Duke University Libraries 
 
 Message of His 
 Conf Pam 12mo #228 
 
-MESSAGE 
 
 ^ 
 
 OF 
 
 j HIS EXCELLENCY, JOSEPH E. BROWN, I 
 
 TO THK 
 
 GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 
 
 CONVENED IN THE CAPITOL BY HIS 
 
 T»r8.0>0Xj.^Tl«:.A.'T'IO3!^, 
 
 MaKCII 2-5X11, ISG:]. 
 
 ! 
 
 ."^ 
 
 
 BOUGUTON, NISBKT &. BARNES, State Pi:inti:ki. 
 
 .MILLKDOEVILI,E, GA. 
 
 1S63. 
 

 PERKINS LIBRARY 
 
 UuUe University 
 
 Kare Dooka 
 
THE FLOWERS COLLECTION 
 
 MESSAGE. 
 
 EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, > 
 MiLI.EDGEVILLE, Marcii 25th, lS68v i 
 
 To tht Se)iafr and House of' Rpprcscntalivci : 
 
 I have felt it my duty to convene you at an earlier day 
 than that fixed for your meeting, when you adjourned. 
 
 In the midst of a revolution of such vast magnitude as 
 that in which we are engaged, the constant change in the 
 circumstances by which we are surrounded, must frequently 
 influence our actions, and develop suthcient reasons for a 
 change of our opinions, or our policy. In December last, 
 we passed an act prohibiting the cultivation of more than 
 three acres of cotton to the hand this year, which vit'tually 
 legalizes and invites its production to that extent. 1 am 
 now fully satisfied, if the quantity of land mentioned in 
 that act, is planted in Georgia and each of the other cot- 
 ton States, the result will be, our subjugation by hunger, 
 and tlie utter ruin of the Confederacy. Hence-, I have felt 
 it m}' duty, before the crop is planted, to call you together, 
 and recommend the passage of an act, that will make it 
 highly penal, for any one to cultivate exceeding one fourth 
 of an arre to the hand. The eneniy has overrun, and now 
 holds a large part of the'most productive lands in the Con- 
 federacy. As our limits are circumscribed and contracfed, 
 niatiy of the loyal people of the sections in the possession 
 of the enemy retire to the interior, and the number of per- 
 sons to be supported from the products of the lands in 
 our possession, is greatly increased, while the area of pro- 
 ductive lands from which the support must come, is almost 
 daily diminished, ^fost of the wiiite laborers of the coun- 
 try, are now in the army, and new levies are constantly be- 
 ing made from those who remain. As these enter the mil- 
 itary service, our fields are lelt uncultivated, while the wo- 
 men and children are still in our midst, and must be sup- 
 ported. The result is, that the country and the army are 
 mainly dependent upon slave labor for a support. At the 
 present prices of all the necessaries of life, it is impossible 
 for the women and children to support themselves. In mv 
 ■opinion, it will take every acre of land, and every days' 
 productive labor which we can command this year, to make 
 
 P67839 
 
OUT uoccRsarv support ; and lio who ♦'iniiloys any portion of 
 his lands and labor, in llie production ot cotton, tobacco, or 
 any other products that \rill not sustain life, to that extent, 
 tMu'langer** llu* success of our cau.se. The present prices of 
 cotton nuike the tiMuptation to plant it very strong, and 
 the planter will (piiet his conscience by the reflection, that 
 the legislature has authorized him to plant three acres to the 
 liand, and will plant iiis best land, place all his manure up- 
 on it, and make it the object of his special care and atten- 
 tion. There is now cotton enotigh !■ the Confederacy, to 
 clothe our people for several y«'ars, an«l there is no reas(»u 
 why we shoiihi plant more than is actually necessary to keep 
 seed. It may be »aid, that the planter can make more 
 money out ot cotton than grain and vegetables. This is 
 very questionable. ]Uit if we admit that he can uiuke 
 double as much, this is no re;i>.ou w by he shouhl be permit- 
 ted to do it^ if by so doing, ho hazards- the very e.vistcucc 
 of the States. What will his money, or his cotton, or his 
 slaves, or his lands, be worth to hitn, if we are subjugated, 
 and the civil and religious liberties, of himself and ids pos- 
 terity are destroyed Y 
 
 As the war is now prosecuted by the Liiicoln govermaent» 
 for the avowed purpose of aboli.'^bing slavery, no dassof 
 our people has so much at stake, as our slaveholders, who 
 are generally our chief [>lanters. They are depeudeut up- 
 on our white laborers in the jield ol" batlle, for the protec- 
 tion of their property ; and in turn, this army of white la- 
 borers and their families, are dependent uj)on the slave ow- 
 ners for a support, while thus engaged. The obligation is 
 mutual and reciprocal, and neither party has the right to 
 tlisregard it. 
 
 The conduct of our [dauters last year was niosi patriotic 
 and praiseworthy, and has saved our cause for the present, 
 but the temptations held out to the avaricious, are much 
 greater this year, owing to the high prices of cotton in the 
 market; and I consider legishition absoiutely necessary, to 
 restrain those who would hazard all forgaiu. As it is now time 
 to commence planting, I iuvoke your early attention to this 
 (juostion, in mv opinion, second in importance to no other 
 that is likely to come under your considerai ion. At the 
 present time, money will nol.buy bread, hi a large sectiou 
 of our own State, at any re.isonuble price. This is caused, 
 partly by the severe drought of last summer, but is proba- 
 bly, owing in a greater degree, to the fact, that the lands in 
 ^hiit section of the .State, are cultivated aliuost entirely by 
 whit(! labor, and most of tli;it labor being now in the army, 
 the lands lie idle, and the women and children are destitute 
 of bread. But for the large surplus, in the cottou region, 
 scenes of suflcring must ensue, which would be appaling to 
 contemplate, and which must demoralize, if not disband 
 
that part of the army, where the husbands and fathers of 
 the sufferers, stand as a bulvA'ark, between us and the enemy. 
 Let not the people of the cotton sections of the State, where 
 there is labor to cultivate all the lands, risk the chances of 
 similar, or worse distress another year, lest consequences 
 ensue, which may cost tiieni, not only their cotton crops, but 
 fill that they Iiave, and all that they expect to have in future. 
 We can never be con(|u<Med by the arms of the enemy. We 
 may be by hunger, if we neglect to husband all tbe resour- 
 ces for the supply of provisions, which a kind Providence 
 has placed within our reach. Attempt to conceal it as we 
 may, the fact is undeniable, that the great question in this 
 revolution is now a (juestion of bread. The army must be 
 fed and their j'amilies at home supported, or the sun of lib- 
 erty will soon set in darkness and blood, and the voice of 
 freedom will be forever hushed in the silence of despotism. 
 
 THE LAW AGAINST DISTILI-EKIKS. 
 
 Experience has shown that the law against the distillation 
 of grain into ardent spirits, needs amendment. From in- 
 formation received from different parts of the State, I am 
 satisfied that a large portion of the potatoe crop, most of 
 the dried fruit, and a considerable quantity of the molasses 
 in the State, have been, and are being distilled. Under 
 pretence of distilliug these articles, it is also said, that 
 quantities of corn are being .used by distillers, who keep 
 their doors closed, and refuse to admit visitors who might 
 testify against tliem. In other sections, it is said, they are 
 runiiing their stills, in open violation of the law, and no one 
 has the nerve to withstand and prosecute them. To arrest 
 these evils, I recommend that the law be so changed, as to 
 make it highly penal during the war, for any one, in addi- 
 tion to the present prohibition, to distil potatoes, drimi fruit, 
 or molasses, without a license. And that every person who 
 keeps his distillery locked, and refuses to admit visitors, day 
 or night, whew admission is asked, shall be held irrhna facir 
 guilty of a violation of the law. And, that every person 
 who runs his distillery without a license, shall be presuined 
 to be guilty of distilling grain, or other article prohibited, 
 and the burden of proof shall rest upon him, to show the 
 contrary. 
 
 The lav-.- should also make the owner of the distillery lia- 
 ble to the penalties, if his stills are run by an insolvent per- 
 son. And it should be made the duty of the Sheriff" of the 
 county, to call to his aid, all the force necessary, and des- 
 troy any distilleiy which is run in violation of law, as he 
 would abate any other nuisance. 
 
 It has been impossible for the Inferior Courts of some, 
 of the counties, under my instructions, to find a per- 
 son who will take the contract to make the quan- 
 
lity of spirituous liquors or alcohol necessary lor me- 
 tlicinal uses, at the prices fixed by the statue. Aud 
 us it is ft violation ol the law, for a person distilling 
 under a license, to sell for more than the prices fixed by the 
 statute, I reconuneiid such chanjje, as will authori/e the 
 lowest respoiisihltj bidder to bo licensed, at such price, aa 
 may be agreed t»n between hini and the (Jourt, fur the sup- 
 ply necessary for the eouniy : the quantity recuuiniendcJ 
 by the Court, to be subject to the ;sp[iroval of the Gov- 
 crnoi", before he issues the license. 
 
 TKAXSl'OKTATIOX OF I'KOVlSlONfj. 
 
 ►So great is the scarcity of provisions, in the L'herokec 
 Country, that it is impossible to subsist the soldiers fumilieu 
 and the jioor much longer, without the transjtortation oi" 
 corn from South A\'estern Ocorgiii. Tiic rolling stock uj»on 
 the .South Western, and the Macon ;ind 'Western Ilailroads, 
 is not suHiciout to carry forward the corn, and to do the 
 work re«|uired by the Confederate Government. JSurroun- 
 detl by these diflieulties, I have thought it best, to direct 
 the Superintendent of the State Road, to put one ot" his 
 best trains upon tin; Roads to South Western Georgia, for 
 the transportation of corn to supply bread to those who 
 must otherwise suffer. 1 shall be obliged to contiiujo thia 
 policy till the emergtuicy is passed, though I may not be 
 able to carry over the Slate Roacl, all (Joveruuu^nt Irtuglit 
 oHered, as promptly as 1 could wish. 1 ieel it to be my 
 liighest duty, t(» so use the property of tiu'. State, as to pre- 
 vent if possible, sutlering, on the part of the poor, or tho 
 families o(" soldiers, fur want of bread. 
 
 SALARIES. 
 
 1 earnestly recommend the passage of an act repealing 
 the act of 2Sth November, ISGI, entitled "An Act to fix 
 the salaries and coni|)(Misation of certnin oflicers mentioned 
 therein, and for other purposes f and that reasonable .sala- 
 ries be allowed. 
 
 It now lakes the whole salary of a Judge of the Superior 
 Courts for twelve months to purchase fifteen barrels of tlour, 
 or fifteen hundred jjounds of bacon in the markets of this 
 State. The j>er diem j)ay (»f a Judge while on his circuit 
 does not nearly delVay his necessary traveling ex|)enses. Is 
 this right V Can any intelligent legislator claim, that it is 
 compatible with either the justice or the dignity of a great 
 State ? 
 
 The Constitution of Georgia, whicji we are bound by sol- 
 <>mn obligation to sup]>ort, says, " The Judges shall iiave 
 salaries a(le(piate to their services fixed by law." Are tiie 
 present salaries of the Judges, or other oflicers of the State, 
 oi/rytffl/e to their services y The question, to my mind, is 
 
too plain for argument. I trust it is only necessary agait 
 to bring it to your nltention, to secure prompt action, 
 
 TIIK NEW CODE. 
 
 The Code of this State having gone into operation on (he 
 first (lay of .lunnary last, it is a matter of great importJincv 
 that the public otticers be supplied with copies of it, tivm 
 they and the people may have an opportunity of leiirarn*; 
 what the law is. It is not in my power to supply cop«i^ 
 to even a consider;ible proportion of those who are entitlo<f. 
 to them, on account of the neglect of ]\Ir. John 11. Se&k 
 the printer, to coniply with his contract. Since the<e^a- 
 tract was entered into by him, he has rei)resented tQ ik^. 
 (.General Assembly his inability to comply wilh iiis obligsL- 
 tion without additional (compensation, and live thou.ssiM 
 dollars of e.\ti"a pyy has been allowed him. He has iteez: 
 paid the full amount agreed upon by tlie original coiitmyiX 
 for file whole job, and one-half of the extra amount -apppi^. 
 printed. After this had been done, he still failed to CGin[«{r 
 with the contract, Jiileging that he could not uvc 
 leather to make the l^indiug. To relieve him from this<ir'- 
 iiculty, at your session in November and December last, 5'ori. 
 authorized the Governor to receive the books bound iit *.& 
 inferior style. Since this action on your part, he has iiof, 
 tlelivcred a single cojiy, and no assurance is given whei. ihe. 
 l>ooks will ))(^ delivered. 1 have reasons to believe thui. Mi". 
 iSeals lias sold a considerable number of copies to imiividB- 
 als or to tjic trade. I call your attention to this subjexa., 
 and rccommend'such action on your part as may be neces- 
 sary to compel performance on his part, or to take ih^ 
 ]>rinted sheets out of his iia!id;s, and have them bound hw 
 others, at las expense. 
 
 >MALL I 'OX. 
 
 The physicians' bills sent to this Department by the Tc- 
 ferior Courts of many of the counties, lor attention to per- 
 sons afflicted with small pox, have, in my opinion, boea si; 
 exorbitant that I have refused to pay them. There are 
 several instances of physicians who have made out bilU: 
 against the State for one or two months' attention to snai^ 
 pox cases, amounting to larger sums than they would, 1 s?ijv 
 ]>ose, be able to make by one or two years' practice, i re- 
 spectfully ask that I he law be so amended as to estabiJ:^.^ 
 some just rule by which i am to be governed in tlie piy- 
 inent of these claims. The act only makes provision for 
 the payment by the State of the expenses incurred at bo*- 
 ])StaIs (.istal)lished by the Inferior Courts of the differeet 
 cKJunties. Many of the Courts have established iw h&sj>.i- 
 t-als, and have had the cases treated at the houses of tiie 
 afflicted, in dift'erent parts of the county. It is desiraUW 
 that the will of the Legislature be n^ore clearly expraa:i>t»4i 
 
8 
 
 m refercnrc to cases of this rliaractcr. Wliilo I do not 
 think that stronger reasons exist why the State should pay 
 the physicians' bills and other expenses incurred by atten- 
 lion to persons who have small pox. juid ;ire treated at home, 
 when they are themselves abl«' to j>ay, lluin incases ol other 
 coiilaqeoiis fliseases of a malignant cliara<-,ter, it nniy be 
 proper that such payments be mad(^ by the State, when the 
 persons alilictcd are unable to pay, and might otherwise be 
 neglected on account of their ])overty. 
 
 IJkirWKS.SMKNT OF NKCMJOK.S. 
 
 Ir will be remembered, that lirigadier General Mercer 
 
 nnade a re(|uisiti(»n upon tlie State, while yon were last in 
 session, for twenty-fiv«' hundred negroes, for sixty days, to 
 work on the fortiiications around Savannah, and that the 
 Governor was authorized, by the action of the (Jeneral As- 
 sembly, to lill the r«'(|nisition. A call was afterwards made 
 by authority of" (iein-ral I'eanregiird, for three hundred ne- 
 groes to work on the obstrnctions (>f tlio Ahanialia lliver, 
 whieh requisition was also filled. 
 
 Many of the negroes sent to Savannaii. liii\<' nol \c\ been 
 ilischiirged, Ix'cause, in th*^ oninion of the military author- 
 ties there, the emergency was such as to make it a milita- 
 ry necessity to retain them. New and a«lditional fortifica- 
 rions have b«'en projected, and no one seems to know when 
 thev will be completed. It is now retjuired, that the ne- 
 groi's remain ninety dnys longer; or, if they are discharged, 
 T,hat their phices be sii))pIijMl immediiitely by a new levy. 
 
 The upj»er and western portions of the State, have not 
 yet furnislied their quota. If a new impressment is made, 
 as the law n<»w stands, it mnst be from these sections. The 
 warm season is commencing, and the negroes from these 
 parts of the State, are not accustomed to the climafc of 
 Savannah. Much si<'kness, and many deaths must there- 
 lore be expected among them. Again, the crop is now be- 
 ing planted, and it is a matter of great importance, that 
 ;is little labor as possible b»' taken iVoii; tlu' ngriciiltural 
 pursuits of the State. 
 
 i\) this state of the case, I rcspeclfuily ;isk, that the (Jen- 
 oral Assembly, by joint resolution, or otherwise, give di- 
 -•ectionK, at as early a day as possible, as to tlw best Uiode 
 uf furnishing tin; "labor to comjdete the fortifications. It 
 \vill also be proper that some just mode of ascertaining tlu> 
 i'alne, and c(Mn])ensatitig the owners for the negroes wiio 
 liave <lied in the service, and the still larger number who 
 inay dii! (hiiing the snnnner season, be prescribed by law. 
 
 MII>ITAIiV LAW. 
 
 Section iOiO of the Code provides, that all elections for 
 Tnilitia olticers, of and above the rard\ of Captain, siiali be 
 crdered bv the Conunander-in-Chief. 
 
Tliis will cause a great accumulation of labor in the Ex- 
 ecutive Department, with much unnecessary delay^ind ex- 
 pense. I tlierefbre recommend that' the old rule be re-es- 
 tablishi'd, and that all vacancies below the cfrade of Gen- 
 *!ral, be tilled by election ordered by the ofticernext hi,Q,hest in 
 command, except in case of lieutenants, whose elections 
 should be ordered b}' the Captain, as prescribed by Act of 
 nth February, I Sod. 
 
 I also recomnitnid the repeal of sections !)S(>, .0S7, OSS, 
 •^89, 900, 90-2 jind 90;}, of the Code, whicii provide for the 
 payment of a commutation tax in lieu of military service, 
 as wholly inapplicable to the present condition of the 
 country. The Comptroller General, by my direction, has 
 left tije columns relating to this commutation tax, out of 
 the Receivers' Diu;est, till vou shall have considered the 
 question. 
 
 RIGHTS OF THE CHURCHES. 
 
 I recommend the repeal of section 1370 of the Code, 
 Avhich prohibits "any church, society,- or other body, or 
 any persons, to grant license or other authority, to any 
 slave or free person of color, to preach or exhort, or other- 
 wise oliiciate in church matters." I entertain no doubt, 
 that negroes are sometimes very useful among their own 
 people as preachers or exhorters. This is a cpiestion of 
 which the church of the living God, and not the legislature 
 of a State,- is the proper judge. The loyal support which 
 the churches of all religious denominations have given to 
 the Conf(.'derate and State Governments, and the aid which 
 they have atlbrded- the government, in the maintenance of 
 our slavery institutions, have demonstrated, that they un- 
 derstand this question, and may safely be trusted. The 
 legislature under pretence ot police regulation or other- 
 wise, tlierefore, has no right to infringe upon religious 
 liberty, or usurp the power which belongs to the churches. 
 Render to Cccsar the things that are Ca'sar's, and to God 
 the things that are God's, is an injunction which the State 
 }jas no right to disregard, 
 
 STATE KXnoliSKMENT OF CONFEDERATE DEBT. 
 
 I transmit herewith copies of resolutions, passed by the 
 legislatures of of the Staters of Alabama, South Carolina, 
 Mississippi and Florida, proposing, upon dilTerent plans, 
 the indorsement of the debt of the Confederacy by the 
 States. No one can doubt the patriotic motives which 
 have pronqited this action of our sister States. But as 
 this is a ({uestion of great magnitude, involving important 
 princijdfs, and as our action in the premises, must be fol- 
 lowed by consequences seriously affecting the credit of the 
 State, present and prospective, it is our duty to examine it 
 
10 
 
 for ourgelves, and not to be controlled by the decision and 
 action of others. 
 
 If the proposed eiidorsenu'iit will have the effect of ar- 
 raying the capital of the country against the Conlederacy. 
 and in favor of a reeonstrnction of the old Union, however 
 laudable the motive, the net W(»uld be most nnlortunate. 
 
 Again, if the eflect will be to level the credit of all the 
 States to an e(|uality, without n\gard to the manner in 
 which they have manag«'d their hnancial afiairs, or the 
 amount ol" debt now owed by each, it would be gross in- 
 justice to those iStates which have coii<liieted their aliairs 
 so well as to incur but little debt, ami iiave maintained 
 their credit at the highest }»oint. 
 
 Furthermore, if the indorsement of the Confederate 
 debt, by the States, can only be jHoduetive of temporary 
 appreeiiition of Confc'lerate credit, v.ithout permanent beii- 
 cfit, and must be follo\\ed by serious injury to the credit 
 of the States, the i)olicy is unwise, and should not be 
 adopted. 
 
 Let us consider wJK'ther these would not be the legiti- 
 mate ellects of the proposed endorsement. 
 
 At present, almost every capitalist in the country, Is 
 the creditor of t!ie Confe<lerate Govrrnment, and is direct- 
 ly interested in maintaining its existence, and sustaining it>^ 
 credit. I spealc not of individuals, but ca})ital is gem'ral- 
 '.y selfish, and controlled more by interest than patriotism. 
 When we have ascertained what will be the interest of 
 cai>italists we may generally have but little difficulty in 
 determining what will be theiractiuji. 
 
 Si»i)jiose the whole debt of the Confederacy to liave 
 reached one; billion of dollars, as it probably will have 
 done by the time the States have all acted upon this pro- 
 i>osition. It is not probable that capitalists, as a matter 
 of choice, would prefer to credit our government with a 
 larger debt than this hanging over it. J'ut having already, 
 invested this enormous sum, if they feel that tl.eir only 
 hoj)e of [)ayment rests upon the success, and permanent 
 establishment, of the (confederacy, and it becomes necessa- 
 ry to invest another billion to establish the Government 
 aiul avoid tiie loss of the sum already investtnl, interest 
 will prom[»t them to stand by the government, sustain its 
 credit, and make further advance if they have the means. 
 Rut suppose at this period, all the States indorst^ the whole 
 d«;bt, or each indorses its proportion of it, what eflect will 
 this have upon the mind of the capitalist? If prior to the 
 act, he looked only to the ( •onfederacy for payment, and 
 Jiaving now obtained the legal, as well as moral obligation 
 of the individual States to j>ay, he is satisfied that tliis se- 
 cureii the debt, his interest in the permanent success of the 
 Confederacy ceases, and he looks in future to the States for 
 
11 
 
 payment. If after this, tlie old Union should be recon- 
 structed, and the States of our Confederacy should return, 
 and become members of it, the capitalist is not left to look 
 to a Confederacy no Ioniser in existence, for payment, nor 
 to rely on the moral obligation of the States, to assume 
 and pay the debt, but he rests upon the solemn legal in- 
 dorsement of the individual States, which would be as 
 binding upon them, in one- Confederacy as in another. — 
 The capitalists having thus obtained ihe solemn indorse- 
 ment of the States, for a sum as large as they could reason- 
 ably be expected to pay, would naturally desire to prevent 
 an increased liability, on the part of iheir debtors, the 
 States, which would weaken their ability to pay, and might 
 in future, cause the people to throw off the whole burden, 
 on account of its accumulated weight. Knowing, in other 
 words, that it is possible to increase debt to an amount so 
 onerous, as to drive a people to repudiation, they might 
 prefer to take their chances of payment of one billion of 
 dollars of Sfyifr debt, in the old Couf(!deracy, rather than of 
 two billions in the new. Hence it v>-onld be their interest 
 to oppose ilie appropriation of the second billion of dollars, 
 to prosecute the war for the establishment of the Confed- 
 eracy, and to advocate a reconstruction for the' purpose ot 
 securing an early peace, and of stopping further expendi- 
 ture, that they may s;ive what is aheady owing to them. 
 
 The rivers of blood which have been drawn from the 
 veins of our fathers, brothers, husbands, sons and other rel- 
 atives by the hands of our cruel enemies, form an impassa- 
 ble gulf between us and our wicked invaders. How can 
 we agam shake hands with them over the slain bodies of 
 our loved ones, and again embrace them in fraternal rela- 
 tions? AVere Georgians to do this," the blood of their 
 brethren, who have fallen martyrs to our glorious cause 
 would cry to them from the ground, and lebuke the das- 
 tardly deed. Sooner than reunite with those now seeking 
 to enslave us, and under the name of Union with thoiu, 
 become, with our posterity, hewers of Vv'ood and drawers 
 of water for them, let us submit, with more than Roman 
 firmness, to the devastation of our iieids, and, if .need be, 
 th«' extermination of our race, lint let us do» no act has- 
 tily, which, however patriotic the motive, may tend to ar- 
 ray a powerful class in our midst against the Confederate 
 Government. While Georgia with the dignity ot a great 
 State, should firndy maintain her reserved rights, and if 
 need be, restrain the Confederate Government within th(^ 
 limits assigned it by tiie constitutional compact to wliich 
 ^he is a party, she should stand by it, confined within its 
 constitutional limits, with an unyielding determination to 
 Hiustain it at every hazard, as v^'ell against injuries inflicted 
 by the injudicious action of imprudent friends, as against 
 
1:2 
 
 "the thrusts of domestic enemies, or the herciile^ui assaults 
 of foreiirn foes. The future happiness of her posterity is 
 firmly linkt-d with the Conft'deraey. Tiiousands of her 
 sonH have nobly immolated their lives upon its altars, and 
 the tens of thousands who survive should see to it that no 
 rude hand is uplifted against it, that no false policy under- 
 mines its foundations, and tliat no usurpers destroy the 
 IxNTutiful symmetry of its niaiinifieent sirucLure. 
 
 We slionld not only sustain the C<»nf<derary at all hazards. 
 l)ut we should also sustain the administration. We may 
 difler from it on constitutional questions, or questions ot 
 policy. Sucli is the nature of the human min<l, and such 
 the variety of liuinau intellect, that no two lionest men 
 \ver«' ever full;,' agreed in every sentiment. As lont; as 
 freedom of thought and freedom of spee<'h exist, we should 
 have the independence to express our dissent from what we 
 consider the errors of our luiers, and they should have the 
 magnanimity to tolerate the difftreiice. I5ut while we 
 contend earnestly lor what we considiM* sound principles 
 we should do no act which can seriously embarrass the ad- 
 ministration in the prosecution of the war. In my judg- 
 ment the proposed indorsenu'nt would, in the «'n<l, array 
 41 class of capitalists against the rjovernnient which would 
 amount to serious embarrns.sment. 
 
 Again, it cannot be denied, that some of the States have 
 managed their financial affairs better than others. Some 
 have submitted to the necessary burdens of taxation, and 
 )i]€t their liabilities as they were incurred, while others have 
 added much of them to their debts. Hence, the debts of 
 some are much larger, -in proportion to their resources, than 
 the debts of others. Tin; <onse<|uetico is, that the credit of 
 the State that lias the greutc^t n'suun-es and the least debt 
 ■ is worth most in the market. IJut, suppose all t\\c States 
 indorse the immense debt of the Confederacy, what is th(> 
 result? As each State has its own individmil indebtedtu'ss, 
 and would then 'have assumed a legal liability tor the debt 
 of the Confederacy, the credit ot each State is at once 
 placed below tlie credit ol" the Confederacy; and as each 
 would then be liable for as much as it couhl reasonably 
 be expected ever to pay, the credit of the respective States 
 would be placed, not only at a low point, but very nearly 
 upon a level with each other. This would be injustice to 
 those States which have nuiintained their credit at the 
 liighest point. Tak«! for instance our own State. It may 
 be truly remarked without disparagement to other States, 
 that the debt of (Georgia is less in proportion to her 
 rcsources, than that of any (tther Stat(! in the Coidederacy. 
 -or indeed any other upon the contincmt. The conscjiuence 
 is that her credit is worth a higher premium in the nuirket 
 than the credi't of any other State in the Confederacy. — 
 
13 
 
 Her people are therefore entitled to the benefits of her 
 economy, her wise management, and her far seeing states- 
 loanship. If she and the other States now indorse the 
 Confederate debt, her credit is at once placed upon a level 
 with Confederate credit, if not below it, and very nearly or 
 quite upon a level with that of all the other States. The result 
 is, that the people of the other States, reap the benefits of 
 her better credit, to which the people of Georgia are alone 
 entitled. This would be injustice to the people of Geor- 
 gia, and to her creditors who have invested in her securi- 
 ties and are entitled to the benefits of her superior credit 
 iti the market. If it is said, her people should make sac- 
 rifices for the common cause ; I reply, that no State has 
 responded more promptly to every call made by Confede- 
 rate authority for men, money or other assistance, and that 
 she is ever ready to comply with every constitutional obli- 
 gation. 
 
 Having shown, I trust, to your satisfaction, that the pro- 
 posed indorsement would place the interest of the capital- 
 ists of the country, in the scale, against iiazarding further 
 appropriations for the establishment of the Confiederacy ; 
 tiiat it would be productive of injury to the credit of the 
 individual States, and of injustice as between the States 
 themselves ; I now proceed to inquire, whether, if we 
 waive these objections, it could be productive of the per- 
 manent benefits to Confederate credit claimed by its ad- 
 vocates. 
 
 Before proceeding, however, it is proj)er that I remarks 
 that the advocates of indorsement are not agreed amonjr 
 themselves, and that two plans are proposed. One propo- 
 sition contemplates a general indorsement of the whole 
 debt of the Confederacy, by the several States ; each to be 
 liable in proportion to its representative weight in Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The other, which may, I believe, properly be designated 
 the South Carolina proposition, proposes tlie indorsement 
 of $-500,000,000 of the bonds hereafter to be issued by the 
 Confederacy ; each State indorsing its proportion of the 
 bonds, on the basis of its relative representative weight in 
 Congress. The latter proposition, is to my mind the less^ 
 objectionable of the two ; as it does not hold out the temp- 
 tation above mentioned to capitalists, to whom the present 
 debt is owing, to favor the reconstruction of the old Union, 
 to prevent an increase of debt to maintain the further ex- 
 istence of the Confederacy. 
 
 The advantages claimed for both propositions are I be- 
 lieve, substantially the same. The chief of which is, that 
 the proposed indorsement would reassure the confidence of 
 capital, in Confederate credit, and cause its investment in 
 the bonds of the Confederacy, in amounts suflicient tofuud 
 
14 
 
 all treasury notes issuod m redundancy of healthy circula- 
 tion ; and thus reduce the circulation to an amount only 
 neccsMiry to meet the lei,^itimate commercial demand for 
 currency. 
 
 This looks well on j)Mi»er : and might work well in prac- 
 tice, it' there were enouuh surjdus capital in the Confedera- 
 cy, to convert hundred dollar hills into interest bearini: 
 bonds, and lay them away as investment, as fast as all the 
 pap<;r mills in the country can mak«; the paper, and all the 
 engravers can print upon it the likeness of cirenlating me- 
 dium, and an army ol" CJovermnent clerks can sign these 
 promises to pav. l'»ut here lies the difliculty. ^Vhatever 
 maybe the coiilidence of capitalists in these securities, the 
 country, devastated as ir is by a destructive war, cannot 
 yield sm}>lus ca])'.tal for permanent investment, as fast as 
 hundred dollar bilN, or thousand dollar bonds, can be man- 
 ufactured. 
 
 Trior to thecoinmencement of the war, the surplus cap- 
 ital of the South was invested in State Bonds, Bank Stock, 
 Railroad Stock, Bond- of Corporations &c. Since that 
 time, most of the surplus has been invested in (.'onfederate 
 bonds; and our people have not now, probably the half of 
 live hundred millions of dollars that they can spare, to in- 
 vest in any securities, however desirable. This measure 
 might atlbrd partial and temporary relief, by inducing some 
 capital not now employed, 10 seek investment in these bonds. 
 But if the wargoes on,;Mi(! the < lovernment is under the neces- 
 sity of issuing two or three millions of dollars a day, of its 
 notes, for the next one, two, or three years, it must be ad- 
 mitted, tliat we have not the capital to absorb them as fast 
 as issued; and the indorsement could only causfe a tempora- 
 ry suspension id' tlni deprei-iation which must follow our 
 over issues ; lor the ultimate piiyment of which, no adequate 
 provision is being made. 
 
 The advocates of this plan al«o contend, that the Gov- 
 ernment could fund the debt at hoilie, ai a heavy premium, 
 in lis favor, after I'.jo imlorsi'ment, basing the calculation 
 nponthe fact, that State credit is now worth a large premi- 
 um, whi;n compared v/ith Ctuifederate. 
 
 To show the fallacy of this conclusion, it is oidy necessa- 
 ry to iiKpiire, whv the bonds of the individual States com- 
 inand this premium. The debts of most of the States, are 
 now small, compan-d with their resources, and their ability 
 to pay ; and capitalists naturally conclude, that in case of 
 failure of the (Jonfedcracy, or ultimate repudiation by it, 
 the States would p:iy tli<ir individual indebtedness, resting 
 upon both, legal and moral obligation, in preferent^e to their 
 indirect indeb'tedness resting upon moral obligation, with 
 no further legal obligation than that their people submit 
 to such taxation as may be imposed by Congress to r.iise the 
 
money to pay the debt. Georgia's seven per cent bonds 
 are said to be worth 40 per cent premium, in currency, in 
 the market. Why ? Because her resources are great, and 
 ]ier debt small. Increase her indebtedness to one hundred 
 millions, and her bonds will cease to command a premium. 
 If we adopt either of the proposed plans, her debt may 
 soon exceed this sum. When the States have committed 
 themselves to the policy, and have indorsed the present Con- 
 federate debt, or have indorsed S-300,000,000, they must 
 extend their indorsements as future exigencies may, in the 
 opinion of the (7 0vernment require, until they have indors- 
 ed all future i.ssues to be made by the Government. The 
 advocates of the |)lan will have much stronger reasons for 
 claiming the extension, when the States are once committed 
 to the pojicy, than" they now have for claiming the first in- 
 dorsement. It is like a whirlpool, from which, when the 
 States have once placed thenjselves within its power, there 
 is no return. Wlien the amount indorsed becomes, as it 
 soon must, an enormous suni, the effect of the indorse- 
 ment will be, to bring down State credit, even below Con- 
 federate credit, and not to bring up Confederate credit to 
 the present level of State credit. 
 
 It is again said, that the proposed State indorsement 
 would enable the Government to negotiate its bonds abroad, 
 at a premium, and that there is a sufficiency of foreign capr 
 ital, to absorb all our issues. The sufficiency of capital 
 in that case is admitted; but the inquiry is, would the in- 
 dorsement induce its investment in these bonds, at a pre- 
 mium, or at par, or even near to par ? 
 
 We are engaged in a gigantic war. Our ports are block- 
 aded. The great powers of Europe refuse, even to recognize 
 us as a Government. Our expenditures are enormous, 
 which cause our debt to accumulate rapidly, and we are 
 not collecting taxes sufficient to pay interest ; much less to 
 create a sinking fund for the ultimate extinguishment of 
 the principal. In this state of things, foreign capitalists 
 refuse td invest in Confederate securities, and the credit of 
 the individual States is far below par in foreign markets. 
 How then is it to be reasonably expected, that the indorse- 
 ment of the Confederate bonds by the States, will give 
 them a value in foreign markets, which is attached to neither 
 the credit of the Confederacy, nor of the individual States? 
 While the war and the blockade last, and while we refuse 
 to submit to taxation sufiicient to retire a reasonable pro- 
 portion of our paper issues, it is vain to expect that we can 
 fund the debt abroad, without the most ruinous sacrifice, no 
 matter how often the paper is indorsed by the parties now 
 morally bound for its payment. 
 
 But it may be said, if the States are now morally bound 
 for the payment of the debt, and their people are legally 
 
IG 
 bouud to 
 
 to submit to the necessary tax for that purpose, when 
 impCMJed by the Coiitedeiute Goveruineiit, why not indorse 
 the bonds, and let the States take upon themselves the di- 
 rect U'gal oblig;ition to j>ay. To my mind, there are verv 
 obvious reasons why it should not be done. 
 
 While the Constitutional obligation rests upon the peo- 
 ple of the States, to submit to the taxation imposed 67 
 Congrtss, to pay the debts of the Confederacy, tlie Consti- 
 tution imposes upon Congress, which is the power that cre- 
 ates th:; liability, the sole ri'sponsibility of (le\ising the 
 means, and a.>s"ssing the taxes, m-cessary to discharu;e tlio 
 obligation. This is as it shoiild be. The power in the Gov- 
 ernment that creates the 'debt, should have resting upon it. 
 the sole responsibility of providing the means for its pay- 
 ment, and of imposing the taxes tor t;iat purpose which 
 may be iKxessary. The peo[)h' then know hovv^ to hold 
 their agents to a proper accountability. 
 
 Suppose, however, the States indorse the debt, aoJ 
 pledge their individual faith r*.? Sfafrs, for its payment at ma- 
 turity; and Congrrss. afraid of its po})ulurity, doe-s not 
 wish to take the resj)onsibiIity to assess the tax, to meet it. 
 What follows? Tiie States to maintain their individual 
 credit, niust themselves assess, and collect the taXi and 
 make the payment. Congressmen linding that tliey could 
 in this wav avoid an unpleasant: responsibility, and retain 
 their places with, le.ss dilHcuity, would, after having contrac- 
 ted the debt, when pay day came, turn over the responsi- 
 i)ility to tilt.' legislatures of the States. Thus we should have 
 one Government to spend the money, and another charge- 
 able with the responsibility oi' raising it. Congress would 
 then occupy, very much the position of the rich man's prod- 
 igal sou at college, who, having no responsibility about 
 footing the bill at the end of the year, feels very little con- 
 cern about the siz(! to which it accumulates. 
 
 Again, sad experience has shown uni, that the tendency 
 of our GoverumiMit, is to consolidation, and that -the cen- 
 tral Government is ever ready to usurp as much uiidulega- 
 ted power, as the States will consent to lose. As the cen- 
 tral Guvcinment grows stronger, the States grow weaker, 
 and their jiist rights arc disicgarded. Now. I can imagine 
 no one act of tiie St.ak*s, that will tend so much to strengthen 
 the central Government, at the expense, to them, of the 
 loss of their just powers, as the adoption of the policy now 
 proposal, which l)inds them individually, to provide ibr the 
 payment of all the dijbls which Congress may choose to 
 contract, but may not be willing to impose the taxes to pay. 
 The consummation of the })olicy is the complete consolida- 
 tion of tlie Government, making the States the mere bur- 
 den bearers of the central superior. 
 
 I may be met here, with the remark often made, that it 
 
17 
 
 is no time now to defend the rights of States, or to maintain 
 principles. State Rights, and Constitutional principles are 
 the s«me in times of war as in times of peace ; and should 
 be mairituiued at all times, and under all circinnstances. 
 Power once usurped, with acquiescence, is never relaxed but 
 at the point of the bayonet; and we should not forget, that 
 rights 8uri"endcred in war, are never regained in peace. We 
 should therefore do no act tending to destroy the States in 
 one grand consolidation, and lay the fouudation of a central 
 despotisH) upQii*t!ieir ruins. 
 
 Having given some of the reasons whieh satisfy my 
 mind, that the hopes entertained (>y tin; advocates of State 
 indorsement, that the adoption of their policy would retire 
 the excess of the curreuc}', and reduce it to a healthy con- 
 (lition. are entirely delusive, I may bt.' asked if there is no 
 remedy for the evil. My opinion is, tiuit so long as the war 
 is carried on in its present magnitude, recpiiring the amount 
 of daily expenditure now njade, and tlie demand for all 
 the necessaries ot .life exeeeds tlui supply as far as it now 
 does, there is no complett; remedy for the present evils, of 
 high prices and redundant paper cnrrency. Tljere is one 
 remed}'', and only one, which can mitigate the evil, inspire 
 confidcn<'o in the stability of the Cvovernment. and the ul- 
 timate payment of the deht, and induce the itivestment of 
 surplus capital of the people of other (lovenunents, as 
 well as our own, in Confederate bonds. That remedy is 
 taxation by Congress, sufficient to pay the interest upon the 
 whole debt, in gold or its ecpjivalcut, and to create an 
 annual sinking fund, suflicient to extinguish the debt with- 
 in some reasonahh:^ lime. Convince ca[)ltaiists everywjiere, 
 that this is the settled policy of the govertmicnt, and that 
 our people are ready to submit' to it, and make all the sac- 
 rifices necessary to carry it out, and Confederate securities 
 will be soDirht after in the market, and most of our excess 
 of circulation funded, without the ([uestion being once 
 asked, witether State indorsements have been written upon 
 the bonds. 
 
 In place of the indorsement o! the bonds of the Confede- 
 racy by the Swites, I thercifore recorrnncnd as our response 
 to be made to the propositions of our sister States, and as 
 the Georjiia policy in which their cooperation is respectfully 
 .•iskcd, the passage of a joint resolution by the General 
 Assembly, urging the Congress of the Confederate States, 
 in view of tlu; full magnitude of the crisis, to come up with 
 nerve au'l lirmiu'ss, to th(3 disciiargi* of its dut)% by the as- 
 sessment of a tax ad(upKit(? to the purposes ubove mention- 
 ed ; and pledging the people of Georgia, to a prompt and 
 cheerful payment of their proportion of it. If this be done, 
 I have no misjTivini's about the result. The c^ood common 
 practical sense of the people, which is seldom properly ap- 
 preciated by politicians, has already grasped the question^ 
 
l.)Ut. 
 
 The people understand it. Every practical, business man 
 knows, that paper promises, witli puptn* intl<M>enients, can 
 never Mistain our creilit, as lonsf a« we aj>j)ri>priate, and 
 tlraw liun<lre(],s ef niiliions el' dollars animallv, IVom the 
 rreysur}', and return nothing to it. No nmtt'cr how many 
 expedients we may try, we shall be eonstantly driven back 
 to the sami' point. Government' has hiit one way of raising: 
 money to reduce its intiebtedncss, and that is by taxation, 
 direct or indirect. And us our ports arc blockaded, j»o that 
 we c;i:;:i(ii ':;;; :e money by indirect taxation upon imports, 
 wj is. 'ternativo left but direct taxation. Ah loni; 
 
 as wr ;.ii'. ,.^M to conduct- tpis war, and maintain ourarmics 
 u[)on paper j)ior.!ises alone, we nujst expect to endure all 
 the evils of depreciated credit, inflated currency, and high 
 iir;'':'s. 
 
 opeau ( i]y convinc 
 
 :a:,i (ieed.s ef r'.-.v rii^iit.-, niiu v» v' can nevev lj.- ci*;],^;! 
 us lon^' as W(» can keep. and maintain these ar'uie^ ; 
 they very \v;'i! u!ii^'!-.'^tan<l, lliat t]r.> fmancial . • 
 <lerlic. . : :' '■ .I' ;'(;::;iM;''i;;!i upon wliic'; i'l.' ■•■A ' 
 
 ture ' 'ijL'V ha • 
 
 lord 1 1!.-.. .1:1 iMi'.i' ( v:,i!.'.:i\'. that this :.■■ waa ., 
 foundation. ' Whenever we have convinced the!'.'. 
 are prepared to make the s^jerificcis necessary 1 
 safe and perm;i:.'.'i ' 'uiancial system, we may 
 recognition a- Till we have done thi :no; 
 
 reasonably «'X|;.t' -H iier. 
 
 Again, v.-e hvse ahnast nothing by submi 
 t^axation to pay t'lr intiMv.s!:, lind 'croiu!- a'tsijwv- 
 
 ing fiind .,^... mi- ■ h'.I ■. ; ,. ^^'Il;•l;l'^■•'^ ;!.!■ ■yu\u\i . 
 thi! settled poll' 
 
 is very nearly .sii.ip;'.'!. ;•'• ' > ••' ; JUT.M/y mi,., m cuv •:::%■.■ 
 is worth ji.I;i:o.>l or (juiio a> muqh, as all vve.had, Wii.- 
 worth before we paid the tax. 'Jlo illustrate : The. me- 
 
 chaUH^ ll.'lH c>':i' li I '.dr.'.d ('oll;i!s <>i' (''iin!'.' ii ;•;: ' • '!''r«.^''4UrV 
 
 notes. He v ' and he 
 
 lind:? it will i;i a;- 1 .i- w:\r..r :.\\.a co p,;y n,;- 1 i.: . ^"' cttr- 
 
 rency is still dcprccinling, and at the Ond «f t' iiree 
 
 months it inay tuke onu lumdred and twei Ilai's to 
 
 make the purchai>c. At this point, supb .. Govern- 
 
 ment assesses aJtax of live pur cent, to establish the policy 
 above indicated, and he is required to pay live dollar^ of 
 his hundreil to the Collector, The effect of this is to ab- 
 sorb that much of the over issue, a:id to give contidenccin 
 the ultimate redemption of the. whole. This will at once 
 stop the decline in the Aalue of the notes, and may cause 
 them to appreciate. The consequejice will be, that he can 
 probably j)ui-chase the same property with the ninety-five 
 <lollars winch remain in his hands after the paynient of the 
 iRx. In a vv'ord. by paying back part of the redundant 
 
19 
 
 furnnry iuto ilie Trrn>!uiy, wosfop tlir (Ippivcintion of its 
 viiiuo, ami lo:r» e tlio l>;;!;uico in ciMiihiiii))!, woitii ns nnicli 
 ill ilio piJicliaso 01 ]>ro|)i'rTy ns t.iie whoK; \v;is worth before 
 the tax \vij.s y^iiiO. I'nr .-iijijsose tlie t;i\ to be buruensonie, 
 iiiid to libsojh a. laitie ynoiioi ticji of our surpius incon:!o. 
 Is this a reason why \t should uot be collocted '/ Wo musr 
 submit to burdens, and make Iseavy sariiliccs to su;<tain the 
 iroveniMjejit, maintain our. credit, nnd support our armies : 
 or all we possess i«txst ^o down, togt^ther in a cra^h, ami 
 involve us and our posterity in oneeomir.on ruin. 
 
 Before (.losincifiny remarks upon this subject, I beg leavo 
 to express iriy tirin eonvietion, that the policy awvoeated by 
 some ot' assuming the (Jonfed(»r«ite tax, when asN-essed, tmd 
 adding it ro thodebt of tiie State, instead -of collecting ir, 
 has already been carried as far as wise statesjmaut'.kip or the 
 exigencies of the times will permit. • Ifcris si^rply shiftinj,!: 
 the burden fjom ot»6' fehouldev to the other. Or, in other 
 v.'orlls, it is ,';n attempt, in another fonn^ to conduct the 
 war upon paper, witlu)ut its costing us anything. We have 
 no right to turn overall the burdens'of the present gener- 
 ation to posterity. This would be as contrary to justice 
 and sound principles as it. would be for Congress to contract 
 tl'.e debt and !urn over to the State governments the rc- 
 s[>onsibili(y of providing the means for its payment. 
 
 The policy is exceedingly mnvise in this also, that itcar.- 
 ses the State to b|^rrow the present curi'ency at par, to be 
 ptiid back, years Jience, with* interest, in gold. W^iat prii- 
 ♦lent man would do this, in the management of his own af- 
 fairs / Suppose one plunter owes another ten thousand dol- 
 lars, would iie sell property now at the present high prices 
 in cnrrencsy and, pay the debt, or would he hold on to his 
 property, and pay interest upon tlie debt 'till the w>ar is 
 over, and the price of ev^rythiilg is again estimated upon 
 the gold [lasis, and then sell five times Jis mucli praperty to 
 pay the sa;;:e debt y If he adopted the latter alternative, 
 we would sciy, he needed a guardian. If we agree tliat 
 this policy would be unwise, in individuals, we must not 
 Ibrget, that the State is but an association of individuals. 
 AVhen upyn a question ot this character, we have ascertain- 
 ed what v.'ould be the interest of a prudent individual, or 
 a small iiuuiber ot individuals, we have only to enlarge the 
 circle, and we have the interest of the State. This is a 
 rule by which I hare been guided in the ma*nagement of the 
 linances ot the State, and 1 believe it to be the onlv trur' 
 and successful one. 
 
 Our people can now pay live millions of dollars in tlie 
 }>resent curreucy easier than they can [lay one nullion in 
 i:old, in what are usually called hard times, when property 
 is low and nioney scarce. It may be said, why not keep 
 OMY property and leave this matter to posterity ? Who are 
 
2C 
 
 to be posterity '. Our childreu. Fur wlioiu arc wc labor- 
 ing? Our cliiMrcn. If, then, our proj>erty is expected to 
 tloscotul to our cliildron, wliy ncciimulato a debt to banc 
 ovLM' it and diiscoud wilhit, l>y borrowiiii: inrtjifV atth«'rat«' 
 of twenty rents lor a didlur, to be p.iid h;\('V by theto cut 
 of otir pro[»crry in goKI, dollar fornull.ir, wii'i intcicsi. i 
 trust tliis policy will lind very few advocAtt's. 
 
 It is inlinitidy bettor for us to submit to all tin.- i:i.\iiii«»i,. 
 and niuk^' all the sacrilices necessary to Mjaint^i.j our Gov- 
 rrumeni and sustain our cu'diti. tli.iii to permit the' enemy 
 10 overturn our Uovernmeut, pluruler <mr homes, insult our 
 iwives and our duu^^hters, couti»'cate <»ur jiroperty, and en- 
 slave ourselves and our posterity. We cauiioL avoid th ■ 
 one altenutive or the other. Humbly iuiplorin,!,' a coutin- 
 ;iution of Divine favor, Ict^ uk resolve to stand in our allotted 
 places, make all the sacrifices necessary, arul place our en- 
 tire trust in tlic God of Israel, who is "a very j>resent help 
 in trouble," and all will vet be well. 
 
 JGSKPil i:. nitoWN, 
 
Hollinger 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 Mill Run F3-1955