#354 Conf Pam 12mo #394 SPEECH HON. ALEX, ft STEPHENS, i>kijfki:kd kkfork THE GEORGIA LEGISLATURE, On Wednesday Night, March 16th, 1864. m&ftl'ED FOK THE ATLANTA INTKLUKI.K. ATLANTA, GEORGIA: INTELLIGENCER STEAM POWER PRKSSRS. 1864. mm r » ri mu /m 17 MHM.I /lauojla IHT HI 4W wttX Urfhll X>tt«tiy aO S8R SPEECH OF HON. ALEX. H. STEPHENS At the hour of 71 o'clock, 1\ M., the Hall had been tilled to its utmost capacity by members of the Legislature and citizens generally, and as the vast assemblage within saw the beloved form of "Georgia's proud and noble son, every eye grew bright with joy, and a hearty and unanimous applause bid him welcome. Mr. Sto'hkn* ascended the Speaker's stand and .spoke as fal- lows : Gentlerncii of the Senate and House of Rep In compliance with your request, or at least with that of a large portion of your respective bodies, I appear before you to-night to speak of the state of public affairs. Never, perhaps, before, have I risen to address a public audience under circum- stances of so much responsibility, and never did I feel more deeply impressed with the weight of it. Questions of the most momentous importance are pressing upon you for consideration and action. Upon these I am to address you. Would that us- ability, physically, and in all other respects, were commensurate with the magnitude of the occasion. We are in the midst oi dangers and perils. Dangers without and dangers within. Scylla on the one side and Charybdis on the other. War i> being waged against us by a strong, unscrupulous and vindic- tive foe; a war for our subjugation, degradation and extermi- nation. From this quarter threaten the perils without. Those within arise from questions of policy as to the best means, the wweafc and safest, to repel the enemy, achieve our independence, to maintain and keep secure our rights and liberties. Upon the decision of these questions, looking to the proper development of our limited resources, wisely and patriotically, so that their entire efficiency may be exerted in our deliverance, with at the same time a watchful vigilance to the safety of the citadel itself, as much depends as upon the skill of our commanders and the valor of our citizen soldiers in the field. Everything dear to us as freemen is at stake. An. error in judgment, though springing from the most patriotic motives, whether in councils of war or •councils of state, may be fatal. He, therefore, who rises under such circumstances to offer words of advice, not only assumes a position of great responsibility, out stands on dangerous ground. Impressed profoundly with such feelings and convic- tions, I should shrink from the undertaking you have called me to, but for the stron g consciousness that"where duty leads no one should ever fear to tread. Great as are the dangers that threaten vis, perilous as is ouv situation — and I do not intend to overstate or understate, neither to awaken undue apprehension, or to excite hopes and expectations never to be realized — perilous, therefore, as 4&r situation is, it is far, far from being desperate or hopeless, and I feel no hesitation in, eaying to you, in all frankness and candor, that if we are true to ourselves, and true to our cause, all will yet be well. In the progress of the war thus far, it is true there is much to be seen of suffering, of sacrifice and of desolation ; much to sicken the heart and cause a blush for civilization and Christian- ity. Cities have been taken, towns have been sacked, vast amounts of property have been burned, fields have been laid waste, records have been destroyed, churches kave been dese- crated, women and children have been driven from their homes, unarmed men have been put to death, {States havo btnn overrun and whole populations made to groan under the atcl oi despot- ism ; all these things are seen and felt, but in them nothing is to be seen to cause dismay, much less despair; these deeds cl ruin and savage barbarity have been perpetrated only on the outer borders, on the coast, and on the line of the rivers, where by the aid of their ships of war and gunboats the enemy has had the advantage ; the great breadth of the interior — the heart of our country — has never yet been reached by them ; they have as. yet, alter a struggle of near three years, with unlimited means, at a cost -of not less than four thousand millions of dol- lars (how much more is unknown) and hundreds of thousands of lives, been able only to break the outer shell of the Confede- racy. The only signal advantages they have as yet gained have been on the water, or where their land and naval forces were combined. That they should have gained advantages under such circumstances, is not a matter of much surprise. Nations in war, like individual men or animals, show their real power in combat when they stand upon the advantages that nature has given them, and light on their own ground and in their own clement. The lion, though king of the forest, cannot contend successfully with the shark in the water. In no conflict of arms away from gunboats, during the whole war, since the first bat- tle of Manassas to that of Ocean Pond, have our gallant soldiers failed of victory when the numbers on each side were at all equal. The farthest advance into the interior from the base and protection of their gunboats, either on the coast or the rivers, that the enemy lias been able to make for three years was the late movement from Vicksburg to Meridian, and the speedy turn of that movement S^ows nothing more, clearly than the difficulties and disadvantages attending all such; these things should be noted and marked in considering our present situation t and the prospects of the future. In ail our losses up to this time, no vital blow has ever been given either to our cause or our energies. We still hold Richmond, after repeated efforts io take it, both by force and strategy. We still hold on the Cxuif, Mobile, and on the Ocean front, Wilmington, Savannah and Charleston. These places have been, and are still held against the most formidable naval armament ever put afloat. At Charleston the enemy seem to direct all their power, land and naval, that can be brought to bear in combination — all their energy, rancour and vengeance. u Carthago deknda est" is their vow as to this ti jted city. Every means that money ran command and ingenuity suggest, froi. ,.e hugest engines of war never before known to the fiendish resort of Give if tire, I'een and are being applied for its destruction. For nearly nine months the city, under the skill of our consummate com- mander, his subordinates, and the heroic virtues of our matchless braves in the ranks, still holds out against all the disadvantages of a defence without Sw. able naval aid. That she may continue to hold out, and her soil never be polluted by the unhallowed foot prints of her vandal besiegers, is, ot course, the earnest wish of all. But even if so great a disaster should happen to us as the loss of Charleston, be not dismayed, indulge no senti- ment akin to that of despair— Charleston is not a vital part. We may lose that place, Savannah, Mobile, Wilmington, and Richmond, the scat of government, and still survive. We may lose all our strong places— the enemv mav traverse our great interior as they have lately done in Mississippi, aud W€ may still survive. We should, < ven under such calamity no w* r>e off than our ancestors were in their stn, peadence, During the time thai "tried men's" souls*' them, every city on the coast, from Boston to > v . was taken by the enemy. Philadelphia was taken, and Congress driven away. .South Carolina, Xorth Carolina, portions of Georgia, \ irginia, and other States, were overrun and occupied by the enemy as completely as Kentucky, Missouri, Louisiana and Tennessee are now. Take courage from the example of your ancestors— disasters caused with them nothing like dismay or despair— they only aroused a spirit of renewed energy and fortitude. The principles they fought for, suffered and endured . so much for, are the same for which we are now struggling State Eights, State Sovereignty, the great principle set forth in the declaration of independence— the right of every State to gov- ern itself as it pleases. With the same wisdom, prudence, fore- caste and patriotism; the same or equal statesmanship on the part of our rulers in directing and wielding our resources, our material of war, that controlled public affairs at that time, in the camp and 6* in the cabinet, and with the same spirit animating the breast of the p eople, devotion lo liberty and right, hatred of tyranny and op- pression, affection for the cause for the cause's sake; with the same sentiments and feelings on the part of rulers and people in these days as were in those, we might and may be overrun as they were ; our interior may Ik penetrated by superior hos- tile armies, and our country laid waste as theirs was, but we can never be conquered, as they never could be. The issues of war depend quite as much upon Statesmanship as Generalship , quite as much upon what is done at the council board , as upon what is done in the field. Much the greater part of all wars, is business— plain practical every day life business ; there is in it no art or mystery or speoial knowledge, except good, strong, common sense — this relates to the finances, the quartermaster's and commissary's departments, the ways and means proper — in a word to the resources of a country and its capacities for war. The number of men that can be spared from production, with- out weakening the aggregate strength — the prospect of sup- plies, subsistence, arms and munitions of all kinds- It is as ne- cessary that men called out should b'e armed, clothed, shod and fed, as th^t they should be put in the field — subsistence is as essential as men. At present we have subsistence sufficient for the year, if it is taken care of and managed, with economy. — Upon a moderate estimate, one within reasonable bounds, the tythes of wheat and corn for last year were not less, in the States east of the Mississippi, (to say nothing of the other side,) than eighteen million basbels. Kentucky and Tennessee are not included in tins estimate. This would bread au army of five hundred thousand men and one hundred thousand horses for twelve mouths, and leave a considerable margin for waste or loss. This we have without buying or impressing a bushel or pound. Nor need a bushel of it be lost on account of the want of transportation from points at a distance from railroads. At such places it could be fed to animals, put into beef and pork, and thus lessen the amount of these articles of food to be bought. Upon a like estimate the tythe of meat for the last year, will supply the army for at least six months — rendering the purchase of supplies of this article necessary for only half the year — the surplus in the country, over and above the tythes, is ample to meet the deficiency. All that is wanting is men of business capacity, honesty, integrity, economy and industry in the management and control of that department. There need be no fear of the want of subsistence this year, if our '-"Vials do their duty. But how it will be next year, if the policy adoiri^l by Congress, at its late session, is carried out, no one^Sa safely venture to say. This brings me to the main objects of this address, a review of those Acts of Congress to which your attention has been specially called by the Governor, and on which your action is invoked — these are, the Currency, the Military, and the Habeas Corpus Suspension Acts. It is the beauty of our system of government, that all in authority are responsible to the people. It is, too, always more agreeable to approve than to disapprove what our agents have done. But in grave and important mat- ters, however disagreeable or even painful it may be to express disapproval, yet sometimes the highest duty requires it. No exceptions should be taken to this when it is done in a proper spirit, and with a view solely for the public welfare. In free governments men will differ as to the best means of promoting the public good. Honest differences of opinion should never beget ill feelings, or personal alienations. The expressions of differences of opinion do no harm when truth alone is th£ object on both sides. Our opinions in all such discussions of public affairs, should be given as from friends to friends, as from bro- thers to brothers, in a common cause. We aro all launched upon the same boat, and must ride the storm or go down to- gether. Disagreements should never arise, except from one cause — a difference in judgment, as to the best means to be adopted, or eourse.to be pursued, for the common safety. This is the spirit by which I am actuated in the comments I shall make upon these Acts of Congress. As to the lirst two of these measures, the Tax Act and Fund- ing Act, know:, together as the financial and currency measures, 1 simply say, in my judgment, they are neither proper, wise or just. Whether in the midst of conflicting views, in such diver- sity of opinion and interests, anything better could not be ob- tained, 1 know not — perhaps not. With th;;t view we may be reconciled to what we do not approve. It is useless now to go into discussions of how tetter measures might have been ob- tained, or how bad ones might have been avoided — the whole is a striking illustration of the evils attending first departures from principle — the "faailh descensus Auer/w." Error is ever the proline source of error. Our present financial embarrass- ments had their origin in a blunder at the beginniug, but we must deal with the present, not the past. These two Acts make it necessary for you to change your legislation to save the State from loss. As to the course you should adopt to do thi*, I know of none better than thai recommended by the Governor. J lis views and suggestions on this point seem to be proper and judicious. The military act by which conscription is extended so as to embrace all between the ages oi seventeen and fifty, and by which the State is to be deprived of so much of its labor and stripped of the most efficient portion of her enrolled militia, pre- sents a much graver question. This whole system of conscrip- tion I have looked upon from the beginning us wrong, radically wrong in principle and in policy. Contrary opinions, however, prevailed. But whatever differences of opinion may have been 8 entertained as to the constitutionality of the previous Conscript Acts, it seenis clear to my mind that bat little difference can exist as to the unconstitutionality of. this late act. The act provides for the organizing of troops of an anomalous character — partly as militia and partly as a portion of the regular armies. But in fact, they are to he organized neither as militia or part of the regular army. We Have but two kinds of forces, the regular army and the militia — this is neither. The men are t<> be raised as conscripts for-the regular forces, while their officers are to be appointed as if they were militia. If they were in- tended as militia, they should have been called out, through the Governor, in their present organizations — if as regular forces they caiinot be officered as the act provides. It is most clearly unconstitutional. Who is to commission these officers ? The Governor cannot, for they are taken from under his control ; the President cannot constitutionally do it, for he can coin mis- sion none except by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. It is for you to say whether you will turn over tKese forces, and allow them to be conscripted, as is provided, leaving the question of constitutionality for the courts, or whether you will hold them ill view of agricultural and other interest, or for the execution of your laws, and to be caued out for the public defense in case of emergency by the GTqv- ernor when he sees the necessity, or whgn they are called for as militia by the President. The Act upon its face, in its provisions for details, seems to indicate that its object is not to put the whole of them in the field. Nothing could be more ruinous to our cause if such were the object and intention and should it ever be carried into effect. For if all the white labor of the country, from seventeen to fifty — except the few exemp- tions stated — be called out and kept constantly in the held, we must fail, sooner or later, for want of subsistence and other es- sential supplies. To wage war successfully, men at home areas necessary as men in the field. Those in the held must be pro- vided for, and their families at home must be provided for. In my judgment, no people can successfully carry on a long war, with more than a third of its arms-bearing population kept con- stantly in the field, especially if cut off by blockade, they are thrown upon their own internal resources for all ft'ecessarv »np plies, subsistence and munitions of war. This is dL^ftestioh of Arithmetic on well settled problems of political economy. l»ut can we succeed against the hosts of the enemy unless all able to bear arms up to fifty years of age are called to and kept in the field ? Yes, a thousand times yes, I answer, with proper and skill- ful management. If we cannot without such a call, we cannot will it, if the war last long. The success of Greece against the invasion by Persia — the success of t lie Netherlands against Philip — the success of Frederic against the allied powers of Europe — the success of the Colonies against Great I>ritain, all show that it 3 <5aa be done. I{ our only hop: wa£ in matching the enemy witb equal number*, then our cause would be desperate indeed. Superior numbers is one of the chief advantages of the enemy. We must avail ourselves of our advantage-. We should not rely for success by playing into lus I eople have many advantages that may be resorted to, to counterbal- ance superiority of numbers. These shofM be studied, sq and brought into active co-operation. T.c* secure success, brains must do something as well as muskets.. Of all the dangers that threat* . I consid- er none more imminent than the policy embodied in this Act, if the object really be, as its brond terms declare, tp put and keep in active service a r i between the ag - »n and fifty, except empts name d. On that lino we will mo- diy, soon- er or latter, do what the enemy n,eyei; could do, conquer oui - . And if such be not the objej Act — if it is ouly intended to conscript men not ii service, not with a view to rill the army, but for the officials, to take charge of the ral labor of the country and ihc various necessary avoca- tions and pursuits of life, then the A )\ Ls not only principle but exceedingly dangerous in its tendency. I come, now, to the last of these Acta of Congress. The suspension of the writ of'JBfabeas Corjyas in certain cases. This is the most exciting, as ii is by far the must important question before you. Ujxm this depends the question, whether the courts shall be permitted to decide upon the constitutionality of the late Conscript Act, should you submit that question to their decision, and upon it ai \\iqv great essential rights enjoyed by us as freemen. This Act, upon its face, con- fers upon the President, tlv try of War, and the General commanding in the trans-Mississippi Department, (the two latter acting under the control and authority of the Presideut) tlu power to arrest and imprison any person who may be simply charged with certain acts, not all of them even crimes under any law ; and this is to be done without ;iny oath or affirma- tion alledging probable cause as to the guilt of the party. Tbi* in attempted to be don ;-. of the Constitution, which authorizes Congress I writ- of Habeas Corpus, in certain eases. In my judgment this act is i unconstitutional, but exceeding] public U Its unconstitutionality does net rest upon the idea that Congress has not got the power to suspend the privilege of this writ, nor upon the idea that the power to suspend in implied one, or that clearly implied powers are weaker as a class and subordinate to others, positively and directly delegated. I do not" understand the Executive of this State to put his argnmeut against this Act upon any such grounds. He simply states a fact, as it most clearly is, th vrer \ iJtwpeha at 10 all is an implied power. There is no positive, direct power dele- gated to do it. The power, however, is clear, and clear only by implication. The language of the Constitution, -tluu '• .1 privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless, when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," clearly expresses the intention that the power may be exercised in the cases stated ; but it does so by implica- tion only, just as if a mother should sa;, to her daughter, you shall not go unless you ride. Here the j mission and authority to go is clearly given, though by inference and implication only. It is not positively and directly given. This, and this onlv T understand the Governor to mean w'hen he speaks of the pc jr being an implied one. He raises no question as to the existence of the power, or its validity when rightfully exercised, but jpe maintains, as I do, that its exercise must be controlled by all other restrictions in the Constitution bearing upon its exercise. Two of these are to be found in the words accompanying the del- egation. It can never be exercised except in rebellion or invasion. Other restrictions are to be found in other parts of the Consti- tution. In the amendments to the Constitution adopted after the ratification of the words as above quoted, these amendments were made, as is expressly declared in the preamble to them, to add "further declaratory and restrictive clauses," to prevent misconstruction or abuse of the powers" previously delegated. To understand, all the restrictions, therefore, thrown around the exercise of this power in the Constitution, these additional " restrictive clauses" must be read in conjunction with the orig^ inal grant whether that was made positively and directly, or by implication only. These restrictions, among other things de- dare, that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or pro- perty without due process of law," and that the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the person or thing to be seized." All admit that under the clause as it stands in the original grant, with the restrictions there set forth, the power can be rightfully exercised only in cases of rebellion or invasion. With these additional clauses, put in as further restrictions to prevent the abuse of powers previously delegated, how is this clause, conferring the power to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, now to be read ? In this way, and in this way only : " The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be susp ended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it." And no person " shall be de- prived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." And iurther, " The right of the people to be secure in their persons, house*., papers and effects against unreasonable search- 11 is and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall is- sue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or tilings to be B«i; The attempted exercise of the power to suspend the privi- lege of the writ of habeas >josj>>id in this Act, is in utter disre- gard m the very free and teeth of these restrictions, as much so as a like attempt in time of profound peace would be in dis- regard of the restrictions to cases of rebellion and invasion, as the Constitution was originally adopted. It attempts to pro- vide for depriving persons i% of liberty, without due process of law/' It at temps to annul and set at naught the great con- stitutional * right" of the people, to be secure in their persons against "unreasonable seizures/' It attempts to destroy and annihilate the bulwark of personal liberty, secured in our great chart to the humblest as well as the highest, that 4t no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affir- mation,"' and " particularly describing the person to be seized.'' Nay more, it attempts to change and transform the distribution of powers in our system of goveroment. It attempts to de- prive the Judiciary Department of its appropriate and legiti- mate function*, and to confer them upon the President, the Secretary of War, and the General officer commanding the Trans-Mississippi Department, or rather to confer them entirely upon the President, for those subordinates named in the Act hold their places at his \vtll, and in arrests under tins Act are to be governed by nis orders. This, by the Constitution, never ean be done. Ours its not only a government of limited powers, but each department, the legislative, executive and judicial, are separate and distinct. The issuing of warrants, which are no- thing but orders for arrests against civilians or persons in civil ^ife, is a judicial function. The President, under the Constitu- tion, has no power to issue any such. As commander-in-chiet of the land and naval forces, and the militia when in actual ser- vice, he may order arrests ior trials before Courts Martial, ac- cording to the rules and articles of war. But he is clothed with no such power over those not in the military service, and not subject to the rules and articles of war. This Act attempts to ciothe him with judicial functions, and in a judicial character to do what no Judge, under the Constitution, can do : issue orders or warrants for arrest, by which persons are to be de- prived of their liberty, imprisoned, immured in dungeons, it may be without any oath or affirmation, even as to the proba- ble guilt of the party accused or charged with any of the of- fences or acts stated. This, under the Constitution, in my judgment, cannot be done. Congress can confer no such power upon our Chief Magistrate. There is no such thing known in this country as political warrants, or "lett achet" This 12 Act attempts to institute this new order of things so odious to our ancestors, and so inconsistent with constitutional liberty. This Act, therefore, is unconstitutional, not because Congres- has not power to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, but because they have no power to do the thing aimed at in this attempted exercise of it. Congress can suspend the privilege of the writ — the power is clear and unquestioned — neither is the power, as it stands, objectionable. Georgia, in the Convention, voted against the clause conferring it in the Constitution as originally adopted — that, perhaps, was a wise and prudent vote. But, with the restrictions subsequently adopted, there can be no well grounded objection to it. It is, under existing restrictions, a wise power. In time of war, in cases of rebellion or invasion, it may often be necessary to ex- ercise it — the public safety may require it. I am not prepared to say that the public safety may not require it now. I am not informed of the reasons which induced the President to ask the suspension of the privilege of the writ at this time, or Congress to undertake its suspension as provided in this Act. I, however, know of no reasons that require it, and have heard of none. — But in the exercise of an undisputed power, they have at- tempted to do just what cannot 1)8 done — to authorize illegal and unconstitutional arrests — there can be no suspension of the writ, under our system of government, against unconstitutional arrests — there can be no suspension allowing, or with a view to permit and authorize, the seizure of peffsons without warrant issued by a judicial officer upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation — the whole Constitution must be read to- gether, and so read and construed as that every part and clause shall stand and have its proper effect under the restrictions of other clauses. If any conflict arises between clauses in the original and the amendments subseqnently made, the original must yield to the amendments. As a will previously made always yields to the modifications of a codicil. Such, of course, was the condition of the old Constitution with its amendments, when the States of this Confederacy adopted it — and it was adopted by these States with the meaning, force and effect it then had. In con- struing, therefore, those parts of the old Constitution which we adopted, we stand just where we should have stood under like circumstances, under it. With these views it will clearly ap- pear that under our Constitution, Courts cannot be deprived of their right or be relieved of their duty to enquire into the le- gality of all arrests except in cases arising in the land and naval forces or in the militia, when in actual service— for the govern- ment of which a different provision is made in the Constitution. Under a Constitutional suspension of the privilege of the writ all the Courts could do, would be to sec that the party was le- gally arrested and held — upon proper warrant — upon probable 13 cause, supported b . r affirmation setting form a crime of jotni violation of law. Literally and truly then the only effect of a Constitutional exercise of this power over the writ oi fiabc- . is to deprive a person, after being legal- ly confined, of the privilege oi a discharge before trial, bj ing bah, ' mntof insufficiency &j • probable cause v.d not the writ itself. The word* of tb ar • aj en to e'Xj - and extent to wl suspension can go in t.' try. With this view the power >ne. It can wqrk no duryto the citizen and .ns; whom , by oath or 'affirm a tae, must'l lit found fence. 3 other view ol maj as in tb weak- er would irouger >ut remedy or redress. Any one m the community i ..ay motive pr for any purpose, any other, and confine him most wrongfully an vera' i$t a few might he fanned for a like- purpose, and there Would be securi- ty and persona! safety \rouId bo swu, Iustead of a laud of latr& the whole country would be n than a Wbtie- domain — a perfect Aisatia. V 1 bo the inevitable effect of the exercise of the potoc :w of the ^abject, than t: The same effects as to outrage upon pen under a limited suspension confined to any specified der ecdy other view. No .such hu can ever spring from our Constitution if it be rightly admiuis- atter is we'd stated by the the .act terra of tiie writ oi' ha* ,u and compatible with the pi te. sim- ple extent of prevent;:, i. -is have been ordered, under (. Judicial Authority." On this subject much to be derived from English His- tory. Our whole system oi Constitutional liberty . principles established by o . -Saxon ancestors. But be- tween their system and ours, there are several differences thai should be noted and marked — and oonc more striking and fun- 14 damental than the' difference between the two upon this sub- ject. With them the right of personal security against illegal arrests, was wrested from the Crown by the Parliament, and es- tablished by Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, the abolition of Star Chamber, and the grant of the Great Right of the writ of Habeas Corpus, which is the means of redress against viola- tions of law, and other wrongs a' u rights secured and ac- knowledged. In the abolition of v. , art of Star Chamber the power was taken from the King, his heirs and succ: . ->r.s forever, and every member of his Privy Council, to n^ T i any arrest of any person for any offence or alleged crime, eyfcept hy due process of law. By this Act, the power of the King to is- sue warrants or orders of arrest, unsupported by oath or affir- mation, setting forth probable cause, which before, had been claimed as a royal prerogative, was taken away from him and his successors forever. The ruling Monarch, Charles I, gave his consent to the Act and yielded the power. He afterwards broke his pledge. Civil commotions ensued from this and other causes. He lost his head upon the block. The subsequent history of that strife between the people and the Crown of England, on this and other matters is not now pertinent to the object before ns. Suffice it to say that it ended in the settlement as it is term- fed between the Parliament and their New Sovereigns, William and Mary — in 1688, '89. In this settlement, all the ancient right^and liberties of the English people, including the right of the writ of Habeas Corpus, were reaffirmed and secured. Such were the liberties, inherited as a birth right, that our British an- cestors brought with them to this Continent. The principles established in England, after centuries of struggle and blood, formed the basis upon which the great structure of American Constitutional liberty was erected. But the striking difference between their system and ours to which I have alluded and which should never be lost sight of, is that with them, all power originally belonged to the Crown. All rights and liberties were grants from the Crown to the Parliament, and through them to the people, while with us all power originally belonged to the people — and essentially, still resides with them. They have ap- pointed agents to perform the functions of Government in the different Departments, Executive, Judicial and Legislative, un- der the form of Government set forth in the Constitution, clothed with the exercise of certain delegated, specific and limited powers. In England it is competent for the Parliament at any time to return to the Crown all the Powers heretofore extorted from their Kings. They are are not restrained as our Congress is, by a want of power to do so on their part. They can repeal any day Magna Charta, the Habeas Corpus net and the whole Bill of Rights, and render their ruling Monarch «• absolute as either of the ,Tudors or Stuarts ever claimed of wished to be. The principles of Magna Charta as to personal 15 liberty and the right of the. writ of Habeas Corpus to secure those rights are put in our fundamental laws, and cannot be vio- lated by Congress, for their* powers are limited, and they arc themselves bound by the Constitution. That the British peo- ple would ever submit to a surrender of their rights by Parlia- ment, no one can fpr a moment believe. But Parliament claims to be omnipotent and could make the surrender, if they chose to run the risk. Hence analogies between this country aud that on the suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus and the effect of such suspension, either generally or specially, should be closely scanned, even in England, so great is the regard for liberty, suspensions have been rare since the settlement of less-^. The writ wa* suspended there in 1715 and in 1745 — and in 17-^8 it was suspended In Ireland with the Power con- ferred oil!, L < 75 Cor- pus, since the Bill of Rights and the Act 01 settlement passed in 1689." lie did not Ba) that Parliament had not suspended it, or that our Congress could not suspend it, in a proper way, but that even in England, where Parliament was unrestrained, they had not, sinee the settlement eoyferteij upon the Qrown, the power to make ail fai as he was aware. At this point I will briefly refer to the suspension by our Congress, alluded to the other night by the distinguished gen- tleman, (Hon. A. II. Kenan) who lately represented this Dis- trict ; a gentleman whose remarks I listened to with a great deal of interest, and whose personal friendship I esteem so highly. He referred to the Act of the Confederate Congress, passed October 13, 1862, and asked — Why were there no ob- jections made to that? This Act he read. I have it before me. It provides that the " President, during the present invasion, shall have the power to suspend the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus in any city, town, or military district, whenever, in his judgment, the public safety may require it ; but such suspension shall apply only to arrests made by the au- thorities of the Confederate Government, or for offences against the same," and in section 2d, that " the President shall cause proper officers to investigate the cases of all persons so arrest- ed, in order that they may be discharged if improperly detain- if; eel, unless they can be greedily tried in due course of law.' 7 The 3d section limits the Act to thirty days, after the meeting of the next Congress. The answer to the enquiry, why there was no noise made aboWt this Act, while there is so much, made about the one lately passed, is two fold. In the first place, this Act applied u only to arrests made by the aut /critics of the Confederate Government" — u for offences against the same." The proper authorities for issuing warra?ds to arrest, are the Courts, whose duty it is to issue warrants for arrests whenever offences or crimes are charged upon oath or affirmation, stating probable eause. The section directing the President to cause " proper officers to investigate the cases, tfec," in its immediate connec- tion with the proceeding, had nothing in it calculated to awaken, alarm, or excite objection, for by "proper officers" all naturally supposed judicial officers only could be meant — Judges who Avould or might act in discharging under writs of Habeas corpus, if that privilege had not been suspended. In this connection, these words seemed naturally enough to have a meaning far different from what they have when taken from their context and put into this late Act, in which it is clear enough they are there intended to apply to other than judicial officers. There was then, nor now, any objection, as far as I am aware of, to the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas eorpus in any city, town, or district, or generally throughout the coun- try, if Congress really has good reasons to believe the public safety requires it, and if the power to suspend be constitution- ally exercised. . The objection to the late Act is that it attempts to do what, cannot constitutionally be done. But in the second place, in answer to the enquiry, why no nofed was made about the Act of October, 1 £0*2, I need only say, that upon the bare statement of the real and substantial objections to that Act, it was admitted to be unconstitutional and void, because it attempted to confer the power to suspend the writ upon the President, when, in his judgment, the public safety required it jn the localities embraced in its terms. Con- gress alone, under the Constitution, has the power to suspend 1 he privileges of the writ. They cannot confer this power upon the President or anybody else. This is now conclusively ad- mitted both by Congress and the President in the late act, for it is set forth in the preamble, " whereas, the power of suspend- ing the privilege of said writ is vested solely in the Congress," m principle in this Act will be tot-. I speak upon these as I n\ ryte upon thos< . I have no inclination to arraign the motive of those who disagree with me. Great principles are at stakv, and [ feci impelled by a high sense of duty, when n.y opinions are sought, to give them fully, clearly, and earn- estly. A few thoughts more upon the subject in another view. These relate *o T -he objects a«d workings of the Art. if it be sustained and carried out. You have been told that it affects none but the disloyal, none but traitors, or those who are no better than traitors, spies, bridge burner.-, and the like, and yem have been appealed to and asked, if any such are entitled to your sympathies t I affirm, and shall maintain before the world that this Act affects and may wrongfully 0] and as good citizen* a true to our cause as ever trod the -oil or breathed the air of the South. This I sha lo you that, no man will ever venture ' v or deny it. This long list of otfei - forth in sm-h array, iu tin.' ■en specifications, are, as I view them, but ro verbage, which tend I I hide wl will be found to fee the whol< Let. \Yi* the real object and intention of its tranters and advocates, I know not. Against their >r patriotism I have nothing 10 say. I take the Act as I rind it. The real gist of the whole of it lies, so far :us appears upon its face, covered up in the fifth -; education near the middle of the Act. It > words — u and attempts to avoid military service I" ' Here is a plain indisputable attempt to deny every ortii this broad land the right, if ordered into service, to have the question whether lie is liable to military duty under' the laws tried and adjudicated by the courts ? Whether such was the real object and intention of those who voted for the bill, I know not, but such would be its undeniable effect if sustained and enforced. A man over fifty years of age, with half a dozen sons in the field, who has done every thing in his power for the L8 cause from the beginning of the war, may, under instruction* from the Secretary of War, be arrested by the sub-enrolling of- ficer and ordered to catnp, upon the assumed ground that, in point of fact, he is under fifty. l r uder this law, if it be law, he would be without remedy or redress. A case to illustrate by occurred within my own knowledge last fall. Orders were is- sued to examine the census returns of 1S60, as to the ages of persons, and instructions «iven to sub-enrolling officers to be governed as to the age of parties by those returns. In the ease alluded to by the census returns, the party was not forty- five at the time of arrest. He protested that he had not made the census returns himself — that the return was erroneous, it was not given in under oath — that he was able to prove by evi- dence entirely satisfactory, that he was over forty-five and not liable under the law as it then stood to military service. His privilege of the writ of habeas corpus — his right to have this question of fact and law settled by the courts, wa:; not then iuspended, and he was discharged. But what would be his situation, and that of all others in like circumstances, if this Act be held to be law ? It is said that the Act affects none but the disloyal, and that no good law-abiding man can justly com- plain of it ! As I view it, its main effect is to close the doors of justice against thousands of citizens, good and true, who may appeai to the courts for their legal rights. Take the case ot" those who availed themselves of the law to put in substi- tutes — some for one motive, and some for another — some, doubt- less, for not only good but patriotic motives, believing that they could render the country more service at home than in the field. r know one who has put in two, one when the call was for those up to thirty five years of age, the other when the call was to forty-five. One of these substitutes was an alien, whose ser- vices could not have been commanded by the government, and who is now at Charleston, and has been during the whole siege of that place. This man who put in these two substitutes, re- mained at home most usefully employed in producing provi- sions for the army. Ail his surplus went that way, while he had two men, abler bodied than he was, fighting for him in the field. Who would say that such a man is disloyal to the cause, if, be- lieving in his heart that he was not liable under his contract, as he supposed, with his government, he should appeal to the courts to decide the question whether he is liable under the law or not ? As to the law allowing substitutes in the first instance, and then the law abrogating or annuHmg it, and calling the principals into the field, I have nothing to say. What I main- tain is, that it is the great constitutional right of any and every party affected by the last of these Acts on the subject, to have the question of his legal liability judicially determined if he choses, and then as a good law abiding citizen act accordingly. Take another illustration of the practical workings of the 19 Act. Congress by law exempted from conscription sncli v officers as the. Legislatures oiLfhe respective States might desig- nato as proper to be retained For State purposes. At your hist session you, bV resolution, designated all the civil and militia officers of the State. A late order has been issued by General Cooper, as is seen in the papers, doubtless under order from the Secretary of War, to enrol and send to camp a large num- ber of these otticers — amongst others; Justices of the P Tax Receivers and Collectors. This order is clearly against the law of Congress and your solemn resolution. It is in direct an- tagonism to the decision of the Supreme Court ol this State, in the very case in which they sustained the power of Congress to raise troops by conscription, but in which they held that the power was limited, and that the civil oncers of the States could not be constitutionally conscripted. I use the word conscr purposely — I know there is no such word in the. Knglish lan- guage — neither is there any such word ■,-//«•, the one usually in rogue now a days. V new word had to he coined for a process or mode of raising armies, unheard of and un dreamed of by our ancestors, and I ehoosd to coin one which best expresses my idea of it. l>ut under this order of General Cooper, is it not the right of these officers, is it not the right of the State, to have the question of tfic.ir liability to conscription determined by the Judiciary ? Is it not, the high dut \ of Con- gress to compel the Secretary oi' War and General Cooper t<» abide by that decision and to oitey their own laws, instead of attempting to close the doors of the courts against the adjudi- cation of all such matters that come within the sphere of their constitutional duti< Again, Congress by the last, section of the hrsl Conscript Act, declared that all who were or should be subject to ii might, previous to enrollment, volunteer in any companies then in tie- service. Notwithstanding this express law of Ooi -ecur ing the right of any. person liable to conscription to volunteer in any company then in the service previous to enrollment, General Cooper has issued an order by direction of the S tary of War, doubtless, denying this right to /oituJteer in anv company then in existence, unless the number in such companv is less than sivty-four men. Under this illegal order a -number of as brave, gallant, chivalrous, noble spirited youths, as went forth to battle for their country and peril their lives fpr constitutional liberty, will be deprived of their birth-right — the right to have questions of law, affecting their liberty, determin- ed by the courts — if this Act, closing the courts against them, shall be held to be valid ! Tell me not that this Act affects nom* but traitors, spies, and the disloyal ! I heard not long since oi a case in Albany; a father carried his son to the district' en~ rolling ofiicer; he had just arrived at the age when he wa<* liable to conscription ; he never wished him to n<> but trait >v~, spies and disloyal people. Dad it been in operation, had the Courts regarded it, Mr. Oats* son; who hud Ad , d his country faithfully, as long as he was able, micjhi noM u beyond remedy, beyond redress and beyond hope. Will you say, can you say, that the Courts ought to be, or can be closed, against such monstrous wrongs? Will you not rather pu! upon the at- tempt to do it, the seal of your unqualified condemnation ? Tell me not, to pat confidence in the President". That he will never abuse the power attempted to bo lodged in his hands. The abuses may not be by the President. He will njDt execute the military orders that will be given. This will necessarily de volvc upon subordinates, scattered all over the country, from the Potomac to the liio Grande. He would have to possess t w<» superhuman attributes, to prevent abuses- — omniscience, and omnipresence ! These things our forefathers knew, and hence they threw around the personal security of the free citizens of this country a tinner, safer, surer protection, than coniidence in any man, against abuses of power, even when exercised under his own 22 eye and by hiuibeli. That protection is the shield of the Con- stitution. See to it that you do not in an evil hour tear this shield orl and cast it away, or permit others to do it, lest in a dav you wot not of, you sorely repent it. Enough has been said, without dwelling longer upon this point, to show, without the possibility of a doubt, that the Act does affect others, and large classes of others than spies, trai- tors, bridge burners and disloyal persons— that the very gist of the Act, whatever may have been the intent or the motive, will operate most wrongfully and oppressively on as loyal, as patri- otic, and as true men as ever inherited a freeman's birthright under a Southern sky. You have also seen that there is and can be no necessity for the passage of such an Act, even if it were constitutional, in the case of spies, traitors, or conspira- tors. For, if there be a traitor in the Confederacy — if such a monster exists— if any well grounded suspicion is entertained that any Mich exists, why not have him legally arrested, by ju- dicial warrant, upon oath or affirmation, setting forth probable cause, and then he can be held under a constitutional suspension of the privileges of the writ— he can be tried, and if found •/nilty, punished. What more can the public safety by possi- biity require V Why dispense with the oath ? Why dispense with judicial warrants ? Why put it in the power of any man on earth to order the arrest of another on a simple charge, to which nobody will zuxar $ Who is sale under such a law ? Who knows, when he goes forth, when or whether he shall ever return ? The President, according to this Act, is to have power to arrest and imprison who ever he pleases, upon a bare charge, made, perhaps, by an enemy of disloyalty^ The party making the charge not being required to swear to it! Who, I repeat, is safe or would be under such a law ? What were the real objects of the Act, in these clauses, as to treason, disloy- alty, and the others, I do not know. To me it seems to be un- reasonable to suppose that it was to reach real traitors and per- sons guilty of the offences stated. For that object could have been'easily accomplished without any such extraordinary pow- er. I was not at Richmond when the Act passed. I heard uonc of the discussions, ami knew none of the reasons assigned, either by the President in asking it, or the members or Senators who voted for it. I was at home, prostrate with disease, from which I have not yet recovered, and by reason of which I ad- dress you with so much feebleness on this occasion. But I have heard that one object was to control certain elections and expected assemblages i'u North Carolina, to put a muzzle upon certain presses and a bit in the mouth of certain speakers in that State. If this be so, I regard it the more dangerous to public liberty. 1 know nothing of the politics of North Caro- lina—nothing of the position "of her leading public men. If there be traitors there, let them be constitutionally arrested, 23 tried and punished. No tears need be indulged of bare error there, or anywhere else, if reason is left free to combat it. The idea is incredible, that a majority of the people of that gallant and noble old State, which was. foremost in tb* war of the Revolution in her ever memorable Mecklenburg Declaration ot Independence can, if let alone, ever be induced to prove them- selves so recreant to Ibe principles of their fathers as to aban- don our cause and espouse the despotism of the North. Her people, ahead of all the Colonies, first flaunted in the breeze the tlag of Indep« ndence and State Sovereignty. She cannot be. the first to abandon it — no, never ! I cannot believe it! If her people were really so inclined, however, we could not prevent it by force — we could not, under the Constitution if we would, and we ought not if we could. Ours is a government founded upon the consent of sovereign States, and will be itself destroy- ed by the very act whenever it attempts to maintain or perpet- uate its existence by force over its respective members. Ti e surest way to check any inclination in North Carolina to quit our sisterhood, if any such really exist even to the most limited extent amongst her people, is to show them that the struggle is continued as it was begun, for the maintenance of constitu- tional liberty. If, with this great, truth ever before them, a majority of her people should prefer d< s'potism to liberty, 1 would say to her, as to " a wayward sister, depart in peace. : ' I want to see no Maryland this side of the Potomac. Another serious objection to the measure, showing its impob- < v, is the effect it will have upon our cause abroad. I have never locked to foreign intervention, or early recognition, and do not now. European governments have no sympathy with either side in this struggle. They are rejoiced bo Me professed repub- licans cutting each other's throats, and the failure, as thev chink, of the great experiment of self-government on this continent. They saw that the North went into despotism immediately on the separation of the South, and their fondest hopes and expec- tations are that the same destiny awaits us. This has usually been the fate of republics. This is the sentiment of all the gov ernraents in Europe. But we have friends there, as you heard last night, in the eloquent remarks of the gentleman [Hon. L. Q. C Lamar | who addressed you on our foreign relations, and who has lately returned from those countries. Those friends are anxiously and hopefully watching the issue of the present con- flict. In speeches, papers and reviews they are defending our cause. No argument used by them heretofore has been more effectual than the contrast drawn between the Federals and the Confederates upon the subject of the writ oti he question ed, however much their irisdom, judgment and principles may be deplored. In such times, when considering the as they exist, and looking at the policy indicated in bearings, the most ill-timed, delusive and dangerous words that can be uttered are, can you not trust the President ? Have you not confidence in him that he will not abuse the powers thus confided in him? To all such questions my answer is, without uny reflection or imputation against OTir 'present (Vief Magistrate, that the measure ot my confidence in him, and all other public officers, is the Constitution. To the question of whether I would not or cannot trust him with these high powers not conferred by the Constitution, my answer is the same that ] gaVe to one who submitted a plan for a dictatorship to me $om< months ago: u 1 am utterly opposed to everything looking to, or tending to wards a Dictatorship in this country. Language would fail to give utterance to my inexpressible repugnance at the bare sue- gestion of Btfch a lamentable catastrophe. There is no man living, and not one of the*tlhiStrious dead, whom, if noW I would .,o trust." In any and every \icw, therefore, I look upon this habects cor- pus suspension Act as unwise, impolitic, unconstitutional and dangerous to public liberty. But you have been asked what can you do? I M 'an do much. If you believe the Act to be unconstitutional, you can and ought so to declare your deliberate judgment to be. What can yon do ? AY hat did Kentucky and Virginia d& in ! 708-'0&, un der similar circumstances ? What did Jefferson do, and what did Madison do, and what did the legislators of those Stales then do ? Though a war was then threatening with France— though armies were being raised — though Washington was called from his retirement to take command as Lieutenant-Gen efal — though it was said then as now, that all discussions ot even obnoxious measures of Congress would be hurtful to the public cause, they did not hesitate, by solemn resolves by the Legislatures, to de- clare the alien and* sedition laws unconstitutional and utterly 26 void Those Acts of Congress, in my judgment, were not more clearly unconstitutional, or more dangerous to liberty, than this Act now under review. What can you do ? You can invoke its repeal, and ask the government officials and the people in the meantime, to let the question of constitutionality bo sub mitted to the courts, and both sides to abide by the decision. Some seem to be of the opinion, that those who oppose this Act are for a counter-revolution. No such thing, I am for no counter-revolution. The object is to keep the present one, great in its aims and grand in its purposes, upon the right track— the one on which it was started, and that on which alone it can attain noble objects and majestic achievements. The surest way to prevent a counter-revolution, is for the State to speak out and declare her opinions upon this subject. For as certain as day succeeds night, the people of this Confederacy will nevei live long in peace and quiet under any government with the principles of this Act settled as its established policy, and held to be in conformity with the j>ro visions of its fundamental law. The action of the Virginia Legislature in 1*799, saved the old government, beyond question, from a counter and a bloody re- volution ; kept It on the right track for sixty years afterwards, in its unparalleled career of growth, prosperity, development, progress, happiness, and renown. All our present troubles, North and South, sprang from violations of those great con stitutional principles therein set forth. Let no one, therefore, be deterred from performing his duty on this occasion by the cry of counter revolution, nor by the cry that it is the duty of all, in this hour of peril, to support the Government. Our Government is composed of Executive, Legislative and Judicial Departments, under the Constitution, He most truly and faithfully supports the Government who sup ports and defends the Constitution, lie not misled by this cry, or that you must not say anything against the administration, or you will injure the cause. This is the argument of the preacher, who insisted that his derelictions should not be expose. 1, be- cause if they were, it would injure his usefulness as a ministei-. Derelict ministers are not the cause. Listen to no such cry. And let no one be influenced by that other cry, of the bad ef- fect such discussions and such action will have upon our gallant citiz-en soldiers in the field. I know something of the ieeling of these men. I have witnessed their hardships, their priva- tions and their discomforts in camp. I have witnessed and ministered to their wants and sufferings from disease and wounds in hospitals. I know something of the sentiments that actuated the great majority of them, when they quit home, with all its endearments, and went out to this war — not as mercenaries or human machines, but as intelligent, high-minded, noble spirited gentlemen, who w r ere proud of their birthright as freemen, and "who, knowing their rights," dared maintain them, at any and every cost and sacrifice. The old Barons who extorted Magna Charta from their oppressor and wrong- doer by a resort to arms, did not present a grander spectacle for the admiration of the world when they went forth to their work, thoroughly imbued with a sense of the right for the right's sake than this gallant band of patriots did when they went forth to this war, inspired with no motive but a thorough devotion to and ardent attachment for constitutional liberty. To defend this and maintain it inviolate for themselves and tliose who should come after them, was their sole object. Their ancient right*, usages, institutions, and liberties were threaten- ed by an insolent foe, who had trampled the Constitution of our common ancesters under foot. They and we all had quit the Union, when the rights of all of us were no longer respect- ed under it, but we had rescued the Constitution — the Ark of the Covenant — and tins is what they went forth to de+end. These were the sentiments with which your armies were raised as if by magic. These are the sentiments with which re-enlist- ments for the war have been made. These are the sentiments with which your ranks would have been filled to the last man whose services can be relied upon in action if conscription had never been resorted to. You cannot, therefore, send these gallant defenders of consti- tutional liberty, a more cheering message than th;it, while they are battling for their rights and the common rights of all in tin- field, you are keeping sacred watch, and guard over the same in ;he public councils. They will enter the fight with renewed vigor, from the assurance that their toil, and sacrifice and blood will not be in vain, but that when the strife is over and inde- pendence is acknowledged, it will not be a bare name, a shadow and a mockery, but that with it they and their children after them shall enjoy that liberty for which they now peril all. — Next to this, the most encouraging message you could send them is, that while all feel that the brunt of the fight must be borne by them and the only, sure hope of success is in the powers of their arms, yet every possible and honorable effort will be made by the civil departments of the government to terminate the struggle by negotiation and adjustment, upon the principles for which they entered the contest. Gentlemen, I have addressed you longer than I expected to bo able to do. My strength will not allow me to say more. I do not know T that I shall ever address you again, or see you again. Great events have passed since standing in this place three years ago. I addressed your predecessors on a similar request, upon the questions then immediately pending our present troubles. Many who were then with us have since passed away — some in the ordinary course of life, while many of them have fallen upon the battle-field, offering up their lives in the great cause in which we are engaged. Still greater events may be just ahead of us. What fate ov fortui e awaifcs you or me, in the contingencies of the times, is unknown to us all. We may meet again, or we may not. But as a parting re- membrance, a lasting memento, to be engraven on your memo- ries and your hearts, I wan you against that most insideuus en- emy which approaches with her syren song, "Independence first and Liberty afterwards." It is a latal delusion. Liberty is the animating spirit, the soul of our system of Government, and like the soul 5f man, when once lost it is lost forever. There is for it no redemption, except through blood. Never for a m©ment permit yourselves to look upon liberty, that Constitutional lib- erty which you inherited as a birth right, as subordinate to In- dependence" The one was resorted to, to secure the other. Let them ever be held and cherished as objects co-ordinate, co-existent, co-equal, co-eval, and forever inseparable. Let them stand together "through weal and through woe," and if such be our fate, let them and us all go down together in a common ruin. Without liberty, I would not turn upon my heel for independence. I scorn all independence which does not secure liberty. I warn you also against another fatal delusion, commonly dressed up in the fascinating language of, "If we are to have a master, who would not prefer to have a Southern one to a Northern one." Use no such language. Countenance none such. Evil communications are as corrupt- ing in politics as in morals. " Vice Is a monster of such hideous mien, That to be hated, needs but to be seen. But seen too oft 1 familiar with her face, We first endure, then pitj, then embrace." I would not turn upon my heel to choose between masters. I Was not born to have a master from either the North or South. I shall never choose between candidates for that office. Shall never degrade the right of suffrage in such an election. I have no wish or desire to live after the degredation of my country, aud have no intention to survive its liberties, if life be the ne- cessary sacrifice of their maintainence to the utmost of my abil- ity, to the bitter end. As for myself, give me liberty as secured in the Constitution with all its guaranties, amongst which is the sovereignty of Georgia, or give me death. This is my motto while living, and I want no better epitaph when I am dead. Senators and Representatives, the honor, the rights, the dig- nity, the glory of Georgia, is in your hands. See to it as faith- ful sentinels upon the watchtower, that no harm or detriment come to any of those high and sacred trusts, while committed to your charge. (Immense cheers and applause.) Hollinger Corp. P H8.5