PERKINS LIBRARY DuLe University Rare Books $otttl\ef^ Outrage^! Startling Disclosures ! 1866 \~:*. 1876. Facts for the American People. Pam p htet ft: Duke Uniyer^Lty, Ub«$ ST. LOUIS, MO.: ZETTIRIEIK:^ PUBLISHING- COMPANY. 1876. PRICE, CTS. ^outl^efn Outfctge^. Atrocities as they Passed ihrcugli the Hopper. Facts for the American People to Read. BRUTAL OUTRAGES UPON FRANCES THOMAS. 1866 VS. 1876. ST. LOUIS, MO.: 1876. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/southernoutragesOOeure k PREFACE. In order that the public may fully understand the truth in regard to the Memphis riots of 1866, as set forth in the minority report by Hon. George S. Shanklin, of Kentucky, then a member of the U. S. House of Representatives, we have taken the pains to investigate the affair by seeking out and conversing with several gentlemen from the North who were in Memphis at the time. From a gentleman born and educated in the State of New York, who was living in Memphis at the time the riots occurred, but now a resident of St. Louis, we have the following state- ment : The day the riots occurred several hundred negro troops were paid off, and a grand drunken spree followed. A v,hite and a negro boy got into a fight on the bridge in South Memphis, and two policemen who were close by went and parted the boys. The negro boy, being much the larger, was severely pounding the white boy. Some of the drunken negro soldiers, who were near, became very indignant at the police for parting them, and at once attacked them, killing one and wounding the other. The wounded policeman retreated, and was soon reinforced by several others, who endeavored to arrest the negroes, but were repulsed, when they also retreated and called to. their assistance a number of citizens. In the mean time the negroes were gathering rein- forcements very rapidly, until they numbered hundreds. The whites were repulsed repeatedly, and the alarm spreading all over the city, nearly every white man who had any arms at his com- mand rallied to support the authorities in quelling the negro mob. The fears of the citizens were still more aroused when the iv PREFACE. fact became generally known that several days previous a faithful negro man had communicated to his former master the fact that the negroes iC were going to rise up and murder every rebel in Memphis " The negroes drove through the streets in hacks and other vehicles, and amused themselves shooting down white men. The riot commenced about six o'clock in the evening and lasted until ten o'clock the next day. During the night nearly every white male in the city was on guard, and before morning the negroes retreated to Fort Pickering. The police and citizens finding it impossible to dislodge them from the fort, the military was called into requisition, who made a charge upon the fort. The negroes, seeing the approach of the troops, at once gave up, and most of them fled to the country. One hundred or more were arrested and placed under guard, but were released in a day or two without ever being held accountable for their riotous acts. Some twelve or fifteen white men were killed and many wounded. At least thirty negroes were killed. ' ^After these riots the attention of the U. S. House of Repre- sentatives was called to the matter, and a committee of inves- tigation appointed, consisting of Hon. Elihu B. Washburne of Illinois, Hon. John M. Broomall of Pennsylvania, and Hon. George S. Shanklin of Kentucky, two Republicans and one Democrat, Mr. Shanklin. The committee went to Memphis to investigate the trouble, and there were two reports made on the matter, a majority and minority report, Mr. Shanklin making the minority report. The official proceedings of the House of Rep- resentatives, following, speak for themselves. THE OUTRAGE MILL. In May, 1866, there occurred what was termed a riot in Mem- phis, Tennessee, or series of riots, which were heralded forth throughout the country as the work of the " rebels," the princi- pal victims being the colored population. By reference to the Congressional Globe and Appendix, the official organ of Congress, we find the following proceedings of the House, on page 4.159, under date of July 25th, 1866, being the Thirty-Ninth Congress, first session : Mr. Broomall — In the absence of the Chairman [Mr. Wash- burne, of Illinois,] of the Select Committee appointed by this House to investigate the late riots in Memphis, Tennessee, the chairman being detained from the House by illness, I am in- structed by the committee to submit a report, which, together with the testimony, I move be laid on the table and printed. Mr. Shanklin — I submit a minority report from the same committee. Mr. Broomall — I am also instructed by the same committee to move that there be printed for the use of this House, twenty thousand extra copies of the reports and testimony, and fifty thousand copies of the reports without the testimony. The Speaker — The motion to print extra copies will go to the Committee on Printing, under the law. The question was upon laying the reports and testimony upon the table and ordering the same to be printed. Mr. Le Blond — I hope this testimony will not be printed. I do not think any member will read it even should it be printed ; 6 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. and therefore it would be a useless expense to print any copies at all. The whole subject-matter of the investigation is entirely of a local character ; a matter the regulation of which belongs wholly to the State of Tennessee. But Congress has taken upon itself to go into the different States to regulate what should be regulated by the police of the State. Mr. Scofield — We have been regulating the business down there for the last five years. [Laughter.] Mr. L° Blond — I should not be surprised if there had not been some regulating down there, and some regulating should have been done North, instead of all being done in the South. If that had been done, I have no doubt we should to-day have had a better state of things and a united country. But, sir, I am opposed to printing this report for the reasons I have named and for other reasons. The report, as I am informed, will make eight hundred pages of printed matter. It details the circum- stances of a riot which took place in the State of Tennessee, and the facts of which have been published all over the country. We are just as well advised now of what occurred there, and what gave rise to that riot, as we should be if this report were printed for electioneering purposes. I shall call for the yeas and nays upon the motion to print. I will now yield to my friend from Pennsylvania [Mr. Johnson] . Mr. Johnson — The subject-matter of this investigation wa» nothing more than a riot. Nobody ever pretended at the start that it was more ; and the committee, I understand, have arrived at the same conclusion. A riot in Memphis no more calls for investigation by this House than a riot in New York or Phila- delphia. If: every riot occurring anywhere in the country is to be investigated by a congressional committee, and a volumin- ous report of the testimony to be printed at the public expense for circulation throughout the country, I think we shall find our- selves involved in a larger outlay of money than the people will justify. I SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. 7 But, sir, in considering this proposition it must be borne in mind that it has a political object, a partisan purpose. This investigation has been so treated by the public press of the coun- try. I understand, however, that it has failed of its object ; and the matter will not be bettered by printing the report. We are already circulating more documents than are read by the people. We are already expending more money for publications of this sort than the people desire shall be so expended. This money, it must be remembered, is drawn from the people by direct taxa- tion ; it comes out of the labor and sweat of the country. I re- spectfully protest against this system. I have no objection to printing the ordinary number of copies of this report ; but as for publishing fifty thousand copies for circulation all over the coun- try under the franks of members, I think we should leave such publications to private enterprise, or to the political partisans whose purposes it may subserve. Mr. LeBlond — Mr. Speaker, I oppose this proposition in entire good faith. This report is a document which, in my judgment, ought not to be printed at all ; and one of the princi- pal reasons why I think so is that, as I understand, the commit- tee recommend no action whatever on the part of Congress. If no action is to be taken upon this pile of testimony which the committee have reported, what can be the use of printing it in order to be sent broadcast over the country? If gentlemen wish to economize let them commence now. Mr. Broomall — Mr. Speaker, I do not at all wonder that the two gentlemen who have spoken are opposed to the printing of this report and testimony. They know what it is. I will not pretend to make any argument in favor of printing it. I know whence the opposition comes and the reason for it. I call the previous question. The previous question was seconded and the main question ordered ; which was upon ordering the printing of the usual number of copies of the report and testimony. 8 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES Mr. Le Blond — My proposition was to print the report alone r without the testimony. The Speaker — The gentleman's proposition comes too late. That might have been offered as an amendment to the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Broomall]. But the House is now acting under the operation of the previous question. Mr. Harding, of Kentucky — I rise to a point of order. I wish to inquire whether it is in order to move a reconsideration of the vote by which the report was accepted. I understand that it is not the report of the committee at all. The Speaker — There is no such motion known in the practice of this House. When the report of the committee is presented any gentleman can raise the question whether the committee hare actually agreed to the report. But after the report has been received, no member can raise the question that it is not the report of the committee. The yeas and nays were then ordered, when the result of the ballot was, yeas, 85 ; nays, 23 ; not voting, 58. So the motion to print was agreed to. Mr. Le Blond asked if the minority report would be printed also, and the Speaker replied that both reports, together with the evidence, would be printed. Again, on the 27th of July, in the House proceedings, as recorded on pages 4265 and 4266 of same volume, we find the following : Mr. Shanklin — Mr. Speaker, it might be supposed, inasmuch as I was a member of the committee that made this report, that I have some knowledge of what the majority report contains ; but I am under the necessity of stating to this House that I have never seen, and never had an opportunity of seeing, the majority report in this case. The honorable chairman of that committee [Mr. Washburne] has never thought proper, at any time since the SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. 9 committee was appointed, to call the committee together for the purpose of consultation. On last Friday the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Broomall], a member of the committee, in- quired of me, as a member of it, whether I had my minority report ready. I told him that I had. I inquired whether the majority report was ready to be presented. He said it was nearly so ; that the chairman was sick and unable to give further atten- tion to the subject, and that the report had been delivered over to him to make such corrections as he might think proper, after which it would be presented. It was agreed between the gentle- man from Pennsylvania and myself that on last Monday morning, at nine o'clock, we should meet at the committee-room for the purpose of comparing the majority report with the minority report. He was to have the opportunity to see the minority re- port, and I was to have an opportunity to see the majority report. Under this agreement between my friend from Pennsylvania and myself, I met him at the committee-room at the hour appointed. When I arrived he was not there. I had my report, which I had prepared and ready to submit to him, but he informed me that the majority report had not yet been sent to him, but that it would be forthcoming during the day. He said that he would send for it. It was not forthcoming that day, nor even the next day. I understood the gentleman that it would be forthcoming soon, and that I should have an opportunity to see it. On the next evening I was notified by the gentleman from Pennsylvania that the report would not be forthcoming until it was offered in the House. I had no opportunity to see the report. The priv- ilege of examining the majority report was denied to me, and my concurrence in that report was refused. Mr. Speaker, there is one fact of which I am satisfied. It' that report presents any matter peculiar or different from ordinary riots or mobs, I am satisfied those gentlemen must have drawn upon their imaginations, and not upon the testimony. Whatever that report contains, whether it is matter of public interest or 10 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. not, I am unable to say. I have never seen it or been permitted to read it. My minority report, I insist, is entirely based upon facts. It has been subject to the inspection of any member of the committee at any time they thought proper. It is more than can be said, I am sorry to say, for the report of the majority. The Speaker — The gentleman's time has expired, and the floor is now assigned to the gentleman from Pennsylvania for five minutes. Mr. Broomall — Mr. Speaker, I have only one thing to say in answer to the complaint of the gentleman from Kentucky, that the committee has not met him to consult about the report. It is within the knowledge of the members of the House there has been no time since the return of the committee from Memphis when the three members have been present in the House, in con- sequence of one or two, or even the three of them, having been ill, probably from the climate of Memphis and the incessant labor imposed upon them in taking testimony. Now, the report was prepared by the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Washburne] , the chairman of the committee. I myself conferred with the gentle- man from Kentucky with respect to the report. I also conferred with the gentleman from Illinois. If they do not agree with one another, it is no fault of mine. With regard to what the gentle- man has said, that we have drawn from our imaginations if we say this matter differs from ordinary mobs or riots, I will say one word. Why, sir, there was no riot in Memphis, notwithstanding the terms of the resolution which was referred to us. There was no riot, and it is an abuse of language to say so when the civil authorities of a city of sixty thousand inhabitants conspired to- gether to murder in open day unoffending citizens of the United States. Mr. Shanklin. — I ask the gentleman to yield to me. Mr. Broomall. — The gentleman has had his five minutes, and I can yield to no one. There were besides five cases of rape upon helpless and unof- SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. 11 fending women, under circumstances that the gentleman himself united with us in saving, ought not to be put in the testimony. It was too revolting and too horrible to be repeated anywhere. Mr. Speaker, there ought to be printed at least the number of reports mentioned in the resolution which was referred to the Committee on Printing ; and I ask the chairman of the commit- tee [Mr. Laflin] to allow me to make the motion to double each of the numbers contained in his report. This subject does possess some political and public signific- ance. The great question now before the country is whether the people of the eleven States lately in rebellion are yet in a fit condition to be intrusted with a share in the government of the country. The animus and the spirit of the people enter into the inquiry. The details of this report and testimony go to that very spirit and that very animus of the leading people of the city of Memphis. I do not wonder that the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Shanklin] likes to shield his friends. I do not wonder that peculiar means have been used — I do not refer to the amiable gentleman, the chairman of the Committee on Print- ing [Mr. Laflin] to prevent this report from getting before the country at all. Mr. Shanklin — I would ask my colleague [Mr. Broomall] whether the proof does not establish clearly and conclusively the fact that the mass of the men engaged in these outrages against the helpless colored people of the city of Memphis were registered voters under the franchise law of Tennessee, which was passed by what is known as the Radical party of that State. Mr. Broomall — I can only say in answer to the gentleman, that I can well understand that the very worst of the friends of gentlemen upon the other side would swear themselves in under the franchise law. It is very possible that there are men among those who vote in Tennessee who are worse than the average of those who are excluded ; I do not know how this is. But I would remind the gentleman [Mr. Shanklin] that the Recorder 12 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. of the city of Memphis, the leader of the mob, the man who urged them on to commit these foul deeds, is the Vice-President of the Johnson club in Memphis. And now I have only to add, that, if the gentleman complains that he has not been allowed to sign our report, I will agree that he shall Have an opportunity to append his name to it. Mr. Laflin — Declined the honor and called the previous ques- tion. The report of the Committee on Printing was finally argeed to, which was as follows: That one thousand extra copies of the reports and evidence be printed, and that 10,000 extra cop- ies of the reports, without the evidence, be printed. Again, on page 4,285, of same document, under date of House proceedings of July 27th, we find that copies of the report of the majority of the committee were in circulation, while nore of the minority report were to be had, which caused Mr. Shank- lin to rise to a privileged question and inquire why this was. The whole matter was finally explained and it was recorded as the order of the House that both reports were to be printed to- gether. We have thus presented the official proceedings of Congress in the first act of the political drama, and now come to the second. As before stated, the majority of the committee, consisting of Messrs. Washburne, of Illinois, and Broomall, of Pennsylvania, made their report to the House on the 25th of July, 1876, in which report special attention was called to the horrible outrages in the following language : FRANCES THOMPSON. ' ; The crowning acts of atrocity and diabolism committed dur- ing these terrible nights were the ravishing of five different col- ored women by these fiends in human shape, independent cf SOUTHERN OUTRAGES 13 other attempts at rape. The details of these outrages are of too -shocking and disgusting a character to be given at length in this report, and reference must be had to the testimony of the par- ties. It is a singular fact that while the mob was breathing vengeance against the negroes and shooting them down like dogs, jet when they found unprotected colored women they at once 'conquered their prejudices,' and proceeded to violate them un- der circumstances of the most licentious brutality. The rape of Frances Thompson, who had been a slave and was a cripple, using crutches, having a cancer on her foot, is one to which reference is here made. On Tuesday night seven men, two of whom were policemen, came to her house. She knew the two to be policemen by their stars. They were all Irishmen. They first demanded that she should get supper for them, which she did. After supper the wretches threw all the provisions that were in the house which had not been consumed into the bayou. They then laid hold of Frances, hitting her on the side of the face and kicking her. A girl by the name of Lucy Smith, about sixteen years old, living with her, attempted to go out at the window. One of the brutes knocked her down and chocked her. They then drew their pistols, and said they would shoot them and fire the house if they did not let them have their way. The woman, Frances Thompson, was then violated by four of the men, and so beaten and bruised that she lay in bed for three days. They then took all the clothes out of the trunk, one hundred dollars in greenbacks belonging to herself, and two hundred dollars be- longing to another colored woman, which had been left to take care of her child, besides silk dresses, bed-clothing, etc. They were in the house nearly four hours, and when they left they said they intended Ho burn up the last G — d d d nigger, and drive all the Yankees out of town, and then there would be only some rebels niggers and butternuts left.' The colored girl, Lucy Smith, who was before the committee, said to be sixteen or sev- enteen years old, but who seemed from her appearance to be two 14 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. or three years younger, was a girl of modest demeanor and highly respectable in appearance. She corroborated the testi- mony of Frances Thompson as to the number of men who broke into the house and as to the policemen who were with them. They seized her (Lucy) by the neck and choked her to such an extent that she could not talk for two weeks to any one. She was then violated by one of the men, and the reason given by another for not repeating the act of nameless atrocity was, that she was so near dead that he would not have anything to do with her. He thereupon struck her a severe blow upon the side of the head. The violence of these wretches seemed to be aggravated by the fact that the women had in their room some bed covering or quilts with red, white and blue, and also some pictures of Union officers. They said, 'You niggers have a mighty liking for the damned Yankees, but we will kill you, and you will have no liking for any one then. This young girl was so bally injured that she was unable to leave her bed for two weeks." FRANCES THOMPSON AS SHE APPEARED BEFORE THE COMMITTS3. SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. 15 The evidence was as follows : Question. State your name and residence ? Answer. My name is Frances Thompson ; I live in Gayoso street, here in Memphis. Q. What is your occupation? A. I sew and take in washing and ironing. Q. Have you been a slave ? A. Yes sir. Q. Where were you raised ? A. I was raised in Maryland. All our people but mistress got killed in the rebel army. Q- Have you been injured? A. I am a cripple. [The witness used crutches.] I have a cancer in my foot. Q. Were you here during the late riots ? A. Yes sir. Q. State what you know or saw of the rioting ? A. Between one and two o'clock Tuesday night seven men, two of whom were policemen, came to my house ; I knew they were policemen by their stars ; they were all Irishmen ; they said they must have supper, and asked me what I had, and said they must have some eggs and ham and biscuit ; I made them some biscuit and some strong coffee, and they all sat down and ate ; a girl lives with me ; her name is Lucy Smith, she is about sixteen years old ; when they had eaten supper they said they wanted some woman to sleep with ; I said we were not that sort of women and they must go ; they said " that didn't make a damned bit of difference ;" one of them laid hold of me, and hit me on the side of my face, and holding my throat choked me; Lucy tried to get out of the window, when one of them knocked her down and choked her ; they drew their pistols, and said they would shoot us and fire the house if we did not let them have their way with us ; all seven of them violated us two ; four of them had to do with me, and the rest with Lucy. 16 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. Q. Were you injured ? A. I was sick for two weeks ; I lay for three days with a burning fever. Q. Did any one attend you ? A. I had a cold before, and Dr. Rambert attended me after this. Q. Were you robbed ? A. After they got through with us they just robbed the house ; they took the clothes out of my trunk, and took one hundred dol- lars that I had in greenbacks belonging to me, and two hundred that belonged to a colored woman that was left with me to keep safe for her. Q. Did they take anything else ? A. They took three silk dresses of mine and a right nice one of Lucy's ; they put the things into two pillow slips and took them away. Q. How long did the men stay ? A. They were there perhaps for nearly four hours ; it was getting near day when they left. Q. Did they say anything ? A. They said they intended to " burn up the last G — d d — d nigger." Q. Did you know any of them ? A. They were all Irishmen ; there was not an American among them. Q. Did anything else take place ? A. There were some quilts about that we had been making ; they asked us what they were made for ; when we told them for the soldiers, they swore at us, and said the soldiers would never have them on their beds, and took them away with the rest of the things ; they said they would drive all the Yankees out of the town, and then there would be only some rebel niggers and but- ternuts left ; I thought all the time they would burn the house, but they didn't. SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. 17 The testimony of Lucy Smith, as reported by the committee, was as follows : Q. State your name and how old you are. A. Lucy Smith ; I am going on seventeen years of age. Q. Have you ever been a slave ? A. I have been a slave girl, and have been free four years come July next. Q. Do you live in this city ? A. I live in Memphis, and was raised here. Q. Where were you at the time of the riots ? A. I was living with Frances Thompson at the time of the riots. Q. State what you know of the late riots ? A. On Tuesday, the first night of the riots, some men came to our house. We were in bed. They told us to get up and get some supper for them. We got up and made a fire, and got them supper. Q. What else took place? A. What was left of the sugar and coffee and ham they threw into the bayou. Q, How many men were there ? A. There were seven of them ; but I was so scared I could not be certain. Q. Did they rob you ? A. We had two trunks. They did not unlock them, but just jerked them open. They took one hundred dollars belonging to Frances, and two hundred dollars belonging to a friend of Fran- ces, given her to take care of. They took all the money and clothes, and carried them off. Q. Did you know any of them ? A. There were two policemen. I saw their stars. Q. What else took place ? A. They tried to take advantage of me, and did. I told them I did not do such things, and would not. One of them l 18 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. said he would make me, and choked me by the neck. My neck was swollen up next day, and for two weeks I could not talk to any one. After the first man had connection with me, another got hold of me and tried to violate me, but I was so bad he did not. He gave me a lick with his fist, and said I was so damned near dead he would not have anything to do with me. Q. — Did they do anything else? A. — We had some quilts in the room that we had been quilting red, white and blue. They asked us if we had made them be- fore or after the Yankees came. We said after. They said, " You niggers have a mighty liking for the damned Yankees, but we will kill you, and you will have no liking for any one then." There were some pictures in the room. We had General Hooker and some other Uniun officers, and they said they would not have hurt us so bad if it had not been for these pictures. They were in the house a good while after they hurt me, but I lay down on the bed, for I thought they had killed me ; it was mostly from the choking and the lick on the side on my head. 1876. Having presented a synopsis of the report of the Radical Committee of 1866, we now come to 1876, just ten years after- wards, when the real facts in the case are brought to light, and show in what manner the Radical leaders have imposed their frauds upon the people of the country, at the cost of tens of thousands of dollars of the people's money. FRANCIS THOMAS AS HE APPEARED BEFORE THE RECORDER. July 11, 1876, the Memphis Appeal contained this item : "The police have discovered a negro man who, for several years, has been wearing female apparel, and was believed to be a woman." 20 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. The Appeal of July 12 contains the following report of the investigation of Francis Thomas : " Great excitement was caused yesterday in police circles by the arrest, examination and trial of a negro who has lived in this city twenty-seven years, but was supposed to be a woman. ' Frances Thomas' was the name by which the negro was called. Among the negroes that of ' Old Crutchy' was often used, be- cause of an injured leg. Night before last ' Frances Thomas ' was arrested on the charge of wearing female clothing, for it had already been told to the police that the creature was a man. Few believed this, for many had always considered Thomas an hermaphrodite. The chief of police, however, was not at all doubtful as to the result of an investigation, for Dr. J. H. Nuttall, a well-known physician of this city, had informed the police that he would establish the fact that Thomas was a man and not a woman. The arrest was therefore made at Dr. Nuttall's instance, he being induced to this step in order to prevent Thomas from practicing nefarious designs upon the different house- holds to which, by reason of female attire and dress, he had access. All along Thomas had served as a cook, house-woman or domestic servant, employers thinking that he was a woman. Thomas has cooked and washed for more than one good family in this city, and has had opportunities for doing a great deal of mischief. 6 He,' ' she' or ' it,' as the negro may be termed, for- merly kept a vile den on Madison street, near Bayou Gayoso, and since then an infamous house near the County Jail. He has been more than once arrested upon the charge of lewdness and immorality, and it is said the negro has proved the ruin of many persons, both white and black. He managed to escape punish- ment, but never abandoned his vile habits and corruptions. To prevent this was the cause of his arrest. Thomas was put in the station-house night before last to await the trial before Recorder Duff yesterday morning. As the question of sex could only be determined by examination, Dr. J. H. Nuttall, with Drs. W. V. SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. 21 Taylor, R. H. Taylor and Julius Wise (the latter recently of Cincinnati, Ohio), were called in to do this. These physicians, who are well known here, visited Thomas in his cell, and told him the object of their visit. Thomas said he would not submit to an examination, but on being told that force would be used, con- sented. The physicians then proceeded with the examination, and, as Dr. Nuttall predicted, found "Frances Thomas" to be a fully developed man, and in no respect a woman ; in fact, Thomas is not even an hermaphrodite, as he claimed to be. The physi- cians made a thorough examination of Francis Thomas. " The evidence given on the trial before Recorder Duff was to the effect that upon the examination of Francis Thomas they found that he had none of the developments of a woman whatever, nor anything that could possibly be mistaken as any part of the iden- tities of the female sex. The evidences show that there is no part of a woman about him, the organs being entirely those of a male in every respect. Francis Thomas, moreover, would have a heavy beard did he not shave every day. He is a strong and well-developed negro man, and Recorder Duff imposed upon him a fine of fifty dollars, as he was only charged with and convicted of a misdemeanor. In default of the money with which to pay his fine, Francis Thomas was put upon the chain-gang, sta- tion-keeper Tim Hope having purchased him a suit of male clothing. The chain-gang were working on an alley near Mar- ket Square, but when Francis Thomas was added to it, the fact soon became known and attracted a large crowd of men, women and boys — mostly negroes. The crowd continued to increase, and soon numbered hundreds of spectators who were anxious to get a glimpse of the negro man that had been regarded as a wo- man. The crowd became very much excited, confusing the chain- gang and preventing work. Francis Thomas was an object of the greatest wonder, small boys, old men, women and children, pressing around and asking a thousand questions. Owing to the big crowd, Tom Hope conducted Thomas back to the Adams 22 SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. Street Station-house, but during the afternoon hundreds of per- sons visited his cell to get a look at and talk to the negro. When an Appeal reporter asked Thomas why he had adopted female clothing, he replied, 'It is none of your d — d business.' Thomas seemed to be quite angry, especially when made to take a lot of false hair and braids from the top of his head. Like most females, he wore false hair, but did not use chalk or rouge. He declared that he had not had a fair trial ; that Tim Hope was a bad man and that he would dispatch direct to Washington for justice. Francis Thomas was doubtless recalling the fact that in 1866 he testified before the Congressional Committee which came here to investigate the Memphis riots ; that he was a respectable lady of color and had been ravished eighteen times by as many different Irishmen in this city. This evidence the Republican Congressional Committee received, and upon it based a ' raw- head-and-bloody-bones ' report. This story of rape went the rounds of the Radical press calling forth the most vindictive arti- cles and a demand for troops. How sad to think of Francis Thomas' ruin ! Perhaps the Republican members of the com- mittee in the Mississippi investigation may find similar subjects for the accomplishment of its purposes. And thus ends the story of Francis Thomas." The following additional information was given by the Jlpp eal of August 2 : "As we understand, Doctors Allen, Cutler and R. H. Taylor, by request of a leading Republican of this city, yesterday made another examination with a view to verify the sex of Francis Thomas. We need hardly say, in view of the reputation of these gentlemen, that the examination was thorough, and being so, resulted in a complete verification of the verdict rendered by Dr. Nuttall and his coadjutors. Francis Thomas is a man, and a bad one — a very bad one — at that." Lucy Smith, whose testimony followed that of " Francis Thomas," was a colored prostitute, who lived with the negro SOUTHERN OUTRAGE S . 23 brute, and was in bed with her" when " she " was visited by the " rioters." Thus, reader, you have presented some facts for your careful consideration, facts which go to show the manner in which the people's money has been squandered to the tune of tens of thou- sands of dollars, and all for the purpose of perpetuating Radical rule. The incidents herein cited are but a few out of the many thousands that have occurred during the past fifteen years, and which has cost the country millions of dollars. What think you must be the real character of the prominent leaders of the Re- publican party, such men as Washburne, etc., when they will practice such deception and fraud upon the American people. Think of the colored virgin, Francis Thomas (a big buck negro), being ravished by eighteen Irishmen. The villainous deception and fraud daily practiced by Radical leaders is almost beyond conjecture. But the day of judgment has come — the people have at length become conscious of the fact that there must be an entire change of the government officials, and that honest and pure men must be given the reins of government ere the last semblance of a Republican form of government has passed be- yond their reach. RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY. Monarchy vs. Republican Government. Are the American People Serfs or Freemen ? Americans, you, who prize liberty above everything else, have a sad spectacle before you. The most important events in the history of this country since the Revolution are now transpiring. On the one side are arrayed freemen, those who love Liberty, Constitution and Law, and on the other those who seek to destroy the last semblance of the principles embodied in our American Constitution, which was purchased at the sacrifice of so many valuable lives, and handed down to us by our forefathers, ever believing that their children and children's children would pre- serve it untarnished. These are indeed trying times. Now is not the time for excitement or wild experiments. Every man who desires the future welfare of the country should calmly, can- didly and seriously meditate upon passing events, and firmly resolve to act well his part. In a very brief manner we propose to review past events, those of recent occurrence, and those pre- dicted or threatened to occur. RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY. 25- 1. A powerful secret political organization has existed in this country for several years, which has for its object the disfran- chisement of all foreign-born citizens ; the proscription of every citizen, be he native-born or foreign, who is a member or in sym- pathy with the Roman Catholic Church. These are facts well known to the American people. Radical papers throughout the country have boasted of the matter and openly declared that their organization numbered one million voters. The American Al- liance, which met in Philadelphia last July, resolved to support Hayes and Wheeler, the Republican candidates, who, if not mem- bers of this oath-bound organization, at least are in full sympa- thy with it. 2. Secret military organizations, in the interest of the Radi- cal party, exist all over the country, whose sworn duty is to obey the officers in carrying out the designs of the Radical party ; "peaceably if ice can, but forcibly if necessary , even though we have to wade in blood up to our knees." 3. The Indian troubles were brought on by designing men sent out among the red men, solely with the view of raising a larger army to be used during the present Presidential campaign in the Southern States, to compel those States to declare for the Republican candidates. Already the Indian war has ceased and preparations are being made to throw most of those troops in the South. 4. Cavalry horses are being purchased and shipped South for the use of the troops and others, to spread terror and force that people to support the Radical nominees. 5. Whisky, contract and every other imaginable sort of rings exist all over the country, headed and run by the highest govern- ment officials, to enrich those in power and rob the people. 26 RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY. 6. The Government employees, all over the country, who re- fuse to pay over a certain per centage of their salaries for Radi- cal campaign purposes, are discharged. 7. The State officers of Iowa have refused to furnish arms to military organizations, assigning as a reason therefor, that all arms ivere to be used during the Presidential cam- paign. 8. Arms and ammunition are being shipped to negroes all over the South, for the purpose of murdering white men, women and children, and carrying those States for Hayes and Wheeler. 9. It has been discovered that secret agents from the East have been sent to St. Louis for the purpose of organizing all the negroes and uniforming them, at Radical expense, who march through the streets making night hideous with their yells ; thus hoping to create a riot and use it throughout the Northern and Eastern States for political capital. They have no hope of car- rying Missouri, but hope to incite the negroes to violence, and by the sacrifice of fifty or one hundred of their lives, add thou- sands of votes to their party candidates. 10. Secret emisaries are being sent all through the South and "West to write up communications for Northern newspapers, w T atch every movement which tends to injure Radical success, and by words and deeds bring on trouble and strife. 11. Almost every day the newspapers contain telegraphic ac- counts from the South of outrages being committed by armed negroes. For a negro in the South to declare his intention to vote the Democratic ticket, his life must pay the forfeit, as was recently the case in South Carolina and Tennessee. So great are the fears of many already that they are daily expecting to read of wholesale massacres of white people in the South. RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY. 27 12. Republicans openly boast that if Tilden is elected he will not be allowed to take the office ; that they will have a majority in the Senate and will throw out enough States to declare the election null and void, and that Grant will hold over. 13. It has leaked out that the infamous plot has been agreed upon to appoint 100,000 men in the Southern States United States deputy marshals, just before the election, to arrest and keep from the polls honest voters who refuse to vote the Repub- lican ticket ; that these commissions are now being made out and distributed mainly to negroes and carpet-baggers. 14. Republicans declare that if Tilden is elected the election will be declared illegal, and that Grant will declare himself Dic- tator, and will receive assistance from England to establish his monarchy. We might continue, without limit, to enumerate the many grievances and outrages that are daily and hourly being practiced by the ruling party of the country, all of which are well known to . every intelligent and observing man ; but we deem the few facts recited sufficient to cause every lover of his country to stop and reflect on the deplorable state of affairs that exists. The time for action has arrived, and every man who desires liberty and the perpetuation of a Republican form of government in this country should at once resolve in his own mind to do every- thing within his power to put a stop to the ruin and oppression that is daily occuring. Another four years 5 lease of power of the Radical party will most assuredly bankrupt the country and drift the people into a monarchial form of government. You have but to look around you to see the fruits of Radical misrule. Look at the thousands and tens of thousands of workingmen and me- chanics idle all over the country, with their wives and children, without the necessary food to sustain life. Business of every kind 28 RADICALISM VS. LIBERTY. is depressed, and scarcely a man can be found who is u making ends meet." It is nothing but taxation and depression on every hand. Men are becoming desperate, and robbery and murders are of daily occurrence all over our once peaceful and happy country. There is no hope for the future, for the better, save in a change of government officers. The prayers and cries of millions of our people are daily ascending to Heaven for relief from the awful doom that seems to await us as a nation and people. Is there a man so recreant to the true principles of justice and right, that he is unwilling to add his voice and vote to relieve the country and people from the terrible future that seems to await us. The whole treasury of the country is in the hands of a few who will not stop at any means to carry out their nefarious de- signs. The only salvation or hope that remains is for such an uprising of the people as will teach these fiends in human shape, these destroyers of the only true Republican government on the habitable globe, that the great American people are alive to their true interests, and'will, in November next, show them that they love liberty, freedom and country, far better than party ties. In November next the ximerican people must decide whether they are freemen, or whether they will be the serfs of a few designing- men who are running the country for their own personal and pecuniary interests. The past record of the Republican party is a sufficient warning to the great American people of what may be expected in the near future, should another lease of power be granted them. The only course left for the American people is to u act well their part" and a few short days will seal the fate of this country for all time to come.