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THOUGHTS 
 
 // 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ORIGIN AND DESCENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 GAEL: 
 
 WITH 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OF THE PICTS, CALEDONIANS, 
 AND SCOTS ; 
 
 AND 
 
 OBSERVATIONS 
 
 RELATIVE TO THE AUTHENTICITY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 POEMS OF OSSIAN. 
 
 By JAMES GRANT, Eso. Advocate. 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 
 PRINTED BY WALKER AND GREIC ; 
 
 FOR ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. EDINBURGH; 
 
 LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, LONDON 
 
 AND 
 
 JOHN YOUNG AND CO. INVERNESS. 
 

 
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 THE 
 
 FOLLOWING SHEETS 
 
 ARE DEDICATED 
 TO THE 
 
 GAEL OF ALBIN 
 
 AND 
 
 OF ERIN, 
 
 WITH PROFOUND RESPECT, 
 BY 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
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CONTENTS. 
 
 Introduction, ... Page i 
 
 The Gael, whence sprung, - - 9 
 
 Original Condition of Man, 32 
 
 Ratis, Scapha, Navis, - - - 66 
 
 Marriage, 72 
 
 Rota, Cuneus, 79 
 
 Arithmetic, - 82 
 
 Paper, Carta, - - - 110 
 
 Carmen, Cantus, - - - 133 
 
 Ulna, Cubitus, ... 135 
 
 Multa, Poena, - - - 141 
 
 The ancient Britons were Gael, and descended from the 
 Gauls, - - - - 152 
 
 Proof of Identity, - - - 182 
 
 Identity of people inferred from the use of warlike 
 
 weapons, - - - - 201 
 
 Albion, .... 259 
 
 Piets, Caledonians, Scots, - - 266 
 
 Observations respecting the authenticity of the Poems of 
 Ossian, - ... 37 c) 
 
 602280 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
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THOUGHTS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ORIGIN AND DESCENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 GAEL. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Whoever is desirous of acquiring knowledge 
 of the state and condition of mankind, as they 
 now exist, under various appearances and cir¬ 
 cumstances, on the face of the earth, may be 
 amply gratified by consulting those extensive 
 sources of information, which the intercourse of 
 modern civilized nations with the inhabitants of 
 this globe, in all its regions, has laid open to the 
 eye of curiosity. The observations and re¬ 
 searches of modern travellers, of different talents 
 and descriptions, have increased our intelligence 
 of the nature and properties of our species. 
 They have exhibited to view manners and cus¬ 
 toms so much diversified, modes of living, habits 
 and rules of conduct, sentiments and opinions, 
 apparently so adverse and inconsistent, as may 
 
 A 
 
2 
 
 be considered to amount to indications of mark¬ 
 ed specific differences in the human race, expos¬ 
 ed to the influence of various climes and tem¬ 
 peratures. 
 
 When we contemplate the diversified natural 
 propei ties of brute animals, and observe, that 
 they are endowed with instincts, powers, and 
 qualities, suited only to certain climates and 
 tracts of the earth’s surface, varying from the 
 polar to the meridional regions of the globe, it 
 seems to be not unreasonable to conclude, that 
 the creation of brute animals was a power exert¬ 
 ed by the Author of nature, not on any definite 
 spot or peculiarly favoured territory, but that 
 the divine energy operated its just effect in the 
 production of animals of the brute creation, in 
 the different climates and regions to which their 
 natural instincts and qualities were best adapted. 
 
 When we survey the globe, we find man, the 
 inhabitant of all its regions, not limited to any 
 particular soil; he subsists in social connexion in 
 all the earth’s explored climates and tempera¬ 
 tures. This animal is universally endowed with 
 intellectual powers, which are not possessed by 
 any species of animals of the brute creation. 
 Yet the intellectual faculties of man, connected 
 with bodily frame and complexion, exhibit so 
 various an aspect among different races of man¬ 
 kind, as would seem to authorize an arrange¬ 
 ment of the human species into different classes, 
 marked by specific diversities of powers, both 
 
3 
 
 mental and corporeal. Upon an attentive con¬ 
 sideration of the intellectual faculties of the 
 human mind, they will be found to be essential¬ 
 ly the same in all quarters of the globe, how 
 much soever they may discover a contrariety of 
 appearances in different situations and circum¬ 
 stances. As in the bodily frame and features, 
 so in the intellectual capacities, Jacks non omni¬ 
 bus una , nec diversa tamen. 
 
 It is observable that mankind, existing in 
 what is called the savage state, depart least from' 
 the condition of animals, who are understood to 
 be guided by peculiarly influencing instincts. 
 
 Savage tribes in all parts of the globe appear 
 under strongly marked resemblances : Mankind, 
 arrived at refinement in arts and sciences, still 
 preserve well marked similarities, however much 
 the scale of action is extended, and the enlarged 
 powers of the human mind are exerted in ardu¬ 
 ous enterprizes, or display themselves in scenes 
 complex and intricate. 
 
 Inventions of art, discoveries of science, legis¬ 
 lative regulations, institutions moral, religious, 
 and political, as they are the fruits of the inves¬ 
 tigation and experience of ages, they form the 
 test of improvement; they ought regularly to 
 grow out of the genius and spirit of a people, 
 and then they may properly be said to determine 
 the national character. 
 
 Human society moves slowly in its progress 
 towards perfection. In rude ages, actions are ad- 
 
4 
 
 mired which can ill accord with a gentle, a de¬ 
 licate, and amiable civility. Mankind, however, 
 in all similar stages of society, discover similar 
 modes of thinking ; manners assume more pleas¬ 
 ing forms, in proportion to the extent of our 
 knowledge of the properties of our species, and 
 of our advancement in the exercise of the benig¬ 
 nant qualities of our nature. 
 
 Attachment to ancient customs forms an 
 universal trait in the human character. Some 
 nations, however, have shewn themselves to be 
 more tenacious of their customs than others, who 
 depart from them with more facility, more readily 
 bending to the convenience of their situation 
 and circumstances in society. Tenaciousness of 
 customs and opinions may be perhaps much 
 ascribed to restraints, both religious and civil, 
 thwarting the general intercourse and freedom, 
 of action among mankind, which tend to an 
 universal assimilation of manners and modes of 
 thinking. 
 
 It may be remarked, that attachment to usages 
 is most powerful in dark ages; yet modern ex¬ 
 perience, and the history of certain nations, fur¬ 
 nish us with proofs of attachment to ancient 
 opinions and usages, which learning, science, and 
 advancement in arts, might naturally be pre¬ 
 sumed to have the effect of utterly extinguish¬ 
 ing. 
 
 Religion among mankind is universally cal¬ 
 culated to impress upon the mind a sense of an 
 
5 
 
 overruling Providence, disposed to punish bad 
 actions or guilt, and to reward good actions or 
 virtue. The similarity of the modes of appeas¬ 
 ing the wrath of angry deities, or conciliating 
 their favour, as practised by different nations, is 
 remarkable. Religious penance was carried to a 
 wonderful extent in the western nations of 
 Europe, as in the eastern nations of Asia. The 
 immolation of human beings to appease the 
 wrath of offended deities, was practised in na¬ 
 tions far removed from each other. In Africa, 
 multitudes of human victims are sacrificed by the 
 kings to the Manes of their ancestors. The gen¬ 
 tle Hindoos, learned and improved in arts and 
 sciences for ages far removed beyond our know¬ 
 ledge, inflict from pious motives the most severe 
 self-torments and castigations. Among them it 
 is still deemed a religious duty, highly meritori¬ 
 ous, for a wife to devote herself to death on the 
 funeral pile of her husband. There is reason to 
 believe, that in all nations religious customs 
 have prevailed, which, to minds enlightened by 
 the true religion, must appear inhuman and im¬ 
 pious. The causes which operate such direful 
 effects, in opposition to the feelings of nature and 
 humanity, must be referred to the darkness of 
 superstitious ages, affording ample scope to the 
 mystic policy of the teachers of religious doc¬ 
 trines, to rivet to the minds of men impressions 
 of veneration, awe, and terror, which the rays of 
 light emanating from a few philosophic lumi- 
 
6 
 
 naries of truth, arc too feeble to counteract or 
 dispel from the imaginations of the ignorant mul¬ 
 titude. The triumphs of truth over error are re¬ 
 served for those eras of the world, when, by 
 means of inventions, whether ascribable to pro¬ 
 pitious casualty or to the ingenious contrivances 
 of the human mind, knowledge is rendered of 
 easy acquisition, and, when aided by a free com¬ 
 munication of sentiments, becomes universally 
 diffused, and produces necessarily a total revolu¬ 
 tion in the opinions of mankind, who thencefor¬ 
 ward are to be guided, not by their former pre¬ 
 judices, prepossessions, and the arts of mystical 
 persuasion, whether political or religious, but by 
 regulations of tangible and palpable good, and 
 by a train of policy plainly and obviously con¬ 
 sistent with the interest of the individuals com¬ 
 posing the great whole. In proportion as know¬ 
 ledge prevails, it will, without the exception of 
 races of men, operate the releasement of the 
 mind from the thraldom of assumed authority, 
 and prove to the rulers of the world, that uni¬ 
 versally mankind perceiving the rights of nature, 
 and arrived at a just conception of the genuine 
 basis of the fabric of political society, will feel 
 indignant against the abettors of systems found¬ 
 ed on prejudices and errors, inculcated by artifices 
 practised, in the ages of blind superstition, upon 
 the ignorance and weakness of deluded minds. 
 
 How much soever the human race may seem to 
 be diversified by manners and customs, opinions 
 
7 
 
 and sentiments, shape and size of body, colour, 
 complexion, or tinge of skin, the organization 
 of the human frame, in all the regions of the 
 earth, proves an uniformity of species, which 
 excludes not the possibility of the whole human 
 race being descended from one original pair. 
 
 To trace the descent of nations is a subject of 
 curiosity. To point out facts tending to prove 
 an original relation and affinity between nations 
 far removed by local situation from each other, 
 may be deemed an object not unworthy of the 
 attention of the lovers of science. 
 
 The great principles of the system of the uni¬ 
 verse have occupied the minds of scientific and 
 learned men in all ages of civilization : The ame¬ 
 lioration of the condition of human life has ever 
 been made the object of the contemplation and 
 study of philanthropists : The exercise of acts of 
 benevolence ever distinguishes the friends of 
 humanity. These principles have been happily 
 developed with a considerable degree of success. 
 The horrible superstitions and destructive preju¬ 
 dices of mankind, which, in all quarters of the 
 globe, bear similar features in times of rudeness 
 and ignorance, confounded and abashed, have, 
 among a certain portion of the human race, yield¬ 
 ed their tyrannical supremacy to the legitimate 
 offspring of philosophy, and of that religion, 
 which, divested of all delusion, pomp, and deceit¬ 
 ful magnificence, professes mental purity, meek¬ 
 ness, mutual forbearance, and universal charity. 
 
The nature of the human mind has been suc¬ 
 cessfully unfolded, and certain maxims respect¬ 
 ing the moral and physical world have been re¬ 
 ceived with satisfaction, by enlightened minds. 
 By collation of evidence truth is daily ascertain¬ 
 ed, and knowledge of truth is disseminated by 
 recent discoveries and inventions, which, if we 
 may judge from the effects they have already 
 produced, will, within the compass of not far dis¬ 
 tant periods, add to the store of rational convic¬ 
 tion, and establish upon the most firm and solid 
 basis, truths the most important to the felicity of 
 mankind. The reign of falsehood and prejudice 
 will be gradually overturned, the progress of 
 knowledge in arts, sciences and institutions, civil, 
 political, and religious, will unfetter the general 
 mind, and enable the human race to perceive 
 more clearly, the folly and pernicious tendency 
 of hostilities, and dispose them more and more 
 to acknowledge the utility and wisdom of bro¬ 
 therly love. 
 
9 
 
 The Gael, whence sprung. 
 
 Leaving these general considerations to the 
 contemplation of enlightened minds, let us turn 
 our eyes to the ancient Britons, and inquire who 
 they were, and whence they sprung. Were they 
 aborigines of the British soil, or did they migrate 
 from some other parts of the earth already replete 
 with inhabitants ? 
 
 The answer to these questions leads back far 
 beyond the existence of any historical monuments 
 relative to the inhabitants of the British islands. 
 It may therefore be deemed too high presumption 
 to attempt to throw any degree of satisfactory 
 light upon an object so much involved in the 
 darkness of remote antiquity. It becomes us 
 then to solicit the indulgence of the learned, 
 when we submit to the public eye those matters 
 of evidence which have occurred, respecting the 
 origin, the descent, and the generic appellation 
 of the most ancient inhabitants of the British 
 islands, as well as of a great portion of the inha¬ 
 bitants of the European quarter of the glohe. 
 It is universally admitted to be a difficult task 
 to trace the origin of nations. “ The regions of 
 “ antiquity,” says a learned author, “ are inhabit- 
 “ ed by phantoms and strange forms. Nations, 
 
10 
 
 “ like individuals, are proud of their genealogy. 
 “ It is with bodies of people as with individual 
 “ persons ; they are ignorant of their own births 
 <( and infancies, or if they do know any thing of 
 “ their originals, they are beholden to the acci- 
 “ dental records that others have kept of it.” 
 
 Prior to the invention of written characters, 
 by which intelligence of historical facts may be 
 faithfully recorded, oral tradition was the vehicle 
 of knowledge; a mode of information which was 
 liable to be disguised by the embellishments of 
 fancy, the effusions of the warm imaginations of 
 poets, by the vanity of descent from an illustri¬ 
 ous ancestry, and by a variety of prejudices, 
 which, in the first ages, influence the human 
 mind, and produce those traditionary fables, in 
 which the earliest accounts of nations, as given 
 by themselves, are universally found to be in¬ 
 volved. 
 
 When we take even a superficial view of the 
 surface of the globe which we inhabit, we evi¬ 
 dently perceive, that, at some unknown remote 
 periods, various revolutions have happened, 
 which not only affected materially the superfi¬ 
 cial structure of the earth, but the state and con¬ 
 dition of the animals who lived on it, and deriv¬ 
 ed their nourishment from its elements. 
 
 The boasted pre-eminence of our species over 
 all other animals, in arts of ingenious contrivance, 
 in mental capacities, which elevate our hopes be¬ 
 yond terrestrial enjoyments, in abilities of recog- 
 
11 
 
 nizing the wisdom of the great Author of nature 
 in the works of creation, may lead us to form 
 high pretensions as to the extent of our powers 
 and faculties, and to conceive proud and arro¬ 
 gant opinions respecting our acquaintance with 
 the formation and structure of this mass of 
 matter, over which we have denominated our¬ 
 selves lords and masters; but so inadequate is 
 our penetration of causes, so weak our discern¬ 
 ment of effects, so limited is the scope of our 
 understanding, so circumscribed is the circle of 
 our knowledge, that we must confess with 
 regret and mortification, that the utmost labours 
 and researches of minds the most enlightened in 
 science and philosophy, have still left us to wan¬ 
 der in the wide fields of uncertainty and con¬ 
 jecture, without pointing to any path in which 
 we can tread without danger, or to any light by 
 which we can guide our steps with safety, to¬ 
 ward a satisfactory knowledge of the causes 
 which led to the earth’s formation, of those 
 which produced its revolutions, or of what we 
 naturally most wishfully desire,—a certain com¬ 
 prehension of the manner in which the first 
 beings of our own species were brought into 
 form and existence. 
 
 As the most enlightened philosophy, with all 
 its attainments, is insufficient to gratify our 
 wishes on these the most interesting subjects, 
 let us with due reverence bow to the authority 
 of that divine lawgiver Moses, who, in the lan- 
 
guage of beautiful simplicity, refers our origin 
 directly to the will of the Creator of the uni¬ 
 verse, manifested by the existence of an original 
 pair of the human kind, placed in a state of ca¬ 
 pacity to people the earth. 
 
 In what particular spot of the globe these 
 progenitors of the human race first drew their 
 breath and propagated their species, is a question 
 which has eluded the search of the most curious 
 and inquisitive minds. 
 
 It has been clearly ascertained by the diligence 
 of travellers of approved information, in ancient 
 and modern times, that a great extent of terri¬ 
 tory bordering on the river Euphrates was, of all 
 other portions of the earth’s surface, apparently 
 the best calculated for promoting the increase of 
 the human species. Great plains, stretching out 
 on all sides to a vast extent, in a happy climate, 
 a soil of superabundant fertility to supply the 
 wants of man, were calculated to produce a rapid 
 increase of population; it being a proposition, 
 the truth of which is evinced by experience, that 
 man, as well as every species of animals, naturally 
 multiplied in proportion to the means of subsist¬ 
 ence within their reach; the progress of popula¬ 
 tion being always facilitated or impeded, accord¬ 
 ing to the degrees of difficulty with which the 
 acquisition of the means of gratifying natural 
 wants is attended. Hence it is reasonable to 
 conclude, that the fruitful country just mention¬ 
 ed would be very early productive of great popu- 
 
13 
 
 lation, which naturally diverging from the cen¬ 
 tral point of original situation, would still em¬ 
 brace a wider circle, and, like a flowing tide, 
 move in all directions, covering the earth’s sur¬ 
 face, wherever it was not opposed by obstacles 
 sufficient to divert or check its progress. 
 
 To trace the migrations of the earliest inhabi¬ 
 tants of the globe, would be a vain attempt. It 
 is admitted, that the origin of even the Greeks 
 and Romans, although the most renowned nations 
 of antiquity, is involved in impenetrable obscu¬ 
 rity. 
 
 It is now agreed among philosophers, that in 
 scientific inquiries truth is to be ascertained by 
 facts and experiments alone, and that conjecture, 
 hypothesis, and speculative opinions, however 
 plausible and ingenious, are to be rejected as un¬ 
 wary guides, ever liable to delusion and error. 
 Prejudices and prepossessions too are to be cau¬ 
 tiously guarded against, and beheld with a jealous 
 eye, as at enmity with truth. In the present 
 object of inquiry, we think ourselves bound to 
 pay respect to matters of fact alone. To this 
 source of information we mean to resort, for the 
 ascertainment of truth regarding a people whose 
 origin and descent form the principal object of 
 the present inquiry. 
 
 The best informed Greek authors agree, that 
 the Pelasgi werd ancient inhabitants, not only of 
 Greece, but of Thessaly, which from them re¬ 
 ceived the name of Pelasgia : They were also 
 
14 
 
 held to have been the earliest inhabitants of 
 Italy; and the name, it was said, could be traced 
 back into Asia. They possessed the coast of 
 Thrace, the Hellespont, and a great part of Asia 
 Minor. Strabo speaks with confidence respect¬ 
 ing the fact, that the Pelasgi were anciently 
 established over all Greece, and were the first 
 people who became power] ul in that country* 
 
 “ It appears from a strong concurrence of cir- 
 “ cumstances recorded by ancient writers, that 
 “ the early inhabitants of Asia Minor, Thrace, 
 “ and Greece, were the same people. The Leleges, 
 “ Caucones, and Pelasgians, enumerated by Iio- 
 “ mer among the Asiatic nations, are mentioned 
 “ by Strabo as the principal names among those 
 “ whom, at the same time, he calls barbarians, 
 “ who in earliest times occupied Greece.”'!' 
 
 We are informed, that in very early times 
 many different people, of whom the most enligh¬ 
 tened Greek writers could give no satisfactory 
 account, overran Greece, sometimes mixing with 
 the old inhabitants, and sometimes expelling 
 them from their habitations.£ 
 
 In the days of Herodotus, there was spoken in 
 Crestona, a part of Thrace, a language, which 
 
 * STRABO, lib. v. p. 220. lib. vii. p. 321. lib. xi. p. 401. 
 Herodot. account of the Pelasgi. Thucidid. Introduc¬ 
 tion. 
 
 f Mitford’s Hist, of Greece, E.i. c. 2. et seq. 
 t Strabo, lib. v. p.22i. lib. vii. p. 321. Thucjd. lib. i. 
 c. 2. 
 
15 
 
 being unintelligible to the Greeks, was therefore 
 called barbarous, and was supposed by Herodotus 
 to have been the language of the ancient Pelas¬ 
 gians. “ What language,” says Herodotus, “ the 
 “ Pelasgians used, I cannot positively affirm : 
 “ Some probable conclusion may perhaps be 
 “ formed by attending to the dialect of the rem- 
 “ nant of the Pelasgians, who now inhabit Cres- 
 “ tona, beyond the Tyrrhenians, but who for- 
 “ merly dwelt in the country now called Thes- 
 “ saliotis, and were neighbours to those whom 
 “ we at present name Dorians. Considering 
 “ these with the above, who founded the cities 
 “ of Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont, but 
 “ once lived near the Athenians, together with 
 “ the people of other Pelasgian towns who have 
 “ now changed their names, we are, upon the 
 “ whole, justified in our opinion, that they for- 
 “ merly spoke a barbarous language. The Athe- 
 “ nians, therefore, who were also of Pelasgian 
 “ origin, must necessarily, when they came 
 “ amongst tlie Heleneans, have learned their 
 u language. It is observable, that the inhabi- 
 “ tants of Crestona and Placia speak in the same 
 “ tongue, but are neither of them understood by 
 “ the people about them : these circumstances 
 “ induce us to believe, that their language has 
 “ experienced no change.”* 
 
 * Beloe’s Herodot. B. i. c. 57- 
 
 3 
 
16 
 
 The country always known to the Romans by 
 the name of Gracia , was not distinguished by 
 the inhabitants of Greece by that name. We 
 are told by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, that a 
 Pelasgic colony from Thessaly had crossed over 
 into Italy, and had communicated to the inhabi¬ 
 tants of Italy the name Graikia for the country 
 of Greece, and Graikoi for the inhabitants of that 
 country; which names were retained by the Ro¬ 
 mans ever after that ancient period. If Graikia 
 (r z*iKict) was at any time a name known to the in¬ 
 habitants of Greece as denoting their country, it 
 is certain that it was forgotten and abandoned in 
 the days of Homer, who makes no mention of 
 such name. It is no less certain, however, that 
 the Greeks had very early distinguished them¬ 
 selves by the appellation of Graii (r^ta) as a ge¬ 
 neric name for the people of Greece, who in later 
 times took the appellation of ‘e^mws, Hellenes . 
 The Iones, Dores, iEoles, and Achaei or Achivi, 
 were names known in Greece as distinctive 
 appellations of different tribes or portions of 
 the Grecian people, as well as the name of Hel¬ 
 lenes, which was also a distinctive appellation 
 of a certain portion of that people. Although 
 these different appellations were understood to 
 be distinctive, yet the tribes to which they 
 were specially applied, were a kindred people, 
 speaking the same language, which was unques¬ 
 tionably different from that of Crestona and Pla- 
 cia, and consequently was not the language of 
 
17 
 
 those denominated the ancient barbarous inha¬ 
 bitants. To whatever causes is to be ascribed 
 the change of name of Greece from Graikia to 
 Hellas, and of the Greeks from Graioi and 
 Graikoi to ’eaa»v£ ? , Hellenes, it is undoubted that 
 the whole Grecian people assumed the name of 
 Hellenes for their generic appellation, and of 
 Hellas for that of their country, although it does 
 not appear that any powerful foreign invaders 
 known by that name had ever attempted the 
 conquest of Greece, or subjugated the ancient in¬ 
 habitants. If, then, these different tribes spoke 
 the same language, and were not aborigines of 
 Greece, they must have migrated from the same 
 country. 
 
 The testimony of ancient authors removes 
 every doubt respecting the fact, that Asiatic 
 colonies at various times migrated into or in¬ 
 vaded Greece, and made settlements in it, either 
 by expulsion of the indigenous inhabitants, or 
 by mixing with them upon terms of amity and 
 concord. That this last mode of settlement was 
 that which took place, will, we trust, appear in 
 the course of this inquiry. 
 
 We have transcribed from Herodotus a passage 
 which appeared to be of importance, towards 
 forming some satisfactory idea relative to the 
 ascertainment of the origin and descent of the 
 early inhabitants of Greece: We shall now take 
 notice of another passage, which appears to be 
 
 B 
 
IB 
 
 also worthy of particular remark. “ But the na- 
 “ tion of the Hellenes, since ever it existed, con- 
 “ tinues, as far as to me appears, to use the same 
 “ language; being a branch cut off from the 
 “ Pelasgic stock, and, weak and inconsiderable 
 :l at the first, in a short time it increased into a 
 “multitude of people; vast numbers of the 
 “ neighbouring nations in particular, and multi- 
 “ tubes of other barbarians in general, having 
 “ joined it, as I imagine to have been the case.”* 
 Ii will be observed, that this father of Grecian 
 history speaks with great uncertainty with res¬ 
 pect to the origin and descent of the Helleneans. 
 He seems to speak with some confidence, when 
 he says that they were a branch of the Pelasgic 
 stock; if so, they were in his opinion the same 
 original people with the inhabitants of Crestona 
 and Placia, who spoke a barbarous language, and 
 not Greek. If the Hellenes were a branch of the 
 Pelasgi known to the Greeks, and universally 
 admitted by all their learned men to have been 
 very early a great and powerful people, not only 
 in Greece, but in Thessaly, Thrace, the Helles¬ 
 pont, and Asia Minor; the r Greed, were 
 also of the Pelasgic stock. Aristotle, giving an 
 account of a deluge, informs us that this deluge 
 happened chiefly about the district of the Hel¬ 
 lenes, and near the ancient city Hellas. That 
 city lay near Dodona on the Achelous; for this 
 
 Herodot. lib. i. c. 5S, 
 
1 9 
 
 liver has often changed its name. The Selli re¬ 
 sided there, and those who were at that time call¬ 
 ed Graikoi, and now are denominated Hellenes. 
 “ Habitabant etenim inibi Selli, et qui tunc ap- 
 “ pellabantur Grasci, nunc autem Hellenes/’—“ il 
 
 ic el Kcehxptivei tots (WS? r (ceiKot, vvv §s'E AAijvsj.” y1 TIStot cllS A'lc- 
 
 teoralogicorum, lib. i. 
 
 It will be observed, that in the passage from 
 Herodotus first above transcribed, he says, that 
 the Athenians were also of Pelasgian origin ; but 
 he adds, that the Athenians must necessarily, 
 when they carne amongst the Hellenes, have 
 learned their language ; a circumstance which 
 implies that the language of the ancient Hellenes 
 and that of the Athenians were different, and 
 which seems to be unaccountable, upon the sup¬ 
 position of both these people being branches of 
 the same, viz. the Pelasgic stock. “ Some of 
 “ the best supported of ancient Grecian tradi- 
 “ tions,” says a very learned and ingenious author, 
 “ relate the establishment of Egyptian colonies 
 “ in Greece ; traditions so little accommodated to 
 “ national prejudice, yet so very generally receiv- 
 “ ed, and so perfectly consonant to all known 
 “ history, that, for their more essential circum- 
 “ stances, they seem unquestionable. But with 
 “ all the intricacy of fable in which early Gre- 
 “ cian history is involved, the origin of the 
 “ Greek nation, from a mixture of the Pelasgian, 
 “ and perhaps some other barbarous hordes, with 
 
•' colonies from Phoenicia and Egypt, seems not 
 “ doubtful.”* 
 
 One great and important fact may be relied 
 on as certain, that in that quarter of the globe 
 known by the name of Asia, a great portion of 
 the inhabitants lived for ages in a state of high 
 civilization, cultivation, and opulence, were col¬ 
 lected into great and populous cities, and govern¬ 
 ed by the polity of extensive empires, which be¬ 
 came the seats of arts, of luxury, and despotism, 
 before Athens or Rome, so illustrious in the wes¬ 
 tern world, had any existence, or even Greece 
 and Italy were known by these names to the re¬ 
 fined nations of the East, as parts of the habi¬ 
 table world. 
 
 That the Pelasgi were the first or earliest inha¬ 
 bitants of Greece, is a fact which we do not recol¬ 
 lect to be affirmed by any author; that, however, 
 they were very early inhabitants of that country, 
 is admitted; and that they introduced civilization 
 and arts into Greece, is vouched by the revered 
 authority of Homer. The Pelasgians are by him 
 enumerated among the Trojan auxiliaries : he 
 bestows on them a highly honourable epithet, 
 
 naasych intimating some very estimable quali¬ 
 ties in their character by which they were su¬ 
 pereminently distinguished. The commentator 
 Eustathius explains the reason of the application 
 of so dignified an epithet, from the circumstance 
 
 Ml tford’s History of Greece, vol. i. p. 19. 
 
21 
 
 that they were the only people who, after Deu¬ 
 calion’s flood, preserved the use of letters.* 
 
 These Pelasgi, it will be observed, were still 
 Asiatics; those of their race, who, long before 
 the Trojan war, had passed the Hellespont, and 
 migrated into Greece, had been long mixed with 
 the ancient inhabitants of that country, and were 
 animated, without distinction, with the passions 
 and heroic ardour of the Grecian people. In 
 latter times, it is well known that a great body 
 of the Anglo-Saxon people fled into Scotland, to 
 avoid the cruelty and tyranny of the Norman 
 conqueror. These Anglo-Saxons mixed with the 
 ancient inhabitants of Scotland, with whom they 
 became intimately incorporated, and assumed 
 their national appellation, imbibed their animosi¬ 
 ties and antipathies, and, being farther advanced 
 in the knowledge of the useful arts than were 
 the people with whom they had immixed, they 
 not only added to the national strength of their 
 old enemies by an increase of numbers, but, by a 
 communication of a more industrious exertion of 
 the cultivation of the new country of which they 
 became possessors, gradually improved the con¬ 
 dition of the Scottish people, and communicated 
 to them the use of a language, which being found 
 to be more convenient as the vehicle of intelli¬ 
 gence, and more accommodated to transactions 
 of a commercial nature with their southern neigh- 
 
 * Iliad, Odyss. Eustathius. 
 
hours, was adopted as the court language of the 
 country to which they migrated for protection. 
 
 The Pelasgi with their manners introduced 
 their language into Greece, of which language, 
 and that of the native inhabitants, the Greek 
 language became a mixture. The ancient lan¬ 
 guage came in a great measure to be absorbed 
 into the language of this new Asiatic people; 
 and although a great body of the more ancient 
 language was still retained, the remnant was 
 clothed in so new and variegated a garb, as to 
 render it strange and unintelligible to those na¬ 
 tive inhabitants who had preserved themselves 
 and their language free from any foreign admix¬ 
 ture. 
 
 It is evident that the Pelasgi, when they settled 
 in Greece, exceeded the natives in power and 
 number, being previously in possession of large 
 and extensive territories on this side the Helles¬ 
 pont, as well as in Asia. The Greek language 
 rose into a fabric of the most exquisite and asto¬ 
 nishing art, at a period of which the Greeks them¬ 
 selves furnish not even traditionary accounts. 
 “ Nor does any circumstance in the history of 
 t£ the Grecian people appear more difficult to aC- 
 “ count for, even in conjecture, than the extra- 
 u ordinary superiority in form and polish which 
 “ their speech acquired, in an age beyond tradi- 
 “ tion, and in circumstances apparently most un- 
 “ favourable. For it was amid continual migra- 
 fC tions, expulsions, mixtures of various hordes, 
 
23 
 
 u and revolutions of every kind, the most un- 
 “ questionable circumstances of early Grecian 
 “ history, that was formed that language, so 
 “ simple in its analogy, of such complex art in 
 “ its composition and inflexion, of such clearness, 
 “ force, and elegance in its contexture, and of 
 “ such singular sweetness, variety, harmony, and 
 “ majesty in its sound. Already, in the time of 
 “ Homer and Hesiod, who lived long before writ- 
 “ ing was common, we find it in full possession 
 “ of all these perfections ; and we learn, on no 
 “ less authority than that of Plato, that still in 
 “ his time the diction of Thamyris and Orpheus, 
 “ supposed to have lived long before Homer, was 
 “ singularly pleasing.”* 
 
 Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude, that 
 Greece was inhabited in very ancient times by a 
 race of people who were enlightened from the 
 East, and particularly from Asia.! 
 
 Another ingenious author writes in the follow¬ 
 ing manner. “ The early poets, however, of 
 “ whom any materials remain, were not natives 
 “ of Greece. They were of Thrace, or of Asia 
 “ Minor. Homer mentions Thamyris, the Thra- 
 “ cian, contending in song with the Muses them- 
 “ selves in Peloponnesus. Olen, the Lycian, was 
 “ the inventor of the Grecian Hexameter verse, 
 “ and his hymns, which were sung at the festival 
 
 * Mitford’s Hist, of Greece, c. iii. sect. 3 . 
 
 t Lord Monboddo. 
 
24 
 
 “ of Apollo at Delos, in the time of Herodotus, 
 “ were the most ancient known to the Greeks. 
 “ The hymns of Thamyris and Orpheus were ad- 
 “ inired for their singular sweetness, even in the 
 “ davs of Plato; and the Thracians, Thamyris, 
 “ Orpheus, Musseus, Eumolpus, with Olen the 
 “ Lycian, were the acknowledged fathers of 
 “ Grecian poetry, and the first who attempted 
 “ to reclaim the Greeks from barbarity, and to 
 “ introduce that refinement of manners, taste, and 
 “ language, which, in subsequent ages, distin- 
 “ euished a Greek from a barbarian.”* 
 
 Language affords the most authentic monu- 
 
 O O 
 
 ment of the original connexion of nations. It 
 is the principal indication of the consanguinity 
 of races of men. It is clear, that the inhabitants 
 of Greece spoke, before it was known by that 
 name, a language, which the improved Greeks 
 termed barbarous; a remnant of that barbarous 
 language was retained down to the age of Hero¬ 
 dotus, by that portion of the natives who had 
 preserved themselves free from an admixture 
 with strangers speaking a different language. 
 “ Concerning the barbarous hordes, who, in ear- 
 “ best times, occupied Greece under various 
 “ names, Dryopes, Caucones, Aiones, Leleges, 
 “ Pelasgians, and others, the diligent and judi- 
 “ cious Strabo seems to have been unable to 
 “ discern how far they were different people 
 
 * Sullivan’s Letters, vol. iv. p, 425. 
 
25 
 
 “ They appear to have been much intermixed, 
 “ but the Pelasgian name prevailed most on the 
 “ continent, and the Lelegian in the islands. 
 “ The Athenians and Arcadians, in whose coun- 
 “ try there had never, within the bounds of tra- 
 “ ditionary memorials, been any complete revo- 
 “ lution of the population, continued always to 
 “ refer their origin, in part at least, to the Pelas- 
 “ gian revolutions depriving the other Greeks of 
 “ means to trace their ancestry so high, gave 
 “ them at the same time new eras from which 
 “ to begin their account of themselves, in con- 
 “ sequence of which the old fell the more readily 
 “ into oblivion. The Pelasgian name thus grew 
 “ obsolete at an early period, and the Greek nation 
 “ became distinguished into tw T o hordes, called 
 “ Ionian and ./Eolian. Yet the distinction of 
 “ those hordes, whatever it originally was, be- 
 “ came in the course of ages more than nominal, 
 “ since, though their settlements were intermix- 
 “ ed, and their language fundamentally one , each 
 “ people still preserved its peculiar dialect.”* 
 However much the language of the most an¬ 
 cient inhabitants of Greece became altered and 
 improved by new settlers among them, it is not 
 to be presumed, that the original barbarous lan¬ 
 guage was totally extinguished ; some vestiges 
 would still remain as a monument of their origi- 
 nal descent. If all the dialects of the Greek 
 
 * Mitford’s Hist, of Greece, c. iii. sect. 1. 
 
26 ' 
 
 language, the Ionic, .Eolic, Doric and Attic, have 
 equally retained any known ancient language, as 
 in any measure the basis of their different im¬ 
 proved dialects, it sufficiently proves, that all 
 the Greeks equally owed their origin to the 
 people who spoke that language in its barbarous, 
 unpolished, or uncultivated state. 
 
 That the early progenitors of the Greeks and 
 Romans were intimately allied at some unknown 
 remote period, is a matter of fact, which is put 
 beyond doubt by the languages of both those 
 people. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus says, “ The Ro- 
 “ mans speak a language which is neither entire- 
 “ ly barbarous nor purely Greek; it is a mixture 
 “ of the Greek and a barbarous language. The 
 “ greatest part of the Roman language is taken 
 “ from the iEolic. The only inconvenience 
 “ which the intercourse of so many people who 
 “ have immixed themselves with them, has pro- 
 “ duced, is, that they do not pronounce all the 
 “ words as they ought to do. In other respects, 
 “ there are not among all the colonies which 
 “ the Greeks have founded, any who have pre- 
 “ served more distinct traces of their origin.”* 
 
 The Latin language, according to the opinions 
 of venerable ancient authors, consists of the 
 
 * Dionys. Halicarn. 1. i. p. 76. Vid . Quintilian, 1. v. 
 c. 5. Colonis ad hunc locum . Sekvius ad JEneid , 1. i. § 1. 
 p.187. 
 
27 
 
 Greek mixed with another language, which the 
 Greeks called barbarous, but by which the Greek 
 itself was not in their judgment at all affected. 
 
 According to the opinions of the Greek and 
 Roman writers, the Roman language is radically 
 Greek, and derived adventitiously only from the 
 language or languages they called barbarous. 
 If this notion be just, it follows, that the Greek 
 language bears no affinity to that barbarous lan¬ 
 guage, of which and of the Greek the Latin 
 language was a mixture, and which so far taint¬ 
 ed the purity of its Grecian descent. If there 
 exists a living language, to which both the 
 Greek and Latin languages are in a considerable 
 degree equally indebted for their roots, primitive 
 words and compounds, it is apprehended to be a 
 fair conclusion, that, to such extent, that living- 
 language was the parent of both those illustrious 
 languages. 
 
 As Italy was inhabited prior to Grecian colo¬ 
 nies sent thither from Greece or fEolia, it cannot 
 be doubted, that the language of those Greeks 
 would, in the progress of time, become a mixture 
 of the Greek and of the language of the prior 
 inhabitants. Respecting that prior language we 
 have no certain account from historical record. 
 If however we find a great part of the Latin lan¬ 
 guage, which is not Greek, is radically derived 
 from the Gaelic language, as spoken at this day 
 by the inhabitants of the Highlands of Scotland, 
 and by the descendents of the ancient inhabitants 
 
2S 
 
 of Ireland ; and that a great part of the Greek, 
 which is not Latin, is also derived from the Gae¬ 
 lic language, and that a very considerable portion 
 of both these languages, where they agree in 
 sound and sense, is obviously deducible from the 
 same source, we draw thence two conclusions: 
 1st, That the Gaelic language is so far the com¬ 
 mon parent of both ; 2 dly y That the Greek 
 language brought into Italy by Grecian colonies, 
 renewed, in its altered and more cultivated state, 
 its acquaintance with its parent languages, the 
 Pelasgic and Gaelic, as yet spoken in a more un¬ 
 cultivated state by the inhabitants of Italy. 
 
 We propose to submit, with all due deference 
 to the learned, some remarks and observations, 
 which we think entitle the Gaelic language to 
 claim in some measure to be the parent stock of 
 both the Greek and Latin languages. We pro¬ 
 pose also to offer some remarks to show, that the 
 Gael of Scotland and Ireland are genuine descen¬ 
 dants of the great Gaelic nation, whose language 
 was Gaelic, and has been preserved in great¬ 
 est purity by the descendants of the ancient 
 inhabitants of Scotland and Ireland, who, if our 
 deduction be well founded, are the progeny of 
 the same race of people who first inhabited 
 Greece and Italy, and who, immixed chiefly with 
 the Pelasgians, became in after times, under the 
 names of Greeks and Romans, so illustrious for 
 their improvements in philosophy, arts and scien¬ 
 ces, and for their conquests over many nations. 
 
29 
 
 The science of cultivation of language is an 
 object worthy the attention of a refined people. 
 The study of language has occupied minds the 
 most remarkable for ingenuity and acuteness. 
 Such study is curious and amusing. Is it not, in 
 a philosophical sense, instructive too, when it 
 carries with it that spirit of research, which, in 
 primitive roots and their combinations, serves to 
 throw light upon the original situation of man 
 in his earliest state of existence, to investigate 
 the history of ideas, and to develop the opera¬ 
 tions of the human mind in the formation of the 
 art by which ideas are communicated? 
 
 In disquisitions of an etymological nature, 
 much caution is to be observed. Fanciful ima¬ 
 ginations have often run into such deviations 
 from the natural combinations of the component 
 parts of speech, as have given frequent occasion 
 to throw into ridicule a science, in a just view 
 not contemptible, whose object is to ascertain 
 the formation of the words of a language, and 
 deduce them from their radical primitives. 
 
 “ The world is a great wilderness, wherein 
 “ mankind have wandered and jostled one ano- 
 “ ther about from the creation; and it would be 
 “ difficult to point out the country which is at 
 “ this day in the hands of its first inhabitants; 
 “ no original stock is perhaps any where to be 
 “ traced.”* In this view of things, the Greeks 
 
 * Sullivan’s Letters. 
 
30 
 
 and Romans could not boast of being possessed 
 of an original language. A claim to such origi¬ 
 nality can be truly maintained only by an un- 
 mixed people. Such, we will venture to affirm, 
 are to be found at this day in the Highlands of 
 Scotland. 
 
 Some learned men have entertained the opi¬ 
 nion, that the Greek, the Roman, and the Celtic 
 languages, had one common origin. # If this 
 opinion be well founded, whatever alterations 
 they may have undergone in the course of ages, 
 by the multiplication of ideas, and consequently 
 of words, or by revolutions incident to commu¬ 
 nities and states, they were at some remote pe¬ 
 riod kindred languages. It still remains an un¬ 
 determined question, which of these languages 
 has best preserved the unadulterated parent stock. 
 It is admitted that the Latin is in a great measure 
 a dialect of the Greek language, and it cannot 
 be maintained that the Grecian philologists have 
 been, with all the ingenuity they have displayed 
 in their etymological analysis of words, success¬ 
 ful in establishing their true derivation to flow 
 from primitives constituting the elementary basis 
 of that illustrious language; but it is a proposi¬ 
 tion which is admitted by all those who are in a 
 moderate degree critically versed in the Gaelic 
 language, that every word in that language is 
 either a simple primitive, a compound, or a deri- 
 
 * Pezron. Lhuid. 
 
31 
 
 ration from well known primitives in the same 
 language. In fact, the Greek language is a co¬ 
 pious, elegant, and polished composition of vari¬ 
 ous ancient languages. It still, however, retains 
 a pregnant proof of its descent from that com¬ 
 mon origin, of which the language called by the 
 above mentioned learned authors Celtic , but by 
 us Gaelic, still remains the living offspring. 
 
 The Greek language, it is certain, never pene¬ 
 trated into the country of the Gael of Scotland. 
 The Romans visited it as enemies, who separated 
 themselves and their conquered provinces from 
 it and its inhabitants, by walls defended by Ro¬ 
 man arms. The Saxons, Angles, and Normans, 
 were ever held as enemies, with whom the Gael 
 held no intercourse which could affect their lan¬ 
 guage; and the Danes or Norwegians, although 
 they made conquests of several of the Scottish 
 islands, and retained them in subjection for a 
 considerable time, yet they never penetrated into 
 the interior of the country in any other shape 
 than as enemies, with arms in their hands; and 
 as such they met with successful opposition and 
 a total expulsion, without their being able at any 
 period to make permanent settlements. That 
 the Piets were of Scythian race, or emigrants 
 from the northern continent of Europe, we hesi¬ 
 tate not to affirm to be a false conjecture, which 
 we will have occasion to consider in another 
 place. 
 
 s 
 
Original Condition of Man. 
 
 However humiliating it may appear to those 
 who entertain high notions of the physical and 
 moral nature of the human species, the testimo¬ 
 nies of ancient and modern authors concur in 
 establishing this proposition, That mankind, in 
 the primitive ages of their existence, followed a 
 mode of life similar to the gregarious animals of 
 the brute creation. Yet, more cruel than these, 
 human beings, to gratify their vengeance or their 
 sensual appetites, have been found devouring 
 their own species, with as little feeling of com¬ 
 punction, remorse, or revolt of mind, as they fed 
 on the flesh of those other animals which still 
 prove savoury to the taste of the polished and 
 refined part of mankind. 
 
 The philosophic curiosity, or commercial views 
 of modern times, have established beyond con¬ 
 troversy the existence of cannibals or man-eaters. 
 Modern voyagers of the highest credit, teach us 
 to respect relations of ancient au thors,* who were 
 long held in derision, as handing down traits of 
 human manners which could obtain the credit of 
 historical facts only in those days of ignorance 
 
 * Vide Goguet, and the Authors quoted, vol.i. Introduction. 
 
and credulity, when superstition and fable held 
 despotic sway, and excluded every ray of science 
 and philosophy. 
 
 Mankind have, in all ages, exhibited signs of 
 brutality and fierceness, which are ever incon¬ 
 sistent with those sympathies and tender feel¬ 
 ings of which their improved nature is capable. 
 “ Vitiis sine nemo nascitur, optimus ille est qui 
 “ minimis urgetur.” 
 
 The nicest musical ear, accustomed only to the 
 sounds of simple melodies, cannot at once per¬ 
 ceive the beauties, nor relish the combined, 
 though just harmony, of artificial musical compo¬ 
 sition. To feel forcibly the power and energy 
 of pleasurable sounds, requires habitual cultiva¬ 
 tion. Sounds which at first afford only a con¬ 
 fused sense of blended or undistinguished har¬ 
 mony, or strike the ear with an agreeable con¬ 
 cordance, will, in the progress of more familiar 
 acquaintance, touch powerfully the strings of 
 the heart, pour upon the mind a flood of joys, 
 which elevate the soul, and convey a conscious 
 intimation of a nature superior to the pursuits 
 of terrestrial animals. 
 
 Congenial with these sensations are the feel¬ 
 ings of sympathetic hearts in the communication 
 of tender pleasures. The exercise of the bene¬ 
 volent affections ever give the purest delight; 
 relief afforded to the mind afflicted with the 
 woes of unmerited misfortune, is a sweet grati¬ 
 fication. Man may be held, therefore, with ap- 
 
 c 
 
34 
 
 parent justice, to he framed in a superior mould 
 to other terrestrial animals. He is capable of 
 enjoyments which refine and purify his sensual 
 appetites and passions. These, by due cultiva¬ 
 tion, are made subservient to the exalted, the 
 dignified, and heavenly qualities of his nature. 
 He is then most perfect, when the great end and 
 object of his actions are the welfare and happi¬ 
 ness of his kind; then it may be said, that his 
 soul lives in the beams of that pure, glowing, 
 benignant fire of the divine energy, which per¬ 
 vades the worlds, and sustains the harmony of 
 the universe. 
 
 The capabilities of our nature prove, then, 
 that our species stands at the rop of the scale of 
 earthly beings. We alone seem to be brought 
 within the system of moral agency, from which 
 arise those various duties we owe to one another 
 in society ; and by the observance or violation of 
 which, we are rendered objects of the pleasant 
 or painful affections of the mind, which dispose 
 mankind to bestow rewards, or inflict punish¬ 
 ments. 
 
 The earliest state of human existence being 
 prior to the knowledge of even the simple ele¬ 
 ments of those arts and sciences by which man 
 is supereminently distinguished from other ani¬ 
 mals, we cannot expect to have transmitted to 
 us, by any race of people, any satisfactory ac¬ 
 counts of their original state of existence or 
 modes of life. It might naturally be expected, 
 
35 
 
 however, that the language of a primitive 
 people, if preserved from corruption, and not 
 obscured or overwhelmed by those revolutions 
 which are too often the consequences of inordi¬ 
 nate ambition and the lust of conquest, might 
 still retain evidence of the state and mode of 
 their original existence in social connexion. This 
 view of language presents a curious subject of 
 inquiry, and if any light can be thrown upon it, 
 by attention to the structure of any now living 
 language, or of any of the learned dead lan¬ 
 guages, it may not perhaps be deemed unworthy 
 of the regard of the curious philosophic mind. 
 
 “ Bred up in civilized society, we view its 
 complex structure without surprise. The compo¬ 
 sition, the copiousness, the clearness, force, and 
 elegance of a language, produce not marks of 
 admiration in the great body of the people who 
 speak it, while a philosophic inquirer analyzes 
 its combinations with a mixed sensation of ad¬ 
 miration and delight. A critical examinator 
 views the stupendous fabric with wonder, and 
 concludes with a thorough conviction, that ages 
 without number must have contributed to the 
 erection of so astonishing a fabric of art and in¬ 
 genious contrivance. Not satisfied with con¬ 
 templating its general beauties, the inquisitive 
 mind examines its component parts, and natural¬ 
 ly seeks, with keen research, to obtain know¬ 
 ledge of the elementary basis of so grand a mo¬ 
 nument of human production.” 
 
36 
 
 Aversion from any laborious exertion of the 
 members of the body, is found universally to pre¬ 
 vail among mankind. It is necessity that puts 
 in motion the inventive faculties of the human 
 mind. Man is satisfied with the spontaneous 
 productions of the field for his subsistence, and 
 with the natural excavations of the earth for his 
 habitation, while these are found barely suffi¬ 
 cient to preserve his existence. 
 
 That the primeval progenitors of the Gael ori¬ 
 ginally made use of caves to cover them from the 
 inclemency of the weather, or from the attacks 
 of wild beasts, the Gaelic, Greek, and Latin lan¬ 
 guages furnish, we think, satisfactory evidence. 
 
 The primitive Gaelic words for a house are 
 tai, and teach . The word by which a cave is 
 expressed, is uai or uamh. Tai, though appa¬ 
 rently a simple root, is a compound of ti, a being 
 or person , and uai , a cave ; tai is a contraction 
 of these two words, and the literal meaning is, 
 man's cave. It may be observed, that in Greek 
 the simple word signifies a house, though 
 came more into use. This word, as well as the 
 Latin domus, are derivatives of the Gaelic tamh, 
 which signifies residence, and which is a com¬ 
 pound of ti and uamh, a mans cave. The Gaelic 
 word teach is preserved in the Greek tu%os, murus, 
 and the Latin tectum, a house. The Greeks, in 
 modifying the original word to the genius of 
 their language, added the termination a, and the 
 Latins us, to the original word tamh, and the one 
 
37 
 
 os, and the other turn, to the other original word. 
 In this manner appear modified all the words of 
 the original Gaelic language, which have been 
 preserved in the Greek and Latin languages. 
 This modification we shall have frequent occa¬ 
 sion to remark in the following pages. 
 
 The Pelasgians, who introduced into Europe a 
 new and improved language, communicated also 
 their language to the more ancient inhabitants 
 of Greece and Italy, insomuch that the native 
 language of these countries came to be over¬ 
 whelmed by the influx of those eastern invaders; 
 and although the old language was not totally 
 extinguished, it underwent such inflections and 
 modifications as were suitable to the genius of 
 the language of the prevailing people, and thus 
 becoming so altered in its form and structure, 
 was no longer to be recognized as a different 
 language, or considered to be at variance with 
 that of the more improved eastern people, with 
 whose language it came to be so intimately in¬ 
 corporated. 
 
 In early periods of social existence, the re¬ 
 lations formed by a regular and permanent union 
 of the sexes were unknown; still, however, man 
 being a social animal, motives of attraction were 
 felt that linked him to his kind by ties, which, 
 as they evidently excited and guided his actions, 
 must have early obtained a name by which they 
 were distinguished. The relation of blood was 
 formed through the mother; but those relations 
 
38 
 
 were not of so strong and powerful a nature in 
 early society, when the children of the women 
 of a community or tribe, being of uncertain fa¬ 
 thers, were esteemed to be the children of the 
 community, were reared under the public care, 
 and not by the joint offices of one male and one 
 female. The great ties were expressive of a 
 public relation, and arose from the objects of the 
 society being productive of joint care, exercised 
 in common. 
 
 We have undoubted testimony to the fact, that 
 women have had great sway among barbarous 
 nations, and that they were the best hostages to 
 be given to insure performance of engagements, 
 or to preserve peace and amity.* 
 
 Relation of blood was reckoned by the mother. 
 Hence it was, that among the ancient Germans 
 the children of the sister were dearer to their 
 uncle than to the reputed father. The con¬ 
 nexion was deemed even more sacred and bind¬ 
 ing upon the uncle.j' 
 
 Mankind being found in early ages to be uni¬ 
 versally divided into families or tribes, it might 
 naturally thence be inferred, that the relation 
 or ties of connexion in society would be express¬ 
 ed by names descriptive of those circumstances, 
 which constitute the essence of the bond of 
 union. Let us examine the Gaelic, the Greek, 
 and Latin languages, to see if they throw any 
 light upon this subject. 
 
 * Falcon, p. 335. 
 
 t Tacit. German. 
 
39 
 
 The words by which family is expressed in 
 Gaelic, is teaclhloch and cuedichc, or coedichc: 
 These words, though applied to family, the first 
 is more properly expressive of family, quas nox 
 coegerat sedes , as referring to residence; the other 
 more properly denotes the company who com¬ 
 monly eat together. Teadhloch is a compound 
 of three original words ; tai, a house , dol, Inflect¬ 
 ed dhol, going , taidhol, resort , and oich, night, 
 which signify resort at night. It may be ob¬ 
 served, that «<*<>? signifies house or family in a col¬ 
 lective sense, in Greek; nochc, the present night, 
 Gaelic, nox, Latin. This resort was one capital 
 circumstance which marked the connexion or 
 relation of a primeval society. Their nightly resi¬ 
 dence and common habitation formed a bond of 
 union of a very strict kind. Their eating toge¬ 
 ther was another important circumstance in social 
 intercourse, and formed also a very strong link 
 of connexion. This was expressed in the Gaelic 
 language by the word coedichc, which literally 
 signifies eat ins; in common, and is used at this 
 day to denote a company met for the enjoyments 
 of the table : this is the proper acceptation of the 
 word, and it is used to denote the members of a 
 man’s family, as forming his ordinary companions 
 at meals. The compounds of this word are radi¬ 
 cals in Greek and Latin. Co denotes common in 
 both these languages, as well as in Gaelic; 
 though in the former it only appears in com¬ 
 pounds, it is in the latter a significant primitive 
 
40 
 
 word, used in a comparative sense; co mor, as big 
 as, co beg, as little as; ed signifies food, hence 
 the Latin edo and the Greek eS*. Ichc is a signi¬ 
 ficant word in the Gaelic language, and denotes 
 compassion, which has a relation to food also; for 
 ich is to cat, and ichc is compassion, or the relief 
 afforded by eating. The acquisition of food 
 must have been the object of chief attention in 
 rude society. Cod and codach came to denote 
 any subject of moveable property. But as eat¬ 
 ing in common was the most important mark 
 of connexion in early society, codach naturally 
 came to denote friendship, which it does in 
 Ireland, though not used in that sense in Scot¬ 
 land. 
 
 There were more enlarged, and more general 
 connexions than these understood by the Gael, 
 which they expressed by fate' and cinnef. Fine' is 
 expressive of being born of the same stock, race 
 or lineage ; cinnef is a compound of co and fine', 
 cofhine'; fh are quiescent in the compound, the 
 word denotes a tribe comprehensively as a body. 
 The increase of the tribe begot strength, which 
 produced security, and both promoted prosperi¬ 
 ty ; hence cinneh signifies to prosper, and cinnecha, 
 prosperity. 
 
 Here we may mention the Greek.word 
 signifying common, public, which is the coinnt' 
 of the Gaelic, and denotes a public meeting. It 
 will be observed, that the ccena, the supper of the 
 Latins, is no other than the most public meal, or 
 
 t 
 
41 
 
 meal of greatest festivity, and, according to the 
 Greek acceptation, it had also reference to so¬ 
 cial intercourse. The great comprehensive terms 
 signifying the people at large, are, in Gaelic, po- 
 bul, and sluagh or slogh. The one is the populus 
 of the Latins, the other is the of the Greeks; 
 the s is dropt in pronunciation in compounds, 
 and in the genitive case, when the article cor¬ 
 responding to the in English is expressed, as of 
 the people, antsluai, or antsloi. The t is used as 
 a servile letter. 
 
 The learned reader will readily remark the si¬ 
 milarity between the Greek word <t>vw and the 
 Gaelic fine'; he will be informed, that the Gaelic 
 word gin, which signifies a person born , is the root 
 of many Greek words expressive of birth and 
 generation. The Latin novus is the derivative 
 of the Gaelic no or nua. Nuaghin signifies a 
 new born infant , literally new one born; ginal, a 
 person of the human race; ginalach, genealogy , pe¬ 
 digree. Hence ympcct, yenxu, and the Latin words 
 gigno, genero; ym*, generation, race, lineage; ytnxxo- 
 yut, genealogia, genealogy, and many other words 
 from the same stock. Aoyo?, xoyix, is the Gaelic 
 luaigh, which signifies to speak or make mention 
 of, and is applied in common language too, to the 
 act of stirring any thing; so fulling of cloth is 
 luaigh. 
 
 The circumstances that produced friendly at¬ 
 tachment have no reference to consanguinity. 
 The word cared is used to express a relative and 
 
42 
 
 friend. This word is a compound of three Gaelic 
 roots, or words of known signification, viz. co, 
 common, ar , field, ed, food. These combinations 
 are expressive of the connexion which was form¬ 
 ed by the simultaneous use or consumption of 
 the produce of the common field; so cardias sig¬ 
 nifies consanguinity, also friendship. 
 
 The Greek word and the Latin cor, hearty 
 are both derivatives of the Gaelic words co, ar. 
 In Gaelic, when two words are joined in compo¬ 
 sition, the one ending, the other beginning with 
 a vowel, one of the vowels is dropped. Some 
 people drop in pronunciation the last vowel of 
 the first compound ; others drop the first vowel 
 of the last compound ; e. g. much, moch, early, 
 the word is a compound of mu, about, or close to, 
 and oich, night; several examples might be giv¬ 
 en, mulach, molach, See. The Greeks said 
 in place of caredia: The Latins pronounced cor, 
 cors, concors , cordia, concordia, &c. They said 
 carus, too, expressive of endearment or affection, 
 as well as high price or pecuniary value. Car is 
 a Gaelic word significant of affection. These 
 words are expressive, in the original language, 
 of an important circumstance pointing out rela¬ 
 tion and family connexion in early society, and 
 which came to denote, both in Greek and Latin, 
 the heart, from which kindness and friendship 
 are understood to flow. 
 
 Eating in common forming a strong mark of 
 connexion and social union, codach, cadach, and 
 
43 
 
 caradrach, came very naturally to express friend¬ 
 ship , which they are in use to signify among the 
 Gael of Ireland at this clay. Dile and dileas are 
 words significant of consanguineous relation , but 
 literally signify affection or love, from whatever 
 cause it may arise; digh-thoil, gh, th, are aspir¬ 
 ates, and quiescent in the compounds de'il or dile', 
 hence the Latin word diligo. This compound 
 signifies will in a strong degree; the last word is 
 the same with the Greek 
 
 Treibh (bh sound like v) signifies a tribe or fa¬ 
 mily ; from this was formed the Latin tribus. 
 It is remarkable, that a herd of beasts is in Gaelic 
 called trebhed, pronounced commonly treed; the 
 bh, which sounds like v, is dropped in common 
 pronunciation, as arbhar, commonly applied to 
 corn crop , is pronounced arar; many instances 
 of such pronunciation occur. The word trebhed 
 signifies literally, the food of the tribe or family. 
 
 The Gaelic language preserves evidence of 
 primeval manners in the structure of the lan- 
 Gfuafre itself, and thus remains a monument of 
 information more ancient than any art, or science, 
 or historical composition, by which knowledge 
 can be communicated. If we are not mistaken, 
 knowledge of a similar nature with respect to 
 primitive ideas, manners, and modes of existence, 
 may be deduced from the Greek language. VV r e 
 have observed, that both in the Greek and Latin 
 languages, the word signifying simply to eat is 
 
44 
 
 expressed by edo, and both are evidently de¬ 
 
 rived from the Gaelic word ed, fond. 
 
 The verb Tg«y», which is expressed in Latin by 
 the verbs rodo and comedo, both which have a 
 reference to eating, the last of which is translated 
 in English to eat up, to consume in riot, means in 
 the original language to eat together ; so comich is 
 a common word for eating together; the conso¬ 
 nants m and n were often in compounds inter¬ 
 jected between the word co and. its adjunct. To 
 a Gaelic scholar it is needless to mention exam¬ 
 ples. To a Latin scholar many such will readily 
 occur; so the noun comhibo signifies a pot or 
 bottle companion, as does also compotator; the 
 verbs combiho and compoto signify to drink toge¬ 
 ther; the verb bibo is not of Gaelic origin so 
 far as we know, but poto is derived from the 
 root pot, drink, poter, a drinker, which is the 
 same with the Latin potor, and the Greek ™ T » 5 . 
 We presume it will be difficult for any Latin or 
 Greek scholar to give the etymon of those words, 
 though in Gaelic it is obvious to every one who 
 speaks the language. Poter is a compound of 
 pot, drink, and fer, a man, the f\s quiescent in 
 the compound, po or pa is thirst. To prosecute 
 the subject in this view would lead us greatly 
 beyond the limits prescribed by this inquiry. 
 Had the Greek and Latin philologists been ac¬ 
 quainted with the Gaelic language, they would 
 have been attended with more success in their 
 etymological analysis, than they could possibly 
 
45 
 
 derive from the most perfect critical knowledge 
 of their own languages alone. 
 
 If comedo is the just meaning of i^y «, it is lite¬ 
 rally expressive of eating together. The words 
 edo and exedo are both Greek and Latin ; the one 
 means simply to eat , and the other to consume or 
 devour , neither of which bear the precise mean¬ 
 ing of the verb r^ya, which may be properly used 
 to signify the act of several persons eating toge¬ 
 ther. It may be observed, that r^yM signifies a 
 cavern, which we may reasonably presume to 
 have derived its name from its serving the pur¬ 
 pose of a receptacle for persons making a meal, 
 or serving as a place of rendezvous or resort for 
 such purpose, and might bear, in a literal sense, 
 the translation of an eating place ; so r^uyetXM means 
 dainties , or nice delicate meats used at feasts or 
 banquets, and which necessarily imply the food 
 of a company, not of one person. The Latin 
 word comes tor, which we think literally bears 
 reference to eating in company , is expressed by 
 T^COKTYIS. The word r^ya, which was expressive of 
 the act of eating, and denoting a cave or 
 
 cavern, are nearly allied; is it an unreasonable 
 inference, that a cave got that name from the 
 circumstance of the common use of natural ex¬ 
 cavations of the earth as houses, by the earliest 
 progenitors of the Greeks, who were not Gael? 
 Hence an African race, of whom Pliny gives an 
 account, got the name of Troglodites, because 
 they were accustomed to live in caves. 
 
4 b' 
 
 That the principal bond of connexion was not 
 in early society formed by consanguinity, we ap¬ 
 prehend to be also further illustrated by the 
 Greek and Latin languages. 
 
 A person related by birth was properly ex¬ 
 pressed in the Greek language by rvfyim- There 
 was, however, another word signifying a rela¬ 
 tive, which had no reference to birth or consan¬ 
 guinity, but came to be used for a connexion of 
 kindred, from a circumstance of a very different 
 nature than that derived from birth or marriage. 
 n«o 5 signifies a relation by affinity , though it is 
 evidently of the same root with which sig¬ 
 nifies to eat , to feed; hence the Latin word pasco, 
 both from the Gaelic primitive pa, which com¬ 
 monly denotes thirst , or a desire to gratify some 
 natural appetite. 
 
 In the wandering state of ancient pastoral 
 life, the herd of cattle was the common property 
 of the tribe or community, who kept or moved 
 together from motives of convenience and safety, 
 and which begot affection. The great marks of 
 connexion were those of their eating together of 
 the common food, and of their cattle feeding on 
 their common pastures. Hence which ori¬ 
 ginally bore reference to the relation formed by 
 common food and common pasture, came to de¬ 
 note a relation of kindred or consanguinity. The 
 word -tco-u was also used to express possession and 
 acquisition , which being necessarily connected 
 with the use of the produce of the field, or of 
 
 i 
 
47 
 
 the subject whence food was derived, the usage 
 of pasturage being a visible mark of possession, 
 came to denote, by a metonomy natural to the 
 mind, the act of possession or acquisition. 
 
 The Latin language furnishes examples of a 
 similar nature with its kindred language the 
 Greek. Agnatus and cognatus have an obvious 
 reference to birth; but a finis and propinquus 
 have clearly a reference to a connexion formed 
 by ideas of a different nature; both literally im¬ 
 ply juxtaposition, or near local situation, though 
 ajfinis has been used to denote ally by marriage, 
 and propinquus, a kinsman. 
 
 The acquisition of the means of subsistence 
 being the primary object of man’s earliest atten¬ 
 tion, it is natural to expect that contention about 
 food would very early take place. The Gaelic 
 word which expresses enemy is namhed, a spoiler 
 of food; namher, a surly fierce man; amhuile, to 
 spoil; amhler, a vagabond. So kt*u signified to 
 possess, and also to kill; which intimate, that ac¬ 
 quisition and possession of the means of subsist¬ 
 ence were often the cause of contention and 
 death. 
 
 Relation of blood or consanguinity makes no 
 deep impression on the mind, until marriage is 
 established in such a manner as that the wife is 
 understood, morally and religiously, to be con¬ 
 nected with one man only; an institution which 
 closely attends that division of property which 
 is guarded by laws, securing to individuals the 
 
48 
 
 exclusive use of all subjects capable of appro¬ 
 priation. 
 
 Ancient authors* furnish us with ample testi¬ 
 mony regarding nations of rude people, who had 
 no other clothing than that which the simple 
 natural productions of the earth afforded. They 
 covered their bodies with barks or leaves of trees, 
 with herbs or bulrushes; but the most prevalent 
 covering was that of the skins of animals. It is 
 curious to observe, that the language of the Gael 
 has preserved an evident proof of the clothing of 
 their earliest progenitors. 2asy», among the Greeks, 
 was used, in the refined periods of their language, 
 to denote a covering which was put on asses or 
 inules to prevent their receiving hurt from their 
 burdens; it was also used for a military garment, 
 or any exterior habit. Sagum was used by the 
 Latins to denote a soldiers coat and coverlet , and, 
 in general, it came to be applied to any external 
 covering or vestment. The original word is that 
 used in Gaelic to express a hide , which is pro¬ 
 nounced seich, saich, saichc The Greeks and 
 Latins preserved the name of the earliest cloth¬ 
 ing of their ancestors to denote an outer garment, 
 also a covering put on a beast of burden below 
 his load. This cover would very naturally be 
 first made of the hides of animals, and the word 
 being preserved to denote any sort of cover made 
 use of by man, points out its most ancient mean- 
 
 * Vide Goguet, tom. i. p. 114. 
 
 3 
 
49 
 
 ing in the radical language. Clothing , in Gaelic, 
 is tdach, which is an obvious compound of ed, 
 food , and saich, hide ; the s is quiescent in the 
 compound. Ed is still used in Ireland to denote 
 cattle; edal is used in Scotland. Edal means 
 literally, the breed or offspring oj cattle, although 
 its common acceptation is cattle in general, which 
 acceptation became natural when cattle furnish¬ 
 ed the chief sustenance of the people. 
 
 As it cannot be doubted, that the hides of ani¬ 
 mals were used by the human species as covers 
 to defend their bodies from the inclemencies of 
 the weather, it is as little to be doubted, that 
 hides or skins of animals were used as the readiest 
 bags or instruments of convenience for carrying 
 various things of necessary use; accordingly we 
 find, that saccus, denoted in Greek and 
 
 Latin a sack or bag , intimating that such were 
 originally made of the hides of animals. The 
 same natural metonymy occurs also in Gaelic, 
 where the word sachc means a load , the saich or 
 hide having been used as a necessary implement 
 for that purpose. 
 
 It can hardly be supposed, that the hides of 
 animals, when first used for clothes, were nicely 
 adjusted to the members of the body, or that 
 much art was displayed in the formation of those 
 rude garments. ; 
 
 We have accounts of nations,* who, destitute 
 
 * Vide Goguet, torn. i. p. 117. 
 
 D 
 
50 
 
 of the knowledge of the art of twisting threads 
 of any sort of vegetable substance, used the 
 entrails of fishes, and the sinews of animals, 
 to sew together and join their hides or skins, 
 which they used for vesture or clothing to 
 cover their bodies. The Greek language fur¬ 
 nishes further evidence, that their early proge¬ 
 nitors used leathern thongs for that necessary 
 purpose: ^ signifies a leathern thong , and 
 nov, a garment, literally, a covering sewed with 
 thongs. It may be observed, that up* signifies 
 clothes; uima, with the Gael, signifies covering 
 for the body; and when a man is said to be com¬ 
 pletely accoutred for any active employment or 
 exploit, they have preserved the phrase, chai-ena 
 iallibh, which is literally, he went into his thongs. 
 
 Names which prove the invention of arts and 
 sciences, were not those first known among 
 mankind. Societies arise not from speculations 
 concerning the nature of man ; There are attrac¬ 
 tions in the human species, not less certain than 
 in the particles of matter of which the earth is 
 composed. These attractions, with respect to 
 man, may be called social instincts : They con¬ 
 stitute the elementary basis of the best and 
 wisest institutions; and governments can lay 
 claim to the pleasing epithets of wise and good, 
 in proportion only as they are calculated to pro¬ 
 mote the happiness of the human species. We 
 have observed certain circumstances in the state 
 of early society, which constituted a bond of 
 
51 
 
 union, not entirely to be ascribed to those in¬ 
 stinctive sensibilities which parents feel for their 
 offspring, but to an instinct of a different nature, 
 that of self-preservation, which, in the wander¬ 
 ing state of pastoral life, produced connexions 
 and associations, strengthened by a deliberative 
 sense of public utility. Prior to any such asso¬ 
 ciation or connexion, relations of blood must 
 have existed, and therefore it is to be presum¬ 
 ed, that words denoting relations of consangui¬ 
 nity must have been invented very early in 
 every language. It might be presumed also, 
 that such words would exist as radicals of an 
 original language, not capable of derivation from 
 more simple roots. 
 
 The most intimate relations of consanguinity 
 are those of father, mother, brother, sister. In 
 the Gaelic language, these are expressed by cith¬ 
 er., ma-er, bra-er, piu-er. These words are writ¬ 
 ten with the letters th interposed between the 
 vowels in the middle of the words ; but they are 
 not pronounced, as in English, they are only 
 signs of aspirations. It will be observed by the 
 Greek and Latin scholar, that the first of these 
 languages had preserved the first two words in 
 their and pumgj in some parts of the High¬ 
 lands of Scotland, the vowel a in mother is pro¬ 
 nounced not broad, but like the English a, slen¬ 
 der, conformable to the Scottish pronunciation 
 of the Greek «. The Greek uSixpos for brother, 
 and for sister, bear no resemblance to the 
 
Gaelic words. The Latins retained pater, mater, 
 frater , but the word for sister is dissimilar to 
 the Gaelic word. It has been observed, that 
 the Persian words, puddur, maddur, broder, and 
 the Teutonic, whence the English father, mother, 
 brother , agree with the Greek and Latin. From 
 the affinity among these languages in these 
 words, is drawn a conclusion of original identity 
 of people. If the inference be just, then the Gael 
 were also of the original stock whence sprung 
 these different nations. The question still remains, 
 which nation or people constituted the original 
 stock ? With respect to the English, the Greek, 
 and Latin languages, we may venture to say, 
 that the words for father, mother, brother, are 
 not reducible to the combinations of any known 
 roots or words in these languages; but if they 
 are compounds of well known words or roots in 
 the Gaelic language, it follows of consequence, 
 that this is the original language, whose terms 
 for these relations were retained by those diffe¬ 
 rent people. Ath is a compound in a great mul¬ 
 titude of Gaelic words. It signifies an animal, 
 as athir neimh , serpent, literally, the poisonous 
 earth animal; ath thala inn, a mole or ground ani¬ 
 mal. So, ath-er, the most noted or distinguished 
 animal. E’er signifies a man, or in a more com¬ 
 prehensive sense, a person of the human race, and 
 is applied also to indicate any subject. Ma-er 
 is descriptive of the mother; it means literally, 
 the pap, dug, or nipple person. Ma signifies a 
 
53 
 
 protuberance or swelling beyond the parts adja¬ 
 cent. Men signifies small, hence the Latin word 
 minus, minimus, &c.; so the small-pox is known 
 by the name of menmha, that is, small protube¬ 
 rances, and mam is a great protuberance. Hence 
 the Latin mamma for a womans pap or breasts. 
 Bra-er relates to the upper part of the body, 
 and literally points out the being suckled by 
 the same bra or breast. We are not acquaint¬ 
 ed with the first compound of piuer, though, at 
 some period, piu must have been known as a 
 significant word in the language. It may be 
 observed, that <pg*r>i§ was retained in the Greek 
 language to signify a person of the same council 
 or tribe. The derivatives from this word point 
 out sufficiently its genuine origin. We are war¬ 
 ranted, we apprehend, in the judgment of every 
 Gaelic scholar, to conclude, that the Gaelic is 
 the source which furnished the words denoting: 
 father, mother, brother, to those other nations 
 who have retained the same words, and conse¬ 
 quently, so far, is entitled to the appellation of 
 the parent language. It is curious to observe, 
 that in Greek signifies frater vel soror coe- 
 taneus, twin-brother or sister; this is the co-aos 
 of the Gaelic, which literally signifies equal age ; 
 a compound of co, equal in comparison, and aos, 
 age. 
 
 It is to be presumed, that tbe objects of nature 
 which strike the mind most forcibly, would ob- 
 
54 
 
 tain names at a very early period of social exis¬ 
 tence. Air, earth, sea, mountain, river, these are 
 called in Gaelic, a-ar, tala or talamh, also tir, 
 muir, mom, amhain. Compare these with the 
 Latin aer, tellus, and terra ; mare, the genitive 
 of the Gaelic word muir is mar; mons, amnis. 
 The word muir is an obvious compound of mu, 
 about, and tir, land; muthir, th quiescent, sea, 
 appearing to surround the land. The similarity 
 in these languages of words meaning the same 
 things, cannot, by the utmost stretch of imagi¬ 
 nation, be ascribed to blind chance, therefore 
 they must bring conviction to the mind, of the 
 identit} 7 of the original stock or race of people of 
 whom the Latins were at least partially des¬ 
 cended. The affinity in the Greek language is 
 apparent in the words air, mrxfios, river. 
 
 Life and death must also have got early names. 
 Leo is alive, in Gaelic; betha, th sounds as an 
 aspirate, life, and marbh is dead. Hence the 
 Greek pua, pI live, and p life. The Latins 
 said vivo, 1 live; vita, Ife. The Latin words 
 have retained the Gaelic inflection : B is soften¬ 
 ed into v, as bheo e, he lives. It has been observ¬ 
 ed, that in ancient Roman inscriptions bita has 
 been found for vita, and in Greek, p <a 5 and 
 vita, life, also food; so biath signifies food in 
 Gaelic: these, and many others, are all derived 
 from the simple word be, life; a bhetha, the Ife. 
 The word for death is in Latin mors; murder, in 
 
55 
 
 Gaelic, is mort or murt; so the Latins in the ge¬ 
 nitive case have preserved in the declension of 
 mors, mortis, morti, &c. The Greek word (me* 
 signifies a part or portion, also fatum,fate. 
 
 It might naturally be supposed, that the field 
 which furnished sustenance for man and beast, 
 would also very early receive a name. In Gaelic 
 ar is a Jield , so arvum is a corn field in Latin, and 
 u^cc in Greek; ager is any field in Latin, and <*yg « 5 
 in Greek. It may be remarked, that the Latins 
 pronounced the letters c and g as the Gael al¬ 
 ways pronounce them, that is, hard ; c as in the 
 word corn, care, &c. and g as in game, again, 
 &c. ; so the Greeks, instead of saying ager as the 
 Latins, added the termination os to the original 
 compound; instead of ageros, they said 
 acha signifies a Jield; arfiher, pronounced ar-er 
 in Gaelic, a ploughman. From the root ar are 
 derived a great multitude of words in the Greek 
 and Latin ; aro, to sow; arator, a plough¬ 
 man ; aratrum, u^ov, a plough, &c. The Latin 
 arbor is evidently from the same root, and is a 
 compound of two Gaelic words, ar and bar , 
 which signify the crop of the field; so arbhar is 
 corn in Gaelic, commonly pronounced arar; the 
 Greek word for a tree is the Gaelic word is 
 crao, craogh. 
 
 It might be expected that the members of the 
 body would receive very early distinct names, 
 and that from them the identity of people would 
 derive additional proof. Of these names a few 
 
56 
 
 only occur as similar. The mouth is hel or heal 
 in Gaelic, to which the Greek or Latin words 
 for mouth bear no resemblance ; but that the 
 word was used by the progenitors of the Greeks 
 is evident from the word fax*;, which signifies the 
 threshold or entrance to a house. The Latin ulna, 
 and the Greek oxm, is the Gaelic uilenn, as we 
 shall have occasion to notice more particularly 
 in another place. The navel is imlag in Gaelic, 
 in Latin umbilicus, in Greek The Gaelic 
 
 word is a compound of im, which signifies soft, 
 fat, butter, and lag, a hollow, expressive of the 
 situation of the navel. lunga is the nail of a 
 finger or toe; the Latins said unguis, and the 
 Greeks «v«g. For belly the Greeks said tunxut-; the 
 Gael use goile for belly or stomach. Miar, meur, 
 a finger; ^«5, a part of any thing: this word is 
 said to be derived from the verb ^a, to divide; 
 if so, it is more applicable to the Gaelic root mir, 
 which signifies a part or division of any solid sub¬ 
 stance. Corp is body, Latin, corpus; animismind, 
 soul, Latin, animus, anima; anail, breath, Latin, 
 helitus, anhelitus; failidh or ailidh signifies smell, 
 also air, in the English sense of airing, as to take 
 an airing, is, do ghabhail an aili. From the word 
 cac, which signifies ordure, comes the Latin verb 
 caco, the Greek and malus, and its 
 
 many derivatives : mun signifies to piss, hence the 
 Latin mingo. Name or discriminative appellation, 
 is ainaim in Gaelic : The nomen of the Latins 
 bears not so strong a mark of affinity to the 
 
Gaelic word, as the wop* of the Greeks. The 
 Gaelic word is a compound of two well known 
 significant words in the language, ain, knowledge, 
 and Juaim , sound; ainfhuaim, known sound, voice, 
 name. These words are taken notice of as con¬ 
 nected with the body. 
 
 A pastoral people could not fail very early to 
 distinguish, by particular names, the different 
 animals upon which they chiefly depended for 
 subsistence. 
 
 The Gaelic word for a cow is bo, a very natu¬ 
 ral appellation, because it is an imitation of the 
 endearing voice of that animal to its calf. The 
 fioeta of the Greeks, which signifies to low, is ex¬ 
 pressive of the loud cry of the animal, which 
 she utters when the object of her affection or 
 desire, such as her calf, or the herd with which 
 she is in use to pasture, are at a distance or out 
 of view. In such a situation a cow is observed to 
 low, a horse to neigh. The bos of the Latins and 
 the / 3 a? of the Greeks are obviously of the same 
 root with the more simple word bo of the Gael. 
 The Gaelic for the male of this species of animal 
 is tarbh, pronounced as if written tarv. The 
 Greeks and Latins, instead of adding the termi¬ 
 nations os and us to the original word, so as to 
 make it tarvos or tarvus, have pronounced it 
 tauros and taurus. 
 
 The generic word for a sheep is in Gaelic caor ; 
 the Greek word for a ram is * ? <e?. The Gaelic 
 word for a ram is rea, hence the Latin word aries ; 
 
in Greek signifies a sheep and a flock of sheep, 
 and tiie Latins used caro, in the genitive carnis, 
 for flesh. The Gaelic word for a ewe or breed¬ 
 ing sheep is oise, oisg, in Latin ovis, in Greek 
 a lamb in Gaelic is uan, in Latin agnus, in Greek 
 ay.™s; neither having adopted the pronunciation 
 of nanus or uanos, modified the original word as 
 most agreeable to the genius and inflections of 
 their different dialects or languages. It may be 
 observed, that where the consonant g occurs in 
 Latin immediately before the consonant n, it was 
 not probably pronounced as in English, but as 
 pronounced by the Italians, in the words ague, 
 agnella , and the French agneau and gli, seraglio. 
 
 The goat, another animal of considerable use 
 in pastoral life, it is to be presumed, was not un¬ 
 known to the most ancient inhabitants of Greece 
 and Italy. The name of this animal is different 
 in Greek and Latin. The Latins, however, re¬ 
 tained caper to signify a goat, the Gaelic word 
 for a goat is gabhar. 
 
 It admits of no doubt, that the ancient inha¬ 
 bitants of Asia and Europe made great use 
 of the horse, both in war and in peace. The 
 Gaelic name for this animal is ech, hence the 
 Latin equus; rejecting the guttural ch, they sub¬ 
 stituted the letter q, which is always followed 
 by the vowel u, so that the word naturally in 
 their mouths became equus, and not echus. The 
 other word by which a horse was expressed in 
 Latin was caballus, which is the Gaelic word 
 
59 
 
 capall , a name that is among the Gael of Scot¬ 
 land applied commonly to a brood mare . It will 
 be observed, that the Greeks, though they re¬ 
 tained no derivative from the Gaelic word ech, 
 as signifying a liorse, have preserved the other 
 appellation in their word which denoted, 
 
 both among the Greeks and Romans, a sumpter 
 or pack-saddle horse* In the Gaelic language, 
 the word being applied to a foal mother, it might 
 perhaps imply, that mares were in that state used 
 chiefly as beasts of burden. 
 
 Natural productions would early receive ap¬ 
 propriate names. Honey, oil, wax, pitch, or the 
 rezinous exudation of trees, would, as being of 
 medicinal use, claim the most early attention. 
 These the Gael denominated mel, ole, cer,f high. 
 Hence the Latin mel, the Greek ^a<, the Latin 
 oleum, the Greek txatov, the Latin cera, the Greek 
 the Latin pit, the Greek Fish and 
 
 birds would early be used as means of subsist¬ 
 ence : the first in Gaelic is iasg, in Latin piscis ; 
 pronounced as piskis, it is a compound of be, life 
 or food, uisg, water; the Greeks said A bird 
 is ian; eoin, birds; the Greeks retained the pri¬ 
 mitive word in their 6iavo$y a bird. The dog, cu, 
 plural coin, canis. Columba, calmian, a compound 
 of calm, strong, and ian, bird. 
 
 * Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. viii. c. S. sect. 74. See Henry’s His* 
 tory. 
 
 t The c is pronounced like Ic. 
 
60 
 
 Tacitus informs us, that the ancient Germans 
 reckoned only three seasons in the year; that they 
 had no word in their language to express the 
 season of reaping corn and gathering the fruits 
 of the earth. Ammianus Marcellinus, and Ceesar, 
 give the like account of the Hunns and of the 
 Alans. 
 
 The ancestors of the Caledonians, or Gael, 
 were, at an early period of their existence, like 
 those ancient nations, ignorant of any appropri¬ 
 ate name for the autumnal season; they had no 
 word to express harvest as a division of the year. 
 Their year consisted of three seasons : their 
 spring they expressed by the word earre. In 
 order to understand the radical meaning of this 
 word, it is to be observed, that it is a compound 
 of two words; ear , pronounced as if written er, 
 which signifies the east, and of re, division; so 
 that earre is literally east division. We find that 
 the Greeks called the spring contracted 
 and that it also signified the morning or dawn of 
 day. 
 
 Mankind who lead the life of natural freedom, 
 as yet unacquainted with regulations respecting 
 exclusive property of any kind, are not in hot 
 climates pressed by any urgent motives to pay 
 attention to seasons or divisions of time. The 
 earth presents her boons with that never-ceasing 
 liberality which suffers the primitive societies of 
 mankind to indulge the thoughtlessness and im¬ 
 providence of their nature. In those regions of 
 
61 
 
 the globe where the sun, that glorious luminary, 
 apparently the source of life and vivifying soul 
 of the universe, varies his benignant influence, 
 he naturally draws forth the earliest attention, 
 and allures the adoration of man. At the ap¬ 
 proach of this active principle of nature, the tor¬ 
 pid earth is inspired with animation, universal 
 gayety attends his course, the splendour of his 
 presence produces hilarity and joy, the earth 
 teems with fruitfulness by the influence of his 
 beams; at his departure, animation pines and 
 sickens, all nature puts on the garb of sadness, 
 those beauties which rose in rich luxuriance to 
 welcome his cheering ray, sink into the bosom 
 of the parent earth, again to spring at the ap¬ 
 proach of his gladdening presence, emblematic 
 of the ways of God to man. The sun’s change 
 of place in the heavens must have early claimed 
 the attention of mankind. 
 
 The rising of the sun is an object of great 
 splendour and magnificence. That region of the 
 heavens where the sun commences to shed his 
 benignant influence, got from the Gael the name 
 of er. The Greeks used the Latins ver y for 
 the spring season. Eri, rising; erich, rise; eri 
 na greane, the rising of the sun. The Irish spell 
 the word oir, which the pronunciation of the 
 Gael of Scotland cannot admit of. Oriens, ortus, 
 warrant the same conclusion. 
 
 The influence of that luminary being visibly 
 the cause of the springing of plants, the word 
 
62 
 
 which simply denoted the act of his rising, was 
 naturally applied to that season when the sun’s 
 influence began to operate on the earth’s superfi¬ 
 cial productions, upon which the sustenance of 
 all animals so much depended. 
 
 After spring followed the pleasant division of 
 the year called by the Gael sombre ', literally sig¬ 
 nifying pleasant division; hence the term of en¬ 
 dearment, m-shamhsac, my delight, my pleasure; 
 b’shamhas liom, it would give me delight or plea¬ 
 sure : They say in Ireland, lucchd ghradhaigheas 
 saimh, men that love pleasure. Neither the 
 Greeks nor Latins retained the use of this word 
 to denote summer: it is obviously, however, the 
 original term which is pronounced summer in 
 English; the word was used by the Saxons. 
 This division of the year was terminated among 
 the Gael at the arrival of the cold season or win¬ 
 ter, a proof of which remains in the word samh- 
 jin, which signifies the end of the pleasant season, 
 oich a shamhfnn, the last night of autumn; la sarnh- 
 fnn or samhna, as it is pronounced in the in¬ 
 flection, is the first day of winter. The word is a 
 compound of samh, pleasure or pleasant, and fin, 
 end. The word Jin is not used now to denote 
 end, but jinid, in English final, and Jinalt for nicely, 
 exquisitely finished, are common; alt signifies a 
 joint, and the mode of doing any thing ; from fin is 
 the Latin finis. 
 
 The next natural division of time was the 
 winter season, which commenced at the samhfin, 
 
63 
 
 the end of the pleasant season, and got the name 
 of the nipping or killing season, goemhre', com¬ 
 monly pronounced gemhre'. The Latin hiems, and 
 the Greek wp*, appear to have obvious relation 
 to the Gaelic name; the approaches nearer 
 to goemh or gemh than hiems. 
 
 These were the great divisions of time of our 
 Gaelic ancestors, inhabiting a climate subject to 
 variation of seasons. Whether our earliest proge¬ 
 nitors first breathed the air of a torrid or of a 
 temperate clime, it is difficult to determine ; but 
 the inventors of the names of the seasons were 
 unquestionably the inhabitants of regions on this 
 side of that division of the earth known by the 
 appellation of the torrid zone. The Gael had no 
 appropriate name for autumn, as a division of 
 time. The word faoghar , which is now under¬ 
 stood to answer the autumnal division of the 
 year, means literally to search or seek the field , 
 and gathering or collecting the produce of the 
 field. 
 
 It was a custom in the Highlands of Scotland, 
 not as yet unknown, for a young married man to 
 repair with horses in the harvest time to the corn 
 fields of his countrymen, for the purpose of get¬ 
 ting seed-corn to sow his land, and straw to sup¬ 
 port his cattle for the first year of his occupancy 
 of land. This was called faoigh, and it is known 
 in the language of the low country still by the 
 word thigging, which was a species of beggary, 
 though the usage which arose from the common 
 
 2 
 
o‘4 
 
 want of capital in the tenants or occupiers of land 
 sufficient to enable them to stock their posses¬ 
 sions, saved this sort of mendicity from the con¬ 
 comitant disgrace and meanness of common beg¬ 
 gary. Faoghed is the term for hunting. The 
 word is literally searching for food. The faoghar 
 was comprehended in the samhre' or pleasant di¬ 
 vision of the year , and could not with definite cer¬ 
 tainty apply to any particular portion of that 
 great and important division. The faoghed was 
 a diversion of much hilarity among the Gael. 
 Multitudes of men assembled for the purpose 
 of hunting, in more ancient times, the boar and 
 the wolf, while such were found in the Cale¬ 
 donian forests: after their complete extinction, 
 which was accomplished by premiums given 
 by Government for their destruction, the game 
 that remained to be hunted in this manner were 
 the red and the roe-deer, foxes, wild cats, mar¬ 
 tins, and pole-cats, but the principal objects 
 were deer. A certain portion of the people as¬ 
 sembled, scoured the woods, shouting aloud with 
 modulated cries, while the best marksmen were 
 stationed in particular passes where the game was 
 shot at in the skirts of the woods. Dogs attend¬ 
 ed and pursued the game in the open grounds 
 along the moors and mountains. A feast termi¬ 
 nated the chase; the Senachi delivered the tale 
 of other years, and the harp accompanied the 
 vocal music of the bard’s song. 
 
 3 
 
65 
 
 The faoghar ended with the last night of 
 samhre or summer, and is called oicha shamhna; 
 samhjhin is inflected samhna in the genitive, as 
 amhin is inflected amhna, a river; gamkin, gamh- 
 na , a sturk. 
 
 In attending to the division of time, the phases 
 of the moon would naturally be used as the 
 means of ascertaining different periods. The 
 most obvious visible signs would most readily 
 be the first employed for that purpose; the full 
 moon would therefore be used very early to mark 
 the period of twenty-eight days, or the first 
 measure of time. We have remarked, that re 
 signifies radically division. That word was ap¬ 
 plied to signify the moon , implying that she be¬ 
 came the means of computation of time. Re 
 expresses at this day every division of time, as 
 the division of night, day, month, quarter, year; 
 as, re na hoich, the division of night; re an la , the 
 division of the day , &c. 
 
 If the moon claimed the earliest notice as a 
 measure of time, the completion of her period 
 must have very early gotten a name. Accord¬ 
 ingly we find, that the word by which month 
 is expressed is mias, which is expressive of an 
 object of a round fgure. A round dish or platter 
 is called by the same name as month, mias, 
 genitive meis. The month got that name from 
 the moon’s round orb being the visible comple¬ 
 tion of the lunar month; hence the Greek word 
 fim for month. The Latin word mensis has depart- 
 
 E 
 
66 
 
 ed from the old word, which was pronounced 
 mesh, as appears from characters inscribed on old 
 monuments.* 
 
 The Latin annus, the Greek m*vreg, a year, is 
 derived from the Gaelic ainn, also pronounced 
 in the nominative Jainn, a ring or orbit. Of this 
 circumstance the Latin annulus furnishes evi¬ 
 dence. The period of a year figured in the ima¬ 
 gination as the completion of a circle or ring, and 
 hence the word applied to the one came to signi¬ 
 fy the other. It may here be observed, that the 
 Latin word circuius is the Gaelic word circle or 
 cercle, which signifies a hoop, zone, or girdle. 
 The Greek word is a compound of cua, 
 
 round, and cul, back; a circle always presenting a 
 round back. The common word for year in Gaelic 
 is blighan, from a circumstance of great impor¬ 
 tance in pastoral life, the return of that season 
 when cattle give milk, bligh a bho, milk the cozv. 
 
 Ratis, Scapha, Navis. 
 
 The inhabitants of a country washed by rivers 
 must have been very early acquainted with the 
 use of some machine fit to convey them by water 
 from one side of a river to the other. As wood is 
 
 * Gibelin. Monde Primitif, vol. iv. p. 132. 
 
67 
 
 of lighter specific gravity than water, and on that 
 element presents to the eye a floating body, it 
 would readily occur, even to the rudest and most 
 uncultivated beings of the human race, as a proper 
 vehicle for transporting persons or things, to and 
 from places separated from each other by water. 
 
 The first of these vehicles was, as may be na¬ 
 turally supposed, of an extremely rude and simple 
 construction. This machine was the rath of the 
 Gael, the rat is of the Latins, the of the 
 Greeks. 
 
 Isidorus describes the rath of the Gael, when 
 he tells what was understood by the rat is of the 
 Latins. Ratisprimitm et antiquissimum, genus na- 
 vigii, e rudibus tignis asseribusq. consertum. Fes- 
 tus describes them in these words: Rates vocan- 
 tur tigna inter se colligata , quce per aquas agantur. 
 Machines of the construction described by these 
 ancient authors, are denominated in English, 
 rafts. This term implies a machine formed by 
 the junction of trees or beams of wood fit to 
 swim or float on water, when pressed by bodies 
 of greater density, or heavier than water. It may 
 be safely affirmed, that this was the first sort of 
 machine used in navigating the watery element. 
 In Gaelic, the word rath was simply and radi¬ 
 cally applied to signify a raft, but it was meta¬ 
 phorically applied to baile', a town or village 
 which was surrounded or guarded by an out¬ 
 ward fence; also it signifies, from a similar idea, 
 a surety, or what is called in Scotland, a cau- 
 
68 
 
 tioner: A natural transition from the additional 
 security afforded to the swimmer by the use of a 
 wooden machine as a conveyance by water, to 
 the additional surety of the obligation of one 
 man joined with another, for performance of an 
 engagement. With respect to the Greek word 
 it is evident, that the Greeks lost the original 
 appropriate term for raft; for it will be observ¬ 
 ed, that r%e$,of signifies an extemporary production, 
 any thing done quickly, without laborious exer¬ 
 tion, and simple in construction. This term seems 
 to have been applied, not literally, but meta¬ 
 phorically, to signify a raft. The word cyrnba, 
 used also by the Greeks, is not of Gaelic ori¬ 
 ginal, so far as we know; but scapha, which is 
 also the Greek word seems more naturally 
 to be derived from the sgo, sga, or sgof, which 
 last the Irish use, than from the Greek verb 
 which signifies to dig. The Gaelic verb 
 scapadh, which signifies to divide, to separate, is 
 more naturally allied to the Gaelic primitive, as 
 in its motion it divides or separates the water, 
 than the Greek The Gaelic word de¬ 
 
 notes a light slender boat, such as is called yawl 
 in English. 
 
 The navis of the Latins, and mv? of the 
 Greeks, bespeak a Gaelic original. In Gaelic, 
 snamh signifies to swim; the s in the beginning 
 of the word is often quiescent, as do snamh air 
 an linn, to swim on the pool; here the word snamh 
 js pronounced as if written nav, hence obviously, 
 
69 
 
 the Latin word navis, and the Greek may be 
 allowed to originate from the same root. Navis 
 is a generic term for any vessel that swims on 
 water, and preserves the original meaning of the 
 word whence it is derived, which is applicable 
 to any body that floats or swims on water. 
 
 Labour and industry are originally produced 
 by necessity, and improved by habit. In a coun¬ 
 try thinly peopled, where the spontaneous pro¬ 
 ductions of the earth suffice for the maintenance 
 of the inhabitants, there is no existing cause for 
 exciting any continuous exertion of industry. 
 Notions of property, in such a situation of society, 
 will be slender; a sense of right of community of 
 goods, will chiefly regulate ideas of property. As 
 soon, however, as any degree of diligence, assidu¬ 
 ity, and skill, is found necessary to be put in prac¬ 
 tice in the acquisition of food, the human mind 
 universally acknowledges a principle of natural 
 justice. This principle operates without the aid 
 of a reasoning faculty. The occupancy of a sub¬ 
 ject, which by nature is common, forms a visi¬ 
 ble connexion between the subject and the occu¬ 
 pant; et potior est conditio occupantis, is the rule 
 of nature, as well as of the civil law. This visi¬ 
 ble connexion, which is as instantaneous as sight 
 itself, is strengthened and enforced by the con¬ 
 sideration of the application of skill and indus¬ 
 try, as necessary means used to procure posses¬ 
 sion. The connexion thus formed between the 
 
70 
 
 person who bestOAVS his art and industry, and 
 the subject upon which these are bestowed, es¬ 
 tablishes a notion of exclusive property, and, 
 thenceforward, there is understood an exclusive 
 right of possession in individuals, founded in the 
 general opinion, and enforced by the united 
 strength of the community. 
 
 The Greek Avord 5 , and its corresponding 
 Latin word lucrum, signify gain, projit, earning. 
 These words imply the establishment of a right 
 of exclusive property in individuals ; for gain or 
 profit could arise only from the exchange of 
 commodities, which afforded a mutual advantage 
 to the parties, or from a reAvard for the perfor¬ 
 mance of skill or labour, by T the transmission of 
 some subject of use and advantage from one per¬ 
 son to another. The word lucrum is derived, not 
 from the verb luo, but from the Gaelic word 
 lunch, which signifies value, price. From this 
 derivation Ave may infer, that before the arrival 
 of those strangers avIio immixed Avith the more 
 ancient inhabitants of Italy, the establishment 
 of a right of exclusive property in individuals 
 took place, and consequently, that a reward for 
 the performance of skill and labour was under¬ 
 stood and enforced as a right. The Greek word 
 Ki $»5 proves the advancement of the Gael, or the 
 most ancient inhabitants of Greece, in the know¬ 
 ledge and practice of useful and mechanic arts, 
 as a trade or profession. Ceaird in the Gaelic 
 language signifies any particular manual employ - 
 
71 
 
 merit; ceard signifies an artificer or refiner of 
 metals, as orcheard, a goldsmith. Ceard is com¬ 
 monly applied to a tinker as a worker in metals; 
 any forge where metal is shaped or made into 
 form is called ceardach. The art of manufactur¬ 
 ing metals being held in the highest esteem, the 
 forger or operator in metals got the name of the 
 artist, or by way of eminence; and al¬ 
 
 though all manual employments were denominat¬ 
 ed ceaird, yet no artificer was called ceard but a 
 worker in metals. Hence, the original Gaelic 
 word modified by the introductors of a new lan¬ 
 guage into Greece, was retained to express gain 
 or prof t, which, by a natural metonymy, was ap¬ 
 plying the name of the art from whence gain or 
 profit arose, to signify the gain or profit which 
 was the produce of the art itself. It may be ob¬ 
 served, however, that a smith is not called ceard; 
 the word was applied to a forger of gold, silver, 
 or brass, and not of iron, a metal whose use and 
 value was not so early discovered as were those 
 of the other metals. We submit it to be a fair 
 conclusion, that prior to the arrival of those 
 strangers, who carried along with them a new 
 language, of which and of the language of the 
 more ancient inhabitants, that known by the 
 name of the Greek language was composed, the 
 ancient inhabitants had arrived at a considerable 
 degree of knowledge of useful arts, which may, 
 we apprehend, be reasonably inferred from the 
 use of a term that denoted a forger and polisher of 
 
72 
 
 metals, who was held in high estimation, as pro¬ 
 ducing works deemed eminently useful and 
 greatly instrumental to the convenience of so¬ 
 ciety. 
 
 Marriage. 
 
 Marriage is an institution which is founded 
 in nature. The natural union of the sexes produ¬ 
 ces not necessarily that permanence of connexion 
 which is denominated marriage among civilized 
 nations. The degree of permanence attached to 
 that institution varies in different climates, and 
 in different stages of society in the same climate. 
 It is governed by ideas of policy, enforced by the 
 sanction of religious duty. The definition of 
 marriage as given in the civil law, points out the 
 natural foundation of the union in the words 
 mavis et femince conjunctio. To a mere natural 
 man it required no further description of its pro¬ 
 perties; but to describe the institution as esta¬ 
 blished among men possessed of exclusive pro¬ 
 perty, the preservation or the increase of which 
 require the joint care of a male and female having 
 a common mutual interest in making provision 
 for themselves and their common offspring or 
 family, the definition must include other circum- 
 
73 
 
 stances of mutual importance; and therefore it 
 justly adds, consortium omnis vitre, divini ac humani 
 juris communicatio. It consists not only of the 
 natural conjunction of a male and female, it is 
 also a partnership in life, and a communication 
 of all laws or rights, human and divine. 
 
 A superstitious attachment to imaginary deities 
 has been found to prevail universally among 
 mankind, in the earliest stages of society. Reli¬ 
 gious opinions, from whatever source derived, 
 were, by the policy of statesmen, in supersti¬ 
 tious ages, ever used as instruments for giving- 
 stability to civil institutions of the first impor¬ 
 tance, influencing mankind to submit to rules 
 of regular polity and social order. 
 
 Marriage was one of those early institutions, 
 where the civil union was cemented by an equal 
 union of religious interests : The observance of 
 the civil duties prescribed by that institution, 
 entitled both parties to the favour and protection 
 of the superior deities, who were the objects of 
 their adoration and worship. The definition of 
 the Roman law may therefore be admitted to 
 apply justly to that institution, as established 
 among all nations acquainted with the right of 
 possession and enjoyment of exclusive property. 
 
 Cecrops is said to have introduced marriage 
 into Attica. Before his time it is said, that the 
 Athenians had no idea of conjugal union; that 
 the children who were the offspring of the irre¬ 
 gular commerce of the sexes, not knowing who 
 
74 
 
 were their fathers, knew only their mothers, 
 whose names they bore. This account of the 
 condition of the sexes is consistent with a fabu¬ 
 lous story told of the contention which took 
 place between Minerva and Neptune respecting 
 the name of the city of Athens, when Cecrops 
 began to build the walls by which it was to be 
 surrounded. Cecrops, in order to decide this 
 important business, assembled all his subjects, 
 women as well as men, for the women enjoyed 
 in common with the men a right of suffrage in 
 all public deliberations. The point in dispute, 
 it is said, was carried in favour of Minerva by 
 a majority of one voice, which was that of a 
 woman. That the exercise of such rights may 
 have been understood, by the usage of the people 
 of Greece at some remote period of their history, 
 to belong to the female sex, is not improbable; 
 as we have well authenticated accounts of such 
 practices having prevailed amongst the ancient 
 inhabitants of Europe. A wise legislator in mak¬ 
 ing regulations, whether of a political or civil 
 nature, will pay regard to the opinions and man¬ 
 ners of the people who are to be affected by 
 them. It will appear, that in Cecrops’ time the 
 women in Attica had lost their political import¬ 
 ance. Neptune having been offended at the 
 preference given to Minerva, had ravaged Attica 
 by a great flood of water. In order to appease 
 the angry deity of the watery element, it was 
 resolved by the Athenian people, that for the 
 
75 
 
 future women should not be admitted into the 
 assemblies of the people, and that no child should 
 henceforward be permitted to bear the name of 
 the mother but that of the father. That a prince 
 of the name of Cecrops may have arrived at great 
 power and respect among the Athenians, and 
 that he may have framed different regulations 
 respecting institutions both political and civil, 
 there can be no reason for calling in question; but 
 that by bis authority the influence of the female 
 sex was at once subverted, and the union of the 
 sexes, which, prior to his time, is said to have 
 been promiscuous and irregular, was at once ren¬ 
 dered the conjugal union of one male and one fe¬ 
 male, are relations of important facts not consis¬ 
 tent with the influence of inveterate habits and 
 usages, which are to be abolished, not by the 
 sudden dictates of stern authority, but by a gra¬ 
 dual alteration of opinions and manners, which 
 take place among a people from a change of ex¬ 
 ternal circumstances, to which they find it agree¬ 
 able to convenience, prudence, and wisdom, to 
 bend and accommodate themselves. For this 
 change, then, the Athenian people were, in the 
 time of Cecrops, prepared by the circumstances 
 of their situation in society. 
 
 “ Before Cecrops, if we may believe traditions 
 “ very generally received in the polished ages, 
 “ the people of Attica were, in knowledge and 
 “ civilization, below the wildest savages disco- 
 “ vered in modern times. The most necessary 
 
76 
 
 “ arts, and the most indispensable regulations of 
 “ society, were unknown to them. Marriage was- 
 “ introduced by Cecrops ; the culture of corn is 
 “ said to have been of later date. But the colo- 
 “ nies from Egypt, Phoenicia, and Thrace, quick- 
 “ ly made the Atticans a new people. At a pe- 
 “ riod far beyond connected history, we find all 
 “ the principal oriental tenets and maxims of 
 “ society firmly established among them. Mar- 
 “ riage was a high honour; virginity respectable ; 
 “ infidelity in a wife deeply disgraceful; poly- 
 “ gamy unknown, but concubinage for a hus- 
 “ band as lawful as it was common ; bastardy no 
 “ stain upon children ; divorces little heard of.”* 
 Whether Cecrops was a native Greek or an 
 Egyptian, is an unsettled point among the learn¬ 
 ed. We learn from the respectable testimonies 
 of Herodotus and Thucydides, that the Atheni¬ 
 ans were very early a mixed people. The belief 
 of Gods and the practice of religious ceremonies, 
 were, in the time of Herodotus, so similar both 
 in Egypt and in Greece, that early emigrations 
 of Egyptian colonies into Greece could not be 
 entertained as a matter of doubt by the venera¬ 
 ble historians of that country. We learn from 
 them, that Attica was that province of Greece 
 in which the earliest progress was made towards 
 civilization. The situation of Attica was render¬ 
 ed strong by nature; its form was nearly penin- 
 
 * Mitford’s History of Greece, ch. i. sect. 3. 
 
77 
 
 sular: The security which the natives derived 
 from the natural barriers which it presented 
 against invasion, drew towards it a conflux of 
 inhabitants from other parts of Greece. This 
 state of superior population required industry to 
 support it. The soil being barren and rocky, 
 rendered laborious exertion more necessary; and 
 consequently regulations respecting the secu¬ 
 rity of exclusive property must have taken 
 place very early in that Athenian province of 
 Greece;* and marriage, which is an institution 
 strictly connected with exclusive property, must 
 have been very early subjected to definite rules 
 regulating the conduct and ascertaining the con¬ 
 dition of the sexes. At what period of time 
 Egyptian or Phoenician colonies first visited 
 Greece, and mixed with the ancient inhabitants, 
 is a fact with regard to which historical record 
 affords no satisfaction. We cannot, however, 
 admit, that before the arrival of such colonies 
 the more ancient inhabitants were inferior in 
 knowledge and civilization to the wildest sav¬ 
 ages discovered in modern times; on the con¬ 
 trary, we are of opinion, that a portion of the 
 more ancient inhabitants migrated westward in 
 the pastoral state of society, and therefore were 
 acquainted with the usages known commonly to 
 prevail among mankind in that progressive stage 
 of social existence. Among such, the institution 
 
 * Thucyd. 1. i. c. c. 
 
78 
 
 of marriage is found to prevail under different mo¬ 
 difications, according to the circumstances of their 
 condition. The union of the sexes may be said 
 to be either an object of mere passion, or of simple 
 convenience, or of passion and convenience unit¬ 
 ed : When it comes to be established as an insti¬ 
 tution, it is subjected to rules, and receives a 
 name different from the mere congress of irre¬ 
 gular passion. This name proves the establish¬ 
 ment of a connexion of a more permanent nature, 
 which is calculated to procure the gratification 
 of convenience and passion united. The agri¬ 
 cultural mode of life seems best adapted to con¬ 
 nect most closely parents and children. The 
 children are continually affording aid, and con¬ 
 tributing to the support of the family; the inte¬ 
 rests of parents and children are linked together; 
 attachments gather strength by mutuality of 
 good offices. How far the more ancient inhabi- 
 tants of Attica were advanced in agricultural 
 knowledge, we will not pretend to offer any con¬ 
 jecture ; that, however, they were, before the days 
 of Cecrops, acquainted with the institution of 
 marriage, the Gaelic and Greek languages fur¬ 
 nish what we deem satisfactory evidence. The 
 Greek language expresses a married man or hus¬ 
 band by two words, y*ftt and 7T0$tg, The first is 
 not Gaelic, and may be supposed to be the word 
 introduced by the Eg)ptian or Phoenician colo¬ 
 nies who mixed with the ancient inhabitants; 
 the other is Gaelic: Pos is to marry; posam, I 
 
79 
 
 marry; posadh, marriage ; and posda is viarried. 
 It is curious to observe, that neither the Latins, 
 the Welsh, nor the Armoricans, have preserved 
 that most ancient word for marriage ; it is known 
 only among the Gael of Scotland and Ireland, 
 who never had any communication with the 
 Greeks who might have visited the island of 
 Albion or Britain. n«<? in Greek signifies a male 
 or female child; so does paisd in Gaelic bear the 
 same signification. 
 
 Rota. Cuneus. 
 
 That all those mechanical arts which are con¬ 
 sidered among a refined people to be necessary 
 towards rendering life in a tolerable degree com¬ 
 fortable, were known to the Gael, and practised 
 by them in any high degree of perfection before 
 the Romans became acquainted with them in the 
 island of Britain, we will not take upon us to 
 affirm. That, however, they had acquired a con¬ 
 siderable degree of knowledge of the most neces¬ 
 sary and useful mechanical arts, while they were 
 as yet the only inhabitants of that country which 
 in after times became so illustrious in the annals 
 of history, we think may be admitted, without 
 being subject to the charge of forming a rash 
 
 i 
 
80 
 
 conclusion, unsupported by evidence sufficient to 
 obtain any degree of credit. Among the proud 
 epithets of Victores Orbis , and Rerum Domini , 
 which the Romans bestowed on, themselves, we 
 find that they esteemed their Trojan descent as 
 matter of renown, antiqua Teucrorum stirpe creati. 
 How far their belief of a Trojan extraction was 
 founded in truth, it is not easy to ascertain. 
 Their traditionary accounts may, however, be 
 entitled to credit, so far as to intimate opinions 
 held by their learned men, with respect to the 
 arrival of a foreign people of a different race from 
 the more ancient inhabitants of Italy. These 
 eastern emigrants, who mixed with the ancient 
 inhabitants, introduced the knowledge of a lan¬ 
 guage, of institutions, arts, and usages, with 
 which the more ancient inhabitants were unac¬ 
 quainted. The superior knowledge of the former 
 in those arts and institutions which are under¬ 
 stood to meliorate the condition of mankind, 
 excluded not that vanity and admiration which 
 the human mind more fondly indulges in heroic 
 ages, in tracing descent from an illustrious an¬ 
 cestry, the Romans were proud to ascribe their 
 virtues and renown to a race of people rendered 
 conspicuous in the traditionary memorials of an¬ 
 cient story. 
 
 Before the arrival of those eastern strangers, 
 who might be supposed to have imported new 
 lights into Italy, and to have improved the state 
 and condition of its ruder inhabitants, we have 
 
 3 
 
81 
 
 reason to be of opinion, that these, however, 
 were not destitute of a knowledge of institutions 
 and arts’of the first necessity to political society. 
 
 Of the five principal mechanical powers, or 
 simple machines, the Romans were indebted for 
 the names of two of them, at least, to the Gaelic 
 language. The wedge is called in Gaelic geinn ; 
 the Latins, in place of saying geinnius, pronoun¬ 
 ced cuneus ; and the roth of the Gael, which sig¬ 
 nifies wheel , they formed into rota. The use of 
 these words prove, that the invention of the me¬ 
 chanical powers so denominated was known to 
 the ancient inhabitants of Italy before the arrival 
 of those eastern people, who moulded the more 
 ancient language of Italy, so far as it was retain¬ 
 ed by them, into a shape and fashion more agree¬ 
 able to the genius and flexion of the language 
 spoken by themselves. 
 
 That the knowledge of the wheel and axle was 
 familiar to the Gael, is put beyond the possibility 
 of doubt, by the testimonies of all the ancient 
 Roman and Greek writers who give account of 
 the Roman military transactions in Britain. By 
 these historians the chariots of the Britons are 
 described by the following names: Benna, peto- 
 rltum , currus or carries, covinus, essedum , and 
 rheda. 
 
 F 
 
82 
 
 Arithmetic. 
 
 “ WE have very little intelligence about the orb 
 “ gin and invention of Arithmetic; history nei- 
 “ ther fixes the author nor the time.”* 
 
 Knowledge of numbers could merit the name 
 of science only among a people who had made 
 considerable progress in those arts which admi¬ 
 nister to the conveniences and comforts of life. 
 
 Mankind must have had very early occasion 
 to communicate to one another intelligence of 
 numbers. The first operations of the human 
 mind in forming the elementary basis of the 
 science of arithmetic, it may be deemed impos¬ 
 sible precisely to ascertain. The means, how¬ 
 ever, originally used by man’s inventive genius 
 in the formation of this necessary art, are not 
 altogether so much enveloped in darkness as to 
 exclude every ray of light. We can hardly con¬ 
 ceive any portion of the human race to be placed 
 so much on a level with the brute creation, and 
 so destitute of those powers and faculties which 
 we find the least instructed part of the human 
 species to possess in civilized society, as not to 
 
 , * Chalmers’ Dictionary, voce Arithmetic. 
 
83 
 
 be able to form an idea of an assemblage of units, 
 more or less limited in quantity or number. 
 
 We find that all nations, even the most rude 
 and simple, are acquainted with names to denote 
 numbers. To form a distinct idea of a unit, or 
 of an assemblage of units, must precede the ex¬ 
 istence of the art of counting in the most limited 
 degree. To assign names to the ideas so form¬ 
 ed, was making a most important acquisition of 
 means to be employed in forming the scale which 
 leads to the perfection of arithmetical science. 
 To express a unit, or a definite quantity or as¬ 
 semblage of numbers, by distinct and appropriate 
 names, was the first effort of inventive genius, 
 in laying the basis of the science of arithmetic. 
 
 The scale of computation would, among a rude 
 people, be very limited and imperfect. Every 
 distinct object, however, must naturally produce 
 in the mind an idea of unity; an assemblage of 
 objects, distinctly perceived, would naturally pro¬ 
 duce an idea of different unities, which, when 
 moving together, as a herd of deer, a flock of 
 birds, a body of men, would necessarily raise in 
 the mind an idea of quantity or number. Parti¬ 
 cular modifications of sound denoting a unit, and 
 definite combinations of units, may be presumed 
 to have been nearly coeval with the elementary 
 sounds which form the basis of language. 
 
 The operation of numeration would most natu¬ 
 rally, at first, be carried on by means of the fin 
 gers. As it is certain that rude tribes of mankind 
 
84 
 
 use much gesture to supply the want of language, 
 it is natural to suppose, that mankind universal¬ 
 ly, in a rude state, made use of their fingers as 
 signs of numbers, by referring to them, pointing 
 to them separately, or exhibiting them in certain 
 positions, before names were invented to denote 
 numbers to the amount of the fingers of one or 
 of both hands. If, then, the fingers were origi- 
 ginally used, as the readiest and most naiural 
 signs of arithmetical calculations, it is natural to 
 conclude, that such calculations would, in the 
 infancy of the art, be carried on b y Jives, and not 
 by tens. The truth of this conclusion may be 
 supposed to be entirely beyond the reach of any 
 species of evidence that can afford even a small 
 degree of satisfaction to the mind. 
 
 A penury of ideas and scantiness of expression 
 are natural concomitants. The knowledge of a 
 a rude, compared with that of a civilized people, 
 must be very limited. The scale of computation 
 of numbers would, like all other arts known to a 
 rude people, be extremely circumscribed and im¬ 
 perfect. We have accounts of nations who have 
 no distinct names for numbers beyond three.*' 
 That very ingenious and learned author, M. Go- 
 guet, is of opinion, that the ten fingers of a man’s 
 hands furnished the first species of instrument 
 for counting numbers. This opinion he fortifies 
 by the usage of all civilized nations. He ob- 
 
 * Goguet, Arithmetique. 
 
85 
 
 serves, that the Greeks originally counted by 
 Jives, and that, according to the authority of Plu¬ 
 tarch and i he lexicographers, the Greeks, for the 
 words to count or to calculate, had no other term 
 th in in{*7rxfytv, which literally signifies to count 
 by Jives. 
 
 That the fingers were very early used as in¬ 
 struments of numerical computation, cannot be 
 doubted. Although we find, that many rude na¬ 
 tions have assigned no distinct names for num¬ 
 bers regularly to the extent of the number of the 
 ten fingers of one’s hands, but that their scale of 
 numeration was limited to three, four, or five; 
 yet it is certain, that among nations advanced in 
 civilization, and living in a state of society where 
 the energies of the human mind have been called 
 into exertion by those new objects and varied 
 circumstances which arise from commercial inter¬ 
 course, distinct names have ever been found to 
 be appropriated to all the numbers of which the 
 fingers consist. 
 
 Arithmetic is said to have passed from Asia 
 into Egypt, where it. was cultivated and improv¬ 
 ed : That from Egypt the Greeks derived their 
 knowledge of that science : That from the 
 Greeks it was transmitted with great improve¬ 
 ments to the Romans, by whom it was communi¬ 
 cated to the European nations. 
 
 If the Greeks derived their knowledge of arith- 
 metic from the Egyptians, it is to be presumed 
 that they would, either in part or in whole, have 
 
86 
 
 adopted the names which the Egyptians had 
 used to express the different numbers of which 
 their scale consisted. 
 
 That the Greeks were indebted to the Egyp¬ 
 tians for their improvement in arithmetical 
 science, as well as in other arts and sciences, 
 authors of the best credit have afforded sufficient 
 testimony. That, however, the Greeks derived 
 the rudiments of the science of arithmetic from 
 Egypt, we offer our reasons for not admitting. 
 
 At what period of time the Greeks had their 
 earliest communication with the Egyptians, it is, 
 we believe, impossible to ascertain. One propo¬ 
 sition, however, we will venture to maintain, 
 that if the Egyptians and the earliest inhabitants 
 of Greece were not the same people, identified 
 by language and manners, the inhabitants of 
 Greece were in a considerable degree acquainted 
 with the science of numbers before they had any 
 intercourse with the Egyptians. 
 
 Among the many proofs which the Greek and 
 Roman languages furnish, that the Gael were 
 progenitors of the Greeks and Romans, the Greek, 
 Latin, and Gaelic names for numbers, the regular 
 series and order pf the appropriate numerical 
 terms as used in each language, the mode of com¬ 
 pulation to the greatest extent of those numeri¬ 
 cal appropriate terms, concur in establishing the 
 original identity of the earliest inhabitants of 
 those countries known in latter times by the 
 names of Greece and Italy. 
 
87 
 
 The similarity of the words used to denote 
 arithmetical numbers by the Greeks, Romans, 
 and Gael, furnishes matter of curious remark, 
 and tends forcibly to establish the truth of the 
 proposition, that the Gael were in possession of 
 the names, and had practised the use of all the 
 arithmetical numbers known to the Greeks and 
 Romans, while the Gael were as yet the unmixed 
 inhabitants of Gteece and Italy. 
 
 Let the names of the Greek and Latin num¬ 
 bers be compared with those of the Gaelic and 
 Welsh languages. We shall take the neuter gen¬ 
 der of the learned languages. 
 
 Gaelic. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Welsh. 
 
 1. Aon. 
 
 Unum. 
 
 'Ey. 
 
 Un. 
 
 2. Do or da. 
 
 Duo. 
 
 A uo. 
 
 Dau. 
 
 3. Tri. 
 
 Tria. 
 
 T gtx. 
 
 Tri. 
 
 4. Cetlier. 
 
 Qualuor. 
 
 T icnra^ct, 
 
 Att. Ttr\cc(>ci. 
 
 Peduar. 
 
 5. Cuaec coec.Quinque. 
 
 TUy.7n or mvrt. 
 
 Pimp. 
 
 6. Sia. 
 
 Sex. 
 
 'e|. 
 
 Ciiuech. 
 
 7- Seehc. 
 
 Septem. 
 
 E 7rroc. 
 
 Sailh. 
 
 8. Ochc. 
 
 Octo. 
 
 Oxtoi. 
 
 Uilli. 
 
 9. Naogh. 
 
 Novem. 
 
 Em*. 
 
 Nan. 
 
 10. Dec. 
 
 Decern. 
 
 A vex. 
 
 Deg. 
 
 11. Aondec. 
 
 Undecim. 
 
 E vciiXX. 
 
 Un ar deg. 
 
 12. Dodec or 
 
 Dadec. 
 
 Duodecim. 
 
 bkuhixst. 
 
 Dau deg. 
 
 13. Tridec. 
 
 Tredecim. 
 
 T ^ttrxcci^ixec. 
 
 Tri ar deg. 
 
 14. Cetherdec. 
 
 Quatuordecim. AsxxTtixfx^if. 
 
 Peduar ar deg. 
 
88 
 
 Gaelic. Latin. Greek. Welsh. 
 
 15. Cuaeedec. Quindecim. Atxuirivrz. Pim deg. 
 
 16'. Siadec. Sedecim. Ekkchi^zkcc. Un ar pim deg. 
 
 1 J. Sechcdec. Septendecim. JL7rrctx.z3sz.ei. Dau ar pim deg. 
 18. Ochcdec. Octodecim. Oxroxz3sxz. Dau nau. 
 
 10- Naoghdec. Novemdecim. Evnzxz3zxz. Peduararpimdeg. 
 20. Fighid. Viginli. Eixost. Ygen. 
 
 The similarity of the names used to denote 
 numbers, as expressed in these four languages, 
 is obvious. It may, however, be said, that no 
 conclusive argument can thence be drawn, that 
 the Gaelic language furnished the original radi¬ 
 cal words by which these numbers were ex¬ 
 pressed. On the contrary, it may be argued, 
 that as the Latin language is a dialect of the 
 Greek, to this language the Latin was indebted 
 for the names of numbers; and that from the 
 Romans the ancient Britons, and consequently 
 the Gael of Scotland and Ireland, derived their 
 names for arithmetical numbers. 
 
 It would be rash to admit this view of the 
 matter, even if the Gaelic language itself did 
 not afford the most satisfactory internal evidence 
 of the truth of our proposition. 
 
 The most natural and obvious signs of numbers 
 are the fingers, and, as already observed, numera¬ 
 tion by Jives appears to be the method most 
 natural to be put in practice among a simple 
 people, whose conceptions of arithmetical com¬ 
 putation must be confined within narrow limits. 
 
89 
 
 Accordingly we find, that numeration by fives 
 was actually the method practised by the Gael 
 prior to their invention of names for the num¬ 
 bers of a more extended scale of computation. 
 What the meaning of the four first names used 
 for the numbers 12 3 4, was, or from what 
 source arose the different articulation and modi¬ 
 fication of their sounds, we must acknowledge 
 our entire ignorance. The word denoting the 
 number five, however, is clearly a compound of 
 two Gaelic words, cua and ec, the one signifying 
 round, and the other a nick or notch.* These 
 two words inform us, that when the fingers 
 were used as the signs of numbers, at the com¬ 
 pletion of every number five the fingers were 
 drawn inwardly towards the palm of the hand, 
 by which operation the hand assumed a round 
 form or shape, which exhibited a visible sign of 
 the completion of the number five ; and as the 
 
 * In Gaelic all words beginning with cua are expressive of 
 roundness; as cual, a bundle of sticks or fagots; cuan, the 
 ocean; hence the Greek exsavo?, and the Latin oceanus, as it 
 appears to be bounded by the horizon, which to the eye forms 
 a circle: Cualean, a mode of tying the hair round the head: 
 Cuacli, a round wooden cup: Cuart, circuit. kvxXo;, composed 
 of cua, round, and cut, back, a circle which presents in all po¬ 
 sitions a round back, suwmitas in curvamiae arcus. The cir- 
 culus of the Latin is the circul or rear nil of I he Gael, which is 
 used to signify a hoop, zone, or girdle; cua rinn cruinn, round ; 
 hence, corona, xo^uvx, cuartag. an eddy wind or whirlpool, 
 &c. Cuairtghao, Circium of the Gauls, as pronounced by the 
 Romans, &c. 
 
90 
 
 people were ignorant of the art of characterizing 
 numbers by written figures, ihey made a nick or 
 notch in a piece of wood, to serve as a permanent 
 sign of the number Jive. Having run over the 
 fingers of one hand, they again commenced a 
 similar operation on the fingers of the other 
 hand, and when arrived at the completion of the 
 second number Jive, a second nick or incision 
 was made, wmch denoted the number ten. Ac¬ 
 cordingly it is curious to find, that in the Gaelic 
 language the number ten is a compound of two 
 words, do and ec, which literally signify two 
 nicks. After having arrived at the decimal num¬ 
 ber, they said aondec, which is one ten, but lite¬ 
 rally expresses one two nicks. 
 
 The etymon of eight of the ten numbers we can¬ 
 not satisfactorily trace, but the numbers Jive and. 
 ten are significant compounds, as above explained. 
 We were favoured by a very learned and res¬ 
 pectable author, * with the perusal of a letter 
 to him from MrThorkelin, on the subject of the 
 Icelandic and Greenland languages, who says, 
 “ They have only five numerals, for instance, 
 “ attaniek, one ; arlek, two ; pinganjreak, three ; 
 “ siffamat, Jour ; tellimat, Jive. They count on 
 ec their fingers, and when they come to six, they 
 • { say, again one, again two, &c. Beginning with 
 “ the eleventh, they say, again one of the toes of 
 “ the right foot, &c. and arriving at sixteen, use 
 
 * Lord Monboddo. 
 
91 
 
 u is made of, again one of the toes of the left foot. 
 “ Thus they count twenty , which they call a 
 “ whole man; forty, two men; sixty, three men,'' 
 & c. 
 
 Beyond ten the Greeks and the Romans, regu¬ 
 larly preserving the Gaelic mode of numeration, 
 the Greeks less so, (in their numbers fourteen , 
 fifteen, they said ten-four, tenfive,) prefixed in 
 their order the numbers one, two, See. to the num¬ 
 ber ten, till they arrived at the number twenty; 
 for which they all had a word of a different con¬ 
 struction and termination from the other num¬ 
 bers, all of which comprehended, and articulately 
 expressed the number ten. 
 
 By attending to the different words expressing 
 the numerals, as used by the Greeks and Ro¬ 
 mans, compared with those of the Gael, it is 
 evident that the Romans departed least from the 
 original language. 
 
 If the Gael were the earliest inhabitants of 
 the country of Greece, and that they had not 
 suffered a total extermination, traces of their 
 language would naturally remain among the 
 mixed inhabitants of that country. According¬ 
 ly we find, in the languages of both ancient 
 Greece and Italy, the most satisfactory proof of 
 two facts ; That in both countries a foreign 
 people had immixed with the original inhabi¬ 
 tants ; 2 dly, That those foreigners had not only 
 introduced new words, but altered the modifica¬ 
 tion and pronunciation of the language of the 
 
9 2 
 
 natives ; and in place of following the mode of 
 inflection of the original language of the ancient 
 inhabitants, they accommodated the old lan¬ 
 guage to the genius and inflection of their own 
 language; and this was chiefly done by adding 
 the common terminations of the words of their 
 own language to the retained words of the old 
 inhabitants. Hence the Latins, in place of ad¬ 
 hering simply to the cuaec of the Gael, added tie 
 to the original word, and softened cuaecue into 
 quinque. Instead of sechcem, they said septem ; 
 ochco they pronounced octo ; naogh , (the gh are 
 pronounced like y in the English yon, yonder, yes, 
 &c.) instead of saying noyem, they pronounced 
 novem ; and to dec they added the termination 
 em, which makes decent.- It is unnecessary to 
 observe, that the letter c was pronounced like k 
 by the Latins. 
 
 The word denoting twenty is Iso the Gaelic 
 word Jighid; to this word they added the vowel 
 i, and softened the pronunciation of jighidi into 
 yiginti. The f and y are commutable letters. 
 The same mode of pronunciation is observable in 
 the word ced, which signifies a hundred. In place 
 of saying cedum or cetum , (the letters d and t are 
 commulable) they introduced the liquid conso¬ 
 nant n, and pronounced centum. To the word 
 mil, which signifies a thousand in Gaelic, they 
 added the vowel e, and pronounced mille. 
 
 We have, as noticed in another place, the testi¬ 
 mony of Herodotus, that in his time a barbarous 
 
93 
 
 language was spoken in a part of the country 
 which was latterly comprehended in the general 
 name of Greece, which language none of the 
 Greeks understood. As the people of Creslona 
 and Placia remained unmixed, they preserved, it 
 may be presumed, the ancient language of the 
 whole country; while the old language of the 
 other parts of Greece had undergone such altera¬ 
 tions by the influx of strangers, as to alter materi¬ 
 ally its form and structure, and render it unintel¬ 
 ligible to the remnant of the ancient inhabitants. 
 Whether this change was produced by emigra¬ 
 tions from Egypt or from Asia Minor, it is not 
 easy to ascertain. It is certain, however, that it 
 was received as traditionary history by the best 
 informed Greek authors, that the Pelasgians, who 
 were an Asiatic people, had passed the Hellespont, 
 and immixed themselves with the ancient inhabi¬ 
 tants of the countries known by the names of 
 Macedonia, Thrace, Mtesia, Illyria, Greece and 
 Italy, on both sides the Adriatic Sea, and the 
 countries as far west as the Alps. In all these 
 countries the Greek language, or dialects of that 
 language, were spoken, long prior to the exist¬ 
 ence of any written historical accounts of Greece. 
 Thessaly was particularly denominated Pelasgia ; 
 which name was understood also in the sense of 
 some authors to apply to all Greece. A matter of 
 fact which proves, that at some remote period, of 
 which history furnishes no distinct account, a nu¬ 
 merous people, speaking a copious, improved and 
 
94 
 
 cultivated language, and acquainted, it may be 
 fairly inferred, in a considerable degree, with those 
 arts which characterize an ingenious and civilized, 
 people, had spread over these countries, had 
 penetrated into Greece and Italy, and, with their 
 language, communicated to the ancient inhabi¬ 
 tants, in a higher degree of perfection, know¬ 
 ledge of the arts of life, and quickened their pro¬ 
 gress towards that stage of society, in which the 
 relative duties which mankind owe to each other, 
 and their intellectual and moral faculties, are in 
 the most distinguished manner developed and 
 put in practice. 
 
 It may be admitted, that the Greeks were 
 much indebted to the Egyptians for their im¬ 
 provement in arts and sciences. This may be 
 presumed from their intercourse with Egypt, a 
 country whose inhabitants had very early arrived 
 at a high pitch of civilization, and were so su- 
 pereminent in the estimation of very ancient na¬ 
 tions for their knowledge in arts and sciences, 
 that to be skilled in the learning of the Egyp¬ 
 tians was deemed the highest perfection of wis¬ 
 dom. 
 
 That the Greek language, however, had de¬ 
 rived its origin, form, and structure, from Egyp¬ 
 tian colonies, is a proposition which appears not 
 to receive support from the natural progress of 
 the population of Europe, and its relative situa¬ 
 tion with respect to that eastern portion of the 
 
95 
 
 globe which first exhibited the existence of great 
 states and empires. 
 
 Thjl Asia Minor, if not the first country whose 
 inhabitants had arrived at a high state of im¬ 
 provement and civilization, had in very ancient 
 times risen to eminence as a seat of inquiry and 
 literature, is admitted by the learned.* Its vi¬ 
 cinity to that portion of European territory, 
 which, at an early period, a great body of people 
 speaking the Greek language inhabited; the in¬ 
 tercourse which, from the relative situation of 
 the countries on both sides of the Hellespont, 
 would naturally take place between the inhabi¬ 
 tants of each; the easy transition of the inhabi¬ 
 tants of the one into the other country,—are cir¬ 
 cumstances which leave no room for doubt, that 
 migrations from Asia Minor into Europe took 
 place long prior to the establishment of cities, 
 or to a knowledge of that more complicated po¬ 
 lity, the natural result of the increase of popula¬ 
 tion, which makes it not only expedient but ne¬ 
 cessary for a pastoral people to quit their wan¬ 
 dering mode of life, and betake themselves to 
 the cultivation of those arts which render the 
 earth more productive, and secure means of sub¬ 
 sistence proportioned to the greater multiplica¬ 
 tion of the human species. 
 
 The sweetness of climate and fertility of soil 
 of Asia Minor, were favourable to an early in- 
 
 See Tiedeman on the Spirit of Speculative Philosophy. 
 
90 
 
 crease of population, and consequently to the 
 more early organization of civil society. The 
 situation of the inhabitants of that delightful 
 country, with respect to commercial intercourse 
 with the old nations of the east and south, fa¬ 
 voured the communication of intelligence of the 
 arts and sciences known to them ; thence is to 
 be deduced the more early establishment of poli¬ 
 tical liberty, and the more early existence of a 
 spirit of literary and philosophical inquiry in 
 Asia Minor than in Europe. 
 
 Such a fund of universal knowledge and mul¬ 
 tiplied ideas as was possessed by and influenced 
 the manners of the people of that Asiatic country, 
 was retained through the medium of those con¬ 
 ventional significant signs which were commu¬ 
 nicated to the mind by a highly improved and 
 copious language. To that Asiatic people is 
 chiefly, if not wholly due, the honour of having 
 reared that admirable monument of art, which has 
 so eminently raised the reputation of the capabi¬ 
 lities of the human mind,—the Greek language. 
 
 To the communication of this language, and 
 to the intercourse of the people by whom it was 
 spoken with the ancient inhabitants of those 
 countries lying immediately to the westward of 
 the Hellespont, are to be ascribed the more early 
 improvements in civilization, arts and sciences, 
 of the inhabitants of Greece, and afterwards of 
 those of Italy, than of the inhabitants of any 
 other parts of the European quarter of the globe. 
 
 1 
 
97 
 
 An improved language is, in the case of an un¬ 
 mixed people, the spontaneous fruit of many ages. 
 The progress of society in the acquisition of new 
 ideas, is slow and imperceptible. The same ob¬ 
 servation applies to language. The space of time 
 required in the formation of such a wonderful 
 fabric of art as the Greek language, admits not 
 of any precise calculation. It may however be 
 affirmed with safety, that a highly refined and 
 copious language furnishes an indubitable test 
 of a refined people possessing, in a high degree, 
 knowledge of most important truths, respecting 
 the operations of the physical anti moral world. 
 
 Indian tribes of America, living in the vicinity 
 of English settlers, may, in the course of time, by 
 means of commercial intercourse, or settlements 
 made among them, acquire a knowledge and 
 adopt the use of the English language, prior to 
 their complete adoption ot the manners of the 
 more civilized English people. It is impossible, 
 however, that a composition of so much art as a 
 copious and refined language exhibits, could have 
 grown up among any people with that rapidity 
 which the mind is capable of displaying in the 
 acquisition of a foreign language. 
 
 Although it may be admitted, that the Greeks 
 at the time of the Trojan war spoke the Greek lan¬ 
 guage in a state of high perfection, it cannot be 
 reasonably thence concluded, that it was the pro¬ 
 duction of the Grecian people living in that state 
 of society represented in the works of Homer; 
 
 o 
 
98 
 
 consequently, the formation and perfection,of 
 that language ought to be ascribed to a nation 
 as far advanced in the knowledge of arts and 
 sciences, as were the Greeks perhaps at any pe¬ 
 riod of their history. 
 
 “ La Grece,” says Condorcet, “ avoit, recu des 
 “ peoples de l’Orient leurs arts, one partie de 
 “ leurs connoissance, l’usage de l’ecriture al- 
 “ phabetique, et leur systeme religieux ; mais 
 “ c’etoit par l’effet des communications etahlies 
 “ entre elle et ces peuples, par des exiles, qui 
 “ avoient cherche un asile dans la Grece, par des 
 “ Grecs voyageurs, qui avoient rapporte de 
 “ l’Orient des lumieres et des erreurs “ Cepen- 
 “ dant ces mernes homraes cultivoient avec suc- 
 “ ces la geometrie et l’astromonie. La Grece leur 
 “ dut les premieres elemens de ces sciences, et 
 “ meme quelques verites nouvelles, ou du moins 
 “ la connoissance de ce\ks qu’ils avoient rappor-* 
 “ te'es de fOrient, non comme de croyances eta- 
 “ blies, mais commes des theories, dont ils con- 
 <£ noissoient les principes et le preuves.”* 
 
 Letters, it is said, were introduced into Greece 
 by Cadmus about fifteen hundred years before the 
 Christian era. The population of Greece was so 
 great, and their knowledge of the arts of life so 
 considerable, four or five centuries before the 
 Trojan war, which happened about twelve hun- 
 
 * Esquisse d’un Tableau Historique de Progres de l’esprit 
 H umain. 
 
99 
 
 dred years before the Christian era, that a cer¬ 
 tain portion of the people practising- various me¬ 
 chanic arts, had in different parts of Greece con¬ 
 centrated into collective bodies, by fixing their 
 residence in towns or cities, for the mutual bene¬ 
 fit and accommodation of themselves and of the 
 productive occupants of the soil, which was to 
 furnish the means of subsistence for the whole 
 body of the people in the several departments of 
 their social intercourse; yet, it is to be observed, 
 that even at the time of the Trojan war, that 
 memorable epoch of Grecian story, the Greeks 
 exhibited not a picture of refined manners ; a 
 mixture of generous heroism and vindictive bar¬ 
 barity formed the prominent feature of their 
 character, which raises in the mind a mixed sen¬ 
 sation of admiration and regret. It is hardly to 
 be doubted, that at that period the Greek lan¬ 
 guage was spoken in Greece in a high state of 
 perfection. Homer, according to the received 
 opinion, saw the grandchildren of the Grecian 
 heroes of the Trojan war. That the Greek lan¬ 
 guage had in his time arrived at the completion 
 of its beauties and excellence, is evinced by the 
 admirable works of his transcendent genius : 
 hence it may be inferred, that although a learn¬ 
 ed Asiatic people had communicated, at a much 
 earlier period, their language to the Greeks, the 
 state of society of the latter had for ages after¬ 
 wards, in whatever degree the introduction of 
 Asiatic manners and language might have soft- 
 
100 
 
 ened the fierceness and barbarity of the rude in¬ 
 habitants of Greece, repelled a total assimilation 
 of Grecian and Asiatic manners. 
 
 Whether the names of the numerals, as now 
 used by tiie descendants of the Gael, were known 
 to their remote ancestors, while as yet an Asiatic 
 people, is a matter that lies too much hidden in 
 the darkness of primeval antiquity to be at this 
 present time brought forth into light. But that 
 the names of numbers, as already noticed, are 
 of Gaelic original, and were retained and modi¬ 
 fied by the refined Greeks and Romans, is a pro¬ 
 position, the truth of which we apprehend to be 
 evinced by the internal evidence furnished by 
 the Gaelic names applied to the numerals, and 
 by their wonderful affinity to those used and 
 spoken by the Greeks and Romans. 
 
 It may be remarked as curious, that the Welsh, 
 Armorican, and Cornish dialects of the Gaelic 
 language, have preserved the most ancient Greek 
 name for the number Jive. The first say pimp , 
 the two latter express pemp, for Jive. For six 
 the Welsh say cliuech, the Cornish said huih , the 
 Armoricans use huech. It may be observed, 
 that the words used by these descendants of the 
 ancient Gael, to denote the numeral six, is but a 
 corruption of the original cuaec, invented by 
 their earliest progenitors to signify the number 
 Jive. The word pemp , it is probable, was not 
 unknown at the same time that the term cuaec 
 was used to denote Jive; this last term being 
 
101 
 
 descriptive of the hand as formed into a round 
 shape, at the completion of the number Jive 
 counted on one hand, and was a visible sign of 
 that number; a nick or notch being made, as 
 above explained, to notify the number of Jives 
 of which the subject of numeration consisted. 
 Although the Welsh, Armorican, and Cornish 
 dialects, which have suffered great corruptions 
 by a mixture of other languages with the ori¬ 
 ginal Gaelic, have misplaced the original word 
 significantly denoting the number Jive, they 
 have all regularly retained the significant origi¬ 
 nal term expressive of the number ten or dec, im¬ 
 porting literally, two nicks. To this significant 
 appellation the Latins added the termination 
 em, the Greeks the termination a, while the un¬ 
 mixed descendants of the ancient Gael, as well 
 as the Welsh and Armoricans, retained, in origi¬ 
 nal simplicity, the radical words do or da and ec, 
 abridged dec, to signify the number ten. 
 
 If the names of the numerals had been com¬ 
 municated to the ancient Britons by the Romans, 
 the former would have followed the Roman 
 names for numbers, with attention sufficient to 
 demonstrate the Roman language to be the 
 source whence they derived their names for 
 numbers, by a regular adoption of the Roman 
 words, and an observance of the Roman pro¬ 
 nunciation, as far as the genius of their language 
 would admit. 
 
102 
 
 The Welsh peduar, the Cornish pedzhar, the 
 Armoric pevar, denoting the number Jour, bear 
 not so near a resemblance to the Latin quatuor, 
 as the Gaelic cether; yet it may be reasonably 
 presumed, that if the Welsh, Cornish, and Armo- 
 ricans ? who had, for centuries, considerable in¬ 
 tercourse with the Romans, had learned their 
 name for the numeral four from the Romans, 
 they would have preserved a nearer resemblance 
 to the Roman pronunciation of the Roman word 
 for four, than the Gael of Scotland and Ireland, 
 who had no friendly communication of any sort 
 with the Romans in Gaul, or in the island of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 That the Greeks used, at some remote period, 
 a word similar to the Gaelic cether to denote 
 four, may be inferred from the words and 
 *?rg«s, used in later times chiefly in compounds. 
 
 If the Welsh had derived their elementary 
 knowledge of arithmetic from the Romans, they 
 would have followed the Roman mode of count¬ 
 ing at least to the number twenty. We find, 
 however, that the Welsh have departed from 
 the original Gaelic, even more than the Greeks 
 and Romans had done in their names for num¬ 
 bers. The Welsh do not say, to express one ten, 
 aondec of the Gael, undecim of the Romans, 
 of the Greeks ; they say, un ar dec, one over ten, 
 &c.; fifteen they express by pimdec, without the 
 interposition of the word ar, which signifies in 
 Gaelic, over; then they say for sixteen, one over 
 
103 
 
 jifteen; for seventeen, tivo over fifteen. To express 
 eighteen, they say, tzvo nines; nineteen they express 
 by Jour over jifteen ; whereas the mode practised 
 by the Latins appears to he more simple and more 
 perfect, and precisely similar to the mode used 
 by the Gael of Scotland and Ireland. The Corn¬ 
 ish and Armoricans expressed the numbers sixteen 
 and seventeen by chuedeg and seideg, which, with 
 little variation, are the numbers JiJteen and sixteen 
 of the Gael of Scotland and Ireland. To express 
 eighteen, the Armoricans use the word trihuech, 
 which signifies three sixes. Hence, it is obvious, 
 that neither the Welsh, Cornish, nor Armoricans, 
 followed the Latin terms used by the Romans 
 for expressing numbers, and that they had, in 
 their intercourse with strangers, lost some and 
 misapplied others of the original words used by 
 their Gaelic ancestors to express arithmetical 
 numbers. 
 
 The Welsh method of expressing numbers fur¬ 
 nishes additional proof of the truth of the pro¬ 
 position, that rude nations count by fives; for, 
 although the Welsh have particular words to de¬ 
 note six, seven, &c. yet they combined not these 
 words with ten simply, as was done by the Gael 
 and the Romans, and by the English, as sixteen , 
 seventeen , but having arrived at the number^'ue- 
 ten, they resumed the unit one, and said, one 
 over Jive-ten, See. Had the Welsh been taught 
 the names and use of numbers by the Romans, 
 they would have followed the easier, the more 
 
104 
 
 simple and perfect mode practised by their sup¬ 
 posed masters. 
 
 The ancient Britons, of whom the Welsh are 
 descendants, were in possession of the knowledge 
 of names for the numerals before the Romans 
 ever visited Britain. The words used in the 
 Gaelic, Welsh, and Armoric languages, to denote 
 Jive, furnish one of many convincing matters 
 of evidence, that at some very remote period the 
 ancestors of the Britons, whom we call Gael, and 
 of the Greeks and Romans, were the same people. 
 
 From the similarity of the names of numbers 
 as used by the Gael of Scotland and Ireland, with 
 those of the Romans and Greeks, had either of 
 the former people become subjected to any of 
 the latter nations, it might be said with some ap¬ 
 pearance of truth, that the Gael of Scotland and 
 Ireland were obliged to the Romans or Greeks for 
 the names of numbers, and for a knowledge of the 
 rudiments of the science of arithmetic; but as 
 neither the Gael of Ireland nor of Scotland had 
 at any period communication with the Greeks, 
 and as Erin or Ireland never became a Roman 
 province, and the Gael of Scotland knew the Ro¬ 
 mans only as enemies, their knowledge of num¬ 
 bers, and the names by which they expressed the 
 numerals, must be referred to a more remote an¬ 
 tiquity than the conquest of any part of Britain, 
 or of even the laying the foundation of that city 
 whence originated the name of Romans. 
 
105 
 
 Upon the present subject the Gaelic language 
 remains a monument of great curiosity. It serves 
 to prove, JirSt, That the names by which the 
 Greeks and Romans used to express numbers 
 were the invention of the progenitors of the 
 Gael ; secondly, It furnishes evidence of the ear¬ 
 liest method of calculation practised among the 
 Gael, while as yet an eastern people; and third¬ 
 ly, That the Gael were the common ancestors of 
 the most ancient inhabitants of Greece and Italy. 
 
 The English language, though it is a mixture of 
 almost all the European languages, ancient and 
 modern, lends a concurring testimony to the truth 
 of the proposition, that rude nations, in their ear¬ 
 liest progress in the art of numeration, used the 
 fingers as the readiest and most natural instru¬ 
 ments of arithmetical calculation or manner of rec¬ 
 koning, both visible and tangible to the senses. 
 
 What the radical meaning of the word Jive, 
 or the Saxon Jif, is, we cannot pretend to deter¬ 
 mine; but the term ten, denoting a number equal 
 to two Jives, appears to be a compound of tzve 
 and en, still used as the pronunciation of two 
 and one in different parts of Scotland, and also 
 not unknown in the north of England. These 
 words import a numeration by Jives, and that, at 
 the completion of the number Jive, there was 
 made some mark which denoted en or one jive; 
 at the completion of tzvo Jives, the progenitors of 
 the Anglo-Saxons said tzve en, contracted ten. 
 In the words eleven and tzvelve, en and tzve oc- 
 
106 
 
 cur. What the meaning of elev or elv was in the 
 Saxon 01 Gothic languages, we know not; but 
 elev, elv, or elf, seems to have been a significant 
 word in the original language. The words de¬ 
 noting the rising series of numbers are obvious, 
 three ten, four ten, &c. Twenty is a compound 
 of three words, twe, en, twe; twe en, signify¬ 
 ing ten or two fives, and twe, referring to two 
 additional fives, that is, ten and two fives; thirty, 
 three twe, or, as pronounced by many of the 
 vulgar in Scotland, thretie, imports three twe 
 Jives; forty , four twe fives, &c. We doubt not 
 that the names of the numerals, and the combi¬ 
 nations of those names in all languages whose 
 original terms for the numerals are preserved, 
 will support the proposition, that numeration by 
 fives is the most natural mode of reckoning, and 
 the first put in practice by rude nations. 
 
 The resemblance between the names of four 
 of the numerals in English and Gaelic is remark¬ 
 able. One, two, three, and eight or aucht, as pro¬ 
 nounced by the low country Scots, bear an evi¬ 
 dent similarity to aon, do, tri, ochc, of the Gael. 
 This circumstance, among others worthy of no¬ 
 tice, tends to show an identity of the original 
 stock of both people, whose progress from their 
 eastern primeval country into Europe, necessa¬ 
 rily taking different directions along the shores 
 of the Euxine or Black Sea, however much their 
 language might have originally borne marks of 
 identity, must have suffered many variations, 
 
107 
 
 and acquired many additions, in the course of 
 ages. The Asiatic people, in their progressive 
 movements, first separated by a vast expanse of 
 water, and then dispersed over a wide extended 
 territory, covered with many almost impenetrable 
 forests and marshes, intersected by many large 
 rivers, operating as continual causes of separa¬ 
 tion of their emigrant hordes, naturally acquired 
 distinctive national appellations, and became dis¬ 
 criminated too by variations of language. It is 
 not wonderful, then, that supposing the migrat¬ 
 ing Asiatic people, whether crossing the Helles¬ 
 pont or moving in a different direction along 
 the shores of the Euxine, in their progress to¬ 
 wards the great western ocean, were an emana¬ 
 tion of the same original stock, to find them, 
 when they met on the banks of the Danube or 
 of the Rhine, speaking different languages, and 
 forming inimical checks upon each other’s farther 
 progress. This natural repulsion begot a state 
 of hostility. They were strangers to each other; 
 they were enemies who rose into great rival na¬ 
 tions. In this situation they were found by the 
 Romans; and by whatever names they distin¬ 
 guished themselves, whether Gael, Scythians, 
 Goths or Germans, the Gael naturally applied to 
 the more northern people the general appella¬ 
 tion of Tua daoin or northern men , under which 
 name the Romans also comprehended the Ger¬ 
 manic people, in their pronunciation of the appel¬ 
 lative Teutones. Hence the general language of 
 
108 
 
 a great body of the northern European people 
 got the name of Teutonic. 
 
 Very little light remains to us, says M. Go- 
 guet, in the writings of the ancients, respect¬ 
 ing the manner in which the Egyptians made 
 their arithmetical calculations. We learn from 
 Herodotus, that the Egyptians made use of 
 small pebbles or stones in their numerical com¬ 
 putations. Such were used by the Greeks 
 for the same purposes, as is evident from the 
 word which signifies to calculate, from the 
 
 noun a pebble or little stone. Our English 
 word calculate we derive from the Latin verb 
 calculo, which signifies to calculate, reckon, or 
 cast accounts. The Roman verb refers its origin 
 to the noun calculus, which signifies a pebble or 
 little stone, anciently used in making numerical 
 computations, also in taking suffrages, and used 
 upon a variety of occasions to ascertain numbers. 
 The use of little stones or pebbles as instruments 
 of computation, is very natural to a rude or illi¬ 
 terate people, who are ignorant of the art of 
 notation of numbers, or of characterizing them 
 by permanent definite signs or written figures. 
 Small stones are used in the Highlands of Scot¬ 
 land at this day, as marks or signs of scores or 
 twenties; and there can be no doubt entertained, 
 that such was the practice of our Gaelic ances¬ 
 tors, prior to the introduction of the more arti¬ 
 ficial languages, the refined Greek and Roman, 
 among them. The radical word is the Gaelic 
 
109 
 
 clack, which signifies a stone. Calculus is the 
 diminutive of calx, which is clearly allied to the 
 Greek a jlint stone. Cailc is the Gaelic 
 
 word for chalk, which is reckoned a species of 
 stone fossil, where it is not unusual to find the 
 flint stone. 
 
 Our English ancestors used tallies in their nu¬ 
 merical computations, before the art of writing 
 came into practice. A tally was a stick notch¬ 
 ed in conformity to another stick, and the word 
 score, which denotes twenty, gives us to under¬ 
 stand, that as the Greeks and Romans made use 
 of small stones or pebbles to mark certain defi¬ 
 nite numbers, so our Saxon or English ancestors 
 made a score or incision in a piece of wood, to 
 serve as a permanent sign of the number twenty. 
 
 That the Egyptians made use of small stones 
 or pebbles as signs of certain definite quantities, 
 and that a similar mode of computation was prac¬ 
 tised by the Greeks, are circumstances which 
 form no conclusive argument in support of the 
 proposition, that the Greeks were servile imitators 
 of the Egyptians, or had received from them the 
 first rudiments of the arithmetical art. 
 
 That the Egyptians may have improved the 
 Greeks in the science of numbers, there appears 
 no reason for calling in question. But we refer 
 to the judgment of the learned the observations 
 offered above, to show that the Greeks derived 
 not their names of numbers from the Egyptians; 
 that, on the contrary, those names were the in- 
 
110 
 
 vention of the Gael, who were the most ancient 
 inhabitants of the countries, which, in the pro¬ 
 gress of time, came to be distinguished by the 
 names of Greece and Italy. 
 
 Paper. Carta. 
 
 “ The word paper is formed from the Greek 
 “ TrecTTv^og, papyrus , the name of an Egyptian plant, 
 “ called also /3 <£a es , whereon the ancients used to 
 “ write. 
 
 “ Various are the materials, on which man- 
 “ kind in different ages and countries have con- 
 “ trived to write their sentiments, as on stones, 
 “ bricks, the leaves of herbs and trees, and their 
 “ rinds or barks; also on tables of wood, wax, 
 “ and ivory, to which may be added, plates of 
 “ lead, linen rolls, &c.” At length the Egyptian 
 papyrus was invented, then parchment, then 
 cotton paper, and lastly, the common or linen 
 paper.* 
 
 The era from which is to be dated the inven¬ 
 tion of the art of preparing the plant papyrus , for 
 the purpose of receiving written characters, is not 
 ascertained. The learned Varro refers it to no 
 
 * Chalmers’ Dictionary, voce Paper. 
 
Ill 
 
 earlier age than that of Alexander the Great, 
 after the building of Alexandria. That the plant 
 papyrus was known to the Greeks long prior 
 to the building of Alexandria, is put beyond 
 doubt by the testimony of a variety of ancient 
 authors, particularly of Homer and Hesiod;* but 
 it is an admitted fact, that for 200 years after 
 Alexander’s time, skins and the barks of trees 
 were used by the Greeks and Romans, as the 
 properest subjects then known to them for re¬ 
 taining written characters. 
 
 The era of the invention of manufacturing the 
 plant papyrus into paper, has been much disput¬ 
 ed. Varro’s decision of the matter has been call¬ 
 ed in question by modern authors, relying on the 
 authority of Pliny. This learned author’s words 
 are: “ Prius tamen quam degrediamur ab A£gyp- 
 “ to, et papyri natura dicetur, cum chart® usu 
 “ maxime humanitas vit® constet et memoria. 
 “ Et hanc Alexandri Magni victoria repertam, 
 “ auctor est M. Varro condita in iEgypto, Alex- 
 “ andria. Antea non fuisse chartarum usum, in 
 “ palmarum foliis primo scriptitatum, deinde quo- 
 “ rundam arborum libris. Postea publica monu- 
 “ menta plumbeis voluminibus, mox et privata 
 “ linteis confici ceepta aut ceris.” f 
 
 Varro informs us, that prior to the time of 
 Alexander the Great, the use of paper was un¬ 
 known. Varro, it is evident, and after him 
 
 * Chalmers’ Dictionary. 
 
 t Pun. Hist. Nat. lib. xiii. cap. 11. 
 
 i 
 
112 
 
 Pliny, applied the word charta specially to the 
 paper made of the plant papyrus. Before the 
 period when this paper manufacture was invent¬ 
 ed, we have the authority of Varro, that the 
 Egyptians made use of the leaves of the palm 
 tree, the rinds or barks of certain trees, then of 
 rolls of lead, linen, or wax. 
 
 Pliny was of opinion, that Varro’s account res¬ 
 pecting the period whence ought to be dated the 
 invention of the manufacture of the plant papy¬ 
 rus into charta or paper, was erroneous. “ In- 
 “ gentia quidem,” says Pliny, “ exempla con- 
 “ tra Varronis sententiam de chartis reperiuntur. 
 “ Namq. Cassius Hemina, vetustissimus auctor 
 “ annalium, quarto eorum libro prodidit, Cn. Te- 
 “ rentium scribam agrum suum in janiculo repas- 
 “ tinantem, ostendisse arcam, in qua Numa, qui. 
 “ Roma? regnavit, situs fuisset. In eadem libros 
 “ ejus repertos, P. Cornelio, L. F. Cethego, M. 
 “ Bebio, Q. F. Pamphilo, coss. ad quos a regno 
 “ Numa? colliguntur anni 535, et hos fuisse e 
 “ charta. Majore etiamnum miraculo, quod tot 
 “ infossi duraverunt annis.” 
 
 Among a variety of facts mentioned to prove 
 the mistaken opinion of Varro, Pliny writes : 
 “ Praterea Mutianus ter consul prodidit nuper se 
 “ legisse, cum preesideret Ly cia?, Sarpedonis aTroja 
 “ scriptam in quodam templo epistolae chart am 
 
 Melchior Guilandinus, a Prussian physician, 
 wrote a learned commentary on three chapters 
 of Pliny’s works relative to this subject, and 
 
 3 
 
113 
 
 shows, from the authority of Greek authors, that 
 the papyrus was known to the Greeks before the 
 time of Alexander the Great, but was not then 
 used as paper. 
 
 The Egyptian paper was so scarce, even at the 
 time of Tiberius, that its use was dispensed with 
 by a decree of the senate.* “ Factumq. jam 
 “ Tiberio principe inopia charts, ut e senatu da- 
 “ rentur arbitri dispensandi.” 
 
 There can be no doubt, then, that when Pliny 
 mentions the word charta, he means the Egyptian 
 paper made of the plant papyrus. That Varro 
 used the word in the same sense is equally cer¬ 
 tain. The annalist Cassius Hemina gave no in¬ 
 formation, nor stated any opinion, that the paper 
 books found in Nurna’s tomb were made of the 
 Egyptian papyrus; nor can the application of 
 the term charta to those books, or to the letters 
 of Sarpedon written from Troy, establish a higher 
 antiquity to the invention of the Egyptian paper 
 than that given to it by Varro. 
 
 In what sense the annalist used the word charta , 
 with respect to its substance, is not explained. 
 At what time the Romans became first acquaint¬ 
 ed with the Egyptian paper, is not ascertained. 
 That, however, both the Greeks and Romans 
 were acquainted with different substances, upon 
 which they inscribed written characters, before 
 they had any knowledge of the Egyptian paper, 
 
 * Pliny’s Nat. Hist. lib. xiii. c. 13. 
 
 H 
 
114 
 
 is put beyond doubt by the Gaelic, as well as 
 their own improved languages. 
 
 It is a fact established beyond the possibility 
 of question, that many nations made use of the 
 barks of trees as paper, or as a substance proper 
 for receiving and retaining written characters. 
 Both the Romans and Greeks preserved the ori¬ 
 ginal word for the substance first used by them 
 as paper, to denote in after times the Egyptian 
 paper, to which, after the disuse of the original 
 substance known to them as best fitted for pre¬ 
 serving written characters, they applied their 
 original name for that substance, viz. carta or 
 charta. It is curious to observe, that the Gaelic 
 word for bark is cart; a chart , the bark. The 
 Latins wrote carta and charta, the Greeks 
 This circumstance indicates plainly, that the 
 progenitors of the Greeks and Romans at some 
 very early period used the bark of trees as paper, 
 and that they continued the use of that sub¬ 
 stance for receiving written characters, until they 
 became acquainted with other materials better 
 adapted to the purposes of preserving, by writ¬ 
 ten signs, knowledge of historical events, and 
 of the sentiments of mankind, upon all subjects 
 which claimed the attention of the human mind. 
 
 Guilandinus has observed, that Cassius Hemina, 
 the annalist, lived in the time of Augustus and 
 Tiberius, to whom he dedicated his work: if so, 
 he was posterior in time to Varro, and predeceas¬ 
 ed Pliny not above seventy years; for vet list issi- 
 
115 
 
 mus Guilandinus would therefore read verissi- 
 mus, the other word being inapplicable. Numa 
 was prior in time to Alexander three hundred 
 years : If Cassius Hemina meant that Numa’s 
 books consisted of that species of paper which 
 was made of the Egyptian papyrus, and that he 
 had seen the books, and was properly qualified 
 to determine the fact with respect to the mate¬ 
 rials of which they were composed, then Varro 
 must have fallen into a mistake relative to the 
 period of the invention of the manufacture of 
 papyrus into writing paper. 
 
 Pliny says, that the books were found when 
 C. Cornelius and L. F. Cethegus were consuls, 
 to whose time he reckoned five hundred and 
 thirty-five years from the reign of Numa. If 
 C. Hemina lived in the time of Augustus and Ti¬ 
 berius, then Numa’s books were found about two 
 hundred years before the period when C. Hemina 
 wrote his annals. Tiberius was made Emperor 
 fourteen years before the Christian era, and reign¬ 
 ed twenty-six years. The annalist had written 
 from report: it seemed to him matter of surprise, 
 that the books had lasted entire for so long a 
 period as five hundred and thirty-five years. 
 Had he seen the books he would naturally have 
 mentioned that circumstance, and have express¬ 
 ed his wonder, that they had continued entire 
 down to his own time. 
 
 Bayle and Moreri are of opinion, that Cassius 
 Hemina lived in the six hundred and eighth year 
 
116 ' 
 
 of Rome, that is, about one hundred and forty-six 
 years before the Christian era, towards two hun¬ 
 dred 3'ears after the building of Alexandria, and 
 about seventy years before Varro. C. Hemina 
 said that Numa’s books, which were found in the 
 manner above-mentioned, were made of the sub¬ 
 stance which the Romans termed charta, and 
 which Pliny understood to be the manufactured 
 papyrus. It is, however, by no means certain, 
 that C. Hemina had applied the term charta to 
 the Egyptian papyrus. The paper which was an¬ 
 ciently made of the liber was not very easily dis¬ 
 tinguished from that made of the papyrus; and 
 from the fact that bark paper exists at this day, it 
 ceases to be matter of wonder, that it lasted from 
 Numa’s time to that of the annalist. Varro’s ac¬ 
 count of the date of the invention of the manufac¬ 
 ture of the plant papyrus into paper, may be just. 
 It is well known, that both the Egyptian and bark 
 paper have lasted entire for many ages. The an¬ 
 nalist seems to have been ignorant of the dura¬ 
 ble qualities of the one as well as of the other, 
 and it cannot with certainty be concluded, that 
 C. Hemina, in the application of the term charta 
 to Numa’s books, meant to determine the ques¬ 
 tion afterwards agitated, as to the invention of 
 the manufacture of the plant papyrus into that 
 substance called by the Romans charta, as pecu¬ 
 liarly applicable to the paper made of the plant 
 papyrus. The term charta was as well known 
 to the early Greeks as to the Romans, and was 
 
117 
 
 used by the first many ages before the days of 
 Alexander the Great. It is sufficient to say, that 
 as the paper made of the fine bark of trees was 
 very like that made of the plant papyrus , the 
 Greeks and Romans most naturally applied the 
 same word to both. 
 
 The English word paper , the French papier, 
 bespeak the origin of the term ; yet still the ori¬ 
 ginal word denoting that species of paper made 
 of the plant papyrus, was continued to express 
 indiscriminately the latter inventions of cotton 
 and linen, when manufactured into a substance 
 fit for retaining the impression of written cha¬ 
 racters, and found to be more eligible for that 
 purpose than the plant papyrus. 
 
 We can have little difficulty in being of opi¬ 
 nion, that Numa’s books consisted, not of that 
 exterior or outer bark which in Gaelic is pro¬ 
 perly denominated cart, but of that whitish rind 
 or pellicle, to which, in its most ancient and just 
 acceptation, was applied the name liber in the 
 Roman language. It is curious to observe, that 
 the softer part of the wood of trees, which is in 
 contact with the bark, and which most partakes 
 of the nature of bark by its softness, is called 
 libber in the Gaelic language. Hence, the Latin 
 word liber was applied, not to the outward bark, 
 which, there is reason to believe, was first used 
 for the inscription of written characters, but to 
 the inner or finer bark, which immediately 
 covers the wood of the tree, and may be separat- 
 
118 
 
 ed from the grosser outer bark, and prepared in 
 such a manner as to be rendered fit for receiving 
 and retaining written characters. 
 
 “ Paper bark,” says Mr Chalmers, “ if it may 
 “ be so called, was only the libtr or inner whit- 
 £< ish rind enclosed between the outer bark and 
 “ the wood of diverse trees, as the maple , plain , 
 “ beech and elm ; but especially the tilia, (pixv^x, or 
 “ linden tree, which was that mostly used for 
 “ this purpose. On this, stripped off, flatted and 
 “ dried, the ancients wrote books, several of 
 “ which are said to be still extant. Mabillon 
 “ and Monfaucon speak frequently of manu- 
 “ scripts and diplomas on bark, and are very 
 “ express between the papyrus used by the Egyp- 
 “ tians, and the liber or bark in use in other 
 “ countries. The two are alleged to differ in this, 
 “ that the bark paper was thicker and more 
 “ brittle than the papyrus, as well as more apt 
 “ to cleave or shiver, by which the writing was 
 “ sometimes lost, as is the case in a bark manu- 
 “ script in the Abbey of St Germains, where the 
 et bottom of the paper remains, but the outer sur- 
 “ face, on which the letters had been drawn, is in 
 ct many places peeled off. But Maffei, it must 
 “ not be forgot, combats the whole system of 
 “ bark manuscripts and charters as a popular 
 “ error, and maintains, that the ancients never 
 “ wrote diplomas on bark; that the distinction 
 “ between the papers made of papyrus and of 
 “ cortex is without foundation ; that the only 
 
119 
 
 “ use of the tilia, or linden, was for making thin 
 “ boards or tablets for diptycha or pocket-books, 
 “ wherein they wrote on both sides, as is done 
 “ among us, an advantage which they could not 
 “ have in the Egyptian paper, by reason of its 
 “ thinness.” 
 
 It is submitted to the learned, that the very 
 terms used for paper and books in the Greek and 
 Latin languages, such as biblos, codex, liber, fo¬ 
 lium, tabula, philura, See. afford a sufficient refu¬ 
 tation of the opinion of this latter learned au¬ 
 thor. All these words have known significa¬ 
 tions in the learned languages, and their receiv¬ 
 ed significations sufficiently demonstrate their 
 origin. 
 
 The Greeks and Romans were ignorant of the 
 origin or derivation of their word chart a; 
 
 it is preserved, however, in the Gaelic cart and 
 chart, from whence too is derived the Latin cor¬ 
 tex. It proves also, that the remote ancestors of 
 the Greeks and Romans wrote on the bark of 
 trees; as does the word biblos, that that species 
 of Egyptian plant called biblos; the word tilia, 
 that the finer bark or inmost rind; and the word 
 folium, that the leaves of trees were used for the 
 like purpose. 
 
 Servius, on this line of Virgil, 
 
 “ Huic natam libro et silvestri subire clausam,” 
 
 writes,—•“ Liber dicitur interior corticis pars, 
 “ quae ligno cohaeret.” And again. Eel. 10. 67. 
 
120 
 
 “ Alta liber aret in ulmo. 
 
 “ Unde et liber dicitur, in quo scribimus, quia 
 “ ante usum chartae vel membranEe, de libris 
 “ arborum volumina compaginabantur.” Servius 
 in Virgil , JEneid 11 . 554. 
 
 When Servius wrote these words, “ ante, usum 
 “ char tee ,” he knew not that the term charta, in 
 its radical acceptation, signified bark. Every idea 
 of the original derivation of the word was so 
 much lost, that it seems uniformly to have been 
 applied by the Roman writers, peculiarly to that 
 species of paper which was made, or supposed to 
 have been made, of the Egyptian papyrus. 
 
 Servius’s derivation of the word liber was not 
 approved by Salmasius. “ Aliter tamen sentit Sal- 
 “ masius , qui ex Graeco deducit, pro quo JEoles 
 
 “ $A<€«g, vel v dixerint. Sumitur autem 
 
 “ non modo pro folds et paginis, in quibus scribi- 
 11 tur, sed pro ipsa scriptural Salmas, de modo 
 usurarum, c. x. p. 406. Gesner, voce Liber. 
 
 The concurring testimonies of the most repu¬ 
 table Grecian authors confirm the tradition of 
 the establishment of Egyptian and Phoenician 
 colonies in Greece. It was the received opinion, 
 that the principal cities in Greece were founded 
 by colonies from Egypt, Phoenicia, and Asia 
 Minor. It was said, that Greece, before the arri¬ 
 val of these colonies, was possessed by barba¬ 
 rians; a term applied, in the refined ages of 
 Greece, to all nations who were not Greeks. 
 Among all the foreign invaders of Greece, the 
 
121 
 
 Pelasgians were the most eminent; they were a 
 powerful people, considerably advanced in the 
 knowledge of the useful arts of life, which, with 
 their language, they introduced into Greece and 
 Italy. As their progress was westward from 
 Asia Minor, they must have migrated from the 
 more eastern countries of Europe, prior to their 
 settlement in Greece and Italy. The Greek lan¬ 
 guage was not confined to the territories of 
 Greece, properly so called; it extended over a 
 much wider range of country. We have incon¬ 
 trovertible evidence, as observed in another 
 place, that it was an Asiatic language, and was 
 not the language of the most ancient inhabitants 
 of Greece. 
 
 It has been computed by chronologers, that 
 Sicyon, which claimed to be the oldest city of 
 Greece, was founded two thousand and eighty- 
 nine years before the Christian era. # Argos, 
 which was the first city that acquired political 
 eminence, is said to have been founded two hun¬ 
 dred and thirty-three years after Sicyon; and the 
 reign of Minos in Crete was four hundred and 
 fifty years later than the founding of Argos. 
 Sir Isaac Newton conjectured, that Sicyon 
 and Argos were founded nearly about the same 
 time, one thousand and eighty years before the 
 reign of Minos, king of Crete. Cadmus, it is 
 said, built Thebes, and introduced letters into 
 
 Hi.air’s Chronol. Tables. 
 
122 
 
 Greece one thousand four hundred and ninety- 
 three years before the Christian era. The war 
 of Troy is computed to have happened about 
 one thousand and two hundred years before 
 that era. At that illustrious epoch many cities 
 existed in Greece; and although it cannot be 
 maintained, that the inhabitants of that famous 
 country had at that period arrived at a high de¬ 
 gree of civilization or refinement of manners, 
 there does not occur any reason to doubt, that 
 the Greek language had been then brought to 
 a high pitch of perfection.* The building of 
 cities demonstrates, that a considerable portion 
 of the people were acquainted with and practised 
 the useful arts of life, and had formed themselves 
 into communities regulated by ordinances of civil 
 polity. Supposing Cecrops, Cadmus, Minos, The¬ 
 seus, to have been the founders of cities in Greece, 
 and the leaders of colonies from foreign coun¬ 
 tries, such events cannot support the conclusion, 
 that the Greek language, as spoken, not only in 
 Greece at the time of the Trojan war, but in 
 countries of considerable extent on both sides of 
 the Hellespont, particularly in Asia Minor, many 
 ages before that renowned period, was introduced 
 into Greece by these illustrious founders of cities, 
 or by transmarine colonies from Egypt. 
 
 Homer describes the island of Crete and its 
 inhabitants as existing in his time :— 
 
 * Vide Turgot. 
 
123 
 
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 “ KctAtj k<*/ 7riugct, 7Tlg/ppvTo;‘ iv S’ cev9pa7ra 
 “ rioAAo., u7rii££G-toi, y.cii itvvixovrx Tca'hr.lc,. 
 
 “ w AAAt) S’ aAAwv yXu<rcx fttftiypiivy iv fA.lv ’A yjauo), 
 
 “ ’Ev S’ ’Ereox^rs; ftiyuXvTcpti;, iv Ss KvSav£?, 
 
 “ A<yg<££? T£ T£i%oli *£;, Si'o/ r£ IlsA«<ryo/. ” 
 
 “ Creta quaedam terra est, medio in nigro ponto, 
 
 “ Pulchra et pinguis, circumflua; in ea autem homines 
 “ Multi, innumeri, et nonaginta urbes. 
 
 “ Alia autem aliorum lingua mixta : insunt quidenr Achivi, 
 
 “ Insunt verb indigenae Cretenses magnanimi, insunt et Cydones, 
 “ Doriensesque trifariam-divisi, eximiique Pelasgi/' 
 
 We learn from this passage of the great poet, 
 that Crete was possessed by a variety of people 
 speaking different languages. It was a fertile 
 and beautiful island, full of people, and exhibit¬ 
 ed ninety principal towns. Among the different 
 inhabitants we observe two races to whom ho¬ 
 nourable epithets are applied. The Eteocretes 
 are magnanimous or high-spirited, the Pelasgians 
 are godlike or divine. 
 
 Herodotus writes, “ rtl» yx% K^'/iT/iV iiftov ro7rce.Xcoov irxsctv 
 « /3«g3«g« j" * “ Cretam enim prinium universam 
 “ barbari colebant.” 
 
 Until the invasion of Minos this island was 
 inhabited by barbarians, speaking, undoubtedly, 
 a different language from that of Minos. His- 
 
 * Herod. lib. i. 
 
124 
 
 tory informs us, that the people of Crete subject 
 to Minos experienced the effects of regular go¬ 
 vernment, attended with superior civilization to 
 the supposed unruly state of the inhabitants of 
 Greece in general in his time. Minos, by means 
 of his fleets, had suppressed the piracies by which 
 the Grecian seas were infested. By the vigour 
 and energy of his government he acquired the 
 sovereignty of the sea, and transmitted to poste¬ 
 rity a high reputation for power, wisdom, and 
 justice. 
 
 Minos reigned in Crete above three hundred 
 years before the Trojan war. In Homer’s time, 
 whether we suppose him to have lived one or 
 three hundred years after that famous period, the 
 Eteocretes were a distinguished people in Crete; 
 they spoke a different language from the Greeks; 
 they were understood by the Greeks to be the 
 aborigines of the island, as their name plainly 
 imported. It was a name given to them by the 
 Greeks; it being a compound of two words sig¬ 
 nifying the true Cretans, ets vert Cretenses. 
 
 Strabo, Diodorus, and other Greek writers, 
 held the Eteocretes to be the indigenous inhabi¬ 
 tants of the island. Eustathius, commenting 
 upon the above transcribed passage from Homer, 
 says, that the Eteocretes were the indigenous 
 rightful inhabitants of the island, called the true 
 Cretans, as distinguished from strangers. 
 
 Thus, then, we have reason to believe, that in 
 the days of Homer the Greek language was not 
 
125 
 
 universally spoken in Crete; and Herodotus has 
 informed us, that the Greek language had not in 
 his time completely extended itself to all Greece. 
 No portion of those languages which the Greeks 
 termed barbarous have been handed down to us, 
 and we so far remain in the dark with respect 
 to the form and structure of those languages, 
 and to the descent of the people by whom the 
 barbarous languages of Crete and Greece were 
 spoken. 
 
 It being the natural presumption, that prior to 
 transmarine emigrations requiring some consi¬ 
 derable degree of nautical skill, the movements of 
 an increasing people were made by land, and to 
 islands in sight of land; we are entitled to con¬ 
 clude, that the earliest population of Crete took 
 place by means of emigrations from the continent 
 of Greece, and not from any African or Asiatic 
 country. Hence it may be inferred, that the 
 most ancient language of Crete was the same as 
 that of Greece, which in both was ultimately 
 overwhelmed, and in form extinguished, by the 
 prevalence of that beautiful and highly admirable 
 fabric of nature and art, the Greek language; 
 which, by the changes incident to human affairs, 
 was itself in the progress of time to suffer a me¬ 
 tamorphosis, by which its genuine features were 
 to be so much altered and disguised as to be no 
 longer recognized as a living language, while the 
 original barbarous language, as it was called by 
 the Greeks, penetrating with its authors the 
 
12(5 
 
 more western countries of Europe, yet lives to 
 prove its origin and its existence, as once the 
 living language of the most ancient inhabitants 
 of Asia Minor, of Greece and Italy; upon the 
 ruins of which language, as spoken in these re¬ 
 nowned portions of the globe, a numerous, power¬ 
 ful and refined people, had superinduced a splen¬ 
 did superstructure, whose polished composition, 
 however, still bears testimony^, that a consider¬ 
 able portion of its rude materials were furnished 
 by the common progenitors of the ancient Gauls, 
 and of the ancient inhabitants of the Britannic 
 islands, who had applied to themselves, and were 
 known to neighbouring nations, by the appella¬ 
 tion still retained only by the inhabitants of the 
 northern part of Albion, as the generic appella¬ 
 tion of their race, viz. that of Gael. 
 
 We collect the following historic facts res¬ 
 pecting the Pelasgi. We learn from Herodotus, 
 that the Pelasgi were of Phoenician original, as be¬ 
 ing descendants of the Phoenician Cabiri, and that 
 the Samothracians were taught the Cabiric mys¬ 
 teries by the Pelasgi, who in ancient times in¬ 
 habited Samothrace.* The old Hellas was called 
 Pelasgia.f Strabo likewise relates, that the Pe¬ 
 lasgi inhabited Argos in the Peloponnesus, and 
 that the whole country was called Pelasgia. A 
 part of Thessaly was called Pelasgian Argos.£ 
 
 * Herod, lib. ii. c. 51. f Strabo, lib. v. p.237. 
 t Homer, II. 2. 
 
127 
 
 In the reign of Deucalion, reckoned 1529 years 
 before the Christian era, it is said, that the 
 Pelasgi were driven from Thessaly, more ancient¬ 
 ly called Oenotria; that some of them settled at 
 the mouth of the Po, and others at Croton in 
 Tuscany. It was received as a historic fact, that 
 the Pelasgic alphabet prevailed in Greece before 
 the age of Deucalion, and consisted of sixteen 
 letters. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus relates, that the 
 first Greek colony which migrated into Italy 
 were Arcadians under Oenotrus son of Lycaon, 
 an event calculated to have taken place about 
 1700 years before the Christian era. Before that 
 period, a colony, as related by Herodotus, went 
 from Lydia into Italy under Tyrrbenus, about 
 2000 years before the Christian era, upwards of 
 300 years before any Pelasgic colony went out 
 of Greece into Italy. Dionysius of Halicarnas¬ 
 sus proves, that many authors called them Pe¬ 
 lasgi. He cites Hellanicus Lesbius, who was older 
 than Herodotus, to prove that they were first 
 called Pelasgi Tyrrheni, and that after they began 
 to inhabit Italy they settled in that part called 
 Etruria. Strabo quotes a fragment of Anticlides 
 to prove, that a Pelasgian people sailed with 
 Tyrrhenus the son of Atys into Italy. Hence it 
 is to be inferred, that there were Pelasgi in Italy 
 before the time of Oenotrus. The Etruscan let¬ 
 ters are Pelasgic. The Oscan language was a 
 dialect of the Etruscan. There is very little 
 
 3 
 
12S 
 
 difference between the Pelasgian, the Etruscan, 
 and the most ancient Greek letters. The Etrus¬ 
 can, the Oscan, and the Samnite alphabets, are 
 derived from that of the Pelasgi; they differ from 
 each other more in name than in form. 
 
 The Pelasgic alphabet, which prevailed in 
 Greece before the age of Deucalion, consisted of 
 sixteen letters. The Tyrrhenian alphabet, first 
 brought into Italy, preceded the reign of that 
 prince; it consisted of thirteen letters only.* 
 
 If the Tyrrhenians were a Pelasgic people, 
 then the first alphabet brought into Italy, which 
 had consisted of thirteen letters, were also Pelas¬ 
 gic ; that is, a Pelasgic alphabet was introduced 
 into Italy about 2000 years before the Christian 
 era. But how far back may be dated the intro¬ 
 duction or knowledge of an alphabet in Greece, 
 it is difficult to form even any probable conjec¬ 
 ture. It may be admitted, however, as a rational 
 conclusion, that those strangers who had first 
 introduced with their language the knowledge 
 of alphabetic written characters, were a people 
 far advanced in the practice of the useful arts of 
 life, and were accustomed to the observance of 
 systematic rules of civil polity. The political 
 situation of the more ancient inhabitants of the 
 country of Greece, their usages, manners, and 
 customs, their state of advancement in the know- 
 
 * Vide Mr Asti.e’s most ingenious and learned work upon 
 the Origin and Progress of Writing. 
 
 l 
 
129 
 
 ledge of the useful arts of life, when they were 
 visited by colonies from the more refined eastern 
 nations of antiquity, are entirely hidden from our 
 eyes. Dr Robertson, alluding to the literary re¬ 
 searches in India, says, that “ the records have 
 “ been partly opened to us of those mighty em- 
 “ pires of Asia, where the beginnings of civihza- 
 “ tion are lost in the darkness of unfathomable 
 “ antiquity.”* 
 
 We cannot admit, however, that the more an¬ 
 cient inhabitants of Greece, who were called bar¬ 
 barous, were, at the period when they were visit¬ 
 ed by a more refined eastern people, in no degree 
 removed from that state of society described by 
 Horace: 
 
 “ Quos venercm incertam rapientis more feraruni 
 “ Viribus editior caedebat, ut in grege taurus.” 
 
 Horat. lib. i. 109. 
 
 Of such a people, so little acquainted with the 
 arts of the first necessity, communities living in 
 cities could not be formed. Houses would not 
 be built,, without the prospect of a population 
 corresponding to the structures raised for their 
 accommodation. The country of Greece was, 
 therefore, at the time of founding so many cities, 
 inhabited by various classes of people, termed by 
 the philosophic economists of modern times, pro- 
 
 * Dr Robertson’s Disquisition on India 
 
 I 
 
130 
 
 ductwe and non-productive; or, in other words, 
 Greece consisted of a people putting in practice, 
 in a more or less advanced state, that species of 
 division of labour, which is performed by agri¬ 
 culturists and mechanics mutually furnishing the 
 necessaries and conveniencies of life, in that state 
 of perfection, which naturally leads to the assem¬ 
 blage of the latter in towns and cities, while the 
 former, remaining to cultivate the soil, are sti¬ 
 mulated to a higher degree of laborious exertion, 
 to administer to the wants of the non-productive 
 classes of the people, collected in more compact 
 bodies, and capable of supplying, in their turn, 
 by means of more excited industry and ingenuity, 
 the whole mass of the people, with the product 
 of those arts which add to the comforts and feli¬ 
 cities of man in improved society. 
 
 If an alphabet called Pelasgic, and which con¬ 
 sisted of sixteen letters, prevailed in Greece be¬ 
 fore the age of Deucalion, and if it be rightly 
 calculated that the reign of Deucalion preceded 
 the Christian era by 1529 years, then an alpha¬ 
 bet consisting of sixteen letters was known in 
 Greece before the age of Cadmus; but it still 
 remains a question involved in darkness, how 
 long prior to the age of Deucalion letters had 
 been known in Greece ? We have stated it as a 
 matter of curious remark, that cart , signifying bark 
 in Gaelic, written chart , with the prepositive 
 article a corresponding to the in English, was 
 the word used by the Greeks and Romans to ex- 
 
131 
 
 press paper , or that pliant substance which was 
 found most convenient for retaining written 
 characters. It being a certain fact, that the bark 
 of trees was a substance used by the early pro¬ 
 genitors of all civilized nations for the purpose of 
 retaining inscribed characters, the Pelasgi, when 
 they came into Greece, must either have con¬ 
 tinued to express a substance corresponding to 
 our word paper , by their own appellative term, 
 or have adopted the name of that substance as 
 pronounced by the native inhabitants of that 
 country into which they came to settle. In fact, 
 the Gael of Scotland and Ireland are, so far as 
 we know, the only people in Europe whose word 
 denoting bark convey s intelligence of that sub¬ 
 stance which the most ancient inhabitants of 
 Greece and Italy used for the inscription of 
 written characters, and which they denominat¬ 
 ed x*erm and chart a , prior to their knowledge of 
 the Egyptian papyrus. Savage tribes, it is 
 well known, inscribe hieroglyphical characters 
 upon the bark of trees; and it is a fact ascer¬ 
 tained by the historical records of all nations, 
 who have arrived at the happy discovery and 
 most important of all inventions, the inscription 
 of written characters on substances fit for retain¬ 
 ing them, as signs of the ideas of the human 
 mind, that the finer pellicles of the bark of trees 
 was universally used for a purpose the most mo¬ 
 mentous in the condition of rational beings, ca¬ 
 pable of advancing in improvement towards that 
 
132 
 
 elevated rank and dignity of character, which 
 alone can entitle them to that sublime distinc¬ 
 tion, which, in Homer’s opinion, authorised him 
 to apply to the illustrious Pelasgi the epithet 
 
 drome. 
 
 It can hardly be maintained, that if the inha¬ 
 bitants of Greece were, prior to the period of the 
 arrival of the Pelasgi among them, acquainted 
 with the use of bark for receiving and retaining 
 written characters, they were altogether ignorant 
 of letters, or of signs of articulate sounds form¬ 
 ing the component parts of words. Although 
 we are informed by Ca?sar, that the Gauls were 
 acquainted with the alphabetical characters of 
 the Greeks, we are not entitled thence to con¬ 
 clude, that they were unacquainted with any 
 other signs of letters. That the Gael made use 
 of written characters to denote letters, is a fact 
 well ascertained.* These were totally different 
 from the Greek characters, and could not have 
 been derived from the Pelasgi, or any other race 
 of people who had adopted or imitated the Pe- 
 lasgic characters. Hence it must be admitted, 
 that a people termed by the Greeks barbarous, 
 had arrived at a knowledge of the component 
 principles of words, without the aid of any of 
 those lights which shone upon the Grecian 
 people at the earliest periods of their civilization, 
 by means of colonies of strangers more advanced 
 
 Vallency's Collectanea. 
 
133 
 
 in the knowledge of the useful and ornamental 
 arts of life. 
 
 Carmen. Cantus. 
 
 Carmen - , in general, signifies a song or ode. 
 The Roman philologists are at a loss about its 
 derivation. They say it is derived forte a cano 
 quasi canimen ; but although they may with pro¬ 
 priety derive cantus from cano, the word carmen 
 cannot be referred to this source. Both carmen 
 and cantus are derived from Gaelic vocables. 
 
 A, pronounced with an aspiration, is expres¬ 
 sive of laughter among all mankind. Air, in the 
 Gaelic language, signifies joy; compounded of a, 
 the natural expression of laughter, and fir, real. 
 A laugh is expressed by gair, which is an abbre¬ 
 viation of guair, the voice of joy. The word gairm, 
 which is the carmen of the Latins, is composed 
 of three Gaelic words, gu airfhuairn, pronounced 
 gairaim, commonly written gairm, which literally 
 signify the sound of the voice of joy, compose the 
 root of the Latin carmen , and is expressive of 
 harmonious metrical numbers, generally, as used 
 by the Romans, though not always, of a joy¬ 
 ous cast. Ovid expresses himself, with respect 
 to the swan, — 
 
134 
 
 “ Carmina jam moriens canit exsequialia cygnus.” 
 
 Met amorph . 14. 435. 
 
 The word cantus is a derivative of the Gaelic 
 word caint, which signifies speech. Should it be 
 said that cantus is derived from the verb cano , 
 and therefore cannot be referred to the Gaelic 
 original, it is answered, that the verb cano is the 
 verb can in Gaelic, which signifies to sing; as 
 can omhran or amhran, sing a song. It is also 
 used for to speak; and caint, signifying speech, is 
 its derivative, as well as the cano and cantus of 
 the Latins. In Latin, canere was distinguished 
 from dicere, as a word of more dignity: “ Qui 
 “ sanctas et venerabiles res atque divinas docen- 
 “ do proponunt, augustiore veluti verbo canere 
 “ dicuntur non dicere .” The original meaning of 
 the word supports this distinction. Cantus bears 
 reference to the sound, carmen to the metrical 
 composition of a song or poem :— 
 
 “ En conor dignos in carmina dicere cantus.” 
 
 It is curious to observe, that the Greek <f>m j, in 
 Latin vox or sojius, voice or sound, is the Gaelic 
 fonn, which signifies, not precisely voice or sound , 
 but is used to express the air or sound of a tune. 
 It is submitted, that from the Gaelic fonn, and 
 not from dico, is this word to be derived; fa 
 is not unknown in the Gaelic language. Fathi 
 
135 
 
 is a prophet , literally a speaker, a compound of fa 
 and ti; the t is quiescent in the compound. 
 
 The Latin vox is not now in use, but it is pre¬ 
 served in the compound focul , a word which sig¬ 
 nifies voice in motion, foc-dhul; dh pronounced 
 like y in yon , yonder. It may be observed, that 
 fonn bears also the same signification as fundus 
 in Latin. 
 
 Ulna. Cubitus. 
 
 “ Tres pateat cceli spatium non amplius ulnas.” 
 
 Eel. 3. 105. 
 
 On this line of Virgil, Servius writes, “ Ulna 
 “ proprie est spatium, in quantum utraq. exten- 
 “ ditur manus. Dicta ulna <**•««»» id est, a 
 “ brachiis, unde et dicitur, licet Sueto- 
 
 “ nius ulnam cubitum velit esse tantummodo, 
 “ Sane hiec questio varie solvitur.” 
 
 The real signification of the word atom was 
 not settled among the learned Greeks. It was 
 used to signify the arm , from the elbow to the 
 fingers; and was supposed to be synonymous with 
 rrvxv;, which properly signified a cubit. It was 
 understood to be the same with the Roman ulna, 
 the meaning of which was also matter of dispute 
 among the learned Romans. 
 
136 
 
 We have the opinion of the learned Servius, 
 commenting on this line of Virgil, 
 
 “ Terra gelu late, septeinq. adsurgit in uinas.” 
 
 Georg, lib. iii. 355. 
 
 The commentator gives his opinion thus: 
 “ Ulna autem ut diximus, Eel. iii. 105. secun- 
 “ dum alios utriusq. mantis extensio est, secun- 
 dum alios, cubitus, quod magis verum est, quia 
 “ G‘ ffice u\wn dicitur cubitus, unde est h^, 
 
 “ the white armed Juno." 
 
 Ulna , according to some authors, signified the 
 length from the tips of the fingers of one hand 
 to the tips of the fingers of the other hand, when 
 the arms are stretched out, the same as our 
 fathom. According to other authors, ulna sig¬ 
 nified properly a cubit , or the ordinary extent 
 of a man’s arm between the elbow and the tip 
 of the hand. This signification Servius approv¬ 
 ed, upon this ground, that the Latin word ulna 
 was derived from the Greek word »xm, which 
 signified a cubit. Had Servius been acquainted 
 with the most ancient language of Greece and 
 Italy, and had found in that language, or in any 
 remnant of it, the word uilenn , used to denote 
 elbow, he could have been at no loss to determine 
 the derivation of the word. The truth is, the 
 word uilenn is the Gaelic word for elbow, not 
 the space between the joint of the elbow and 
 the tip of the hand, but what the Greeks called 
 
137 
 
 ax.gtk>tenot, and after them the Romans acrolenium. 
 Having lost the original proper meaning of the 
 radical word uilcnn, they variously applied the 
 terms «Xi *» and ulna to parts of the arm which 
 the original word did not warrant. Hence the 
 uncertainty with respect to its proper application. 
 The original word having undergone a modifica¬ 
 tion accommodated to the language of emigrant 
 strangers, a more refined people than the ancient 
 inhabitants of Greece, it had lost its precise pri¬ 
 mitive signification ; the Greeks in its stead in¬ 
 troduced two words, to express what the original 
 language expressed in one, and of CtKQOS and aXiv/i 
 compounded xk^xhm, which literally signifies the 
 extreme end, or tip of the elbow. 
 
 Sol in us, cap. 45. uses ulna for cubitus, where 
 Pliny speaks of a crocodife of 22 cubits long. 
 Solinus expresses it by so many ulnae, and Julius 
 Pollux uses both words for the same; ray art^yy 
 a\iny.ct,xaw, they call a cubitus an ulna. Dr Ar- 
 buthnot’s Tables of Ancient Coins, &c. ch. 8. 
 “ UAENH dicitur a quibusdam cubitus sive os inter 
 “ duos articulos (xfxavx and kx^ov) medium ; alio 
 “ nomine nominatum. Scribit enim Poll. 
 <! lib. ii. axsvw etiam ^-u^y* xxxug.%u. Itidemq. 
 ' c Hesychio axtvxi sunt a< Idem ta- 
 
 <! men Heisych. uxm k exp. etiam / 2 fx%icvxs, xyzxXxs, 
 “ nec non uti Servius quoq. uxtm ?, interp. 
 “ Brachia derivatum inde dicens Latinum voca- 
 “ bulum Ulna.'' Steph. Thesaur. 
 
138 
 
 The Greeks, it is evident, departed, in all th£ 
 acceptations taken notice of by the learned 
 Stephanus, from the original meaning of the 
 word uilenn, axw, but the Romans, though they 
 equally clearly as the Greeks preserved the orb 
 ginal word, departed still farther from its original 
 meaning; with them it signified not only a cubit, 
 but the length or space between the tips of the 
 fingers of two arms stretched out; and it was 
 also used to signify a man’s arm, as in these lines 
 of Catullus, xvii. 13. 
 
 -“ Est homo 
 
 “ Insulsissimus, nec sapit pueri instar, 
 
 “ Bimuli tremula patris dormientis in ulna.” 
 
 It is understood that the Romans borrowed 
 their measures of length from the Greeks. As 
 these measures were taken from the human body, 
 it is to be presumed that the specific lengths of 
 the different measures were determined by what 
 was found to be the longitudinal extent of the 
 members of a human body, the most perfect or 
 most admired for size, symmetry, and strength. 
 If it be true, as is supposed by the generality of 
 authors,* that the Grecian foot exceeded the 
 Roman by a Roman half inch, then it may be 
 inferred, that when the Grecian measure of a 
 foot was fixed, the bodies of men in Greece were 
 
 * Akbuthnot’s Tables of Ancient Coins, &c. cli. 8. 
 
139 
 
 larger than were those in Italy when the Roman 
 measure of a foot was determined. 
 
 Aristotle describes a man to be *rt£e> 
 7‘T%ct7rri X v, a two footed animal four cubits high. 
 
 A cubit was understood universally to be a 
 measure of one foot and a half. The Roman 
 cubit was a fraction of an inch less than eigh¬ 
 teen English inches; the Grecian cubit was a 
 fraction of an inch greater than tile Roman 
 cubit; so that Aristotle’s man may be supposed 
 to amount to the measure of six feet English in 
 height; his cubit being the fourth part of his 
 height, was of consequence a measure of eigh¬ 
 teen English inches. If, however, Aristotle’s de¬ 
 scription of a man can be understood to have 
 been taken from the medium size of men in his 
 days, these men of six feet high were as common 
 in his time in Greece, as men of five feet eight 
 inches are at present in Great Britain; this last 
 measure being understood to be the medium size 
 of men in this island. 
 
 A cubit is that part of the arm which is often 
 used to support the body in a leaning posture, 
 and seems to be derived from the verb cubo. 
 The Latins said cubitus or cubitum, the Greeks 
 had the word y.v&irov. The word cubo was used, 
 it is probable, by the Greeks, in the same sense 
 with that of the Latins, as we meet with kvGv&s 
 to signify an inclined posture of the body. The 
 root of both words is Gaelic; cub signifies a 
 bending of the body ; cubam, I bend or stoop ; and 
 
140 
 
 cubachuil. a bed-chamber , and is the same with' 
 the Latin cubiculum, a compound of cub and cuil; 
 which latter is in common use, and signifies a 
 recess or private apartment of a house. Claon and 
 cluain are now in current use for to bend or re¬ 
 cline; which are the same with the Greek kmw, 
 and the Latin clino, though in the latter language 
 the word became obsolete without the preposi¬ 
 tions, in, re, ad, de. 
 
 The members of the human body having been 
 naturally used as affording various standards for 
 different measures of length, the appellations of 
 those members were also, by a metonymy natural 
 to the human mind, applied to the measures 
 themselves; the standards having been once 
 fixed by the common consent and usage of any 
 people. So, among the Romans, digitus, palma, 
 pes, cubitus, a finger, a palm, a foot , a cubit, were 
 well known parts of the body ; but ulna, as a 
 measure, was variously understood. It is evi¬ 
 dent, however, that Servius’s opinion was just, 
 that it was originally and properly the same mea¬ 
 sure with a cubit. The word ulna, as already 
 mentioned, denoted simply the tip of the elbow, 
 to which, in the act of measurement, it was 
 necessary to apply the instrument of mensura¬ 
 tion, which being extended along the arm to the 
 tip of the fingers, the whole measure got the 
 name of that part of the arm which figured 
 most in the imagination, whence the measure- 
 
141 
 
 ment took its commencement. In confirmation 
 of this idea it may be observed, that the Greek 
 axm was not understood to be a greater measure 
 than their which was certainly the Roman 
 cubitus. 
 
 Multa. Pcena. 
 
 Aulus Gellius writes,* “ Timseus in histo- 
 “ riis, quas oratione Graica de rebus populi Ro- 
 “ mani composuit, et M. Varro in antiquilatibus 
 “ rerum humanarum terrain Italiam de Grteco 
 “ vocabulo appellatam scripserunt; quoniam bo- 
 “ ves Grasca vetere lingua it«sa»; vocitati sunt, 
 “ quorum in Italia tnagna copia fuerit, buceraq. 
 “ in ea terra gigni pasciq. solita sint complurima. 
 “ Conjectare autem possumus oh eandem cau- 
 “ sam, quod Italia tunc esset armentosissima, mul- 
 “ tam qure appellatur, suprema, institutam in sin- 
 “ gulos duarum ovium, bourn triginta, pro co- 
 “ pia scilicet bourn, proq. ovium penuria. Sed 
 “ cum ejusmodi multa pecoris armentiq. a magis- 
 <£ tratibus dicta erat; addicebantur boves ovesq. 
 “ alias precii parvi alias majoris ; eaq. res facie- 
 “ batinrequalem mult® pcenitionem. Idcirco pos- 
 
 * Lib. xi. cap. 1. Noct. Attic. 
 
142 
 
 “ tea lege Ateria constituti sunt in o.ves singu- 
 “ las seris deni, in boves a?ris centeni. Minima 
 “ autem multa est ovis unius. Suprema multa 
 “ est ejus numeri, cujus diximus, ultra quem 
 “ multa dicere in singulos jus non est, et prop- 
 “ terea suprema appellatur, id est, summa et 
 “ maxima. Quando igitur nunc quoq. a magis- 
 “ tratibus populi Romani more majorum multa 
 “ dicitur vel minima vel suprema ; observari 
 c< solet ut oves genere virili appellentur; atq. ita 
 “ M. Varro verba hasc legitima, quibus minima 
 “ multa diceretur, concepit. M. Termtius quan- 
 “ do c\tatm neq. respondet neq. cxcusatus est, ego ei 
 “ unum ovem mult am dico. Ac nisi eo genere 
 “ diceretur negaverunt justam videri multam. 
 “ Vocabulum autem ipsum multcc idem M. Varro 
 “ uno et vicesimo rerum humanarum non Lati- 
 “ num sed Submum esse dicit; idq. ad suam me- 
 
 moriam mansisse ait in lingua Samnitium, qui 
 “ sunt a Sabmis orti 
 
 We learn from the history of mankind, in dif¬ 
 ferent periods of their social existence, that even 
 after the notion of the right of appropriation 
 had obtained in the human mind, those subjects 
 which administer to the sustenance and comfort 
 of the human species were enjoyed, not by indi¬ 
 viduals exclusively, but by societies or tribes of 
 men, women and children, in common. Mankind 
 existing in this state of society were not unac¬ 
 quainted with atonements and compensations for 
 injuries, by payment or delivery of a certain num- 
 
143 
 
 ber of cattle to the injured tribe or society, for 
 the offence committed against them. There can 
 be no regular government established among 
 men, without an executive power of punishment 
 being vested in a certain person or persons, who 
 are understood to have right to take cognizance 
 of crimes.* The imposition of tines on indi¬ 
 viduals proves the establishment of exclusive 
 property of the most perfect kind. We have 
 the authority of the above quoted learned author, 
 that fines or penalties for offences or trespasses 
 were paid by the Romans in cattle, in the earlier 
 period of their existence as a state. In those 
 periods, money, or any species of metal stamped 
 with a determinate value, for the purposes of 
 commerce, was to them unknown. Exclusive 
 property in individuals was acknowledged, and 
 the regular authority of magistrates established 
 and put in practice, before metallic substances 
 furnished those convenient instruments of com¬ 
 merce, which are universally used among man¬ 
 kind, accustomed in any considerable degree to 
 commercial intercourse. 
 
 The words used by the Romans to denote a 
 fine, or penalty, or punishment, were multi/ and 
 pcem. Between these two words there was an 
 essential difference in their original meaning, 
 which, in the progress of time, was in a good 
 measure lost sight of; but, even in the latter 
 
 * Vide Grant’s Essays, Origin of Jurisdiction. 
 
 l 
 
144 
 
 periods of Roman jurisprudence, a distinction 
 was preserved between multa and pccna , so as not 
 to be confounded in their judicial acceptations. 
 Ulpian writes,* “ Inter multam auiem et pcenam, 
 “ multum interest; cum poena generate sit no- 
 “ men, omnium delictorum coeratio; multa spe- 
 “ cialis peccati, cujus animadversio hoclie pecuni- 
 “ aria est.” 
 
 This illustrious Roman lawyer distinguishes 
 between the nature of the punishments which 
 were denominated multa, and poena. There was 
 always this essential difference, that multa af¬ 
 fected the offender’s goods, not his person : cor-r 
 poral punishment was not understood to be im¬ 
 plied under the term multa , and Ulpian says, 
 that this species of punishment or animadver¬ 
 sion, hodie pecuniaria est. The word hodie serves 
 to inform us, that in former times the atonement 
 was not made in money, but in some species of 
 property of a different nature. 
 
 In the ,Greek language nun referred princi¬ 
 pally to inflictions by which the person of the 
 offender was sensibly touched, and is said to be 
 derived from the verb mw, which denotes pain¬ 
 ful and slavish labour; mm, qui labore victim 
 quoent. The original word is well known in 
 the Gaelic language. Pian denotes bodily pain, 
 pianta , pangs; it is also applied to bodily labour, 
 as duineplantach, a laborious man. The genitive 
 
 * L. 131. De Verb. Significat. 
 
145 
 
 of the substantive plan is pean, whence ol 
 the Greeks ; so that poena , in its radical accepta¬ 
 tion, referred to corporal punishment. The word 
 mult a , in its original signification, was not ex¬ 
 pressive of punishment in an) sense whatever. 
 It is curious to observe, that in the Gaelic lan¬ 
 guage, the word for a wedder (sheep), in Latin 
 vervex, is mult. The Welsh and Irish say mo It; 
 the Cornish, molz; in the Armoric, maut. The 
 Gael of Scotland have preserved more nearly the 
 pronunciation of the ancient word as spoken in 
 Italy. In Gaelic the vowel u sounds like oo 
 English, or u in the Italian language. The ? Ind¬ 
 ia of the Romans was a Jine, or that satisfaction 
 which was made to the injured person, by de¬ 
 livering to him some portion of the offender’s 
 goods. In what kind of goods was this satisfac¬ 
 tion made among the Romans? It was made by 
 delivery of a sheep by the offender to the injur¬ 
 ed party. Was it by delivery of a ram or a ewe 
 sheep ? The answer will be learned from the illus¬ 
 trious author above quoted. When the fine call¬ 
 ed multa was inflicted in his day, “ more majorum, 
 “ observari solet ut oves genere virili appellentur. 
 “ M. Terentias quando citatus neq. respondet neq. 
 “ excusatus est, ego ei unum overn multam dico. Ac 
 “ nisi eo genere diceretur, negaverunt justam vi- 
 “ deri multam.” Here, then, the ancient form of 
 expressing the sentence remained : the masculine 
 gender was applied to the sheep to be delivered 
 as satisfaction for the offence committed; and if 
 
 K 
 
146 
 
 the sentence was not thus expressed, it was not 
 the proper sentence or fine of multa. It might 
 appear odd and unaccountable to the Romans, in 
 the days of Aldus Gellius, that in expressing the 
 sentence of multa the masculine gender should 
 have been so tenaciously adhered to; and they 
 might say, that non omnium quce a majoribus 
 tradita sunt ratio reddi potest. The fact, how¬ 
 ever, was well ascertained, and the Gaelic lan¬ 
 guage enables us to account for the form of the 
 sentence. 
 
 When a fine was originally imposed, satisfac¬ 
 tion was made .by the offender by delivery of 
 a sheep to the injured person : but it was neither 
 a ewe nor a ram that was delivered ; it was that 
 particular kind of sheep , which, in the language 
 of the people, was called mult , that is, a wedder 
 sheep. From the frequent use of the term mult 
 in the infliction of fines, the sentence or fine 
 came, by a natural metonymy, to bear the name 
 of the particular animal given in satisfaction of 
 the injury. 
 
 It is worthy of observation, that it was said 
 by M. Varro, that multa was not a Latin but 
 a Sabine word, and that the word remained to 
 his time in use among the Samnites, who were of 
 Sabine origin. 
 
 Pliny, in his chapter De Jugere et actu et legi- 
 bus circa Pecora, See. writes :* “ Mulctatio quoq. 
 
 * Plin. Nat. Hist. cap. iii. lib. J8. 
 
147 
 
 “ non nisi ovium boumq. impendio dicebatur, non 
 “ omit ten da priscarum legum benevolentia. Cau- 
 “ turn quippe est , ne bovem priusquam ovem nomi- 
 “ naret, qui mdiceret mulct am From this learn¬ 
 ed author we learn, that, in the imposition of 
 the mult or fine, the satisfaction was to be made 
 in sheep before cows or oxen could be adjudged. 
 The highest mult or fine consisted of two sheep 
 and thirty cows or oxen ; the minima multa, or 
 lowest fine, was of one sheep; and, as already 
 noticed, the sentence marked the sheep to be 
 of the male species. Pliny being unacquainted 
 with the original nature of the fine denominated 
 multa , ascribes the indiction of a sheep before 
 cows were named, to the clemency of the an¬ 
 cient laws of the Romans; whereas originally the 
 multa was a fine of a wedder sheep, that being 
 the name known, and proper appellation of the 
 animal which was forfeited or given in satisfac¬ 
 tion of the injury. 
 
 Varro writes, “ Multa a pecunia qua; a magis- 
 “ tratu dicta, ut exigi possit ob peccatum , quod 
 “ singula 1 dicuntur appellate esse multa , quod olim 
 “ unum dicebant multa. Itaq. cum in dohum aut 
 “ culeum unum addunt rustici, prima urna addi- 
 “ ta, dicunt etiam nunc multa." Scaliger, in his 
 Conjectanca in Varronem de Lingua Latina , gives 
 us the sense in which Varro understood the word 
 Multa. “ Varro autem putavit illud Multa esse 
 “ nomen, et signijicare unum , quod in primo nu- 
 “ mero ita dicerent.” He condemns Varro’s ety- 
 
148 
 
 moil of the word: ■ ‘ Sed nimis tenuis et 
 “ est in hac etymologia Varro.” Scaliger’s ex¬ 
 planation of the term, however, is equally dis¬ 
 tant from the original sense of the word, and of 
 the cause whence it sprung, when used as a term 
 expressive of punishment: the one renders it as 
 synonymous to union, the other as expressive of 
 the same sense as numera: “ Nam veteres cum 
 “ plures culeos in dolium unum indituri essent, 
 “ primo addito, dicebant multa; hoc est nu- 
 1 ■ mera.” 
 
 How early the ancient inhabitants of Italy 
 were acquainted w ith the operation of castrating 
 rams, cannot, we presume, he ascertained; but 
 it may be admitted, that the utility of that opera¬ 
 tion was experienced and approved by the pro¬ 
 genitors of the Romans, living in that stage of 
 society when money was unknown, and the 
 wealth of the people consisted of their flocks and 
 herds; that is, when they were as yet leading a 
 pastoral life, and were properly entitled to the 
 appellation of shepherds. 
 
 It appears from Homer’s works, that of the 
 sheep kind a ram is always mentioned as the 
 sacrifice offered to the deities. This circum¬ 
 stance entitles us not absolutely to conclude, that 
 the castration of rams was unknown to, or not 
 practised by the Greeks ; for we are told, that 
 “ Romani reges, homicidii convictos ariete mul- 
 
 tabant, qui supplicando Diis immolaretur, unde 
 {: dicta supplicia.” The ram, as the noblest ani- 
 
149 
 
 mal, the dux ovium, was always offered as a pro¬ 
 pitiatory sacrifice to the Gods. 
 
 It may be observed, that the Greeks had not 
 one word corresponding to the English word 
 wedder; they said repias, a cut ram. The 
 Latins had the word Vervex, which signified a 
 male sheep that had suffered castration. This 
 word is a compound of two Gaelic words fir, 
 bhech ; the first signifies real, genuine, also male; 
 the other word signifies beast in general. Ver - 
 •vex, in its original meaning, signifies a beast of 
 •value. A forfeiture of that animal was, there¬ 
 fore, a proper infliction of punishment among a 
 pastoral people. From the word beach is derived 
 the pecus of the Romans, Though the ancient 
 word mult, which was used by the Gauls to de¬ 
 note a wedder, was lost by their descendants in 
 France, yet they have preserved a certain proof 
 of the use of the original word, in their term 
 mouton. The English mutton is derived from the 
 same source, and properly signifies the flesh of a 
 wedder sheep, called by the Gael multeoil. The 
 Italians, for mutton, use the terms moutone and 
 castrato, still retaining the real meaning of the 
 original word, whence the modern terms have 
 sprung. 
 
 Varro derives the word from pes, not, as we 
 apprehend, in a satisfactory manner: “ Pecus ab 
 “ eo quod perpascat, a quo pecora universa, quod 
 “ in pecore pecunia turn consistebat pastoribus: 
 “ et standi fundamentum pes, a quo dicitur in 
 
150 
 
 “ iediliciis, area pes magnus, et qui fundamen- 
 ct turn instiluit pedem ponit. A pede pecudes 
 “ appellarunt.”* This derivation seems to be 
 liable to the objection made by Scaliger to 
 the etymon of multa; it cannot, however sub¬ 
 tle and ingenious it may appear, be admitted as 
 uatu ral. 
 
 In the passage above transcribed from the well 
 informed and ingenious author, we learn, that in 
 the ancient language of Greece cattle were ex¬ 
 pressed by the word and that that term 
 
 was applied to the country of the Romans, from 
 its great abundance of herds of cattle. 
 
 This matter of information serves also to show, 
 that the ancient language of Greece alluded to 
 was the Gaelic ; in that language cattle is called 
 cdail, the common term in the mouths of all the 
 Gael of Scotland and Ireland for cattle. It may 
 be further observed, that the ancient inhabitants 
 of Greece might have very naturally applied the 
 word edali to Italy; i signifies an island , and as 
 it is much surrounded by the sea, and is in fact 
 a peninsula, it might readily and naturally have 
 obtained from the inhabitants of Greece the ap¬ 
 pellation of the Island of Cattle. 
 
 In mentioning the origin of the name of Italy 
 the word bucera is noticed. Buie is the plural 
 number of boc, applied to the male of the goat 
 and roe. 
 
 * Varr. tie Ling. Lat. lib. 4. 
 
“ Italia dicta, quod magnos Italos, hoc est 
 “ boves habeat. Vituli etenim I tali sunt dicti.”* 
 So that cows, and particularly calves, were de¬ 
 nominated Itali, which corresponds with the 
 Gaelic Edal. 
 
 * Ff.stus, voce Italia. 
 
THE 
 
 ANCIENT BRITONS WERE GAEL, AND DESCENDED 
 FROM THE GAULS. 
 
 A learned French author,* who has made the 
 history of the Celts an object of his particular 
 attention, says, “ It is difficult to determine 
 “ from what country the Celts came originally. 
 “ The history and ancient traditions of the Celts 
 “ furnish us with no certain accounts of the 
 “ country whence those people first came. They 
 “ passed into Europe at a period beyond the 
 “ reach of history.” 
 
 The name of Celts, says the learned author,'j* 
 may be regarded as the proper and distinguish¬ 
 ing name of the people whose history he writes. 
 As to the origin of the name he confesses him¬ 
 self to be uncertain, and quotes among others, M. 
 de Leibnitz, who derives it from the word gelt , 
 which signifies value , and gelten , which signifies 
 to be worth in the Celtic language, and that 
 Celt re, Kelt re, and Galatce, are the same word ; 
 though, in the author’s opinion, the Galati of 
 the Greeks is the Galli of the Romans, modified 
 
 * Pelloutier, tom. i. p. 78. 
 
 f Page 88, 89, et seq. 
 
153 
 
 by an inflection more agreeable to the genius of 
 the Greek language. Pel lout ler quotes the opi¬ 
 nion of Pausanias, who says, “ The usage of call- 
 “ ing these people Galli, was introduced but very 
 “ late. Their ancient name was that of Celti: 
 “ it was the name they took themselves; it was 
 “ also the name which strangers gave to them.” 
 “ Julius Caesar,” adds Pelloutier, “ says something 
 “ similar in the beginning of his Commentaries: 
 “ The third part of Gaul is occupied by the Celti; 
 “ so they name themselves in their language, 
 “ and we call them Galli.'’'’ “ But Julius Caesar 
 “ and Pausanias,” says Pelloutier, “ decide not if 
 “ that name is in itself Greek, Latin, or Celtic. 
 “ It appears, however, that that word has taken 
 “ its origin among the Celts. Waller signifies in 
 “ the Teutonic, to run , to travel. Waller or galler 
 “ signifies a stranger; a traveller , wallo, peregri- 
 “ nus. The change of the w into g is very 
 “ common.” “ According to all appearances, the 
 “ Celts, who detached themselves from the great 
 “ body of their nation, to pass the Alps on the 
 “ side of Italy, and the Danube on the side of 
 “ Pannonia, took the name of JValler or Galler. 
 “ They indicated by that expression, that they 
 “ had been driven from tbeir ancient habitations, 
 “ or that they voluntarily exiled themselves 
 “ from them.” 
 
 Had the learned authors of these etymological 
 derivations been acquainted with the language 
 of the Gael, they would not have admitted those 
 
154 
 
 conjectural etymologies to be in any manner ap¬ 
 plicable to the Celti and Galli. 
 
 Gaoll, in the Gaelic language, signifies a stran¬ 
 ger. All the inhabitants of the kingdom of Scot¬ 
 land whose native language is not Gaelic, are by 
 the Gael called Gaoill; Gaoll , nom. singular; 
 Gaoill, nom. plural, that is, strangers; so Gaoll- 
 doch is the country of the Scots who speak Eng¬ 
 lish, as Gaeldoch is the country of the Highlanders 
 who speak Gaelic. Cathness, that part of the 
 northern extremity of Scotland which has been 
 for many centuries inhabited by Anglo-Saxon 
 colonies, is called by the Gael, Gaollthao, the 
 quarter of strangers; and, for the same reason, 
 the Hebrides, after their conquest by the Danes, 
 got the name of Insegaoll, which signifies, the 
 islands inhabited by strangers. Circumstances of 
 a like nature gave the names of Galloway and 
 Galway, to the districts of country known by 
 these appellations in Scotland and Ireland. 
 
 The etymon of Galli has been attempted by 
 several learned men, but we think very unsuc¬ 
 cessfully. The Greek term for that people was 
 said to be pure Greek, and to have been derived 
 from yaxu* milk, by reason of the fairness of their 
 complexion, or as being Galactophages or feeders 
 on milk. 
 
 * The root of yuXa is geal, which signifies in Gaelic fair, 
 white, bright ; hence yih.ya, to shine; yzXy/i, the splendour of 
 the sun, also colour, tinge. 
 
155 
 
 The northern people who first passed the Alps 
 with the intention of establishing themselves in 
 Italy, it is to be presumed, had carried along 
 with their manners, customs and valour, the gene¬ 
 ric name by which they distinguished themselves 
 from all other nations and people. With this 
 name the Romans, and their neighbours the Tus¬ 
 cans, whose country the Gauls had overrun and 
 conquered at an early period of the political esta¬ 
 blishment of Rome as a separate state, had occa¬ 
 sion to be well acquainted. It is a certain fact, 
 that in whatever manner the invaders pronounc¬ 
 ed their generic name, the Romans called them 
 Galli. It is evident, that the name of the invad¬ 
 ing people had received from the Roman pronun¬ 
 ciation a modification or inflection accommodat¬ 
 ed to the genius of the Roman language. The 
 Romans have preserved the name by which those 
 northern invaders distinguished themselves upon 
 their first acquaintance with the inhabitants of 
 Italy. Supposing the transalpine people had in 
 their own language styled themselves Gael, it 
 was natural enough for the Romans to have call¬ 
 ed them Galli. 
 
 With respect to the etymology of this appella¬ 
 tion, we confess ourselves to be inti rely ignorant. 
 In point of fact, Gael is the name by which the 
 Highlanders of Scotland, and also the ancient 
 Irish people, have always distinguished them¬ 
 selves. The Welsh is merely a corruption of 
 the same appellation. The true national generic 
 
156 
 
 appellation was applied by the neighbouring na¬ 
 tions to the ancient inhabitants of Wales, how¬ 
 ever their descendants may have retained their 
 own distinctive appellation of Cimmerich. It is 
 easy to perceive, that the term Gael was in the 
 Saxon pronunciation of the name readily trans¬ 
 formed into JVael;* hence, the inhabitants came 
 naturally to be denominated by the Saxons 
 IVaels; the name by which the country possess¬ 
 ed by the descendants of the ancient Britons of 
 the southern parts of the island of Great Britain 
 is known at this day. 
 
 It affords no good objection to this derivation 
 of the name Wales, that the Welsh in their own 
 language call themselves Cimmerich. If the 
 Welsh are genuine descendants of the Cimbri of 
 Germany, the Welsh language proves incontest¬ 
 ably, that the Cimbri were a Gaelic race, that 
 language bearing no radical affinity to that of 
 Germany, or the Teutonic; whereas its kindred 
 relation to the ancient language of Scotland and 
 Ireland must, upon the slightest examination, 
 appear obviously to any person conversant in the 
 Gaelic language. A great number of Welsh 
 compounds are formed by Gaelic primitives, not 
 understood as such by the Welsh themselves, yet 
 preserved in common use by the Gael of Scotland 
 and Ireland: some words are preserved as primi- 
 
 * Vide Sommers’s Glossary, at the end of the Decern Scrip- 
 tores, under the title Wallia. 
 
 Britwealas, Cornwealas, Galwealas. Cambden, p. 135> 
 
157 
 
 tives by the Welsh, which are retained only in 
 compounds by the Gael of Scotland and Ireland. 
 The same observation applies to the Armorican 
 dialect of the Gaelic, instances of which will be 
 noticed in another place. 
 
 That colonies of Gauls occupied parts of Ger¬ 
 many, may be asserted with safety. Tacitus 
 says,* we find that the whole region between the 
 Hercynian Forestf the Maine and the Rhine, was 
 occupied by the Helvetians, and the tract beyond 
 it by the Boians, both originally Gaelic nations. 
 “ Igitur inter Hercyniam Sylvam Rhenumque et 
 “ Meenum arnnes Helvetii; ulteriora Boii, Gallica 
 “ utraq. gens, tenuere.” And Cassar, with whom 
 Tacitus agrees, says, that colonies from Gaul had 
 penetrated into Germany.J 
 
 It is to be considered, then, whether it be a 
 just opinion, that Gael was the appropriate ge¬ 
 neric appellation of the people who inhabited 
 the whole country known to the Romans bv the 
 name of Gallia, and that the appellation of Celti 
 and keato( was properly applied only to a part of 
 the great Gaelic nation. 
 
 We have good evidence of the fact, that t he 
 whole country now called Fiance, had, in very 
 ancient times, received its denomination from 
 
 * Tacit. Germania. 
 
 f The Hercynian Forest was said to be the largest wood ot 
 Germany, sixty days journey in length, and nine in breadth. 
 
 1 Cap. xxviii. 
 
158 
 
 the appellation of the great race of people by 
 whom it was inhabited. 
 
 Aristotle, in his book De Mundo * describes 
 very distinctly the Straits of Gibraltar, called 
 the Pillars of Hercules, the coasts washed by the 
 Mediterranean Sea within these, and the great 
 Atlantic Ocean beyond them to the westward. 
 He says, “ Ac primum quidem insinuari dicitur 
 “ dextrorsus ab Herculis columnis intro navi- 
 “ gantibus, circa utramq. Syrtim, (alteram earum 
 “ magnam parvam alteram vocant); at vero in 
 “ alteram partem non jam itidem sinuosus inun- 
 “ dans, efficit tria maria, Sardoum, Gallicum, et 
 
 u Adrian), t^Io. -uom TriXayn, to te ’Scttfimiov, y.ooi to rooXaTiy.'ov y.a- 
 
 <£ AstjttEvov, xmi 
 
 It will be observed, that'-a portion of the great 
 country termed by the Romans Gallia , was inha¬ 
 bited by the kha™, and was on one side wash¬ 
 ed by the Mediterranean Sea. We learn from 
 Aristotle, that one of the seas which he describes 
 was called Koa^o? r^Aa-r^o?, the Galatic or the Gal¬ 
 lic Gulf or Bay, evidently so denominated from 
 the general name of the country, a part of which 
 formed the coast of that sea. The Romans call¬ 
 ed it Gallia, the Greeks TciXcma .; and although 
 the latter extended the appellation k>ja™ to all 
 the inhabitants of Gaul, it is evident from the 
 term Koa^^a«*«*, that the general name of the 
 country was Galatia , derived from the general 
 
 * nEriKOSMor. 
 
159 
 
 name of the great race of people by whom it 
 was inhabited; and that those inhabitants who 
 were called Keltoi by the Greeks, got that name 
 from some peculiar circumstance denoting the 
 nature of the country which they inhabited, 
 and which rendered the term an appropriate 
 appellation. For Cassar says, that in their own 
 tongue they were called Celtee. The circum¬ 
 stance whence arose the distinctive appellation 
 of Keltoi and we think was their being a 
 
 woodland people, denominated Caoiltich in the 
 Gaelic language. 
 
 Let us again attend to Aristotle’s description 
 of the seas beyond the Pillars of Hercules. 
 “ Mare vero quod super Hyrcaniam est, vastum 
 “ ilium obtinet locum, qui est super Maeotin pa- 
 “ ludem. Turn autem qua parte Scythas Celtasq. 
 
 complectitur, sensim astringit orbem terrarum, 
 “ ad usque sinum Gallicum, supradictasque co- 
 “ lumnas : extra quas oceanus terrain fluctibus 
 “ suis oberrat. Quo ipso in mari insulas duas 
 “ sitae sunt, quam maximae, quas Britannicas ap- 
 “ pellant, Albion et Ierna: iis etiam majores, 
 “quas commemoravimus supra Celtas jacentes.” 
 According to Aristotle’s notion, the sea which 
 lay beyond the Palus Masotis comprehended 
 Scythia and Keltica, and begirt the habitable 
 world to the Gallic Bay and the Pillars of Her¬ 
 cules. These seas we denominate in modern 
 times the Baltic, the German Ocean, and the 
 Bay of Biscay ; which last Aristotle expresses by 
 
 3 
 
the words re rev rxxotrmov koxtc ev. So that we see 
 the proper ancient appellation of the country in¬ 
 habited by the Gallic race of people communicat¬ 
 ed its name to one of the mediterranean seas which 
 he describes, on the one side, and to the great bay 
 or gulf formed by the vast Atlantic Ocean, on 
 the other or western side. However the Greeks 
 may have extended the appellation of Keltica, 
 the oldest name was unquestionably that retain¬ 
 ed by the Romans; and although we do not know 
 precisely how the people of Gaul pronounced 
 their general name of the country, we may fairly 
 presume it u r as nearly that of Gallia , allowance 
 being made for the modification of the appella¬ 
 tion by the Roman pronunciation of the word. 
 
 Caesar has informed us, that all Gaul was di¬ 
 vided into three parts; one of which the Beiges 
 inhabited, another the Aguitani, and the third 
 a people, who, in their own tongue, were called 
 Celtce, but by the Romans Galli. “ Gallia est 
 omnis divisa in partes tres, quarum unam inco- 
 “ lunt Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui ipsorum 
 “ lingua Celtae, nostra Galli appellantur,”* 
 
 From this account it does not appear, that any 
 of the inhabitants of Gaul were in their own lan¬ 
 guage denominated Galli. It is no less true, 
 however, that the general name of the inhabi¬ 
 tants of Gaul was Galli, than that the general 
 name of the inhabitants of Germany was Ger- 
 
 * C;es. Comm. lib. i. cap. 1. 
 
16'1 
 
 mani. Yet both countries were peopled by a 
 great variety of tribes, who had names, districts, 
 and chieftains or princes peculiar to each. Such 
 as in Germany were the Marcomanni, Menapii, 
 Suevi, &c. ; in Gaul, the Albici, Atribates, Carnu- 
 tes,Gaballi, Pictones, &c.; and so fixed and settled 
 was the name of Galli for the whole inhabitants 
 of Gallia, in the idea of the Romans, that that 
 part of Italy which was seized and possessed by 
 a certain portion of that people, got the name 
 of Gallia Cisa/pina, and Gallia Togata; the name 
 being evidently derived from that of the inva¬ 
 ders and conquerors of the country. 
 
 The appellation of Celtce or Keltce was pecu¬ 
 liar to a part of the country of Gaul. The Gauls, 
 according to Livy,* passed into Italy in the reign 
 of Tarquin the elder, about the time when the 
 Greek colony of Marseilles was founded. If the 
 people who appeared in Italy at that time had 
 called themselves Keltce, the Romans would 
 not, it is to be presumed, have applied to them 
 quite a different name. Strabo [ gives it as his 
 opinion, that the name of Keltce was applied to 
 the Galli in general, from the appellation of the 
 inhabitants of the province of Narbonne, who 
 were an illustrious people, and had been anciently 
 known by the name of Keltce; and that the in¬ 
 habitants of Marseilles, their neighbours, had con¬ 
 tributed to extend that name to the whole na- 
 
 * Lib. v. c. 34. t Lib. iv. p. 1 8 . 9 . 
 
 L 
 
162 
 
 tioil. “ T xvtx fxlv vzrlf> tZv npofiivav rw N ctfiunrii) hnxpurl ixv 'M- 
 “ yoptiv, evf oi zr^on^ov KsArst? uvofxxZor xoro rovrm S’ oi/xxt xxt to us 
 “ o-vfXzrxvTxg T xXxtxs KeAtov; iizro tZv EAAtivwv zr^oc-xyo^tv&qvxt, Six 
 “ Ti$v tzriQxmxv' oj xxi zr^otrXx&ovTav zr^bg touto kxi ruv Mxo-txXixtZv 
 
 “ Six to ^A»cr(o^ ? ov.” “ Hffic diximus de Gallis qui 
 
 “ Narbonensem provinciam incolunt, qui quon- 
 “ dam Celtas appellabantur, et arbitror ab his esse 
 “ a Graecis nomen Celtarum universis Galatis seu 
 “ Gallis inditum, ob gentis claritatem : vel Mas- 
 “ siliensibus ob vicinitatem ad id aliquid momenti 
 ■“ conferentibus.” 
 
 With Strabo agrees Diodorus Siculus,* who 
 says expressly, that the name of Keltoi was par¬ 
 ticularly given to the inhabitants of the province 
 of Narbonne, which extended from the Pyre¬ 
 nees to the Alps, and lay between the rivers 
 Garonne and Seine. “ xp^V^ov Wi SioeUxi to z-x^x zrox- 
 
 “ Ao ?5 xyvovsfxivov' T isg yxf> vtIq M.x<rt*xXixg x.oZloixSvTxg \v rS y.itroyiiu, 
 “ xxi t if Ttx.p^a Tag AXoretg, st< SI TXg (7 t'i txSs tm Wv^xloii o^Zv, 
 “ KeAT»£ ovo/xx^a -f t»j S’ vzrl(> too iiTVig t vjg Kstfixijg ilg tx, zrfZg Zotov 
 ll vivov\x TX(X ts Toy Zxkavov xxi to E gxwiov xxdiS(>vyJivxg, 
 
 “ xxt zravTXg Tisg s%ijg Tijj XxvS-t'xg, VxXaTXg zrpoo-xyo^v'd'riv oi 
 
 ‘‘ §£ Ycofxxioi zraXtv zroivTx txvtx tx it)vr, rvAAtiSoijv fxix zr^otr/iyo^lx 
 “ 7nt>i'Ax/Xoxvit<rtv, ovo/xx^ovjig TxXKTxg aTXv\xg. “ iNuilC quod 
 
 “ a multis ignoratur definiri operae pretium est. 
 “ Qui interiora supra Massiliam tenent, et qui ad 
 “ Alpes, ac cis Pyremeos montes habitant, • hos 
 “ Celtas nominant. Qui vero ultra banc ipsam 
 ‘ CeJticam, partes austrum versus, et ad ocea- 
 
 * f ib. v. p. Cl4. 
 
163 
 
 “ num, Hercyniumque montem sitas, incolunt, 
 “ omnesq. ad Scythiam usq. difFusos, Gallos voci- 
 “ tant. At Romani gentes hasce universas ana 
 “ Gallorum appellatione comprehendunt.” 
 
 Diodorus says, that the exact boundaries of the 
 inhabitants of Gaul called Keltoi, was unknown 
 to many, and therefore he gives a particular de¬ 
 scription of the Celtic country, which extended 
 from the Alps to the Pyrenees, and contained a 
 considerable portion Of the interior country of 
 Gaul: That the inhabitants of by far the great¬ 
 er portion of Gaul, and of countries extending 
 even to the boundaries of the Scythians, were call¬ 
 ed Gauls : That the Romans made no nominal 
 distinction between the inhabitants of Narbonne 
 and the other inhabitants of Gaul, comprehend¬ 
 ing the whole under the denomination of Gauls. 
 However indistinctly the territories in the actual 
 possession of the Gauls beyond the Rhine were 
 defined, there is nothing more clearly ascertained 
 by the testimonies of Ca?sar, Strabo, and Diodo¬ 
 rus Siculus, than this fact, that the Celtic peo¬ 
 ple, properly so called, possessed only the pro¬ 
 vince of Narbonne, extending from the Pyrenees 
 to the Alps, and were bounded by the Garonne 
 and Seine. The propriety of calling them Celtce 
 was determined by the fact, that they in their 
 own language called themselves Celtce, though 
 the Greeks generally applied that term to the 
 whole Gallic nation. Another fact perfectly- 
 ascertained is, that the Belgie inhabited the low- 
 
16'4 
 
 er part of Gaul on the side of the Rhine next to 
 the Germans, and that the Helvetii inhabited the 
 higher part of Gaul on the Rhine, also conti¬ 
 guous to the Germans.* 
 
 Although the Scythians were a people known 
 to the Greeks and Romans, where the confines 
 of their country lay, or how far the Gallic terri¬ 
 tories extended towards the Scythians, were mat¬ 
 ters of information of which neither the Greeks 
 nor Romans were distinctly possessed. We have, 
 however, the authority of Pliny ascertaining one 
 fact, that in general the appellation of Scythians 
 continued to be applied to the inhabitants of 
 those countries which had not been explored by 
 travellers or conquerors, f The great district 
 of Gaul described by Strabo, was called Celtic 
 Gaul , KeAroyosAcsTias. It was anciently a great forest, 
 and much more covered with wood than any 
 other parts of the country of Gaul. J This cir¬ 
 cumstance may have given occasion to the no¬ 
 minal distinction between the inhabitants of that 
 woody country, and those of the other divisions 
 of Gaul. 
 
 In the Gaelic language a wood is expressed by 
 the word caoill; || the inhabitants of a woody 
 
 * CiESAR, lib. i. f Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. iv. c. 1-2. 
 
 % Mezerai’s Hist, de France, lib.i. p. 7» 
 
 || Caoill ,—The vowels aoi in this word form a triphthong, 
 many of which occur in the Gaelic language. The word is the 
 root of the Greek kcc^ov, lignum, wood. Kri?.oy, a wooden wea- 
 
165 
 
 country would naturally be denominated caoiltich , 
 that is sylvestres, or a people belonging to or in¬ 
 habiting a woody country ; hence the Greeks 
 would readily call them ksa™, Keltee. 
 
 The derivation of the name of Keltce from gelt, 
 suggested by Leibnitz, could not have been ac¬ 
 ceptable to the people themselves. Gelt, accord¬ 
 ing to that author, is a Teutonic word, which 
 signifies value, money* and might imply, that the 
 Celtre derived their name from being employed, 
 as mercenaries, to fight the battles of other na¬ 
 tions. The name taken in this sense, it is evi¬ 
 dent, could not have originated among them¬ 
 selves, but must have been applied to them by 
 the neighbouring nations who had employed 
 them in a mercenary capacity. But we have the 
 authority of Cassar, who lived ten years in Gaul, 
 that the name of Celtoe distinguished them in 
 their own language from the other nations of 
 Gaul. 
 
 port, a javelin, comes from cuaill, which signifies a wooden wea¬ 
 pon, pole, or stick. The Latin word baculum, a cudgel or staff, 
 is precisely bochuaill, a cudgel, used by cowherds to throw at 
 or strike their cows with. The word is a compound of bo, a 
 cow, and cuaill, a cudgel or stick. The Greeks have preserved 
 more perfectly than the Latins, the Gaelic pronunciation of 
 the word for cowherd, which is bochoill; bubu/cus, Latin, 
 Greek. The word signifies literally cowherd, being a 
 compound of boi cow, and giull, boy or young man; hence 
 the bucolics, Greek and Roman pastoral songs. 
 
 * SPELMAN, voce Danesgeldunei 
 
166 
 
 In the Gaelic language the verb geill signifies 
 to yield, to surrender , but implies not necessarily 
 dishonour or reproach; but the word gelt signi¬ 
 fies cowardice , and is always significant of dis¬ 
 grace and ignominy among the Gael of Scotland. 
 In Ireland it signifies fear simply, not always 
 bearing a sense of reproach. A historical fact 
 may serve to account for its acceptation among 
 the Gael of the former country. 
 
 The Danes were long the enemies of the inha¬ 
 bitants of Scotland; their battles against each 
 other were numerous and bloody. The Danes 
 often attempted the conquest of Scotland, and 
 made great efforts to render the Scots tributary 
 to them. It is well known, that Danegelt was 
 a tax levied, either to bribe the Danes to leave 
 England, and desist from their depredations, or 
 to enable the government of England to keep or 
 pay a certain number of troops to defend the 
 coasts of that country from those roving enemies. 
 The Scottish kings never submitted to the pay¬ 
 ment of this ignominious tribute or tax, not 
 even for the province of Cumberland, which they 
 held feudally of the crown of England.* The 
 word gelt in the acceptation of the Gael of Scot¬ 
 land, came to signify literally cowardice ; such is 
 its meaning at this day, and is illustrative of a his¬ 
 torical trait expressive of the spirit of the people, 
 announcing that they considered nothing so dis- 
 
 * Henry’s Hist, vol.ii. p. 95. 
 
167 
 
 graceful as being tributary to a foreign prince or 
 people. “ Vides quam libenter Syri inserviunt 
 “ aliis nationibus, contra vero quantus amor liber- 
 “ tatis in Celtarum populis.”* 
 
 The oldest writer who speaks of the Celts is 
 Herodotus. He wrote his history 410 years be¬ 
 fore the Christian era, 344 years after the build¬ 
 ing of Rome. The Greek colony of Marsedles 
 was, as already mentioned, founded while Tar- 
 quin the elder reigned at Rome, 200 years before 
 Herodotus wrote his history. It can admit of 
 no doubt, therefore, that the Greeks of Mar¬ 
 seilles were sufficiently acquainted with the inha¬ 
 bitants of Celtic Gaul, to he able to communicate 
 to their countrymen of Greece information res¬ 
 pecting the local situation of the Celtic people, 
 and the peculiar name by which they were com¬ 
 monly distinguished. The Gauls attacked and 
 took Romef about 360 years after its foundation. 
 Rome was sacked and burnt by the Gauls 200 
 years thereafter. It can therefore admit of no 
 doubt, that the Romans and other inhabitants of 
 Italy, who had for ages waged the most bloody 
 wars with the Gal li, had every reason to be 
 thoroughly acquainted, not only with the proper 
 generic name of the nation, bu> with their mode 
 of making war, and their manners and customs. 
 
 * Julian, apud Cyrillum. 
 
 t Liv. lib. Ixv. c. 35. Flop,, lib. i. c. 13. 
 
168 
 
 The Galli were a distinguished people, inhabit¬ 
 ing a part of the country known by the name of 
 Illyria along the Adriatic sea, when Alexander 
 the Great, in the first year of his reign, before 
 Christ 336 years, made war upon the Getae and 
 Triballi, who were the same people with those 
 afterwards distinguished by the name of Goths. 
 We are told, that the Gauls being apprehensive 
 that an invasion of their country was meditated 
 by Alexander, sent ambassadors to conciliate his 
 friendship.* 
 
 Alexander received a second embassy from the 
 Gauls a short time before his death: after having 
 subdued the eastern nations of Asia, he threat¬ 
 ened to turn his arms against the western na¬ 
 tions of Europe. This embassy is mentioned by 
 Justin,'f* and by Diodorus Siculus,^: who says, 
 that upon Alexander’s arrival at Babylon ambas¬ 
 sadors came to him from many nations in Asia, 
 Africa, and Europe. In the latter, particularly 
 from the Greeks, the Illyrians, from the greater 
 part of the people who inhabited the country 
 along the Adriatic sea, from the Thracians, and 
 the Gauls their neighbours, who began then to 
 be known by the Greeks. “ tJ « ym, *«< rm 
 
 * Strabo, lib. vii. p. 301, et seq. Arrian. Exped. Alex, 
 p. ll. 
 
 f Lib. xii. c. 13. 
 
 1 Lib . xvii. p.623. 
 
169 
 
 irXno-io%u£aii, * r ccXutuv wv tots 7r^u tov to yivo$ syv&io-SSj oru^a. rots 
 EAAijo-ay. 
 
 Arrian relates a story taken from the Memoirs 
 of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, one of Alexan¬ 
 der’s favourites, respecting the manner in which 
 the Gallic ambassadors were received by Alex¬ 
 ander. Ptolemy was present at the audience 
 which Alexander gave to the ambassadors. He 
 spoke to them with a drinking cup in his hand, 
 and asked what they dreaded most in the world? 
 That great conqueror expected that they would 
 have answered,—nothing so much as his arms; 
 but the answer was, We are afraid of nothing if 
 the heavens do not fall upon us ; from another 
 cause we put a high value on your friendship. 
 Alexander, far from feeling displeasure at the 
 answer, caressed the ambassadors, received the 
 Gauls into the number of his allies, and said to 
 his attendants, that the Gauls were a brave 
 people, f 
 
 Macedonia and Greece were ravaged by the 
 Gauls 4 5 years after the death of Alexander, 
 about 280 years before the Christian era. In 
 Asia Minor they occupied the country of Phry¬ 
 gia, which, from the name of the people, was 
 called by the Greeks Galatia, and was known 
 
 * A compound of vrhiyrio; and locus, sedes, regio. The 
 Gaelic word coir, genitive choir, signifies a portion of country 
 or ground apparently enclosed on all sides; and is a compound 
 of cua and tie, round land, cua thir, abridged coir. 
 
 t Arrian. Exped. Alex. p. li. 
 
170 
 
 also by the name of Gallogracia. Plutarch * 
 relates of Perseus, one of Alexander’s successors, 
 and who bore great enmity to the Romans, that 
 he solicited the aid of those Gauls who were 
 called Bastarnse, a warlike equestrian nation, 
 who inhabited the sides of the Danube. “ ’rm- 
 
 “ xtvsi xxt TxXxtxs Si ra ? ori^t tov '' ic^ov iox>o7 B xf&(yxt xxXav- 
 
 “ 7 HI, rgXTOV Y7T7T0TW Kelt /XX%t/X6V.” 
 
 And here the words of Strabo,f describing the 
 different nations of Asia Minor, are worthy of 
 particular attention. “ ngo? vorov T«ra» «»•/ to7^ n xcpxxyoo-t 
 
 “ TxXt/.Txf tout* iv S’ \?tv l!hivi T(tx' Svo pilv rm vtyifiovav izravvfxx T gox/xoi 
 “ xxt T oXt^occoyot' tov T(7tov S’ x7ro tov Iv KiXt txvj eS-vas T txKoxxyts' 
 “ XKTivyov Ss t'kv ycopxv txvtw ol VxXxTxt -zrXxvnS-iVTte iroXuv %(ovov, 
 tl xxt xxTxapxfxovTi^ Ttiv vzto TOtg At\xXixo7s B XTlXlVTl you(XV, XXI Tois 
 tl B t6vvo7;, 'iac, orx(? ixovTav ’iXxZov T/,v vuv BiOvvtxv, xxt rxXXoy^xtxlxv 
 “ X‘you.iv/jv. ’A ^>)yog Si fxxXtTx Soxit Tvjs Tvi(Xta<7Ui^ r?? tviv ’Ao-ixv 
 “ yivwtoxi Aeovogto;. Tfitav Si ovtuv iB-vav ofXoyXaTiav, xxt xx[’ ceXXo 
 ‘ l ovSiv ifc/iXXxy/xivav, zxxtx ehtXovng «; t£t7«p«; f/A(fSx<;, TlT(x^yjx.v 
 
 “ ixxnv htxxurxv &c. “ Galatse ergo Paphlagonibus 
 
 “ versus meridiem sunt. Tria Galatarum ha- 
 “ bentur genera: quorum duo a ducibus nomen 
 “ habent, Trocmi et Tolistobogi, tertium a Cel- 
 “ tica gente Tectosages. Hanc regionem Galatae 
 “ occupaverunt, cum diu vagati incursionibus 
 “ Attalicorum regum Bithynorumque ditionem 
 “ vexassent, tandem ab iis volentibus acceperunt 
 c< earn terram, quge nunc Bithynia et Gallogreecia 
 
 * Plutarch, ii. P. iEmilius. 
 
 t Strabo, lib. xii. p. 566. D. 
 
171 
 
 “ dicitur. Princeps trajectionis horum in Asiani 
 “ prsecipue existimatur fuisse Leonorius. Cum 
 “ autem sint tres gentes eadem utentes lingua, et 
 “ aliis quoque in rebus nihil differentes, quarn- 
 “ vis earum in quatuor diviserunt partes, et te- 
 “ trarchiam nominaverunt,” &c. 
 
 Here it may be observed, that although one of 
 the nations or bodies of people who passed over 
 into Asia was of the Celtic people, they all spoke 
 the same language, and were in other respects 
 nothing different. The great generic name pre¬ 
 vailed : they were all called Galatai, and not 
 Keltoi, by the Greeks; and Bithynia got from 
 them the name of Gallograikia, or, according to 
 the Latin pronunciation, Gallogrcecia. 
 
 It is indisputable, that the name by which the 
 Romans ever distinguished the inhabitants of 
 Gaul, was applied to the inhabitants of a great 
 part of that vast country which extended from 
 Macedonia to the Danube. Not bounded by 
 the limits of the European quarter of the globe, 
 the name was found upon both sides of the Hel¬ 
 lespont; and a considerable body of the inhabi¬ 
 tants of Asia Minor were distinguished by the 
 appellation which the Romans rendered Galli, 
 and the Greeks Galatai. 
 
 If the Highlanders of Scotland have preserved 
 themselves from conquest and a foreign admix¬ 
 ture of people, it is reasonable to believe, that 
 they have retained their most ancient national 
 appellation ; and if the Caledonians were genuine 
 
172 
 
 descendants of the inhabitants of ancient Gaul, 
 it is no less reasonable to conclude, that they 
 have preserved the ancient generic name by 
 which the great Gaelic nation distinguished 
 themselves from all other people. 
 
 We shall submit the reasons which have de¬ 
 termined our conclusion, that the name of Gael, 
 which the Highlanders of Scotland have retained 
 to this day as their distinguishing appellation, 
 was the ancient name of the inhabitants of all 
 Gaul, which in their migrations the people car¬ 
 ried with them as the generic name of the na¬ 
 tion, and which their descendants ever retained, 
 whithersoever they moved and made settle¬ 
 ments. 
 
 We have the best authority for saying, that 
 the ancient language of Great Britain was near¬ 
 ly the same as that of Gaul. “ In universum 
 “ tamen Eestimanti,” says Tacitus, “ Gallos vici- 
 “ num solum occupasse, credibile est. Eorum 
 “ sacra deprehendas, superstitionum persuasione. 
 “ Sermo haud multum diversus.”* 
 
 Tacitus speaks of the Gauls and Britons in 
 general. Cassar’s testimony regards those Bri¬ 
 tons which he had occasion to meet in arms in 
 defence of their country. These were only the 
 maritime Britons of the southern end of the 
 island of Britain, descended, as he judged, from 
 the Belgae of Gaul, by the similarity of names, 
 
 Tacit. Agric. c. ii. 
 
173 
 
 the shape and figure of their houses, and their 
 manners and customs. “ Creberrimaq. redificio 
 “ fere Gallicis consimilia; neq. multum a Gal- 
 “ lica differunt consuetudine. # 
 
 Caesar gives no particular description of the 
 houses of the Britons or Gauls, nor does he in¬ 
 form us what was their figure or shape. For 
 these particulars we are indebted to Strabo, who 
 says, that the houses of the Gauls were of a 
 rOUnd shape ; “ Ts; §’ oikous x.cet yio^a'i ftiyxXyg, 
 
 “ of>o<pov sxi/3«AA«»r£;.” I hey have large 
 
 “ houses of a round shape, made of planks and 
 “ beams of wood and wattled work, upon which 
 “ they put a large roof of straw or reeds.” The 
 houses of the Gauls and Britons were of a round 
 figure, with a roof tapering from the bottom to 
 the top, where there was an aperture left for the 
 emission of smoke. The modern houses of the 
 Gael are built different from those of their Gallic 
 ancestors. They have no chimnies or artificial 
 vents for smoke : a large stone stands in the 
 middle of the house, to the face of which the fuel 
 is laid, and an aperture is left in the roof of the 
 house for the emission of smoke : The shape is 
 now not round, but oblong. Vestiges of the an¬ 
 cient houses of the Caledonians are numerous in 
 the Highlands. We have seen many of them: 
 Their diameter is commonly nine or ten yards ; 
 some comprehend a larger space : the door of 
 
 * CiES. de Bell. Gall. lib. v. c. 10. 
 
174 
 
 every house was made regularly to lace due east, 
 or the rising sun. 
 
 It is observable, that wherever those vestiges 
 of houses appear, there are evident marks of cul¬ 
 tivation of the adjacent ground. We have rarely 
 met with any of the sites of those round houses, 
 without observing a great number of small heaps 
 or cairns of stones thrown together at small in¬ 
 tervals, the intermediate spaces being cleared for 
 cultivation. The site of those round houses is 
 denominated by the people, Larach # tai Draon- 
 aich, the foundation of the house of a Draoneach. 
 
 The Gael of the western and mountainous 
 parts of Scotland remained, from the nature of 
 their country, a wandering pastoral people, much 
 longer than the Gael of the eastern coast of 
 Scotland. The cultivation of the soil fixes the 
 residence of the cultivator to the spot upon 
 which he performs his labour: the building of 
 durable houses would become expedient. The 
 cultivators of land and growers of corn were, by 
 the western Gael, known and distinguished by 
 the name of Draonaich , which they applied to 
 the people of the eastern coast of Scotland, who, 
 prior to the union of the eastern and western 
 inhabitants of Scotland under one king, were 
 known to the Romans, and afterwards to the 
 
 * Lar signifies the ground upon which a house is built, and 
 is also applied to the floor of a house : hence the Lares or fa¬ 
 miliar deities of the Romans. 
 
1 75 
 
 Saxons, by the appellation of Piets: their ge¬ 
 nuine name was that of Draonaich. 
 
 Foundations of houses of the Draonaich or 
 Piets are to be seen in many parts of the High¬ 
 lands, as well as in the low country of Scotland. 
 In the west end of the Valley of Urquhart, on 
 the west side of Lochness, they are numerous, 
 and are all of a round figure. One of these is 
 more conspicuous, is upon an eminence, and con¬ 
 tains more space or larger area than any of the 
 rest: It is more striking to the eye, a consider¬ 
 able quantity of stones yet remaining to be seen 
 in a regular circular form; and it gets the name 
 of castle , denoting it to have been a house of 
 strength, the residence of a person of an order 
 or rank superior to the inhabitants of the other 
 houses. One of the foundations of the houses 
 exhibits clearly two circles of stones, one within 
 the other; these were covered with the same 
 roof, and served as different apartments. Seve¬ 
 ral of the foundations of such circular houses are 
 still to be seen in the level moorland lying be¬ 
 tween the town of Nairn and Campbeltown, near 
 Fort-George or Arderseer, which, as shall be ob¬ 
 served in another place, was within the Pictish 
 territory. The round foundations of houses seen 
 on the west side of Lochness, are situated with¬ 
 in the limits of that district of country which 
 was by the ancients denominated the Caledo¬ 
 nian Forest, and must have derived the name 
 of Draonaich , or Piets' houses, from their being 
 
 9 
 
1 76 
 
 the habitations of the labourers of the ground, 
 who had universally the name of Draonaich ap¬ 
 plied to them by the western Gael; and to this 
 day an industrious labourer of the ground is call¬ 
 ed by the Highlanders, Draoneach * 
 
 Those curious fabrics of rude art still to be 
 seen in Glenelg, on the west coast of the county 
 of Inverness, opposite to the Island of Skye, are 
 supposed by some people to have been built by 
 the Norwegians or Danes, who had got posses¬ 
 sion of the Western Islands of Scotland. These 
 monuments of antiquity are described by the in¬ 
 genious Mr Pennant,'!' and taken notice of by the 
 learned Dr Macpherson. £ 
 
 It would be rash to admit that these structures 
 were the works of the Norwegian or Danish in¬ 
 vaders and conquerors of the Western Isles of 
 Scotland. That they were edifices of strength, 
 and fit to be the receptacles of a considerable 
 number of people; that they served also as watch- 
 towers, so placed as to communicate intelligence 
 of enemies, may be admitted with safety. It is 
 
 * The Irish called the Piets Cruinaich ; the only difference 
 is the initial letter C in place of D. See Keating’s History. 
 But it is remarkable that the Irish word for artist is druinach. 
 
 t Pennant’s Tour. 
 
 | Critical Dissertations on the Origin and Antiquities of the 
 Ancient Caledonians. A minute and correct description of them, 
 and also of the names by which they were distinguished, are to 
 be found in Gordon’s Itinerarium Septentrionale, p. 16b. 
 
 l 
 
177 
 
 to be considered, however, that the building of 
 those edifices, particularly in Glenelg, must have 
 been attended with immense labour and difficul¬ 
 ty. The stones with which those structures are 
 built, are many of them of great weight and 
 size, and must have been brought from parts of 
 the country at a great distance from the towers. 
 No such stones are to be found in the whole 
 extent of the valley where the towers stand. 
 Stones of similar size, shape, and dimensions, 
 it is said, are to be found near the summits of 
 some of the high mountains which form one side 
 of the valley. The great mountain of Ben-Nevis, 
 near Fort-William, is lbfO \ards in height. This 
 mountain is not of a conical figure, terminating 
 in a sharp point, like many others of the highest 
 mountains in Scotland; the summit, is a plain, 
 exhibiting in abundance such stories as those 
 with which the Glenelg towers are built. All 
 the stones are flat-sided parallelograms; their 
 edges are right lines terminating in regular 
 angles: they are capable of being closeh joined, 
 and built in such manner as that the superincum¬ 
 bent stones are made to cover both ends of the im¬ 
 mediately subjacent stones all round the building. 
 This mode of building without mortar, called 
 dry-stone work, was not unknown to the ancient 
 Gael; it is practised by their descendants at this 
 day. Such towers as those now remaining in 
 Glenelg, could be executed with the same mate¬ 
 rials, by many persons now living in the High- 
 
 M 
 
178 
 
 lands of Scotland, with equal neatness and suffi¬ 
 ciency. Had those towers been built by ene¬ 
 mies, it is to be presumed the natives of Scot¬ 
 land would be disposed to give them every pos¬ 
 sible interruption. The collection of stones of 
 such regular figures as were necessary for such 
 buildings was extremely difficult, and the col¬ 
 lectors and carriers of them were liable to con¬ 
 stant annoyance from their enemies. It is evi¬ 
 dent, that the raising of structures of such pro¬ 
 digious difficulty and labour required security 
 and peace. That the Danes or Norwegians, 
 and the Gael, were equally capable of building 
 such edifices, there is no good reason to enter¬ 
 tain any doubt; but that these towers were 
 built by the native Gael, and not by foreign¬ 
 ers, appears to be in no small degree probable. 
 They arc of an uncommon construction, and 
 different from any of those antique edifices to 
 be seen in the islands possessed by the Danes. 
 The double walls present a singular mode of 
 building; the intermediate space is floored with 
 large thin flat stones called flags, the ends of 
 which are inserted in the walls, and prove that 
 the buildings were intended to be strong and dur¬ 
 able, and not like the common wooden houses of 
 a pastoral people, which could be easily taken to 
 pieces, removed to, and rebuilt in other situa¬ 
 tions. The circular spaces between the walls 
 were capable of containing a considerable num¬ 
 ber of people, and were therefore not intended 
 
179 
 
 merely for the accommodation of one family, 
 but occasionally to be receptacles for concen¬ 
 tred forces, to serve as garrisons for the natives, 
 to enable them to act with more united energy 
 and vigour against an invading or plundering- 
 enemy. 
 
 That they were built before the introduction 
 of Christian names, is evinced by the following- 
 metrical lines, repeated by the common people 
 in the country of Glenelg: 
 
 “ Mo clierer mac maole bonne 
 “ A dhfliag mi air stratha u’ aon ghlinn 
 “ Mo Chalaman mo Throdan treun 
 “ M’ Eletha agus mo Chonull.” 
 
 Which, literally translated, run thus : 
 
 “ My four bald fair sons, 
 
 “ Whom I left in the strath * of one valley ; 
 
 “ My Caiman, my strong Trodan, 
 
 “ My Eletha, and my Couul.” 
 
 These are Gaelic, and not Norwegian or Da¬ 
 nish names. By the names of these ancient 
 men of note, the four towers in that valley of 
 Glenelg, called Glenbeg or Little Glen, are at 
 this day denominated and distinguished by the 
 
 * Strath , — low lying grounds or bottom of a valley, through 
 ■which generally a river runs. 
 
180 
 
 common people. Two of these towers still re¬ 
 main, though not whole or entire ; the other two 
 have been destroyed by unhallowed hands, and 
 taken away to build the barracks of Bernera, 
 standing at the bottom of the larger valley of 
 Gienelg. Those curious stones, laid with such 
 adiniiable skill, and collected with such wonder¬ 
 ful industry by our remote ancestors, were to 
 be confounded with common stones of irregular 
 figures, to be hidden from the eye by cement 
 and mortar, after the manner of more improved 
 ages in the arts of architecture. Thus those 
 curious monuments of antiquity were pulled 
 asunder, and swept away, to gratify the mean 
 avarice of servants in the pay of Government. 
 Disgraceful barbarity! It is to be hoped that 
 the proprietor of those singular monuments of 
 rude architecture, will in future pay particular 
 attention to the preservation of their remains, 
 which cannot but afford a delicious entertain¬ 
 ment. to the eye of curiosity. 
 
 Many vestiges still remain of circular build¬ 
 ings, which, from their situations on eminences 
 of difficult access, announce their having been 
 fortresses or strong-holds; but we have observed 
 none which would lead to the conclusion that 
 they were built wholly of stone, though to a 
 Certain height it appears, from the quantity of 
 stones lying on the circular foundation, they 
 were buiff of stones without cement. We mean 
 not to include in these buildings the remains of 
 
181 
 
 those which have of late years been denomi¬ 
 nated, by travellers of curiosity, vitrified forts. 
 These, too, are all of circular forms ; our British 
 not departing from the mode of building ob¬ 
 served and practised by our Gallic ancestors. 
 Where, from the quantity of stones lying on the 
 foundation of those ancient houses, the stone 
 building must have been considerable, the houses 
 are distinguished by the appellation of castle; 
 where they appear to be the residence of the 
 common people, they get the name of larach tai 
 Draonaich, the foundation of the house of a Drao- 
 neach. Of these we never observed but one 
 where there appears to be the foundation of a 
 double circular wall; but, as we have already said, 
 the quantity of stones in the foundation shows, 
 that the body of the house was composed of 
 wood, and tapered from bottom to top, like the 
 houses of the Gauls, as described by Strabo. 
 
 We have heard it said that Draoneach signified 
 a Druid. This application of the term Draonaich 
 is certainly erroneous. Draothian is the proper 
 appellation of Druids, as shall be observed here¬ 
 after. The Druids were the high-priests of the 
 Gallic religion: their houses must have been few 
 in number; whereas those called the houses of 
 the Draonaich are numerous, and situated closely 
 to one another, so as to demonstrate that they 
 were the houses of the common people. The 
 words of Caesar, “ Creberrima edifieia Gallicis 
 “ consimilia,” are proved to be applicable to 
 
182 
 
 them, from ocular inspection of their remains at 
 this day. 
 
 PROOF OF IDENTITY. 
 
 Further proofs of the identity of people 
 may be gathered from their stature and com¬ 
 plexion, their manners and customs, their modes 
 of living, their dress or manner of clothing them¬ 
 selves, their use of warlike weapons, their reli¬ 
 gious rites and persuasion, and their language. 
 These shall be noticed in their order. The last, 
 though furnishing the most powerful proof, and 
 therefore seeming to claim priority in point of 
 importance, shall close the subject; as several 
 observations will occur in the course of consider¬ 
 ing the other matters of remark, which will serve 
 to abridge this most decisive proof of identity. 
 
 The accounts which we have of the inhabitants 
 of Europe from Greek and Roman historians, 
 entitle us to conclude with certainty, that they 
 were not the descendants of a people who could 
 claim pretensions to any high degree of policy 
 or refinement in the arts of life. Their manners 
 and customs were those of a pastoral people, and 
 were not distinguished by any strongly marked 
 characteristic differences. 
 
183 
 
 It is a fact confirmed by the testimonies of 
 Greek and Roman writers, that the ancient in¬ 
 habitants of Germany, Gaul, Spain, and Britain, 
 bore a remarkably striking resemblance to each 
 other in person and manners : They were alike 
 patient of toil and hunger in their warlike and 
 hunting expeditions; they were proud, choleric, 
 displaying universally great courage and con¬ 
 tempt of danger; when highly heated with re¬ 
 sentment, they were ferocious and sanguinary; 
 hospitable to strangers, grateful and tractable to 
 friends; to enemies, while contention existed, 
 fierce and unrelenting ; capable of showing gene¬ 
 rous forgiveness to those who sought for mercy; 
 they loved liberty, and hated slavery. Such was 
 the abhorrence of the Caledonians to Roman domi¬ 
 nion, that after the unfortunate battle fought at 
 the foot of the Grampians, some of them in des¬ 
 pair put their wives and children to death, rather 
 than that they should fall under subjection to 
 their enemies. “ Satisq. constabat srevisse quos- 
 “ dam in conjuges ac liberos, tanquam misere- 
 “ rentur.”* They submitted with pleasure to the 
 legal government of their native princes, while 
 it was tempered with mildness; but these they 
 often deprived of authority, when it degenerated 
 into harshness and injustice. The Britons, says 
 Tacitus,! are prompt in giving obedience to the 
 
 * Tacit. Agric. c. 38. 
 
 t Tacjt. Agric. c. 13, 
 
184 
 
 sovereign, while injury and injustice are avoided; 
 these they bear with marked discontent, being 
 as \ et subdued to give obedience, not slavish sub¬ 
 mission. “ Ipsi Britanni delectum, ac tributa, 
 “ et injuncta imperii nninera impigre obeunt si 
 “ injurise absiut; has aegre tolerant, jam domiti 
 “ ut pareant, nondum ut serviant.”* Their des¬ 
 cendants are at this day most tenacious of the 
 terms of their contracts and agreements, of which 
 the strongest proofs have occurred in the army 
 levies of Great-Britain, in the present and former 
 wars carried on within the last century. They 
 have been known to expose themselves even to 
 suffer death, rather than to submit to be draught¬ 
 ed into regiments in which they had not enlisted 
 themselves to serve; though with those to which 
 they had engaged to attach themselves, no dangers 
 could appal them in the performance of their duty. 
 
 Caesar remarked of the Gauls, that they were 
 extremely credulous, and showed great curiosity 
 and fondness for news. Credulity is natural to 
 all mankind living in a state of rudeness and 
 simplicity ; doubt is the offspring of reflecting 
 experience and philosophic inquiry: curiosity be¬ 
 speaks an active and vigorous mind, and lays the 
 foundation of the greatest social improvements, 
 and of the most important acquisitions in every 
 species of knowledge. This disposition of mind 
 the Gauls possessed so highly, that it was usual 
 
 * Tacit. Agric. c. 13. 
 
185 
 
 among them to stop travellers, and oblige them 
 to communicate what they heard and knew. 
 The common people surrounded merchants in 
 towns, and pressed them 10 disclose whence they 
 came, and the news of their country. “ Est au- 
 “ tern hoc Gallic® eonsuetudinis, uti et viatores 
 “ etiam mvitos consistere cogant; et quod quis- 
 “ tjue eorum de quaque re audierit, aut cognove- 
 “ rit, quaerant; et mercatores in oppidis vulgus cir- 
 “ cumsistat, quibus ex regionibus veniant, quasq. 
 “ res ibi cognoverint, pronunciare cogant.”* It 
 is well known, that the Gael of modern times 
 display equal eagerness for news as their Gaelic 
 ancestors were wont to show; though, more 
 courteous than their progenitors, they arrest not 
 the traveller’s progress, but accompany him on 
 his way, while they find their curiosity gratified 
 by his conversation. 
 
 It is of little importance to remark, that the 
 Gauls, and their descendants the Britons, were 
 fond of intoxicating liquors. Were this circum¬ 
 stance to prove identity of race, then the ancient 
 inhabitants of all the cold, and even the tem¬ 
 perate regions of the earth, were a kindred people. 
 It may be observed, however, that the Gauls 
 made a liquor or drink of barley, which, accord¬ 
 ing to Diodorus Siculus,'!' they called trans¬ 
 lated in Latin zithns. How the « of the Greeks 
 was pronounced, is a question in which the 
 
 * CiEs. de Bell. Gal. lib. iv. c. 5. 
 
 f Lib. v. c. 2 6 . 
 
186 
 
 learned are not agreed. The Gaelic word for the 
 juice of any substance is sugh or suth; suthan 
 is a liquor made by the mixture of water with a 
 farinaceous substance known in Scotland by the 
 name suans, in England called flummery; when 
 coagulated by the force of fire, soot is called 
 suthai; all expressive of the juice of any sub¬ 
 stance ; suthai , the juice of a house: And if the 
 historian meant an imitation of the Gaelic word, 
 modified by a pronunciation accommodated to a 
 Grecian ear, it may afford some reason for infer¬ 
 ring that the v, in pronunciation, bore more re¬ 
 semblance to the English vowel u than to the 
 Italian vowel i. 
 
 A great belly was to the Gauls so offensive, 
 that if a young man should in that respect ex¬ 
 ceed in measure the length of a certain belt or 
 girdle, he was punished by a fine.* The modern 
 Gael consider a prominent belly and fat paunch 
 as a great misfortune. 
 
 The similarity of person and complexion of 
 the Gauls and Britons was remarked by Diodorus 
 Siculus, in terms worthy of notice : “ oi h VxXarui 
 
 “ roig ptv a-apartv htriv tvp.vtx.iig, roug at a-ttggi xxlvy^oi km XtVKo'f rxig 
 “ at xopxtg k pivov Ik (pvirwg %ccv9oi, aXXa km 3ia tjj; xararxivAg tirmi- 
 “ <zv%tin rijv (pviTtKiiv rvig %%oxg iStoTwIx. Tiravn yxg u.iro'KXvpa.'u 
 
 “ cpavrtg roig rgiy/Kg rvnyfig, km a/xt rav ptruxav ixt rtiv ko gv<p»v, 
 
 “ xxi rug nyovrag ayaa-xacriv.” C£ Pl’OCera llis SUnt COrpO- 
 
 * Strabo, lib. iv. p. 199 . 
 
187 
 
 “ ra; caro succulenta atq. Candida. Cassariem 
 “ non modo natura gestant rufam : sed arte quoq. 
 
 “ nativam colons proprietatem augere student. 
 
 “ Calcis enim lixivia frequenter capillos lavant, 
 
 “ eosq. a fronte ad verticem, atq. inde ad cer- 
 “ vicem retorquent.” * 
 
 The bodies of the Gauls were large, fair, and 
 succulent. Their hair was not only yellow by 
 nature, but they studied to increase by art the 
 native property of its Colour. They moistened it 
 with water mixed with chalk, and twisted it 
 from the front to the crown of the head, extend¬ 
 ing the plaits behind. To this chalky mixture 
 the Gauls, says Pliny, added soap. This was an 
 invention of the Gauls for reddening the hair ; 
 it was made of suet and ashes. “ Prodest et 
 “ sapo, Galliarum hoc invention rutilandis capil- 
 “ lis. Fit ex sebo et cinere.”'|' Were there no 
 other circumstances to determine the descent of 
 the Britons from the Gauls than the size of their 
 persons and the colour of their hair, the ancient 
 Germans might lay as good a claim as the Gauls 
 to the progeneration of the ancient Britons. 
 “ Namq. rutilse Caledonian! habitantium comae, 
 “ magni artus, Germanicam originem asseve- 
 “ rant.”^; “ For the red hair and large limbs of 
 “ the Caledonians, bespeak a German original/’ 
 
 * Diod. Sic. lib. v. p. 212. 
 
 t Pliny, L.xxviii. c. 12. 
 
 t Tacit. Vita Agric. c. xi. 
 
188 
 
 With respect to the stature of the Britons, 
 Strabo gives his testimony. “ o< ()'; ccvdpe; Wfirixiregoi 
 
 “ rdv KeAt uv Hi ri, X.CU ija-fov |<*v3-0T£(;£S5, %,ci’jvoTiPot Se toi? <rd(*.ctm‘ 
 “ 5e rov fti'y&ovs' ccv-nWi^cj ydo nuzk &3o/usv ev rd/uyi ran 
 
 “ v^/rtXoTclrav cturl&i t)7rZ£i%ovTxs y-xi hfiixooiw fiXcacovs Se xca r «AA« 
 
 “ OVX. ivygdflfAVg T? evident.” “ Viri Gallos proceritate su- 
 “ perant, minusque flavos habent crines: laxio- 
 “ rihus autem sunt corporibus: magnitudinis ar- 
 “ gumentum esto, quod nos ipsi, adolescentes 
 “ Romae vidimus, qui etiam semisse pedes super- 
 parent altissimos, homines: erant autem pedibus 
 C£ male suffulti, et reliqua corporis lineamenta 
 “ constitutionem non elegantem referebant.”* 
 “ The Britons exceed the Gauls in stature; their 
 “ hair is less yellow, their bodies are of a more lax 
 “ temperament. Let it serve as a presumption 
 “ of their great size, that I myself have seen at 
 “Rome young men who exceeded, by half a 
 “ foot, the tallest men there; but they were not 
 “ well shaped, either in limbs or general con- 
 “ texture of body.” 
 
 It is well known that the excessive growth of 
 the human body is not favourable to symmetry 
 of person. The want of proportion and configu¬ 
 ration observed by Strabo, was applied to all the 
 young men he saw without exception. It is sub¬ 
 mitted, therefore, as a just inference, that their 
 growth was excessive, compared to the general 
 stature of their own countrymen; and that their 
 
 * Strabo, Geogr. lib.iv. p. 200. 
 
189 
 
 appearance at Rome was intended to gratify 
 public curiosity, and could not serve as a just 
 criterion for determining the bodily size, figure, 
 and shape of the Britons. Ca3sar, who took par¬ 
 ticular notice of the length of their hair, “ capil- 
 “ loq. sunt promisso,” makes no remark upon 
 their extraordinary stature. He says their houses 
 were like those of the Gauls, “ aedificia fere 
 “ Gallicis consimiliaand that the inhabitants 
 of Kent, in particular, differed not much from 
 the Gauls in manners and customs: that all the 
 Britons dyed themselves with woad, which pro¬ 
 duced a sky colour, and by this means they ap¬ 
 peared with a more horrible aspect in battle. 
 “ Ex his omnibus longa sunt humanissimi, qui 
 “ Cantium incolunt neque multurn a Gallica dif- 
 “ ferunt consuetudine.—Onines vero se Britanni 
 “ vitro inficiunt, quod caeruleum efficit colorem, 
 “ atq. hoc horribiliori sunt in pugna aspectu.” If 
 their bodily size had been superior to that of the 
 Gauls, it is to be presumed that Caesar would not 
 have omitted to mention so notable a mark of 
 distinction. The wearing of whiskers upon the 
 upper lip may be observed to import an Asiatic 
 descent: “ Atq. omni parte corporis rasa, piaster 
 “ caput et labrum superius;” such having been an 
 universal custom among the eastern nations. 
 
 The taste and method of plaiting and dressing 
 the hair of the head, as practised by the Gauls, 
 entitles us to conclude, that hair of a fair, reddish, 
 or yellowish colour, was the most esteemed among 
 
190 
 
 them. In proof of the prevalence of a similar 
 taste among the ancient Britons, we avoid to lay 
 any stress upon the golden yellow locks of 
 Ossian’s female beauties, as exhibited in the 
 English translation of the works of that most 
 admirable ancient bard. It is matter of just re¬ 
 gret, that the translator has never favoured the 
 public with the whole originals of those most 
 curious and valuable remains of British poetical 
 genius; yet, that the Gaelic mode of dressing 
 the hair of the head continued to gratify the 
 taste of the northern Britons in the days of Fin- 
 gal, we have it still in our power to adduce a 
 very curious piece of evidence. 
 
 ; Cuchullin was a hero of high renown, and a 
 .cotemporary of Fingal. A description, of which 
 >ve shall take notice more fully in another place, 
 is given of him in the following words : 
 
 “ Libhor luinnir lainnir deghmhaise 
 “ Air a bliel na tri fuilt dliec 
 “ Fait donn ri tonnibh a chinn 
 “ ’S fait sleamhinn dearg air uachgar 
 “ ’S fait fionnbhui air dliatba'n oir 
 “ ’S 11a farcill air a bliar gu cbunnabhail 
 “ Dha m b’anaim Cuchulinn mac Seamh Sualti 
 " Mhic Ui, Mhic Ai, Mhic Ai ele.” 
 
 Literally Translated: 
 
 “ Of fine complexion, bright, shining, highly 
 “ elegant, upon whom appears thirteen kinds of 
 
“ hair ; brown hair on the prominences of the 
 “ head, smooth red hair on the surface, bright 
 “ yellow hair of the colour of gold, tied with 
 “ ringlets on the top. His name was Cuchullin, 
 “ the son of Seamv* Sualti, the son of Ui, the 
 “ son of Ai, the son of another Ai.” 
 
 In the days of Gildas, the Gael, those of them 
 who inhabited the western division of Scotland 
 being then called Scots, as well as those of them 
 who inhabited the eastern division of Scotland, 
 and were called Piets, retained the taste of their 
 ancestors as to cherishing the growth of the hair 
 of the head. His words are remarkable. 
 
 When the Roman armies had withdrawn from 
 Britain, the Scots and Piets made plundering in¬ 
 cursions into the territories of the provincial 
 Britons, and it would appear were guilty of ex¬ 
 cessive cruelties. The venerable and sapient 
 author, who was himself a Briton, held the Scots 
 and Piets, whom he calls the ravagers of Britain, 
 in the highest detestation and abhorrence; and 
 thus he describes them : “ Itaq. illis ad sua re- 
 “ meantibus, einergunt certatim de curucis quibus 
 “ sunt trans Scythicam vallem evecti, quasi in 
 “ alto Titane, incalescenteq. caumate, de arctissi- 
 “ mis foraminum caverniculis fusci vermiculorum 
 “ cunei, tetri Scotorum Pictorumq. greges mori- 
 “ bus ex parte dissidentes, et una eademq. sangui- 
 
 * Called by Mr M'Pherson, “ the son of Semo." 
 
192 
 
 “ nis fundendi aviditate Concordes, furciferosq. 
 “ magis xuIt us pilis, quam corporum pudenda, pu- 
 “ dendiscj. proximo vestibus tegentes 
 
 We learn from the description of the Scots and 
 Piets, as given by the more civilized and pacific 
 learned Briton, that though somewhat different 
 in manners, they were in all other respects simi¬ 
 lar; particularly their dress and outward bodily 
 appearance admitted of no distinction. Their 
 privy parts, and the members of the body next 
 to them, were so scantily covered, that their 
 countenances appeared to be more laid over with 
 hair than their bodies with clothes. It may be 
 observed, that as mankind advance in arts and 
 civilization, and have it. in their power to com 7 
 rnand in greater perfection the necessaries and 
 conveniencies of life, they are disposed to reckon 
 among their comforts the defence of their bodies, 
 by suitable clothing, from the inclemencies of the 
 weather. The more refined Britons of present 
 days are not reconciled to the dress of the de¬ 
 scendants of the ancient Gael, as worn in modern 
 times; and although the nudities of the body 
 are not so conspicuous with them as with their 
 ancestors in the days of Gildas, the exposure of 
 any portion of the inferior members of the body, 
 is still accounted as a symptom of rudeness and 
 barbarity, while the display of a considerable 
 portion of the superior members of the body of 
 
 * Epistola Sapientis Gild.®, c. 15. 
 
 l 
 
193 
 
 the most delicate female beauty, in native simpli¬ 
 city, is relished as the delicious fruit of bashful 
 elegance and refinement. 
 
 The male descendants of the ancient Gael 
 have, for ages, ceased to pay the same attention 
 to the ornamental arrangement of the hair of the 
 head, as was practised by their ancestors; the 
 female sex, however, more attached to personal 
 decoration, and to the display of those embellish¬ 
 ments which add to the allurements of beautiful 
 form, have retained to the present times a taste 
 for long braided hair. The fait cualeanach, or 
 twisted, and braided hair, furnishes evidence of an 
 ancient method of arranging the hair of the 
 head, which, as being the result of artificial con¬ 
 trivance, more troublesome than convenient, 
 must have had for its object the gratification of 
 a prevalent taste in the disposal and diversifica¬ 
 tion of the natural cover of the head. 
 
 A poet who lived some centuries back, des¬ 
 cribes the female object of his love in these terms: 
 
 “ Suil gborm fud’ rosg 
 “ Do ghruaighin core 
 “ Gur gile do chorp na sneac 
 “ Mar chobhar tral 
 “ Ri aingeal la 
 “ Do bhrai is aille dealbb 
 “ Mar eala bhan 
 “ A bhidh air snamh 
 “ Mar eiteag ann an camn 
 IV 
 
194 
 
 “ Cul fada re 
 “ Air dbreach nan teud 
 “ Do choimheas fein 
 “ Ri or an grein 
 “ As t eugais bith’ mi niarhh 
 “ Do cliul cuachach 
 “ Bacldach snuaghar 
 “ Lumalan dual gu bar 
 “ Beul is binne 
 Deud is gile 
 “ Meoir is grinne tagh * 
 
 “ Do chiochan cura 
 “ As taitneach leum 
 “ Air uchc na’n tuirgheal ban ” 
 
 Literally Translated: 
 
 “ Blue thy eyes, red thy cheek, thy body is 
 “ whiter than snow, like foam on the sea-shore 
 “ in the sunshine of day. Thy neck of the most 
 <£ beautiful shape, like the swimming white swan : 
 “ a transparent pebble among a heap of stones. 
 “ Thy hair, long and regular on thy back, is of 
 “ the colour of strings.f Thy semblance is like 
 “ gold in the sun. Without thee I shall die ! Thy 
 “ curling hair, twining in beautiful hue, abound- 
 “ ing with locks to the top. A mouth the most 
 “ musical, teeth the whitest, fingers of the nicest 
 
 * The word tagh applies to the joints of the fingers; i . e . 
 joined in the neatest and most delicately finished manner. 
 
 t Alluding to the shining strings of the harp. 
 
195 
 
 “ form. Thy fragrant breasts are my delight, 
 “ on the eminence of white turrets.” 
 
 “ Formosae stant pectore mammae.” 
 
 Another specimen of the properties of female 
 beauty is expressed in another poem or song of 
 later date, in these words : 
 
 “ Tliugas ceist do mhnai ghasta 
 “ Is glan leachc sa cul mar an t’or 
 " Camalubach bar bachaiach 
 “ Gruaith dhaite deud snaite mar nos 
 “ Suilin chorach mar christal 
 “ Binnis theud ann am bridol a beoil 
 “ Aghai sbolais an comb sri 
 “ Co’s aill i na neonan nan ros.” 
 
 Literally Translated: 
 
 “ My love was an excellent woman of bright 
 “complexion; her back,* like gold in twining 
 “ locks, high raised curls, cheeks of finest dye, 
 “ teeth polished to the purest white, prominent 
 “ eyes like crystal, the music of strings in the 
 “ motion of her lips,f a countenance of light, 
 “ contending in beauty with the daisy and the 
 “ rose.” 
 
 * Hair banging on ber back. 
 
 t Bridol ,—tbe literal meaning of this word is sense in motion 
 bridol u beoil, the moving sense of her mouth. 
 
196 
 
 The hair of the head has been considered as 
 highly ornamental to the beauty of personal 
 form, in the ruder as well as the refined periods 
 of our history. If our remote ancestors used a 
 mixture of chalk and water, our modern beaux 
 substitute a fine powder of wheat : if those 
 added a composition of soot and ashes, to aid 
 their admired colour, these disdain not the use 
 of hog’s-lard, scented with liquids of aromatic 
 flavour. In Ovid’s beautiful description of the 
 Indian Athis, his fine hair, moistened with myrrh, 
 finishes the portrait. 
 
 “ Indutus chlamydem Tyriam, quaiu limbus obibat 
 “ Aureus; oruabant aurata monilia collum, 
 
 “ Et mad idos myrrha curvum crinali capillos. 
 
 Metatn. lib. v. 53. 
 
 The famous Conn of the hundred battles is 
 described in a poem of great poetical merit; 
 among other personal qualities of high distinc¬ 
 tion, his hair is not forgotten. 
 
 “ A ghruai chorcar mar iubhar caoin 
 “ Suil chorach gorin fo nihala chaol 
 *’ Fliolt urar orbhui clannach grinn.” 
 
 “ His red cheek was like the polished yew; 
 “ his blue swelling eye under an arched narrow 
 “ brow; his hair, fresh, yellow, curling, neat.” 
 
197 
 
 Miss Brooke, who deserves honourable men¬ 
 tion, in the Reliques of Irish Poetry,* of which 
 we shall have occasion to take more particular 
 notice hereafter, inserts a passage from a poem 
 called Boili Oisin, or Rhapsody oj Oisin, in which 
 the personal description and character of Finn, 
 Fionn , the Fair, are given ; the last verse of 
 which applies not to Finn, who is universally 
 called the son of Cumhail, but to the famous 
 hero Gaul, who was the son of Morni; for it is 
 said, 
 
 “ A chneas mar a chailc bhan 
 “ Mac Muirne bha caomh.” 
 
 “ His body like the white chalk, the mild son 
 “ of Murne.” 
 
 In the ancient poems, the hero whom Miss 
 Brooke calls Finn, is often called Fionn, which 
 signifies literally the Fair ; but he is frequently 
 called Fionn Ghael, that is, the Fair Gael , and 
 commonly styled by the renowned name of Fionn 
 Ghael nambuagh, or Fingal 0/ victories. Accord¬ 
 ing to the verse quoted in the Reliques of Irish 
 Poetry in Oisin’s Rhapsody, the verse where the 
 colour of his hair is noticed runs thus :— 
 
 Page 133. 
 
198 
 
 “ Bha glan gorm a rosg 
 “ Do bhi fholt mar an or 
 “ Sgeimb Ri bha buan 
 “ Do bhi a ghruai mar a n5s.” 
 
 Thus Translated: 
 
 “ Bright were his blue rolling eyes, and his 
 “ hair like flowing gold ! Lovely were the charms 
 “ of his unaltered beauty, and his cheeks like 
 “ the glowing rose !” 
 
 More literally thus: 
 
 “ Bright blue were his eyes (rosg signifies the 
 eye-lashes , here put for the eyes ,) “ his hair was 
 “ like gold ; the beauty of the king was lasting ; 
 “ his cheek was like the daisy;” i. e. pure red and 
 white. 
 
 Majestic stature, great strength, lofty prowess, 
 a graceful figure, and a loud sounding voice, were 
 accomplishments of a warrior; but, in common 
 life, language soft and melodious, complaisance 
 and elegance of manner, were regarded as highly 
 estimable qualities. In describing personal beau¬ 
 ty, a slender arched eye-brow, ornamental eye¬ 
 lashes, those natural ornaments white teeth, the 
 hair of the head disposed in flowing tresses, wav¬ 
 ing ringlets, locks nicely adjusted, and curls, were 
 deemed equally the embellishments of a warrior 
 as of the beauteous fair. 
 
199 
 
 “ Et diguos Baccho, diguos et Apollini crines.” 
 
 Metam. lib. iii. 421 . 
 
 It appears, then, that if the ancient Gauls 
 cherished and esteemed hair as a natural and 
 beautiful ornament, their British descendants re¬ 
 tained in great perfection the taste of their 
 Gallic ancestors. Although the favourite colour 
 of hair was with the Gael that of fair or yellow, 
 we find black hair esteemed as a personal orna¬ 
 ment. Fraoch was a hero of great valour and 
 beauty : He was drowned when swimming to¬ 
 wards an island in a lake called Lochluan, 
 whence he was to bring a garland of the fruit of 
 the roan tree, or mountain ash, as a present to 
 his beloved fair one. His hair is thus described: 
 
 “ Maise a’s caise do bhi na fhalt 
 “ ’S duibhe na fithach bar fhuilt Fbraoich.” 
 
 “ Elegance of curl was in his hair, its crop 
 “ was blacker than the raven.” 
 
 A young man of beautiful form attended one of 
 Fingal’s hunting parties: He had a black dog of 
 uncommon strength and spirit; he proclaimed a 
 general challenge and defiance to the people, to 
 produce a dog to fight his black dog. The chal¬ 
 lenge was accepted; a great number of dogs en¬ 
 gaged, but the famous black dog overcame and 
 killed all that encountered him. Fingal observ- 
 
5200 
 
 ing that a great number of his people’s dogs had 
 been killed by the black dog, called upon his fa¬ 
 mous dog Bran, by whom the black dog was 
 vanquished and killed. 
 
 “ Chunna sinn tithin air sealg 
 “ Fir flialluinn dearg’s a choin dui’ 
 
 “ Sgiie na gath 15 a chorp 
 “ A’s tharlia dha fholt a bbi du\” 
 
 “ We saw joining the hunt a man with a red 
 “ mantle and a black dog; whiter than the beam 
 “ of day was his body, it befel him that his hair 
 “ was black.” 
 
 The mode of expression used in the original 
 denotes, that his hair was not of the most esteem¬ 
 ed colour. In another part of the poem, the 
 young man who had lost his dog, after mention¬ 
 ing his name, and the place of his residence, 
 upon being questioned by Ossian, thus expresses 
 himself: 
 
 “ Eibhinn, Ossian, gum be maiuam 
 “ Ghiuaise mise bho stoirm n’an con 
 “ 'S ioma gruagacb a bailie dreach 
 “ B’ orbhui fait as bu gbuirm suit 
 “ Dh fhag mi an tuloch na’n tore 
 “ A blieradh biadh a not dbam clip.” 
 
201 
 
 “ Eivin, Ossian, is my name, I moved from the 
 <l howls of dogs; many a fine haired youth of most 
 “ beautiful complexion, of yellowest golden hair 
 “ and bluest eye, I left on the hill of boars, who 
 “ would this night give food to my dog.” 
 
 We shall conclude these observations as to the 
 similarity of the stature and colour of the an¬ 
 cient Gauls and Gael of Britain, with the words 
 of Ammianus Marcellinus :* “ Celsioris statura? 
 “ et candidi pene Galli sunt omnes, et rutili.” 
 “ The Gauls are almost all of a fair complexion, 
 “ red haired, and of a larger stature,” it may be 
 added as the author’s meaning, “ than the Ro- 
 
 r c u 
 
 mans. 
 
 IDENTITY OF PEOPLE INFERRED FROM THE 
 USE OF WARLIKE WEAPONS. 
 
 The armour of the ancient Gauls is described 
 by Strabo and Diodorus Siculus. The similarity 
 of weapons carried by the ancient Caledonian* 
 to those of the Gauls is remarkable : The swords 
 used by both were large without sharp points, 
 and their shields were similar. There are enu¬ 
 merated a variety of warlike instruments which 
 
 * bib. xVv c. 12. 
 
20Q 
 
 the Gauls used in battle; among these was the 
 lance , which, according to Diodorus, they called 
 lonchoi or lankia. The original word is still pre¬ 
 served by the Gael. Lann signifies now com¬ 
 monly the blade of a sword , though it appears 
 that was not its original and only signification, 
 for a pikeman was called lannsaighe or lannsaich, 
 which expresses literally a pike pusher or thruster. 
 Lannadh is significant of the exercise of warlike 
 instruments for destruction, implying what is in 
 English understood by the expression put to the 
 sword. An arrow is saghit: The Latins pre¬ 
 served the Gaelic name in their sagitta. Sath 
 signifies to thrust ox push; giota signifies appen¬ 
 dage or addition. 
 
 Ancient authors have communicated the names 
 of warlike instruments used by the Gauls, which 
 seemed to be peculiar to them. The Gallic name 
 for a sword is not mentioned in any author, so 
 far as we know. The Roman gladius is the 
 claidh of the Gael. Varro derives the word gla¬ 
 dius from clades, slaughter: both bear a close 
 affinity to the Gaelic words for sword and slaugh¬ 
 ter or conquest. Claoidh is to vanquish ; cloiclhte, 
 overcome , vanquished. In making remarks upon 
 the names which occur in ancient authors for 
 the warlike weapons of the Gauls, we shall take 
 the aid of that most respectable and learned 
 antiquarian Camden, who, in support of his opi¬ 
 nion respecting the descent of the Welsh people 
 from the Gauls, directs attention to a variety of 
 
203 
 
 words used in the Welsh language, as a proof of 
 the ancient Britons being of Gaulish extraction. 
 It is curious to observe, how much the Gaelic 
 language, as spoken in the Highlands of Scotland 
 and in Ireland, aids and illustrates the learned 
 Camden’s observations drawn from the Welsh 
 language. 
 
 Camden’s Brit. —“ Servius tells us, that valiant 
 “ meirwere by the Gauls called gessi;* and guass- 
 “ dewr among the Britons signifies a stout and 
 “ valiant man.” Camden’s Annotator remarks, 
 that givas signifies a servant , and guasdewr, a 
 stout servant. 
 
 We are told by Servius, that the Gauls called 
 brave men gcesi: “ Gassos quoq. Galli appella- 
 “ bant viros fortes.” Virg. JEn. viii. 662. What 
 sort of weapon the gcesum of the Gauls was, 
 whether a spear or a missile weapon, it is not 
 agreed among the learned. These words of 
 Cassar, “ Hostes ex omnibus partibus, signo dato, 
 “ decurrere; lapides, gsesaque in vallum conji- 
 “ cere,”']' seem to decide the question in favour of 
 the opinion, that gcesum was a missile weapon, 
 having been thrown, as were stones, into the 
 trenches of the enemy. Livy distinguishes this 
 weapon from the spear, J when he describes the 
 Gauls as “ ga 2 sis binis armati.” The circum¬ 
 stance of being armed with two missile weapons 
 
 f Bell. Gal. B. iii. c. 4. 
 t B. viii. 8. B. ix. 3 6. 
 
 * GiESUM. 
 
204 
 
 excluded not the use of a spear or sword in close 
 fight. Hand-grenades communicated the name 
 of grenadiers to a certain portion of the modern 
 armies of Europe, though soldiers of that descrip¬ 
 tion were not limited to the use of those missile 
 weapons. 
 
 It is to be presumed, that with the establish¬ 
 ment of the Roman government in Gaul, the use 
 of the Gallic warlike weapons gave way to those 
 of the Romans. That, however, the Gael of 
 Albion were well acquainted with the instrument 
 called by the Romans gcesum, the Gaelic language 
 furnishes ample testimony. It may be observed, 
 that the Greek authors called this weapon gaisos 
 and gaison; and there can be no doubt with re¬ 
 spect to the Roman pronunciation of the word, 
 the difference of the Greek and Roman pronun¬ 
 ciation consisting only in the termination of the 
 Avord. The two vowels a e, though written 
 commonly in Latin as the sign of a diphthong, 
 imply not necessarily that they Avere pronounc¬ 
 ed as a coalition of vowels forming one sound. 
 In the gaison of the Greeks and the gcosum of the 
 Latins, there is reason to infer, that the vowels 
 a e in the one, as Avell as a i in the other, Avere 
 both equally heard in pronunciation. 
 
 It is not to be doubted, that both the Greeks 
 and Romans, in pronouncing Gallic Avords, pre¬ 
 served, as nearly as their organs of speech, ac¬ 
 customed to the pronunciation of their own lan¬ 
 guages, easily admitted, the Gallic sound of the 
 
205 
 
 word attempted to be imitated, with the addi¬ 
 tion of their lingual terminations. Hence, sup¬ 
 pose the word in the language of the Gauls was 
 gaise, the Greeks would call it gaisos or gaison, 
 and the Latins gcesum. The Gaelic word for 
 that warlike weapon was lost with its use, but 
 its name is preserved in a variety of words. 
 Gaisge signifies valour ; gaisgeack, a valiant man ; 
 gaisgeal, gaisgeanta, in a valiant manner, valiant¬ 
 ly, Thus, then, it is evident, that at some re¬ 
 mote period the Cimmerich of South Britain, the 
 Gael of North Britain, and the Gael of Ireland, 
 used the Gallic warlike weapon called by the 
 Greeks gaison, by the Romans gcesum; and that 
 it was known among the ancient Britons univer¬ 
 sally by the same name as was applied to it by 
 the continental Gauls. 
 
 Camden’s Brit. —“ As phalanx was the proper 
 “ name of a legion among the Macedonians, so 
 “ was caterva among the Gauls, as you may see 
 “ in Vegetius. Nor is this word yet out of date 
 “ among our Britons, who term a troop caturfa, 
 “ and war, had, and the warlike strength of a 
 “ legion, caderne; in some copies of Vegetius 
 “ it is read caterna” 
 
 Annotator. —“ To this lead may not improperly 
 “ be referred cateia , which was a sort of warlike 
 “ weapon among the Gauls, as you have it in 
 “ Isidore. Katyrva, or katerva, at this day 
 “ denotes in British an infinite number: but for- 
 “ merly, it is probable, it signified a vast army: 
 
206’ 
 
 “ for had does not imply war in general, but a 
 “ set battle, and kadarn is strong .” 
 
 A phalanx , among the Macedonians, was 
 armed body of men consisting of 8000. The Ro¬ 
 mans had their legio, the Gauls their caterva, 
 according to the Roman pronunciation of the 
 word. These armed bodies of men had their dis¬ 
 tinctive national appellations. 
 
 It has been observed by Camden, that in some 
 copies of Vegetius the word is read caterna. 
 In whatever manner the Romans modified the 
 Gallic pronunciation of the word used by the 
 Gauls to denote a body of armed men, corre¬ 
 sponding to the Macedonian phalanx , or the Ro¬ 
 man legion, it admits of little doubt, that the 
 ancient Gallic word was catern. It will be ob¬ 
 served, that the Welsh have preserved the word 
 in their kaderne. The Gael called battle men , 
 cathernn; a fighting man, cathernnach. In former 
 times, when plundering expeditions were frequent 
 in the Highlands of Scotland, small predatory 
 bands of men, who hid themselves in the woods 
 in the daytime and sallied forth in the night, were 
 called cathernnachaoill, literally the fghting men 
 of the woods; and, in common language, the word 
 cathernnach is currently applied to a clever tight 
 fellow. Smath asaoghalcathernnaich, is a common 
 proverbial expression, implying, that a moderate 
 duration of time is a good life for a cathernnach. 
 
 The meaning of the Welsh word had, as given 
 by Camden’s Annotator, is the same with that 
 
 i 
 
207 
 
 of the Gaelic word cath, which applies to a set 
 battle , and not war in general, which is expressed 
 by cochath, signifying literally general or common 
 battle, pronounced coghadh or cogadb, the gut- 
 teral ch being softened in pronunciation. 
 
 The cateia of the Gauls is the guth of the 
 Gael, signifying a sting, dart, ox javelin; gath na 
 greane is a sun-beam. 
 
 “ Pausanias tells us, that the Gauls whom 
 “ Brennus led into Greece, called that sort of 
 “ fight which consists of three horses a-breast, 
 “ trimarcia; for an horse, saith he, was among 
 “ the Gauls called marca. Now this is pure- 
 “ ly a British word; for tri with them signifies 
 “ three, and march, a horse." 
 
 Tri in the Gaelic language signifies three; the 
 word march is obsolete both in Ireland and Scot¬ 
 land; but marchceach, a rider, and marchceachc, 
 riding, are in common use. It may be observed, 
 in general, that although the Welsh language 
 has been much overwhelmed by a variety of 
 words perfectly foreign to the Gaelic language, 
 as spoken in greatest purity in some parts of Ire¬ 
 land, and universally in the Highlands of Scot¬ 
 land; yet a great portion of the Welsh language, 
 especially the radicals of that language, some¬ 
 what varied in pronunciation from that of the 
 Irish and Scottish Gael, are pure Gaelic. The 
 Welsh having retained many original Gaelic 
 words, which, though anciently known and pre¬ 
 served in compounds, an instance of which occurs 
 
208 
 
 in the word march, sufficiently demonstrate the 
 original identity of descent of the ancient British 
 people. 
 
 The Gauls used a weapon which the Romans 
 called matara or mataris. Caesar mentions this 
 weapon in one of his battles fought against the 
 Helvetians: “ Et nonnulli inter carros rotasque, 
 “ mataras ac tragulas subjiciebant, nostrosq. val- 
 “ nerabantMatadh was the name of a wea¬ 
 pon known among the Gael of Scotland down 
 to a late period. It was commonly carried be¬ 
 low the arm-pit, and therefore got the name of 
 matadh achalaise. Livy mentions it in these 
 words, “ Lcevo humero materi prope trajecto it 
 would seem to be borne upon, or hung from the 
 left shoulder. The Latin word axilla , the Greek 
 mac hale, arm-pit , appear to be modifica¬ 
 tions of the Gaelic word achalaise. 
 
 Camden, Cetas. —“ Caesar relates in his Ephe- 
 “ merides or journals, as we have it from Servius, 
 “ that once being taken by the enemy in Gaul, 
 “ and carried away on horseback in his armour, 
 “ they were met by a Gaul that knew him, who 
 “insultingly cried out, Cetos Ccesar ; which iu 
 “ the Gaulish language was as much as to say, 
 “ Let go Ccesar. Now geduch , among the Bri- 
 “ tons, is a word of the same import.” 
 
 It is probable that Caesar had not written the 
 words according to their just pronunciation, or 
 
 * C.SES. lib. i. c. 2b. 
 
 3 
 
209 
 
 that they may have been erroneously transcribed 
 through ignorance of the language. The Gael 
 of Scotland and Ireland would express the words 
 signifying Let go Caesar, by the words leig os, or 
 leig as Ccesar. Ced signifies leave, license, without 
 restraint; ced os might be understood to mean 
 let go, but ced do would be the proper expression, 
 Avhich signifies leave to, being of the same import 
 as leig as, signifying literally, let go, spoken im¬ 
 peratively. 
 
 Camden, Brachce. — “ It appears from several 
 “ authors, that the Gauls used a certain sort of 
 “ garment, which, in their language, they called 
 “ brachce: that these were also common to our 
 “ Britons, is proved by that verse of Martial, 
 “ “Quam veteres brachce , Britonis pauperis .” 
 “ Then, the coarse brachce the poor Britons 
 “ wore.” 
 
 Annotator. —“ Foul tattered clothes are by the 
 “ present Britons called brad, bratian 
 
 Diodorus Siculus gives a minute description 
 of the clothing of the Gauls. “ ErV Ss ygurxi 
 
 4 ‘ 7rXr,x-Ttx.e&t<;, yyiacrt gv fixirrtis, ypdpxxsi Tsrxvlti^xTroi; SttinDie-g.voi;, xxi 
 “ xvx^upiiriv, ccs 6xe hot fipxxxs arpos«oyop£t/«;(v. tTwropzriinxt Je trayxs 
 “ px&cJTtls, ill fxiv rci; ytificia-i, cixsiii; kxtx Oi to Svoj srA<v0<o;5 
 
 “ ■zrc'AuxvBi.st KXt zrvKvols tiiuMptgivvS’" “ VeStltUS llllS miTl- 
 “ ficus: Tunicas enim variis coloribus imbutas, ac 
 “ ceu floribus conspersas, caligasque, bracas illas 
 “ nominatas, gestant. Saga etiam virgata, per 
 “ hyemem densa, per cestatem tenuiora, crebris- 
 
 o 
 
210 
 
 “ que tessellis florum instar distincta, fibulis sub- 
 “ nectunt.”* 
 
 “ They use clothes of a curious texture : they 
 “ wear coats stained with various colours, as if 
 “ sprinkled with flowers, and trowses, called by 
 “ them braca: They tie with clasps striped plaids, 
 “ of a thicker texture in winter than in summer, 
 “ exhibiting frequent little squares like flowers.” 
 
 One would think that the venerable author, 
 had he not expressly told us that it was the 
 clothing of the Gauls he had in his eye, was ac¬ 
 tually describing the dress of a Scottish High¬ 
 lander in triumhas. This was a garment which 
 covered the thighs and legs, forming together 
 breeches and stockings, similar to the dress now 
 called pantaloons. The triumhas was made of 
 woollen stuff, chequered with alternate colours, 
 commonly red and white, tesselated in the man¬ 
 ner of a chess-board. The seams were ornament¬ 
 ed with dangling knots, of the same colours with 
 the garment. Party-coloured stuff got the name 
 of breacan , from the word breac, which signifies 
 speckled , of diverse colours. Breacan is the word 
 by which the plaid of the Gael is constantly ex¬ 
 pressed. Virgil says of the Gauls, “ virgatis lucent 
 “ sagulis “ they shine in striped little plaids.” 
 
 Strabo describes the clothing of the Belgee in 
 
 this manner. “ Z«y>)<pa£8!r< xect xo(toT£ 0 <pSiri xx'i avct%v£i<ri 
 “ xgancu uvTt 5s vvui, ^air: 
 
 * Diod. Sic. Hist. lib. v. c. 30. 
 
211 
 
 *' tu&eU >* *«« yXvrar t> S’ T£«;c«<* {tin, aK^ipixXMi Se’ «<p 
 
 “ «jj tkj ?««?; trxyovf U'vQutvVo-iv, S; hxtvocs xcctovriv.” * “ Saga 
 
 “ ferunt, comam alunt, braccis utuntur circum 
 “ extentis: loco tunicarum utuntur veste fissili 
 “ manicata, usque ad pudenda et nates demissa. 
 “ Lana eorum aspera est, sed ipsam proxime pel- 
 “ lem detonsa : ex ea densa saga texunt, quas 
 “ laenas vocant.”—“ They carry plaids, nourish 
 “ their hair, and use a vesture covering round 
 “ about. Instead of coats they wear a sleeved 
 “ fissile garment, falling down to the privy parts 
 “ and buttocks. Their wool is coarse and shaggy: 
 “ of it they weave a stuff which they call lana.” 
 
 Upon the word laina, mentioned by Strabo, 
 we have this note by the learned Casaubon. 
 “ oh halvas >cu*oi<rt” “ Qui? videturenim indicare 
 “ Gallorum esse vocem, Lana. Varro L. 1. iv. 
 “ p. 33. tamen vult esse Latinam. Lama, inquit, 
 “ quod de lana multa: duarum enim togarum 
 “instar, ut antiquissimum mulierum ricinum: 
 “ sic hoc duplex virorum. Ego puto vocem 
 “ esse puram Gragcam literula una truncatam. 
 “ Constat enim e Plutarcho Lamas nihil esse 
 “ aliud quam Greecorum, x Xellv *s; sic dictas « 
 “ utrumq. autem, Irena inquam et chlama, 
 
 “ Tr»x i 5 erat Iftxrtov et utrumq. Festus (y. 
 
 “ Lama) quoq. auctor est quosdam existimasse 
 “ lamam Grace quam dicunt esse appella- 
 “ tarn, quosdam tamen Thusce.” 
 
 Strabo, lib. iv. p. jo6\ 
 
212 - 
 
 Learned philologists have been at a loss to 
 discover the derivation of the word Icena; some' 
 of them being of opinion that it was of Latin 
 origin, others, that it was pure Greek. Had 
 these respectable critics been acquainted with 
 the language of the Gael, they would have de¬ 
 rived the word Icena from the Gaelic language, 
 and not from the Greek or Latin languages. 
 The words Icena and chlcena signify in Latin a 
 thick garment made of wool; the last of which 
 words is obviously the Greek %kmw. The radical 
 word from which both are derived is the Gaelic 
 clai, which is pronounced with a nasal sound, 
 precisely as a Frenchman would pronounce clain. 
 Clai , wool; a chlai, the wool: that it was a Gallic 
 word, the authority of Strabo is decisive. It is 
 curious to observe, that the word Icena signifies 
 a shirt at this day, in the language of the Gael of 
 Scotland and Ireland. The Welsh have not lost 
 the word, though they express shirt by the word 
 krys, which, in the language of the Gael, sig¬ 
 nifies a girdle; they have preserved it in their 
 word Ihenn , which signifies a veil or curtain. The 
 leane of the Gael is that part of their clothing 
 which is immediately in contact with the skin, 
 and covers the body, and was, till of late years, 
 made of wool. The use of linen shirts is now 
 the prevalent fashion even among the common 
 people in the Highlands of Scotland; yet many 
 of them still wear woollen shirts. It has been 
 remarked, that rheumatic complaints are now 
 
213 
 
 more frequent among the Highlanders than in 
 former times : They have no proper name for 
 rheumatism ; and the frequency of that complaint 
 in these, compared with former times, may be 
 ascribed to the use of linen instead of wooden 
 shirts. 
 
 Both Diodorus and Strabo use the word 
 to denote a particular vestment, which the first 
 says the Gauls called braca. Strabo describes 
 the clothing of the Gauls as consisting of the 
 sagum, or an upper garment which seems to corre¬ 
 spond with the plaid of the Gael; a sort of tunic 
 which covered the body, but no part of the 
 thighs or legs, and is descriptive of the short 
 coat of the Gael; and a sort of breeches, which 
 covered the inferior members of the body, similar 
 to the triumhas or trouse of the Gael. That the 
 term braca was peculiarly applied by the Gauls 
 to their trouse, there are reasons for not admit¬ 
 ting. The word braca is significant of any tesse- 
 lated or variegated apparel: the plaid of the Gael 
 is called breacan, as the principal variegated and 
 most conspicuous garment, fit to cover the whole 
 body and all its members. That portion of Italy 
 which was called Cisalpine Gaul , was also called 
 Gallia Togata; and the province of Narbonne, 
 which was known by the appellation Transalpine 
 Gaul, was also distinguished by the name of 
 Gallia Bracata, intimating, that the Gauls on the 
 Italian side of the Alps had assumed the Roman 
 gown, while those on the Gallic side of those 
 
mountains retained the ancient dress of the braca. 
 This circumstance points out, that the principal 
 garment which figured most to the eye was the 
 cause of the distinctive appellation. 
 
 Tranquillus, who wrote the life of Caesar, 
 speaks of the Gauls in these words : 
 
 -“ Iidem in curia 
 
 “ Galli braccas deposuerunt; latum clavum sumpserunt.” 
 
 The latus clams was the purple garment that 
 denoted senatorial dignity. It will readily occur, 
 that the Gallic trouse was not here understood 
 to be laid down, but a garment similar to the 
 breacan of the Gael, an exterior vesture dropped 
 by the Gauls when they assumed the latus clams, 
 or purple goxvn.. 
 
 Aulus Gellius giving account of the Sarmata, 
 says, “ Atq. ob sceva hyemis admoclum assiduce de- 
 “ mersis in humum sedibus, specus aut suffossa 
 “ habitant , totum braccati corpus, et nisi qua vi- 
 “ dent etiam ora vestiti .” This vestment evident¬ 
 ly covered the whole body and all its members. 
 Lib. ii. c. 1. 
 
 Tacitus, in his history, lib. ii. c. 20. “ Quod 
 “ versicolore sagulo, braccas barbarum tegmen 
 “ indutus, togatos alloqueretur.” 
 
 Ovid, speaking of the Scythians, says, “ Pelli- 
 “ bus et laxis arcent mala frigora braccis.” 
 
 The Romans derived the word from the Gauls. 
 This word they applied to a part, at least, of the 
 
215 
 
 clothing of all the northern nations who wore a 
 kind of loose trouse, but the radical meaning of 
 the name is to be ascribed to the speckled and 
 variegated colours of the vestments of the Gauls. 
 
 That the sagum of the Romans, the <r« y » of the 
 Greeks, was a Gallic word, and used to denote 
 clothes , may be asserted on good authority. 
 “ Sagum, et vox et vestis Gallica, ut ex Varrone, 
 “ Isidore, et aliis constat.”* 
 
 Prior to the knowledge of weaving the hair, 
 fur or fleece of any animal, or down of any plant, 
 into cloth for covering the body, the skins of ani¬ 
 mals, furnished with their natural hair or fur, 
 would readily attract the attention of the prime¬ 
 val inhabitants of the earth living beyond the 
 limits of the torrid zone, as a proper defence for 
 the body against the inclemencies of seasons 
 varying with the sun’s apparent course. With¬ 
 out the tropical, and in the polar regions of the 
 earth, animals’ skins were first used as clothing 
 for the human body : There were then no dis¬ 
 tinctions of forms of various vestments ; one 
 skin, or several skins sewed together, served as 
 a cover for the human body. Any degree of 
 knowledge of the arts of the first necessity, 
 would put in practice the selection of the hair 
 and fur of animals, matted or twisted together, 
 as a lighter and less cumbersome, more pliant, 
 and more easily adjusted cover for the body. 
 
 * Fabri Thes. voce Sagum. 
 
216 
 
 This new species of artificial garment would be 
 substituted in place of the hides of animals, and 
 would serve to cover the human body, in imme¬ 
 diate contact with the skin. The skin or hide, 
 with or without its fur or hair, would be laid 
 aside as ordinary apparel, and would only be re¬ 
 sumed as a defence against the rigours of cold 
 and wet weather. The skin or hide would then 
 become an upper or outer garment, answerable 
 to the use of that which the Romans denominat¬ 
 ed sagum, and the Greeks c-ay*. Of this view of 
 the origin and progress of clothing for the hu¬ 
 man body, the Gaelic language furnishes curious 
 matter of evidence. Clothes, or any stuff woven 
 for dress or covering, is in that language expres¬ 
 sed by edach. Ed signifies, radically, Jood; hence 
 edo of the Greeks and Latins: it signifies also 
 cattle, which were the principal means of subsis¬ 
 tence of primeval man. Saich and sale signified 
 the skin or hide of cattle or brute animals in gene¬ 
 ral ; hence the denomination of edach for clothes. 
 
 Pomponius Mela mentions an African people, 
 in the vicinity of Egypt, in these words: “ Primo- 
 “ res sagis velantur, vulgus bestiarum pecudumq. 
 “ pellibus.” De Situ Orb. lib. i. c. 8. The pro¬ 
 gress of the arts, with respect to clothing the 
 body, may here be remarked. The rich wore 
 saga of artificial and more expensive texture, 
 while the saga of the vulgar consisted of the 
 skins of wild beasts and cattle. 
 
217 
 
 Caesar recounted’ that the ancient Britons of 
 the inland country sowed no corn, but lived on 
 milk and flesh, and were clothed with skins. 
 This account might have been true in part, but 
 the authority of all posterior writers on Roman 
 and British affairs entitles us to assert with con¬ 
 fidence, that all the Britons, through the whole 
 extent of the island of Britain, were consider¬ 
 ably advanced in the knowledge of the arts of 
 the first necessity when the Romans invaded 
 their country. Their knowledge they received 
 from their ancestors the Gauls, communicated to 
 them by their forefathers, who had, in the course 
 of ages, migrated westward from Asiatic countries, 
 and had carried with them practical skill and in¬ 
 telligence of the arts of life, greatly beyond what 
 is found to exist among mankind, living in that 
 stage of social existence known by the denomi¬ 
 nation of the savage state of man. 
 
 Camden, Dusii .—“ We learn from St Austine 
 “ and Isidore, that the foul spirits commonly call- 
 “ ed incubi, were termed by the Gauls dusii, be- 
 “ cause they daily and continually practise their 
 “ uncleannesses. Now, that which is continual 
 “ and daily the Britains do still express by the 
 “ word dyth.” 
 
 Annotator .—“ It is dydk ; but the relation be¬ 
 tween that and dusii seems to be too much 
 “ forced.” 
 
 In the Gaelic language, du, pronounced long, 
 signifies continual; it also signifies real, genuine , 
 
218 
 
 as shall be more particularly observed in another 
 place. Du, pronounced short, signifies black , 
 and si signifies fairies or spirits; dusi signifies 
 literally black fairies or spirits. In the Highlands 
 of Scotland, small round green hillocks are uni¬ 
 versally known by the appellation of sian, as 
 supposed to be the residence of fairies or spirits. 
 Torsi is the name of a beautiful hill in the valley 
 of Urquhart, near the banks of Lochness, and 
 literally means the hill of fairies. Had the learn¬ 
 ed Camden attended to the language of the Gael 
 of Scotland and Ireland, his opinion with respect 
 to the descent of the Britons would receive much 
 illustration and support, in confirmation of the 
 justice of his Welsh etymological observations. 
 
 Camden, Circius .—“ Circius is a wind very 
 “ well known by that name, to which Augustus 
 “ Cresar not only vowed, but actually built a 
 ££ temple in Gaul. Now Phavorinus, a Gaul by 
 “ birth, declares in Agellius, that it is a word of 
 ££ Gallic original. “ Our Gauls, saith he, call by 
 “ the name of circius, that wind which blows from 
 ££ their own coast, and which is the fiercest in all 
 “ those parts ; so named, I suppose, from its blus- 
 “ tering and whirling .” It is certain, that this 
 ££ particular wind is more raging and violent than 
 ££ any other; and that cyrck, amongst our modern 
 ££ Britons, signifies force and violence, plainly ap- 
 ££ pears by the Welsh Litany.” 
 
 Annotator. —“ And so cyrchi-wynt would sig- 
 £c nity a violent wind; but why circ, alone, should 
 
219 
 
 “ signify that particular piece of violence, there is 
 “ no reason.” 
 
 The learned author is not so fortunate in this 
 observation as in his other remarks on his sub¬ 
 ject. The Gaelic language, however, explains 
 the meaning of the word circius, pronounced as 
 if written kirkius, satisfactorily; cuairtghao sig¬ 
 nifies literally whirlwind, and, in the mouth of a 
 Roman, might naturally enough be expressed by 
 kirkius. 
 
 Camden, Glastum. —“ There is, saith Pliny, 
 “ an herb like plantain, called by the Gauls glas- 
 “ turn, with which, writers tell us, the Britons 
 “ used to paint themselves. This is the herb 
 “ which we now call woad. It makes a blue or 
 “ sky colour; which colour is called glas by the 
 “ Welsh to this day.” Glas is expressive of a sky 
 colour among the Gael; it signifies properly pale, 
 wan, or gray ; each glas, a gray horse. 
 
 In the original of the poem of Temora, this 
 word occurs in a simile applied to the moon : 
 
 “ Mar ghlas sgia ro taoma na neoil 
 “ Snamh seacliad tha gealach na h oiche.” 
 
 Translated thus by Mr M'Pherson : 
 
 “ The moon, like a dim shield, is swimming 
 “ through its folds.” 
 
220 
 
 Literally thus: 
 
 “ Like a gray shield before the pouring of the 
 “ clouds, swimming past, is the moon of night.” 
 
 Camden, Penninus. — “ From Livy we learn, 
 “ that the Pennine Alps, by Ceesar called Summer 
 “ Alpes, as overtopping the rest, took not that 
 “ name from Annibal Poenus, (i. e. the Cartha- 
 “ ginian), but from the highest mountain there- 
 “ abouts, the top whereof was consecrated, and 
 “ had the name of Penninus given it by the 
 “ mountaineers of Gaul. Now, the tops of 
 “ mountains are so called by our Britains at this 
 “ day; for instance, Penmon-maur , Pendle , &c. 
 “ The highest mountains among us have all bor- 
 “ rowed their names from this word, and so hath 
 “ also the Appennine in Italy.” 
 
 The word henn is by the Gael of Scotland 
 and Ireland applied to the highest mountains, 
 the most remarkable in point of elevation; the 
 plural of henn is hennin; which word expresses 
 the Summer Alpes , and, according to Livy, were 
 called Penninus by the mountaineers of Gaul. 
 
 It may be observed, that the Penmon-maur of 
 the Welsh is a compound of three Gaelic words: 
 Penn , a mountain of the highest elevation ; mon, 
 mom , the mons of the Latins, an elevated extended 
 heath or moor; and mor, big or great : So that 
 Penmon-maur signifies a mountain overtopping an 
 elevated extended heath or moor , 
 
221 
 
 Camden, Armorica. —“ The cities of Gaul 
 “ which border upon the sea, Cassar tells us, were 
 “ called by the Gauls Armorica , with whom our 
 “ modern Britons agree, in applying the same 
 “ word exactly in the same way; for armor with 
 “ them signifies by the sea, or upon the sea. And 
 “ in the very same notion Strabo calls them 
 “ CC7TUKMVldctS. “ Armorich , in the Gaelic language, 
 may be applied to maritime cities, but more pro¬ 
 perly denotes maritime people. Muir is most 
 commonly used to denote sea: This word is a 
 compound of mu, about, and tir, (terra of the 
 Latins) land; muthir (jtk quiescent in the com¬ 
 pound) is pronounced muir, in the genitive case 
 mar; whence marich, a maritime people. 
 
 Camden, Bardus. —“ Festus Pompeius tells 
 “ us, that bardus, in the language of the Gauls, 
 “ signifies a singer ; and that word is absolutely 
 “ British.” 
 
 Bard, in the language of the Gael, denotes pro¬ 
 perly not a singer but a poet; bardac, poetry; 
 which was no doubt rehearsed in metrical com¬ 
 position, expressed with vocal melody, and often 
 accompanied with musical instruments; the most 
 estimable of which among our Gaelic ancestors 
 were the cruit and clarsach: the first was a sort of 
 fiddle , which the Welsh call cruth ; the Irish and 
 Scottish Gael call a harp, clarsach; the Welsh use 
 the word telyn for a harp. That artists were en¬ 
 couraged by the possession of certain portions of 
 
222 
 
 iand, as well as public contributions, sufficient 
 evidence remains in the names of dail a chlarsair, 
 the harpers field ; raon a n fhuidhar, thefounders 
 field. Raon signifies a portion of land clear of ob¬ 
 struction ; creite a ghobha, the smith'sfield or croft; 
 creite a mhuiller, the millers croft, &c. Harpers 
 were of old held in such high esteem, as to be 
 supported by the voluntary contributions of com¬ 
 munities of different districts of country, and often 
 were put in possession of certain portions of land, 
 as a reward for their services, and for promoting 
 the delightful art displayed in the skilful man¬ 
 agement of that charming musical instrument. 
 Would it not be worthy the attention of the 
 H ighland Society of Scotland to use means for 
 restoring the use of that darling instrument of 
 our ancestors, which was so much calculated to 
 afford delight to every musical ear, and was so 
 conducive to humanize manners, by its harmo¬ 
 nious concord with tender and sympathetic feel¬ 
 ings. It tended to divest heroism of its bar¬ 
 barity, by softening the proud victor’s heart; the 
 capacity of feeling the influence of its melting 
 strains disposed to the stretching forth the hand 
 to afford merciful protection and administer ge¬ 
 nerous relief to the vanquished foe. Such was 
 the character of Fingal, and of the other renown¬ 
 ed heroes of his kindred tribes. The poetry and 
 song of their bards, and the harmonious ten¬ 
 derness of the music of strings which accompa- 
 
223 
 
 nied the rehearsal of their verse, was highly con¬ 
 ducive to that generosity of sentiment and sus¬ 
 ceptibility of the softer passions, so conspicuous 
 in the poetical numbers of Ossian, that most 
 illustrious and most highly admired poet* of the 
 ancient Gael. 
 
 Camden, Bardocucullus. —■“ We learn out of 
 “ Martial and others, that bardocucullus was a 
 “ sort of garment worn by the Gaulish bards. 
 “ Now as bard, so the other part of that word 
 “ remains entire among the modern Britons, who 
 “call a cloak, cucul; (Annotator) cochol The 
 last of these is agreeable to the pronunciation 
 of the word by the Irish and Scottish Gael; 
 it imports the same meaning as the invo lucrum 
 of the Latins, a close cover round about, also a 
 cloak. 
 
 Here we may take notice of a passage in 
 Caesar’s Gallic Wars, lib. i. which strongly proves 
 the language of the iEdui to have been pure 
 Gaelic, as it is completely descriptive of a magis¬ 
 trate acting in a judicative capacity. “ Liscus 
 “ qui summo m agls tratuip racer a t, quern Vergobre- 
 
 * It was not the province of the bard to rehearse and sing 
 his own poetical compositions; he was attended by a person 
 endowed witli a good musical voice, to whose memory they 
 were committed. This companion and attendant of the bard 
 was called reachdaire guib, which is literally the regulator of 
 the mouth. Reachd signifies a law or statute, also right ; 
 hence the rectum of the Latins; direach is straight, the directus 
 of the Latins. 
 
 i 
 
224 
 
 “ turn appellant JEdui, qui creatur annum , et vita 
 “ necisque in suos habet potestatem.” This magis¬ 
 trate was created annually, and had the power of 
 life and death over the people: Cassar says, that 
 he was called by the dEdui, Vergobretus. This 
 appellation consists of three Gaelic words, for gu 
 breth, that is, literally, the man to judge. The 
 iEdui inhabited that province of France which 
 is now called Burgundy. 
 
 Camden, Pempedula. —“ The herb which the 
 “ Greeks, from its five leaves, call pentaphyllon , 
 “ was by the Gauls called pempedula , as we find 
 “ in Apuleius; no wpymp, in British, signifies 
 “ and deilen, a leaf.” 
 
 Annotator .—“ Pumpdail in British is quinque 
 11 folia.” The Gaelic word for leaf is duille, pre¬ 
 serving more nearly the ancient pronunciation 
 of the word. 
 
 Camden, Petoritum. —“ As pymp for five, so 
 “ petor was the word among the Gauls for four, 
 “ as we learn from Festus, who will have petori- 
 “ turn, a Gaulish chariot or waggon , to be so 
 “ named from its four wheels. Now the word 
 “ pedwar signifies four among the Britons.” 
 
 Annotator. —“ And, which makes the relation 
 “ greater, rhod is rota? 
 
 Roth is the Gaelic word for wheel; the Irish 
 and Scottish Gael would call such a chariot cether- 
 roth.* As matter of curious observation, appli- 
 
 * C pronounced as 1c. 
 
 3 
 
225 
 
 cable to the learned author’s design, we deem it 
 worth while, as it may prove not unsatisfactory 
 to the studious of antiquity, to extend our re¬ 
 marks on this subject. 
 
 Were we not possessed of the works of an¬ 
 cient authors of incontestible credit, testifying 
 the fact, that the ancient Britons made use of cha¬ 
 riots moving on wheels as instruments of war, 
 we should be apt to deny assent to any traditionary 
 accounts of such warlike machines having exist¬ 
 ed among our British ancestors, who have been 
 represented, even by Julius Cresar, to have exist¬ 
 ed in his time in so rude and barbarous a state, 
 and so completely ignorant of the arts of life of 
 the first necessity, as to have no knowledge of 
 any sort of tillage of the ground, or of any kind 
 of artificial garment to defend them from the in¬ 
 clemencies of the weather. 
 
 The accounts which one of the mqst illustri¬ 
 ous characters known in the history of mankind 
 has handed down to us, relative to our remote 
 ancestors, cannot but prove highly interesting 
 to Britons. The truth of his relation regard¬ 
 ing transactions in which he had a personal con¬ 
 cern, and were the subjects of his ocular obser¬ 
 vation, cannot be called in question. As to those 
 matters which are delivered upon the authority 
 of hearsay or traditional report, implicit reliance 
 may be withheld, without offence to the me¬ 
 mory of a personage dignified by the most ad¬ 
 mirable talents, vigour of genius and energy of 
 
 p 
 
2£S 
 
 mind, which, if directed towards the liberty of 
 mankind and the good of his country, would 
 have gained him greater glory, than the domi¬ 
 nion of the earth, by warlike achievements the 
 most brilliant, could bestow. 
 
 Cassar gives a minute account of his first land¬ 
 ing in Britain, and of his preparatory measures 
 for the accomplishment of his designs in that 
 memorable expedition. The people called Ma¬ 
 rini , which denotes their being maritime, possess¬ 
 ing the Gallic coast opposite to Britain, were not 
 sufficiently acquainted with the British coast, 
 with the internal state and condition of its 
 people, to be able to communicate to Caesar that 
 intelligence he wished to obtain, to render the 
 issue of his expedition successful. His own 
 words will best communicate the nature of the 
 intercourse which had at that period subsisted 
 between the Britons of the southern end of the 
 island and the maritime inhabitants of the wes¬ 
 tern coast of Gaul. During the small part of 
 summer that remained, notwithstanding the 
 winters in those parts are early, as all Gaul 
 tends towards the north, yet Cassar resolved to 
 make an expedition into Britain, because almost 
 in all the wars of Gaul he understood that assist¬ 
 ance had been furnished to his enemies from 
 thence ; and although the time of the year 
 should not fully serve the purpose of carrying 
 on a war, yet he judged it would be of great 
 advantage to him if he could but visit the island, 
 
227 
 
 learn the nature of the people, and get acquainted 
 with their situation, ports, and landing places, all 
 which were in a great measure unknown to the 
 Gauls ; for rarely did any body, except mer¬ 
 chants, go over thither: nor even to them was 
 any thing known except the sea coast, and those 
 tracts of the country which lie opposite to Gaul. 
 Therefore, after having called together mer¬ 
 chants from all quarters, he could neither learn 
 what was the magnitude of the island, nor who, 
 nor how many nations might inhabit it; nor 
 what experience they had in war; nor what in¬ 
 stitutions they used; nor what were the proper 
 harbours for a number of large ships. It appears 
 that Caesar could not procure satisfactory infor¬ 
 mation from the Gallic traders with Britain res¬ 
 pecting those objects, knowledge of which he 
 thought necessary to possess, before he attempt¬ 
 ed to transport his army into a country which 
 it was his purpose to subdue, and bring within 
 the pale of Roman greatness, and add to the 
 fame of his personal renown, by the conquest 
 of an unexplored country and of a people toto 
 orbe divisi. He therefore dispatched an able 
 observer, Caius Volusenus, with a long galley, 
 to bring him all the intelligence he could ob¬ 
 tain, by exploring the coast, as he thought it 
 not safe for him to penetrate into any part of the 
 country. 
 
 The Britons, however, had very early received 
 intelligence of Caesar’s designs from the Gallic 
 
228 
 
 merchants. They sent deputies from several 
 provinces, who expressed their desire of peace, 
 and promised to deliver hostages, “ atque imperio 
 “ populi Romani obtemporare ,” and submit to the 
 government of the Roman people. 
 
 It is evident that the Gallic traders were not 
 disposed to extend the power of the Romans 
 over the British people; and there is reason to 
 infer, that they studiously concealed their know¬ 
 ledge of the country and people from the Roman 
 general. The intercourse between Gaul and Bri¬ 
 tain must have been considerable before Csesar’s 
 time, for he tells us that the Britons had afford¬ 
 ed to the Gauls frequent aids in their wars 
 against the Romans ; a circumstance which 
 proves a friendly intercourse and correspondence 
 between the Gallic and British people. 
 
 It is remarkable, too, that when the British 
 deputies returned, Cresar had sent along with 
 them one Comius, whom, after conquering the 
 Atribates in Gaul, he had set over them as king. 
 “ Huic imperat, quas possit, adeat civitates; 
 “ horteturq. ut populi Romani fidem sequantur; 
 “ seque celeriter eo venturum nunciet.” Caesar 
 had put great confidence in the courage and 
 conduct of Comius: he considered him to be 
 personally attached to himself, and, being a man 
 of great authority, he ordered Comius to visit 
 as many provinces and states as he could, and 
 persuade them to come under the protection of 
 the Roman people, and communicate to them his 
 
22 9 
 
 intention of speedily arriving among them. The 
 Britons, however, relished not the embassy; “ fiunc 
 “ illi e navi egressum , quum ad eos imperatoris 
 
 mandata perferret , comprehenderant , atque in 
 “ vincula conjecerant” 
 
 The Britons seized Comius as he was going 
 out of the vessel that carried him; and, though 
 he was only conveying to them the commission 
 of his general, they put him in chains. 
 
 It would appear, from the manner in which 
 Comius was sent to the Britons, that Caesar 
 judged him to be a man of conduct and address 
 in negociation, capable to gain the confidence of 
 the Britons by friendly communication and social 
 intercourse; by means of personal interview and 
 conversation qualified to persuade them utpopuli 
 RomaniJidem sequantur , to give no hostile oppo¬ 
 sition to the Romans, but to yield submission, 
 and come under allegiance to the Roman govern¬ 
 ment. Had he not been previously well ac¬ 
 quainted with the character and manners of the 
 Britons, he would not have readily undertaken 
 an embassy, by which he was to penetrate into 
 the heart of their country, visit several states and 
 nations, and communicate to them the object of 
 his mission. To attempt an enterprise of such a 
 nature, among an unknown, savage, or barbarous 
 people, roaming in natural freedom through their 
 wilds and forests, living upon milk and flesh, 
 and clothed in skins, would argue a degree of 
 temerity inconsistent with the abilities and con- 
 
230 
 
 duct ascribed by Caesar to his confidential friend 
 Comius. 
 
 The Britons had very early intelligence of 
 Comius’s commission, and although they felt 
 that indignation which naturally arose in the 
 breasts of a free and high spirited people, respect¬ 
 ing propositions of unconditional submission to 
 the will of a conqueror, they vented not the rage 
 of savage cruelty upon him; his life they spared: 
 but they treated him with that indignity which 
 they thought his conduct merited, they seized 
 his person; intimating to him the consequence of 
 a servile submission to unlimited authority and 
 arbitrary power, they deprived him of his liberty 
 by putting him in chains. The confidence of 
 Volusenus and that of Comius were very diffe¬ 
 rent; the one was a Gaul, the other a Roman. 
 “ Volusenus perspectis regionibus, quantum ei 
 “ facultatis dari potuit, qui navi egredi, ac se bar- 
 “ baris committere non auderet, quinto die ad 
 “ Csesarem revertitur; quasque ibi perspexisset, 
 “ renuntiat.” “ Volusenus having viewed the 
 “ country as far as it was in the power of one 
 “ who durst not leave his ship and trust himself 
 “ to barbarians, returns on the fifth day to Caesar, 
 “ and recounts to him what he had discovered.” 
 
 Caesar having exerted great activity in mak¬ 
 ing the necessary preparations for the invasion 
 of Britain, he set sail for the British shore, where 
 he arrived the next day, after leaving the nearest 
 coast of Gaul. Upon his arrival he observed 
 
231 
 
 the enemy's forces in arms, displayed to view on 
 all the hills. The situation of the place where he 
 intended to make the first landing being found 
 dangerous and inconvenient, he weighed anchor 
 and sailed seven miles from his first landing 
 place, and stationed his fleet upon an open and 
 level shore. There, again, he met with opposition. 
 “ The barbarians, upon perceiving the design of 
 the Romans, sending forward their cavalry and 
 chariots, which they had been accustomed to use 
 for most part in Jighting , and following after 
 with the rest of the army, endeavoured to hin¬ 
 der our landing. And, indeed, there was a great 
 difficulty in the case, on the following accounts: 
 viz. Because our ships, by reason of their large 
 size, could not be stationed but in deep water, 
 and our soldiers in places to which they were 
 strangers; and whilst they could not have the free 
 use of their hands, and were borne down with a 
 bulky and heavy load of armour, had at the same 
 instant to jump out of their ships, stand among 
 the billows, and engage with the enemy; whereas 
 they, either on dry land or wading but a very lit¬ 
 tle into the water, having the free use of all their 
 limbs, and on ground they were well acquainted 
 with, could boldly cast their darts, and spur up 
 their horses, that were inured to such manage¬ 
 ment; by which difficulties our men were dis¬ 
 mayed, and being entirely strangers to this way 
 of fighting, they did not all show the same brisk- 
 
5232 
 
 ness and eagerness that they were wont to shew 
 in conflicts on dry land.” 
 
 Caesar, after describing the issue of the con¬ 
 flict, which proved successful against the Bri¬ 
 tons, narrates, that the seventh legion, which 
 was sent out to forage, was attacked by them, 
 and surrounded by their horse and chariots, 
 “ simul equitatu atque essedis circumdederant.” 
 Cassar then enters into a minute description of 
 the British mode of fighting in chariots. It is 
 curious, and merits particular notice. ££ Genus 
 “ hoc est ex essedis pugnas: primo per omnes 
 ££ partes perequitant, et tela conjiciunt, atque 
 “ ipso terrore equorum, et strepitu rotarum, or- 
 “ dines plerumque perturbant: et quum se inter 
 “ equitum turmas insinuavere, ex essedis desi- 
 u liunt, et pedibus proeliantur. Aurigte interim 
 ££ paullum e proelio excedunt, atque ita se collo- 
 ££ cant, ut, si illi a multitudine hostium preman- 
 ££ tur, expeditum ad.suos receptum habeant. Ita 
 ££ mobilitatem equitum stabilitatem peditum in 
 f ‘ proeliis praestant; ac tantum usu quotidiano, 
 £c et exercitatione elficiunt, ut in declivi, ac pree- 
 £C cipiti loco incitatos equos sustinere, et brevi 
 ££ moderari, ac flectere, et per temonem percurre- 
 ££ re, et in jugo insistere, et inde se in currus ci- 
 ££ tissime recipere consueverint.” “ Their manner 
 of fighting, in their chariots is this : First they 
 ride up and down in all quarters and fling darts; 
 and by the terror of their horses, and the noise 
 of the wheels, they for the most part disorder 
 
233 
 
 the ranks : And when they have wound them¬ 
 selves among the troops of horse, they alight from 
 the chariots and fight on foot. The charioteers, 
 in the mean time, retire a little from the battle, 
 and place themselves in such a manner, that if 
 their own people are pressed by the numbers of 
 the enemy, they have a ready reception for 
 them. Thus, in their battles’, they answer the 
 speed of horse and steadiness of foot, and effect 
 so much by daily use and exercise, that in shelv¬ 
 ing and steep places they can check their horses 
 at speed, guide and turn them short, run upon 
 the beam, stand upon the yoke, and from thence 
 quickly spring into their chariots.” 
 
 Here, then, respecting the British manner of 
 fighting in chariots, we have the testimony of 
 the most illustrious general of his age, himself 
 an eye-witness, and deeply interested in the issue 
 of a contest, in which was displayed a mode of 
 warfare, which he acknowledges struck at first 
 his Roman soldiers with terror and dismay 7 . 
 
 For one hundred years after Caesar’s landing 
 in Britain (a. d. 43.), no attempts were made by 
 the Romans to subjugate the Britons and add 
 their country to the Roman empire. Britain was 
 invaded by the Emperor Claudius, and in his 
 reign was the famous Caractacus, a British king, 
 defeated, and carried prisoner to Rome. 
 
 Prosutagus, king of the Iceni, was famous for 
 his great treasures. In order to gain the favour 
 of the Emperor Nero, and save his family and 
 
234 
 
 the people from insults, he named the Emperor 
 and his two daughters his heirs. But this mea¬ 
 sure was not attended with the effects he meant 
 to ensure by it. His kingdom was made a prey 
 to the captains, and his house pillaged by the 
 soldiery. His wife, Boadicea, was whipped, and 
 his daughters ravished. The chiefs of the Iceni 
 were deprived of their estates, and persons of 
 the first distinction were treated as the meanest 
 slaves. 
 
 The Britons, feeling the disgrace of their situ¬ 
 ation, took arms under the conduct of Boadicea; 
 (for, as Tacitus observes, the Britons made no 
 distinction of sex in point of government, and 
 that it was not unusual for them to go to war 
 under the conduct of women); and having united 
 a considerable force, vanquished the Romans who 
 opposed them. Soon after, however, they expe¬ 
 rienced the superiority, not of Roman valour, but 
 of military skill; for in their next battle against 
 the Romans they were vanquished, with the loss 
 of 8000 men. Such are the horrible effects at¬ 
 tending the spirit of conquest, that ever to be 
 lamented spirit, which still stimulates the minds 
 of men, and deluges the earth with streams of 
 human blood. 
 
 We find Boadicea, called by Dio, Bunduica, 
 thus described by him : b & ™ e-fyst ytyim, y.xi 
 
 “ to st 06 $ fiXorv^ojlctTy), to , t i fZXiuyct t}f>ty.v\elni‘ y-v.t to pt)s yyct T^ayy 
 “ ir/y Tr,v Ti xoftitv orXttTtlv Ti x-ott %ct]>8oTUTrjt ovtTM y,iy£t tZu yXovla v 
 tl xethlro, xet'i T£S7rlov yisyctv yf>vtrouv i(po^tr yilavct Ti mty.7roix.tXo)> Its - 
 
235 
 
 i( xocoXaraJo, xcti yXafxvdx (v av ]» Tx%uitv wnitcfitr\t> aula fiiv afi 
 ino-Kivcl^ilo' tots §1 KXi Xayyjii Xccfioutra, <JVS x<*< lx roirrav 7rctvlxg 
 
 « wsrAiJrlwv.” “ Foemina procerissimo corpore, specie 
 “ maxime truci, vultu acerrimo, voce aspera, qua& 
 “ capillurn densissimum eundemque intense fla- 
 “ vum ad nates usque promisisset. Gestabat et 
 “ magnum torquem aureum, indutaque erat stola 
 “ variis coloribus distincta et in sinum constricta, 
 “ cui chlamydem crassam ope fibula connexam 
 “ superinjecerat. Quo habitu cum et alias sem- 
 “ per uteretur, turn hasta quoque in manus sumta, 
 “ qua omnes perterrefaceret.” “ She was a wo- 
 “ man of very great stature, of a very com- 
 “ manding form, and of a stern countenance: 
 “ She had a strong rough voice, and hair very 
 “ fair, thick and long, which flowed down to her 
 “ haunches. She wore a large golden chain, and 
 “ was clothed with a jacket stained with various 
 “ intricate colours, and above that a thick short 
 “ cloak, tied with clasps; for in that manner she 
 “ was always clothed; and she held a spear in her 
 “ hand, that by it she might affect all with terror.” 
 
 Boadicea, with her daughters along with her, 
 in a chariot , went about encouraging the several 
 nations to throw off the Roman yoke; declaring 
 that it was not her object to fight for empire or 
 riches, but, as one of the people, ambitious to re¬ 
 store lost liberty; to revenge the stripes they had 
 inflicted on her, and the dishonour with which 
 they had treated her daughters: That, if they 
 considered both armies, and the cause of war on 
 
236 ' 
 
 both sides, they would resolve to conquer or die 
 in battle. For her part, who was but a woman, 
 this was her resolution: The men might, if they 
 pleased, live and be slaves. The battle that en¬ 
 sued having proved disastrous to the Britons, 
 this high-spirited female, worthy of a happier 
 fate, fulfilled her determination ; she spurned 
 slavish subjection, and put an end to her life by 
 poison. 
 
 In the progress of the Roman arms northward, 
 the Romans found themselves opposed by men 
 armed in the same manner, with darts, long 
 swords, small bucklers, without helmets or coats 
 of mail to defend them, inferior to the Romans 
 in military skill, discovering less perfection in 
 the form, structure and management of their 
 warlike weapons. They were neither destitute 
 of valour, nor, in a contemptible degree, of know¬ 
 ledge of l he art of ware they were not found to 
 be in the state of naked savages, nor so little re¬ 
 moved from what may be called the primeval 
 state of man as to be clothed in skins. Their 
 knowledge of agriculture is clearly ascertain¬ 
 ed. Tacitus informs us, that after the great 
 overthrow the Britons had experienced under 
 Boadicea, they had been afflicted with famine, 
 having been withdrawn from the culture of their 
 fields by the preparations made for the prosecu¬ 
 tion of the war. Men who were acquainted 
 with the forging of swords, and framing so com¬ 
 plicated a machine as a war-chariot with wheels, 
 
237 
 
 
 many of them armed with scythes, must have 
 possessed in a considerable degree the art of 
 working in metals, for the purposes of agricul¬ 
 tural utility, as well as warlike contest. Pompo- 
 nius Mela tells us, that the British nations made 
 frequent war on one another; that they fought 
 not only on horseback and on foot, but also in 
 their cars or chariots, armed after the manner of 
 the Gauls (they call them covini ) with hooks and 
 scythes at the axle-trees. 
 
 “ They say that Britain is inhabited by an ab¬ 
 original race,* who, in their way of living, pie- 
 serve ancient simplicity of manners. In their 
 wars they use chariots, as it is handed down the 
 ' ancient heroes of Greece had done in the Troian 
 war.” 
 
 The accounts of Caesar and of Tacitus are to 
 be chiefly relied on respecting the state and con¬ 
 dition of the British nations. Agricola had pene¬ 
 trated beyond the Friths of the Forth and Clyde 
 into the country of the Caledonians; and having 
 overcome these Britons under their leader Galga- 
 cus, and explored the extent of the island, and also 
 discovered the islands of the Orkneys by means 
 of his ships, he had communicated by letters 
 to the emperor Domitian, a plain unexaggerated 
 narrative of his victorious progress in the island 
 of Britain ; and his son-in-law, Tacitus, one of the 
 most illustrious historians of ancient times, had 
 
 * Diod. Sic. Hist. lib. v. c. 21. 
 
238 
 
 the very best means of authentic information 
 relative to Agricola’s transactions in Britain. 
 “ Hunc rerum cursum, quanquam nulla verbo- 
 “ rum jactantia epistolis Agricol® auctum, ut Do- 
 “ mitiano moris erat, fronte lastus, pectore anxius 
 “ excepit.”* Dio Cassius informs us, that the 
 Germans who were in the Roman army in Bri¬ 
 tain, under their general Plautius, after passing 
 a certain river, the name of which is not men¬ 
 tioned, came suddenly upon the Britons, and 
 struck not at the men, but altogether at the 
 horses in their chariots. 
 
 Had we not the authority of Tacitus to rely 
 on, we should hardly give credit to traditionary 
 report, informing us that the Caledonians, at the 
 foot of the Grampian hills, beyond the estuary 
 of Tay, had attacked the Romans, and in a great 
 pitched battle had fought in chariots, in the same 
 manner as the southern Britons had fought 
 against Cassar upon his invasion of Britain. 
 Every circumstance of authentic intelligence re¬ 
 specting the inhabitants of Britain, during the 
 existence of the Roman government in the 
 island, with regard to manners, religious rites, 
 use of warlike weapons, mode of warfare, and 
 language, that which, above all other matters of 
 evidence, affords conviction,—demonstrates the 
 identity of race and lineage, and points out for¬ 
 cibly the parent stock whence the whole inha- 
 
 * Tacit. Vita Agric. 
 
239 
 
 bitants of Britain derived their origin. Chariots 
 in war, in a country, too, extremely ill adapted 
 to the use of such warlike instruments, exhibits 
 a singular phenomenon. Here let us apply the 
 words of that deeply reflecting and profoundly 
 philosophic historian, Tacitus, in his incompar¬ 
 able account of the manners of the Germans, as 
 affording a solution of this wonderful mode of 
 warfare practised among the mountains of Cale¬ 
 donia. “ Proximi Cattis certum jam alveo Rhe- 
 “ num, quique terminus esse sufficiat, Usipii ac 
 “ Tencteri colunt. Tencteri super solitum bello- 
 “ rum decus equestris discipline arte prascellunt. 
 “ Nec major apud Cattos peditum laus, quain 
 “ Tencteris equitum. Sic instituere majores, pos- 
 “ teri imitantur. Hi lusus infantium , hccc juve- 
 “ man emulatio, perseverant senes. Interfamiham, 
 “ et penates, et jura successionum, equi tracluntur: 
 “ excipit jilius, non , ul cetera , maximus Jiatu, sed 
 “ prout ferox hello et melior 
 
 Such is the force of ancient custom: Asiatic 
 usages were conveyed by the migrant Gael west¬ 
 ward into Europe; handed down by them to 
 their progeny in Britain; preserved by the Bri¬ 
 tish in their warlike intentions against each 
 other; and never abandoned until they had oc¬ 
 casion to fight against an enemy that displayed 
 a superior degree of perfection in the art of war, 
 and proved, from fatal experience, the inefficacy 
 
 * Tacit, de Mor. German, c. 32, 
 
 l 
 
C40 
 
 of fighting in chariots, in opposition to the mili¬ 
 tary skill and steadiness of the Roman foot and 
 horse, unincumbered with machines of complicat¬ 
 ed construction, and liable to so much confusion, 
 in situations where such must have been found 
 impracticable and unmanageable. Accordingly 
 we find, that the Caledonians, after this fatal 
 battle against the Romans at the foot of the Gram¬ 
 pian hills, where their force amounted to 30,000 
 men, of whom 10,000 were left dead on the field, 
 had in their future conflicts laid aside this singu¬ 
 lar mode of fighting, and, by their persevering 
 spirit of resistance, preserved their country from 
 subjection to the Roman yoke. 
 
 Agricola spent three years in his expedition 
 against the Caledonians: the determined obsti¬ 
 nacy of the Caledonians in resisting the Roman 
 arms, still preserved their country from conquest. 
 The conquest of all the island of Britain was 
 deemed of so much consequence, that it was 
 undertaken by some of the greatest generals that 
 appeared in the armies of Rome at the time. The 
 famous Lollius made great impression upon the 
 Caledonians, but extinguished not their spirit of 
 resistance. The greatest vigour and conduct 
 were displayed by the Roman generals; yet Ca¬ 
 ledonian bravery ultimately soared triumphant, 
 and their enemies were driven beyond the Friths 
 of Forth and Clyde. 
 
 The pride of Roman greatness was piqued at 
 the hardiness of barbarian prowess. The Empe- 
 
241 
 
 ror Severus resolved in person to reduce the 
 Caledonians. The whole power of the army un¬ 
 der his command was concentrated tor the expe¬ 
 dition, and, according to Dio and Herodian, al¬ 
 though the Caledonians never ventured to engage 
 the Romans in a pitched battle, the) took all the 
 advantages which the nature of their country 
 afforded; by removing their sheep and cattle from 
 the open country, they drew the enemy into 
 ambuscades; bold and watchful, they harassed 
 the Romans in their march, hung upon their 
 rear, and reduced them to such distress, that 
 their loss of men amounted to 50,000, in this un¬ 
 fortunate expedition. Emboldened by the loss 
 of men the enemy had sustained, and the distress 
 they had experienced, the Maiatae, joined by the 
 Caledonians,* revolted. Severus ordered Cara- 
 
 * Maiatce, Caledonii. —These words literally signify the inha¬ 
 bitants of the plains, and those of the woods. The low, in con¬ 
 tradistinction to the mountainous country, is at this day called 
 machthir, maoghthir properly, though a little altered iu com¬ 
 mon pronunciation. Mao and maoi is a frequently occurring 
 name for places of residence in level ground, both in the low 
 country where the English language is now spoken, as well as 
 in the Highlands where the Gaelic language still prevails. A 
 gentleman’s seat in tJhe beautiful plain between the town of Forres 
 and the sea, is still called by the Gaelic name Mai; and the name 
 is common in the Highlands, in high as well as low situations, 
 where the land lies level. 
 
 There is a common adage in the mouths of the Highlanders, 
 intimating the preference of their woody to the naked country 
 
 Q 
 
242 
 
 calla to invade their country with all his forces. 
 To such a degree of exasperation was his resent¬ 
 ment roused against this stubborn people, who 
 had so long foiled Roman valour, and baffled the 
 efforts of Roman power, under the conduct and 
 direction of Severus himself in person, that he 
 ordered their extermination and destruction, in 
 these memorable words, conveyed too in metrical 
 numbers: 
 
 “ Nemo mauus fugiat vestras, caedemque cruenlam 
 “ Non foetus, gravida mater quern gestat in alvo, 
 
 “ Horrendam effugiat caedem.”* 
 
 We have observed above, that the Caledonians, 
 in their battles against the Romans, posterior to 
 the great defeat they had experienced in their 
 engagement with the Roman forces under Agri¬ 
 cola at the foot of the Grampians, had disused 
 the war-chariot in battle. Fatal experience had 
 taught them, that however they might make 
 
 of the plains, and is expressive of the Caledonii, Caoildaoin, in- 
 habitants of the woods, and Maiatae, Maiatich, inhabitants of 
 the plains. 
 
 “ Mol a mhaoghir’s na treo’ 
 
 “ Dimol a chaoill s na treig.” 
 
 “ Praise the level country, but cultivate it not: 
 
 “ Dispraise the wood, but forsake it not.” 
 
 * Dio, Severus. 
 
243 
 
 use of such cumbersome instruments against one 
 another, they were not to be relied on in opposi¬ 
 tion to the tactics of the Roman foot and cavalry. 
 That, however, we may be satisfied of the truth 
 of the fact, that the northern as well as the 
 southern Britons retained the use of this Asiatic 
 military machine, we shall quote the words of 
 Tacitus, in his minute and accurate description 
 of the famous battle fought by the Caledonians 
 under Galgacus, and the Roman forces under 
 Agricola at the foot of the Grampian hills. 
 
 “ Britannoruin acies in speciem simul ac terro- 
 “ rem editioribus locis constiterat; ita ut pri- 
 “ mum agmen sequo, casteri per acclive jugum 
 “ connexi velut insurgerent: media campi co- 
 “ vinarius et ejues strepitu ac discursu comple- 
 “ bat. Turn Agricola superante hostium multitu- 
 “ dine veritus ne simul in frontem, simul et latera 
 “ suorum pugnaretur, diductis ordinibus, quam- 
 “ quam porrectior acies futura erat, et arcessen- 
 “ das plerique legiones admonebant, promptior 
 “ in spem, et firmus adversis, dimisso equo, pedes 
 “ ante vexilla constitit. Ac primo congressu 
 “ eminus certabatur, simul constantia simul arte 
 “ Britanni, ingentibus gladiis et brevibus cetris, 
 “ missilia nostrorum vitare, vel excutere, atque 
 <c ipsi magnam vim teloruin superfundere: donee 
 “ Agricola tres Batavorum cohortes ac Tungro- 
 il rum duas cohortatus est, ut rem ad mucrones 
 fC ac manus adducerent; quod et ipsis vetustate 
 
244 
 
 “ militis exercitatum, et hostibus inhabile parva 
 “ scuta, et enormes gladios gerentibus. Nam 
 “ Britannorum gladii sine mucrone complexum 
 “ armorum et in aperto pugnam non tolerabant. 
 “ Igitur ut Batavi miscere ictus, ferire umboni- 
 “ bus, ora foedare, et tractis qui in aequo obstite- 
 “ rant, erigere in colies aciem coepere; ceteras 
 “ cohortes aemulatione et impetu commistae prox- 
 “ imos quosque caedere, ac plerique semineces 
 “ aut integri festinatione victoria; relinquebantur. 
 “ Interim equitum turmas fugere, covinarii pe- 
 “ ditum se prcelio miscuere, et quamquam recen- 
 “ tem terrorem intulerant, densis tamen bostium 
 “ agminibus et inasqualibus locis haerebant: mi- 
 “ nimeque equestris ea pugnae facies erat, cum in 
 “ gradu stantes simul equorum corporibus impel- 
 “ lerentur, ac saspe vagi currus, exterriti sine rec- 
 c< toribus equi, ut quemque formido tulerat, trans- 
 “ versos, aut obvios incursabant. Et Britanni 
 “ qui adhuc pugnae expertes summa collium inse- 
 c< derant, et paucitatem nostrorum vacui sperne- 
 “ bant, degredi paullatim et circumire terga vin- 
 “ centium cceperant: ni id ipsum veritus Agricola 
 <£ quatuor equitum alas ad subita belli retentas, 
 “ venientibus opposuisset, quantoque ferocius ac- 
 “ currerant, tanto acrius pulsos in fugam disjecis- 
 “ set. Ita consilium Britannorum in ipsos ver- 
 “ sum, transvectaeque pracepto ducis a fronte 
 “ pugnantium alae, aversam bostium aciem inva^ 
 “ sere. Turn vero patentibus locis, grande et 
 
245 
 
 “ atrox spectaculum, sequi, vulnerare, capere, 
 “ atque eosdem oblatis aliis trucidare.”* 
 
 “ The Caledonians kept possession of the rising 
 “ grounds, extending their ranks as wide as pos- 
 “ sible, to present a formidable show of battle. 
 “ Their first line was ranged on the plain, the 
 “ rest in a gradual ascent on the acclivity of 
 “ the hill. The intermediate space between both 
 “ armies was filled with the charioteers and 
 cavalry of the Britons, rushing to and fro in 
 “ wild career, and traversing the plain with noise 
 “ and tumult. The enemy being greatly supe- 
 “ rior in number, there was reason to apprehend 
 “ that the Romans might be attacked both in 
 “ front and flank at the same time. To prevent 
 “ that mischief, Agricola ordered his ranks to 
 “ form a wider range. Some of the officers saw 
 “ that the lines were weakened into length, and 
 “ therefore advised that the legions should be 
 “ brought forward into the field of action. But 
 “ the general was not of a temper to be easily 
 “ dissuaded from his purpose. Flushed with 
 “ hope, and firm in the hour of danger, he im- 
 “ mediately dismounted, and, dismissing his horse, 
 “ took his stand at the head of the colours. 
 
 “ The battle began, and at first was maintain- 
 “ ed at a distance. The Britons neither wanted 
 skill nor resolution. With their long swords, 
 “ and targets of small dimension, they had the 
 
 * Tacit. Vit. Agric. c. 35. 
 
246' 
 
 • “ address to elude the missive weapons of the 
 
 “ Romans, and at the same time to discharge 
 “ a thick volley of their own. To bring the con- 
 “ flict to a speedy decision, Agricola ordered 
 “ three Batavian and two Tungrian cohorts to 
 “ charge the enemy sword in hand. To this 
 “ mode of attack those troops had been long ac- 
 “ customed, but to the Britons it was every way 
 “ disadvantageous. Their small targets afforded 
 “ no protection, and their unwieldy swords, not 
 “ sharpened to a point, could do but little exe- 
 “ cut ion in a close engagement. The Batavians 
 ££ rushed to the attack with impetuous fury: 
 “ they redoubled their blows, and with the bos- 
 ££ ses of their shields bruised the enemy in the 
 “ face; and, having overpowered all resistance 
 “ on the plain, began to force their way up the 
 “ ascent of the hill in regular order of battle. 
 “ Incited by their example, the other cohorts ad- 
 ££ vanced with a spirit of emulation, and cut 
 “ their way with terrible slaughter. Eager in 
 “ pursuit of victory, they pressed forward with 
 ££ determined fury, leaving behind them numbers 
 ££ wounded, but not slain, and others not so much 
 ££ as hurt. 
 
 ££ The Roman cavalry, in the mean time, was 
 “ forced to give ground. The Caledonians, in 
 “ their armed chariots, rushed at full speed into 
 ££ the thick of the battle, where the infantry 
 ££ were engaged. Their first impression struck 
 C£ a general terror, but their career was soon 
 
247 
 
 “ checked by the inequalities of the ground, 
 “ and the close embodied ranks of the Romans. 
 “ Nothing could less resemble an engagement 
 “ of the cavalry. Pent up in narrow places, the 
 “ barbarians crowded upon each other, and were 
 “ driven or dragged along by their own horses. 
 “ A scene of confusion followed. Chariots witli- 
 “ out a guide, and horses without a rider, broke 
 “ from the ranks in wild disorder, and flying 
 “ every way, as fear and consternation urged, 
 “ they overwhelmed their own files, and tram- 
 “ pled down all who came in their way. 
 
 “ Meanwhile the Britons, who had hitherto 
 “ kept their poston the hills, looking down with 
 “ contempt on the scanty numbers of the Roman 
 “ army, began to quit their station. Descending 
 “ slowly, they hoped, by wheeling round the field 
 “ of battle, to attack the victors in the rear. 
 “ To counteract their design, Agricola ordered 
 “ four squadrons of horse, which he had kept 
 “ as a body of reserve, to advance to the charge. 
 “ The Britons poured down with impetuosity, and 
 “ retired with equal precipitation. At the same 
 “ time, the cavalry, by the directions of the ge- 
 “ neral, wheeled round from the wings, and fell 
 “ with great slaughter on the rear of the enemy, 
 “ who now perceived that their own stratagem 
 “ was turned against themselves. 
 
 “ The field presented a dreadful spectacle of 
 “ carnage and destruction. The Britons fled ; 
 “ the Romans pursued ; they wounded, gashed, 
 
248 
 
 “ and mangled the runaways; they seized their 
 “ prisoners, and,* to be ready for others, butcher- 
 “ ed i hem on the spot.”* 
 
 It can admit of no doubt, that fighting in cha¬ 
 riots was practised by all the British nations; a 
 circumstance which powerfully indicates their 
 G llie extraction. 
 
 That the Gauls practised this mode of fight¬ 
 ing in their battles against the Romans, in the 
 earlier periods of their history, we have the au¬ 
 thority of Propertius, in these lines : 
 
 “ Claudius a Rheno trajectos arcuit hostes 
 “ Belgica cum vasti parina relata ducis 
 “ Virdomari ;t genus hie Rheno jactabat ab ipso 
 “ Nobilis erectis fundere gesa rolis. 
 
 “ 1 Hi virgatis jaculantis ab agmine bracchis 
 “ Torquis ab incisa decidit unca gula.”J 
 
 Virdomarus is here represented as a general 
 of huge stature, clothed in striped braccha;, or 
 garment of various colours, flinging his darts 
 from a lofty chariot. 
 
 “ Bis avertere Gallicum equitatum iterum lon- 
 “ gius evectos, et jam inter media equitum agmi- 
 
 * Murphy’s Tacitus. 
 
 t Virdomarus is a compound of three Gaelic words, fer, du f 
 mor, man. black, large. 
 
 t Propert. 4. 2. 39. 
 
249 
 
 “ na proeliura cientes novum pugnae conterruit 
 “ genus : essedis carrisque superstans armatus 
 “ hostis ingenti sonitu equorum rotarumque ad- 
 “ venit, et insolitos ejus iumultus Romanorum 
 “ conterruit equos.”* 
 
 “ A number of the enemy, mounted-with their 
 “ arms on chariots and cars, made towards them 
 “ with such a prodigious noise of horses and 
 “ wheels as affrighted the horses of the Romans, 
 “ unaccustomed to such tumultuous operations.” 
 
 Lucan expresses himself respecting the Belgae, 
 “ Docilis rector monstrati JBelga covini.”'j* 
 
 Strabo says of the Britons, “ They have many 
 “ potentates among them. In battle they use 
 “ chariots in great numbers, as is practised by 
 “ some of the Gauls.” 
 
 Diodorus Siculus says, “ The Britons live after 
 “ the manner of the ancients. They fight in 
 “ chariots, as we are told the ancient heroes of 
 “ Greece had done in the Trojan wars. The 
 “ island is very populous.” 
 
 Pomponius Mela, who lived in the time of 
 Claudius, who invaded Britain, relates, “ That 
 “ the Britons fight not only on horseback and on 
 “ foot, but also in wains and chariots, armed 
 “ after the manner of the Gauls, (they call them 
 “ covini ), with hooks and scythes attached to the 
 “ axle-trees.” 
 
 That the expert management of horses and 
 
 * Liv. lib. x. c. 2S. 
 
 t Lib. iii. Pliarsal. 
 
250 
 
 war-chariots was made an object of the highest 
 attention among the Caledonians, and that they 
 succeeded in a wonderful degree in training their 
 horses to that mode of fighting, the authority of 
 the respectable historians above quoted, it is pre¬ 
 sumed, will be sufficient to remove all manner of 
 doubt upon the subject. 
 
 The fact, that such intricate machines as war- 
 chariots, painted with various colours, and orna¬ 
 mented with precious stones, the horses richly 
 caparisoned, dexterously managed by charioteers, 
 with appropriate harness, and bridles set with 
 glittering ornaments, were used and fabricated 
 by the Gael, demonstrates a considerable degree 
 of knowledge of arts of ingenious contrivance; 
 and puts it beyond the possibility of doubt, that 
 the Britons were universally, at the times of the 
 Roman invasions of their country, far removed 
 from the primeval state of man, or those ages 
 when mankind first began to meliorate their con¬ 
 dition, by increasing the fruits of the earth by 
 means of productive labour. 
 
 When it is farther considered, that the various 
 tools made use of by the artificers of modern 
 times have each a distinct appropriate Gaelic 
 name, not derived from any other known lan¬ 
 guage, it is reasonable to infer, that such tools 
 were the invention of the Gael themselves, at 
 periods of time so remote as to be entirely be¬ 
 yond the reach of tracing the date of their fabri¬ 
 cation as instruments of manual operation. 
 
251 
 
 A mall is faraichc; a hammer is ord; it is a 
 Gaelic word which signifies, a regularly formed 
 solid substance. Ordag, a thumb ; ordlach, an inch: 
 or dag, the thumb, is the chief and strongest finger 
 or branch of the hand, and seems to command 
 the rest; hence ordugh signifies order, degree , 
 also rank; and hence the Latin or do, in Welsh 
 gordel. A saw is sath ; the Welsh word for 
 a saw is clif; but the Welsh word for a wright 
 is the same with the Gaelic, viz. saor, which 
 is literally a man that pierces or penetrates. 
 The Gael of Scotland and Ireland pronounce 
 the word saor, ( ao are sounded as a diph¬ 
 thong) ; but the Welsh have preserved more 
 purely the original pronunciation of the two 
 words forming the compound. So that it is evi¬ 
 dent the art of penetrating and dividing into 
 separate parts, with an instrument called sath, 
 was known to the progenitors of the Welsh be¬ 
 fore they adopted the word clif for a saw; and 
 they have preserved in the name of a zvright the 
 most ancient pronunciation of the combined 
 words sath fher; the th in the first of these is 
 pronounced as an aspirate, the f is quiescent in 
 compounds. Sath signifies to pierce or penetrate 
 in the Gaelic language, and fer (yir of the Ro¬ 
 mans) signifies a man. The Welsh have preserv¬ 
 ed in their word dyne the Gaelic word for a man, 
 which is duine ; but the word fer they have lost, 
 as signifying a man, though they have retained 
 it in the compound expressing an artificer who 
 
252 
 
 used the instrument called sath: and this serves 
 to demonstrate, that there was a period when the 
 language of their progenitors was such as is 
 spoken by the Gael of Scotland and Ireland at 
 this day, and that diiine and Jer, and not gwr , 
 which they now use, were the words by which 
 they expressed man, and corresponded to the 
 homo and vir of the Latins. 
 
 If the name of a carpenter or artificer in wood 
 was known among the progenitors of the Welsh, 
 at a period when their language exhibited a 
 stronger proof of identity of race with the Gael 
 of Ireland and Scotland than appears at this day, 
 we are necessarily carried back to remote anti¬ 
 quity, and we are entitled to conclude, that at 
 a period prior to the formation of the Welsh 
 language, as spoken at this day, or as it appears 
 in the laws of Howel Dha, the trade of a car¬ 
 penter was known and established among the 
 common progenitors of the Welsh and the Gael 
 of Scotland and Ireland. 
 
 The word for an artificer in iron, is also the 
 same in the language of the Welsh and of the 
 Gael. A smith is gov, and gov diu, a blacksmith; 
 so gobha and gobha du, is a smith and blacksmith 
 in Gaelic. This particular trade or vocation was 
 also known among the common progenitors of the 
 ancient Britons, before they were separated from 
 each other by any foreign people. And as the 
 Welsh and Gaelic names for these artificers bear 
 no resemblance to those of the Greeks, Romans or 
 
253 
 
 Saxons, it is evident the Britons derived not their 
 knowledge of the arts of a smith and carpenter 
 from any of those people : they were distinct oc¬ 
 cupations or trades, which arose among the Gael 
 themselves, in the natural course of the progress 
 of the human mind in the amelioration of the 
 condition of beings, capable of inventing means 
 of accommodation and convenience, which are 
 not prepared by nature’s productions without the 
 aid of the combining powers of the human mind. 
 The arts of working in wood and in metals were 
 known to the Gaelic people before their commu¬ 
 nication even with the Romans, who, had they 
 been the teachers of those arts to the British 
 people, would have communicated to them the 
 Roman names for the artificers, and the tools with 
 which they carried on their employments. 
 
 The Welsh word for knife is kylhelh, bidag; 
 sgian is the Gaelic word for a knife, but for a 
 durk, which is a large knife, is bidag ; a chisel is 
 glib, in Welsh kylheleg. An axe or hatchet in 
 Gaelic, is tuagh or larnhag;* in Welsh bwyall. 
 Ball, in Gaelic, signifies an instrument in general; 
 in the plural number the word is buill. The 
 Welsh word for a plane is bwyall saer, which, in 
 Gaelic, signifies literally a carpenter's instruments: 
 The appropriate word with the Gael is lochcair. 
 
 * Lamhag is derived from the circumstance of an axe or 
 hatchet being a most bandy instrument. Lamh signifies a hand, 
 in Gaelic; in Welsh it is Ilian. In Gaelic, a fist is damn: in 
 Welsh, durn. The genitive of dornn, in Gaelic, is duirnn. 
 
254 
 
 An auger or wimble is tora in Gaelic; the Irish 
 say tarar, the Welsh taradar. To cut, to saw, or 
 cut asunder, in Welsh, is torri and Ihadh. 
 
 As we have the most convincing evidence of 
 the advancement of the Gael of Britain in the 
 knowledge of arts of ingenious contrivance, par¬ 
 ticularly in the construction of wheels moving 
 by means of axles, we are not authorised to doubt 
 that the wheel was applied to other uses than 
 those of facilitating the movement of war-cha¬ 
 riots. 
 
 The accounts handed down by ancient authors 
 respecting the population of Britain, when in¬ 
 vaded by the Romans, and the abundance of corn 
 produced by the cultivation of the ground, lead 
 to the conclusion, that they were not ignorant of 
 the use of the wheel in the operation of grinding- 
 corn, as an improved mode of preparing grain for 
 their nourishment. We have Keating’s authority 
 for the fact, that the Gael of Albion were earlier 
 acquainted with mill-machinery for grinding corn 
 than their kindred Gael of Ireland. He says, 
 “ Do chuir Cormac mac Art, (Ri Herion circa 
 “ A. 220.) fios gu h Albinn a ccoinne saoir do 
 “ dheanamh muilionn i. e. “ Cormac mac Art, 
 “ king of Ireland, sent notice to carpenters from 
 “ Albin to make a mill.” 
 
 The construction of a wheel was known to the 
 Gauls in the most ancient times; they fought in 
 chariots against the Romans, when such machines 
 were unknown to them. The Britons used wheels 
 
2 55 
 
 before they were acquainted with the Romans; 
 yet their rota, erroneously derived from the 
 Greek t^os, is the Gaelic rotha, which is the 
 word for wheel. And the Roman viola and the 
 Greek is the Gaelic muiliann, in English 
 mill; the knowledge of which being communicat¬ 
 ed by their Asiatic ancestors to their European 
 descendants, emigrating westward into Greece, 
 Italy, Gaul and Britain. That the word is deriv¬ 
 ed from rotatory motion, is evident from the first 
 two letters, mu, which signify, about. 
 
 The more the languages of the ancient Britons 
 of the southern and of the northern parts, and 
 also of the ancient Irish, are examined and com¬ 
 pared, the conviction of the identity of the ori¬ 
 ginal inhabitants of the whole island of Great 
 Britain will be the more confirmed; and that the 
 original inhabitants of all the British Islands 
 were universally the descendants of the great 
 Gallic nations, whose migrations tended west¬ 
 ward from Asiatic regions, which gave birth to 
 their language and their improvement in the arts 
 of life; and that the varieties now observable in 
 the language of the Welsh from that of the Gael 
 of Scotland and Ireland, and also the discrepan¬ 
 cies of the language of Ireland, among such of 
 the inhabitants who are not of Saxon original, 
 arose from migrations of continental races of 
 men different from the ancient Gallic stock. 
 To trace these emigrations, or to ascertain in any 
 measure satisfactorily their dates, are events so 
 
 3 
 
2 56 
 
 much involved in the obscurity of times of so 
 remote antiquity, and so destitute of any written 
 records, as must baffle the ingenuity of modern 
 researches, and limit our conclusions to this pro¬ 
 position, that different races of men have, in the 
 course of ages, immixed themselves with the ori¬ 
 ginal inhabitants; and that the original stock is 
 only to be found in those parts of the British 
 Islands, into which, from local obstructions of 
 situation, and from the repulsive genius and spi¬ 
 rit of the people, strangers found insurmounta¬ 
 ble difficulties to penetrate. 
 
 The Celts, however largely the Greeks ex¬ 
 tended the application of that appellation, form¬ 
 ed unquestionably only a portion of the great 
 Gallic nation. The general name of the people 
 was, in their own tongue, a word which the 
 Romans modified according to the genius of 
 their own language and pronunciation, Galli ; 
 and their country in like manner they called 
 Gallia. The term Galli the ancient inhabitants 
 of Britain and Ireland have preserved in their 
 denomination of their own parent stock, that of 
 Gad. Although the Welsh people call them¬ 
 selves Cymri, that they, as well as the Celti, 
 were only a branch of the great Gallic stock, 
 is capable of no less complete demonstration, 
 than that the English people are a branch of the 
 great Teutonic stock, and form at this day in 
 Britain a mixture of the Teutonic and Gallic 
 races of men; the language of the first having 
 
 2 
 
257 
 
 prevailed over the latter in all parts of the island 
 of Great Britain and Ireland, except where the 
 Welsh and Gaelic languages are spoken. But 
 any person who wishes to bestow even a super¬ 
 ficial glance on The Comparative Vocabulary of 
 the Original Languages of Britain and Ireland, 
 by Mr Edward Lluyd, the very learned antiqua¬ 
 rian and scholar, will be satisfied, that the Welsh 
 and Gael are by no means two radically distinct 
 races, who speak the Erse and Welsh tongues. 
 The denomination of Cymri affords no better 
 proof of the Welsh people being a distinct race 
 from the Gael of Scotland and Ireland, than the 
 appellations of Aberich for the inhabitants of 
 Lochaber, or Catich for the inhabitants of an¬ 
 cient Cathness, and such like, which are used 
 as distinguishing appellations, having reference 
 to different communities of men, or to local 
 situations, in respect of the possession of parti¬ 
 cular portions of the soil or districts of country 
 occupied by the same national stock of people. 
 The word IVael is evidently Gael , the consonant 
 g transformed into the double u in the Saxon 
 pronunciation. The French have retained the 
 ancient pronunciation Gall. Let it be observ¬ 
 ed, that the word Erse is a corruption of the 
 word Irish. The authors of this corruption are 
 the Anglo-Saxon inhabitants of the low country 
 of Scotland, who call the Gaelic language Eirsh 
 or Erse, as the same language with that of the 
 ancient Irish. The word is never applied to 
 
 u 
 
258 
 
 the people of the Highlands of Scotland, but 
 to their language, though, in the writings of 
 some modern authors on Irish antiquities, it is 
 applied improperly to the people as well as to 
 the language of the people who inhabit the 
 Highlands of Scotland. 
 
ALBION. 
 
 The most ancient author, so far as we have 
 any remains of written record, who mentions 
 the names by which the islands of Britain and 
 Ireland were known in his time, is Aristotle. 
 
 This most illustrious writer, after describing, 
 as we have already noticed, the coasts of the 
 Mediterranean Sea, and the seas in the interior 
 parts of Europe to the Gallic Bay, which is be¬ 
 yond the Pillars of Hercules, points out the situ¬ 
 ation of the Britannic Islands, “»* yn» o 
 
 CImxiio ; iv Tura yi fiiiv, vijrot /u. iyt$cci re Toy%ccvx<riv Sccti $uo, fiptrctx- 
 
 “ «*/ xiy'opivcu, aa£»» x.ou ’itgvi).” “ Extra quas oceanus teiv 
 “ ram tluctibus suis oberrat. Quas ipso in mari 
 “ insulas duas sitas sunt quam maximas, quas Bri- 
 “ tannicas appellant, Albion et Ierna.” Here, 
 then, we have the venerable authority of Aris¬ 
 totle recording the names of those two great 
 islands situated in the great Atlantic Ocean, 
 beyond the Pillars of Hercules and the Gallic 
 Bay. They had in his time the general deno¬ 
 mination of The Britannic Islands, the two largest 
 of which were, according to the Greek pronunci¬ 
 ation, called Albion and Ierna. 
 
 Pliny, after describing the continent of Europe 
 opposite to the island of Britain, writes in these 
 
260 
 
 terms : “ Ex adverso hujus situs Britannia in- 
 “ sula, clara Grascis nostrisque monumentis, inter 
 “ septentrionein et occidentem jacet. Albion 
 “ ipsi nomen fuit, cum Britannise vocarentur 
 “ omnes.” Here we learn that Britannia was in 
 Pliny’s time the known appellation of the island 
 now called Britain by its present inhabitants; 
 its old name was Albion. It is evident that the 
 name of Albion was disused in Cassar’s time; 
 the term Britannia is the only one he mentions 
 as denoting the island Britain. Britanni is the 
 general appellation of its inhabitants. 
 
 Does the most ancient name remain to this 
 day ? We answer in the affirmative. The Gael 
 of Scotland and Ireland have in their native 
 language preserved the ancient names of the 
 largest of the Britannic Islands, as known in the 
 days of Aristotle. 
 
 The Gael of Scotland have always denominat¬ 
 ed that portion of the island of Great Britain 
 subject to their kings, Albinn; the precise name 
 by which the whole island of Great Britain was 
 known in the most ancient times. What is the 
 natural inference to be drawn from this unques¬ 
 tionable fact? We submit it to be fairly this: 
 that Albinn was the name which the continen¬ 
 tal Gauls applied to the island of Great Britain 
 upon their first acquaintance with it. Emigrants 
 from Gaul to Britain would thenceforward ac¬ 
 quire distinguishing appellations, denoting the 
 name of the country, of their residence, and of 
 
the birth of their descendants. The generic 
 name of the race would still remain, but the par¬ 
 ticular name of the country of their nativity and 
 residence would be used to distinguish the inha¬ 
 bitants of Albinn from those of Gaul. Hence, 
 the descendants of the continental Gauls, born 
 and residing in Britain, would be called Gael Al¬ 
 binn or Albinnich, which are the distinctive ap¬ 
 pellations, denoting their country and race, used 
 by the Gael of Scotland at this day. They 
 know no other appellation for their race than 
 Gael, and no other name for their ancient kino;- 
 dom of Scotland than that applied by Aristotle 
 to the whole island of Britain, that of Albinn. 
 
 Here, then, we have a faithful guide to direct 
 us in marking the progress of the original popu¬ 
 lation of the Britannic Islands. 
 
 It being ascertained that the ancient name of 
 the island of Great Britain was Albinn , if Gaelic 
 was the language of the first inhabitants, it is 
 unquestionable that they would call themselves, 
 in reference to their country, Albinnich; and this 
 appellation they would carry along with them, as 
 they directed their course, in all parts of the 
 island of Great Britain. 
 
 There is reason to believe, that for a long suc¬ 
 cession of ages emigrations from Gaul into Bri¬ 
 tain were frequent. And it appears, that in 
 Cresar’s days one of the Gallic princes bore sway 
 in some of the southern parts of Britain ; and, as 
 we have observed in another place, Comius Atre- 
 
262 
 
 bates was employed by Ccesar to reconcile the 
 minds of the Britons, in that quarter of the island 
 next to Gaul, to the Roman government. 
 
 In a country which favoured the multiplica¬ 
 tion of the human species, by furnishing, with¬ 
 out the aid of much labour or industry, ample 
 provision for those animals that supplied the 
 means of human subsistence, population would 
 experience a rapid increase. And whether the 
 descendants of the first emigrants from Gaul ex¬ 
 tended their progress over the island, in conse¬ 
 quence of an increased population, or were pro¬ 
 pelled northward by the warlike aggression of 
 their more southern neighbours, still, while the 
 country of their residence was the island of Al- 
 binn, they would continue to denominate them¬ 
 selves, Albinnich ; a denomination which the un¬ 
 mixed descendants of the most ancient Gallic 
 stock have ever retained, as marking their coun¬ 
 try ; and they know no other name for Scotsmen 
 than Albinnich, nor any other name for the king¬ 
 dom of Scotland than Albinn, at this day. 
 
 Let it now be asked, Who were the most an¬ 
 cient inhabitants of Ireland? All historical tes¬ 
 timony evince that they were Gael. This is the 
 denomination by which they ever distinguished 
 themselves: their language they called Gaelic; 
 this is the appellation of the language of the 
 descendants of the ancient inhabitants of Erin, 
 as well as of the language of the ancient inhabi¬ 
 tants of Albinn, at this day. It is impossible to 
 
263 
 
 Call in question the identity of the original inha= 
 bitants of both islands, in race, manners, customs, 
 and language. In point of fact, the ancient in¬ 
 habitants of Ireland were called Gael Erinnich ; 
 those of Britain, Gael Albinnich. Irishmen are 
 called by the Gael of both islands, Erinnich, and 
 Scotsmen are denominated Albinnich, evidently 
 derived from the ancient names of both islands. 
 Greek and Roman pronunciations have made 
 some variation from the Gaelic pronunciation of 
 the words, but we meet with the precise Gaelic 
 name of Ireland in Diodorus Siculus. This res¬ 
 pectable author, describing the manners and cus¬ 
 toms of the Gauls: “ Ferocitate excellunt ad 
 “ arctum remoti, et Scythire finitimi ut homines 
 “ etiam vorare dicuntur.”—“ Those Gauls who 
 “ are most removed to the north, exceed the rest 
 “ in fierceness, in so much that they are said to 
 
 “ devour men ; -“ w<rm^ rM ran BgtT]caat> rag KxloiK%v1ctg, rev 
 
 “ ovopx&ptvr,v i—“ as do those Britons who inha- 
 “ bit what is called Irin !” Which proves that 
 the ancient name has experienced no change 
 from that by which it is distinguished by the 
 Gael of both islands at this day. 
 
 With respect to ascertaining the just ety¬ 
 mology of the names of both the great Britan¬ 
 nic Islands, there is little difficulty. Let it be 
 observed, that i, innis, and inn, denote islands 
 in the Gaelic language. The first is applied to 
 islands of diminutive extent, as 1-colmcill, in the 
 west of Scotland, that is, the island of the cell or 
 
gjS4 
 
 burial-place of Colom . Garbhi, rugged island , the 
 name t of the small rocky island in the Frith of 
 Forth situated near Queensferry. Several islands 
 in the Flebrides terminate in i. The name He¬ 
 brides is derived from the ancient name I Bhrid, 
 the islands of Brid, from whom the Macdonalds 
 are said to be descended. Inniscolm and Innis- 
 ceith in the Frith of Forth are of larger extent. 
 Innisgaoll denoted the islands on the west of 
 Scotland, subject to the Danes, as shall be more 
 particularly noticed in another place. Inn was 
 an appellation which was applied to an island of 
 great magnitude, as Bretinn, Albinn, Erinn. 
 
 “ Albion insula sic dicta ab albis rupibus, quas 
 “ mare alluit, vel ob rosas albas quibus abundat.”* 
 
 The derivation of the appellation of Albion, 
 which applied to the largest of the Britannic 
 Islands, rested upon the fanciful conjectures of 
 ancient authors. It was said to have got its 
 name from its white rocks washed by the sea; 
 from the abundance of white roses it produced; 
 from the Greek ”o a/3«>v, as being highly happy 
 and fertile; from the giant Albion, the son of 
 Neptune, who was said to have reigned there. 
 It cannot admit of doubt that the term Albion is 
 a compound; for although it was written Albion 
 by the Greeks and Latins, the just orthography, 
 according to the pronunciation of the original 
 Gaelic inhabitants, is Albinn, which signifies 
 
 * VideViAU. 4. 16 . 
 
265 
 
 white or fair island. This denomination is ex¬ 
 pressive of its appearance from the Gallic coast; 
 and the quantity of soil impregnated with chalk, 
 which it presented to the eye in many of the 
 southern parts of the island nearest the conti¬ 
 nent of Gaul, rendered the term an appropriate 
 one in the Gaelic language. And although the 
 word alb is not now in use among the Gael, the 
 Latin language has preserved the word in the 
 term albus; which proves, that, deprived of the 
 Latin termination us, alb was a radical word in 
 the language of the most ancient inhabitants. If 
 these were Gael, then the word alb may be fairly 
 admitted as a Gaelic word of the same significa¬ 
 tion with the Latin albus: Hence the name Albion 
 would literally signify fair or white island. In 
 confirmation of this etymon we have the Alpes 
 Montes, which are said to have been so denomina¬ 
 ted from their snowy tops. The Appenines Montes , 
 so called from the same appearance. The / being- 
 dropped in the pronunciation is no good reason 
 for rejecting this etymon of the appellation Appe- 
 nines, (the labials b and p are commutable let¬ 
 ters); and in pronunciation it is not uncommon, 
 in other languages, to drop the letter / where it 
 immediately precedes a consonant; many in¬ 
 stances of which occur in the English language, 
 as pronounced in different parts of the island of 
 Great Britain. Bennin is the Gaelic word for 
 mountains of the greatest magnitude and eleva¬ 
 tion. 
 
266 
 
 Picts, Caledonians, Scots. 
 
 These appellations, which were applied fo dif¬ 
 ferent portions of the ancient inhabitants of those 
 northern parts of Britain which have for many 
 ages back been distinguished by the name of 
 Scotland, were at all times unknown to the ori¬ 
 ginal inhabitants as national appellations ; and 
 their descendants remain ignorant of them to this 
 day. Their country they denominate Album; 
 their national appellation is Albinnack, in the 
 plural number Albinnich ; and the generic appel¬ 
 lation of their race of people is Gael Whence 
 then was derived those names which we find in 
 ancient authors? We have no hesitation in af¬ 
 firming, that they were applied to the inhabi¬ 
 tants of the unconquered portion of the island 
 of Great Britain by the Roman writers, and by 
 the provincial Britons. 
 
 It is an unquestionable fact, that the ancient 
 Britons made use of the juice of an herb, which 
 communicated to the skin a blue colour. Julius 
 Caesar was of opinion, that this mode of colour¬ 
 ing was intended to render them more terrible 
 to their enemies in battle.* Pliny informs us, 
 
 C.ESAR,—killed 44 years before Christ. 
 
267 
 
 that there was an herb like plantain, which in 
 Gaul was called glastum, with which the Bri¬ 
 tons dyed themselves; and in the times of So- 
 linus, the custom of staining and pricking the 
 skin was practised by the Britons of the north¬ 
 ern parts of the island. 
 
 It is a curious trait in human nature, that bar¬ 
 barous usages of the same kind please mankind 
 in the rude stages of society, in all quarters of 
 the world. Such strange practices are never 
 relished by a civilized people; and accordingly 
 we find, that those Britons who became subject 
 to the Roman government soon imitated cus¬ 
 toms inconsistent with a taste for those colour¬ 
 ings, punctures, and incisions, which could not 
 but shock the feelings of every people, who could 
 claim any pretension to even a small degree of 
 civilization or refinement of manners. Hence a 
 marked distinction necessarily took place be¬ 
 tween the provincial Britons, who, remaining 
 unconquered, continued to practise their own 
 usages. The Romans called them Picti, and 
 the provincial Britons, who had made considera¬ 
 ble progress in the acquisition of the Roman lan¬ 
 guage, adopted the appellation given by their 
 masters to those barbarians who remained un¬ 
 subdued, and still resisted Roman polity and 
 arms. The writers of the latter ages of Roman 
 greatness continued to use the same appellation, 
 and apply it to all the Britons in the island, 
 without the pale of Roman authority, until dis- 
 
tinctive appellations of a local nature arose from 
 circumstances and manners, which exhibited a 
 characteristic and well marked difference in the 
 modes of life observed to prevail between cer¬ 
 tain portions of the inhabitants of the northern 
 unsubdued part of the island. 
 
 Agricola was the first Roman general who had 
 penetrated into that part of the island of Bri¬ 
 tain, the inhabitants of which were called by 
 the Romans, Caledonii. The people of that por¬ 
 tion of the island lying on the south, in a line of 
 direction running between the river Tyne and 
 the Solway Frith, northward to the Friths of 
 Clyde and Forth, were called by the Romans, 
 McEati, and began to feel the weight of Roman 
 power about the year 8£ of the Christian era. 
 The Caledonii, though defeated in a pitched 
 battle at the foot of the Grampian hills, were 
 not subdued: Agricola, however, had settled the 
 limits of the empire to the north, by those two 
 Friths. 
 
 The subjection of the Masati lasted no longer 
 than Agricola’s continuance in the island. The 
 Masati recovered their liberty, which they en¬ 
 joyed, according to their ancient usages, until 
 Lollius Urbicus, under the emperor Antoninus, 
 brought them again under a temporary subjec¬ 
 tion. In the time of the emperor Commodus, 
 both the Masati and Caledonii broke in upon the 
 empire, harassed the Roman provinces, killed a 
 
269 
 
 lloman general* who opposed them* and, al¬ 
 though they met with a repulse in the expedi¬ 
 tion of the general Marcellus against them, they 
 still continued in arms, annoying the Roman pro¬ 
 vinces till the time of Severus, (a. d. 208.) who 
 overran both the countries of the Makati and 
 Caledonii. Yet even the former of these people 
 preserved their independence till the time of the 
 emperor Theodosius, (a. d. 370.) when ultimate¬ 
 ly their country was reduced into a Roman pro¬ 
 vince, under the name of Vcilcntia. The Cale¬ 
 donii still remained unsubdued after Agricola’s 
 time:f they continued to be such formidable ene¬ 
 mies to the Romans, that, instead of attacking 
 them in their own country, they found it advis¬ 
 able to defend the subdued provinces by fortified 
 walls and trenches, in order to repel, not to 
 vanquish, those barbarous enemies of the Roman 
 empire in Britain. The Caledonii, not daunted 
 by the terror of Roman power, still continued to 
 harass the Roman provinces with such bold and 
 restless ardour, as to have raised the wrathful in¬ 
 dignation of Severus to so high a pitch of out¬ 
 rageous resentment, that he ordered his whole 
 force to be collected, in order to penetrate to the 
 utmost limits of the enemy’s country, and spare 
 neither man, woman, nor child. In this famous 
 expedition he lost 50,000 men : his object was 
 
 * Dio, lib. lxxii. p. 182. 
 
 f See Innes’s Critical Essay on the inhabitants of Scotland, 
 vol. i. p. 39. 
 
270 
 
 defeated ; and twenty j^ears thereafter the Cale- 
 donii were looked upon as such formidable ene¬ 
 mies,* that the Romans kept two legions on 
 the northern borders of the Roman province of 
 Valentia, to repress the incursions of the uncon¬ 
 quered Britons, while one legion was sufficient 
 to keep all the rest of the Britons in subjection. 
 
 These being well authenticated facts, we must 
 hold them as entitled to the credit due to matters 
 of historical truth. Who were those enemies 
 who appeared to be so numerous, bold, and en¬ 
 terprising? Were they native inhabitants of the 
 country, or were they strangers ? Considering 
 the state and condition of the Caledonian coun¬ 
 try, and the habits of a barbarous people, consist¬ 
 ing chiefly of herdsmen and hunters, the popu¬ 
 lation of Caledonia, in Agricola’s time, was as 
 great as the means of subsistence procured from 
 the soil could reasonably be supposed to main¬ 
 tain. Galgacus fought at the head of 30,000 
 men against the Romans, at the foot of the 
 Grampians. At that period the general name 
 applied to the inhabitants of all the country to 
 the northward of the Friths of Clyde and Forth, 
 was that of Caledonii. Tacitus distinguishes 
 them by no other appellation, though, no doubt, 
 the more general name of Britons was also ap¬ 
 plied to them. 
 
 The term Caledonii was certainly not invented 
 by Agricola; it was an appellation which he re- 
 
 * Dio, lib. v. p. 465. 
 
271 
 
 ceived from the inhabitants of the country upon 
 the southern sides of the Glotta and Bodotria, as 
 an appropriate name applicable to the whole 
 people inhabiting the country beyond these arms 
 of the sea. It was a most natural appellation, as 
 distinguishing the inhabitants of a country co¬ 
 vered with wood from those of the Roman pro¬ 
 vinces, which exhibited a different aspect from 
 tbe woody wilds and towering mountains of the 
 countries situated to the northward of the Friths 
 of Glotta and Bodotria, or, according to the 
 Anglo-Saxon modification of these names, the 
 Clyde and Forth. The people inhabiting those 
 northern wilds were, with just propriety, called 
 Na Caoilldaoin, that is, literally, the men of the 
 woods ; latinized by the Romans Caledonii. That 
 the woody country of the Caoilldaoin or Cale¬ 
 donii, contained a variety of districts and tracts 
 of territory, whose inhabitants were distinguish¬ 
 ed by various appellations known to themselves, 
 can admit of no doubt; but the general appella¬ 
 tion of Caoilldaoin , as applied comprehensively 
 to the whole inhabitants, was an appropriate 
 term, and appears obviously to account for the 
 name given to them by the Romans. 
 
 It is worthy of remark, that from the time of 
 Julius Agricola, in the reign of Domitian, till the 
 age of Severus, the Romans had never entered 
 the country of the Caledonii. These were often 
 attacked by the Romans in the Roman provinces; 
 their incursions were repelled ; the assailants were 
 
constantly driven back beyond the walls into 
 their own country, to the north of the Friths of 
 Clyde and Forth. 
 
 Severus, as. we have observed, having deter¬ 
 mined to bring the whole inhabitants of the 
 island under the dominion of Rome, * entered 
 Caledonia, and marched his army northward to 
 the extreme limits of the island. The Romans 
 had then an opportunity of acquiring a thorough 
 knowledge of the manners and customs of those 
 northern Britons, and to remark the features of 
 distinction then subsisting between them and the 
 provincial Britons. Herodian wrote an account 
 of this famous expedition of the army of Seve¬ 
 rus. f 
 
 It will be observed, that Herodian, though he 
 describes the people as painted or coloured, does 
 not mention the appellation Caledonii, but calls 
 them Britons. Dio, a cotemporary writer, gives 
 them the name by which they were distinguish¬ 
 ed in Agricolas expedition against them: “ Ceete- 
 “ rum Britannorum duas sunt nationes amplissimas, 
 “ Caledonii et Maeatae nam casterorum nomiua ad 
 “ hos fere referuntur. Incolunt Maeatae juxta 
 “ ipsum murum, qui insulam in duas partes divi- 
 “ dit Caledonii post illas sunt.” The Maeatae 
 occupied the country to the south of the Wall, 
 which divided the island into two parts ; the 
 whole country beyond the Wall was possessed 
 
 * Dio, Wecliel, p. 8 6j- 
 
 t Herod, lib. ii. 
 
273 
 
 by the Caledonii, which was the name applied 
 to them by the Roman writers, from Agricola's 
 time down to that of the orator Eumenius, who 
 applies to them also an appropriate name, that of 
 Picti. 
 
 Ausonius, a Latin poet of the fourth century, 
 was preceptor to Gratian, who was killed a. d. 
 383, mentions the Caledonians in these words: 
 
 -“ Viridem distingiiit glarea museum 
 
 “ Tota Caledoniis talis pictura Britannis.” 
 
 The term Picti was therefore properly applied to 
 the Caledonians, who are here called Caledonian 
 Britons. 
 
 Eumenius, in an oration delivered in the pre¬ 
 sence of the emperor Constantius, (a. d. 297), 
 calls the Caledonii, or the whole inhabitants to 
 the northward of the Friths of Clyde and Forth, 
 by a denomination unauthorized by the language 
 of the native inhabitants on either side of those 
 arms of the sea, or of the valley called by Gildas 
 the Scythic Vale, in the intermediate space of 
 country lying between the limits of those arms of 
 the sea; but which appellation was perfectly pro¬ 
 per in the mouth of a Roman, who had observed 
 among the northern unsubdued inhabitants of the 
 island, the prevalence of the custom of painting 
 and tinging their skins with colours, which must 
 have appeared to the Romans as remarkable as 
 it was strange and unnatural. 
 
 s 
 
274 
 
 From another oration of the same orator, pro* 
 nounced in the presence of Constantius, (a. d. 
 308), eleven years afterwards, it appears that the 
 appellation Picti was considered as an appropri¬ 
 ate name for the whole northern people unsub¬ 
 dued by the Romans, and that the term Caledonii 
 was in a strict acceptation applicable only to a 
 part or certain portion of the painted Britons. 
 
 Claudian, who lived in the end of the fourth 
 century, mentions the Piets in these terms: 
 
 -“ Nec falso nomine Pictos 
 
 “ Edomuit.” 
 
 Again, 
 
 -“ Ferroque notatas 
 
 “ Perlegit exanimes Picto inoriente figuras.” 
 
 Camden writes: “ Isidorus is no less clear in 
 <£ this matter. The name of the Piets answers 
 “ their body ; because they squeeze out the juice of 
 “ herbs , and imprint it on their bodies by pricking 
 “ their skins with a needle ; so that the spotted no- 
 “ bility bear these scars in their painted limbs as 
 “ a badge of honour. But how can we imagine 
 “ that these Piets were Germans, who never had 
 “ any such way of painting among them ? or that 
 “ they were the Agathyrsi of Thrace, a people so 
 u very far off ? and not rather the very Britons, 
 “ seeing they were in the same island, and had 
 
275 
 
 “ the very satne custom of painting.” Isidorus 
 lived in the fourth century. 
 
 Although Eumenius calls the whole extrapro¬ 
 vincial Britons by the name of Picti, yet he was 
 not ignorant of the name of Caledonii, for he 
 mentions “Caledones aliique Picti.” It is evident, 
 that they were not at that time considered as 
 different races of people. They were all Picti, 
 and all enemies of the Romans; they united in 
 the defence of their country; and no diversity 
 of manners and customs was observable to take 
 place among them. 
 
 It is indisputable, that the appellation Cale¬ 
 donii, which was applied to all the inhabitants 
 to the northward of the Friths of Clyde and 
 Forth in the time of Agricola, was afterwards lost 
 sight of, and the name of Picti came to be used, 
 as denoting an appropriate appellation for the 
 whole of the people beyond the Friths at enmity 
 with the Romans. 
 
 We learn from Ammianus Marcellinus, who 
 wrote about the latter end of the fourth cen¬ 
 tury, that in his time the Picti were divided 
 into Deucaledones and Vecturiones: so that the 
 whole inhabitants of the northern part of the 
 island of Britain, who, in A. ricola’s time, down 
 to the time of Eumenius, were called Caledonii, 
 were comprehended under the general name of 
 Picti; and that the people so called were distin¬ 
 guished by two names, Deucaledones and Vectu¬ 
 riones. 
 
276 
 
 The etymon of these two appellations has 
 been attempted by different learned men, but we 
 think unsuccessfully. 
 
 We have observed, that the term Caledonii is 
 evidently Caoilldaoin , men of the woods, modified 
 by Roman pronunciation. The term Dencaledones 
 is attended with no difficulty. Duchaoilldaoin 
 signifies, in the Gaelic language, the real or ge¬ 
 nuine inhabitants of the woods. Du, pronounced 
 short, signifies black; but pronounced long, sig¬ 
 nifies real, genuine; and in this acceptation the 
 word is in common use: Du Erinnach, a ge¬ 
 nuine Irishman ; Du Albinnach, a genuine Scots¬ 
 man. The appellation of Deucaledones served to 
 distinguish the inhabitants of the woody vallies 
 of Albinn, or Scotland, from those of the cleared 
 country on the east coast of Albinn, along its 
 whole extent, to certain distances westward to¬ 
 wards the mountains in the interior parts of the 
 country. These last were denominated, accord¬ 
 ing to Latin pronunciation, Vecturiones ; but in 
 the mouths of the Gael, or native inhabitants, the 
 appellation was pronounced Uachtarich. It may 
 be observed, that the Avestern division of Albinn, 
 from the Friths northward along the range of 
 mountains, which was anciently called Drumal- 
 binn, consists of deep narrow vallies, which were 
 in former times completely covered with closely 
 growing woods, and which exhibited a different 
 aspect of country from a great portion of that 
 which falls from Drumalbinn, in all directions, 
 
277 
 
 towards the east coast of the country,, which 
 spreads out in larger tracts of level surface, and 
 is generally of higher elevation than the bottoms 
 of the deep vallies, which chiefly form what 
 is called the Highlands of Scotland at this day. 
 The Vecturiones appeared to possess the more 
 level surface of the country, while the Deuca- 
 ledones inhabited the narrow deep vallies which 
 were universally completely covered with thick¬ 
 ly growing woods. That a portion of the coun¬ 
 try was known in ancient times by Uachtar, is 
 evinced by the name of the well known range 
 of hills called Druim-Uachtar, from which the 
 country descends in every direction towards the 
 inhabited regions on all sides of that mountain¬ 
 ous range. 
 
 One of the earliest Roman writers who men¬ 
 tions the Scots is Ammianus Marcellinus: “ Scoti 
 per diversa vagantes.” That the Scoti were a 
 new people, and a different race from the Gael 
 of Albinn, denominated by Agricola Caledonii, 
 seems to have been the received opinion of all 
 the writers who have given us an account of the 
 inhabitants of Britain and Ireland, in the barba¬ 
 rous ages which folloAved the overthrow of the 
 Roman Empire, and almost down to our own 
 times. The accounts which have been given of 
 the Scots and Piets are entirely fabulous: they 
 are destitute of any authority which can in any 
 just sense be relied on, and must be ascribed to 
 that sort of vanity prevalent among barbarous 
 
278 
 
 and warlike nations, who fondly pride themselves 
 upon an ancient and illustrious descent. They 
 seem to seize with avidity upon the bare resem¬ 
 blance of names to found this extravagant and 
 empty title of merit. So the Scots must have 
 been descended of Scota the daughter of Pha¬ 
 raoh; and Gadelus or Gaethelus, the son of 
 Neolus, an Athenian king, must have been the 
 progenitor of the Gadhel or Gael.* But such 
 extravagant fancies and unauthorized conjectures 
 will meet with no credit from men of enlighten¬ 
 ed understandings, who seek after truth from 
 sources of information founded on facts, and who 
 will yield assent to inferences naturally flowing 
 from circumstances of historical truth, where 
 there was no room for fictitious conjecture, or 
 no bias would lead to the vain glory of descent. 
 That the Scots were a foreign people, who had 
 come to Ireland long before the Christian era, 
 and had migrated from Ireland into Scotland, are 
 historical relations which derive no authority from 
 any sources of information upon which a lover 
 of truth can rest with any degree of satisfaction, 
 
 * “ Filius autem Alpini Kennethus successit in regno patris 
 “ anno Domini octingentesimo tricesimo quarto, et in regno Pic- 
 “ torum, ipsis superatis anno Domini octingentesimo tricesimo 
 “ nono imperatoris Ludovici XXV. regnationis Scotoruni in 
 “ Albion insula millesimo centesimo sexagesimo nono, sed et exi- 
 “ tus eorum de Aigypto sub primo rege Gaythelos filio regis 
 “ Neoli Atbeniensium, et uxore ejus Scota, bis millesimo tri- 
 “ centesimo quadragesimo nono.” Fordun, Scotichron. lib 
 iv. c. 3l 
 
279 
 
 Ptolemy enumerates a great variety of names 
 ascribed to the inhabitants of Britain and Ireland 
 in his time, but the name of Scots is not to be 
 found in the catalogue. No mention is made of 
 them till towards the end of the fourth century. 
 
 We have observed that the Picti, the whole 
 inhabitants of Albinn to the northward of the 
 Friths of Clyde and Forth, were known to the 
 Romans as divided into the Deucaledones and 
 Vecturiones. These names were derived to them 
 from the nature of the country which they in¬ 
 habited, the natural diversity of which led the 
 people, in process of time, to follow different 
 courses of life. The great body of the people to 
 the eastward of Drumalbinn naturally turned 
 their attention to the cultivation of the soil, the 
 surface of the country being adapted to recom¬ 
 pense those, who devoted their time to the pur¬ 
 suits of agricultural industry, with the means of 
 subsistence, in greater abundance than could be 
 procured by the mere herdsman or hunter: hence 
 a distinction necessarily took place between the 
 inhabitants of that portion of the country which 
 lay at a distance from the range of mountains 
 called Drumalbinn, and those who on either side 
 of that range lived in their vicinity. 
 
 Those who practised the arts of agriculture 
 were universally, among the Gael, known by the 
 name of Draonaich , and this was the name which 
 the Gael of the mountains and deep vallies of 
 Albinn, or Scotland, always applied to those who 
 
280 
 
 employed themselves in the labours of the field. 
 Indeed, it comprehended men of every descrip¬ 
 tion, who practised those laborious arts of life 
 which rendered their residence stationary. Drao- 
 neach signifies any person that practises an art; 
 drao , art; neach, any person. But although the 
 inhabitants who devoted themselves to the cultiva¬ 
 tion of the soil, and who composed the whole body 
 of the people who resided upon the more level 
 portions of the country, consisting of those tracts 
 lying at some distance from Drumalbinn, and ex¬ 
 tending to the German Ocean along the whole 
 eastern coast, to the northern extremity of the 
 island, were called Draonaich; yet a certain por¬ 
 tion of the people residing among the Gael of 
 the mountains, were also known by the same de¬ 
 nomination of Draonaich; of which important 
 fact the most complete evidence remains to this 
 day. The word Draoneach is applied to an in¬ 
 dustrious labourer; and the foundations of the 
 houses of those who employed themselves in the 
 cultivation of the soil, are distinguished by the 
 appellation of Larach tai Draonaich. These are 
 very numerous in many parts of the country, 
 and are, without exception, of a circular form, 
 with the entrance to the house regularly front¬ 
 ing due east. In the neighbourhood of the 
 place of residence of the writer of these sheets, 
 within the bounds of the ancient Caledonian 
 Forest, there are cultivated fields ; which further 
 proves the fact, that the term Draonaich was not 
 
281 
 
 exclusively appropriated to the people inhabiting 
 the more level country of Scotland, but was ap¬ 
 plied also to the cultivators of the soil in the 
 mountainous parts of the country. Drum a 
 Dhraonaich , and ach a Dhraonaich, are fields well 
 known in the western part of the valley of Ur- 
 quhart, lying to the westward of Lochness; and 
 still further to the westward, in the adjacent val¬ 
 ley of Strathglass, there is a cultivated field called 
 an Draonachc. And even at this day the people 
 who possess the arable lands in the bottom of 
 the valley, in the vicinity of Draonachc , and who 
 have been for a long period of time remarked to 
 be more industrious than their neighbours, are 
 called Draonaich Bhailna h amlm, which is a vil¬ 
 lage situated by the side of the river Glass, run¬ 
 ning through the valley, as the name itself de¬ 
 notes. When a man is observed employing him¬ 
 self in laborious exertion upon the soil, it is a 
 common expression among the Highlanders, be 'n 
 Draoneach e, that is, he is truly a Draoneach. 
 
 The Gael of the mountains were divided into 
 two classes, Arich and Draonaich. The first 
 were the cattle breeders, and the other were the 
 cultivators of the soil, and indeed comprehended 
 all persons who practised an art. Accordingly, 
 in Ireland, Draoneach signifies an artist, and 
 Draonachas, an artifice * 
 
 * Vide Lhuid’s Diet. 
 
But it may be asked, How came the inhabi¬ 
 tants of the more fertile parts of Scotland to be 
 called Piets, and to be distinguished from the 
 Scots as a different people, subject to kings of 
 their own proper nation, in ancient times? We 
 answer, that the name of Piets was not applied 
 to any of the inhabitants of Albinn by them¬ 
 selves. The cultivators of the soil were, in their 
 own language, called Draojiaich, and the. herds¬ 
 men and breeders of cattle were called Arich. 
 By the Romans, and after them by the provincial 
 Britons, the whole inhabitants of Albinn were 
 called Picti, until a new distinction arose between 
 the cultivators of the soil and the breeders of 
 cattle. It was the universal custom among the 
 mountaineers or highlanders of Scotland to move 
 frequently with their families, herds and flocks, 
 from their winter habitations in the vallies to 
 their summer grazings among the higher moun¬ 
 tains. This mode of life necessarily rendered 
 them a wandering people. They were in use 
 to move in small tribes and families between 
 their vallies and their mountains, and, indeed, 
 appeared to be in a great measure restless and 
 in motion. This mode of life procured them 
 from the cultivators of the ground, whose em¬ 
 ployment rendered them stationary, the appro¬ 
 priate appellation of Scuit, or Scaoit. Scut is 
 at this day a well known word applicable to 
 any small body of people in motion. Hence 
 the appellation which the Romans termed Scoti; 
 
283 
 
 and hence the provincial writers, after them, 
 used the same term to denote the mountaineers 
 of Scotland, to whom the term was properly ap¬ 
 plied. This word, however, was unknown to 
 the mountaineers themselves as a national appel¬ 
 lation, and they are ignorant of any such appel¬ 
 lation at this day. This new name of Scoti hav¬ 
 ing been applied to the Highlanders of Scotland 
 as an appropriate term arising from their mode 
 of life, the appellation of Picti, having long been 
 established as a generic term for the whole people, 
 came to be limited to the cultivators of the soil, 
 whose residence was fixed, and to whom the 
 other appellation of Scoti was inapplicable. 
 
 That the term Draonaich, as applicable to a 
 portion of the people, was known in the High¬ 
 lands and Isles of Scotland, there can be no 
 doubt. Those round houses, the foundations of 
 which are now only visible, are called in the 
 Island of Skye, taod Draonaich . Taod signifies 
 the rubbish of a house; taifhod, fh quiescent in 
 the compound. Dr Smith of Campbelton, in his 
 life of St Columba, expresses in a note, page 4. 
 these words: “ The Druids are said to have had 
 “ a college in I, before the time of St Columba; 
 “ and tradition still points out their burying 
 “ ground by the name of claodh nan Druithnach .” 
 The learned author was not aware of the proper 
 application of the term Draoneach ; it undoubt¬ 
 edly signifies persons living by the practice of any 
 art , and was principally applied to those who 
 
284 
 
 employed themselves in the labours of the field. 
 Of people engaged in that occupation there was 
 a considerable number residing on the west coast 
 of Scotland, in the neighbourhood of Iona or I. 
 The name of their burial place serves to afford 
 convincing evidence of the fact. 
 
 The proper term for Druid was Draothi, (a 
 compound of drao and ti, Draothi ), that is, the 
 artist, by way of eminence; plural, Draoian. 
 Draoiachc signifies magic or sorcery , literally, the 
 art of a Druid. 
 
 The foundations of the houses of the Draonaich 
 are so numerous in some parts of the Highlands, 
 as to afford the most decisive evidence, that the 
 number of the cultivators of the soil must have 
 been, in very ancient times, prior to the know¬ 
 ledge of the plough as an instrument used for 
 turning up the ground by means of the strength 
 of horses or cattle, very considerable. Wherever 
 these houses are now seen, cairns of stones are 
 commonly found, often at so small intervals of 
 space as must have precluded the use of the 
 plough as an instrument of tillage: the labour 
 must have been performed by men with a kind 
 of foot spade, or an instrument still very com¬ 
 monly used in the western islands and coast of 
 Scotland, called cas crom, which is a species of 
 foot spade crooked at the lower end, and formed 
 in such a manner as to turn over the soil in furs, 
 as is done by the improved plough, which, in¬ 
 deed, seems to have been derived originally from 
 
285 
 
 the idea of this rude foot instrument. On the 
 south side of the Grampians the foundations of 
 those round houses are numerous, and are called 
 by the common people Piet's houses. Vestiges 
 of those houses are to be seen in many parts of 
 Scotland, both in the high and the low country, 
 but more particularly in those parts of the coun¬ 
 try which had been anciently in cultivation, but 
 have been for many ages abandoned, from causes 
 not altogether difficult to ascertain. 
 
 The vallies were universally covered with 
 thick growing woods; the higher grounds be¬ 
 yond the vallies were more accessible, and til¬ 
 lage could be performed upon these with less 
 labour than in the vallies. In process of time, 
 however, the vallies would be chosen as more 
 advantageous for agricultural purposes, for various 
 reasons. The soil is generally found to be of a 
 richer quality in the lower than in the more elevat¬ 
 ed grounds: the products of the soil most favour¬ 
 ably situated would, of course, be more abundant, 
 and being reaped at earlier periods of the season, 
 the vallies would consequently become objects 
 more worthy of the attention of the cultivators of 
 the soil. In proportion as the vallies came in 
 progress of time to be cleared of wood, the high¬ 
 er grounds would be abandoned, and all the ma¬ 
 nure which could be procured would be applied 
 to the amelioration of the more productive soils : 
 The surface soil of the earliest cultivated lands 
 came to be considered to be of most value as a 
 
286 
 
 subject of compost with animal dung, for manur¬ 
 ing the lower grounds in the vallies. That this 
 ruinous mode of management was universally 
 practised, is visible to any superficial observer of 
 the state and condition of the surface of the soil 
 in the neighbourhood of all the villages or inha¬ 
 bited tracts of the Highlands of Scotland. 
 
 The Highlanders of Scotland, till a very late 
 period, were universally in use to change their 
 places of residence at various periods in the 
 course of the year, frequently migrating be¬ 
 tween the vallies and the mountains with their 
 herds and flocks. The inhabitants of the villages 
 
 O 
 
 moved in small bodies together; and this mode 
 of life procured them from the genuine cultiva¬ 
 tors of the soil, whose residence was fixed, the 
 denomination of Scuit or Scaoit, which, as former¬ 
 ly observed, signifies moving bodies of people. 
 This term, though well known to the Gael of the 
 Highlands, was never applied by them to them¬ 
 selves, as a generic term embracing the whole 
 body of the people, but among them is applica¬ 
 ble only to small moving bodies, as emanations 
 from larger bodies: any small moving bodies of 
 people, or detachments from larger bodies, are 
 expressed by this appellation at this day. Thus, 
 then, an evident distinction arose between the 
 inhabitants of the mountains, or the pastoral 
 people, and those of the plains or tracts of coun¬ 
 try which were capable of cultivation, and in the 
 management of w T hich the residence of the peo- 
 
287 
 
 pie became fixed and stationary. The name of 
 Scuit, or Scaoit, was applied by the cultivators of 
 the soil to the wandering pastoral people, which 
 appellation was modified by Roman pronuncia¬ 
 tion into that of Scoti, and by the Anglo-Saxons 
 into that of Scots. The Roman generic term for 
 the whole body of the people, viz. Picti, remain¬ 
 ed to those who were not distinguished by the 
 name of Scoti or Scots, and consequently em¬ 
 braced the whole people of Albinn, to whom the 
 term Scaoit or Scoti was inapplicable. 
 
 In this sense are the words of Ammianus Mar- 
 cellinus to be understood : “ Scoti per diversa va- 
 gantes." It is properly descriptive of the mode 
 of life of the people inhabiting the mountainous 
 tracts of the country, and corresponds with the 
 meaning of the appellation by which the moun¬ 
 taineers were denominated by the northern pro¬ 
 vincial Britons, and also by those inhabitants of 
 Albinn to whom remained to be applied the term 
 Picti, which, for a considerable period of time, 
 comprehended the whole inhabitants of the un¬ 
 subdued part of the island, during the prevalence 
 of the Roman government in Britain, and was 
 used to distinguish the barbarous painted Britons 
 from those who had become subject to the go¬ 
 vernment, and adopted the manners of the Ro¬ 
 mans. The Gael who resided in the low coun¬ 
 try of Albinn, and practised the arts of husbandry, 
 called the mountaineers by an appropriate term, 
 significant of their wandering mode of life, na 
 
 2 
 
288 
 
 Scaoit; the mountaineers at the same time deno¬ 
 minating the cultivators of the soil by an appel¬ 
 lation equally appropriate as applied to them, na 
 Draonaich. The present distinctive appellations, 
 which correspond with those more anciently 
 used, are, maghthirich or machtherich , the inhabi¬ 
 tants oj the plains, and muintir or Gael na garbh- 
 chriochan , the people or the Gael of the moun¬ 
 tainous division of the country , commonly express¬ 
 ed in English by the rough bounds. 
 
 “ There is no part,” says Innes, “ of the an- 
 “ cient state of the north of Britain or Scotland, 
 “ that seems to have been more misrepresented, 
 “ or less understood by our modern writers, than 
 “ the extent of the Pictish and Scottish dominions 
 “ in old times. Boece reduces the Pictish do- 
 “ minions within very small bounds, since he 
 “ tells us, that from the beginning of the Scots 
 “ monarchy in Britain, the Scots, besides the wes- 
 “ tern provinces and isles, were possessed of all 
 “ the northern countries beyond the Grampian 
 “ hills or cairn of Mounth, and sets down the dis- 
 “ tribution of those northern parts made by Fer- 
 “ gus I. three centuries before the incarnation, 
 “ among his nobles; and in this he is generally 
 “ followed by the Scottish writers that came after 
 “ him.” 
 
 “ Camden, on the contrary, confines the Scot- 
 “ tish dominions, even in St Columba’s time, to 
 “ Argyle, Kintire, Knapdail, and some of the 
 “ Western Islands towards Ireland, and extends 
 
 3 
 
289 
 
 “ the Pictish territories to Lorn, Mull, and Iona 
 “ or Y-colmkill, grounded chiefly on Bede’s hav- 
 “ ing made Iona the donation of the Piets to St 
 “ Columba.”* 
 
 What portions of Albinn were subject to the 
 government of Pictish or Scottish kings, prior to 
 the time of Kenneth Mac Alpin, who united both 
 Scots and Piets under one government, it is im¬ 
 possible, from any records remaining to us, to de¬ 
 termine ; but it may be depended upon as a fact, 
 that all the inhabitants of Albinn, whose princi¬ 
 pal occupation was the cultivation of the soil, 
 were called by the pastoral Gael, Draonaich; and 
 that the pastoral people who led a wandering life 
 were termed by the Draonaich, Scuit or Scaoit. 
 To the one was applied the appellation Scots , to 
 the other that of Piets, by the provincial Britons, 
 who followed the Roman pronunciation of those 
 names. It follows of course, that that portion of 
 the people who appeared to have no fixed resi¬ 
 dence or permanent places of abode, could not 
 be considered as belonging to the Pictish terri¬ 
 tory, and that the lines of demarcation between 
 the Scots and Piets, must have been determined 
 by their proximity to, or distance from, the 
 mountainous tracts of Albinn, which were an¬ 
 ciently known by the Gaelic comprehensive 
 name of Drumalbinn, latinized Dorsum-Albania. 
 It is an undoubted fact, that all the inhabi- 
 
 * Innes’s Critical Essays, vol. i. p. 78. 
 T 
 
290 
 
 tants who possessed to a certain extent the val- 
 lies which seem to have been formed by the 
 streams issuing from the Dorsum-Albania, or 
 heights of Albinn, on all sides, were, till a very 
 late period, universally accustomed to remove 
 with their herds and flocks from what was called 
 the bailte geamhre, or winter towns, to different 
 grazings among the mountains, in the summer 
 and harvest seasons of the year: thus they ap¬ 
 peared to possess no fixed or permanent places of 
 residence; they were considered as a wandering 
 people, following a mode of life which created an 
 evident distinction between them and the culti¬ 
 vators of the soil, whose residence was necessa¬ 
 rily rendered stationary, from the nature of their 
 employment requiring the exertion of constant 
 labour to be performed within the compass of a 
 narrow circle of motion. 
 
 The people called Scuit or Scots inhabited the 
 vallies situated among the mountains, and the 
 Draonaich or Piets possessed the more level 
 country, extending to a certain distance from the 
 sea-coast towards the mountains, and were an¬ 
 ciently divided into the northern and southern 
 Piets.* 
 
 The southern Piets were, according to Bede’s 
 authority, converted to Christianity by St Ninian ; 
 and the northern Piets received the faith from 
 St Columba. 
 
 * INNES, p. 83. 
 
Q91 
 
 How far the Pictish territories extended from 
 the eastern sea-coasts of Albinn, towards the 
 range of mountains anciently called Drumalbinn, 
 it is impossible to ascertain; but there can be no 
 doubt entertained, that a certain portion of that 
 range of mountains called the Grampians , divided 
 the southern and northern Piets. “ Those hills 
 “ are called by Tacitus, and others after him, 
 “ Mans Grampius ; whence Granzebin; by Adam- 
 “ nan, Dorsum Britannia , commonly Drumal- 
 “ bayn ; by Bede, ardua et horrentia Montium 
 “ juga; by an anonymous author of the descrip- 
 “ tion of Albany , or Scotland , cited by Camden 
 “ from a MS. in the Burghleyan library, at pre- 
 “ sent in the Colbertin, from whence it was copied, 
 “ and is here inserted in the Appendix, numb. 1 . 
 “ Mons. qui mounth vocaturqui a mari Occidentali 
 “ usque ad orientale extenditur. And by another 
 “ short description of Scotland in the Cotton lib- 
 “ rary, of the thirteenth age, they are thus explain- 
 “ ed, quoddam vastum quod rncatur le mounth, ubi 
 “ est pessimism passagium sine cibo. This last pas- 
 “ sage respects particularly that branch of these 
 “ hills, commonly called the Cairn of Mounth."* 
 In Agricola’s time, as has been already observed, 
 the whole inhabitants of Albinn, to the north¬ 
 ward of the Friths of Forth and Clyde, were de¬ 
 nominated Caledonii; Caoilldaoin, the men of the 
 •woods. The appellation of Scoti was unknown at 
 
 * Innes. 
 
292 
 
 that. time. The term Picti was however applied 
 to the whole inhabitants of Albinn, and indeed 
 to all the inhabitants of North Britain who were 
 not brought under subjection to the Romans. 
 The Picti to the northward of the Friths, for the 
 Caledonii were included in that appellative term, 
 were divided into Deucaledones and Vecturiones, 
 terms which served to distinguish the inhabitants 
 of Albinn, until another distinctive appellation 
 was introduced and became known. 
 
 The Piets of Albinn, as distinguished from the 
 Scots, inhabited the whole range of low country 
 from the Frith of Forth, northward to the ut¬ 
 most extremity of Caithness, and also the Orkney 
 Islands. They were, down to the time of Ken¬ 
 neth Mac Alpin, subject to Pictish kings. 
 
 St Columba visited Brude, king of the Piets, 
 at his royal palace, situated at the east end of 
 Lochness. Our historians fix the ordinary abode 
 of the Pictish kings at Abernethy, near the river 
 Tay. It is evident, however, that king Brude had 
 a royal seat at the east end of Lochness. The 
 terms domus regia and munitio regis Brudei, show 
 satisfactorily, that the dominion of the Piets ex¬ 
 tended from the sea, westward to the moun¬ 
 tains at the north-east end of Lochness; for it 
 cannot be supposed that Brude, or any Pictish 
 king, should chuse for his residence any part of a 
 country subject to the dominion of a sovereign 
 at enmity with him, or possessed by a people not 
 subject to his control. 
 
293 
 
 St Columba’s journey to Brude’s royal seat was 
 trans Dorsum Britannia , that is, over the range of 
 mountains called Drum-Albinn;* and that Drum- 
 Albayn divided the Scots from the Piets, “ inter 
 “ quos (Pictos et Scotos) dor si montis Britan- 
 “ nici distermini.” 
 
 The learned antiquarian, Innes, writes, “ IIow- 
 “ ever, from this account that Adam nan gives us 
 “ of the bounds of the Scottish and Pictish do- 
 “ minions in St Columba’s time, it follows, that 
 “ since the island Iona was as it were in the heart 
 “ or centre of the kingdom of Scots , composed 
 “ of the islands and mainland as above, and 
 “ separated from the Pietish dominions by sea and 
 “ land, it could not have been the Piets, as Bede 
 “ relates, but must need have been the Scots,' 
 “ that gave it to St Columba and his disciples. 
 “ We find the island of Iona always mentioned 
 “ by Adamnan, as being in the kingdom of the 
 “ Scots in Britain, and the inhabitants of it as 
 “ subjects of the king of the Scots. There it 
 “ was that St Columba inaugurated Aydan king 
 “ of the Scots; there St Columba with his monks 
 ‘‘ pray for victory to king Aydan as their sove- 
 “ reign; there king Aydan consults the saint 
 “ which of his sons were to live to be his suc- 
 “ cessor. 
 
 “ As to Bede’s ascribing to the Piets the do- 
 “ nation of Iona to St Columba, he being a 
 
 * Adamnan, lib. ii. 
 
294 
 
 “ stranger, and living at a distance from these 
 “ parts, and having his accounts of I-colmkill only 
 “ by hearsay, his authority on this subject ought 
 “ not to be put in the balance with that of Adam- 
 “ nan, who was himself Abbot of I-colmkill near 
 “ St Columba’s time, and one of his successors; 
 “ and besides, had his information from those 
 “ who lived with the saint, and from the origi- 
 ct nals in the monastery itself.”* 
 
 Had the learned author been aware of the fact, 
 that that portion of the Gadhel of Albinn, who 
 had in the fourth century got the appellation 
 of Scoti, the term Scuit having been so latinized, 
 consisted themselves of two classes of people, 
 the herdsmen or breeders of cattle, who were 
 called Arich , and the labourers of the ground and 
 mechanics, who were called Draonaich, he would 
 have easily got over the difficulty which Bede’s 
 authority put in his way, respecting the donation 
 of Iona to have been made to St Columba by the 
 Piets. It is well known, that the appellation of 
 Piets was applied to all those who bore the name 
 of Draonaich, corruptly, by the Irish historians, 
 called Craonich. I-colmkill and the neighbour¬ 
 ing country of Argyle were inhabited by a peo¬ 
 ple who got the name of Draonaich, from their 
 possessing a country fit for cultivation, and con¬ 
 sequently employing themselves in the labours 
 of agriculture. That they were subject to the 
 
 Innes. — Caledonians or Piets. 
 
dominion of the kings of Scots, can admit of no 
 doubt; so were all the people denominated Drao- 
 naich resident in the Highlands of Scotland; and 
 the burial place called Cladh nan Draonaich , as 
 formerly observed, proves distinctly, that a por¬ 
 tion of the people called by that name, inhabited 
 Iona and the country in its neighbourhood. 
 
 It is certain, that as late as the twelfth century 
 there were ancient historical records existing in 
 Scotland, containing genealogical accounts of its 
 kings, whether Pictish or Scottish, and narratives 
 of remarkable events in the history of its inhabi¬ 
 tants; but few of these are to be found in our 
 times, and we are left to glean a few facts from 
 those scanty sources of information which now 
 remain. We shall take notice of some pieces of 
 ancient writing, which are to be found as tran¬ 
 scribed in the learned antiquary Mr Innes’s Ap¬ 
 pendix to his Critical Essay on the Ancient In¬ 
 habitants of Scotland. 
 
 “ Dc situ Albania qua in se figuram hominis ha- 
 “ bet: quoniodo fuit primitus in septem regionibus 
 “ (sic) divisa, quibusque nominibus antiquitus sit vo- 
 “ cata, et a quibus inhabit at a. ” Ex MS. Biblio¬ 
 thecas Colbertinas, Cod. 3120. 
 
 “ J. Operae pretium puto mandare memoriae 
 “ qualiter Albania, et a quibus habitatoribus pri- 
 “ mitus habitata, quibus nominibus nuncupata 
 “ et in quot partibus partita. 
 
 “ 2. Legimus in historiis et in chronicis anti- 
 “ quorum Britonum, et in gestis et annahbus 
 
296 
 
 “ antiquis Scott orum et Pictorum, quod ilia regio 
 “ quffi nunc corrupte vocatur Scotia, antiquitus 
 “ appellabatur Albania ab Albanacto juniore filio 
 “ Bruti primi regis Britannorum majoris Britan- 
 “ niffi. bit post multum intervallum temporis a 
 “ Pictis Pictavia : qui regnaverunt in ea per cir- 
 “ culum MLXX annorum : secundum quosdam 
 “ MCCCLX. Nunc vero corrupte vocatur Sco- 
 “ cia. Scotti vero regnaverunt per spacium 
 “ CCCXV annorum ; anno illo quo Willelinus 
 “ rex Rufus, frater Malcolmi viri honestas vitee 
 “ et virtutis, regnum suscepit.” 
 
 We learn from this ancient piece of intelli¬ 
 gence, that at the period when the writer of it 
 lived, there existed written histories and chro¬ 
 nicles of the ancient Britons, written records and 
 ancient annals of the Scots and Piets; that the 
 country then corruptly called Scotia or Scotland, 
 was anciently called Albania, from Albanactus 
 the first king of the Britons of Greater Britain. 
 That after a long interval of time Albania, but 
 now corruptly called Scotia, was called Pictavia, 
 from the Piets, who had reigned in it for a 
 period of one thousand and seventy years; ac¬ 
 cording to some authors, one thousand three 
 hundred and sixty years. That the Scots had 
 reigned three hundred and fifteen years, in that 
 year when king William Rufus, the brother of 
 Malcolm, a man of integrity and virtue, under¬ 
 took the government. 
 
297 
 
 It may here be observed, that the Gael of 
 Scotland and Ireland never knew any other name 
 for Scotland than that of Albinn; it is the name 
 used by them at this day: the appellation of 
 Scotia, or any appellation similar to it in sound, 
 is entirely unknown to them. The Gael have 
 preserved, and apply at this day to the kingdom 
 of Scotland, the most ancient name known to 
 the Greeks and Romans, to denominate the 
 whole island of Great Britain. The etymology 
 of the name serves to shew, that it was denomi¬ 
 nated Albinn by the continental Gauls, and was 
 naturally called by them, The Fair or White 
 Island, from the chalky appearance of the Bri¬ 
 tish coast opposite to the nearest part of the 
 coast of ancient Gaul. And this etymon of the 
 name is confirmed by the appellation given to the 
 island by the Welsh, viz. Innis-wen ;* according 
 to the pronunciation of the Gael of Scotland, 
 lnnis bhan, (bh pronounced as v), Fair or JVhite 
 Island. 
 
 The period of three hundred and fifteen years 
 applies to the era when Kenneth Mac Alpin, 
 after having conquered the Piets, began to reign 
 over all Albinn, down to the reign of William 
 Rufus, the brother of Malcolm IV. The au¬ 
 thor of this little treatise was a cotemporary 
 of Andrew, bishop of Caithness, who, according 
 to the Chronicle of Maylross, and a Catalogue of 
 
 * Camd. Britain. 
 
298 
 
 the Bishops of Scotland, by R. K., died in the 
 year 1185. It is to be presumed that the author 
 wrote in the twelfth century, when as yet there 
 existed ancient historical records from which he 
 derived information. 
 
 “ 3. Regio enim ista formam et figuram liomi- 
 “ nis in se habet. Pars namque principalis ejus, 
 “ id est, caput est in Arregathel in occidentali 
 “ parte Scocise supra mare Hibernias : pedes vero 
 “ ejus sunt supra mare Northwagias : montes 
 “ vero et deserta de Arregaithel capiti et collo 
 “ hominis assimilantur : corpus vero ipsius est 
 “ mons qui Mound vocatur, qui a mari occiden- 
 “ tali usque ad mare orientale extenditur: Brachia 
 “ autem ejus sunt ipsi montes qui dividunt Sco- 
 “ ciam ab Arregaithel. Latus dexteras partis ex 
 “ Murref, et Ros, et Mar, et Buchan: crura 
 “ enim illius sunt ilia duo principalia et prasclara 
 “ flumina (qure descendunt de monte prsedicto, 
 “ i. e. Mound ) quag vocantur Tae et Spe: quorum 
 “ unum fluit citra montem, alterum vero ultra 
 “ in mare Norwegale. Inter crura hujus homi- 
 “ nis sunt Enegus et Moerne citra montem, et 
 “ ultra montem alias terrae inter Spe et montem.” 
 
 This fanciful picture of Scotland represents 
 correctly, so far as it goes, the relative situations 
 of those parts of Albinn which were in the view 
 of the writer to be described. It may be ob¬ 
 served that the writer says, that the principal 
 parts of this form and figure of a man, that is, 
 the head, is in Arregathel, in the western part of 
 
299 
 
 Scocia or Scotland, over against the sea of Ire¬ 
 land : That the mountains and deserts of Arre- 
 gaithel are assimilated to the head and neck of a 
 man; that the body of this man is the mountain 
 which is called Mound , which stretches from the 
 western to the eastern sea: The arms of this 
 figure are those mountains which divide Scocia 
 from Arregaithel. 
 
 From this description it appears, that that por¬ 
 tion of Albinn to which the appellation of Arre¬ 
 gaithel was anciently applied, extended greatly 
 beyond the boundaries of that division of Scot¬ 
 land, now called in English, Argyle; in Gaelic 
 by its ancient name, Arregaithel, (th quiescent); 
 for it comprehended the great mountains and 
 deserts of Albinn, particularly distinguished by 
 the general denomination of Mound. This word 
 is a corruption of the Gaelic word monadh, which 
 is applied to any mountainous tract of land, in 
 contradistinction to plains and vallies: every plain 
 of considerable extent, bordered by a range of 
 mountains or hills, is called strath , and where 
 a river flows through the plain along its extent, 
 which generally takes place, the plain is called 
 Strath na h'amhna, or the strath or plain of the 
 river ; and accordingly that tract of country gets 
 the name of the Strath of that river, as Strath- 
 Ta , Strath-Tay; Strut h-Spe , St rath-Spey ; Strath- 
 De, Strath-Dee; Strath-Earn, Strath-Em; 
 Strath-Cluidh, Strath-Clyde, &c.; Strathmore sig¬ 
 nifies the great Strath, there being no particular 
 
300 
 
 river running through its whole extent, by which 
 it could be denominated. This Strath was said 
 to extend from near Stonehaven, along the level 
 country, to the south of the Grampians, as far 
 as the hills of Stirlingshire; it might well be 
 denominated Strath-More na EAlbinn, the great 
 strath of Albinn. 
 
 Many rivers retain the name of Esk , which, in 
 the Gaelic language, signifies water. The rivers 
 known by the names of North Esk and South 
 Esk, in the county of Angus, rise in what is called 
 the Braes of Angus, and fall into the British 
 Ocean on each side of the town of Montrose. 
 The Plains of Angus are called in Gaelic magh- 
 thir Aonaghuis, that is, the plain or level country 
 of Angus. Brai signifies the higher part of any 
 country. The Anglo-Saxon inhabitants retained 
 theancientappellationof Brai Aonaghuis, and add¬ 
 ed the letter s to the Gaelic word, which, in their 
 acceptation, signified the upper parts of Angus. 
 The name of the town of Montrose (more pro¬ 
 perly Monros , for so it is still pronounced), in the 
 shire of Angus, bespeaks its Gaelic original: it 
 is at high water nearly surrounded by the sea; 
 and ros signifies any portion of land forming a 
 peninsula, or watered by the sea or lake on both 
 sides. Fife was anciently called Ros ; the town 
 of Kinros, Ceannros , signifying the head of Ros , 
 was its boundary in the direction of that 
 place; and Culros, signifying the back of Ros, or 
 Cuilros, the corner of Ros, bounded it on another 
 
301 
 
 quarter. The eastern parts of the county of Ross 
 are washed on each side by the Friths of Dornoch 
 and Cromarty; and the high ground interjacent 
 between the Friths is called Ardros, or the height 
 of Ross. Ross Du, on Loch-Lomond side, signi¬ 
 fies the black peninsula : many instances might be 
 given to confirm the meaning of the woid. 
 
 “ 4. Hffic vero terra a septem fratribus divisa 
 “ fuit antiquitus in septem partes: quarum pars 
 “ principalis est Enegus cum Moerne ab Enegus 
 “ primogenito fratrum sic nominata: secunda au- 
 “ tern pars est Adtheodle et Gouerin :* pars etiam 
 “ tertia est Stradeern cum Meneted : quarta pars 
 “ partium est Fife cum Fothreue : quinta vero 
 “ pars est Marr cum Buchen : sexta autem est 
 “ Murref et Ros : septima enim pars est Catha- 
 “ nesia citra montem et ultra montem : quia 
 “ Mons Mound dividit Cathanesiam per medium.” 
 
 This section informs us, that the country call¬ 
 ed Albinn was anciently divided by seven bro¬ 
 thers into seven parts, of which the principal part 
 was Enegus and Moerne, so called from Enegus, 
 the eldest of the brothers. It has been already 
 mentioned, that the Gael of Scotland called the 
 country of Angus maghthir or machthir Aona- 
 ghuis; Aonaghas is a common name among the 
 Highlanders at this day. That part of this di- 
 
 * Goth is an obsolete word signifying straight, and feronn 
 cultivated land. The th of the one and / of the other word 
 are quiescent in tiie compound, and pronounced Go-eronn. 
 
302 
 
 vision here called Moerne, is called by the Gael 
 or Highlanders, Maorinn: The second division 
 is still known by the old names of Atholl and 
 Gowry ; the third was Strathdearn and Mon- 
 teith. There are two considerable rivers in 
 Scotland known by the names of Earn ; one of 
 which runs its course through the beautiful 
 valley of Strathearn, in the shire of Perth; the 
 other rises in the mountains which divide Ba- 
 denoch from Strathnairn, in the shire of Inver¬ 
 ness, and falls into the sea at Findhorn. At pre¬ 
 sent the Gaelic language is spoken only in the 
 Highlands, whence the first of those rivers issue; 
 along the course of the other, Gaelic is the lan¬ 
 guage of the people till within a few miles of its 
 fall into the Bay of Findhorn, near which is a 
 beautiful plain bordering upon the sea, still known 
 by its ancient Gaelic name Mai: though in all 
 the low country of Moray, with little exception, 
 English is spoken, in all the high country of that 
 shire the language of the people is Gaelic. 
 The fourth division was Fife and Fothreue. Foth- 
 reue is still the name known among the High¬ 
 landers for the river Forth. The fifth division 
 was Mar and Buchan. How far the country 
 anciently called Mar extended, is at present dif¬ 
 ficult to be ascertained; but the appellation of 
 Brai-mhar , or the upper part of Mar, is well 
 known, and there the Gaelic language is spoken. 
 This fifth division comprehended Buchan, which 
 is evidently bogha-chuain, the bow of the ocean, 
 descriptive of the appearance of the country as 
 
503 
 
 washed by the sea. The sixth division was 
 what is written Murref and Ros : the appellation 
 of Muref is not authorized by the name as pro¬ 
 nounced by the Highlanders. The name is de¬ 
 scriptive of the situation of a level country, on 
 the one side bordered by the sea, on the other 
 by a continued range of mountainous ground; 
 Muir-strath, pronounced Muirra (the st are re¬ 
 jected in the compound, and the letters th are 
 pronounced as an aspiration), which signifies the 
 sea or maritime strath. It may be observed, that 
 there is no river running along the course of this 
 strath by which it could be denominated: the 
 rivers Findhorn, Lossie, and Spey, fall through it 
 transversely into the sea. The name of Fochaber, 
 near the mouth of the river Spey, is expressive 
 of its situation; foich signifies a level spot of 
 ground , and aber, the mouth of the river. Find- 
 horn is evidently a corruption of Fionnearnn ; 
 Fionn signifies white; the sandy hills on both 
 sides of the mouth of the river have a white ap¬ 
 pearance, which gave rise to the name. The 
 seventh division was Caithness , on this and the 
 other side of the mountain, “quia mons Mound 
 “ dividit Cathanesiam per medium;” “ because the 
 “ mountain Mound divides Caithness in the mid- 
 “ die.” In ancient times all that division of Scot¬ 
 land, comprehending what is now called the 
 counties of Sutherland and Caithness, was distin¬ 
 guished by the appellation Catt. The southern 
 and northern parts of it were divided by a range 
 
 o 
 
304 
 
 of mountainous ground, known in Gaelic by the 
 common appellation of monadh. That arm of the 
 sea now called the Frith of Dornoch, is called in 
 Gaelic an Caol Cattach , the narrow sea of Catt; 
 which proves its extent to the southward, and 
 separated it from the division of the country 
 called Ross. In the low country on the north 
 side of the mound or monadh , the English lan¬ 
 guage is spoken. That colonies of Anglo- 
 Saxons had been sent by our kings to settle in 
 the low country of Caithness, at least 600 years 
 back, there can be entertained no doubt. And 
 the name of Sutherland, which the other division 
 of ancient Catt or Caithness now bears, must 
 have been given to it by the Anglo-Saxon settlers, 
 i. e. the Sutherland of Caithness. The noble title 
 of Sutherland is as old as 1£75; so that the divi¬ 
 sion of Caithness, to the north of the range of 
 high lands called Mound , received that English 
 name as early as the 13th century, cannot be 
 doubted. The words “ Septimaf &c. indicate, 
 that when the author of that ancient treatise 
 wrote, the name of Sutherland, for any portion 
 of the ancient division of Albinn called Catt, and 
 lying to the northward of Caol Cattach , was un¬ 
 known. Although the noble family of Suther¬ 
 land have for ages been styled earls of Suther¬ 
 land, the Highlanders still call the earl of Suther¬ 
 land Morer Catt. Morer is the Gaelic word 
 corresponding to lord , literally great man. The 
 division of ancient Caithness, on the south side ol 
 
 3 
 
SOo 
 
 the Monadh or Mound, retains in the Gaelic lan¬ 
 guage still the old name of the whole; but in 
 distinguishing the division inhabited by the an¬ 
 cient race of people, from that possessed by the 
 descendants of the Anglo-Saxon colonies sent 
 thither, the Gael call the southern division 
 Catthao\ and the other division Gaollthao ; the 
 first signifies the side or quarter of Catt, and the 
 other the side or quarter of strangers This last 
 now consists of seven parishes where English 
 is spoken ; in other three parishes, or high¬ 
 lands of what is now called Caithness, Gaelic is 
 the language of the people. The earl of Suther¬ 
 land is called Morer Catt, the earl of Caithness 
 Mover Gaoll, intimating that the one was lord 
 of the country of Catt, the other of the country 
 of strangers, or a foreign lord. 
 
 “ 5. Quwlibet ergo istarum partium regio tunc 
 “ vocabatur et erat: quia unaquaeque earum sub 
 “ regionem in se habebat. Inde est ut hi septem 
 “ fratres praedicti pro septem regibus habebantur: 
 “ septem Regulos sub se habentes. Isti septem 
 “ fratres regnum Albanite in septem regna divi- 
 “ serunt, et unusquisque in tempore suo in suo 
 “ regno regnavit. 
 
 “ 6. Primum regnum fuit (sicut mihi verus 
 “ relator retulit, Andreas, videlicet, vir venera- 
 “ bilis Katanensis episcopus nacione Scottus et 
 “ Dunfermlis monachus) ab ilia aqua optima, 
 “ quae Scottice vocata est Froth, Brittanice JVerid, 
 “ Romane vero Scotte-JVattre , 1. Aqua Scotto- 
 
 u 
 
306 
 
 “ rum; quas regna Scottorum et Anglorum divi- 
 “ dit et currit juxta oppidum de Strivelin, usque 
 “ ad flumen aliud nobile, quod vocatum est Tae 
 
 The limits of those seven kingdoms were des¬ 
 cribed to the writer of this Treatise by Andrew, 
 bishop of Caithness, who died, as before observ¬ 
 ed, in 1185. In this description Caithness is not 
 mentioned, and it is difficult to delineate the pre¬ 
 cise boundaries of the different divisions. In the 
 first account of the divisions of Albinn, Caithness 
 is mentioned as one of them; but Arregathel is 
 not described as belonging to any of these divi¬ 
 sions. The first part of this other account of 
 the divisions of Albinn was given by the writer, 
 as found in some ancient written Chronicles or 
 Annals of Albinn ; the other part was derived 
 from the bishop of Caithness, as related by him 
 to the writer. 
 
 A variety of etymological conjectures are of¬ 
 fered to account for the appellation Arregathel . 
 Arregathel is so called as the margin of the Scots 
 or Hybernians, because all the Hybernians and 
 Scots are generally styled Gaithel, from their 
 first ancient leader called Gaithelglas; for there 
 the Hybernians always used to apply themselves 
 in harassing the Britons; or that the Scots 
 (Piets) there first dwelt, after their return from 
 Hybernia; or because the Hybernians occupied 
 those parts beyond the Piets; or, what is more 
 certain, that that part of the region of Scotia is 
 nearest to the region of Hybernia. 
 
307 
 
 Such conjectures as these have been often re¬ 
 peated. That the ancient inhabitants of Erinn 
 and of Albinn were universally called Gael, writ¬ 
 ten Gathel or Gadhel , is a fact which cannot ad¬ 
 mit of question; they were therefore originally 
 the same race of people. That the Roman ap¬ 
 pellation of Scott was first applied to the inhabi¬ 
 tants of the mountainous tracts of Albinn, is 
 equally certain. They were a people per cliversa 
 mgantes, having in appearance no fixed habita¬ 
 tion. They were called Hybernians or Irish, as 
 being of the same race or lineage, speaking the 
 same language. The appellation of Scoti was ap¬ 
 plied to a certain portion of the inhabitants of Ire¬ 
 land, according to Orosius, who lived in the be¬ 
 ginning of the fifth century; and such of the Irish 
 Gael as led a life similar to the mountaineers of 
 Scotland, got, with equal propriety, from the more 
 industrious and stationary inhabitants of Ireland, 
 the same appellation: but that the Scots of Ire¬ 
 land peopled the vallies and mountains of Scot¬ 
 land, or that they derived their origin from the 
 Scots of Scotland, are equally destitute of any 
 foundation in reason or truth. The Gadhel had 
 peopled both Ireland and Scotland for ages un¬ 
 known, before the name of Scots was heard of 
 in either the one country or the other. The 
 Welsh called the ancient inhabitants of Ireland 
 Gwithil* The descendants of these ancient in 
 
 * C am pen. 
 
308 
 
 habitants call themselves Gadhel, as do all the 
 descendants of the ancient inhabitants of Albinn 
 call themselves by that generic appellation. The 
 language of both is Gaelic, furnishing a proof in¬ 
 controvertible of the identity of people. Whe¬ 
 ther the island of Albinn, or that of Erinn, was 
 first in the order of population, is a question far 
 beyond the power of man to determine. Vain 
 tales, big with fabulous absurdity, have existed; 
 but population has flowed from the first inha¬ 
 bited regions of the earth, in all directions, as 
 mankind increased in numbers, according to the 
 vicinity and ease of communication between dif¬ 
 ferent portions of the habitable globe. Power¬ 
 ful kingdoms and empires had subsisted in Asia 
 many ages before the dawn of any degree of 
 civilization was visible among the inhabitants 
 of Europe, now the most enlightened quarter 
 of the earth. Civilization and a knowledge of 
 the arts of life follow population; but until the 
 population of any portion of the earth becomes 
 redundant, the ingenuities of which the human 
 mind is capable, are not put in practice. It 
 is easier for a pastoral people to remove to new 
 settlements, than to render the native soil fruit¬ 
 ful by means of laborious industry. Hence the 
 origin of the emigrations of mankind: and as 
 the island of Albion or Great Britain is visible 
 from one part of the continent of Europe, it 
 is agreeable to rational conviction, that the first 
 movement of a redundant continental popula- 
 
309 
 
 tion was directed to the nearest coast of that 
 island, from the opposite shore of the great 
 country anciently called by the Romans Gallia , 
 whose inhabitants they called Galli. Were we 
 to be regulated by probable conclusions with 
 respect to our original descent, we should, with 
 more reason, derive our origin, and the popula¬ 
 tion of the Britannic Islands, from that country 
 and that people, than from colonies from Egypt 
 or Spain, under Simon Brek or Gaethelglas as 
 their leaders, a few generations after the time 
 of Japhet. 
 
 Scotland was called Scotia from Scota the 
 daughter of Pharaoh, king of Egypt: so we are 
 told by both Irish and Scottish historians; the 
 latter following the fabulous legendary tales of 
 the former, both equally fond of marvellous ac¬ 
 counts relative to antiquity and lustre of ori¬ 
 gin. Were we, however, disposed to combine 
 sound and sense together, we might he satisfied 
 to hold the vicinity of Britain to Gaul, and the 
 similarity of the appellation of its inhabitants, 
 Galli, as pronounced by the Romans, with that 
 which the descendants of the ancient inhabitants 
 of Albinn and Erinn have retained as their gene¬ 
 ric appellation down to this day,—as a rational 
 inference of the progress of population westward 
 from Gaul to Great Britain, and thence to Ire¬ 
 land. 
 
 The name Arigathel, Arigadhel, pronounced 
 Arigael, demonstrates its meaning. It signifies 
 
310 
 
 the breeding ground of the Gael, and comprehend¬ 
 ed the whole mountainous region of Albinn. 
 The inhabitants of the vallies moved thither 
 with their herds and flocks at various times in 
 the year, and that portion of their cattle called 
 seisgach, or dry cattle, remained there during the 
 whole year, unless when the owners were com¬ 
 pelled, by the severity of the season, to furnish 
 them with provender out of hand, which at times 
 they carried to the grazings among the moun¬ 
 tains, or brought their cattle to what was called 
 their winter towns in the vallies, there to receive 
 such provision as had been laid up for winter 
 store, which was always scanty, and their herds, 
 in severe seasons, often perished for want of sus¬ 
 tenance. This mode of management was the 
 only one known and practised in the Highlands 
 of Scotland till a very late period, when sheep 
 have been introduced to pasture the mountains 
 in place of black-cattle; a change of system of 
 management, which, at the same time that it has 
 altered in some measure the ambulatory mode of 
 life of the mountaineers, has prodigiously re¬ 
 dounded to increase the value of the mountain 
 pastures, and to meliorate the condition of the 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Arighael is a compound of Art and Gael. Ari 
 signifies a breeding place ; arach, to breed; and 
 areach, arich, plural, a cattle breeder. Bothan 
 ari, is a small hut or booth erected on some fa¬ 
 vourite spot of the breeding ground. Such spots 
 
311 
 
 of ground are called, in the language of the low 
 country Scots, sheetings. So that evidently ari- 
 ghael signifies the breeding grounds oj the Gael, 
 and therefore extended in ancient times over the 
 whole mountainous tracts of Albinn. 
 
 The only remains we have of our ancient chro¬ 
 nicles or annals, written originally in the Gaelic 
 language, are Latin versions of those chronicles 
 or annals, in which, as might be expected, occur 
 many mutilations of the orthography of the ori¬ 
 ginal language. 
 
 We find that Arigadhel has been latinized 
 Ergadia by some translators of our ancient ma¬ 
 nuscripts. 
 
 “ Haec gens sub lege naturae, sed sine rege, 
 
 “ Donee ad Ergadiam tulit audax nomine quidam 
 “ Fergusius lapidem, de quo sit meutio pridem.”* 
 
 “ Kinath Mac-Alpin 16 an. Super Scotos reg- 
 “ navit, destructis Pictis; mortuus in Fortevioth; 
 “ sepultus in Yona insula, ubi tres filii Ere, scili- 
 “ cet Fergus, Loam, et Enegus sepulti fuerant. 
 “ Hie mira calliditate duxit Scotos de Argadia 
 “ in terram Pictorum.”! 
 
 And we are told, that this Fergus was the 
 first who reigned over Albinn from the moun- 
 
 * Vide Innes’s Appendix, c. v. NO. 6. 
 t Appendix, NO. 5. 
 
312 
 
 tain, (i. e .) monadh Drumalbinn , to the Irish Sea 
 and Inchegall. 
 
 “ Fergus filius Eric fuit primus qui de semine 
 “ Chonare suscepit regnum Albanias, i. e. a monte 
 'umalban usque ad mare Hibernire et ad 
 • e Gad. Iste regnavit iii annis.”* 
 
 Eric is a name still well known in the High¬ 
 lands. 
 
 ‘‘ Fergus filius Erth primus in Scotia regnavit 
 “ tubus annis ultra Dr umalban usque Sluagh 
 “ muner et usque ad Iuche-Gall.”f 
 
 So tiia Arigadhel was held anciently to be the 
 country of the people whose name was latinized 
 Scoti, and the name Scotia was so called from 
 that by which the people came to be denomi¬ 
 nated. But we are not left to conjecture with 
 respect to the extent of Ergadia. It compre¬ 
 hended not only the whole of the present count) 7 
 of Argyle and Bra’ad Albinn, (braghad signifies 
 the higher part,) but the whole highlands of the 
 shires of Inverness and Ross, excepting the 
 Hebridian Isles; these, as appears from our an¬ 
 cient chronicles, were not subject to the domi¬ 
 nion of Fergus, the son of Eric, nor, for several 
 ages after, to his successors the kings of Scot¬ 
 land ; for their dominion was on the west 
 bounded by Inchegall, more properly written 
 Innsegaoll. It is well known that the Hebrides 
 bore that name for many ages : they were so de- 
 
 * Appendix, NO. 4. 
 
 f Appendix, NO. 5. 
 
313 
 
 nominated by the Gadhel of the mainland of 
 Scotland, as being in the possession of a foreign 
 people or strangers. Inn signifies an island of 
 great magnitude, such as Breatinn, A Winn, Erinn. 
 Innis is a word more commonly applied to an 
 island of more limited extent; as Innis cheith, 
 Innsekeith; Innis colum, Innsecolm , in the Frith 
 of Forth : Innis cillin, Innsekilling, &c. in Ireland ; 
 Innsmarnoc, near the isle of Bute. I is also ap¬ 
 plied to small islands; as Garbhi, Garvi, rough 
 or rocky island, in the Frith of Forth; /, Iona, or 
 I Cholum cill, the island of St Columbas cell or 
 burial place. 
 
 The Lords of the Isles were held long to bear 
 the chief sway over Ceanntir as 11 a's Innsegaoll, 
 that is, Ceantire, Ila, and the islands called the 
 Hebrides. 
 
 We do not find that any people under the de¬ 
 nomination of Sc.oti were mentioned in the his¬ 
 tory of Roman affairs in this island, till about 
 the middle or towards the end of the fourth cen¬ 
 tury. At that time they were, according to the 
 chronicle above mentioned, “ sub lege naturae sed 
 sine rege ,” governed by the law of nature, with¬ 
 out a king, until Fergus had brought to Ergadia 
 the fatal stone, which, according to ancient pro¬ 
 phetic story and popular belief, should give the 
 Scots dominion and sway over whatever land in 
 which it should be placed. That Arigadhel, or 
 Ergadia, comprehended the whole mountainous 
 tracts of Scotland, appears from various old char- 
 
314 
 
 ters granted by the kings of Scotland to their 
 subjects. In a charter granted by Robert II. to 
 Ranulph, earl of Murray, Lochabre, Maymore, 
 Locharketh, Glengarith, Glenelgis, and Ross, 
 are described as lying within Boreali Ergadia, or 
 North Ergadia. And the lands of Gearlocb, ly¬ 
 ing in Wester Ross, opposite to the north end 
 of the Isle of Skye, is described as situated with¬ 
 in the bounds of Ergadia.* 
 
 It is evident that the term Ros was not in an¬ 
 cient times applied to that portion of the county 
 of Ross now called Wester Ross. It extended 
 no farther than the extremities of the two Friths 
 by which it is washed on the southern and nor¬ 
 thern sides, which was an appropriate appellation 
 for that portion of the country: the height or 
 dorsum of this part of the country was Ardros, a 
 name which still remains. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the term Scuit 
 was, by the inhabitants of the low country of 
 Albinn, applied to the mountaineers or High¬ 
 landers in very ancient times; but with this ap¬ 
 pellation the Romans, it would appear, were not 
 acquainted till the fourth century. 
 
 Upon the invasion of the Roman empire by 
 the northern barbarous nations of the continent 
 of Europe, the Roman legions were withdrawn 
 from Britain for the defence of the capital and 
 centre of the empire. The Roman government 
 
 * See Introdactio ad Historiam Scotorum, prefixed to Fokdun. 
 
315 
 
 acquainted the Britons, that they must no longer 
 depend for protection upon the Roman arms, 
 and, exhorting them to arm in their own defence 
 against the Scots and Piets, left the island of 
 Great Britain about the year 448, after having- 
 assisted the Britons in rebuilding the Roman 
 wall between Newcastle and Carlisle, and plac¬ 
 ing at certain distances forts and watch-towers 
 along its whole extent, from one extremity to 
 the other, to defend them from their northern 
 enemies. The Britons were left then to take 
 measures for their own defence, unaided by the 
 arms of Rome. 
 
 The unsubdued inhabitants of Albinn were 
 ever the restless enemies of the Roman provincial 
 Britons; and now they became more formidable 
 and terrific to the provincial Britons than they 
 were at any former period of their history. 
 
 These enemies were distinguished by the names 
 of Scots and Piets. In whatever manner these 
 people were governed at home, whatever were 
 their jarrings, contests, and dissensions among 
 themselves, they were at all times seen in con¬ 
 junction when they attacked the Roman pro¬ 
 vinces. In their expeditions southward they 
 combined their forces; they waged war, as if 
 with one consent, upon their common enemies, 
 those Britons who had been for ages reduced to 
 bondage under a foreign yoke, but whom the 
 northern Britons, under the appellation of Cale¬ 
 donians, also called Piets, or painted Britons, had 
 
316’ 
 
 successfully resisted, preferring a proud though 
 barbarous independence, to the tame subjection, 
 softness and effeminacy, of Roman polity and 
 civilization. 
 
 The history of mankind furnishes ample ma¬ 
 terials for forming just conclusions with respect 
 to the state and condition of the human species 
 in the rude stages of social connexion. We 
 find barbarous nations divided into small com¬ 
 munities. Destitute of any political bond of 
 union, hostile animosities were more prevalent 
 among them than acts of amity and alliance. 
 A country formed into natural boundaries by 
 lakes, rivers, mountains, and arms of the sea, 
 would very early be inhabited by communities 
 ranged according to those natural divisions of 
 territory. Those communities, though univer¬ 
 sally found to acknowledge chiefs who were 
 capable of acting as their leaders in time of war, 
 and their judges in time of peace, were not un¬ 
 derstood to yield to them absolute authority. 
 Upon occasions of great moment the voice of 
 the community was consulted: when meditating 
 inroads upon neighbouring tribes, or when called 
 on to defend themselves from hostile aggression, 
 the most renowned for martial prowess was cho¬ 
 sen as the leader in the progress of warfare. Larg¬ 
 er communities came to be formed by the right 
 of conquest or the influence of superior power: 
 an individual thus gaining paramount ascen- 
 
317 
 
 deucy, according to the general sense entertained 
 of his valour and wisdom. 
 
 In the heroic ages of Greece the people lived 
 under the influence of petty kings or chiefs. 
 In each society in which some degree of politi¬ 
 cal connexion was acknowledged under a para¬ 
 mount chieftain, there were several leaders whose 
 influence over their particular tribes was suffi¬ 
 cient to direct their actions. These chieftains 
 were often at war with one another, and some¬ 
 times with the leader who was understood to 
 bear paramount sway among these various lead¬ 
 ers. Such states were, for want of union, weak 
 and insignificant; they could become important 
 and powerful only by the cement of a political 
 interest. It was reserved for the genius of Arn- 
 phictyon to unite in one plan of politics the seve¬ 
 ral independent kingdoms of Greece, that they 
 might be delivered from those intestine divisions 
 which rendered them a prey to one another, or 
 to any enemy who might think himself suffi¬ 
 ciently powerful to invade them. The Amphic- 
 tyonic council, by the union which it inspired 
 among the Greeks, enabled them to defend their 
 liberties against all the force of the Persian em¬ 
 pire. It has been observed, that the alliances 
 of civilized governments are not attended with 
 the success which might be expected from a 
 just combination of their various powers. When 
 multitudes of men are called forth into action, 
 one soul ought to animate the whole body : all the 
 
318 
 
 parts of the machine must harmoniously co-ope¬ 
 rate in producing the desired effect. “ Dum sin- 
 guli pugnant, universi vincuntur ,” was a philoso¬ 
 phical observation applied by Tacitus to the 
 Britons in their opposition to Roman invasion. 
 
 Barbarous as the Caledonians undoubtedly 
 were in the days of Agricola, it is evident that 
 they understood the wisdom of a political union 
 in opposing the progress of the Roman arms; 
 and although they were discomfited in a pitched 
 battle, they appeared constantly in arms in de¬ 
 fence of their country, resisting with unabating 
 valour the enemy of their liberty, and, pushing 
 beyond the limits of their unsubdued territory, 
 annoyed and harassed the invaders of their free¬ 
 dom. 
 
 Our historians have given kings to Scotland 
 many ages before any such name as Scotia ex¬ 
 isted. It can, however, admit of no doubt, that 
 while the Roman dominion prevailed in Britain, 
 the inhabitants of Albinn, for such was the 
 name which was applied by the Gael to that 
 portion of the island possessed by their own race 
 of people, acknowledged in their hostile expedi¬ 
 tions leaders of eminent distinction among them¬ 
 selves, who, however, in time of peace, had not 
 assumed universal dominion over them. It ap¬ 
 pears, then, that if we are to give credit to our 
 ancient chronicles, Fergus, the son of Eric, a 
 name still known in the Highlands, was the first 
 leader who united the inhabitants of Albinn, from 
 
319 
 
 Drumalbinn westward to Innsegaoll or the Hebri¬ 
 des, under one government. These were denomi¬ 
 nated Scuit from their mode of life, both by the 
 provincial Britons and by the inhabitants of the 
 low country of Albinn. “ Fergus jilius Eric fuit 
 “ primus qui suscepit regnum Albania;, a monte 
 “ Drumalbinn usque ad mare Hyberniceet ad Inche - 
 “ gall.'' Fergus was not the sovereign of all Al¬ 
 binn ; he seems to have had chief influence, how¬ 
 ever, over the mountainous regions of the coun¬ 
 try. It can hardly admit of doubt, that when 
 the force of the mountaineers of Albinn could 
 be collected together, so as to be subject to the 
 direction of one leader, the inhabitants of the 
 low country would not long remain destitute of 
 some political union. Whether the government 
 of a monarch took place at an earlier period 
 among the inhabitants of the low, or among those 
 of the high country of Albinn, it is difficult, if 
 not impossible, to determine ; but it is probable 
 that ideas of regular government had been en¬ 
 tertained by the inhabitants of the low country, 
 perhaps for a long course of time before the 
 Gadhel of the mountains were brought to ac¬ 
 knowledge the supremacy of an individual ruler 
 of their portion of the country. Down to a very 
 late period, and even for forty years after the 
 union of Scotland with England, when the power 
 of the British Government might have been 
 deemed sufficient to repress every species of 
 misrule, the mountaineers of Scotland preyed, 
 
 t 
 
320 
 
 often with impunity, upon the inhabitants of the 
 low country ; a circumstance from which we may 
 reasonably deduce the conclusion, that a political 
 union was rendered very early necessary among 
 the low country inhabitants of Albinn, for the 
 preservation of their property from the predatory 
 incursions of a people, who inhabited a country 
 presenting in every direction steep mountains, 
 lakes, and deep vallies closely covered with wood, 
 and consequently in a great measure unassailable 
 by the efforts of regular warfare. 
 
 The inhabitants of Albinn, while living under 
 the apprehension of the invasion of powerful 
 foreign enemies, it is to be presumed, and indeed 
 it is proved from historical evidence, had com¬ 
 bined their exertions in defence of their country. 
 This circumstance, at the same time that it serv¬ 
 ed to prevent internal feuds and animosities, was 
 calculated to raise the character of the people, 
 by animating their breasts with the noblest sen¬ 
 timents which can stimulate men to the perform¬ 
 ance of glorious achievements. For a long pe¬ 
 riod of time Roman ambition kept alive those 
 elevated feelings; the invasions of a more barba¬ 
 rous enemy, the Danes, suffered no relaxation of 
 martial prowess to exist among the inhabitants 
 of Albinn ; and, down to the accession of James 
 VI. of Scotland to the crown of England, they 
 had to contend for independence with a power¬ 
 ful people, highly distinguished for bravery, and 
 ultimately succeeded in uniting themselves with 
 
 3 
 
321 
 
 that people, whose martial glory was only ex¬ 
 ceeded by that love of liberty Which enabled 
 them to form a constitution of government, the 
 pride of Britons, ever to be held by them as their 
 highest glory to preserve. 
 
 The time in which Fergus the son of Eric, of 
 the race of Conar, lived, forms a remarkable 
 era in the history of Albinn. Prior to that pe¬ 
 riod the Romans took their last farewell of Bri¬ 
 tain. The northern barbarous nations had for 
 a century before the reign of Fergus been pro¬ 
 ceeding forth from their native lands, in such 
 tremendous multitudes, as threatened, by succes¬ 
 sive inroads and ferocious hostilities, to extin¬ 
 guish not only the dominion, but the very name 
 of Roman ; and in the end their enterprizes were 
 attended with success. 
 
 The inhabitants of the northern parts of 
 Europe contiguous to the Baltic and the more 
 extended ocean, were expert in the management 
 of such vessels as were then known and em¬ 
 ployed for the purposes of navigation. The 
 British shores, while as yet under the dominion 
 of Rome, were visited by those roving nations; 
 and their piracies and depredations were so fre¬ 
 quent, that it was found necessary to guard 
 against them by the appointment of an officer 
 called Comes tract us maritimi , or Comes littoris 
 Saxonict , the count of the Saxon shore. There 
 can be no doubt, therefore, that fora considerable 
 time before the Romans left the island of Britain, 
 
 x 
 
322 
 
 the northern maritime nations had infested the 
 island by frequent invasions. It cannot be sup¬ 
 posed that the northern parts of the island were 
 allowed to remain unmolested by the predatory 
 spirit of those maritime people: their desire of 
 establishing the superabundance of their popu¬ 
 lation in new settlements, was manifested by the 
 northern nations for centuries before the weak¬ 
 ness of the Roman government had exposed the 
 various people who had experienced Roman civi¬ 
 lization, to the aggressions of numerous bodies 
 of barbarians, tvho chose rather to possess them¬ 
 selves of the fruits of the industry of others, 
 than submit to the toils of rendering their native 
 soils more productive by the pursuits of laborious 
 industry. 
 
 To those maritime rovers the situation and 
 population of the small islands on the northern 
 and western coasts of Britain presented an easy 
 conquest. It appears that the Western Islands, 
 the Hebrides, had got the name of Innsegaoll be¬ 
 fore Fergus the son of Eric had established a 
 kingly influence over the inhabitants of the 
 mountainous division of Albinn, from Drumal- 
 binn to the western or Atlantic Ocean. If this 
 fact be admitted, the Danes were in possession 
 of the Western Isles of Scotland called Innsegaoll, 
 within a short period after the Romans had 
 quitted the island of Britain, and left the pro¬ 
 vincial Britons to be defended by their own exer¬ 
 tions against their enemies. 
 
323 
 
 The period of the Saxons having been invited 
 by the southern Britons to come over to Britain, 
 to aid them in their defence against the Scots 
 and Piets, is fixed at the year 450 of the Chris¬ 
 tian era. “ As the Saxons were, by their piracies 
 “ on the coasts of Gaul and Britain, better known 
 “ at the time of their settling in this island, the 
 “ conquest of Britain is, by the ancient writers, 
 “ ascribed to them, and not to the Angles or 
 “Jutes; nay, Britain was for some time from 
 “ them called Saxony , but in the end the name 
 “ of Anglia , from the Angles, prevailed.”* That 
 England bore the name of Saxony for some time 
 after the prevalence of the power of the Saxons 
 in it, is confirmed by the fact, that the Gael 
 of Scotland and Ireland know England by no 
 other name than that of Sassonn, and Englishmen 
 they call Sassonnich; whereas they denominate 
 the kingdom of Scotland Albinn, and its inha¬ 
 bitants Albinnich. 
 
 The Britons struggled for independence against 
 the Saxons, who were aided by frequent migra¬ 
 tions of their countrymen, for nearly the space 
 of a century and a half from the landing of the 
 Saxons by the invitation of the southern Britons. 
 The establishment of the Saxon heptarchy is 
 computed to have taken place about the year of 
 Christ 585. 
 
 * Ajnt. Universal Hist. vol. xix. p. 175. 
 
324 
 
 The kingdom of Northumberland, which is 
 said to have extended to Edinburgh Frith, is 
 computed to have been established a. d. 547. 
 The Saxons treated their enemies with great 
 cruelty, and it is said, that the prisoners they 
 took in war they immolated to their gods. 
 
 During the latter times of the Roman govern¬ 
 ment in Britain, the Romans seemed to have re¬ 
 linquished the idea of conquering the northern 
 Britons of Caledonia. They were satisfied with 
 the defence afforded by walls, in the lines of 
 which, at certain intervals, Roman soldiers were 
 stationed, to repress the incursions of the Picti 
 Britanni , afterwards distinguished by the names 
 of Deucaledones, Vecturiones, Mccati, Scoti, and 
 ultimately by the names of Picti and Scoti; by 
 which last names the whole inhabitants of the 
 northern division of the island of Britain, to the 
 north of the Friths of Clyde and Forth, came to 
 be distinguished by the provincial Britons. 
 
 In whatever manner those latterly called Picti 
 and Scoti, or Piets and Scots, had been govern¬ 
 ed during the prevalence of the Roman govern¬ 
 ment in Britain, it came to be a measure of high 
 prudence, if not of urgent necessity, for them to 
 act with concert against those barbarous enemies, 
 whose invasions and incursions were frequent, 
 and must have become horrible to the inhabi¬ 
 tants of the island of Britain throughout its whole 
 extent. The southern Britons, although they 
 
325 
 
 fought for a long period of time for indepen- 
 divce, failed of success, for want of that combin¬ 
 ed union of strength, by which alone they could 
 be enabled to stem the torrent of the northern 
 people, Saxons, Angles, and Danes, by whom 
 they were invaded. In about half a century 
 after the Saxons had landed in South Britain, 
 they extended their conquests over all the pro¬ 
 vinces to the south of the Humber. 
 
 We have reason to believe that the northern 
 invaders, known to the Gael of Scotland and 
 Ireland by the name of Lochlmnich, were in pos¬ 
 session of the Western Isles of Scotland, ancient¬ 
 ly known by the name of Hebrides, prior to 
 the beginning of the sixth century. The time 
 at which Fergus the son of Eric, or Eire, (this 
 last mode of spelling the name is also proper, be¬ 
 ing the inflexion of the genitive case), began to 
 reign over the mountainous division of Albinn, 
 is fixed by Scottish historians at the year 403 of 
 the Christian era; but it is evident from the testi¬ 
 mony of our ancient chronicles, that the reign 
 of Fergus, the son of Eric, cannot be dated at an 
 earlier period than 503 years after Christ. The 
 authority of those chronicles which were pre¬ 
 served in our religious houses cannot be called 
 in question, as matters of historical evidence. 
 
 It is well established as an historical fact, that 
 Aodan or Aidan the son of Gauran, more pro¬ 
 perly Gabhran, died a. d. 605. 
 
326 
 
 1. Fergus, the son of Eric, reigned 3 years. 
 
 2. Dombangart, son of Fergus, 5 
 
 3. Congal, son of Domhangart, 24 
 
 4. Gabhran, son of Dombangart, 22 
 
 5. Conal, son of Congal, 14 
 
 6. Aodan, son of Gabhran, 34 
 
 102 
 
 Deduct 102 years from 605, when Aodan died, 
 there remain 503 years, which fix the commence¬ 
 ment of the reign of Fergus, son of Eric, at that 
 period of the Christian era. 
 
 Prior to the time of Fergus the son of Eric, 
 the inhabitants of the mountainous division of 
 Albinn were governed, like those of all countries 
 in the barbarous stages of society, by petty princes 
 or chieftains, whose conduct was regulated by 
 the usage of the people; but knowing no sove¬ 
 reign invested with that degree of authority called 
 supreme, chieftains ruled within their own terri¬ 
 tories in a state of proud independence of each 
 other, guided by a spirit of rivalry, which pervad¬ 
 ed the breasts of the people; feuds and animosities 
 universally prevailed, which, at the same time that 
 they weakened the strength of individual tribes, 
 unfitted them for making successful resistance 
 against a foreign enemy. In this state the Danes 
 found the inhabitants of the Hebridian Isles of 
 Scotland, which being destitute of any political 
 union with the inhabitants of the mainland, they 
 
became subject to the dominion of a foreign peo¬ 
 ple, probably in the course of the 5th century, 
 while the conquest of the more fertile portions 
 of the island of Britain were daily affording flat¬ 
 tering prospects of new settlements to the north¬ 
 ern migratory hordes of the continent. 
 
 Fergus the son of Eric, of the seed of Conar, 
 was the first person who reigned over Albinn 
 from Drumalbinn westward to Innsegaoll. This 
 name was given to the Hebrides by the inhabi¬ 
 tants of the mainland of Scotland, when they 
 came to be subject to the dominion of foreigners. 
 This appellation of Innsegaoll is understood by 
 every Gael, as signifying islands possessed by fo¬ 
 reigners or strangers , and were so denominated, 
 in the same sense as the country in the neigh¬ 
 bourhood of Dublin was called, corruptly, by the 
 English, Fingal. It is well known that the 
 Danes possessed that country for a considerable 
 length of time, and therefore it properly acquired 
 in the language of the natives the name of Fonn- 
 gaoll, that is, the territory possessed by foreigners 
 or strangers . Fingal is a variation of the name 
 more agreeable to English pronunciation. Part 
 of the country of Cat ness, or Caithness, as now 
 spelt, is called Gaollthao', as possessed by stran¬ 
 gers, and signifies literally the quarter of stran¬ 
 gers; this name serves to distinguish it from the 
 other quarter or division of it possessed by the 
 race of the ancient inhabitants called Caf-thao, as 
 before-mentioned. 
 
328 
 
 Our ancient chronicles were written originally 
 in Gaelic; they were translated into Latin by our 
 churchmen, who were almost the only persons 
 who had any pretensions to the knowledge of 
 those arts which entitled the possessors to be 
 ranked among those who had the character of 
 learned. Those ancient chronicles, written in 
 the native language of the inhabitants of Albinn, 
 ultimately denominated Scots, had been carried 
 down in that language till the death of Edgar, 
 the son of Malcolm Ceanmore. 
 
 Down to the time of Edgar our kings were dis¬ 
 tinguished by their Gaelic patronymical names, 
 regularly so from the time of Kenneth Mac 
 Alpin. Prior to that period we find several of 
 our kings denominated, as is common among the 
 Gael at this day, by some property or quality 
 belonging to the person, as Eocha buidhe, trans¬ 
 lated Eacha flavus, fair or yellow haired: Conadh 
 cear , Kinot Sinister, Conadh, left-handed: Domh- 
 nal-breac, (mh pronounced as <v), Dovenald na- 
 rius, Dovenal, the speckled, applied at this day to 
 a person marked with the small-pox : Fearchar 
 fada, Fearchar long as, Fearchar the long: Eoch- 
 oidh Rinnemhail, Eachel habeas curvum nasum , 
 more properly Eochal-ronabhal, which also occurs, 
 expressive of a round nose, having the curve of 
 an apple : Aodh-fionn, Ed albas , Aodh the fair* 
 
 * See Geraldus Cambrensis upon the Manners of the 
 Irish. 
 
329 
 
 &c. We shall mention the names of a few of 
 the last kings of Scotland, as translated from an¬ 
 cient chronicles written in Gaelic. 
 
 “ Donchath Mac Trini abbatis de Dunkeld et 
 “ Bethoc Alias Malcolm-Mac-Kinat 6 an. Inter- 
 “ fectus a Macbeth-Mac-Finleg in Bothgouanan, 
 “ et sep. in Iona. 
 
 “ Macbeth-Mac-Finleg 17 an. Interfectus in 
 “ Lunfanan a Malcolm-Mac-Donchat, et sepultus 
 “ in Iona. 
 
 “ Lulach fatuus 4 mens. Interfectus est in 
 “ Essei in Strathbolgi, et sep. in Iona. 
 
 “ Malcolm Mac-Donechat, 37 an. et 8 mens. 
 “ Interfectus in Inneraldan, sep. in Iona. Hie 
 “ fuit vir S. Margaretas. 
 
 “ Donald Mac-Donechat prius regnavit 6 
 “ mens, et postea expulsus est, et 
 
 “ Donekan Mac-Malcolm regnavit 6 mens. 
 “ hoc interfecto a Malpeder Macloen comite de 
 “ Moerns in Monachedin : rursum Donald Mac- 
 “ Donechat regnavit 3 annis. Hie captus est 
 “ ab Edgar Mac-Malcolm, ccecatus est et mortu- 
 “ us in Roscolpin, sepultus in Dunkelden, bine 
 “ translata ossa in Iona. 
 
 “ Edgar 9 an. Mortuus in Dunedin, et sepul- 
 “ tus in Dunfermling.” 
 
 The kings who follow bear not patronymical 
 names. The English language began in Malcolm- 
 Mac-Donechat’s time to be spoken at his Court, 
 his queen being the sister of Edgar Etheling. 
 
330 
 
 Malcolm-Mac-Donecbat was commonly call¬ 
 ed Calum Ceannmore, which is literally Calum 
 of the large head; his brother, Donald-Mac-Do- 
 nechat, was commonly known by the name of 
 Donald Ban, which signifies, the fair-haired Do¬ 
 nald. 
 
 The mother of Donechat was Bethoc, the 
 daughter of Malcolm-Mac-Kinat; this princess’s 
 name is common in the Highlands at this day. 
 
 Macbeth bore the name of his father and 
 grandfather; which mode of appellation is also 
 common in the Highlands. 
 
 Donekan Mac-Malcolm was killed by Malpeder 
 Mac Loen, count of the Mearns; to which coun¬ 
 try the English language had not as yet been in¬ 
 troduced. 
 
 Edgar was buried in Dunedin, the Gaelic name 
 of Edinburgh at this day. 
 
 The chronicles originally written in Gaelic, 
 come down no farther than the death of Edgar : 
 The following kings are not designed by the 
 Gaelic patronymical names. A revolution had 
 taken place, and began to spread diffusively in the 
 population, not only of the southern, but of the 
 northern regions of proper Scotland, and intro¬ 
 duced a change in language and civil polity, 
 which has been left in obscurity by all the wri¬ 
 ters of Scottish history, from the earliest periods 
 of that history down to the present epoch of 
 scientific illumination. 
 
There is every reason to induce belief, that the 
 island of Britain was colonized in an early age 
 of the progress of mankind from east to west, 
 by emigrants from Gaul. The descendants of 
 these, in the course of ages, as the people multi¬ 
 plied, extended their population westward and 
 northward through the whole territories of the 
 British Islands. The Welsh language proves 
 beyond the possibility of question, that the Bri¬ 
 tons of the northern and of the southern parts 
 of the island were in ancient times a kindred 
 race. It cannot be maintained, that the Welsh 
 people of the present times speak without altera¬ 
 tion or corruption the language of their Gaulish 
 progenitors ; but their language, compared with 
 that of the Gael of Scotland and Ireland, clearly 
 demonstrates, that at some remote period their 
 ancestors spoke the same language, though in the 
 course of ages a mixture of strangers introduced 
 new words, and obliterated the original Gaulish 
 or Gaelic language so much, as to render it in its 
 altered state unintelligible to those Britons who 
 preserved themselves free from an admixture with 
 strangers. The Gaelic language of the inhabitants 
 of a considerable portion of Ireland is not very 
 intelligible to the Gael of Scotland, nor even to 
 those of Ireland, who, it is admitted, speak the 
 ancient language of the Gael in greatest purity. 
 There are many manuscripts of considerable an¬ 
 tiquity written in what is called Irish, which the 
 greatest masters of the Gaelic of Scotland arc 
 
332 
 
 unable thoroughly to understand : The same may 
 be affirmed of those Gaelic scholars in Ireland 
 who are most conversant in, and speak most 
 purely the Gaelic of the Scriptures, as translated 
 into that language under the pious patronage of 
 the learned Bishop Bedel. What is the natural 
 inference to be drawn from these facts ? When 
 the Romans first became acquainted with the 
 British Islands, they found them completely inha¬ 
 bited by men who were not disposed to submit 
 tamely to the dominion of foreigners : they strug¬ 
 gled for a long period of time for native freedom 
 against the Roman arms; and Agricola found, in 
 the first century of the Christian era, 30,000 
 Caledonians magnanimously combined to defend 
 their country against the unjust invasion of the 
 conquerors of the southern parts of the island. 
 Thus, then, it appears, that at that period the 
 population of Caledonia was fully equal to the 
 means of subsistence, which its state, chiefly 
 pastoral at the time, could be supposed to pro¬ 
 duce. Ireland, it is to he presumed, was in a 
 similar state. Whence did Ireland receive its 
 population? Undoubtedly from Britain. At what 
 period? To this question no precise answer can 
 be given; but it may be affirmed, that the 
 peopling of Ireland from Britain commenced 
 at a period of time when the language of the 
 British people was universally the same. It is 
 probable, that the earliest emigrations from 
 Britain proceeded to Ireland from the Mull 
 
333 
 
 of Galloway; and when Ireland became bet¬ 
 ter known to the ancient Britons, emigrations 
 would naturally take place from the western 
 extremities of Wales : and thus Ireland, as it 
 received its population from Britain, the lan¬ 
 guage of the Britons must have been the only 
 one anciently known in that island. And it is 
 the undoubted fact, that the language called 
 Gaelic was the only language known in Ireland 
 until the Danish and English invasions, and the 
 consequent settlement of foreigners came to pre¬ 
 vail in many parts of that country. And al¬ 
 though the Danes were expelled from Ireland, 
 the language of some portion of the ancient in¬ 
 habitants suffered considerable change, and ulti¬ 
 mately was completely extinguished in many 
 parts of Ireland, by the introduction of nume¬ 
 rous bodies of English settlers among them. 
 These revolutions took place while as yet a very 
 large portion of the island remained free from 
 foreign admixture of inhabitants, and conse¬ 
 quently preserved the ancient language in its 
 original purity. Accordingly we find, that the 
 purest Gaelic, as contained in the Irish Bible, is 
 spoken by the inhabitants of Connaught, the re¬ 
 motest province of Ireland from the island of 
 Great Britain. Now it is a certain fact, that a 
 Scottish Highlander and a Connaught man can 
 converse together at this day, without any diffi¬ 
 culty in communicating their sentiments to one 
 another. The Irish universally acknowledge the 
 
334 
 
 Gaelic language of the Irish Bible to be the 
 purest Gaelic of Ireland; and every good Gaelic 
 scholar in Scotland must admit, that it is an 
 excellent translation of the Scriptures into the 
 Gaelic tongue. 
 
 It is probable that the Isle of Man was colo¬ 
 nized by Britons at as early a period as they ad¬ 
 ventured to navigate what is now called the Irish 
 Sea. It is an undoubted fact, that at this day 
 the Manx, or Gaelic language of the Isle of Man, 
 is perfectly intelligible to a Scottish Highlander. 
 These circumstances concur to establish the fact, 
 that at a remote period the language of all the 
 Britannic Isles was radically the same, however 
 the inhabitants might differ in certain words and 
 modes of speech, which might be denominated 
 local , as found to prevail in different districts of 
 country. 
 
 The language of Wales and that of the High¬ 
 lands of Scotland differ very materially from one 
 another at this day; but still it can be proved 
 demonstrably, from a comparative etymology 
 of the ancient languages of the Britannic Isles, 
 that their inhabitants were in times beyond his¬ 
 torical record a kindred people. Natural objects 
 of striking appearance would early obtain sig¬ 
 nificant names, the meaning of which may have 
 been lost in the language of one portion of the 
 same kindred race of people, and preserved in 
 that of another portion of the same people, se¬ 
 parated for many ages from one another, with- 
 
335 
 
 out any communication, as the Welsh and the 
 Highland Gael of Scotland have been from the 
 establishment of Roman dominion in the island 
 of Great Britain. “ Duco ,” says a learned Welsh 
 author,* “ we know, is the same with our tuyso, 
 “ to lead, as dux is no other than our tuysog, 
 “ a leader or general; and both our words come 
 “ from the old tuys, a head or beginning. If 
 “ it be objected that the original signification 
 “ of our tyuys (for heads ) does not thence so 
 “ evidently appear, I shall make it more plain, 
 “ by adding, that in the ancient Scotish, (which 
 “ retains several British words long since anti- 
 “ quated amongst us, as we others, lost amongst 
 “ them), tus at this day signifies a beginning, and 
 “ tyisheach, a head or chief." A great multitude of 
 compound words of the Welsh language can be 
 readily etymologized by a good Gaelic scholar, 
 which a mere Welsh linguist cannot decipher. 
 For instance, judgment is braud in Welsh, and a 
 judge is braudur. This is obviously a compound 
 of judgment and man, but gur is man in Welsh, 
 therefore the word ought to be pronounced braud- 
 gur. The original Gaelic compound is brethjhir: 
 In the compound, the letters th in the first and 
 fh in the second word are quiescent, and pro¬ 
 nounced as if written Bre-er. Baron is called 
 in Welsh breir, which is a compound of the 
 
 * British Etymologicon, by David Parry, A.B. of Jesus 
 College. 
 
 1 
 
Gaelic bre , and of fir the genitive of fer , a man; 
 brefhir , fh quiescent. To pursue this subject 
 would lead us far beyond the limits which we 
 have assigned to our observations upon the pre¬ 
 sent subject of inquiry. 
 
 The particular manual employments of arti¬ 
 ficers in iron and wood were known to the Bri¬ 
 tons universally before the communication of 
 the Gael of Wales and those of Scotland were 
 cut off by the Romans, the Saxons, Angles, 
 Danes and Normans. A blacksmith and carpen¬ 
 ter are known by the same appellation in both 
 countries at this day, gov and saer, with a small 
 variation in pronunciation; and the smith's anvil 
 has precisely the same name in both. It is there¬ 
 fore evident, that before the invasion of even the 
 Romans, the Britons had made some considerable 
 progress in the knowledge of those arts which 
 are calculated to increase the comforts and con¬ 
 veniences of social life, and that the Britons of 
 the south were not separated from those of the 
 north of the island, while as yet a purely pasto¬ 
 ral people, living, according to Caesar’s informa¬ 
 tion respecting the inland inhabitants, lacte et 
 came , upon the milk and the flesh of animals, and 
 clothed with skins. It is impossible to entertain 
 a rational doubt, that the inhabitants of the Bri¬ 
 tish isles were radically the same people, however 
 they might differ in dialects, before the Romans 
 became acquainted with them. The Anglo-Sax¬ 
 on population of Scotland is clearly demonstrat- 
 
337 
 
 ed in Mr Chalmers’s Caledonia , in his Scoto-Sax- 
 on period of the history of Scotland. English 
 population was forced upon Ireland: in Scotland, 
 the introduction of English and Normans into 
 the more fertile parts of the country was made by 
 its native kings, and extended by their autho¬ 
 rity : a wise policy, we think, which continued 
 to operate for ages, and tended to strengthen the 
 hands of the sovereign by an addition of an in¬ 
 dustrious race of people, who, immixing with 
 the native inhabitants, at the same time that 
 they communicated a knowledge of their lan¬ 
 guage, taught them the arts of rendering the soil 
 more productive by persevering industry. The 
 superior industry of the descendants of that mix¬ 
 ed population is visible at this day, where the 
 spirit of agricultural improvements has pene¬ 
 trated the wilds of Caledonia, and has gone far 
 to fix the attention of the pastoral Scoti to the 
 improvement of the soil, who, till very recent 
 times, lived as they did in the days of Ammia- 
 nus Marcellinus, per diversa vagantes, moving in 
 small bodies through their glens and mountains 
 with their herds and flocks, apparently unattach¬ 
 ed to any fixed place of residence. 
 
 The Gael of Ireland and Scotland were not 
 anciently ignorant of the name of Britain. The 
 latter apply in modern times the name Breatinn 
 to the island of Great Britain; England they 
 term Sassonn, and Scotland, Album: The Irish call 
 England Sagson, (x is not a letter of the Gaelic 
 
 Y 
 
338 
 
 alphabet), and Scotland they denominate Albmn , 
 as do the native Gael. In Lhuid’s Irish English 
 Dictionary we read, “ Breatin,—the isle of Britain. 
 “ It is now used only for Wales, as is also Bre- 
 “ athnach for a Welshman. Graig na m breath- 
 “ nach, Baile na m breathnach, Sliabh breaghnach, 
 “ &c.; places so called in Ireland, because for- 
 “ merly inhabited by Britons. K.” That emi¬ 
 grants at various times passed over into Ireland 
 from Wales, not as enemies, but as a kindred peo¬ 
 ple, there is no reason to doubt. The Gaelic 
 words above-mentioned, expressive of rock, moun¬ 
 tain , town, demonstrate the residence of Welsh- 
 men in Ireland. The possession, however, was 
 not held by right of conquest, for it extended 
 not over a great tract of country, but took place 
 in the mode of occasional friendly intercourse. 
 South Britain, long before it was known by the 
 name of England, was a cultivated country; the 
 inhabitants of which, excepting its more barren 
 and mountainous regions, were inured to the 
 agricultural labours of the field; for even in the 
 days of Julius Ctesar it produced abundance of 
 corn, although it may be admitted, that a con¬ 
 siderable portion of the inhabitants lived in a 
 pastoral state. But it is an undoubted matter of 
 fact, that, long prior to the era of the departure 
 of the Romans from Great Britain, the great 
 body of the people subject to their dominion 
 were acquainted with the arts of agriculture, and 
 practised the cultivation of the soil with a con- 
 
339 
 
 siderable degree of success. The fertility of the 
 country producing the means of human subsis¬ 
 tence in abundance, presented to the eye of the 
 migratory hordes of the continent of Europe a 
 subject, the acquisition of which merited the 
 most strenuous exertion of military enterprise. 
 Accordingly the superabundant population of 
 the north of Europe looked towards the best 
 cultivated regions of Britain for subsistence, in 
 so much that the native Britons of the south 
 became ultimately overwhelmed by an irresisti¬ 
 ble torrent of foreign invaders ; and their descen¬ 
 dants penetrated in the course of time into the 
 more fertile parts of the island of Britain upon 
 the eastern coast, as far as the Scottish Frith, 
 which put a limit to their progress in the mode 
 of conquest. The Northumbrian king Edwin 
 had fortified the rock upon which the castle of 
 Edinburgh now stands, as its name clearly evin¬ 
 ces; burgh signifying, in the Saxon language, a 
 fortification. The Gael have to this day retain¬ 
 ed the name of Edwin as expressive of the fact, 
 that the rock upon which the castle stands was 
 used as a fort or place of strength by Edwin, it 
 being called in their language Dunedin , (the w 
 is not a letter of the Gaelic alphabet). Edwin 
 lived in the seventh century, and towards the 
 end of it, Egfrid, one of his successors, having 
 passed the Frith of Forth, was vanquished by the 
 Piets : the Northumbrian government became 
 
340 
 
 more limited, and never regained its former 
 extent. * 
 
 Did the Scots totally supplant and utterly ex¬ 
 tinguish the ancient stock of the Piets ? The 
 answer must be given in the negative; because 
 we find the country still abounding with people 
 at times contending with the conqueror, for the 
 re-establishment of the dominion of princes 
 better entitled to the obedience of the people, 
 in their view of rightful inheritance. Such 
 was the savage barbarity of the Scots after their 
 victories over the Piets, that, say the historians, 
 the Pictish people were so completely destroyed, 
 that not a trace of their language remained as a 
 sign of any such having existed. What is the 
 just inference to be drawn from this historical 
 fact,—the sudden extinction of the Pictish lan¬ 
 guage? It cannot be disputed that a consider¬ 
 able population remained in the Pictish country 
 after its conquest. The language of the people 
 of the low and of the high country was the 
 same; they were both Gael, and spoke Gaelic; 
 and therefore, as no other language was spoken 
 among them, no other could be found to exist. 
 Fordun’s words are, “ Sic quidem, non solum reges 
 “ et duces gentis illius deleti sunt , verum etiam 
 “ stirps, et genus , adeo cum idiomatis sui lingua 
 “ defecisse legitur ,”j' Such was the fact, as 
 
 * Chalmers, vol.i. p.256. 
 t Scotichron. lib. iv. cap. 4. 
 
341 
 
 found by Fordim in historical record existing 
 before his time. The same author relates after¬ 
 wards, that Kenneth took under his protection 
 the harmless part of the people, “ populum im- 
 “ bellem sub fide pacis suscepit.” Many who 
 resisted he slew, and others he forced to surren¬ 
 der, “ quosdam ad deditionem compulsos ob- 
 “ tinuit.” The inhabitants of the low country 
 of Scotland were universally called Draonaich 
 by the Gael of the Garbhchriochan or moun¬ 
 tainous regions of Scotland, until the introduc¬ 
 tion of a different race of men into the countries 
 formerly inhabited by the Draonaich or Piets. 
 This new race got the name of Gaoill, that is, 
 strangers; and they are so called at this day. 
 The low countries lying along the eastern coasts 
 of the counties of Sutherland, of Ross, of Inver¬ 
 ness and Nairn, to the westward of the town of 
 Nairn, which were unquestionably subject to the 
 dominion of the Pictish kings, still speak the 
 Gaelic language. In no part of that extent of 
 Pictish coast has the English language prevailed, 
 excepting in the towns of Cromarty and Fortrose; 
 the former of which was, and the latter is still, a 
 royal borough. The settlement of Anglo-Saxons 
 in these burghs was agreeable to the policy of 
 our kings after the death of Malcolm Ceanmore, 
 as distinctly and most satisfactorily shewn by 
 Mr Chalmers in his valuable work entitled Cale¬ 
 donia. Beyond these the English language has 
 gained little ground. In the neighbourhood of 
 
342 
 
 the burgh of Fortrose, there is a village called 
 Avock, inhabited entirely by fishers: they speak 
 English; they intermarry among themselves; and 
 are completely segregated from the inhabitants of 
 the Gaelic country in their close vicinity. The 
 date of their settlement is not ascertained; but 
 that they were originally an Anglo-Saxon people, 
 settled and protected by royal authority, can ad¬ 
 mit of no doubt. 
 
 Kenneth Mac Alpin having subdued the Piets, 
 extended his authority over the whole country 
 of Albinn. “ Picti vero, reparatis aliquantulum 
 “ Anglorum auxilio viribus, quatuor annis Kene- 
 “ aum infestabant. Sed consequenter postmo- 
 “ dum inopinatis incursibus, et variis eos stragi- 
 “ bus debilitans, duodecimo tandem regni sui 
 “ anno septies una die congreditur; et innumeris 
 “ Pictorum populis prostratis, regnum deinceps 
 “ de fluvio Tyne juxta Northumbrian) ad Orca- 
 “ dum insulas, ut dudum Sanctus Adamnanus 
 “ Hyensis Abbas prophetando retulit, totum sibi 
 “ ratificat confirmatum.” # We are entitled to 
 conclude, therefore, that in the time of Kenneth 
 Mac Alpin, in the 9th century, the whole country 
 was inhabited by the people called Scots and 
 Piets. The Danes were at that period masters 
 of the Orkney Islands; but it does not appear 
 that they made in that age any settlements in 
 any part of the mainland of Albinn. 
 
 * Scotichron. lib. iv. cap. 4. 
 
343 
 
 Earl was a title of nobility known among the 
 Scandinavians. The title of earl of Caithness 
 existed long before that of Sutherland had a 
 name. Sigurd, who was of Danish extraction, 
 married a daughter of Malcolm II. who, in the 
 beginning of the eleventh century, put his grand¬ 
 son Torfin in possession of the earldom of 
 Caithness.* The English name of Sutherland, 
 as applied to any portion of the northern parts 
 of Scotland, appears not earlier than the time 
 of William the Lion. The whole country to the 
 northward of the boundaries of Ross was an¬ 
 ciently called Catt y and was separated by a range 
 of mountains which formed it into two divisions. 
 King William, in a charter to Hugh Freskin, a de¬ 
 scendant of an Anglo-Saxon family, gave him the 
 southern division, which is there called Suther¬ 
 land, to distinguish it from the other division of 
 Caithness lying to the northward. The grant of 
 the southern division of Caithness was acquired 
 by Hugh Freskin, in consequence of the rebellion 
 of the earl of Caithness, who formerly possessed 
 the whole extent of country more anciently de¬ 
 nominated Catt. But although king William 
 gave to the southern division the English name 
 of Sutherland, and created it an earldom, the 
 native inhabitants changed not its ancient name; 
 the country still continued to be called Catt , and 
 the earl of Sutherland Morer Catt, which signi- 
 
 * TorfjEus, Orcades. Chalmers’s Caledonia, B.iii. c. 1. 
 
344 
 
 lies, in the Gaelic language, the great man of 
 Catt; and which appellation is continued down 
 to this day. The earl of Caithness is called 
 Mover Gaoll , which literally signifies the stran¬ 
 ger lord or great man. At what precise period 
 of time the northern division of Caithness got the 
 name of Gaollthao', it is difficult to ascertain; but 
 it could not have received that name until the 
 ancient people had been supplanted by strangers. 
 It is well observed by Mr Chalmers, that the 
 Danes who settled in the Orkney islands were 
 successful in making settlements on the coasts 
 of ancient Caithness ; but that the ancient race 
 of inhabitants had not been driven from the in¬ 
 terior parts of the country. The Danes had 
 however built upon the coasts burgs or forts of 
 stone, to overawe the native inhabitants. That 
 the Danish language was spoken at least in parts 
 of the coasts of Caithness, there can be no rea¬ 
 son to doubt; but it being a matter of fact well 
 authenticated, that the Danish earls of Caithness 
 showed no disposition to acknowledge the sove¬ 
 reignty of the kings of Scotland over their do¬ 
 minions, it must have appeared as a wise expe¬ 
 dient for the Scottish kings to follow the same 
 measures with respect to the northern division 
 of Caithness, as were put in practice in the 
 southern division of that country. It became 
 the policy of our Scottish kings who reigned 
 after the death of Malcolm Ceanmore, to intro¬ 
 duce Anglo-Norman and Anglo-Saxon families 
 
345 
 
 into all parts of the kingdom, where forfeitures 
 opened a door to new grants of lands. These 
 were made to men of distinction, who carried 
 along with them many followers, for the double 
 purpose of personal safety, and the cultivation 
 and improvement of the soil. The low country 
 of North Caithness appeared to be worthy of royal 
 attention in this respect, and accordingly the 
 family of Sinclair got an early establishment in 
 that country. Royal burghs were also erected in 
 the same manner as in other parts of the king¬ 
 dom, by encouraging the settlement of strangers 
 by means of corporate and monopoly privileges; 
 and then the ancient race was either gradually 
 supplanted or incorporated with the new settlers, 
 so as to acquire their manners and language. 
 Such change was sufficient to authorize the 
 name of Gaollthao to be applied to that portion 
 of the country where the settlement of strangers 
 took place. 
 
 There is reason to believe, that the name of 
 Gaollthao was not applied- to any part of the 
 ancient Catt in the twelfth century. 
 
 We are informed by Fordun, that King Wil¬ 
 liam led an army into Caithness in the year 1196. 
 “ Quo anno rex Willelmus exercitum duxit in 
 “ Cathenesiam, et transit© fluvio Ochiello, utram- 
 “ que provinciam Cathenensium, interfectis non- 
 “ nullis perturbatoribus pacis, voluntati suas sub- 
 “ egit. Et effugato Haroldo ejusdem comite, 
 “ usque ad id tempus bono viro et fideli, sed 
 
346 
 
 “ tunc per instinctum uxoris suas, quge fuit filia 
 “ Mached, turpiter decipiens, contra regem do- 
 “ minum suum insurrexerat.* 
 
 The river Oichcil falls into the Caol Cattach, 
 or, as it is now called in English, the Frith of 
 Dornoch , and runs through the valley called 
 Strath Oichcil , and divides the county of Suther¬ 
 land from that of Ross. 
 
 Ancient Caithness, according to the little trea¬ 
 tise we have already noticed, formed a seventh 
 division of Albinn, and was divided by the Mound 
 or Monadh into two parts. We have no intima¬ 
 tion of any other names being given to these di¬ 
 visions than Cathness citra montem et ultra mon- 
 tem , that is, Caithness on this side and on the other 
 side of the mountain or monadh. That the Danes 
 made some settlements on the coasts of Caithness 
 prior to the twelfth century, cannot with reason 
 be doubted; but upon the supposition that the 
 Danes had extended their settlements, and had 
 supplanted the ancient inhabitants, without the 
 introduction of Anglo-Saxon colonies, the Danish 
 language must have prevailed as long as the 
 Danes had there remained an unmixed people. 
 The Anglo-Saxon population of the northern 
 division of Caithness must therefore be ascribed 
 to the policy of our Scottish kings, who had, 
 from the days of Malcolm Ceanmore, persevered 
 in bestowing their favours upon their new sub- 
 
 * Fordun, lib. vii. c. 59 . 
 
347 
 
 jects of Anglo-Saxon and Norman extraction, 
 rather than upon the ancient Gaelic race, for rea¬ 
 sons which appear obviously wise in such barba¬ 
 rous times. The ancient maormors, or heads of 
 clans and districts of country, hardly acknow¬ 
 ledged any superior. They loved and cherished 
 a proud though barbarous independence; they 
 viewed the introduction of strangers with a 
 jealous eye. The partial preference shown to 
 these strangers created discontents, which fre¬ 
 quently broke out into turbulence and rebellion 
 against the sovereign. These rebellions the 
 sovereign was able to crush by means of the aid 
 he received from his new subjects, who grew and 
 multiplied as the power of the heads of the an¬ 
 cient race of the inhabitants became weakened 
 and extinguished. In this manner the English 
 language was introduced into Scotland in all 
 those parts in which it prevails. The Danes were 
 in possession of the Hebrides for many centuries: 
 the names of places in the western islands clearly 
 establish the fact of a Danish population. The 
 Danes, although they must have introduced their 
 language into these islands, could not have pre¬ 
 served it longer than their supremacy remained. 
 When the kings of Scotland gained the ascen¬ 
 dency, the Danish population gave way to the 
 redundant population of the mainland of Scot¬ 
 land; and thus the ancient race and language 
 came again to supplant those strangers to whom 
 was applied the term Gaoill, and who gave occa- 
 
348 
 
 sion to the name of Innsegaoll, which was ap¬ 
 plied by the Gael of the mainland of Scotland to 
 the Hebrides, as an appropriate appellation, while 
 these islands continued in the possession of a 
 foreign people. 
 
 The feudal law was established in Scotland in 
 the eleventh century. We have upon record 
 charters of Eadgar, the son and successor of 
 Malcolm Ceanmore, addressed to his subjects, 
 “ Eadgarus Rex Scottorum, omnibus per regnum 
 “ suum Scottis et Anglis salutem.” 
 
 It may be observed, that his subjects consisted 
 of Scotsmen and Englishmen. 
 
 Another charter of his runs in the same terms, 
 “ Scottis et Anglis.” 
 
 The Scots or Gael were at that period the pre¬ 
 vailing people. 
 
 A charter of Alexander, the brother of Eadgar, 
 is addressed in the same manner, “ Scottis et 
 “ Anglis.” 
 
 The charters of David I. mark forcibly the 
 rapid flow of strangers into Scotland. 
 
 “ David Dei Gracia Rex Scotorum Episcopis, 
 “ &c. et omnibus fidelibus suis tocius regni sui 
 “ Francis et Anglicis, et Scottis et Galwensibus.” 
 
 A subsequent charter is addressed, “ Omnibus 
 
 probis hominibus suis Francis et Anglicis, quam 
 
 futuris tam presentibus totius terre sue.”* 
 
 * See Anderson’s Diplomata Scotia'. 
 
349 
 
 These charters demonstrate a French and Eng¬ 
 lish population: the latter implies an expected 
 influx of both these people; and it can admit of 
 no doubt, that men of distinction, both Norman 
 and English, were very acceptable to our Scot¬ 
 tish kings: many of them got grants of lands in 
 different parts of the kingdom, and many were 
 established in the country by marriages with 
 heiresses, and became liege subjects by chartered 
 rights flowing from the crown. Thus, a baron, 
 as observed by Mr Chalmers, obtained from the 
 king a grant of lands, which he settled with his 
 followers; built a castle, a church, a mill, and a 
 brewhouse, and thereby formed a hamlet, which, 
 in the practice of the age, was called the Ton of 
 the Baron. 
 
 “ But the reign of Malcolm Kenmore seems to 
 “ have been the first period of a general deniza- 
 “ tion of Saxon in Scotland. That monarch had 
 “ been bred in England, and married an English 
 “ princess. Her retinue were all English: Eng- 
 “ lish, in consequence, would become the lan- 
 “ guage of the Court. The courtiers would carry 
 “ it to their respective homes; their domestics 
 “ would be ambitious to speak the language of 
 “ their masters; and thus it would be gradually 
 “ introduced into every fashionable circle. Many 
 “ Saxons likewise left England on account of 
 “ the Norman oppression, and very naturally 
 “ took refuge in the neighbouring country, where 
 “ they had all reason to hope for a friendly re- 
 
350 
 
 ,c ception. Commerce and intermarriages be- 
 “ came now frequent between the two nations; 
 “ and that chain of predisposing causes was begun 
 “ to be forged, which has since happily united 
 u them into one kingdom.”* 
 
 When St Margaret, Malcolm Ceanmore’s 
 queen, had occasion to speak to her Scottish 
 subjects, and to the bishops convened in council, 
 she was obliged to make use of an interpreter; the 
 king usually performed that office, f Where did 
 the king learn Gaelic? We answer, in Dunferm¬ 
 line and the neighbouring country. It was the 
 language of the people in all parts of the king¬ 
 dom to the north of the Forth; it was the ver¬ 
 nacular tongue of the bishops : But when the 
 English language came to be established as that 
 of the Court, ignorance of that language was 
 esteemed a mark of rudeness and barbarity; not 
 only churchmen, but all those who held the rank 
 of gentlemen, became necessarily ambitious to 
 acquire a knowledge of it. In the reign of 
 David many monasteries were erected, and be¬ 
 came the only reputable seminaries of every sort 
 of learning. In them were educated the pastor 
 and the prelate, the lawyer and the gentleman, 
 and each of those served as a vehicle to spread 
 the language of their English teachers. 
 
 * Dissertation on the Scoto-Saxon Dialect, by the Rev. Dr 
 Alexander Geddes. Transactions of the Society of the 
 Antiquaries of Scotland. 
 
 f See Turgot, Vita S. Marg. apud Bolandum. 
 
351 
 
 “ Anno duodecimo Willielmi, Rex Malcolm 
 “ venit in Angliam, et prsedavit in Northum- 
 “ briam usque ad Tinam, et multos thesauros et 
 “ homines in vinculis secum duxit. Annal. Wal- 
 “ ver, ad an. 1078.” 
 
 Malcolm ravaged the north of England, and 
 carried much treasure and many English people 
 into Scotland. And Hoveden, a writer of credit 
 who lived in the twelfth century, informs us, 
 that in his time Scotland was so much filled 
 with common people of English extraction, that 
 they were to be seen in every hamlet and cot¬ 
 tage in that country. This account is no doubt 
 to be considered as applying to the low country 
 of Scotland. His words are, “ Repleta est ergo 
 “ Scotia servis et ancillis Anglici generis, ita ut 
 “ etiam usque hodie, nulla, non dico villula, sed 
 “ nec domuncula sine his valeat invenire. Hove- 
 “ den, p. 452. Ed. Francof.” 
 
 It is evident that the policy of our kings en¬ 
 couraged the introduction into Scotland of Nor¬ 
 mans, French, English, Flemings, and foreigners 
 of every denomination, who, by superior know¬ 
 ledge of the arts of life, and by the practice of 
 industrious pursuits, were understood to be more 
 calculated to render the land productive, and 
 more disposed to yield submission to regular 
 government than the ancient race of people, 
 whose attachments were more firmly allied to 
 their native chieftains than to the sovereigns of 
 the kingdom. We find, accordingly, that in 
 
 3 
 
 
352 
 
 what was called the Pictish country, all alono 
 the eastern coast of Scotland, to the southward 
 of the royal burgh of Nairn, the English lan¬ 
 guage extended rapidly, while the Gaelic lan¬ 
 guage was preserved only in the mountainous 
 regions on each side of Drumalbinn, and to the 
 northward of the burgh of Nairn, except, as we 
 have mentioned, in the royal burghs of Fortrose, 
 Cromarty, and the level country of Caithness. 
 
 The system of feudal tenures having been esta¬ 
 blished, the king was held to be the superior 
 lord, or paramount proprietor, of all the lands 
 within his kingdom ; and he came to be consider¬ 
 ed as the fountain whence flowed all rights to 
 the possession of lands, and with them the dis¬ 
 tribution of honours. While these strengthened 
 the hands of the sovereign, subinfeudations, and 
 the consequent increase of vassalage, added to 
 the strength of the vassals of the crown, who 
 being bound to obey the king’s summons to 
 attend his person in warlike exploits, whether of 
 an offensive or defensive nature, his right as feu¬ 
 dal sovereign gave him the command of the 
 whole popular force of his dominions. The 
 Anglo-Saxon favourites must have given a ready 
 obedience to his commands, and greatly facili¬ 
 tated the establishment of the feudal system, 
 while the ancient allodial proprietors, who own¬ 
 ed no superior title than that of the sword, yield¬ 
 ed with reluctance to the genius of regular feu¬ 
 dal submission. It is handed down among the 
 
 l 
 
353 
 
 Highlanders, as a contemptuous saying of one of 
 the Lords of the Isles, that he put no value upon 
 a right that depended upon the possession of a 
 sheep's skin. Had that division of Scotland 
 which was possessed by the pastoral people 
 called Scots, been equally susceptible of agricul¬ 
 tural improvements as was that portion of it 
 which lies to the south of the Friths of Forth 
 and Clyde, and along the eastern coasts of the 
 country lying to the north of the Frith of Forth 
 to that of Nairn, it is more than probable that 
 the Gaelic language would have been long be¬ 
 fore the present time totally extinguished, and 
 no trace of it remaining other than in the names 
 of places and mountains, as in other parts of 
 Scotland where the English language only is 
 now known and spoken by the inhabitants : But 
 the nature of a portion of the country was such 
 as to render it inaccessible to strangers; a cir¬ 
 cumstance which preserved the language of the 
 ancient inhabitants, their manners and customs, 
 their poetry, their barbarous usages, their preda¬ 
 tory genius, which never ceased to produce dire¬ 
 ful feuds and animosities among themselves, and 
 disposed them to harass the regularly industrious 
 inhabitants of the agricultural parts of the coun¬ 
 try, by committing spoliations of their property 5 
 without the hope of the sufferer being able to 
 penetrate into the mountainous recesses of the 
 plunderer, either for the purposes of retaliation 
 or legal punishment. While we accord with Mr 
 
 z 
 
354 
 
 Chalmers’s able exposition of the question re¬ 
 specting the Anglo-Saxon population of Scot¬ 
 land, the ingenious discussion of that learned 
 author, with regard to the peopling of the High¬ 
 lands of Scotland by colonies from Ireland, is, we 
 must acknowledge, adverse to the ideas which 
 we had entertained upon that subject. The 
 writer of these sheets would feel more pride in 
 being descended from an ancient hero of Erinn 
 than from the illustrious Scota, the daughter of 
 Pharaoh ; and wishes from his heart that the 
 wisdom of British policy were equally exerted, in 
 promoting the attachment of the Gael of Erinn to 
 the British government, by means of that spirit of 
 beneficence and conciliation which has been shown 
 to the Gael of Albinn, since the Rebellion of the 
 eighteenth century; and no doubt would remain 
 that the prowess of the former would shine con¬ 
 spicuously in the British annals of present times, 
 in preserving the honour, supporting the digni¬ 
 ty, and securing the liberty by which England 
 has been long pre-eminently exalted, and which, 
 by the bravery of her people, conducted upon the 
 principles of wise policy, she will long enjoy. 
 
 The Gael of Albinn and of Erinn were not 
 only radically the same people, but continued for 
 many ages before and after the time of Fergus, 
 the son of Eric, assimilated by the same language, 
 manners, customs, usages and laws. The succes¬ 
 sion of an Irish prince could have introduced 
 no change among the people in any respect AvhaB 
 
355 
 
 ever. The lang-uae-e of Erinn was the same with 
 that of Albinn. If the- Pictish language had un¬ 
 dergone any variation by the conquest of Ken¬ 
 neth M'Alpin, it could not be ascribed to any 
 change introduced by the succession of an Irish 
 prince, or even the introduction of an Irish people 
 into Ceantire or Argyle, as the people universally 
 spoke the same language. It is hardly to be 
 doubled, that some shades of difference had sub¬ 
 sisted between the language of the Draonaich or 
 Piets, and those of the Scaoit, or mountainous 
 division of Albinn; but the names of places in 
 the Pictish country clearly demonstrate, that the 
 language of the eastern and western Gael were 
 the same. The words abir and inver are taken 
 notice of by Mr Chalmers, as affording a proof of 
 the difference of acceptation or meaning of these 
 words among the Piets and Scots. The mean¬ 
 ing of the word abir is attended with no difficul¬ 
 ty. Abir signifies an opening to any river, whe¬ 
 ther at the mouth or sides of it; beal-a, is the 
 mouth of the opening, and used to denote an open¬ 
 ing to a river where it is fordable ; bir is an anti¬ 
 quated word for water, but it is preserved in the 
 word to-bir for a well or fountain, and in the 
 verb birg, which signifies to gush, and birgagh is 
 gushing, as of water from a fountain. Inbhir de¬ 
 notes the discharge of one stream of water into 
 another, or into a lake or sea, but is never taken 
 in the sense of abir, as an opening to a river 
 either at its mouth or by its sides. The words 
 
356 
 
 abir and inbhir are equally common in the High¬ 
 lands. I/ibhirniss has its name from its beins: 
 situated at the place where the river Ness dis¬ 
 charges itself into the sea on the east coast. 
 Inbhirlochi gave the name to the place where 
 Fort-William stands, upon the west coast, and 
 where the river Lochi falls into the west sea. 
 But in the intermediate space between these rivers, 
 in the ancient Caledonian Forest, abir occurs fre¬ 
 quently, as Abir-chaladar , where the river Cala- 
 dar falls into Loch Oich ; Abir-tairibh, where the 
 river Tairibh falls into Lochness; Abir-chaladar 
 in Strath-1 haraig, on the south side of Lochness, 
 and Abir-riachan , on its north side: many in¬ 
 stances might be given. A remarkable opening 
 or foil upon the river Ness, a little below where 
 it issues from Lochness, is called Ban-a, that is, 
 the white opening or ford , the channel of the river 
 presenting there a white sandy or gravelly bot¬ 
 tom ; a-an signifies a little opening or ford. 
 
 Gildas, the most ancient of our British histo¬ 
 rians, wrote his history De Excidio Britannice, or 
 the destruction of Britain, a few years after the 
 evacuation of Britain by the Romans: his epistle 
 was written in 560, twelve years after that me¬ 
 morable period. The Scots and Piets, who had 
 
357 
 
 infested by frequent depredations the provincial 
 Britons, when subject to the Romans, were not 
 to remain idle spectators of the extinction of the 
 Roman government in Britain. “ Exin Britan- 
 “ nia omni armato milite, militaribusque copiis, 
 “ rectoribus linquitur immambus, ingenti juven- 
 “ tute spoliata, (quas comitata vestigiis supra- 
 “ dicti tyranni domum nusquam ultra rediit) et 
 “ omnes belli usus ignara pemtusj. duabus pri- 
 “ mum gentibus transmarinis vehementer stevis, 
 “ Scotorum a Circione, Pictorum ah Aquilone 
 “ calcabilis multos stupet gemetque per annos.” 
 
 The Britons are represented as ignorant of the 
 use of arms, and therefore became an easy prey 
 to the Scots and Piets. It will be observed, that 
 the Scots came a circione , from a country lying 
 between the north and west,* and the Piets ab 
 aquilone from the north; but they were both 
 transmarine nations. The Britons, it appears, 
 had got assistance from the Romans, who drove 
 the enemy back to their own country: “ Et 
 “ omnes e finibus depulit, et subjectos civis tarn 
 “ atroci dilaceratione ex imminenti captivitate 
 “ liberavit. Quos jussit constituere inter duo 
 “ maria trans insulam murum; ut esset arcendis 
 “ hostibus turba instruclus terrori, civibusque 
 “ tutamini. Qui vulgo irrationabih absque rec- 
 “ tore factus, non tarn lapidibus quam cespitibus, 
 “ non profuit.” 
 
 * “ Circio pars inter aquilonem et occidentern.” Du Cange. 
 
The provincial Britons having been relieved 
 from this incursion of their enemy, they were 
 ordered to repair the wall across the island be¬ 
 tween the two seas, in order to afford some secu¬ 
 rity and safety to their own people. The wall 
 proved no security, for as soon as the Roman 
 army had departed to return home, the former 
 enemies of the provincial Britons had invaded 
 their territories both by sea and land, broke 
 through every boundary, and attacking the 
 Britons, like hungry wolves leaping into sheep- 
 folds, plundered and devastated their country. 
 “ Ilia legione cum triumpho magno et gaudio 
 “ domum repetente, illi priores inimici, ac quasi 
 “ ambrones lupi profunda fame rabidi, siccis fau- 
 H cibus in ovile transilientes, non comparente 
 “ pastore, alis remorum remigumque brachiis, ac 
 “ velis vento sinuatis vecti, terminus rumpunt, 
 “ creduntque omnia, et quasque obvia maturam 
 “ seu segetem metunt, calcant, transeunt.” 
 
 The Britons were again relieved by Roman 
 forces. “ Igitur Romani patria reversi, denunti- 
 “ antes nequaquam se tarn laboriosis expeditioni- 
 “ bus posse frequentius vexari, et ob imbelles erra- 
 “ ticosque latrunculos, Romana stigmata, tantum 
 “ talemque exercitum, terra ac mari fatigari: sed 
 “ ut insula potius, consuescendo armis, ac virili- 
 {{ ter dimicando, terram, substantiolam, conjuges, 
 “ liberos, et (quod his majus est) libertatem vi- 
 “ tarnque totis viribus vindicaret.”— <£ In littore 
 “ quoque oceani ad meridianam plagam, qua 
 
359 
 
 “ naves eorum habebantur, et hide barbarise ferre 
 “ bestiae timebantur, tunes per intervalla ad pro- 
 “ spectum maris collocant, valedicunt tanquam 
 “ ultra non reversuri.” 
 
 The Britons were informed that they might ex¬ 
 pect no further succour from the Romans against 
 erratic plunderers and robbers ; that they must 
 depend upon their own prowess, and arm them¬ 
 selves for their defence; guard themselves by 
 ships, and place towers at intervals in the wall 
 in sight of the sea, whence they feared the bar¬ 
 barous wild beasts were to issue. The Romans 
 hade them farewell, as never again to return. 
 
 There is nothing in these passages that indi¬ 
 cates the plunderers of the Roman provinces to 
 be any other than the Scots and Piets living to 
 the northward of the Clyde and Forth, and in 
 the countries next adjacent to these arms of the 
 sea, and the wall built between them for a de¬ 
 fence against the plundering expeditions of the 
 northern people. “ Itaque illis ad sua revertenti- 
 “ bus, emergunt certatim de curucis, quibus sunt 
 “ trans Scythicam vallcm evecti (quasi in alto 
 “ titane incalescenteque caumate de arctissimis 
 “ foraminum cavernulis fusci vermiculorum cunei) 
 “ tetri Scotorum Pictorumque greges, moribus ex 
 “ parte dissidentes, et una eademque sanguinis 
 “ fundendi aviditate Concordes, furciferosque ma- 
 “ gis vultus pilis, quam corporum pudenda, pu- 
 “ dendisque proxima vestibus tegentes.” 
 
360 
 
 Here again, as soon as the Romans had left 
 the country, the same people, the Scots and Piets, 
 are described as coming through the Scythic val¬ 
 ley, emulously emerging from their curachs or 
 wicker boats. Curach was a kind of boat well 
 known in the Highlands of Scotland in the me¬ 
 mory of men now living. They were used as 
 passage boats, and to direct floats of timber down 
 the channels of rivers; and in the time of Gildas 
 must have been very common upon the river 
 Forth, and all rivers where the water was too 
 deep to be forded. Curachs were used both upon 
 the arms of the sea called Forth and Clyde, and 
 upon lakes and rivers in the middle country be¬ 
 tween those seas ; a great body of both Scots and 
 Piets must therefore have used those wicker 
 boats covered with hides, in their expeditions 
 against the provincial Britons. They are describ¬ 
 ed as a sable vermin, issuing from their narrow 
 dens and holes, having their roguish counte¬ 
 nances more covered with hair, than their bodies, 
 even to their privy parts, with clothes. There is 
 no distinction made between the Scots and Piets;, 
 they were equally bloody and ferocious, only 
 differing somewhat in manners; and it is to be 
 presumed, that if they had differed in language, 
 so remarkable a circumstance of distinction would 
 not have passed unnoticed. In their invasions 
 of the Britons they always appeared to act in 
 concert, as one people pursuing the same object, 
 and possessed the whole country, from its extreme 
 
361 
 
 northern limits up to the wall, as an indigenous 
 people. 
 
 Another passage of Gildas, respecting the in¬ 
 vaders of the provincial Britons, runs in these 
 words : “ Revertuntur ergo impudentes grassa- 
 “ tores ad Hibernas domos, post non multurn tem- 
 “ poris reversuri. Picti in extrema parte insulae 
 “ tunc primum et deinceps requieverunt, praedas 
 “ et contritiones nonnunquam facientes.” We 
 have two editions of Gildas agreeing in the 
 words above transcribed. In another copy of 
 his works, published at Heidelberg, we find, “ Re- 
 “ vertuntur ergo impudentes grassatores Hiberni 
 “ domum post non longum temporis reversuri.” 
 It has been argued, that those impudent plun¬ 
 derers were Irish, or that the Scots were so call¬ 
 ed, as being of Irish extraction. In the first 
 place, it is not likely that Irishmen intending 
 to attack the provincial Britons for plunder, 
 would take so circuitous a rout as the Islands and 
 Highlands of Scotland ; and, if they should be dis¬ 
 posed to follow that course, that they should be 
 “non post multum temporis reversuri,” to return 
 at a short interval. The former invasions of the 
 provincial Britons, as expressed by Gildas, affords 
 not the most distant hint of the inhabitants of 
 any part of Ireland giving their aid, or concurr¬ 
 ing with the Scots and Piets of Albinn, in their 
 predatory warfare against the provincial Britons; 
 and the questionable expression of grassatores 
 Hiberni cannot warrant the conclusion that they 
 
36'2 
 
 were Irish plunderers, who returned home, and 
 were soon to appear again to commit fresh de¬ 
 predations. Such were to be expected from the 
 Scots and Piets in the vicinity of the Roman 
 provinces, who would have profited more by the 
 plunder they might have acquired, than it was 
 possible for the Irish, who should have much ter¬ 
 ritory to traverse, and seas to navigate, to get 
 back to their own country. The plunder must 
 have consisted chiefly of four-footed beasts, which 
 the Irish could not have easily conveyed through 
 the wilds of Caledonia, and the Deucaledonean 
 ocean, to the shores of Ireland. It will be seen, 
 that when the Irish were disposed to attack the 
 provincial Britons, their course was more direct 
 than through the islands and mainland of the 
 mountainous regions of Albinn. 
 
 In the natural progress of society, distinctions 
 arose between a pastoral and an agricultural 
 people. These distinctions were for ages known 
 in Erinn as in Albinn; and as the inhabitants of 
 both countries spoke the same language, the dis¬ 
 tinguishing appellations were the same in both. 
 The pastoral people got the name of Scuit or 
 Scaoit, and those who employed themselves in 
 the labours of the field, and became cultivators 
 of the soil, got the name of Draonaich. In the 
 latter periods of Roman dominion in Britain, the 
 pastoral people of Albinn came to be distinguish¬ 
 ed by the name of Scoti, who were observed to 
 be a people not fixed to any place of residence; 
 
363 
 
 they were per diversa vagantes, as expressed by 
 Ammianus Marcellinus. A similar people were 
 in Ireland, to whom was applied in the Gaelic 
 language the appellation Scuit; which term, lati¬ 
 nized Scott, was also as applicable to them as to 
 the Scoti of Albinn. 
 
 The Scoti of Ireland had assigned to them by 
 Irish antiquaries an illustrious ancestry; and the 
 antiquaries of Albinn were not to be outdone 
 in claiming for their own nation and people the 
 honour of such illustrious descent, both equally 
 the offspring of vain conceit and credulous ab¬ 
 surdity. 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus died about 390 of the 
 Christian era. Not earlier than the fourth cen¬ 
 tury was the name latinized Scoti known to the 
 Romans; in that century they were first known 
 in North Britain. “ In Britanniis cum Scotorum 
 “ Pictorumque gentium ferarum excursu, rupta 
 “ quiete, condicta loca limitibus vicina vastaren- 
 “ tur, et implicaret formido provincias praeteri- 
 “ tarum cladium congerie fessas.”* 
 
 It is impossible to doubt that the Scots here 
 mentioned were Albinn, and not Erinn Scots. 
 The excursion of the Piets and Scots alluded to 
 was simultaneous; they laid waste “ loca limiti- 
 “ bus vicina,” places nigh their own territory, 
 and spread terror over the provinces worn out 
 by an accumulation of former slaughter and ruin. 
 
 * Am. Makcell. Rerum Gestarum, lib.xx. cap. 1. 
 
364 
 
 The poet Claudian, the panegyrist of the Em¬ 
 peror Ilonorius, who died 423, speaks in poetical 
 language of the Roman victories obtained over 
 the Scots and Piets. 
 
 “ Venit et extremis legio praetenta Brifannis, 
 
 “ Quae Scoto dat fraena truci ferroque notatas 
 “ Perlegit exangues Picto moriente figuras.”* 
 
 The poet in these lines mentions a legion, who 
 came to suppress the incursions of the northern 
 or most distant Britons, and, in poetical lan¬ 
 guage, is described as curbing the fierce Scot, and 
 viewing the pale figure, marked with iron, of the 
 dying Piet. This passage can only apply to the 
 Scots and Piets, who were constantly observed 
 to act together in their incursions into the Ro¬ 
 man provinces. 
 
 The poet, describing the martial achievements 
 of Stilico, speaks of Ierne in a manner which 
 renders it difficult to ascertain whether he meant 
 the Scots inhabiting North Britain, or those in¬ 
 habiting Ireland. 
 
 -“ Maduerunt Saxone fuso 
 
 “ Orcades, incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule 
 *' Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.” f 
 
 * Claud, de Bello Getico, lib. xxvi. v. 416. 
 f Cl. Claudiani de IV. Cons. Hon. Aug. Paneg. v. 26. 
 
365 
 
 He describes first the Orkney Islands, where 
 the Saxons were routed ; then Thule, which is 
 here to be understood a northern country in¬ 
 habited by the Piets; and next in succession, 
 icy Ierne, weeping heaps of Scots. Whether 
 the poet meant the northern part of Britain be¬ 
 yond the Friths of Clyde and Forth, into which 
 it had been said the native inhabitants had been 
 driven back by the Romans, as into another 
 island, by the words glacialis Ierne; or whether 
 he meant the western island Erinn, situated in 
 the Atlantic Ocean, we will not adventure to 
 determine. It may be observed, that however 
 proper the application of the term glacialis or icy 
 might have been made to the former, it was not 
 an appropriate term to express the soft climate 
 of the latter.' That Claudian knew that a people 
 who had got, though recently, the appellation of 
 Scoti, were inhabitants of the unsubdued parts of 
 Britain, and also of Ireland, we can hardly call 
 in question. Writing in praise of Stilico he 
 says: 
 
 “ Me juvit Stilico, totain cum Scotus Iernen 
 “ Movit, et infesto spumavit remige Tetbys 
 “ Illius effectum curis, ne tela timerem 
 “ Scotica, ne Pictuin tremerem, ne littore tuto 
 “ Prospicerem dubiis venturum Saxona ventis.”* 
 
 * Cl. Claud, de laudibus Stiliconis, lib. ii. v. 246. 
 
366 
 
 If We are to give a literal interpretation to the 
 poet’s expression, the inhabitants of all Erinn or 
 Ireland were put in motion, and the number of 
 their oars was so great as to agitate what is now 
 called the Irish Sea into one sheet of foam; so 
 that the Scottish darts were not to be feared, nor 
 the Piet cause terror; and the shores were to be 
 safe from the visit of Saxon rovers. 
 
 If by Ierne Ireland is here understood, then 
 Claudian knew that there was a people called by 
 the Romans Scoti inhabiting Ireland; and it is 
 undoubted, that he knew that there was a people 
 to whom was applied the same appellation, inha¬ 
 bitants of North Britain; and both these people 
 were considered at the time as enemies who had 
 invaded the Roman provinces. The Scoti were 
 therefore, as known by that name in the fourth 
 century, native inhabitants of Albinn and of 
 Erinn, for neither of these countries had at that 
 period got the name of Scotia or Scotland, which 
 last was applied to them by the writers of a later 
 
 There is abundance of evidence to show that 
 Ireland was called Scotia, and that a people called 
 Scoti inhabited it in the fourth century, and for 
 some centuries after that period; * but the native 
 Gael of Ireland never in their own tongue knew 
 it by that name, any more than the native Gael 
 of Albinn knew their proper country by the 
 
 * See Chalmers’s Account of North Britain, B. ii. ch. 6. 
 
367 
 
 name of Scotia; nor did the Gael of either coun¬ 
 try know the appellation Scoti as applicable to 
 their generic race of people. The great Alfred, 
 king of the West Saxons, died in the 900 of the 
 Christian era : in his translation of Orosius he 
 gives the name of Scotland to Erinn. Both 
 Erinn and Albinn were inhabited by a race of 
 people who were called Scots by the Anglo- 
 Saxons. In progress of time a distinction was 
 made: the country of the Albinn Scots was by 
 them denominated Scotland; the name Erinn 
 was converted by them into that of Ireland , and 
 its people they called Irish. 
 
 “ As the first inhabitants of Ireland derived 
 “ their origin from those of Britain, they gene- 
 “ rally, like them, distinguished themselves, from 
 “ the remotest periods, by the name of Cacl or 
 “ Gaclhil. It is true they frequently used other 
 “ appellations, arising from their situation and 
 “ mode of life; as, their country Eirinn or wes- 
 tern island, and themselves Eirinnach or wes- 
 “ tern people; but the name by which they were 
 “ best known to foreigners, during the middle 
 “ ages, was that of Scoti and their country Scotia ; 
 “ as we are assured by Claudian, Isidore, Bede, 
 “ Nennius, and most other writers of those pe- 
 “ riods. As the Scots are not mentioned in his- 
 “ tory until about the middle of the fourth cen- 
 “ tury, when in conjunction with the Piets they 
 “ invaded the Roman provinces in Britain, several 
 u have concluded they must have been a new 
 
 O 
 
3(58 
 
 “ people at that time in these parts; indeed, who 
 “ they were, and from whence they derived their 
 “ origin, has been a subject of much contro- 
 “ versy in the learned world. Some, from the 
 “ assertions of Radulphus de Diceto, Reinerus, 
 “ and others, have imagined them Scyths, from 
 “ Scandinavia; others again have maintained that 
 “ the ancient inhabitants of Ireland were called 
 “ Scots, from dwelling in a country covered with 
 “ clouds and mists; the Irish antiquaries them- 
 “ selves generally derive them from Spain, Car- 
 “ thage, Phoenicia, or Egypt. But without enu- 
 “ merating all the wild extravagant stories of 
 “ different authors, relative to this subject, we 
 “ shall only observe, that the words Cither, Cite, 
 “ Cuite, and Scyth, in the ancient Celtic tongue, 
 “ signifies a wanderer; from whence Scithce, 
 “ Setter, Scuitrr, and Scoter, a race of wanderers, 
 “ or who have no fixed habitation. About the 
 “ beginning of the fourth century the ancient 
 “ Irish, in wicker boats covered with skins, 
 “ called curraghs, infested the eoasts of Britain, 
 <( then belonging to the Romans. These boats 
 “ being made narrow at the ends, like an Indian 
 “ canoe, obtained among the Romans and Latins 
 <( of the middle ages the name of Sagittarii or 
 “ Darters, from the swift manner in which they 
 “ sailed; and the mariners who navigated them 
 “ were generally distinguished by the names of 
 “ Santee or Scyther, that is, wanderers, from their 
 “ roving from place to place in search of plun- 
 
 3 
 
369 
 
 '* der; whence the Hibernian pirates were in 
 “ general by the Romans called Scoti, which, 
 “ during the middle ages, came to be applied to 
 “ all the inhabitants of this country; and the 
 “ island in consequence thereof obtained the 
 “ name of Scotia. Richard of Cirencester, speak- 
 “ ing of the maritime tribes of Ireland, as given 
 “ by Ptolemy and others, observes, that all the 
 “ interior parts of the island were inhabited by 
 “ the Scots, though he doth not seem to know 
 “ from whence they obtained that name; but as 
 “ the Hibernian pirates had obtained from the 
 “ Romans the name of Scoti, from their piratical 
 “ course of life, so the internal inhabitants, to- 
 “ wards the close of the middle age, obtained 
 “ that appellation from the Britons, by reason of 
 ,c their adhering to the perambulatory and pas- 
 “ toral life of their ancestors, several centuries 
 “ after the Britons had received agriculture, and 
 “ other arts of civil life, but even after the mari- 
 “ time coasts of their own country, by the com- 
 “ merce of foreign merchants, had obtained per- 
 “ manent habitations.”—“ Nay, even so late as 
 “ the seventeenth century, we find, after the re- 
 “ bellion in 1641, several wandering clans of the 
 “ natives, under the denomination of creaghs or 
 “ herdsmen, overrunning the country with their 
 “ numerous flocks,-so much to the prejudice of 
 “ the English settlers, that they were obliged to 
 be restrained by public authority. From these 
 “ circumstances it is apparent, that the ancient 
 
 a a 
 
370 
 
 “ inhabitants of Ireland obtained the name of 
 “ Scots during the middle ages, from their occu- 
 “ pation and mode of life, which they retained 
 “ until agriculture, the arts of civil life, and in- 
 “ crease of population, about the tenth century, 
 “ had in some measure confined their residence 
 “ to particular spots.”* 
 
 Those of the inhabitants of Ireland who had ob¬ 
 tained permanent habitations upon the maritime 
 coasts of the country, were known in Ireland as in 
 Scotland by the name of Draonaich, or Craonich, 
 as spelt by Keating. As the Scots were held by 
 the Irish antiquaries to be an ancient colony 
 honoured by an illustrious descent, the Cruith- 
 naich, who were supposed to be a different co¬ 
 lony, were not to remain destitute of claim to 
 the veneration due to remote antiquity. “ The 
 “ next colony recorded in the Irish history is 
 “ said to be the Cruiti or Cruitni, or Peacti. 
 “ As a bhfhlathamhnas Eiremoin tangudur Cruit- 
 “ nitli no Peacti , sluagh do threall on Tracia go 
 “ Eirinn; i. e. in the reign of Eremon the Cruitni 
 ■“ or Peacti migrated from Thrace to Ireland to 
 which Keating adds, “ According to the Psalter 
 “ of Cashel, written by Cormac, the reason of 
 “ this migration was, that Polycernus, the tyrant 
 “ and king of Thrace, resolved to seize upon the 
 
 * Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, vol. ii. p. 225. Disser¬ 
 tation on the Origin and Language of the Irish, and of the 
 Learning of the Druids, by William Beaufokd, A. M. 
 
371 
 
 “ only daughter of Gud, a chief of the Peacti, 
 “ Herodotus places the Pactyte and Crithoti in 
 £i Thracia Chersonesus.”—“ These Peacti or Pac- 
 “ tias are not the Picti or woad-painted Britons 
 “ (the Welsh) described by Caesar. They are 
 “ distinguished by the Scots by the name of 
 “ Peacti , a word that sounds exactly the same as 
 “ Pactyce The Irish called the Piets Cruith- 
 nigh; and Cruithin Tuaitli was, according to 
 Keating, the old Irish name of the country of 
 the Piets."}' 
 
 It is an established fact, that those inhabitants 
 of Ireland, who had abandoned the ambulatory 
 life of the Scuit or Scoti, and had betaken them¬ 
 selves to agricultural pursuits upon the coasts of 
 the island, were by the Gael of Ireland distinguish¬ 
 ed by the name of Craonich , as spelt by Keating, 
 more properly Draonich. “ The Cruithne of 
 “ Ireland, like their progenitors during the Ro- 
 “ man period, had engaged, meantime, in fre- 
 <c quent enterprizes against the opposite coasts of 
 “ North Britain, though without much success. 
 “ And it was not till the end of the eighth cen- 
 “ tury, that the Cruithne made a more successful 
 “ attempt, near the Rims of Galloway, on the 
 “ westward, when the British Novantes had been 
 “ weakened by the domination of the Northum- 
 
 brian power. Here the Ulster-Irish com- 
 
 * Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis. Preface, vol. iv. 
 
 + Lhuyd’s Arcliaeologia, voce Craithoigh. 
 
372 
 
 “ menced a settlement. And to this coramo* 
 “ dious shore they were successively followed 
 “ by fresh swarms from the Irish hive, during 
 “ the ninth and tenth centuries, while the Dan- 
 “ ish sea kings insulted the sacred island. And 
 “ the Cruithne were joined, in their new settle- 
 “ ments, by the kindred Scots of Kintire ; who, 
 “ crossing the Clyde in their currachs, had set- 
 u tied on the opposite shores of Cunningham 
 “ and Kyle. 
 
 “ It is more than probable that the Irish 
 “ Cruithne, who thus colonized the ancient 
 i( country of the Novantes and Selgovse, com- 
 “ municated to the Irish settlers there, the name 
 “ of Piets, as we see it in the chronicles of the 
 “ eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Irish 
 “ colonists were denominated Cruithne in their 
 “ native land, ( Cruithneach , in the Irish speech, 
 “ signifying Piets ); and it was as natural for 
 “ those settlers to call themselves, and to be 
 “ called by others, by the translated name of 
 “ Piets, as it was easy for ignorant chroniclers 
 “ to transfer to the Gaelic settlers from Ireland 
 “ and Kintire, the well known name of the ge- 
 “ nuine Piets of North Britain. The fact carries 
 “ up conjecture to probability. It was undoubt- 
 “ edly owing to all those Gaelic colonists within 
 “ this vast peninsula, that the new colony ob- 
 “■ tained, in recent times, the characteristic name 
 “ of Galkvallia , Gallowidia, Gallowagia , Ga/lwa- 
 “ dia, Gallwegia, Gallway , Galloway. The name 
 
373 
 
 “ of Galloway is not mentioned by Bede, though 
 he knew the country ; it is not noticed by the 
 “ bishop of Caithness, when he wrote expressly 
 “ De Situ Albania, as we learn from the docu- 
 “ ments in Innes’s Critical Essay ; and the first 
 “ authentic notice of this name is in earl David’s 
 “ charter to the monks of Selkirk, before he ac- 
 “ quired the crown in 1124. From all those in- 
 “ timations we may conclude, that this great 
 “ peninsula did not obtain the name of Galweia 
 “ or Galloway, till some time after the com- 
 “ mencement of the Scottish period.”* 
 
 It is not mentioned, or even a hint given by 
 any author, that the Craonich of Ireland, or the 
 maritime people and the cultivators of the soil, 
 spoke a different language from that of the Scoti 
 or pastoral people, who lived in the woods and 
 wilds of the interior country. 
 
 The Piets received the Christian faith from St 
 Columba : Adamnan, his biographer, gives ac¬ 
 count of his frequent intercourse with King 
 Brude and his subjects, near the mouth of the 
 river Ness. He conversed with the king and 
 his subjects with freedom and ease; and it ap¬ 
 pears that in two instances he spoke to two 
 individual persons by an interpreter; a circum¬ 
 stance which clearly demonstrates that he was 
 perfectly well understood by the body of the 
 people. One of these instances happened when 
 
 * Chalmers’ Caledonia. Vol. i. b. iii. c. 5. § 3. 
 
374 
 
 he was in the country of the Piets, the other* 
 in one of the Western Islands called Scotia , 
 probably the island of Skye. “ Illo in tempore, 
 “ quo S. Columba in Pictorum provincia per 
 “ aliquot demorabatur dies, quidam cum tota 
 “ plebeius familia verbum vit® per interpretato- 
 u rem Sancto prasdicante viro audiens, credensque 
 “ baptizatus est, maritus cum marita, liberisqueet 
 “ familiaribus.”* The individual here mentioned 
 came, with his wife, family and servants, to see St 
 Columba: he found the saint engaged in prayer, 
 the substance of which was communicated to him 
 by an interpreter; he became a believer, and he 
 and his whole family received Christian baptism. 
 This particular instance could not have been re¬ 
 corded, if the Pictish people had been univer¬ 
 sally or commonly obliged to have recourse to 
 interpreters, in communicating the saint’s prayers 
 and discourses to them. But it is evident, that 
 in his communication with King Brude and his 
 subjects he had no occasion to use interpreters. 
 St Columba and Brochanus, a Druid at Brude’s 
 court, called by Adamnan Magus, spoke toge¬ 
 ther with ease and fluency in King Brude’s pre¬ 
 sence, and carried on disputations as persons un¬ 
 derstanding each other without the aid of any 
 interpreter. Several instances of their interviews 
 are recorded by Adamnan. 
 
 * Lib. ii. c. 20. 
 
375 
 
 St Columba having sent Cormacus, Christi 
 miles , upon a religious mission to the North Seas, 
 had occasion to see at the court of King Brude 
 a prince of the Orkneys : he entreated that King 
 Brude would strongly recommend to that prince, 
 the king having hostages of his at that time in 
 his hands, to take under his protection Cormacus 
 and his associates, who in the course of their pro¬ 
 gress might have occasion to visit the islands of 
 Orkney. “ Alio in tempore Cormacus Christi 
 “ miles, conatus est heremum in oceano quserere, 
 “ qui postquam a terris infinitum oceanum planis 
 £< enavigavit velis. Iisdem diebus Sanctus Co- 
 “ lumba cum ultra dorsum moraretur Britannia? 
 “ Brudeo rege presente Ordacum regulo commen- 
 “ davit, dicens: Aliqui ex nostris nuper emigra- 
 “ verunt, desertum in pelago intransmeabili in- 
 “ venire optantes, qui si forte post longos circui- 
 “ tus Orcadas devenerint insulas, huic regulo cu- 
 “jus obsides in manu tua sunt, diligenter com- 
 “ menda; ne aliquid adversi intra terminos ejus 
 “ contra eos fiat. Quod ita postea evenit, et prop- 
 “ ter supra dictam sancti viri commendationem 
 “ de morte in Orcadibus liberatus est vicina.” # 
 
 This recommendation had effect; and after¬ 
 wards it appeared that Cormacus owed his safety 
 to that prince’s protection. St Columba address¬ 
 ed himself directly to King Brude, in presence 
 
 * Lib. ii. c. 28. 
 
376 
 
 of the Orkney prince, and in language perfectly 
 intelligible to the Pictish king. 
 
 The only other instance in which an interpre¬ 
 ter is mentioned, is in the case of a stranger who 
 appeared on the west coast, perhaps a Roman 
 officer, here called primarius cohortis. “ Navi- 
 “ cula ad eundem supervenit portum, cujus in 
 “ prora quidem advectus est decrepitus senex 
 “ Gione primarius cohortis, quern bini juvenes 
 “ de navi sublevantes, ante beati viri conspectura 
 “ deponunt. Qui statim verbo Dei a sancto per 
 u interpretem recepto credens, ab eodem baptiza- 
 “ tus est.”* It appears then, that the interposi¬ 
 tion of an interpreter was a remarkable circum¬ 
 stance, and as such was recorded. 
 
 It appears, that the inhabitants of Galloway 
 were addressed in the charters of our kings, 
 granted in the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth 
 centuries, as distinguished from the French, Eng¬ 
 lish, and Scots inhabitants of the kingdom of 
 Scotland. It is evident, however, that they were 
 Gael, from two charters described by Mr Robert¬ 
 son, in his Index of Charters granted by King 
 Robert II. in the following terms : “ Carta, con- 
 “ firming a charter by Thomas Flemyng, formerly 
 “ (alias) Earl ofWygtoun, to Archibald de Doug- 
 “ las, Knight, Domino Galwydie ex orientali parte 
 “ aque de Creth, of the earldom of Wygtoun, in 
 “ consideration of a large sum of money; the said 
 
 * Lib. i. c. 19 
 
377 
 
 “ Thomas having been induced to sell it on ac- 
 “ count of grievous feuds that had arisen between 
 “ him and the more powerful of the ancient indi- 
 “ genous inhabitants of the earldom, (majores indi- 
 “ genas comitatus predicti). The original charter 
 “ is dated at Edynburgh, the 8th of February 
 “ 1371-2.” The name demonstrates that Robert 
 Flemyng was a foreigner, to whom the more 
 powerful of the ancient indigenous inhabitants 
 were not disposed to yield obedience, or to ac¬ 
 knowledge as their chief or leader in warlike con¬ 
 tention. Who were these indigenous inhabitants ? 
 The question is solved by a charter “ confirming 
 “ a charter of confirmation by King Alexander II. 
 “ of a grant by Neil, Earl of Carryk, to Roland de 
 “ Carryk and his heirs, constituting them head 
 “of their tribe or clan, ( i progeniei sue), in all 
 “ matters pertaining to the Kenkinoll (tarn in 
 “ calumpniis quam aliis articulis et negotiis ad 
 “ Kenkynol pertinere valentibus,) with the office 
 “ of bailliary of the foresaid country, (Carryk), 
 “ and of leading the men thereof under the Earl. 
 “ King Alexander’s charter is dated at Strivelyne, 
 “ the 20th of January, in the 27th year of his 
 “ reign.”* Alexander II. died in the year 1245- 
 Cinneal signifies race or lineage, and cenncinneal, 
 or ceanncinneadh, the head or chief of the race or 
 kindred. 
 
 Robertson’s Index of Charters, p. 134-5-fi. 
 
At the times when these charters were grant¬ 
 ed, the people of Galloway were regulated by the 
 ideas of Gaelic tribes; their minds were not as 
 yet impressed with the notions derived from strict 
 feudal vassalage; and, although the power of a 
 chief among the Gael was in effect similar to that 
 of a feudal lord, the right of succession to the ex¬ 
 ercise of the power depended upon the will of the 
 tribe, by the rules of the law of Tanistry; for 
 such was the law of the Gael of Albinn, as well 
 as of those of Erinn. Feudal investiture was un¬ 
 known. The sway of a stranger the Gael could 
 not tolerate with patience, but to the person of 
 their own kindred whom they deemed most 
 worthy of command, they yielded a heartfelt sub¬ 
 mission, and defended his authority with the 
 eagerness of resolute bravery. The Flemyng 
 found it to be a matter of prudence to convey 
 his feudal right for a pecuniary consideration to 
 a native chieftain of Galloway; and which right 
 acquired additional stability by a feudal confir¬ 
 mation made by the supreme authority of the 
 Crown. In progress of time, the manners, cus¬ 
 toms, and language of the inhabitants of Gallo¬ 
 way, gave way to those of their southern neigh¬ 
 bours, as feudal investitures, and the introduc¬ 
 tion of strangers, prevailed among them, as in 
 all other parts of the low country of the king¬ 
 dom of Scotland. 
 
OBSERVATIONS 
 
 RESPECTING THE AUTHENTIC IT Y 
 
 OF THE 
 
 POEMS OF OSSIAN. 
 
 The publication of a genuine translation of 
 poems ascribed to a bard living fourteen hundred 
 years back, among a barbarous unlettered people, 
 was a phenomenon which struck with surprise 
 the minds of men eminently enlightened by 
 science and philosophy. The translation was by 
 many r of them held to be a palpable and most 
 impudent forgery. This opinion was not made 
 a matter of secresy or concealment; it was di¬ 
 vulged in the common conversation of the learn¬ 
 ed, and was naturally treated with that reproba¬ 
 tion which was called forth by literary impos¬ 
 ture. What was the conduct of the translator ? 
 Instead of using those means which lie had in 
 his power, of obviating the scruples, the doubts, 
 the avowed disbelief, which arose from so strange 
 a phenomenon, he treated the opinions of the 
 learned with sullen contempt; he disregarded the 
 obloquy thrown upon his character; and seemed 
 little solicitous to prove himself to the world a 
 
380 
 
 man of candour and veracity. His mistaken 
 pride, and rude stubbornness, forced from an il¬ 
 lustrious person, as amiable in social life as he 
 was great in the literary world, the following 
 expressions :* 
 
 “ I am very glad you have undertaken the task 
 “ which I used the freedom to recommend to you. 
 “ Nothing less than what you propose will serve 
 “ the purpose. You need expect no assistance 
 “ from Macpherson, who flew into a passion when 
 “ I told him of the letter I had wrote to you : 
 “ But you must not mind so strange and hetero- 
 “ elite a mortal, than whom I have scarce ever 
 “ known a man more perverse and unamiable. 
 “ He will probably depart for Florida with Go- 
 “ vernor Johnstone; and I would advise him to 
 “ travel among the Chickisaws or Cherokees, in 
 “ order to tame him and civilize him.” 
 
 Mr Hume having taken a strong interest in 
 ascertaining the truth respecting the poems as¬ 
 cribed to Ossian, had previously written to Dr 
 Blair upon the subject of these poems, suggest¬ 
 ing the means by which their authenticity might 
 be established, independently of the translator, 
 from whom no aid was to be expected in obvia¬ 
 ting the doubts entertained upon that subject. 
 
 * David Hume’s Letter to Dr Blair, dated from London, 
 6tli October 1763. Report of the Committee of the Highland 
 Society of Scotland. 
 
381 
 
 ■ “ Lisle-street, Leicester Fields, 
 
 1 Qth September 1761 . 
 
 “ Dear Sir, —I live in a place where I have 
 
 the pleasure of frequently hearing justice done 
 “ to your Dissertation, but never heard it men- 
 “ tioned in a company, where some one person 
 “ or other did not express his doubts with regard 
 “ to the authenticity of the poems which are its 
 “ subject; and I often hear them totally rejected, 
 “ with disdain and indignation, as a palpable and 
 “ most impudent forgery. This opinion has in- 
 “ deed become very prevalent among the men of 
 “ letters in London ; and I can foresee, that in a 
 “ few years the poems, if they continue to stand 
 “ on their present footing, will be thrown aside, 
 “ and will fall into final oblivion. It is in vain 
 “ to say that their beauty will support them, 
 “ independent of their authenticity. No ; that 
 “ beauty is not so much to the general taste as 
 “ to ensure you of this event; and if people be 
 “ once disgusted with the idea of a forgery, they 
 “ are thence apt to entertain a more disadvanta- 
 “ geous notion of the excellency of the produc- 
 “ tion itself. The absurd pride and caprice of 
 “ Macpherson himself, who scorns, as he pre- 
 “ tends, to satisfy any body that doubts his vera- 
 “ city, has tended much to confirm this general 
 “ scepticism; and I must own, for my own part, 
 “ that though I have had many particular rea- 
 “ sons to believe these poems genuine, more than 
 
382 
 
 “it is possible for any Englishman of letters to 
 “ have, yet I am not entirely without my scru- 
 “ pies on that head. You think that the internal 
 “ proofs in favour of the poems are very convinc- 
 “ ing : So they are ; but there are also internal 
 “ reasons against them, particularly from theman- 
 “ ners, notwithstanding all the art with which 
 “you have endeavoured to throw a varnish on 
 “ that circumstance : And the preservation of 
 “ such long and such connected poems, b} 7 oral 
 “ tradition alone, during a course of fourteen 
 “ centuries, is so much out of the ordinary course 
 “ of human affairs, that it requires the strongest 
 “ reasons to make us believe it. My present 
 “ purpose therefore is, to apply to you, in the 
 “ name of all the men of letters of this, and I 
 “ may say of all other countries, to establish this 
 “ capital point, and to give us proofs that these 
 “ poems are, I do not say so ancient as the age 
 “ of Severus, but that they were not forged 
 “ within these five years by James Macpherson. 
 “ These proofs must not be arguments, but testi- 
 “ monies : People’s ears are fortified against the 
 “ former; the latter may yet find their way be- 
 “ fore the poems are consigned to total oblivion. 
 
 “ But the chief point in which it will be ne- 
 “ cessary for you to exert yourself will be, to get 
 “ positive testimony from many different hands, 
 “ that such poems are vulgarly recited in the 
 “ Highlands, and have there long been the enter- 
 “ tainment of the people. This testimony must 
 
383 
 
 u be as particular as it is positive. It will not be 
 “ sufficient that a Highland gentleman or clergy- 
 “ man say or write to you that he has heard such 
 “ poems : nobody questions that there are tradi- 
 “ tional poems in that part of the country, where 
 “ the names of Ossian and Fingal, and Oscar and 
 “ Gaul, are mentioned in every stanza; the only 
 “ doubt is, whether these poems have any farther 
 “ resemblance to the poems published by Mac- 
 “ pherson. I was told by Burke, a very ingenious 
 “ Irish gentleman, the author of a tract on the 
 “ Sublime and Beautiful, that on the first publi- 
 “ cation of Macpherson’s book all the Irish cried 
 “ out, IVe know all those poems ; we have always 
 “ heard them from our infancy : but when he ask- 
 “ ed more particular questions, he could never 
 “ learn that any one had ever heard or could re- 
 “ peat the original of any one paragraph of the 
 “ pretended translation. This generality, then, 
 “ must be carefully guarded against, as being of 
 “ no authority. 
 
 “ Your connexions among your brethren of the 
 “ clergy may here he of great use to you. You 
 “ may easily learn the names of all ministers of 
 “ that country who understand the language of 
 “ it. You may write to them, expressing the 
 “ doubts that have arisen, and desiring them to 
 “ send for such of the bards as remain, and make 
 “ them rehearse their ancient poems. Let the 
 “ clergymen then have the translation in their 
 “ hands, and let them write back to you, and in- 
 
 2 
 
384 
 
 “ form you that they heard such a one (naming 
 “ him), living in such a place, rehearse the ori- 
 “ ginal of such a passage, from such a page to 
 “ such a page of the English translation, which 
 “ appeared exact and faithful. If you give to 
 “ the public a sufficient number of such testi- 
 “ monies, you may prevail : But I venture to 
 “ foretel to you, that nothing less will serve the 
 “ purpose; nothing less will so much as com- 
 “ mand the attention of the public.” 
 
 Dr Blair, who was a thorough believer in the 
 authenticity of the poems of Ossian, lost no time 
 in complying with the measures recommended 
 by his celebrated friend. He wrote to several of 
 his brethren of the clergy in the Highlands and 
 Isles, whom he thought best qualified to return 
 special and correct answers, applicable to the 
 questions suggested in Mr Hume’s letter. The 
 answers to Dr Blair’s letters will be found in the 
 Report of the Highland Society of Scotland, 
 drawn up with that candour and ability which 
 were to be expected from the character and ta¬ 
 lents of the Society’s convener or chairman at 
 the time.* We shall only take notice of certain 
 passages in these letters, written in answer to Dr 
 Blair’s queries, which we deem to be most impor¬ 
 tant in removing the doubts entertained respect¬ 
 ing the authenticity of the poems in question. 
 
 * Henry Mackenzie, Esq. 
 
 i 
 
385 
 
 The first testimony we shall quote, in answer 
 to Dr Blair’s inquiries, is a letter of the learned 
 and highly respected Dr John Macpherson, mi¬ 
 nister of Sleat, in the Island of Skye, dated 27th 
 November 1763.* 
 
 “ I have, in obedience to your request, made 
 “ inquiry for all the persons around me who 
 “ were able to rehearse from memory any parts 
 “ of the poems published by Mr Macpherson, 
 “ and have made them to rehearse, in my hear- 
 “ ing, the several fragments or detached pieces 
 “ of these poems which they were able to repeat. 
 “ This done, I compared with great care the 
 “ pieces rehearsed by them with Mr Macpher- 
 “ son’s translation. These pieces, or fragments, 
 “ are as follows :— 
 
 “ The Description of Cuchullin’s Chariot; Fin- 
 “ gal, Book 1st, page 11. The rehearsers are, 
 “ John Macdonald of Breackish, in Strath, Isle 
 “ of Skye, gentleman ; Martin Macilivray, te- 
 “ nant in Slate; and Allan Macaskle, farmer in 
 “ Glenelg. 
 
 “ The Episode relating to Faineasolis ; Fingal, 
 “ Book 3d, page 45. The rehearsers are, among 
 “ many more, John Macdonald of Breackish ; 
 “ Alexander Macdonald, merchant in Slate; John 
 “ Down, cow-herd there ; and John Maclean, 
 “ carpenter in the parish of Strath. 
 
 * Report of the Highland Society of Scotland. Appendix, 
 
386 ’ 
 
 “ The actions of Ossian at the lake of Lego, and 
 “ his courtship of Everallin ; Fingal, Book 4th, 
 “ page 50. The rehearsers are, Alexander Mac- 
 “ donald, merchant in Slate; Nicol Mackenzie, 
 “ in the parish of Strath, gentleman ; and Ewen 
 “ Macpherson, schoolmaster in Glenelg. 
 
 “ Fingal’s combat with the King of Lochlin; 
 “ Fingal, Book 5th, page 62. The rehearsers, 
 “ Alexander Macdonald, merchant in Slate; 
 “ Donald Robertson, tenant there; and Nicol 
 “ Mackenzie just mentioned, together with many 
 “ more. 
 
 “ The Battle of Lora; page 111. The rehear- 
 “ sers, Alexander Macdonald, merchant in Slate; 
 “ John Maclean, carpenter in Strath ; and Niel 
 “ Mackinnon, farmer there. 
 
 “ Darthula; page 155. The rehearsers, Alex- 
 “ ander Morison, in the parish of Duirnish, gen- 
 “ tleman ; Ewen Macpherson, schoolmaster in 
 “ Glenelg; and John Down, cow-herd in Slate. 
 
 “ The combat between Oscar and Ullin, in the 
 “ Fragments. The rehearsers, John Macdonald 
 “ of Breackish, Alexander Morison, and John 
 “ Down, all three above-mentioned. 
 
 “ The Lamentation of the Spouse of Dargo. 
 “ Sung by thousands in the Isles. 
 
 “ These are all the pieces of Ossian’s poems, as 
 “ published by Mr Macpherson, known to the 
 “ rehearsers whom I have had occasion to con- 
 “ suit. Had it been in my power to have travell- 
 “ ed farther than through my own parish, and 
 
387 
 
 “ that next to it, I have reason to believe that I 
 “ would have easily found many more such upon 
 “ record, in the memories of others who have a 
 “ taste for our old Gaelic compositions. The re- 
 “ hearsers whom I had occasion to consult, have 
 “ repeated, in my hearing, several other poems 
 “ which have much of the spirit and manner of 
 “ Ossian, and are consequently the genuine pro- 
 “ ductions of his muse, or, what is much the same, 
 “ authentic monuments of that uncommon genius 
 “ for poetry which once prevailed among our coun- 
 “ trymen of ancient times. This, give me leave 
 “ to say so, you may take upon my word ; nor 
 “ shall I scruple to affirm, that some of these re- 
 “ mains or monuments of genius are equal, as far 
 “ as they go, to any thing that Mr Macpherson 
 “ has. yet published. If so, the literary world 
 “ should do that gentleman the justice to believe, 
 “ that he is not himself the real author of the com- 
 “ positions he has ascribed to Ossian; or should 
 “ allow that the Highlands have heretofore pro- 
 “ duced bards of a character not less exalted than 
 “ that of which Ossian was possessed, according 
 “ to Mr Macpherson’s account of him. 
 
 “ You desire me to tell impartially, how far the 
 “ translations given by the publisher of Ossian’s 
 “ works agree with the original, as far as I have 
 “ had occasion to see or hear the latter. 
 
 “ It is, I think, no easy matter to lay down an 
 “ exact system of rules which a translator should 
 “ inviolably observe, especially when the work 
 
388 
 
 “ in which he is engaged is of the poetical kind : 
 “ Far less is it easy for a critic, a critic abler be- 
 “ yond comparison than I, to determine, whether 
 “ Mr Macpherson has taken unpardonable liber- 
 “ ties in his version; unless that critic should 
 “ have a number of manuscripts, or one at least, 
 “ before him. The oral editions given by the 
 “ several persons who have rehearsed the very 
 “ same parts of Ossian’s poems in my presence, 
 “ are far from being exactly the same. Some of 
 “ these rehearsers omitted several whole stanzas, 
 “ which others repeated before me. Some of 
 “ them inverted the order of whole sentences, 
 “ and whole stanzas. Others differed greatly 
 “ from the rest in the expression, here and there 
 “ in the sentiments, in the versification, in the 
 “ names of the heroes, and scenes of action; and 
 “ that, too, without doing any considerable hurt 
 “ to the merit of the poem, all things consider- 
 “ ed. 
 
 “ Those who are ready to believe that Mr Mac- 
 “ pherson has given his translation of Ossian’s 
 “ works from an ancient manuscript, cannot pre- 
 “ tend to determine that his version is too free, 
 “ too incorrect, or faulty in any respect, until 
 “ they are able to compare it with the original 
 “ contained in that manuscript. But those who 
 “ suppose, or may think, that Mr Macpherson 
 “ was at the pains to consult several different re- 
 “ hearsers, and to compare their various editions, 
 “ must suppose, and think at the same time, that 
 
389 
 
 “ he had an undoubted right, like every editor 
 “ who collates several different manuscripts, to 
 “ depart from the words of this or that edition, 
 “ when he saw good reason for so doing; to pre- 
 “ fer the diction, sentiments, versification, and 
 “ order of one, to those of another; nay, and to 
 “ throw a conjectural emendation now and then 
 “ into his version, when he found the original 
 “ text corrupted by all the rehearsers. 
 
 “ This being admitted, I shall make no diffi- 
 “ culty of thinking that the editor of Ossian’s 
 tc works has translated those parts of the original 
 “ which were repeated in my hearing, I will not 
 “ say with a servile exactness, but upon the 
 “ whole inimitably well. I add farther, that he 
 “ has turned some of the detached pieces, so fre* 
 “ quently repeated in this part of the country, 
 “ from the Gaelic into English, as literally as he 
 11 ought to have done. Meantime, I can hardly 
 “ hinder myself from believing, that the original 
 “ Gaelic stanzas of some poems, rendered into 
 “ English by him, are, in not a few instances, 
 “ rather better than those corresponding with 
 “ them in the translation, however masterly that 
 “ undoubtedly is.” 
 
 Mr Angus Mac Neil, minister of Hovemore, 
 dated Hovemore in South-Uist, 23d December 
 1763, writes to Dr Blair:*—“ In answer, then, to 
 “ your inquiries, please know, that though I do 
 
 Appendix, p. 18,19, CO. 
 
390 
 
 “ not remember to have seen any manuscripts, or 
 “ written copies of the original of any of these 
 “ poems myself, yet the elder Clanranald declar- 
 “ ed, before another clergyman and myself, that 
 “ he had himself transcribed above one hundred 
 “ pages of a large ancient manuscript which treat- 
 “ ed of the wars of Fingal, and Comhal, his fa- 
 “ther: which manuscript has been carried over 
 “ to Ireland, some time ago, by a worthless per- 
 “ son, in a clandestine manner, and is now, it is 
 <£ thought, irrecoverably lost; but the transcript, 
 “ he directed Mr Macpherson, when on his tour 
 ££ through the Highlands, to recover out of the 
 ££ hands of one Donald M‘Donald, late merchant 
 ££ in the Luckenbooths, Edinburgh, who had got 
 ££ it, though not from Clanranald, with a view to 
 ££ publish it along with some other Gaelic pieces. 
 
 “ Mr M‘Donald of Demisdale, a parishioner of 
 ££ mine, declared before me, that he remembers 
 ££ to have seen and read a considerable part of 
 ££ the said ancient manuscript, and rehearsed 
 ££ from memory, before me, some passages of it 
 “ that agreed exactly with the translation, viz. 
 ££ the terms of peace proposed by Morla, in Swa- 
 ££ ran’s name, to Cuchullin; Fing. Book ii. p. 26 . 
 “ Likewise, Fingal’s orders for raising his stan- 
 <£ dards, his orders to his chiefs before the battle, 
 ££ the chiefs’ resolutions thereupon, of fighting 
 £< each of them a Lochlin chief; contained in 
 ££ pages 57 and 58 of Fingal, Book iv. He con- 
 e< eluded with rehearsing the description of the 
 
391 
 
 <( single combat between Fingal and Swaran, 
 “ which, in the original, is expressed in the 
 “ strongest language, and perfectly agreed with 
 “ the translation, which is very just here, and in 
 “ all the other places I had occasion to compare. 
 “ The passage alluded to is, Fingal, Book v. page 
 “ 62 . 
 
 “ The next I examined was one Archibald 
 “ M‘Lellan, likewise a parishioner of mine, who 
 “ repeated before me, in Gaelic, Ossian’s account 
 “ of his own courtship of Everallin at the lake 
 “ of Lego, without any material variation from 
 “ the translation; Fingal, Book iv. pages 49, 50, 
 “ and 51. 
 
 “ Neil M'Murrich, a native of this country, 
 “ who, with his predecessors, for nineteen gene- 
 “ rations back, have been the bards and historians 
 “ of the family of Clanranald, (it being customa- 
 “ ry with every Highland family of note to have 
 “ bards and historians of old), repeated before me 
 “ the whole of the poem of Darthula, or Clan- 
 “ Usnoch, with few variations from the transla- 
 “ tion, which he declared he saw and read, to- 
 “ gether with many more, in a manuscript which 
 “ underwent the same fate with the manuscript 
 “ already made mention of. Declared also, that 
 “ he is of opinion the last poem in the collection, 
 “ Berrathon, is contained in a manuscript which 
 “ I myself saw him deliver, with three or four 
 “ more, to Mr Macpherson, when he was in this 
 i£ country, and for which Mr Macpherson gave 
 
592 
 
 “ him a missive, obliging himself to restore it; 
 “ which shows that, in the opinion of both, the 
 “ manuscript contained something of great im- 
 “ portance.” 
 
 Mr Kiel Macleod, minister of Ross, dated Ross 
 in Mull, 22d January 1764 , writes in answer to 
 Dr Blair : *—“ I examined all the persons in 
 “ this or the other parishes in Mull, who have 
 “ any poems in Gaelic of Fingal, or his heroes. 
 “ There are still a great many of them handed 
 “ down by tradition; but they are of that kind 
 “ that Mr Macpherson, I think judiciously, re¬ 
 jects, as Irish imitations of the works of Ossian. 
 “ One Angus Fletcher, a sheriff-officer, was here 
 “ about two days ago at my desire: he can repeat 
 “ many of these poems, but none of those Mr 
 “Macpherson has translated, except a part of 
 “ the poem entitled, The Battle of Lora, and that 
 “ very much corrupted. But from my own me- 
 “ mory I can assure you, that Morla’s proposal 
 “ to Cuchullin, Fingal, B. ii. p. 26, with Cuchul- 
 “ lin’s answer, and Morla’s reply, is a just trans- 
 “ lation. So is the whole episode of Borbar and 
 “ Faineasolis, Fingal, B. iii. p. 45 and 46, and 
 “ Fingal, B. iv. p. 57 and 58, from “ we reared 
 “ the sun-beams,” &c. to “ now like a hundred 
 “ different winds.” I can still repeat son^ of 
 “ these in the original. The whole poem of Dar- 
 “ thula I have frequently heard, but I remember 
 
 * Appendix, p. 21, 22. 
 
393 
 
 “ no part of it. All these, and many more, I 
 “ heard in the Island of Skye, when I was a little 
 “ boy, from an old man, who used to repeat them 
 “ to me for some tobacco, which I procured him 
 “ as often as I wanted to hear them. This man 
 “ died when I was but very young, and I could 
 “ never since meet with any person that could 
 “ repeat so many of the poems of Ossian, or so 
 “ perfectly.” 
 
 Mr Alexander Mac Aulay, dated Edinburgh, 
 25th January 1764, writes to Dr Blair:*—“ I 
 “ wrote as you desired me, to Lieut. Duncan 
 “ Mac Nicol, of the late 88th Regiment; I re- 
 “ ceived his answer, and now send you as much 
 “ of it as relates to the subject of your present 
 “ inquiry. 
 
 “ I was from home when yours of the 17th 
 “ ultimo came to this place, (Sockroek in Glen- 
 “urchy); but, since my return, I have been at 
 “ some pains in examining severals in this coun- 
 “ try about Ossian’s poems, and have found out 
 “ as follows : Fingal, B. iii. p. 45. “ Oscar I was 
 “ young like thee, when lovely Faineasollis,” &c. 
 “ to the end of the third book. Fing. B. iv. 
 “ p. 50. “ Eight were the heroes of Ossian,” &c. 
 “ mostly word for word to p. 58, or the end of 
 “ the fourth book. The story of Orla, in the 
 “ beginning of the fifth book, to p. 71.—“ Then 
 “ Gaul and Ossian sat on the green banks of 
 
 Appendix, p. 23, 24. 
 
394 
 
 “Lubar;” the battle of Lora mostly; Darthula, 
 “ p. 155, pretty well to the end of p. 171; Te- 
 “ mora, much the same, p. 172 to the end of 
 “ p. 190; Caric-Thura, p. 207, “ Who can reach 
 “ the source of thy race, O Connal ?” &c. till 
 “ you come to the passage that begins thus: 
 “ Dire was the clang of their steel.” 
 
 “ Those that know most about the history of 
 “ Ossian and his poems in this country, are now 
 “ no more; formerly I might, I daresay, make 
 “ out a great deal more among them. At this 
 “ very day there are many in this country, who 
 “ can neither read nor write, that can repeat 
 “ poems composed by Ossian, at least pretty 
 “ much in the same strain, which would make a 
 “ larger volume, if they were all gathered to- 
 “ gether, than that which Mr Macpherson has 
 “ given to the public. The world may say of 
 “ him and his translations what they please, but 
 “ I am convinced, for my part, that I heard most 
 “ of these poems repeated, since I remember any 
 u thing at all; and I dare say, at that time, Mr 
 £C Macpherson could neither read nor write, far 
 “ less be the author of such a work. 
 
 (Signed) “ Dun. Mac Nicol.” 
 
 Mr Mac Aulay adds, “ Your acquaintance, 
 “ Mr Fraser, received a letter from Mr Mac 
 “ Lagan, preacher at Amalrie, in which he men- 
 “ tions some detached pieces he transmitted to 
 “ Mr Macpherson, the translator, particularly 
 
395 
 
 “ several passages in the two last books of Fin- 
 “ gal. The poem, called Erragon, or Lora, al- 
 “ most entire, and a poem which bears some re- 
 “ semblance to the opening of Temora. I told 
 “ you formerly that I saw the originals which 
 “ Mr Macpherson collected in the Highlands. 
 “ Mr Fraser Avill assure you that he saw them 
 “ likewise, and was frequently present with Mr 
 “ Macpherson when he was translating them : 
 “ and no man will say that he could impose his 
 “ own originals upon us, if we had common 
 “ sense, and a knowledge of our mother tongue.” 
 
 Mr Donald Macleod, minister of Glenelg, dated 
 Glenelg, ^6th March 1764, writes to Dr Blair:* — 
 “ It was in my house that Mr Macpherson got 
 “ the description of Cuehullin's horses and car, 
 “in Book 1st, p. 11. from Allan Mac Caskle, 
 “ schoolmaster, and Rory Macleod, both of this 
 “ slen. He has not taken in the whole of the 
 “ description; and his translation of it, (spirited 
 “ and pretty as it appears, as far as it goes), falls 
 “ so far short of the original in the picture it ex- 
 “ hibits of Cuehullin’s horses and car, their har- 
 “ ness and trappings, &c. that in none of his 
 “ translations is the inequality of Macpherson’s 
 “ genius to that of Ossian so very conspicuous. 
 
 “ I have heard the poem, in Book 3d, relating 
 “ Fingal’s voyage to Lochlin, the snares laid 
 “ for him by Starno, death of Agandecca, how 
 
 Appendix, p. 29, 30, 31. 
 
39 6 
 
 “ for his cruelty and perfidiousness he took im- 
 “ mediate revenge on Starno, when, p. 38. he 
 “ eyed his valiant chiefs, his valiant chiefs took 
 “ arms. 
 
 “ The poem in Book the 4th is handed down 
 “ pretty entire in this country, in which each of 
 “ Fingafs chiefs singles out the chief among the 
 “ enemy he was to fight, leaving to Fingal the 
 “ honour of engaging the king of Lochlin. The 
 “ description of the sun-beam, Fingafs standard, 
 “ does not come up to the beauty and spirit of 
 “ the original. Along with that of the sun-beam, 
 “ there is in the original a particular description 
 “ of the standards of the seven principal chiefs 
 “ of Fingal, which are all so inimitably beautiful, 
 “ that I cannot imagine how Macpherson has 
 “ omitted them in his translation. Dermod, who 
 “ led the right hand of the army to that battle, 
 “ (as it is expressed in the original), had a stan- 
 <£ dard which, in magnificence, far exceeded the 
 “ sun-beam. He is, by the tradition of this coun- 
 “ try, said to be the predecessor of the Campbells. 
 
 “ We have the poem containing the battle of 
 “ Lochlego, and a good part of that relating the 
 e£ war of Inis-thona, in page 104. 
 
 “ It would take up too much room, and I think 
 “ it is not necessary, that I go through all the 
 ££ poems in the collection, of which we have 
 “ pieces joined to other poems, and sometimes 
 ££ parts of two or three poems thrown together 
 ££ into one. 
 
397 
 
 “ Mr Macpherson, in his journey through the 
 “ Highlands, put it upon me to look out for the 
 “ poem called Cath, or the battle of Benedin. 
 “ I have since got it, but not till after the book 
 “ was published. The battle is the most memo- 
 “ rable of Fingal’s exploits; and, I humbly think, 
 “ the poem is the most finished of Ossian’s works. 
 
 “ Upon the whole, I know not any capable of 
 “ doing that justice to the original, which Mr 
 “ Macpherson has done. One thing I am sorry 
 “ for, his having omitted the description which 
 “ Ossian gives of Fingal’s ships, their sails, masts, 
 “ and rigging, their extraordinary feats in sail- 
 “ ing, the skill and dexterity of his men in work- 
 “ ing them, and their intrepidity in the greatest 
 “ storms,—of which he gives the most striking 
 “ description. I can account for it no other way 
 “ than his having been born in Badenoch, one of 
 “ the most inland parts of this kingdom, where 
 “ not having access to be acquainted with that 
 “ kind of imagery, he did not therefore perhaps 
 “ understand the original poems. 
 
 “ But the most effectual method, I presume, of 
 “ satisfying the doubts of the gentlemen who 
 “ deny Highlanders the honour of these monu- 
 “ ments of the genius and prowess of their an- 
 “ cestors, is to invite them to the Highlands, 
 “ and to bring interpreters along with them, that 
 “ they may examine the matter themselves. You 
 “ may assure them of a hospitable reception; and 
 “ wherever they go to, the gentlemen and cler- 
 
39S 
 
 “ g’y will find out to them the old men who still 
 “ have in memory most of the works of Ossian, 
 “ and the traditionary history of the Fingalians. 
 “ I would engage that they should return home 
 “ sufificiently satisfied, that these poems belong 
 “ to the time and country to which they are 
 “ ascribed.” 
 
 The evidence of the respectable clergymen, 
 whose testimony is recited above, is sufficient to 
 satisfy every mind divested of prejudice, that in 
 the years 1763 and 1764, there existed in the 
 Highlands and Isles, in their neighbourhood, 
 many persons then living, who were capable to 
 rehearse, and did rehearse in their presence, con¬ 
 siderable portions of the poems of Ossian, which 
 were found, when compared with the translation 
 of these poems, as exhibited to the public by 
 Mr Macpherson, to agree with his translation, 
 in a manner which unequivocally demonstrates, 
 that he could not be considered in any other 
 light, than as a compiler or translator of those 
 poems which he found in manuscripts in the 
 Highlands and Isles, or rehearsed as the composi¬ 
 tions of Ossian, held to be, for ages unnumbered, 
 the most illustrious poet of the Gael of Albinn. 
 But these poems were soon to experience the 
 fate of the rehearsers, who are represented as 
 old men: they were to die with them ; whose 
 race may perhaps have been propagated by the 
 instincts of nature, but the poetry of Ossian was 
 no longer to be the emulation of youth to ac- 
 
399 
 
 quire, the delight of old age to retain or hear re¬ 
 hearsed. The poems of Ossian expired with the 
 spirit which kept them alive: Ease and idleness 
 were incompatible with those pursuits of indus¬ 
 try, which the establishment of civil law and re¬ 
 gular polity introduced among the people. A 
 variety of concurring causes combined to extin¬ 
 guish a taste for those poetic effusions, which 
 animated the breasts of a warlike people, and 
 served to fill up their time with those delightful 
 emotions, which their poetry was calculated to 
 produce : They were never visited by those hours 
 of irksome leisure or vacant repose, which man¬ 
 kind, who are abundantly favoured with the goods 
 of fortune, experience in the circles of frivolous 
 amusement, and luxurious indulgence of refined 
 society. 
 
 The manner in which the compositions were 
 preserved from age to age, is clearly explained 
 by many respectable persons, whose testimo¬ 
 nies are recorded in the Report of the Highland 
 Society of Scotland, and luminously stated in the 
 Dissertation written by Sir John Sinclair, who 
 never fails to take a strong and persevering inte¬ 
 rest in those measures which tend to meliorate 
 the condition, and advance the honour of his 
 countrymen. 
 
 We shall take the words of the venerable 
 Dr Macpherson,* as expressed in his letter to 
 
 * Appendix, p. 15. 
 
 2 
 
400 
 
 Dr Blair, accounting for the manner in which 
 the poetry of Ossian was preserved for so many 
 ages in the Highlands of Scotland. 
 
 “ Ossian was the Homer of the ancient High- 
 “ landers, and at the same time one of their most 
 “ illustrious heroes. A people who held bards in 
 “ the highest esteem, and paid withal the pro- 
 “ foundest respect to the memory of those who 
 “ had distinguished themselves among their an- 
 “ cestors by military virtue, would have taken 
 “ all possible care to preserve the works of an 
 “ author in whom these two favourite characters, 
 “ that of the matchless bard and that of the pa- 
 “ triot hero, were so happily united. The poems 
 “ of that author would have been emulously 
 “ studied by the bards of succeeding generations, 
 “ and committed at the same time to the memory 
 “ of every one else who had any taste for these 
 “ admirable compositions. They would have 
 “ been rehearsed upon solemn occasions by these 
 “ bards, or by these men of taste, in assemblies 
 “ wherein the noble exploits of the most re- 
 “ nowned chiefs, and the spirited war songs of 
 “ the most eminent poets, made the principal 
 “ subjects of conversation. Tradition informs 
 “ us, that this was one of the principal pastimes 
 “ of our forefathers at their public entertain- 
 “ ments : and I can myself aver, that, in me- 
 “ mory of hundreds now alive, almost every one 
 “ of our mightiest chieftains had either a bard- 
 “ ling, or an old man remarkably well versed in 
 
 i 
 
401 
 
 “ the poetical learning of ancient times, near his 
 “ bed every long night of the year, in order to 
 “ amuse and lull him asleep with the tales of 
 “ other days, and these mostly couched in verse. 
 “ Among the poetical tales repeated on these 
 “ occasions, the achievements of Fingal, Gaul, 
 “ Oscar, See. or, in other words, the works of 
 “ Ossian, held the first place : nor is that old 
 “ custom, after all the changes that taste has 
 “ suffered here, entirely gliscontinued at this 
 “ time. When these two customs prevailed uni- 
 “ versally, or nearly so; when thousands piqued 
 “ themselves upon their acquaintance with the 
 “ works of Ossian ; when men extremely poor, 
 “ superannuated, or any how rendered incapable 
 “ of earning their bread in another way, were 
 “ sure of finding kind patrons among the better 
 “ sort of people, or of being favourably received 
 “ every where, if intimately acquainted with 
 “ these works; it was hardly possible that they 
 “ could either have perished totally or have been 
 “ greatly adulterated; I mean adulterated to such 
 “ a degree as would have very much defaced their 
 “ original beauty, or have entirely destroyed their 
 “ real excellence.” 
 
 The Muses delighted in mountains, groves and 
 fountains. Parnassus was a mountain in a small 
 territory of Greece, in which were seen the Cas- 
 talian fountain, and the temple of Apollo. It rose 
 into two summits : the one called Helicon, which 
 was sacred to Phoebus or Apollo; the other call- 
 
 c c 
 
402 
 
 ed Cytheron, sacred to Bacchus: these were the 
 gods of the poets. Parnassus is thus described 
 by Lucan, lib. v. v. 71. 
 
 “ Hesperio tantuin, quantum semotus Eoo 
 “ Cardine, Parnassus gemino petit aethera colle 
 “ Mons Phoebo Bromioque sacer.” 
 
 The remarkable rock of the Caledonian Bal- 
 cluith, now corruptly called Dunbarton, answers 
 Lucan’s description of the Parnassus of the Greeks, 
 gemino petit (Ethera colle ; it rises into two sum¬ 
 mits, the one over-topping the other. Dun-brai- 
 duin might be called the Parnassus of the Gael; 
 the name is correctly descriptive of its appear¬ 
 ance, and it is still called Dunbraiduin by the 
 Highlanders, and not Dunbriton, erroneously sup¬ 
 posed to be so denominated as a town of the an¬ 
 cient Britons. Not only were the poems of the 
 bards, but the history of the Senachi (that is liter¬ 
 ally, a person who sees or is skilled in antiquities ) 
 was rehearsed upon eminences, before assemblies 
 of the people; a proof of which remains in the 
 term Cnoc-an-eachtrai, or hillock of history, situat¬ 
 ed in an open moor upon the north side of Loch- 
 ness, six or seven hundred yards above the level 
 of that lake. Such was the attention anciently 
 paid to the transmission of poetry and history 
 in the heroic ages of the Gael of Albinn. 
 
 The manner in which Ossian’s compositions 
 were preserved from age to age, is satisfactorily 
 
403 
 
 explained by the testimonies of the respecta¬ 
 ble persons who corresponded with Dr Blair 
 upon the subject, and by various other persons, 
 whose testimonies are narrated in the Report of 
 the Highland Society of Scotland, and confirm 
 the account given, as matters of fact, by the 
 Rev. Dr Macpherson. 
 
 Mr Macpherson still remained careless respect¬ 
 ing the establishment of the authenticity of that 
 wonderful production which he exhibited in an 
 English dress to the public eye: the doubts for¬ 
 merly entertained by many were converted into 
 a conviction of imposture by the writings of Dr 
 Johnson. Still, however, the thickening cloud 
 of mystery which hung over the authenticity of 
 those poems, the translator took no means to dis¬ 
 pel. When pressed upon the subject of publish¬ 
 ing the originals, he pleaded want of funds to 
 defray the expense of publication. Accounts of 
 this impediment reached the ears of the sons of 
 Caledonia in India. Sir John McGregor Murray, 
 animated by that generous spirit which marks 
 the character of elevated patriotism, communi¬ 
 cated to his countrymen in India the circum¬ 
 stance which retarded the publication of the ori¬ 
 ginals of the poems of Ossian, the most renown¬ 
 ed heroic bard of their forefathers. A noble 
 ardour for the preservation of the compositions 
 of their most admired poet soon displayed itself 
 by a contribution of a sum of ,£.1000, which Sir 
 John remitted to Mr Macpherson, for the pur-r 
 
404 
 
 pose of removing the only obstacle which he 
 stated to lie in the way of their publication.* 
 
 The translator now acknowledged that he was 
 possessed of funds sufficient to defray the ex¬ 
 pense of publishing the originals in his hands; 
 but he died, leaving those wonderful monuments 
 of the transcendent genius of the ancient Cale¬ 
 donian poet, subject to those doubts and scruples, 
 and even conviction of imposture, which he had 
 quietly suffered during the latter years of his 
 life to hang over them. 
 
 John Mackenzie, Esq. of the Temple, acted as 
 secretary to the Highland Society of London: He 
 was an enthusiastic admirer of the poems of Os- 
 si an, and a most intimate and confidential friend 
 of Mr Macpherson, who died in February 1796, 
 leaving Mr Mackenzie, one of his executors, a 
 legacy of a thousand pounds, to defray the ex¬ 
 pense of preparing for the press, and publishing 
 the original poems of Ossian. Mr Mackenzie was 
 then entitled to take charge of the execution of 
 his deceased friend’s will, and expected to find 
 in his repositories, not only the originals of the 
 poems of Ossian, as prepared for the press, but 
 also those various manuscripts which he knew 
 
 * An account of the Indian subscription, and the names of 
 the persons upon whom that subscription has conferred immortal 
 honour, will be found in the Appendix to Sir John Sinclair’s 
 Dissertation, published along with Dissertations of other learned 
 men, and with the originals of the Poems of Ossian, under the 
 sanction of the Highland Society of London, in the year 1807- 
 
405 
 
 had been in his friend’s possession, and which 
 furnished the materials whence the originals, as 
 arranged and prepared for the press, were drawn 
 up and compiled; but, to his utter astonishment 
 and dismay, not a single scrap of paper, relative 
 to the poems of Ossian, was found in his friend's 
 repositories. Mr Mackenzie’s feelings upon that 
 occasion may be more easily conceived than ex¬ 
 pressed : With mortifying regret and bitter re¬ 
 flection he concluded, that the sublime compo¬ 
 sitions of his enthusiastically admired ancient 
 Caledonian poet were lost for ever, when, in des¬ 
 pair, he cast his eye upon an old trunk in the 
 corner of the room : though hopeless of suc¬ 
 cess, he searched its contents, and then he 
 found, among heaps of useless papers, the prin¬ 
 cipal poems of Fingal and Temora, as prepared 
 for the press; the smaller poems having been 
 put into his possession some time previous to 
 Mr Macpherson’s death. These facts were re¬ 
 lated to the writer of these sheets by his in¬ 
 timate friend, Mr Mackenzie, who wished not 
 at the time that they should be divulged to the 
 public. 
 
 We have unquestionable evidence of the fact, 
 that Mr Macpherson was possessed of a great 
 variety of manuscripts, containing the poetical 
 compositions of Ossian. 
 
 “ When he (Mr Macpherson) returned from 
 “ his tour through the Western Highlands and 
 “ Islands, he came to my house in Brae-Ba- 
 
406' 
 
 “ denoch : I inquired the success of his journey, 
 “ and he produced several volumes, small octavo, 
 “ or rather large duodecimo, in the Gaelic lan- 
 “ guage and characters, being the poems of 
 “ Ossian and other ancient bards. 
 
 “ I remember perfectly, that many of those 
 “ volumes were, at the close, said to have been 
 “ collected by Paul Macmhuirich Bard Clanrao- 
 “ nuil, and about the beginning of the 14th cen- 
 “ tury. Mr Macpherson and I were of opinion, 
 “ that though the bard collected them, yet that 
 “ they must have been writ by an ecclesiastic, 
 “ for the characters and spelling were most beau- 
 “ tiful and correct. Every poem had its first 
 “ letter of its first word most elegantly flourish- 
 “ ed and gilded; some red, some yellow, some 
 “ blue, and some green: the material writ on 
 “ seemed to be a limber, yet coarse and dark 
 “ vellum ; the volumes were bound in strong 
 “ parchment. 
 
 “ At that time I could read the Gaelic charac- 
 “ ters, though with difficulty, and did often 
 “ amuse myself with reading here and there in 
 “ those poems, while Mr Macpherson was em- 
 “ ployed on his translation. At times we diffier- 
 “ ed as to the meaning of certain words in the 
 “ original.”* 
 
 * The Rev. Mr Gallie’s letter to Charles M'Intosb, Esq. — 
 Report of the Highland Society of Scotland. 
 
407 
 
 Lachlan Macpherson, of Strathmashie, writes 
 to Dr Blair:* — “ In the year 1760 I had the 
 “ pleasure of accompanying my friend Mr Mac- 
 “ pherson, during some part of his journey in 
 “ search of the poems of Ossian, through the 
 “ Highlands. I assisted him in collecting them, 
 “ and took down from oral tradition , and trans- 
 “ cribed from old manuscripts , by far the greatest 
 11 part of those pieces he has published .”—“ One 
 “ manuscript , in particular , was written as far 
 “ back as the year 1410, which I saw in Mr Mac- 
 “ pherson s possession 
 
 Captain Morrison, in answer to queries trans¬ 
 mitted to him from the Committee of the High¬ 
 land Society, writes, f—“ That in London he had 
 “ access to Mr Macpherson’s papers; saw the 
 “ several manuscripts which he translated, in dif- 
 “ ferent hand-writings; some of them in his own 
 “ hand, some not, as they were either gathered 
 “ by himself, or sent him from his friends in the 
 “ Highlands; some of them taken from oral reci- 
 “ tation, some from MSS.” —“ That he saw many 
 “ MSS. in the old Gaelic character with Mr 
 “ Macpherson, containing some of the poems 
 “ translated, which MSS. they found difficult to 
 “ read.”—“ How old the MSS. were, cannot say; 
 “ but, from the character and spelling, seemed 
 “ very ancient.” 
 
 * Report, Appendix, p. 8. 
 
 t Appendix, p. 176,177- 
 
408 
 
 Mr Macpherson, in a letter dated Ruthven, 
 27th October 1760, to the Rev. James M k Lagan, 
 writes:*—“You perhaps have heard that I am 
 “ employed to rriake a collection of the ancient 
 “ Poetry in the Gaelic. I have traversed most 
 “ of the Isles, and gathered all worth notice in 
 “ that quarter.—I intend a journey to Mull and 
 “ the coast of Argyle, to enlarge my collection.” 
 —“ I have met with a number of old manuscripts 
 “ in my travels; the poetical part of them I have 
 “ endeavoured to secure.” And in a second let¬ 
 ter of Mr Macpherson to the same reverend 
 clergyman, dated Edinburgh, 10th January 1761, 
 he writes:—“ I was favoured with your letter en- 
 “ closing the Gaelic Poems, for which I hold 
 “ myself extremely obliged to you. Duan a 
 “ Ghairibh is less poetical and more obscure than 
 “ Teantach mor via Feine. The last is far from 
 “ being a bad poem, were it complete; and is 
 “ particularly valuable for the ancient manners 
 “ it contains.”—“ I have been lucky enough to 
 “ lay my hands on a pretty complete poem , and 
 “ truly epic , concerning Fingal. —The antiquity 
 “ of it is easily ascertained, and it is not only 
 “ superior to any thing in that language, but 
 “ reckoned not inferior to the more polite 
 “ performances of other nations in that way.” 
 And in a third letter, dated Edinburgh, 8th Feb¬ 
 ruary 176 1, Mr Macpherson writes to the same 
 
 Appendix, p. 153,—156. 
 
409 
 
 reverend gentleman :—“ I am favoured with your 
 “ last letter, enclosing four poems , for which I 
 “ am much obliged to you. I beg you send me 
 “ what more you can conveniently.” 
 
 Dr Adam Ferguson writes to the Chairman of 
 the Highland Society of Scotland :*■—“ The frag- 
 “ ments I afterwards saw in Mr Macpherson’s 
 “ hands by no means appeared of recent writing; 
 “ the paper was much stained with smoke, and 
 “ daubed with Scots snuff.”—“ If it should still 
 “ remain a question with many, whether he col- 
 “ leeted or composed these strains, I shall not be 
 “surprised; for I believe, that what he got in 
 “ writing was unknown to those who gave it, 
 “ and the merit of what was repeated scarcely 
 “ felt; and, in short, that he himself at times 
 “ was not averse to be thought the author of 
 “ what became so much celebrated and admired 
 “ throughout Europe.” 
 
 What became of those poems, which, accord¬ 
 ing to Mr Gallie’s description of them, had their 
 first letters so elegantly flourished and gilded ? 
 They were written on coarse dark vellum, and 
 bound in strong parchment, fit to last for ages. 
 These manuscripts, apparently bedaubed with 
 snuff, seen, with all the other manuscripts describ¬ 
 ed by Mr Macpherson of Strathmashie, by Cap¬ 
 tain Morrison, by Dr Adam Ferguson, by Mr 
 
 * Appendix, p. 63 , 65 . 
 
410 
 
 Macaulay, Mr Fraser and others, and by Mr 
 Macpherson himself, disappeared; no trace of 
 them could be found. What is the conclusion 
 to be drawn from this extraordinary fact, joined 
 with that of the careless manner in which the 
 principal poems were thrown into an old trunk, 
 apparently the common receptacle of papers not 
 worthy of concern ? The preservation of those 
 wonderful poems do not seem to have been made 
 latterly an object of that anxious solicitude, which 
 it was to be expected the translator would have 
 shown to save them from the lamentable fate 
 of everlasting oblivion. “ The conduct of Mac- 
 “ pherson himself,” says Sir John Sinclair, “ tend- 
 “ ed to render the subject of authenticity cloubt- 
 “ ful and mysterious. At first he seemed to have 
 “ had no other object in view but to be consider- 
 “ ed as the mere translator; but when the repu- 
 “ tation of the poems was fully established, he 
 “ felt no objection to be considered as capable of 
 “ composing such works himself, or, at least, of 
 “ being able to improve them. Elevated by his 
 “ connexion with Gaelic poetry to a respectable 
 “ rank, both in literature and society, his pride 
 “ made him wish to believe, that he owed that 
 “ elevation more to his own talents than to the 
 “ genius of an old bard whom he had rescued 
 “ from oblivion.”* 
 
 * Dissertation on the authenticity of the Poems of 0ssian 7 
 p. xiii. 
 
411 
 
 If it was really the intention of Mr Macpher- 
 son to transmit his fame to posterity, as the au¬ 
 thor, and not the translator, of those ancient 
 poems; and that the manuscripts in his posses¬ 
 sion had furnished no materials sufficient for 
 establishing their authenticity as ancient Gaelic 
 poetical compositions, he ought to have preserved 
 those materials entire, as he collected them in ma¬ 
 nuscripts, and received them from oral tradition; 
 because these would have incontestibly establish¬ 
 ed his claim to that originality of poetical genius, 
 which, it is evident, he was highly ambitious to 
 acquire: But conscious that, if the various manu¬ 
 scripts which he had in his possession had been 
 preserved, they would have completely afforded 
 a solution of the question, whether he was to be 
 considered as the author or translator of those 
 celebrated poems,—the original manuscripts of 
 every description were destroyed, and no vestige 
 of them was allowed to remain as a record 
 whence truth could be evinced, and all question¬ 
 able doubts removed for ever from the subject. 
 
 Dr MTntyre of Glenorchay, in a letter to Mr 
 Garnett, Professor of Natural Philosophy and 
 Chemistry in the Royal Institution of Great 
 Britain, writes:* “ To the mass of evidence laid 
 “ already before the public by persons of the first 
 
 * Supplemental Observations on the Authenticity of Ossian’s 
 Poems, published under the sanction of the Highland Society 
 of London, vol. iii. p. 464. 
 
412 
 
 “ respect ability in the nation, I know of little 
 “ that can be added. These tales we have been 
 “ accustomed to hear recited from our earliest 
 “ years, and they have made an indelible impres- 
 “ sion on my memory. In the close of the year 
 “ 1783, and beginning of 1784, I was in London. 
 “ For some time previous to that period I had 
 “ a correspondence with Mr Macpherson, but 
 “ not on subjects of Celtic literature. During 
 “ two months that I continued in London, I was 
 “ frequently with him at his own house and 
 “ elsewhere. We spoke occasionally about the 
 “ poems, and the attempts made by Dr Johnson 
 “ to discredit them. I hinted, that though my 
 “ own belief of their authenticity was unalterably 
 ££ fixed, still my opinion ever was, that he had 
 “ Jiever found the poem of Fingal in the full and 
 “ perfect form in which he had published it; but 
 “ that, having got the substance, or greater part 
 “ of the interesting tale, he had, from his know- 
 “ ledge of Celtic imagery and allusions, filled up 
 “ the chasms in the translation. He replied, 
 “ “ You are much mistaken in the matter: I had 
 “ occasion to do less of that than you suppose : 
 ££ And at any time that you are at leisure, and 
 ££ wish to see the originals, tell me, and we will 
 “ concert a day for going to my house on Put- 
 ££ ney-heath, where those papers lie, and you 
 :e will then be satisfied.” 
 
 “ This conversation passed in the presence of 
 
413 
 
 “ Dr Shaw, a Scotch physician, to whom he in- 
 “ troduced me. 
 
 “ I fully intended to avail myself of this offer, 
 “ but have to regret, that from various avoca- 
 “ tions, and leaving London sooner than 1 thought 
 “ I could, I was prevented from a sight and per- 
 “ usal of the originals of these poems.” 
 
 Had Mr Macpherson been disposed to gratify 
 the curiosity of any respectable number of his 
 countrymen, who were competent judges of the 
 execution of his work, in the same manner as he 
 had proposed to his friend Dr M‘Intyre, all 
 doubts respecting the authenticity of the poems 
 of Ossian would have been removed by the testi¬ 
 monies of such competent judges. 
 
 That Mr Macpherson collated and arranged, in 
 a masterly manner, the materials in his hands, 
 is a proposition which admits of little doubt. 
 The poems of Ossian were never repeated in the 
 order in which they are exhibited by the trans¬ 
 lator. The battles, also the poems introduced 
 as episodes, were separately rehearsed as distinct 
 subjects. It was allowable, however, for the 
 translator, in order to diversify the interest of his 
 main design, to introduce those scenes of ten¬ 
 derness and love, which the heroic characters 
 were described as enjoying in the absence of war¬ 
 like contests. Their admiration of those qualities 
 and attractions which constitute female beauty, 
 must have produced a correspondent tenderness 
 and regard for the female character; for the 
 
414 
 
 ardour of love and heroism are not only com¬ 
 patible, but heroic virtue and delicate sensibility 
 are never separated in the dignified character of 
 man. 
 
 After Mr Macpherson’s death, Mr Mackenzie, 
 his executor, prepared matters for the publication 
 so long delayed, but he unfortunately died with¬ 
 out accomplishing a purpose which he most ar¬ 
 dently desired. The Indian subscription money, 
 which had for several years remained with Mr 
 Macpherson, fell now into the hands of his heirs, 
 and it was only by an action at law, instituted by 
 Sir John Macgregor Murray, that the sum of mo¬ 
 ney so generously contributed was recovered out 
 of their hands. At length the originals of the 
 poems of Ossian, which had been assailed by so 
 many dangers for upwards of forty years, were 
 published under the patronage of the Highland 
 Society of London, apd now can be handed down 
 to the latest posterity, as wonderful monuments 
 of ancient Gaelic poetry, composed by Ossian, 
 an illustrious Caledonian hero and poet, existing 
 long before the introduction of Christianity 
 among the Gael of Albinn. 
 
 A modern author,* in his learned and elegant 
 history of Greece, writes,—“ Riding on horseback 
 “ was yet little practised, though it appears not 
 11 to have been unknown. Some centuries, how- 
 (( ever, passed, before it was generally applied ip 
 
 f Mr Mitford. 
 
415 
 
 “ Greece to military purposes; the mountainous 
 “ ruggedness of the country preventing any ex- 
 “ tensive use of cavalry, except among the Thes- 
 “ salians, whose territory was a large plain. But 
 “ in the Homeric armies no chief was without 
 “ his chariot, drawn generally by two, sometimes 
 “ by three horses; and these chariots of war 
 “ make a principal figure in Homer’s engage- 
 “ ments. It seems extraordinary, that chariots 
 “ should be so extensively used in war, as we 
 “ find they were, in the early ages. In the wide 
 “ plains of Asia indeed, we may account for their 
 “ introduction, as we may give them credit for 
 “ utility. But how they should become so gene- 
 “ ral among the inhabitants of rocky mountain- 
 “ ous Greece; how the distant Britons should 
 “ arrive at that surprising perfection in the use 
 “ of them, which we find they possessed when 
 “ the Roman legions first invaded this island, es- 
 “ pecially as the Gauls and Germans are not re- 
 “ marked for that mode of fighting, is not so 
 “ easily imagined.” Here it may be observed, 
 that we have no account of the Germans having 
 used chariots in war. The Gauls were most 
 unquestionably acquainted with that mode of 
 fighting. 
 
 The learned translator of Ossian’s poems has 
 exhibited, in English prose, a description of Cu- 
 chullin’s car, and of the horses which were 
 driven in it. Did the remarkable fact, respecting 
 the Caledonians having used war-chariots in 
 
 2 
 
416 
 
 battle, after the manner of the ancient heroes of 
 Greece in the Trojan war, rest its credit upon 
 the mere regard due to the veracity of the trans¬ 
 lator, those who hold the poems of Ossian to be 
 the production of modern, not of ancient times, 
 would be fortified in their disbelief of their 
 genuineness, by so strange and improbable a tale; 
 even scepticism would be banished by ridicule, 
 and the whole fabric of the work might be con¬ 
 sidered as a disgraceful attempt to impose on 
 the world a spurious offspring of studied fallacy 
 of imagination, in place of a curious picture of 
 ancient usages, manners, and mental qualities, 
 displayed in a particular state of society, worthy 
 of the attention of the philosopher, attractive of 
 the admiration of men of taste and genius, and 
 generally highly gratifying fx> the curiosity of 
 science and refinement. 
 
 Truth is the pure fountain whence ingenuous 
 minds derive supreme delight: wilful perversion 
 of truth is a deformity that dishonours the 
 Author of nature, pollutes the fountain of know¬ 
 ledge, the darling object of laudable ambition, 
 and entails upon character reproach indelible, 
 and obloquy everlasting. 
 
 We see no reason to doubt the possibility of 
 handing down by oral tradition poetical composi¬ 
 tions, from generation to generation, for a course 
 of ages beyond even the days of Fingal and 
 Ossian, among a people, while their manners, 
 their occupations, and the amusements in which 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
417 
 
 they delight, experience no change by an admix¬ 
 ture with strangers, by commercial intercourse 
 or state policy, or other circumstances which alter 
 their habits and extinguish the taste for the poe¬ 
 tical compositions of their ancestors. Pastoral 
 life is favourable to poetical effusions, affording 
 time for storing up in memory those traditionary 
 accounts of heroic ancestors, which furnished to 
 the Gael at all times the most delightful amuse¬ 
 ment, and which were rehearsed in a dramatic 
 form at festive entertainments, and, accompa¬ 
 nied with the harp, communicated pleasures of a 
 highly dignified nature, calculated to elevate the 
 mind into sentiments of heroic sublimity, or in¬ 
 spire the soul with tenderness and love. 
 
 It may be remarked as a wonderful circum¬ 
 stance in the history of a people, that they have 
 preserved in metrical composition accounts of 
 warlike machines, which, we may venture to 
 affirm, have not been used as such, in the island 
 of Great Britain, from at least the times of 
 Severus, whose historians make no mention of 
 chariots being used by the Caledonians, when he 
 invaded their country and lost 50,000 men be¬ 
 fore his return to the Roman provinces. 
 
 Cuchullin was distinguished for heroic valour 
 and strength. He was esteemed the strongest 
 man of the Fingalian tribes. The strength of 
 Cuchullin is a proverbial expression. Fingal 
 came, according to Mr Macpherson, to his assist¬ 
 ance, in his war with Swaran, son of Starno; and 
 
 d d 
 
418 
 
 it appears, from the description of a scout, called 
 in Mr Macpherson’s translation the son of Arno, 
 that Cuchullin approached, attended by chariots, 
 described in the following manner : Swaran asks 
 the scout upon his arrival: 
 
 Cea fath do thurais na do sgeul 
 Fath mo thurais agus mo sgeul 
 Feribli Erinn seud mar chimur 
 Tithinn thugibh as a mhaogh. 
 
 1. An carbad air am bel an dual fighara fionnduinn 
 Air a dhianabb gu luathmhar lamhach tacmhal 
 Far mo lutha agus far mo ladir 
 
 Agus far mo langhlic am pobul ur 
 
 ’S a chathair fhrasanta ranndai 
 
 Caol cruai clochara colobhui 
 
 Cether ifera chleamhor a chaomh charbad sin. 
 
 Cud a chimur’s a charbad sin 
 Chimur's a charbad sin. 
 
 2. Na heich bhalgionn chalgionn chluasbheg 
 Shliostana bhastana eachmhor steudmhor 
 Le streinibh caol lainnir lumbar 
 
 Mar leig na mar chaoir theine dheirg 
 Mar ghluaisda chreachdai laoi alluinn 
 Mar fharam gaoi chruai geamhrai 
 Teachd thugibh ann’s a charbad sin. 
 
 o 
 
 Cud a chimur annsa charbad sin 
 Chimur’s a charbad sin. 
 
419 
 
 3. Na h eich lia lu’ar stu’ar ladir 
 Tbresmhor stuaghmhor luamhor tadbmhor 
 Bbeiragh sparag li fua na fairg asa caraicibh. 
 
 Cud a chimur annsa charbid sin 
 Chimur’s a cbarbad sin. 
 
 4. Na h eich bharceach tharceach thresadacb 
 Gu stumhor lumhor duarsinn 
 
 Mar spuir iolair ri gnuis ainbheach 
 Dha’n gioradh an liamhor mhaiseach 
 Mheacbtroi mhor mhuirnneach. 
 
 Cud a chimur annsa charbad sin 
 Chimur’s a charbad sin. 
 
 5. Na h eich chinionn chroidhionn chaolchasach 
 Ghrinn ghruagach stobbradach, cheannardach 
 S’rol-bhreidich, chliabh-fharsinn 
 
 Bheg aosda, bheg ghaosdneach, bheg chluasach 
 Mhorchri’ach mhor chru’ach, mhor chuimhleanach 
 Seangh, seadi, isiad, searachail 
 Briadha, beadara, baoisgeanda baoleumuach 
 Dhan gioradh iad an Duseimhlin. 
 
 Cud a chimur annsa charbad sin 
 Bhithigh na shuighe’s a charbad sin. 
 
 Laoch cuimeaseacb, cumhachcacb, degh-fhoclach 
 Libhara, loinnera demhaiseach 
 Tha seac meircid air a ruinn 
 S’ar linn gur math a fradharc dha 
 
420 
 
 Bha sia meoir chnamch reamhar 
 
 Air gach lamb dhe ghualinn do 
 
 Bha siac fhuilt fhiondai air a cheann 
 
 Fait donn re tonnibh a china 
 
 Fait sleamhuinn dearg air uachgar 
 
 S’falt fionnabhui air dhath an oir 
 
 Sna faircill air a bhar ga chunnabhail 
 
 Dhan anaim Cuchullinn mac Semh Sualti 
 
 Mhic Ui, mhic Ai, mhic Ui eile 
 
 Tha aodann mar fritheine deirg 
 
 Luthmhar air leirg mar lua’ cheach sleibhe 
 
 Na mar chruas creanda ealta airghe 
 
 Na mar mhial air mhachair mhail 
 
 Gum bu tro trie, tro luath, tro mhuirnneach 
 
 Na heachibh tithinn t’orruinn 
 
 Mar sneachca ri snaithagh na sliosabh 
 
 Ospartaich agus unadhartaich 
 
 Na h eachibh gu tiunsai. 
 
 Thus Translated : 
 
 “ What is the issue of thy journey, what hast 
 thou to report ? 1. The issue of my journey 
 
 and my report, The men of Erinn thus I behold 
 approaching towards you from the plains, the 
 chariot with the carved metal axle, agile, neat, 
 and firm; where, active and strong, and full of 
 wisdom, are the noble people, in the nicely pro¬ 
 portioned chariot, reflecting the sun-beams like a 
 shower; its yellow body of fine slender shape, 
 hard, and studded with gems; four large chest¬ 
 ed horses are driven in that beautiful chariot. 
 
421 
 
 “ 2. What do we see in that chariot? We see 
 in that chariot the horses white bellied, white 
 haired, small eared, taper sided, neat hoofed, 
 great, majestic, with their bridles pliant, slender, 
 shining like a precious stone, or the sparkling of 
 red fire; like the movement of a wounded fawn, 
 like the sound of the hard blasts of winter, they 
 approach in that chariot. 
 
 “ 3. What do we see in that chariot? We see 
 in that chariot the horses fleet, hardy, strong, 
 powerful; as waves impetuous, vigorous, exqui¬ 
 sitely formed, able to tear the tangles of the 
 deep from their rock-fixed roots. 
 
 “ 4. What do we see in that chariot? We see 
 in that chariot the horses rank breaking, rank 
 levelling, exceeding strong, mettlesome, nimble, 
 prancing like an eagle’s talons seizing on an ani¬ 
 mal’s head; they are called the beautiful grays, 
 the highly prized stay of the chariot. 
 
 “ 5. What do we see in that chariot? We see 
 in that chariot the horses white faced, white fet- 
 locked, slender limbed, fine maned, high breast¬ 
 ed, head rearing, broad chested, bearing a silken 
 flag; of little age, light of hair, little eared, great 
 spirited, highly fashioned, of wide nostrils, slen¬ 
 der bellied, of form nice, delicate, like foals, 
 beautiful, lively, frisking, prancing, they are 
 called Dusemlin. 
 
422 
 
 “ 6. What do we see in that chariot? There 
 sits in that chariot the hero, the skilful marks¬ 
 man, powerful, eloquent, polished, brightly con¬ 
 spicuous, eminently graceful. His eye-beam is 
 seven-sighted; we ween good is his sight. Six 
 great boned fingers are on each hand, that from 
 his shoulders issue. Seven kinds of fair hair 
 adorn his head. Brown hair covers the promi¬ 
 nencies of his head; red sleek hair above, and 
 yellow hair of golden colour, adjusted by rings 
 on the top. His name is Cuchullinn, the son of 
 Semv Sualti, the son of Ui, the son of Ai, the 
 son of another Ui. His countenance is like the 
 burning fire. Speedy upon the open field, like 
 the driven clouds of the hills, or the rustling 
 flight of a flock of birds, or as a hare on the 
 tributary plains, very numerous, very swift, very 
 stately, the horses are approaching towards us. 
 As the drifting snow from the sides of the 
 mountains, are the snorting and tossing of the 
 horses hither directing their course,” 
 
 It will be observed, that in the poetical com¬ 
 position describing the cars and horses of Cu¬ 
 chullinn, as above transcribed, there is no parti¬ 
 cular description of the car of Cuchullinn. His 
 own personal appearance is represented, but 
 nothing occurs in it to support the description 
 given of Cuchullinn’s car by the translator ot 
 Ossian's Poems. We find from the affidavit ot 
 
423 
 
 Captain John Macdonald,* “ that the descrip- 
 “ tion of the horses and chariot of Cuchullinn, 
 “ which, so far as he recollects, he has given to 
 “ the Rev. Mr John M‘Donald, alludes to Cu- 
 “ chullinn’s own funeral, who was killed in Ire- 
 “ land.” It is evident, therefore, that there was 
 repeated a description of the car of Cuchullinn, 
 which must have been rehearsed by many more 
 than Captain McDonald, and which, it is to be 
 presumed, furnished Mr Macpherson with the 
 description of that car, as introduced into the 
 first book of the poem of Fingal.f 
 
 Comhrag Fhinn agus Gfiairbh mor mac Starnn. 
 
 Tha tonn a sgeursa na faraig 
 A’s fuaim na gaoidh air benntibh Erinn 
 Tha mhaddinn ghlas air druim a chuain 
 Chi mi daracli suadadli ’s a bbeinn 
 
 * Appendix to Publication of the Highland Society of Lon¬ 
 don, p. ccvi. 
 
 t Two copies of the description of Cuchullinu’s car and horses 
 have been in our hands for many years back: One of them came 
 from the island of Skye, the other from Ross-shire; and we 
 have used no other freedom with the description got from the 
 island of Skye, than the introduction of two lines taken from 
 that got from the shire of Ross, though more imperfect than the 
 other, in order to render the description more intelligible. 
 
424 
 
 Eadhan! co fo nard them ad ? 
 
 Na n’i ghrian a ta air Croinleac 
 Leigna seuil a’s sin na raimh 
 A’s stiuir bare gu tir 
 Raino as Fhillean mo chlann 
 Seidi suas trump chogai Fhinn 
 Diribh mcillgarbh na h’ Erinn 
 Geabhach air sinnsira Lochlinu 
 Feithim tri la air an trai 
 Ris a n fhir fher gharbh na etidh 
 Thigidh e fein a’s uil al 
 O’s neartair cardean na h’ Erinn 
 Bhrise Raino mingheal air falbh 
 Mar dhealanach bheinn ri storm 
 As Fillean doroch bu glioirt a fearg 
 Mar dhubhre faodhair air gorm 
 Chualas air bennibh na h’ Erinn 
 Chualas slioc na faraig a glaodh 
 Mar cheud sruan mirr o’n charrig 
 Mar cheud charrig sios o’n ardbhenn 
 Dorocha ro gharbh le fior tharruinn 
 Thearinn Lochlinnich bh o’n 'ardibh 
 A mhacan a chomhraig fhir ghairbh 
 A theannart u nunn a ta thall 
 Tha air chrioslachd le uisg na stoirm 
 Thanaig u ’nise thubbairt Fionnghael 
 Mar dhubhre beinn’s a n fhasach 
 Glacamid an cairdeas do lamh 
 ’Stu fein ard Cburrais ’na m blar 
 San diu deanamid sasachas as tamh 
 Vs a raareach combrag ro gharbh 
 
425 
 
 Spealgamid Targaid na fuaitn 
 
 ’N diu fein ’thubhairt Cierdhu garbh 
 
 Spealgamid Targaid na fuaim 
 
 Mareach bithi cuirm aig e fein 
 
 An garbh agus Fionn air lar 
 
 O Ossean a sgrathai! sleadh 
 
 A ghuill faic do lann thubhairt Fionn 
 
 Fhillean lub’s a d’iuir crom 
 
 Fherguis cuir gath 15m tre n speur 
 
 Truisibh n’ ar sgiathan mar ghealach 
 
 Stiuribh gach sleadh ealainh suas 
 
 Mar ghealbhan annsa a bhealach 
 
 ’N diu la spealca na’ n cnuac 
 
 O fhir ghairbh a s neartair meinn 
 
 Theid Targaitin iaruinn na smuis 
 
 Mar ghao oich an darach Morbheinn 
 
 Mar cheud sruthan mor bho n fhasach 
 
 Mar neoil a’ir mar chuan domhail 
 
 Mar lasraichibh somhricht air fraochibh 
 
 Mar sin ge farraraail neo-sgrathail 
 
 Thachair naidin cath na h’ Erinn 
 
 Sheinnidh gach cloguid suas 
 
 A’s gach sgia cuir fuaim air a thaise 
 
 Sleadhau a briseadh na m bruise 
 
 Stratnichibh uain dol as 
 
 Sthrannadh gach bogha modhar truagh 
 
 As dethach lua glas na speur 
 
 Saoidhin slnnte air talamh fuar 
 
 As gromban an t sluai air meallabh Erinn 
 
 Truisibh gach sgia mar Ghealach 
 
 A theadhlach na fuar ghlenn thu’airt Fionn 
 
426' 
 
 Leani mise mar stoirm le farram 
 
 A’s buani’ as Escairdin na ’h Erinn 
 
 Ghluais an Ri gu neartmhor treun 
 
 Mar dlmbhre air sleltibh gaoi 
 
 Mar chrom Ossag dorcha’ sa’ bheinu 
 
 Theidigli e thuil iad mo thaobh 
 
 Sin far an roan coinhrag fuileacli 
 
 Sin far an r6 charrait fhuaimar 
 
 ’M bas dearg lamhach guineach 
 
 As larach n’ani buillin mar uambain 
 
 B fhuileach o’ b fhuileach an Ri 
 
 Nuair a lasadh a lann’s r»a speuir 
 
 Bhithidh Roine mar tbein na choir 
 
 A’s Goll mar dkethach na neoil 
 
 Ferghus bu luaithe na ghao 
 
 Fillean mar ciilaon cheatliach blieann 
 
 Cha mise mar charaig na ’n dail 
 
 S b’ aite leum Fionn blii snamb sa n fhortau 
 
 Bu trom cuidtromach mo lann 
 
 S bu lionmhor corp fo lamb Ossian 
 
 Ni robli a sin mo cliiabh cho glas 
 
 Ni chrithe mo cheann leis a n aois 
 
 Bha leirsinn mo shuilibh gun dol as 
 
 As o ri’ mo chosin charadh. 
 
 The Battle of Fingal and the great Garve, 
 the son of Starno. 
 
 The wave scourges the deep. 
 
 And the sound of the wind is on the mountains of Erinn. 
 
 Gray morning is upon the back of the ocean ; 
 
 I see the oak moving on the hill. 
 
427 
 
 Ah! who is below yon elevated fire? 
 
 Or is it the sun upon Cromleac ? 
 
 Lower the sails and stretch the oars, 
 
 And steer the barks to the land. 
 
 Ryno and Fillan, my sons, 
 
 Sound the war-trump of Fingal: 
 
 Ascend the rough hills of Erinn, 
 
 Calling for the race of Lochlin. 
 
 I wait three days on the shore 
 
 For the truly fierce man in his armour: 
 
 Let him come with his whole race. 
 
 For strong are the friends of Erinn. 
 
 Fair gentle Ryno started away 
 
 Like the lightning of the mountain in a storm; 
 
 And dark Fillan, sore was thy wrath, 
 
 Like the shade of autumn upon the green field. 
 On the mountains of Erinn were heard 
 The sons of the ocean, calling aloud. 
 
 Like a hundred rapid streams from the rock, 
 Like a hundred rocks from the lofty mountains! 
 Dark, very fierce, with eager speed. 
 
 Descended the Lochlinites from the heights. 
 
 Son of strife, fierce man. 
 
 Thou hast brought hither all thy force: 
 
 Girded with the water of storms. 
 
 Thou art now come, said Fingal, 
 
 Like the shadow of a mountain in the desart ; 
 Let us take your hand in friendship, 
 
 Thou art the great champion of battles. 
 
 To-day let us rest in peace ; 
 
 To-morrow, in fierce contest. 
 
428 
 
 Let us break the sounding shields. 
 
 To-morrow Garve shall have his feast, 
 
 And Fingal shall lie on earth, 
 
 O Ossian of the most dreadful spear. 
 
 Gaul, see thy sword, said Fingal; 
 
 Fillan, bend thy crooked yew; 
 
 Fergus, throw thy naked lance through heaven. 
 Lift your shields like the moon; 
 
 Quickly raise your spears aloft. 
 
 Like lightning in the opening of the mountains 
 This is the day of splitting of skulls. 
 
 O fierce man of strong resolve. 
 
 Iron shields shall be beaten to dust.— 
 
 Like the wind of night in the oaks of Morven, 
 Like a hundred great streams from the desart. 
 Like the clouds of heaven, like the deep ocean. 
 Like the keen blazes of the burning heath. 
 
 So, loud sounding, undaunted. 
 
 Met the enemies in the battle of Erinn. 
 
 Each helmet clanged aloft. 
 
 Each shield re-echoing back the sound ; 
 
 Spears breaking in splinters. 
 
 Green sparks of fire darting from them; 
 
 Each bow sounded mournful sad. 
 
 Swift was the gray mist of the sky : 
 
 Heroes stretched on cold earth. 
 
 And the groans of the people on the hills of Erinn. 
 Lift each shield like the moon. 
 
 Race of the cold vallies, said Fingal: 
 
 Follow me like a loud sounding storm. 
 
 And root out the enemies of Erinn. 
 
429 
 
 The king moved in his mighty strength, 
 
 Like a cloud upon the windy hills. 
 
 Like a descending blast darkening from the mountain: 
 He blew; they fell by his side. 
 
 There was the bloody contest. 
 
 There was the sounding strife; 
 
 Red-handed, keen-pointed death. 
 
 And the marks of the strokes were like graves. 
 
 Bloody, bloody was the king. 
 
 When his spear lightened in the sky. 
 
 Ryno was like tire in his presence ; 
 
 Gaul was like the smoke of the clouds; 
 
 Fergus was swifter than the wind ; 
 
 Fillan like the descending mist of the hills. 
 
 I went like a rock to engage them; 
 
 1 exulted to see Fingal borne on the tide of prosperity. 
 Heavy, heavy was my sword. 
 
 And many corses lay beneath the hand of Ossian, 
 
 My locks were not then so gray. 
 
 Nor trembled my head with age; 
 
 The sight of my eyes had not forsaken me. 
 
 My feet, alas! failed not then in speed. 
 
 A Portion of the last part of Fingal , Book 3. 
 
 'Sioina guth a’s clarsach grinn 
 
 A chluint a fuaim a leum 
 
 Air Fionn gun d’sheinn iad 's a nard sbiol 
 
430 
 
 A’s air gniomha laoicli leis fhein 
 Air uaribh cliluinte’s a chaoinh fhuaim 
 Ainam Ossian shuas ga glaogh 
 Trie a bhuail a’s thug mi buai’ 
 
 An combhrag cruai na sleagh 
 Nise dearach daoll’s mi faoiu 
 ’S mi marri dhaoine criona 
 O Fhionnghael’s do shlioc stormail ard 
 Ni faicam gu brath an sin 
 Ta fiabhoc beo air d’thalmhan gorm 
 Bu gliarbh air uair a chath 
 D’anam gu sith a ri nan lann 
 Thair each bu triath a bha. 
 
 Translation of the above Lines. 
 
 Many a voice and nicely framed harp. 
 Whose sounds were heard aloud. 
 
 Of Fingal and his exalted race. 
 
 And the deeds of his heroes, sung. 
 
 In the gentle sound at times were heard 
 The name of Ossian re-echoing high. 
 
 I often fought, and often won. 
 
 In the hard battles of the spear; 
 
 Now blind, and tearful, and forlorn, 
 
 I walk with little men. 
 
 O Fingal! and thy high exalted race, 
 
 I now behold ye not! 
 
 The wild buck feeds on thy green mound. 
 Thou mighty in the hour of battle. 
 
 Peace to thy soul, king of swords. 
 
 Who bore o’er all the sovereign sway. 
 
431 
 
 These fragments of the epic poem of Fingal 
 we received from the Rev. Mr MTver, minister of 
 Lochalsh, in the shire of Ross, some years be¬ 
 fore his death, which happened in the year 1790. 
 It may be observed, that they do not altogether 
 accord with Mr Macpherson’s translation of the 
 originals: some stanzas appear in his translation 
 which are not found in these fragments, and 
 others of great poetical merit are wanting in the 
 translation, as may be easily conceived to take 
 place respecting poetical compositions, handed 
 down from generation to generation by oral tra¬ 
 dition, as ably and satisfactorily explained by 
 the learned Dr Macpherson in his letter to Dr 
 Blair above taken notice of: But so far as the 
 fragments express the subject of Fingal’s battle 
 with Swaran, or the fierce son of Starno, the 
 sense and spirit of the poem is maintained with 
 high animation, and accords with the translation 
 as given by Mr Macpherson. 
 
 The following Poems were received by the 
 writer of these sheets from a friend of his in the 
 island of Skye, enclosed in a letter, in these 
 words :— 
 
 “ I would, agreeable to your commands, have 
 waited on Mr A. M‘Aulay, to get his edition of 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
432 
 
 “ Cuchullin’s chariot, but he left Skye the be- 
 “ ginning of last August.—Please now to re- 
 “ ceive enclosed Ossian’s two addresses to the 
 * sun, viz. at its setting and at its rising. I 
 “ could have sent one of the addresses much 
 “ sooner; but hearing that an old gentleman at 
 “ Vaternish had the other, I sent to him for it, 
 “ and, after getting it from him, I could not 
 “ make it out, and was obliged to go and write 
 “ it from him myself. I wish the same difficulty 
 “ may not occur to you now, and that you may 
 “ find the matter worth the postage. I am, &c. 
 
 “ Donald Grant. 
 
 “ Ulinish, 1st January 1798.” 
 
 Original of the Address to the Sun , in 
 Carricthura. 
 
 An d’ fhag thu gorm astar nan speur, 
 
 A mhic gu’n bheud is brbhui ciabb, 
 
 Tha dorsa na hoiche dhuit fein, 
 
 Agus palluinn do chlos san Iar. 
 
 Thig na stuaigh mu’n cuairt gu mall 
 A choimhead an fhir a’s gloine gruaidli 
 A togail lb eagal an ceann ; 
 
 Re d’fbaicinn co-bille a’d’ shuain 
 Theich iadsa gu’n tuar o d’ thaobh. 
 
 Gabhsa cadal ’n a do chos, 
 
 A Ghrian! a’s pill an tbs le aoibbueas. 
 
435 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Hast thou left thy blue course in heaven. 
 
 Son without blemish, of yellow golden locks? 
 The doors of night are thine. 
 
 And the tent of thy region in the west. 
 
 The waves shall move slowly round 
 To behold him of brightest cheek. 
 
 Raising their heads with fear. 
 
 To see thy beauty in thy sound sleep. 
 
 They fled without colour from thy side. 
 
 Take thou sleep in thy cave, 
 
 O sun, and return from thy repose with joy. 
 
 Original of Ossians Address to the 
 Sun in Carthon. 
 
 O ! thusa feiri a shiubh’ias shuas 
 Cruinn mar Ktn-scia chruai nan triatb, 
 
 Cia as tha do dhearsa gun ghruaim, 
 
 Do sholus a ta buan a ghriau ? 
 
 Thig thu ann ad’ idle threin, 
 
 A’s faluichi red uaiun an trial), 
 
 A ghealach ga dubhadh san speur 
 ’Ga death fein fo stuai san iar. 
 
 Tha thusa ann a d’ astar amh&iu, 
 
 Co tha dana bhi na d’ chdir ? 
 
 Tuiti darag o’n chruaich aird, 
 
 Tuiti cam fo aois, a’s scorr : 
 
 F, e 
 
434 
 
 Triliglii, agus lionai 'n cuan, 
 
 Falaichear sliuas an reul san speilr ; 
 
 Tha thusa d’aon a chaoi fo bhuai 
 An aoiblineas buan do sholuis fein. 
 
 ’Nuair dhublias m’an domhan stoirm 
 Le torran borb, as dealan bearlh’, 
 
 Seallai tu na d’ aille o ’n toirm 
 Fiainh ghiir’ ort am bruailean nan speur. 
 
 Ach dhomhsa tba do sholus faoin, 
 
 'S nacli faic mi a chaoi do glinuis, 
 
 Sgaoileadh chil as 6r-bhui ciabh 
 Air aghai nan nial san ear, 
 
 No ’nuair a chritheas anns an iar 
 Le do dhoirse ciar air lear. 
 
 ’Smaith d’ fheudta gum bheil thu mar mi fein, 
 
 'S an am gu treun, ’sgun fheum air am, 
 
 Ar blianai a learua o 'n speur 
 Ag siubhal le cheile gu ’n ceann. 
 
 Biodh aoibhneas ort fein a ghrian! 
 
 *S tu neartmhor, a thriath a’d’ oige, 
 
 'S bronach mi-thaitneacb an aois. 
 
 Mar ghealaicb fhaoin san speur, 
 
 A raitli fo neul air a raon, 
 
 ’S an liath-cheo air thaobh nan earn, 
 
 An osag o thuatl) air an retb; 
 
 Fear siubhail fo bheud, ’s e mall. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 O ! thou, that travellest above, round like the 
 full-orbed hard shield of the mighty ! whence are 
 
435 
 
 thy beams without frown, thy light that is ever¬ 
 lasting, O sun? Thou comest forth in thy power¬ 
 ful beauty, and the stars hide their course; the 
 moon pale-orbed retires from the sky, hiding 
 herself under a cloud in the west. Thou art in 
 thy journey alone; who dares approach thee ? 
 The oak falls from the lofty mountain ; the stony 
 heap and the towering cliff sink under age ; the 
 | ocean ebbs and flows ; the moon is hid above in 
 the sky ; but thou alone art for ever victorious, 
 continually rejoicing in thy own light. When 
 the storm darkens round the world, with fierce 
 thunder and piercing lightning, thou lookest in 
 thy beauty from the noise, smiling amidst the 
 tumult of the sky ! But to me thy light is in 
 vain, for I can never see thy countenance, whe¬ 
 ther thou spreadest thy golden locks on the face 
 of the clouds on the east, or tremblest in the west 
 at thy dusky gates on the ocean. But perhaps 
 thou art like myself, at one time mighty, at 
 another feeble; our years sliding down from the 
 skies, hastening together to their end. Rejoice 
 then, O sun ! while thou art strong in thy youth. 
 Sad and unpleasant is old age, like the vain light 
 if the moon in the sky, when she looks from 
 he clouds on the field, and grey mist is on the 
 ;ide of the hill; the blast from the north on the 
 ilain, and the traveller distressed and slow.” 
 
 tli, The address to the sun in Carthon, it has been 
 ;aP aid by those who discredit the authenticity of 
 
 ' 
 
436 ' 
 
 Ossian’s poems, is but an imitation of the address 
 to the sun in Milton’s Paradise Lost, and is a 
 mere forgery, committed by the pretended tran¬ 
 slator of those poems. The facts respecting this 
 address to the sun, are worthy of particular at¬ 
 tention. On the margin of a copy of the first 
 edition of Mr Macpherson’s translation of Ossian, 
 which had been left at his Highland place of 
 residence, and found there by the Rev. Mr An¬ 
 derson, one of his executors, there is written in 
 Mr Macpherson’s hand-writing, “ Delivered all 
 “ that could he found of Carthon to Mr John 
 “ Mackenzie It appears, that some parts of 
 the original of Carthon, and particularly the ad¬ 
 dress to the setting sun, could not be found, i 
 therefore it is wanting in the publication of the 
 originals of Ossian’s poems, executed under the 
 patronage of the Highland Society of London. 
 The original of this address, as in the hands of 
 the translator, was preserved by Captain Alex¬ 
 ander Morrison, who was a good Gaelic scholar, 
 and had assisted Mr Macpherson in translating 
 the originals collected by him in the Highlands. 
 
 The manner in which he got this address is stat¬ 
 
 ed by himself, in his answers to queries trans¬ 
 mitted to him from the Committee of the High¬ 
 land Society of Scotland, respecting Ossian’s, 
 and other ancient poems. His words are : “ That 
 
 lucli 
 
 ifcei 
 
 * Late Secretary to the Highland Society of London, and on< *A| 
 of Mr Macpherson’s executors. 
 
437 
 
 “ he g*ot the address among Mr James Macpher- 
 1 “ son’s original papers, when he was transcribing 
 “ fairly for him, from these original papers, 
 “ (either collected by himself, or transmitted by 
 “ his Highland friends), as it stood in the poem 
 “ of Carthon, afterwards translated and publish- 
 “ ed.”—“ That he gave the Rev. Mr Mac Kinnon 
 “ of Glendaruel, before he went last time to 
 “ America, in the year 1780, Ossian’s address to 
 “ the sun in the original, which being transmit- 
 lt ted by Lord Bannatyne, and presented, he 
 “ identifies: That he can repeat the whole of 
 “ the poems given Mr Mac Kinnon; and gave 
 “ a copy of it in writing.”—“ That there are 
 “ man} 7 other such poems, which Mr Macpher- 
 “ son did not collect, and collected some which 
 “ he did not translate, but made his choice with 
 |“ proper taste. That the address to the sun, in 
 “ the poem of Carthon, wanted two lines in the 
 “ original, which neither Mr Macpherson, nor 
 “ any body else, could supply, nay, supply any 
 “ thing like them''* Whether Mr Macpherson 
 could supply two lines, which might pass for 
 original, we will not take it upon us to say; but, 
 from the testimony of Captain Morrison, he paid 
 such punctilious regard to the original as he 
 received it, that he did not shew any disposition 
 
 * Appendix, p. 1 Jj, 176, 177 - Report of the Highland So 
 ?iety. 
 
438 
 
 to foist in any matter of his own. If, as is 
 alleged, he was the author of the whole fabric 
 of such wonderful compositions, why hesitate 
 to supply two lines in which the poem appeared 
 to be deficient? 
 
 It has been said, that this copy of the address 
 to the sun might have been handed about, and 
 might have got into the possession of a variety 
 of persons in the Highlands; and that it afforded 
 no proof of the poem being an original poetical 
 composition, known as such in that country. 
 
 The following letter, written by the Rev. Mr 
 M‘Diarmid, will afford a sufficient answer to any 
 doubts entertained on that subject. 
 
 “ IVeem, April 9. 1801. 
 
 “ Enclosed you have a translation of the Gaelic 
 “ pieces which I sent you last week. It is as 
 “ literal as possible. I made it so on purpose, 
 “ without any regard to the English idiom, that 
 “ you might understand the original the better. 
 “ Every one knows at what disadvantage a tran- 
 “ slation of this kind must appear from one 
 “ language into another; but more especially 
 “ when the idioms and genius of the two lan- 
 “ guages differ so widely as those of the Gaelic 
 “ and English. As I have not a copy of Mr 
 “ Macpherson’s translation by me, I could not 
 “ compare it with the original, nor point out 
 “ wherein he has departed from it: Mr Mackenzie 
 
439 
 
 “ will easily see that, by comparing his transla- 
 “ tion with mine. I got the copy of these poems, 
 “ about thirty years ago, from an old man in Glen- 
 “ lyon. I took it, and several other fragments, 
 “ now I fear irrecoverably lost, from the man’s 
 “ mouth. He had learnt them in his youth from 
 “ people in the same glen, which must have been 
 “ long before Macpherson was born. I had at 
 “ one time a considerable number of old poems, 
 “ some of them part of what Macpherson has 
 “ translated; but, by lending them from hand to 
 “ hand, I cannot now possibly trace them out. 
 “ The truth is, I lost in a great degree that en- 
 “ thusiasm which I was very early possessed 
 “ with, when I went into Angus-shire, with a 
 “ view to settle there for life. At that time I 
 “ gave away most of the pieces I had collected.”* 
 
 By comparing Captain Morrison’s and Mr 
 M‘Diarmid’s copies of the address to the rising 
 sun with one another, they are found not to 
 differ materially. Words occur in lines 7, 14, 
 26, 33, 34, 35, of Captain Morrison’s copy, which 
 are different in Mr M'Diarmid’s copy; but the 
 sense and meaning of both are significant of the 
 same ideas. 
 
 With respect to the copies of the addresses to 
 the sun at his setting and rising, as received from 
 Mr Donald Grant, they do not precisely corres- 
 
 * Report of the Highland Society of Scotland, p. 71* 
 
440 
 
 pond with the copies either of Captain Morrison 
 or of Mr M'Diarmid. The address to the set¬ 
 ting sun, as sent by Mr Grant, wants one line of 
 Captain Morrison’s copy. And in place of these 
 lines in his copy of the address to the rising sun, 
 
 “ Smaith dli’eudta gum bheil u mar mi fein 
 ’S an am gu treun, ’s gun fheim air am 
 Ar bliauai a tearimadb o ’n speur 
 Aig siublial le clieile gu 'n ceann." 
 
 Translated, 
 
 “ Perhaps thou art like myself, at one time 
 mighty, at another feeble; our years sliding down 
 from the skies, moving together to their end;”— 
 
 These lines occur in Mr Grant’s copy: 
 
 “ Acb dh fheidagh gur cosmhail ’u ri Ossian fad re 
 Tha aig do bhlianachin ceann crich 
 ’S caidli tu na do ueoil fhein 
 Gun chururn do ghu na maidnea.” 
 
 “ Perhaps thou art like Ossian for a time ; 
 
 Thy years have an utmost limit, 
 
 And thou shalt sleep in thy own clouds 
 Careless of the voice of the morning.” 
 
 A few words occur different from Captain 
 Morrison’s copy, but they are immaterial. But 
 it is impossible that the one can be considered as 
 a copy of the other. 
 
441 
 
 A poem called Bas Dhiarmid, or The Death 
 of Dermid, was, till of late, well known in the 
 Highlands. As handed down it is extremely 
 fabulous and inconsistent, and can lay no claim 
 to poetical merit. However corrupted in all the 
 editions we have heard repeated, it is expressed 
 that both Dermid and Grana died in the hunt¬ 
 ing ground where the boar of Bengulbin was 
 killed by Dermid, and that both were buried 
 hard by one another. It bears genuine intrinsic 
 marks of a remote antiquity. It makes mention 
 of the Druids, and intimates their prescience of 
 future events : it mentions the elk, an animal 
 not known in Britain for many ages. The poem 
 terminates with an eulogy by Fingal on Dermid, 
 which, as it is ascribed to Ossian, we deem it 
 worthy of being recorded. 
 
 Cliideadh sid agai fo chreuc 
 Mac o Duin a’s geug na’n cleac 
 Sar mliarcach fuilteach nain Fiann 
 Air an tulacli siar fo thart. 
 
 An tulacli ga bu taobli uain 
 Ri am dhuinn tbigliinn ga coir 
 Bu dearg i’n roir fad aon tra 
 I.e fuil a cliurri bu bhinn gloir. 
 
442 
 
 Thialaig iad a sin’s an tulach 
 Le atliair na nniica fiadhan 
 Grainne deas igliin Cucliullinn 
 A’s a dlia chu glieala marri Diarmid. 
 
 Dreach an tsuinnaich air an raon 
 Mac o Duine air a thaobh feall 
 Boileuin do thinigh re taobh an tuirc 
 Fo thulachan nan cnoc ad thall. 
 
 Mac o Duine bu mhor am beud 
 Thu thuitim le ead mo mhna 
 Bu gliil a braghad na ghrian 
 Bu deirg a beul na bla chro. 
 
 Communn air a mealtadh ben 
 As mac o Duine a b’fhear bu i 
 San t’ shiridh cha trog e suil 
 Bho na cbai uir air a ghruai. 
 
 An iumard edi’ agus each 
 Ann n eagin chleas nach fann 
 An lamb o m b’fhear enach a’s adh 
 Ochan mar tha an tsaoi sa ghlenn. 
 
 Glenn sith an glenn seo tha ri m’ thaobh 
 Far’mbu lionmhoir guth fei’ as loin 
 Glenn an trie an robh an Fhiann 
 An er’s an iar an dei’ nan con. 
 
 An glenn sin fos Beinu Gulbiun ghuirm 
 ’S alle’ tulachan tha fo n’ ghrean 
 
443 
 
 Is trie a bha na sruthan dearg 
 An dei’ na Fiaun blii sealg an fhei\ 
 
 La an din gad tlia ini truadli 
 Bha mi uair nacli robh mi faoin 
 Gun esai dhaoit. orm na nich 
 Faic si saoghal museach a’s chi. 
 
 JVhich may be thus translated : 
 
 “ Now were seen in their wounds the son of 
 O Duin, the excellent, the bloody horseman of 
 Fingal’s people, and the lovely branch of the 
 twining locks, extended on the hill beneath the 
 sun at noon. That hill which, when we ap¬ 
 proached it, we beheld green, red was its hue for 
 one division of time, with the blood of the hero 
 of the musical voice. With the father of the 
 wild sow, they buried on the hill beautiful 
 Grana, the daughter of Cuchullin, and his two 
 white dogs along with Dermid. The hue* of 
 blood covers the field. The son of Duin on the 
 farther side. I grieve that thou art laid by the 
 side of the boar, under the sloping banks of yon¬ 
 der hillocks. Son of O Duin, great is the mis¬ 
 fortune that thou hast fallen by the jealousy of 
 my wife : Her breast was fairer than the sun, her 
 lips were redder than crimson blossoms. A com¬ 
 munity deceived by a woman; and the son of 
 
 * Literally, the hue of the fox: 
 
444 
 
 Duin of victorious renown, in the hunting ground 
 will not raise his eye, for his brow is covered 
 with earth. Expert in the management of horse 
 and armour, strong in the hard pressure of battle, 
 the hand from which bounty and kindness flowed 
 the most gracefully : alas ! how the hero lies in 
 the valley. The lonely valley, the valley now 
 by my side, the valley where oft were seen the 
 people of Fingal following their dogs. The val¬ 
 ley below the green mountain of Bengulbin, 
 whQse little hillocks are the most beautiful under 
 the sun; often were her streams red, after the 
 people of Fingal had been hunting the deer. 
 
 “ This day though I am sad, there was a time 
 when I was not forlorn ; in want neither of 
 men nor things. You see, and will see the 
 world changeable.” 
 
 Ossian lived to a great age, was the last of his 
 race, and died blind. Ossian an chi na Fiannabh, 
 is a phrase in the mouth of every body. 
 
 Several circumstances expressed in these lines 
 point out their antiquity. We see features of 
 manners which place the actors in the age of 
 hunters : Grana, though a female, attended the 
 chase. The manner of her death cannot be learn¬ 
 ed from the poem : That it was coincident 
 with the death of Dermid, the poem bears ex¬ 
 press testimony. It is curious to observe, that she 
 was buried along-side of the boar which Dermid 
 had killed, and that Dermid’s two white dogs 
 
445 
 
 were laid down with him in his grave. These 
 are facts which refer to a remote antiquity. The 
 doctrines of Christianity had certainly not reach¬ 
 ed or influenced the manners or customs of the 
 Fingalian tribes. The dogs were laid down with 
 Dermid, consistently with the notion entertained 
 by the ancient Gael, of their employment in 
 Flatkinnis, the Happy Island or Heaven , whither 
 their spirits repaired after death. The poem 
 affords room for the conjecture, that Grana had 
 killed Dermid, probably with an arrow; his blood 
 stained the field, though he vanquished the wild 
 boar without receiving any hurt. Grana was in 
 love with Dermid; her pride was piqued at his 
 want of respect for her partiality, and his defi¬ 
 ciency in making a suitable return. Fingal says 
 in plain language, that Dermid fell by the jea¬ 
 lousy of his wife. 
 
 This state of manners excludes not the passion 
 of love. It has room to display itself in all its 
 various shapes and appearances ; and, however 
 exquisitely pleasing are its charms while it lives 
 in the pure flame of its native existence, when 
 thwarted, or violently obstructed, like combus¬ 
 tibles in the bosom of the earth, it often breaks 
 forthwith the most vehement commotions; its 
 beauteous form is torn asunder, and despoiled 
 of its enchantments; it exhibits the wild convul¬ 
 sions of jarring elements, roused by malignant 
 spirits. To the ungovernable rage of this un- 
 
446 
 
 happy passion is to be ascribed the death of the 
 Fingalian hero. 
 
 It is handed down by tradition, that Grana, 
 seeing Dermid dead, had laid herself down upon 
 his lifeless corpse, and having a deadly weapon 
 in her hand, she pointed it in such a manner, 
 that in the act of laying herself down it pene¬ 
 trated her bod}-, and caused her death. 
 
 A gentleman of highly respectable abilities as 
 an author, critic, and scholar,* has published an 
 edition of Mr Macpherson’s translation of the 
 Poems of Ossian, with a view to discredit their 
 authenticity, and to hold them out to the literary 
 world as an impudent and palpable forgery. It 
 must be admitted, that Mr Macpherson’s conduct 
 had given too much room for the suspicions and 
 doubts which have been entertained respecting 
 the authenticity of those poems, and for that 
 conviction which appears to have been impress¬ 
 ed upon the minds of many men of science and 
 literary accomplishments, that they were the 
 compositions of the pretended translator himself, 
 who ought to be considered in no other light than 
 as a daring impostor, worthy of no degree of 
 credit. 
 
 Ingenuous minds must ever be at variance 
 
 * Malcolm Laing, Esq. 
 
447 
 
 with fraud and deceit, and society is interested 
 in the detection of falsehood and deception. 
 The friend of truth merits at all times respectful 
 attention ; and we are satisfied that the criticisms 
 issuing from the pen of the learned editor, pro¬ 
 ceeded from no other source, than the laudable 
 purpose of exposing disgraceful fallacy and igno¬ 
 minious imposition. 
 
 The originals of the Poems of Ossian had not 
 made their appearance in public when the inge¬ 
 nious criticisms of the learned editor came forth 
 to public view: it was therefore impossible to 
 determine, however successfully the language 
 and sentiments of the translator were chargeable 
 with imitation and plagiarism, whether the criti¬ 
 cisms so ingeniously employed could apply to 
 those poetical compositions, which alone, in a just 
 sense, could furnish the fair subject of contro¬ 
 versy. 
 
 The Gaelic originals having been published, 
 accompanied with a literal Latin version, by an 
 excellent scholar, Mr M‘Farlan of London, 
 every Gaelic and Latin scholar has it now in 
 his power to compare the translation with the 
 originals, and to determine how far the transla¬ 
 tor has succeeded in exhibiting, in an English 
 dress, those Gaelic poems avowed to be the 
 poetical compositions of an ancient Caledonian 
 poet, living in an age far removed from those 
 elegant improvements which characterize pe¬ 
 riods of polish and refinement. It is not our 
 
448 
 
 intention to enter largely into a discussion of 
 the evidence adduced to prove the authenticity 
 of the poems of Ossian : those who wish to 
 obtain information upon that subject, will find 
 ample materials in the publications of the High¬ 
 land Societies of Scotland and of London. We 
 shall only take notice, that Mr Macpherson, in 
 his translation of those poems, has used free¬ 
 doms with the originals, which in some mea¬ 
 sure renders them, it may be truly admitted, his 
 own composition. His language, when applied 
 to the originals, is in a high degree loose and 
 paraphrastical, and seldom adheres to that beau¬ 
 tiful simplicity of thought and imagery, which 
 furnish internal evidence of an heroic age, which 
 alone could produce them. We have paid at¬ 
 tention to the learned editor’s criticisms, but in 
 no instance do they appear, in our apprehen¬ 
 sion, to apply to the Gaelic originals. We shall 
 take the liberty to notice some of those ingenious 
 criticisms. 
 
 “ I beheld their chief,” says Moran, “ tall as a 
 “ glittering rock.” These are the words of the 
 translator. 
 
 Criticism, p. 9■—“ Tall as a glittering rock.” 
 “ Tall as a rock of ice,” in the first edition, from 
 ;£ Pope’s Temple of Fame: 
 
 “ High on a rock of ice the structure lay, 
 
 Steep its ascent, and slippery was the way.” 
 
 1 
 
449 
 
 And even the alteration, “ Tall as a glittering 
 “ rock,” is taken from a simile that follows a few 
 “ lines afterwards, in the same poem: 
 
 “ So Zembla’s rocks, the beauteous work of frost, 
 
 Rise white in air, and glitter o’er the coast.” 
 
 Now let us take the words of Ossian :— 
 
 “ Chunnaic mi ’n ceannard, thuirt Moran; 
 
 Coimeas do ’n charraig an triath.” 
 
 Latin Version. 
 
 “ Vidi ego eorum ducem, dixit Moran; 
 
 Est similis rupi princeps.” 
 
 “ I saw their leader, said Moran; 
 
 Like a rock was the chief.” 
 
 The words of Pope’s Temple of Fame are totally 
 inapplicable. The epithet glittering, which gave 
 occasion to the criticism, is the translator’s am¬ 
 plification, unauthorized by the original. 
 
 Translation .—“ His spear is a blasted pine; his 
 “ shield, the rising moon.” 
 
 Criticism .—“ His spear, to equal which the tallest pine. 
 Hewn on Norwegian hills, to be the mast 
 Of some great ammiral.” 
 
 -“ His ponderous shield 
 
 Hung on his shoulders, like the moon, whose orb 
 Through optic glass the Tuscan artist views 
 At evening,”— 
 
 Ff 
 
450 
 
 “ when the moon rises; and, in converting Satan 
 “ into Swaran, it was only necessary to suppress 
 “ those images that are derived from the sciences, 
 “ or from the arts of civilized life.” 
 
 What are the simple words of Ossian? 
 
 “ A shleagh mar ghiubbas air scor-bheinn 
 Mar ghealach aig eiri’ a sgia.” 
 
 Latin version. 
 
 “ Est hasta instar pini in j? ; go montis 
 Instar lunae surgentis ejus clypeus.” 
 
 Ossian. 
 
 “ His spear is like a fir (tree) upon the rocky summit of a 
 mountain; 
 
 Like the moon rising was his shield.” 
 
 These are natural simple images, not derived 
 from the authority of Milton. 
 
 Criticism , p. 11.—“ Rocks fell from their place, 
 “ rivulets, changing their course, fled murmuring 
 “ from our side.” Virgil, dEn. viii. 239- 
 
 “ Dissultant ripae, refluitque exterritus amnis.” 
 
 “ Imitated in Macpherson’s Ode on the Earl 
 “ Mareschal’s return.” 
 
 “ When from their native rocks the frighted springs retire.’’ 
 
451 
 
 Ossian. 
 
 “ Thuit coille fo chomhrag nach geilleadh 
 Thionndaidli sruith, ’s chrionaich an carnn.” 
 
 Latin version. 
 
 “ Cecidit sylva sub conflictu, qui non cedebat; 
 Verterunt se rivi, et tremuit saxea moles.” 
 
 Literally. 
 
 “ Wood fell under the unyielding conflict. 
 
 Streams turned aside, and the cairn shook.” 
 
 Compare these simple words with the transla¬ 
 tor’s amplified unauthorized description. We see 
 no rocks falling from their place, nor rivulets 
 flying, murmuring, from the side of the comba¬ 
 tants. Virgil’s refuitque exterritus amnis may 
 in some measure apply to the translation, but are 
 totally inapplicable to the simple description in 
 the original. 
 
 Criticism, p. 15.—“ Or yield green Erin to Lochlin.” 
 
 “ Ireland, so called from a colony that settled 
 “ there called Falans. Innisfail , the island of the 
 “ Fail or Falans .”— Macpherson. 
 
 “ Or yield green Innisfail in the first edition, 
 “ and these capricious alterations, which have 
 “ rendered the notes so frequently irreconcileable 
 “ with the text, are a proof that the supposed 
 “ translator had no prototype to adhere to.” 
 
452 
 
 Ireland was often called Innisfail; but it was 
 not so called from any colony, for fal signifies 
 a prince. Innis is applicable to small islands, and 
 not so properly to Ireland. Innisfail signifies 
 the island of princes, and might have been ap¬ 
 plied to any favourite island that was made even 
 a transitory residence of men of renown. The 
 words in the original are : 
 
 “ No'm fag sinn Erinn dha ’n daimbh.” 
 
 “ Or shall we leave Erin to strangers.” 
 
 Lochlin does not here occur in the original, 
 but the translator used the word Lochlin to ex¬ 
 press the strangers of the original. From this 
 vehial liberty it cannot be justly inferred, that 
 there was no prototype. 
 
 Mr Macpherson’s Translation. 
 
 11 Rise, ye dark winds of Erin, rise ! roar, whirl- 
 “ winds of Lara of hinds ! Amid the tempest let 
 “ me die, torn in a cloud by angry ghosts of men : 
 “ Amid the tempest let Calmar die, if ever chace 
 “ was sport to him so much as the battle of 
 “ shields.” 
 
 Upon this passage the following criticism is 
 made:— 
 
 Criticism, p. 17.—“ Amidst the tempest let me 
 u die, torn in a cloud by angry ghosts of men 
 
4 53 
 
 “ While we, perhaps. 
 
 Designing, or exhorting glorious war. 
 
 Caught in a fiery tempest, shall be hurled. 
 
 Each on his rock transfixed, the sport and prey 
 Of ivracking whirlwinds.” Par. Lost, ii. 1S5. 
 
 “ The introductory incidents are all from Mil- 
 “ ton. Cuthullin summons his troops, musters 
 “ them on the heath, and calls a council of war, 
 “ like Satan ; and the speeches of Connal and 
 “ Calmar are obviously in imitation of those of 
 “ Belial and Moloch, for peace or war. “ We,” 
 “ says Belial, “ caught in a fiery tempest , shall 
 “ be hurled, each on his rock transfixed, the sport 
 “ and prey of wracking whirlwinds." “ Roar, 
 “ whirlwinds of Lara of hinds,” says Calmar in 
 “ return, “ amidst the tempest let me die,” trans- 
 “ fixed on a rock, or, “ torn in a cloud by angry 
 “ ghosts of men the sport and prey of wrack- 
 “ ing whirlwinds, “ if ever chase was sport to me 
 ** like the battle of shields.” Here, not only the 
 “ transposition of images, (the sport and prey , if 
 ever chase was sport to me), but the author’s 
 “ peculiar mythology, is observable, in convert- 
 “ ing the wracking whirlwinds into ghosts of 
 11 angry men.” 
 
 Original. 
 
 ** Eireadh gao’ Erinn gu h ard 
 Cronradh an du’ Ossi-.g sliuas 
 Tuiteam le tannuis gu bas 
 
454 
 
 Nan leanuiun am fiadh cho luatli 
 Ri teas chomhrag cliruai nan lot.” 
 
 Literal Translation. 
 
 “ Let the winds of Erin rise on high ; 
 
 Let the dark blast descend from above; 
 
 Let me fall with ghosts to death ; 
 
 Should I follow the doer with such speed 
 As the hot hard contest of wounds.” 
 
 Neither Milton’s fury, tempest, nor wracking 
 whirlwinds, nor Macpherson’s dark winds of 
 Erin, nor the roaring whirlwinds of Lara, nor 
 torn in a cloud by angry ghosts of men, are to 
 be found in the pure, the simple, and chaste 
 poetry of Ossian. 
 
 Criticism, p. 19 -—“ When it moves on the plains 
 “ of autumn, bearing the death of thousands along? 
 “ A concealed imitation of Homer’s Dog-star, 
 “ Iliad, xxii. 26. “ Bright he strode along the 
 
 “plain, like the star, which in autumn ascends— 
 11 pouring heat and fell disease on the nations of 
 “ hapless men? Macpherson’s Homer, ii. 328. 
 “ And, to conceal the imitation, Achilles, rush- 
 “ ing along the plain, like the dog-star that rises 
 “ in autumn, is converted into the mist of marshy 
 “ Lano, “ when it sails over th e plains of autumn, 
 “ bringing death to the people.” First Edit. 
 
 O 
 
455 
 
 In order to shew the unpardonable liberties 
 the translator has taken with the originals of 
 Ossian, we shall quote a few lines of them pre¬ 
 ceding the words taken notice of by the learned 
 critic. 
 
 “ A Cliuchullinn tlia ceilher clachau 
 “ Air Cathbaid taisgte san uaigh 
 “ Cliuir mo lamhsa sios fo uir 
 “ Du’chomar bu ghruamacb snuagb 
 “ Eha thusa, Chathbaid, mhic Arminn 
 “ Mar gbrein a dearsadh ’sa bheiun 
 “ A’s tbusa, Dhu’chomair na ’n garbb-bheum 
 “ Mar cho’-thioiial uisge na’n speur.” 
 
 Translation by Mr Macpiierson. 
 
 \ 
 
 “ Four stones,” replied the chief, “ rise on the 
 grave of Cathba. These hands have laid in earth 
 Duchomar, that cloud in war. Cathba, son of 
 Torman ! thou wert a sun-beam in Erin ; and 
 thou, O valiant Duchomar ! a mist of the marshy 
 Lano, when it moves on the plains of Autumn, 
 bearing the death of thousands along.” 
 
 The literal Translation runs in these words. 
 
 Cuchullin, there are four stones upon Cath- 
 baid shut up in the grave. My hands have laid 
 down in the earth Duchomar of most gloomy 
 hue. Thou Cathbaid, son of Armin, wast like the 
 sun beaming in the mountain ; and thou Ducho- 
 
456 
 
 mar of rough strokes, was like the gathering of 
 water in the sky.—> 
 
 There is no word of the mist of the marshy 
 Lano, when it. moves on the plains of Autumn, 
 bearing the death of thousands along. 
 
 There are many such criticisms, which may apply 
 to the translation, but we have met with none 
 that can in any just sense shake the credit of the 
 originals. To pursue further this subject would 
 lead us far beyond the limits of our intended ob¬ 
 servations upon the subject of the authenticity 
 of the Poems of Ossian. It is to be hoped, that 
 the Highland Societies of Scotland and of Lon¬ 
 don, will use proper means for giving to the pub- 
 blic a literal translation of those wonderful an¬ 
 cient compositions, in a manner which will con¬ 
 vey the lofty spirit and beautiful simplicity of 
 the originals, to those who do not understand 
 the language in which the effusions of the poet 
 were first communicated to his admiring coun¬ 
 trymen. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Printed by Walker and Greig, 
 Edinburgh.