo- gunboats wanted to catch the others they would have to make haste. The two boats increased their speed, steaming abreast, and at half-past three in the morning found themselves well to the north of Caldera. The plan decided upon was as follows : — Entering the bay from the north, the Condell was to lead by 200 yards. Both vessels were to make for the insurgent ships, the Condell upon the starboard side and the Lynch upon the port side. They were to creep up as close as possible, and, first of all, to use their bow tubes ; then after- wards, the training tubes abeam. The night was dull and cloudy, and though there was a moon, it was, from time to time, hidden by the clouds, 1891] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. 23 At 3.30, just as the day was dawning, Moraga led the way into the harbour. In the uncertain light the hostile ship could be discerned from the bridge of the Condell, lying at anchor in the western curve of the bay. The Lynch was very close astern, not more than twenty yards off her leader. When the position of the enemy had been ascertained by Moraga, he headed at half-speed for the larger of the two vessels, which he imagined to be either the Blanco or Cochrane. Astern of her was the Biobio, a small transport, which he mistook for the Huascar. When only a hundred yards off he fired his bow tube at the ironclad, but the torpedo just missed her, going astern, and passed very close to the Biobio. An instant later he turned his helm hard to starboard, and ordered Lieutenant Vargus, who was in charge of the port tube, to fire a second torpedo, which, he thinks, hit the target.* Just at this moment the ironclad opened a sharp fire, using small-arms, quick-firers, and heavy guns. The Condell, going full-speed, now discharged her third torpedo, which missed. But the Blanco 's gunners had not noticed the Lynch creeping up behind the Condell, and had concentrated all their fire upon the latter. The Lynch was able to come on unmolested till within 150 yards of the big ship, when she fired her bow torpedo, which missed. Turning, she fired her broadside tube and hit the Blanco amidships. The torpedo exploded with great violence, and two minutes later the Blanco went to the bottom. The Biobio lowered her boats, and others put off from the shore, saving between them ninety-six officers and men. When the ironclad opened fire, and it was clear that the torpedo vessels were discovered, they replied to her discharge with deadly effect from their Hotchkiss 14-pounders and 3-pounders. Seven minutes only elapsed between the discharge of the first and last torpedoes. After the Blanco had sunk, the two torpedo-gunboats left the bay at full speed. * In this he was probably mistaken. The Congressional account mentions only the bow torpedo of the Lynch, and does not allude to these two, which perhaps dived. But inconsistencies in such a matter are only to be expected. 24 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. The above is Captain Moraga's official account of the action. Mr. Hervey adds some interesting details. The first torpedo fired by the Lynch went straight to the bottom ; a second steered wide ; and the third, which had always run badly in practice, alone struck the Blanco* A torpedo was after- wards picked up in the bay, and was found to be a Mark IV. Fiume Whitehead, set for 600 yards and to sink. The pistol had been altered unskilfully. What was the Blanco doing to be thus taken off her guard? we may ask ; and to her proceedings and the Congressionalist accounts we may now turn. To begin with, her Captain, Senor Goni, was under the impression that he was outside the range of Balmaceda's torpedo-boats, and never, apparently, gave the least thought to the fast and formidable gunboats. He may also have imagined, as is said to be the case, that the Presi- dent's boats would never, from patriotic motives, go to the length of sinking a Chilian ship. If so, he was singularly deceived. On this particular night he was on shore with a force which was attempting to capture Copiapo, according to one account ; according to other stories, at a banquet. In his official report he speaks as if he had been on board, and his own evidence must be accepted. The following is the drift of the Congressional account : The ship was left moored to a buoy, with enough steam up to move her engines. Her armament, in addition to her six 8-inch breechloaders, con- sisted of three 6-pounder Hotchkiss quick-firers, mounted one on each side of the forecastle, and one on the poop. She had four i-inch Nordenfelts, which were placed, two on the fore-bridge, one on the after-bridge, and one on the poop ; one Hotchkiss quick-firer in her top ; and two Gatlings. Of her crew, which numbered nominally 300 officers and men, the greater portion were ashore, leaving only eighty of her original complement. The vacancies on board had been made up to 288 by adding raw recruits, who neither knew the ship * Hervey, 322. According to Moraga, the Lynch only fired two torpedoes. 1891] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. nor her weapons, and could not therefore be expected to per- form well in the trying emergency of a torpedo attack. Of her two steam-launches one was undergoing repair on deck, and the other was in bad order. Neither was employed on patrol duty on the night of the 22nd, though this is stated to have been exceptional. Seven men formed the total of her watch, and the officers on deck were Commander Gonzalez and Aspirant Aguilar. At about 4 a.m., or probably before, the torpedo vessels were seen at a distance of no less than 2000 yards. The alarm was given at once, but the crew were slow in going to quarters, as they thought that this was merely a false alarm to practise them. It is also said that the bugler made a mistake, and sounded the ordinary morning call, instead of the summons to go to quarters. In any case the leading torpedo vessel was 500 yards off before the Blanco opened fire. This does not altogether agree with Captain Moraga's version, according to which the Blanco's guns were not fired till the Condell was well within a hundred yards. Either then the Congressional officers over-estimated the distance, or having mistaken the Condell for a friend, and allowed her to approach, they waited till her torpedo showed her to be an enemy. Their inaction is certainly hard to explain Accept- ing the Congressional statement, an interval of five minutes at least, the time required by the Condell to cover 1500 yards at half speed, must have elapsed between the giving of the alarm and the commencement of fire. The Blanco did not use her search-light, either because it was out of order, or because the growing daylight was strong enough to enable her men to see their enemy. Nordenfelts and 6-pounders were the first to open, and the assailants at once replied. On giving the order to " Man and arm ship," the port engine had been ordered to go ahead and the starboard one to go astern, to turn the ship a little. The engines were just in motion when the torpedoes struck her. The Lynch and Condell having now drawn very close, the Condell fired her bow tube, but the torpedo ran ashore and exploded, after which the two 26 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. seemed to stop their engines. Probably, this was at the moment when they were turning. An instant later, the Lynch went on full speed, passing the Blanco* s starboard quarter, and as she passed, fired simultaneously two torpedoes at a distance of 100 yards* The Blanco was struck on the starboard side, near the dynamo room. The shock was tremendous. Every light in the ship was extinguished, one of the 8-inch guns was thrown off its trunnions, and a large number of men were killed. Portions of iron and machinery flew about in the engine-room, and killed or wounded six engineers. The only one who escaped, was carried by the violent rush of water up a ventilator. Though orders had been given to close all water-tight doors, it is almost certain that this had not been done. The Blanco began to heel heavily to starboard, exposing her decks to the pitiless hail from the quick-firers of the torpedo-gunboats, which mowed the men down as they poured up from below. A shell from a 14-pounder Hotchkiss burst in her fore compartment, killing Lieutenant Pacheco. The ironclad fired one of her heavy guns in reply, but the shot passed over the torpedo gunboats. The ship began to go down very fast, and a minute later the order to abandon her was given. At that moment, the sills of her battery ports were level with the water. Of her total crew, which mustered 288 officers and men, eleven officers and 171 men were killed or drowned. Forty of these were said to have fallen victims to the machine-guns of the torpedo vessels. As the Blanco sank, her men saw the Lynch steam round under her stern and fire a torpedo at the Bioblo.f This missed, as it was said to have passed under her. The gun- boats then left the bay apparently uninjured. The only damage done to either of them by the Blanco, was the * Apparently from Captain Moraga's account she only fired one torpedo at the Blanco in this position, and not two as the Congressional version and Mr. Hervey represent. f This movement, if it took place, is not shown on the plan. 1891] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. cutting of the electric tiring apparatus of one of the tubes just after the torpedo had been discharged. Both vessels had gone into action with five loaded torpedoes on their decks, so that a hit before they had got rid of any of them would almost certainly have been fatal. The worst damage was self-inflicted, caused by the firing of their 14-pounder Hotchkisses, which jarred them so much that some of their boiler tubes burst. The official report of Captain Goni was as follows : " To my regret, I have to inform your Excellency that the ship under my command was sunk this morning, at half-past four o'clock, by the combined attack of the torpedo vessels Lynch and Condell, which succeeded in hitting the Blanco with six out of seven torpedoes fired. We have lost one-half of our crew, including amongst the officers, Paymaster Guzman, Lieutenant Pacheco, Aspirants Soto, and Aguilar, and numerous engineers. I have also to lament the loss of Don Enrique Valdes Vergara. The torpedo-gunboats received a heavy fire from the Blanco before she went down, and after- wards from the Aconcagua , when, on leaving Carrizal, she entered the harbour. We are, however, unable to ascertain what damage they have suffered. The ship is lying on her starboard side, with the tops of her bridges out of water. 1 believe we shall be able to recover the guns on the upper deck, and the others later. I have a diver here." There is some discrepancy as to the number of torpedoes which hit the Blanco and exploded. According to Moraga six were fired and three exploded. Goni's statement that six struck her is probably a loose exaggeration. It is even doubtful whether more than one torpedo struck the Blanco. Her hull was carefully examined by the diver of the Champion, a British cruiser which was present on the coast. It was found in about sixty feet of water, lying on the starboard side. The port side was intact, but on the starboard side was a large hole blown through the bottom of the ship, fifteen feet long and seven feet broad. The ship, having been wood-sheathed 28 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. and cased with zinc, the iron skin had been detached near the hole from the wood-sheathing, and much of the zinc was torn off. The scuttles, on the port side, were found open, only the officers' ports being closed. From this account it looks as if the injury had been inflicted by one torpedo alone, unless two or more happened to strike exactly in the same place — a most unlikely supposition. The uproar and confusion which prevailed can readily explain mistakes in the accounts of eye- witnesses. This is the first occasion on which the Whitehead was successfully employed against an ironclad, where we possess full details. Once before, during the Russo-Turkish war, a ship had been sunk by it according to the assertions of the Russians; but whereas then the Turks denied their loss, now the fact was beyond dispute, and the hull of the sunken ship could be seen and examined. Once more, as so often in these minor struggles, we have exceptional circumstances which would not be likely to recur in a European conflict. For an ironclad to be at anchor without nets out, without launches to protect her, without a search light, and with a very insuffi- ciently trained crew on the top of all this, points to singular carelessness on the part of her commander, who had had warning, be it remembered. If he had chosen to trouble himself he had ample time, between the publication of the intended attack at Iquique on the 21st, and the morning of the 23rd, to have constructed a boom, or again he might have taken his ship to sea for the night and cruised in the offing with lights out, when he would have been comparatively safe. The torpedo-gunboats were handled with courage and cool- ness, but the task before them was not difficult. Smaller and weaker vessels could have destroyed, with less risk, this iron- clad at anchor. If captains choose to imperil their ships as Captain Goni imperilled the Blanco they will lose them. But French or English ironclads are not likely to lie in open harbours without taking the most elementary precautions. We may notice that the inexperience or want of smartness of 1891] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. the Blanco *s men rendered her quick-firers and machine-guns almost useless. If they had stood smartly to their Nordenfelts and Hotchkisses they might have sunk or disabled the gun- boats before they got close, and we may be certain that a hail of shells would not have improved the aim of the men at the torpedo-tubes. For the Lynch and Condell the fighting was not yet over. As they stood out of the Bay they saw what they thought was the Imperial, and went towards her. When they got closer they discovered that it was not the Balmacedist vessel, but the Congressional armed transport Aconcagua. Her decks could be seen crowded with troops. She carried no flag, and was at once attacked by the two gunboats with their Hotch- kisses. They poured into her such a furious fire, that the roll of it resembled the rapid discharge of small-arms rather than heavy guns. At first they separated and prepared to assail her one on each beam, but realising that this would enable her to bring both her broadsides into play they drew together again and fought her, keeping on her starboard beam. The Aconcagua replied vigorously with her 5-inch guns and small quick-firers. After some minutes, finding that she was getting the worst of it, and that from the great speed of the gunboats she could not well retreat, she headed towards Caldera, probably hoping that the Blanco would come out to her support, but the Blanco was, of course, at the bottom. At last, after an hour-and-a-half, she stopped her engines, according to Captain Moraga, and had apparently surrendered. The gunboats were on the point of steaming in when a large cruiser was seen on the horizon. This they supposed to be the much dreaded Esmeralda, and therefore at once retreated. The tubes of one of the CondelVs port boilers were leaking heavily and neither vessel was in condition for a fresh action with a powerful cruiser. Soon afterwards, when their prey had got safe into Caldera, they discovered that the approaching vessel was the British flagship Warspite and not the Esmeralda, and the chagrin of Captains 3 o IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1891 Moraga and Fuentes was unbounded. Neither of the torpedo-gunboats was much the worse for the fighting, though considering the loaded torpedoes which they had about, it was a most foolhardy adventure to attack the Aconcagua in broad daylight. They fired more than 400 projectiles, of which only eight, or two per cent., hit her. All these struck her above the water-line, and the damage they did was most trifling. Of the crowd of men on board only four were slightly wounded, two by a shell which struck the upper part of the funnel casing. The Aconcagua fired 137 rounds, seven from her 5-inch guns, and with these probably scored an even lower percentage of hits than the Lynch } s and CondelV s guns. The captain of the Aconcagua in his official report drew attention to the worthlessness of the torpedo-gunboat for open and straightforward fighting. She is built to act by surprise, and except when so acting is of little value. Had these boats, however, been armed with a heavier quick-firer than the 14-pounder, the 4' 7-inch gun, for instance, as in the British service, the hits might have been as numerous, since the men would have fired more carefully, whilst the damage done would have been infinitely greater. The medium quick-firer, for such we may call the 12-pounder and 14-pounder, is not of much value except for the attack upon torpedo-boats, but the larger weapons of that type can do a great deal of damage. The Yalu confirmed this conclusion, as the small projectiles fired on that occasion had little effect. This action would also point to the comforting fact that merchant steamers, well equipped with medium quick-firers, have little to fear from torpedo-craft. This has an important bearing upon the defence of our commerce. The Imperial, after waiting hours for her two consorts, returned to Valparaiso, where she found them all safe. The next occurrence was an attempt of the torpedo-boat, Guale> which was employed by the Balmacedists to patrol Valparaiso Harbour, to run off and join the Congressionalists. She did 1891] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. 31 not, however, get very far, as the Lynch was sent in pursuit, and quickly overtook her. She was taken back to Valparaiso, where her crew were shot for their disloyalty. On May 14th, the Condell, with the Imperial and Lvnch. was off Iquique, endeavouring to repeat her performance at Caldera. The Congressionalists, however, had learnt by experience, and were quite ready for them. Though there were no warships in the roads, booms and numerous sunken torpedoes had been placed about the anchorage, so that there was nothing to be done. The Congressionalists, since the loss of the Blanco, steamed out to sea every night. Thence the Condell proceeded to Caldera, off which port she arrived on the ni^ht of the 16th. It could be seen that there were a large number of vessels inshore, and with everything ready for the attack, she ran in. Mr. Hervey, the " Times " corre- spondent, was on board, and has given a vivid picture of the suspense, the breathless anxiety, of those whose fate it is to be boxed up in these fragile cases of machinery with hundreds of pounds of gun-cotton, in the shape of torpedoes, covering the deck. When the Condell got close in, she found that once more the insurgents had been too clever for her. Two lines of ships were moored in the bay : the inner line towards the shore, composed of armed transports ; the outer line, of neutral sailing-ships ; and the worst of it was that the outer line was so disposed, as to cover the transports. It was therefore impossible to use the torpedo, and though Moraga was anxious to give his tubes an airing, and neutrals a lesson, he was dissuaded from a course which would have certainly embroiled his government with powerful enemies. A few days later he had an opportunity of sinking the O' Higgins ; he had caught her in harbour at night, * and apparently off her guard, and was advancing to the attack upon her, when one of his crew told him that he had a brother on board. With touching tender-heartedness, Moraga abandoned the attack and with- * At Pacocho. Hervey, 213-4. 32 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1891 drew ; the act deserves to be remembered, though in war there is small room for consideration such as this. The torpedo gunboats made one more attempt to ensnare their opponents. On June 4th the Imperial started north. At night she steamed ablaze with lights, whilst astern of her in absolute darkness followed the gunboats. It was hoped that the Congressional cruisers would see her, and stand towards her when she was to surrender. Whilst the Congressionalists were lowering boats the torpedo craft were to attack them off their guard, and sink their ship or ships. But the plan came to nothing as no Congressionalists showed themselves. The final downfall of the Balmacedist Government came in August, and was the result of a combined military and naval expedition against Valparaiso. Having week by week col- lected more and more troops in the north, armed them with repeating rifles, and obtained German generals, the Congres- sionalists were ready. The whole insurgent fleet collected 100 miles north of Valparaiso, and as there was little to fear from Balmaceda's torpedo-vessels, steamed to Quinteros Bay. It was off the bay on the night of August 19th, and next morning, after a search for mines conducted by the smaller vessels, the troops carried on board were landed. Meanwhile, on the 19th, the Esmeralda had engaged the Valparaiso forts to divert the attention of the Balmacedist troops. On the 20th, in the morning, two of Balmaceda's torpedo-boats came out to see what was happening, but were quickly driven back. The troops having been put ashore by means of large punts, which had been conveyed from the north, fastened bottom outwards to some of the ships, at Concon on the 21st, supported by the fire of the ships, drove back the Balmacedists, and a week later captured Valparaiso. Thus ended the naval struggle on the Pacific. The Chilian Civil War is important for two reasons. Firstly, because then the Whitehead for the first time sank an ironclad ; secondly, because of the admirable strategy of the 1891] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. 33 insurgents. They used their fleet sparingly against fortifica- tions, making no attempt to capture Valparaiso by bombard- ment from the sea. They recognised a truth which is some- times forgotten, that fleets cannot act on land, though they do exercise a very marked influence on land actions. They were confronted by a naval force which lacked all capacity of action except by surprise, and they showed that such a force is powerless to change the issue of a war, though it may destroy individual ships. We may, perhaps, wish that Balmaceda had been able to place in line the two cruisers detained at La Seyne. In that case we should have seen what we are particularly anxious to see — a contest between fast, lightly- armed vessels on the one hand,, and slow, heavilv-armed vessels on the other. Such a contest would have taught us much concerning the value of speed, and the practicability of raiding the enemy's coast, in the face of a superior but slower force. Efforts were afterwards made to raise the Blanco, but they were unsuccessful. One other incident of the war deserves mention, though it concerns the lawyer rather than the sailor. At the outbreak of the struggle the Congressional party had despatched a commission to purchase arms and munitions of war in the United States. The I tat a, a Congressional steamer, was sent to embark these at San Francisco, but through a mistake arrived too soon, and lay waiting in harbour there. The sus- picion of Balmaceda' s representative — who was, of course, the official representative of Chili, as the Congressionalists had not received recognition — was aroused, and a watch was kept on the I tat a, to prevent her loading with contraband. Seeing that it would be impossible to take a cargo on board at San Francisco, the Congressionalists embarked the arms on board two American schooners, which were to meet the Itata, and tranship their cargoes to her. outside the three-mile Limit. In the meanwhile the Itata, proceeding south, ran short of coal, and put into the United States' port of San Diego. As it was u IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1891-3 believed that she intended to take the military stores on board there, a United States marshal was sent on to her to detain her. This was on May 5th. On May 6th, early in the morn- ing, she slipped her cable, went out to sea, met the schooners, and transhipped the arms. Two days later she put the United States' marshal ashore. Indignant at this outrage to their flag, the United States' Government issued orders to their officers on the Pacific Station to seize her when she reached the Chilian coast. She was surrendered at Iquique on June 3rd to the American Admiral Brown. The incident very nearly led the Congressionalists to come to blows with the United States. In the end the case of the Itata came before the United States' Supreme Court, which returned the ship and arms to their owners, on their giving bonds for 120,000 dollars. The Balmacedist Government had fallen by then, and the Con- gressionalists had become the legitimate rulers of Chili. In July, 1893, a revolution broke out in the Argentine Republic, the Radicals under Colonel Espina rising against the Government. On September 26th, the torpedo boats in the harbour at Buenos Aires declared for the rebels, and attacked the other Argentine men of war. They were, however, beaten off without the slightest difficulty, and recaptured. At the same time the rebels succeeded in gaining possession of the old ironclad monitor Los Andes, a vessel of 1460 tons, launched in 1875, and armed with two 1 1 -inch muzzle-loaders, two 4j-inch, and four smaller guns. She had 9 and 8-inch armour on her turret, 3^ to 6-inch armour on the water-line, and a one-inch deck. She was on her way to Rosario with arms and ammunition for the Government troops, when the officers and crew rose on the captain and seized her. They proceeded to Rosario, and handed over to the insurgents their valuable cargo. The Government at once despatched the powerful little ironclad I ndependencia, launched in England in 1891, 1 893] NAVAL EVENTS OF THE CHILIAN WAR. and armed with two 9'4-inch guns, four 47-inch and four 3-pounder quick-firers, besides four Maxims, of 2510 tons displacement, and plated with 8-inch steel on her turrets and water-line, to look after the Andes. With her went the torpedo gunboat Espora, of 515 tons, armed with two 14-pounder quick-firers and five other small guns. On September 29th, they arrived at Rosario, and the Indepen- dencia lost no time in attacking the Andes. The latter was the first to open fire with her 11-inch Armstrong. The firing of the Andes was fast and wild; that of the Independencia not much better, as of 382 shots which she discharged at her enemy, only one or two struck. After an hour-and-a-half of this the Andes hauled down her flag. Her chief engineer, an Englishman, was wounded by a fragment of one of the Independencia? s shells, but the ship was little or none the worse. Vol. II. CHAPTER XVIII. The Civil War in Brazil. July, 1893 — April, 1894. The close of the civil war on the Pacific coast was but the prelude to the outbreak of a fresh struggle upon the Atlantic. Since the fall of the Empire Brazil had been in a more or less disturbed state, and considerable ill-feeling had arisen between the army which supported Marshal Peixoto, and the navy which was in favour of Senor Custodio di Mello. The trouble came to a head on July 6th, when Admiral Wandenkolk of the Brazilian navy seized the merchant steamer Jupiter at Montevideo. With a large number of sympathisers he steamed to Rio Grande do Sul, captured two diminutive Brazilian warships, and issued a proclamation in which he invited his brother officers of the fleet to join him. His career was short and unsuccessful. On July 20th, the Republica and Santos came up with him and compelled him to surrender; but a more serious attempt had to be faced on September yth, 1893, when Admiral Mello, assisted by thirty-six naval officers and six or seven members of the Brazilian congress, seized the warships in Rio Harbour. Amongst these were the following vessels : the A quid ab an, a sea-going turret-ship of a design similar to the Aj'ax, with two turrets amidships placed en echelon ; she had been built in England and carried as her heavy armament four g-2-inch guns ; the Javary, a low freeboard, coast-defence, ironclad, carrying four 10-inch muzzle- loaders in two turrets placed fore and aft ; the small river monitor A I ago as ; the cruiser Almirante Tamandare, which D 2 36 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1893 had been disabled by injuries to her machinery ; and was armed with quick-firers which were protected by thin armoured casemates ; the Elswick cruiser Republica ; the old cruisers Guanabara and Trajano ; two ancient gunboats ; two transports ; three large sea-going torpedo-boats, of twenty -five knots maximum trial speed ; four smaller ones ; and a host of armed merchantmen.* Though this very miscellaneous squadron only included two ships of any real power, the Aquidaban and Tamandare, Marshal Peixoto found himself quite unable to oppose it at sea at the outset of the war. The Riackue/o, which closely resembled the Aquidaban, was in Europe, as also was the cruiser Benjamin Constant. On the South American coast he had the Elswick gunboat Tiradentes, which was in dock at Montevideo, with a not too trustworthy crew ; the Bahia, a very indifferent coast-defence monitor, and five small gunboats or cruisers. The torpedo gun-vessel Aurora was, however, expected from Europe, where she had just been completed by the Armstrong Company. She was of 480 tons displacement, equipped with three torpedo-tubes, two 20-pounder quick- firers, and four 3-pounders. Her trial speed was eighteen knots. The contest that followed was, in its initial stages, one between ships and forts, and almost entirely destitute of incidents of either tactical or strategical importance. The Melloist ships lay in the Rio Harbour, and day by day exchanged fire with the Peixotoist forts. The ships were short handed, as the total force at the disposal of the insur- gents was only 1500 men,t and though Admiral Mello had numerous adherents in the southern provinces of Brazil, he was quite unable to equip a land army. He started with a considerable advantage in being able to control the sea, as it is needless to state that the vast extent of the Brazilian coast * See Table XVI J. \ The naval force of Brazil consisted of 3020 marines, 990 sailors, 3300 firemen and naval apprentices. 1893] THE CIVIL WAR IN BRAZIL. 37 renders communication difficult between the various points by land. He endeavoured, following the strategy of the Chilian Congressionalists, to establish himself in the south, but did not meet with their success. Peixoto, on the other hand, had at his disposal considerable financial resources, which the Melloists lacked, a formidable military force of 24,800 officers and men armed with breech-loaders, and all the forts com- manding the harbour of Rio, with the sole exception of that on the island at Villegagnon, by far the most heavily armed. This was at first neutral, but later declared for Admiral Mello. Numerous foreign ships of war were present in the harbour and their commanders prevented Admiral Mello from enforcing a strict blockade, which might perhaps have reduced Rio. They also did all in their power to avert a bombard- ment of the city. On the morning of September 17th, the Republica and Diaz ran out of the harbour, past the forts, unharmed, and were followed next day by the Pallas and a second ship, with equal success. From September 14th onwards, there was constant firing between the forts and the ships, but the powder used by both sides was extremely bad, and though there was a liberal expenditure of ammunition, extraordinarily little damage was done. In this hot climate explosives deteriorate greatly by years of storage, and it was never certain how any gun would shoot with the stuff from the magazines. On September 23rd, Fort Santa Cruz fired eighty-five projectiles without harming anything but an old wooden hulk. On September 30th, the Aquidaban was under fire, and was hit several times, receiving very slight damage. A 6-inch shell came through her deck and exploded in the admiral's cabin, but did not set her on fire. A 6-inch shot entered her starboard side, and struck a shell which was standing in a shot-rack, ready loaded and fused. This exploded, wounding an officer. A third shell entered the admiral's bath-room, and a fourth burst in a coal-bunker, penetrating the unarmoured side, but only made a round hole of the diameter of the 3 8 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1893 projectile. Fragments from this shell were driven through the inner wall of the bunker and wounded a man. A fifth projectile struck the shield of a 6-inch gun, but did it no harm. Other shots struck the armour, leaving only dents. On October 6th, Fort Villegagnon joined the insurgents, and co- operated with them in bombarding the other forts. On the night of October 12th, an incident of more interest occurred. The armed merchant steamer, Urano, with 200 Melloist troops on board, attempted the run out to sea, past the Peixotoist forts. The mouth of the harbour is not more than a mile wide, and is commanded by three forts — Santa Cruz, which mounted two Armstrong 10-inch muzzle-loaders ; Sao Joao, with one 10-inch muzzle-loader; and Lage, with three 6-inch Whitworths. As she went by, the forts fired into her, Santa Cruz hitting her several times, and she lost forty killed or wounded. She was riddled by machine-gun bullets, and the men on board her were demoralised, and fled on shore. A few days later the Melloists scored a success to counter- balance this loss, as the cruiser, Republican rammed the Rio de Janeiro, which was conveying 1100 troops south, for Marshal Peixoto. Five hundred soldiers are said to have been lost, but details are wanting. On the 25th, a Melloist magazine was blown up by the fire of the forts, and on the 3rd of November, a depot on Gobernador Island, containing 100 tons of powder, was destroyed by an emissary of Marshal Peixoto. Five officers and seamen from the British squadron happened to be near the magazine and lost their lives. On November 20th, a field-gun on shore struck a torpedo-boat which was lying in the harbour close to the Aquidaban, and sank it. On the 22nd, the Javary was hotly engaged during the morning with the forts. In the afternoon, whilst off Villegagnon, she was discovered to be sinking. Efforts made to tow her into shallow water were unsuccessful, and her crew were compelled to abandon her, though not before an audacious seaman had fired two of her heavy guns, which had been left loaded at the forts, only a minute or two before she 1893] THE CIVIL WAR IN BRAZIL 39 capsized and sank. She was an old vessel, and had probably been shaken badly by her own fire, though it is just possible that one of the enemy's projectiles had damaged her, as a shell from Fort Sao Joao fell either on her deck or close to it, just before she went down. On November 29th, the Aurora arrived from Europe, and was taken over by Marshal Peixoto at Pernambuco. Her name was changed to Gustavo Sampaio, but as yet she was not brought round to Rio, probably through want of men to work her. On the night of November 30th — December 1st, at 12.30, the ironclad, Aquidaban, accompanied by the armed steamer, Esperanga, ran past the forts. The Aquidaban manoeuvred to draw the fire in the glare of their search-lights, and received the attention of all their guns, herself returning their fire. The gunners in the forts knew that she was coming and were ready for her, but in spite of this could inflict no damage upon her. Not a man on board was killed or wounded, and only a single shell struck her hull. This burst in a coal bunker. Some small projectiles also dropped on her deck. The Esperanga was hulled by a shot which passed through her engine-room, and lost her chief engineer, killed, besides one or two men wounded ; but was quite able to continue her voyage. Admiral da Gama was left in charge of the vessels in harbour, and on December 3rd engaged the forts with the Tamandare. On the 4th another armed steamer ran past the forts. On the 22nd the Tamandare was again in action, using ballistite for her quick firers. The new explosive per- formed well, and it was most demoralising to the men in the forts to find shells dropping amongst them with no premonitory warning, such as is given by the smoke from an ordinary charge of pebble or brown powder. The Tamandare was often hit but not damaged. About this time the Republica had a brush with the Peixotoist transport, Itaipu. On the 12th of January, 1894, the Aquidaban ran past the forts at dawn without being touched. Steaming up the harbour she was hit twice with very trivial damage, and the 4 o IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 loss of two men, wounded. Admiral Mellowas not on board, having remained in the south to organise a military force. In this he was unsuccessful, as there were numerous insurrec- tions on hand, each with a separate leader, competing for support. On January 16th Mucangue Island, which had been occupied by the Government, was recaptured by the Melloists. January, and the first days of February, passed without more than an intermittent cannonade, but on the gth of February the insurgents made a desperate attempt to carry the Armacao battery, on the east side of the harbour. They were repulsed with heavy loss, and the gunboat, Liberdade, was repeatedly hit whilst covering the landing party. In the meantime Peixoto had been busy acquiring an improvised fleet. In the United States he had purchased a collection of naval curiosities, which he now prepared to use against the Melloists. One of his purchases was Ericsson's submarine gunboat Destroyer, renamed the Piratiny. This was a small steamer, with a gun built into the bow, from which a torpedo, thirty feet long, could be fired. Above the com- partment which contained the gun, was a thin armour-deck, and above this again a compartment filled with inflated india- rubber air-bags. The engines and boilers were protected by two stout armour-plates, inclined at an angle of twenty-three degrees, forming an athwartship bulkhead above the water- line. This vessel had been built for the United States' Government, but, the Ordnance Department having changed heads, in 1 88 1 , the new chief refused to purchase her. A similar gun to the one carried on the Destroyer was sent to the Peruvians in 1880, but never used; the weapon was also experimented with by the British Government. Besides the submarine gun she carried a Howell training torpedo tube and two Hotchkiss 1 -pounders. On the steamer Nictheroy (formerly El Cid, of the Morgan line), a Zalinski pneumatic gun had been fitted forward, for the discharge of aerial torpedoes containing 5olbs. of dynamite. This weapon is fifty feet long, and has a calibre of 1 5-inches. It is capable 1894] THE CIVIL WAR IN BRAZIL 4I of training, and can throw its shell by compressed air to a distance of 3000 yards, but the time occupied by the shell in its flight, projected as it is with very low initial velocity, is so considerable that it must be difficult with it to hit a moving target. It was, however, an interesting experiment to mount it, and we may regret, in the interests of naval science, that it was not tested in action. In addition there were one 47- inch quick-firer, two 10-centimetre quick-firers, eight 6-pounder quick-firers, and several small guns. Besides these vessels there were the armed steamers Advance, Allianca, Finance, and Seguranga, the America* with a Sims-Edison controll- able torpedo, the small steam-launch, Feiseen, re-named Inhandnay, which had the phenomenal trial speed of twenty- five knots, the twenty-two-knot launch Xada, five Schichau torpedo-boats, and a small Yarrow boat. The Nada and Feiseen were carried on the Nictheroy 1 s deck. Trouble was early experienced with this odd assemblage of ships. Their crews were untrustworthy 3 and on board almost all of them were Alelloist emissaries, who lost no opportunity of damaging their machinery. Breakdowns were constant ; there were neither swords nor cutlasses for the sailors who were to fight them, and trained men to handle the new engines of war were lacking. There was no one who understood the Sims-Edison torpedo. The dynamite gun had an altogether insufficient supply of ammunition. Five loaded shells, only one of which contained a full charge, were not enough to sink the Melloist squadron. In addition, there were, it is true, five unloaded shells, but the few fuses on board were untested and untrustworthy. The torpedo-boats had been very carelessly placed on deck, and could not be hoisted out, as the necessary tackle was wanting. Parts of the boats' gear were missing, and their torpedo tubes were in bad repair. The Destroyer's engines had broken down, and, in short, the improvised fleet was useless. The most serviceable part of it was the squadron of Schichau boats, which had safely crossed the Atlantic ; but * Re-named Andrada. 42 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 these were not used as yet. After numerous executions of untrustworthy Brazilians, some ships were at last ready for action. On February 18th, the Nictheroy appeared off Rio, and landed 300 troops. She had intended to try her dynamite gun on Villegagnon, but the gunner had disappeared, and at the critical moment the weapon would not work. On February 23rd, the armed Melloist steamer Venus was struck by a shell, which exploded her boilers or magazine, blowing her in two, and killed thirty officers and men. A fortnight later came the end of the tedious warfare at Rio. On March 10th, Peixoto's squadron appeared off the harbour, and next day notice was given by him of his determination to attack the insurgents. On the 12th, Gama proposed terms of submission, which were rejected. Despairing of his cause, he went on board a Portuguese cruiser which lay in the harbour, with all his superior officers, and landed his men on one of the islands. The warships were left to serve as a target for Peixoto's fleet. At noon on the 13th, the Nictheroy, Andrada, Tiradentes, Paranahyba, San Salvador, Gustavo Sampaio, two steamers and rive torpedo-boats began the attack. For four hours, supported by the forts, they played upon the squadron in harbour, and then discovering at last that there was no reply to their fire, came in towards Rio. Next day, they seized the insurgent vessels. It does not appear that the Nictheroy used her dynamite gun. Having recaptured the rebel ships, Peixoto demanded the surrender of the officers, which was refused him, the Portuguese vessel steaming away and landing them in neutral territory. Peixoto on this, broke off diplomatic relations with Portugal, but nothing more followed. The insurrection, or one of the insurrections, still smouldered on in the south, where Admiral Mello, with the Aquidaban, was at large. In April, Peixoto decided to make a torpedo attack upon her, and in consequence, a squadron of six ships* * The ships were the Andrada, Nictheroy, Tiradentes, San Salvador, Itaipu, 3nd Santos. THE CIVIL WAR IN BRAZIL. 43 and four torpedo-craft were sent against her. She was lying, short of men, stores, and ammunition, in the Bay of Santa Catherina, close to Desterro. Off this place, the Peixotoist flotilla arrived in April, and from Tijucas Bay, at a distance of four or five miles, kept a watch upon her. She lay close to the small island of Santa Cruz, upon which stands a fort, whence she drew her supplies. Between this small island and the larger one of Santa Catherina she had placed one line of mines in the fairway, and was preparing to place a second to the rear of the first. The islands and the main- land were in the possession of Melloist sympathisers. Four torpedo vessels were selected for the attack. They were the Elswick torpedo gunboat, Gustavo Sampaio, with three tubes, one fixed in the stem and the other two training, one on each beam, and the Affonso Pedro, Pedro Ivo, and Silvado, Schichau boats, of 130 tons and twenty-six knots' speed, with complements of twenty-four officers and men each, and three 16-inch torpedo-tubes. On April 14th the Aquidaban was reconnoitred by the boats, and was seen to be lying at anchor about two miles to the south of the Santa Catherina light, and under the lee of Santa Cruz. On the night of the 14th — 15th the first attack was attempted. The boats ran in under the northern shore of the bay or strait, but, before they had got far, saw that they were discovered. Bengal lights were burnt by the insurgents on shore, and signals made to the Aquidaban. In consequence the boats had to return without effecting any- thing. On the next evening at dusk the steamer San Salvador steamed in towards the bay, and on the Bengal lights being shown, as before, opened upon them with machine-guns. In this way she must have destroyed the look-out stations, or driven off the watchers, as there were no more signals made during the night. When the moon set the torpedo-boats started once more. The sky was cloudy and the night extremely dark. They entered the bay, keeping in the centre of the fairway, and crossed the line of mines without misad- 44 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 venture. The plan arranged was as follows : They were to advance in line abreast till well within the bay, and then to turn in succession to starboard, thus spreading fan-wise, and steaming in a north-westerly direction.* By this disposition they confidently expected to find the Aquidaban, although the night was so dark that they could not see her at any distance. They would, too, in the formation adopted, be less likely to get in each other's way, and thus impede the execution of their attack. The Aquidaban, as it turned out, had moved from her anchorage of the 14th, further to the north-west. At 2.30 the Sampaio was in the bay, and almost at once lost sight of the other boats. On drawing near the place where she expected to find the ironclad, her speed was reduced to make as little noise as possible, and silently, without showing any lights, she glided through the still water. The obscurity was impenetrable : nothing could be seen or heard. After passing the Aquidaban' 's anchorage of the 14th, she turned in a north- westerly direction, as had been arranged, but could still see nothing, and began to suppose that in the darkness the Aqui- daban must have slipped out of the bay. Her captain resolved, however, to make the full circuit of the waters before retiring, and had gone one mile to the north-west, when he made out what he took to be a small tug upon his starboard bow. He was passing it, not thinking it worth his attention, when it was suddenly lighted up, a sharp fire of artillery was opened upon him, and it became evident that here at last was the Aqui- daban. At once he went full-speed towards his enemy, circling so as to bring his bow tube to bear. When he thought the range sufficiently short, he shouted down the voice-pipe of the bow tube to fire, but the officer in charge had already fired the tube, fancying that he heard the order given. The first torpedo consequently missed the Aquidaban. The captain now took his boat round the ironclad's stern, passing very close indeed to her, and turning, with his star- * See Plan. THE AQUfDABAN . Map XXIV. 1894J THE CIVIL WAR IN BRAZIL. 45 board to her port, stopped. The way on the boat took her slowly past the Aquidaban, at a distance of only 400 feet. When abreast of her funnel the order was given by the voice- pipe to fire the starboard tube, but nothing happened. The second officer, who was standing by the captain, seeing that there was danger of missing the Aquidaban in spite of all the risk that had been run, since the Sampaio was passing her fast, hurried aft, and seizing the lanyard of the tube, pulled it himself. The Sampaio had meanwhile travelled sixty feet, as three seconds had elapsed from the first giving of the order to fire the starboard tube. The torpedo ran straight, and in consequence of the delay, struck the Aquidaban very far forward instead of amidships.* The explosion was exceedingly violent, but to the surprise of the Sampaio } s men, who saw a great uprush of water, and heard a terrific crash, did not change the ship's trim. The Sampaio moved ahead, and, just as the torpedo struck, the ironclad stopped her fire. The Sampaio, travelling at her fullest speed, covered 1000 yards before the Melloist gunners re-opened. Up to this point they had not used their search-lights, but these were now turned on. Whilst the Sampaio was thus making her attack, the other torpedo-boats had been attracted to the sound of firing. The Pedro Ivo, indeed, had had to abandon the attempt, as the pressure in her boilers suddenly fell to iolbs., and she could scarcely keep in motion ; but the other two had gone forward. The Silvado, at first led, but when she got near the Aquidaban found the Sampaio between herself and the ironclad, and was forced to stop. She turned to starboard and passed the Aquidaban 's bows at a distance of 1000 yards, without discharging her torpedoes, or taking anv part in the attack. At the same time, a launch coming from Desterro, headed towards her, endeavouring to ram her, and to avoid this launch, she turned once more and retired. The Affonso * It was of Schwartzkopf pattern, carrying 125IDS. of guncotton. 46 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 Pedro, as the Aquidaban opened, put on full speed and steamed past the ironclad's starboard side. When abreast of her, she fired two torpedoes from her training tubes, but it is uncertain whether either hit. According to the lieutenant in command of the Affonso, the first struck the Aquidaban. Having passed her enemy, the Affonso circled and retired, rejoining the other boats at Tijucas Bay. They were not aware of the success of their exploit; indeed, they seem to have supposed that the explosions had not harmed the ironclad, and were preparing for another attack on the night of the 1 6th, when the officers of the German cruiser, Arcona, in- formed them that the Aquidaban was deserted. The Affonso Pedro, though she went within 200 yards of the Aquidaban, was not touched. The Silvado was struck by one Nordenfelt bullet. The sailors of both boats heard the enemy's pro- jectiles whistle over their heads. The Sampaio, which had stopped for a minute-and-a-half alongside, at a distance of 150 yards, was hit in all by thirty-eight Nordenfelt i-inch bullets ; but though nearly forty men were on board her, only one was very slightly wounded. The vessel herself was not at all the worse. The hits were distributed along her whole length. Two bullets struck the drum of the search-light, and the guns and torpedo tubes were scored. We may now turn to the account of the Aquidaban' s officers. That vessel had been expecting a boat from Desterro, probably the launch which engaged the Silvado, and when she saw the Sampaio, mistook her for this friend. In consequence, it was a minute or more before it became evident that the approaching torpedo vessel was an enemy, and not till it was recognised as the Sampaio, was fire opened. The Aquidaban used all those of her i-inch Nordenfelts and 5* 7-inch breech-loaders which would bear, but not her heavy guns. When the torpedo exploded, the shock felt was terrific ; and the officer of the watch was thrown from the bridge into the sea. No one was killed by it, as there was no one in the forward compartments, which were torn open. THE CIVIL WAR IN BRAZIL. The water-tight doors were closed. There was great con- fusion after the ship had been struck, but in spite of this the ship's engines were started, and she moved a short distance to the north, where she slowly sank till she took the ground, in about twenty-two feet of water. As her draught was eighteen feet her deck and upper works remained above the water- level, and her crew were easily able to get ashore. On receiving promise of pardon one third of her men returned and surrendered. The Brazilians took possession of her on the 16th. Making a careful examination, they discovered that the torpedo had struck close to the bulkhead, which separated compartments two and three, about thirty-five feet aft from the ram. It had blown a hole nineteen or twenty feet long, and six feet six inches broad, and at either end the steel skin of the ship had been torn.* The tear extended aft six feet longitudinally, past the bulkhead dividing the third and fourth compartments. The water-tight doors in this bulkhead had been loosened by the shock, so that the fourth compartment, which was a very large one, had filled as well as the first three. Inside every- thing was smashed beyond recognition. The armoured deck had been driven out a little, just over the place where the explosion occurred, and numerous rivets in the skin had been loosened. In all, it was calculated, she had taken on board 500 tons of water, and only the shoals saved her from foundering. On the starboard side forward, forty feet from the ram, was another hole, but much smaller than that to port, as it was only three feet in diameter. This may have been caused by the head of the first torpedo being driven right through the ship by the force of the explosion, or again it may have been made by the Alfonso's torpedo. There is some doubt whether this hit, as no one appears to have heard or seen a second explosion ; it is possible that it struck the ground, and, if it exploded, did not exert its full force on the * See Diagram 48 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 ship's bottom. This, however, is only a guess. The torpedoes used were of Schwarzkopf make, containing 57 kilogrammes (125IDS.) of gun cotton. In this torpedo action there are one or two points of interest. Firstly, the Aquidaban betrayed herself ; had her watch been a little less smart she might have escaped attack. The difficulty of discovering the vessel selected for destruction must always be great on a dark night when there is a wide sheet of water to be searched. A fleet of course would be easier to find, yet, on any but bright nights, even considerable squadrons should be safe from discovery on the open sea, provided no lights are carried. Secondly, having discovered that a vessel was approaching her, and knowing that hostile torpedo-craft were in the vicinity from the unsuccessful attempt of the previous evening, a mistake prevented her from opening fire till the enemy was too close. Thirdly, though the Sampaio lay almost motionless, not four hundred feet off her, the ironclad's gunners did not succeed in sinking the small torpedo gunboat. Probably the Sampaio was for nearly half-a-minute at very close quarters. The Aquidaban* lacked medium quick-firers ; between her 5'7-inch 70-pounder and her i-inch Nordenfelts, she had nothing. All the evidence which we possess points to the utter futility of the machine-gun as a means of stopping torpedo craft of any size. A shell, with plenty of penetration, and a good bursting charge, is essential so that it, or its fragments, may rake the boat and open up its compartments. In fact, the larger the quick-firer the better, but for work against torpedo-boats the size of the gun must be conditioned by * In the Table, which is based upon the report of Lieutenant Rogers (U.S.A.), in the U.S. Naval Intelligence publication, she is credited with six 47- inch quick-firers. There is no mention of these either in Mr. Laird Clowes' account of the war (Naval Annual, 1894), or in Lieutenant Verlynde's (R.F.N.) detailed description of the affair in the " Revue Maritime," March, 1895. We may, then, feel doubtful whether she mounted them. Of course, if she did, the remarks upon the necessity of heavy quick-firers lose their point, and the case against the large ship becomes very black. THE CIVIL WAR IN BRAZIL. 4Q the rapidity of its fire. The 12-pounder weapon would seem to be about the right weight, as it can deliver a good number of rounds in the minute, and its shells are large enough to do plenty of damage. One-inch Nordenfelts and Gatlings are useless for this special purpose. Fourthly, the Aquidaban had no nets out and was at anchor. No vessel has as yet been destroyed by the Whitehead, when in motion on the open sea, and it looks almost as if the conditions, which Mr. Laird Clowes has shown to apply to the use of the ram, apply also to the torpedo."* There were no vedette boats patrolling the bay, and there was no attempt to protect the ship by a boom. The mines, as is often the case, were a very delusory protection. Some of them were fished out of the water a few days later. Lastly, it is certain that her full complement was not on board, and that many of the men she carried were comparatively untrained. Admiral Mello is known to have suffered from shorthandedness, and he had lost some of his sailors in the land fighting. From first to last the Aquidaban was the mainstay of the insurrection. She was able to take a certain amount of punishment from the forts, and though an antiquated vessel, secured for the insurgents the command of the sea, till the collapse came at Rio. It is not likely that Peixoto would have moved his squadron upon the harbour had she been present. The efforts made to effect her destruction showed that Peixoto did not feel himself safe whilst she was afloat. The war cannot be said to have added greatly to our know- ledge. It showed that an improvised fleet, without trained seamen, is a most untrustworthy instrument, but that is a self- evident fact. It showed that ships can pass forts with impunity, or something approaching impunity, if there is an unobstructed channel, but a long series of actions has already proved this.f * As it is at present. See page 160. f It is, however, possible that the pneumatic gun will modify this where the channel to be defended is narrow. This gun can be absolutely concealed, and is able to fire a shell a minute. The explosive charge of the shells is extremely heavy and one hit should disable any man-of-war afloat. See also p. 150. Vol. II. E IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 Duckworth's brilliant run up the Dardanelles, Farragut's exploits on the Mississippi and, above all, at Mobile, had left no doubt. On the other hand, where there are ob- structions in the channel, where there are mines or booms to hold the ships under fire, such proceedings become, not risky, but well-nigh impossible. It must be remembered that Marshal Peixoto's forts were not armed with heavy quick-firers, and that the powder used in the guns was very bad. The insur- rection collapsed, not through any masterly activity on the part of the President, but rather through the incapacity of the Melloist leaders, and the fact that they could not collect an army. A fleet without an expeditionary force behind it is only valuable for defence, and lacks offensive power. Modern war- ships do not carry the crews of three-deckers, or even frigates, and have lost the power of landing a considerable body of men. The complements are barely sufficient to work the ships, and no one can be spared without risk. Two months after she had been torpedoed the Aquidaban was patched and raised. She was then repaired at Rio, and her name changed to the Vinte-quatro de Maw. CHAPTER XIX. The Struggle in the East, 1894-5. Section 1. — The Combatants and their Ships. From Brazil to the Yellow Sea is a far cry, but it is to this quarter that we must next turn our gaze. Hardly had the naval war in the West, a struggle so feebly and fatuously con- ducted that it seems almost absurd to call it a war, come to an abrupt conclusion, than the guns began to shoot in the East. Japan and China have been old enemies, and there is placed between them an apple of discord in the peninsula of Korea. In the spring of 1894 an insurrection broke out in the south of that kingdom. The King appealed to his nominal suzerain China for help, and help was granted. Two thousand Chinese soldiers were landed at the Korean port of Asan. Now by the treaty of April 18th, 1885, China was bound to inform the Japanese Government of the despatch of troops, and, as this had not been done, Japan promptly embarked a force of about 5000 men, and landed them at Chemulpho at the end of June. There followed the affair of the Kowshing and the declaration of war. It seemed a most perilous adventure for Japan, a small and poor state with forty-one million inhabitants, single-handed to assail the colossal Chinese empire, with its four million square miles of territory and its three hundred millions of inhabitants. The task was not so formidable as it looked, for the colossus had feet of clay. The striking peculiarity of Japan is that there alone in Asia we find Western methods, Western organisation, 52 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894-5 Western strategy, assimilated by an Oriental race. An observant eye might have discerned the prognostics of this astonishing phenomenon a generation back. At the close of the last century came a great revival of learning, bringing with it the study of earlier Japanese history, reminding a receptive and patriotic people that they possessed a great past. The revival of interest in their earlier history again contributed to the re-establishment of the Mikado's rule, in place of the Shogun, who had usurped much of his power. In 1853, when an American squadron threatened Yokohama, a historic debate took place at Yedo, in which the party who advised compliance with the American demands pointed out that, as they were, the Japanese must be beaten with no gain. The Kai-Koku, for so this party was called, went on to say, " Rather than allow this, as we are not the equals of foreigners in the mechanical arts, let us have intercourse with foreign countries, learn their drill and tactics, and, when we have made the nation as united as one family, we shall be able to go abroad and give lands in foreign countries to those who have distinguished themselves in battle." Japan was opened to the United States and later to England and Russia. In 1863 Japanese officers were sent to Holland to study naval war. In 1867-8 came the civil war, which ended in the triumph of the Mikado and the party of innovation. Japan steadily carried out the policy laid down by the Kai-Koku. Railways, telegraphs, roads were constructed. Schools were built and the population educated in a European fashion ; a university at Tokio, as it was now called, was founded. First a deliberative assembly, and then, within recent years, a constitution was granted. The calendar was Europeanised, postage stamps, and an imperial post, were introduced ; the criminal code was remodelled, and torture abolished. Newspapers were permitted to be published, and, in spite of a somewhat rigid censorship, there were 113 as early as 1882. Western manufactures made their appearance ; cotton mills, paper mills, coal mines, and ironworks sprang up. At a S> WEIHAITVEI 'r PTvilip Sc. San, . Map XXV i8 9 4-5_ THE STRUGGLE IN THE EAST, 1894-5. 53 bound the country passed from the twilight of barbarism into the davlight of full civilisation. Japan, in its barbarous days, had always possessed a singularly high code of honour; its nobles had shown no want of self-sacrifice or devotion, whilst from end to end of the kingdom the story of their great past fired the Japanese, and made them ready to sacrifice their personal prepossessions for the welfare of Japan. The nation progressed eagerly upon the path of the Kai-Koku party. The army first received attention and was organised on the basis of universal service. That it is no paper force, but is not far from being the equal of any European force, is attested bv its bravery and discipline in 1S94-5, and by the unanimous evidence of observers. The Japanese fleet was similarly organised on the European model, England being chosen as the pattern; whilst English instructors were brought out to give practical and theoretical instruction. The islanders of the East take kindlv to the sea. Captain Ingles, the ex-naval adviser to the Mikado's Government, states that they are just like Europeans — smart, constantly on the alert, cheerful, and patient. Their gunnery is excellent, though thev are not so good with machine- worked as with man-handled weapons. The engineers are very good, keep the engines in capital order, and use them well. Thus Captain Ingles saw the Naniwa worked during the naval manoeuvres at 100 revolutions, which was her maximum natural draught rate in England on her trial.* Boilers and machinery are as efficient on the Japanese ships as they can be made. The discipline is comparable to that of an English squadron. The officers are hard-working and well up in the technical literature of their profession ; in intelligence, capacity, and courage they are Europeans. Admiral Ito, the officer in command, is not a mere paper sailor, but has had training and experience in the annual * On the other hand it is stated that the Japanese could never get anything like the trial speed out of their ships ; and that the Yoshinn in the action off Asan could not overtake the Tsi Yuen. See f . 71. 54 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894-5 manoeuvres. In short, the Japanese fleet is a war-force, and does not merely exist for show. Some years were required to bring it to this pitch of efficiency, and as late as 1890 the Japanese Parliament refused to sanction a programme brought forward by Count Kabayama, which would have greatly increased the expendi- ture upon the navy, on the ground that the condition of the Japanese personnel was not satisfactory. It was thought that the naval officers had been selected by favouritism rather than merit, and there were objections to the pattern of the warships. But none the less a great deal was done between 1884 and 1894 towards providing modern and powerful vessels, and care was taken to procure the most modern guns and explosives. The naval officers in the war of 1894 proved that they were as good as their ships, and may be said to have surprised Japan no less than Europe. On the other side of the China Sea is perhaps the most effete and barbarous state in the world. Whilst the national character of the Japanese stands high ; whilst we admire them individually for their determined courage upon the battle- field, and for the intelligence and foresight which have won them victory, we can feel little but contempt for China. There is to be found an alien despotism, cruel and superstitious, ruling a vast congeries of human ants, nourished in filth, educated only in obsolete formulas and catechisms, taught to believe themselves infinitely superior to the "foreign devils" whom they so despise, and, if not without certain noble qualities, a certain passive stoicism, a remarkable faculty of application to work, yet ignorant, lethargic and bitterly opposed to Western innovation. The Government is as corrupt and treacherous as it is incapable. The rulers of provinces, the generals of armies, the admirals of fleets, are selected by an extraordinary system of examination, which would seem ex- pressly adapted to choose the unfittest. Peculation is, with very rare exceptions, the primary object of everyone, from the exalted members of the Tsung-li-Yamen to the meanest mandarin. 1394-5] THE STRUGGLE IN THE EAST, 1894-5. 55 Though time after time China had come into contact with Europe, and smarted sorely on each occasion, she had not learnt Japan's lesson. Indeed, we may doubt if she could have Europeanised herself so thoroughly and effectually, even had she followed hard in the footsteps of her rival, since there must have been a deep difference of character between the two races. China had no Daimios, no Mikado, no Kai-Koku ; there was no one to hound her forward, and she remained true to Asia, true, that is to say. to hideous cruelty, to dirt, and to extortion ; she retained an imposing exterior, but those who looked closely saw that it covered internal weakness and dis- organisation. She deceived Europe, but she did not deceive Japan. Needless to say, that a government which could do nothing but prevaricate, procrastinate, and peculate, would not be likely to bring into existence either a strong army or a strong fleet. Both might, indeed, exist on paper, for the benefit of the mandarins' private purse ; neither would be found ready when the tugr of war came. The armv was a collection of dirty savages, whose tactics were grimaces and voluptuous music, whose arms were bows and arrows and unfamiliar rifles, to whom discipline was a word unknown, who fought to avoid the executioner's knife, not to defeat the enemy. The navy was more imposing. For a time China appeared to be follow- ing western models. Ironclads were bought in Germany, cruisers in England. A handful of naval instructors were enticed to China from Europe, and then insulted and thwarted till their forbearance was exhausted. Captain Lang, awhile an admiral of the Chinese navy, has, indeed, asserted that under Admiral Ting the Chinese navy was a splendid force. Against that we may put the evidence of the " Times " correspondent and Mr. Norman. Ting, it appears, was an ex-cavalry general, and is said to have been devoid of tactical and strategical knowledge, though he certainly did not lack courage. The discipline of the Chinese fleet may be judged from the fact that he would play pitch and toss with the sentry at his cabin 5 6 IRONCLADS IN ACTION [1894-5 door, and, when he had won all the man's money, would order the paymaster to advance his subordinate more, that his game might continue. As to its efficiency, the ships were filthily dirty, which is, after all, only what we should expect ; the water-tight doors were seldom closed or used, a fact which we must remember when we come to the Yalu ; the guns were employed by the sailors as receptacles for pickles, rice, and chop-sticks ; the heavy Krupps were kept in shocking order, and the rings on them were beginning to open out. As a foreign instructor said to Mr. Norman, so far from the Chinese squadrons being formidable, it was only a question who should get them as prizes. The officers were either in- efficient nominees of the authorities, or more able but power- less. Quick-firers were not bought because there was little money to be "squeezed" out of them. One Chinese battle- ship is stated to have gone to the Yalu without one of her heavy guns, which her captain had pawned. There were shells loaded with charcoal; charges for heavy guns of stuff which would not burn, instead of cocoa powder ; and there were docks silted up from neglect, or useless owing to the bad arrangement of their pumping machinery. In vain did the English and German advisers beseech the Government to add ships, to procure sailors, coal, stores, and oil. They pointed oi^triaj: the Chinese engineers dared not use forced draught, and that the Chinese officers were so nervous when handling torpedoes that they fired them at 800 yards instead of 350. The Chinese seamen on occasions displayed both coolness and courage, though their gunnery left much to be desired ; but they lacked that confidence in their leaders, which is, after all, an essential of success. All this is of great importance as showing us what kind of a task the Japanese had before them, and how few deductions can be drawn from the way in which that task was performed. The Chinese fleet was not allowed to seek the Japanese. It was kept by orders out of the sight of Admiral Ito till com- pelled to fight. The strategy of the Tsung-li-Yamen may or may 1894-5] THE STRUGGLE IN THE EAST, 1894-5. 57 not have been sound, but it could have contributed to neither efficiency, discipline, nor morale. The officers were bad, the sailors certainly lacked training, and Ting, whatever his courage, was not a brilliant commander. Can anv very serious tactical conclusions be drawn from the performances of such a force ? We may, it is true, observe how the Chinese ships behaved under the Japanese fire, which will give us informa- tion as to construction. But can we get much more than this? Can we say that the Yalu proves line ahead to be the ideal formation, and not line abreast? We maybe persuaded of it, but we shall do well not to rely overmuch upon this Eastern engagement. Had the Japanese made their onset in line abreast, it is quite probable that they would have won. In fact, the gulf between the two forces was immense. The only question from the beginning of the war was, how many of the Chinese ships would have to be sunk before the others could be captured and added to the Japanese fleet. The issue of an engagement with the Chinese was confidently predicted as a success for Japan by Mr. Norman, writing with full knowledge of both combatants, a month before the Yalu. And now to turn to the Japanese fleet and naval resources. The Japanese sea-going ships fall into three classes : the first comprising three old and indifferent armoured vessels ; the second, eight large protected cruisers ; the third, eighteen gunboats and smaller vessels. Taking the first group, its members are the Fusoo, Hiyei, and Kongo. The Fusoo is an old central-battery ship, designed by Sir Edward Reed, and launched in 1877 at the Thames Iron Works. On her main deck in a citadel she carries four 14^-ton guns, one at each corner of the citadel. On her upper deck are mounted two 5i-ton guns. Her armour of wrought iron, 7 inches to 9 inches thick, is of very inferior quality and resisting power to the steel now used. Right ahead or astern she can fire two i_i^-ton, and two 5i~ton guns ; on the broad- side two iz^-ton and one 5 J-ton. Her speed at the beginning of the war did not probably exceed ten knots. She is very 58 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894-5 similar in type to the English Iron Duke class, but is smaller The Hiyei and Kongo are sister ships of a very different type, protected by a 4^-inch iron belt, for one quarter of their length, amidships; they were both built in England in 1877-8, and carry on their main-deck six 3-ton guns and three 6-ton. Their ahead-fire is from two 6-ton guns, their broadside from two 6-ton and three 3-ton. There are no similar vessels in the British fleet. The R/oj'o, like the last two ships, has a wooden hull, and is an antiquated ironclad, built in England, carrying 4^-inch armour. She took no part in the fighting, and need not therefore be further considered. In the second group, the Chiyoda alone has a chrome-steel armour-belt, 4^ inches in thickness, for two-thirds of her length. In addition, she has an inch protective deck from stem to stern with coal above it, and round her machinery compartments, coal and a belt of cellulose. She is divided into eighty-four water-tight compartments, and has a double bottom amidships. Her engines develop 5600 horse-power and give her a speed of nineteen-and-a-half knots an hour. She was built by Messrs. Thomson of Clydebank, and launched in 1891. Her armament includes ten 47-inch Arm- strong quick-firers, and fourteen 47-millimetre Hotchkisses, with three Gatlings and three torpedo-tubes. Next come three larger vessels of 4240 tons, the Hashidate, Itsukushima, and Matsushima. They were designed by M. Bertin, and the last two were built at La Seyne in France, the first at Yokosuka in Japan. They carry an end-to-end steel turtle- back deck 2 inches thick amidships. Forward in the first two, aft in the last, is a barbette protected by 12-inch steel plates, but open at the top on which is mounted a 12'6-inch Canet 66-ton gun, the most powerful weapon of its size in the world, built to fire cordite, and loaded and manoeuvred by hydraulic- power. The loading machinery is sheltered by the thick armour, but the barbette is open underneath, having only a small armoured ammunition shaft for the passage of projec- tiles and charges from the magazine to the breech of the gun. 1894-5] THE STRUGGLE IN THE EAST, 1894-5. 59 A bullet-proof shield protects the gunner sighting the weapon. Besides this immense gun, which can at 2000 yards perforate any armour afloat, each vessel carries eleven Armstrong 4* 7-inch quick-firers, five mounted on each broadside, behind bullet-proof shields, and one placed at the opposite end of the ship to the heavy gun* The Hashidate further has six 6-pounder quick-firers, and six machine-guns, whilst the other two have each five 6-pounders, eleven 3-pounders, and six machine-guns. Each ship has four torpedo-tubes. Their speed is from sixteen to seventeen-and-a-half knots, and they were launched between 1889 and 1891. Their enormously heavy gun makes them something more than mere cruisers— indeed, in general feature they approximate most closely, on a small scale of course, to the huge Italian cruiser-battleships. Even more powerful than these is the Yoshino, an Armstrong- built cruiser of 4150 tons, launched at Elswick in 1892. From stem to stern she has an armoured deck 2 inches thick, but on its slopes amidships the thickness is 44 inches. The hull is minutely sub-divided, and there is a double bottom amid- ships. On the measured mile her speed reached the very high figure of 23*03 knots, and at the date of her trial she was the fastest cruiser in the world. Her armament is extremely strong. Forward she carries three 6-inch Armstrong quick- firers, mounted separately behind stout steel shields, whilst astern is a fourth. Two of the four are on the keel-line, the other two on sponsons forward. Amidships, on her upper deck, are eight 4/ 7-inch quick-firers, protected, like the 6-inch guns, by shields. Two fire right astern. She thus brings to bear, ahead three 6-inch, astern one 6-inch and two 4* 7-inch, and on either broadside three 6-inch and four 4* 7-inch guns, all quick-firers of the latest pattern. Besides this, her main battery, she carries twenty-two 3-pounders and five torpedo- tubes. Her supply of coal is 1000 tons, and the bunkers are so disposed as to protect the engine-rooms, boilers, and vitals. * In the Matsushima two 47 inch quick-firers are placed forward, making her total of these guns twelve. 6o IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894-5 She has two funnels and two military masts, each with one top ; on the forecastle is an armoured conning-tower. The Akitsnshima is a Yokosuka-built cruiser, similar in design to the Voskino, but carries two less 47-inch guns. She has a deck of steel, ih inches thick on the flat, 2\ inches on the slopes. Her speed is nineteen knots ; her armament consists of four 6-inch quick-firers, placed on sponsons, two forward and two astern, with six 4* 7-inch quick-firers mounted amid- ships. Her bow and stern fire is delivered from two 6-inch guns, but on the broadside she brings to bear two 6-inch and three 4* 7-inch guns. She has fourteen 3-pounders and machine-guns, and carries four torpedo-tubes. By an error she is described in the older " Naval Annuals" as armed with a 66-ton Canet gun. Last come the Naniwa and Takachiho, two Elswick-built cruisers, launched in 1885. They are of interest as being practically sister-ships of the celebrated Esmeralda, which, designed by Mr. Rendel for the Chilian Government, was the prototype of the fast, heavily- armed, unarmoured ship. Their tonnage is 3600 to 3750. They have an end-to-end steel deck 3 inches thick on the slopes, 2 inches on the flat amidships and at the ends ; above this deck are coal-bunkers. They have also cork-packed compartments running nearly round the ship on the water-line. Forward and aft, fifteen feet above the water, are placed two 28-ton, 1 o-inch guns, on central-pivot carriages, with hydraulic turning and loading gear. A steel screen revolves with the gun and protects the gunners, whilst an armoured loading- station is provided to the rear of each gun. Amidships are six 6-inch Armstrong slow-fire breech-loaders, mounted three on each beam, on sponsons. Besides these, twelve smaller weapons and four torpedo-tubes are carried. The trial speed was 1 8*7 knots, and there is bunker space for 800 tons of coal. Altogether, these are fine ships, if a trifle out of date. The smaller Japanese ships do not merit any detailed description, as none of them, with the exception of the Akagi, a small gunboat, were at any time engaged. The torpedo- 1894-5] THE STRUGGLE IN THE EAST, 1894-5. 61 boats are forty-one in number, and of these, one, the Kotaka, has 1 -inch armour: though an old boat, built in 1886, she did good service. Behind her war-fleet, Japan had a very considerable mercantile marine, in which were included in 1894, 288 steamers of 174,000 tons. The Nippon Yusen Kaisha is one of the important shipowning companies of the world ; to it belonged fifty steamers, of which four steamed thirteen knots, whilst two, the Saikio Maru and Kobe Marn, of 2900 tons, steamed fourteen knots. The government sub- ventioned this company to the extent of one-and-a-half million dollars yearly- Just before the war, in 1894, the Japanese Government purchased a large number of steamers at Shanghai and Hongkong, so that it wanted neither auxiliary cruisers nor transports. With the exception of the 66-ton gun, everything required by the Japanese ships is produced in Japan ; machinery, castings, armour, guns, projectiles, melinite, powder, all are manufactured in the country."* At Tokio is the arsenal, employing in peace over 1000 men ; whilst the dockyards are three in number. Onohama is the least important, building gunboats and torpedo-boats, and employing less than 1000 men. Yokosuka is more important; it builds cruisers, and has three docks, of which the following are the dimensions : Length. Breadth. Depth on Sill. No. i ... 392 feet ... 82 feet ... 22 feet No. 2 ... 502 ,, ... 94 ,, ... 28 No. 3 ... 308 „ ... 45 ... 17 >. At Tokio, there is one dock 300 feet long, fifty-two feet broad, and fourteen deep ; at Nagasaki, one 400 feet long ; and at Osaka, where there are important ironworks, a dock 250 long. In addition, there are three slipways, one capable of lifting a 2000-ton ship At Kure, on the Inland sea, is a new dockyard recently established. The Japanese are clever workmen, and were able to effect repairs with great rapidity. * Japan has not, however, as yet been able to build large warships. 62 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894-5 Whilst the Japanese fleet thus included a large number of thoroughly modern vessels, equipped with quick-firers, and capable of fast steaming, whilst these ships were manned by well-trained sailors, and officers who had studied strategy and tactics, the Chinese fleet had remained almost stationary since the close of the war with France in 1885. To begin with, it could scarcely be described as a fleet, being a local rather than an imperial force. In peace, it was organised, so far as it had any organisation and was not merely a jumble of badly kept ships, in four squadrons, the North Coast, the Foochow, the Shanghai, and the Canton. The first-named was the largest and strongest, though the Foochow was not much inferior. The total included two armoured second-class battleships, three small and indifferent armourclads, eleven old but heavilv armed cruisers, ranging from 2200 to 2500 tons, nine smaller cruisers of over 1000 tons, thirty small vessels and gunboats, and forty-three torpedo-boats. In numbers, China, then, had a very decided superiority ; but whilst the two large armoured ships were very much better than anything the Japanese possessed, the Chinese cruisers were old or in bad repair. The Chinese artillery was of a much older pattern than the Japanese, and there is reason to believe that very few quick-firers were included in it) The two largest vessels which flew the Chinese flag, were the sisters Chen Yuen and Ting Yuen, of about 7500 tons displacement, built by the Vulcan Company at Stettin in 1 88 1 -2. They carried 14 inches of compound armour upon a citadel which occupied about half their length ; the other half was unarmoured. Thus forward and aft their ends were quite unprotected externally, but internally there was a 3-inch horizontal deck, a minute cellular sub-division, and a large number of cork-packed compartments. The extreme speed at their trials was fourteen-and-a-half knots, but their boilers were in a bad condition in 1894, and it is doubtful if they could steam much over ten knots in the hour. The heavy armament was placed at the forward end of 1894-5] THE STRUGGLE IN THE EAST, 1894-5. 63 the citadel, in two barbettes, protected by 12-inch compound armour, and disposed en echelon. The barbettes were open at the top, but a bullet-proof shield protected the gunners.* Hydraulic power was used to work the four 12-inch 35-ton Krupps, placed two in each barbette. At each extremity of the ship, one 6-inch Krupp breech-loader was mounted in a small, lightly-armoured turret. In addition, there were twelve smaller guns, and two torpedo-tubes. The general design was similar to that of the Ajax and Inflexible — developing bow-fire at the expense of the broadside. As this feature may have exercised some tactical influence upon the battle of the Yalu, we may be permitted to dwell upon it. In theory, each of these ships could fire ahead or astern the four heavy Krupps and one 6-inch gun ; in practice, the blast of the inner gun in each barbette, when both were trained right ahead, would prevent the 6-inch gun from being worked, and might even demolish its turret ; the same would be the case when they were trained aft. With an antagonist exactly abreast, all four guns would bear on the broadside, but yet on either beam there was a wide angle which was not covered by the fire of more than two heavy guns, since the barbettes, diagonally placed, obstructed each other. The funnels prevented the after barbette guns from bearing upon the port quarter ; on the starboard quarter, the fore barbette guns could not fire, because of the after barbette ; and six points before the beam on the port quarter, the after barbette guns could not bear for the same reason. The best fighting positions for these ships would then be to have their enemy right ahead or right astern — exactly abreast of them on the port (left) beam, or rather, ahead of them on the starboard (right) beam. In those positions, only would four heavy guns bear ; in any other position, half their heavy armament would be useless. These vessels represented a tactical theory already obsolete in 1894, as they These shields were removed in the course of the war 64 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894-5 were built to attack in line abreast. At the date of their construction, the heavy gun was the dominant factor in naval tactics, coupled, it is true, with the ram. Since, 1882, however, had come the large calibre quick-firer, compelling a return to the fore and aft disposition of the guns, through the necessity of finding room for such useful weapons on the broadside. There followed in consequence a general return to line ahead as the battle formation, since the greatest weight of metal, with ships carrying their guns fore and aft, is discharged on the broadside, which line ahead leaves free. The King Yuen and Lai Yuen were, again, sister barbette- ships of 2,850 tons, built by the Vulcan Company of Stettin, and launched in 1887. They had a very short armour-belt, g\ to 5J-inches thick, over their engines and boilers, but the top of the belt lay flush with the water-line, and thus it was not of much service to them. Over the belt was a deck of steel 1 ^-inches thick, which at the unprotected ends was twice as thick. Like the larger battleships, they had minute sub- division and cork packing outside their armour. Amidships only had they a double bottom. The nominal speed was sixteen-and-a-half knots with forced draught, but in 1894 they could not do much more than twelve or thirteen. A conning- tower protected by 6-inch armour was placed forward ; and the armament consisted of two 8J-inch Krupps mounted in a barbette forward, on which was compound armour 8 inches thick. The gunners had the shelter of a stout steel shield. Sponsoned out on either beam was one 5'9-inch breechloader, and thirteen smaller guns were also carried. The Ping Yuen of the same displacement was built at Foochow, and had a complete water-line belt of 8-inch armour, a deck 2 inches thick, and a barbette forward, protected by 5-inch plating and a shield. In this barbette she carried one 22-ton Krupp instead of the two 8-inch weapons ; otherwise her armament was the same. Her speed was only ten and a half knots on trial, as money ran short when she was on the stocks, and her length was cut down, ruining her lines. The Tsi Yuen was a Stettin-built 1894-5] THE STRUGGLE IN THE EAST, 1894-5 65 cruiser, having a 2 to 3-inch deck and a barbette forward, armoured with 10 inches of plating, in which were mounted two 8J-inch Krupps. Aft she carried one 5'9-inch Krupp gun mounted in a steel turret. Her speed was nominally fifteen knots. The Chih Yuen and Chiug Yuen were Armstrong cruisers, launched in 1886, and, like all that firm's ships, extremely powerful for their size ; their armoured deck was 4 inches thick on the slopes, and 2 inches on the ends and centre; two 8-inch guns were mounted forward behind a shield and one aft, whilst one 6-inch gun was sponsoned out on either beam. The speed was at their trial eighteen-and-a-half knots. The Tshao Yong and Yang Wei again were of Arm- strong construction, but older and smaller. Their speed had been sixteen knots, but their boilers were completely worn out and good for very little. They carried fore and aft one 1 o-inch Armstrong gun, on a central-pivot mounting, and amidships four 5' 1 -inch slow-firers and seven machine guns. The 1 o-inch guns were not in good condition, as fresh copper rings had been fitted to the breech by Chinese artificers, and their rings jammed in action. All these vessels took part in the Yalu, with, in addition, two small cruisers of about 1000 tons, whose names and armaments are uncertain and unimportant."* Of the vessels which did not take part in that action the most important were the Foo Ching, Ye Sing, Foo Sing, Kai Chi, Nan Shu in, Nan Ting, and Yang Pao, all very similar to the Chih Yuen ) carrying 8-inch or SJ-inch, and 47-inch guns. The gunboats were mostly of the Rendel type, carrying one 38-ton or 35-ton muzzle-loader forward. In her merchant marine, China was far behind Japan, having only thirty-five steamers of 44,000 tons. In docks she was better off. At Foochow, the most important Government * Huang Chia or Hwang Kai and Hwang Ping. The first is described by Captain McGiffin as of 1030 tons, armed with three 47-inch quickfirers; the second as of 1300 tons armed with three 6-inch, four 5-inch, and eight small guns. Details of the ships engaged at the Yalu are given in Tables XVIII. -XIX. Vol. II. F 66 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894-5 yard, was one dock 390 feet long; at Amoy, one of 310 feet and two smaller ; at Shanghai, one of 500 feet and four of over 300 feet, whilst one other was out of use. At Taku was one of 340 feet and another of smaller dimensions; at Whampoa, two of over 400 feet ; at Port Arthur, one 400 feet long and one smaller dock. On the Gulf of Pe-che-li China possessed two excellent harbours in Port Arthur and Wei- hai-wei, each of which was defended on the seaward face by strong works mounting very heavy guns, Armstrongs and Krupps. But the management of the dockyards was not good, though there seems to have been little fault to find with the Chinese workmen. Serving in the Chinese fleet were eight or nine Europeans, of whom Major Von Hanneken, a German, acted as strategical adviser to Admiral Ting. Five were Englishmen with some knowledge of naval matters, one or two having passed through the British Navy. The Japanese depended entirely upon themselves, and had no Europeans. CHAPTER XX. The Action off Asan and the Sinking of the KOWSHING, July 25th, 1894. On July 23rd the struggle between China and Japan may be said to have begun with the Japanese attack upon the King of Korea's palace at Seoul. In this attack only troops were engaged, and it took place before any declaration of war. Some days earlier, on or about the 20th, a Chinese force was despatched from Taku in ten transports to the Yalu River, and at the same time a second force was sent to Asan, a port in Korea at the head of Prince Jerome Gulf, some distance to the south of the Yalu. In the gulf lay a small Chinese squadron, composed of the Tsi Yuen, Captain Fong Peh-kien ; the Kwang Yu, Captain Liu Yiu-che ; and the Wei Yuen, Captain Hwang-Fu. The Kwang Yu or Yi was a revenue steamer of 11 00 tons, and 15 knots speed, armed with one 4* 7-inch quick-firer and one 6-inch gun ; the Wei Yuen an old composite cruiser of 1200 tons, built in 1877, and very feebly armed. The object of the squadron was to cover the landing of the Chinese troops, who were conveyed in three steamers under the British flag — the Kowshing, Fetching, and Irene. The Irene reached her destination safely, and landed her troops on the night of the 23rd. The Feiching arrived on the 24th, and also got her men ashore. That same night the Wei Yuen received intelligence of the fighting at Seoul from the British cruiser Archer, and at once informed Captain Fong. He was anxious — for such were his orders — to avoid any collision with the Japanese, and, F 2 68 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 therefore, he sent the Wei Yuen, his worst ship, over to the north of the gulf, where she was to wait for the other ships at a rendezvous. The Tsi Yuen and Kwang Yi were instructed to weigh and proceed at daybreak, and the Chinese officers were kept at work preparing for sea. In the night a large man-of-war was noticed without lights, cruising off Asan, but she did not molest the Chinese. At five of the 25th, they weighed and steamed slowly down the gulf, seawards. The officers had now turned in after their hard night's work. At six o'clock a squadron was sighted coming up towards Asan from the sea. It was composed of the Yoshino, Captain Kawara ; Naniwa, Captain Togo; and A kitsushima, Captain Kamimura, all Japanese cruisers of large size. Their appearance seems to have attracted little attention ; they came on in single line ahead, keeping in the centre of the gulf, the waters of which shoal gradually to the shore. The Chinese were to the south side of the gulf, some distance away. The Japanese were passing when righting began. There are two stories, as for almost every incident in this war, and it is not easy to decide which is true. According to the Japanese account the Chinese failed to salute Admiral Tsuboi's flag, as international etiquette requires, but were cleared for battle and gave various indications of a hostile purpose. Seeing this, the account proceeds, the Japanese stood out to sea to get out of the narrow waters in which they were manoeuvring ; but the Naniwa was so closely followed by the Tsi Yuen that she turned and headed for the Chinese ship. The Tsi Yuen being now in turn closely pressed by the Naniwa, though no shots had as yet been fired on either side, hoisted the white flag above the Chinese naval ensign. Under cover of this she approached the Japanese ship, and, at a distance of only 300 yards from her stern, treacherously discharged a torpedo at her. The torpedo missing, the Naniwa opened at once on the three Chinese ships, and was supported by her two consorts. 1 894] THE SINKING OF THE " KOWSHING; 69 The Chinese account, which is the more probable, is this. As the Japanese were passing, when the Chinese were absolutely unprepared and unsuspicious, their ships fired a broadside at the Tsi Yuen and Kwang Yi, and attempted to cross the shoals and close. Immediately the Chinese began to clear for action. The Kwang Yi was a small ship, and was ready first; she opened with her 47-inch gun. She behaved with great gallantry, for she was hopelessly outmatched by the three big Japanese cruisers. The Tsi Yuen was longer in clearing. The steam turning-gear for the guns in her barbette had to be got to work, the guns cast loose, boats, chains, screws, awnings, and ventilators stowed away, and ammunition brought up. Even in a British ship this takes time ; the full preparation for battle is a matter of hours, not minutes. The Tsi Yuen was, therefore, at a very great disadvantage, as she could not have been in proper order for fighting when her guns opened. She returned the enemy's fire with her two big 8-inch guns, and the 6-inch weapon aft, and then began a running fight, the Chinese ships in the shallower water, the Tsi Yuen gradually forging ahead, and the Kwang Yi, which could only go 12 knots, dropping astern ; whilst the Japanese followed in the deeper water, somewhat on the Chinamen's quarter, and firing the w T hile. Fong made signals to the smaller ship to keep station, but these were, of course, useless. The Naniwa came on fast, gaining on the Tsi Yuen. The Kwang Yi had already turned back and fled to the shallows. Fong, the captain, had disappeared from the deck of the Tsi Yuen. In her conning-tower, a structure of i-inch iron- plate, were two lieutenants, and just outside it a midshipman taking the Naniwa } s distance. Before the lad could obtain it he was hit, but with splendid courage propped himself against the tower, and made a fresh attempt. At this instant the Japanese let go a terribly destructive broadside. The conning- tower was struck, and the two lieutenants killed. The head 7 o IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 of the first lieutenant was left hanging on to one of the voice-pipes, whilst steering-gear, engine-room telegraphs, and voice-pipes were completely wrecked. The midshipman outside was killed. A shell pierced the shield of the barbette, and jammed, but did not totally disable the ammunition crane. It was bent so that the projectiles and charges could not be swung easily to the gun breeches, and in consequence the Chinese made no more use of the two heavy guns. With steering-gear shattered, Fong attempted to manoeuvre his ship by means of her twin screws till the relieving-tackle was got ready. Fresh shots meantime struck the ship. A. shell perforated the turret, and bursting inside killed the gunnery officer and six men* but did no damage to either of the two guns. Not a man was left on deck, so searching and deadly was the fire ; those of the crew who were not killed had fled below the armour-deck, nor could they be driven to the guns till the officers had drawn their revolvers, and threatened to use them with effect. A large number of shells entered between decks ; one wrecked the officers' cabins and tore a huge hole in the side ; another struck the base of the funnel and burst in it, killing several of the stokers. The boats were re- peatedly hit and set on fire, whilst the military mast was struck more than once. Huge holes were blown in the side of the ship by the Japanese shells. On the armour-deck lay six torpedoes, which had not been sent below owing to the suddenness of the attack. One of these was discharged by the torpedo lieutenant without purpose or without aim, anxious only to get rid of a petard which might readily hoist his own ship. Strange to relate, not one of the other torpedoes was hit, though shells were bursting dangerously near them. In this dreadful plight Fong had recourse to a most discreditable stratagem. He struck his flag, on which the Akitsushima and Naniwa turned and headed up the gulf to look for the Kwang Yz, whilst the Yoshino remained to take * This shot also wounded fourteen men. It was a shell with base fuse, and struck the turret to the rear, Conning Tower of the Tsi Yuen. Plate XXV. 1894] THE SINKING OF THE " KOWSHING. 71 possession. The Japanese, off their guard, raised the shell gratings on board the Yoshino, as the day was very warm, and the heat below the armour-deck excessive. They steamed up to the supposed prize, when suddenly, at a distance of 400 yards, she fired a torpedo at them, and followed this up with a shell from her 6-inch gun. The shell passed or fell below the gratings over the engine- room hatchway, but fortunately for the Japanese did not burst. It did, however, temporarily disable one engine, and in the meantime the Tsi Yuen rushed off at full speed to sea, chased by the Yoskino. On her way she passed the old dispatch boat Tsao Kiang and the transport Kowshing, but gave neither the slightest warning. Her 6-inch gun was apparently firing all the time, though the gunners were much incommoded by the fact that the after staunchions and awning were up. It is said that shots from this weapon struck the Yoshino's bridge and disabled one of her guns. The Japanese, now reinforced by the Naniwa and Akitsushima, which had returned from settling the Kwang Yi's account, abandoned the chase, and turned on the Tsao Kiang and the Kowshing. The Fetching, whilst they were thus busy, stole by, but could not warn the ill-fated Kowshing. At her fastest speed the Tsi Yuen proceeded on her way, and reached Wei-hai-wei without further adventure. She had been terribly knocked about, losing sixteen killed, of whom three were officers, and twenty-five wounded. She had been struck a great number of times by 6-inch, 47-inch, and smaller projectiles, but the damage was not quite so serious as might have been expected, owing to the fact that a great many of the Japanese shells failed to explode. A European officer who saw her on her arrival thus describes her appear- ance : " The vessel presented the appearance of an old wreck. The mast was shot through half-way up, the gear was torn in pieces, ropes hung loose and tattered. On deck the sight was cruel, and beggars description. Woodwork, cordage, bits of iron, and dead bodies, all lay in confusion. Between decks 7 2 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 matters were as bad." And an English officer adds*: "The slaughter has been awful, blood and human remains being scattered over the decks and guns. Three of the five men working the 4-ton gun in the after- turret were blown to pieces by a 6-inch shell from one of the Naniwa? s (?) quick-firing (?) guns, and a fourth was shot down while attempting to leave the turret. The remaining gunner stuck to his post, and managed to load and fire three rounds at the Naniwa, and, one shell entering her engine-room and another blowing her fore-bridge away, she hauled off. The Chinese admiral awarded the plucky gunner 1000 taels. One shell struck the Chen Yuen's [sic] steel deck, and, glancing, passed up through the conning-tower and exploded, blowing the gunnery lieutenant to pieces, and leaving his head hanging on to one of the voice-pipes. Huge fragments of armour and backing had been torn from their fastenings and carried inboard, crushing a number of poor wretches into shapeless masses, even the upper part of the funnels being splashed with blood. An engineer-officer (European) was sent for to repair the steam-pipe of the steering-engine, and tried to grope his way through the smoke of bursting shells and heaps of killed and wounded lying on the deck, when a shot struck his assistant and disembowelled him, covering the engineer with blood. He nevertheless managed to reach the steering-engine, and repaired the pipe, for which he received a rather handsome reward from the admiral. The engagement lasted about one- and-a-quarter hours, when the Japanese hauled off, and the Chen Yuen made the best of her way back to Wei-hai-wei, their naval station, where she arrived the next day in just the same con- dition as she left the scene of action, no attempt having been made to wash away the blood or remove the dead bodies." Meantime the cruiser Kwang Yi had fought first the Naniwa and then both the Naniwa and Akttsushijna, with * In the earlier accounts the vessel inspected was described as the Chen Yuen, which, as now appears, was not engaged. The Tsi Yuen is evidently the ship referred to. 1894] THE SINKING OF THE " KOWSHING. 73 gallantry, though only a small vessel and lightly armed. She was heavily hulled, and lost no fewer than thirty-seven men killed, before her ammunition ran short. In a leaking and sinking condition, her captain ran her inshore, beached her, and got the remnant of his crew away in safety. The Japanese left her for the time, but, returning later, fired thirteen rounds into her, one of which exploded a torpedo in her after torpedo-room, and blew her stern clean away. The courage of her captain and crew is evinced by the fact that only eighteen men, most of them badly wounded, escaped. The despatch-boat Tsao Kiang was not chased till after the sinking of the Kowshing, when she was quickly overpowered and taken. Captain Fong, of the Tsi Yuen, was, for deserting these two vessels, condemned to death on his arrival at Wei-hai-wei, but was subsequently given a chance of redeem- ing his character at the Yalu. it is hard to see what good he could have done by remaining to fight the Japanese ; the odds were heavily against him, and his ship could only have fallen a prize to Admiral Tsuboi, or have been disabled. Fong behaved very badly at the Yalu, and for this was executed after that battle." We must now go back a day or two to follow the fortunes of the Kowshing. She was an iron screw ship of 1355 tons, built in England, owned by Messrs. Jardine and Matheson, sailing under the British flag, and carrying a British captain and officers. On July 23rd she left Taku, having on board 1 100 Chinese infantry, two Chinese generals, Major von Hanneken, and twelve field-guns, besides a large quantity of ammunition. Early on the morning of July 25th she sighted the islands in the Gulf of Korea, and about the same time noticed a large warship, which resembled the Chen Yuen, and appeared to have been in action, steaming westwards. * Fault has been found with the Japanese, and with good reason, for their failure to capture the Tsi Yuen. They had three good cruisers, all much faster than the Chinese ship, and yet they let her get away, how or why, it is difficult to understand. When the Yoshino was disabled they had the Naniwa and Akitsnshima. It was a tactical blunder to turn on the Tsao Kiang. 74 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 This vessel was upon her port side, and must have been the Tsi Yuen in retreat before the Japanese. The Tsi Yue?i might have signalled to the Kowshing what had happened, and so have prevented the catastrophe which was to follow, but no signals were made, either because Fong was not aware that the Kowshing was in the Chinese service, or more probably because all his concern was for the safety of his own ship. Some minutes later a vessel was seen under sail, upon a course which would cross the Kowshing s bows. This was the Tsao Kiang. An hour later still, at eight o'clock, a large warship came into sight from behind the island of Hsutan, and following her were two others. All appeared to the Koivshing 1 s officers to be ironclads. At nine o'clock it could be seen that the nearest vessel flew the Japanese flag She approached rapidly, saluted the Kowshing, and passed her. The three Japanese ships were now in line abreast and heading west ; they appeared to be chasing the Tsao Kiang, and to intend no harm to the Kowshing. Presently, however, the ship which had saluted the Kowshing signalled to the English vessel to anchor, at the same time firing two blank shots. The order was obeyed, and was followed by a second, " Remain where you are or take the consequences," after which the Japanese ship was seen to circle and signal to her consorts. A few minutes passed, and the warship once more headed towards the Kowshing ; as she drew near it was observed that her crew were at quarters and her guns trained on the Kowshing. A boat was lowered and a boarding party sent off to the English vessel, when Major von Hanneken and the English officers learnt that the ship observing them was the Elswick cruiser Naniwa, Captain Togo. The Chinese soldiers and generals were greatly excited, and when Von Hanneken and the English officers tried to persuade them to surrender, asserted that they would die rather than yield, and that if the Englishmen attempted to leave the ship, they should be killed. Between the Chinese and the Japanese the Europeans were in no enviable plight. 1894] THE SINKING OF THE " KOWSHING. 75 Meantime, several Japanese officers came on board and inspected the ship's papers. They were told by Captain Galsworthy that the Kowshing was a British ship, with the British consul's clearance, and flying the British ensign, and that she had sailed in peace. After some hesitation and argument she was ordered by the Japanese to follow the Naniwa. Whilst this short conference was proceeding the excitement on deck was growing, and the Chinese had set a guard upon the anchor. When the Japanese left, the Chinese absolutely refused to allow compliance with the Naniwa } s demands. As argument was useless, Yon Hanneken had the Naniwa! s boat recalled. He explained to the Japanese that the position on board the Kowshing rendered obedience to their orders impossible, and asked that, as the ship had sailed in peace, she should be allowed to return to Taku. The Japanese officers understood, and promised to report to their captain. Once more the boat left the transport, and some minutes of suspense followed. It reached the Naniwa, and the next thing was an imperious signal from her, " Quit ship as soon as possible." It was addressed to the Europeans, but they were helpless. Finally came the order, '' Weigh, cut, or slip; wait for nothing." To attempt obedience in the face of a thousand armed Chinamen was hopeless. Captain Galsworthy replied, " We cannot," and his signal was acknowledged. Immediately the Naniwa beo-an to move ; she blew a loud blast on her steam siren and hoisted a red flag ; then when she was broad- side on to the Kowshing, abreast with her, and at a distance of 200 to 300 yards, fired a torpedo. At that moment, all the Europeans on board the doomed vessel mustered on deck, in obedience to Captain Galsworthy's orders. Whether the torpedo struck or not is doubtful, since, almost at the same instant as the torpedo left the Naniwa, that vessel fired with a terrific crash a broadside from her five guns, two of 28-tons, and three 6-inch. According to Yon Hanneken the torpedo struck a coal bunker amidships. " The day became 76 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 night : pieces of coal, splinters, and water filled the air, and then all of us leapt overboard and swam." According to the other survivors, the torpedo missed, and the damage was done by a 5001b. shell from one of the 28-ton guns, which exploded the boilers. The transport listed heavily to starboard, whilst the pitiless Japanese fire searched her vitals. From the Naniwa' s tops, where were mounted Gatlings, and from Nordenfelts and small quick-firers on her upper deck, came a hail of small projectiles, tearing through the dense mass of Chinamen on the Kowshing' s deck. The Chinese replied in a futile, though gallant manner, by dis- charging their rifles at the enemy. The result could not be long in doubt. The heel of the Kowshing grew greater, and she sank lower and lower in the water, till about 2 o'clock, an hour from the firing of the first shot, her deck was sub- merged. All this time the Europeans, and many of the Chinese who had leapt overboard, were in the water, exposed to stray projectiles from the Japanese, and deliberately fired upon by the Chinese who still were left on board the sinking ship. " Bullets began to strike the water on all sides of us," says Mr. Tamplin, the Kowshing } s first officer, who had jumped overboard after the explosion, " and, turning to see whence they came, I saw that the Chinese, herding round the only part of the Kowshing that was then out of water, were firing at us. I swam straight to the Naniwa. I had been in the water nearly an hour when I was picked up by one of the Naniwa? s boats." On telling the Japanese officer in charge that Captain Galsworthy was swimming for his life, Mr. Tamplin heard that he was already being looked after. The water was alive with Chinese soldiers, and two lifeboats had put off from the transport, crowded with Chinamen. What followed now was the most disgraceful feature of the day's proceedings. The Japanese made not the smallest attempt to rescue their drowning enemies ; they did, indeed, look after the Europeans, but they left the Chinese to their fate or worse. For, when Mr. Tamplin was on board the Naniwa ) s boat, the iSq4: THE SIXKIXG OF THE " KOWSHING." 77 Japanese officer told him that he had orders to sink the Chinese lifeboats,, and in spite of remonstrances proceeded to do so. Two volleys were fired, and the Chinese boats were sunk. This atrocious act has been denied by the Japanese, but the evidence for it appears incontrovertible. Some of the Chinese succeeded in swimming to the island of Shopaul, whither Yon Hanneken had escaped, after being hours in the water. The French gunboat, Lion, and the German warship, litis, saved, between them, three hundred, many of whom were wounded. Some of these had been in the boats and corroborated Mr. Tampiin's assertion that the Japanese fired on them. In one boat all were killed or wounded. Having completed her bloody work, the Naniwa steamed backwards and forwards till eight o'clock that evening. The Europeans were shown a shell in one of the officer's cabins, which it was stated, had been treacherously fired into the Naniwa by the Tsi Yuen. Next day they were transferred to the Yaeyama, which conveyed them to Japan, where they were set at liberty. The Japanese had thus committed three questionable acts. 1. They had attacked the Tsi Yuen in peace and before a declaration of war. 2. They had followed this up by destroying a neutral ship, which had sailed before the action off Asan, and could not therefore know that a state of war existed. 3. They had tired upon the Chinese in the water. As regards the first head, if we follow the Chinese account, the Japanese committed an act of violence — almost of unpro- voked aggression, by attacking the Tsi Yuen and her con- sorts. At the same time, there was on the 25th a virtual state of war between China and Japan, and the Tsi Yuen had no business to be taken off her guard. It is the commonest thing possible for states to go to war without any declaration, or for acts of hostility to precede a declaration. Indeed, the vulgar idea that formal notice is necessary is probably due to the fact that histories use the phrase "war was declared" as 7 8 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 a convenient expression for 11 hostilities commenced." That body of precedents which goes by the name of International Law, gives ample justification for such a course. Colonel Maurice has shown that between 1700 and 1870 there were only ten instances in which formal notice preceded acts of hostility. We cannot, therefore, condemn the Japanese for acting as they did : they were only once more copying the West. And if their story is true, which it does not appear to be, they themselves were the injured and the Chinese the aggressors. We come now to their attack on the Kowshing. Here things are complicated by the presence of the neutral flag. Had they any right to treat her as they did, accepting their own version of the Tsi Yuen s behaviour? Before a declaration of war there is no contraband, and there are no neutrals, since all states are assumed to be friends in peace. There is then no obligation upon the neutral to avoid the conveyance of con- traband, or the performance of non-neutral acts, unless, and it is an important proviso, it is notorious that a state of war exists. There is no right of search, no power to visit neutral vessels or examine their papers, resident with either of the two parties to the quarrel, till the quarrel has become war. The whole question, then, turns upon this : Did a state of war notoriously exist on July 23rd ? Apparently the English Government was satisfied of this, since we do not know that any demand for reparation has been made. And yet we question whether it could be said with truth that on the 23rd war was inevitable, or a state of war a notorious fact. The Kowshing cleared on that day from a Chinese port, and could not very well have received later intelligence. There- fore, if hostilities had commenced on the 24th she might yet with reason have been spared. She was carrying Chinese troops to Korea, it is true, but this was permitted by the treaty of 1885 between Japan and China. The neutral may carry whom he likes and carry him where he likes till war has been declared. Whilst the Kowshing was at sea the first act of 1894] THE SINKING OF THE " KOWSHING. 79 hostility was committed — if by the Chinese, it does not follow that the neutral in the Chinese service should be injured, before he has had time to dissociate himself from the aggressor — if by the Japanese, still less. Nor can the neutral be con- verted into a belligerent by an attack at sea. He may, indeed, be requested to return to the port from which he had sailed, but for some reason or other, no such request was made in the case of the Kowshing, though the Chinese generals were ready to allow the English vessel to go back. Obviously, the English captain could not then and there discharge his living cargo into the sea. On the other hand, the Japanese captain saw before him a cargo of troops in a neutral ship, and these troops might be used against his country. He had, by his own account, received considerable provocation from the Chinese. If he ordered the Kowshing to proceed to a Chinese port, she might double when out of his sight, and return ; to place a prize-crew on board her in the midst of a thousand or more armed Chinamen, was impossible ; to escort her with his own ship, might well have been inconvenient. He therefore attacked her, but his attack was illegal, and constitutes a dangerous precedent. For it cannot be tolerated that neutrals should be treated with severity for breach of obligations which do not come into force till war begins. On the second head, the Naniwa took the extreme course of sinking the ship, but only after the Japanese captain had requested the Kowshing to " weigh, cut, or slip/' and the Chinese soldiers had refused to allow her to do this. He had further done his best to save the European officers. Having once decided to make her his prize, it is hard to see what else he could have done. As has been said, a prize-crew was out of the question. But his own act, which was illegal in the first instance, led to a grievous loss of human life in the second. For the firing on the men in the water, there is no justifi- cation ; it was an act at once barbarous and cruel. The So IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 principle which governs war is to avoid inflicting unnecessary suffering, and very few commanders have ever gone so far as to slaughter their enemies when they were helpless. Even the ancient Egyptians are depicted on their monuments as rescuing their drowning foes. It was an act comparable to the slaughter of the wounded after battle, and Japan with her fine professions should have shrunk from it. The Japanese commander might, indeed, allege that if he had rescued his enemies, they would have been an element of great danger on board his ship, for the Chinese are an ignorant, treacherous, and cruel race, who could not be expected to obey the rules of war. But when once in the water they were helpless, and care might have been taken to disarm them when they were got on board the Naniwa's boats. Again, he might have urged that he was punishing them for the Tsi Yuen's act. But one act of barbarism does not justify another, especially as Japan was contending with a barbarous power, herself a civilised state. It is the clear duty of the surviving combatant, after an action, to do his utmost to rescue his enemies. At the time of the action between the Tsi Yuen and the Japanese, the heavy Chinese ironclads were at sea, under Admiral Ting Ju Chang, the ex-cavalry officer who had been appointed commander of the Northern Squadron by Li Hung Chang. Captain Lang and numerous European officers have spoken well of him, and his acts testify to some obstinacy and no lack of personal courage. Though he inspired confidence in his foreign subordinates, he was great neither as a tactician nor as a strategist. " He knows nothing at all about naval matters ; he is just the mandarin put on board by Li," said a foreign instructor in the Chinese navy to Mr. Norman. Perhaps the instructor somewhat exaggerated Ting's incapacity, as the admiral had held command in 1884 during the war between France and China, and must have picked up some fragments of knowledge from the various very capable foreigners in the service of China. He was not, how- 1894] THE SINKING OF THE " KOWSHING" 81 ever, a Nelson or a Tegetthoff, if he never sank so low as a Persano, and he displayed the usual Chinese cruelty in orders that no quarter was to be given, at the same time encouraging a belief amongst his sailors that the Japanese would give no quarter. Of the Chinese preparations Captain McGiffin, who was present on board the Chen Yuen> gives us some details in a letter : " We are reinforcing our turrets on all the ironclads by bags of coal piled round them eight feet to ten feet thick. That is my own idea. Don't believe the sneers you may see at the Chinese sailors. They are plucky, well-trained, full of zeal, and will fight better against the Japs, their lifelong enemies, than anyone." On the arrival of the Tsi Yuen at Wei-hai-wei, after her action with the Japanese squadron, six Chinese ships went out to attack the Japanese. Captain McGiffin, in a letter dated August 2nd, states : "We are now on our way . to meet the enemy, and I hope we will sink the dogs. We have been expecting war for days, but China has kept peace- able, and therefore Japan deliberately picked the fight. Ad- miral Ting and I wished to go to Chemulpho, and open fire on the Jap fleet, but at the last moment we got a direct cable from [the] Tsung-li-Yamen not to do so. It would have been splendid, for we would have destroyed their navy almost, I think. Our crews are full of enthusiasm. It is very pleasing to see them. We have had several alarms at night and by day from strange vessels^ and the way we go into action is splendid. We are all clear for action, everything that could possibly cause splinters left ashore or thrown overboard. We have left all our boats behind. We will not need them, for if we sink the Japs will give no quarter, and we shall give them none either. The admiral is on the ironclad [the Ting Yuen\. . . . He made two signals to-day at noon. One, ' If the enemy shows the white flag, or hoists the Chinese ensign, give no quarter, but continue firing at her until she is sunk.' The other, ' Each officer and man do his best for his country to-morrow.' " Vol. II. G 82 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. The expected battle never came off. For three days Ting hunted for the Japanese, but either could not find them or did not want to find them.* The Japanese were presumably engaged in convoying transports, and were quite content to be let alone ; possibly some of their vessels had received serious injury off Asan, and were undergoing repair. In any case they do not seem to have paid much attention to the Chinese, who returned to Wei-hai-wei and remained strictly on the defensive, in obedience to orders from Li Hung Chang ; to the effect that they were not to cruise to the east of a line drawn from Wei-hai-wei to the mouth of the Yalu. The Japanese appear to have known of this order, which practically effaced the Chinese fleet. Meanwhile from time to time, they reconnoitred Wei-hai-wei, and even on August ioth made some pretence of bombarding it. * Ting was anxious to fight, but was dissuaded by his flag-captain, according to " Blackwood's " Correspondent in China. CHAPTER XXI. The Yalu * and its Lessons. September 17th, 1894. The Chinese fleet, though on the whole superior, had thus abdicated the command of the sea, and lay, through no fault of its gallant commander, inactive at Wei-hai-wei. The Japanese were straining every nerve to convey as large a force as possible to Korea, and merely observed Admiral Ting, if, indeed, they gave themselves this trouble. Such was the situation through the last weeks of August and the first days of September. But early in September the Tsung-li- Yamen awoke from its lethargy, finding that China could not move men with sufficient rapidity into Korea by land. It decided to send a force by sea, and Admiral Ting was informed of the decision. There were two courses open to Ting and his foreign advisers. They might collect every available warship, steam in search of the Japanese, and, having found them, fight a decisive action. If the Japanese were beaten in this the mastery of the sea would be to Ting. If the Chinese were beaten they would at least be unencumbered by transports, and would not waste men unnecessarilv. Or Ting might convoy a flotilla of transports, holding his ships ready to protect them. His own inclinations appear to have been towards the former alternative. He was anxious to search for the Japanese and fight before he took the transports * I have retained the popular name, though the official Japanese accounts call it the battle of Haiyang from the island of Haiyang-tao, near which it was fought. G 2 8 4 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 forward. But the defeat of the Chinese land-forces at Phyong- Yang forced his hand and compelled him to use all possible expedition. He was driven to convoy the transports with his fleet, whilst the Japanese were still at sea unbeaten, and whilst the command of the sea was in dispute. The transports, five in number, had left Taku and taken on board four or five thousand men at Talien Bay. Here Ting joined them. He flew his flag on board the battleship Ting Yuen, and with him were the Chen Yuen, her sister, the three small ironclads, King Yuen, Ping Yuen, and Lai Yuen ; five cruisers, Ching Yuen, Chih Yuen, Tsi Yuen, Tshao Yong, and Yang Wei ; two revenue cruisers of the Canton flotilla, lightly armed and ill-protected, Kwang Kai, and Kwang Ping ; and two large torpedo-boats. At Talien Bay with the transports were also four Rendel gunboats and four small torpedo-boats. The Chinese torpedo-boats were in bad order, having been used for scouting and despatch carrying. Their boilers were burnt out, and their machinery in bad condition. Two, however, a Yarrow and a Schichau boat, played some part at the Yalu. Ting might with wisdom have detached his fast cruisers — the Chih Yuen and the Ching Yuen, which were still perhaps capable of making fifteen knots — to scout, as obviously he would be at an enormous disadvantage if the Japanese suddenly came down upon him. He did not do this, probably because he was afraid of dissipating his strength, and preferred to risk a surprise. On Sunday, September 16th, at one o'clock in the morning, he left Talien Bay, the convoy keeping inshore, whilst the fleet steamed a parallel course in the offing, drawn up in line ahead. That same day he reached the mouth of the Yalu, and the transports, with the Ping Yuen, the Kwang Ping, and four gunboats and the torpedo-boats, entered the river. Ting anchored his squadron in Tatung Kow Bay, some distance off the coast, which is difficult, owing to banks and shallows. The night of September 16th — 17th passed without event. 1894] THE YALU AND ITS LESSONS. In the Gulf of Korea was a large Japanese fleet, having its headquarters at an island in the Gulf, where were facilities for coaling, a mine-field protecting the anchorage, a soft bottom in shallow water for running disabled ships aground, and a torpedo station. In command was Vice-Admiral Ito, an officer who had distinguished himself at various times in the Japanese naval manoeuvres with the cruisers Matsushima, Itsukushima, Hashidate, and Chiyoda, all modern and fast, the old ironclads Fusoo and Htyei, and the despatch gunboat Akagi. His second-in-command, Rear- Admiral Tsuboi, had under him the Flying Squadron, which had already been engaged with the Tsi Yuen, and which comprised the splendid Elswick cruisers Yoshino, Naniwa, and Takachiho with the Akttsusu or Akitsushima. In addition the Saikio, an impro- vised cruiser taken over from the Nippon Yusen Kaisha, was present, having on board Rear-Admiral Kabayama, chief of the naval staff, who was on a tour of inspection. The second Flying Squadron, including the old vessels Tsukushi, Chokai, Maya, and Banjo, and the third Flying Squadron composed of the Kongo, Takao, Yamato, Muzashi, Katsuragi, and Tenrio, were engaged in co-operating with the land forces, and took no part in the battle. The two more powerful Japanese squadrons had been convoying troops up to September 14th, and had not paid the least attention to the Chinese, unless, indeed, a telegram which reached Ting from Wei-hai-wei on September 14th, to the effect that there were two large Japanese vessels off that port, was correct. In that case these ships must have been detached on the 12th or 13th. Admiral Ito, leaving the convoy, anchored off Cape Shoppek, where he remained till the afternoon of the 16th. Thence he proceeded to the island of Haiyang-tao, off which some Japanese torpedo-boats were cruising. He reached the island at half- past six on the morning of the 17th. He did not expect to meet the Chinese fleet, and had therefore left his torpedo- boats behind, and brought with him several slow and weak vessels, which could be only an encumbrance in action. 86 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 From Haiyang-tao he steamed east-north-east to Talu Island, and at half-past nine saw smoke on the horizon. From its volume he judged that there was the Chinese fleet, and steered towards it at a low speed. Whilst the Japanese, as yet unseen, were heading towards them, the Chinese crews were exercising at the guns. Drill over, dinner was being made ready, when the look-out men observed smoke far away to the south-west, about ten o'clock. The Chinese had their fires banked, but steam was at once raised and anchor weighed, when the whole fleet proceeded in a south-westerly direction at the rate of seven knots. Some time before the action, according to Mr. Laird Clowes, Ting had issued three very important orders. 1. In action, sister ships, or groups of pairs of ships, were, to the best of their power, to keep together and support each other. 2. All vessels were, if possible, to fight bows on. 3. All ships w T ere, as far as possible, to follow the movements of the admiral. These orders were issued because Ting's squadron was not homogeneous, being composed of many types ; because the Chinese signalling staff was extremely weak, and it was apprehended that signals could neither be made nor received in the heat of action ; and because it was felt that the course of battle could not be foreseen, but must be left to individual judgment.* The heaviest battleships of the squadron — indeed, the only two which could be called ironclads — were built for end-on work, and possibly Ting had thoughts of using the ram. None the less, these instructions had a disastrous effect. The group formation is, perhaps, a good one with perfectly trained officers and men, but it destroys the unity of a fleet. It is obvious throughout the battle which followed, that the Chinese were little better than an incoherent mass of ships, whilst the Japanese were an organised and compact force, striking together and acting together. There seems to * This was very much Persano's defence of his action at Lissa. He held that the details of the battle could not be foreknown, and that orders were useless. Von Hanneken was perhaps responsible for these tactics. i 1894] THE YALU AXD ITS LESSOXS. 87 have been no definite plan on the Chinese side ; but every captain instead was to do that which seemed good in his own eyes. For fighting in line abreast Ting cannot be blamed ; it was the designers of his ships who had forced him to this tactic. But his dispositions were not good even for line abreast, and there was no preparation for the maintenance of that order in the face of a turning movement. The Chinese left their anchorage in what is described as " sectional line abreast/" or columns of divisions line abreast ; that is to say, the ships were m two lines, one behind the other, the ships of the second in rear of the gaps between the ships of the first. There does not seem, however, to have been overmuch order, and one very fatal mistake was made. The heaviest and most powerful ships were placed in the centre instead of on the wings, thus violating the tactical axiom that the extremities of a line should be strong. Had Ting placed the Ting Yuen on one flank, and the Chen Yuen on the other, some, at least, of the Chinese disasters might have been averted.* It is, however, unfair to blame either the Chinese admiral or his advisers for this mistake, as Commander Liu, who was in charge, did not signal the formation ordered. His treachery was discovered when it was too late to make changes. In the course of the battle Liu repeatedly interfered with and altered the admiral's orders to the engine-room. On the Chinese ships, what were the preparations for action? The Tsi Yuen's fight off Asan had given Ting and his advisers some idea of the precautions necessary. The barbettes of the ships had been, as we have seen, protected by sacks of coal. Sandbags were used to shelter the lighter guns, and mantlets of rope were disposed in suitable places to catch splinters. The tops of some at least of the conning-towers had been removed to allow the gases and fragments of bursting shells a free escape, and to diminish the size of the target. The shields on the barbettes in the ironclads had * The Tshao Yong and Yang Wei were slow in weighing and were left behind at the outset. 88 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 also been left on shore, and thin armour had been generally dispensed with, on the principle that no protection is better than a weak one* All the boats had been left behind except one gig for each ship. The decks of the Chen Yuen were well-drenched with water, a precaution which does not appear to have been taken on board other ships. And there was one very obvious provision which was neglected by the Chinese — to give their men a meal before action. The Japanese, with greater wisdom, had been piped to dinner on sighting the Chinese fleet. A full stomach is an important element in the battle. Both sides were now approaching each other, cautiously, and at a low speed, neither wishing to run the risk of a violent shock, and each, perhaps, desirous to see what his opponent was going to do. It was the first time that fleets, equipped with the modern engines of destruction, monster guns, torpedoes, quick-firers, were going into action. With no knowledge of personnel it would have been hard to say which of the two was the stronger. The Chinese were infinitely the worse armed, but then they had two well-armoured battle- ships, a type which the Japanese did not possess, and the strength of their defence may have compensated for their offensive weakness. Ting had also a considerable number of Europeans to advise him, and to stiffen the resistance of his crews. On the Ting Yuen was Major Von Hanneken, Ting's chief of the staff, with Messrs. Tyler, Nichols, and Albrecht. On the Chen Yuen were Captain McGiffin and Herr Heckmann ; on the Chih Yuen, Mr. Purvis, and on the Tsi Yuen, Herr Hoffman. At about five minutes past twelve the Japanese could clearly make out their opponents, distinguish the types of vessels, and see what lay before them. Admiral Ito hoisted * So McGiffin. The accuracy of his account of the battle is doubtful. Photographs of the two ironclads after the battle show the hoods still on, and Lieutenant W. White (U.S.N.) speaks of a shot hole in the Ting Yuen's starboard hood. Proceedings United States Naval Institute, xxi., 509. KWANO ^TSOYIH * X at' ^ YANG WE* / ^TSKAOVONG * ^CKiKGYUEN / ^.CHENY. / ^TINGY. 4'' T5I % HUANCCt-ilA A' 4- <^SAIKIO 4l«ATS15$HlMA ^itsukusima ^Jhashidate ^AKAG! ^Jrusoo THE YALU i g \i«ya Atshao y. ,——"",. 1 is' KWArtG C. I ...... /WvVWI Track of Jap. JS£d6tl SqiuuZren,. « x * Hying » ■-■> ~ A Tcafft, JIta ei, ScaJcio. n r, Chinese Ships. HI PINO Y.. V/. ft^X'W AKAG! v. ,'^YANG UK ^ LAI Y.f f - ' '^ S1 Y ' ? CHINO 4 « icHp Y. /^TSHAOY. f / {sunk) V/FUSOO .CHEN Y. ^TINO Y. * / KWANG U Map XXVII. 1894] THE YALU AND ITS LESSONS. 9i This same wind carried away the smoke from the guns of the Chinese, so that it did not embarrass them much at this stage of the proceedings. Ship after ship of the Chinese fleet opened fire, and the roll of heavy guns became continuous. The Japanese had notyet replied, but stood straight on till they were within 3000 yards of the centre of the Chinese line, when they turned in succession eight points to port, at the same time opening with their broadsides. The Main Squadron did not go quite so far to port as the Flying Squadron, and thus fought at closer ranges. But all the Japanese ships gave the large Chinese ironclads a wide berth. As they passed along the line their 6 and 47-inch quick-firers poured in a hail of steel, which descended upon the Chinese, riddling the upper portions of the ships' superstructures, and filling the air with bursting shells. The water was lashed into foam by the shells, which, ricochetting, inflicted most of the hits. The sand- bags piled up inside the vessels, prevented much damage being done as yet, and the Chinese gunners were kept lying down as far as possible, so that losses were small. As the Japanese came on, the two large Chinese battleships left the line and steamed forward as if to break through the enemy's line, or ram. The Japanese fired three or four times as fast as their enemies, sweeping their decks, and riddling super- structures and funnels. The Chinese appeared to fire slowly and at random ; their shots went wide of the target. Admiral Tsuboi now raised the pace of his Flying Squadron, and rapidly neared the Chinese right flank. The Chinese had already lost what little order they possessed at the start, and were becoming a mob of ships, some of which masked the others. The left was practically out of the battle, whilst half- a-dozen vessels on the centre and right were bearing the brunt of the engagement. So much was this the case that the Chinese ships on the left were already beginning to retire, the Tsi Yuen and Kwang Kai setting the disgraceful example. 92 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1894 The details of this engagement are hard to follow. No full and official account has appeared on either side, and, therefore, the story of it must necessarily be pieced together from various and often contradictory statements. The general features are, however, well ascertained, and we shall put these before our readers concisely, before proceeding to chronicle the fortunes of the various ships. The Flying Squadron passed rapidly along the Chinese front, and when it reached the starboard flank, attacked vigorously the Yang Wei and Tshao Yong, small ill-protected vessels, and furnished with the most indifferent ammunition. Ap- proaching till it was within 1700 yards range, it directed a tremendous fire upon them. In a few minutes the projectiles began to tell ; the Tshao Yong was seen ablaze, and listing heavily to starboard. The Yang Wei was also in difficulties. On the other hand, the angular formation of the Chinese ships prevented half their vessels from bringing their guns to bear, and as each ship in the line turned, facing the enemy, they masked one another's fire. At this point, however, Rear- Admiral Tsuboi turned off to chase away the Ping Yuen and Kwang Ping, which were coming up from Takushan. He drove them back, when he was recalled by a signal from his chief. This signal directed him to turn to starboard ; he, however, misunderstood it and circled to port, returning to assist the slower vessels of the Main Squadron. Ito had intended to go to port, instead of which he now turned to starboard, whilst the Flying Squadron described a fresh circle. The effect was to take the Chinese between two fires. We have seen that as the Main Squadron defiled past the Chinese front, the heavy Chinese battleships moved forward, supported by the Lai Yuen, King Yuen, and Chih Yuen. The faster Japanese ships drew ahead of the slower vessels to the rear of their line, the Fusoo, Hiyei, Saikio, and Akagi. On them fell the brunt of the Chinese attack. The Fusoo cleared the advancing ironclads, but the Hiyei was compelled to turn sharply to avoid the enemy's rams. With extra- J5T PINO Y. W LA I V, . on fire) YANG W. '(disabled) . CH1NG Y. (sunk)^ \ («u Track, of Jap Mean. SqxuxasrorL. n Flying Chinese Ships <^MATSUSHtMA AKAGI ^HIYEl PING Y. TINGY. cheny. laiy. ^ ^ at the rate of ten knots, she passed very close to a number of small vessels and Chinese torpedo-boats, moored to the west of Jih-tau. As she drew near the enemy's large ships, she collided with another torpedo-boat engaged in the attack, but suffered no harm. Approaching through a hail of Gatling bullets a great grey mass rose suddenly up before her. It was the Ting Yuen ) and at it she fired her bow-tube. Owing to the ice, the torpedo did not leave the tube but stuck pro- jecting from it, half in, half out. Her commander turned gently to port and fired his broadside tube. In spite, however, of the fact that the sights were most carefully laid, and the speed corrections accurately applied, the torpedo which had been pointed at the centre of the Ting Yuen, distant about 300 yards, only just caught her stern. A man looking out from the boat saw it explode. Number 10 at once circled under a heavy fire from the Chinese, and turning, touched, with the projecting torpedo in her bow-tube, Number 6. The two boats ran a terrible risk, for the trigger of the torpedo was actually smashed, without exploding the detonator. They separated, and Number 10 retired, whilst Number 6 went forward to continue the attack. When within range her bow- tube was fired, and once more the torpedo stuck. Circling, she brought her broadside tube to bear, but the torpedo broke in two on leaving the tube. A hail of 1 -pounder shells from the ironclad's Hotchkisses was falling about her, and yet strange to say no harm was done her. One only struck her hull abreast of her engines, and stuck in her side without K 2 13.2 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1895 exploding. The screw of the fuse must have come loose in flight. Number 9 fired a torpedo at a despatch-boat, when she was herself pierced by a projectile which burst her boilers, wounding fatally two men and slightly two, whilst four were scalded to death. The boat, however, remained afloat. For some minutes she lay helpless under a heavy fire till Number 19 came to her aid and took her in tow, but she sank before she could be got out of the harbour. The attack was now over, and the Japanese boats retired. Numbers 8 and 18 had their rudders or screws injured by touching rocks or by contact with the boom. They were, however, towed off. Number 6 had been hit by forty-six rifle shots, and one Hotchkiss shell ; Number 10 by ten rifle shots. The loss of life was not at all heavy. The damaged boats were either repaired on the spot or sent to Port Arthur. The fourth and final attack was made on the night of February 5th. This time the first division was selected to do the serious work, whilst the remnants of the second and third watched the western entrance. The Chinese did not discover the boats till they were right in amongst them, and then made only a feeble resistance. Seven torpedoes were discharged by the Kotaka, and Numbers 1 1 and 23. The Ting Yuen seems to have received another ; the Wei Yuen one, and the Ching Yuen one. The Lai Yuen, too, was hit on this occasion, and capsized, her bottom showing above water. Her crew were imprisoned alive in an iron tomb, and were heard knocking and shrieking for days. It was a work of great difficulty to cut through the bottom, and when at last this had been done, all were found dead. The Ting Yuen floated in spite of the torpedoes, but was seen to be slowly settling next day. Her water-tight doors were either closed before the explosion, or immediately after, and thus delayed her loss. The Ching Yuen was disabled, but not destroyed, and she could still fire her guns. Whilst the Japanese suffered trivial loss — twelve killed, and two torpedo-boats sunk — they had thus, in one way or another, reduced the Chinese 1895] PORT ARTHUR A ND WEI-HAI-WEI. 133 fleet to the Chen Yuen, Tsi Yuen, Ping Yuen, and Kwang Ting. On the 7th, the Japanese were very hotly engaged with the Chinese works, and suffered considerably. The Matsushima was struck by a shell, which destroyed her bridge and wrecked her funnel, and almost immediately after, by a second, which passed through the engine-room and entered the torpedo magazine * but, luckily, glanced up and exploded harmlessly above the armour deck. The Yoshino and Na?tiu'a were also hit. On the other hand, a Chinese magazine was blown up. On the 8th, the island forts were attacked by storm, and all but one captured. The Ching Yuen was sunk on the 9th. just after she had delivered her broadside. A shell from a 10-inch gun in one of the land forts in the possession of the Japanese, struck her bow a little above the water-line, and sent her to the bottom. f Yet Admiral Ting still held out, though his enemies were closing in upon him, and the western mine-field had been destroyed. This day the Itsukushima was hit on the water-line by a shell which failed to explode. The 10th and nth, the bombardment went on, and of the Japanese ships, the Katsuraki and Tenrio were hit and damaged. On the 12th, Admiral Ting bowed his head to fate and surrendered. He did not outlive his defeat, choosing rather to die by his own hand. The total losses of the Japanese fleet in these various actions, were two officers and twenty-seven sailors killed, whilst four officers and thirty-two sailors were wounded. Those Chinese ships which were afloat, including the Chen Yuen, w r ere taken to Japan. Thus ended, with the fall of Wei-hai-wei, the career of Admiral Ting. The ex-cavalry officer had shown patriotism * Pall Mall Gazette, April 8th, 1895. This is suspiciously like the shot which struck her at the Yalu {vide page 96). It is possible that the corre- spondent misunderstood his informant. f This shell at 4000 yards range came in at one side, perforated her 2^-inch deck, and passed out through the other side. Her water-tight bulkheads in the neighbourhood of the injury were damaged, and she sank in half an hour. i 3 4 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1895 and pluck, but perhaps he made a mistake in refusing at the beginning of the siege to put to sea and risk an engagement. If defeated, the result could not have been worse for him or his country than it was, and his two heavy battleships might have got safely away to Foochow, where they could have been reinforced by cruisers from the southern squadrons. The Japanese would have found it difficult to stop them. His slow and feeble torpedo-boats, his battered ships, his treacherous officers, his disheartened seamen, were not capable of conducting an active defence, or of harrying the blockaders on the dark nights, and his fleet played a purely passive role. It degenerated into a target for the projectiles of the land forts, for the guns which the Chinese themselves had mounted. The combats of the Japanese fleet with the land forts, teach us little, yet that little confirms the lessons of the past. It was not the ships, but the heavy guns on land, which silenced the forts, and Admiral Ito had a narrow shave of losing his flagship. The torpedo attacks were well conceived and well conducted, but the demoralised condition of the Chinese must be taken into account. We see clearly that booms and mines are a very futile defence, if they are not covered by heavy guns, and if the openings in them are not closely watched by launches and torpedo-boats. It is increasingly evident that only in absolutely enclosed harbours can fleets rest absolutely secure. The fact has been already recognised in France, where, at great expense, sheets of water have been surrounded with breakwaters both at Cherbourg and Brest. It has also been recognised in England — witness the new works at Portland, Dover, and Gibraltar. Not that British fleets are likely to copy Chinese strategy, and lie in port whilst their enemy is sweeping the sea. But it is necessary to possess havens of refuge, where isolated battleships and cruisers, perhaps harassed by weeks of blockading, perhaps damaged in action, will be able to lie without needing even to keep a watch. The mere possibility of a torpedo attack, imposes a terrible strain upon officers and men. 1895] PORT ARTHUR AXD WEI-HAI-WEI . 135 The Japanese boats, when once they got in amongst the Chinese, did not effect such wholesale destruction as we had been led to expect. They did not sink ships right and left. On the other hand, the losses both in men and boats were singularly small considering the results achieved. Five vessels are claimed to have been injured, representing a displacement of 'at least 14,000 tons, considerably larger than the displacement of the ships sunk or destroved at the Yalu. Not one of the attacking boats was directlv sunk bv gun-fire, but then the Chinese ships were almost entirely devoid of the larger quick-firers — 6-inch. 4- 7-inch, 20-pounder, and 12- pounder, which would probably stop these small and delicate craft with a single hit ; nor were they over well provided with 6-pounders and 3-pounders. Certainly the attack upon a Royal Sovereign or Brennus at anchor would be quite a different matter. The boats, too. had the support of the land works, which would not be the case if a European squadron of these vessels went to look for its enemy in harbour. This is the first occasion on which the torpedo-boat, pure and simple, has succeeded in sinking larger vessels with the Whitehead. Both the Blanco Encalada and the Aquidaban were attacked bv torpedo-gunboats. The torpedoes used were of the Schwartzkopf type, fired by electricity, with a charge of 200 grammes (less than \ lb.) of powder. Note. — ''Blackwood'' gives the following account of the torpedoing of the Ting Yuen, from Commander Tyler's journal : " I saw a torpedo boat approach- ing us end on. When about 300 yards off she turned hard-a-port. Just then I saw one of our shot take effect, a cloud of steam rising from the boat. A few seconds after she turned her torpedo struck. It was a loud dull thud and a heavy quivering shock, a column of water dashed over the decks, and a faint, sickly smell of explosives. . . . Within a minute of being hit I was down below. The water was bubbling up from one of the water-tight hatches, and there was about a foot of water in my cabin. . . . The water-tight doors . . . were in working order, and were kept clear. They were all leaking badly, however. The ship was beached; she did not fill and sink at once, though all her bulkheads leaked owing to the shock." Thus it appears that the 1251b. charge of gun cotton will not necessarily inflict a fatal wound. CHAPTER XXIII. The Naval Battle of To-morrow. The difficulty of forecasting the future is nowhere greater than where the mind has little material upon which to base its judgment, where, in other words, the instances are insuffi- cient for an induction. On land there have been two great wars within the memory of the present generation, and yet even with this experience it is difficult to predict the details of a future land-battle ; so considerable have been the changes of materiel in recent years. At sea, changes in materiel have been far greater, and have exercised an influence more profound upon the science of war. Monster guns, torpedoes, rams, are factors which no soldier has to consider. So rapid is the progress of invention, so swift the march towards per- fection, that at sea what was yesterday the most formidable of fighting machines may be looked upon to-morrow as little better than lumber. On land it is men who fight, at sea, men and machines. And though we have no warrant for thinking the machines all-important, they must necessarily affect in some degree the issue of any war. Naval progress is a race to obtain the best machines, and the constant structural changes, made to obtain that best, exhibit a state of flux unparalleled in the past. But whilst the implements of war are in this transitional state there is no sign of a similar flux in principles. Strategy, it would seem, remains the same as in the past, and tactics have only altered in detail. We may now sum up the world's experience since the intro- duction of the ironclad. There have been two pitched battles : Lissa, in 1866, and the Yalu, or Haiyang, in 1894. The THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 137 former is not of much value, as it represents an action between ships as different from those of to-day as they them- selves were different from the ships of Xelson. The Yalu, as the more recent, is also the more valuable. But here really modern battleships were absent on either side, and there were certain ulterior motives interfering with the con- duct of the engagement. Moreover, both at Lissa and the Yalu one side was greatly inferior to the other in discipline and morale. We may say that there is no instance of fleets approximately equal in skill, discipline, and numbers encoun- tering one another. Some such encounter is necessary to test our a priori conclusions concerning the value of parti- cular classes of ships, of particular types of construction and armament, and of particular formations. Actions of single ships are rather more numerous, and fairly numerous, too, are actions of ships with forts. The American Civil War abounds in this last type of engagement, and since then there has been the bombardment of Alexandria, when, however, the Egyptians, being Orientals, did not make the resistance which we should have to expect from Westerners ; and the various actions at Rio. Of single-ship actions the most important are the fight between the Merrimac and Monitor ; between the Tennessee and Farragut's fleet; between the Alabama and Kearsarge ; between the Shah and Huascar ; between the Vesta and Assar-i-Chevket ; the two engagements in which the Huascar faced the Chilians ; and the encounter of the Tsi Yuen with the Japanese Flying Squadron. Of torpedo actions, the French affairs with the Chinese on the Min and at Sheipoo, are of little value, as in this case the torpedo-boat encountered enemies who were careless to an extreme degree. The Russian attempts upon Turkish iron- clads in the Black Sea, the sinking of the Blanco Encalada and the Aqnidaban, and the repeated attacks of the Japanese at Wei-hai-wei are more instructive, but cannot be said to have definitely decided the powers and limitations of the torpedo-boat. 138 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. The remoter past is of importance as illustrating certain questions, such as the influence of dimension, the general requirements of battleships, the methods of attack, and the formation to be adopted. Though steam has changed a great deal it has not changed everything, and though French writers of the Jeune Ecole often tell us that the abyss which separates us from the past is profound, we may obtain some profit by crossing it. Naval warfare is as much a matter of men as of ships, and even if ships have changed, men have not. First as to the battle dispositions of a fleet. What ships are to be placed in the line, if line there is ? Is the protected cruiser to figure in it, and if so, what class of protected cruiser? Can the older and smaller battleships take their place with the newer and heavier vessels ? Where are the torpedo-boats to be stationed, and what is to be their business in the conflict ? Is there to be a reserve, or is the whole of the fleet to come into action simultaneously ? The history of the past shows that u a special class of ships to fight in the line of battle" was necessary. In " Naval Warfare,"* Admiral Colomb has pointed out how at first a heterogeneous medley of vessels, with scarcely a break from the largest to the smallest size, lay in the line ; but that by slow degrees, experience showed it was inexpedient to place small vessels side by side with large ones. Gradually the English line of battle tended to uniformity. The 120-gun ship was found too large, the fifty-six-gun and forty-four- gun ship too small. It was the mean which conquered in the shape of the seventy-four. The frigate, during the revolutionary war with France, took no place in the line. It did not venture to encounter the crushing broadside of the line-of-battle ship,t but rather acted as an auxiliary to the * Page 80. f With very rare exceptions, e.g., Melpomene (French), engaged Agamemnon (English), and Agamemnon was a good deal injured. Three frigates, Nelson thought, had an advantage over one ship of the line (64 guns). Laughton. Nelson, 54,, THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 139 combatants, saving men and towing disabled ships. At Camperdown, it is true, it played some part in a fleet action ; but Camperdown was the exception rather than the rule. Still less do we find sloops or corvettes engaging side by side with heavier ships. The frigate, the corvette, and the sloop were built for one purpose, the battleship for another. Each stuck to its last. The next question to be considered, is whether the protected cruiser of to-day stands to the battleship as did the frigate to the line of battle vessel. To decide, we must examine the defensive and offensive power of the two contrasted classes of ships in each period. As type of the frigate, we may take the thirty-eight-gun ship of 1805; as type of the battleship, the seventy-four-gun ship of the same date. The armaments, broadsides, and complements of the two classes are given by James as follows : Battleship. f 28 32-pounders "\ Broadside, 89 ffuns* \ 28 l8 -P° unders I . 78ilbs. " & I 18 9-pounders C With carronades, V. 8 1 2 -pounder carronades ) 829lbs. Men and Boys, 594. Frigate. C 28 18-pounders "\ Broadside, o \ 2 12-pounders I 30olbs. 4 guns < g 9-pounders f With carronades, V. 10 18-pounder carronades J 39olbs. Men and Boys, 277. In weight of metal discharged, and in the number of men carried, important for boarding, the seventy-four was to the frigate about as two to one. But in reviewing the gun-power of the two vessels, there is this to be considered, that in James' words " the destruction caused by discharges of cannon is in a great degree proportionate to the diameter and weight of * Carronades were not taken into consideration in the official classification of ships, by the numbers of their guns. Hence the seventy-four was really an eighty-two. 140 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. shot/' * Now the seventy-four carried the 32-pounder, which was nearly twice as powerful as the frigate's heaviest 18- pounder, when we look at the weight of metal thrown, and far more efficacious for battering the sides of the wooden ship. In defensive strength, the seventy-four-gun ship had stronger scantling and thicker sides, so that here again there was another point of superiority. And now to pass to the modern cruiser and battleship. As type of the former the medium vessels of the Eclipse class may stand, and of the latter the medium battleship Renown, when we get these results : Battleship. Offensive. Guns 49 I V 10-inch 29-ton guns X 6-inch quick-firers XIV 12-pounder XII 3-pounder IX Machine, &c. Torpedo tubes, five Ram. Broadside, 26o2lbs. 22 projectiles. Cannot force a torpedo action. Broadside, 4861bs. 1 1 projectiles. Defensive. All guns over 12-pounder behind armour 6 — 10 inches thick. Water line and side 8 to 6 inches armour. Coal. Deck below water, 3 inches maximum thickness. Bulkheads to prevent raking-fire. Minute sub-division. Crew. 674. Cruiser. f V 6-inch quick-firers I VI 47-inch „ ,, Offensive. Guns 26 -i IX 12-pounder,, ,, j I 3-pounder,, ,, ^ V Machine, &c. Torpedo tubes, &c, three. Can force a torpedo action. Defensive. Guns protected only by shields. Coal protection. Deck below water line 2\ inches thick. No bulkheads. Minute sub-division. Crew. 437. In weight of metal thrown, the battleship is to the cruiser as five-and-a-half to one, and all that has been said of the * James, i., 44, THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 141 value of heavy artillery in the case of the seventy-four applies here with redoubled force, since the Renown's largest pro- jectile is not twice, but live times the weight of the Eclipse's largest. The side of the Renown is impervious amidships to all the Eclipse 's shells ; the Eclipse from stem to stern is open, and exposed to the smallest projectiles. The Eclipse can be raked in the end-on position, the Renown cannot. The Eclipse, with her main armament ill -protected on deck, cannot hope to silence by gun-fire the Renown s well-protected weapons. Both ships are of the same date and designed by the same hand, yet it can scarcely be denied that the disparity between them is enormous. The sole advantage which the Eclipse possesses is that of forcing a torpedo action, and to do this she has to approach closely to the battleship, therebv giving the latter the opportunity of crushing her by gun-fire. We may conclude that this cruiser could not lie in the line of battle beside the battleship, as she exhibits a comparative inferiority very much greater than that of the frigate.* It may be said, however, that whilst the medium and smaller cruisers are manifestly unable to enter the line, the larger and more powerful ships of the class, which are beginning to abound in our navy, could do so. To test the statement we will make one more comparison between the most powerful cruiser afloat, the Terrible, and the most powerful battleship, the Majestic. These are the figures : Battleship. f IV 12-inch 46-ton gruns 0 j -j VTI ,r ■ l - 1 c ) Broadside, Xll o-incn quick-firers ! .j^ij-, Offensive. 5 4 guns j XVI II 12-pounder „ ., [ 25 4 projec tHes. I Xll 3-pounder ., J o f i I VIII Machine, &c. Torpedo tubes, four. Cannot force a torpedo action. Ram. * It is a common argument of some theorists, that the large battleship's equivalent weight in moderate cruisers' would be more than a match for her. Three cruisers of the English Astrea class would slightly exceed the displacement of the Renown i and would bring to bear on the broadside between them, six 6-inch and twelve 47-inch quick-firers, with a broadside of 1 i4olbs. 142 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. Battleship — contd. Defensive. All guns above 12-pounder behind armour 6 — 14 inches thick. Water line and side 9 inches armour. Coal. Deck below water line 4 inches maximum. Bulkheads against raking fire. Minute sub-division. Crew. 757. Cruiser. f II 0/2-inch 24-ton guns^ „ , vn r • u - \ a I Broadside, All 6-inch quick-firers f q^,, ' Offensive. 5 4 guns. ^ XVII. ,,-pounder ,, „ j ^ ^ es . L XI Machine, &c. Torpedo tubes, four. Can force a torpedo action. Defensive. All guns above 12-pounder behind armour 6 inches thick. Coal. Deck below water line 4 inches maximum. No bulkheads. Minute sub-division. Crew. About 840. The inequality between these two is far less than that existing between the Renown and Eclipse, but it is still very great. The four heavy guns of the Majestic are the factors which give her her preponderance in broadside fire. Omitting these, and the Terrible's 9/2-inch guns, the two ships are almost identical in armament. But whereas the Majesties gunners can fire with effect at every square yard of the cruiser's side, the casemates exposing a negligible surface of armour, the vitals of the Majestic are proof to all the cruiser's shot below 0/2-inch in calibre. The absence of bulkheads, as in the Eclipse, is a further handicap to the big cruiser. Still she is in a very different position from the small cruiser, as a very against the Renown's 2500lbs. (excluding the smaller guns on either side). If the old seventy-four was considered a match for three frigates (Naval Chronicle, xxxix., 459), though these fired a greater weight of metal, the battleship may be considered more than a match for three cruisers, since, in addition to her advantage of concentrated size and power, she fires twice their weight of metal. The torpedo is the only factor which can affect her superiority. THE XAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. considerable amount of cover is given to her guns, and her broadside is heavy.* It is difficult, then, arguing wholly on a priori grounds, to suppose that she cannot lie in the line but if she does lie in the line it will be at no small risk to herself. Armoured cruisers, if they have water-line protection, plated gun positions, and bulkheads, are better fitted for action in the line of battle. The Diipuy-de-Lo)ne } for instance, at long ranges, under service conditions, might be found proof to the shot of the 6-inch quick-firer, and could not be perforated by the shell of that gun. The Imperieuse verges very closely upon the second-class battleship of her date. The belted cruisers of the Aurora class are of an older epoch in design, and could not face battleships of their own date. Their armament is unprotected, their gunners exposed to every shell, and in a hot or close action their batteries could not be fought. Cruisers thus fall into three classes, (i) The medium or small cruiser, unfit for the line of battle. (2) The very large cruiser which may fight in the line but at considerable risk. (3) The armoured cruiser with water-line protection as well as armour on her guns, fit for the line. The belted cruiser of Aurora type will fall somewhere between the first and second class, and is unfit for the line. In general it will be best to keep cruisers to their own proper duties as far as possible, but with a large cruiser squadron present on either side, the temptation to place them in line will necessarily be great. Why should they not be placed in line ? it may be asked once more. There will be vessels of the same class present on either side, perhaps cruisers in the opponent's line, and surely, even if thev &o to the bottom, it will not be till thev have done very considerable mischief by their fire to the enemy's * It is still, however, weaker in proportion to the battleship's than was that of the thirty-eight-gun frigate to the seventy-four's. But the armour in the Terrible protects the gun-crews well. 144 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. cruisers and the unarmoured surface of his battleships' sides. The battle will, as far as we can judge, be fought fleet to fleet in its earlier stages, and there will not be a number of actions between individual ships in which the cruiser will run the risk of having to encounter the battleship. In answer, we may say that the loss of ship after ship will be very discouraging to the crews of such vessels as survive, and that if one fleet of ten battleships and five cruisers, all of which are placed in line, assailing another of similar strength, in which the cruisers are held in reserve, succeeds in damaging severely one or two of the hostile battleships but only with the loss of three or four of its cruisers, the infliction of this damage will not compensate for the moral effect of the loss of the ships.* It is very evident that at the Yalu, neither Chinese nor Japanese gained anything by bringing the weaker ships into battle, whilst, though the Saikio and Yang Wei were poor and feeble vessels when contrasted with modern cruisers, they were not faced by any ship comparable in offensive power to the Royal Sovereign or Renown. It looks as though fleet to fleet actions made uniform battleships as necessary as in the past. Again, cruisers, being longer in proportion to their beam, are not generally so handy at a moderate speed as the shorter and broader battleship. Their inclusion in the line will thus reduce the manoeuvring power of the battleship. The best solution of the difficulty would seem to be the sharp separation of cruisers and battleships. As the Japanese placed their fast ships in one squadron, the slow in another, which each acted independently of the other, the same should be done with cruisers and battleships. The cruiser line may attack independently, seeking first the enemy's cruiser line, * When the Tecumseh sank at Mobile (i. 124), the Confederate gunners, imagining that their fire had sent her to the bottom, at once redoubled their exertions, whilst the Federal fire grew perceptibly less vehement. It was only Farragut's dauntless handling of the Hartford that restored the Northern elan. So also at the Yalu, a foreigner on the Tsi Yuen states that the news " Another ship gone," greatly depressed the Chinese, as well it might. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. or may face the hostile battleships, keeping at a great distance from them to neutralise the cruisers' want of armour, and to minimise the risk of hits from heavy shells. By pouring in a hail of 6 and 4- 7 -inch shells, the enemy's attention may be distracted from the more serious assault of the battleships, which will be simultaneously delivered. The ships of each class will then be together, and the principle of like with like carried out. The cruisers will be able to use their high speed if it is found desirable ; the battleships will not be^ hindered by ships with large turning circles. The line of battleships will be composed, naturally, of vessels similar to those figuring in the hostile fleet. At the outbreak of war, each side may be expected to employ its newest and best ships. Provided the smaller vessels are well armoured and armed, there is no reason why they should not lie in the line. The French Jemmapes, the Russian Admiral Ou- shakoff are of the battleship type, though smaller and less powerful than armourclads such as the Renown or Royal Sovereign. To the latter, they are what the fifty-gun ship was to the seventy-four or 120-gun ship. It will be well if older vessels, whose speed is low, armour thin, and armament weak, are formed in yet a third division, should they be present."* Such vessels would be well adapted to act as a reserve ; if they fight, it must be at long ranges, where their moderate armour will stand them in good stead. If introduced among more modern or first-class battleships, they will lower their speed, and in some cases reduce their manoeuvring qualities. Let us by way of illustration take the Mediterranean squadrons of England and France as they stood in 1896, and further suppose the English Mediterranean fleet to have been reinforced by the Channel Squadron. The * A further argument for this is that more than eight or ten ships cannot, at intervals of two cables (400 yards), be handled in one line. If the interval is diminished, there will be the risk of collision between friends. In the grouping of ships, speed is especially to be considered, as if an eighteen-knot vessel is with a fourteen-knot ship, an element of tactical superiority is wasted. 146 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. following would be principle : the division of the English force on this Main Squadron.* 16*7 Royal Sovereigti Empress of India Repulse Resolution Ramillies Hood^ Nile Barfleuv Revenge Royal Oak Majestic Magnificent Second or Reserve Squadron* 14 Camperdown Howe Rodney Rupert Anson Polyphemus First Cruiser Division. Hawke Blenheim Blake Second Cruiser Division. 17-8 Sybille Barham Bellona Astrea Forte Torpedo Gun-boats. 17-7 Dryad Gleaner Hebe Skipjack Sandfly Sharpshooter Speedy Third Cruiser Division. 16*7 Arethusa Scout Surprise Fearless The French fleet, if the same principle were followed, would be drawn up thus : Main Reserve Cruiser Torpedo Squadron.* Squadron. * Divisions* Gun-boats. 14*2 13 16-8 18 Baud in Caiman Labouche Treville D' Iberville Courbet Indo?nptable Tage Bombe Devastation Terrible Sfax Leger Formidable Richelieu Sachet Couleuvrine Magenta Condor Fleche Marceau Cosmao Levrier Neptune Faucon Duperre Lalande * Armoured Ships squadron, in knots. Troude Forbin Milan Vautour Wattignies The figures give the trial speed of the slowest ship in each Engaging vessels as little armoured as are the French first- class battleships represented in this list, there seems ' no THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 147 reason why the first-class cruisers should not lie in the line* The " Admirals " are almost too good for a reserve, and could perfectly well lie in line ; though lacking quick-firers, as they do at present, and thin armour to keep out high explosives, they would be distinctly inferior to the other nine. The Polyphemus would be with the reserve squadron, as her time does not come till the fleets close. The precise position of the torpedo craft is also a matter of dispute. The torpedo gunboat offers too large a target in broad daylight, and is too vulnerable to attack at the com- mencement of the engagement. All the objections which have been urged against the cruiser in the line of battle apply with additional force to the torpedo gunboat. Two possibili- ties remain. The torpedo gunboat may be placed to leeward of the battleship and emerge only to defend its larger mate from the assault of the enemy's torpedo-boats. f This would appear to be the original intention of the designers of such craft. When the assailing flotilla arrives at a distance of 600 yards, just outside torpedo range, it will find itself faced by the torpedo gunboats. The assailants would be under fire from about 3000 yards up to 600 yards, for a distance of 2400 yards. The assailed torpedo gunboats would only be under the enemy's heavy fire for the time occupied in steam- ing out 600 yards from the battleship, if that ; for the battle- ships of the assailants would have to fire over their own boats, which might prove a dangerous experiment. The torpedo gunboat, thus placed, must to some extent hamper the move- ments of the battleship, if a sudden turn becomes necessary, but it will be fairly sheltered and ready at hand when wanted. Should it be formed up with others of its own class, upon it will fall the duty of watching and combating the enemy's * The Bandin and Formidable, broadside on, expose 400 square yards of unprotected target. f In such a position, however, unless very close under the battleship, it will be exposed to the risk of hits from such projectiles as pass over the battleship, owing to too great elevation. L 2 148 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. torpedo craft, whether gunboats or boats simply. It may also have to make a rush at the critical moment, when the enemy's quick-firers have been dismounted or silenced, and only the heavier guns have to be faced. The torpedo-boat, whether of the sea-going or the still larger "destroyer" class, is nearly certain to be present in some force with either fleet. It lacks protection, as its only defence is its diminutive size and very high speed, and it is valueless for offence outside iooo yards. But it has this great advantage. The torpedo which it carries will, if it gets home, deal a crushing blow, and almost certainly disable, or there and then send to the bottom, any ship which it strikes. It is not likely that torpedo-boats w r ill be sent against intact battleships, whose quick-firers are in good order and whose gunners are unshaken. The boats' time will come towards the close of the battle, when the fight has left great masses of iron wreckage ; when the targets have lost their power of movement ; when their crews are diminished in number and wearied by the intense strain of action. But even then it will not be as easy as it might appear to destroy the damaged battleships, since they, too, will have auxiliaries, who will be able either to meet the assault of the torpedo-boats or to destroy the opposing battleships. As it will be an anoma- lous position for the boats of each side to deal the final blow to the ships of the other side simultaneously, it seems probable that at the close of the action between the larger ships there will follow a fierce contest between the smaller craft. The immense moral effect of dealing a heavy blow at the enemy when the battle begins, may, however, in defiance of prudence, lead to a rush of the boats of one side upon the ships of the other early in the engagement. To meet such a rush the assailed must have boats ready. They will steam forward, as we have said, to the limit of torpedo range, leaving the hostile boats as long as possible under the big ships' fire. The line of big ships will probably draw off, so as to prolong the duration of the assailant boats' approach. But supposing THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 149 that the hostile boats steam straight upon the battleships, and the latter maintain a course at right angles to their approach, they will be under fire for the time taken to cover 2400 yards, which at a speed of twenty knots would be about three and a half minutes, during which time a 6-inch quick-firer would discharge from ten to fifteen shots, or a 12-pounder twenty to thirty. Though in the torpedo attacks of the Chilian and Brazilian civil wars, torpedo gunboats have come off without much more than a scratch, these attacks were made at night and upon ships which had not a powerful quick-firing armament or well-disciplined-crews. It will be a different matter attacking by day modern battleships, equipped with quick-firers, and using smokeless powder, though the torpedo- boat is never a target easy to hit. It remains possible that one or more boats may succeed in their onset, and that an odd battleship may fall victim, but the price paid will be a very heavy one.* The best plan would seem to be to hold in the boats at the beginning of the battle. For it may be better to throw away a battleship, than to abandon the chance of following up a victory, or striking a heavy blow later in the action, which intact torpedo-boats may give Of course, if there is anything like a melee, then comes the opportunity of the boats, but even then there may be danger to friends as well as foes. If it is true that the Chinese boats could not distinguish their enemies at the Yalu, it is a very noteworthy fact, for in that battle there was little that savoured of the melee, though there was more smoke than would be produced with cordite or amide powder. The sphere of action of the torpedo-boat upon the battlefield very closely * To lose half-a-dozen Cushings would be disastrous to any fleet. The ideal torpedo-officer will be too rare and valuable a being to be risked for small gain, and if the torpedo-officer is not ideal in courage, coolness, and sagacity, his attack will miscarry. In manoeuvres there is no ordeal of fire to sink and slay. Crews of boats under a terrific fire, to which they can make no reply, will need extraordinary steadiness and heroism. A torpedo flotilla once beaten off with any loss, will be good for little, owing to the bad moral effect of such a '•epulse on the men. cf. Cipriani, Journal United Service Institution^ xxxvii., 763. IRONCLADS IN ACTION. resembles that of cavalry upon land, and these craft should be used like cavalry. They act by surprise ; they complete the ruin of the beaten. The English fleet includes one vessel which is specially built for ramming — the Polyphemus ; and the United States have in the Katahdin a similar craft. There are many who are in love with " the small swift ram," but it is doubtful how far such a ship is attainable, and how far she would be useful if the ideal could be obtained. Ability to ram depends upon speed and handiness in the assailant and the want of these qualities in the assailed. To obtain a high speed, not only upon the measured mile but in a sea-way, the boilers must be heavy and the engines powerful. This necessarily involves a high displacement, as the hull must be strong to withstand the jar of the machinery and the violent concussion of ramming. If the ram is given guns and armour, she becomes a battleship ; if she is left without them, she is liable to be destroyed by gun-fire long before she can use her sole weapon. And that weapon is a most uncertain and two- edged one, as we shall presently see. There is yet another species of ship which has appeared within the last decade — the ship armed with the Zalinski gun for projecting large charges of dynamite to a great distance. The Zalinski gun is at present in an undeveloped stage, but there is good reason to suppose, like many other inventions, it will be perfected in time. It offers a very large target to hostile quick-firers, and it is not strongly constructed, but it can project shells containing 20olbs. of the highest explosive, to a range of 2000 yards at the rate of one a minute.* The shell is a long time in the air, in some cases as much as twelve * The projectile is practically a torpedo, with from two to five times the range of the Whitehead, and, it is probable, at least as great accuracy. The fuses of the projectiles and the valves of the gun have been vastly improved of late, but there seems to be some scepticism as to the value of the weapon, v. Schrceder. Proceedings, U.S.A. Naval Institute, xx., 1. ff. A similar weapon is Mr. Hudson Maxim's torpedo gun, firing huge high explosive shells with low initial velocity. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 151 seconds. Like the torpedo it could not be used with much effect against a single ship, which could turn, or stop, or increase her speed, and thus avoid it ; but it might be deadly against a squadron, where the individual ships cannot act with entire freedom, but are dependent upon their neighbours. Such a dynamite vessel might lie to leeward of the heavier ships, and throw her aerial torpedoes over them at the enemy. The effect of her projectiles exploding against a ship's unarmoured side would probably be most destructive. At the same time, the American Vesuvius, which has been built for this purpose, does not give entire satisfaction, and it has been proposed to take her pneumatic guns out of her. The perfecting of the pneumatic gun would be the death- knell of the battleship in its present form, and it is hard to see what protection could be devised against its bolts. As the jar to the ship is very slight with air-impulse, it can readily be fitted upon merchant steamers, and was so employed upon the Nictheroy in the Brazilian Civil War* The position of the commander-in-chief in battle has been much canvassed. Persano chose to leave the line at Lissa when the Austrian attack was impending, and placed himself outside it, to be the better able to communicate his orders. As he had failed to acquaint his captains of the purposed change, the effect was most disastrous. It has been pointed out that for the admiraK to withdraw to a light ship, or to place himself with the reserve, is very dangerous, as he thereby becomes a simple spectator, and cannot be at hand to change the formation of his fleet instantly, if this should be required. t Farragut at Port Hudson, Tegetthoff at Lissa, Nelson at Trafalgar, are good precedents for the admiral's ship lead- ing. % It is more difficult than it was in the past, when ships * Page 40-41. f Mahan, Influence of Sea Power, 353, ff. X Nelson before Trafalgar, Farragut at Mobile and New Orleans, were each entreated by their captains not to lead, because of the danger. Nelson complied with the request, but only momentarily, and on second thoughts took his i 5 2 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. were closer together, and when it was comparatively safe to stand on deck, for the leader, by his personal example, to encourage his fleet. But if his personal heroism cannot be witnessed, the behaviour of his ship can be seen by all. And if he takes his place at the head of the line, it will be possible to fight the battle without signals, upon the " follow- my-leader" plan, a plan which was constantly practised by the Mediterranean fleet under Admiral Tryon. In most English battleships and cruisers the signalmen are altogether unprotected. The masts are naturally liable to be shot away, and the semaphores are placed in a very exposed position upon the bridge, where the hail of shells, fired direct, or ricochetting from the water, would exert its most devastating effect. If a really simple arrangement can be devised whereby the signalmen can work the signals, whether at the mast- head, on Prince Louis of Battenberg's plan, or otherwise, from under cover, a great many of the difficulties of the commander-in-chief will vanish. It will still, however, be hard to communicate with those divisions of the fleet which are at any distance, and with a large fleet and open order the distances must be great. It is therefore absolutely necessary for the subordinate commanders to know before- hand what the chief is going to do, for them to discuss with him the various possibilities, and to be saturated with his ideas. Thus it was that Nelson's captains learnt what were their admiral's intentions, and were prepared at the moment of action to execute his wishes. The want of such knowledge amongst the Italian commanders was one of the chief factors which produced the disasters of Lissa. At the Yalu Admiral Ito led the Main Squadron, and Admiral Tsuboi the Flying Squadron, and then signalling was position in the van (James, iii., 391). Farragut gave way on both occasions, but never ceased to regret his compliance at Mobile. There he resumed the lead at the critical moment of the attack (i., 125). TegetthofF s captains were instructed to follow the flagship's movements, even if he fell. The French experiment of placing the fadmiral in a frigate was most disastrous to the Revolutionary cause, as he was thereby converted into a mere spectator. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 153 comparatively easy on board the Japanese Fleet. On board French ships, with their strong military masts, which contain a steel core inside the stairway, signalling would probably be easier in action than from the tops of English ships. It is possible that in one or other of the tops the admiral might find it advantageous to take up his position during action, as Farragut found it necessary to climb the rigging at Mobile. But special protection should be given to the admiral's battle- quarters, as his life is a valuable one, and the military masts are much exposed. It was a saying of Admiral Tryon that the captain must look forward, the admiral aft. From the forward conning-tower ships astern cannot be seen, and from the after conning-tower the same is the case with ships forward. From the upper tops a good all round view can be had, and there is not much to obstruct the field of vision. Two or three inches of Harveyed steel would, however, at that great height, diminish the ship's stability. It goes with- out saying, that if the top be selected by the commander as his battle position, communications with the captain must be fully assured. We must now pass to the general formation of fleets for battle. There are five possible dispositions, of which two are practical : line ahead, line abreast, one or other of these two with the ships en echelo?i, triangular or group formation, and naval square. The tactics to be adopted and the structural peculiarities of the ships engaged, must to some extent dictatr the nature of the formation adopted. What is suited to a melee, or to the use of the ram and torpedo, is not necessarily best adapted for the employment of the gun. A single line, whether abreast or ahead, has these dis- advantages : its extremities are weak ; a great extent of water is covered ; the force is not concentrated ; and the attack of the enemy may be delivered upon a section of the fleet. In addition line abreast masks the broadside fire of the ships placed in it and compels an end-on attack, which can only result, if the enemy meet it by a similar disposition, in a 154 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. confused melee, in which the fleets will break up into a number of isolated units and chance will decide the issue.** The end-on attack was favoured by our constructors between 1875 and 1885, when most of our "echeloned" turret-ships were designed. Vessels of the Inflexible and Colossus class are clearly meant to fight in line abreast, since the disposition of their turrets limits the arc of their broadside fire. But our more modern ships are marked by a return to the older and sounder conception of a powerful broadside, f and no admiral would be likely, of his own choice, to place such ships in an order which would reduce their efficiency, and prevent them from employing their numerous and formidable quick-firers. Any disposition adopted, however, must be to some extent guided by the action of the enemy, and if we look at the French battleships we shall see, between 1880 and 1890, the tendency, which has been observed in England, to secure powerful end-on fire, though stern fire is not neglected, as it has been neglected in England in the past. This looks rather as though the French meant to fight a stern battle in line abreast. In such an order ironclads like the Magenta and Carnot can bring to bear three heavy guns to our two in our more recent designs. But since France has followed us at last in the fore and aft disposition of the heavy guns, in her very latest ships — -the St. Louis class — it is somewhat doubtful what she intends to do. In a stern battle the French fleet would form in line abreast, and steam away from our ships. As we hold at present the weather gauge in speed, we could overtake the retreating fleet, but we should probably have to chase in line abreast. If our ships were in line ahead, the leaders would run the risk * It can also be easily doubled upon, or turned on either wing, as the broadside fire of all the ships in it except one is masked. f At the same time good end-on fire is a necessity, as the enemy may other- wise, with equal speed, fight a stern battle, and torpedo attacks are generally best delivered from ahead, cf. Sturdee. Journal United Service Institution, xxxviii., 1244-5. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 155 of disablement from the enemy's concentrated fire. If we attacked in two columns in line ahead, one coming up on each quarter of the French line abreast, our two divisions would be widely separated, and the enemy might concentrate upon one or other, since steam lends itself to sudden and rapid movements. Our cruiser divisions, or at least our powerful first-class cruisers, would no doubt thus move on the French flank, striving to disable one ship, and so compel the others to delay in order to support it. The superior speed of vessels, such as the Edgar and Powerful, would enable them to avoid any sudden concentration by the enemy. Line abreast can be readily converted into line ahead by a quarter turn. But for ordinary purposes it has all the disadvantages of line ahead and none of the advantages. The strong point in line ahead is that it leaves the broadside clear, and allows the ships to follow the movements of their leader. It is the most elastic and the most simple formation, and the target is small. For, as errors in shooting more generally arise from vertical than horizontal misdirection, and as more shots fly over the target than fly wide of it on either side, with a trifling error in elevation, projectiles will be more likely to drop on the deck of the ship end-on, when the target is 300 feet to 380 feet long, than upon her, broadside-on, when the target is only 60 feet to 80 feet. The armour is no doubt presented at a sharper angle end-on, and glances will be more frequent, but the gain in this direction does not compensate for the loss in other ways. The object in battle is not so much to elude the enemy's projectiles as to pour projectiles upon him. A third formation is the double-quarter line adopted by Tegetthoff at Lissa. This leaves free both broadside and bow guns, but there is some risk of gunners in the uproar and excitement of the battle hitting friends. It is, too, a formation which lacks elasticity. A better disposition is a slightly indented line ahead, or " line of bearing,'' which permits the bow chasers to fire at the enemy, but does not avoid the 156 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. risk of accidental injury to friends. A line ahead, reinforced at both of its extremities is, perhaps, the best formation of those considered. The vessels supporting the leaders can be ships with a powerful bow fire, when the most will be made of them. In the same way, those supporting the rear should have a strong stern fire. Groups of ships acting together, and supporting one another in a series of triangles, each composed of three ships, were in great favour as a battle formation some years ago, but now receive less enthusiastic support. The group-commander is a fresh intermediary between the admiral and his captains, and an unnecessary intermediary. It may be taken for granted that whatever order is adopted, each vessel in the line will support her neighbour, so that there is little gained by detailing B and C to cover A. Nor does there seem any reason why the group should consist of three ships and not of two or four, since, as has been said, there is no transcen- dental power in the number three. For the group it may be argued that, with such a formation, ships of similar type can best act together, and that often there are not more than two or three ships of identical type. But it will always be the case that ships in line will be similar, and small differences of construction do not necessitate a total change of formation. Where the differences are important, the ships of the different types will not be jumbled together, but placed apart. The group as a sub-division of the division is hardly necessary- Most group formations, too, offer a good target to hostile fire. Naval squares, or the arrangement of ships in quincunces, again, are complicated and impossible. They offer too good a target to the quick-firer. Such dispositions lack elasticity, and inevitably mask the fire of the ships in more than one direction ; and, as in all complicated formations, there is risk of gunners hitting their friends. The formation of six ships in a triangle, recommended by MM. Montechant and Z.,* is open to all these objections. * Guerres Navales de Demain, p. 185, 1 ft f ft ft ft ft t ft ft ft 2. ft ft ft /. t 1 | ft ft ft 1 0 • ft ft J. % • t ft ft ft f ft ft ft 1 5. ft ft f ft ft ft t ft ft ft ft i ft ft ft ft 6. i ft ft ft Q ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft • J?. 7. Ztow&te Carter l/aes. 2. Line Abreast. 3, 5. Line of Bearin* Abreast and Ahead. 4. Line Ahead. 6. Line of Groups Ahead. 7. Line Ahead Re-inforced. 8. Quincunx. 9. Line of Groups Abreast. Naval Formations. Map XXIX. i THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 157 There is little doubt that line ahead is the best formation when the enemy does not run away. It is the normal forma- tion for cruising, and thus its adoption for battle does not necessitate a sudden alteration at the last minute ; it is easy to make changes of direction or formation with it ; the broad- side is left clear, and there is no r 1 mger of firing into friends : station can readily be kept ; signals are almost unnecessary, or reduced to a minimum ; ar d bow lire can be obtained by reinforcing the head with ships powerful in this direction, or by indenting the leading vessels. There is no other dispo- sition which offers so many advantages and which has so few defects ; moreover, there is this additional argument in its favour, that it was the formation adopted by the deliberate experience of the past. Though details may have changed principles have not, and if our ancestors feared to allow their ships to be raked, we shall be wise if we refuse to expose ours to such a risk. Line ahead, then, will probably be the formation adopted by a judicious commander-in-chief, and the various classes of ships will be in separate divisions or lines. The main battle- ship squadron will engage closely with the enemy, at ranges not exceeding 3000 yards and not less than 1000. To lee- ward of it will lie the reserve battleship squadron and the torpedo divisions, whilst the first-class cruisers will attack at long range, not going inside 2000 yards, and the second- class cruisers will lie yet farther out. The cruisers will endeavour to divert the enemy's attention. They may steam round and round him if they are fast and he is slow, or they may steam alongside on the same course. It is certain that the battle will be a running battle, that both sides will be in motion, and perhaps in rapid motion. For either side to lie to whilst the other cannonades him would be suicidal. At the outset, ships will probably use their highest trust- worthy speed, leaving a reserve of one or two knots for contingencies. As the action progresses the speed will diminish, when ships are more or less disabled. Vessels very 158 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. severely injured will leave the line, and their place will be taken from the reserve. Should both fleets steam fast upon a parallel course in one direction, injured ships will be left behind, a prey to torpedo-boats. Over these there may be fierce engagements, as the one side will detach torpedo- boats to attack, and the other, boats to protect ; or the two fleets may, like the Alabama and Kearsarge, circle on a common centre. Generally speaking, the battle will, in its earlier stage, be fought fleet to fleet, and individual ships will not fight isolated actions. The effort of each commander will be to concentrate upon a portion of his enemy's force his whole strength. This will be a vastly harder proceeding with alert opponents, whose ships are propelled by steam, and can move rapidly to any point, than it was when the line had only to be broken to secure the advantage, and when our enemies were hardly our match in skill, however fiery their courage may have been. The victory in war goes to the side which makes fewest mistakes, and no doubt mis- takes will be made, otherwise it looks as though, with even forces, battles would be a matter of hard pounding, and there- fore indecisive. The certainty and rapidity of movements with steam, however, render great combinations, sudden changes, rapid developments, possible. The fleet which is skilled and practised in steam tactics will threaten attack in one direction and in one formation, and then, perhaps, change to quite another with great speed. If the opponent is less skilled in station keeping or manoeuvring, he will fall into disorder, his ships will mask one another's fire, and he will lose from the start. A period of manoeuvring may thus precede the opening of fire, as well as succeed it. Unless the ships are well handled and the formation simple, there may in this be some risk of collision between friends, as the fleet will be possibly under fire, and the tension and excitement tremendous. To get the weather gauge, so that the smoke from funnels and guns blows down upon the enemy, may be very advantageous ; THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 159 advantageous, too, it may be to place the sun in the hostile gunners' eyes. If neither side forces a melee* there will be a long range cannonade, during which considerable damage may be done on either side, but such a long range encounter cannot, it seems, be decisive. t Careful gunnery, strict fire discipline will be essential to prevent the waste of precious ammunition. The quick-firers and heavy guns will be alone employed, as small projectiles cannot do much harm at these considerable ranges, and their turn will come later. % The preliminary cannonade will continue till one side is getting decidedly the worst, or till both have expended a good proportion of their ammunition. In the former case, tire weaker side may be desirous to close, to redeem if possible what has been lost in the chances of the melee. In the latter case, each side will be anxious to end the battle by bringing it to a decision. It is possible that the weaker may attempt to steam off ; but if he does, he will abandon his disabled ships to destruction or capture So far, there is mention of neither ram nor torpedo as being employed by ships. The ram has been shown by repeated analyses to be a most difficult weapon to use.§ It involves actual contact with the enemy, and if the enemy has engines unimpaired, and sea room, the past proves that such actual contact is difficult to effect. The ram has hardly ever scored * It will require great self-restraint and strict discipline to prevent a dash upon the enemy, when he comes into sight. There may be disobedient captains, like Tang of the Chili Yuen, who will be anxious to use the ram, and may for that object, leave the line. The strain upon the crews is, perhaps, less at close quarters, as the duration of the action must then be shorter. f The Yalu was a striking demonstration of the resistance of ironclads to long range fire. % As it will be useless to attempt to pierce armour at long ranges, common shell will be used. When the fleets close, it might be advantageous to use common-shell and armour-piercing shot alternately. § Mr. Laird Clowes shows that of seventy-four attempts to ram, in twenty cases the rammed ship was much damaged, disabled, or sunk. There is only one case in which serious damage was inflicted upon a ship under steam with sea room. Journal United Service Institution, xxxviii., 223. i6o IRONCLADS IN ACTION. against ships in motion. When the Merrimac rammed the Cumberland, the latter was at anchor ; when the Ferdinand Max charged the Re d' Italia, the Italian was motionless. In the American Civil War, few attempts to ram were successful out of the great total. The use of the ram involves a melee, which tacticians agree in regarding as detestable. And if vessels are charged whilst running at a high speed, the damage to the "rammer" may be great. The Camperdown was badly injured, though the Victoria's speed was only five knots ; the Konig Wilhelm had her stem badly twisted by the Grosser Kurfurst, which was steaming at ten knots. The Iron Duke alone charged a vessel under way without being much the worse for it. The utmost skill will be necessary to deal a blow with a ram. At very close quarters a furious hail of projectiles will crash upon the conning-tower, and render the direction of the ship a matter of extreme difficulty. And there is the great risk of being rammed by the enemy if there is any miscalculation, or without miscalculation, of. being torpedoed. Indeed, the torpedo may be said to have relegated the ram to the background. Yet, if the fleets charge one another end-on, there may be cases when the ram will be used, but there will be great danger then of end-to-end collisions should the commanders on either side be determined, and these will almost certainly result in the loss of both ships, unless, indeed, the bows of the ships on one side are so weak as to take the full force of the collision and to break it. More probably the less determined man will swerve at the last minute and expose his side, as did Buchanan at Mobile. The torpedo has a limited range, though not so limited as the ram."* As long as the fleets fight at a distance it cannot be used, whilst even at close quarters it is somewhat uncertain. * In Table XXV. will be found all the instances of the employment of the torpedo in war up to this time. So far as any result can be deduced it is that the torpedo is not successful against ships in motion. But, unlike the ram, it has not been often enough employed to give grounds for any induction, and it is moreover an essentially progressive weapon, improving every year. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 161 It is a most deadly projectile when it strikes, but the difficulty is to ensure its striking. If the submerged tubes on ship- board are used whilst the ship is in rapid motion there is always some danger of the torpedo being deflected in quite a different direction to that intended."* Instances have occurred in which it has fouled the screw of the vessel from which it was discharged ; improved submerged tubes have, however, got over this difficulty, and every day the range of the torpedo and the accuracy of its aim are increasing. The old above water tubes, when they are not protected by armour, could hardly be used in action, t and even from them the deflection is considerable. Moreover, when the torpedo has safely left the discharger and is running straight, its course can be followed, and the ship at which it is aimed may elude it by a quick movement. Doubtless the Whitehead is becoming day by day more deadly, and may ultimately be brought to the comparative perfection of the gun. Even as it stands now, it has vast possibilities. The chief argument against it is its " flukiness." Though useful as a protection against the ram, its employment in battle is best left to its special craft, the torpedo-boat. There is one other kind of torpedo that might conceivably play some part in a fleet action, the dirigible torpedo of pattern similar to the Brennan and Nordenfelt. At present it is in an undeveloped stage, but there is no doubt that a torpedo which could be steered and directed from a distance, would be a most formidable weapon. Still the difficulties * Some of these difficulties are now overcome, or are in a fair way to be so. The chief causes of deflection must be (i) The speed of the ship, which can be ascertained and allowed for. (2) The inclination of the ship, which cannot be ascertained, as it varies with the helm used, and the state of the sea. Torpedoes are fitted with an arrangement which prevents their explosion till they have run a safe distance. The chief arguments against the torpedo are these: (1) Its complication. (2) Its limited range. (3) The terrible effects of an accidental explosion. (4) Its many failures in peace when uncharged. Lloyd and Hadcock. Artillery, 261. f At the Yalu the Chinese are said to have emptied their above-water tubes, though this is denied by Commander McGiffin. Vol. II. M l62 » IRONCLADS IN ACTION. are great. It is one thing to direct such an engine of destruction from a stationary ship at a stationary ship, and quite another to manage it when both ships are travelling at a high rate of speed through the water. One or two French cruisers have been fitted with such a dirigible torpedo, but its employment in battle would probably necessitate special craft. At the close of the long range cannonade will come the close action. The range will be diminished to goo yards or iooo^yards, and the stronger side will steam in to assure its victory. This will be the most terrible period of the action. Up to that time, indeed, the damage done to the vitals of the battleships will not have been serious, but no doubt the internal economy of these vessels will have been impaired. The heavy quick-firers, judging from the Yalu, will not, at long range, inflict much injury on the water-line. It will be upon the upper works, superstructures, military masts, funnels, ventilators, chart-houses, bridges, and stacks of boats and top-hamper, that the hail of projectiles whether fired direct or ricochetting from the water, will descend. The battleship has to carry about with her all sorts of odds and ends which are essential to her in peace, but useless in war. It is difficult to know what should be done with the top-hamper.' 54 ' When the ship clears for action the boats cannot be taken below, and must remain above to be shot to splinters and to cause fires. Equally dangerous and difficult to dispose of are wooden companion ladders, mess-tables, benches, and the various impedimenta usually found between decks ; if of wood they will add to the risk of fire, which is very great. They can hardly be thrown overboard, though it is a point to be * The presence of such top-hamper adds greatly to the difficulty of clearing for action. It is said by Lieutenant-Commander Wainwright (U.S.N.) that some of the ships of the English Mediterranean fleet took twenty-four hours to clear. The amount of time available may determine the tactics of a battle. The French instructions order boats to be filled with water and surrounded with splinter-proof, material. The torpedo launches carried would most likely be lowered if time allowed. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 163 noted that the Japanese crews did without them, and so kept their decks clear. It would seem best to leave all but the very barest minimum of boats on shore. It is stated that this course will be adopted by the French in' war, and it is a proceeding which commends itself to common sense. No boats will be of much use for saving life after a battle. This is a duty which, as we have urged, should fall upon special vessels, protected by the white flag or the red cross.* There should, however, be some provision of life-preservers for the crew of the big ship, and as far as possible the preservers should be non-inflammable. With the ship's upper deck thoroughly cleared of wood there will be no wreckage to float and save the drowning. India-rubber distendable air- bags would seem, on the whole, the best suited, and there is no reason why one should not be supplied" to each man. ready to be inflated. It would support him in the water till the special craft could pick him up. Upon the upper works of the ships, then, will fall most of the damage inflicted during the preliminary cannonade. They will have been prepared for the strain in every conceivable way. Round the funnels sacks of coal will be placed, and near the quick-firers mantlets to catch splinters. The conning- tower and the positions from which the ship will be fought, will also, doubtless, receive attention. In this way the injury done may be reduced to a minimum, but it will still be extensive. The effect of even small shells charged with high explosives upon unarmoured structures is very deadly. Great holes will be torn in the outer plating; splinters and frag- ments of side and shell sent flying through the confined space within ; and any wood that may be about, which has not been thoroughly drenched with water, will be set on fire. The funnels and ventilators may be riddled till they come down, and inside them, on the splinter-gratings, which commonly cross them at the level of the armour-deck, fragments of iron * Page 1 1 1 M 2 6 4 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. and wood will collect and obstruct the draught. If the venti- lators are blocked, and flow of air to the stokehold checked, the stokers and engine-room men will be exposed to terrible hardships—gasping in a hot and vitiated atmosphere for the air which cannot reach them. The boiler-fires will fail and the steam-pressure sink. It is true that nothing of this kind appears to have happened at the Yalu, but the fire main- tained there was not so accurate as it would probably be with highly-skilled and cool Western gunners. The danger to the funnels and ventilators is, indeed, so great, that it is strange that no attempt has been made to protect them by an armoured shaft rising at least as high as the upper deck. The American monitors had, one and all, armoured funnels. If the funnel is injured between decks there will be some risk of fire, and there is certain to be great inconveni- ence from smoke. The more improvised protection — provided the material used is non-inflammable — the better. Other points which will require protection, if any can be given them, will be the supports of the barbettes in ships such as the Amiral Duperre or the Benbow, where the bases of the heavy gun positions are left unarmoured."* If the iron-work under them is much damaged, there will be the risk of the barbette, with its ponderous weight, coming down and sink- ing the ship. In such ships, too, the auxiliary 6-inch battery must receive attention. We have seen the free use made of sand-bags on board the Northern ships in their attacks upon the New Orleans forts and Mobile. It is to be feared that with a full weight of coal, stores, and ammunition on board, modern ships could not load themselves with sand. Coal would be the only substance available. And here again it is impossible to overlook the fact that a fleet fresh out of port, with full bunkers, has a great advantage over one which has been cruising some time at sea, from the mere fact that in the former coal protection will be at its maximum, and plenty * In the " Admirals," coal can be stowed under the barbettes. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 165 of coal at hand for extemporised defences, whilst in the latter many of the bunkers will be empty. In theory, of course, a warship will always burn first the coal in those bunkers, which are least valuable for defensive purpose ; she will avoid using the fuel from the water-line bunkers. But in practice, regard for stability will prevent the emptying of the lowest bunkers, whilst the upper ones are left full. Doubtless, if there is time, the ship can use water-ballast, and transfer as much of her fuel as is convenient to the positions where it will be most useful ; but she may not always have the time required. And thus, in considering the relative value of coal and armour protection, it should not be forgotten that, however efficacious the former may be when in its place, it is as likely as not, not to be in that place, whilst armour cannot be burnt in the furnaces, and is always there. During the preliminary attack fires are certain to be frequent, unless the ships engaging are of the very latest pattern. At the Yalu and at Lissa, as we have seen, they were numerous, and it is possible, though not certain, that they will be even more frequently produced by high explosive bursters. Such fires will greatly add to the difficulty of working the ship. The temperature in the Lai Yuen's engine-room is reported to have risen to 200 0 Fahrenheit, and the engineers to have been seared and blinded by the heat. Fires will certainly render yet harder the position of the stokers and engine-room complement, and may seriously interfere with the supply of ammunition at a critical moment. Though the hoists to the heavier guns are well protected on all ships, there are many cases when projectiles and charges have to go up to the smaller guns with very scanty armour to protect them against heat or the enemy's shells. The con- tingency of a shell on its way up dropping down the hoist through some damage to the apparatus or through accident, is guarded against in some ships by automatic brakes on the hoists, but there are other ships which are defective in this respect. To extinguish fires, good pumps placed out of reach IRONCLADS IN ACTION. of shells, and good discipline are necessary ; but since pre- vention is better than cure, it will be better to use as little wood in the construction of the ship as is possible. The number of hits which will be effected in this preliminary period, demands some attention. An English admiral has estimated it, throughout the battle, at two per cent ; other writers place it as high as fifteen. The average of the Chinese and Japanese fleets at the Yalu, works out to twelve and a half, if we accept the estimate given by an eye-witness, but this is probably too high. At the same time, there seems little doubt that the shooting with quick-firers will be more accurate than it was in the past with the slow-fire muzzle or breech-loader. In practice, great feats have been performed. Thus, the Royal Arthur, at ranges varying between 1600 and 2200 yards, hit a target fourteen times out of sixteen shots, and this whilst steaming at eight knots. The French fleet has demolished targets at 4000 metres range. There is, however, a great difference between firing at a motionless target, and firing at a moving enemy who is returning your fire. In the old days, misses were frequent when the ships fought at very close quarters and it would be thought impossible for a shot to go astray. But generally speaking, the state of the sea will exercise most influence upon the quality of the marksmanship. If the water is calm, good shooting may be expected, and the percentage of hits will rise above ten or fifteen : if rough, it will fall very rapidly, perhaps below two per cent. The steadiness of the combatant vessels will in any sea-way become a factor of great importance, as two guns upon a stable and steady ship will beyond doubt effect more hits than as many weapons upon an unsteady and unstable one. In the days of top-heavy ships, it is well to bear this in mind. We have already alluded to the huge military masts carried by most French battleships.* They would be of immense * In a recent American design, the Iowa, the military mast has vanished, and there is not even the light mast of English pattern, but only signal-poles. So also in the Brooklyn. The French are removing the after military mast from THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 167 value in close action, but it is doubtful whether they will sur- vive the long-range cannonade. They tend to make the ship which carries them unsteady ; they are very heavy, and their fall might do serious damage. The English military masts are much lighter and smaller. French officers are of opinion that their masts would stand a good deal of knocking about, and that a single 6-inch or 47-inch shell would not bring them down. At the Yalu the Japanese military masts on board the three great cruisers, Matsiishima, Itsukushima ) and Hashidate, apparently survived the conflict without receiving damage. On the other hand the Akagi lost one of her masts, which was not, however, of the military pattern, and the Chinese ships lost all the men who were stationed at the guns in the tops. The maintenance of communications within the ship during action is even more important than the maintenance of her communications with the admiral. How far is it possible to use voice-pipes in the turmoil of battle ? We read how at the Yalu officers fought with their ears plugged and yet remained deaf for weeks. There will be, not only the tremendous din and concussion of the ship's own guns, but the not less disquieting crash of the enemy's shells, and the crunch and jar of the iron under the blows. In the ship's interior will be smoke from high explosive shells, smoke, perhaps, from the funnels, and smoke from hre. Voice- pipes may be severed by heavy projectiles impinging upon the tubes which carry them down, or perforating the armour. A trustworthy system of signalling from one part of the ship to another is most urgently required. It should be operated by electricity, have a reply-indicator, and should supplement the existing voice-pipes* Mischances with the present form many of their ships. On the one hand, military masts are valuable for signalling and top-fire at close quarters : on the other hand it is doubtful whether they would survive the preliminary encounter. * The telephone has been suggested, but in the uproar of battle might be difficult to use. i68 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. of engine-room telegraph, which is purely mechanical, are constantly occurring, and in the Victoria disaster the catas- trophe may have been aggravated by its failure on the Camperdown to convey an order correctly at a very critical moment. There may be many critical moments in battle when such a failure would mean destruction. A string of men to pass orders is found not only on board the Monitor in 1862, but on board the Huascar many years later. Yet here again there is room for mistakes in the turmoil and excitement of the fray. These vast machines, with all their complex mechanism, where the want of simplicity is so painfully manifest, have, as in the past, to be handled by men who are human and liable to error, but a new danger has been created by our Frankensteins in the risk of the machinery's error. It has been doubted whether it is advantageous to indicate to the enemy the precise position of the captain — the brain of the ship — by the conning-tower. Forward in most British battleships is a tower protected by 15-inch to 10-inch plating; aft, a second one, with 3-inch or 4-inch armour. The conning- tower is the centre of the ship's nervous system ; all the com- munications are collected there; it is crammed with voice-pipes, steering gear, and firing keys ; from it the outlook is very cir- cumscribed in many cases, and too often there is a cumber of chart-houses and bridges above it, which do indeed screen it from view, but may yet be wrecked by a well-placed shell, and set on fire or brought down upon it, thus rendering it useless. Beyond all doubt a heavy fire will be concentrated upon it ; experience shows us in the past a heavy roll of casualties in the conning-tower. In it Worden was blinded fighting the Merrimac ; in it Rodgers was killed before Charleston ; in it pilot after pilot was killed or wounded on the Mississippi ; in it Grau was blown to pieces ; in it another commander of the Huascar died ; in it two of the Tsi Yuen's officers perished. The rain of splinters will make it very hard to see what is happening from the narrow open- THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 169 ing, and any shutters which are left closed may be jammed The concussion of a heavy shell upon the structure, though, no doubt, it would not necessarily demolish it, might kill or injure those inside it, and would very probably destroy the communications. It would almost appear as if the best method of ensuring communication would be to have at least three or four stations,* protected by 4-inch or 5 -inch Harvey ed steel, with, as Admiral Colomb has suggested, a large voice- pipe leading straight down to a station below the armoured deck, the simplest telegraphic instruments, and the least possible number of gun and torpedo directors. The multipli- cation of positions whence the ship can be fought, gives a better guarantee against the destruction of its brain, than the provision of a single heavily plated shelter, as the enemy will be at a loss to know where to concentrate their fire. More- over, if the captain delegates his authority, if the gunnery officer is given the control of the ship's guns, the torpedo officer of its torpedoes, and the conning-towers are four in number, dispersed lozenge-wise, three will always face the enemy ; when captain, gunnery officer, and torpedo officer will each have a separate position, each commanding a good view of the enemy, and all three will not fall at one blow, as they would, if present together in one conning-tower. In case of injury to those in the captain's tower, the command can instantly devolve. For the ship to be straying masterless in a great fleet action — like the King Yuen or Huascar — describing erratic curves, would be fraught with the utmost danger not only to herself but to her fellows. She might, at such a time, ram or be rammed by her friends, and veering to and fro, though only for a moment, would throw any line into confusion. * The more recent French ships have three such positions. Croneau, ii., 425. The Germans station the second in command on the lower deck, in a position of safety. But even so, if the captain is killed, his successor will take seconds or minutes to reach the tower, during which much may happen. With three towers, the command can pass at once, and only a message from one to the others is needed. The obvious objection is the additional weight. 170 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. The paramount importance of preventing such an evil is evident. It may be that in the earlier stage it would not be likely to occur, though no one could say, for after all the conning-tower is a small target to hit. But should there be a close action hits must be more numerous, and in a close action a brainless ship will be most perilous. Many captains may, till the fleets close, decide to keep outside their shelters and choose a point of vantage on bridge or deck, where they can be seen, and whence they can encourage their men* The hail from the quick-firers, however, killed or wounded all at the Yalu who showed themselves on the Chinese decks. A suggestion which has been made in " Le Yacht" is worth con- sideration if such a course is adopted. Cloth or canvas, of the same colour as the ship's upper works, should be hung round the captain's position, hiding all but his head. Where practicable the same protection should be given to the crews of the machine-guns and small exposed weapons. It is a protection, as it in some measure conceals from the enemy the exact position of men and guns ; moreover, a screen between the gunners and the enemy makes them cooler. The only risk is that of its being fired by the enemy's projectiles. To prevent this, it can be drenched in alum or any other anti- combustion solution. How far armour will be penetrated in a long range engage- ment is an open question. If we can judge from the Yalu, it will not be penetrated at all when it is of moderate thickness — twelve inches or thereabouts. f But guns are so rapidly increasing in power, that it is dangerous to dogmatise. A weapon such as the wire Elswick 8-inch quick-firer, with a nominal perforation of twenty inches of steel at the muzzle, * Or like some of the American monitor captains, stand to leeward of the conning-tower. f The experience of the Yalu shows that thin armour is worse than useless. By thin armour, is meant plating less than 4 inches thick, which is the least thickness that, under service conditions, at long ranges, could be trusted to keep out the 4/7-inch and, possibly, the 6-inch shell. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 171 should, under service conditions, in action, send its bolt through ten inches of compound, or eight inches of Han-eyed, armour at 2000 yards, if it hits nearly at right angles to the target. The thickness of metal perforated by guns on the proving ground, is, of course, only useful to indicate their power under the most favourable circumstances, and to give some standard of comparison. And when the claims of moderate sized guns are urged, and it is said that the present English 29-ton gun, for instance, is quite heavy enough for work at sea, because it can pierce the thickest plate afloat, it should not be forgotten that whilst it can do it, it is never likely to do it, and that to decide a battle it may be necessary to be able to pierce the enemy's thick armour, and to possess guns which not only can, but are likely to do it.* The rapid progress of artillery is, however, giving us. guns which will be able to do all that is required on a moderate weight. Such weapons must necessarily be long, but it is better to submit to some inconvenience than to sacrifice ballistics. t * The endurance of a battleship must ultimately depend upon the endurance of her men, but there can be no doubt that if the ship does not capsize through injury on her water-line, all guns which are not protected by armour, may be put out of action in a close encounter. The thickly-armoured positions may hold out, and inflict much damage if they cannot be silenced, and the victor, without heavy guns, will be driven to torpedo or ram the ship. With heavy guns he can overpower the enemy. The recoil from the big guns seems to have reached its limit, and it does not appear that any nation will go much lower than 12 inches for the heavy armament. The United States are returning to the 13-inch gun for their new battleships. There are many advantages in the big gun ; like the big ship, it can deal a crushing blow, and can fire a shell containing a large burster; its shell, too, is more likely to perforate. On the other hand, the larger the gun, the slower its fire, and the shorter its life. Fewer weapons can be carried, and the chance of a breakdown, where much machinery is carried, increases. The battle of the guns is no new one. In the past, there was the struggle between the 18-pounder and the 24-pounder, between the long 42-pounder and the short 32-pounder. f The howitzer has received much support in France of late. Short, large- calibre guns might, perhaps, be combined with the longer weapons, for use, like the old carronades, at close quarters. But they would be of little value till the fleets closed. With long guns, the trajectory is flat, and there is less chance of missing the target through a trifling error in judging the distance. On the other hand short, large-calibre guns can fire a very heavy shell. 12 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. When the now battered hulls draw nearer, and hits, though from a diminished number of guns, become more frequent, the last phase of the battle begins. Probably the auxiliary arma- ment of all the ships, where it is not thoroughly protected as in modern English and American types, will have been put out of action by the awful carnage wrought by the high-explosive shells in batteries which are not armoured, where the guns are massed together. This is the hour for the torpedo-boat, and it will dash to the attack, no longer to be pelted with light projectiles, for the ship it is assailing has reverted under fire to the conditions of 1870, when heavy guns behind thick armour were the only armament. The torpedo attack must be met by a corresponding defence of torpedo-boats, and a fresh struggle will begin, to be decided by a superiority upon the one side or the other, followed, perhaps, by a cruiser action, as these craft draw in to support their various boats. Mutual destruction or disablement may be expected to be the issue, when the battleships on each side will meet in the final colli- sion, and reserves of uninjured ships will decide the day. The ram will now be used upon ships with engines disabled, if they will not surrender ; the torpedo will also come into play. A duel between the heavy guns on either side will con- clude the battle. We have some idea, from the effect of the Chinese 12-inch and 10-inch shells upon the Matsushima, what will be the effect of projectiles weighing 850 lbs. and 1200 lbs. crashing through thick steel, carrying inboard splin- ters and fragments of plating, and exploding with delayed- action fuses in the interior."* These deadly and stunning blows dealt on either side will rend and tear the ships perhaps past recognition. So in the uproar and confusion, the smoke and the fire, the long agony of the battle will draw to its close * A fifty pound charge of melinite exploding against a steel armour-deck shatters it over a surface of one square yard, driving down fragments weighing 400 lbs. with a velocity of 210 to 200 foot seconds upon engines or boilers. A 12-inch shell might thus disable any ship. It is doubtful, however, whether the fuse has yet been devised which will take a high-explosive through even thin armour. Croneau, ii., 71. The End of a Battleship. Plate XXXIII. THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 173 on board the mastodons, which are now settling in the water, rolling terribly, and threatening to engulf their crews. The picture that rises before us is one of horror almost transcend- ing imagination, a scene of bloodshed and destruction so fearful, that man's high purpose and devotion can alone re- deem it from the ghastliness of the shambles. But it is neither profitable nor elevating to batten upon horrors. But will the slaughter be great, it may be asked ? Will the damage be so tremendous ? And it is certainly the case that a ship can only take a certain number of hits without surren- dering or sinking. The temper of the crews will largely determine the percentage of loss. Courageous, resolute, and devoted men will stand firm through slaughter from which weaker men will quail, and thus the braver the combatants the heavier the loss. The sailors on either side will be dis- ciplined men, not as very often on both sides in the last French war, a conglomeration of merchant seamen, prisoners, landsmen, and genuine naval sailors. In the British Navy, they are now picked men — they may be said to be the flower of the nation. They are taken in youth, taught and trained to instinctive obedience, and high courage. They are not swept on board against their will by the arbitrary injustice of the press. They are regarded by the nation with the most absolute confidence. They are animated by the national spirit bred in men who know what England really is, and who day by day behold her power and the splendour of her Empire. They know that the race is for an object — . . . 6vk leprjLOV ofSe fioe'iriv that the result of the battle will be life or death to that England. They have behind them a past of uniform success, and they will not be ready tamely to surrender it. We may expect from them a most obstinate resistance if the battle goes against them, and with an obstinate resistance the loss must be heavy. So, too, with our opponents there will be every probability of a determined resistance. The French 74 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. sailor is a picked man ; he does not want courage, discipline, or training, and he has a burning desire to revenge the defeats of the past. It is, of course, often asserted that war grows less bloody with time, and history does show it is so on land, but at sea there is small evidence to prove it. We have already reviewed the losses at the Yalu and Lissa, and have compared them with earlier battles. All the sea engagements of the period 1860-6, in which ironclads fought, show slight loss of life, because armour had then conquered the gun. It is now beaten by it,* and there is also the torpedo to be reckoned with. The slaughter on board the Maisushima drove her out of battle, but it amounted to more than one- third of her crew. So in the desperate actions of the war of 1 8 1 2 British ships more than once held out till they had suffered similar loss.f The casualties may then reach as high a figure as thirty or forty per cent, including killed, wounded, and drowned. And as it is with loss of life, so it is with the loss of ships. Though the vitals are well protected in battleships, the deck may at close quarters be perforated by plunging shot, the hull below the water-line pierced as the ship rolls. Heavy losses in armoured ships may not be anticipated till the fleets draw near to each other,J but when * The thickest armour is still impenetrable to the guns, under service conditions, or only barely penetrable. But only a small portion of the ship can be thus protected. The increasing power of the gun has compelled designers to leave many important parts of the ship unprotected. f The following is the percentage of British loss in some of the hottest actions of this war. Guerriere and Constitution, 32 ; Frolic and Wasp, 67 ; Macedonian and United States, 37 ; Java and Constitution, 38 ; Peacock and Hornet, 33 ; Reindeer and Wasp, 67. In two of the bloodiest single-ship actions of the French war, the English losses reached 32 and 34 per cent. % A few hits on the water-line may, however, lead to the loss of any ship. The catastrophe to the Victoria, as battleships go, a stable vessel, has shown how slight injuries on the water-line may impair any ship's flotatory qualities. Professor Elgar, writing in Nature, xlix., 153, suggests that it would be well before action to fill unarmoured ends with water. There would then at least be no changes in the ship's trim. But if in the Sanspareil and probably in the " Admirals " the ends were thus filled, the top of the belt would be on or below THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 175 they do so approach, some are almost bound to go to the bottom. The torpedo and the ram will claim their victims ; wrecked water-lines in a sea-way will lead others to capsize, perhaps with little notice. The losses in craft so ill protected, as most cruisers are, will probably be very severe. The old wooden ship of war, attacked by feeble smooth-bores, could stand a prodigious amount of battering, without very often being much the worse for it. Far otherwise is it with our delicate boxes of machinery, attacked by guns which can easily send a shell through them at two miles. Though the Saikio came off so cheaply at the Yalu, it was to chance she owed her escape, as the fate of better built Chinese cruisers showed. Again the wooden ship, when she did sink, sank slowly, giving her men plenty of time to escape. These iron hulls capsize, or founder in a minute. It is difficult then to suppose that the loss, whether of men or materiel will be small. Nor will it, in all probability, be spread over a long period of time. On the contrary, the battle cannot last very long. The fleet actions of the past occupy a time which seldom exceeds five hours. Lissa was over in considerably less, and the Yalu in a trifle less. At the Yalu, however, there was no effort to come to close quarters, but merely a prolonged and distant cannonade. The increasing rapidity of gun-fire, the relatively small supply of ammunition carried, the potency of the implements of des- truction, all point to a short and sharp struggle. Neither side has much to gain by prolonging the unendurable tension of the battle. There will be on either side an anxiety to bring the affair to an issue, and as soon as either sees a favourable chance, he will dash in. Not that such a struggle need necessarily be decisive. If no mistakes are made, if men and ships on either side are equal, there cannot be great results to either. But so many the water-line. Luckily the present form of projectile ricochets over the ship or goes to the bottom when it hits the water short of it, so that long range hits between wind and water will be rare. 176 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. ifs are not likely to be combined. One side may have more ships, better men, greater manoeuvring skill, and abler commanders. War is more largely a personal matter than is often supposed. Not the best ships, but the best men will win. Only we must insist upon good ships and not in peace, at least, profess to regard ourselves as better than our neigh- bours. If at the close of the day one side has ships intact, and the other ships damaged, no power on earth can save the latter. There is no wind to suddenly blow him away from his foe, or to compel his enemy's retreat. Ruin for the beaten side is the prospect in a great battle where the result is not wholly indecisive and where the enemy's ammunition does not fail, Lissa and the Yala notwithstanding. The losses of ships on the beaten side in the more important naval engagements of the last hundred years may be sum- marised as follows : — No. of ships engaged on beaten side. c 0 6 in Year. Name of Battle. Nationality of Defeated. Burnt or sunk in Battle. Captured i Battle. Destroyed < captured after Battl Total Los Captured ships sun or destroy* after Battl 1782 April 1 2th French 3° i 6 1794 June 1st St. Vincent ... French 26 1 1 1797 Spaniards 25 4 4 1797 Camperdown . Dutch 16 9 9 1798 .Nile French 13 1 8 2 11 1805 Trafalgar P'rench & Span. 33 1 i8t 1827 Navarino Turks & Egypt. 3 3 3 1866 Lissa Italians 23 2 ~i* 3 1894 Yalu Chinese 4 1 $ * Sank at Ancona after Battle, t Of these three were recaptured and ten wrecked, scuttled or burnt. Five other ships were captured, October 24th, and November 4th. The disappearance of capture may be due to chance and an insufficiency of modern instances, or may be a feature of naval warfare under the new conditions. It seems to have been replaced by the total destruction of the beaten ship. All that has been said hitherto applies to day actions, in which neither fleet is surprised. If a fleet should be caught unawares, either by day or by night, it will be lost. But this is not at all likely if both sides have, as they probably will, THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. *77 plenty of scouts. A night action, in which both sides would be willing combatants, is hard to conceive. It might be preceded by a torpedo attack, in which one or more large ships having been damaged, the assailant's heavy ships come up and endeavour to capture or destroy them. The use of the search-light would be necessary upon either side, and very strict control over it would have to be maintained to prevent it from being flashed in the eyes of friends. But a night attack would leave so much to chance — if conducted by heavy ships — that admirals are not likely to run the hazard. Boarding, as a feature of naval warfare, has vanished. It is only when the motive power of a ship is disabled that it becomes practicable, and a disabled ship is entirely at the mercy of an assailant who is free to move. Perhaps the action between the Covadonga and Independencia illustrates this most clearly. It is needless to waste life by boarding when the crew can be reduced to submission by the threat of a torpedo or the ram. If the battle be as we have represented it, what type of ship will be best adapted for action in it ? By comparing such an ideal vessel with the battleships now under construc- tion, we may be able to verify the probability of our guesses at truth, since the acutest minds are everywhere brought to bear upon the problems of naval construction. Taking protection first, the parts most essential to the ship, and therefore requiring most attention, may be placed as follows : First, the lower-works, on the safety of which depends the safety of the ship, as, if they are shattered and torn open, in spite of compartments and water-tight doors, she must founder. Next come the engines, boilers, and motive power generally. As the lower portion of the hull cannot be hit directly, unless the ship rolls very much, it is left unarmoured on the exterior, but to protect the interior from harm a horizontal deck of armour will be necessary. The lower this is kept below the water-line the better, though to give space for engines and to assure flotation there are obvious limits. Vol. II. N IRONCLADS IN ACTION. On the side upwards from the water line, to as great a height as the weight at the disposal of the architect will allow, should be disposed plating, proof against the largest quick- firer under service conditions, to protect the ship's upper works from the ravages of all but the largest shells. The captain's position, as the brain of the ship, and the commu- nications as its vital nerves, should be assured by duplication and moderate armour. The heavy guns should be mounted in separate and well-armoured positions. The quick-firers should, wherever possible, be in turrets, when awkward arrangements for housing them become unnecessary. It is well to allow for a possible growth in length in the near future, and it is manifest that a gun much over 20 feet long could not be stowed as on the Royal Sovereign. The thick- ness of armour will range from 6 inches or 8 inches of Harveyed steel on the quick-firer turrets, to double that amount on the heavy guns. On the side, 8 inches or 9 inches of steel will, at long ranges, exclude even the 8-inch pro- jectile when it does not strike perpendicularly. Such a ship will have three or four positions whence she can be fought in action. As far as stability will permit the guns should be mounted high, when the command will be greater, and the difficulty of using the weapons to advantage in a sea-way less. The funnels and ventilators will be carried up a large, thinly armoured shaft, to some feet above the upper deck. The freeboard will be high, but the superstructure will be reduced to a minimum. Such a vessel will be very far from invulnerable — an impossible aim unless all fighting qualities are sacrificed. Though water line hits may not be numerous, chance pro- jectiles are nearly certain to strike the ship betwixt wind and water. It is to guard against such hits, which in so vulnerable a quarter might do immense damage, that a belt is carried by every battleship except the great Italian vessels. No amount of subdivision without armour can ensure the ship's flotation. A single heavy shell bursting in a mass of cells THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 179 such as are found above the armour-deck of the Italian ships, would tear them open and shatter them severely, perhaps setting their cork packing on fire. Again, grave injuries can easily be inflicted upon the armour-deck, where it is placed low, and has no barrier of side-plating to explode shells outside the ship. It does not seem absolutely essential to carry the belt round the ends of the ship, as shell wounds there are not so serious as amidships, but it is undoubtedly better to have a complete belt. If the bows are much wounded, the rush of the ship through the water will tend to force the sea in, and impair the manoeuvring qualities by depressing the forward portion. The screws will come nearer to the surface, and in a sea-way there will be risk to the engines and propellers from racing, and from the enemy's projectiles. Injuries astern are not so much to be feared. The guns carried should be numerous, manageable, and powerful. Four heavy weapons is the number which ex- perience accords to large battleships, though in some recent German examples there are six. Ability to pierce the thickest plating at short ranges must be demanded of such weapons, but at the same time the weight of the gun must not be extreme. The 9/45-inch gun* of fifty or fifty-five calibres can perforate two feet of wrought iron at 2000 yards, and weighs from thirty tons upwards. Such a gun would exhibit a perforation greater than that of the 67-ton weapons of the Royal Sovereign, with less than half their weight. Whilst it should be loaded and trained by electricity or hydraulics to ensure rapidity of fire, alternative hand-gear can be fitted. Each of the heavy guns, if weight allows, should have a separate armoured position, as in the French Magenta class, for why separate widely the secondary armament whilst concentrating the primary? The auxiliary armament should include as many 8-inch or 6-inch quick-firers as can be given, * The Canet 9"45-inch gun, as long ago as 1890, could perforate 23*5 inches of wrought iron at 2000 metres. This gun was fifty calibres long. See p. 250. N 2 i8o IRONCLADS IN ACTION. whilst to stop hostile torpedo-boats and riddle the enemy's unarmoured works at close quarters, the 12-pounder and 1 -pounder are necessary. A certain differentiation of armament is as needful to-day as it was in Nelson's time. To give the battleship an armament composed of one single size of gun, would be sacrificing to an ideal simplicity the efficiency of the ship. The principle of dispersing the armament and concentrating its fire, should be carried as far as is possible. Torpedo attacks will be generally delivered from ahead, and demand a strong bow-fire. The ship which we have sketched corresponds generally to the English Majestic class, though in certain features, such as the four gun-positions, it approximates to the earlier French type. The arguments against four gun-positions are strong,* but still stronger, it appears to us, is the argument that, with the heavy weapons mounted in pairs, a single hit might disable half the ship's primary armament. In action at long ranges, the heavy guns would fire only an occasional shot, and the quick-firers would maintain a rapid and steady fire upon the enemy. When the time came for closing, the guns would attack, according to their size, the thick armour, the thin armour, or the unprotected portions of the opponent's side.t This, of course, involves familiarity on the part of the officers and gunners with the enemy's designs, but it is always easy now to obtain fairly accurate information on such matters. At this period the fire will be as rapid % as possible, and efforts will be made to concentrate * See page 269. t At long ranges the diminutive size of the target prevents such dis- crimination. % Rapidity of fire in practice will depend not only on the mount and breech action of the gun, and training of the gunners, but also upon the supply of ammunition, Power-hoists to the quick-firers are of great importance, as they reduce the number of men that will be required below, and they abolish the need for large emergency magazines on deck, which must prove a source of danger, especially where there are many guns close together. The accidents on board the Palestro and Matsushima warn us of the danger of such exposed THE NAVAL BATTLE OF TO-MORROW. 181 the fleet's weight of metal upon ship after ship in succession. But as each side will try the same game this need not lead to decisive results. It is more than possible that the command within the ship may devolve with great rapidity. In her engagement with the Chilian ironclads the Huascar had in quick succession four commanders ; on the Akagi, at the Yalu, commander- after commander was injured, and any ship which comes to anything like close quarters may fare as badly. It seems, then, a matter of great importance that every commissioned officer on board should have practice in handling the ship at fleet manoeuvres. So, too, the methods of fighting the ship, when she has lost heavily in men, must be studied. No modern battleship carries any spare men, yet to supply the place of those who have fallen at the guns, or in exposed positions, men will have to be drawn from somewhere at whatever sacrifice. If they come from the stokehold it will be at the expense of the ship's speed ; if from the maga- zines, at the expense of her rapidity of fire. The import- ance of giving engine-room hands and stokers a training in gunnery, where practicable, is manifest. It is when the ship is in extremis that its value will be felt. A small matter, but a very important one, is the adoption of some distinctive mark or colour for the ships of each side. Neither side is likely to gain much by a disguise. A dis- tinctive colour, which is varied from week to week, with a broad stripe running right round the ship, will serve to show friends to friends. Individual ships can be marked on the Austrian plan, by belts of colour on the funnels. In spite of all precaution, in a melee there might be great risk of accidental injury to friends. The ships would be much injured, perhaps veiled in a wreath of smoke, and if the magazines. On the Tamandare, in the Paraguayan war, there were three explosions arising from this cause. Still, as Captain Mahan has pointed out in the Century (August, 1895), it is better to risk an explosion than to concede to the enemy superior rapidity of fire. 182 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. morale of the gunners has been much shaken, they may not be too careful. The view from casemate or turret is not extensive, and the temptation to fire at an object crossing the field of vision must be strong. For to be active in battle is less trying to the nerves than to stand and look on. In such a matter as this, discipline and training will tell strongly. This then is a forecast of the battle of to-morrow. Two great lines of monster ships steaming side by side, but far apart, whilst the uproar of the cannonade, the hail of shells, fills the air. As the minutes pass, funnels and superstructures fly in splinters, the draught sinks, the speed decreases, ships drop to the rear. The moment for close action has come, and the victor steams in on the vanquished. The ram and the torpedo, amidst an inferno of sinking ships and exploding shells, claim their victims. The torpedo-boats of the weaker side in vain essay to cover the beaten battleships. Beneath a pall of smoke, upon a sea of blood, the mastery of the waters is decided for a generation. Such an encounter will not lack sensation. To live through it will be a life's experience ; to fall in it a glorious end. And that Heaven may send our fleet success, when the great day comes, is the ardent prayer of every Englishman. For though men can do much by the stoutness and constancy of their hearts, there are chances which lie evermore on the knees of the gods. Note. — Weight of metal and its influence on the result of the engagement have not been discussed, but, judging from the lessons of the wars of 1778- 1783 and 1812 — the wars in which the personnel on either side was of good quality — it will have a decisive influence. Ten guns with 5°° rounds of ammunition can obviously do more damage than five with 1000 rounds in a given time, if that time is not long. Modern cruisers will not stand much hammering, and where they have no vertical armour seem to stand in need of heavy batteries. Of course, it will be said that every ship is a compromise ; but in the compro- mise guns, the fighting element, are of the most vital importance. CHAPTER XXIV. Ironclad Catastrophes. The first of the three great disasters which have made Englishmen look with some apprehension upon the ironclad, did not occur till 1870. For ten years our experience of the new type of warship was untried by any serious misadven- ture. And strangely enough this first great catastrophe had been all but foretold at the Admiralty,* and was the fault, not of Whitehall, but of the British public and press, which had persistently urged the construction of a certain demonstrably unsound type of vessel. The ill-fated Captain was an iron armoured, turret-ship, of 6,900 tons, designed by Captain Cowper Coles, the English inventor of the turret. He had converted the three-decker Royal Sovereign into the first English turret-ship, but she was not a sea-going vessel, and was fit for little more than harbour defence. For the latter she was excellent : her turrets were ingenious and gave complete satisfaction. Captain Coles, however, dreamed of yet greater triumphs. He had set his heart upon a sea-going, masted turret-ship, with low free- board, and, much against the will of the technical advisers of the First Lord,t chiefly through the influence of the press, he was at last permitted to build such a ship. Messrs. Laird were the contractors, and needless to say their work was well done. * Parliamentary Papers, 1871, xlii. ; 677, "utterly unsafe;" 678, "cannot possibly prove a satisfactory sea-going ship; " 892, "the danger to be appre- hended from these [fully rigged] monitors is very great. 1 ' f Parliamentary Papers, 1870, xlii., 668, 673. 1 84 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1870 When completed in 1870, she was considered by all except a few experts, who had misgivings, the finest fighting ship in the fleet, and was to be the type of future battleships. Her length was 320 feet, her beam 53 feet, and her draught 25 feet g\ inches. As designed by Captain Coles she was to have had a freeboard of a little more than 8 feet 6 inches.* A curious error of her designer had reduced this to 6 feet 8 inches, so that, if unsafe in embryo, she was still more unsafe in her completed state. Indeed, Messrs. Laird would seem to have been by no means easy about her, as, when they handed her over, they requested the Admiralty authorities to test her stability by inclining her. This was done with fairly satisfac- tory results .f The ship carried four 25-ton guns in two turrets, placed fore and aft in the keel-line. She had a high forecastle and poop, which were connected by a hurricane-deck running above the turrets. The armour on the turrets was 13 to 8 inches thick, and on the water-line 6 to 8 inches. There were three tripod masts, with full sail-power, a sail-power which was greater than that given to her safer competitor, the Monarch, in proportion to her size. There was one funnel. The com- plement consisted of 500 officers and men, and the supply of fuel was 500 tons, though Captain Coles had undertaken to give her 1000 tons. As the finest ship in the fleet she was commanded by a most able and promising officer, Captain Burgoyne, whilst on board her, in various capacities, were sons of Mr. Childers, Lord Northbrook, and Sir Baldwin Walker. Everyone had absolute faith in her, and she was in due course sent to sea with the Channel squadron. In May she faced a heavy gale in the Bay of Biscay. On this cruise her fighting capacities were well tested. In a heavy sea she fired her great guns without any difficulty, making good practice. Under sail she stayed and wore beautifully, beating the Monarch with great ease. * The Monarch's freeboard was 14 feet. The Captain, in spite of Coles' criticisms of the Monarch, was only an indifferent replica of that ship, f Her metacentric height was 2*6 feet. 1870] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 185 Admiral Symonds, after noting her behaviour and inspecting her, reported : " She is a most formidable vessel, and could, I believe, by her superior armament, destroy all the broadside ships of the squadron in detail." A second successful cruise across the Bay of Biscay confirmed this good opinion of her, and even her detractors were forced to confess themselves mistaken. A third time she went to sea with the Channel squadron under Admiral Milne ; and Captain Coles, her designer, sailed in her, to observe her behaviour. The vessels cruising with her were the Lord Warden, the flagship, the Minotaur, Agin- court, Northumberland, Monarch, Hercules, Bellerophon, and the unarmoured ships Inconstant and Bristol. To test the turret-ship thoroughly they crossed the Bay of Biscay, and on September 6th, 1870, were near Cape Finisterre. That day a heavy sea was running, and, on Admiral Milne visiting her, he pointed out to Captain Coles that the lee side of the deck was under water when she rolled, and said that it looked ugly. Captain Coles assured him that it made no difference, and mattered nothing. Both Coles and Burgoyne were anxious that the admiral should spend the night on board, but, fortunately for him, he declined. The Captain was under sail, but with steam up, ready to be used if required. She was rolling heavily, the angles averaging twelve-and-a-half degrees and sometimes reaching fourteen degrees. At 8 p.m. that evening the sea was high, and it was cloudy to the west, but there was as yet no indication of a gale. The ships were in station, the Captain astern of the Lord Warden. At 11 o'clock there was a fresh breeze and some rain. At midnight the barometer dropped, the wind rose, and, as it became evident that dirty weather was at hand, sails were reefed. A little before 1 p.m. a furious gale set in from the south-west and sails were furled. The rest may be told in Admiral Milne's words : " At this moment the Captain was astern of this ship, apparently closing under steam. The signal, ' Open order,' was made, and at once answered; and 1 86 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1870 at 1. 1 5 a.m. she was on the Lord Warden's lee quarter, about six points abaft the ship : her topsails were either close reefed or on the lap ; her foresail was close up, the mainsail having been furled at 5.30 p.m. ; but I could not see any fore-and-aft set. She was heeling over a good deal to starboard,* with the wind on her port side. Her red bow light was at this time clearly seen. Some minutes after I again looked for her, but it was thick with rain, and the light was no longer visible. The squalls of wind and rain were very heavy, and the Lord Warden was kept by the aid of the screw and after-trysails with her bow to a heavy cross sea, and at times it was thought that the sea would have broken over her gangways. At 2.15 a.m. (of the 7th) the gale had somewhat subsided, and the wind went round to the north- west, but without any squall ; in fact, the wind moderated, the heavy bank of cloud had passed off to the eastward, and the stars came out clear and bright ; the moon, which had given considerable light, was setting : no large ship was seen near us where the Captain had been last observed, although the lights of some were visible at a distance. When the day broke the squadron was somewhat scattered, and only ten ships, instead of eleven, could be discerned, the Captain being the missing one." The dreadful truth dawned upon the admiral. The splendid, the trusted ship, was gone, and how no man knew as yet. The vessels of the squadron scattered and searched in every direction, but it was not till the afternoon that the fore- boding became a certainty. Some portions of her hurricane- deck, a spar with a handkerchief tied to it, the body of a seamen, told the tale. The Captain had foundered in one of the heavy squalls soon after twelve o'clock, when a heavy cross sea was running, and had taken to the depths her crew. The Inconstant, the fastest ship of the squadron, was ordered to steam at her fullest speed for Plymouth and carry home the terrible news. * Eye witnesses placed her heel at fifteen degrees. 1870]. IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 187 And what had been her end ? The survivors, who in evil plight struggled ashore to the sullen coast of Finisterre, could alone tell the story. About midnight the wind was very strong, and the ship was then under her three topsails, in each of which double reefs had been taken. Steam was up, but, appa- rently, the screw was not working, and she was making little way, rolling very heavily. The starboard watch had been called a few minutes after midnight, and had just mustered on deck. As they were called there was a very heavy lurch, but the ship righted herself again. When the men came on deck* they heard Captain Burgoyne give the orders, " Let go topsail halyards," and then " Let go fore and main topsail sheets." Before they got to the sheets a second and more terrible lurch began. In quick succession the angle of the heel was called, in answer to a question of Captain Burgoyne, " Eighteen degrees ! Twenty-three degrees ! Twenty-eight degrees ! " At the sheets the heel to starboard was so great that some of the men were washed off the deck. The ship was now on her beam-ends, lying down on her side, slowly capsizing, and " trembling with every blow which the short, jumping seas, white with foam, struck her." It was a dread- ful moment. The steam, escaping with a tremendous roar from the funnel, did not drown the cries of the stokers, which came up from the bowels of the ship. The boilers were fired athwartship, and when the Captain was on her beam-ends the furnace doors in the port row of boilers would no longer be able to resist the pressure of the glowing coal inside, but would be forced open, and thus would discharge their contents upon the hapless men, flung in a heap upon the fronts of the starboard boilers. And, as the draught failed, and the water descended by the funnel to the furnaces, upon the torment of fire would come a rush of flame and steam, till death by drown- ing ended the tortures of that inferno. It is sometimes said * Court Martial, H.M.S. Captain, p. 124. This fixes the time and shows that Admiral Milne must have been mistaken when he thought he saw the Captain at 1.15, 1 88 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1870 that the men in engine-room and stokehold are safe in war. But, when they die unseen and unsung, at moments such as this, without a chance of escape, we must own that they con- front a danger more unnerving than is faced by the sailor fighting on deck, and that they deserve special honour. As the ship heeled, and it became evident that she was capsizing, many of the men ran forward to the weather- forecastle netting and leapt overboard, still hearing the roar of the steam, even when the funnel was below the water. Others climbed up the tilting deck with the help of ropes, and got out on the port side, and then as the Captain slowly turned over, walked up her bottom. One man caught his foot in a Kingston valve, and finally reached the place where the keel would have been, had there been one, when the ship fell suddenly away from under him. The gunner had a very narrow escape. He had been asleep in his cabin, when some marines awakened him by the noise they made. Noticing that the ship was rolling heavily, he got up and went to the turrets to see that the guns were properly secured. He visited the fore-turret, and was in the after-turret when the fatal lurch began. As the heel grew greater, he climbed out of one of the sighting holes, and was just clear when the ship went down. ' The last seen of her was the prow. The few survivors, all, except the captain and the gunner, of the star- board watch, climbed on to the launch and the pinnace, which were floating about. The second launch was cleared, and the men set to work to row her to the help of the pinnace, upon which, as it swam bottom upwards, were Captain Burgoyne and several men. Many of the men jumped to the launch, but Burgoyne would not, and as the heavy sea prevented close approach, and all but swamped the launch, he had to be aban- doned. He refused an oar, telling the men they would want all those they had. Eighteen survivors reached dry land, after in vain hailing the Inconstant, which passed close to them, without hearing or seeing them in the uproar and darkness of the squall. 1875] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 1S9 The news was at first received with incredulity in England, and then with grief and indignation. The loss of so fine a ship, with so many promising officers and nearly 500 men, was a national disaster. At the court martial which sat to try the survivors the verdict was a vindication of the Ad- miralty. "The Captain" it ran, "was built in deference to public opinion, and in opposition to the views and opinions of the Controller of the Navy and his department. " Her heavy masting, her sails, her low freeboard, far lower than her designer had intended, and her great top- weights, in the shape of her hurricane deck and turrets, were the causes of the disaster. She might have been a safe ship without her masts, or with them she might have been a satisfactory coast-sendee vessel. But there is no doubt that she was too unstable for work at sea. Her loss has not been without effect. In the first place, it has led our constructors to pay great attention to stability, a virtue the value of which would be felt in war, though it does not necessarily make a great show in peace. In the second, it has for ever warned off amateur designers. The art of designing a ship is so intricate, and needs such a deep technical knowledge, if the product is to be satisfactory, that in this there is only cause for satisfaction. The second disaster was happily unattended with loss of life. The Channel Squadron, consisting of the five ironclads, Warrior, Achilles, Hector, Iron Duke, and Vanguard, left Kingstown for Queenstown on September 1st, 1875, at 10.30 a.m. On reaching the Kish lightship the Achilles left the squadron to steer for Liverpool, whilst the other four pro- ceeded on their course, formed in line ahead. At about 12.30 a very thick fog came on, and it was not possible to see more than fifty yards ahead. The positions of the ships were now as follows : First came the Warrior and Hector ; then, a mile or two astern of them, the Vanguard and Iron Duke, the former ship leading.* The speed, which had been ten or * The Vanguard and Iron Duke were three cables instead of two cables, the right distance, apart just before the collision. I go IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1875 twelve knots before the fog came down, was reduced to seven or eight* Soon after half-past twelve a large sailing vessel crossed the Vanguard 's bows, and compelled her to sheer from her place in the line. Her helm had been put hard-a-port, and her way thus checked, when suddenly the Iron Duke, which had first sheered, for no adequate reason, and then had come back to her course, loomed up through the fog, not one cable distant, with her ram pointed at the Vanguard's broad- side. Simultaneously the Vanguard was seen by the Iron Duke, and Captain Hickley, the commander of the latter, who was on deck, at once ordered his engines to go astern, but too late to avert a collision. Steaming at a rate of something less than seven knots, the Iron Duke struck the Vanguard, which was steaming about six knots, four feet below her armour, just abaft the mainmast on the port quarter, abreast of the engine-room. Avery large rent, twenty-five feet square, was made in her, and the water came through in a torrent. Unfor- tunately, the ram had damaged the ship at her most vulner- able point, tearing a hole in the athwartship bulkhead, which parted the engine and boiler compartments — the two largest compartments in the ship. The shock was very violent. The armour-belt of the Vanguard, here 8 inches thick, was driven in more than a foot, but the inner skin was not actually pierced by the ram.f Other bulkheads in the ship were so much damaged that they leaked badly, and on deck spars and blocks fell from her masts. Immediately the collision occurred the water-tight doors were closed. There was no panic, and the discipline maintained was excellent. The engine-room, stokehold, and alleys were quickly filled, the * The " Fog Signal Instructions," however, laid down the rule that in fogs the speed should not exceed three or four knots. f The inner skin of the double bottom only went as high as the lower edge of the armour belt. Thus for some feet below the water-line there was nothing behind the side-plating and its supports. Had the Vanguard been built with a wing-bulkhead as are all modern ironclads she would certainly have floated, notwithstanding her severe injuries. 1875] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 191 boiler drowned out, and the steam-pumps left without steam. An artificer, with great presence of mind, opened the boiler valves, and allowed the steam to escape, thereby averting an explosion. The men were mustered on deck in order, and no attempt was made to save the ship, all the energy of Captain Dawkins, her commander, being devoted to the saving of life. A certain want of promptitude, resolution, and resource was perhaps visible amongst the officers, but looking at the case of the Vanguard in the light of later catastrophes, it is doubtful whether much could have been done. The Iron Duke, which had disappeared in the fog, came up as close as she could with safety, and as quickly as possible, but, with perfect order, the men were transferred to her. Within twenty minutes they had all been taken off, the captain, as usual, being the last to leave the sinking ironclad. One hour after the collision, at 2.15 p.m., the Vanguard, which was heavily down by the stern, whirled round two or three times and went to the bottom in nineteen fathoms. The Vanguard was a second-class battleship of 5899 tons and 3500 horse-power.* She was one of a class of six ships designed to meet the French Alma class, and was primarily meant for service on distant stations. She carried ten 12^-ton muzzle-loaders and two 64-pounders. She had a complete armour-belt, 6 to 8 inches thick on the water-line, and a central battery protected by 6-inch plating. She had a speed of 14*9 knots at her trial, and carried a crew of 450 men. On her steam trials she was found to be defective in stability, and her double-bottom had been filled with bricks and cement. There were seven athwartship bulkheads dividing the hold into eight compartments, and it was calculated that any one of these might be breached without disaster to the ship. Unfortunately, the possibility of a blow being struck over one of the bulkheads, and thus laying open two compartments to the sea, had been overlooked. * See Plate xxxvii. p. 220 for elevation of her sister-ship Audacious. i 9 2 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1875 The court, which tried the officers of the Vanguard, came to the conclusion that the disaster was due, firstly to the high speed which the squadron was maintaining in spite of the fog ; secondly to the fact that Captain Dawkins, of the Vanguard, though leader of his division, and though the weather was foggy, had left the deck ; thirdly to a reduction of speed by the Vanguard without any signal to the Iron Duke astern; fourthly to an increase of speed by the Iron Duke in spite of the fog, and in spite of the fact that the speed was already high ; fifthly to the Iron Duke's improperly sheering out of line; and sixthly to the absence of any fog- signals on her part. Captain Dawkins was censured and dismissed his ship for neglecting to get the pumps to work, and instead hoisting out the boats. The court held that he should have tried to cover the rent in the side with sails. The navigating lieutenant was censured for not endeavouring to run the ship into shoal water, when she might have been recovered, even if she had sunk. It was held that the Iron Duke should have made some effort to tow her into shallow water. The commander of the Vanguard was reprimanded with the chief-engineer and carpenter. The Iron Duke's watch-officer was dismissed his ship. The Iron Duke, which was precisely similar to the Vanguard, suffered no injury of any moment. Her ram projected but very slightly below her armour-belt, and could have repeated the blow without danger. The accident produced in England a tendency to favour the ram, whilst, seeing how easily the largest ship could be destroyed by it, various impracticable suggestions for an unsinkable ship were put forward. Three years later a similar disaster occurred to the German fleet, but this time there was grievous loss of life. On May 6th, 1878, a squadron of three ironclads — the Konig Wilhelm, carrying the flag of Admiral von Batsch, the Grosser Kurfurst, and the Preussen — went into commission at Wilhelm shaven. After completing their crews and fitting out, on May 29th they 1878] IRONCLAD CA TASTROPHES. 193 left the port on their way to Plymouth. On May 31st, they were in the Channel off Folkestone. The formation adopted was a triangular one, the Kcnig Wilhelm leading, and the Preussen following astern, in line with her. To starboard of the flagship, slightly abaft her beam, was the Kurfilrst. Her distance from the Konig Wilhelm, had originally been 440 yards, but an hour before the collision, she had been ordered to draw closer, till only no yards parted the two vessels, and from the shore it was noticed that they were in dangerous proximity. Whilst steaming thus, two sailing vessels, hauled to the wind on the port tack, crossed the bows of the squadron. In obedience to the rule of the road, the Kurfilrst ported her helm, and turned to starboard to clear them. Having done this, she turned sharply to port to recover her original direction. The K'dnig Wilhelm at first tried to pass ahead of the sailing vessels, but finding this impossible, turned to starboard, and found the Kurfilrst lying across her bows, at right angles to her course.* To avoid the collision now imminent, the Kurfursfs captain went full steam ahead, and tried to cross the bows of the oncoming ironclad in time to clear her. Seeing that this was impossible, he essayed to turn to starboard, hoping to come round on a course parallel to the K'dnig Wilhelm, or at least to receive only a glancing blow. On board the Konig Wilhelm, both admiral and captain were below, and in these few critical instants there was not time to summon them on deck, or for them to do anything if they had been summoned. The helm was in charge of a petty officer, a one-year volunteer of no ex- perience, and six raw recruits. When the watch-officer gave orders for the helm to be starboarded, to bring the ship round to port, the men got confused, and instead of obeying the order, did the exact opposite, and ported the helm, thus swinging the ram more round to starboard, whilst the Kurfilrst 's stern swung round to port to meet it. As the Vol. II. * See Plan, p. 194. O 194 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1878 collision was now inevitable, the order on board the Konig Wilhelm was given to reverse the engines, and they were actually going astern at the moment of impact. With a speed which, in spite of the reversal of the engines, reached six or seven knots, the Konig Wilhelm crashed into the Grosser Kurfurst, which was steaming at nine or ten knots, between the main and mizzenmasts. The ram ploughed up the armour as if it had been orange-peel, whilst a sound of crunching and rending filled the air. The angle of impact was more than forty-five degrees and less than ninety. On board the Konig Wilhelm there was no shock, but a gentle trembling. Glasses of water on her tables were not upset, nor was the water spilled. On the Kurfurst there was a violent shock. The ship lurched to starboard, away from the Konig Wilhelm, but kept her way, and twisting and breaking the ram cleared it, and grated alongside. The bowsprit of the Konig Wilhelm caught the Kurfurst'' \s rigging and brought down her mizzen topgallantmast, before it was broken off. The boats on the rammed ship's quarterdeck were shattered or swept away. The water poured through the great breach in the side and down the stokehold, flooding the furnaces, and driving the stokers up the hatchways and steps inside the ventilators, whilst the steam escaped violently. A heavy list to port laid the doomed vessel on her beam end, and prevented the crew from getting out the boats, which were smashed on the port side, and lying on the side to starboard. There was little time to do anything, but an effort was made by the captain, Count von Montz, to run her into shallow water. Before she had moved any distance, five minutes from the time of the collision, she sank in fifteen fathoms of water, sucking down many of the crew. Her hammocks had been stowed away in an unusual position — between the boom-boats — so that they could not float away and act as buoys. Of the men on board, most jumped into the water when the end was at hand. Thirty sailors met a dreadful fate. In spite of the entreaties of the boatswain, they leaped over the bows, and li ■ 1878] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 195 were caught in the netting under the jib-boom, entangled, and carried down. The first lieutenant felt himself sucked in when the Kurfurst foundered. There was a sensation of a tremendous pressure upon his ribs, as if the water was forcing him down. Then a minute later the pressure was reversed, and drove him to the surface, where he caught a spar and saved his life. The captain was similarly carried down, but came again to the top, and was saved. Fishing vessels, and boats from the Konig Wilhelm, were quickly on the spot, though the Preussen was very slow in getting her boats out. Of a crew, which numbered 497, 216 were picked up, of whom three afterwards died from exhaustion. Twenty- three officers were saved, and six drowned, amongst whom were an engineer and a paymaster. The ram of the Konig Wilhelm was greatly damaged. The stem was broken in two places, and twisted over to port at an angle of forty-five degrees.* All the rivets near it were sheared, or broken away. The sea rushed into her fore compartment and filled it, heavily depressing the bows. There was great excitement on board, as it was at first thought that she too was going to founder, and her captain prepared to beach her, but, finding that the pumps could keep the water down, abandoned the idea, and returned to succour the Kurfurst. A sail was placed over the bows, whilst the four side boats, the cutters, gigs, and one steam-launch, were lowered to save the drowning men. When the Kurfurst sank, a cloud of steam, caused probably by the bursting of her boilers, was seen to rise from the water. The Konig Wilhelm and her consort, after cruising about in the neighbourhood of the sunken ship till the afternoon, went to Portsmouth, where the damage was repaired. This accident, whilst it showed the dreadful efficacy of the ram, showed also that its use was attended with much danger to the assailant. In a heavy sea, the injuries to the Konig Wilhelm might have caused her loss. Her bows, however, * The stem was a solid forging 4 inches thick. O 2 196 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1893 were not particularly strong, as she was a comparatively old ship, and built before the value of a ram was fully understood. Though armour-belted, her plating did not descend to the extremity of the ram, and there was no support against a transverse strain. The Grosser Kurfurst was a turret-ship of 6600 tons, resembling the English Monarch. In her two turrets she carried four 24-centimetre Krupps, and on her upper deck two 17-centimetre guns. Her armour was from 7 to 10 inches thick. The last and most tragic of all these misadventures, was the loss of the Victoria. She was a single-turret battleship of the first class, and the most recent construction."* Completed in 1890 at a cost of £724,800, exclusive of guns and gun-mountings, she had a speed of 167 knots on the measured mile, and a tremendous armament, included in which were two 110-ton guns, one of 29 tons, and twelve of 6 inches. She carried a belt of armour from 16 to 18 inches thick, extending for about half her length on the water-line ; and forward, was her single turret, with its two huge guns. Her original name had been the Renown, but on the stocks it had been changed to Victoria, in honour of the Queen. The total strength of the crew including officers was 659. On board her, as the finest ship of the Mediterranean fleet, Vice-Admiral Sir George Tryon, the commander-in-chief on the Mediterranean station, had hoisted his flag. At 10 a.m., on the morning of June 22nd, 1893, the fleet left Beyrout for Tripoli. The vessels present were the armoured battleships Victoria, Camperdown, carrying the flag of Rear-Admiral Markham, the second in command, Collingwood, Sanspareil, Nile, Edinburgh, Inflexible, and Dreadnought , with the cruisers Edgar, Amphion, Phaeton, Barhani, and Fearless. The order was line abreast, and the speed eight knots Five miles off the intended destination, at 2.20 p.m., the order was changed to columns of divisions line ahead, disposed abeam to port, the two columns being * See page 232. 1 893] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 197 six cables* apart. This brought the fleet into two parallel columns, the starboard one headed by the Victoria, containing six ships, and the port column headed by the Camperdown, containing five. The Barham and Fearless were not formed up with the heavier ships. A few minutes earlier, Admiral Tryon had sent for the Victorians commander, Captain Bourke, and her navigating officer. To them he explained the manoeuvre, by which he proposed that the fleet should take up its position preparatory to anchoring. The two columns, only six cables apart, were to turn inwards sixteen points, t towards each other. This half-turn would exactly reverse their direction and leave the ships still in a double column, but extremely close together. The danger of the proposed manoeuvre was at once realised by both Captain Bourke and the staff-commander. ;f The space between the two columns was wholly insufficient, for in manoeuvring with other ships the tactical diameter§ of the least handy ship must govern the movements of the handiest. With twenty-eight degrees of helm, which was for manoeuvring purposes the limit of the Victoria, and without "jockeying" with the screws, driving one ahead and the other astern, a practice which Admiral Tryon discountenanced, the diameter of the Victories circle was 800 yards, or four cables. The Camperdown with about the same turning circle was therefore demonstrably bound, if both ships started turning inwards at once with a distance of only six cables between them, to ram or to be rammed by the Victoria. They must collide unless quite exceptional measures were taken. The staff-com- mander suggested eight cables as a better distance, and the admiral accepted the suggestion, remarking, " Yes, it should be eight cables." The surprise of the commander was there- fore great, when at 2.20 the admiral sent orders to signal the * A cable is 200 yards. f There are thirty-two points in the whole circle of the compass. One point is eleven degrees fifteen minutes. J Comm. Hawkins-Smith, R.N. § Tactical diameter is the diameter of the circle which a ship describes in making a complete turn. i 9 8 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1893 distance between the columns as six cables, and as he apprehended that there must be some mistake, the admiral's flag-lieutenant, who had carried the order forward, went below, and asked once more whether the distance was to be only six cables. Once more he was told by Admiral Tryon to " leave it at six cables." Captain Bourke, who was with the admiral, reminded him that the turning circle of the Victoria was "800 yards in diameter, but to no purpose. Admiral Tryon was a masterful, as well as an able officer. He was, says Captain Bourke, " always ready and glad to discuss any manoeuvre after it had been performed, but I never knew him to consult anyone before. He loved argu- ment, but he was a strict disciplinarian. He always used to say that he hated people who agreed with him, but that again was different from arguing against a direct order." Captain Bourke left the admiral with an uneasy confidence in him ; he was uneasy because the manoeuvre was manifestly dangerous, confident because he was serving under a commander of vast knowledge, immense experience, and great caution. The discipline of the service, which to obtain great results must necessarily be strict and exacting, forbade further action on his part. He had done his best to point out the extreme peril of the evolution, and Sir George Tryon would not understand. Therefore, he probably thought, the admiral must have some other intention than that to which the signal appeared to point. An interval of an hour passed, during which a remonstrance might have averted the terrible disaster which was impending. But no further remonstrance was possible on Captain Bourke's part without something verging upon insubordination. At 3.28 the fatal signal was made in the following terms : — Second division alter course in succession sixteen points to starboard, preserving the order of the fleet. First division alter course in succession sixteen points to port, preserving the order of the fleet. The signal was received on board the Camper down and other ships. Admiral Markham was at once seized with the same 1893] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 199 misgivings as Captain Bourke. " It is impossible as it is an impracticable manoeuvre," was his remark to his flag-lieutenant. He ordered him to keep the signal, which he was repeating, at the dip, to show that it was not understood. On this the Victoria signalled to him to know why he was waiting. He answered : u Because I do not quite understand the signal." Unhappily his reply, which might even now have saved the Victoria, was not received on board her, and, as there was no answer, Admiral Markham came to the conclusion that the commander-in-chief must intend the second division to turn first, whilst he with the first division circled round outside it. It was a most unfortunate error, but there is only one law at sea, for the junior officer to obey. There was hardly one of the captains of the other ships who did not think the manoeuvre fraught with the utmost danger, yet all complied with the signal.* The signal was passed down the two lines, and the fatal turn began. The Victoria and the Camperdown at the head of the two columns led the way. On board the Victoria the helm used was thirty-five degrees, the extreme limit possible, and when the ship had swung but a very little distance to port, it became evident that a collision was at hand. Captain Bourke, the staff-commander, and Midshipman Lanyon were close to the admiral on the Victoria! s flying-bridge above the chart-house. The first remark of the captain was : " We shall be very close to that ship (the Camper down) ^ and, turning to Lanyon, he ordered him to take the distance. This occupied some seconds, during which the two great ships were swinging rapidly towards each other. Meanwhile, Captain Bourke asked the admiral to permit him to go astern with his port screw, and so help the turn. Three times he asked in quick succession before the admiral, after a glance at the Nile, the next astern, consented. A very short time afterwards both screws were put astern full speed, but it was * Dangerous manoeuvres, it must be remembered, may be necessary as a training. 200 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. now too late. No power could avert the collision, and the two ships drew closer and closer. A minute before the actual crash came, the orders " close water-tight doors " and " out collision-mat " were given. At the former order the crew would go at once to their collision-stations and fasten every door and hatchway, thus isolating every compartment and flat. The order for collision-stations is given by a " G " on the bugle or by the ship's foghorn. The Victoria's crew was a new one, and therefore had not had time to become fully acquainted with the ship. The time in previous drills, occupied in closing water-tight doors, was three minutes, therefore at the moment of the collision they could not have been secured. The discipline was admirable ; there was everywhere steadiness and obedience, no hurry and no confusion, but the time given was not sufficient. At " out collision-mat " a large mat is brought to the neighbourhood of the leak by a party on deck, ready to be placed over it, if possible. Thus the last seconds passed on board the Victoria in preparing for the now imminent disaster. Four minutes at the most after the signal, the Camperdown struck the Victoria very nearly at right angles, just before the armoured breastwork which encompasses the base of the turret. The ram ploughed its way in about nine feet, shatter- ing a coal bunker and breaking a man's leg. A petty officer, standing in his mess, looked up and saw the nose of the huge ship come right in amidst a cloud of coal dust. The water could be heard pouring into the ship below. The deck and ironwork buckled up before the ram, and there was a dreadful crunching sound.* The shock was tremendous, if indeed it could be called a shock, for the Victoria was forced bodily, sideways, a distance of 70 feet. No one was thrown down, but the wrench was violently felt throughout the ship. For an appreciable time the two vessels remained in contact, and the way on them gradually swung their sterns together whilst # The blow was struck just over a water-tight bulkhead, which was probably- destroyed. 1893] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 201 the Camper down? s ram, still in the breach, worked round and perhaps enlarged the hole. Then as Admiral Tryon hailed the Camper down and ordered her to go astern, that ship cleared the Victoria. The Camperdown 's engines had for some seconds been moving astern, and since her speed, which was only five knots at the moment of the collision, had been further checked by the collision, it would not be long before they began to drive her backwards. The water at once began to pour into the Victoria by the breach, which measured about 125 square feet. On board the Camperdown the turn had been executed with twenty-eight degrees helm, instead of thirty-five degrees, the extreme angle possible. Though both Admiral Markham and Captain Johnstone had expressed, as we have seen, their opinion that the manoeuvre was a dangerous one, the fullest helm was not used, nor were the screws "jockeyed" to diminish the turning circle. Both watched the Victoria attentively till, when it was seen that she was end-on to the Camperdown, approaching her and not circling outside her as had been expected, the orders were at last given to close water-tight doors and go astern with the starboard screw. An instant later both screws were ordered to go astern at full speed, but, through some defect of the engine-room telegraph, the order when it reached the engine-room was only for three-quarter speed astern. This could not have made much difference, as the time was too short for the reversal of the engines to have much effect upon the speed. At 3.34 the Camperdown delivered the blow, and about two minutes after- wards cleared the Victoria, when the flagship steamed ahead. The collision-mat was placed over the Camperdown 1 s bows, whilst she too filled forward, and was heavily down by the bows. The crew had been prevented by the inrush of water from closing all the water-tight doors forward. Meantime on board the Victoria the men, closing the doors forward, were driven up by the water and gathered on the upper deck, above the auxiliary battery. The party with 202 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1893 the collision-mat could do nothing ; the water rose steadily forward, and when the mat was taken to the forecastle the upper deck was so far below the surface that the men at the foremost stations were wet to the waist. As the bow was depressed the stern rose out of water, and the port screw could be seen from the other ships racing in the air. The effort had to be abandoned, and, as the men of the forecastle party reached the upper deck, the water was up to the turret- ports and was beginning to wash in at the door in the screen, at the forward end of the auxiliary battery."* There was a steadily growing heel to starboard, the side on which were the injuries. The engines, which had been stopped at the moment of the collision, were going ahead, in the vain endeavour to run the ship into shoal water, and this, in no small degree, tended to force the water into the breach, and also to depress the ship's bows by the leverage of the water acting upon the inclined plane of the deck. The steering engine would not work, as the hydraulic machinery had been disabled, and the same was the case with the hydraulic boat-hoists, when they were tried. Admiral Tryon, the staff-commander, and Midshipman Lanyon were on the top of the chart-house ; whilst Captain Bourke had gone below, at the time of the collision, to see that the water-tight doors were closed. The first recorded remark of the admiral was " It is all my fault." He then asked whether the ship would float, and the commander assured him that in his opinion it would. No one appears to have expected the sudden disaster which followed. The Dreadnought having prepared to send boats, a signal was made directing that they should not be despatched, but kept ready. Below, as Capiain Bourke passed through the passages and flats of the huge ship, where the electric light was now burning faint and dim, the men were coming on deck without haste or hurry. Looking down into the starboard engine-room, * This is the condition represented in the diagram. Plate XXXV. Diagram of the Victoria on the point of Capsizing. 1893] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 203 he spoke to the engineer in charge, and heard that there was no water in the engine-room. He heard, also, the gongs of the telegraphs, and could see that the engine-room men were steady at their posts. Meeting, in the main passage, the fleet- engineer, he was told by him that the boiler-rooms were water- tight. The trend to starboard was great when he reached the upper deck. There, on the port side, with their faces away from the ship's side, were drawn up, four deep in line, the whole of the Victoria's crew, except the doomed men below in the engine-room and stokehold. It was a memorable sight. Steadiness the most perfect, obedience the most unwavering, discipline the most admirable, held the company. Though it must have been evident to all that the ship's end was at hand, there was still no panic. Not a man moved to the side, not a sailor stirred. All in the presence of this overmastering catastrophe demeaned themselves like men, as if to prove to this nation what their bearing would be before the enemy. For many there these were the last few minutes of life. And deep and tender though our sorrow must be for noble lives thus lost in peace, we can yet feel something akin to exultation at the thought that at this supreme moment another imperishable tradition was being added to the glories of our sea service, and that the children of Nelscn met death in a manner not un- worthy of their past. The tilt of the great ship grew. The deck heeled towards the perpendicular, and the order "Jump," was given. The line of men broke and made for the side, but with difficulty, owing to the growing angle of the list. Some threw them- selves over, others were thrown through the air by the ship. Those astern had to leap past the whirling screw, which is said to have killed or injured no few. There was no want of gallant deeds in the awful instants which succeeded. On the chart-house Midshipman Lanyon remained by Admiral Tryon, and the staff-commander, to the last, though ordered by the admiral to the boats. The final lurch came at 344I, just ten minutes after the collision. There was a tremendous roll 204 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1893 to starboard, the stem of the Victoria dived, a crash of boats and top-hamper falling into the water filled the air, and then the flagship went to the bottom amidst a cloud of smoke and steam. The last seen of her was the stern, with the screws still revolving. A great uprush of air, a violent upheaval of the surface followed, and spars and fragments of wreckage carried up by it injured many of the men in the water, whilst others were sucked down in the whirling vortex. The men were so close together that it was hard to strike out, and as there were many who could not swim, or who had been injured, in the water, these clutched hold of the others and carried them down with them. The officers and crews of the other ships were horror-struck witnesses of the scene, and, as quickly as they could, sent their boats to the help of the drowning men. In from five to ten minutes they were near the place where the Victoria had foundered, and rescued between them 338 lives. Admiral Tryon was never seen again after the final lurch. Nothing was wanting to complete the tragedy. There was amongst the spectators of that scene the same foreboding of evil which was present in the mind of the Greek in his theatre. The play must inevitably end in tragedy. They saw evil coming and could not avert it ; they saw their chief seized with " God-sent madness " and stood powerless. The com- mander-in-chief was guilty of a grave error, and by that error he doomed 321 officers and men. He refused to listen to a suggestion or remonstrance, and his order was obeyed. He expiated his fault by death, and with a noble magnanimity acknowledged his fault. The second in command was guilty of an error of judgment in obeying, without a question as to the real meaning of the signal. There is little doubt that on board the Victoria the officers had a presentiment of the collision which would follow. They may be blamed for doing nothing which might have averted it, for not making their remonstrance felt. But in justice we must own that it was discipline which was to blame, not the officers. Without discipline, without prompt and unquestioning obedience, a 1 893] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 205 navy would be worthless. And so, as it has been well said, by one of those antinomies which occur more often in fiction or the drama than in real life, the collision was precipitated. The finest ironclad, or all but the finest, in the squadron, before the eyes of all, on a clear summer day, went to the bottom as the result of a touch of the ram. All the skill and ingenuity which had been lavished upon her proved of no avail to keep her afloat ; perhaps they were even a snare, as they led to excessive confidence in her stability. The Camper down was very severely damaged in her bows. A great hole, ten feet by six feet, was torn by the sharp edge of the Victoria } s armour-deck, and the stem was broken above the ram and twisted to port. The water shipped brought up her draught forward from 27 feet 9 inches to 32 feet, an increase of over four feet. She could not, therefore, have repeated the blow, and must have been in great danger if a storm had arisen. The great loss of life on board the Victoria was due in the first instance to the number of men who could not swim, and would go down at once ; in the second, to the violent swirl and subsequent agitation of the water ; and in the third, to the number of men below in the engine-room and stokehold. No order was given to them to come on deck, and they died like Englishmen, with a poetic splendour, doing their duty, how- ever useless and hopeless a one. Upon their fate we scarcely can dare to speculate. The rush of water down the funnels would be followed by a burst of steam from the boilers. Probably, as the ship touched the bottom, the pressure, in eighty fathoms of water, drove in the sides, and so killed any who had survived the scalding steam. The water above the ship was greatly agitated by escaping air for some consider- able time after she had gone down. There was no explosion as she sank, but only steam, probably from the funnels. The court martial which met at Malta found that Sir George Tryon was to blame for the collision, acquitted Captain Bourke and the Victoria's officers, and praised the 2 o6 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. [1893 order and discipline maintained on board. It regretted that Admiral Markham had not signalled to the commander-in- chief his doubts as to the evolution. An Admiralty minute blamed Captain Johnstone for not making preparations in view of the collision which he expected. The same minute pointed out that the foundering of the Victoria was due, not to defective construction, or instability, but to the fact that many of the water-tight doors and scuttles forward had not been closed, and thus the water, instead of being confined to two compartments at the most, filled the forward part of the ship. This weight of water depressed the bow, and brought the ventilators on the upper deck, some of which could not be secured, below the water-line, and admitted the sea to the mess deck. Next the turret-ports, the door in the screen, and the forward portholes of the 6-inch battery, all of which were open, became awash. Flowing through them into the angle formed by the side, and the now sharply sloping deck, the water lodged there, and capsized the vessel, as all her stability was gone. Had all watertight doors been closed, had the ports and ventilators been secured, the Victoria would beyond a doubt have floated, though with a heavy list. But we have seen that the men at collision-stations had only one minute instead of three to do the work.*" It may be said again that Captain Bourke should have caused the doors to be closed earlier. To have done so, however, would have been almost insubordination, a direct reflection upon the admiral. It may, perhaps, be said that they should not have been open at all. But if the doors are there they are meant to be used, and it is extremely difficult, indeed impossible, to work a ship minutely subdivided, with every door closed. Even in battle it would not in practice be found feasible thus to isolate every compartment. Human foresight and ingenuity can do much, * There were a great many doors in the forward bulkheads, and there were numerous openings in the decks fitted with water-tight hatches, all of which had to be closed. Some of the doors could only be secured by entering the flooded compartments, a manifest impossibility. 1895] IRONCLAD CATASTROPHES. 207 but cannot do everything. The ship which no injury of the ram shall be able to sink has yet to be designed. One point of some importance is dwelt upon by the minute. The presence of an armour-belt would not have saved the ship, as it could not have resisted the terrific force of the Ca?nper- down's blow, and must have been crushed in. This has been questioned both in England and in France, and does, indeed, seem doubtful. The force of the blow struck by the C amp er down' s ram was about that of the 45-ton gun pro- jectile at the muzzle. If 16-inch armour will keep out such a projectile where all the energy is concentrated upon an extremely small space, it should have been able to keep out the ram, or at all events to limit the damage done. The loss of the Victoria has not increased the confidence in the English type of battle-ship with its large unarmoured ends."* " The order and discipline maintained upon the Victoria . . . was in the highest degree honourable to all concerned, and will ever remain a noble example to the service," con- cludes the minute. It is a noble epitaph, and that order and discipline converted a great disaster into a greater triumph. Last of all, and still unexplained, is the loss of the Spanish cruiser Reina Regente, with all hands, during March, 1895. She was conveying the members of the Moorish mission from Spain to Tangiers. She had thus no great distance to cover, and she was not, like the Captain, exposed to the fury of the Bay of Biscay. A violent storm, however, arose, and in it she must have foundered. No trace of her, whether wreckage or bodies of her crew, has as yet been discovered. She was a very heavily armed vessel for her size, and it is therefore conjectured that her stability was deficient, and that she cap- sized. She carried a crew of over 400 officers and men, besides the members of the mission. In general outline and size she was similar to the English belted cruisers of the * If the compartments above the armour-deck were riddled the Victoria and similar ships would sink 5 feet by the head. They should, says Professor Elgar, be classed as protected ships, not as armour-clads. See also pages 233, 174. 208 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. Australia type. She carried four y8-inch guns, two forward and two aft, with six 47-inch guns in the waist of the ship. She was a comparatively new ship, having been launched in 1887 at Messrs. Thomson's yard at Clydebank. Her displace- ment was 5000 tons. Catastrophes of less importance were the loss of the Japanese cruiser Unebi in some unexplained way at sea, the foundering of the French floating battery Arrogante off Hyeres, the loss of the British gunboats Wasp and Serpent, the boiler and gun explosions on board the Thunderer, in all of which there was heavy loss of life r and the terrible explosion in the Sissoi Veliki's turret, when a charge of powder in a 12-inch gun blew out the unsecured breech-block, and killed or mortally wounded every officer and man in the turret. This occurred in the spring of 1897. As the result of the accident the turret was disabled by jamming. CHAPTER XXV. The Development of the English Battleship. There is, perhaps, no period in the history of the human race which has seen changes so numerous, so startling, so far- reaching, as the present century, or we might almost say the half-century in which we live. Fifty years ago ships, guns, and the art of war were much as they were left at the close of the Dutch wars of the seventeenth century. All was clear and all was certain, for the implements of battle had been constantly tested, not only in peace but in war. What was found by practical experience to be useless was quickly eliminated, because there was practical experience. Structural modifications of ships were numerous between 1690 and 1840, but at the same time they involved no radical changes. There was a slow and steady progress, not an advance of lightning speed. Warships were divided into distinct classes with distinct objects : line-of-battle ships, frigates, corvettes, sloops. For the one class to engage the other was, if the assailant was of superior class, almost a breach of the conventions of war, if of the inferior, an act of foolish temerity. The line-of-battle ship of 1840 was an implement in which practical efficiency and beauty of form were combined in the highest degree. Yet, propelled by the force of the winds, in a day when men had not mastered and applied the forces of nature to their own use, the Victory or the Agamemnon was helpless and motionless in a calm. Her movements had, to a certain extent, to be governed by the direction of the wind, which cannot be foretold or foreknown. Whilst there was certainty Vol. II. P 2IO IRONCLADS IN ACTION. as to the value of ships and the methods of tactics, there was yet uncertainty in regard to strategical combinations. It was often impossible for fleets to effect a junction, starting from different points, on a pre-determined day. The first requirement of the sailor was ability to sail a ship. He had to be a good seaman, to be a smart topman or yardsman, alert, agile, and courageous. The merchant-sailor and war-sailor were of one and the same trade ; and each could learn his vocation in either service. The only weapon carried by ships was the gun, and the gun was of a rudeness and sim- plicity which rendered naval gunnery a science easily acquired by any man who had sea-legs. There was no breech action with its elaborate mechanism, to be understood ;* there were no sights to be mastered ; there were no complicated gun-carriages and mountings ; no hydraulic or electric motors. The torpedo existed only in the imagination of sanguine inventors ; the ram was an impossibility with sails. Battles were fought and won by concentrating a superior force upon a detail of the enemy — a task rendered moderately easy where the only motive agent was sail-power. The ships then drew as close as possible and battered each other, till the critical eye of the captain told him that the time had come for boarding, when a rush of seamen and marines carried the enemy's deck. The steam engine has changed all this, and changed it in two ways. First, by rendering the ship, when it is placed on board her, capable of defying the winds and following her own course ; and, secondly, by enabling men to employ mechanical implements of extraordinary power. Till machinery was introduced it was impossible to forge or handle large masses of iron. It was impossible to obtain accuracy and exactness in matters like the rifling of a cannon or the fit of a breech- plug. The machine is unaffected by external causation to a degree unattainable in a human being. That is to say, a * The return of simplicity is a gratifying feature in our new quick-firers. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 211 lathe can be set with accuracy to plane a shaft to a certain dimension, and it will continue to do this till it wears out or the power is exhausted. A man with a file varies from day to day. He will approximate to the required standard, but will never attain to it, and his personal equation, profoundly affected by a vast train of causes ceaselessly in operation, must be taken into account. This is the real explanation of the failure of early ideas on subjects such as the use of turrets, or the employment of the breechloader. They were sound enough in themselves but the means necessary for their manufacture were wanting.* So iron ships could not be cheaply constructed before the days of rolling-mills and steam-hammers, if, indeed, they could be constructed at all. And when we plume ourselves upon our enormous advance, let us remember that our ancestors were, after all, step by step building up the means which should take us forward. Steam was at first applied to the propulsion of ships by means of paddles, which were clumsy and exposed. It was impossible to mount a heavy battery on the broadside with such interruptions amidships, and thus the new motor could not well be employed on board anything larger than a frigate. Accordingly, sailing line-of-battle ships were to be towed into action by tugs when the wind was against them. But the advent of the screw changed everything, as, from the date of its application to the steamer Stockton, in 1838, by Ericsson, it steadily made its way. It lay below the water-line and was not exposed to hostile shot, whilst it could be readily fitted to ships of the accepted pattern. By the date of the Crimean war the fighting ships of the world were screw- propelled. The adoption of steam had numerous effects on the con- struction of the ship. Whereas with the warships of the past speed had been obtained by diminishing size, thus making the frigate faster than the line-of-battle ship, it could now only be * Lord Armstrong, even as late as 1854, could not obtain satisfactory steel forgings for a gun-barrel only i'88 inches in diameter. P 2 212 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. secured by giving increased weight and space to machinery, engines, and boilers on board the fast ship. Moreover, the discovery that the larger the ship the more economically is the power exerted, also tended to increased size. The principle would not apply to sailing ships whose motor was the wind, where not economy of power, but the direction to the required end of what power existed, was sought. Extreme fineness of lines again was dangerous where a vessel had the leverage of masts upon the hull, tending, if the latter was not broad and steady, to capsize her. The incompatibility of steam and sails, which lies in the different form of hull required with each to give the best results, has led to the gradual supersession of the latter by the former, though at first both were applied conjointly, and though there are great advantages in the possession of sails as an auxiliary. Thus steam, at first a mere auxiliary, becomes next the main, and finally, the sole motive force. The growth of displacements begins forthwith. From the days of the Henri Grace a Dieu, of 1488, to the Queen, of 1839, the increase had been only threefold, from 1 500 tons to 4500 tons. From the Queen to the Italia or Majestic is a two-fold increase in the half- century, a growth not of 3000 tons, but of 6000 tons.* Steam and machinery have made the advance possible and necessary. A 15,000 ton sailing ship would require enormous anchors, huge cables, a vast sail area, with gigantic masts and steering apparatus to match. Without steam, and machinery to apply the force of steam, the management of such a vessel would be a business of extraordinary difficulty. Steam having thus vastly enlarged displacements, began to increase the speed of ships. The Warrior achieved a great feat when she covered a little over fourteen knots in an hour. The United States' Government, in the Civil War, projected cruisers of seventeen knots, the famous Wampanoag class. In our own day most of the advance has been made, since we * Allowance being made for the different systems of measuring tonnage. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 213 are building for our sendee vessels of thirty-three knots, a gain of nineteen knots upon the Warrior, and an enormous advance upon the mean rate of progression between two points in the case of the sailing ship. The steamer goes in a straight line where it lists ; the sailing ship must humour the winds, and zigzag for days, or for days lie motionless. Hence, though at times, with a favourable breeze, the vessels of oak and hemp could obtain fourteen or even fifteen knots, they cannot be matched with even the " tramp " for continuous speed. Nelson, in his three months' chase of Villeneuve only averaged ninety-three miles a day. Another effect of the introduction of steam has been the growing tendency to fill our warships with machinery of kinds other than those necessary for their propulsion. The charac- teristic of the nineteenth century is to employ mechanical agencies to do the work of man, and it has run riot on our ships. The motive force was present in the boilers which supplied the main engines with steam. It was certain then that secondary or auxiliary engines would be introduced, and all the more, because the increasing size of the weights to be handled, the increasing amount of work to be done, as the ship grew larger, rendered it inconvenient to use hand-power. As a consequence of this the crews carried are smaller on the modern ship than they were, ton for ton, in the old days. In 1793 a 120-gun ship of 2508 tons (old measurement) carried 841 officers, men and boys; a thirty-eight-gun frigate of the largest class, 1063 tons in displacement, 277 men ; and a twenty-gun ship of 432 tons, 138 men, whilst the French ships of like size carried, as a rule, one fourth more. In 1895 the Royal Sovereign of 14,150 tons carries 720 officers and men ; the Devastation, of 9300 tons, 400 ; the Cambrian, a cruiser of 4360 tons, 265 ; and the Dryad, a torpedo-gun- boat of 1070 tons, about ninety men. It is possible that these crews are not large enough for battle purposes, but the economy in human labour is enormous. To gain some idea of the work done on board ship by mechanical power, we may 214 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. observe that the Royal Sovereign class carry eighty-six engines, the French Magenta over 100, whilst there are at least as many on our largest cruisers. Taking the Terrible, for instance, we find her equipped as follows : Sets of Engines. 2 working the screws (main engines). 2 reversing the main engines. 2 turning the main engines. 4 driving main circulating pumps. 2 auxiliary circulating pumps and air pumps. 6 ,, main feed pumps. 8 „ auxiliary ,, 4 fire and bilge ,, 2 distilling 1 ., drain-tank 8 ,, air compressors for air jets in Belleville boilers, j 2 ,. fan compressors for stokeholds. 2 engine rooms. 4 ,, ,, ,, ventilation. 3 ,, electric light dynamos. 4 ,, air compressors for torpedoes. 2 steering apparatus. 2 for boat-hoisting. 2 coal 12 ,, ash 1 workshop engine. 2 capstan engines. The engines are in most cases duplicated to prevent dis- ablement by accident, but even so, dividing by two, forty-three odd sets of engines are necessary to the economy of a large cruiser. The warship, then, approximates to a floating factory, her decks and hull crammed with machines and guns. The Terrible further carries forty-eight boilers, occupying, with the engine rooms, 252 feet of her total length, and that amidships, where the breadth of the vessel is greatest. Growth in size, advance in speed, development of machinery, are all directly traceable to the influence of steam. Due in part to this cause, in part to the influence of the past, is a THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 215 growing tendency to specialisation in the various types of ship. Our ancestors, after long experience, found that a cer- tain differentiation was necessary. They had the line-of-battle ship, the frigate, the corvette, the sloop, the bomb-ketch, the fire-ship. But all, except the last, were constructed to use guns, though the armament varied in power according to the ship's sphere of action. The appearance of armour for a time destroyed this specialisation. For the first few years after the introduction of the ironclad, we built little but large ironclads and small ironclads. The latter were intended for coast-defence, or for service upon distant stations. They were to the typical battleship of the day much as the frigate was to the line-of-battle ship. The difference between the two was in degree, not kind. Our ancestors, however, did not build vessels for the express purpose of coast-defence, since their strategical wisdom led them to aim at the command of the sea and the blockade of the enemy's ports, for which coast-defence ships, or ships, to call them by their true name, of indifferent sea-keeping quality, were quite unsuited. When new weapons, in the shape of the ram and torpedo, came into favour, and when it grew increasingly evident that slow, small ironclads would be eaten up by fast, large ones, a new era began. Though all three weapons, the gun, ram and torpedo could be combined on board one ship, there were yet advan- tages to be gained from the use of a particular type of ship for each. As a high speed demanded heavy engines, and without it the small ship would be left a prey to the large, the required weight was provided by denuding her of armour. The cruiser began to differ in kind from the battleship : she had no longer thinner armour, but no armour at all.* On the other hand, she could decline battle and run. The torpedo could be employed by a small boat, and it was fondly imagined by enthusiasts that with its advent the day of great ships had * The frigate, at any but the very closest range, was impervious to even the line-of-battle ship's guns. Now the cruiser is vulnerable, at the extremest ranges, to the guns of even her own class of ship. 216 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. passed away. Special craft were constructed to use it, in which diminutive size and high speed were combined. These, again, led up to special craft constructed to combat them. The cruiser, with the lapse of time, has differentiated within itself to a degree unknown in the frigate. The gap between the Powerful, of 14,250 tons, and the For bin, of 1850, is immeasurably greater than that which parted the forty-four- gun and twenty-gun frigate. We have this cruiser for ocean work ; that for work on the narrow seas ; a third for scouting ; a fourth, though this type does not appear in our fleet, for commerce-destruction. Our specialisation may be excessive, as we can never be certain that our special ship will meet the enemy's special ship, and the observance of the uniform mean, whilst adopting a certain number of types, might be best. A Nelson might look aghast at the motley array of battleships, rams, large cruisers, small cruisers, dynamite ships, torpedo gunboats, destroyers, torpedo-boats, coast-defence craft, and torpedo-boat carriers which this decade has produced. A point also to be noticed is the difficulty with modern ships of estimating a vessel's fighting force, when she is seen at a distance. With the old sailing ship it could be told at once. Now a change in the armament in the case of a vessel well known, the substitution of long for short guns, of quick for slow-firers, may have doubled her power, and may enable her to crush an unwary adversary. War may bring many sur- prises of this kind. The last point to be considered before we pass to a general view of the changes in our period, is the increased attention which is everywhere being given to naval matters. Fifty years ago there were only two fleets in the world, the English and French. Russia was quite a minor power, though making great exertions, and whilst the United States built very fine ships, they had very few of them. England and France are still first to-day, but in the intervening years, strong navies, some of which aspire to the front rank, have sprung up in other quarters. Germany, Italy, Japan are well to the fore THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 217 in the second class, and the United States shows signs of embarking upon a great naval programme. The minor states of the world are just as active. This phase is probably due in part to the increasing fierceness of competition between nations as between individuals, in part to the clearer appre- hension of the value of sea power. The application of armour to ships was an idea of consider- able antiquity. In the history of human progress, frequent instances will be found where suggestions are made, to be regarded at the time as wild chimeras, and adopted with enthusiasm by posterity. All the old line-of-battle ships were in a certain sense armoured, since their sides and timbers were made very heavy and solid on the water-line with the express object of keeping out shot. Thus, a ninety-gun ship had 16-inch oak timbers spaced at intervals of five inches, with planking inside seven inches thick and outside eight inches. Even at close quarters, the projectiles from the old pattern smooth-bores would not always go through, especially when fired with reduced charges, as was the custom on the guns growing hot. The Spanish floating batteries at the sie^e of Gibraltar were in like manner protected by an enormous thickness of timber and hide, with bars of iron interspersed. Still, earlier lead plating had been employed by the knights of St. John, though of all metals this would seem most unsuitable. But it was not till General Paixhans had produced a gun which could fire shells, that governments began seriously to dream of iron-plated ships. General Paixhans himself suggested the efficacy of armour as a protection against these new and terrible pro- jectiles. Admiral Page assures us that the French govern- ment knew its value, and that Admiral de Mackau, Louis Philippe's minister of marine, had actually tested its resistance, but kept his knowledge a dark secret, wishing to employ it as a trump card in the event of war with England, and so to get the upper hand. In 1842, the British Admiralty fired at a shield of iron plates, joined together to form a thickness of 218 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. six inches, and supported upon the scantling of an eighty- gun ship, with the result that no shots perforated it. At the same date, the inventor, R. L. Stevens, was busy in the United States constructing a shot-proof frigate plated with 4^-inch iron. This vessel, however, was never completed, and it appears that, if it had been, it could not have floated. Ericsson, in 1841, pointed out that the shot from a 12-inch gun which he had designed would pierce its plating, and some years later, during the Crimean War, submitted to the Emperor Napoleon a rough sketch of an impregnable armoured monitor. Between 1849 and 1851, a most important series of experiments was conducted in England, on the iron ship Simoom. Two iron plates -|-inch thick, placed some distance apart, were fired at with the 32-pounder, when it was found that the shot in passing through produced a most deadly hail of splinters. With wood backing to the iron it was still the same, but when the wood alone was used, there were far fewer splinters. One noteworthy fact, however, escaped the consideration of the experts. It seems to have been con- clusively proved that these thin plates shattered shells before they could burst. The importance of this result does not appear to have been realised, nor were the experiments pushed further to ascertain whether by increasing the thick- ness of plate the shells might not be altogether excluded. The results of 1842 were apparently overlooked. Iron was con- demned as a material for warships, and a general prejudice was created against armour. The Crimean War over, in which the value of the armoured floating battery had been proved, France began to construct sea-going ironclads. The Glozre, the first of these, was a two-decker, from which the upper deck was removed. The weight thus gained was applied in 4^-inch armour-plating to her sides. She had no ram, but the end-to-end belt of iron made her bow strong. She was masted and rigged, but was also fitted with steam power, which gave her a trial speed of thirteen knots. In general outline she was like any other THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 219 frigate of her day, but slightly longer and heavier in appear- ance. Her gun-ports were only feet above water. Her armament was composed of thirty-four 50-pounder guns on her main deck, whilst on her upper deck were two heavy shell guns. The English Admiralty, alarmed at the prospect of having possibly to meet a French ironclad fleet with an English unarmoured one, ordered the construction of the armoured frigate Warrior, in 1859. But whereas the Gloire was a wooden ship converted to her new shape, the Warrior was of iron, and designed expressly to carry armour. M. Dupuy de Lome was the architect of the French, Messrs. Scott Russell and Isaac Watts, of the English vessel. The Warrior is remarkable for the fineness of her lines. Her great length, in proportion to her breadth, gave her a speed extraordinary for her day, since on her trial she achieved fourteen knots. Unlike the Gloire she was not armoured from end to end, but had a large patch of plating, 218 feet long and \\ inches thick, over her battery and water- line amidships. Athwartship she had armoured bulkheads, enclosing a portion of her battery. As her total length was 420 feet over all, only about half her side was protected. In exchange for this loss, she was a better sea boat than the Gloire, but her rudder head was completely exposed to the smallest shot, and she never steered really well. She was fully rigged, having three masts ; and her two funnels could be telescoped when under sail. Forward, she had a projecting figure-head, which hid a slight spur designed for ramming. Her battery at first consisted of twenty-six 68-pounders on her main deck, behind armour, and twelve which had no protection, outside the armour ; whilst ten more guns of the same size were disposed on the upper deck.* Forward and aft of her armour she had water-tight compartments, which, with those amidships reached a total of ninety-two. t In * Later altered to two no-pounder rifled Armstrong pivots ; four 40-pounder rifles, all on upper deck ; thirty-four 68-pounders, smooth-bore, on lower deck. f Viz. ; In hold space, 35 ; in double bottom, &c, 57. The Royal Sovereign has 145 compartments. 220 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. the water her appearance was most imposing; indeed, as a conception, she was excellent in every respect. Her designers rightly saw that, for England to retain her command of the sea, her ships must be sea-going and sea-keeping. She was no radical departure from the established form of ship, but descended lineally from the frigate, yet in her there was an increase in displacement, a concentration of armament as yet hardly dreamt of, although her fire right ahead and right astern was nil. The weight of armour was 975 tons, as compared with 350 tons in the floating batteries of Louis Napoleon. A sister ship, the Black Prince, of the same size and armament, was constructed at the same time. Both ships long outlived the Gloire* In i860, Captain Coles, who had, during the Crimean War, prepared a raft with a shot-proof iron shield four inches thick, to carry one 68-pounder gun, brought forward a design for a turret-ship — the first such design that was made public, ante- dating by over a year Ericsson's Monitor.^ Coles' ship was to carry nine conical turrets, each containing a pair of guns. The guns were to be " self-acting," running out after their recoil down a slope. As early as 1855, the great engineer Brunei had told Coles, with true insight, " You only need a breechloader to make your shield perfect." A remoter ancestor of the turret may be found in Captain Waymouth's proposal in the sixteenth century, to mount " murtherers " in turrets on the upper decks of ships, the turrets to revolve upon swivels. In 1862, the first English turret-ship was commenced, but to her and her progeny we must recur later. The design of the Warrior was reproduced in an improved form in the Achilles, which was larger, belted from end to end with 4^-inch armour, and slightly faster. She carried no less than 1200 tons of plating. Simultaneously a large number of wooden ships were cut down, converted after the pattern * The Defence and Resistance, iron ships very similar to the Warrior, but a little smaller, followed her immediately. f See i. 33. 4 5 D Warrior. 1859. 65 ^ . , . . , f , , ■ . c . . , , , , T~r~r~i—\ Minotaur. 1861. J s-s j Q^r/ff. /ro/7. Roy al Sovereign. Hull.tujid ^ 6 — 1 ?7 i — H i ■ • v » Tl 4^ Arm. Iron. \ r Sellerophon . 1864- Hull. iron. Hercules. 1866. Hull. Iron. 10 Arm. iron. Monarch . 1866. -0/7. y 5 Arm. Iron. A u d a C 10 US . 1 8 6 7 Hull. Iron. 12 mem f" \ - il - ^ "--l | Arm. Iron. G /at ton. 1839. Hull Iron. 3X1 Arm. Iron. Devastation. 1869 . Hulf.lror 5 Arm. iron. Alexandra. 1873. Hull "lro~n~~^^^ . ■. y ~ I Arm. Iron. Te m e r a i r e . !8? '3 . Hull.lrcr^y British Ironclads . 1859 — 1673 Figures give the thick ness cf armour in inches. Plate XXXVII. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 221 of the Gloire, and given an armour belt. Amongst these were the Zealous, Repulse, Ocean, Research, Royal Alfred, Royal Oak, Prince Consort, and Caledonia* Their upper decks having been removed, they were lengthened like their French prototype and plated, but were not altogether a success. They were cheaper in the first instance, but far less durable than iron ships, and vanished from the fleet at an early date. The series of broadside ships was further developed in the Minotaur, Agincourt, and Northumberland, with an end-to- end belt, an increase of displacement, and a more powerful armament than the Warrior. They were all ships of enormous length, and were somewhat deficient in handiness. With the advance in artillery, their armour was made 54 inches instead of 4^ inches thick, but the backing was thinner. In 1862, Sir. E. J. Reed was appointed to the post of Chief Constructor, and signalised his appointment by designing a series of ships, of moderate size, well-armoured, handy, and fairly fast, which if re-armed, would be capable of rendering great service to us to-day. The first of these was the Belle- rophon, with plating 8 inches, thick on the water-line. Her guns were concentrated amidships, in a small central battery pro- tected as heretofore, not only on the two sides, but by stout bulkheads athwartship, which prevented her from being raked. In her, for the first time, the bracket-frame system of construction was employed. She mounted the 12-ton and 6J-ton rifled muzzle-loader, f but had no bow or stern fire from guns behind armour. The Hercules was of the same class, but a vast improvement. In her, the expedient of recessed ports, which had been tried in the Pallas of 1866, J received * Wooden ironclads of a more powerful type were the Lord Clyde and Lord Warden, with 7-inch armour on the water-line, 1300 tons of plating, and a strong bow fire. They carried each sixteen 8-inch muzzle-loaders, and four 100-pounders. t Ten 12-ton and two (%-ton. X A small armoured ship for service in distant seas. Enterprise, Research, and Favourite. Similar to her were the 222 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. its final sanction, and henceforward appears, whether for the heavy or the auxiliary armament, in most of our ships, though the sponson* competes with it as a means of giving increased arcs of fire. Her armour was at its thickest nine inches whilst two io-inch muzzle-loaders could fire within a few degrees of the keel-line. She was at her launch a splendid ship, superior to anything afloat, and she is still a favourite in our service. At the same time, six smaller central-battery ships of the Audacious class were designed for work on distant stations. Two thousand five hundred tons smaller than the Hercules, they had 8-inch armour and a central box battery t But above this was a second battery, very slightly projecting from the side, at each corner of which was a recessed port, giving right ahead or right astern fire. They thus fulfilled, for the first time in an English ship of high freeboard, the ideal of all-round fire. They were the first English ironclads to carry an upper deck battery. Following the Hercules came the first-class battleship Sultan, still of the central-battery type, but with considerable improvements on the Hercules. The latter ship was ex- tremely deficient in axial fire ; this defect was to some extent remedied in the Sultan by an upper-deck battery, in which two 12^-ton guns were carried. Forward, quite unprotected, are two more 12^-ton guns. In the Hercules a 12^-ton gun had been placed forward, and a second aft, with very slight armour protection. These exposed weapons at the ships' extremities henceforward disappear. The speed was a little higher than in the Sultan's predecessor. With the grow- ing tendency amongst naval men at this period to favour attack * A sponson is a curved projection from the side ; for example, the frame- work which on paddle-steamers carries the paddle-wheels. Other examples can be seen in the illustrations of the Chih Yuen (p. 114) amidships, just below, and a little to the left of her funnel, and in the illustrations of the Royal Sovereign (h 56), Blenheim (i. 174), and Dupuy de Lome (i. 310). f They were armed with ten 12-ton guns. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 223 with the ram, it was now decided to give a better bow-fire to battleships. The last but one of our central-battery ironclads, the Alexandra exemplifies that decision. Her guns are mounted amidships in a central battery, which rises per- pendicularly from her greatest breadth at the water-line, whilst fore and aft her sides "tumble home," or fall in towards the upper deck, thus allowing four heavy guns to fire very nearly right ahead,* whilst two heavy weapons can be trained astern. No high-freeboard ship had as yet mounted such heavy guns or carried such thick armour. She had two 25-ton and ten 18-ton muzzle-loaders, and her plating reached a thick- ness of 12 inches. Her belt was carried down over her ram to strengthen it for shock tactics. Her speed was fifteen knots. Last of this great group, and standing midway between the central-battery and the barbette ship, came the Temeraire. She was commenced, like the Alexandra^ in 1873, but her design differed considerably from that ship. Amidships, as in the Alexandra, was a box battery with axial fire, mounting two 25-ton* and four 18-ton guns. But the feature which differentiated her from the Alexandra was the introduction of two barbette towers placed fore and aft, each containing one 25-ton gun, f mounted upon a disappearing carriage. After each shot, the recoil upsets the gun and brings it under the shelter of the armour. The gun, when loaded, is carried back to the firing position by hydraulic power. These guns had an all-round fire, and were placed at a great height above the water, but the protection given to them was not very satisfactory, as the barbettes were open underneath. There was an armoured ammunition trunk leading down from them to the magazines, but the smallest shell exploding under the guns would put them out of * The two 25-ton 11-inch guns fire right ahead; two 18-ton weapons within three degrees of the keel-line, f Eleven-inch in calibre. There is another pattern of 25-ton gun, 12-inch in calibre, carried on board the Monarch and other ships. 224 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. action. As in the Alexandra, the armour-belt was carried down over the ram.* We must now return some years to the Royal Sovereign. She was a three-decker, cut down on Captain Coles' plan, to the level of the lower deck, ten feet from the water. The hull thus left was plated on the water-line and above it with 4|-inch iron, whilst upon the deck four turrets were placed. The foremost carried two 12^-ton guns, the others one each. The turrets had armour 10 inches thick near the gun ports, and elsewhere 5 inches. They were rotated by hand-power applied by rack and pinion or winches. The bases of the turrets rested upon the lower deck, and the weight, instead of being supported upon spindles, as in the American monitors, was carried on a roller-way. The ship had only three light signal-masts and no rig. Her crew consisted of 300 officers and men. She had a lightly-armoured conning- tower placed just forward of her one funnel. On her trial, in July, 1864, she proved herself to be a most satisfactory vessel. The Prince Albert was contemporary with the Royal Sovereign, and like her carried four turrets placed in the centre-line, with five guns, but differed in being built of iron, expressly to suit Captain Coles' designs, instead of having been merely adapted to them. She was, then, the first English ship built to carry the turret. Like the Royal Sovereign she was designed for coast defence, and was not a sea-going ship. Coles, emboldened by his success, was anxious to see the turret system applied to sea-going battleships, and as the result of his energetic insistence the Monarch was laid down. She was a moderate-freeboard turret-ship of 8300 tons, carrying two turrets placed on the centre-line, and containing # In 1878 when war with Russia was thought imminent, four ironclads were purchased by England. They had been designed and built in England for foreign powers, and thus are not necessarily of English type. The following were the ships: The Superb, generally resembling the Hercules, but more heavily armed ; the Neptune, a rigged turret-ship, similar to the Monarch, but more recent, and armed with the 35-ton Whitworth breechloader, which was exchanged for the 38-ton muzzle-loader; the Belleisle and Orion, small central battery vessels of limited sea-going power. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 225 each two 25-ton guns. Forward was a forecastle which cut off the ahead fire of the fore-turret, but contained two 6J-ton guns*; these were protected by a screen from ahead fire. Astern she had a poop which mounted one gun of similar pattern. Thus one great advantage of the turret, the all- round fire which it gives, was lost. The vessel was fully rigged and had three masts. Under steam she made very nearly fifteen knots. Her armour on her turrets was 10 inches at its thickest point, on her side 7 inches. Her forecastle made her a tolerable sea boat, and in her day she was considered the finest ironclad afloat. Captain Coles, however, had never considered her as an ideal ship. He criticised her contiffually whilst she was on the stocks, and complained of her high freeboard and her loss of all-round fire.t Supported vehemently by the press, he was permitted in 1867 to design the ill-fated Captain. % He gave her less than half the freeboard of the Monarch, and quite as much rigging. Her displacement was 7900 tons, and her armour was a little thicker than the Monarch 's. The speed was half a knot or more slower than the Monarch's. The vessel capsized, in 1870, in the Bay of Biscay, and no more low-freeboard monitors, fully masted and rigged, were designed for our service. The Monarchy and the purchased Neptune are the only survivors of the type. Instead, the class of mastless turret-ships for sea-going purposes, was developed. The first exemplar of this type is the admirable Devastation, designed by Sir Edward Reed in 1869. She was of 9300 tons, the largest battleship built for the navy since the broadside ironclad went out of fashion. She had neither forecastle nor poop, but was frankly and entirely a sea-going monitor. In two turrets, placed fore and aft, she carried four 35-ton guns. The thickness of her plating * Afterwards changed to two 12-ton guns. f It is somewhat strange to find that Coles' own ideal ship, the Captain, had a forecastle and poop in spite of these criticisms. % See Chapter XXIY., pages 183-4. Vol. II. Q 226 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. ranged from 10 to 14 inches. Between her turrets was a light superstructure with a flying deck. On the loss of the Captain deep misgivings were aroused as to the value of low-freeboard turret-ships, and a searching inquiry was made into her stability and seaworthiness. She emerged triumphant, and though she is not altogether a comfortable ship, as her decks are awash in any sea, she has earned golden opinions as an almost invulnerable, powerful and handy ship. She has recently been reconstructed and re-armed with the 10-inch breechloader, and though now an old, is none the less a fine, and valuable, vessel. She is impervious to the deadly hail of the quick-firer, and might fare better in an action at sea than many larger and more modern battleships. Following her, with considerable improvements, the Thun- derer and Dreadnought were laid down for sea service, whilst contemporary with her, or earlier, were the coast-service ships, Hotspur, G/atton, the four Cyclops,* and the Rupert. These ships constitute a very formidable group, apart from the rest of the fleet, and the Rupert and Hotspur are something better than mere coast-defence ships. They were the ulti- mate development of the low-freeboard turret-ship which Ericsson and Coles had devised. The Dreadnought differed little from the earlier Devastation. Her armour was thicker, her guns heaviest and her displacement larger by a thousand tons. The freeboard was also increased, and hydraulic gear was fitted to her turrets and guns. The steady advance of artillery had now developed the gun till none but the thickest armour would exclude the newest projectiles. Hitherto it had been possible to design a ship, which should be plated from stem to stern with mail impene- trable, under the conditions of the battle, to any projectile, though it might be easily perforated on the proving ground. Henceforward, the great extent of moderate armour disappears, * Their names were : the Cyclops, Gorgon, Hecate, Hydra. f 38-ton instead of 35-ton. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 227 to re-appear in 1893, and is replaced by a small surface pro- tected by very thick plating. The vitals only of the ship are thus sheltered : the engines, the boilers, the heaviest guns, the captain's station, the lines of communication. All else is left open, on the principle that no resistance is better than a weak one. The ships of the period which we are now approaching have never given entire satisfaction. In their own day they offered very nearly the whole area of their side to the smallest gun's attack. Before the development of the quick-firer and the appearance of high explosives this was not, perhaps, a matter of great importance. But, when great attention was paid to auxiliary armaments, and the number of moderate- sized shells that could be projected in a given time increased, it became evident that these ships could be disabled without a hit upon their thick armour. The removal of armour from the ship's side is contemporary with the introduction of horizontal plating in the shape of a protective deck.* In the earlier turret-ships of the Devastation and Rupert period, low-freeboard vessels, which would be much exposed to a plunging fire, we find 2 or 3 inches of armour placed above the belt, horizontally, protecting the deck. In the Alexandra and Te7neraire an armour-deck is also present, but again above the belt and above the water- line. Henceforward we shall see it employed, often without the belt and below the water-line, for a considerable extent of the ship's side, serving to divide the ship into two portions : the one below the water-line containing the vitals, protected from gun-fire by the water on either side and the stout deck of iron above, off which projectiles would glance ; the other above the water-line open to every shot and shell over the greater part of its surface, but containing nothing, which, if injured, might compromise the ship's safety. In theory, * The Mississippi gunboats, designed by Mr. Eads in i86i,had curved decks, plated with thin iron. Ericsson's Monitor was similarly protected, but these were low freeboard vessels. The step forward lay in applying such a deck to vessels of high freeboard. The Comus, designed in 1875, was the first English unarmoured ship in which it appeared Q 2 228 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. this part might be riddled and shot away without damage to the flotatory or righting qualities of the ship."* The first armourclad of this description was the Shannon, a vessel intended for cruising purposes. The first battleship was the Italian Duilio, which was copied in the English Inflexible. Her displacement was 11,800 tons, or more than 2000 tons in excess of the Dreadnought, which was her immediate predecessor in the line of turret-ships. Instead of a water-line belt of plating running right round the ship, the armour was stripped off the extremities, and applied to increase the thickness on a square citadel placed amidships. This carried two thicknesses of iron armour, together reaching from 1 6 to 24 inches of metal, t and occupied less than one- third the ship's length. Strong bulkheads ran athwartship, whilst an armour-deck forward and aft, below the water-line, protected the vitals. The two turrets, each containing two 8 1 -ton guns, and plated with compound armour, were placed upon this citadel, en echelon amidships. In this way, great concentration of fire was obtained. Four guns could bear ahead and four on either broadside, though the arc of two of the four guns was limited ; but astern only two could be fired, inasmuch as of the two superstructures fore and aft, which gave comfortable quarters for the crew, the after one was broader, and obstructed the inmost gun in each turret. The breadth was extreme, and the speed low. Mr. Barnaby, who had designed this vessel, was denounced in no measured terms by numerous critics, and the ship was christened a coffin, owing to her want of armour on the water-line. A wholly anomalous vessel, neither battleship nor cruiser, was the Polyphemus, designed in 1873 and launched in 1 88 1 . She has a steel cigar-shaped hull, plated on its upper portion with 3-inch armour. To accommodate her crew and add to her seaworthiness, a light superstructure has been added. * See the transverse sections, Plate XXXVIII., which will make the text clearer, f An additional defect in the Inflexible^ Ajax, and Agamemnon is that their armour is not rolled in one thickness, but is made up of two plates. Half-Sections showing System of P rote ction I. Low freeboard Furret-ship 3. Deck protected cruiser .with armour deck No armour belt Devastation type Edjar type. 2 High freeboard barbette-ship 4 Deck below belt armour, with armour deck Majestic type Admiral Bnud/n type Figures give thickness of "plats in inches. Plate XXXVIII. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP 229 Her primary object is the use of the ram and the torpedo. She carries no heavy guns, and only a few light quick-firers. She cost £200,000 or more, though only a small ship, and her design has not been repeated in England, but in America her chief features have been embodied in the Kaiahdin. Two vessels of smaller size but similar features, the Ajax and Agamemnon, followed the Inflexible. They carried the 38-ton gun and were a decided failure ; slow, ill-armoured, ill-armed, unsteerable. They are the last vessels built for our fleet which were equipped with the heavy muzzle-loader. Henceforward, all guns mounted are breech-loaders. An auxiliary armament — guns of moderate power and penetration, midway between weapons whose work it is to perforate armour and the smaller anti-torpedo-boat artillery makes its appear- ance upon the Inflexible type, though it is at first very weak. On board the Inflexible it was composed of eight 4-inch guns; on the Ajax of two 6-inch. On this latter ship, steel-faced or compound armour was adopted throughout. The next battleships of the " echeloned" turret type, the Edinburgh and Colossus, launched in 1886, are an enormous advance. Not only are the guns twice as powerful, new- pattern breech-loaders, but the speed is high, 16*5 knots instead of the wretched 13*25 of the Ajax and 13-8 of the Inflexible. Instead of four 38-ton guns, there are four of 45-tons in the two turrets. Instead of the two 6-inch guns, there are five in the auxiliary battery. The armour is still eighteen inches thick, and still concentrated amidships, leaving the ends exposed. But the proportions are not so unfavourable to speed as in the Ajax or Inflexible ; the length is greater and the beam less. Contemporary with these two ships was the coast-service turret-ram Conqueror, which, launched in 1882, was followed six years later by the precisely similar Hero. They are useful little ships of 6200 tons, with a low freeboard forward. A little before the ship's centre is a single turret containing two 45-ton guns, with a good arc of fire ahead and on the broadside. 230 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. Astern of this is a high superstructure to house the crew, in which are mounted four 6-inch guns. The turret armour is twelve inches at its thickest, and very nearly all the water- line is protected ; the belt is carried down to the ram. Both vessels are bad sea boats, and they are very weak in stern fire, but they are perhaps stronger ships than the Ajax or Agamemnon. In a sea-way their speed falls from its nominal fifteen-and-a-half knots to nearer eleven. They are not suited to work on open waters, from their low freeboard. Whilst the Colossus was in hand, another and a very different type of battleship was designed and commenced. This was the first of the u Admiral " class, the Collingwood. In proportions and displacement she was closely similar to the Colossus, but the disposition of her armour and armament was widely contrasted. The central citadel, with its vicious con- centration of armament, was abandoned, and the four heavy, 45-ton breechloaders were placed fore and aft in two lofty barbette towers, protected by thick armour. The guns were left very much exposed, but perfect shelter was given to the gunners, except from shells bursting underneath the barbettes. To load, the breeches of the gun are depressed till they come below the roof of the barbette, when the hydraulic apparatus, which is placed behind armour, drives the shot and powder into the gun. Forward and aft, the Collingwood has a moderate freeboard. Amidships is a superstructure carrying six 6-inch breechloaders behind one inch of steel plating. Against raking fire there are 6-inch bulkheads fore and aft. The auxiliary armament is thus about the same as that of the Colossus, but has a certain measure of protection given it, which, as we shall find, tends steadily to increase. With great prescience a good speed was assured to the ship, and on the measured mile, under forced draught, she accomplished 1 6*8 knots. Her armour extends for 140 feet in a narrow belt on the water line ; the barbette towers are thickly plated, and from each of them a well-protected shaft runs down to THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 231 the armour deck, which is placed below the water-line.*" Strong bulkheads at each extremity of the water-line belt run athwartship, giving security against raking fire. There is a well-plated conning-tower and one mast with two fighting- tops. The thickness of the armour varies between eighteen and twelve inches, and it is compound. This, then, was a ship which could steam fast and hit hard, which was, moreover, well adapted for fighting in line ahead. The end-on fire is not that of the Colossus, but the broadside fire is better, as the guns can be trained through a wider angle. Yet the unprotected ends are long, and the barbettes could be put out of action by lodging shells beneath them. Still the Collingwood was a great advance upon her predecessors, and in general outline differs little from our newest ships. She was completed in 1886, and has proved very satisfactory. Five similar ships, the Anson, Benbow, Ca?7iperdow7i, Horce, and Rodney followed her. They were a little larger and a little faster, exhibiting that continuous progress which marks our battleships. In the disposition of their armour and armament there was no change. The 45-ton gun on four of them was replaced by the far more powerful 67-ton gun, which for ten years was to be the standard heavy gun of the fleet. The auxiliary and anti-torpedo-boat armament suffered no change. The weight of armour carried exceeded 2500 tons, whereas in the Colossus it had been 2360 tons, and in the Ajax, 2220. The Benbozv differed from the other four considerably. Instead of the four 67-ton guns she was given two of 111-tons, one fore and the other aft, and her auxiliary* armament grew from six 6-inch to ten 6-inch guns. The speed of these ships was seventeen knots, and they were faster than any French battleship of their day. Their defect was still the insufficient protection given to the water-line, and the absence of strong armour over the auxiliary battery. * Except amidships where it is carried across between the upper edges of the belt. As in Fig. 2, Plate XXXVIII. 232 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. In these six vessels there was a visible tendency to abandon the development of bow fire, and to increase broadside fire. The next pair of battleships exhibit no such tendency. Indee*d, in them bow fire attained its greatest proportions, though at the expense of stern fire. They may be described as greatly enlarged Conquerors. They retain the essential features of that ship : the single turret, the weak stern fire, the low freeboard forward, the high superstructure aft ; but they carry a shorter and thicker armour-belt. The displace- ment rises from 6200 tons to 10,500 tons. Forward, in a single great turret, are two huge 110-ton guns, firing right ahead or on either broadside. The turret, unlike the bar- bettes of the " Admiral" class, has its base well protected by a large armoured redoubt. Astern is a single 29-ton gun, sheltered only by a shield. The superstructure contains twelve 6-inch guns, placed behind steel plating 3 inches thick, with a bulkhead of the same thickness across the stern of the battery, and one of 6 inches, protecting the guns from raking fire, forward. The thick armour-belt on the water-line is 162 feet long, and there are the usual English athwartship bulkheads. The redoubt is pear-shaped and contains the loading apparatus and the base of the turret. The conning- tower is heavily armoured. Forward and aft of the belt there is an armour-deck below the water-line 3 inches thick. The speed is seventeen knots or more. In these vessels for the first time triple-expansion engines appear on board a British ironclad. The machine-gun armament is unusually powerful, including twenty-four 6-pounder and 3-pounder quick-firers, and many smaller guns. These vessels were christened Victoria and Sanspareil, and were the last ships armed with the 110-ton gun. Completed in 1889 the Victoria came to an early and tragic end in 1893. The appearance of high explosives and the growing potency of the quick-firer, which, though as yet it only projected shells of 61bs., was still capable, in the opinion of many experts, 'Arm 'iron "s. Comp d ' Inflexible 1374 Compound Con ^ ueror l87Sm Hull Ste ep? ■ berg's 29 ,, Man-handled 1 shot in 2 minutes 10 seconds ... 23oibs. \'Z *• jj 22 „ ,, 5 shots in 6 minutes 3i61bs. ^gu 14 „ ,, ,, 1 shot in 1 minute 2iolbs. J The gain in rapidity, which results from employing machinery, is sufficientlv obvious. In perforating power, • * See Fig. 2, Plate XL. The illustration of the 8-inch quick-firer also shows the present system of breech-action well. Page 250. f These are all actual performances at sea. 250 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. great progress has been made by increasing the length of the gun. Our older muzzle-loaders were of 12 or 13 calibres; our early breech-loaders of 25 calibres'*, whilst in our newest heavy gun, the 12-inch 46-ton, we have gone to 38 calibres. The French have advanced even further, and are actually mounting great guns of 50 calibres. The gain through increas- ing the length, and thus giving time for a slow-burning powder to exert its full power, is evident from these figures of Canet, which show the perforation with guns of the same calibre, but of varying length : 375-pounder, (j^-inch gun of — 25 cals. 30 cals. 36 cals. 43 cals. 50 cals. in length. Weight of gun 14 tons 19 tons 22 tons 30 tons 34! tons charge 127IDS. i6ilbs. iq81bs. 231IDS. 2661bs. Inches of wrought iron") rAmfi tH>t ",. „ • ... perforated at 1000 yards) ^ 6 181 21 * 239 V ° Muzzle velocity, ft. sees. 1772 2001 2231 2428 2624 By this expedient, with a gun of quite moderate size and proportions, enormous power can be obtained. Instead of guns growing larger in calibre, they are now tending to grow smaller with increased length, increased strength, increased charges, and increased muzzle velocities. Whilst heavy guns have thus progressed, there has been not less striking advance in small and moderate-sized weapons. The appearance of the torpedo-boat, which could not be readily followed in its rapid motion by a heavy gun, necessi- tated a light quick-firing weapon which should get off so many shots during the period of the boat's approach, as to make certain of hitting her. The Hotchkiss and Nordenfelt, 3 and 6-pounders, were the result of this demand. They were placed upon mountings which gave no recoil, and were able to fire ten to twenty aimed shots a minute. It was not long before heavy guns followed upon the same road. In 1886 appeared the Armstrong 30-pounder quick-firer, which, after winning universal approval, became the 4* 7-inch 45-pounder * A gun of 25 calibres, is a gun the length of which is twenty-five times the diameter of the bore. Thus a 1 2-inch gun of 25 calibres is 25 feet long in the bore, i.e., 25 times 12 inches. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EXGLISH BATTLESHIP. 251 quick-firer. This gun can in a given time fire five times as many rounds as a breech-loader of similar size, but older pattern. It is marked by a simplicity and strength which are essential in war material. Xext, a year or two later, came the 6-inch quick-firer, and last, and latest of all, the 8-inch gun of the same type, in which the breech opens automatically by the force of the gun's recoil."* It is probable that the gun of the future, whether large or small, will be wholly and entirely automatic. In the so-called quick-firers, rapidity of fire is obtained, firstly, by the simplicity and rapidity of the breech action ; secondly, by the use of recoilless sights, which do not necessitate re-laying after each shot, and enable the gunner to aim his gun whilst the weapon is being loaded ; thirdly, by the use of a cartridge case.t which abolishes the necessity of sponging out the gun and is easy to manipulate ; fourthly, by the introduction of a mount, in which friction is all but abolished, and recoil controlled and used to bring the gun back to firing position. It is difficult to see how the rate of fire can be further increased, unless automatic guns of the Maxim type are intro- duced ; otherwise we have neared finality. Without a mass of machinery it is impossible to fire more than five or six shots in the minute from a 6-inch gun, but it is satisfactory to note that England, whether in moderate artillery or in heavy guns, is leading the world in 1895 as sne ^ it * n 1865. The English 12-inch gun of 46 tons is superior to any weapon of equal size whether in perforation or rapidity of fire. Un- fortunately we have still a large number of old pattern muzzle- loaders afloat, which reduce the average of our artillery. * Vide Plate XLI., which shows the gun with breech open. The breech can, if necessary, be opened by hand. The large shield gives good protection to the gunners ; and the ammunition comes up an armoured hoist to a door in the gun-pivot. One shot in fifteen seconds is the greatest rapidity of aimed fire. Even if this be halved, the gun fires 5601b. weight of metal a minute, or 7501b. starting loaded. Krupp has constructed a 9/4-inch quick-firer. f The Whitworth breech-loader of i860 appears to have been the first gun to use fixed ammunition. The powder was contained in a tin cartridge. 252 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. In projectiles and powder there has been a great progress, as in guns and armour. The old cast and wrought-iron round shot have given way, first to elongated Palliser projectiles, of iron with chilled heads, then to forged steel shot, and finally to nickel steel for armour-piercing purposes. The old lead covering which took the rifling was replaced, first by studs fitting into grooves in the bore, then in projectiles for the breech-loader, by copper rings which are cut into by ridges in the bore of the gun. To enable shot to perforate the new and very hard armour, produced by the Harvey process, the point of the shot, which is liable to fracture upon impact, is capped with soft iron, which enables the projectile to bite. Gunpowder is no longer the only explosive agent with which shells are charged. High explosives have been discovered which are infinitely more powerful. Melinite, a preparation of picric acid, cordite, gun-cotton, nitro- benzols, even dynamite, have been tried, with many others. Experiments with these terrible substances have been conducted in secret by most European states, but certain details have leaked out. The effect of their explosion is terrific, and some at least of them produce dense choking fumes which will suffocate those who are not blown to pieces. Gunpowder which is a stable and trustworthy substance, but has the disadvantage of producing thick smoke when fired in the gun, is giving way to smokeless powders. In the English service the quick-firers of various size use cordite ammunition, which makes next to no smoke, and the new 46-ton gun is constructed to burn cordite. The time is at hand when no gun will fire gunpowder. A ship wreathed in smoke could be attacked with comparative impunity by the torpedo-boat, but the case is very different when smokeless ammunition is used. Thus the tactical effect of the introduc- tion of the new powders has been to handicap the torpedo- boat, and to make the issue of naval battles less a matter of chance. Is progress the elimination of chance ? THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EXGLISH BATTLESHIP. 251 The quality of armour has also improved, whilst the gun and its accessories have been improving. The Kinburn batteries had plating of a very inferior quality, as the metal- lurgical science of the day was not sufficient to avoid burned metal and layers of scoria The grade of the iron used was poor, whilst steel could not be produced in a trustworthy form at a moderate price. Gradually the iron improved; the mechanical agencies for preparing and rolling it were perfected; and its resistance steadily rose. till, with advances in the art of preparing steel, it gave way to steel. Yet, at first, solid steel armour did not win approval, and it was thought better to face soft iron with hard steel. This gave the compound plate which was first adopted by England for the Inflexible 's turret. Italy and France preferred solid steel, which, though more brittle, had greater power of resistance. In the United States, nickel-steel was adopted for the new battleships of the 1891 programme, and was employed in England for the decks of the Royal Sovereigns, and the thin plating on the side of the Centurions. The nickel fills up the pores of the steel and gives great homogeneity and toughness to the mass. Tungsten is said to srive even more satisfactory results. Last came the Harvey process of hardening steel or nickel-steel plates. By this, the steel, after being rolled to the required thickness, is heated, face downwards on a bed of charcoal for a fortnight. This done, it is bent to shape, heated again, and hardened again by the application of water. In the finished state, the surface is so hard that drills will not bite upon it, and special arrangements, whilst hardening, are necessary to leave soft places for rivet holes. The first English battleships in which it appears are the Majesties and the Renown. A plate thus hardened, iS-inches thick, has in the United States defied the attack of the 13-inch 66-ton gun. The projectile, weighing noolbs., and striking with a force sufficient to lift a weight of 1000 tons twenty- five feet, crushed in the backing of oak, but only dented the plate. 254 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. Various improvements in the method of applying the armour and building up the ship's side, have also to be chronicled. The Warrior carried her 4^-inch plates upon a cushion of oak from 10 to 18 inches thick. She had not a strong iron inner skin. But as Mr. Chalmers demonstrated that the application of iron stringers, placed horizontally between the timbers of the backing, and a thick skin inboard, behind the backing, gave better power of resistance, this system was adopted. In the Bellerophon were 6 inches of iron upon 10 inches of oak, with three thicknesses of f-inch plate as the inner skin. The framing of this ship was far stronger than that of her predecessors. In later ships, steel has replaced iron in the ship's structure, teak has replaced oak in the backing, and many minor improvements have been introduced. As to engineering progress, the Penelope was the first British ironclad to be fitted with twin screws ; the Alexandra the first to carry compound engines ; and the Victoria the first to carry triple-expansion engines. Forced draught, which consists in pumping air into the furnaces from below, appears in the " Admirals " ; induced draught, which consists in suck- ing air through the furnaces from above, in the Magnificent. The water-tube boiler was introduced in the French Navy, and has been widely adopted in our own. It is carried in all the newest battleships and cruisers, from the Canopus to the Pelorus. Turning now to the cruiser, the progress has been immense. The cruiser as a distinct conception is the descendant of the frigate, and does not appear in the earliest days of ironclads. During the Civil War, the North, to protect its commerce, laid down a class of wooden vessels, of great length, the Wampanoags, which were to have a speed of seventeen knots, and a coal endurance of 5600 knots. As a matter of fact, they never did more than fifteen knots, and could hardly be considered a success. In 1866, before they were completed, the English Government replied to them with the Inconstant, and some years later with the Shah and Raleigh. These THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENGLISH BATTLESHIP. 255 were noble ships, fully rigged, comfortable, and fast for their day, as the first two did sixteen-and-a-half knots on the measured mile, but they were entirely destitute of protection other than that which was afforded by the arrangement of their coal bunkers. They were followed by the Bacchante class, launched in 1875-7, and the Active class launched in 1869, which were slower and smaller. The U C class" launched in 1878- 188 1, were still smaller, but embodied one new and interesting feature which henceforward appears in all large cruisers — the armour-deck. The Canada and her sisters carried a 1 4-inch steel deck over engines, boilers, and magazines at a level of three feet below the water-line. These ships were, however, too slow for cruising purposes, as their speed was not sufficient to enable them to escape the battle- ship, and they were far too weak to encounter her when they were overtaken. Between 1877- 1880, were completed three large cruisers, the Shannon, Nelson, and Northampton which had partial belts on the water-line and athwartship bulkheads. They may be described as dismal failures — large, costly, slow, and vulnerable. 1877-8, however, saw the launch of two fast and lightly armed cruisers, which, built expressly for the purpose of scouting, have done good service with the fleet, the Iris and Mercury. In 1883 were launched four fine vessels of the Amphion class, with a speed of seventeen knots. In 1884, an immense step forward was taken. That year, the Armstrong company launched the famous Esmeralda, a vessel which on a very small displacement, carried a tremendous armament. Her speed on the mile reached the figure of 18-28 knots, phenomenal at that time. She had an end-to-end steel deck 1 inch thick, curving up amidships. In her, forced draught was employed, air being pumped into the stokehold and driven into the furnaces, thus greatly increasing the rate of combustion. The influence of her design is visible in at least three classes of English ships, or indeed, in every cruiser we have built since her day. The four second- 256 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. class cruisers of the Mersey type, launched in 1885-6, are an improvement upon her. They are larger, have far stronger end-to-end decks, and an armament in which, whilst the heavy guns are not so large, the auxiliary guns are much more numerous. In 1885, too, were commenced seven "belted cruisers, " which might again be called greatly enlarged and improved Esmeraldas. They had been preceded a year or two, by the two Imperieuses which are French in type and design, and approach the battleship more closely than the cruiser. The new belted cruisers of the Aurora type were of 5600 tons, and were more heavily armed than the Merseys. They carried amidships, a belt of 10-inch armour, and were protected by bulkheads against raking fire. A third class of cruisers, designed more especially to combat the torpedo- boat, appeared in the Archer and her sisters — small ships heavily armed. Cruisers having diverged and developed as a class apart from the battleship, now begin to subdivide, and to develop classes amongst themselves. In first-class cruisers designed for ocean work, with a powerful armament to fight all comers, the Blake succeeds the " belted cruiser." She is far larger, far faster, and is heavily armed, whilst some of her guns are behind thin armour. The only protection on the water-line is a stout armour deck. She and her sister Blenheim are followed by the nine Edgars, a little smaller and slower, but none the less splendid ships. Then in 1894, follow the two largest unarmoured cruisers which have ever been laid down, the Powerful and Terrible, each of 14,200 tons, with water- tube boilers, phenomenal speed, and armament almost wholly behind armour. Following these again in 1895-6, are eight rather smaller vessels of 11,000 tons, with an armament wholly quick-firing."* In other navies, the "belted cruiser" has persisted and developed, and there are signs that we shall recur to it. * For tabulated details of the leading English cruisers see Table XXIII. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EXGLISH BATTLESHIP. 257 Russia has in hand, or completed, three huge vessels of this type, whilst France has launched six very remarkable ships almost wholly covered with thin armour. These are the Dupny de Lome and her daughters ; and their thin mail might render them awkward antagonists to our unbelted ships.* In second-class cruisers we dropped a little in size, with a reduction in armament, from the Merseys to the Medea s. which are now rated third-class. But from the date of the Medeas begins a steady rise in displacement, armament, freeboard, and coal endurance. The Apollo class of 1889, eleven in number, are. the parents of the larger Aeolus class and of the Astreas. The Astreas, again, lead up to the Minerva class, which are of the displacement of our first-class "belted cruisers/' the Auroras, and they are, in their turn, followed by larger vessels. Of third-class cruisers, descended from the Medea or Archer, the chief types are the Blanche and Pearl class, with the newer Pelorus. Here, also, the tendency to increased displacement is visible, though not so plainly. In smaller craft the torpedo-boat has grown and progressed till it has attained extraordinary speeds, and is capable of keeping the sea in moderate weather. Between the French Chevalier of 1893, steaming twenty-seven knots, and the small launch of 1877, which could not exceed seventeen knots, there is an immense difference. But in its progress the torpedo-boat has produced new types of ships expressly designed to combat it, and harry it. The first type is the torpedo-gunboat, of which the French Bombe of 1885 was the predecessor. In England it appeared with the Rattlesnake, and as usual, grew rapidly in size, till our later vessels of the class approach in size the third-class cruisers. Experience, however, showed that these vessels could not, on the open * Since the above was first written, France has laid down several more armoured cruisers, and England has decided to build four cruisers of the largest size, carrying 6-inch side armour and the batter}- of the Powerful. Their displacement is 11,850 tons, and speed twenty-one knots. Vol. II. .5 258 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. sea, run down a hostile torpedo-boat, as their speed was not sufficiently great. Some kind of craft which should be able to deal with the torpedo-boat was urgently required ; and the torpedo-boat destroyer appeared to serve the purpose. These little vessels are very large and very fast torpedo-boats, and are not only well adapted for the task of harrying the torpedo- boat pure and simple, but are also capable of acting as torpedo-boats themselves. The speed which they have at- tained is extraordinary ; on the mile, the earliest vessels of this type achieved twenty-seven knots, and thirty to thirty- three knots are promised in those now under construction. Here at last progress seems to be reaching its limit, as the screw is not adapted to give a higher speed than this. Other methods of propulsion may, however be perfected in the future. The torpedo has not remained stationary amidst the whirl of change. We have seen it in its crude form scoring successes in the American Civil War, when it may be said to have been brought to birth. Stationary " infernal machines " were succeeded by " infernal machines " which were towed by ships ; these were by no means satisfactory, and were aban- doned in the seventies. The spar-torpedo, carried on a boom, which could be run out from a boat or ship, lived longer, and it is not certain whether at the present day, in the hands of cool and determined men, it might not claim as many victims as the Whitehead. The latter weapon differed from its precursors in being automobile. It was first tried in 1868, in a crude and imperfect form. Its distinctive feature lay in this, that it was a small ship propelled by engines, driven by com- pressed air, and carrying a heavy charge of gun-cotton forward. It was of 16 inches diameter, the speed was nine knots, and the charge carried nylbs of explosive. England purchased the right to manufacture it, and was followed by most European powers. The early English type of torpedo was 14 inches in diameter with a speed of eighteen knots, and a charge of 32lbs. Gradually the speed and charge rose till the THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EXGLISH BATTLESHIP. 259 newer varieties of 14-inch torpedo run thirty knots and carry 65IDS of gun-cotton. As it was doubtful whether even this amount of explosive would fatally injure a large and modern ship, it has been succeeded by the 18-inch torpedo with icjolbs. to 2oolbs. of gun-cotton. The range of a Whitehead of the latest pattern does not much exceed 750 yards when the ship which fires it is in motion. A vessel at rest may make hits at a range of 1000 yards, but at such a distance practice is very" erratic, and 500 yards is perhaps the extreme limit for ordinary- purposes. There are numerous varieties of automobile torpedo other than the \Yhitehead, but none are so perfect, or have been so widely adopted. Last of all has appeared the steerable or controllable torpedo, which is guided in its course from the ship or the shore. Of this type are the Brennan, Halpine. and Xordenfelt torpedoes, and though they have not as yet won favour, they may do so with gradual improvements. Whilst dealing with the torpedo we must notice the various attempts at submarine navigation. The Confederate " Davids'' were the first attempt at warfare below the surface. The French Goubet was a small, egg-shaped craft, propelled by electricity at a speed of only five knots, with a torpedo attached outside by a bayonet catch. This vessel was launched in 1888 and is of little value. Italy claims in the Pullino to have a thoroughly satisfactory submarine boat, and the United States are building a vessel which can be driven awash, or below the surface, by steam or electricity. But the problem of steering a boat below the surface has yet to be overcome, and there is some possibility that a com- pletely immersed vessel might be very seriously affected, even at some distance, by the explosion of her own torpedo. More- over, most craft of this kind display a dangerous tendency to dive, when their sides would be crushed in by the tremendous pressure. None the less submarine attacks upon ships in harbour are a possibility of the future. S 2 APPENDIX I. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE FRENCH NAVY, We have seen that it was France who led the way in the adoption of armour, whether for such harbour service craft as the Kinburn batteries, or for the sea-going battleship in the shape of the Gloire. The lead that she obtained in 1858 she has on the whole maintained since, and there is no country where more ingenuity and audacity have been displayed in the designing of warships. A short summary of French naval progress will best enable Englishmen to check their own advance. Contemporary with the Gloire, and precisely similar to her, were the armoured frigates Invincible and Normandie of wood, and the Couronne of iron. All were armed with the French 50-pounder smooth-bore of 16* centimetres calibre. They were followed by two larger vessels, the Magenta and Solferino, laid down in 1859, anc ^ carrying fifty-four 16-centimetre guns in a two-decked battery. In them a spur for ramming appears for the first time. They again were followed in 1862 by ten frigates of very similar pattern to the Gloire, but carrying, instead of her 4"/ inch plates, armour 5*9 inches thick. They were also a trifle faster and more manageable. They were uniform in type, and this uniformity beyond doubt gave France an advantage which has in more recent years passed to England. They carried from 880 to 950 tons of plating each. Their successor was the small ironclad Belliqueuse, of 3750 tons, generally similar in design to our Bellerophon, though, of course, on a smaller scale. She was intended for cruising in distant waters and was of wood. Her battery consisted of four 19-centimetre, four 16-centimetre, and * The following are the English equivalents of the French calibres in centimetres ; I855—I895- in. { gglb. [■ I 1651b. I3i7lb. J f 3ilb. "1 I 661b. I Weight of shell. ^7 30 32 34. = io"8 = ii*8 = 12-6 = 13*4. ! in. ( 4761b. ) 6261b. ) 76olb. Weight of shell. .88ilb.& 9251b. APPENDIX I. 261 four 14-centimetre guns. In 1865 the Alma type was introduced, and seven vessels were built after it. Wood was abandoned for the upper works, but still retained for the hull of the ship below the water-line. There was an end-to-end belt, a central battery, and above this on either beam a barbette tower with fire ahead and astern. The barbettes were slightly sponsoned out from the sides, and each contained one 19-centimetre gun. In 1868 the Ocean, a far more powerful ship, was launched, and in 1869 and 1870 she was followed by the sister ships Marengo and Suffren. The weight of armour carried rose to 1370 tons, and the thickness to 8*6 inches on the water-line. The hull was of wood, the upper works of iron. The battery was carried in a central armoured enclosure, and in four barbette towers, resting upon the armoured walls of the enclosure, amidships on either beam. The guns, as usual in the French type of tower, revolved on a turn-table inside a fixed armoured turret. The gunners were not adequately protected, but then on the other hand they could obtain a clear view of their enemy. In each tower was one 27 or one 24-centimetre gun, and in the central work four to six other heavy guns. Besides the heavy weapons an auxiliary armament of 12 and 14-centimetre guns was carried. The engines of the Suffren were compound.* In 1868 the Richelieu, an improved Ocean, was laid down. She had the four barbette towers of the earlier type, but a longer central battery. She carries in each tower a 24-centimetre gun ; in her central battery are six guns of 27 centimetres, whilst one of 24 centimetres is placed forward under the forecastle. The armour is 8*6 inches thick. The speed on trial was 13*1 knots. The hull is of wood below the water-line ; above it, outside the central battery, of iron. The weight of plating rises to 1690 tons. She was followed by three ships of similar type, which, however, differ slightly from her and from each other. The Trident has two barbette towers, and carries eight 27-centimetre guns and two 24-centimetre. The Colbert and Friedla?id carry, the former eight 27-centimetre and six 24-centimetre, the latter eight 27-centimetre guns, as their heavy armament. Their hulls are of wood, and their armour 8'6 inches at its thickest. In 1872 an enormous advance was made. Wood was abandoned, the draught of the ships designed reduced; deck protection was introduced, and recessed ports adopted. The Redoubtable was the * Particulars of most of these vessels are given in Table X. 262 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. first battleship laid down which embodied these innovations. She is a central-battery and barbette ship, carrying in her central battery four 27-centimetre guns ; in two barbettes above the casemate, one on each beam, two more 27-centimetre weapons, and aft a seventh gun of this calibre. The barbettes have no protection against artillery fire, but the central battery is completely enclosed by armour 10 inches thick. There is an end-to-end water-line belt, which amidships is 14 inches thick : 2502 tons of plating are carried. The ahead fire is delivered by four 27-centimetre guns, two in the barbettes and two in the central battery. The light or auxiliary battery is not forgotten, and eight 14-centimetre guns are disposed on the forecastle and quarter-deck. The speed on trial was 14' 2 6 knots. The ship was originally fully rigged, but now only carries light military masts. The Devastation and Courbet followed the Redoubtable. The weight of armour is increased to 2700 tons, and the maximum thickness to 15 inches, but the belt is not end-to-end, the stern being left unarmoured. The general features of the Redoubtable s design are retained ; there is the central battery carrying four guns, 34-centimetre in place of 27-centimetre, with fore-and-aft fire; there are the unarmoured barbettes above the central battery, carrying the 27-centimetre gun; but a heavy gun forward is added. Hydraulic gear of the Rendel pattern was fitted to the Devastation, and subsequently to her sister, and to successive French ironclads. The Devastatio7i is perhaps the finest central battery ship that has ever been designed, and in all round fire was greatly superior to the English ironclads of her type and date. On trial she steamed 15*1 knots. She carries 900 tons of coal. The Amiral Dupen-e was begun in 1876, some months after the Devastation. In her the central battery completely disappears, and the barbette is triumphant. There are four barbette towers, two placed forward, one on either bow, one amidships and one astern, at a height of 27 feet above the water. These barbettes are protected by 15-inch armour, and each contains one 34-centimetre 48-ton gun. They are, however, mere shallow trays of armour, resting upon the upper deck, with an armoured trunk running down to the protective deck ; and they expose the gunners' heads and shoulders, whilst shells bursting underneath might bring them down through the ship's deck and bottom. There is a narrow end-to-end belt of armour 21 -J- inches thick amidships. The weight of armour is 2900 tons. There are fourteen 14-centimetre guns mounted amid- Iron Magenta 1859 5 4-7 73 Ocean 1866. Wood : Iron Redoubtable 1872 >n & Sree 15-75 trr .7. ■ Amiral Baud in 1873 Iron & Sreel Types of French Ironclads. 1858-1891. Material of Hull to Rjaht. Armour to Left. Figures cj'ive thickness of Armour in inches. Plate XLII. APPENDIX I. 263 ships. The chief defect of the ship is the great extent of unprotected side which she exposes to the enemy's fire. In this she resembles the Inflexible, though she differs widely from that ship in her high freeboard and end-to-end belt. The Amir al Band in and Formidable, which followed the Duperre, are generally similar to her. There are three, instead of four, barbettes, and all are placed on the centre-line. The armour is of steel, i6| inches thick on the barbettes and 2\\ inches amidships on the water-line, its weight reaching the very high figure of 4000 tons. The guns carried are three 7 5 -ton weapons in the barbettes, and twelve 14-centimetre guns amidships. As in the Duperre, practically the whole of the ship's side is open to the smallest projectile, and only little patches and strips of very thick armour are carried. In 1880 were laid down three more barbette-ships, the Marceau, Neptune, and Magenta, and a fourth, barbette-ship and turret-ship combined, the Hoche. In these ships there are four heavy gun positions disposed lozenge-wise, one forward, one aft, and one on each beam. Thus, three guns can in most positions be brought to bear on an enemy. The 7 5 -ton weapons of the Baudin give way to the long 34-centimetre gun in the first three. The armour is 1 7| inches thick on the narrow 1 end-to-end belt ; 1 3 J inches on the barbette ; and 3! inches on the deck. The Hoche differs from the others in having two turrets, instead of barbettes forward and aft, containing each one 34-centimetre gun ; amidships she had two barbettes, each with one 27-centimetre gun. Her weight of armour is 3618 tons, and she is reported to be dangerously unstable ; indeed, great fault has been found with all the four ships of this class. But if they are indifferently protected above the water-line, they carry very powerful armaments, as they have no less than seventeen 14-centimetre guns besides their main artillery. The Hoche, Formid- able, and Baudin have been reconstructed, and in the lasi two one of the 75-ton guns has been removed with its barbette. The Hoche s quick-firing battery has been reduced. The Brennus followed them after an interval of eight years, during which France only laid down second-class ships. She carried two turrets, fore and aft; in the forward one are two 34-centimetre long guns of about 71 tons weight; in the after turret is one 34-centi- metre gun. From end to end runs a I5f-inch belt of compound armour, and above this, amidships, is a lightly plated citadel. On this citadel stand four small turrets, two on each beam, each 264 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. carrying one 16-centimetre quick-firer. Six more of these weapons are mounted in the citadel and separated from each other by splinter- proof traverses. Thus ten 16-centimetre quick-firers are carried, of which five fire on either broadside and four ahead or astern. The ship has not ram bows but a perfectly straight stem. As originally equipped for sea she was so grievously overloaded that she lacked stability. Very considerable alterations have been made in her. The Naval Defence Act, passed by the British Parliament in 1889, stimulated France to great exertions. In 1891 three first-class battleships were commenced — the Charles Martel, Carnot, and Amiral Jaureguiberry. A return was made to the lozenge-wise disposition of the heavy guns which had been abandoned in the Brennus, The armament consists of two 30-centimetre guns, one fore and one aft, and one 27-centimetre gun on either beam. The open barbette is abandoned and the turret adopted. An auxiliary armament of eight 14-centimetre quick-firers is carried; in the Jaureguiberry the quick-firers are placed in pairs in four lightly armoured turrets ; on the other two each weapon has a separate armoured turret and ammunition hoist. Thus the guns are well separated, and all in armoured positions. The plating carried is thick on the heavy gun positions and water-line, where it varies between 17I and 10 inches. There is an end-to-end belt of this stout armour. Above this again is a belt of 4-inch armour about 4 feet deep, running from end to end, but carried up forward and aft in the line of the bow and stern waves. The small turrets all have 4-inch armour. There can be no doubt that these are extremely fine and powerful ships, carrying as they do over 4000 tons of armour, but they expose a very large unarmoured surface. Their speed is to reach eighteen knots. Of closely similar design are the Bouvet and Massena, in which the enormous weight of 4160 tons of armour is carried.* The St. Louis, Charlemagne, and Gaulois, however, are widely different. In them a return is made to the fore and- aft system of mounting heavy guns, and the lozenge is abandoned. Four 30-centimetre guns are carried forward and aft, mounted in pairs in two turrets behind 15! inches of armour. Eight 14-centimetre quick-firers are mounted on the main deck, four on each side, behind 3-inch hardened steel. Two more are on the upper deck, protected only by shields, whilst on the * Eight 10-centimetre quick-firers are carried on these two ships in addition to the 14-centimetre quick-firers. APPENDIX I. hurricane deck six io-centimetre quick-firers are carried. There is an end-to-end water-line belt 15 J inches thick amidships, tapering to the ends, and over this again a 3|-inch belt. The armour-decks are two in number ; one 3 J inches thick at the upper level of the thick belt, the other i\ inches thick at its lower level. This gives these ships great protection against both ram and gun, as the belt is so strongly supported that it could scarcely be crushed in. The axial fire is very powerful. Six 14-centimetre, four 10-centi- metre, and two 30-centimetre guns fire ahead or astern: on the broadside four 30-centimetre, five 14-centimetre, and three 10- centimetre. The guns carried are of enormous length and have very high muzzle velocities. The three ships and the Massena all have the triple screw, which probably will add considerably to their manoeuvring power if not to their speed. The Jena and two sister ships are similar in design to the St. Louis. The Jena carries a different auxiliary armament — eight 16-centimetre and four 1 o-centimetre quick-firers — has more coal, and higher speed. No survey of the fighting strength of France would be complete which did not include her garde-cotes cuirasses, or armour-plated coast-defence ships. A few of these are good for nothing but harbour- work, but the great majority are capable of going to sea in moderate weather, and would certainly have to be reckoned with in the Mediterranean. The first of the class were the five armoured batteries built in 1855. The Taureau, a wooden ram with one 24-centimetre gun, mounted forward in a barbette, followed in 1863, and a little later four similar vessels carrying two 24-centimetre guns in a revolving turret forward. In 1864 a number of floating batteries for harbour defence were laid down. They were very inferior ships even at the date of their design, and were good for little work at sea. In 1872, after the war with Germany, a new type of vessel was introduced, similar in general design to our Rupert and Glatton. The vessels of this class are mastless monitors, carrying one turret and two guns each. Their names are the Tempete, Tomierre, Vengeur, and Fulminajit. They were succeeded by two vessels of somewhat different design, the To?i?iant and Furieux. These have one barbette forward, and another aft, with one 34-centimetre gun mounted in each. There is a very thick end-to-end belt, but the freeboard is low, and the pair are not too seaworthy. Their design, however, was received with favour, and was repeated with improvements in the four ships, Caiman, Indomptable, Requin, and Terrible, which are larger, 266 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. just as heavily armoured, and even more heavily armed. They carry each two 75-ton 4 2 -centimetre guns, placed forward and aft, besides four 10-centimetre weapons. They were launched between 1881 and 1885, and have been reconstructed and re-armed. About the same date eight small armoured gunboats of very doubtful value were added to the fleet. In the Jemmapes class the French coast-service vessel draws closely to the sea-going battleship. The Jemmapes and Valmy are of the Caiman pattern, with a 34-centimetre 70-ton gun fore and aft in closed turrets. Amidships is a high superstructure, at the angles of which are mounted four 10-centimetre guns. These are excellent little ships, very well armed, handy, fast ; and even better are the Bouvines and Trehonart, in which there is a high freeboard forward ; in them the 34-centimetre guns are replaced by weapons of 30 centimetres, and the number of 10-centimetre quick-firers is increased to eight. The speed is also raised. An improved ship of this class, the Henri IV., was laid down in 1897. By purchase at the close of the American Civil War, France acquired the monitor Onondaga, and the large casemate-ship Dunderberg, which was renamed Rochambean. Both soon dis- appeared from the French Navy List. A third class of armourclad which has been built by France is the vessel for cruising on distant waters, or for encountering at home the cruisers which are now beginning to abound in all navies. The first ships of this class were the Alma and her sisters. These were followed some years later by the three small ironclads Galissoniere, Triomphante, and Victor ieuse. They are all three of wood, with a complete belt 6 inches thick, and 4| inches of armour on their battery or barbettes. They are merely weak and slow ironclads, and have no important advantages as cruisers. For fighting purposes they are about as bad ships as our Nelson. They were succeeded by four much better ships — the Turenne, Bayard, Duguesclin, and Vauban. The first two have hulls of wood, the last pair hulls of iron and steel. They are reduced copies of the Duperre, carrying four barbettes, arranged as hers are, one sponsoned out on each bow, one amidships in the centre line, and one astern. The thickness of armour and weight of guns are reduced by one half, and the heaviest weapon carried is the 24-centimetre breechloader. The speed of the four varies between fourteen and fourteen and a-half knots. Three years passed between the launch of the Duguesclin, the APPENDIX I. 267 most modern of the four, and the designing of the Dupuy de Lome. In the meantime the importance of speed had been recognised, and the advent of high explosives had made armour more than ever necessary. The Dupuy de Lome was commenced in 1886 and completed in 1894. She is a fast cruiser with a broad belt of hardened steel 4-inch armour reaching from some feet below the water-line to the level of her upper deck. Her armament consists of two 19-centimetre guns mounted amidships, one on either beam in sponsoned turrets, and six 16-centimetre quick-firers, each in a separate turret. Three of these guns are grouped forward, and three astern. End-on, two 19-centimetre and three 16-centimetre guns can be brought to bear ; on the broadside, one 19-centimetre and four 16-centimetre. There is a double armour-deck as in the newest French battleships, and the speed is twenty knots, which has not been in practice attained, There are two military masts, and the funnels are of unequal size — a great disfigurement to the ship. But there is no denying her fighting value : she is well-gunned, fast, and well-protected. She was followed by a group of four similar but smaller cruisers. These have a wide belt of 3i-inch steel, and 3-^-inch hardened-steel turrets containing their armament — six 14-centimetre and two 19-centimetre guns. As in the Dupuy de Ld??ie, the axial fire is very powerful. The speed is to be nineteen knots. In the Latouche-Treville the turrets and ammunition hoists are operated by electricity. A fifth, a slightly larger and faster cruiser, the Pothuau, succeeded, and the type has been further developed in the Jeanne d' Arc and the cruisers of the extraordinary programme. To unarmoured cruisers France has of recent years given great attention. Of the large first-class cruisers similar in design to the English B lakes and Edgars, she has as yet few constructed, but several are in hand.* In second-class cruisers she began with the Sfax, and the admirable Isly, Alger, and Jean Bart, which are fast and powerful vessels. In all her modern cruisers she has aimed at two things, speed and powerful axial fire. Ton for ton her cruisers are more heavily armed, than those of England. The best known types are the Alger, Davout, and Pascal. The first carries four 16-centimetre and six 14-centimetre guns; the second six 16-centimetre quick-firers and four of 10 centimetres; * The Tage, laid down in 1885, was the first protected cruiser of large dimensions and high speed. France shows no tendency to build unarmoured cruisers of the Powerful' s or Diadem's displacement, 268 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. the last four 1 6-centimetre and ten io-centimetre quick-firers. In smaller cruisers of the third class are the Condor and Forbin types, which are better suited for scouting than for fighting. They are by no means strong ships, and are too small to be of much use at sea. In the construction of torpedo gunboats France led the way with her eight vessels of the Bombe class, which proved too weak for severe work at sea. The Leger and Levrier, which followed, are larger, but larger still are the three fine vessels, Casabia?ica, Cassini, D Iberville. The latter, which has been tested on the measured mile and at sea, is probably faster than any of our many torpedo gunboats; indeed she is perhaps the fastest torpedo gunboat in Europe. With torpedo-boats France is very well supplied. From the first her sailors have attached great importance to torpedo warfare, and they are certainly second to none, whether in practical knowledge of their craft, or in the numerical strength of which they dispose. The French torpedo-boats fall into three classes. In the first are fifty-five large sea-going boats, over 125 feet in length. These might be able to accompany a squadron to sea even in the rough waters of the Atlantic. They regularly cruise with the French ironclads, but have not seldom, in bad weather, to make for port. Next come 173 boats of limited sea-going quality, some not good for much work at sea even in fine weather, others little inferior to the true sea-going craft. Finally, there are fourteen boats which are less than 86 feet in length, and which could be used only for harbour defence or attack. One has a hull of aluminium alloy, and did twenty-and-a-half knots on the measured mile. In her newest boats France has obtained very high speeds. Thus the sea-going Chevalier, on the measured mile, accomplished 27*2 knots in an hour. The Forban has surpassed the SokuVs record of thirty knots.* Of submarine boats France has four — the Goubet, Gymnole, Gustave Zede, and Morse. The first two are of little serious value : the last two are larger, but perhaps not much better. The Zede has a cigar-shaped hull, 131 feet long. Her displacement is 266 tons, and she carries a crew of eight men. Her motive force is electricity, stored in accumulators. The fumes from these have proved a source of great annoyance to her crew, and there have been extraordinary explosions on board when they were being charged. During her trials she descended forty and sixty feet, and moved about below the * The Sokul, a Russian destroyer, built by Messrs. Yarrow, did 30 knots for a short time on her trial ; the Forban, 31. APPEXDIX I. 269 surface at a rate of six or eight knots, launching torpedoes. As. however, it is impossible to see at this depth she is a vessel of very doubtful value. The Morse is understood to be very similar to her in design. Considering the French fleet as a whole, there can be no doubt that it is a most formidable force. The first-class battleships are all extremely well protected on the water-line,, have a good freeboard, and a great height of command for their guns. But in the older vessels very little protection is given to the guns, and practically none to the gunners. The large auxiliary batteries could not be used in action against a modern ship. Again, a very great extent of the side is left exposed to any projectile — a fault, however, which is equally shared by English battleships of their date. The French battleships of 1879 — 1886 have all one perilous weakness — that their heavy guns could be put out of action by bursting common shell underneath : this weakness occurs in our six " Admirals,'' but not in our turret- ships of the Inflexible type, nor in our battleships subsequent to the " Admirals. " The French ships, too, are in many cases defective in the very important matter of stability. The Hoche, when three heavy guns are trained abeam, inclines fifteen degrees with quite a moderate helm. At this inclination her belt is submerged on the one side and her unarmoured bottom exposed on the other. Nor is the lozenge disposition of heavy guns without grave inconveniences. When the two heavy weapons amidships are trained axially, right ahead or right astern, their blast impinging upon the ship's works is liable to cause serious injuries to the structure, whilst it greatly interferes with the working of the auxiliary armament ; a bugle has to sound for the gunners in the line of the blast to retire. The great difficulty and confusion which would result from this in battle are obvious. The French cruisers and battleships all exhibit this fault, and thus the axial fire, which is so formidable on paper, would dwindle very much in action. For example, the Dupuy de Lome could never fight five guns end-on. Her 19-centimetre weapons firing past her 16-centimetre turrets would stun the men in them, besides blowing away the upper works of the ship. Of course the French understand this as well as their critics, and would never be likely to train the 19-centimetre guns axially. They have striven to give their guns the widest possible angles of fire, and might find these wide angles of great value, when, under a heavy fire, portions of the ship's armament had been disabled. 270 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. To compare the naval strength of France with the naval strength of England is a difficult matter. It is almost impossible to evaluate personnel, and it is not much easier to evaluate materiel. The ships which these two rival claimants to sea power have built in the past are so widely different that action alone can decide their respective merits, and it is just possible that the test of war might prove one or other type wholly unsuitable. Generally, English designers have striven to protect the men working the guns : to do this they have reduced the length of the ship's armour. French naval architects, on the other hand, have given little attention to the protection of the men, and a great deal to the protection of the water-line. In consequence they have reduced the breadth of the ship's armour. Perhaps the English ironclads of the 1875-1885 period are a little better than the French, though they are, where the muzzle-loader has been retained, worse armed. The Inflexible at least gives her gunners good shelter, and protects well the bases of the heavy gun positions. The Duperre and Baudin are defective in each of these points, and their barbettes with their thin gun-shields are mere shell- traps. Within recent years England has advanced with such giant strides that already in the matter of materiel the French fleet has been left far behind. There are points in which the French have incontest- able advantages ; their cruisers building, for instance, are faster, and they have several vessels of the valuable Dupuy de Lome type, which is not to be found in our navy. In torpedo craft they outnumber us still, if in quality we lead. But, generally speaking, there can be not the slightest doubt as to which is the strongest power in each class and type. Especially are we strong in new ships. The test of a battleship's capacity to fight in line is age, and here it is a case of the younger the better. Indeed, naval progress generally removes ships from the first-class in ten or twelve years, Not that they necessarily become valueless : a good and well-built ship can generally be re-armed and refitted. But after ten or twelve years the advance of artillery, of metallurgy, of boiler or engine-making, renders fresh combinations of the items which make up the com- promise necessary. Quick-firers may lead to the substitution of a great extent of thin armour for a little thick armour, and automatic heavy guns, firing large projectiles with great rapidity, may again compel a return to a limited extent of thick plating. It is usual to divide battleships into classes, but no two writers will APPENDIX I. 271 divide them in quite the same way. There may be a general agree- ment, but there will always be difference as to individuals. Keeping in mind the fact that an old battleship or ironclad is of insignifi- cant value, unless reconstructed and brought up to date in her armament and boiler department, that foreign coast-defence ships must be reckoned with, if the English fleet blockades, and that small modern battleships — though, of course, they must be less powerful than such ships as the Campus or St. Louis — are also not to be disregarded, we shall attempt a comparison of the fleets of England, France, and Russia, as they stood in August 1897, includ- ing ships built, building, and projected. The battleships which are unquestionably first class of the three powers are these : France. 3 Jenas. 3 Charlemagnes. 1 Henri IV. 4 Carnots. I Jaureguiberry. 1 Brennns. Total, 13. Type England. 12 Majesties. 6 Canopuses. 1 Renown. 8 Royal Sovereigns. 2 Centurions. 2 Niles. Total, 31. Types, ( Ships of each type, 5' 16 Ships of each type, 2" 16. Russia. 2 Peresviets. 3 Tri Sviatitelias. 3 Poltavas. 3 Sissoi Velikis. 1 Georghi Pobyedonosets. 1 Navarin. 1 Dvenadsat Apostolov. Total, 14. Types, 7. Ships of each type, 2. Of the Russian ships five, and of the French one, are of compara- tively small size, and of the English two are very feebly armed. The immense advantage of uniformity which the British first class possesses leaps to the eye. Ready for sea in the above class the numbers were, in 1897, England nineteen, France four, and Russia eight. The Canopuses, Majesties, and the Royal Sovereigns form three homogeneous squadrons, in which each individual ship is equal to any vessel that France possesses. Eight indifferent but closely similar ships would probably be found superior in war to eight ships, each of which was better than those of the homogeneous squadron, but each of which was at the same time different from the other. If ships are kept as far as possible identical — if a large number of each type are always laid down, the sailor who knows one knows all, and the training of the personnel is simplified. Similar and interchange- able armaments, similar turning-circles, and similar speed are factors of great value, and in our fleet they are combined with superior armament, coal endurance, and ammunition supply. The excess of tonnage which our newer ships exhibit when contrasted with French 272 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. ships under construction is given mainly to these important elements in the compromise. On the other hand the French ships have thicker armour and rather more weight of it. The next class includes older but powerful ships, usually ranked as first class, with some smaller but modern ships. All have fair speed and would be found in the line of battle. Russia. 3 Sinopes. 2 Alexander II. I Gangoot. 4 Admiral Seniavins. Total, io. England. France. 1 Sanspareil. 3 Magentas. 6 " Admirals.'' 1 Hoche. 2 Colossus. 2 Formidables. 2 Conquerors. 1 Duperre. Total, 11. \Jemmapes. 4 Caimans. 2 Devastations. Total, 17. Individually, the French ships in this class are as powerful, or even more powerful, than ours ; they are more modern and better armed. The Russians are about as good. There remain a certain number of old ships which have been reconstructed, re-engined, and re-armed. Where this has been done completely the ship may be capable of much hard work. England. France. 3 Devastations. I Redoubtable. I Rupert. \ 1 Furieux. The above completely refitted. 1 Hercules. I Alexandra. 1 Sultan. 1 Monarch. 1 Friedland. 1 Richelieu. 1 Tonnant. The above partially refitted. And, lastly, the class of old ships with old guns, old engines, and old boilers, which are in their actual state of negligible value. This class is, unfortunately, exceedingly large in our navy, numbering, as it does, nineteen ships ; in the French navy it numbers eight, and in the Russian five. To these must be added various coast-defence ships, of which England has eleven, France four and eight armoured gunboats, and Russia seven and four armoured gunboats. These last two classes are not likely to be employed at the outset in any war, except for harbour work. Many of the ships would want a year's hard work put into them before they could take the sea ; and it need scarcely be said that the dockyards would be too busy at such a time to spare shipwrights for them. APPENDIX I. 273 Deducting all the rossignols, the three fleets stand thus in effective, modern, or modernised battleships : England forty-nine (of which four armed with muzzle-loaders), France thirty-five, Russia twenty- five. Considering the great strength of England in the best class, and the large size of many of her ships, her battleships are to the French about as two to one, and to the Russian as five to two. For armoured cruisers which are capable of being placed in the line of battle the figures are : These ships cannot, however, for a moment be ranked as equal to good modern battleships, though they might be quite capable of hitting a second or third class ship very hard. It is usually inexpedient for a ship to go out of her class and assail a ship of different species, the only exception to this rule being on the case of the torpedo boat. Of other armoured cruisers England has seven, France none, and Russia five. With cruisers England is well provided, but here her ships are usually more feebly armed than their French or Russian rivals. They have, however, more coal than these, and they are, as a rule, comfortable, seaworthy, and moderately, if not excessively, fast. In 23-knot ships France is ahead, as she has four built and building and we have none. In the figures given below cruisers with a protective deck of armour are alone included. There are unprotected vessels of good age, but of some fighting value, figuring in most navy lists. These are all doomed to disappear before many years have passed. England, 6; France, 11 ; Russia, 2. Over 7000 tons. Over 3000 tons. Under 3000 tons. Total. 105 33 6 England France .. Russia .. For torpedo craft the figures are : Catchers. Destroyers. Sea-going Boats. Others. Total (Boats only). England France Russia . 33 8 101 262 1 70 267 1 20 204 Of the English torpedo boats — sea-going and others — most are old and of very doubtful value. France and Russia have more new boats Vol. II. T 274 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. in these classes, but our magnificent destroyers make up for this deficiency. We have also eight sea-going and twelve other boats, which are the property of Colonial governments. As torpedo-boats are the weapon of the weaker power, England has given attention rather to vessels designed to combat them — to torpedo gunboats and destroyers. It is doubtful whether either of these types will prove able to endure much work at sea, and there are many who hold that the third-class cruiser is the vessel to meet the torpedo-boat. But if they are useless for cruising, the new destroyers will at least be superior to any torpedo-boat for torpedo work. Tables of naval strength, however, are only of value to give some faint adumbration of the truth : they cannot from their very nature deal with such vital points as organisation, training, discipline, and character. And here we have no means of comparison, no test except the stern trial of war. Yet the English sailor should be superior to the average French sailor, from the fact that the former is a long-service man, whilst the latter in many cases serves no more than four or five years in the fleet. Steadiness and discipline can only be assured by a long training, and there is little doubt that war would not find our sailors wanting in these essential qualities. On the other hand, with long service the provision of a trained reserve becomes difficult, and here France is better off than England. Lastly, the numerous claims upon the British fleet in war are to be considered. It is not enough to be stronger than France ; England must possess that degree of superiority which will enable her to confine her opponents' ironclads to their ports, and prevent the hostile commerce-destroyers from plundering her commerce. It is possible that two battleships to the French one would be necessary for a close blockade. It is certain that four cruisers to the French one will not be found any too many in war. The probability of England having to confront an alliance, herself without allies, is one which politicians should consider. Russia and France, to say nothing of Germany, will unquestionably be nearly as strong in materiel as England before the end of the century, unless England continues her determined efforts. On the other hand the single power has a great advantage against an alliance, and England holding the interior position could operate against the two allies, attacking each in detail. APPEXDIX I. 2/5 In a final table the results already obtained are recapitulated : France England. France. Russia. & Russia. Standard battleships 31 13 15 28 Second-class battleships 11 17 10 27 Third-class battleships 7 5 o 5 Old battleships 20 8 5 13 Harbour service ironclads 11 12 11 23 Cruisers (armoured) 13 11 7 18 ,, (unarmoured) over 6000 tons 21 4 o 5 „ over 3000 tons 53 18 5 23 „ under 3000 tons 31 11 1 12 Torpedo gunboats 33 17 8 25 Destroyers 96 11 4 15 Sea-going torpedo-boats 65 ...... 69 72 141 Smaller torpedo-boats 101 170 120 290 T 2 275B APPENDIX II. * Report of the French Committee in 1870 upon the practicability of attacking the Prussian Littoral. Members of the Committee : Rear- Admiral Dieudonne ; Duburquois, Chief of the Staff ; Lacour, Colonel of Artillery ; Captains Quilio and Serras. Alsen. The depth of water will not permit an approach to this point within at most 3300 yards, at which distance attack would be useless owing to the plunging fire of the forts. Nothing can be done here without a force to land. It is further most probable that there is defence by submarine mines along the shore. These would have to be removed, and this could not be attempted until the squadron was supplied with the necessary apparatus. Duppel and Kappeln. Quite out of reach of the ships' guns. Too little water in the bays. We could get at them with armoured gunboats. Eckernford. The isolated works could, easily be destroyed. They are, however, of no importance, and unless troops can be thrown on shore the reduction of the forts would be insignificant. Kiel. It would be necessary to employ the whole strength of the squadron. The success of gun-fire is uncertain, on account of the height of the forts above the shore, and the losses which the assailants will certainly incur unless they can occupy the forts as they are silenced. The forts of Friedrichsort being destroyed, as the squadron would be unable to penetrate to the bottom of the bay within range of Kiel, owing to the obstructions, the torpedoes and all the means of defence which have there been accumulated, the French ships would soon be forced to retire without even knowing the result of their attack. 276 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. Neustadt. An open town without defence. The bay is so shallow that the French ships could not even reach with their projectiles the merchant ships, which are anchored some distance from the port, properly so called. It is the same along the coast as far as Kolberg. A strong place, besieged in 1807, and attackable from the sea at 2400 yards. Before attacking there it will be necessary to make a reconnaissance to make certain that the houses along the shore, especially the Casino, do not mask fortifications which would compel changes in the plan of attack. Danzig. The fort at the entrance of the bay is within range of our upper-deck guns, but only at a distance of 4500 yards. The battery guns could not be used elsewhere with advantage. Conclusion. Kolberg and Danzig alone can be attacked ; but the small effect which will result from these two attempts will be of a nature to deprive the French squadron of the prestige of its force. In order to operate usefully, special vessels are required, and the prospect of forcing the enemy to assemble his troops on this part of the littoral. But this end is unattainable without a landing force. * Rene de Pont Jest J. U.S. I., xxxiii., 230, and the original in the Moniteur (Tours). APPENDIX III. THE PROGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 1866-1897. At the close of the Civil War the United States navy had reached an extraordinary degree of strength, though the American ironclads, being for the most part of low freeboard, were not capable of much work at sea, and had the further disadvantage which attached to a smooth-bore short-range armament, at a time when the rifle was being everywhere adopted abroad. There were 674 ships in service, and eighty more under construction or out of commission. Of the total, sixty, excluding the armoured gun-boats built for service on the Mississippi, were ironclads. Two, the Dunderberg and New Ironsides, were sea-going casemate ships, and fifty-eight were monitors of various type, eleven being of large size. The plating of all the monitors was laminated, applied in successive sheets of 1 inch thickness and not rolled solid, a fact which greatly detracted from its power of resistance. The unarmoured ships of the navy do not merit a detailed description, as allusion has already been made to the only important class, the seven Wampanoags, which were the precursors of the fast cruiser, but which, being built of green wood, soon went to decay. Though this great force had rendered the people of the United States such signal service ; though it had fought with unsullied brilliance in more than a hundred actions ; and 278 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. though the want of a strong fleet had rendered the secession formidable, and indeed possible, the navy rapidly declined after the war, and the ships which had been built so speedily were sold or suffered to rot. The Miantonomoh, a double- turret Ericsson monitor, was sent across the Atlantic to England in 1866, and by her singular appearance attracted no little attention and caused no small alarm, filling the Times with concern for our sea-going broadside ironclads ; the Monadnock, a similar ship, made a voyage to the Pacific, and the Terror for some years served on the Atlantic station ; but the others quickly fell into disrepair, and were one by gathered to the scrap-heap. The Dunderberg and Onondaga escaped their fate by being sold to France, and fire saved the New Ironsides from this last indignity, or rather hastened it. By 1868, 393 of the peace-service steamers, bought and adopted for war purposes, had again changed hands. Two of the monitors were sold to Peru during the trouble with Spain. And thus by 1880 the United States were left without a single efficient battleship. Between the close of the war and the year 1881 five large double-turret monitors were laid down, which progressed very slowly, owing to want of funds and a general controversy as to their value. They were intended to replace five older vessels bearing their names — the Puritan, Amphitrite, Miantonomoh, Monadnock, and Terror. In 1877 work was altogether suspended upon the Puritan, Amphitrite, and Terror, when they were about half completed, whilst the other two received but little attention. They were virtually new iron hulls built to carry the old Ericsson turrets and smooth-bores of their predecessors, and though they had double bottoms, and embodied many improvements upon the earlier monitors, were at the same time of very low freeboard and quite insufficient speed. Whilst they lingered upon the stocks a large wooden cruiser, the Trenton, was launched in 1875, and completed with a little more haste. She attained a speed of 12.8 knots, and carried a battery of eleven 8-inch rifled muzzle-loaders, of APPEXDIX III. 279 converted pattern, in addition to six light guns for saluting. In construction, speed, and armament she was behind all foreign cruisers of her size and date. But ^hen a chief of bureau held that England built iron ships because she could not get wood, it is plain that conservatism in the American navy was pushed to an extreme point. It was, in fact, preparing the way for a tremendous reaction. The Trenton was wrecked in the terrible hurricane at Samoa, from which the Calliope escaped through her powerful engines and the seamanship of Captain Kane. In 1880, then, the United States navy was at its lowest point ; indeed, without exaggeration, we may say that it had ceased to exist. From that date slowly, but surely, with gathering force, the naval movement makes headway. Early in 1880 a board of officers examined the monitors whose con- struction had been suspended, and recommending the general modernisation of their design, armour, and armament, urged that they should be completed without further delay. Next, in 1 88 1, a large and thoroughly competent committee was appointed to consider and report upon " the pressing need of appropriate vessels in the service at the present time." Later in the same year the report was made to this effect. Seventy unarmoured ships for cruising purposes were the smallest num- ber which could possibly be considered adequate, and, as there were only thirty-two available ships alreadv in service, thirty- eight new vessels should be built, whilst those existing, as they fell into disrepair, should be replaced bv new cruisers. The first quality to be demanded from the new ships, if efficiency was to be secured, was that they should be able to maintain a high rate of speed at sea for a protracted period. All except the smallest class were to be constructed of steel. The pro- gramme suggested was as follows : 2 15 knot ships of 5873 tons each carrying 359 tons of armament. 6 x 4 11 4560 „ 280 „ 10 x 3 .» », 3°43 .» 11 161 20 10 m » 793 „ 32 28o IRONCLADS IN ACTION. " A bold and decided step should be taken to win back from Europe our former prestige, as the best ship-builders of the world," said the committee. Coming to minor details, a powerful fore and aft fire was recommended, sponsons and recessed ports being mentioned as the means by which to obtain this end ; there were to be heavy pivot-guns ; and the armament was to be composed of high-power breech-loading rifles of at least twenty-six calibres length, and 6 or 8-inch bore. Finally the cruisers were to have a moderate amount of sail- power. This wise and far-sighted report was accompanied by some remarks on ironclads. The committee held that though these vessels were not required in peace they (< were absolutely needed for the defence of the country in war! 1 emphasizing this declaration by the use of italics ; but, they continued, since it was the experience of foreign navies up to that time that any type of ironclad vessel introduced became so inferior as to be almost obsolete for general purposes in a period of about ten years, and since the study of designs for ironclads was not in their instructions, they did not recommend the immediate commencement of any such vessels. Moreover, they reminded Congress that the country had no plant for heavy forgings, and therefore they urged that officers should be permitted to familiarise themselves with " such developments as are not understood in the United States/' As for other craft, they recommended the construction of five small armoured rams, five torpedo gunboats of 450 tons, ten sea-going and as many harbour defence torpedo boats. A minority report demanded that the ships in each class should be first rate and possessed of the highest qualities, larger and faster than were the corresponding vessels of other nations, as was the case with the famous United States frigates of 18 12 ; maintained that ironclads did not by any means become ineffective in ten years, and should therefore be laid down ; and pronounced against the rams. Nothing was done by Congress, though the Congressional APPENDIX III. 281 Naval Committee examined the ship-building resources of the country, and in 1882 reported, urging the construction of six steel cruisers, a ram, and eight torpedo-boats. At last, in March, 1883, the building of three cruisers, the Chicago, Atlanta, and Boston, and of one despatch-boat, the Dolphin, was sanctioned. They were at once laid down by the contractors, w T ho w T ere to use only mild steel of American manufacture. The Chicago* was a twin-screw cruiser of 4500 tons and 15-3 knots trial speed. She was divided by nine bulkheads into ten water-tight compartments, and for 136 feet amidships had a double bottom. A protective deck i-l- inches thick over the boilers and machinery, and \ inch thick over the magazines was fitted, but forward and aft of this there was no horizontal armour beyond a ^-inch water-tight deck. Above this and round the ship's vitals was a series of bunkers offering 9 feet of coal to any projectile. The battery consisted of four 8-inch guns placed in as many sponsons, one upon each bow and quarter, so that two fired ahead, astern, or upon either broadside. The guns were fought in large open ports, and the gunners were protected only by shields on the carriages. Besides these there were eight 6-inch weapons mounted on the broadside, two firing ahead, and four on either beam, and two 5-inch guns astern. Thus the fire in various directions was : Ahead 2 8 inches, 2 6 inches. Astern 2 8 inches, 2 5 inches. Broadside 2 8 inches, 4 6 inches, 1 5 inches. There were also fourteen 6 and 1 -pounder quick-firers and two machine guns. The gap between this ship and the Trenton is immense. At one bound the United States pass through the transition stage from the old wooden unprotected ship or frigate to the new protected steel cruiser, from low to high speed, from the feeblest * Very considerable alterations have now been made in her. She has been re-engined, lengthened, and has received fourteen 5-inch quick-firers in place of her old armament. 282 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. muzzle-loaders to breech-loaders of great muzzle-energy. A comparison of the weight and energy of the heavier projectiles discharged by either ship in various directions will show the progress made : Trenton. Chicago, Ahead. Broadside. Ahead. Broadside. No. of projectiles 2... 7 ... 4 ... 7 Weight, lb 360 ... 1260 ... 700 ... 950 Muzzle energy, foot tons... 2600 ... 18,300 ... 19,200 ... 26,400 The gap which in the development of the English fleet is filled by so many ships, is here unbridged. It was, however, only through the experience which foreign nations had obtained, and through the results which they made known to the United States Government, that this progress was possible. A critic might have found some fault with the armament of the Chicago, which included an unnecessary number of calibres, 8 inch, 6 inch, and 5 inch, tending to cause confusion, and which has now been simplified ; nor was she, taken all in all, superior to our Amphion class. None the less she was a fine and power- ful vessel, and in continual service as a flagship has performed very well. She was fully rigged, carrying three masts, but her rigging has been removed. The Atlanta and Boston are sister ships of smaller size than the Chicago, displacing 3000 instead of 4500 tons, and pro- pelled by a single screw instead of twin- screws. They are fully-rigged steel sloops, without poop or forecastle, and with a superstructure amidships. Two 8-inch guns are mounted in as many barbettes of 2-inch steel, placed fore and aft of the super- structure, but not in the centre line, the fore barbette being to port and the after barbette to starboard, which gives room for one 6-inch gun with axial fire, to be mounted at each end of the superstructure. This disposition was novel, but it has not been repeated, and it must manifestly tend to strain the ship. In the superstructure are four more 6-inch weapons, in addition to the guns firing axially. There is a i^-inch steel deck over, and a double-bottom under the boilers and engines. There APPENDIX III. 283 are nine main water-tight compartments. The trial speed was 16*3 knots. The Dolphin displaces 1485 tons, steamed 15 knots, and originally carried a 6-inch pivot forward, which has now been replaced by two 4-inch guns. She is a single screw vessel, weak and unsatisfactory, contrasting very un- favourably with the English Archer class, the ships of which are a little larger, much faster, and far better armed. The heavy forgings for the guns and armour of the fore- going ships were ordered from England, as they could not be procured in the United States; but after March, 1885, a new policy was pursued. Orders were withheld till there should be a sufficient accumulation to guarantee work to American manufacturers, who would erect the very expensive plant necessary. Thus the apparent suspension of shipbuilding between 1883 and 1887 does not indicate any abandonment of the new naval policy ; but owing to the accumulation of orders the Bethlehem Company, of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, in June, 1887, was able to undertake the erection of plant for forging armour and guns, to be ready within two and a half years of that date. The company acquired by purchase the trade secrets of Sir Joseph Whitworth and Co., and was very quickly able to deliver any quality or weight of steel. Other firms have subsequently followed in the same direction, and the United States have fully regained their self-dependence, as everything required for the construction of a battleship is now made in America. Early in 1887 shipbuilding was resumed, three second-class cruisers, the Charleston, Newark, and Baltimore, two third- class vessels, the Yorktown and Petrel, and the dynamite- gunboat Vesuvius being laid down. The Charleston was built to an Elswick design, reproducing with a lighter arma- ment and an enlarged displacement the features of the Esmeralda. She is of 4040 tons and 18*2 knots. Her battery consists of two 8-inch guns mounted fore and aft behind 2-inch shields, and six 6-inch guns amidships on sponsons, two firing ahead and two astern. She has a complete protective deck 284 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. from 3 to 2 inches thick, coal bunkers round the vitals, and a cellular system above the water line. The ship has one funnel and two military masts, each with one top. The Baltimore is larger, displacing 4600 tons. Her deck is much thicker, reaching 4 inches on the slope and remaining at 2\ inches on the flat and at the ends ; her speed is higher by about a knot and a half ; and her coal supply is greatly augmented. Her battery includes four 8-inch guns, two on the forecastle and two on the poop, and six 6-inch guns mounted on sponsons in the waist of the ship, Two 8-inch and two 6-inch guns fire axially and two 8-inch and three 6-inch guns on the broadside. There are two military masts and two funnels. The Newark is smaller by 500 tons; her speed is 19 knots, and her armament consists of twelve 6-inch guns all mounted on sponsons, and protected by shields, six firing on the broadside and four axially. She has a continuous double bottom, a steel deck 3 inches and 2 inches thick, and a cellular system above it, while there are two barque-rigged masts, each with one top. The Yorktown displaces 1700 tons and resembles closely the English Archer, with a speed of 17 knots; she carries six 6-inch guns mounted on sponsons, and has a deck -| inch thick. Two similar vessels, the Bennington and Concord, were laid down in the following year. The dynamite-gun cruiser Vesuvius is the most original conception that the American navy has yet produced, though as it is said that she is going to be rebuilt and deprived of her dynamite guns, she can hardly be considered a success. She is a vessel of 929 tons, steaming 21 knots, and protected by a^--inch steel deck. Her singularity lies in her main armament, which consists of three 15-inch pneumatic guns, mounted parallel to each other in the keel line, with a fixed elevation of eighteen degrees. The muzzles project from the deck at a distance of 37 feet from the bow. The contract conditions were that thirty shells, each containing 200-lb. of dynamite, were to be carried ; that the guns were to fire one shell each every two minutes ; and that the range was to be at least one mile. The projectiles were APPENDIX III. 285 not to tumble in the air, to break up, or to explode prematurely, and at least half the shots were to hit a target, 50 feet by 150 feet. Since the ship was designed the gun has been greatly improved, and, as it may have a great future before it, it merits a detailed examination. Its chief advantage is that it can discharge shells loaded with the highest explosives with great speed and perfect safety from premature explosions in the gun. Compressed air is the propulsive agent, which starts the projectile gently without raising the temperature inside the bore to a great heat. The weapon is simple, and is free from the uncertainty which damaged powder causes, and which has led to the loss of more than one ship. As the initial velocity is low there is no strain on the gun, but on the other hand, the trajectory being very high, the range must be accurately known, as otherwise the projectile will pass over or fall short of the attacked ship. The shells can be fired at the rate of one a minute or rather less, and are of four sizes, containing respectively 5001b., 3501b., 20olb., and ioolb. of explosive. It is supposed that the explosion of 20olb. of dynamite, even at a distance of fifty feet from a ship would disable her, though experiments made in England make this more than doubtful. Should the shell fall short and strike the water, a delayed- action fuse will prevent its explosion till it touches the ship's side, which, having a very flat trajectory in the water, it is very likely to do. Any such hit would certainly disable the most powerful vessel afloat, even if it did not prove instantly fatal. In a preliminary trial during May, 1891, against a stationary target, the Vesuvius, moving slowly, made 78 per cent, of hits, rejecting errors due to a bad system of firing; and when the target was towed at the rate of 10 knots across her bows the practice was good, though the Vesuvius herself was steaming 17 knots. In a later trial against a target representing the Philadelphia, at ranges varying from 2000 to 1000 yards, the average for the three guns was 44 per cent., the practice being best at the longer range. The middle gun, which had received 286 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. certain improvements, performed far better than the other two. As the danger zone for a ship broadside on is about 50 yards, the best method of employing the guns is to train them with a difference of 50 yards between each, when a total error of 150 yards in guessing the range will be allowed for, and if fired at once one projectile should strike the target. The shells take twelve seconds to cover 3000 yards — the extreme range — and thus, before firing, the position which the enemy will occupy twelve seconds after the discharge must be known. It would not be difficult for a fast enemy, by turning rapidly, changing her direction, and varying her speed, to baffle the dynamiter, though against a fleet which cannot suddenly alter direction, and vary speed without considerable danger of con- fusion, the weapon might be effective. "The accuracy of fire was remarkable/' says Lieutenant Hanus, " and the perfection of the system is only a question of time/' The United States Navy Board held that the weapon was " of decided value." Practically, it is a torpedo projector rather than a gun, and possibly the dynamite-ship might take the place of the torpedo boat for attacks by day upon a fleet of large ships, as it has not closely to approach its prospective victim. It would pro- bably be useful for counter-mining, bombarding, and for coast defence, but on shipboard, if the vessel which carries it is not to act solely by surprise, and is to face quick-firers, guns and loading stations should be protected by armour, as the explo- sion of a small shell near one of the dynamite projectiles would certainly cause a horrible catastrophe. It is generally agreed that the Vesuvius is too small, and hitherto her type has not been reproduced. From this novel craft we recur to the more conventional cruiser. In 1888 two more of this type — the Philadelphia and San Francisco — were laid down, which differ slightly in detail, but are generally similar, displacing upwards of 4000 tons each. Each is armed with twelve 6-inch guns, of which four fire ahead and astern, and six on the broadside. APPENDIX III. 287 The Philadelphia is slightly the larger,, and has a thicker deck than the San Francisco, 4 inches against 3 inches on the slopes, and 2-j inches against 2 inches on the flat ; but in speed the San Francisco is faster, having done 20*2 knots against her rival's 19*7. Two smaller sister-ships, the Raleigh and Cincinnati, commenced in 1889 and 1890, followed. They are of 3183 tons, with a speed of 19 knots; their battery consists of one 6-inch gun and ten 4-inch quick-firers, of which the 6-inch and two 4-inch guns fire ahead, the 6-inch and five 4-inch on the broadside, and four 4-inch astern. The deck is 2\ inches on the slopes, and 1 inch on the flat. The coal supply is very insufficient, and the type has been severely criticised by American naval officers. The Detroit, Montgomery, and Marblehead, laid down in 1890, are still smaller and even more unsatisfactory craft, coming midway between the gunboat and the cruiser. They displace 2000 tons, steam 18 knots, are armed with nine 5-inch quick- firers, and carry decks less than half-an-inch thick. Perhaps the finest unarmoured cruiser possessed by the United States is the Olympia, laid down in 1890. She displaces 5800 tons, and combines in a high degree offensive and defensive qualities. Forward and aft, in two hooded barbettes, plated with 4-inch steel, are four 8-inch guns mounted in pairs 26 feet above the water, and between them, in a high superstructure behind 2-inch steel, are ten 5-inch quick-firers, firing four ahead or astern and five on the broadside. There are two fixed and four training torpedo tubes ; two masts, each with two tops and a light fore and aft rig ; and a protective deck 4-J inches thick on the slopes amidships, and elsewhere from 3 inches to 2 inches The 8-inch barbettes are connected with this deck by tubes of 3-inch steel. From the armour deck to a height of 4 feet above the water-line is a series of cofferdams packed with cellulose. The trial speed was 2i\ knots, with about 17,000 horse-power, so that at sea she may be expected to do 20 knots. Of coal 1300 tons are stowed, which is sufficient for 13,000 knots steaming. There is a Vol. ii, . U 288 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. double bottom throughout ; and the accommodation for officers and men is excellent. She compares most favourably with our Eclipse, which is of about the same displace- ment, but inferior in speed and armament. Her cost was £477,000 complete. In 1890 and 1891, two cruisers of a new type, the Columbia and Minneapolis^ known as commerce-destroyers or " pirates," were laid down. As their name denotes, their primary object is to prey upon trade, and they are given an armament so feeble that they can scarcely hope to encounter any ordinary protected cruiser of their size with success. As a consequence of their weak battery, and to overtake merchant steamers, they have very powerful engines, triple screws, and a high nominal speed. The Columbia has done 22'8 knots, and the Minneapolis 23*07, on trial. They are ships of 8050 tons displacement, of 41 \\ feet length. Except for their armament and protective deck, they resemble very closely in build an Atlantic liner. They have light masts without tops, and a battery of two 6-inch guns placed forward and firing right ahead, one 8-inch gun astern, and eight 4-inch quick-firers in sponsons, four firing ahead, astern, or on either broadside. The protective deck is 4inches thick on the slopes, and 2-i inches on the flat ; there is also a cellulose-packed cofferdam sur- rounding the ship. The horse-power is 21,000, and 2450 tons of coal can be stowed, giving a very large radius of action. The type has been sharply criticised, in particular by Rear- Admiral Meade of the United States' Navy, who considers these ships no faster than the swift liner, and not con- spicuously better for fighting than an armed merchant steamer. They are weak, expensive, and not too fast, as their trial speed is mythical more or less, in the sense that it was obtained on a light draught, and can never be realised again. On a recent run from Southampton to New York the Columbia averaged 18*41 knots an hour, with picked coal and immense exertion on the part of her crew. When she reached New York her boilers were at their last gasp, and her crew APPENDIX III. 289 exhausted. The performance is no better than the run of the Blenheim from Madeira at the rate of 21 knots, and the Blenheim 's battery could blow the Columbia out of the water. Certainly the commerce-destroyer does not commend itself to English critics. In 1891, two small cruisers, the Machias and Castine, a number of peace service gunboats, and one torpedo gunboat of 750 tons and 23 knots speed were laid down. The Machias and Castine were found deficient in stability when completed, and have been lengthened and altered. After thus tracing the progress of the unarmoured ship in the United States, it now remains to go back some years and follow the development of the armourclad. The five double turret monitors were taken vigorously in hand in 1886, and, being remodelled entirely, were converted into powerful vessels for coast defence. The A?nphitrite, Miantonomoh ) Monadnock^ and Terror \ each displace 3990 tons, and carry four 10-inch breech-loaders in two turrets behind n^-inch plating, the first and the third having in addition two 4-inch quick-firers. The speed varies from 10 to 14 knots with the new engines supplied. The Puritan, of 6060 tons, carries four 12-inch guns in two turrets behind 14-inch armour, has six 4-inch quick-firers, and steams 12 knots. In 1886, Congress sanctioned the construction of two sea- going armoured vessels, double-bottomed, displacing about 6000 tons each, and steaming 16 knots. Designs for these vessels were invited from English as well as American ship- builders, and thus by entering late upon the field, and bv making the fullest use of foreign experience, the United States' government was able to avoid mistakes which had been made in England France, and Italy. Of the two ships, one was to be a battleship, and the other, though virtuallv a battleship, by the specification an armoured cruiser. For the battleship Texas, the design of the English Barrow Shipbuilding Company was accepted, and the vessel was laid down in 1889. For the cruiser Maine, an American U 2 290 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. Navy Department design was preferred, and she was laid down in 1888. The Maine is an enlarged copy of the Brazilian Riachuelo, a ship which had at that date attracted some attention. She has two turrets placed en echelon, plated with 8-inch armour, and carrying four 10-inch guns. Each turret stands upon a separate redoubt plated with 10-inch steel. The four heavy guns fire right ahead and right astern, whilst on the broadside they can be brought to bear through an arc of about fifty-seven degrees. The auxiliary battery comprises six 6-inch guns, placed two forward, two astern, and two on the superstructure amidships. On the water-line is a belt of armour 180 feet long and 1 1 inches thick at the upper edge ; above which is the usual armour deck 4 inches and 2 inches thick. The trial speed was 19-9 knots on a draught of 6650 tons. The ship is unrigged, having two military masts, and two funnels. The Texas is similar in many respects, except that whilst the Maine is a fairly satisfactory ship, the Texas has proved wholly unsatisfactory. She is of the " echeloned " turret-ship type, having a diagonal breastwork across the ship plated with 12-inch armour, on which stand the two turrets, similarly protected, and each armed with one 12-inch gun. The breast- work does not descend to the armour deck, or to the belt which, 12 inches thick, covers one half of the water-line; but coal bunkers afford a measure of safety. The disposition of the heavy guns is faulty, as in spite of the diagonal arrangement, only one 12-inch weapon can fire right ahead or right astern, and on either broadside the arc of one gun is very limited. Four 6-inch guns are placed in separate sponsons, one on each bow and quarter, and two more are carried on the super- structure. There are two military masts and one funnel ; the speed is 17 knots. The hull of the ship has proved too weak, some of her frames having buckled up in dock. In 1896 her bulkheads were found to be far from water-tight, and she sank in dry dock. Too much was probably aimed at on a displacement of 6300 tons. APPENDIX III. In 1889 the coast-defence ship Monterey, of 4130 tons, was laid down. She is a low free-board monitor, carrying two turrets plated with 8-inch and 7^-inch armour, and standing upon redoubts armoured with 14 inches and \\\ inches of steel. The fore turret contains two 12-inch, the after turret two 1 o-inch guns. There is a complete belt of armour on the water-line, tapering from 18 inches amidships to 6 inches at the ends, a 3-inch deck, and large water-ballast tanks which render it easy to lower her freeboard for battle. Her speed is very moderate, not exceeding 14 knots, but she is a most formidable vessel for coast-defence work. The armoured cruiser New York, commenced in 1890, is of very different type. She is a twin-screw vessel of 8150 tons, with a trial speed of 21 knots, and a powerful and well- protected armament. Fore and aft she has two pairs of 8-inch guns mounted in turrets behind 5^-inch armour, standing upon small redoubts plated with 1 o-inch steel, and connected bv armoured tubes with the magazines. Amidships, on either beam, is an 8-inch gun sponsoned out, and protected only by a shield. Thus four 8-inch guns fire axially and five on the broad- side. On the main deck are twelve 4-inch quick-firers in sponsonSj four firing ahead or astern and six on the broadside. There are three funnels and two military masts with numerous tops. Protection on the water-line is given bv a belt of nickel-steel 5 inches thick, including the inner skin, for 170 feet amidships, and this is supplemented by cofferdams. The armour-deck is 6 inches thick on the slope, and 3 inches on the flat. The vessel verges on the battleship ; she has been called a cruiser destroyer, and with reason, as she is faster and stronger than most vessels of her size and class. The radius of action is about 6600 miles. Three large battleships, the Indiana, Oregon, and Massa- chusetts, were the next laid down, in 1891 ; officially classed as " coast-line battleships,' ' they may for all practical purposes be regarded as sea-going. They displace 10,300 tons, and were expressly designed to face "vessels carrying the heaviest 292 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. guns and armour." The battery which they carry is a very powerful one, though, as is the case with certain of the United States cruisers, there is an unnecessary multiplicity of calibres. All the guns of any size are very thoroughly protected by armour. Fore and aft are two pairs of 13-inch 60-ton guns in turrets, with a command of 17^ feet. The weapons can be loaded in any position, and need not, as in our Royal Sovereigns, be brought back to a fixed position. On the super- structure between these turrets, at a height of 24! feet from the water, are four more turrets, each containing a pair of 8-inch guns ; and on the main deck are four 6-inch weapons in case- mates, which are protected by 5-inch armour. This disposition of the artillery should enable a very heavy fire to be concentrated upon any given point, as these figures will show : 13-in. 8-in. 6-in. C Ahead or astern 2 4 2 Guns bearing Broadside 4 4 2 Bow or quarter 2 2 1 Unfortunately, as is so often the case with warships, the tests of practice have dispelled the hopes of theory. An observer was placed at the sighting hood of the Indiana' 's turret containing the 13-inch guns, and then the 8-inch weapons were fired at various angles forward. Between 50 and 70 degrees forward from the beam the effect of their blast was decidedly unpleasant ; at 80 degrees it was sufficient to show that with a greater angle it would be practically impossible to lay the 13-inch guns. Though no material injury was inflicted upon the observer, he recommended that stops should be fitted to the 8-inch turrets to prevent a greater train than 80 degrees. Thus the four 8-inch guns lose their axial fire, but they still command a wide angle. Another experiment was the training of the 13-inch weapons in the after turret at the extreme angle forward, thus firing past one of the 6-inch casemates. The effect of this shot would have been to kill or injure the crew of the 6-inch gun, had men been stationed there. The arcs of APPENDIX III. 293 the heavy guns thus interfere with one another to a dangerous extent ; on British ships where these matters have been care- fully studied and thought out, this is not the case. It must, however, be admitted that the 13-inch guns were fired fore and aft without elevation, and that the injury to the ship was very small. There are few British battleships which could do this without blowing in their decks, or inflicting on themselves serious damage. The defensive qualities of the Indiana are fully equal to, if indeed they do not exceed, her offensive qualities. The 13-inch turrets are plated with 15-inch Harveved steel and the redoubts upon which they stand with 1 7 inches ; the 8-inch guns are behind 6-inch plates, and rest on 8-inch plated redoubts. As the 8-inch turrets do not, like the turrets for the heavier guns, stand upon cylindrical redoubts descending to the pro- tective deck, their bases are plated with 2-inch steel, and there is a 3-inch ammunition shaft to the magazine directly below that deck. On the water line is a steel belt 196 feet long, 7i feet wide, and 18 inches thick at its upper edge, but tapering below the water-line. On this is placed a 3-inch armour deck ; and to protect the upper works of the ship a belt of 5-inch steel with 10 feet of coal behind it is carried up to the level of the upper decks between the main turrets. Care has been taken to keep the muzzles of the heavy guns quite clear of the deck, and thus to enable them to fire ahead with a minimum of damage to the ship. There is one military mast with a stair- way and ammunition hoist, placed forward above the conning tower. The coal bunkers are large enough to contain 1800 tons, though the normal supply is only 400 tons ; the sea speed is to be 15 knots. The defects of this redoubtable class — for no ship is perfect — appears to be : first, the low freeboard, which is only 12 feet forward, and which would prevent the foremost 13-inch guns from firing ahead in anything of a sea ; second, the low speed, which will be yet lower when a full supply of coal is on board ; third, the absence of a powerful quick-firing armament of medium 294 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. calibre, such as is carried on all modern battleships ; and fourth, the complicated armament, the 8-inch guns being, in the opinion of many officers, a source of trouble and an unnecessary inter- mediary between the 6-inch and the 13-inch weapons. They would, however, be very effective against thin armour, such as is coming into fashion for the upper works, and their great height of command would enable them to fire with the best effect. The arrangements for ammunition supply appears to be excellent ; the hoist direct to the breech of each gun would obviate confusion. The three are superior to the Royal Sovereign in the full protection given to each gun, and in the armament carried, though the higher freeboard, simpler armament, greater ammunition supply and increased speed of the English ships would reduce this advantage in a protracted action during bad weather. A harbour-defence ram, the Katahdin, generally similar to the Polyphemus, was also laid down in 1891. She displaces 2183 tons, and was designed to steam 17 knots an hour, a speed which, in practice, she has failed to attain. Her free- board is low, and she must be an uncomfortable craft as she has no superstructure in which to house her crew. She has a curving upper deck 6 inches thick on the slopes and 2^ inches on the flat, but is, when her ballast-tanks are filled, almost flush with the water. On her conning-tower is 18-inch armour, and her funnel and ventilator-shafts are also protected. She carries neither heavy guns nor torpedo-tubes, trusting solely to her chisel-shaped ram for offence. It is not obvious how a comparatively slow vessel is to ram modern battleships faster than herself. In 1893 an armoured cruiser, the Brooklyn, and a battleship, the Iowa, were placed on the stocks. The Brooklyn is an improvement upon the New York, and displaces 9100 tons. Her main armament is composed of eight 8-inch guns mounted in four turrets behind 8-inch and 5-i-inch armour. The turrets are disposed lozenge-wise in the French fashion, and thus six 8-inch guns fire ahead, astern, or on the broadside. As an auxiliary APPENDIX III. 295 battery there are twelve 5-inch quick-firers in armoured case- mates, four firing axially and six on the beam. The freeboard is higher than on the New York, and there is a forecastle on which is placed the foremost turret. The funnels, three in number, are immensely tall, rising 100 feet from the furnaces, but the masts are dwarfed into two low iron towers each with two tops, thus somewhat injuring the appearance of the ship. On the water line is a belt of steel 170 feet long and 4|- inches thick, including the inner skin. The deck is of the same thickness as on the New York. The speed on trial was 21*9 knots with a displacemeut of about 8000 tons. The Iowa differs from the Indiana class in these respects : she has a higher freeboard forward ; her heavy guns are 1 2-inch in calibre instead of 13-inch; the four6-inch weapons give wayto six 4-inch quick-firers ; the extent of water-line protected is greater, being 77-A- per cent, against the Indiana } s 66 ; the coal-supply and displacement are augmented ; and the side armour, owing to the satisfactory results given by experiments with Harveyed plates, is reduced in thickness from 18-inch to 14-inch. The high military mast becomes a stunted tower, the two funnels on the contrary grow taller ; and the 8-inch turrets are moved a little nearer the ship's side, and a little further from the keel-line. The six 4-inch guns are mounted, two in case- mates forward, two in casemates amidships, and two on the after end of the superstructure, behind shields. The speed is to be a knot higher than the Indiana 's. Hitherto the American battleships have revealed no new feature, but have reproduced the patterns of old, worn-out Europe, with certain notable improvements ; the Indiana class, for instance, at once recalling the Royal Sovereigns. In the two battleships Kearsarge and Kentucky, whose keel plates were laid in 1896, there is a novel feature — the double- storied turret. There are two of these placed forward and aft in the centre line. In the lower story of each, behind Harveyed steel 17 inches to 15 inches thick, is a pair of 13-inch guns ; in the upper story, which is smaller, and a little to the rear 296 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. of the lower, is a pair of 8-inch weapons behindg-inch and 1 i-inch steel. An armoured redoubt connects the lower story of each turret with the protective deck. Between the two turrets is a casemate plated with 6-inch armour, containing fourteen 5-inch quick-firers, seven of which bear on either broadside ; and each gun is isolated by 2-inch splinter screens. On the water- line is a belt extending from the after barbette to the ram ; it is 7-|-feet deep and 1 6^ inches thick amidships at its upper edge, but from the fore barbette it quickly tapers down to 4 inches at the ram. Above this main belt, between the turrets, is 5-inch armour extending to the lower edge of the casemate plating. A protective deck 2-| inches thick rests on the upper edge of the main belt, sloping down under water forward and aft, where its thickness is increased to 3 inches and 5 inches. Cofferdams packed with cellulose, and coal bunkers give yet further pro- tection. The conning-tower has 10-inch armour, and a tube plated with 7-inch steel leads the voice-pipes, telegraphs, and steering-rods to the protective deck. There are two engines, between them developing 10,000 horse-power, with moderate forced draught, and driving the ship at a pace of 16 knots. With 410 tons of coal the displacement will be 11,500 tons, but there is bunker space for 12 10 tons, and about 500 tons more could be carried in bags. The ammunition supply is fair — for the 13-inch guns 200 rounds are carried ; for the 8-inch, 500 ; and for the 5-inch, 3500. There are two funnels, and two military masts, each with two tops. As fighting machines, these two vessels are most remark- able. The double turret gives extraordinary concentration of fire, and the effect of four projectiles, whose total weight is 27001b., striking simultaneously would be terrific. The bases of the 8-inch turrets are well protected by the lower story, so that there is no possibility of bringing them down by concentrating a heavy fire upon the lower works, as could be done, perhaps, against the Indiana or Iowa. On the other hand, the double turret is a big target ; the ammunition hoists to the upper story must necessarily cramp the working of the APPENDIX HI. 297 13-inch guns ; all four guns must fire in one direction and at one common target ; and a single lucky hit might silence half the ship's main armament. It also remains to be seen whether in practice it will be found easy to work and fire all four guns at once. Compromises, however, are always necessary at sea, whereas all critics tend to compare the ship criticised with an unattainable ideal in which protection, speed, armament, and the distribution of armament, are the best imaginable. Contrasted with the English Majestic of nearly 4000 tons greater displacement, the American Kearsarge shows no great inferiority ; and, supposing her guns to be of the latest pattern, her artillery will be far more powerful. The recurrence from the 12-inch to the 13-inch gun is an instructive incident in the battle of calibres, and points to the fact that the very heavy weapon is still considered, in the States at least, an essential of the battleship. In a trial against a target representing the Iowa's side, a 12-inch projectile failed to perforate a plate izj-inches thick, whereas the 13-inch shot went clean through, with 1800 feet-seconds initial velocity. The thicker plating of the Kearsarge is probably due to the wish to make her vitals proof against the heaviest guns. The amount of unarmoured surface left open to the attack of light guns is very small, and the extension of the belt forward to the ram, shows that the United States officers are aware of the great injury to the manoeuvring qualities of the ship which a chance hit or two forward might inflict. In the newest English battleships, also, the forward end of the ship is receiving thin armour on the water-line. The double turret has been abandoned in the latest American battleships, and is evidently in some danger of rejection even on board the Kearsarge and Kentucky. It is, in fact, a development in the wrong direction, much as was the " echeloned " turret-ship, tending to the over-concentra- tion of armament. In the three new ships, Alabama, Wisconsin, and Illinois, laid down in 1896, the 8-inch weapons, intermediate in calibre between the heavy guns and the large 298 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. quick-firers, disappear, and the battery is composed of four 13-inch guns and fourteen 6-inch quick-firers, besides smaller weapons. The 13-inch guns are mounted fore and aft in two turrets, which are protected by armour from 17 inches to 15 inches thick. These, again, stand upon redoubts which have plating from 10 inches to 15 inches thick. The 6-inch quick- firers are distributed: twelve on the main deck, in a long battery protected by 5-i inches of steel, with splinter screens of i^-inch steel ; two on the upper deck, in as many casemates, with the same thickness of armour. Four 6-inch and two 13-inch guns fire ahead or astern ; seven 6-inch and four 13-inch on either broadside. The hull is protected by a belt of armour 7J feet wide, extending from the after turret to the ram. The extreme thickness amidships over the engines and boilers is 16^- inches, whence it gradually tapers down to 4 inches at the ram. Above the thick armour belt amidships a thinner plating of 5^-inch steel extends to the armour of the 6-inch battery. Thus, from below the water-line to the level of the upper deck, the Alabama class, like the Kearsarge, is well protected. The armour deck is 5 inches thick on the slopes, and 2\ inches on the flat. A cellulose belt runs the whole length of the water- line to assure flotation. The freeboard will be midway between that of the Indiana and Iowa. The engines are to give the ships a speed of 16 knots, and 1200 tons of coal can be carried in the bunkers. The allowance of ammunition is good — fifty rounds are carried for each of the 13-inch guns; 200 for each of the 6-inch; and 625 for each 6-pounder. Comparing the Alabama with the Kearsarge, it is probable that the former is the better armed ship. The weight of metal fired in one discharge from the Kearsarge 1 s broadside is indeed heavier, but, taking into account the greater power of the Alabama 1 s quick-firers, and their increased rapidity of discharge, as contrasted with the Kearsarge 's 8-inch weapons, it seems that the Alabama would in a given time fire a heavier weight, whilst the average perforation and power of each shot APPENDIX III. 299 would be greater. The following figures, which are only approximate, will show the difference : Kearsarge Alabama. No. of Rounds No. of Guns fired by each Gun in minutes. I firing on Calibre. Broadside. 1 3 -in. ... 4 ■ 8-in. 4 •• 5-in. ... 7 .. 15 ■• 13-in. 4 • • 6-in. 7 11 Perforation, through wrought-iron, of each Shot- Total Weight of Metal. 44001b 34'6-in 3 30001b 2o-6-in o 70001b 13'o-in 14,4001b. 1 44001b 34'6-in. 15 10,5001b 16'4-in. i4,QOolb. Of torpedo boats there are twenty-two built or building, besides one old vessel, the Alarm, designed by Ericsson, and now of little value. A submarine boat of 138 tons is under construction. She is 78 feet long, and 12 feet in diameter, cigar- shaped, propelled when on the surface by steam, and when submerged by electricity. She has fuel for 16 hours' steaming, and power in her accumulators for as long again. Her speed is to be 16 knots when beneath the surface. We are now in a position to consider the United States' navy as a whole. In tabular form its strength may be summarised thus, excluding obsolete and valueless ships: First-class battleships Ocean* X J Caledonia* J L Royal Alfred * J rLord Clyde* % (.Lord Warden *J rZealous*| (.Repulse* % f Minotaur < Agincourt ( Northumberland BRITISH IRONCLADS Sea-going Ships. Barbette. Central Battery. C Enterprise* (.Favourite* Bellerophon Pallas* % Penelope Hercules Invincible Audacious Vanguard f L.Iron Duke f Swiftsure (.Triumph Sultan Alexandra Temeraire Superb f Belleisle (.Orion Turret. Monarch Captain f Devastation Thunderer Dreadnought Neptune Inflexible Ajax Agamemnon C Colossus (.Edinburgh rNile (.Trafalgar rVictoriaf (.Sanspareil Hood Armoured Cruiser. Shannon C Nelson (.Northampton C Imperieuse (.Warspite Aurora Australia Galatea Immortalite Narcissus Orlando (.Undaunted * Struck off Navy List. Collingwood c Howe i Rodney Benbow c Anson Camperdown Royal Sovereign Empress of India Ramillies \ Repulse I Revenge Resolution l Royal Oak j Centurion (Barfleur Renown 'Majestic Magnificent Prince George Victorious Jupiter Mars Caesar Illustrious Hannibal New ship New ship .New ship f Albion Canopus Glory Goliath Ocean ^Vengeance f Lost at sea. % Wooden hul Sister ships are bracketed. APPENDIX IV. 303 BRITISH IRONCLAD S — contd. Coast Service Ships. fGlatton** I Meteor*t Thunder *t .Trusty * + f /Etna* I Terror* J Thunderbolt' LErebus* Total ironclad ships built since 1855 Lost at sea Struck off the list Leaving ninety-one serviceable. * Struck off Navy List. t Wooden hull. Sister ships are bracketed. Scorpion * '"Cyclops "^Vivern * Gorgon Royal Sovereign*! Hecate Prince Albert* ^Hydra Viper* Glatton Vixen * Hotspur Watenvitch * Rupert Cerberus ( 'Conqueror Magdala w Hero Abyssinia 127 33 Vol. II. X APPENDIX V. LEADING AUTHORITIES CONSULTED. GENERAL NAVAL HISTORY. *Mahan. Influence of Sea Power upon History. London. * „ Influence of Sea Power upon the French Revolution. 2 vols. London. James. Naval History. 6 vols. London, 1886. {Cited as James.) Yonge. History of the British Navy. 2 vols. London, 1863. *Colomb. Naval Warfare. London, 1895. (Cited as Colomb.) * ,, Essays on Naval Defence. London. {Cited as Colomb's Essays.) Laughton. Letters and Despatches of Nelson. London, 1886. „ Nelson. London, 1895. Chabaud-Arnault. Histoire des Flottes Militaires. Paris, 1889 RECENT NAVAL ARCHITECTURE, ETC. *Naval Annuals. Portsmouth. *Eardley Wilmot. Development of Navies. London, 1892. Ledieu et Cadiat. Materiel Naval. 3 vols. Paris, 1889. Croneau. Architecture Navale. 2 vols. Paris, 1894. White. Manual of Naval Architecture. London, 1894. *Paris. L'Art Navale. 2 vols. Paris, 1869. Hauser. Cours de Construction Navale. Paris, 1886. Dislere. La Guerre d'Escadre. Paris, 1876. Tromp. Navires Cuirasses. Utrecht, 1880. # Brassey. The British Navy. 5 vols. London, 1882 *King. Warships of the World. London, 1880. APPENDIX V. 305 Reed. Our Ironclad Ships. London, 1869. „ Modern Ships of War. London, 1888. Coles. Letters, and the Opinion of the Press. London, 1866. Kronenfels. Das Schwimmende Flottenmaterial der Seemachte. Wien., 1880. Hunier [Pseud.]. Du Navire de Combat. Paris, 1892. Balincourt. Etude sur les Navires d'Aujourd'hui. Paris 1892. Leroi. Les Armements Maritimes en Europe. Paris, 1889. Fournier. La Flotte Necessaire. Paris, 1896. Pene-Siefert. Flottes Rivales. Paris, 1890. Weyl. La Flotte de Guerre et les Arsenaux. Paris, 1894. Robinson. The British Fleet. London, 1894. The Technical Press, especially Engineer ; Engi?ieering ; Le Yacht ; Rivista Marittima ; Revue Maritime. ARMOUR, GUNNERY, TORPEDOES, &c. Holley. Ordnance and Armour. New York, 1865. Dahlgren. Shells and Shell Guns. Philadelphia, 1857. Howard Douglas. Naval Gunnery. London, 1861. Orde Browne. Armour and its attack by Artillery. London, 1887— 1894. Cooke. Naval Ordnance. New York, 1875. Very. Armour for Naval Use. Annapolis, 1883. Treatise on Service Ordnance. London, 1893. *Lloyd and Hadcock. Artillery and its Progress. Portsmouth, 1893. Modern Naval Artillery. London. Dredge. Modern French Artillery. London, 1892. Sleeman. Torpedoes. Portsmouth, 1889. Barnes. Submarine Warfare. New York. Hovgaard. Submarine Boats. London, 1887. Buchard. Torpilles et Torpilleurs. Paris, 1886. Brandt. Gunnery Catechism. New York, 1864. Normand. Etude sur les Torpilleurs. Paris, 1885 *Clarke. Fortification. London, 1890. 306 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. STRATEGY AND TACTICS. Clarke and Thursfield. The Navy and the Nation. London, 1897. Clerk. Naval Tactics. Edinburgh, 1804. Howard Douglas. Naval Warfare with Steam. London, 1864. Butakov. Nouvelles Bases de Tactique. Paris, 1864. Phillimore. Naval Tactics. London, 1859. Penhoat. Elements de Tactique Navale. Paris, 1879. Farret. Etudes Comparatives de Tactique Navale. Paris, 1883. „ Etudes sur les Combats Livr£s sur Mer de i860 — 1880. Paris, 1 88 1. Chabaud-Arnault. Essai Historique sur la Strategic et la Tac- tique. Paris, 1889. Lullier. Tactique Navale. Paris, 1867. Elliot. Treatise on Future Naval Battles. London, 1885. Bethell. Remarks on the Manoeuvres of Two Vessels in Action. Portsmouth, 1881. Campbell. Naval Tactics. London, 1880. *Hoff. Naval Tactics. Portsmouth, 1885. „ Elementary Naval Tactics. New York, 1894. Noel. The Gun, Ram, and Torpedo. Portsmouth, 1885. Z. and Montechant. Essai de Strategic Navale. Paris, 1893. „ „ Guerres Navales de Demain. Paris, 1891. Papers by *Sturdee, *Calthorpe, # Laird Clowes, Long, Fremantle, *Colomb, *Crutchley, *May, and others, in the Journal of the United Service Institution. London. Papers by Wainwright, Alger, and others, in the Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute. Annapolis, U.S.A. Anonymous Articles in the Quarterly and Edinburgh Reviews. INTERNATIONAL LAW, COMMERCE-DESTRUCTION, &c. Danson. Our next War. London, 1894. Waraker. Naval Warfare of the Future. London, 1892. Nys. Droit de la Guerre. Bruxelles, 1882. Lemoine. Precis de Droit Maritime. Paris, 1888. Hall. International Law. Oxford, 1890. Cobbett. Leading Cases in International Law. London, 1885. APPENDIX V. 307 Wheaton. International Law. London, 1889. Holland. Manual of Naval Prize Law. London, 1888. Twiss. Continuous Voyages. London, 1877. „ Belligerent Right on High Seas. London, 1884. Faucheville. Du Blocus Maritime. Paris, 1882. Lawrence. Essays on Disputed Questions in International Law. Cambridge, 1885. Phillimore. Commentaries upon International Law. 4 vols. London, 1882. TECHNICAL PERIODICALS CONSULTED. Journal of the United Service Institution. London. {Cited as J.U.S.I.) Proceedings of United States' Naval Institute. Annapolis, U.S.A. Information from Abroad. Navy Department. Office of Naval Intelligence. Washington, U.S.A. Transactions of the Institution of Naval Architects. London. U7iited Service Magazine. London. Army and Navy Gazette. London. Broad Arrow. London. Engineer. London. Engineering. London. Revue Maritime. Paris. Le Yacht. Paris. La Marine Francaise. Paris. Rivista Marittima. Rome. Mittheilungen des Seewesens. Pola. Army and Navy Journal. New York. Engineer. New York. Mechanics' Magazine. London. Marine Rundschau. Berlin. KINBURN, BOMBARDMENT OF. Yonge. History of the British Navy. Russell. The War. 2 vols. London, 1855. Revue des Deux Mondes, vol. xiii. Paris. Mechanics' Magazine. London. 3 o8 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. GENERAL HISTORY OF AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. *Johnson. Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. 4 vols. New York, 1887. {Abbreviated to Battles and Leaders.) A series of articles on the various actions by those who took part in the struggle : a storehouse of informa- tion, and well illustrated. *Scharf. History of the Confederate Navy. New York, 1887. {Cited as Scharf.) From the Confederate point of view. Porter. Naval History of the Civil War. London, 1887. {Cited as Porter.) Gives original documents, &c, but often inaccurate. *Maclay. History of the United States Navy. 2 vols. London, 1894. {Cited as Maclay.) A concise and accurate account of the U.S. Navy. Reports of the Secretary for the Navy, 1862 — 5. Washington. Official documents, &c. *The Navy in the Civil War. 3 vols. New York, 1883. Viz. : Soley. The Blockade and the Cruisers. {Cited as Soley.) Ammen. The Atlantic Coast. {Cited ^Ammen.) Mahan. The Gulf and Inland Waters. {Cited as Mahan's Gulf.) Deal fully with the strategic aspects of the war. Boynton. History of the Navy during the Rebellion. 2 vols. New York, 1867. Stenzel. The American Civil War. United Service Magazine, vol. cxxxi. London. (Cited as Stenzel.) Badeau. Military History of U. S. Grant. 3 vols. London, 1881. Bulloch. Secret Service of the Confederate States. 2 vols. London, 1883. {Cited as Bulloch.) Davis. Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. 2 vols. London, 1881. Pollard. Secret History of the Confederacy. Philadelphia, 1869. Greeley. American Conflict. Hartford, 1864. Southern Historical Society's Papers. Richmond. Von Scheliha. Coast Defence. London, 1868. Daily Despatch. Richmond. New York Herald. New York. APPENDIX V. 309 Report of the Secretary of the Navy in relation to Armoured Vessels. Washington, 1864. Bigelow. Franceandthe Confederate States' Navy. New York, 1888. Smith. Confederate War Papers. New York, 1884. The War of the Rebellion. Washington, 1880, &c. Official documents, Confederate and Federal. Nicolay and Hay. Abraham Lincoln. 10 vols. London, 1890. WORKS BEARING UPON PARTICULAR INCIDENTS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. (in addition to the more general histories.) Monitor. Church. Life of Ericsson. 2 vols. London, 1890. {Cited as Church, Ericsson.) Swinton. The Twelve Decisive Battles of the War. New York, 1867. Shippen. In Lippincott's and United Service (U.S.A.) Magazines. Mississippi, Opening of. Dorsey. Recollections of H. W. Allen. New York, 1866. Mahan. Admiral Farragut. London, 1893. {Cited as Mahan, Farragut.) Mobile. Parker. Battle of Mobile Bay. Boston, 1878. Reports, &c, of [Confederate] Secretary of the Navy. Richmond. The Cruisers and the Blockade. Semmes. Service Afloat. London, 1887. {Cited as Semmes.) Haywood. Cruise of the Alabama. Boston, 1886. {Cited as Haywood.) Hobart Pasha. Sketches from My Life. London, 1886. „ „ Never Caught. [Pseudonym, Captain Roberts.] London, 1867. Taylor. Blockade Running. London, 1896. Alabama Claims. Case on the part of Her Majesty's Government. London. Alabama Claims. Correspondence concerning Claims against Great Britain, transmitted to the Senate of the United States. 5 vols. Washington, 1869— 1870. IRONCLADS IN ACTION. THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1866. *Osterreichs Kiimpfe im Jahre 1866. Vol. v. Wien, 1869. {Cited as Staff History.) The official Austrian account, probably revised by Tegetthoff. Crousse. Bataille de Lissa. Brussels, 1891. A translation of the above. *Rendiconti delle Udienze Pubbliche dell 'Alta Corte, &c. Contro rAmmiraglio Conte Carlo Pellion di Persano. Firenze, 1867. {Cited as Rendiconti.) The evidence, &c. given at Persano's trial. L'Ammiraglio C. di Persano nella Campagna Navale dell' Anno 1866. Torino, 1873. {Cited as Persano.) Persano's own story of the battle of Lissa. Amico. I Fatti di Lissa. 1868. {Cited as Amico.) Processo del Conte C. Pellion di Persano. Milano, 1867. Revue des Deux Mondes, November, 1866. Paris. Revue Mariti??ie, vols, xviii., xix. Paris. Ritter von Attlmayr. Der Krieg in des Adria im Jahre 1886. Pola, 1896. *Laughton. Studies in Naval History. London, 1887. {Cited as Laughton.) An admirable account of the war is given in Chapter V., " Tegetthoff." La Guerra in Italia nel 1866. Milano, 1867. Times, Standard, Army and Navy Gazette. SOUTH AMERICAN WARS, 1866— 1870. Revue Maritime, vol. xvii. Paris. Gives Commodore Rodgers' (U.S.N.) Report on the Bombardment of Callao. * Illustrated London News, 1866. London. Letters from British Officers at Valparaiso and Callao. Mackenna. Las dos Esmeraldas. Santiago, 1879. Garmendia. Recuerdos de la Guerra del Paraguay. Buenos Aires, 1889. *Thompson. Paraguayan War. London, 1869. * Washburn. Paraguay, 2 vols. Boston, 1871. Revue des Deux Mondes, 1866 — 73. Paris. Numerous articles on the Paraguayan War; two on the Spanish War, vols. lii. and lxxvii. Chabaud Arnault. Histoire des Flottes Militaires. Kennedy. La Plata, Brazil, and Paraguay. London, 1869. Burton. Battlefields of Paraguay. London, 1870. APPENDIX V. 3" FRANCO-GERMAN WAR. Chevalier. La Marine Francaise et la Marine Allemande pendant la Guerre de 1870— 71. Paris, 1873. (Cited as Chevalier.) Bouet-Willaumez. Questions et Reponses au Sujet de nos Forces Navales. (Cited as Bouet.) *Rene de Pont- Jest. Campaign in the North Sea and Baltic. Journal United Service Institution. Vol. xxxiii. Tesdorpf. Geschichte der Kaiserlich Deutschen Kriegsmarine. Kiel, 1889. Chabaud Arnault. Histoire des Flottes Militaires. F. Julien. L'Amiral Bouet-Willaumez. Paris, 1872. The Franco-German War. Translated by Captain F. C. H. Clarke. London, 1872, &c. (Cited as Staff History.) RUSSO-TURKISH WAR. *Z' Annie Maritime, 1878 — 1879. Paris. * Journal United Service Institution, vol. xxii. — iii. London. Hob art Pasha. Blackwood's Magazine, 1885. London. ALEXANDRIA, BOMBARDMENT OF. Walford. Journal United Service Institution, vol. xxvii. London. ^Goodrich. Egyptian War. Two Parts. Washington, 1883. I' Annie Maritime, 1882. Paris. Times, Standard, Army and Navy Gazette. CAPTURE OF SFAX. *Revue Maritime^ vol. lxxvi. Paris. L? Annie Maritime, 1881. Paris. CHILI AND PERU. Markham. War between Chili and Peru. London, 1882. (Cited as Markham.) Mackenna. Guerra del Paciflco. 4 vols. Santiago, 1880-2. *Mason. War on the Pacific Coast. Washington. Barros Arana. Histoire de la Guerre du Pacifique. Paris, 1881. * Journal United Service Institution, vol. xxv. London. * Revue Maritime, vols. Ixv — viii., lxxi. Paris. L' Annie Maritime. 1879 — 81. Paris. Gives official documents. 312 IRONCLADS IN ACTION. SHAH AND HUASCAR. ^Parliamentary Papers. 52. 1877. London. Times, Standard, Army and Navy Gazette, Ha?isard Parlia- mentary Debates. FRANCO-CHINESE WAR. Roche and Cowen. The French at Foochow. Shanghai, 1884. Carrall. Report of Imperial Chinese Customs. *Loir. L'Escadre de l'Amiral Courbet. Paris, 1894. (Cited as Loir.) De Doncourt. Les Francais dans l'Extreme Orient. Lille, 1884. CHILIAN CIVIL WAR. *Laird Clowes. Naval Annual, 1892. Portsmouth. (Cited as Clowes.) Hervey. Dark Days in Chile. London, 1892. (Cited as Hervey.) Times, Standard, Army and Navy Gazette. Revue Maritime, vol. xcv., Paris. BRAZILIAN CIVIL WAR. *Laird Clowes. Naval Annual, 1894. Portsmouth. * Information from Abroad. 1894. Washington. * Revue Maritime. March, 1895. Paris. Times, Standard, Army and Navy Gazette, Le Yacht. CHINO-JAPANESE WAR. Norman. The Far East. London, 1895. *Jukuchi Inouy£. Japan-China War. Yokohama. *Laird Clowes. Naval Annual, 1895. Portsmouth. „ „ Blackwood 's Magazine, 1895. London. APPENDIX V. 313 McGiffin. Century Magazine, 1895. New York. {Cited as McGiffin.) Vladimir [Pseud.] The China- Japan War. London, 1896. Broad Arrow, 1894. London. A series of articles on the Yalu ; in which the hand of an eminent British strategist and tactician will be recognised. Blackwood' s Magazine, October and November, 1895. Times, Standard, Pall Mall Gazette, Daily News, Army and Navy Gazette, United Service Gazette, Le Yacht, Marine Francaise, Le Moniteur de la Flotte, Marine Rundschau, Journal of the U.S. Naval Institute, Revue Maritime. NAVAL CATASTROPHES. Parliamentary Papers on sinking of Captain, Vanguard, and Victoria. Times. Engineer, and E?igineering on the same, and on the loss of the Grosser Kurfurst. *Thursfield. The Loss of H.aI.S. Victoria. Naval Annual, 1894. *Elgar. The Loss of the Victoria. Nature, vol. xlix. {Cited as Elgar.) Fitzgerald. Life of Admiral Tryon. London, 1897. IMAGINARY NAVAL WARS AND BATTLES. Great Naval War of 1887. London, 1887. Plus d'Angleterre. Paris, 1887. Arxold-Forster. In a Conning Tower. London, 1 891. Nelson Seaforth. The Last Great Naval War. London, 1 891 . Rope. Rome et Berlin. Paris, 1888. The "Russia's Hope.*' London, 1888. Eardley Wilmot. The Next Naval War. London, 1894. Laird Clowes. The Captain of the Mary Rose. London, 1892. Note. — For completeness a few recent works have been added which were not consulted by the author. APPENDIX VI.— ILLUSTRATIONS. Originally I had intended that authentic and accurate illustrations of the various incidents described should be included, but as there were difficulties in the way of procuring such, which would have added largely to the size and cost of the book, I decided that photographs of the leading English and French ships would be preferable, and probably as useful. These have been necessarily placed at intervals throughout the two volumes, and not opposite the matter which they illustrate. Captain Mahan's flagship, the Chicago, has been given as an example of a fine type of modern rigged cruiser with heavy armament and fair speed. A number of Chinese and Japanese ships are reproduced from Mr. Ogawa's photographs. The Huascar is from a print in the " Illustrated London News," and the battle of Lissa from an Austrian painting. For the 6- and 8-inch quick-firers I have to thank Sir W. Armstrong, Mitchell, & Co.; for the elevations of the Chen Yuen and Naniwa, which are from the " Naval Annual" of 1889, the Hon. T. A. Brassey; and for the " Chen Yuen in action," Mr. F. T. Jane. The elevations of English and French ironclads are all drawn to the same scale, and are compiled from the " Naval Annual," the "Engineer," Croneau's "Architecture Navale," and "Information from Abroad." The diagram of the Victoria sinking is from the Parliamentary Paper on the court martial. The " End of a Battleship " is reproduced from the " Cosmopolitan," and originally represented the destruction of the Aquidaban by a dynamite shell. The maps and plans are compiled by myself from various sources : the diagrams of the Yalu are necessarily to some extent conjectural. They are based upon the plans of Mr. Laird Clowes, Mr. Jukuchi Inouy£, and the "Revue Maritime" for January, 1895. APPENDIX VI. 315 The illustration in the second volume, called " The Last of the Victoria" is from a photograph taken by Staff -Surgeon Collot, of H.M.S. Collingwood, and depicts H.M.S. Victoria as last seen off Tripoli, Syria, on the afternoon of the 22nd of June, 1893. It has been reproduced, by kind permission, from a print, the copyright of Mr. R. Ellis, of Valetta, Malta. 316 TABLES. TABLE l.-UNITED STATES NAVAL ORDNANCE, 1861-5. Name of Gun. Description. Smooth-bore Smooth-bore Smooth-bore Smooth-bore Smooth-bore Smooth-bore Smooth-bore Parrot Rifle. Parrot Rifle. Parrot Rifle. Parrot Rifle ., Parrot Rifle .. Weight of Gun. lbs. 42,000 iS,7oo ( 16,000 1 12,000 9000 ( 10,000 I 5500 IOCWt. ( 57cwt.^ (27CWt. J Weight in lbs of Shot. Shell 440 166 124 90 65 64 32 135 \ 154 / 10 100 60 30 20 352 135 73 S3 52 26 135 80 IOO 50 29 18 Charge. Maxi mum Ordi- nary. 35 IS 25 ■ I2 i 10 2 ■ 16 6 8 6 } 3 Where there are two or more guns of the same calibre, but of different weights and sizes, and only one figure is given for range and elevation, that figure refers to the most powerful pattern. TABLES. 317 § : : : FORTS AND SQUADRON. Grand Total. ' i 11 \l & — 2 :: w ::::::::•:: • M 0- 0 il "i i ; • c x « a % u ~ ::::::: : : : = i i i : i S2 f u N : ~ i ; - 1 [ii i M M * : : : : . 1 I i : ■ = I i " ^ II X — 0 ::"::::::::::::: J : " S ::::::: w :::::::: : IS : -a- £J ■ :""""::::::::::::: s ; H 8 ;° ; ; ; n ; - ; ; ; h ; "a = 11 i : : ~ 5 : i " i : : : : : i : : - a| is ss 10 : :° I : I : : : : I : N : : is i- ;-: :* : :. : l-i cod ««*-*::::::;:::: IS 3- 2 0 0 :::«::::::::: 5 0 £: » O ■is : : : : w *"::::::::: : . . . . . . . is : : : = M : : : : M : : i : : i : is CQ ts i i ■ r ; M - : ; N : : ; ; ; "1 il ::::::::::::::::: ; ? s " ! i~ ■* i i i 5 i i i : i • : II ::::::::::: ....... : h; :: \ |]| • ' • Mi III! ■ . : Hi : I! 1 j !! ill uiiii 3i8 TABLES. n ?$ LU ~ LL ^ 2 i o < z => t Is IS •is S3' : r : ^ i H i s % i jfilJII I I is ¥ lillll ii is .SCQ OT5 ■is 2 2* •3 sg 00 * a ::::::::::: ::::::".:::"::«::.:: : N ::::::::::: : ; i ; ; ; ; ! : ; ; ; ; ; - ■ ; ; ; |j i N M j M 1111 TABLES. 319 TABLE V.-UNION FLEET AT THE SECOND BOMBARDMENT OF FORT FISHER, WITH ITS ARMAMENT. -' — — 30-pr. R., Shots ded. bi > Line No. 1. 20 2 2 2 12 0 Mohican 6 1 2 436 12 0 0 Tacony 2 4 670 0 0 0 2 1 1 485 0 1 0 2 1 1 225 2 2 0 Unadilla 1 — .... 4°3 - 0 0 - 0 1 1 300 0 5 0 Maumee 1 1 1 ) Q 0 0 1 1 1 i 498 3 5 0 Pawtucket 1 4 1 463 0 0 0 Seneca 1 1 2^2 0 0 0 Pontoosuc .4 2 318 0 1 0 Xereus 540 3 3 0 Line No. 2. Minnesota 1 42 1 4 1654 13 23 0 Colorado 1 46 1 786 3 14 0 Wabash f 4 2 I 935 12 0 12 2 858 3 8 1 14 3 3 »9 Juniata 1 !!! 1003 5 10 0 Shenandoah 2 1 ... 31/ 6 Ticonderoga 1 2 ; 552 1 6 0 Vanderbilt 12 2 2 170 0 0 0 Mackinaw 1 6 939 0 2 0 Tuscarora 6 1 ... 2 214 3 1 2 0 Line No.'S. Sant. de Cuba ( 3 ] (.5 S.B. J 199 1 9 Ft. Jackson 8 10 0 Osceola I 4 iq 0 0 0 Sassacus ... 4 2 2 262 0 0 Chippewa \ 74 0 0 0 R. R. Cuvler 49 0 0 0 Maratanza 1 ... 0 0 0 Rhode Island 299 8 2 0 2 1 3 262 4 4 0 Alabama 1 ... {os.b.} 0 0 0 Montgomery 1 4 580 2 4 0 4 2 558 2 12 0 Ironclads. ... 2 2 971 0 0 0 4 ... 44i 0 0 0 2 ... 297 0 3 0 Mahopac 2 153 0 0 0 Saugus 2 212 0 0 Flagship. Malvern " 3 1 0 R. = Rifled. S.B. = Smooth-bore. Vol. II. 320 TABLES. TABLE VI. -THE SOUTHERN COMMERCE-DESTROYERS AND THEIR PRIZES.* Steamers. Vessels whose fate is not stated. Vessels destroyed. Vessels on which Cargo only was destroyed. Vessels Bonded or Sold. Vessels Released or Recaptured. Vessels used as Cruisers. Total Prizes. 53t 2 ii 2 I 69 1 2 9 18 Florida 28 4 4 i 31 5 4 9 Shenandoah 3i 5 36 Tallahassee 22 S 2 Olustee (ex-Tallahassee) 4 2 'I Nashville i I 2 3 3 i 2 I 4 2 Sailing Vessels. York 1 "s 4 I IS 1 i 8 1 I 8 Winslozv s S I I 3 Echo •.. 2 2 I 2 4 261 * The figures given in this table are based upon the returns of ships captured, in Scharf, p. 807-816, and differ slightly from those given in the text in some instances. There are the same differences and discrepancies in Scharf. + Includes the Hatteras. TABLES. 321 l! i to i 2 2 2 2 g 2 2 IS ; i ; ; • « ; • ■ ; • ; ; • J5 i i i ; • i ; i I U if N M y jd ! il NJ^ MM if.: I . iiilliliiiltelli ^mmmmmminm 11 1 8*1* » uuuiij smut* 8 * s •93-euuoj, ■jnouiy Illlllff fflttsMllIMIIIP 1 I is 1 tin 1 mhum i Msiiiii* * » ; !J :j •■: : : : : sS, s 5 s : :: j i ! : : : : gj, s : s : s s {"1 '"ii'3'1"' ' "I"!" i 1 i : : i Mi Mm iMSiilM jUiijijj 1 WlWilfiljilJlil slflSliisIiiililtti » ^SSSSS-^ m « ST 8 5 g ^5"§ «"« « « ! I 1 li I! 1 1 H tl if I I 322 TABLES. am ox &CQ 4 X - o X o 5 X'£ •sung S v _: — as rt rt>> rt ij-o ^CQfaOCQ^CQ* o tu rt O Id a, : 1 P 2 Is | rt o O co " mi> C> Ovt> n O t>rtO O O 00 O VO Tf o o : o tj-o tj- Tt rt rt O O ooooooooooo o o o o o •s;uauj •aSBuuox •S9qour anouiay }S95ptqx CO CO CO CO CO 00 O O O CO CO TtOO ■C~-CO oo oo t-to CO -rt co co co co co o\ m i 1 Tt -f Tt Tt Tt O z ; be -X ; _rt s[ rt o 'CQ £ rt £ o ^ N £S" O 4> rt-f! rt O 3 < ^ N bl)l S^rt-stJrtrtjH Q,QQ£^ZxC4<:QWXh! 3 Tt U)« t^CO 0\ O 100 CQ T x£ it CQ C/) °? t ■ p* UJ i Q —I Ll o z o - w •• a 12 I * 3 in -J a CQ "3 < rt &, 5< Total. ++ o o\ c- co w vo Loss. Wounded. 1 *CO CO Killed. 1 00 o CO o fired in t Total, lbs. 00 o CO CO in o J? xt o bp "53 * Rifles, lbs. co 8 ed. ns. S.B. « cr> Tt CO [ncluc Gu ifled. M V© M «" Ships are Ton- nage. Tt M Tt M co 0^ 1000 < No. of 1 Men. M 0 6 rt Guns. m m CO ■* To CO * Non- combatant Ships. -too Craft. j Guns. O N Tt M Small No. On CO l Ships. Guns. Tt N 0 00 CO CO Woodei No. lads. Guns. VO CO £r ct Ironc No. I ** 2 rt : Austr Italy Is . « to «1 O rt « _rt > « ^ « ° ■all «.Sjj C aj o g rt rt cj — rt — i en C «3 C « rt v 5x 5 rt w O oj cn £4: tn -a - O i- tn TABLES. < £ so • 2fe -a +; . rt »' - rt -£ J3 > „„^4Xsr^V£ I 8 2 < £ 323 >>> S. O O vo O r- CO « O s .5 § • s :o £ v. v- w te! fe s< Cs ^ 324 TABLES. u o 2 S Hi 5 ? o > 6 g^^ • - ~ & & T 1 ^ 0 2 •> « - „ .a .a .9 .a .a i • £ on on : • ; • • ■ nno o o- J 8 8 8 8 8 o o\ -< ►* o 000 O O M « V) V)J> M 000 JS o c Z 7) TABLES. 325 G£ S a < to jo iqSnisjQ •J9M0d-3SJ0H ;U9UI3D-B[C[SIQ I .CO 2 u rt -S -3 .••3-3 CC" , v +J +j 3 u, cj . a a a a « o ! 0) < in* *5 m -CO ' " c -9s|h". a" S.ScdSPQ'M § g 2 g v £.2 6 £ u c ' ^~^2 6 « ^ & &. p, ^222 W I— I M M HiNH^HjNO NO M = >>x>x>>mTmTm:m: = m: T riKNfc i 5 5 0*0 00 O O 1 o O00 vivit m m vo r»op no -jj- no wn© m N « N N On 0 vO "no t> : o co 00000000000 MMMQ0- NO O t^WlOQOOO J>V)03 t> co CO 4>vO tj- j>. Tf OOOOOcO'i-iOOOO OV ~ On ONC0 *00 * onno : : « : v> ; • t> conO "tmvi*NO N rf m CO On « CO CO CO "f J3 w : sile c . r. a - "= & < 0 0 0 to tola. 00 rt re Cm Cm —« 3 G B k 1 8 TABLES. ::::^:::coco:::: CO o o o o o o ooo :co ;o ; :o : : : : tooco • md . o , - m : : : : 8 •lpju^pjotsl 00i-0000 O O vO -t-^o o o ooo«>on-™oo CO CO O Q o 0 o o . . .00 .O .NO . . ->t . . o^oo .8 - to o . . • o M3 o" Grand Total. -T^OO 1-1 O O00 M..M Old) OWO O CO « 00 MS « vo O O O00 ^MO ttotfjt<)« n !i m n m 00 OA CO 6 : « h o » : :Ooo : : : : • i-i •<*■ coco • • • i-i : : . : 00 a. o CO CO 'OOCO O (O ■ • cv o ■ co coo cq n vo . t}- e» M3 a, 6 -t- a, :::::: *o : « oo : m o>o . . . : . : o ■ m n . o * Total Heavy Guns. OMT^O «M0 OOOOMDVOCO voce m coco n m oo i- o co ; : : CO Guns. ' i ■ • ■ M • ■ • O VO CO ■ • ' : : : : « : : . mo «) : : : CO c On : : : co ::::::::: : CO c : o :: oo : M3 ::::;: : M 00 i-i o : : :::::: N CO" • CO CI t-i CO 2 J " £ « >cd m .« r r r a 1 . o o^^I-h^vo 1*3 13 J2 4) Q tOMHOO O 0>i O O O 0 O O N *^m«ho o ^ So " .2. «! £ .SP 2 « c c ri-cvS bo E lis lis rt o « o w!2 o ■Sirs S a c -d (u.s > 6 6d' > 6 u o u O O « O v> in xovo j>. CO i> cn c c o S2t: |H (LI j J2 e rt 3 B rt o W o o Co TABLES. 329 TABLE XVI I. -BRAZILIAN CIVIL WAR, Melloist Fleet. — - (—■13.SS of Ship. Name. Tons. I.II.P. Date. Thickest Armour. Speed. Li Armament. m. Knots 2nd Class Aquidaban 5000 6200 '85 n| 15 5 IV 9'2-in. 21-ton B., IV $•>]• Battleship in. B., VI 47-in. Q.F., II 2-in., XI i-in., and V-45-in. Nordenfelts Coast defence Javary 3640 2500 'l$ 13 11 IV 10-in. M.L., IV i-in. monitor Nords., II Machine River monitor 34° 180 '86 4h 1 I 70-pr. M.L., II i-in. Nords. Deck Cruiser Almirante 4465 7500 '90 i| I? 6 X6-in. Q.F., II 4>in. Q.F., Tamandare V i-in. Nords. Republica 1300 33oo '92 2 17 4 VI 4'7-in. Q.F., VT6-pr. Q.F., VI Machine Guanabara 2200 3000 '77 14 IX 5'7-in. M.L., IV machine Hulk or Nords. 1400 2400 '13 13 VI 4-in. M.L., II i-in. Nords., f 3 II machine Gunboat Marajo 4So 400 '85 1 g 10 II 6-in. B., II 6-pr. O.F., II > >- \ i-in. Nords. 250 280 '84 \ < I IS IV 12-pr. B., IV i-pr. Q.F., 1 ^ 1 IV i-in. Nords. Madeira, paddle 1400 1200 '13 12 II 9-pr. B. Purus, paddle ... 1355 1200 '14 : 12-3 II 12-pr. S.B. Armed Merchant Steamers: Mercurio (1120 tons), Jupiter (1124), Urano (1119), Venus (1171), Meteoro (1082), Marte (1121), Pallas (845), Esperanca (823), Vieira da Cunho. Torpedo Boats : Iguatemy, Marcilio Diaz, Araguary, each 150 tons, 1550 H.P., 25 knots, 4 torpedo tubes, 2 6-pr. Q.F. : four torpedo-boats (probably) 52 tons, 600 H.P., 13 knots, 2 torpedo-tubes, 2 i-in. Nords. Peixotoist Fleet. Class of Ship. Name. Tons. I.II.P. Date. Thickest Armour. Speed. II zC Armament. in. Knots Coast defence Bahia 1000 1640 '65 5i 10 II 7-in. M., II i-in. Nords. monitor Gunboat ...... Tiradentes 800 1200 '92 i4'5 2 IV 4-7-in. Q.F., III 6-pr. O.F., IV i-in. Nords. Primeiro de 780 75o '81 10 VII 4'5-in. B., IV i-in. Nords. Marco Braconnot 160 160 '72 8 } } Paranahvba 840 900 '78 12 I 6-in. M., II 32-pr. B., II i-in. Nords. Cabedello , , . 210 200 '86 9 II 4'5-in. B., IV i-in. Nords. 260 260 '83 9 II 4-5-in. B., IV 3-pr- Q-F., IV i-in. Nords. Torpedo Gun- Gustavo 480 2300 '93 18 II 20-pr. Q.F., IV 3-pr. Q.F. - boat Sampaio Armed Merchant Steamers : Nictheroy, Rio de Janeiro, Itaipu, America, Advance, Finance, Allianfa, Seguranga, Figilangia. Torpedo Boats : Piratiny, 12 of various tvpes, Yarrow and Schichau built; 2 American built. B. = Breech-loader. Q.F. = Quick-firer. M. = Muzzle-loader. Nord. = Nordenfeldt. 33o TABLES. u o It H 5 2-° . s III it! I puiilil! SJ, £g 8 SSSSSSSM 1 pin; ! : :■ •SJSBJ^ f i|| M ;i iiiiiSji •ipumrj jo a^a I 55 CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO 1 2" : : •aS-euuoj, I If filling] i — — ::::::::::: s : :::::: I ::: ; i ! i ! i j I ij I *>| jo suiq •ajoqeuj I TABLES. 33i A rt-2* 3 . . 5 o ^ T= ■ • ."8 g-dB g< a rt o 9 d "3 a a ^ a, a, a, a a- a >UUUUCJ U^UU'JCU>U o o o o «s O VO O CO CO CO CO CO - O CO CO O to ON CO COO CO PUT3 « r- On t m _ w o . . qq ; ; >o opadjoj^ rt C/3 70 rt rt - * £ cn 0 Sf 0 ^ rt rt •iputve-] JO 3}BQ ON GO ON GO ON CO GO ONCO CO CO 1 o O O O v> co O £ rt £ o rt J?.*-^ rt ucup'enbg •auiq TABLES. bQJS 7T .J 0) 0) W <> o .2 S rt CI rj- vri o H o co m Large Q.F. >© 6in. and over. Over 8in. CO M be bp ^ O f^J^ X H M « O 4) (/) x> *o 2^ a w * 3 SJ s c £ £ c c e~ 3 " 8 o rt rt oT ^ c 3 2 a o . Cfl Q. rt « 3 ^ be so rt 3 o '5 O C U 3.S rt rtO rt c a, «. rt H bo c . u ■B " Z M O O w « »| rt '5b •sa^nuttu oi ui paiijj s;oq§ jo'-ojvj bC_C '53 W 'SO •S3}nuiui oi ut s}oqg paranssy 9j; j jo a^-e-a 5 53 P .QNO'-iwI-il/ICO'f U5 Tt" t^00 CO C vivo M oittOH o O CO « M TABLES. 333 TABLE XXI.-DETAILS OF JAPANESE LOSSES AT THE YALU. Name of Ship. Killed. Wounded. Died of Wounds. Position of Ship according Officers. Men. Officers. Men. Officers. Men. to her loss. Matsushima 2 33 5 7i 1 21 1 3 2 16 13 9 3 2 34 17 15 0 0 0 4 0 2 3 4 I 4 0 10 0 0 5 0 2 2 10 1 2 6 0 2 2 0 9 9 0 0 0 7 8 0 0 10 1 0 9 0 0 2 0 0 10 O 0 0 I 0 0 11 Chiyoda 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 10 80 16 188 4 28 294 TABLES. lllllllllJll |||| •suo; 'jnouiiy jo jqSiaAV ibjoj, si 11 until! Xxepuooag ::::::::««*«» v, 11- •Ajaj:reg Xjbuiuj Water-line Belt. •ssaujjojqx e^COxjJOOg-OOQOOO OQO « 00 Length. Feet. 220 Whole length Whole length Whole length Whole length Whole length 1 10 123 140 162 230 250 200 200 220 220 •5{03Q jnouuy = ^^^^^ * *»*t Material of Armour. J Iron Irnn d n A romnrmnH Compound Compound and nickel- steel Nickel-steel Harveyed steel Harveyed steel Harveyed nickel-steel... • P 9 3 d S U3M.Od-3SJOH illlfiiiilll mi •aSisuuoj, lillllfll; q}Suaj jo oi;b>j •qjSuai Name. I * Achilles Hercules Sultan Devastation Alexandra Nile Royal Sovereign ... Renown •uoi;3[d -UI03 jo 3}BQ TABLES. 336 TABLES. •33U13 -jnpug jbo3 # •XBIM P 99d S g jo }qSi3M. oooooooo oooooooo i-ocoooooo O O vimo N H OOOOOOOO * V)V)'trj r-00 b b\ b b jt^ O o o\ ^t- v-> Vvb o>"n b « b . m o\ i? xn 0 vO O J> > 4-> x be ofl ^ _ a* j -S c be cu >- ,c r be*-< - t .5 A™ o i :•• a ■"■'••• a +jm "*f>c a n-= "* > ^ ■c^'O co ^° " o*" 0 •03 • ■ a c a a Sffl co . « .a « ^ ^ C^ CU CJ •qipuaig oj qjSuaq jo oijB-g •3Sbuuox 000 a,a, 0 ooooooo3 l tn to w c rt rt rf > O o o o u 2 ••• a" > > o o o cu zzzz CU CU CU i-«NHN a a a M w " < o o o zzz Tj-t^i-i o v- ( vi tJ- Ci O^O^O V) O O CO-T^O 0\c0 O O O m O *0 O O O O O O 'O -3- 10 10 Vi io o '>o t)-\0 O 1- hi CO CO ON CO Tl- OOOOO O O in i o o o o o o CO CO « CA CO CO CO CO CO 0000000 OOOOO OOOOOO' OOvOOO CO O O O WW I -t o cO'O O >0 TJ-VO O CO hi ( CO CO WO t^CC W»r. f I 00 hi CO WOO O h. co t» 'n^mrm'p^i OO 00 00 00 00 O^Oi^Q*^ F d 4 JUUK J 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 53 t Projectile. | Charge. A. Muzzle-loaders. lbs. lbs. inches. 7-inch 15-8 4 114 22 1325 1395 7'9 310 8-inch T 4'75 9 179 35 1390 2398 9*r 266 13*9 12 256 5o 1440 3681 11-4 307 io-inch T 4'5 18 410 70 1379 5408 T 3 - * 300 u-inch i3"i 25 548 85 1360 7028 14-2 281 12-inch 12 25 614 85 1292 7190 13*4 288 13 "5 35 714 140 1390 9566 1 5 '9 273 i2j-inch 15-84 38 818 21c 1575 14,070 19*3 37i 16-inch 18 80 1700 45o 1540 27,960 24"3 35o B. Breechloaders. 7-inch* 14-2 108 1 1 1 100 909 5 222 26 * 5 100 48 i960 2665 I2'4 533 8-inch 29-6 15 210 118 2150 6730 17-1 449 3.i"5 22 380 166 2036 10,920 20*3 496 9'2-inch (wire.) 40 24 380 63 c 2347 14,520 27-6 58i 32 29 500 252 2040 14,430 22-3 498 12-inch 25*25 45 714 259 1914 18,130 22"6 403 35'43 46 850 167c 2400 33.940 38-5 738 30 67-69 1250 630 2016 35,230 34'2 526 30 IIO§ 1800 960 2087 54,39o 37*5 492 C. Quick-firers. 4/7-inch 40 2 45 I2C 2188 1494 12 711 6-inch 40 7 100 3°C 2200 3356 16-1 479 8-incht 44-6 20 250 55C 2500 10,830 26 - I 54* * Old-type screw breech. t New type wire gun (Majestic class). t Not as yet mounted in the English fleet. An Armstrong gun. c Cordite. Z 2 338 TABLES. =, Q < ^ < < fa. I 339 D CO •veog ju-en-essy 01 ssoq O « 0 ■s. < •paSBUIBp sdiqg 0 0 0 M jainst Ships at re [0 J UT, £ 0-0 2 Some success O to 0 < jo jaqumv^ o M X - Ships in ion. 0 O O 0 o Against mot •s^omjy jo jaquin ^ ^. o tn o •s;dui9}}y jo -= u a z z S : « b0.a c u •■±>* 340 TABLES. •surt£) 8 •xny •sunQ ~0 in & O • > x' x x ^x X X x x^x Ovo no « > c > > x XXX v,vo ttMnonfiW 1 p 0 -00 0 •Hippie £ ■paqoumsq c rt Is be rt j- c 2 * £ 2 CM?i On pH rrt On 00 00 00 00 .-5 — 00 < VO M « Tf a a >>r^> g x > xxxgx x .2 vi.go.0 NO a irv ^O vO > >£>> XX > .5 T .S-T~.CC- 1 00 ■ co" 00 •- . 2 > ^>*v*»: I I I I I I I I I I I 1*1 I O no -TOO «-i CO NO»00 n O » M + ! CO co CO CO ■ .5 o H a P to 0 13 J3 8 1 1- 13 co 00 do 00 00 cr I.— INDEX OF ACTIONS. I. Fleet Actions. Lissa, i, 230-248. Yalu or Haiyang, ii, 83-107. II. Action Between Single Ships or Small Squadrons. Aconcagua and torpedo-gunboats, ii, 29-30. Alabama and Hatteras, i, 154-5. Kearsarge, i, 157-164. Albemarle, and Northern gunboats, i, 108, 109-110. Andes and Indepe?idencia, ii, 34. Angamos, Battle of, i, 323-332. Arkansas and Carondelet, i, 71-2. Asan, Action off, ii, 67-71. Assar-i-Chevket and Vesta, 1,304-5. Atlanta and Weehawken, i, 97-100. Carthagena, Actions off, i, 285. Charleston, Action off, i, 87-9. Covadonga and Esmeralda, i, 253. Foochow, Battle of, ii, 5-10. Fort Pillow, ,, „ i, 67-8. Heligoland, Action off, i, 226. Iquique, Battle of, i, 315-321. Memphis, Battle of, i, 68. Merrimac, Congress, and Cumber- land, i, 14-20. Merrimac and Monitor, i, 25-32. Meteor and Bouvet, i, 279. Mobile, Battle of, i, 114- 134. Riachuelo, Battle of, i, 259-260. Shah and Huascar, i, 308-9. Selma and Metacomet , i, 127-8. III. Actions Between Shi and Forts. Off Alexandria, i, 337-357. ,, Callao, i, 254-256. ,, Charleston, i, 92-96, 101-2. ,, Fort Fisher, i, 137-140, 141-2 ,, ,, Donelson, i, 64-5. ,, ,, Henry, i, 63-4. ,, Grand Gulf, i, 79-80. ,, Lissa, i, 220 — 224. ,, Min River, ii, 1 1-12. „ Mobile, i, 124-7. ,, New Orleans, i, 45-57. ,; Port Hudson, i, 74-77. ,, Rio de Janeiro, ii, 38. ,, Sfax, ii, 1-4. ,, Vicksburg, i, 70, 78-9. ,, Wei-hai-Wei, ii, 133. IV. Torpedo Actions. [See also Table XXV.] Albemarle, Sinking of, i, 110-113 Aquidaban, Sinking of, ii, 43-49 Batum, at, i, 298, 302, 303-4. Braila, at, i, 290-2. Caldera Bay, ii, 22-30. She'ipoo, ii, 13-15. Sukhum Kale, i, 298-310. Wei-hai-wei, ii, 129-132. II.— INDEX OF NAMES. Abbreviations, — des. = described ; m. = mentioned ; M. = Map or Plan ; n. = note ; PI. = Plate ; q. = quoted ; Tab. = Table. A few other obvious abbreviations have been employed. A. Abtao, Tab. xi, xvi, xxv ; des. i, 313; at Antofagasta, i, 322. Aconcagua Tab. xvi ; des. ii, 18 ; engages Lynch and Condell, ii, 29-30, 27. Achilles, Tab. xxii, des. ii, 220 ; at Alexandria, i, 343, 349 ; with Channel fleet, ii, 189. Active, Tab. xxiii, ii, 255. Adalbert Prince, commands Ger- man squad., i, 273, 275. Adalbert, see Prinz Adalbert. Adler, engaged off Heligoland, i, 226 ; at Kiel, 1870, i, 278. Admiral Ortshakoff, ii, 145. "Admiral" class consists of six barbette ships, named after famous admirals, ii, 230-1 ; bases of their barbettes un- protected, ii, 164, 269 ; patches of armour on, ii, 240; ii, 272. Adria, Tab. viii. Adriatic, M. xi, i, 216; Austro- Italian war in, i, 209-250. Advance, improvised warship, ii, 41. j&olus, Tab. xxiii, ii, 257. ALtna, at Kinburn, i, xxxiii. Affondatore, Tab. vii ; des. i, 212-3 » Persano's faith in her, 215-6; tels. for her, 217; waits for her, 218; she arrives at Lissa, 222; place in line, 232; un- manageable, 233 ; Persano moves to her, 233 ; part in battle, 238, 240, 242, 243, 244, 250 ; sinks at Ancona, 245 ; mentioned by Persano, 249. Affonso Pedro, des. ii, 43 ; torpedoes Aquidaban, 46. Africa, Alabama off coast of, i, 156, 172. Agamemnon, des. ii, 229; m. 228. Agamemnon v. Melpomene, ii, 138. Agincourt, des. ii, 221 ; in Chan- nel squad., 185. ! Aguilar, on Blanco Encalada, ii, 25 ; drowned, 27. Aguirre, on Huascar, i, 328 ; killed 329- I Ajax, des. ii, 229 ; m. 35. I Akagi, Tab. xix ; loss at Yalu, xxi ; with J. Fleet, 85 ; not in line, 89 ; hotly engaged, 93 ; retires, 93 ; re-enters battle, 95 ; loss, 109; damage, 112B; speed, 1 1 2D; loses mast, 167; devolu- tion of command on, 181 ; m. 60, 104. 344 INDEX OF NAMES. Akerman, i, 286. Akitsusn or Akitsushima, Tab. xix ; loss at Yalu, xxi ; des. ii, 60 ; off Asan, 68 ; with Flying Squad, at Yalu, 85 ; position, 89 ; off Port Arthur, 96 ; loss, 109; off Wei-hai-wei, 128, 130; m. 72, 98. Alabama, State of, i, 64 ; coast blockaded, 181. Alabama, Confederate cruiser, des. i, 152 ; off Azores, 153 ; on the Banks, 153 ; at Martinique, 153 ; sinks Hatteras, 154-5 ; in central Atlantic, 156 ; at Pulo Condor, 157 ; reaches Cherbourg, 157 ; action with Kearsarge, 158-163; sinks, 163 ; her crew saved, 164; gunnery, 164-5 > ner crew, 153, 159 n. ; prizes taken, 157; effects of her cruise, 153 n., 169 n. ; measures which might have been taken against her, 169-173 ; m. 171. Alabama, U.S.N., Tab. v. Alabama, Battleship, ii, 297-8. Alabama claims, i, 174 n. Alagoas, Tab. xvii ; at Curupaity, i, 263 ; m, ii, 35. Alarm, ii, 299. Albatross, at Port Hudson, i, 74 ; destroys stores, 77. Albemarle, Tab. xxv; construction, i, 106-7 ! des. 107 ; actions with Federal gbs., 108-110; first torpedo attack on, no; second, II 1- 1 13; sunk and raised, 113. Albemarle Sound, i, 106, in, 180. Albini commands wooden squadron, i, 219; against attack on Lissa, 220 ; conduct, 221-2 ; insubordi- nate, 223 ; ordered to land men, 224 ; position of, when Austrians appeared, 225 ; Persano signals to him, 232 ; conduct during battle of Lissa, 234-5, 240, 246, 250 ; disgraced, 251 ; m. 248. Albrecht, on Ting Yuen, ii, 88 ; saves her, 99. Alderney, i, 210. Alexandra, English, elevation, PI. xxxvii, ii, 220 ; Tab. xii, xxi ; PI. xviii, i, 350; des. i, 338, ii, 223 ; at Alexandria, i, 338, 342, 343 ; opens fire, 344 ; anchors, 346 ; loss, 349 ; damage, 350 ; has armour deck, ii, 227 ; compound engines, 254. Alexandria, U.S.A., i, 80. Alexandria, Egypt, M. xviii, i, 340 ; riots at, i, 336 ; E. squad, off, 336 ; forts at, 340- 1 ; general order of E., 342-3 ; bombard- ment, 344-8 damage to forts, 351-2; Egypt, account, 356-7; E. sailors landed, 349 ; m. ii, 137- Alger, ii, 267 ; PI. xlv, ii, 268. Algiers. Line Toulon-Algiers in war of 1870, i, 275, 280 ; m. ii, 1. Alltanca, ii. 41. Alma, Tab. x ; elevation, PI. xlii, ii. 262 ; des. ii, 261 ; at Sfax, 2-3 ; m. i, 267, ii, 191. Almanza, in Pacific, i, 252 ; bom- bards Callao, 255-6. Almirante Cochrane, Tab. xi, xvi ; cf. elevation of sister ship, Blanco Encalada, PI. xxi, ii, 28 ; des. i, 313 ; cleaned, 322 ; faster than Huascar, 322 ; sights her, 324 ; comes up fast, 325 ; action opened with Huascar, 325 ; attempts to ram, 329, 331 ; shells Arica, 334 ; explosion on board, 335 ; declares against Balmaceda, ii, 16, 17 ; m. i, 321, ii, 22. Almirante Condell, Tab. xvi, xxv; des. ii, 16-7 ; arrives from Europe, 21 ; sinks Blanco Encalada, 23-28 ; engages Acon- cagua, 29-30 ; at Iquique, 31. Almirante Lynch, Tab. xvi, xxv. References as to Almirante Condell. INDEX OF NAMES. 345 Almirante Tamandare, hit, i, 262-3 ; explosions, ii, 181. Almira?ite Tamandare, Tab. xvii ; des. ii, 36 ; in Melloist fleet, ib. ; fires ballistite, 39. Alsen, ii, 275B. Althea, i, 134. Amazonas at Riachuelo, i, 260. America, South, Alabama off, i, 156, 170; wars in, 252-264, 306- 335; ii, 16-50. America, ii, 41, 42. American Civil War. See United States, Confederates; Index i, actions ; Index in, Blockade, Commerce Destroyers, Inter- national Law. Amethyst, des. i, 307 ; seeks Huascar, ib. ; action with Unas- car, 308-9 ; not hit, 310, Amezaga, q. ii, 1 17. Amiral Baudin, elevation, PI. xlii, ii, 262 ; des. ii, 263 ; defects, 147. 270. Amiral Duperre, des. ii, 262-3 ! defects, 164, 270. Amiral jfaitreguiberry , des. ii, 264 ; m. 271. Amoy, ii, 66. Amphion, Tab. xxiii ; des. ii, 255; in Mediterranean, 196. Amphitrite, ii, 278, 289. Ancona, It. fleet at, i, 215; Austrians off, 216-7 ! Persano delays at, 218; leaves, 220; Affondatore sinks at, 245; m.221. Ancona, Tab. vii ; des. i, 213; unready, 216 ; under Vacca, 219; at Lissa, 225; position in line, 232 ; gap after, 234, 236; collision with Varese, 240 ; badly handled, 250; m. 247. Andes, i, 314. Andrada, see America. Angamos, Battle of, M. xvii, i, 326 ; des. 322-331. Angamos bombards Callao, i, 333 ; des. 332. Angioletti, Minister of marine, i, 215. Angostura, i, 264. . Anson, similar to Collingwood ; elevation PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; des. ii, 231. See also " Admirals." Antilles, i, 269. Antofagasta, i, 322; ii, 18. 1 Apollo, Tab. xxiii ; ii, 257. Aquidaban, Tab. xvii, xxv ; ele- vation forward, M. xxiv, ii, 46 ; hits on, 37, 39 ; torpedo attack on, and sinking of, 43-8; no large q.-f., 49; raised and re- paired, 50; name changed to 24 de Maio, ib. ; mainstay of Mello, 49 ; m. 135, 137. Aquidaban, River, i, 264. Arabi Pasha, i, 336, 349. I Araguay, i, 260. I Archduchess Frederick. Tab. viii, i, 230. ! Archer, English, ii, 256-7 ; m. 67. i Archer, Confederate, i, 149. I Arcona, i, 270, 278. Arcona, ii, 46. I Arens, i, 294. Argentine.Confederation, war with Paraguay, i, 257-9. Argonaut, i, 286 n. Arica, i, 307, 315, 322 ; bom- barded, 334. Ariel captured b\ Alabama, i, 154, 157, 168. : Arkansas, State, i, 37. Arkansas, i, 71-2. Armide, Tab. x, i, 267 ; in Baltic, 277. Arminius, Tab. x ; des. i, 269; breaks blockade. 277. 281 ; in Elbe, 278. 346 INDEX OF NAMES. Armstrong, Sir W., Mitchell, & Co., ii, 36, 245, 248, 250, 255; v. also Elswick. Arrogante, ii, 208. Asan, C. land at, ii, 51 ; action off, ii, 67-73 5 sinking of Kow- shing off, 73-77 ; m. 82. Aspic, Tab. xv. Assar-i-Chevket, Tab. xxv ; des. i, 287 ; at Sulina, 289 ; torpedo attack on, 299-300 ; action with Vesta, 304-5 ; m. ii, 137. Assar-i-Tewfik, i, 287. Astrea, Tab. xxiii, ii, 141, 257. Asuncion, i, 263. Atahnalpa, Tab. xi ; des. i, 312; m- 333- Atalante, Tab. x, i, 267 ; in North Sea, 275. Athens, Policy of, in war, i, 184 n. Atlanta, i, 179. Atlanta, ex Fingal, details of, i, 97-99 ; defeat and capture by Weehawken, 99-100. Atlanta, U.S.N., ii, 281-2. Atlanta, see Tallahassee. Atlantic, Russ. fleet in, 1877, i, 286. Audacious, elevation, PI. xxxvii, ii, 220 ; des. ii, 222. Augusta, breaks blockade, i, 278, 281 ; captures three French ships, 278, 280. Aurora, Tab. xxiii, ii, 256-7. Aurora, see Gustavo Sampaio. Australia, ii, 208. Austria. War with Italy, i, 211- 251 ; fleet off Ancona, 216 ; Tegetthoff, commander, 225 ; state of fleet, 226-7 J compared with It., 227 ; want of guns, 226, 228 ; personnel ill-affected, 227 ; ill-trained, 228 ; Lissa bom- barded, 221 — 225; fleet puts to sea, 229 ; battle of Lissa, 230- 248 ; war with Denmark, i, 226. Avni-Allah, i, 287. Azazieh, i. 287. Azores, Alabama at, i. 152-3 ; strat. importance of, 170, 172 ; Augusta blockade at, 278. B. Bacchante, Tab. xxiii, ii, 255. Bahamas and blockade-runners, i, 86, 147, 185-187. Bahia, seizure of Florida at, i, 150; importance of, 170. Bahia, Tab. xvii, i, 259,261, 263. Bailey, i, 45. Baldwin, i, no. Bali, i, 290. Balkans, i, 288. Ballistite, a smokeless powder used by Tamandare, ii, 39. Balmaceda, President, revolt against, ii, 16-17 ; downfall of, 32-4- Baltic, Campaign in 1870, i, 274, 276-7; French strategy in, 271- 281 ; difficulty of landing, 281 ; Russian fleet in 1877, 286 ; canal to North Sea, 285. Baltimore, ii, 283-4. Bangkok, i, 169. Banjo, ii, 85. Banks, General, i, 75, 80-1, 154. Barbadoes, i, 149. Barfleur, sister to Centurion, Tab. xxii ; elevation, PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; des. ii, 236. Barham, ii, 196-7. Barnaby, i, 228. Barros, i, 263. Barroso, i, 263-264; hits on, 262. Barroso, i, 258, 260-1. Basilisk, i, 226. Basques, m. i, 252. Bat, i, 188. INDEX OF NAMES. 347 Baton Rouge, i, 61, 69, 72. Battenberg, Pr. Louis of, ii, 152. Battery Bee, i, 87. Gregg, i, 87. ,, Marion, i, 87. Batum, M. xvi, i, 298 ; boom at, i, 297 ; t. attacks on Turks at, 298, 301— 3. Batzushka, i, 286. Baudin, see Amiral Baudin. Bayard, in China Sea, ii, 12 ; at Sheipoo 13 ; des. ii, 266. Bazaine, Marshal, i, 251. Bazley, i, 113. Beacon, Tab. xii, i, 339. Beaufort, i, 184. Beaufort, i, 15, 19. Beauregard, General, q. i, 93, 97. Behring's Sea, i, 167. Beja, ii, i. Belfast, i, 170, 172. Bell, Commander, i, 45. Bella Vista, i, 261. Belleisle, purchased from Turkey, ii, 224. Bellerophon , elevation PI. xxxvii. ii, 220 ; des. ii, 221 ; improve- ments in, 254 ; m. 185, 260. Belliqueuse, des. ii, 260 ; m. i, 267, 275- Belmont, Battle of, i, 63. Belmonte, i, 260. Benbow, des. ii, 231 ; weakness of, 164. See " Admirals." Benjamin Constant, ii, 36. Bennington, ii, 284. Benton, des. i, 62 ; at Vicks- burg, 78 ; at Grand Gulf, 79. Berenguela, in Pacific, i, 252 ; at Valparaiso, 253-4 ; at Callao, 255-6; damaged, 255. Beresford, Lord Chas., conduct at Alexandria, i, 346-7. Berkvirdelen, i, 289. Berlin Decree, i, 197. Bermuda, case of the, i, 200. Bermuda and the blockade, i, 86, 98, 168, 186, 193; Florida coals at, 149. Bertin, ii, 58. Biberibe, i, 260. Bilboa, i, 199. Biobio, Tab. xvi ; at Caldera, ii, 23, 26. Birkenhead, i, 152, 168, 307. Biscay, Bay of, i, 278 ; ii, 184-6. Bittern, Tab. xii ; at Alexandria, i> 339. 348. Bizerta, ii, 1. Black Prince, sister to Warrior^ Tab. xxii ; elevation, PI. xxxvii, ii, 220 ; des. 220. Black Sea, Russian fleet in, i, 134, 286 ; Turkish in, 287. Blake, i, 155. Blake, sister to Blenheim, Tab. xxiii ; PI. ix, 1,174; des. ii, 256 ; m., i, 311. Blakely guns ; early rifled, i, 147, 152. Blanca in Pacific, i, 252 ; at Val- paraiso, 253 ; at Callao, 255-6. Blanche, ii, 257. Blanco Encalada, Tab. xi, xvi, xxv ; elevation, PI. xxi. ii, 28; des., i, 313 ; searches for Hua- scar, 322 ; sights her, 323 ; pursues, 324; enters action, 328; damage, 330- 1 ; blockades Callao, 333. Revolts against Balmaceda, ii, 16-17; under fire at Valparaiso, 19-20 ; launch attacks Imperial t 21, at Caldera, 22 ; torpedoed and sunk, 22-29 ! attempts to raise, 33 ; m, 135, 137. Blanquilla, i, 153. 348 INDEX OF NAMES. Blenheim, Tab. xxiii, PI. ix. i, 174 ; des. ii, 256 ; m. 289. Blitz, i, 226. Boggio, It. deputy, on Re d'ltalia, i, 218 ; at Lissa, 221 ; does not change ship, 233 ; drowned, 242 ; complains of It. fuses, 247. Boghaz Pass, i, 343. Bolivia. War with Chili, i, 312 ; army, 332. Boltun, i, 286. Bombe, ii, 257, 268. Bordeaux, i, 289. Borneo, i, 157. Boston, i, 184, 202. Boston, ii, 282. Bouet Willaumez, commands Baltic squad., i, 272; puts to sea, id. ; instructions, id. n. ; off Jahde, 273; fresh orders, 273-4; in Baltic, 276-7 ; strictures on, 281 -2. Bouledogue, i, 267. Bourbaki, General, i, 272. Bourbon, i, 269; Bourke, Hon, M., Captain of Victoria, ii, 197 ; misgivings, 197-8 ; character of Tryon, 198 ; jockeys with screws, 199 ; goes below, 202 ; acquitted of all blame, 205-6. Bonvet, gunboat, des. i, 279 ; action with Meteor, 279. Bonvet, battleship, similar to Carnot ; elevation, PI. xlii, ii, 262 ; des. ii, 264. Bowling Green, i, 64, 65. Bradford, Lieutenant, i, 348. Braila, i, 288, 290-2. Brandenburg, compared with Majestic, &c, ii, 242-5. Bratec, i, 286, n. Brazil, Outrage on neutrality of, i, 150- 1, 156; war with Paraguay, 257-8; fleet, 259; personnel, 259 ; battle of Riachuelo, 260-1; Humaita, 262-3; board- ing attacks, 263 ; defeat of Lopez, 264. Revolt of Mello, ii, 35 ; Peixoto's fleet, 36; fight- ing at Rio, 37-40 ; Peixoto's acquired fleet, 40-41 ; collapse of Melloists at Rio, 42 ; tor- pedoing of Aquidaban, 43-49 ; lessons of war, 49-50. Brazil, i, 264. Brazos Island, i, 185. Breckinridge, Tab. ii. Brennan Torpedo, a controllable torpedo for coast defence, ii, 259. Brennus, PI. viii, i, 160 ; des. ii, 263-4; water-tube boilers, 254; m. 116, 135, 271. Brooke, designs Merrimac, i, 4, 5 ; m. 167. Brooklyn Navy Yard, i, 168. Brooklyn, ii, 294. Brooklyn, Tab. ii, iv ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; collides with Kineo, 48 ; receives a hot fire, 50; supports Hartford, 51; at Vicksburg, 70-1 ; at Mobile, 120; stops under Fort Morgan, 122-3; passes the fort, 125-6; loss, 132 ; at Fort Fisher, 137 ; blockades Mississippi, 144-5 I °ff Galveston, 154-5. Brown, ii, 34. Bruat, i, xxxiii, 211. Brunei, on the turret, ii, 220. Buchanan, commands Merrimac, \, 6 ; ill, 15 ; wounded, 19 ; com- mands Tennessee, 117 ; his attempts to ram, 125-6; tactics, 127 ; action with Federal fleet, 130-1 ; wounded, 131 ; m. 25, 129. Buenos Aires, i, 259, 261; ii, 21. Bulk Light, i, 270. Bulloch, q. i, 81 n., 149 n., 160 n., 167 n., 170 n., 171 n., 173 n., 175 n., 199 n. INDEX OF NAMES. 349 Burgoyne, commands Captain, ii, 184; drowned, 188; m. 185, 187. Butler, General, i, 138-9. Byng, i, 224, 251. Cabral, i, 259, 263; boarding attack on, 264. Cadiz, i, 146. Ccesar, Majestic, ii, 237. Caiman, des. ii, 265-6; m. 272. Cairo, i, 38, 62. Cairo, des. i, 62 n. ; sunk by mines, 73, 84. Caldera Bay, M. xxi, ii, 21 ; torpedo affair in, ii, 22-27; action with Aconcagua off, 29 ; visited by torpedo craft, 31. Caldwell, i, 44. Caleb Cushing, i, 149. Caledonia, ii, 221. Callao, bombarded, i, guns mounted, 255 ; affair off, 332 ; blockade of, 333-4; long-range bombardment, 333; m. 208, 253, 315. Cambrian, ii, 213. Camperdown, Loss at, ii, 110; frigates at, 139. Camperdown see Collingwood, "Admirals"; in Mediterranean fleet, ii, 196 ; turning circle, 197 ; turns towards Victoria, 199; collides with her, 200-1; precautions on board, 201 ; damage to, 205, 160; telegraph fails, 168, 201 ; force of blow, 207. Canada, Tab. xxiii ; ii, 255. Canaries, i, 156 ; strategical im- portance, 170, 171, 172. Canet guns on Japanese ships, ii, 58 ; hits at Yalu, 1 12c ; power of, 179, 250. Canopus, ii, 238, 271. 255-6 ; torpedo Canseco, i, 322. Canton, i, 169 ; squad, ii. 62. Cape, The, i, 167, 170-1. Cape Blanco, i, 156. Cape Comorin, i, 157. Cape Fear River, i, 135, 186. Cape San Roque, i, 156, 170. Capetown, i, 156. Cape Verde, i, 171. Capitan Prat, ii, 17. Cappellini, on Palestro, i, 241. Captain, des. ii, 183 ; stability 184; favourable opinions of 185 ; in B. of Biscay, id. rolls heavily, 185-6 ; vanishes 186 ; last moments, 187-8 verdict of court-martial, 189 m. 207, 225, 239. Carbajal, i, 327. Carignano v. Principe di C. Carlo Alberto, Tab. vii, i, 222, 242. Carlson, i, 104. Carnot, elevation, PI. xlii, ii, 262; des. ii, 264; m. 154, 271. Carolina, North, i, 106, 181. Carolina, South, i, 86, 177, 181. Carondelet, des. i, 62 ; at Fort Henry, 63 ; at Fort Donelson, 64-5 ; passes Id. No. 10, 67 ; at Fort Pillow, 68 ; engages Arkansas, 71; passes Vicksburg, 78 ; at Grand Gulf, 79, Casablanca, ii, 268. Cassini, ii, 268. Castine, ii, 289. Caste Ifidardo, Tab. vii ; des. i, 213; short of petty officers, 215; at Ancona, 216; at Lissa, 219, 222, 225 ; position in line, 232 ; engages Kaiser, 239 ; damage, 245. Catskill, Tab. iii ; at Charlestown, i, 101 ; hits on, ii, 246. 35o INDEX OF NAMES. Cattegat, i, 284. Caucasus, i, 287. Cayuga, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; passes forts, 46-7 ; en- gages Confederate gunboats, 54. Cecille, ii, 267. Centurion, Tab. xxii ; elevation, PI. xxxix, ii, 232; des. ii, 236; nickel - steel armour, 253 ; m. 234, 237, 271. Cerbere, Tab. x, i, 267. Chacabuco, Tab. xi ; i, 313. Chacal at Sfax, ii, 2. Chalmers, ii, 254. Chalmette, i, 56. Champion, ii, 6, 27. Channel Isles, i, 210. Channel Squadron, French, in 1870, i, 267, 278. Chao Yong or Yung, see Tshao Yong. Charlemagne, des. ii, 264-5; com- pared with Majestic, &c, 242-5 ; m. 271. Charles Martel, ii. 264. Charleston, M. v, i, 92 ; North anxious to reduce, i, 86 ; defences of, 86-7 ; action off, 87-9 ; Dupont ordered to attack, 91 ; the attack, 92-5 ; Beauregard on, 97 ; Dahlgren attacks, 101-2; torpedo affairs off, 103-4; fall of, 137, 185; blockade of, 183; m. 2, 64, I2i, 135, 165, 183, 190, 194, 208 ; ii, 168. Charleston, ii, 283. Chateau Renault, ii, 12. Chattanooga, i, 179. Chemulpho, Japs, land at, ii. 51 ; m. 81. Chen Sing, Tab. xv ; ii, 5. Chen Yuen, Tab. xviii ; elevation and deck plan, PI. xxiii, ii, 62 ; in action, PI. xxix, ii, 100 ; side after battle, PI. xxx, 11, no; cf. also Ting Yuen, sister ship, PI. xxxii, ii, 122; des. ii, 62-3 ; defects, 63-4 ; prepara- tions on board, 81 ; in G. of Korea, 84 ; place in line, 87, 89 ; decks drenched, 88 ; in battle of Yalu, 93-100; shots fired, H2A; hits on, 112c ; speed, 1 1 2D; on fire, 100, 113; torpedoes of, 114; value of armour, 121 ; at Wei-hai-wei, 126, 128 ; sur- rendered, 133. Cherbourg, action off, i, 157- 164; near Alderney, 210; Baltic fleet fits out at, 271-2; m. 275, 276; harbour enclosed, ii, 134- Cherub, i, 150. Chesapeake Bay, i, 179, 185. Chestakoff, i, 290-2. Chevalier, ii, 257, 268. Chi-an, Tab. xv ; ii, 5 ; position, 6 ; sunk, 9. Chicago, PI. vi, i, 96, ii, 281. Chickasaw, Tab. iv; des. i, 119; at Mobile, 119; position, 120; under Ft. Morgan, 123; attacks Tennessee, 131 ; bombards Ft. Powell, 134. Chicora, blockade-runner, i, 194. Chicora, Confederate ; action off Charleston, i, 87-8. Chih Yuen, Tab. xviii ; PI. xxxi, ii, 114; des. ii, 65; in G. of Korea, 84; position in line, 89 ; attacks Akagi, 93, 98 ; engaged by Yoshino, 94; at- tempts to ram and is sunk, 94, 101, 104; cause of loss, 101, 1120; deck did not save her, 120; m. 105, 114, 119, 159. Childers, ii, 184. Chili. War with Spain, i, 253 ; issues letters of marque, id. ; Valparaiso bombarded, 253-4 ; captures Covadonga, id. ; re- INDEX OF NAMES. 35i quested to seize Huascar, 306. War with Peru and Bolivia, 312 ; fleet, 313-4, Tab. xi ; configuration, 314, ii, 18 ; good gunnery, i, 318-9 ; loss of Esmeralda, 315—320 ; search for Huascar, 322 ; disposition of fleet, 322-3 ; capture of Huascar, 330 ; gains command of sea, 332. Congressional re- volt, ii, 16-7 ; desultory warfare, 19-21 ; torpedoing of Blanco Encalada, 22-30 ; downfall of Balmaceda, 32 ; Itata affair, 33-4- Chillicothe, i. 73. Chiltem, i, 337-8. China. War with France, ii, 4; squadron on the Min, 5-6 ; de- stroyed, 7-1 1 ; French pass Min forts, 12 ; torpedoing of Yu-yen at Shei'poo, 13-15 ; rice, 15. Quarrel with Japan, 51 ; C. troops land at Asan, id. ; government of China, 54 ; C. navy 56, 62-65 ! docks, 65-6 ; Europeans in fleet, 66 ; action of Tsi Yuen and Yoshino, 68-71 ; Konoshing sunk, 73-7 ; breaches | of international law, 77-79; C. ; fleet at sea, 80 ; orders of Li Hung Chang, 82 ; fleet with i convoy leaves Taku, 84 ; battle of Yalu, 88-103; ships sunk, 105 n. ; cowardice of C, 107 ; gunnery, ib. s 112; loss, 109- 110; guns, II2-H2A; damage, H2B-C ; fleet at Port Arthur, 126 ; retires to W ei-hai-wei, 126 ; Port Arthur captured, 127 ; tor- pedo attacks at Wei-hai-wei, 128-132 ; capture of Wei-hai-wei, 133- China Sea, i, 170. Citing Yuen, sister of Chih Yuen, PI. xxxi, ii, 114; Tab. xviii, \ xxv ; des. ii, 65 ; in G. of Korea, 84 ; place in line at Yalu, 89 ; part in battle, 93-6, 102; loss, 109; hits on, 112c; | Vol. II. fires, 102, 1 13 ; torpedoes of. 1 14 ; at Wei-hai-wei, 126 ; torpedoed, 132 ; sunk, 133 ; m. 119. Ching Wei, Tab. xv, ii, 5-9. Chippewa, Tab. v, i, 137. Chiyoda, Tab. xix ; losses, xxi ; des. ii, 58 ; at Yalu, 85 ; position, 89 ; torpedoes Yang Wei, 96 ; no loss, 109. Chokai, ii, 85. Choutka, i, 294. Chun Hing, Tab. xv. Cincinnati, i, 38. Cincinnati, des. i, 62 n ; at Fort Henry, 63; rammed, 68; sunk, 80-1, 84. Cincinnati, ii, 287. City Point, i, 105. Clarence, i, 149. Clowes, W. Laird, q., i, 22 ; ii, 49, 86, 159. Clydebank, ii, 208. Cochrane, see AJmirante Coch- rane. Colbert off Sfax, ii, 2-3 ; des. 261. Coles' turret design, i, 8, 33, 306, ii, 224-5, 220 ! designs Captain, 183-4; drowned on her, 185-6. Collingivood, Tab. xxii ; eleva- tion, PI. xxxix, ii, of "Admiral" class ; des. ii, 230-1 ; defects, 233 ; m. 196. Collins, i, 1 50-1. Colomb, q. ii, 138, 169. Colombo, i, 259, 263. Colonel Lovell, i, 67. Colorado, Tab. v, i, 137. Colossus, Tab. xxii ; elevation, PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; des. ii, 229 ; defects, 240 ; m. 231, 239. Columbia, ii, 288. Columbiad, a heavy smooth-bore gun firing shell, i, 1. Columbus, i, 61, 64-5. A A 352 INDEX OF NAMES. Comisa, i, 220, 222, 224. Comus, sister to Canada, Tab. xxiii, ii, 227. Concon, ii, 32. Concord, ii, 284. Condor, English, Tab. xii ; at Alexandria, i, 340 ; well handled by Lord C. Beresford, 346-47, 348. Condor, French, ii, 268. Conestoga, des. i, 62 ; m. 63-4. Confederates, Southerners, Seces- sionists, Rebels, Citizens of the Confederacy of eleven States which seceded from the United States in 1861 ; naval resources, i, 1-2, 106-7, 117-18; cotton, 177, 196; configuration, 179, 204-5; population, 179-80; food supply, 37, 82-3 ; manufactures, 178, 193-4 ; importance of Missis- sippi to, 37, 83 ; rise of prices, 83, 195-6 ; artillery, 40, 136 ; torpedo department, 102-5, 115; warships, 1-6, 41-2, 87, 98, 106-7, 116-17; cruisejs, 144-169. Congress, at Hampton roads, i, 14 ; attacked by Merrimac, 15 ; tries to escape, 18 ; burnt, 19 ; m., 34. Congreve, i, xxxii. Connyngham, i, 173. Conqueror, elevation, PI., xxxix, ii, 232 ; des., ii, 229 ; m., 232. Conrad or Tuscaloosa, i, 156. Constantine, Grand Duke, des. i, 292 ; off Sulina, 293; off Sukhum Kale, 298-9, off Batum, 301-3; m., 286. Constantinople, i, 287 Cooke, i, 106-7. Copiapo, ii, 24. Coquette, i, 188, 195. Coquirabo, i, 253. Cordite, a smokeless powder, ii, 1 12. Corrientes, i, 261. Corvette Pass, i, 342. Courbet at Foochow, ii, 4 ; destroys Chinese squadron, 7 — 12; passes Min forts, 12; at Sheipoo, 13-14. Courbet, des. ii, 262. Couronne, Tab. x.; des. ii, 260; m. i, 150, 267, 275. Couting Island, ii, 12. Covadonga, Tab. xi ; captured from Spain by Ch., i, 252-3 ; des. 313-14; left at Iquique, 315; action with Independencia, 316-19; escapes, 320; damage to, 321 ; sunk, 334; m., 322, 323, 329- Craven, T.A.M., drowned on Tecumseh, i, 124. Craven, T.T., i, 49-51 ; 311 n. Crimean War. Bombardment of Kinburn, i, xxxiii-vi, landing on Crimea, 281 ; high-angle fire, 355 ; m., 207. ii, 218, 220, 245. Cuba, i, 147, 187. Cumberland, Hampton Roads, i, 14; attacked by Merrimac, 16- 17; heroism of her crew, 17; rammed 16 ; value of her re- sistance, 18 ; m, ii, 160. Cumberland River, i, 61, 63. Curupaity, i, 262, 263. Curuzu, i, 262. Cushing. Torpedo attack on Albemarle, i, 1 1 1-3. Custozza, i, 217. Cuyler, R.R., Tab. v, i, 137, 148. Cyclops, des. ii, 226. Cygnet, Tab. xii ; i, 340. Czarevitch, i, 290-2. Czarevna, i, 290-2. D. Da Gama, ii, 39, 42. Dahlgren, in command at Char- leston, i, 100 ; unsuccessful attacks, 101 ; m. 121, 194. INDEX OF NAMES. 353 Dahlgren guns, heavy smooth- bores designed by the above, i, I, 5, 10, 26. Dalmatians in Austrian fleet, i, 227 D'Amico, i, 220-1. Danube, torpedo actions on, i, 289-295 ; Sulina attacked, 295-7 > m. 287, 288. Danzig, i, 278 ; ii, 276. Daring, PI. x, i, 208. Dauphin Island, i, 114. " David," i, 103, 208 ; ii, 259. Davis, i, 67, 69, 74. Davout, ii, 267. Dawkins, ii, 191-2. Decoy, Tab. xii, i, 340. Deer, i, 188. Deerhound, i, 160, 163. Defence, ii, 220 n. De Grasse, i, 38. De Gueydon, i, 277. De Horsey, commander on Pacific station, i, 306 ; attacks Huascar, j 308-310. De Kalb, ex St. Louis, des. i, 62 ; at Ft. Henry, 63; at Ft. Donel- son, 64-5 ; on Yazoo, So ; sunk, 84. Delaware, River, i, 154. Delaware, State, i, 149, 179. Denmark, orders turret-ship, i, 8, 33 ; war of 1864, 33, 226 ; | France hopes for her alliance, 271 ; m., 273, 276, 280-81. Depretis succeeds Angioletti, i, 215 ; despatch to Persano, 217-8 ; responsible for attack on Lissa, 220. Desaix, ii, 2. D'Estaing, Tab. xv; at Foochow, ii, 4, 6-9; descends Min, 11. Desterro, ii, 43, 45. "Destroyer," des. ii, 258; m. ii, 148 ; i, 208. Destroyer, see Piratiny. Detroit, ii, 287. Devastation, English, Tab. xxii ; elevation, PI. xxxvii, ii, 220 ; des. ii, 225-26; crew, 213; deck, 227 ; low freeboard, 239 ; hand- worked guns, 247 ; m. 233, 272. Devastation, French floating bat- tery, i, xxxii-vi. Devastation, French battleship, des. ii, 262 ; hydraulic machinery, 247 ; m. 272. Diaz, Marcilio, Tab. xvii, ii, 37. D'Iberville, ii, 268. Dieppe, i, 273. Dieudonne, i, 267, 272, ii, 275B. Dilaver Pasha, i, 289. Dixon, i, 104. Djigit, i, 290-2. Docka, i, 286 n, Doctor Batey, i, 74. Dog river, i, 117. Dolphin, ii, 281, 283 Donau, Tab. viii, i, 227. Don Juan of Austria, Tab. viii ; des., i, 226-7 ! position in line at Lissa, 230 ; part in battle, 243. Doubasoff, i, 290-1. •' Double-enders," des., i, 182 n. Douglas, Gen. Sir H., q., i, 4, 34. Dover, i, 157. ii, 134. Drache, Tab. viii ; des., i, 227 ; position at Lissa, 230 ; engages Palestro, 235 ; part in battle, 243. Dragon, i, 29. Dreadnought, des., ii. 226 ; m., 196, 202. Dryad, ii, 213. Duboc, ii, 13-14. Duburquois, ii, 275B. Duckworth, Admiral, i, 38. ii, 50. A A 2 354 INDEX OF NAMES. Dugnay Trouin, Tab. xv ; at Foo- chow, ii, 4, 6-9 ; descends Min, 11-12. Duguesclin, ii, 266. Duke of Genoa, Tab. vii. Dumbarton, i, 165. Duncan, General, i, 42, 44, 58. Dunderberg, ii, 277-8. Dunkirk, i, 276, 278. Duperre, see Amiral Duperre. Dupont or Du Pont, captures Port Royal, i, 184, 281 ; in command before Charlestown, 89 ; attacks unsuccessfully, 92-95 ; by order, 91 ; refuses to renew attack, 95 n. ; recalled, 100 ; m. 97, 121, 194. Duppel, ii, 275B. Dupuy de Lome, French naval architect, ii, 219. Dupuy de Lome, PI. xv, i, 311; des., ii, 267; end-on fire, 269; fit for line, 143. Dursternbrock, i, 270. E. Eads, J. B., naval architect and engineer, designs Mississippi gunboats, i, 62, 73 ; monitors, 119; introduces armour-deck, ii, 227. East Gulf Squadron, i, 185. Eastport, i, 64. Echo, i, 143. Eckernford, ii, 275B. Eckernsunde, i, 33. Eclaireur, ii, 13. Eclipse, Tab. xxiii ; m. ii, 140-142. Edgar, Tab. xxiii, ii, 256 ; m. i, 311, ii, 155, 196. Edward's Ferry, i, 106. Egypt. Riots at Alexandria, i, 336 ; English fleet before, 336- 340 ; Egyptian forts, 340-1 ; English ultimatum, 342-3 ; bom- bardment, 344-348 ; damage to forts, 351-2. Eider Canal, i, 278. Elbe, i, 226, 274, 277, 278. Electric Spark, captured by Florida, i, 150, 168. Elgar, Professor, q. ii, 174, 207. Elisabeth, Kaiserin, Tab. viii ; at Lissa, i, 237-8. Elisabeth, i, 277-8. Ellerbeck, i, 270. Ellet, i, 68. Elswick, ii, 36, 59. See also Arm- strong. Enterprise, English, ii, 221. Enterprise, U.S.N., ii, 6-7. Era No. 5, i, 73. Erebus, i, xxxiii. Ericsson, J., designer of Monitor, i, 6-7 ; letter to Navy Depart- ment, 6-7 n. ; introduces turret, 8-9; his critics, 11-2; ships can- not fight forts, 91 ; night attacks, 97 ; invulnerability of his ships, i, 266, ii, 246 ; later designs, i, 89 ; the Destroyer, ii, 40 ; Stock- ton, ii, 211; and the Stevens' battery, ii, 218 ; armour deck, 227; and Napoleon III., i, 8, ii, 218. Esmeralda, wooden cruiser, Tab. xi, des. i, 313 ; captures Cova- donga, 253 ; left at Iquique, 315; action with Huascar, 316- 319; sinks, 319; m. 331. Steel cruiser, Tab. xvi ; des. ii, 17-8, 255; aids insurgents, 16; m. 22, 29. Essex, frigate, i, 38, 133, 150. Essex, gunboat, des. i, 62 ; at Ft. Henry, 63 ; attacks Arkansas, 72. Esperanca, ii, 39. Esploratare, Tab. vii, i, 216, 217, 220, 225. Europeans in Chinese Navy, ii, 66, 88. Excellent, i, 152. INDEX F. Faa di Bruno, at Lissa, i, 236-7. Farragut, D. G. life, i, 38-9; at New Orleans, 45 ; his conduct, 48-9 ; difficulties, 58-9 ; at Vicks- burg, 69-70 ; attacks Arkansas, 72; at Port Hudson, 74-6; destroys stores, 77 ; leaves Mis- sissippi, 80; at Mobile, 118, asks for ironclads, 119; his dis- positions, 120; letter to his wife, 1 20- 1 ; on position of admiral, 46, 120, ii, 151-2, n. ; climbs rig- ging, i, 121 ; takes the lead, 124-5 ; passes the fort, 127 ; rams the Tennessee, 130 ; narrow escape, 130 ; on his crew, 133 ; use of chain armour, 160 ; com- pared with Tegetthoff, 226, 228 ; with Bouet Willaumez, 281-2 ; on armour, ii, 121 ; m. 50, 144, I5i> 153- Fasana Canal, i, 228, 229, 24S. Favourite, ii, 221. Fayal, i, 153, 273. Fearless, ii, 196-7. Federals, or Northerners, the in- habitants of those States which were faithful to the Union in 1 861. See United States. Feiseen, renamed Inhanduay , ii, 41. Fei Yuen, Tab. xv ; at Foochow, ii, 5, 6-9. Ferdinand Max, Erzherzog. Tab. viii ; des. i, 226-7 ; flagship, 229 ; place in line at Lissa, 230 ; rams Re d 'Italia, 236-7 ; rams unknown vessels, 238 ; share in the battle, 242 ; m. 243 ; ii, 160. Fernandina, i, 184. Fernando de Noronha Island. Neutrality infringed, i, 151, 156 ; strateg. importance of, 170-1. Ferre Diego, killed on Huascar, i, 327. OF NAMES. 355 I Feth-i-Bulend, i, 287, 293. Feth-ul-Islam, i, 289, 290. Fieramosca, Ettore, Tab. vii. Finance, ii, 41. Fingal v. Atalanta. Finisterre, ii, 185, 186. First of June, battle of, ii, no, 115. Fishbourne, q. i, 34. Flandre, des. i, 267, and Tab. x. 272-277. Flavio Gioja, 1, 219. Florida, i, 177, 181, 184. 187. Florida, ex Oreto, des. i, 146-7 ; at Nassau, 147 ; runs into Mobile, 148 ; runs out, id. des- troys commerce, 148-9 ; prizes captured, 149 j on Northern coast, 150 ; seized at Bahia, 150-1 ; sunk, 151. j Florida Straits, i, 170. Flusser, C. W., killed, i, 108. Flying Squadron, Japanese, off Asan, ii, 67; attacks Tsi Yuen, 68-72 ; at Yalu, 85, 89, 124. Fong commands Tsi Yuen, ii, 67- 70 ; sentenced to death, 73 ; care- lessness, 74 ; misconduct at Yalu, 102-3. Foo Ching, ii, 65. Foochow, destruction of Chinese squad, off, ii, 4-1 1 ; dock, ii, 65 ; squadron, 62, 134. Foo Poo, Tab. xv ; at Foo-chow, ii, 5, 9- I Foo Sing, Tab. xv, xxv ; at Foochow, ii, 5, 6-7, 65, 126. Foote, in command on upper Mis- sissippi, i, 38, 63; wounded, 67. Forbach, i, 275. Forban, ii, 268. For bin, ii, 217, 268. Forest Queen, \, 78. 356 INDEX C Formidabile, Tab. vii ; des., i, 212-13 ; at bombardment of Lissa, 222-23 >' position during battle of Lissa, 225 ; steams off, 232 ; damage during bombard- ment, 245 ; PI. xliv, ii, 266. Formidable, sister of Amiral Ban- din, which see, ii, 263, 147. Fort Ada, Tab. xiii ; des. i, 340; guns disabled, 351; m., 342, 347, 349, 355. 356. Fort Ajemi, Tab. xiii; des. 1, 340; m., 356. Fort Andes, ii, 19. Fort Beauregard, i, 87, Tab. iii. Fort Buchanan, i, 137. Fort Bueros, ii, 19. Fort Charles, i, 69. Fort Constantine, i, xxxi. Fort De Russy, i, 80. Fort Donelson, capture of, i, 64-5. Fort Fisher, its importance, i, 135 ; des. 135-7 ! fi rst naval expedi- tion against, 137 ; the powder boat, 138; bombardment 139-40; second expedition, 140 ; bom- bardment, 141 ; capture, 142. Fort Gaines, des. i, 115; capture, 134. Fort Henry, capture, i, 63-4. Fort Hindman, i, 73. Fort Hospital, i, 347, 352, Tab. xiii. Fort Jackson, des. i, 40 ; bom- barded by fleet, 43-4 ; passed by fleet, 45, 54; garrison, 57; m., 39, 56, 59, 127, Tab. ii. Fort Kamaria, i, 340, Tab. xiii. Fort Lage, ii, 38. Fort La Mercede, i, 256. Fort Lighthouse, i, 342-43, 346 ; ceases fire, 347. Fort Marabout, Tab. xiii, i, 340 ; engaged by Condor, 346-47. Fort Marsa, Tab. xiii, i, 340, 346. ] F NAMES. I Fort Martello, i, 351. Fort McAllister, i, 90. Fort Monroe, i, 35. Fort Morgan, des. i, 114-15; passed by the fleet, 122-127; shots fired, 128 ; captured, 134. Fort Moultrie, i, 92. Fort Nikolaiev, i, xxxiv. Fort Oom-el-Kubebe, Tab. xiii ; des. i, 340 ; guns disabled, 352 ; m., 343- Fort Pharos, Tab. xiii ; des. i, 340 ; evacuated, 347 ; guns disabled, 351 ; m. 343, 349, 355, 356. Fort Pillow, i, 61 ; battle of, 67-8 ; captured, 68. Fort Powell, i, 114, 134. Fort Ras-el-Tin, Tab. xiii ; des. i, 340 ; Moncrieff gun, 341 ; guns disabled, 352 ; m. 337, 342, 346. Fort St. Philip, Tab. ii ; des. i, 40; passed by fleet, 46-54; fall of, 56; m. 45. Fort Saleh Aga, Tab. xiii, i, 340 ; guns disabled, 351. Fort Santa Cruz, ii, 37-8. Fort Sao Joao, ii, 38, 39. Fort Silsileh, Tab. xiii ; guns mounted at, i, 337 ; position, 340; m. 342, 351. Fort Sumter, Tab. iii ; position, i, 86-7 ; attacked by Dupont, 92-95; by Dahlgren, 101-102; Ericsson urges night attack on, 97- Fort Valdivia, ii, 19. Fort Villegagnon, ii, 37, 38, 42. F^ort Wagner, Tab. iii, i, 87, 92, 101. Foster, General, i, 107. Foudroyante, i, xxxii. Fourichon commands French North Sea squad., i, 267, 275-277. INDEX OF NAMES. 357 Fox, G. V., i, 38, 91, 184. France. Unprepared state of navy in 1870, i, 265; ships, 266-268; expedition to Baltic, 271 ; dis- patch of a squad. 272-3 ; Fouri- j chon leaves Mediterranean, 275 ; j difficulty of coaling, 276; gunners ! landed, 276 ; blockade, 278 ; and China, see China. Declares rice contraband, ii, 15 ; navy, ii, 260-266 ; compared with Eng- lish, 270-275. Franquet, i, 279. Fraser, Trenholm & Co., i, 194. Fratesti, i, 289. Friedland, ii, 261, 272. Friedrich, Erzherzog, Tab. viii, i, 238. Friedrich Karl, Tab. x, des. i, 269; retires to Wilhelmshaven, j 273, 278. Friedrichsort, i, 270. Frisbee, i, 53. Fuentes, ii, 22, 30. Fuh Sing, Tab. xv, ii, 5. Fulminant, ii, 265. Fu Lung, Tab. xviii. Funk, i, 167. Furieux, ii, 265. Fusoo, Tab. xix ; loss, xxi ; des. ii, 57 ; at Yalu, 85 ; position, 89 ; hotly engaged, 92 ; very slow, 106 ; loss, 109 ; kept station, 113 ; m. 124. a. Gaeta, Tab. vii. Gaines, i, 118, 128. Galatz, i, 288. Galena, Tab. iv, i, 9, 120. Galissoniere, des. ii, 266 ; at Sfax, ii, 2-3 ; in the East, 12. Galsworthy, Captain, ii, 75-76. Galvez, i, 256. Garezon, i, 329. Garibaldi, i, 211. Garibaldi, Tab. vii, i, 221. Gauloise, i, 267, 272, General Beauregard, i, 67, 69, 85. General Bragg, i, 67-8. General Jeff. Thompson, i, 67. General Lovell, Tab. ii, i, 68-9, 85- General Quitman, Tab. ii, i, 42. General Stirling Price, i, 67, 68, 78, 85. General Sumter, i, 67, 68. General Van Dorn, i, 67. Genesee, i, 74-5. Geneva Arbitration, i, 149, 174. Genoa, i, 213. Georgia, State of, i, 177, 178, 181. Georgia, ex Japan, des. i, 165-6 ; m. 170, 174. Germany, coast of, i, 268; fleet, 269, 270 ; measures for coast defence, 273; dispositions dur- ing war of 1870, 278; Arminius and Elizabeth, 277 ; Meteor and Bouvet, 279; well prepared, 283. Gibraltar, i, 146; ii, 134, 217. Gibson, Miiner, q. i, 168. Giglio, Tab. vii. Giraffe, i, 188. Gladiateur, ii, 2. Glasgow, i, 165. Glassell, i, 103. Glatton, floating battery, i, xxxiii. Glatton, turret-ship, ii, 226. Gloire, Tab. x; des. ii, 218-9, 260 ; m. i, 7, 267 ; ii 220. Gobernador Island, ii, 35. Golden Rocket, i, 145. Goni, ii, 24, 27. 358 INDEX OF NAMES. Gonzalez, ii, 25. Goodrich, q. i, 354. Gorgon, ii, 226. Goubet, ii, 259, 268. Gourdon, ii, 13-4. Gourko, General, i, 287. Governolo, Tab. vii, i, 240. Governor Moore, Tab. ii ; des. i, 41-2 ; engaged, 55 ; sunk, 56. Goya, i, 261. Grand Duke Constantine, see Con- st antine. Grand Gulf attacked, i, 70 ; falls, 80 ; m. 70, 77. Grant, General, i, 63, 64 ; at Shiloh, 65 ; at Vicksburg, 73, 77-8 ; testimony to services of fleet, 82, 83; m. 24,80, 81, 84. Gravelotte, i, 281. Great Belt, i, 277. Great Eastern, ii, 241. Greene, S. D., on Monitor, i, 14, 26, 30-1. Greville, i, 315. Griffiths, i, 328. Grille, i, 278. Grosser Kurfurst, des. ii, 196 ; with German squad., 192; ram- med by K'bnig Wilhelm, 192-3 ; sinks, 193-4. Guacoldo, i, 332, 333. Guale, Tab. xvi ; ii, 30-1. Guanabara, Tab. xvii ; ii, 36. Guerriere, ii, 174. Guiscardo, Tab. vii; i, 220, 221. Gustave Zede, ii, 268 ; PI. xlvi, ii, 270. Gustavo, Sampaio, ex Aurora, des. ii, 36 ; arrives, 39 ; torpedoes Aquidaban, 44-49 ; damage to, 46; m. 42, 43. Guyenne, i, 267, 272. Guzman, ii, 27. Gymnote, ii, 268. H. Habana, see Sumter. Habsburg, Tab. viii ; des. i, 226; position at Lissa, 230 ; part in battle, 242. Haines Bluff, i, 80. Haiyang, Battle of. See Yalu. Haiyang-tao Island, ii, 85, 86. Halifax, i, 168. Halpine torpedo, ii, 259. Hampton Roads, i, 14, 22, 24, 104, 151. Hanneken,. Major Von, strate- gical adviser to Admiral Ting, ii, 66 ; on the Kowshing, 73-77 ; on Ting Yuen, 88 ; wounded, 99. Hannibal, ii, 237. See also Majestic. Hanus, Lieutenant, q. ii, 286. Harding, I., i, 346. Harriet Lane, i, 183. Hartford, flagship of Farragut ; off Mississippi, i, 37 ; position at battle of New Orleans, 45-6; in battle, 48-52 ; at Vicksburg, 70-1; at Port Hudson, 75-6; destroys stores, 77 ; at Mobile, 120, 121-5; engages Tennessee, 130; loss, 132, Tab. ii, iv ; m. ii, 144. Harvey process, des. ii, 253. Hashidate, Tab. xix ; losses, xxi ; PI. xxii, ii, 58; des. ii, 58-9; at Yalu, 85 ; place in line, 89 ; hoists Ito's flag, 94 ; loss, 109 ; hits, H2B, 167. Hatteras Island, i, 180, 184. Hatter as, sunk by Alabama, i, 154-5. 157. Havana, i, 56, 144, 171, 187, 195, 279. Havre, i, 278. Hayti, i, 153. Hecate, ii, 226. Heckmann, Herr, ii, 88. INDEX OF NAMES. 359 Hector, ii, 189. Heimdal, i, 226 n. Helicon, Tab. xii ; i, 340. Heligoland, Action off, i, 226 ; French off, i, 275. Henri Grace a Dieu, ii, 212. Henry Clay, i, 78. Herbal, i, 263-4. Hercules, Tab. xxii ; des. ii, 221-2 ; m. 185 ; elevation, PI. xxxiii, ii, 220. Hero, ii, 229. Heroine, i, 267, 275. Hertha, i, 270, 278. Hervey, M., ii, 21, 28, 31. Hickley, ii, 190. Higgins, Col., i, 44, 52, 58. Hirst, i, 298. Hisber i, 289. Hiyei, Tab. xix; losses, xxi ; des. ii, 58 ; at Yalu, 85 ; place in line, 89 ; cut off from line, 92 ; passes between battleships, 93 ; detached for repairs, 95 ; part in battle, 97 ; loss, 108 ; hits on her, 112 a; exterior appear- j ance, 112B; slow, 112D; m. 104, 126. Hobart Pasha, runs American blockade, i, 192, 195 ; with Turkish fleet, 287 ; q. 293, 297, 301. Hobby, Engineer, i, no. Hoche, elevation PI. xlii, ii, 262 ; des. ii, 263 ; m. 269, 272. Hoel, i, 67. Hoffman, Herr, ii, 88, 100. Holyhead, i, 170, 172. Hong Kong, ii, 61. Hood, ii, 235, 240, Hoste, Sir W., i, 219. Hotchkiss gun, ii, 250. Hotspur, ii, 226. Hotham, i, 20. Housatonic, Tab. xxv ; i, 89, torpedoed, 103-4, 208. Howell torpedo, ii, 40. Hsutan, ii, 74. Huascar, Tab. xi, xxv ; PI. xvi, i, 328 ; des. i, 306 ; crew mutiny, 306 ; molests Eng. ships, 306; attacked by Shah, 308-9 ; escapes, 309 ; damage, 309-10 ; compared with her opponents, 310-1 ; speed in 1879, 3 T 4i action with Esmeralda, 315-9 ; rams and sinks Esme- ralda, 319; bad gunnery, 317-8; crew demoralised, 318; damage 320; attacks Magallanes, 321; harries coast, 321 ; captures Rimac, 322 ; sighted by Chilians, 323 ; battle of Angamos, 324- 331 ; crew demoralised, 327 ; attempts to ram, 328; surrenders, 330 ; repaired, 332. Under Chilian flag. Tab. xvi ; block- ades Callao, 333 ; declares for Congress, ii, 16-7 ; at Caldera, 22. Huasco, ii, 22. Humaita, Attacks on, i, 262-264; abandoned, 264. Humber, i, 343. Hunt-Grubbe, i, 343. Huron, Tab. v, i, 137. Hiisum or Bi'isum, i, 278. Hydra, ii, 226. Hyene, ii, 2. I. Ida, i, 134. Idjilalieh, Tab. xxv, i, 287 ; torpedo attack on, 293-4. Ignacio, Admiral, i. 263. Iguatemi, Paraguayan, i, 260. Illinois, State of, i, 61. Illinois, ii, 297-8. Illustrious, see Majestic, ii, 237. 360 INDEX OF NAMES. litis, ii, 77. Imperial, improvised war ship, ii, 16; sent to Caldera, 20-22, 30; stratagem, 32, Tab. xvi. Imperieuse, Tab. xxiii ; elevation, PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; des. ii, 256. Inconsta?it, Tab. xxiii, ii, 185-6, 189, 254. Independencia, Tab. xi ; des. i, 312 ; action with Covadonga, 316-319; attempts to ram, 319; strikes rock and is abandoned, 319-20; m. 314-5, ii, 177. Independenza, Tab. vii, i, 240. Indiana, ii, 291-4. Indianola, des. i, 73 ; rammed and sunk, 74, 84. hidomptable, ii, 265. Inflexible, Tab. xii, xxii ; PI. xvii, i, 338 ; elevation, PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; des. i, 338, ii, 228 ; at Alexandria, 338, 343 ; part in the bombardment, 344-7 ; little ammunition left, 348 ; loss, 349 ; damage, 350 ; effect of her fire, 352-3 ; m. 342 ; tactical influence of her design, ii, 154 ; denuded of armour, 240 ; compound armour, 253 ; m. 196, 263, 270. Ingles, on the Japanese, ii, 53, 106. Intrepide, ii, 2. Invincible, English, see sister ship Audacious, Tab. xii ; des. i, 339 ; ii, 222 ; at Alexandria, i, 337 ; flagship, 336 ; manoeuvres, 347 ; loss, 350 ; damage, id. ; m. 342, 343, 344. Invincible, French, i, 267 ; in North Sea, 275 ; fuel runs short, 276. Iosco, Tab. v, i, 137. Iowa compared with Majestic, &c, ii, 242-5 ; des. 294-5. Ipiranga, Paraguayan, i, 260. Iquique, Attack on Magallanes at, i, 321 ; action off (Esmeralda), 315-320 ; m. 307 ; ii, 28. Iris, ii, 255. Iron Duke, with Channel squad., ii, 189 ; rams Vanguard, 190 ; her ram not damaged, 192 ; court-martial, 192 ; m. 58, 160, 190, 191. Ironsides, New; des. i, 90; solid armour, 9 ; at Charleston, 93-4 ; hits, 101; ii, 246; torpedo attack on, i, 103; at Fort Fisher, 137, 139, 140 ; ii, 277. Tab. iii, v, xxv. Iroquois, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; engages gun-boats, 52 ; at Vicksburg, 70-1 ; blockades Sumter, 145-6. Iscodra, i, 289. Island No. 10, i, 61, 66, 67. Isle of Serpents, i, 293. Ismail Bay, i, 300. Itaipu, ii, 39, 42. Itaipuru, i, 262. Italy threatens Austria, i, 211 ; naval preparations, 212 ; state of fleet, 212-3; personnel, 213; gunners, 214, 215, 246; fleet arrives at Ancona, 215 ; want of guns, &c, 216; fleet ordered to sea, 218; attacks Lissa, 218-224; Austrians appear, 224-5 ; state of It. fleet, 225 ; no plans, id. ; the battle, 231-247; heroism of Re d'ltalia's crew, 237 ; of Palestro's, 241 ; mistake of It., 248-9 ; type of It. battleships, ii, 59- Itasca, Tab. ii, iv ; at New Orleans, i, 44 ; position, 45 ; passes forts, 53 ; retires, 54 ; at Mobile, 120, 128 ; torpedoed, 134. Itata, ii, 33-4. Ito training, ii, 53, 85 ; orders at Yalu, 89; why he drew off, 105-6, 115; after battle, 126; at Wei- hai-wei, id. at Port Arthur, 127; blockades Wei-hai-wei, 128-133 ; position in battle, 152 ; m. 56, 89, 98, 124. INDEX OF NAMES. 361 Itsukushima, Tab. xix ; loss xxi ; PI. xxii, ii, 58 ; des. ii, 58-9 ; at Yalu, 85 ; position in line, 89; loss, 109 ; hit at Wei-hai-wei, 133 ; m, 167. Ivahy, i, 262. J. Jackson, Lieutenant, killed at Alex- andria, i, 350. Jackson, President, i, 38. Jackson, Fort, see Fort Jackson. Jackson, Tab. ii. Jacob Bell, i, 148. Jahde, i, 270, 273, 276, 277. Jamaica, i, 155. James River, i, 35, 105, 180. Jamestown, i, 15, 19. Janequeo attacks Union, i, 332-3. Japan, revival of, ii, 51-3; fleet, 57-60; mercantile marine, 61; docks, id. ; personnel, 53, 73 n., 97, 117; disregard of Chinese, 82, 83 ; action off Asan, 67-71 ; sinking of Kovoshing, 73-77 ; cruelty, 79-80 ; battle of Yalu, 86-110; heavy guns, II2B-C; quick-firers, 1 12C-D ; signals, 119; captures Port Arthur, 127; block- ades Wei-hai-wei, 127-133; torpedo attacks, 128 — 132; m. i, 169, 269, 278. Japan, see Georgia. Jardine and Matheson, ii, 73. Jaureguiberry, i, 280. Jaureguiberry, see Amiral J. Java, ii, 174. Javary, Tab. xvii ; ii, 35 ; sunk, 38-9. Jeff. Davis, i, 143. Jejui, Paraguayan, i, 258 ; sunk, 260. Jemmapes, des. ii, 266; m. 145, 272. Jena, ii, 271. Jeune Ecole. The followers of Admiral Aube in France. They hold that the torpedo-boat and cruiser have displaced the battle- ship ; that speed is everything ; and they have a great belief in bombardments, i, 321-2, 355, ii, 119 ; commerce destruction, i, 314, ii, 119 ; war of coasts, i, 321-2, 324, ii, 119. Jih-tao or Ihtao, ii, 128. John Elder, i, 306. Johnston, on board Tennessee, i, 129, 131. Johnstone, C, captain of Camper- dovon, ii, 201, 206. Jones, on Merrimac, i, 6, 25. Jouett, i, 128. Juniata. Tab. v, i, 137, ii. 6. Jupiter, English, see Majestic, ii, 237- Jupiter, Brazilian, ii, 35. Jylland, i, 226 n. Kai Chi, ii, 65. Kai Koku, ii, 52-3. Kaiser, Tab. viii, i, 227 ; position in Austrian line at Lissa, 231 ; movements, 234 ; rams Porto- gallo, 239 ; heavy loss, 240, 244, 246 ; m. 238. Kaiser Maximilian, Tab. viii ; des. i, 227 ; position in Austrian line at Lissa, 230 ; threatens Palestro, 240 ; part in battle, 242-3. Kamiesch Bay, i, xxxii ; . Kansas, State of, i, 180. Kansas, Tab. v, i, 137 Kartali, i, 293. 362 INDEX OF NAMES. Kat ah din, gunboat, at New Orleans, i, 45 ; passes forts, 48 ; at Vicks- burg, 70-1, Tab. ii. Katahdin, ram, ii, 150, 229. Kate, i, 193. Katsuragi, ii, 85, 128, 133. Kearsarge, des. i, 158-9 ; chal- lenges Alabama, 159; the action, 160-163 > sinking of Alabama, 163-4; m. 146, 157, ii, 137, 158. Kearsarge, Battleship, ii, 295-8. Kelasour, i, 300. Kelung, ii, 4. Kennebec, Tab. ii, iv ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; does not pass forts, 53; at Vicksburg, 70-1; at Mobile, 120, 126, 128. Kennon, i, 55. Kentucky, State of, i, 65, 179. Kentucky, ii, 295-8. Keokuk, Tab. iii ; des. i, 90 ; attacks Sumter, 93 ; retires, id. ; founders, 95. Keystone State. Action with Pal- metto State, i, 88-9. Key West, i, 184. Khedive, i, 336. Khroumirs, ii, 1. Kiel, M. xv, i, 274 ; position, i, 270-1 ; French dare not attack, 276 ; ships at, 278 ; difficulty of attacking, 282, ii, 275B ; m. i, 274, 277, 281. Kifz-i-Rakhman,\,2%']; in Danube, 289 ; attacked at Sulina, 295, 297. Kilia. Mouth of Danube, i, 295, 296. Kilidj Ali, i, 290. Kimpai Narrows, ii, 12. Kinburn, des. i, xxxiv ; bombard- ment of, xxxv ; captured, id. ; English loss, xxxvi; m. i,3; ii, 253. Kineo, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, i, 45; collides with Brooklyn, 48, 49 ; at Port Hudson, 74-5. Kingstown, ii, 189. King Yuen, Tab. xviii ; PI. xx, ii, 14; des. ii, 64; with Chinese fleet at Yalu, 84 ; place in line, 89 ; moves out, 92 ; sunk by gun- fire, 94; part in battle, 101 ; ex- plosion, 101 ; hit by a big Canet shell (?), H2C; on fire, 113; m. 104, 105, 120, 169. Kobe Maru, ii, 61. Kolberg, French prepare to bom- bard, i, 276, 277 ; exposed to attack, 284 ; ii, 276. Kongo, des. ii, 57-8 ; m. 85. Kbnig Wilhelm, Tab. x ; des. i, 269 ; m. 272, 273, 278 ; flag of Germ, squad., ii, 192; rams Grosser Kurfurst, 193-4; dam- age to ram, 160, 195. Korea, Chinese and Japanese land in, ii, 51 ; Chinese troops sent to, by sea, 73, 83. Korea, Gulf of, ii, 73, 85. Kotaka, des. ii, 61 ; at Wei-hai- wei, 127, 129. Kowshing leaves Taku, ii, 73 ; stopped by Naniiva, 74 ; sunk, 76 ; violations of international law, 77-80 ; m. 51. Krikun, i, 286. Kronprinz, Tab. x; des. i, 269; m. 273, 278. Kronstadt, i, 289. Krupp guns at Yalu, ii, 56, 64, 65. Kuang, &c, see Kvuang. Kure or Hure, ii, 61. Kuwan-shi or Kwang Yi, ii, 67, 69, 72. Kwang Kai or Kuang Chia, Tab. xviii ; des. ii, 65 ; with Chinese fleet at Yalu, 84 ; position, 89 ; runs away, 94 ; goes ashore, 96 ; destroyed, 96 ; did little fighting, 102; on fire, 113; m. 105, 112. INDEX OF NAMES, 363 Kivang Ping, Tab. xviii ; des. ii, 65 ; with Chinese fleet at Yalu, 84; position, 90; engages Main Squadron, 93 ; engages Saikio, 99 ; loss, 108 ; m. 102. Kvuang Ting, ii, 126, 132. Kivang Tsi, ii, 126. L. Labo, i, 270. Lackawanna, Tab. iv j at Mobile, i, 120 ; Tennessee attempts to ram, 126; rams Tennessee, 129; collides with Hartford, 130. Lacour, Col., ii, 275B. Lafayette, des. i, 73 ; passes Vicksburg, 78-9. La Guira or Guayra, i, 199. La Ronciere le Noury, i, 272. Laird, Messrs., shipbuilders, i, 152, 259; ii, 183. Laird Clowes, see Clowes. Lai Yuen, Tab. xviii, xxv ; des. ii, 64 ; with Chinese fleet, 84 ; position, 89 ; attacks Akagi, set on fire, 98, 102 ; heat in engine- room, 165; loss, 109; disabled, 105; at Wei-hai-wei, 126; tor- pedoed, 132 ; m. 120. Lalande, i, 268. Lamb, Colonel, commands Fort Fisher, i, 135, 140. Lambton, i, 349. Lamoriciere, i, 211. Lancaster gun, ii, 245. Lancaster, i, 68, 72, 77. Lang, ii, 80. Lanyon, ii, 199, 202 ; will not leave the admiral, 203. La Seyne, i, 253 ; ii, 17, 58. Latorre, i, 322-23. Latouche-Treville, des. ii, 267. Lave, des. i, xxxii, at Kinburn, xxxiii-vi. Lay torpedo, i, 322. Lebedi, i, 286, 296. Lee, Admiral, i, 108. Lee, General, R. E., i, 135. Lee, R.E., ex Giraffe, i, 188, 191. Leger, ii, 268. Lehigh, ii, 246. Lemoine, q. i, 150. Leonoff, Major-Gen., i, 294. Leopard, ii, 1-2. Lesina, i, 220, 222. Leu-Kung-Tao or Tau, position, ii, 127, 128-9; captured, 133. Levant, French ships in, 1870, i, 267. Levrier, ii, 268. Lexington, des. i, 62 ; at Fort Henry, 63 ; at Shiloh, 65. " Le Yacht," q. ii, 170. Liberdade, Tab. xvii. Lieutenant Poustchine, i, 296. Li Hung Chang, order to Ting, ii, 82. Lima, i, 314. Lima Barros, i, 259, 263. Lincoln, President, Ericsson writes to, i, 6 ; on "Black Sunday," 21 ; q. on importance of Missis- sippi, 37 n. ; student of military matters, 91 ; on services of fleet, 83 n. ; proclaims blockade, 177, 181 ; moderation, 202. Lindoya, i, 263. Lion, ii, 77. Lisbon, i, 166. Lissa, M. xii, i, 220; Hoste's action off, i, 219; des. id. ; Persano urged to attack, 217, 218 ; Albini against attack, 220 ; report of It. staff, id. ; first bom- bardment, 220-2 ; second bom- bardment, 222-4 ; Austrian fleet appears, 225 ; telegrams to Tegetthoff, 229 ; order of Aus- trians, 230; o( Italians, 231-32 ; battle, 231-217; tactics of Tegetthoff, 247-8 ; strategy of Italians, 248; loss at, ii, no. 364 INDEX OF NAMES. Little Rebel, i, 67, 69. Liu, ii, 87. Liverpool, i, 152. Loa, Peruvian, i, 255. Loa, Chilian, i, 322, 324-25 ; des- troyed by a mine, 333-34. Long Island Sound, i, 168. Lopez, Marshal, President of Para- guay, i, 257, 260, 264. Lord Clyde, ii, 221. Lord Warden, des. ii, 221 ; m. 185, 186. Louisiana, State, i, 181. Louisiana, Tab. ii ; des. i, 41 ; defects, 44 ; brought down to forts, 45 ; m. 51, 58. Louisiana, powder ship at Fort Fisher, i, 138. Louis, Phillippe, ii, 217. Louisville, des. i, 62 ; at Fort Donelson, 64-5 ; passes Vicks- burg, 78 ; at Grand Gulf, 79. Lubeck, i, 277. Lutfi-Djelil, i, 287 ; sunk, 289. Lynx, Tab. xv ; at Foochow, ii, 4 ; opens fire, 8 ; shells arsenal, 10. Lyons, Admiral, i, xxxiii. M. Macedonian, ii, 174. Mackau, Admiral, ii, 217. Mackinaw, Tab. v, i, 137, 139. Madeira Island, Sea King off, i, 166 ; strategical importance, 170-172. Madonna Battery, i, 222-3. Machias, ii, 289. Mafitt; commands Florida, i, 1.47- 150. Magallanes, des. i, 313; action with Huascar, 321 ; Huascar attempts to torpedo, 322 ; off Arica, 334; joins Congres- sionalists, ii, 16, Tab. xi, xvi, Magenta, early battleship, Tab. x, i, 267, ii, 260. Magenta, modern battleship, des. ii, 263; engines, 214; stern fire, 154; heavy guns, how mounted, 179 ; m. 272. Magnanime, Tab. x, i, 267, 275. Magnificent, see Majestic, ii, 237-8 ; induced draught, 254. Mahan, q. ii, 106, 118. Mahmoodieh, Tab. xxv, i, 287, 302. Mahopac, Tab. v. Maine, State of, i, 168. Maine, ii, 289-90. Main Squadron, Japanese, ships composing, ii, 88 ; m. 90. Maipo, ii, 20, 21. Majestic, Tab. xxii ; Frontispiece, vol. i ; elevation, PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; des. ii, 237-239; wood on, 123; armour, 121, 241, 253 ; compared with foreign battleships, 242- 244 ; with English cruisers, 141 ; m. i, 96, ii, 180, 212, 271. Makaroff commands in Russian torpedo operations at Sulina, i, 293; at Sukkum, 298, at Batum, 301-2. Malacca, Straits of, i, 171. Mallory, Secretary Confederate States' Navy, q. i, 2-3 ; m. 6. Manassas, des. i, 41 ; attacks Northern fleet, 47 ; rams Brook- lyn, 50 ; disabled and burnt, 56; m. 49. Manco Capac, Tab. xi, i, 312, 322. Manego, see Porto M. Manhattan, Tab. iv, des. i, 119; at Mobile, 120; guns disabled, 123; attacks Tennessee 130-1. Marajo, Tab. xvii. Maratanza, Tab. v, i, 137. Marblehead, ii, 281. Marceau, PI. xii, i, 270 ; ii, 263. Marengo, at Sfax, ii, 2, 3, 261. INDEX OF NAMES 365 Maria Adelaide, Tab. vii, flagship of Albini, i, 245. Maria Pia, Tab. vii ; des. i, 213 ; at Ancona, 216; at Lissa, 219; off Comisa, 221 ; position when Austrians appeared, 225 ; place in line, 232 ; in the battle, 238 ; damage, 245. Markham, second in command, Mediterranean fleet, 1893, on Camperdown, ii, 196; misgivings atTryon's signal, 199, 201 ; court martial, 206. Mars. See Majestic, ii, 237, n. Marseilles, i, 275. Marston, i, 24. Martinique, Sumter at, i, 145 ; Alabama at, 153. Maryland, State of, i, 179. Mason, Confederate envoy, i, 201-3. Massachusetts, ii, 291. Massena, ii, 264. Matamoras, trade of neutrals with, i, 180, 185, 198. Matsushima, at Yalu, ii, 85 ; posi- tion, 89; retires, 94; disabled, 96; on fire, 97; shots on, 112A; loss, 109. Matthias Cousino, with Chilian squad., i, 322 ; sent inshore, 323 ; blockades Callao, 333. Mattabesett attacks Albemarle, i, 108-9. Matuska, i, 286, n. Maumee, Tab. v, i, 137. Maurice, Col., q. ii, 78. Maya, ii, 85. Max., abbreviated form of name Erzherzog Ferdinand Maxi- milian, which see. Maximilian, Archduke, i, 226. McGiffln, commander on board Chinese ship, Chen Yuen, ii, 88 ; q. 81, 88-9, 100; puts out fire, 100 ; on Tsi Yuen, 103 ; on hits received by Chen Yuen, 112c; on torpedoes fired, 114. Mearim, Paraguayan, i, 260. Mediterranean, United States' Ships in, 1 861, i, 182 ; French fleet in, 1870, 267 ; ships retained there, 275 ; French communications there not threatened, 280 ; Rus- sian squadron in, 1877, 280; French fleet in, 1881, ii, 2 ; hypo- thetical French and English fleets, ii, 116; loss of Victoria in, 196- 207. Medea, Tab. xxiii, ii, 257. Medjemieh, i, 289 ; at Sulina, 295. Medusa, i, 270 ; blockaded on Japanese coast, 278. Mejillones or Mexillones, i, 323. Melbourne, Shenandoah at, i, 167. Mello, Admiral, revolt of Brazilian navy in his favour, ii, 35 ; lacks army, 37 ; suffers from short- handedness, 49 ; collapse at Rio, 42 ; m. 46. Melpomene, ii, 138. Memphis, battle of, i, 68-9 ; Con- federate works at, 61 ; railroad to, 64. Mercedita, action with Palmetto State, i, 87-8 ; taken to Port Royal, 89. Mercury, ii, 255. Merlin, ii, 6. Merrimac or Virginia, design, i, 3-6 ; discrepancies in accounts of, 4 ; the original Merrimac, 3-4, n. ; designers, 4-5 ; des. 4-5 ; crew, 6 ; armament, 5 ; Commo- dore Smith on, 13 ; defects, 15 ; action with Congress and Cumber- land, 16-19; results of action, 20-21 ; alarm at Washington, 20 ; not sea-going, 21 ; repaired, 25; action with Monitor, 25-31; bad projectiles, 27 ; results of action, 31-3; subsequent his- tory, 35 ; scuttled, id. ; m. 228, ii, 160, 168 ; type of ironclad widely reproduced in South, i, 41, 61, 71, 87, 97, 106, 116; in North, 90, 266 ; abroad, 255. 366 INDEX OF NAMES. Mersey, Tab. xxiii, ii, 256. Mesoodieh, i, 287. Messagiere, Tab. vii, i, 220. Meteor, in West Indies, i, 270 ; des. 279 ; action with Bouvet, ib. Meteor, i, 286. Mexico, i, 179-80. Mexico, Gulf of, i, 183. Miami, i, 108-9. Miantonomohf ii, 278, 289. Milan Decree, i, 197. Milne, Admiral, ii, 184-5. Milwall, i, 212. Milwaukee, i, 134. Min River, descent of, by French, ii, 11-12. Mina, i, 294. Minneapolis, ii, 288. Minnesota, in Hampton Roads, i, 14, 18 ; attacked by Merrimac, 19, 25, 29-30 ; m. 24 ; torpedo attack on, 104 ; at Fort Fisher, 137, Tab. v, xxv. Minotaur, ii, 185, 221. Mississippi River, strategical im- portance, i, 37, 81, 83; fighting upon, 37-85; open to Unionists, 81 ; gunboats, 62, 73, ii, 227 ; tactical lessons, i, 84-5 ; value of navy, 83 ; Grant upon, 82 ; difficulty of navigating, 39 ; Sumter in, 144-5 ! blockade of mouth, 181. Mississippi Sound, i, 114, 180. Mississippi, State of, i, 64, 181. Mississippi, Confederate, i, 41. Mississippi, United States', Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, i, 40 ; place, 45 ; passes forts, 47-8 ; tries to ram Manassas, 56 ; at Port Hudson, 74; runs aground, 76; burnt, ib. 77 ; m. 84. Missouri, State of, i, 37, 179. Mitchell commands Confederate naval force at New Orleans, i, 41-2, 45; does not send down fire rafts, 46 ; m. 58. Mobile, M. vi, i, 122 ; Confederate defences, i, 114-5; mines, 115; flotilla, 1 16-8 ; Northern fleet at 119-20 ; attack begins, 121 ; Brooklyn stops, 122 ; Farragut goes on, 124; fort passed, 127; action in the Bay, 128 — 131 ; Tennessee surrenders, 132 ; tac- tical importance, 133-4, 59, 70, ii, 50; battle, m. 59, 70, 282, ii, 151, 164; bay, i, 180, 185; town, 147, 187. Mohican, Tab. v, i, 137. Moll, Von, killed at Lissa, i, 243. Moltenort, i, 270. Monadnock, ii. 278, 289, Tab. v. Mona Passage, i, 170. Monarch, English turret-ship; Tab. xii ; elevation, PI. xxxvii, ii, 220; des. ii, 224-5, h 339 1 at Alexandria, 336 ; position, 342-3 ; share in the bombard- ment, 346-8 ; no damage, 351 ; m. ii, 184-5, !96; guns, 223. Monarch, U.S., ram, i, 68-9. Monitor, elevation, PI. ii, i, 10; section, PI. iii, i, 26 ; designed by Ericsson, i, 6-7 ; the turret, 8- 9, 33 ; completion of, 9 ; des. 9- 10; criticism of, 11 -2; price, 13 ; name, 14 ; passage to Hampton Roads, 23-4; arrival, 25 ; action with Merrimac, 26- 31 ; defects, 27-8 ; pilot house hit, 30; results of action, 31-4; founders at sea, 36 ; m. ii, 137, 220 ; deck, 227, 246, i, 86 ; earlier designs by Ericsson, i, 8, ii, 218 ; type Lincoln believes in, i, 91 ; later examples, 89-90, 119 ; defects, i, 136, 266 ; armoured funnels, ii, 164. Monocacy, ii, 6. Monongahela, Tab. iv ; at Port Hudson, i, 74-76; at Mobile, 120; rams Tennessee, 126; does so again, 129, INDEX OF NAMES. 367 Montauky Tab. iii ; at Charles- ton in action, i, 92-4 ; damage, 94 ; attacks Fort McAllister, S9-90 ; destroys Nashville 90, 105 ; hits on, ii, 246. Montcalm, i, 267. Mont du Roule, i, 160. Montechant, French strategist, q. i, 209, ii, 156. Montevideo, ii, 36. Monterey, ii, 291. Montgomery , Tab. v ; i, 137. Montgomery, ii, 287. Monticello, Tab. v; i, 137. Montt, commander of Congres- sionalist squadron, ii, 16. Montz, Von, commands Grosser Kurfurst, ii, 194; saved, 195. Moore commands Independencia, h 315. 3I9» 321. Moraga commands Condell, ii, 21 ; leads torpedo attack on Blanco, 21-2; his account, 23; number of torpedoes fired, fio-hts Aconcagua, 29 ; at Iquique, 31. Morgan, see Fort M. Morgan, des. i, 118 ; run aground, 128. Morlaix, i, 165. Morris, gallantry of, i, 17. Morris commands Florida, i, 149, 15°. I5I- Morse, ii, 268. Mosher, armed tug, i, 48. Mouin-i-Zaffre, i, 287 ; at Sulina, 289, 295. * Mound Battery, at Ft. Fisher, i, 142, 190. Mound City, des. i, 62 ; rammed, 68 ; captures Fort Charles, 69 ; passes Vicksburg, 78. Mount Vernon, i, 137. Vol. II. Mucangue Island, ii, 40. MukJiadem Khair, i, 287; at Sulina, 289, 293, 295, 297. Mustapha Pasha, i, 295. Muzashi, ii, 85, N. Nada, ii, 41 . Nagasaki, ii, 61. Nahant, Tab. iii ; action with Ft. Sumter, i, 93-4 ; damage, 95 ; action with Atlanta, 99-100; hits, ii, 246. Naniwa, Tab. xix ; loss, xxi ; elevation, PI. xxvi, ii, 74 ; des. 60 ; efficiency of, 53 ; in G. of Korea, 68 ; opens on Tsi Yuen, 68, 70; attacks Kuivang-slii, 73 ; stops Kowshing, 74 ; sinks her, 76-7 ; fires on men in water, 79; at Yalu, 85 ; place in line, 89 ; reconnoitres, 96; loss, 109; hits on, 112A, H2B ; at Wei-hai-wei, bombards, 128; hit, 133. Nan Shuin, ii, 65. Nan Ting, ii, 65. Nantucket, Tab. iii, i, 95 ; ii, 246. Napoleon III. and the Monitor, i, 8 ; ii, 218. Nashville, destroyed by Montauk, i, 90, 165. Nassau, Florida seized and re- leased at, i, 147 ; coals at, 148 ; watched by U.S. cruisers, 186 ; centre of blockade-running trade, 187, 189, 191, 193; number of ships clearing from, 194, 195. Naval Defence Act, 1889, ii, 234, 26 Navarino at Sukhum, i, 298-9. Nedjem-i-Chevket, i, 287. Nelson, Lord, his relations to his captains, i, 214, 228 ; on frigates and battleships, ii, 138 ; place of admiral, 151 ; m. i, 59, 133, 219, 282 ; ii, 81, 137, 216. B B 368 INDEX OF NAMES. Nelson, Tab. xxiii, 255 ; m. 266. Neptune, English turret-ship, ii, 224-5. Neptune, French battleship, ii, 263 ; PI. xliii, ii, 264. Neuse River, i, 180. Neustadt, i, 277 ; ii, 276. Newark, ii, 283-4. Newfoundland Banks, i, 153, 170. New Ironsides, see Ironsides. New Madrid, i, 66-7. New Orleans, instructions to cap- ture, i, 38 ; forts, 40 ; flotilla, 41-2 ; boom, 42 ; boom breached, 42, 44 ; Northern attack on forts, 46-54 ; action above forts, 54- 56 ; capture of New Orleans, 56 ; consequences, id. ; garrison of forts, 57-8 ; compared with Mobile, 59, 127 ; loss of fleet, 60; blockaded, 183 ; blockade run- ning, 187 ; place of Farragut, ii, 151, n.; sandbags on board fleet, i, 39 ; ii, 164 ; m. i, 281. New Orleans, i, 41. New York, threatened by Atlanta, i, 167-68 ; dockyard, 184 ; m. 171, 198, 212. New York, ii, 291, 300. Niagara captures Georgia, i, 166 ; off Charleston, 183; declines to fight Stonewall, 311, n. Nichols, on Ting Yuen, ii, 88 killed, 99. Nictheroy, ex El Cid, des. ii, 40 pneumatic gun, 40-1 ; appears off Rio, 42 ; at Tijucas Bay, id. m. 151. Nielly, ii, 13. Nikolaiev Fort, see Fort N. Nikopolis, or Nikopol, i, 294. Nile, battle of the ; loss at, ii, no. Nile, English turret-ship. Tab. xxii ; PI. iv, i, 32 ; elevation PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; des. ii, 233 ; low freeboard, 240; descended from Monitor, i, 33 ; in Mediterranean fleet, 1893, ii, 196, 199. Niloff, i, 294. Nils jfuel, Danish, i, 226, n. Nippon Yusen Kaisha, ii, 61. Nitrate Ports, ii, 18. Nordenfelt gun, ii, 250 ; torpedo, 259- Norfolk, Virginia, capture of navy yard, i, 4 ; guns from, 35 ; re- captured, 184-85. Norman, H., q. on Ting, ii, 55-6, 80; Chinese personnel, 56 ; fore- tells Yalu, 57. Normand, i, 129. Normandie, ii, 260. North Atlantic squadron, i, 185. Northbrook, Lord, ii, 184. North Coast squadron, ii, 62. North Sea, French squad, in, 1870, i, 267 ; Willaumez off Jahde 272; Fourichon in, 275; his diffi- culties, 275-6; blockade con- tinued, 277-8; observation sub- stituted, 278. Northampton, ii, 255. Northumberland, ii, 221, 185. Novara, Tab. viii, i, 226, 227. Novgorod, i, 286. Numancia, Spanish, in Pacific, 1865, i, 252 ; bombards Valpa- raiso, 253-54 ; at Callao, 255-56 ; hits, 256. Nunez, Spanish Admiral, i, 253, 256. Nyack, i, 137. Nymphe, i, 277-78. o. Ocean, elevation PI. xlii, ii, 262 ; des. ii, 261 ; in Baltic squadron, i, 272 ; withdrawn, 277 ; m. 272. Ocean, ii, 221. Octorara, Tab. iv, at Mobile, i, 120, 123. INDEX OF NAMES. i, 188. 258 ; Odessa, i, xxxiv, 211, 218, 293, 296, 300. O'Higgins, Tab. xi, xvi ; des. i, 313 ; searches for Huascar, 322 ; chases Union, 325 ; joins Con- gressionalists, ii, 16; shells Val- paraiso, 20; at Pacocho, 31. Ohio River, i, 61. Ohio, State of, i, 61, 65. Old Dominion Trading Co 01 i) id a, Paraguayan, i, grounds, 260. Olnstee, see Tallahassee. Olympia, ii, 287. Oneida, Tab. ii, iv ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; passes forts, 47, engages gunboats, 55 ; atVicks- burg, 70 ; at Mobile, 120 ; raked by Tennessee, 126 ; Florida runs past, 148-9. Onohama dockyard, ii, 61, 129. Onondaga, purchased by France, i, 266-7, 278. Opinidtve, i, 266. Opyt, i, 296. Oran, i, 275. Oregon, ii, 291. Oreto, see Florida. Orion, purchased from Turkey, ii, 224. Osage, i, 134. Osaka, ii, 61. Osceola, Tab. v, i, 137, 139. Osmanieh, i, 287, 300. Ossabaw Sound, i, 90, 95. Ossipee, Tab. iv ; at Mobile, i, 120, 126. Otchakov, i, xxxiv. Otsego, i, 113. Ontka, i, 286, 296. Owasco, i, 43. P. Pacheco, killed on Blanco, ii, 26. Pacific, Russian fleet in, 1877, i, 286. 369 248 ; Page, on battle of Lissa, i on armour, ii, 217. Pagoda Point, ii, 5. Paixhans, General, inventor o shell-gun, ii, 217. Palacios wounded on Huascar, i 329- Palestro, Tab. vii ; des. i, 213 at Ancona, 216 ; off Lissa, 225 position in line, engages point, action 258; Drache, 235 ; takes fire, id. , courage of her crew, 241 ; she blows up, id. ; m, 249 ; ii, 185. Pallas, English, ii, 221. Pallas, Brazilian, ii, 37. Palliser shells have a chilled ii, 252. Palmer, gallantry of, i, 70. Palmer, Surgeon, i, 132. Palmerston, Lord, i, 202. Palmetto State, des. i, 87 ; off Charleston, 87-89. Pamlico Sound, i, 186, 106. Para, i, 263. Paraguari, Paraguayan, i, rammed, 260. Paraguay, M. xiv, i, 280 ; Lopez, tyrant of, i, 257-8 ; seizes Bra- zilian ship, 258 ; enters La Plata, id. ; battle of Riachuelo, 260-1 ; Itaipuru, 262; Humaita, 262-4 ; boarding attacks on Brazilians, 263 ; end of the war, 264. Paraguay River, i, 257. Parana River, i, 257, 259, 261. Paranahyba or Parnahyba, Tab. xvii, i, 260, ii, 42. Pareja, Admiral, Spanish, on Pacific Coast, i, 252 ; commits suicide, 253. Paris, i, 276; treaty of, " free ships free goods," 169, 199. Russian Black Sea fleet limited, 287. Paris, i, xxxi. B B 2 370 INDEX OF Parrot guns. A species of rifled gun : burst, i, 139 ; dangerous, 141. Pascal, ii, 267. Paso el Patria, i, 261. Passaic, Tab. iii ; at Charleston, i, 92-94; damage, 94; hits on, ii, 246 ; m. 312. Paiapsco, Tab. iii ; at Charleston, i, 92-94 ; damage, 94 ; hits on, ii, 246. Patrick Henry or Yorktown, i, 15. Pawtucket, Tab. v, i, 137. Payne, drowned on David, i, 104. Peacock, ii, 174. Pearl, Tab. xxiii, ii, 257. Pe-chi-li, Gulf of, ii, 66, 127. Pedro Ivo, sent against Aquidaban, ii, 43 ; pressure falls, 45. Peiho, i, 35. Peixoto, Marshal, President of Brazil ; revolt against, ii, 35 ; his resources, 37 ; buys a fleet, 40 ; its uselessness, 41 ; crushes in- surrection at Rio, 42. Pelereschine, i, 305. Pelorus, ii, 257. Pemberton, General, i, 74. Penelope, Tab. xii ; des. i, 339 ; twin screws, ii, 254 ; position at Alexandria, i, 342-3 ; shells Mex, 347-8 ; loss, 350 ; damage, 350-1. Penhoat, i, 277. Pensacola, i, 184-5. Pensacola at New Orleans, i, 40, 45 ; passes forts, 47. Pequet, Tab. v, i, 137. Persano, Count Carlo Pellion di, Italian Admiral ; his record, i, 21 1 -2 ; faith in Affondatore, 212, 215-217 ; want of character, 214-5, 2I 7 > complaints of fleet, 215; declines battle at Ancona, NAMES. 216-7 ; P uts to sea and returns. 218; ordered to sea, 219; stra- tegy, 220 ; attacks Lissa, 220- 224 ; his negligence, 224 ; makes numerous signals, 231-2; disposi- tions for battle, 232 ; changes flagship, 233 ; does not ram Kaiser, 238-9 ; no plans, 246 ; rage against him, 249 ; his trial, 250; condemnation, 251; m. ii, 81, 86, 151. Persine, i, 290. Peru, quarrel with Spain, i, 252 ; Callao bombarded, 254-6 ; re- pulse of Spaniards, 256 ; and England, affair of Huascar, i, 306-312; and Chili war, i, 312; fleet, 312, Tab. xi ; geographical position, 314 ; bad gunnery, 317, 319; cross raiding, 321-2 ; battle of Iquique, 315-321 ; of Anga- mos, 324-331 ; blockade of Callao, 333- Peterhoff, case of the, i, 198-200. Petrel, ii, 283. Petropaulovsk, i, 286. Petz, Commodore, commands wooden ships at Lissa, i, 230-1 ; engages Ribotti, 234 ; rams Portogallo, 238-9. Phaeton, ii, 196. Philadelphia, 184. Philadelphia target, ii, 150, 285-6. Philadelphia, U.S.N., ii, 286-7. Philippines, i, 169. Phoebe, i, 150. Phyong Yang or Ping Yang, ii, 84. Piemonte, i, 224. Pierola, i, 306. Pifarefski at Sukhum, i, 298-300. Pikysyry, i, 264. Pilcomayo, Tab. xi ; des. i, 312; at Arica, 322 ; captured by Chilians, 332 ; re-armed, id., m. 333- IXDEX OF Ping Yuen, Tab. xviii ; des. ii, 64 ; at Yalu, 84 ; place in line, 89 ; holds aloof, 95 ; attacks Matsushima, 96 ; attacks Saikio, 98 ; loss, 109 ; at Wei-hai-wei, 126 ; m. 132. Pinola, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, rams boom, i, 44; position in attack, 45 ; does not pass forts, 53-4; m. 56; loss, 60; Vicks- burg, 70. Pinzon, Spanish Admiral, i, 252. Pique, ii, 2. Pirabebe, Paraguayan, i, 258. Piratiny ex Destroyer, des. ii, 40. Pisagua, Huascar off, i, 307, 308 ; { m. ii, 20. Pittsburg, des. i, 62 ; at Ft. Donelson, 64 ; hit, 65 ; passes Island No. 10, 67 ; passes Vicks- burg, 78 ; at Grand Gulf, 79. Pittsburg landing, i, 65. Plevna, i, 287. Plymouth, i, 170, 172, 273. Plymouth, U.S.A., i, 111. Podgoritza, i, 289. Point de Galle, i, 171. Pola, i, 229, 251. Poltio, gallantry at Lissa, i, 237. Polyphemus, PI. vii, i, 132 ; des. ii, 228; utility, 147, 150. Pope, General, i, 66. Popoffkas, circular floating bat- teries, i, 286. * Port Arthur, docks at, ii, 66 ; Chinese fleet retires to, 95, 107 ; withdraws from, 126 ; captured by Japanese, 127. Porter, Constructor, i, 5, 107. Porter, Admiral, on Monitor, i, 12 ; commands mortar flotilla at New Orleans, recalls Itasca, etc., i, 54 ; commands on Mississippi, 74; runs past Vicksburg, 77-8, 84 ; commands at Ft. Fisher, NAMES. 371 137-142 ; on strategy of com- merce destroyers, q. 170; on Port Hudson, 77. Port Hudson, fleer passes, 74-6; Mississippi lost, 76 ; Porter on strategic importance of passage, 77- Portland, ii, 134. Portland, Maine, i, 149. Porto Karober attacked by Italian fleet, i, 222-3. Porto Man ego attacked by Italian fleet, i, 220, 222, 224. Porto San Giorgio attacked by Italian fleet, i, 222-3. Port Royal captured by Dupont, i, 56, 184; m. 20, 89, 185, 281. Port Royal, Tab. iv ; at Mobile, i, 120, 128. Portsmouth, i, 307 ; ii, 195. Portsmouth, U.S.A., i, 184. Pothuau, ii, 267. Poti, i, 301, 302. Powerful, Tab. xxiii ; des. ii, 155, 216, 256; water-tube boilers, 254- Powkattan, Tab. v, i, 137, 183. Prado, General, i, 315. Prat, speech to his crew, i, 316 ; skill and daring, 315-16 ; boards the Huascar, 317 ; killed, id. ; a national hero, id. ; reward of his courage, 320. Presidente Errazuriz, ii, 17. Presidente Pinto, ii, 17. Preussen with German squadron, ii, 193, x 95- Prince Albert, ii, 224. Prince Consort, ii, 221. Prince George, see Majestic, ii, 237, n. 372 INDEX OF NAMES. Principe di Carignano, Tab. vii ; des. i, 213; at Ancona, 216 ; at Lissa, 219, 225; place in line, 232 ; opens battle, 234 ; attacks Kaiser, 239 ; damage, 245. Principe Umberto, Tab. vii, i, 222. Prinz Adalbert, Tab. x ; des. i, 269 ; at Wilhelmshaven, 273 ; in Elbe, 278. Prinz Engen, Tab. viii, des., i, 227 ; place in line at Lissa, 230 ; in the battle, 243. Provence in Adriatic, i, 227 ; in Mediterranean fleet, 1870, 267 ; in North sea, 275. Pullino, ii, 259. Pulo Condor, i, 157. Puritan, ii, 278, 289. Purvis on board Chih Yuen, ii, 88 ; drowned, 101. q. Quaker City, i, 137. Queen, ii, 212. Queen of the West, i, 68 ; rams Lovell, 69 ; on Vazoo, 71 ; passes Vicksburg, 73 ; captured by Con- federates, 74 ; rams Webb, id. Queenstown, ii, 189. Quilio, ii, 275B. Quinteros Bay, ii, 21 ; Congres- sionalist forces land at, 32. R. Radetzky, Tab. viii ; i, 226, 227. Ragheb Pasha, i, 337. Raleigh, English, ii, 254. Raleigh, Confederate, i, 15, 19. Raleigh, U.S.N., ii, 287. Ramillies, submarine attack on, i, 102. Ramillies, see Royal Sovereign, ii, 234. n. Rappahanock, ex Victor, i, 166, 174. Ras-el-Tin, see Fort R. Rattlesnake, ii, 257. Rattazzi, Italian Minister, i, 211. Razzetti, gallantry at Lissa, i, 237. Read, i, 149. Rebolledo, Admiral, i, 315, 322. Re di Portogallo, Tab. vii ; des. i, 212; at Ancona, 216; at Lissa, 219, 221 ; position when Austrians appeared, 225 ; place in line, 232 ; rammed by Kaiser, 238-9; damage, 245 ; praised by Persano, 249. Re d' Italia, Tab. vii ; des. i, 212 ; at Ancona, 216 ; Persano's flagship, 219 ; at Lissa, 221 ; position when Austrians appeared, 225 ; place in line, 232 ; Persano leaves her, 233, 234 ; hotly attacked, 235; rammed and sunk, 236-7 ; gallantry of her crew, 237 ; rudder damaged (?) 243 ; praised by Persano, 249 ; m. 237, 242, 244, 246, 247, 250 ; ii, 160. Redoubtable, elevation, PI. xlii, ii, 262 ; ii, 261. Red River, stores destroyed on, i, 73; stores collected, 74, 77; Federal expedition up, 80. Reed, Sir E. J., ii, 221, 225. Reina Regente, Spanish, ii, 207. Reindeer, ii, 174. Reine Blanche at Sfax, ii, 2, 3. Renard, i, 267. Rendel gunboats, carrying one very heavy gun forward, ii, 65, 84, 126. Rene Adolphe, i, 278. Rennie, Messrs., i, 259. Renown, Tab. x'xii ; des. ii, 253 ; compared with cruiser, 140- 1, 142 ; m. 145, 271. IXDEX OF NAMES, 373 Renown, see Victoria, ii, 196. Republica, Tab. xvii ; pins Mello, ii, 36 ; passes Rio forts, 37 ; rams Rio de Janeiro, 38 ; cap- tures Itaipu, 39. Repulse, ii, 221 . Repulse, see Royal Sovereign, ii, 234- Requin, ii, 265-6. Research, ii, 221. Resistance, ii, 220. Resolucion, Spanish, in Pacific, i, 252 ; bombards Valparaiso, 253.4 ; Callao, 255-6. Resolution, see Royal Sovereign, ii, 234. Retribution, privateer, i, 143. Revanche in North Sea, i, 275 ; m. 257 ; at Sfax, ii, 2, 3. Revenge, ii, 234. Rhind, i, 138. Rhode Island, i, 137. Riachuelo, ii, 36. Riachuelo, Battle of the, i, 259-261. Ricasoli, Italian Minister, i, 215. Richelieu, ii, 261 . Richmond dependent upon Wil- mington, i, 135, 142; inland, 179; on James River, 1S0 ; prices at, 196 ; m. 4, 5, 35, 106, 107, 185, 187, 205. Richmond, Tab. ii, iv ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; passes forts, 52 ; at Vicksburg, 70-1 ; at Port Hudson, 74; at Mobile, sand- bags, 119; place, 120; danger of collision, 125; passes forts, 126. Rimac captured by Huascar, i, 322 ; hit, 333. Rio de Janeiro, revolt of fleet at, ii, 35 ; desultory fighting, 36- 41 ; collapse of revolt, 42 ; m. i, 171, 259; ii, 137. Rio de Janeiro, ii, 38. Rio Grande, Mexico, i, 185. Rio Grande, i, 263-4. Rio Grande do Sul, ii, 35. Riojo, ii, 58. " River Defence Fleet," i, 42, 58. Riveros, Commodore, commands Chilian fleet, i, 322 ; action with Huascar, 323-331. Roanoke River, i, 106, no. Roanoke Island, i, 184. Roanoke at Hampton Roads, i, 14, 18. Rochambeau purchased by France from United States, i, 266, 277 ; ii, 266. Rodgers, G. W., killed, i, 101 ; ii, 168. Rodgers, J., i, 101. Rodimyi, \, 286. Rodney of "Admiral'' class, ii, 231. Rodolph, i, 134. Rodriguez killed, i, 327. Rolf Krahe, Danish turret-ship, i, 33- Rose, i, 134. Rossia, i, 286. Rostislav, line-of-battleship, i, xxxi. Rostislav, i, 304. Rouen, i, 278. Roumelia, i, 287. Royal Alfred, ii, 221. Royal Arthur, target practice, ii, 166. Royal Oak, ii, 221. Royal Oak, see Royal Sovereign, ii, 234. Royal Sovereign, Coles' turret-ship, elevation, PI. xxxvii, ii, 220 ; des. ii, 224 ; ancestor of new Royal Sovereign, 239; m. i, 33, ii, 183. 374 INDEX OF NAMES. Royal Sovereign, English battleship, Tab. xxii ; PI. v, i, 56 ; elevation, PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; des. ii, 234-6 ; nickel steel decks, 253 ; crew, 213; engines, 214; unprotected surface in, 1,311; m.96, ii, 123, 135, 144, 178, 239, 253. Roydestvenski, i, 293. Rugen, i, 277. Rupert, des. ii, 226 ; deck, 227 ; m. 272. Rurik, i, 31 1 -4. Russell, Lord John, afterwards Earl, i, 147, 165. Russell, Scott, designs Warrior, ii, 219. Russia, war with Turkey, i, 286 ; distribution of Russian fleet, id, ; torpedo attacks in Black Sea, 290, 303 ; Vesta and Assar-i- Chevket, 303-4 ; defeat of Turks at Sinope, i, xxxi ; bombardment of Kinburn, xxxiv-vi ; navy com- pared with England and France, ii, 271-275. Rustchuk, i, 295. s. Sacramento, i, 31 1. Saikio, Tab. xix ; loss, xxi ; torpedo affair, xxv ; speed, &c, ii, 61 ; at Yalu, 85, 87 ; not in line, id., 89; hotly engaged, 93; torpedoes fired at, id., 99 ; sent off for repairs, 95 ; part in battle, 98-9 ; loss, 109 ; hits on, 98, II2A, H2B ; repaired, 126; escape of, 175 ; m. 1 12D, 144. St. Andre, Jean Bon, i, 218. St. Augustines, seized by North, i, 184 ; distance from blockade- running centres, 187. St. Bon, i, 223. St. Helena, i, 171. St. John, Knights of, lead-plated ship, ii, 217. St. Lawrence at Hampton Roads, i, 14, 18, 20, 21. St. Louis, see De Kalb. St. Louis, ii, 264-5. St. Marc, i, 278. St. Philip, see Fort S. St. Pierre, i, 145. St. Thomas, i, 187, 195. Sakamoto, killed at Yalu, ii, 97. Salamander, Tab. viii ; des. i, 227 ; at Lissa, 230 ; part in battle, 243- Salto Oriental, Paraguayan, i, 258, 260. Sampaio, see Gustavo S. San Diego, ii, 33. Sandri, i, 220. San Francisco, ii, 286-7. San Francisco, ii, 33. San Giovanni, Tab. vii. San Jacinto stops Trent, i, 201 ; m. i, 153. San Martino, Tab. vii; des. i, 213 ; at Ancona, 216; at Lissa, 219 ; position when Austrians ap- peared, 225 ; place in line, 232 ; in battle, 235, 237 ; damage, 245 ; praised by Persano, 249. San Salvador, ii, 42 ; sent against Aquidaban, 42, 43. Sanspareil, see Victoria, des. ii, 232 ; m. 174, 196, 272. Santa Catherina, torpedo attack on Aquidaban at, ii, 43. Santa Cruz, ii, 43. Santa Rosa, i, 306. Santiago, ii, 17. Santiago di Cuba, Tab. v, i, 137. Santos, ii, 35, 42. Sdone, ii, 12, 13. Sardinia, i, 211. Sargente Aldea, Tab. xvi. Sartlie, ii, 2. INDEX OF NAMES. 375 Sassacus, Tab. v ; engages Albe- marle, i, 108 ; rams her, 109 ; disabled, no; at Fort Fisher, 137, m. 168. Saugns, Tab. v. Savannah, Atlanta constructed at, i, 97, 98 ; fall of, 185 ; distance from blockade-running centres, 187 ; m. 190. Savoie, i, 267. Scharf, q. on U.S. Navy, i, 196; q. i, 44, 89, 100, 119, 124, 143, 144, 146, 185, 186, 188, 193, 201. Schichau torpedo-boats, ii, 84, 129. Schwartzenbevg, Tab. viii, i, 226, 227. Schwartzkopf torpedo, a species of Whitehead, ii, 45, 135. Sciota, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, i, 45, 52 ; at Vicksburg, 70 ; destroyed by a mine, 134. Scorpion turret-ship, i, 33, 168. Sea Bride, 1, 156. Seaford, i, 208. Sea King, see Shenandoah . Sebastopol, naval attack on, i, xxxi, xxxvi, m. 288, 298. Sedan, i, 276, 281. Seguranca, ii, 41. Seife, i, 289 ; on Danube, 290 ; sunk by torpedoes, 291-2 ; Tab. xxv. Selma, i, 116. Selma, i, 118; action with Meta- comet, 127-8. Semendria, i, 289. Seminole, Tab. iv , at Mobile, 1, 120. Semmes commands Sumter, i, 144-6, 151; commands Alabama, 152-163 ; himself a prize-court, 153 ; eludes San 'Jacinto, 153 ; sinks Hatter as, 155 ; challenges Kearsarge, 159 ; his strategy, 170 ; Porter on, id. Seneca, Tab. v, i, 137. Seoul, ii, 67. Serpent, loss of, ii, 208. Serrano boards Huascar, i, 318. Serras, ii, 275B. Sestrica, i, 286. Seth Low, i, 23. Seward, U.S. Secretary of State, i, 202. Seymour, Sir Beauchamp, later Lord Alcester, commands at Alexandria, i, 336 ; ultimatum, 337 ; general order, 342-3 ; tactics, 355 ; m. 349. Sfax, seized by Tunisian insurgents, ii, 1 ; bombarded, 2-3 ; captured, 4. Sfax, ii, 267. Shah, des. i, 307, ii, 254-5 ; pursues Huascar, i, 307-8 ; sights and attacks Huascar, 308, action, 308-9 ; cannot close, 308 ; not hit, 310 ; uses torpedo, 309 ; comparison of force, 310; m. 331, ii, 137, 239. Shanghai, i, 169 ; squadron, ii, 62 ; docks, 66 ; m. 61. Sliamion, ii, 228, 255. Sheipoo, torpedo attack on Yu-yen, ii, 13, 14, 137. Shenandoah , commerce-destroyer, ex Sea King, cruise of, i, 166-7 ; English payment for, 174; pur- poseless destruction by, 176. Shenandoah, United States, Tab. v, i, 137- Sherman, General, i, 73. Sherman, Confederate, i, 48. Shiloh, battle of, navy at, i, 65. Shogun, ii, 52. Shopaul Island, ii, 77. Shoppek, Cape, ii, 85. Sicily, i, 211. Silvado, ironclad, i, 263. 376 INDEX OF NAMES. Silvado sent against Aquidaban, ii, 43 ; part in the action, 45 ; hit, 46. Singapore, U.S. ships laid up at, i, 169. Singapore, Straits of, i, 157. Sinope, Battle of, i, xxxi. Sinope, at Sukhum, i, 298, 299 ; at Batum, 301, 302. S. J. Waring, i, 143. Slatina, i, 289. Slidell, Confederate Envoy, i, 201-3. Smith, Commodore, i, 11, 12, 13. Smith, Lieutenant, gallantry of, i, 18. Smith, Melancton, i, 76, 108. Smith-Dorrien, i, 337. Smith's Island, i, 186. Sokul, ii, 268. Soley, Professor, q. i. 165, 206. Solferino, Tab. x, i, 267. Sonoma, i, 148, 200. Soto, Col., Balmacedist, ii, 20. Soto, Aspirant, Congressionalist, drowned on Blanco, ii, 27. Sound, The, i, 277. Southampton, i, 165. South Atlantic Squadron, i, 185. Southfield engages Albemarle, 108 ; rammed by her, id. ; wreck of, in. South Sea, i, 269. Spain, quarrel with Peru, i, 252 ; squadron despatched to Pacific, 252 ; loss of Covadonga, 253 ; bombardment of Valparaiso, 253-4 ; of Callao, 254-6 ; with- drawal of squadron, 257. Springbok, case of the, i, 200-1. Stadium, i, 230. Stag, i, 188. Stanton, U.S Secretary of War, i, 20. Stchelinski, i, 302. Stella d'ltalia, i, 220. Stenzel, q. i, 37. Stevens, designer of floating bat- tery, i, 3 ; ii, 218. Stevens at Mobile, i, 123, 127. Stettin, i, 277 ; ii, 62, 64. Stimers, Chief Engineer, i, 26, 95. Stockton, fitted with screw, ii, 211. Stodder, i, 28. Stonewall Jackson, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, 55 ; abandoned, id. Stonewall Jackson, ram ; des. i, 168 ; at Corunna, 311. Stoney, T., i, 103. Stowell, Lord, rule of "continuous voyages," i, 198-9. Stralsund, i, 277, 278. Suenson, Danish Commodore, i, 226. Suffren, ii, 261. Suffren's attack upon Hughes, i, 150. Sulina, ships at, 1877, i, 289; Russian torpedo affair at, 293-4 ; attempt to capture, 295-6. Sulina at Sulina, i, 296 ; sunk, 297. Sullivan's Island, i, 87. Sultan, Tab. xii, xxii ; at Alex- andria, i, 336 ; des. 338, ii, 222 ; orders to, i, 342-3, part in bombardment, 346 ; ammunition exhausted, 348 ; loss, 349 ; dam- age, 351. Sumter, commerce-destroyer, ex Habana ; des. i, 144 ; gets to sea, 145 ; at St. Pierre, 145 ; escapes, 146 ; sold at Gibraltar, id. Sumter, see Fort S. Sumter, ram, i, 67, 68. Sunda, Straits of, i, 156-7; I7 l > I 7 2 - INDEX OF NAMES. 377 Superb, Tab. x ; purchased from Turkey, ii, 224; at Alexandria, i, 338 ; des. 338-9 ; orders to, 342-3 ; part in bombardment, 346-7; loss, 349 ; damage, 351. Surprise, ii, 6. Surprise, privateer, i, 173. Surveillante, i, 267 ; flagship of French Baltic fleet, 272; loses her rudder on North Sea Coast, 277. Suzuki, ii, 131. Symonds, Sir T., Admiral on Captain, ii, 185. Tabarka, seized by French, ii, 1 . Tacna, ii, 18. Tacony, i, 149. Tacony, Tab. v, i, 137. Tacuari, Paraguayan, i, 258, 260. Tage, ii, 267. Takachiho, Tab. xix; loss, xxi ; see sister ship, Naniwa ; des. ii, 60 ; in Gulf of Korea, 67 ; at Yalu, 85 ; place in line, 89 ; opens on King Yuen, 94; loss, 109. Takao, ii, 85. Taku, docks, ii, 66 ; transports leave, 67, 84; return to, 104; m. 75- Takushan, ii, 90. Talien Bay, ii, 84, 96. Tallahassee, ex Atlanta, destroys commerce, i, 167-S ; threatens New York, 168 ; m. 170. Tamandare, Admiral, character of, i, 258, 259; his battles, 261-2; recalled, 263. Tamandare , see Almirante T. Tamplin, Mr., ii, 76, 77. Tang commands Chih Yuen, ii, 101, 159- Tangiers, ii, 207. Taranto, i, 215, 229. Tarapaca, ii, 18. Tatnall commands Merrimac, i, 35 ; " blood thicker than water," 35- 349. Taureau, Tab. x ; des. ii, 265 ; m. i, 267. Tavara, surgeon on Huascar, i, 328. Tayi, i, 263. Tchen Kiang, ii, 13 ; sunk, 15. Tchesme, line-of-battle ship, i, xxxi. Tchesme, torpedo-boat, at Sulina, i, 293-4 ; at Sukhum, 298 ; at Batum, 301-2; second attack, 302-3. Teaser, i, 15, 19. Tecumseh, Tab. iv ; at Mobile, i, 119; des. id.; position, 120; opens fire, 122 ; crosses line of torpedoes, 124; sunk,?^. ; heroism of Craven, id. ; loss on, 132. Tegetthoff, Baron Wilhelm von, his record, i, 225-6 ; off Ancona, 216; message to Lissa, 222; scruples as to Venetian sailors, 227 ; prepares h\s personnel, 228 ; ram and concentrated broad- sides, id. ; appears off Ancona, 229 ; again visits it, 229 ; doubts whether Lissa is the Italian objective, 230 ; instructions, id. ; sails in battle order, 230-1 ; bad weather, 231 ; breaks Italian line, 234 ; rams Re d' Italia, 236 ; reaches Lissa, 241 ; why he did not renew action, 241 ; tactics 247-8 ; rewards, 251 ; death, 251 ; m. ii, 81, 105, 106, ill, 151, 155. Telegraph Tower, i, 222. Temeraire, Tab. xii ; elevation, PI. xxxvi, ii, 220 ; des. ii, 223-4, i, 339 ; at Alexandria, 339 ; orders to, 342-3 ; part in bombardment, 347-9; no damage, 351; good shooting, 353 ; armour deck, ii, 227. 378 INDEX OF NAMES. Tempete, ii, 265. Teneriffe, i, 150. Tengchow-feu, ii, 127, 129. Tennessee River, forts on, i, 61, 63 ; importance of, 64, 83. Tennessee, State, i, 64, 65, 178, 179. Tennessee, des. i, 116-7; crosses flats, 1 17-8, 124, at Mobile Bay, 118, 119; encounters Hartford, 125 ; attempts to ram, 125-7 i retires to Fort Morgan, 127 ; renews action, 128 ; rammed by Monongahela and Lackawanna, 129 ; attacked by monitors, 130-1 ; strikes, 132 ; damage and loss, 132 ; m. ii, 137. Tenrio, ii, 85, 133. Terceira, i, 152. Terribile, Tab. vii ; des. i, 212 ; at Ancona, 216; at Lissa, 219; off Comisa, 221, 222, 224; position when Austrians appeared, 225, 232, 238 ; comes up, 240 ; com- plaints, 250. Terrible, English, Tab. xxiii ; com- pared with battleship, ii, 141 -3 ; des. 256; m. 214; water-tube boilers, 254. Terrible, French, ii, 265-6. Terror, i, xxxiii. Terror, U.S.N., ii, 278, 289. Terry, General, i, 140. Texas, i, 37, 180, 181, 185, 190. Texas, ii, 289-90. Thames Iron Works, ii, 58. Thames, i, 212. Thetis in Channel, 1870, i, 267 ; sent to Baltic, 272 ; m. 273. Thomson, Messrs., ii, 58, 208. Thunder, i, xxxiii. Thunderbolt, i, xxxiii. Thunderer, built, ii, 226 ; hydraulic worked guns, 247 ; accidents on, 208, 248. Ticonderoga, Tab. v, i, 137. Tijucas Bay, ii, 43, 46. Timbo, i, 262. Timby, an inventor, i, 8. " Tinclads " described, i, 73, 182. Ting, Ju Chang, Admiral, portrait, PI. xxvii, ii, 84 ; his experience, n > 55» 57 ! hi s strategical ad- viser, 66 ; knowledge of naval matters, 80 ; his wishes, 81 ; orders of Li Hung Chang to, 82 ; general orders to fleet, 81, 86 ; his strategy, 83-84 ; sees Japanese, 86 ; tactics, 86-87 ; at Wei - hai - wei, 126, 128, 133; commits suicide, 133; his mistake, 133-4. 87. Ting Yuen, Tab. xviii ; PI. xxxii, ii, 122; elevation, PI. xxiii, ii, 62 ; des. ii, 62-4 ; defects, 63 ; Ting's flagship, 81, 84; at Yalu, place in line, 89 ; Europeans on board, 88 ; opens fire, 90 ; Hiyei passes her, 93; terrible fire upon, 94; on fire, 95, 99, 1 13 ; military mast hit, 99 ; Nichols killed, 99 ; shots fired, H2A; hits on, 112c; 6-inch gun not disabled, 121 ; heavy guns disabled, 122 ; at Wei-hai- wei, 126; torpedoed, 131, 132, 135 ; m. 99, H2D. Tiradentes, Tab. xvii, ii, 36, 42. Tokio Arsenal, ii, 61 ; university, ii, 52. Tonkin, ii, 4. Tonnant, ii, 265. Tonnante, i, xxxii, xxxiii. Tonnerre, ii, 265. Torpedoist at Sukhum, i, 298, 300. Toulba Pasha, i, 357. Toulon, line Toulon-Algiers, i, 275, 280; m. 219, 355. Toultcha, i, 296. Tourville at Sfax, ii, 1-2. Trafalgar, loss at, ii, no; dura- tion, 115; place of admiral, 151. INDEX OF NAMES. 379 Trafalgar, see sister ship, Nile, ii, 232. Trajano, Tab. xvii, ii, 36. Treaty of Paris, see Paris. Tredegar Works, i, 107. Trehouart, ii, 266. Trent, case of the, i, 201-3. Trenton, \, 6, ii, 278-9. Trident, des. ii, 261 ; at Sfax, 2. Trieste, i, 230. Triomphante, Tab. xv ; des. ii, 5 ; at Foochow, 8 ; sinks Ching Wei, 9 ; descends Min River, 11-12 ; m. 266. Tri Sviatitelia, i, xxxi. Trusty, i, xxxiii. Tryon, Sir G., Commander-in- Chief on Mediterranean station, 1893, on the Victoria, ii, 196 ; his fatal order, 197-8 ; executed, 199; the Victoria rammed, 200 ; on the chart-house, 202 ; drowned, 204 ; blamed by court-martial, 205 ; system of following the leader, 152 ; maxim, 153. Tsao Kiang in G. of Korea, ii, 67 ; captured, 72. Same as Tchen Kiang ? Tshao Yong, Tab. xviii ; des. ii, 65 ; at Yalu, 84 ; slow in moving, 87, n. ; place in line, 89 ; set on fire, 92 ; disabled, 95 ; steering gear damaged, 102 ; men crowd in tops, in; fire on, 113; m. 105. Tsi Yuen, Tab. xviii ; des. ii, 64-5 ; action off Asan, 67-71, 53 ; appearance of ship after, 71 ; Japanese version, 68, 77 ; at Yalu, 84 ; place in line, 89 ; European on board, 88 ; runs away, 91 ; cowardice (?) 103 ; collides with Yang Wei, 94, ill, 115 ; part in battle, 102-3 ; loss, 109; at Wei-hai-wei, 126; cap- tured by Japanese, 153 ; hit on conning tower at Asan, 69, 168 ; m. 78, 80, 144. ! Tsuboi commands flying squadron, ii, 68 ; at Yalu, 85 ; leads, 89, 152 ; raises speed, 92 ; m. 104. Tsukushi, ii, 85. Tsung-li- Yamen, its strategy, ii, 56-7 ; orders to Ting, 81, 83, 105 ; corrupt, 54. Tunis, French protectorate, ii, 1 ; insurgents seize Sfax, 1 ; bom- bardment, 2, 3 ; captured, 4. Turenne, ii, 266. Turkey, war with Russia, 1877, i, 286 ; state of Turkish fleet, 287 ; has command of sea, 287-8 ; task before Turks, 288 ; precautions against torpedoes, 293, 297 ; in- effective blockade of Russian coast, 288-9, 290 ; torpedo attacks, 290-302 ; Vesta and Assar-i-Chevket, 303-4; Lutfi Djelil sunk, 289, 290 ; little use of fleet, 287-8 ; defeat of Turks at Sinope, 1, xxxi. Tuscaloosa, ex Cojirad, i, 156. j Tuscarora, Tab. v; at Fort Fisher, i, 137; blockades Sumter, 146; Nashville, 165. Tuscumbia, des. i, 73 ; passes Vicksburg, 78 ; at Grand Gulf, 79- Tyler, i, 62 ; at Fort Henry, 63 ; at Fort Donelson, 64 ; at Shiloh, 65 ; chased by Arkansas, 71. Tyler on Ting Yuen, ii, 88 ; de- scribes torpedo attack, 135. u. Unadilla, Tab. v, i, 137. Unebi, ii, 208. United States, object of Federal or Northern party, i, 1 ; navy in 1 86 1, 2, 181 : measures taken to create a navy, 62, 182; ironclads ordered, 7, 9, 62 ; consequence of naval weakness, 2 ; the Moni- tor, 7-14; Merrimac defeats Congress and Cumberland, 15- 3 8o INDEX OF NAMES. 20 ; alarm in North, 20 ; Monitor faces Merrimac, 26-31 ; im- portance of Mississippi, &c, 37, 82, 83 ; New Orleans captured, 39-56 ; the Mississippi opened, 63-81 ; unsuccessful attack on Charleston, 92-102 ; the Albe- marle torpedoed, 1 10-3; Mobile Bay forced, 116, 132 ; Fort Fisher captured, 136-142; Southern commerce -destruction, 143-168; effects, 168-9; strategy of North, 169-173 ; Geneva arbitration, 174; the blockade, 181; its objects, 177-8 ; occupation of Confederate ports, 184-5; block- ade-running, 185-196; treat- ment of neutrals, 197-8 ; case of Peterhoff, 199-200 ; of Trent, 201-2 ; doctrine of contraband, 203 ; the blockade crushed the South, 196-7 ; war of 1812, i, 197; and Chile, ii, 33-4; navy, development of, ii, 277-301, Tab. • xxvi. Union, Tab. xi ; des. i, 312 ; with Huascar, cross-raiding, 314, 322; sighted by Chilian fleet, 323 ; escapes, 324; torpedo attack on, 332 ; Tab. xxv ; bombarded, 333 ; hit, 334. Urano, Tab. xvii, ii, 38. Uribe, i, 318. Uruguay, i, 257. V Va cca commands a division of Italian fleet, i, 219 ; for attack on Lissa, 220; at Comisa, 221; enters San Giorgio Harbour, 223 ; quoted on Persano's conduct, 224 ; left unsupported, 234 ; wheels on Austrians, 234 ; his conduct, 246 complains of gunnery, 247 given command, 251. Valeureuse, i, 267, 275. Valmy, ii, 266 Valparaiso, bombarded by Spani- ards, i, 253-4 ; neutral property destroyed, 254; futility of bom- bardment, id.; no docks, 314; open port, 315 ; revolt of Con- gressionalists at, ii, 16; fighting at, 19-20 ; captured, 32; m. i, 322, 332 ; ii, 30. Vanderbilt, Tab. v ; at Hampton Roads, i, 35; at Fort Fisher, 137 ; sent in chase of Alabama, 156, 171 ; coals in British ports, 149. Vanguard, des. ii, 191 ; with Channel Squadron, 189; collides with Iron Duke, 190; sinks, 190- 1 ; court-martial on, 192. Varese, Tab. vii ; des. i, 213; at Ancona, 216; at Lissa, 219; off Comisa (?) 221, 222, 224; posi- tion when Austrians appeared, 225, 232 ; arrives, 234; in battle, 238 ; collides with Ancona, 240 ; Persano complains of, 250. Vargus, ii, 23. Varuna, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; passes forts, 47 ; en- gages Confederate flotilla, 54-5 ; rammed and sunk, 55. Vauban, ii, 266. Venezuela, i, 153. Vengeur, line-of-battle ship, i, 17. Vengeur, ii. 265. Venice, cession to France, i, 227 ; m. 211, 213, 230. Venus, Tab. xvii, ii, 42. Verestchagine, i, 295. Vergara, lost on Blanco, ii, 27. Vesta, i, 286 ; action with Assar-i- Chevket, 303-4; m. ii, 137. Vesuvius, ii, 151, 283, 285. Vice- Admiral Pop off, i, 286. Vicksburg, fortified, i, 61 ; Farragut passes, 69-71 ; a second time, 72 ; attempts to turn, 74 ; Porter and Grant pass, 77-8 ; fall of, 79, 81 ; importance of, 81 ; m. 77, 83, 282. INDEX OF Victor, see Rappahanock. Victor Emmanuel , Tab. vii. Victoria, ex Renown, Tab. xxii ; PI. xxxiv, ii, 196 ; elevations, PI. xxxix, ii, 232 ; xxxv, ii, 202 ; des. ii, 196, 232 ; with Mediter- ranean fleet, 1893, 196 ; dan- gerous manoeuvre ordered, 197-8 ; executed, 199 ; rammed by Camperdoivn, 200; capsizes, 204; loss of life, 204-5 I court-martial, 205-6 ; why she sank, 206 ; value of armour-belt, 207 ; m. 233, 239; triple-expansion en- gines, 254. Victoria, Peruvian, i, 255. Victorieuse, ii, 266. Victorious, see sister ship, Majestic, ii, 237, n. Vigo, i, 278. Villa de Madrid, Spanish, in Pacific, i, 252 ; at Valparaiso, 253-4 ; at Callao, 255-6. Vi liars, Tab. xv ; at Foochow, ii, 4, 6, 9 ; descends Min, 11-12. Villegagnon Island and Fort, ii, 37, 38. Villeneuve, ii, 213. Vincedora, Spanish, in Pacific, i, 252 ; at Valparaiso, 253-4 ; Callao, 255-6. Viper e, Tab. xv, ii, 4, 10. Virginia, State of, i, 180, 181. Virginia, ironclad, see Merrimac. Virginia Volunteer Navy, i, 188. Vishnevetski, Lieut., at Sukhum, i, 298, 300. Vladimir, i, 286, 292. Vnoutchek, i, 286. Volta, Tab. xv ; at Foochowi, ii, 4 ; position, 6 ; torpedo attacks by her launches, 8 ; damage, 1 1 ; descends Min, 1 1-12. Voltigeur at Sfax, ii, 2. Voron, \, 286, 296. Vulcan Company, ii, 62. NAMES. 3 8i w. Wabash, Tab. v, xxv, i, 137. Wachusett attacks Florida, i, 150. Walke, Rear-Admiral, runs past Island No. 10, i, 66, 67 ; at Fort Henry, 63; at Fort Donelson, 64. Walker, Sir B., ii, 184. Wampanoag, ii, 212, 254, 277. Wandenkolk, Admiral, ii, 35. Wangeroog, i, 270, 278. Warrior, English ironclad, Tab. xxii ; elevation, PI. xxxvii, ii, 220 ; des. ii, 219-220 ; compart- ments, 219, n. ; armament, id. ; speed, 212 ; superior to Monitor, i, 32 ; m. ii, 189, 221. Washington, Tab. vii. Washington Commission, i, 204. Wasp, ii, 208. Watts, Isaac, ii, 219. Waymouth, Capt., ii, 220. Webb, Lieut., Confederate, i, 100. Webb, i, 74. Webb's Yard, New York, i, 212. Weehawken, monitor, Tab. iii ; action with Atlanta, i, 99-100 ; action with Sumter, 92 ; has bootjack fitted, id. ; opens fire, id. ; damage, 94 ; again attacks, 101 ; injury to, 102 ; founders off Charleston. Wei-hai-wei, M. xxv, ii. 52 ; Chinese naval port, ii, 66 ; Tsi Yuen reaches, 72 ; fleet at, 83 ; Japanese off (?) 85 ; Chinese fleet at, after Yalu, 126; attacked by Japanese, 127-8 ; bombarded, 128; torpedo attacks, 129-133; collapse of Chinese, 133; m. 71, 81, 82, 137. Wei Yuen, Tab. xxv ; PI. xx, ii, 14 ; ii, 67 ; ii, 132. 382 INDEX OF Welles, Secretary of Navy, U.S.A., i, 91, 202. West, The, i, 37, 65, 83, 180. West Africa, i, 269, 270. West Gulf Squadron, i, 185. West Indies, i, 156, 170, 171, 270, 279. West Virginia, i, 172. Whampoa, docks at, ii, 66. Wharton, Lieut., i, 30. Whitehead torpedo, cigar-shaped and divided into three compart- ments, containing explosive charge of 6o-20olb. gun-cotton, com- pressed air, and propelling machinery, des. ii, 258-9 ; range, 259 ; defects, 161 ; em- ployment in war, Tab. xxv ; first used by Shah, i, 309. Whitworth gun, an early rifle with hexagonal bore, ii, 251. Wilhelmshaven, state of, 1870, i, 270, 273 ; ships at 278 ; prac- ticability of an attack, 283 ; m. 281, 282. Wilkes, Capt., i, 171, 201-3. Wilkinson, Capt., blockade-runner, on risk of blockade-running, i, 191 ; runs, 195 ; m. 189. Willaumez, see Bouet. William, i, 199. William, King of Prussia, i, 270. Wilmington, works at, i, 2 ; im- portance of, 135, 142, 179-80 ; blockade-runners at, 183, 192, 194; blockading squadron, 185-6; distance from neutral ports, 187 ; run into, 190- 1. Windward Island, i, 148. Windward Passage, i, 176. Winnebago, monitor, Tab. iv ; des. i, 119; at Mobile, 120; turret jammed, 123 ; saves Oneida, 126 ; engages Tennessee, 131. NAMES. Winona, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; does not pass forts, 53-4 ; at Vicksburg, 70 ; off Mobile, 147. Winslow, Capt., of Kearsarge, i, 157-165. Winslow, Confederate privateer, i, 143- Wisconsin, ii, 297-8. Wissahickon, Tab. ii ; at New Orleans, i, 45 ; passes forts, 48 ; at Vicksburg, 70. Wivern, i, 33, 168. Worden, commander of Monitor, i, 14, 24; attempts to ram, 28; wounded in pilot-house, 30 ; ii, 168. Worth, i, 275, 281. Wyalusing, action with Albemarle, i, 108, no. Wyoming, i, 157, 172. Y. Yaeyarna, ii, 77. Yalu, Battle of the, or Haiyang, M. xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, ii, 88, 90, 92 ; fleets at, Tab. xviii, xix ; compared, xx ; loss of Japanese, xxi ; value of deductions from, ii, 57, 1 16-7, 137; Chinese tactics, 86-7, 106, 118; battle, 88-103; compared with Lissa, 104-6, losses on both sides, 108-9 ; life-saving, in ; gunnery at, 112-112B; structural damage to Japanese ships, 112B; artillery preponderance of Japanese, id. ; size at, n 2D ; fires, 113 ; ram and torpedo, 114-5 ; signals, 119; armour at, 119-20, 121-2, 159; special circumstances restrained Japanese, 106, 123 ; speed at, 124 ; place of commanders at, 152-3 ; escape of Saikio at, 175 ; m. 56, 73, 126, 133. Yalu River, ii, 67. Yamato, ii, 85. INDEX OF Yang Pao, ii, 65. Yang Wei, Tab. xviii ; des. ii, 65 ; ! at Yalu, 84 ; slow in taking up ! position, 87 ; place in line, 89 ; crushed by Japanese fire, 92 ; rammed by Tsi Yuen, 94, 102, 103 ; fire on, 102 ; sunk, 105 ; riddled, 1 12D ; weak ship, 144; m. 113. Yang Woo, Tab. xv, xxv ; at Foo- I chow, ii, 5, 6 ; torpedoed, 8. Y antic, Tab. v, i, 137. Yarrow torpedo boats, ii, 84. Yazoo River, i, 71, 73, 80. Ybera, i, 258. Ye Sing, ii, 65. Ygurei, i, 258, 260. Ylo, i, 307 ; action between Shah \ and Huascar off, 308-9, 310. Yokosuka, Japanese dockyard, ii, | 58, 60, 61. Ypora, Lake, i, 264. Ypora, Paraguayan ship, i, 258. NAMES. 383 Yorktown or Patrick Henry, i, 15. 19- Yorktown, U.S.N., ii, 283-4. Yoshino, Tab. xix ; loss, xxi ; PI. xxiv, ii, 68 ; des. ii, 59-60 ; action off Asan with Tsi Yuen, 68-71 ; bridge hit, 71 ; badly handled, 53 ; at Yalu, 85 ; place in line, 89 ; sinks Chih Yuen, 94, 101 ; uses cordite, 112D; at Wei-hai- wei, 130; hit, 133. Yu Sing, Tab. xv, ii, 5. Yu Yen, Tab, xxv, ii, 13, 14. z. Z and Montechant, q. i, 209 ; ii. 156. Zalinski gun, ii, 20, 150- 1. Zatzarennyi, Lieut., at Sulina, i, 293-4 ; at Sukhum, 298-301 ; at Batum, 301-3. Zealous, ii, 221. Zouave, i, 15, 18. Vol. II. c c INDEX III. SUBJECT-MATTER AND TECHXICAL TERMS. A. Accidental collisions, in action, Brooklyn and Kineo, i, 48 ; Nahant and Keokuk, 93 ; Lacka- wanna and Hartford, 130 ; Ancona and Varese, 240 ; Blanco and Cochrane, 328 ; 7Vi Fz keeps out high explosives, ii, 172 ; resists ram, 207. Thin, dangerous ; Eads gunboats, i, 62,63, 70, 84; Huascar, 331 ; on Tsi Yuen, ii, 70, 71 ; on Chinese fleet removed, 87-8 ; at Yalu, 170 ; cloth instead of, id. "Armour-clad." A vessel carrying vertical armour, i.e., armour on her sides and gun -positions, e.g., the Royal Sovereign. Army, co-operation of, with navy ineffective : Confederate, at New Orleans, i, 44, 58 ; on Mississippi, 81-2, n. ; Albemarle, 113; Fort Fisher, 137-8 ; need of army for offensive naval warfare, i, 61, 185, 205-6, 281-2, 284; ii, 33, 50, 127-8. Artillery, see Guns. Progress of, ii, 245-252 ; Tab. xxiv. Auxiliary battery or secondary armament, carried by all modern ships, and is midway in power between the heavy guns and the machine guns, ii, 229 ; de- velopment of, 230, 234. 235, 238 ; protection of, on older ships, nil, ii, 164; easily put out of action, 172; on "Admirals," 230 ; Victoria, 232 ; Nile, 233 ; Royal Sovereign, 235 ; Majestic, 238, 243 ; improvised protection, 164. " Axial fire." Fire right ahead or right astern, parallel to ship's axis or direction : of French ships, ii, 154, 269; of English " eche- loned " turret-ships, 228 ; of Chinese battleships, 63. Bow-fire necessary to meet torpedo attacks, ii, 180; strong, of Conqueror and Victoria, 232 ; necessary if enemy fight stern battle, 118. Stern -fire, powerful French, 154; allows stern battle, 118; deficient, of Conqueror and Vic- toria, 232. B. " Backing." The timber cushion upon which armour plates are generally mounted, of teak or oak. Improvements in, ii, 254. "Barbette." A circular or pear- shaped armoured inclosure, inside which is a turntable carrying the gun or guns. The latter fire over the edge of the armour, not through port -holes, and are said to be mounted en barbette. PI. xiii, i, 280, shows a gun so mounted, forward ; ii, 242. Descends from turret, i, 33 ; on Temeraire, i, 339, ii, 223 ; "Admirals," ii, 230; Royal Sovereign, 234; Centurion, 236; Majestic, 238 ; French type, 261. Danger of unprotected bases, ii, 164, 230, 262, 269. Bases, seizure of, by North on Southern coast, i, 184-5, 2 °5> 210 ; the Athenian strategy, 184; Japanese, in G. of Korea, ii, 84.- Battle, forecast of, chap, xxiii, ii, 136-182. Close action or melee at Lissa, i, 234-248, ii, 101 ; may be necessary to close, 117; end-on attack results in, 154; weaker side may close, 159 ; hits nu- merous in, 170; its features, 172 ; torpedo-boat in, 149, 172; artil- lery in, 180. Long-range action, Yalu one, ii, 104, 106 ; will probably be followed by close action, 117, 159; hits few in, 120 ; fire discipline in, 159; damage done in, 162-3; guns in, 180. See also Loss, Torpedoes. INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. 387 Battle formations discused, ii, 153-8; Farragut's, at New Orleans, i, 45 ; at Mobile, 120 ; Tegetthoff's. 230-1, 247-8; Persano's, 232; Ting's, ii, 86-7, 88 ; Ito's, 89-90. See Map xxix, ii, 156, to the figures of which reference is made by number below. Bow and quarter line. Fig. 1 shows two such lines, in Eng. Navy called double quarter ; at Lissa, i, 230-1, 247 ; ii, 155-6. Groups, Figs. 6, 9, at Yalu, ii, 86-7; Amezaga on, 118; discussed, 156. Line-abreast, Fig. 2, weak- ness, ii, 153-4, 155; Ting's, 57, 118; leads to melee, 154, 160. Line-ahead, Fig. 4, weakness, ii, 153; advantages, 155, 157; length of line, 145 ; at Lissa, i, 232 ; at Yalu, ii, 88-9. Quincunx, Fig. 8, ii, 156. Battleship. A ship designed to fight in the line of battle, carrying vertical armour and heavy armour- piercing guns. Differs from coast-defence ship in its superior sea-keeping qualities. The general features of such a ship are shown in Frontispiece, vol. i, the Majestic. English, French, German, and American compared, ii, 242-5 ; small, 145, 270 ; antiquated, 145, 270 ; definition of standard or first class, 270 ; homogeneity of, 271 ; need of water-line armour, 177- 8; ideal battleship, 177-180; proportion necessary for a block- ade, i, 205 ; battleship versus cruiser, i, 311 ; ii, 138 — 144, 119 — 121. Mainstay of the Brazilian revolt, ii, 49; at Yalu, 120, 122. Development of battleship in England, ii, 209-242; in France, 260-269. Earlier French and English compared, ii, 269. Value of, ii, 280. Belt, armour, why carried, ii, 178- 9; protects against ram (?) 207 ; on cruisers, 143. Blockade of Southern coast, 1 86 1 -5, why it was proclaimed, i, 177 ; when proclaimed, 181 ; terms of proclamation, id. ; objects, to prevent exportation of cotton, 178, and importation of arms, 179; imperfect at first, 181 ; magnitude of task, 183 ; does not stop trade, id. ; in- different craft blockading, 184; bases necessary, id. ; the work of the army in, 185 ; typical blockade, 185-6 ; great rise in prices due to, 196 ; effect of, 196-7 ; three periods of, 186-7 I invalidated by escape of three ships, 183; ships too close hit one another, 192. Questions arising out of. See Neutrals, England, International Law. Northern, of Bermuda and Nassau, i, 186. French, of German coast, 1870, i, 274 ; difficulty of coaling, 276 ; escape of Arminius and Elisa- beth, 277 ; of Augusta, 278 ; becomes observation, 278. Turkish, of Russian ports, 1877, i, 288; ineffective, 293. Chilian, of Callao, 1880, i, 333. Japanese, of Wei-hai-wei, 1895, ii, 127-133. Blockade of French coast by England, discussed, i, 204-210; France and Confederacy com- pared, 205-6 : English admirals on blockade, 204-5 >' types °f ship necessary for, 208-9; isolated ships can run, 277, 280-1. Blockade-runners, starting points, i, 187 ; typical run, 189- 191 ; Northern precautions against, 186 ; three types, 187 ; sailing, 187-8; fast steamers, 188-9; these could do what they liked, 192, 203-4 ; how they might have been stopped, 206; magnitude of traffic, 188, 193-4; companies of, formed, 188 ; cargoes carried, 191, 193; enormous profits, 194; price of freight, 193 ; wages of captain and sailors, 195 ; risk of, 388 INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. 191 -2, 194-5 ; insurance on, 195 ; audacity of, 192 ; number cap- tured, 195 ; specialisation in trade, 203-4 ; illegal seizure of ships by North, 198-201 ; ex- cuses for North, 203 ; number of claims against North, 204; m. i, 51, 136-7, 138, 146, 167, 168. Boats, will be left on shore before battle, ii, 162 ; Tsi Yuen's on fire, ii, 70 ; left behind by Chinese, 88. Boilers, water-tube or tubulous. In these the water is in the tubes, whereas in tubular boilers the gases of the fire pass through the tubes around which is the water. On Brennus, ii, 254 ; on Powerful, id. Damage to boilers, &c, in action, Itasca, i, 53 ; Essex, 63 ; Sumter, 68 ; Little Rebel, 69 ; Mound City, 69; Brooklyn, 75 ; Merc edit a, 88 ; Sassacus, 109 ; Mackinaw, 139; Villa de Madrid, 255 ; Ivahy, 262 ; Huascar, 328 ; torpedo boat No. 9, ii, 131. Bombardment. See also High angle Fire, Forts. Of open ports, Spaniards at Valparaiso, i, 253-4 ; no attacks upon, in American Civil War, 153 ; Bouet ordered to attack German, 276-7. Danger from, i, 209, n. ; cf. 334 ; strategically useless, 283-4 ; provokes reprisals, 209, n., 284. Boom, at New Orleans, i, 42, 49- 50, 59 ; at Charleston, 87, 93 ; round Albemarle, 112 ; at Kiel, 271 ; at Sulina, 293, 295, 296 ; at Batum, 297, n. ; at Sukhum, 298; at Callao, 333; at Sta. Catherina, ii, 49 ; at Wei-hai-wei, 128. Need of, i, 96 ; ii, 50. Bow and quarter line. See Battle Formations. Broadside, weak, of monitors, i, 136. Return to powerful, ii, 154, 242. Bunkers, advantage of full, in action, ii, 164. c. Cap-squares. The metal plates which fasten down the trunnions of a gun to its carriage. Most modern guns have no trunnions, h 95- Captain in action, injury to, ii, 168 ; protection of, 168-170. See Conning Tower. Capture in war eliminated? ii, 176. [Huascar captured, i, 327-330.] Casemate. An armoured inclosure on board ship in which guns are mounted, ii, 235, 236, 237,238. Casemate-ships are vessels of the Merrimac type, des. i, 3-6. Central pivot mountings. A form of gun-carriage which allows the gun to sweep a wide angle, generally from 6o° to 270 0 . It is usually fitted with a shield, and sometimes has an ammuni- tion hoist coming up through the pivot. PI. xli, ii, 250, illustrates this form of mounting ; ii, 60. Clearing for action, Farragut's fleet, i, 39, 119; at Alexandria, 342; Tsi Yuen not, at Asan, ii, 69 ; Chinese fleet, 81, 87-8 ; discussed, 162-3 ; time taken to clear, 162, n. Coal supply, bad on Sumter, i, 144 ; runs low on Italian fleet, 240 ; poor of French ships, 273, n. ; of Royal Sovereign, ii, 235 ; of various battleships, 244. Smokeless, Russians use, i, 298 ; Japanese betrayed by smoke, ii, 86; blockade-runners use, i, 189. Protection improvised on Chinese ships, ii, 81, 87. Discussed, ii, 163-5. INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. 389 Coaling at sea, Alabama, i, 154 ; | French in 1870, 275-6. Coaling in neutral ports. See International Law. Coaling stations, i, 173, 206. Coasts, war of, demands special types of ships, i, 265-7 J Huascar carries on, 321. Colour of ships, at New Orleans, i, 39 ; at Lissa, 235 ; of Russian torpedo-boats, i, 298 ; of torpedo- 1 boats at SheTpoo, ii, 13 ; at Yalu, ii, 90, 104 ; importance of distinctive, 181. Commander-in-Chief, place of (1) j in fleet ; Farragut's views on, i, 46, 120, n., ii, 151-2, n. ; Nel- son's view, ii, 151 -2 ; Tegetthoff, i, 231-2; Persano, 233; Ito at Yalu, ii, 152; discussed, 151-2 ; (2) on shipboard, Farragut in rigging, i, 121 ; military masts (?) ii, 152. Commerce, warfare against, South- ern against Northern, i, 143- 176; passengers of captured ships, how got rid of, 150, 154; surprise rendered it effective, 153, 157; strategy of Semmes, 170; defensive against him, 170 — 173 ; transfers of Northern shipping to English flag, 169, n. ; strategic inutility, 175-6; causes which may have contributed to ruin Northern commerce, 169. Commerce-destroyers, Tab. vi; two types, i, 143-4 ; Sumter, 144-6; Florida, 146- 151, Flori- da's tenders, 148-9 ; Alabama, 152-7; Tuscaloosa, 156; Nash- ville, 165 ; Georgia, 165-6 ; Shenandoah, 166-7 ; Atlanta, 167-8 ; should not fight, 158 ; Northern precautions wanting, 153, 157, 170-3; prizes taken by, Tab. vi. German Augusta, i, 278. Steamers hard to capture, i, 168, 175. Geneva rules on commerce- j destroying, 174. English will be assailed, i, 143, 169, 175, 176, 206, 209. Compound armour, iron faced with steel, ii, 229, 253. Compound engines, have two cylin- ders, one larger than the other. The steam is used at high pres- sure in the smaller cylinder, and when used passes at a lower pressure to the larger cylinder, where it is used again. Triple - expansion engines have three cylinders, quadruple four, ii, 254, 261. Concussion, injuries from, i, 26, 28, !3i> 3 2 7> 35° I 9°> 99> l6 9- Conning tower. An armoured struc- ture, generally cylindrical in shape, from which the ship can be directed in action. Same as pilot house. Kinburn batteries, i, xxxii ; Merrimac's, 5 ; Monitor's, 10 ; struck, 30 ; struck on Missis- sippi gunboats, 65, 78 ; in later monitors, 89; difficulty of vision, 94; Rodgers killed in, 101 ; struck on Salamander, 243 ; on Assar-i-Chevket ? 305 ; on Huas- car, 326, 330 ; on Tsi Yuen, ii, 69 ; tops removed from Chinese, Hits on, ii, 168; thick armour or duplication, 168-9 ! ft e ^ °f view, 153; on various ships, 244. Continuous voyages, Lord Stowell on, i, 199, n. ; U.S. courts, 199- 200. Contraband, U.S. hold Confederate Envoys, i, 201-2 ; Northern courts (U.S.) on, 203; rice held, ii, 15- Crews, of modern ships small re- latively, ii, 213. " Cross-raiding." [Colomb. Naval Warfare, 3] . Warfare by retalia- tory expeditions seeking to burn and destroy without an effort to control or command the sea. See Coasts, War of. 39o INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. Peruvian in 1879, i, 314, 321, 322, 324; ii, 33. Southern cruisers threaten Northern ports, i, 149, 150, 153, 167-8. Cruiser. A vessel of less military strength than a battleship, in which offensive and defensive qualities are sacrificed to speed and coal supply. Generally without vertical armour, but in- variably has a horizontal armour deck, which usually curves up amidships, descending below the water-line at the sides and ends. Sketch of history, ii, 254-7 ; in naval battle, 138 — 145 ; com- pared with frigate, 139-140 ; cannot ram, i, 22 ; ii, 106. Against battleship, i, 308-311 ; ii, 106, 119-121, 138-145. Needs armour-piercing guns, i, 311- Classes of, ii, 143 ; armoured cruisers, id. Necessary to protect commerce, i, 175 ; for blockade, 205 ; place in blockade, 209. D. Deck armour, on early floating batteries, i, xxxii ; on Monitor, i, 10, ii, 227 ; on Eads gunboats, ii, 227 ; adopted, id. ; novel arrangement of, in Renown, 237 ; in various battleships, 244 ; cuts into rammer's bow, 205 ; discussed, ii, 177. Injured on Affondatore, i, 244; does not save Chinese cruisers, ii, 120; danger to, 172, 179. Declaration of war, attack without, ii, 77- Devolution of command, ii, 169, 181. Differentiation of warships, ii, 215- 216. Of armament, ii, 180, 234-5. Of armour, ii, 235. Difficulty of distinguishing com- batants, ii, 104 ; of estimating fighting force, ii, 216. Dimension, failure of small ships at New Orleans, i, 54, n., 60; Palestro at Lissa, 135 ; at Yalu, ii, 112D-3. Increased by steam, ii, 212, 241-2 ; in Western fleets, 116. Resistance of large ships, Aquidaban, ii, 49; cf. ii, 116, 120. Disguise in general action, ii, 181. Distance between ships in action, i, 344 ; ii. 145, n. Distribution of armament, ii, 178 ; in French battleships, 179-180, 263, 264 ; disadvantages of, 269. Division of command on the war- ship, ii, 169. Division of fleet, ii, 144 — 147. Docks, need of, i, 313. Double on enemy. To turn the enemy's flank or concentrate a large force upon a small section of his command, ii, 118, 181. Duration of battle, ii, 115, 175. E. Echeloned turret-ship. A vessel in which the turrets are placed not in the keel line, in the centre of the ship, but diagonally across it. See deck plan of Chen Yuen, PI. xxiii, ii, 62 ; defect of, ii, 63-4 ; English, 154, 228-230. Electricity, use of, ii, 247, 267, 268. End-on battle, Ting orders, ii, 86; danger of, 153-4 ; French may %ht, 154-5- End-on fire. See Axial. End-to-end collisions, ii, 160. Ends, unarmoured, ships with, are technically called " light-enders." INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. At Yalu, ii, 122 ; danger of, 174, 179, 207 ; adopted by England, 227; in "Admirals," 231 ; compared with French pro- tection, 269-270. Engines, breakdown (?) ii, 71, 89; numerous on board ship, 213-4. England and the North, the Con- federate cruisers, Florida, i, 146-7 ; Alabama, 152 ; Georgia, 165; sale of Victor to Con- federates, 166 ; Shenandoah, 166-7 ! coals and refits at Mel- bourne, 167 ; ironclads built for Confederates, 33, 168 ; sympathy with South, 147, 173 ; acknow- ledges as belligerent, 181 ; visits of English cruisers to blockaded ports, 147 ; instructions concern- ing blockade, 183 ; and cotton supply, 178. Case of Trent, i, 200-3 I Peterhoff, 198-200; Springbok, 200-1 ; interference of North with trade, 197, 200. Northern spies, i, 171. Interests antagonistic in peace and war, i, 197-8. Prize law, 199 ; commerce will be assailed, 143, 169, 176, 206, 209; national insurance, 175; our position better than that of North, 175; dependence on sea, 198, 205-6. And France, rice, ii, 15. Strategy in war with France, i, 204-210; fleet necessary to blockade French coast, 206-7. Want of reserve, i, 207. Naval strength of, i, 207 ; ii, 270-275. Personnel of fleet, ii, 173, 274. Explosion on Cochrane, i, 334-5 ; on Matsushima, i, 335 ; ii, 97, 180; on Palestro, i, 241, 335, ii, 180; on Tamandare, ii, 181. F. Fire discipline, ii, 159. Fires in action, Sinope, i, xxxi ; Con- gress, i, 19 ; Minnesota, 29 ; Pinola, 53 ; Keystone State, 88 ; Kennebec, 126 ; Lackawanna, 129 ; Schwarzenburg, 226, n. ; Palestro, 235, 241-2 ; Ancona, 236 ; Kaiser, 239 ; Affondatore, 244 ; Maria Pia, 245 ; San Martino, id. ; Castelfidardo, id. ; at Lissa, 246 ; Blanca, 256 ; Huascar, 325, 329; on Vesta, i, 305 ; on Chinese ships at Foo- chow, ii, 8-10; at Yalu, ii, 113; Tshao Yong, 113; Yang Wei, 93 ; Matsushima, 95 ; Hiyei, gj ; Lai Yuen, 98, 113; Saikio, 98; Ting Yuen, 99-100, 113; Chen Yuen, 100, 113; King Yuen, 101, 113; Ching Yuen, 94, 102, 113; Kivang Kai, 113; discussed, ii, 165-6. " Fleet in being." [Colomb. Naval Warfare, 122-3.] A fleet not contained or masked by a superior or equal force. May be com- pared to an army acting on enemy's lines of communication or flanks. It suffices to bar territorial attacks ? \_Quarterly , clxxvii.] Tegetthoff's fleet in being, i, 220, 222, 224, 248 ; German, 275, 277 ; Chinese, ii, 81-2; Japanese, 83-4, 105-6. Floating batteries, Kinburn, i, xxxii- xxxvi, 3, 8, 207. Food before battle, i, 231, 343; ii, 88. Forced draught. Artificial current of air in boiler flues. To be dis- tinguished from induced draught, ii, 254. Forts, and ships, Kinburn, i, xxxiv- xxxvi ; Duckworth, i, 38 ; New Orleans, 45-54 ; not silenced, 59 ; Vicksburg, 70-1 ; Port Hudson, 75-/7 ; Cincinnati sunk by, 80 ; McAllister, 90 ; Charleston, 92-96, 101-103 ; Mobile, 124-127 ; forts sur- render, 134; Fort Fisher, 135- 142 ; Lissa, 220-224 ; Callao, 255-6; on Parana, 262-3 ; Alex- INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. andria, 336-357 ; Wei-hai-wei, ii, 127-133; at Rio, ii, 36-40; ships cannot silence, i, 57, 128 ; monitors' fire too slow against, 94, 136, 266 ; advantage of forts, 91, 96-7, 265-6, 282-3, 353-4. Ships can pass, i, 45-54, 70-1, 75-77, 124-127, 263-4, 282; ii, 11-12, 36-40, 49-50. Freeboard, high, necessary for sea- going ship, i, 32-3; 325, ii, 178, 239- Frigates at Lissa, i, 219, 221, 234; compared with line-of-battle ship, ii, 138-140. Funnel, damage to, Merrimac, i, 30 ; Arkansas, 71 ; Albemarle, 109; Tennessee, 129, 131 ; Chicka- saw, 123; Kaiser, 239; Assar-i- Chevket, 305 ; Huascar, 328, 329 ; Tsi Yuen, ii, 70. Effect of damage, ii, 163-4 ; protection of, id., 178 ; i, 89. Fuses, defective, i, 162, 247, 352 ; ii, 71, 172. G. Gunnery, changes in, i, 133; value of, 159, 165, 215, 247, ii, 123 ; bad, i, 213, 247 ; Chinese, ii, 99, 109, 112-112A; English, at Alexandria, i, 345, 353, Western better than Eastern, ii, 117; quick-firer has improved, 166 ; influence of weather on, id. ; errors in, 155. Guns. A 6-inch gun is a gun of 6-inch calibre; a 68-ton gun is a gun of 68 tons weight ; a 100- pounder is a gun firing a shot of ioolb. weight. Increased power of, i, 34, ii, 170; sketch of artillery progress, 245-252 ; supreme (?) 123 ; has beaten armour, 174; long range of, i, 97 ; moderate size best, ii, 124, 171, 179. Monster guns useless against earthworks, i, 353-4 ; craze for, ii, 247-9; need of big guns, i, .311, ii, ill, 171 ; weak guns useless against armour, i, 309, ii, n 1 ; destruction proportionate to size of shot, 139, 171 ; disabled at Asan, 70; at Yalu, 97, 101, 103, 1 13-4. Early guns weak, ii, 240, 246. Northern (U.S.) guns, Tab. i ; burst, i, 65, 139. Southern, i, 1, 40, 118, 179. At Lissa, compared, i, 246 ; at Yalu, ii, 1 12-112A. English, at Alexandria, i, 339 ; Egyptian, 341 ; disabled, 351-2. French and Chinese, at Foo- chow, ii, 5-6. Heavy guns in long-range encounter, ii, 159, 171 ; at close quarters, 172. Carriages, improvements in, ii, 247. Hydraulic-worked, at Alex- andria, i, 345-6, 353 ; on Chinese ships, ii, 63 ; on Temeraire, 223 ; on Dreadnought, 226 ; Thunderer, 247 ; general adoption, id. ; in French fleet, 262. Light (Gatling, Nordenfelts, &c), effective against Huascar, i, 326 ; little value against large ships, ii, 30 ; deadly at Foochow, 10; on Aquidaban, 48-9; little damage by, at Yalu, 125. Long, advantage of, ii, 248, 2 5°- Pneumatic, on Nictheroy , ii, 40-1, 42, 49 ; accuracy of, 150- 1, 285-6. Quick-firing, des. ii, II2A-B, 251 ; PI. xl, ii, 246; xli, ii, 250. Value against torpedo-boats, i, 303-4 ; ii, 48-9, 149. For arma- ment of merchant ships in war, i, 175. Promote accurate shooting, ii, 166 ; in long-range engage- ment, 159 ; structural influence, 227, 232, 238 ; tactical influence, 156; development of, 250-1 ; 8- inch, 1 70- 1 ; as secondary arma- INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. 393 ment of warship, 178, 179, 180 ; Thunderer class impervious to, 226. At Yalu, ii, 91, 112-112B, II2C-D. Rapidity of fire, ii, 180; im- portance of, 1 12B ; of heavy guns, 249. Smooth-bores, U.S., i, 26 ; low charge, id. ; short range, 127 ; effective on water-line, 161, 165. H. Handiness, i, 308, 316. High-angle fire, at New Orleans, i, 43-45 ; effect of, 57 ; Farragut's belief in, id., 75, n. ; use of, in modern bombardments, 96-7 ; at Sulina, 296-7 ; on Vesta against Assar-i-Chevket, 304-5; Inflexi- ble 1 s at Alexandria, 352 ; Egyp- tian, 354 ; value of, urged by Lieut. Goodrich, 355. Howitzer ships, i, 355. Howitzer, ii, 171. High explosives. The name given to substances exploding with greater violence than gunpowder, as dynamite, melinite, and cordite. They are used as the bursting charge of shells, ii, 252. Effect of shells charged with, ii, 163, 172 ; at Yalu, 113 ; structural influence of, 227, 241. Hits in action, on Monitor, i, 32 ; Merrimac, id. ; Rolf Krake, 33 ; gunboats at Fort Henry, 63 ; at Donelson, 65 ; at Grand Gulf, 79 ; on monitors at Charleston, 93, 95 ; Atlanta, 99-100; second Charleston attack, 101 ; Ten- nessee, 132 ; fleet at Fort Fisher, 139 ; Florida, 148 ; Alabama, 164; Kearsarge, 164; Formid- able, 223 ; at Lissa, 245 ; Brazilian fleet at Humaita, 263 ; flat-boat action, 262 ; Vesta, 305 ; Assar-i-Chevket, id. ; Huascar against Shah, 309 ; against Chilian fleet, 325-330 ; Coch- rane, 331 ; Alexandra, 346; fleet at Alexandria, 350-1 ; French fleet at Foochow, ii, 11 ; Blanco, 19-20 ; Aquidaban, 37- 38 ; Tsi Yuen, 69-71 ; Matsu- shima, 96 ; Saikio, 98 ; Hiyei, 97 ; Akagi, id. ; Japanese fleet, H2B; Chinese, 112C-D. By heavy guns, i, 240, 243, 255. 256, 318, 325-330; ii, 9, 76, 96, 98, IOI, II2A, II2C, I72. On torpedo -craft, ii, 26-7, 46, 99, 132. Percentage of, at Charleston, i, 96 ; Lissa, 246, 247 ; Shah's, 309-310; Chilian against Huas- car, 330 ; on forts at Alexandria, 352 ; gunboats 3iga.\r\st Aconcagua, ii, 30; at Yalu, 112A-B; future battle, 166. Homogeneity of structure in battle- ships, ii, 236, 271. Hydraulics. See Guns, Hydraulic- worked. I. Induced draught. See Forced Draught. Insurance, on blockade-runners, i, 195; national, of commerce, 175. International law. See also Eng- land. Commerce - destroyers ; Sumter not allowed to coal, i, 146 ; Florida uses English flag, 147 ; coals at Nassau, 148 : at Barbadoes, 149 ; rule in regard to coaling, id., n ; at Bermuda, id. ; Shenandoah coals at Mel- bourne, 167 ; negligence of England in regard to commerce- destroyers. See England. Geneva rules, i, 174 ; Alabama claims, 174-5. Sumter at Cadiz, i, 146 ; Ala- bama at Noronha, 156; coals at Blanquilla, 153 ; French lay embargo on Victor, 166; attitude of France, 174, n. 394 INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. U .S. warships, breach of French neutrality, i, 145 ; infraction of English coaling rules, 149 ; seizure of Florida, 151 ; complaints anent Deerhound, 164 ; repairs in English ports, 167 ; precedents against, 173; in blockade treat- ment of neutrals, 197 ; case of Peterhoff, 198-200 ; continuous voyages, 199, n.; Slidell and Mason, Trent case, 201-3; doctrine of contraband, 203 ; English claims against North, 204; pre-emption, id. ; illegali- ties in blockade, 183. French not allowed to coal at Heligoland, i, 275 ; nor English pilots to act for, 273 ; but Danish pilots procurable, id. ; cf. 283. Neutral property destroyed at Valparaiso, i, 254 ; French hold rice contraband, ii, 15 ; coal at Hong-Kong, id. ; blockade of Formosa, id. Neutrals stop blockade of Valparaiso, ii, 19; of Rio, 37. Case of Itata, ii, 33-4 ; of Kowshing, 77-80. Hostilities without declaration of war, ii, 77. Ironclad against wooden ship, Merrimac in Hampton Roads, i, 14-20 ; action off Charleston, 87-9 ; Albemarle and gunboats, 106-110; Kaiser, 239. Against unarmoured ship, Assar-i-Chevket, i, 304-5 ; Shah and Huascar, 308-11. See also Yalu. L. Landing party from fleet at Fort Fisher, i, 141 ; diminutive with modern ships, 283. Lashing of ships in pairs, i, 74, 120, 263. Laws of war, breach of, ii, 79-80. Life - saving in battle, or after, Kearsarge, i, 163-4; Lissa, 237-8 ; duty of victor, ii, 78 ; at Yalu, iio-iii ; Tegetthoff wishes for conference to settle, 1 1 1 ; life- belts, 163. Light draught, necessary on South- ern coast, i, 7, 35, 40, 90, 117, 125; French had no — ships, 266, 268, 273, 282 ; value of, to Huascar, 308, 310 ; to Covadonga, 316, 319; to Esmeralda, 316; English want of, at Alexandria, 339 ; value to Condor, 346 ; to gunboats, 347 ; at Sfax, ii, 2, 4. Lights misplaced, not, i, 273. Line-ahead. See Battle Formations. Line-abreast. See Battle Forma- tions. Loss in naval action. Men, Table of six great battles, ii, no; past and present, iio-iii, 173-4, 181. At New Orleans, i, 60 ; Donel- son, 65; Vicksburg, 71; Port Hudson, 77 ; Grand Gulf, 79-80 ; Charleston, 96 ; Mobile, 132 ; Fort Fisher, 140 ; Alabama and Hatter as, 155 ; and Kearsarge, 163, 164 ; Formidable, 223 ; bombardment of Lissa, 224 ; off Heligoland, 226 ; Kaiser's at Lissa, 244; total at Lissa, id., 245 ; Spanish, at Callao, 256 ; Meteor and Bouvet, 279; Es- meralda's, 319 ; Huascar' s at Angamos, 331 ; English, at Alex- andria, 349-50 ; French, at Foo- chow, ii, 11 ; Chinese, id.; Blanco's, 26 ; Tsi Yuen's, 71 ; at Yalu, 1 08- 1 10. Ships, Lissa, i, 244-5, l h io 5 I at Yalu, ii, 105 and n. ; in future naval battle, 174-6. M. Machinery, influence on dimension, ii, 210-212 ; on size of crew, 213 ; quantity of, on shipboard, 213-4. INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. Mantlets, i, 52 ; ii, 87. Masts hit, Tsi Yuen, ii, 71; Akagi, 96 ; Hiyei, 97 ; Ting Yuen> 99 ; Chen Yuen, 101. Value of military, with tops, good field of view, ii, 153 ; faults of, 167. On various types of battleship, ii, 244. Farragut places pilot in top, i, 75 ; climbs rigging at Mobile, 121. Materiel, influence on tactics, &c, i, 283 ii, 63-4, 86, 153. Melinite. A preparation of picric acid, used as a bursting charge in shells. At Yalu, ii, 113; effects of explosion, 172, 252. Metallurgy, progress in, ii, 253. Metacentric height. The height, above the centre of gravity of a floating body with a list, of the point through which the resultant upward pressure of the fluid always passes. The higher the metacentre, the more stable the ship. In Captain, ii, 184. Mines, none at New Orleans, i, 58 ; Cairo sunk by, 73 ; De Kalb sunk, 84; damage M out auk, 90; Ironsides over, at Charleston, 93 ; Northern losses from, 104, 113; at Mobile, 115; sink Tecumseh, 124; Hartford crosses, 125; loss of ships in Mobile Bay, 134; sink Rio de Janeiro, 262 ; sink Sulina, 297 ; attempt to destroy Chilian ironclads by, 334 ; Loa and Covadonga sunk by, id. ; none at Alexandria, 342, 354 ; at Sta. Catherina, ii, 49; at Wei-hai- wei, 128. Influence of, i, 97, 122-4; at Fasana, 228; at Kiel, 271, 276; at Iquique, 316. Necessary in a channel for defence, ii, 50 ; ports may be closed with, i, 209, n. Weehawkeu's torpedo-catcher, i, 92. Misunderstanding of orders, i, 28, 52. Monitor. A class of vessels with low freeboard, carrying their armament in a turret, named after their prototype, Ericsson's Monitor, PI. iii, i, 26. A modern ship of this type is the Nile, PI. iv, i, 32. Small target, i, 26, 97, 308 ; invulnerable, i, 101 ; to quick- firer, ii, 226. Mortars. See High-angle Fire. Muzzle - loaders, Shah's fail, i, 311 ; Cochrane' s perforate, 330 ; reason for difference, 331 ; in English fleet, ii, 246 ; why aban- doned, 248. N. Naval strength of England, France, and Russia, ii, 270-275. Navy, English, sketch of, ii, 219- 259- Navy, French, sketch of, ii, 260- 275- Nickel steel. An alloy of steel and nickel of exceptional toughness, ii, 253. Night actions, ii, 176-7. o. "Observation." The strategical plan of watching a hostile port with light and fast ships, the main squadron being at a distance. Opposed to blockade, in which the main squadron is close at hand. Organisation, want of Italian, i, 248-9; want of French, 271; German, 283. 396 INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. P. Personnel, Southern, i, 2,42,99, 100, 129, 159; Northern, 62, 132-3; Italian, 213-4, 215 ; Austrian, 227 ; Chinese, ii, 55-7 ; import- ance of, i, 159; long service, ii, 274. Philanthropy in war, i, 239-240; ii, 31- Physical health of men, i, 209 ; ii, 239. Plans, Italians have none, i, 224, 246 ; Chinese have none, ii, 87, 104. Plunging fire. Fire delivered from an elevation. Popular feeling, leads to attack on Lissa, i, 217 ; and French fleet in Baltic, 280-1. Ports, open. See also Bombard- ment. Threatened, i, 150, 153, 167-8. Prizes, Sumter's, i, 146 ; Florida's tenders, 147 ; Florida 's, 151 ; Alabama's, 157 ; Nashville's, 165 ; Georgia's, 166 ; Shenan- doah's, 167 ; captured by North in blockade, 195. Projectiles. Those most commonly used are armour-piercing pro- jectiles, or shot containing a very small bursting charge, and common shell or shell containing a large bursting charge. In addition, shrapnel shell is used by most navies, and case shot by a few. Bad, of Monitor, i, 26 ; of Merrimac, 27 ; Chinese supply of, ii, 125 ; early rifled, 246 ; improvement in, 252. Protection, portions of ship which need, ii, 177-8. English and French systems of, 270. Improvised, cables, i, 39, 64, 67, 119, 159, 228. Sandbags, i, 39, 85, 119. Coal, i, 64; ii, 81, 87, 163. Timber, 1, 67, 78. Cloth, ii, 170. R. Railways, in South, i, 179 ; on French coast, 205 ; German, 281 ; torpedo-boats sent by, 289. Ram. [Laird Clowes. Journal United Service Institution, 1894.] Merrimac uses, on Cumber- land, i, 16-7 ; attempts of Monitor to use, 28 ; of Merrimac, 29-30 ; of Manassas, 48, 49, 50, 56; of Mississippi, 56; Cincin- nati sunk by, 68 ; Mound City rammed, id. ; Lovell rammed, 69 ; Beauregard rammed, id. ; Arkansas, 72 ; Queen of West rams, 73 ; Indianola rammed, 74 ; use of, on Mississippi, 84-5 ; Albemarle rams Southfield, 108 ; rammed by Sassacus, 109- no; Tennessee uses, at Fort Morgan, 125, 126, 127 ; rammed by Monongahela, 126 ; a second time, 129; by Lackawanna, id.; by Hartford, 130 ; latter collides with Lackawanna, id. ; Florida rammed, 150; Austrian attempts to ram at Lissa, 234-235; Re d'ltalia rammed, 236 ; Ferdinand Max rams, 238 ; Affondatore dares not ram Kaiser, 238-9, 244 ; Kaiser rams Portogallo, 239 ; Kaiser Max rams, 242-3; Prinz Eugen tries to ram, 243 ; Amazonas rams Paraguari, 260 ; Bouet prepared to use, 272 ; Bouvet rams, 279 ; Huascar attempts to, 309 ; rams Esme- ralda, 317-8; Independencia runs ashore trying to use, 319; Huascar attempts to ram Magal- lanes, 321 ; Blanco, 328 ; Coch- rane attempts to ram Huascar, 329; at Angamos, 331; Re- publica rams ? ii, 38 ; Ting thinks of using, 86 ; Chih Yuen attempts to, 94, 101, 104; Tsi Yuen rams Yang Wei, 115 ; Iron Duke rams Vanguard, 190-2 ; Kbnig WilJielm rams Grosser Kurfurst, 192-6; Camperdown rams Victoria, 199-205. INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. Value of, i, 22 ; Italian con- 1 fidence in, 224 ; why Tegetthoff used, 228 ; in Chilian -Peruvian j War, 331-2 ; at Yalu, ii, 114 ; in general action, 159, n., 160, 172. Shock of ramming, i, 236, ii, 190, 194, 200; injury to "ram- mer," ii, 160 ; Ferdinand Max, i, 245 ; Iron Duke, ii, 192 ; Kbnig \ Willi elm, 195 ; Camperdown, j 205 ; Huascar, i, 320. Special vessels for, i, 22 ; i Manassas, 41 ; on Mississippi, 67 ; Polyphemus, ii, 147, 228 ; i Katahdin, 150. Speed necessary for, i, 32, 125, 132 ; ii, 150. _ Structural influence, ii, 241. Resistance to, of belt, ii, 207. Ransom of prizes. See Tab. vi ; : vessels bonded, i, 146, 149, 154, 157, 166, 167, 168. Recessed ports, ii, 221. Reserve of ships for a blockade, i, 205 ; of men, 207 ; English lack I of, ii, 274 ; in general action, 145-7- Rice contraband, ii, 15. s. Sails, speed with, ii, 213; value as auxiliary, 212. " Scouts." Light and fast ships designed to watch or discover a hostile fleet. More lightly armed j than the cruiser. Screw, twin, ii, 254 ; triple, 265 ; quadruple, i, 119, n. Sea power, its influence, i, 1, 13; victory of Merrimac, 20 ; virtual, \ of Monitor, 31 ; on Mississippi, 61 ; at Shiloh, 65 ; Porter on, 77. Grant on, 82 ; Lincoln on, id. ; general in Civil War, 82-3. j Fort Fisher brings fall of Rich- mond, 142 ; South exposed to, 37, 178- 181; pressure on South, 185; blockade crushed South, 196-7 ; enables turning of Hum- aita, 264 ; action of, in Franco - German War, 280-5 ; in Russo- Turkish War, 287-8; Chili and Peru, 314, 332 ; in Chilian Civil War, ii, 18; in China- Japan War, 86, 105. Search lights, use of, i, 337, 349, ii, 11 ; Blanco does not use, 25 ; Aquidaban's, 45 ; in night action, \77- Shields on guns. See Armour, Thin. Signals, smoke, i, 190; in block- ading, 208 ; at Lissa, Per.sano's unseen, 233-4, 240; Tegetthoff's not seen, 243 ; at Yalu, Chinese, ii, 86, 100; Japanese, 104, 119; in general action discussed, r 5 2 -3- Mechanical, on shipboard, ii, 167-8, 201. Size. See Dimension. Smoke, at New Orleans hampers Federals, i, 54; at Port Hudson, 75, 84; _ at Lissa, 234-5 ; at Alexandria, 344 ; at Yalu, ii, 103, 104; hides Japanese, 90; from fires on Chinese ships, 99 ; with weather-gauge, smoke blows on enemy, 158 ; used to escape, i, 192-3. Smokeless powder at Rio, ii, 39 ; in Japanese fleet, 58, 11 2D ; tactical influence, 252. Speaking tubes, break down on Monitor, i, 28; on Hartford, 75 ; shattered on Tsi Yuen, ii, 70 ; mistakes due to, on Sampaio, 44-5 ; in battle, use of, 167. Specialisation. See Differentiation. Speed, influence in action, Monitor, i, 27, 32 ; Albemarle too slow to ram, 109 ; Tennessee too slow, 125, 132; Alabama and Hatteras, 155 ; and Kearsarge, 158 ; Drache cannot catch Palestro, 235 ; Shah avoids ram, 310; want of, in Chilian fleet, 314, 321, 322; speed in "war of coasts," 321; strate- 398 INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. gical value of, ii, 33 ; at Yalu, 88, 90, 112D-113, 123-4; in stern- battle, 154; may allow of surprise, j 88 ; advance in, 212 ; normal, of sailing ship, 213 ; limitations to, 258 ; of various battleships, 244. Springs to cables, use of, i, 346. Stability, importance of, ii, 166; Captain unstable, 183, n., 184, 189 ; Vanguard, 191 ; Hoche reported unstable, 269. Steam facilitates rapid movements, ii, 158; renders doubling difficult, id. ; effect of, on naval construc- tion, 210-4; increases size, 212. Steamers, two only captured by Southern cruisers, i, 150, 154, 157, 168 ; hard to destroy, 175 ; cap- tured blockade-running, 195. Steering gear exposed of Tennessee, i, 117; damaged, 131; exposed of Re d' Italia, 212; damaged, 235 ; of Huascar damaged, 327-8 ; of Tsi Yuen damaged, ii, 70 ; of Saikio, 98. Stern-battle, ii, 118, 154-5. Stokeholds, heat in U.S.N., ii, 300. Stratagems, masts dressed with branches, i, 43 ; dummy monitor, 75 ; method of sending message, 77; coal -torpedo, 105; disguised powder-ship, 138 ; Semmes' at St. Pierre, 146 ; use of neutral flag, 147 ; dummy guns, 149 ; Alabama's against Hatter as, 155 ; Tuscarora's use of twenty-four hours' law, 165 ; use of smoke by blockade - runners, 192-3; false colours at Lissa, 229 ; false hail, 291 ; questionable Peruvian, 333-4 ; Covadonga's at Iquique, 316; Imperial's, ii, 32; cloth, use of, 170. Strategy, of Southern warfare against commerce, i, 170-1 ; commerce - destruction useless, 175-6; suggested strategy for North, 170-3 ; strategical im- portance of blockade, 179, 196-7 ; Northern occupation of bases, 184-5 ! °f blockade in war with France, 204-210; of Italians in 1866, 218-220, 224, 248; of Tegetthoff, 229, 230 ; of Franco- German War, 271 ; blockade, 274 ; French force in Mediter- ranean, 275 ; Bouet's communi- cations, 277 ; attacks on forts, &c, 281-285; °f Russians against Turks, 288 ; of Peruvians, 321-2 ; of Chilian insurgents, ii, 32-3 ; of Mello, 37 ; of Chinese, 80- 81, 83-84, 134; steam has not changed, 119. Structural damage at Yalu, ii, 112B-D; in naval battle, 162, 175. See also Hits. Submarine navigation, i, 103-4; ii, 259, 268. Sun in enemy's eyes, ii, 159. Surrendered ship, position of, i, 88. T. Tactical diameter, ii, 197. Tactics. See also Ram, Torpedo, Battle. Mississippi contests, i, 84 ; Mobile, 1 20- 1 ; faulty, of Bu- chanan, 127 ; of blockade, 208- 210; of Tegetthoff, 228, 230-1, 247-8 ; of Persano, 232-3 ; of Huascar, 308, 310 ; of Esme- ralda, 316 ; Chilians against Huascar, 326, 327-8 ; of bom- bardment, 342-3, 347-8; 354-6; French on the Min, ii, 12 ; orders of Ting, 86-7 ; of Ito, 89 ; his mistakes, 93, 118; features of Yalu, 114, 1 16- 124; gun, ram, and torpedo, 123, 159-162; ulterior motives affect Japanese, 106 ; structure of Chinese ships affects Chinese, 64, 87 ; steam and, 158. Telegraph, absence of, hampered North, i, 173; used at Lissa, 222, 229-30 ; cut by Italians, 230 ; used by Peruvians, 315 ; at Alexandria, 337-8; engine-room, ii, 167-8, 201. INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. Telephone, ii, 167. " Tonnage." The old system of measuring, or builder's measure- ment, expressed the internal cubic capacity of the ship. Modern or displacement tonnage gives the weight of water dis- placed by the ship. Top-hamper, ii, 162-3. Tops, use of, i, 75, 244, 326, 345, ii, 10 ; for signals, 153. See also Masts. Torpedo, instances of employment in Tab. xxv, with reference to page. Invented, i, 102 ; development of, ii, 258-9 ; range, 259 ; struc- tural influence, 215-6, 241. Loaded on deck, danger of, ii, 27. 3°» 7°» 73> 96, 101, 122. Tactical value, prevents ram- ming, i, 22 ; in action, ii, 160- 1 ; its defects, 161, n. ; equalises cruiser and battleship, 142 ; use- less against ship in motion (?) 49. Effect of explosion, Blanco, ii, 26 ; Aquidaban, 47 ; Ting Yuen, Compared with pneumatic gun, ii, 150-1. In Russo-Turkish War, i, 303- 304- At Yalu, ii, 93, 99, 114. At Wei-hai-wei, in low tem- perature, ii, 130, 131, 132. Controllable, ii, 41, 161, 259. Spar and Whitehead, ii, 258. Torpedo-boats, Tab. xxv, early, Southern, i, 102-3 ; Northern, 1 10- 1 ; Russian, 286; sent over- land, 289 ; Chilian, 332 ; fight between boats off Callao, 333 ; French, at Foochow and Sheipoo, ii, 13; Brazilian, at Sta. Cathe- rina, 43, 45, 46 ; Japanese, 61 ; Chinese, at Yalu, 84, 93, 96, 99, 125 ; Japanese, at Port Arthur, 127; at Wei-hai-wei, 129, 130, 131, 132 ; Chinese, make a dash, 130. Vol. II. Value of, in blockades, i, 208, 284, 288-9, 333 I stopped by obstructions, 293 ; difficulty of finding target, 301, ii, 44, 48; danger to friends, i, ii, 149, 302 ; effect of quick-firer on, i, 303-4, ii, 48-9 ; prevent Japanese pursuit at Yalu, 96, 115 ; in general action, 123; place, 148; should not lightly be exposed, 149 ; in melee, id., 172; ideal torpedo- boat officer, 149, n. ; save life, 107. Precautions against, i, 297, n., 301, n. ; ii, 31, 49, 128, 134. Torpedo-boat carrier, i, 292-3, 304. Torpedo-boat destroyer in blockade, i, 208 ; English, ii, 258, 274. Torpedo flotillas, French and English, ii, 275. Torpedo gunboat, Condell and Lynch, des. ii, 16-7; sink Blanco, 22-9 ; attack Aconcagua, 29- 30 ; Sampaio or Aurora, des. 36; sinks Aquidaban, 42-9 ; useless for open fighting, ii, 30 ; place in battle, 147; English, 257; French, 268. Transfers of shipping, United States to English flag, i, 169, n. Triple expansion. See Compound Engines. Turret, Ericsson's, i, 6-8 ; Coles', 8, 33 ; Timby's, 8 ; Monitor's, 10; defects, 27, 28; concussion on, 28; jams of monitor turrets at Charleston, 94; at Mobile, 123; Rolf Krake's works well, 33 ; accident in, at Callao, 256 ; Huascar's perforated, 327-329; jams for a short time, 325 ; early English turret, ii, 224 ; double turret, ii, 296. Turret -ship. See Index II. Moni- tor, Nile, Devastation, &c. Twenty-four hours' law requires the elapse of twenty-four hours before one hostile ship can follow another from a neutral port. Breach of, i, 145 ; blockade by use of, 165 ; mentioned, 158, 278-9. D D INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER, ETC. u. Uniformity. See Homogeneity. V. Ventilation, artificial, of floating batteries, i, xxxii ; of Monitor, n ; damage to ventilators in battle, ii, 163-4, 178. w. Water ballast, ii, 165. Water-line, hits on, Cincinnati, i, 81 ; Keystone State, 88 ; Gaines, 128 ; Alabama, 162-3 I at Yalu, ii, 121; on Ching Yuen, 133; effect of, on modern ship, 174, n., cf. 207, n. Weak ships inline. See Dimension, Yalu, New Orleans. Weather, influences shooting, ii, 166 ; cf. i, 231.