PERKINS LIBRARY Duke University Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/voyagetoafricainOOhutt A VOYAGE TO AFRICA: NARRATIVE OF AN EMBASSY TO ONE OF THE INTERIOR KINGDOMS, IN THE YEAR 1820; WITH REMARKS ON THE COURSE AND TERMINATION OF THE NIGER, AND OTHER PRINCIPAL RIVERS IN THAT COUNTRY. BY WILLIAM HUTTON LATE ACTING CONSUL FOR ASHANTEE, AND AN OFFICER IN THE AFRICAN COMPANY’S SERVICE. ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS AND PLATES. * SIMPLEX VERI SIGILLUM. LONDON: PRIN TED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER-ROW. 1821 London ; Printed by A. and R. Spottiswoode, Ne w- Street- Square. TO f THE RIGHT HONOURABLE EARL BATHURST, K.G. his majesty’s principal secretary of state FOR THE COLONIAL DEPARTMENT* My Lord, It is no small gratification to me, after my return from arduous duties abroad, to find myself distinguished by the kind patronage of Y our Lordship ; the more especially, when I reflect that I did not apply to any friend to solicit this protection, but that Your Lordship was IV DEDICATION. pleased to extend it to me, merely from your knowledge of my services, from the communications which I have had the honour of addressing to Your Lordship, at different periods, during the last nine years. Such an instance of Your Lordship’s indulgence and impartiality, will convince the world how ready you are to encou- rage every individual, whose conduct may appear to merit attention. My gratitude, therefore, indulges it- self in the honour of dedicating this small Volume to Your Lordship. May Your Lordship long continue in the high office you now hold, in the full enjoyment of health and happiness, that you may always have the power DEDICATION. V of extending protection to those who endeavour to deserve it. I have the honour to be, With the highest respect. My Lord, Your Lordship’s much obliged, and very humble servant, WILLIAM HUTTON. London , 1 5th Oct. 1821 . - ' INTRODUCTION. It is neither my wish nor my intention to make the usual every-day apologies for publishing, although I am sensible how much I stand in need of them, and of that indulgence which I hope will be extended to this humble production, written not with the most distant view of establishing literary pretensions, but from the convic- tion that any observations made during a period of eleven years, and particularly on a journey into the interior of Africa, could not fail to be interesting. Notwithstanding that such is my conviction, I' should not have presumed to submit these observ- ations to public inspection had I not been flattered by some respected friends into a belief that they were of sufficient im- portance to deserve publicity. Those scruples, therefore, which I at first entertain- a Vlll INTRODUCTION. ed, I was the more encouraged to overcome from the interest Mr. Henry Mackenzie took in reading an extract from some of my papers before the Royal Society of Edinburgh, and the consideration that I was performing a duty which every travel- ler owes to his country. In claiming the indulgence of the Pteader for any inaccuracies I may have fallen into, I confidently rely upon that liberal sentiment so justly expressed in the Quarterly Review of October, 1816 , in the following words : “ When we find “ Englishmen exposing themselves with ££ their eyes open to all the inconveniencies ££ and hardships of painful and perilous “ journies, to the effects of bad climates 4£ and pestilential diseases, not merely out “ of idle curiosity, but for the sake of see- ££ ing with their own eyes, hearing with ££ their own ears, and of obtaining that in- ££ formation, and receiving those impres- ££ sions, which books alone can never give, ££ we ought to be proud of this national ££ trait peculiarly characteristic, we believe, ££ of British youth ; and so far from visit- ££ ing their literary omissions with critical 13 INTRODUCTION. IX “ severity, we should consider their com- “ munications entitled to every indul- “ gence.” To this extract I shall only add, that, al- though an account of the former Mission to Ashantee is before the public, the particu- lars of this second mission to that country , it is hoped, may not be without interest ; but as Mr. Bowdich has entered very fully into the history and constitution, supersti- tions, and customs, &c. of the Ashantees, it would be superfluous in me to repeat what that gentleman has said upon these sub- jects. I shall therefore confine myself as much as possible to our proceedings at the capital, and to such facts as have come within my own observation ; and as they have been the result of several years’ expe- rience, if it shall be considered that I have contributed in the smallest degree to the entertainment or information of the public, my utmost wish will be gratified. My grateful acknowledgements are due to many respected friends for the assist- ance and encouragement I have received upon this occasion j and in particular to Sir Charles Mac Carthy, the Governor of X INTRODUCTION. Sierra Leone, Mr. Hutcheson, the Judge- Advocate for Scotland, and Mr. Henry Mackenzie of the Exchequer, whose works are so well known, and so universally admired. London , 1 3th September , 1821 , ( L/C ^ WM/s. Bublishzd by Longman, Hurst, Rets, Orme. 8c Brown, 1-921 . A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. CHAPTER I. So much lias been written upon Africa, and upon the various travels in, and voy- ages to that country, it would be tedious and unnecessary to consume the time of the reader by a minute detail of all the trifling incidents which happened during four voyages to the Gold Coast. I shall, therefore, confine myself briefly to the principal occurrences. We sailed from the Downs in the ship Brixtone, Capt. London, in July, 1816, with a fine breeze, and soon passed the South Foreland and Beachy Head, but B 2 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. as the wind became unfavourable, we did not see the Isle of Wight until the third day, nor the island of Guernsey until the fifth, when it bore S.W., Alderney at the same time bearing S.E. by E. In the morning of the 4th of August, a pilot came on board, which afforded us the opportunity of going ashore in his boat ; and, on landing, we regaled ourselves at a farmer’s house with an excellent breakfast. During breakfast, horses were provided to convey us to the town of Guernsey, and we had a delightful ride of nearly five miles, having landed at a distant part of the island. Guernsey is a beautiful and ro- mantic little island, abounding with the choicest fruits and the best wines ; but as the object of these pages is to describe more distant countries, I shall only add that we left that island on the 8th of Au- gust, after taking on board Captains Birch, Vaughan, Demon, and eight other officers of the African corps, with four ladies. We now sailed with a breeze from the S.S.W., and in a few days we passed the Bay of Biscay, though not without expe- A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 3 riencing a little rough weather, particularly off Cape Finisterre. On the 22d, at daylight, we saw Porto Santo ; and on the 23d we anchored, after a tedious, though rather a pleasant passage, in Funchall Roads, for the purpose of taking on board several pipes of Madeira wine. We had not been long at anchor before we went ashore, and it is perhaps time I should mention who my companions were. I have already mentioned the officers of the African corps, and four ladies, whom we took on board at Guernsey. My other companions were Messrs. Fountaine, We- therall, Sutherland, Nelson, and Price, and Drs. Hall and Henley, with Mrs. Henley. Dr. Flail was going out to Goree, to join Major Peddie’s expedition, to explore the Niger ; and Dr. Henley was to join the staff at Sierra Leone. On going ashore, we divided ourselves into two parties : one party dined at the British consul’s (Mr. Veiteh’s), and the other at Mr. Keir’s. Mr. Keir, however, was at that time in England, but Mr. Car- penter (to whom I take this opportunity of b 2 4 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. expressing my thanks for his hospitality and attention) made ample amends for Mr. Keir’s absence. During our stay at Madeira, we put up at the British hotel, but we found a wide difference between this house and that which we left at Guernsey. Every thing here appeared dirty and uncomfortable ; the rooms large and unfurnished, and the people uncleanly and miserable. The town of Funchall is a wretched dirty hole ; the streets are narrow, but paved ; and the in- habitants (Portuguese) are, generally speak- ing, so filthy, that they destroy the vermin in their heads publicly in the streets. The market contains abundance of fruit and vegetables of all descriptions, and in parti- cular the finest grapes and apricots ; of the latter I purchased nearly a hundred for a pis- toreen (value 10c?.), and of the former I ate as many as I thought proper in the vineyards for 6d. As you walk through the vineyards, the grape-vines form a beautiful arbour, with large bunches of grapes clustering round your head as you pass. The day after our arrival at Madeira, we rode up the mountains to the country-seat A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 5 of Mr. Gordon, a noble mansion, most de- lightfully situated. The enchanting valleys and stupendous precipices, with waterfalls in different directions, added to the gran- deur of the scenery. On our return, some of my companions, who were not very good horsemen, were obliged to dismount, and I believe I was the only person in company, besides Mr. Wetherall, who rode down the mountains. In riding out here, the man from whom you hire the horse attends it while you are riding, and holding the tail (which is long) in one hand, and a stick with a sharp nail in the top of it in the other, runs close behind, and occasionally pricking your horse, makes it rather un- pleasant to a timid rider. To speak of the well-known salubrity of the climate, the wines that are produced here, the churches, the convents, and other interesting par- ticulars, is not necessary, as they have already been so well described by a con- temporary ; such descriptions are not the object of these pages ; and the observ- ations I have presumed to offer have merely been made en passant. b 3 6 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA* On the 25th, we returned on board, and sailed for Teneriffe. On the 27th we saw the peak, which is the highest land in this part of the world, and it is said can be seen in clear weather at the distance of 100 miles. It is situated in 28° 10' north, and 21° 10 west. On the 26th we arrived at Port Oratavio, and anchored close to the shore, when the health-boat came alongside. As 1 did not go on shore, I am unable to give any de- scription of this island, further than that it belongs to the Spaniards, who supply vessels with considerable quantities of wine ; and it will ever be remembered, that it was here the immortal Nelson unfortunately lost his eye. Having taken on board fourteen pipes of wine, we sailed for Goree ; and being fortunately favoured with a strong north- east trade-wind, we passed Senegal on the 4th of September. The weather this day was unusually warm, the thermometer being as high as 85°. We had light airs of wind inclining to calms, and in consequence of not hauling more to the eastward off A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 7 Senega], we were for some time unable to shape our course for Goree, the wind blowing directly off the shore. This wind, however, (from the E. S.E.) is very uncom- mon here, and only lasted a few hours, when it again shifted to the N. E., which enabled us to anchor within a mile of Goree on the following day. Here we all went ashore, and paid our respects to the then governor, Major Mack- enzie, and afterwards took up our quarters at the house of a Mrs. Martin, a fine Mu- latto woman, who treated us with great hospitality and attention. In the evening, it blew a tornado, with considerable light- ning, thunder, and rain, which lasted nearly two hours, a circumstance hardly ever known before, as tornadoes seldom last more than twenty minutes or half-an-hour. Considerable damage was done to the shipping ; some bowsprits and foremasts were carried away, and one or two vessels were driven on shore, and completely wrecked. The Brixtone drove from her anchorage, was thrown on her beam-ends, and lost her boat. The fort was struck with the lightning, and, in consequence, b 4 8 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. the flag-staff was split in pieces, and one of the bastions nearly destroyed ; hut no lives were lost. Major Peddie was at Goree at the time of our arrival, and I had the pleasure of being introduced to him by Mr. Joseph Davies, His Majesty’s consul at the Cape de Verd Islands, and by this gentleman was recommended to the Major, as likely to answer his views, he having expressed a wish for a person to accompany the ex- pedition to explore the Niger, in the ca- pacity of secretary. Accordingly, as I offered my services, the Major was pleased to accept of them, and immediately ad- vanced me 200/. to fit myself out for the journey ; and promised, on seeing Captain Campbell at Senegal, (where he was then going,) to send me a written document to pay me 300/. a year salary, and, in the event of my being so fortunate as to return, it was agreed that I should be recommended to Lord Bathurst, to receive the sum of 2000/. as a further reward for risking my life for the public good, should our exer- tions to discover the course and termin- ation of the Niger be successful. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 9 With these prospects, therefore, I re- linquished my appointment in the African Company’s service, and joined the expedi- tion of Major Peddie, who, after leaving me at Goree three weeks, returned from Sene- gal, and requested me to accompany him thither, which I did. On our passage, we were both so tired of the boat, having expe- rienced contrary winds for several days, that we at last proposed to the sailors to land us about forty miles from Senegal, which they agreed to do ; and, after being pretty well ducked and nearly drowned in the heavy surf, we got on shore in safety; but as we had no provisions or fresh water, we regret- ted having left the boat, particularly as night came on, when, being worn out with fatigue, we lay down on the open beach, quite exhausted for the want of refreshment. Fortunately I had with me a box-coat, which we spread on the beach, and this was all our bed. We had not, however, lain long, before we were agreeably disturbed by some Arabs passing with a herd of cattle, who kindly gave us a bottle of milk, which greatly refreshed us, and we once more re- 10 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. tired to rest. During the night, as we did not sleep very soundly, we occasionally heard the roaring of the lion and the wolf, which infest this part of Africa, and are said to seek for food in company, like the shark and pilot fish. Lions are so common, that three and four at a time have been seen on the banks of the Senegal. For myself, I can say, that I only saw one dur- ing my stay here. At daylight in the morning we proceeded on our journey, and passing the salt-pans, where the natives were making salt, we reached the outpost of Senegal, which is about seven miles distant, when we made the signal for two horses. In the mean time, we refreshed ourselves with some fried fish from the Senegal river, and might, if Major Peddie had thought pro- per, have had a comfortable breakfast at Colonel Brereton’s country-house, which was close at hand. As the Colonel hap- pened then to be there for the benefit of his health, he politely sent his compli- ments, and requested our company; but as Major Peddie was not on very good terms 3 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 11 with His Excellency, he declined the in- vitation. Having waited about an hour for the horses, they arrived, and Major Peddie mounting one and I the other, we soon reached Senegal. On the following day I was confined to my bed with a fever, from the exposure to the heavy dews on the preceding night, and did not recover for some days. During our stay at Senegal, every pre- paration was made to forward our depar- ture for the interior as early as possible. The Moors who visited Senegal, which they frequently did, with the finest horses for sale, were daily examined as to the best route to be pursued in getting to the Niger. Various were the routes recommended, but the one Major Peddie determined upon pursuing, was suggested by a Moor named Amadah Dhiob , who strongly recom- mended the route through the Foulah country, from Kakundy, in the Rio Nunez, on account of the safety in travelling, and because there are only the Kings of Foulah and Sego in the way to contend with. 12 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. This man stated, that the north bank of the Niger was the best to travel on, the south bank being impeded by inlets; but he added, that there were no Moors on the south side. He also said, that the Moors leave the banks of the Niger during the rains, and recommended our going down this river after the commencement of the rains in June, when he said the negroes would be all we should have to contend with. On questioning him respecting the un- fortunate Parke, he said that a chief of the Moors beyond Sego, named Boordaau , killed him. The only difference between this man’s account of the price of articles on the Niger, and that given by Parke, was as to the value of dollars, which he stated to be 2000 couries for each dollar. Another Moor, named Bonama , stated that either side of the Niger might be travelled in safety. This man spoke of libraries at Timbuctoo, and of salt being obtained in the desert three feet below the surface of the earth. He also added, that caravans travel during the rains, and at all times, between Timbuctoo and Morocco. The other Moors gave similar inform- A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 13 ation ; but I was much inclined to suspect Amadah Dhiob’s earnest recommendations on this subject. Jackson, indeed, in his account of Morocco, says, that any person acquainted with these people will believe the reverse of what they advise, and from tlieir ill treatment of the unfortunate Parke, and the dread he appeared to have in meeting them upon all occasions, I have always had a bad opinion of their charac- ter, which my late acquaintance with them at Ashantee has not at all tended to re- move. The number of horses purchased by Major Peddie amounted nearly to fifty, and the asses to a hundred, besides several camels ; the officers and men exceeded a hundred ; and the property purchased for the use of the expedition, the pre- sents, and all expenses, could not have cost less than 50,000/. ; so that the little good (if any) which has resulted from this expedition, must plainly show the bad policy of fitting out such large and ex- pensive missions to explore Africa ; for what Chief would let such a formidable expedition pass through his territory ? The 14 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. King of Ashantee, and all the African chiefs that I have ever been acquainted with, would object to it from the fear alone of such a strong party joining their enemies. It was, therefore, not at all to be wondered at that the kino; of the Foulahs would not allow the expedition to pass through his territory. Besides, Major Peddie did a very impolitic thing at Senegal, in trying in public how the horses would carry the two field-pieces, which were intended for the boats after getting to the Niger, as the Moors who were at Senegal, must have noticed it, and, it was most probable, would send word of the fact to the king of Sego and other chiefs in the interior. But as the fate and particulars of this expedition were long ago known, I shall only add that Major Peddie lost his life at Kakundy, in the Bio Nunez ; and Captain Campbell, who succeeded him in the command, ad- vanced into the Foulali country, where his haughty conduct obstructed his further progress, and constrained him, amidst a thousand difficulties, to retrace his steps to Kakundy, where the fever prevented the execution of a plot formed by his A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 15 soldiers to assassinate him. Lieutenant Stokoe, of the Inconstant frigate, then suc- ceeded to the command ; and there was a gentleman of the name of Dochard, a surgeon, who was the next officer to Stokoe, and who, I believe, is now in England ; but what became of Lieutenant Stokoe I have never heard. Upon the subject of this expedition, experience has convinced me that such formidable missions will never succeed in exploring Africa, as the natives are too jealous and too much alarmed at such a force. My humble opinion is, that we must either have no appearance of force at all, or else such a force as will sur- mount every obstacle. But I now come to the painful task of explaining the cause of my leaving Major Peddie — painful only because, as that gentleman is dead, a delicacy obliges me to withhold certain facts, which I should not hesitate to state were he alive ; and, De mortuis nil nisi bonum. Major Peddie, I believe, was a most liberal-minded man ; and had he not been, in a great measure, controlled by Captain 16 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. Campbell, nothing but his death would have separated us ; but it is a duty which I owe to myself, to state the fact which caused our separation, and which I cannot do better, than in the words of my affi- davit, made before the Governor of Cape Coast Castle, on the 17th of February, 1817, a copy of which was laid before Lord Bathurst shortly after. The follow- ing is an extract from that document: “ About a month after the deponent’s “ verbal agreement with Major Peddie, as “ particularly applicable to the 2000/. which “ he was to receive in the event of his re- Fnribr River Gamhadi Doollooc linlnl LJJibou; r Mawota , Irtjhi/n Dibbic KafPo f 'n/nkrorc KnJai ./i/mif IA A R\( r () Nd<, rootooma Mania \HAOL J atnirw ZPaiama ■ Hill hi jf f,< Yar/con Satt.vuruii/i// j /it (ft it YAO Xrtftt/unl/a . > Fobie JZom/ta ffo.nt- ( it'll! I Kalaru/tt /Xtti/rt’f Jiurnu/no A li O f Y A R R / B A » lFaiibee , .L tibia Paboy fiaAStitut/i Vd/LbTulhi Lttbbr' /) I A L l. OLX (Itini/iii •mboo j Uaboifi , JahtuZi Bam/a ° So/co. J! t/f Loss A WE E SA Wi K\°Ptihmec Ort-atZa/c, Bnntoo/coo ' Nicfcra LedSS i Ta/curur (ini tt (to (to Cot'anza Abomtj f Ann. \- Shoals \Ebwic ^ Alat/a/t Anmfbti ifttftX, viroom / Hanna* J/oIohuj Xnr Uii/cbti. 'FAN'. ifl/.v Town I*, falimba , Zona wap Jy'ongo J/tufraved 2>v Sid y ffall f Buvv Strt.7}h>oin&b- Fornu’.x Ufti.s/i/tjty.v J Town/ ( jf B \/ A T F R A F or mta.y ' / i//i ////// . /£///// > , ('Mj’ZjC a Mi) S/jttrbtft f/>r coarse of the c ; / . ) ( ) ;uid Principal UtVCVS. from the Zcrlrsf. 4tt fborr (t es‘, by W. Hutton . -< / Thomas Zeltmd on tfie JZtputtor 7 >earing H r by ■)'. distibif •/ /.eto/orw . Loiigiludr JEaft Q ix*om Grecoiudcb. . .Zoto/on , Pub/uAtcti by Z.ntujninn , /Zuf.yt , Prc.y , Ortne A'/ironn , Patrrno.stcr Ron', Ocf'.JP J S21 . A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 103 CHAPTER V. In the map which is prefixed to this part of the work, is shewn the different places in Africa which I have visited dur- ing the last eleven years ; from Senegal, which lies in 16° 3 ' N. lat., and 16° 10' W. long., to the island of Anna Bona, in 1° 32' S., and 6° 5 ‘ E. To have entered into a minute descrip- tion of all these places would have far ex- ceeded the limits of this work; and I have to regret the omission of some remarks on various parts of the country to leeward of Cape Coast. I cannot, however, omit say- ing a few words on the islands of Anna 7 several strings and shreds of leather. Half the offerings to the fetish are thrown into the river, the other half belongs to the priests. The Ashantees, as well as the Fantees, always spill a little liquor upon the ground before they drink, as an offering to the fetish ; and when they rise from their seats, their servants instantly lay them on their sides, to prevent the devil, (whom they say is white,) from slipping into their masters’ places. Suicides are frequently committed among the Ashantees ; a re- markable instance occurred when 1 was at Cape Coast. An Ashantee having struck the sentry at the castle gate, he was con- fined in the slave hole, where he hung himself in the night. An alarm was given, and I was one who accompanied the cap- A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 323 tain of the guard to the place of his con- finement ; when we found the poor fellow upon his knees, hung to a sort of manger by his cloth, which he had taken off his body to accomplish his purpose. The Moors have hitherto exercised the greatest influence at Ashantee, and a few lines written by Baba, the chief of the Moors at Coomassie, is believed to possess the power of turning aside the balls of the enemy in battle, and is purchased at an enormous price ; writing paper is conse- quently very valuable at Ashantee. Mr. Dupuis gave Baba several quires, which highly pleased him. I have said that the Moors have hitherto possessed the greatest influence ; it is therefore proper I should explain why they do not still possess this influence to so great an extent as they formerly did. In the late battle between the Ashantees and Buntakoos, when the balls were flying about rather briskly, Baba skulked out of the battle, and was not to be found until it was over ; when, it is said, the king reproached him thus : — “ How can you expect that I can have faith in your fetish, if you are afraid of the balls y 2 324 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. yourself?” Since that period Baba and his companions have lost much of their influence, and it was a long time before the kino; would be friends with him. In- o deed, during my stay at Coomassie, I could not perceive they had half the influence which I should have supposed they had, from reading: Mr. Bowdich’s work. Doubt- o less, however, they still possess influence to a certain extent ; but I never observed them present at any of our meetings, ex- cept on public occasions, when they at- tended with the rest of the people. Time, and a more intimate acquaintance with Europeans, will, no doubt, convince the Ashantees of their folly in believing the mystical absurdities of the Moors. Two of their inferior priests accompanied Prince Adoom on his embassy to Cape Coast, where they lived at my house for some time ; and the gross falsehoods they fre- quently told me will appear from the fol- lowing. When I asked them if the path to Coomassie was in good order, they im- mediately assured me it was a fine broad path well cleared ! To an enquiry respect- ing the houses at the capital, they said I should find them much superior to that A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 325 which I occupied at Cape Coast ! A.nd on asking them if I should be able to get a horse to ride at Coomassie, they replied, certainly, that their chief (Baba) would make me a present of one ; when it will be seen elsewhere, that on Mr. Dupuis apply- ing to Baba, he had not one belonging to him even to lend us ! The reason for these people telling such falsehoods, it is difficult to imagine, except that they are so ha- bituated to lying, that they seldom speak the truth. They visited us several times at Coomassie, but Mr. Dupuis generally com- municated with them alone. The yam custom in Ashantee, as well as in Fantee, is annual, and is held just at the maturity of that vegetable. This is their greatest national solemnity. The Adai cus- tom has been already noticed ; and as the observance of the one is attended by much the same cruelties as the other, any further notice of them would be painful to the reader, as well as unnecessary. “ The death of a person of consequence is announced by a discharge of muskets. In an instant all the slaves rush from the house, hoping to escape ; but one or more 326 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. are always sacrificed at the door of the house. On the death of a king, his bro- ther’s sons and nephews, affecting insanity, fire among the crowd.: no rank is safe. The law allows the king 3333 * wives ; a number which is carefully kept up, al- though his majesty does not keep more than six at the palace. They live quite secluded, and are never approached but by the king’s messengers, or their female relatives, who only communicate with them at the entrances, where there is always a guard. None but the chief eunuch is al- lowed to bear a message to the king when in the seraglio. The king has a small troop of boys, who carry the fetish bows and ar- rows, and are licenced plunderers. What- ever they can steal is deemed fair game. The king’s weights are one-third heavier than the current weights of the country, which is a source of emolument to the household. When the king sends an am- bassador he enriches the splendour of his suite and attire as much as possible ; but there is also attached to the embassy a * This is a mystical number in the eyes of the natives, as they seem to think, as many Europeans do, that there is a ditinity in odd numbers. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 327 mean-looking, but shrewd boy, as a kind of’ spy on the whole proceeding. It is a practice of the king to consign sums of gold to the care of rising captains, without re- quiring payment for two or three years, at the end of which time the king expects it to be returned. If no advantage has been made of it, the person is thought unworthy of further assistance. 44 Apokoo (keeper of the treasury,) holds a kind of exchequer court at his house daily, to decide all cases relative to the revenue. In all public trials, the charges are preferred against the criminal by the king’s linguists ; the accused is always heard fully, and is obliged either to commit or exculpate himself upon every point. The oaths are various ; that by the king’s foot is not considered decisive, as perjury to this oath is commutable by fine ; those by the king’s father are held binding ; and still more so are those made 44 by Corman- tee and Saturday.” (Vide page 347.) 44 I will describe two modes of taking fe- tish : one, licking a white fowl twice or thrice, and drinking a nauseous vegetable juice without coughing ; it is administered y 4 328 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. by the linguist out of a brass pan in a folded leaf of the plant. If the accused is cleared, he comes forward, and is marked with white chalk by the linguist. The second is taking doom, which is the infallible test, when they consider the case to be too doubtful for human decision. The bark of that tree is put into a calabash with water, so as to make a strong infusion ; it is stirred up whilst the suspected parties sip in turn ; those who sip first may recover, and the dregs are frequently left designedly for the obnoxious.” The Ashantee loom is precisely the same as the English : their cloths are very fine and showy ; their patterns are printed with a fowl’s feather, with much taste and regularity : they excel in pottery ; the clay is very fine, and after baking is polished by friction, and the grooves of the patterns are filled up with chalk : they are also skilful in goldsmith’s work ; but they have no idea of making iron from ore as their interior neighbours have : they tan leather well, but are indifferent carpenters. The climate of Ashantee I consider more healthy than on the coast. The in- 19 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 329 habitants are very subject to, dysentery from the marshes which surround the capital : it rains at intervals six months in the year. Mr. Bowdich estimates the population of Ashantee at a million ; but I think he has greatly overrated it. The population of Coomassie may be about 15 or 20,000: the men are not so strongly- made as the Fantees ; but the women are generally handsomer in their persons, and more pleasing in their manners. “ The food of the higher orders is chiefly soup of dried fish, fowls, beef, or mutton, and ground-nuts stewed in blood : palm wine is their usual beverage, but they have also a drink made from Indian com called pitto. “ The markets are held daily. Amongst the articles for sale were beef (about 8d. per lb.), and mutton cut in small pieces for soup, wild hog, deer, monkey’s flesh, fowls, pelts of skins, yams, plantains, Indian corn, sugar-cane, rice, encruma (a mucilaginous vegetable resembling as- paragus), peppers, vegetable butter, oranges, papaws, pine apples, bananas, salt and dried fish from the coast, large snails smoke-dried, 330 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. eggs for fetish, pitto, palm-wine, rum, pipes, beads, looking-glasses, sandals, silk, cotton- cloth, powder, small pillows, white and blue cotton-thread, calabashes, &c. &c. The price of a good bullock at Coomassie is about 6l., a sheep 15s., and a fowl Is. 8d. “The revenue arises from various sources; the gold dust of all deceased and disgraced subjects ; a tax in gold upon all the slaves purchased for the coast ; a tax upon the elephant hunters ; the washings of the small pits in Soko, yielding from 700 to 2000 ozs. per month ; a tax upon every chief increasing his gold ornaments, and also the tributes paid by dependant states. “ Coomassie is built upon the side of a large rocky hill of iron stone ; it is an oblong of upwards of three miles in cir- cumference ; four of the principal streets are nearly half a mile long, and 50 yards wide ; they have all a name, and a prin- cipal captain resides in each. There are about 27 streets in all.” The cattle at Coomassie are nearly as large as the English. All the cows belong to the Moors, who regularly supplied, us with milk, it being fetish with the Ashan- A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 331 tees, so that they will neither drink nor touch it unless by accident. The sheep at Ash- antee, as well as at all our settlements on the coast, are hairy, with long legs. The horses are small, with large heads and lathy legs. The Ashantees seldom ride on horse- back, consequently they are bad horsemen. The number of horses at Coomassie did not exceed a dozen, and the price of a good one was 8 and 10 ozs. (321. or 401.) The Ashantees use no implement but the hoe ; yet their plantations are neatly laid out, and enclosed, with a house at the gate, where the slaves, who take care of it, sleep. They have two crops of corn a year ; they plant yams at Christmas, and dig them early in September. The oranges are large, but I did not think them of that excellent flavour which Mr. Bowdich mentions. The castor-oil rises to a large tree. The cotton plant is very common, but little cultivated. The usual African animals are found here. The currency of Ashantee is gold dust, but the Ashantees are more inclined to be a warlike than a commercial people : they do, however, carry on a considerable trade in gold dust and ivory with our merchants 332 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. on the coast ; but the chiefs consider trade beneath their attention. On our journey to the capital, we met many traders going to the coast with gold dust and elephant’s teeth. These traders on their arrival at our settlements are al- ways imposed upon by the Fantees, who act as brokers or agents between them and o the Europeans : it is the common practice for these fellows to cheat the Ashantees of nearly one-third of the value of an ele- phant’s tooth. The way this is done, is by the Fantee brokers making a bargain with the Europeans for more than they reeive in the presence of the Ashantee trader, and the overplus is reserved by the European merchant for the broker, who calls for it the day after ; so that the king and Sir James Yeo were very right when they said the whites joined with the Fantees in cheat- ing the Ashantees. This practice, however, I believe, much to the credit of the English merchants, has in some measure been put a stop to within the last two ^ears. The profits made by Europeans on goods sold to the Ashantees are from 50 to 100 per cent. ; and those made by the Ashantee A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 333 traders, in retailing goods at Coomassie, are from 100 to 4001. per cent. The principal ar- ticles of trade will be found in the Appen- dix, in the list of the Company’s prices. The most valuable article sold to the Ash- antees, is the Indian silk or taffeta, the price of which is 31. 10s. and 41. per piece, of 1 1 yards : these are unravelled by the Ash- antees, and wove into cloths of their own manufacture ; they prefer those from Fez- zan for this purpose, as the colours are more showy. Coarse thick scarves are also brought from the interior. It has already been mentioned that the currency of Ashantee is gold dust ; that of Inta, Dagwumba, Gaman, and Kong, cow- ries. Cowries (small shells,) are also the currency at Accra, but at all the other Bri- tish settlements on the coast it is gold dust. Mr. Lucas writes, “ To the merchants of Fezzan who travel to the southern states of the negroes, the purchase of gold, which the dominions of several, and especially those of Degombah, abundantly afford, is always the first object of commercial ac- quisition.” Mr. Bowdich says, “ I could not learn that any gold was dug or collected in 334 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. Dagwumba, though considerable quantities are imported from its extensive commerce.” I have no doubt but the natives dig for the gold in the interior, from the large pieces of pure gold which are sometimes purchased from the Ashantees, weighing 10 and 15 ozs. Mr. Hutchison mentions having noticed a piece in the king’s pos- session, weighing 20 ozs. (801.) I have never seen (either in the interior, or on the coast,) the natives dig for the gold ; but I have frequently observed fifty old women under the walls of Cape Coast Castle wash- ing for it. The method they adopt is this : early in the morning after a hard shower of rain, when the gold is supposed to be driven down to the sea side from the mountains, they assemble under the fort, each of them having two or three cala- bashes or bowls ; these they fill with earth, and by continually washing and throwing water over it, the gold being heavier than the sand, sinks to the bottom of the calabash. After great labour they pick out whatever small particles there may be. In a whole day they may not get more than the value of a few shillings ; A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 3 35 , sometimes not more than a shilling or two, so that only old women think it worth their trouble to wash for it. There are nine great paths leading from Coomassie, namely, the Dwalein, Akim, Assin, Warsaw, Sawee, Gaman, Daboia and Sallagha, which places Mr. Bowdich has described so fully that I have nothing to add respecting them, further than as relates to the late war with Gaman, which I shall notice in the next chapter. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 336 CHAPTER XV. WARS. The wars of a barbarous people ab- stractedly, cannot be very interesting ; but the following account of them, being written by me to the king’s dictation at the palace of Coomassie, will perhaps greatly increase their interest ; and as I have the original which I wrote at the time, in my possession, the reader may depend on the following being a faithful interpretation of the king’s sentiments. The extracts, also, which I shall give from Bowdich and other authors, to make this account as complete as possible, I believe to be perfectly correct. The origin of the war between the Aslian- tees and Assins was, that two rival chiefs of that nation, (the Assins,) named Apinnanim and Atanesefu, fought amongst themselves. After fighting very hard, and destroying A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 337 a number of people, the king of Asliantee, as a mediator, sent them a present of gold to settle the palaver ; but they would not do so, but still continued to fight. They refused to admit of the king’s mediation ; and the chief, Atinesefu, ran to the Fantees, when the king sent his captains and criers of the court, with two pieces of manilla, to endeavour once more to settle the palaver ; but on doing so, Atinesefu, assisted by the Fantees, took the gold, and killed the messengers. The king having heard of the ill-treat- ment of his people, sent Apokoo and Apier, (two of his generals,) with an army, giving them orders to destroy Atinesefu, and those Fantees who had interfered. On their march, they strewed leaves to shew that they were not hostile to those countries they passed through, but only with the persons who had provoked the war. They told the Fantees that they had no war with them collectively as a nation, but only against those who had interfered bv assist- ing Atinesefu. The Fantees, however, took up arms against the king, and a battle ensued, when the Fantees and 338 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. Atinesefu were defeated at Benda, and one captain (Ate,) was taken prisoner, and sent to Coomassie. His majesty here de- sired the linguist to repeat that the army, on marching through the Fantee country, previous to the battle, strewed leaves the same as they did on passing through the Assin territories. * On shewing the prisoners at Coomassie, that had been taken by Apokoo and Apier, Ate was exhibited, chained to a log, and Apokoo then declared to the people that this man had taken up arms against the king. Nevertheless, he was liberated from his chains, to remain at Coomassie until further information was received from the Fantees. This happened in the reign of the king’s brother, Zai Quamina. f At this period the former king died, and the present king succeeded him on the stool. The Fantees now sent word that the king must put a price upon Ate, that they * Assin, it will be recollected, lies between Ashantee and Fantee. f The king always spoke of the deeds of the former monarch the same as his own. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 33fr might redeem him, which they promised to do, and the price affixed, was sixty pereguins * of gold ; but the Fantees never kept their promise. The king demanded that those Assins, who had joined the Fantees, should be - de- livered up as a condition of the peace, but this was not done. The king also ordered that all the Assin chiefs, who had been taken by Apokoo, should be decapitated as traitors, which was done accordingly. The king then sent a proper captain (one of his own linguists) with gold chains, rings, and gold dust to the Assins, to pay any debts they owed to the Fantees ; and the Assin chiefs were ordered to appear before the king at Coomassie. The Fantees again sent word that they wanted Ate ; but the king replied, that until he received the sixty pereguins of gold, Ate must remain prisoner ; but added, that he would send him to Assi- cooma, a croom near the Fantee country, to remain there until ransomed at the price mentioned. A pereguin is equal to 2 oz. 4 as. or 9 L currency, z 2 # 3 AO A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. Soundou, the name of the king’s linguist, was sent to settle the palaver ; after Soun- dou went to Fantee, he told the Assins on his return to Ashantee, to accompany him ; but they would not do so, but stole Ate away. The king then said, “ Very well, you stole Ate, — where is my sixty pereguins of gold ?” But the Fantees now declared, that they would only give a case of liquor, and ridiculed the king, saying, that he might purchase guns with large fish, of which they sent a sample, while they said they could purchase them on the coast with framfras.* The sea, they said, was larger than Boosemache,']' meaning that they could get a greater supply of fram- fras than the king could river fish, and guns in proportion. The Fantees then took all the gold a * Framfras are a small fish which are taken in great abundance with the cast-net by the natives on the coast, who chiefly live upon them. f Boosemache is a lake four miles long and thi’ee broad, about fifty miles from Coomassie, on the great path leading to Akim and Accra. Thirty crooms are situated around it, which are supported by fishing, and fish are daily sent from this lake for the king’s table. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 341 second time, and killed Asoundou and his companions. The king on hearing this, said, “ Very well, I will now go and fight the Fantees which he did with his own army and part of the Assins who joined him. But the other Assins, with Cheboo * Apo- tey, and Safou, joined the Fantees and fled to Cape Coast from Annamaboe. After the battle at Annamaboe, Colonel Torrane seized upon Cheboo, and sent him to the king by the wish of the Cape Coast people, as they feared the Ashantees would de- stroy Cape Coast. Colonel Torrane then went to Annamaboe, and made friends with the king ; but the Fantees again gave battle to the Ashantees, when they (the Fantees) were driven to Aquapim, and eastward. A number of prisoners were taken and all their heads cut off ; but one Braffoo cap- tain, named Adooko, made his escape. The people of Accra and Elmina are the king’s good friends ; and when the king returned to Ashantee after the battle, he heard the * This man was blind, and Colonel Torrane, to put a stop to the war at Annamaboe, seized upon him, and delivered him up to the king of Ashantee, who decapi- tated him. 342 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. Fantees were making war with the Accras:* he then sent his captains again to fight, and defeated the Fantees a second time. In justification of this act, the king observed, that if any one treated Mr. Dupuis ill, it would be his duty to take his part and fight for him, as he was the king’s friend. The reason the Fantees fought against the Elminas and Accras, was, because they assisted the king when he fought against the Fantees. The Fantees sent to Quamina Akim, to beg the king to make peace and be friends ; but they were only playing, and did not mean to do so, as they immediately made war, and induced ten tributary states to join them against the king ; namely, Kotokoo - King Cudjoe Coomae. Abaqua King Atta, (who was succeeded at his death by Coffee Ashantee.) Aseaqua - King Borokoo. * This I know to be true, as I was at Accra at the time that Town was blockaded by the Fantees in 1809; a battle ensued, when the Fantees were de- feated and many taken prisoners ; the fingers and hands of whom were cut off by the Accras and roasted in the streets. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 343 Aquapim - King Assafrotchwi. Sabah - Kino; Yonminta. Braqua - King Yamo. Assecooma - King Ecoome. Adobin - King Amoo. Encoom - King Agai. Warsaw - King Intefoe. But the king sent his captains with a large army to invade Fantee, and destroyed them all.” As the account of this invasion of Fantee is correctly given by Mr. Meredith * in his account of the Gold Coast, and in the Appendix to Mr. Bowdich’s work, as well as in Robertson’s Notes on Africa, it would be superfluous to repeat the particulars upon this occasion. As long as the Ashantees have been known to Europeans, they appear to have been a brave and warlike people, and in tracing back their history, the first account of any battle of moment, is given by Bosnian about the year 1700, in the follow- ing words : * This gentleman was afterwards murdered by the people of Winnebah. Vide Appendix. z 4 344 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. “ The king of Dinkira, a young prince, whose valour was become the admiration of all the negroes of the coast, sent some of his wives to compliment Zay the king of Asiante ; who not only received and enter- tained them very courteously, but sent them back, charged with very considerable presents, to express his obligations for the grateful embassy. And being resolved to return his obligation, he, some time after, sent some of his wives to compliment the king of Dinkira, and assure him of the great esteem he had for his person. These Ambassadresses were not less splendidly treated at Dinkira, being also loaded with presents. But the king cast a wanton eye upon one of them, and hurried on by lust, gratified his brutal desire ; after satiating which, he suffered her, together with the rest, to return to their country and their injured husband, who was informed of this affront. But he took good care to make the king of Dinkira sensible that he would not rest till he had washed away the scandal in his injurious blood. Whilst the king of Asiante was making preparations A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 345 to attack his enemy, the king of Dinkira died, which might encourage a belief that the impending cloud of war would blow over : but he still immoveably persisted in his purpose of utterly extirpating the Dinkirans ; accordingly about the beginning of this year (1700) being completely ready, he came with a terrible army into the field, and engaging the Dinkirans, who expected him, he beat them ; but fighting them a second time, he entirely defeated them. “ The Negroes report, that in these two battles, above 100,000 men were killed. The plunder after this victory, took up the Asiantees fifteen days, (as ’tis said, but per- haps largely enough) that Zay’s booty alone amounted to several thousand marks of gold, as is affirmed by one of our European officers, who was sent on an embassy to Zay, and says, he had several times seen the treasure. This messenger of ours, who is now in the Asiantean camp, has orders to take an exact account of what he hears and sees there.” (Bosnian’s Account of Guinea, page 66.) Mr. Bowdich writes that “ Sai Tootoo 346 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. having defeated the Akims and Assins, subjected the Tufel country, and subdued many small States in the neighbourhood. He also conquered Dankara, the king of which (Intim Dakarey,) was so considerable a trader in slaves, that the Dutch governor- general paid him a monthly note, from his own purse, and assisted him with two or three small cannons and a few Europeans, on the eve of the Ashantee invasion : the former are now placed as trophies in Coo- massie. Boroom was subjugated soon after. “ Sai Tootoo, who began the building of Coomassie, did not live to see all the streets completed ; for war being declared against Atoa, a district between Akim and Assin, he invaded that country. The chief of the Atoas, unable to face such a power, dex- terously insinuated his small force through the forest until he reached the rear of the Ashantee army, which the king was fol- lowing leisurely with a guard of a few hundred men, all of whom were destroyed by the Atoas, who shot the king in his hammock. This happening near a place A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 347 called Cormantee; (razed to the ground in vengeance) and on a Saturday ; the most solemn oath of the Ashantees is, “ by Saturday and Cormantee;” “ Miminda Cormantee:” and no enterprize has since been undertaken on that day of the week. “ 1720, Sai Apokoo finished the building of Coomassie, and invaded the kingdom of Gaman, when Abo the king, fled to Kong, whither the Ashantee army pur- sued him. The king of Kong politically compelled Abo to meet his enemies on the frontier, lest they might disturb a neutral kingdom. Abo being defeated, purchased a peace by presenting large sums of gold to the various chiefs, and consenting to an annual tribute. “ Apokoo next subjected Takima, whence the Fantees are said to have emigrated, and forced a second emigration of the people to Gomowa at the back of Winnebah. He also dispossessed the Akims of the English, Dutch and Danish Accra notes.* Tribute being demanded from the neigh- bouring kingdom of Dagwumba, a war * For an explanation of this word, vide page 263. 348 A VOYAGE TO AFItICA. ensued, and its troops were defeated. The king of Dagwumba, convinced that his former reliance on a superior population was vain, from the military genius of the Ashantees, and the commercial disposition of his own people, dispirited from their want of fire-arms, * prudently invited a peace. “ In 1741, Sai Aquissa was made king. During his reign the king of Akim desiring to go to war with his neighbours, was obliged to obtain permission from the Ashantee government, which he did, by the promise of sending him half the spoil ; but gaining little or nothing, he did not do so. He soon afterwards heard of Aquissi’s intention to demand his head ; and knowing that the king’s word was irrevo- cable, he summoned his ministers, and * Fire-arms are unknown to such of the nations on the South of the Niger as the Shereef has visited ; and the reason he assigns for it is, that the kings in the neighbourhood of the coast, persuaded, that if these powerful instruments of war should reach the posses- sion of the populous inland states, their own inde- pendence would be lost, have strictly prohibited, and by the wisdom of their measures, have effectually prevented this dangerous merchandise from passing the limits of their dominions. Lucas. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 349 desired to sacrifice his life for the quiet of his people : his ministers insisted on sharing his fate ; and a barrel of powder being brought for each to sit on, they drank a large quantity of rum, and blew them- selves up with the fire from their pipes !” an instance of devotion surpassing even the Greek and Roman name. “ Deeming a peace bought cheaply with their blood, “ They died with pleasure for their country’s good.” Roemer, a Danish author, writes “ that in 1744, a king of the Ashantees called Opokoo, put himself at the head of a powerful army to make war upon a Mahometan nation situated far to the north- east. He marched twenty-one days through a woody country intersected by rivers ; afterwards fourteen days across a sandy country without water, in which he lost many men, and then entered a fertile country, populous, and abounding in all kinds of provisions, the towns of which were exceedingly large. He possessed himself of several towns and a large booty, but the people of the country suddenly surrounded him with an immense body of cavalry : nevertheless he carried off several slaves A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 350 and many Arabic M.S.S. which afterwards fell into the hands of the Danes, the mas- ters of Accra.” Bruns concluded that the country thus invaded by the king of Ashantee, was the Degombah which Inhammed made known to Mr. Lucas. But Yarriba and Hio are the most powerful nations of this part of the interior, whereas Dagwumba has been tributary to Ashantee nearly a century. Mr. Bowdich says, “ Apokoo told us more than once that there were three countries which would not pay tribute to Ashantee, two eastward and one to the N. W. ; each of those eastward had defeated the Ashantees.” (Bowdich’s Essay on the Geo- graphy of North Western Africa, p. 18.) “ Sai Cudjoe, during his reign in 1753, defeated the Warsaws and Assins more de- cisively than his predecessors, and was the first who compelled them to acknowledge fealty to Ashantee, he also subjected Aquamboe and Aquapim, quelled several revolts of other countries, and was esteemed a very great captain. The grandfather of Amanquateii Atooa, conquered Sawee, kill- ing the king Boomancumma ; and Bakee, A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 351 soon afterwards, subjugated Moinse'a. In this reign Quama, king of Dwabin, died.” “In 1785, Sai Quamina succeeded his grandfather Sai Cudjo, at a very early age. The Akims revolted soon after his accession, under Ofoosoo, their most active ruler for many years : he engaged several smaller states in alliance, and defeated the Ashan- tees repeatedly ; at length the treachery of his followers procured Quatchi Quofie, (the Ashantee general,) his head ; with which he returned to Coomassie, the country having again submitted. The fame of Ofoosoo made Quatchi Quofie so vain of this achievement, that he had a figure of him made, with which his umbrella is still crowned, and before which he dances with every insulting gesture and vaunt, when he arrives on the ground at the various ceremonies. The present king has fre- quently been heard to say, that it was a great pity this old man did not know better, for the Akim cabboceers generally attended his summons with alacrity and good-will ; but the sight of the insulting effigy of their favourite leader, disgusted them, and ex- cited their revolt. These brave people 352 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. have risen from their dependence at least eight times. “ The government finding a pretext to invade Banda, the king Odrasee vigorously opposed the Ashantee army ; but at length, seeinghemustinevitablyfall into theirhands, to prevent his head being found, which cir- cumstance he knew would sorely disquiet the enemy *, and solace his own people, * On the death of the late king of Amanhea, two competitors for the stool appeared, one called Snikee or Suiquah ; the other’s name I am ignorant of. Both collected their slaves and adherents, and fought. Suikee was obliged to fly, and hide himself in the bush ; but the people being dissatisfied with the conqueror, Suikee re-appeared against the town. When his rival was reduced beyond all hope, he threw all his gold, which filled several jars, into the lake ; and then collec- ting his wives and the different branches of his family, went with them into a remote part of the bush, and cut all their throats, with the exception of one son, whom he reserved to assist him in burying the bodies. He then made his son sw r ear on his fetish, to kill and bury him, and never to discover where the bodies were laid : the son fulfilled the oath, and returned to Apollonia, but I am not certain what became of him. After Suikee had seated himself firmly on the stool, he by some means dis- covered where the bodies were concealed ; he caused them to be dug up, and taken to Apollonia town ; he then ranged them in a sitting posture, in a row along the beach, with stakes to extend their arms, and sup- port their heads : this horrid spectacle was exhibited A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 353 ordered, just before he killed himself, a. woman to be sacrificed, and the abdomen being ripped, his head to be sewn up within it, and her body afterwards to be buried in the heap of the slain. It was discovered by bribes, and is now on one of the king’s great drums. Soota was also subjugated in this reign, occupying the army under Odumata ten years, during which period he was not allowed to see Coomassie. Odu- mata afterwards subdued Coranza, the larger part of his army being Gaman aux- iliaries. “ The first important military act of the present king was the invasion of Fantee, which has already been noticed. Whilst that invasion was meditating, Baba, now the chief of the Moors, presented himself, to solicit an asylum in Coomassie, having been driven from Gamba by the rapacity of the king, his near relative ; and pro- until even their bones had perished. One of Suikee’s first acts after his accession, was to consecrate his hiding place in the bush, making it death, or a heavy fine, for any one to swear by Suikee’s bush, and not to keep the oath. A A 354 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. fessing solely to desire the recovery of a large property withheld from him, to make the king of Asliantee the heir to it. The king promised he would oblige the king of Gamba to do him justice, on his return from the Fantee war, if Baba and his com- panions were fortunate in their prayers and charms for his success. The king of Gamba did not think proper to resist the demand afterwards made through the Ashantee government. “ In 1807, Coonadua, the king’s mother, was left regent during his absence ; this woman was a second Messalina, and many young captains who refused to intrigue with her, from fear or disgust, had been ulti- mately the victims of her artifice and ven- geance. “In 1811, Attali, caboceer or king of Akim, had followed the king to the first Fantee war, and behaved well. Apokoo being sent on an expedition against the Fantees of Winnebah and Berracoo, Attah received orders to join him with his con- tingency ; instead of which, he sent a message to Apokoo, before he passed the Boosempra river, refusing to join him, and A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 355 advising him not to attempt to pass through his country. Apokoo reported this imme- diately to the king, who, as is usual, sent to Attah to enquire if he had said so. He confessed that he had, without hesitation, adding that the king treated him like a slave, by incessantly summoning him to attend his wars, and besides, that he never could forget that Sai Cudjo had cut off his grandfather’s head, and that he would fight with Apokoo whenever he came. Soon afterwards, Quamina Guma, (the father of Becqua, captain of Danish Accra,) and one of the king’s sons, returning to Coomassie with a large quantity of gold collected to make custom for the King’s mother, Attah intercepted, robbed, and murdered them and their party, with the exception of one, whom he desired to tell the king that this act would convince him he was in earnest, and determined to go to war with him. Apokoo was immediately ordered to pro- ceed against Attah, who had engaged Quaw Safiatchee as a party in the revolt, who was weary of the same laborious vassalage. When Apokoo entered the Akim country, Attah was forattackinghim immediately, and a a 2 356 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. at sun rise, but Quaw expressing bis doubts of their succeeding against the superior warfare of the Ashantees, begged him to stop until three o’clock, when the Ashan- tees generally ate and slept, and when they might be better able to retreat if worsted, as the enemy never pursued in the dusk. The attack was a surprise, but the fight continued obstinate and undecided until night, when Apokoo found he had lost so many men, that he immediately dispatched a messenger to summon the Accras to his aid, as vassals to the king. His messenger reached Accra the next day, and that people joined him on the following, on which the enemy retreated precipitately; Attah to windward, and Quaw to Adda. Apokoo followed the latter, who having escaped him after a tedious watchfulness, Apokoo, believing the Danish governor, Mr. Flindt, to have connived, made him his prisoner, and kept him with the army, which soon afterwards encamped in Aqua- pim, five months, during which time he was treated with kindness and respect, but his ransom amounted to nearly 400/. Apokoo was soon after ordered back to Coomassie. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 357 44 Appia Danqua had been sent, at the same time with Apokoo, with 6000 men against the Fantee states which were dis- posed to the revolters. He defeated them at Apam, and took Baffoo the Annamaboe cabboceer prisoner, but whilst his army was before Tantum, intelligence of the ap- proach of Attah, who had retreated from Apokoo, but whose name was as redoubtable as his disposition was rapacious, subdued his firmness, and under the plea of pru- dence, hurried him back to the interior. The path was afterwards shut for two years, through the vigilance, and from the terror of Cudjo Cooma, who had been elected to the stool of Akim, six months after the death of Attah, whose immediate successor (Quawko Ashantee) tyrannized so cruelly during that period, that he was com- manded by the people to kill himself, and could only obtain the indulgence of a week’s respite, which he spent in singing and danc- ing, in fact in making his own custom. Quaw Saffatchee had also leagued with the Fan tees who attacked the Accra town, but were repulsed. The king suddenly deter- mined to open the path to receive the ar- 358 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. rears of pay due from the forts, and sent Amanqua Abiniowa with an army of 20.000 men, charging him to offer no violence nor commit hostility, unless pro- voked by attack, but to receive the sub- mission of the Akims and Aquapims, and merely to exact a fine to seal it. Appia Danqua was sent at the same time with a smaller army to the back of Winnebah and Tantum, to intercept the revolters if they fled to windward. Abiniowa proceeded to Aguissao, one day’s march from Aquapim, unmolested, when one of his foraging parties was attacked by Cudjo Cooma and seven men killed. A general engagement took place the next morning, and after six hours fighting the Ashantees were vic- torious, and sent a jaw-bone and a slave to each of the Accra towns. Amanqua then marched to Accra to receive the king’s pay, and remained nearly twelve months in its neighbourhood. He then returned to Aquapim, where, after some time, he re- ceived a message from the king, with a large quantity of gold, advising him that he must not see his face again unless he brought the heads of Cudjo and Quaw. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. .359 Amanqua did not immediately communi- cate this message to his captains, but ordered them to deposit their equipage and pro- perty in Accra, and then, making a large custom for three days, to propitiate the en- terprize, he took fetish with all his captains that they would never return to Coomassie without the heads of Cudjo and Quaw. “ In 1816, Appia Danqua had died in Assin in the interim, and was succeeded by his brother Appia Nanu, under whom Bak- kee was the second in command. The king hearing nothing of his progress, and his indolence being reported to him, sent or- ders to Amanqua to join him, which he did at Essecooma, reproaching him for his cowardice. Soon after this, the skirmish at the salt pond, near Cape Coast, took place, the detachment was principally of Assins, and commanded by Quasheemanqua. Yo- kokroko soon afterwards joined the com- bined army, (which had marched to Abra,) with a few hundred men destined to attack Commenda. “ Not long after the palaver was settled at Cape Coast, and the army again divided, Cudjo Cooma was killed by a party of Ap- a a 4 360 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. pia Naim’s at Insoom or Incoom near Essecooma ; upon which, Appia, instead of marching to join Amanqua as had been concerted, returned to Coomassie, where he was coldly received, but not ac- cused until the 12th of July last. Adoo Dan qua, the brother of Quaw Saffatchee, came to the Accras and concerted the delivering of him up, as he had tired him out with his wanderings. The Ashantees agreed to prevail on the king to give him the stool if he did. A few Accras and a few Ashantees accompanied him, and when he came near where his brother was hid, one day’s journey from Accra, he placed an ambush, and sitting down, expostulated with him, and recommended him to kill himself; but Quaw would not, alledging that he should eventually wear out the king’s patience in pursuing him ; on this Adoo rose, and a shot was immediately tired at Quaw, who was brought down and rose again four times, exclaiming that his brother was his murderer, who reflected the reproach on his own obstinacy. The body was brought to Accra, and his head sent to Coomassie, and it is now a trophy 6 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 361 at Bantama or the back town. Amanqua then returned to Coomassie, and arrived about six months before the mission. “ The king had sent to demand the royal stool of Buntooko, or Gaman, which was thickly plated and embossed with gold ; it was given up by Adinkara, the king, from fear ; his sister, a woman of mascu- line spirit and talent, and the soul of the government, being absent. On her return, she reproached her brother severely, and ordered a solid gold stool to be made to replace it. That being also demanded, as the right of the superior, with a large gold ornament in the shape of an elephant, dug out from some ruins, his sister, receiv- ing the ambassadors, replied, that the king should not have either, and added, im- pressing it with more force than delicacy, that her brother and she must change sexes, for she was most proper for a king, and would fight to the last rather than be so constantly despoiled. The king of Ashan- tee sent word that she was fit to be a king’s sister, and a strong woman, and he would give her twelve months to prepare for war. Several embassies have been sent 362 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. however to negotiate ; two during our stay, the latter, it was said, with an offer of 400 bendas, (3,200/.) but the aristocray were obstinate, and urged to the king, that his other tributaries would laugh at him, if he did not get the king of Gaman’s head.” Accordingly, in 1818, the king assembled his troops, amounting to at least 30,000 men, including Apokoo and the principal generals and captains, and marched to attack the Buntakoos in person ; as they were no contemptible enemies, and there- fore required a strong force to engage them. The former king of Ashantee (if we may believe his present majesty) thrice con- quered the Buntakoos. But upon this occasion, Adinkira expecting some of the Ashantee allies to join him, marched his troops into their territories to prevail upon them to do so. The kins; of Ashantee notwithstanding, attacked the enemy, and after a long contested engagement, which was for a considerable time doubtful, and at one moment nearly decided in favor of Adinkira, the Ashantees were the victors. Adoo Quamina informed us that many thousands were slain on both sides, and A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 363 several generals were killed and wounded. Amongst the latter was Adoo Quamina himself, a ball having entered his left eye * and passed through the temple. The wound, however, was wonderfully well cured. From all the information I could collect, the Ashantees had not much to boast of although they claimed the victory; but it was very evident from the cautious manner in which they answered all our en- quiries upon the subject of this battle, that it did not terminate to their satisfaction. As a proof, indeed, that they had not gained a very decisive victory, we did not hear of any particular trophies, no gold stool, no great men’s sculls, which they would not have failed to speak of had they possessed any. It is true a few captives were pointed out to us, and one, in particular, was said to be the heir to the stool. But the king did not appear to like the subject, and seemed to be perfectly contented in as- suring us that he had “ destroyed him,” (meaning Adinkira}.” “ When a general is appointed to the command of an army, he receives a gold Vide Plate. 864 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. handled sword of the king from his hand, (who strikes him gently with it three times on the head,) swearing to return it encrust- ed with the blood of his conquered enemies. One of the king’s linguists always accom- panies an army of any consequence, to whom all the politics of the war are en- trusted, and whose talent and intelligence in negociating, are expected to mature the fruits of the military genius of the general, and to reimburse the expence of the war by heavy fines and contributions. The Ashantees are as superior in discipline as in courage to the people of the water side, though their discipline is limited to the following precautions. They never pursue when it is near sunset; the general is always in the rear ; the secondary captains lead the soldiers on, whilst those in command, with a few chosen individuals, urge them forward from the rear with their heavy swords, and cut any man down who retreats until the case is desperate. The first ob- ject of the Ashantee in close fight, is, to fire and spring upon the throat of his ene- my ; to advance every time he fires he feels to be imperative, if his commander thinks it possible, who would, otherwise, if he A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 365 escaped death in the action, inflict it on him directly it was over. It is one of the sentences of the most popular song * in Coomassie, “ If I fight I die, if I run away I die, better I go on and die.” They are as the antient Spaniards have been described, “ prodiga gens animae et p rope- rare facillima mortem.” The general has his umbrella spread in the rear, and, besides his guard, has several extra musquets ready loaded for those soldiers who may be driven to him in case of reverse. His band plays * The following is one of their songs, which is sung by several individuals, who rise and advance, singing in turn. 1st. Woman. My husband likes me too much, He is good to me, But I cannot like him, So I must listen to my lover. 1st. Man. My wife does not please me, s I tire of her now, So I will please myself with another Who is very handsome. 2d. Woman. My lover tempts me with sweet words, But my husband always does me good, So I must like him well, And I must be ti*ue to him. 2d. Man. Girl, you pass my wife handsome, But I cannot call you wife, A wife pleases her husband only, But when I leave you, you go to others. S66 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. all the time, and in his assumed contempt for the enemy, it is the etiquette for him to divert himself at some game, whilst the heads of the slain of any rank in the hos- tile army are sent to him to put his foot on. When the result of an important ac- tion is expected, even with an anxiety by no means sanguine, and the messengers are known to be near the capital, the king is always seated in public, with his golden worra board before him, playing with some dignitary ; and thus receives the news, to impress the people with confidence by his affected indifference to victory or defeat, when superstition had revealed and fated invevitable success ultimately. “ All the superior captains have peculiar flourishes or strains for their horns, adapted to short sentences, which are always recog- nised, and will be repeated on enquiry by any Ashantee you may meet walking in the streets, though the horns are not only out of sight, but at a distance to be scarcely audible. These flourishes are of a strong and distinct character. The King’s horns uttered, “ I pass all kings in the world.” Apokoo’s, “ Ashantees, do you right now?” Gimma’s, c< Whilst I live no harm A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 367 can come.” Bundahenna’s, “ I am a great king’s son.” Amanqua’s, “ No one dares trouble me.” I will now close this chapter with the following anecdote, which is related of the king of Ashantee. His majesty having determined to invade one of the towns which supplies Coomassie with a consider- able quantity of salt, was invited to dine with a Cabboceer, who wished to alter his determination, and with this view, had recourse to the following stratagem. He ordered two sheep to be killed, the one lean and the other fat, and a soup to be made from each. The former he seasoned with salt which he omitted in the latter ; on helping his majesty to the fat soup he did not like it, and sent away his plate ; but on tasting the other, he was much pleased with its superior flavour, and re- marked the difference, although the fat soup looked the best ; when the Cabboceer took the opportunity to observe, that the town his majesty was about to destroy, sup- plied the Ashantees with salt ; upon which the king declared, that such being the case, the town should not be destroyed. 368 A VOCABULARY OF CHAPTER XIII. LANGUAGE. For the following account of the languages of Ashantee and Fantee I am greatly in- debted to my friend Mr. Robertson. The language of Ashantee, as well as of Fantee, the last of which is, indeed, merely a dialect of the former, is very meagre, and, in many respects, very imperfect ; although, in common affairs, our thoughts can be ex- pressed in either with tolerable precision. The following Vocabulary has been com- piled in the Fantee Dialect, as promising to be more useful to those Europeans who might frequent the African coast, than the Ashantee, which is spoken principally in the interior ; it does not appear necessary THE FANTEE LANGUAGE, 369 to give a vocabulary of both languages ; a person who becomes acquainted with the Fan tee, will very readily acquire the Ashan- tee, whenever he shall have occasion to mix with the people of that country. It must be recollected, that neither the Fantees nor Ashantees have any written language. To put, therefore, that upon paper of which there is no example, is necessarily difficult, and can scarcely be ex- pected to be free from faults. There are no Articles in this language. Substantives do not vary their termin- ations : the plural is distinguished by the addition of numerals. Adjectives do not alter their termination. The comparative and superlative are ex- pressed by the addition of the word dodo comparative, and kerrara superlative. Pronouns undergo no alteration whatever: they are few in number, and do not answer to ours, by any means. The alterations in the persons and times of the Verb , are generally expressed by a difference in the pronunciation, and from the imperfect nature of this language can- not be easily described. B B 370 A VOCABULARY OF With respect to Adverbs , although they have the common ones of time and place, yet they do not appear to have any answer- ing to the English words, terminating generally, in ly : such as cautiously , curiously , ardently , &c. Conjunctions they of course have. They have, also, the common Prepositions, answering to the English words, of, from , to, by, &c. The Interjection is as common as in other languages. From the paucity of words in this lan- guage, it may be naturally expected that the natives of Africa, who use this and others of the same kind, have frequently re- course to figures to express their meaning. Such is the case: the elephant, the lion, and other animals, are very often the sub- jects of their metaphors. As some sort of guide to the pronun- ciation of the words of this Vocabulary, I would observe, that the vowels oo are to be sounded like the same letters in the English word soon ; and that the vowels ee are to be sounded the same as they are in the English word seen ; that the letter g, preceding a 16 THE FANTEE LANGUAGE, 371 vowel, is uniformly to be pronounced hard; that ch always sounds the same as in the English word chamber ; that throughout the Vocabulary there are no silent vowels, the final ones being always to be sounded ; and that where such combinations of vowels occur, as ea, oa, ooa, eea, ooe, ooee, and eeu, &c. they make always two syllables. To Abhor Keroo Able Toomeh Abode Odan Above Tiffee About Ubieli Absent Ineheh To Abuse Wae emboney To Accept Fa To Accom- Inco possa pany Active Etwemlica To Admire Peh-do-do To Advise Camker Adult Bo iran Adulterer Effarrey To Affirm Oosay ampa To Affront Booaffoo Afloat Ota-Insue Afraid Sooloo After all Ne-Eenah Afterwards Feelee Aga Saffohen , Age Infea Agent Obatton Agression Eah Agony Ayeo yeh- Ague dodo Heim Ah (interj.) Yea To Aid Soh-mooh To Ail Yea To Aim Tobo Air Inframa Alarm Sooloo Ale Ahai, or pito- Alike porter Eenaseh Alive Nikan AH _ Eena Almighty Yancoompon Almost Acoocooma Aloft Surro Alone Incoa Altar Edoo-Sooman Always Indeheena- Ambush eena Aditcho Amends Adoopa Amiable Eayit passa Amiss Eadoo bonee Among Aoo-um Amorous Pehbissea To Amuse Gemanee Anchor Seekeh Anew Foofrou Anger Dadje Angle (a cor- Tee Inam ner) Angry Booehfoo Anker Ankora 2 372 A VOCABULARY OF Ankle Nangeh Annually Afee-een- Anodyne eena Adooloo To Anoint Fabedooeena Ansvverfre- Kakrem ply) Antelope Adooah Antique Oakir Any Eebew Ape or Mon- Adopee or key Crassee Apish Adopee Ineem Apostacy Chenohoo Apothecary Edoo yehfoo Apparel Etade To Approach Obah To Approve Mepeh Arable Dadeepa Arm (of the Insa body) Army Assa foo Arrow Eggen Art Neem To Ascend Co Suroo Ashes Insoo Ashore Dadee Aside Inkeen To Ask Beesa Aslant Obinken Asleep Oada To Assert Soomoo To Assure Ampa Astray Atoguin At Owa Atom Coomawa To Attack Twesa To Attend Chowm Averse Mahnpeh Awake Nanica Aweful Surrododo Axe Acuma Baboon Effoo To Backbite Chapo me Backward Mekee Bad Imoo Bag Kootookoo To Bake To oh To Balance Too-anoo Bald Tikueh To Balk Dooeh-kessee Bamboo Adoobey Bandy (adj.) Inkomoo To Bang Bonoo Bank Inken Bar (of a Asurokee river) Bar or Bolt Dako Bard Aduto ajum Bare Coora Bargain Ejehanoo Bark of a treeObon droch To Bark (like Opobodam a dog Barrel Odookoo Base Ebon Bashful Incatoo Bass Intong To Bathe Guerra Battle Coo Bawdy Kassa bonee Bay (of the Oka sea) Bean Edoveh Beauty Aoyeafoo To Becalm Keemah-imbo To Beckon Too-insa Bed Impadoo Bed-chamber Impa-peeum Bedtime A deb assain Bee Adooa Beehive Adooa-den Before Dican To Beg (to Chuane ask) To Begin Incan To Believe Itteh Bell Odou Bell-man Odoufoo To Bellow Qbom Bellyfull Amee Belly Effoon THE FA NT EE LANGUAGE. 373 To Belong Ideh Beloved Ina-peh Below Asinadee Belt Aff'orey Bench Opoon To Bend Poonomoo Beneath Sinadee Berry Idooch aba To Besmear Sinah dee Besom Mina Best Adipapa To Betray Dada Better Adipa Beware Tohe yea (interj.) To Bewitch Aein ,To Bide (to Tina dwell) Big Osso ; Cok- roko Biggest Bill Osso tineh Pampo Bin Alaka Bird Anima Bird-catcher Inropeh rooh effile Biscuit Pano Bit Cooma To Bite Cah Bitter Alaawheen Black Beebin Blackguard Nim aha-foo To Blame Assim Blanket Koontoo Blast (wind) Aho To Bleach Hoole To Bleat Adoosoo Blear-eyed Enea-kehoo To Bleed Shang Blight Oa-kinkin Blind (adj.) Effeleh To Blink Boo-enee Blister Poonpoonjeh Block Issee Blood Booghe Bloom Herin Blow Boh Bludgeon Abah Blue Toontoom Blunt Eendam Blush Neato Boar Eamooh Board Apoon Boat Batidch Boastful Koontompo Bog Bynin Bone Obeao Book Aooma Boon Wawoon To Bore Bo-tooclea To Borrow Fafeh Bosom Cookoo Both Beena Bottom(back- Noo-toon side) Bough King quan Bowl Akooroo To Brag Kootompo Brain Chong Branch Ningquan Brass Aeeooa Brave Insurro Bread Pano To Break Boam Breakfast Nopa de Breast Noofoo Breath Akoom To Bribe Kakera To Bring Fama Bristle Ewhee To Broil Tooto Broken (part) Waboh Brook (a ri 11) Ooia ba Brother Nooeli Brothel Aguaman feh To Bruise Potto Buckle Catoom Bud Aba-bang Bug Impaboa Bugle Aben Bull Nanche Bullet 3 Coorabo 374 A VOCABULARY OF To Burn A hew Burning Dehew Burnt Aweh ahew To Borrow Otoom To Burst Paee Bush Ahaban Bastard Peteh Busy Edguma Butcher Coombuch Butter Bootree Butterfly Fafranta To Buy Toll Cabbage Fang Cabin Peim Cable Sickahooma Cockle Acoco Calamity Adeebonoo Calf Nanche ba To Call Fren Cavalry Ponko do Camp Insirem Can (to be Inehe able) Canary (a Akiem bird) Candle Candee Cannibal Deinepa foo Canoe Hiemba Cant Dada Cape Ippo To Caper Ayeahoom Care Whasam Careless Em whasam To Caress Dina asseh To Carry Osoo To Catch Keerine Chair Egwah Chalk Heero Chamber Peeum To Chatter Cassa-dodo Cheap Ohe-foo To Cheat Imeem Cheese Keesoo To Cherup Cassa do anima Chest Alaka To Chew Tresa Child Ba fra Chill (cold) Awoa Chin Abogee To Chip Chiveh To Chop Chiveh Clay Dottee Clean Epee Clear Ghen Cloth Tam Cloud Ahominee Coach Wheeleh Cobweb Ananseewheh Cold Awoa Cholic Ayeo To Come Bah To Command Awhedoo Common Inoompa Concern (in- Consar terest) Constant Indeh ena ma Cool Wagweh Cork Cakoo Corpse Effoo Correct Ampa (right) Cost (price) Deng Costly Dendodo Cotton Assaba Covey Animamba Cough Owa To Count Ka Country Kroom Couple Ehbien Courage Eyeging Coarse Inehfen Coward Hoofoo Cousin Trofa Crack Bom To Crack Abom Cradle Ba-impadoo Crafty Nineato Crag Boba kesse Cramp Ananse kitem Crane (a bird) Anantingtmg To Crawl Panoofoo Crazy Abodam THE FANTEE LANGUAGE 37 5 Creek Oka Crier Bodehfoo Clime Edoo bony Crocodile Denkiem To Cross Betroo To Crow Orobong Crowd Inipapee To Cry Desoo Cudgel Epoonah Cunning Aboo Curse Oyea Custom Mene vvayeh Cut Chweh Cutlass Ofoonah Dam Nee Damp Wafo Danger Nookoo To Dare Doh Dark (adi.) Esoorn Dart Ipma To Dash A pittee To Daunt Surro Dawn Ahanamakee Day-light Adakee Dead Waoo Deaf Chache Deals Tab oh Dear Oyadee Debt Ka Debtor Demeka Deceit Dada To Decoy Dada Deep Ehdoh To Defame Geen bonee To Defeat Eho-dom To Deform Moopon To Defraud Chew-champa Delirius Erey bosum Deluge Insue bocrom Demon Aboinsam Den Boo To Despise Kelloo To Destroy Boboon To Detain Jinakoo Devil Oboinsam Dew Hoowehsoo To Dine De-deh To Dip Toom Dishonest Eweu To Distract Assudee To Divert Cogor Dizzy Chebon To Do Eeh Dog Bodam Done Wayewae Doom Adoom Door Abo Double Ehbein Dove Abro anima To throw Tooa down Dragoon Ponko inepa Dread Surro dodo Dream Sooda To Dress Headee To Drill Bo-tooclea To Drink Noom Droll Brebee Drum Tenteh Drunk Abooa insa Dry Wawoo Dumb Emoom Dung Eben Dusk Adeh Duty Amea Dwarf Toompon Dysentery Eemeetoo Each Eheen Eagle Sansaw Ear Asoo Earnest Am pa Earthy Offam Ear-wax Asooimbou Easy Ioominee To Eat De Eaten (part.) De wassa Ebb Watchwey Eclipse Effroe-perro Effeminate Issehbeesea Eldest Paneen Elephant Esoon Empty Be eneem .376 A VOCABULARY OF End Nanoo Equal Isseh To Err Ade bonee To Escape Guen Even Isseh Every Eena Ewe Gwenbirra Eye Ineweh Eye-brow Intow Face Neem To Fade Odohen To Faint Gwecotchoom Fair Ayeafew Fairy Bosoom Fan Ahweteh Fang Aseeting-ting Far Ewa To Fasten Keker Fast Intern Fashion Foofroo Fat Kessey Father Aga or Me- jah Fathom Abasam Fatigue • Afra Fawn Chwem-ba Fearless Insurro To Feast Orotopon Feather Tickea To Feed Mamoo Feeble Inframa To Feel Kawhe Feet Wansa To Feign Dada To Fell Faheim Female Basea To Ferment Chool To Fester Badee Few Koomawa Fiddle Sankoo Fiddler Sankoofoo Field Afoom Fife Aben To Fight Ekoo To Fill Heanama Filth Eatan Filthy Eatan dodo Fin Nifimfim To Find Ahoon Fine Aeafeh Finger Satteaba Fire Geah Fire-stick Gcahba Firm Eadeu Fish Po-inam Fish-hook Incoaba Fishing Teeinam Fist Insa Fit Weyhee To Fix Keepeea Flavour Oeadeh To Fledge Tiklea-ba Fleece (wool) Guen wohee Flesh Inam Flint Aehurabo To Flirt Ateainsu To Float Eadoo cu Flock Tantera To Fly Too Fly Wansama Foal Ponko ba Foam Ahooloo Folk Foo Folly Oabodam Fool Quasea Foot Nansa To Forbear Gey To Forbid Geh Force Eaden Food Eedooban Foremost Incan To Forget Rofee Fork Faca Form Yea To Fortify Sinee den Fortune-tel- Soomanfoo ler Foul Effee Found (part.) Ehoon Fox Osso Fowl Acocko To Free Menomedeh THE FANTEE LANGUAGE, 377 Fresh Amoon To Fret Osooroo Frog Achweye Fruit Adooeh ba To Fry Keoo Fnll Ima Fun Ego Fy (interj.) Capeneemfoo To Gallop Guen Garden Tooroom Gay Oyea serroo Ghost Saman To Give Mam Gloss Effee To Glut Meen Glutton Dedehfoo To Gnaw Weesa Goat Abreekee To Go Caw I am going Me caw Gold Sicca Good Owyea Gore (blood) Bogea Gourd Apakee Grain Efooeh Grand Baramponye Grape Assecrama To Grasp Soonoom Grass Ahaween Gravel Mosea Grave (adj.) Inda Great Osso Green Boyouma Grief Mobor To Grind Eemaoo To Groan Apeenee Ground Dade (earth) To Guess Guinee Guilty Obanoyea Gum Ehea Gun Atoo Gunpowder Atoodoor Gun-stock Atoo-edooeh Gut Ninsoon Gutter Woraba To Guzzle Noomintem Ham Pleako inum Hamper Kinking Fland Insa Handsome Aoyeafoo To Hang San Hard Ayeaden Haft Offa Harp Sankoo Harpoon Cola Hat Cheavvoo Hatchet Icoomeh Hawk Sansa Heap Booanoo Head Echee Heart Coomba Heat Eahew Heavy Aea-doo Heal Nantee Heir Achewa To Help Soomo Hem (interj.) Paineh Herbs Idooloo Here Heh Herring Imman To Hew Oguan Hidden Issima (part.) To Hide Dooma High Awoa Hip Junkoo To Hit Bon Hoarse Ideeafea Hoe Asso Hog Pleako To Hoist Chwee To Hold Sum To Hold fast Sumaedeem Hole Tooklea Hollow Toowooum Home Feab Honest Imbaba Horse Ponko Horseback Ponko surro House Odan How Ayeaindeh 378 A VOCABULARY OF To Hoax Dada Hump Afoo Hung (part.) Sen Hunger Ocom To Hunt Ayeaheh To Hurt Peera Husband Ukoonoo Husk Ehoon Hussy Ejueman I Mea Idle Nehehfoo Idiot Abodamfoo Idol Bosumboa 111 (sick) Eereh In (prep.) Wooum Ink Ninke Ink-stand Ninke ade Inside Noomo To Insist Ocantem Instant Intern To Insult Beafoo Itch Yeaheen Ivory Ossoomeh Jam (a pre- Mean serve) Jealous Coorafoo Joy Go Jump Too Key Saphee To Kick Intea King Ossey Kitten Ginumba To Kneel Kootoo Knife Sikan To Knit Boboa Knot Bopo To Know Neim Labour Ajuma Lady Oheamba Ladle Kancora Ladder Achweree Land Mewoo Landing Badadee Lane Branoo Language Cassa Lap Sirra Large Osso To Last Akillee To Laugh Seeree To Lay Toa To Lead Soomini Leaf Hawan To Leap Hooloo To Learn Keera Leather Aooma To Leave Caw Leg Nantoo Leopard Gehean Less Issueh To Let Ma Lick Laffee Lid Ibroowado Lie (false- Chapo or En hood) chapo Life Necan Light (not Oghe heavy) Light (of the Eaheh day) Like (adj.) Seh Limb Nan Lime Kado Line Ahama Lion Getteh Litter Apacka To Load Apooa Loaf Odokanoo To Lock Toom Long Tintin To Look Wheh To Loosen Sang Loss Aegou To Love Peh Lover Penoo Love-sick Penooerey Louse Igwee Low Itea Lynx Jehean cang Mad cang Abodam or Madam Aberdam Eooraba THE FANTEE LANGUAGE. 379 Male Banin Man Banin Many Pee Market Guem Marrow Efeen Master Eoora or Youra Mat Impa To Measure Soosoo Meat Enum To Melt Nan Memory Guin To Meet Heean Midnight Isooum Mine (pron.) Me-dea Milk Noofooinsu To Miss Foor Misty Fooeh waheh Moon Abosoom Moose deer Oehwee Morning Nopa Morsel Coomabee Mother Mina or Minna To Mourn Eamobor Mouse Quaque Mouth Noom Nail Plego Name Ideh Narrow Eatea Nation Foo eena Nature Eadyeena Neck Okong Negro Bibinee Nest Boo Net Eboa Never Debeda New Foofulo News Assim Next Akeer Nimble Guen To Nibble De ca Nice Ayeafeh To Nick Che cooplemo Night Adea-sa To Nip Chen Nipple Noofoo No Dcbe or Dabi Nod Boacheadee None Beeine Nose Owheen Nostril Tooclea ow- heen Nothing Ebreebee Now Impre Nurse Bafeafoo Nut Adoogee Nut-tree Doeh Oar Atabon Oakum Paha To Offend Boofoo To Offer Deema Officer Ossafoohen Oil Ingoo Old Dada Old-fash- ioned Incodade One Ecor Open Boey Ordeal Noomadoom Otter Insu bodam Over Todo Out Epooeh Owe Dee To Own Ara Ox Nanche Oyster Adontee Paid (part.) Twehca Pain Yeh Paint Kahooey doo- loo Pair Eben Palm-tree Abeh To Paint Ahoom Paper Krata To Pardon Keaoo To Pass Whee Passion Bahfoo To Pay Tueca Pea Edooeh brafoo Pepper Moko Physic Adooloo 380 A VOCABULARY OF To Pick Wafeh Piece (of cloth) Opoo tam Price Iohee Pin Pausa-ba To Pinch Tee Pipe Abooeh Pistol Mostruroa Pity Eamobo Place Aheh Plague Freh Plaster Danahoo To Play Gooroo Play-fellow Go ankopa To Please Baiemone Plenty Pee To Pluck Tootoo Pod Edooeh ting Point Keereh Poison Toonadoo Pole Dooeh tintin Poor Ohea Pot Coora ba Powerful Toomoeh To Prepare Sesheindeam - ba To Press Mean Pretty Ayeafew To Prick Aronoo Pride Koontompo Priest Soomanfoo Prison Wisse inepa To Probe Hoe toosea To Pull Chivveh To Punish Whew To Pine Abroobeh To Putrify Ehbon Pace Tooboo Rage Booefoo Rainbow Eakontong To Raise Madoo Rare Adepapa Rash Eeintem Rat Eerudiere Raving Inkassah ereh Raw ■ A moon Ray Awhiwhejeh To Reach Ca To Read Wheam aoo- ma Reading Whea aoorna um Ready Crara To Recollect Inea woofra Red Memin To Reeve Faheim To Refuse Impeh To Refresh Aeamedeen To Remove Facaw To Repay Too aca To Rest Da To Restore Metoo ouka To Return Bah Rich Sicca do To Ride Co ponko Right Waea To Roast Tootoo To Rob Keanoo Robber Keanoofoo Roll Boobo Rogue Koncoin sine Round Domaroo To Romp Goora Roof Impoonah Roost Accoko da Root Nittoo Rope Tampe To Rot Eapro To Rub Guitta Rough To Run Eh wee Twemlica To Rust . Dunkandel Saddle Ponko gweh Sail Embrada Salt Inkeen Sand A whea Sap Idooehinsu Savage Woogeh Sauce Apehsee Sauce-pan Dadicey To Save Faseeh To Say Sell THE FANTEE LANGUAGE. 381 Scent Eh ween Scissars Appassoo Scratch Cheche Screech Keekam To Screw Faheiin Seal Bobo Sea Apoo Sea gull Apoo anima Sea side Apo anoo Sea water Apo insu Second Ehekeuy Secure Keekrea Seed Effou To See Wheh Stem (stalk) Gineh To Seize Sonimoo To Sell Tou To Send Minabah Sense Yeinsa To Set Tah Sing Togooum Shadow Soonsoom To Shake Pepeim Shallow Idoh Share Ekeh Sharp Aeindam Sheep Gueng Shell Awooraba Shirt Camesa Ship or vessel Ohen Shoe Sapatro Shot Atootroo To Shove Peanoohoo To Show Keera Shout Seam dodo Shower Insu doto To Shun Cowheenta To Shut Boodoh Sick Eirey To Sigh Hoomeh tin Silk Silke Silly Quasia Silver jueteh Single Ecor To Sink Asseywoo To Sip Fee Sister Keraba To Set Tinna Sex Issea Skin Aooma To Skip Holoo Sky Ehoomanee To Slack Goom Sleek Deotro Sleep Dah To Sleep Adah Slice Chivveh To Slide Tirado Slain Afon To Sling Ehooma To Slink Nineato To Slip Tirado To Slit Wate Sloth Afoonah Sloven Ayefee Slough Ahoon Slow Guininee Sluice Aurado Sly Konkoinsin Smack Boenim Small Koomba Smart Aeinteen Smell Wehhooa To Smear Sarrade Smile Ledee Smoke Weeseeroo Smoky Wesee dodo Smooth Oatsroo To Smother Meanan To Smuggle : Ahoouta ode- egweh Snail Soon sum To Snap Apim Snare Afillee To Sneeze Hintee To Snore Incorum Snot Hewindol Snout Awheen Snuff Assira Snug Mauguaho So Jeh ayea To Soak Insu madon 382 A VOCABULARY OF Soap Simina To Sob Kontoo Sober Inoom insa be Softly Jervenee Soil Dotty Sold (part.) Tou Sole (of the foot) Nansa Some Be Son Badbaning Song Ehjeum Sometimes Dabee Soon Akookama Sorceress Aboinsam Sore Ekooroo Sorry Emobo To Sort Ittedeh Sot Aboa insa foo Sound Eke-kum Soup Inguen Sour Oyeaween Sow Prako-bree Span Tro-insa Sparrow Cossa-anima To Speak Kassa Spear Kamah Spider Anauseh To Spin Orotoo To Split Paeym To Spoil Sekeao Spoken Kassa Spoon Ateeree Spoonful Ateereema Sport Goora Spot Tookou To Spread Otira To Spring Petey To Sprout Pampaye Squabble Eadede Square Watin To Squeeze Mea To Squint Incachou Squirrel Apateebe Stage Adan To Stagger Coffafa To Stain Waeberrahoo Stairs Achwerreh Stake Dooeh myseh dadee To Stand Gina To Stare Whe dodo To Stay Tineh Steam Insu piem To Steal Wea Stench Ebon emoo Step Toonau Stick Ipima To Stifle Mooeh hoom- eh Still Conee To Stir Nooum Stomach Efoo Stone Oboh Stood (past.) Aginel Stool Geweh To Stoop Cotoh To Stop Ginah Story Assim Stout Bland Straight (adj. ) Ehtinee Strait Isua Stranger Hooahos Straw Adobeh haw een Softness Melloh Street Bronoo To Stretch Hooaden To Strew Googoo To Stride Trah To Strike Bonoo String Hama To Strip Pawootam To Struggle Pehel To Strut Cherea koon- tan Sugar Sicaree Sultry Eohew Sun Ehwhea Sunday Quassee deli Sunshine Ehweafee To Sup (to drink) Noom fllE FANTEE LANGUAGE, 383 Sure Ampa Surely Moonah Swallow Cankan anima Swarm Edoosoo To Sweat Feeferee Sweet Ehooem To Swell Walloon Swift Atoo Switch Edooehba Sword Crante Table Apoon Tail Edooeh To Talk Cassa To Tally Ca Tallow Serradee Taste Cawan To Teach Kina To Tear Che To Tell Kakira To Terrify Insurro dodo Terror Insurro To Thank Dawsee That Ea Thatch Whebah There Oaha They Narra Thick Oye-doo Thief Oyewfoo Third Beeassa Thirst Insu com Thirsty Insu comadee This Ejin Think Juim Those Eena Thousand Apiem Thread Ahamab Three Ehbeassa To Throw Toom Throat Mein Throne Abrogwah Thunder Sinnama Thursday Abinnadeh To Tickle Noonoo Tide Insu pimeh To Tie Keykera Timber DooehKesseh Tiresome Infra neepa Toe Nausaba Tobacco Tooa Told (part.) Kamkera Tongue Tikuama Tooth ache Addeeayeome Tooth Addee To Torture Apoorben To Touch Ka Town Groom Trap Effileo To Tread Teeadoo Tree Edvoeh True Ampa or Umpah Trumpet Aben To Trust Fidim To Try Sowee Tub Ecoro ossoo Tune Eioom To Turn Dan To Twist Dahoo Vein Inteen To Vex Loefoo Villain Nipa bon Under Assee Umbrella Keeneba Unwilling Imp eh Vow Kintam Wake Inean To Walk Nantoo To Wander Nantoo Babee Warm Ehen Waist Sickea Water Insu Wave Soorakee Way Ehneh Weak Booboo To Wear Hea To Weave Wenee Web Tam To Weigh Kadee Weight Boo Well Yea Well done Ien chea Wench Bysea abofra 384 A VOCABULARY, &C. Whole Yeanamoo Wheel Ewheel Whelp Bodomba Where Waheen Whip Abah White Foofoo Who Wana Whale Aboa insu Whore Ajuman Wide Attery Window Tooclea Wife Eara Wing Attaban To Wish Beeyea Woman Bysea To Work Ejuma To Write Kerra aooma Wrong- Foomado Yellow Mimin Yes Eo Yesterday Inda Young Abadima Yourself Wooarra You Woa IDIOMATIC EXPRESSIONS. 1 am going to the ship. Where are you go- ing ? _ I am going home. Go and bring your dog here. The horse is com- ing. Set it down on the ground. Where are all these people going ? To-morrow you and I will go to- gether. I am very sick; I want some me- dicine. I am going to the fort. That woman is very handsome. I am hungry and want bread to eat. I am going to Eu- rope to see that -country. Me co henum. Woo co hene ? Me co me feh. Co fa woo abodam bra. Ponko aba. Fah tah hah. Ye inipa inna oro co hene ? O kinna woo ame beenoo boco. Me yem ayeome ; peh edooloo. Me co habenum. Babosiere aoyea- foo dodo. Ocomodem mepeh panoo dee. Me co abrikinnie opeh, wheh ha. Literal. I go ship. You go where P I go my home. Go bring you dog here. Horse coming. Put it down. The people go where ? To-morrow you and me both go. My stomach pains me; I want me- dicine. I go fort. That female hand- some very. I go white country, to see yonder A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 385 CHAPTER XIV. MATERIA MEDICA. I regret that the limits of the present work do not admit of my giving, at full length, a voluminous treatise on the various diseases most prevalent on the Gold Coast, which was expressly written for this public- ation, by my friend, Dr. Reynhaut, physi- cian to the Dutch forces on the coast of Africa, for nearly five years, and who, on my last voyage from Africa, accompanied me to England ; but the following extracts will give the reader some idea of the ex- tent of that gentleman’s labours, and, at the same time, will be so far satisfactory as to the names of the diseases, medicines, animals, minerals, and plants, indigenous to c c 386 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. that country ; — for which I take this op- portunity of acknowledging my obligation to him. The various Diseases which prevail on the Gold Coast. Bilious remittent fever Intermittent fever The small pox The measles The large swelling of the scrotum Bursarum mucosarum tumo- ris Diarrhoea — cum tenesmo et forminibus Ulcera pedum pertinacia Glandularum, meseraicarum tumores — paedatrophia Ophthalmia Cingeries — bilioso pitui- tosae Pleuritis & pneumonia rheu- matica Rheumatismus — universalis Ascites Ectropium Hernia Lepra The land dysentery The nettle rash The malignant ulcer The Elephantiasis The giggers Gordius Medinensis Scabies endemica Strumae Herniae umbilicales infan- tum Lues venerea localis (Blennorphagia bubo ulcus syphyliticum) Anasarca Branchosele Odontalgia Cancer Zinia capites Hydrocele. Medicines commonly used by the Natives. Laxantia Amara tonica Diuretica Cephalica Medicamentum, specifice ga lsetophosum Diapharetica Antidy senterica Aromatica Oxterna mundantica A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 387 The Animal Species found Coast. Equus Caballus Elephas Cervus Apes Simia Leopardus Canis carcharias Cervus pygmaeus The civet cat The badger Canis domesticus Lepus timidus Lacerta leguana Lacerta chamelec Lacerta vulgaris Lacerta alligator Species serpentis nigrae Constrictor Serpens viridis The crown bird Numidis meleager (the guinea fowl or pintade) Milvus Hirundo Columba viridis Psittacus erythacus The Plants of the Bombax herba- ceum Nicotiana tabacum Amomum zingeber Rhirooraphmangle Musa paradisiaca Musa sapientum Diascorea satira Convolvulus ba- tattas Bombax arbora- ceum Psidium pomiferum Carica papaia Amomum Grana paradisi Amomum zerum- ber Mynthus pimenta West India cherries Annona muricata Achras sapota Cucurbita citrullus Limones Bromelia annanas Cocos nucifera Tamarindus Indi- ca on the Gold Psittacus pullarius The India colibri Anas guineensis Yulus silvestris Centipes mordax Scorpio Africanus Tarantula Africana Franca guineensis peculiaris Araneae domestic® Blatta orientalis Formicarum spe- cies divers®. Soil Arundo sacchari- fera Ela'is guineensis Borassusflabellifor- mis Cleominis penta- phylla Hibiscus esculen- tus Capsicum bacca- tum Fructus Elais gm- neensis Zea, Maiz The weed nut C C 2 388 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA, The Minerals and fossils. Gold Iron Spathum Talcum Dendritum nicum Marmora Schictum carbo- Lapis calcareus Terra silicea Dendrozinthos (^tvSpo^i »0o;). Meteorological — The Nature, the Air, and the Weather. Thunder storms The fogs and damp The sea wind Tornadoes weather The land wind- The rainy season The hot or dry weather A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 389 CHAPTER XV. REGARDING THE NIGER AND RIVERS IN THE BIGHTS OF BENIN AND BIAFRA. So many theoretical opinions have been hazarded as regards the course and termina- tion of the Niger, that it only remains to be practically decided which of those opi- nions is correct. Some have supposed that this great river is absorbed by sands, others have endeavoured to prove that the Nile and the Niger are one and the same river, and various conjectures have been offered from time to time, which still leave us in the same incertitude upon this interesting subject ; but the clouds which have so long obscured this geographical problem, it is now hoped, will shortly be dissipated. cc 3 390 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. Among all the hypotheses which have been submitted to the public *, that which has lately been published by Mr. M‘ Queen, carries with it the greatest pro- bability of being correct ; not that I come to this conclusion from the facts so dis- tinctly elucidated by that gentleman, but from various enquiries and observations during my residence in Africa, and parti- cularly in my last visit to that country (be- fore the publication by Mr. M‘ Queen), I gave almost precisely the same opinion upon this subject, and stated it, in writing, to the President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh (Mr. Henry Mackenzie), who did me the honour to read it before that board in April last. I have since seen Mr. M‘ Queen’s publication, and read it with increased satisfaction, from the circum- * M. Mollien (to whom we are indebted for determin- ing the sources of the Senegal, Gambia, and Rio Grande,) has laid down the source of the Niger, in his map, nearly two degrees further to the westward than it was hitherto supposed to be. How far this gentleman may be correct in doing so, we must leave to future travellers to deter- mine ; but I have not copied him in my map, as I would not pay so bad a compliment to the diligent researches of the enterprising Park. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 391 stance of that gentleman’s sentiments being so much in accordance with my own, and the whole of his arguments have tended to confirm the opinion I have long en- tertained; namely, that the Niger ter- minates in the bights of Benin and Biafra. In support of this opinion, Mr. McQueen has so ably arranged the various authorities, both ancient and modern, that little now remains to be said upon the subject. It may be proper, however, to notice two authorities which he quotes in support of this opinion : the first is Gregory of Abys- sinia, who states, that flowing west from the Egyptian Nile, he says pointedly, “ descendit enim versus reeionem Elwah? © et sic illabitur in mare magnum ; viz. Oceanum Occidentalem.” The other is Mr. Robertson, who states, “ that the na- tives on the coast of Benin and Biafra assert, that all the rivers in the Delta come from one great river which descends from the north.” Indeed, although it is true that the Moors, whom I have met with at Coomassie and elsewhere, have invariably insisted on c c 4 392 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. there being a communication between the Niger and the Nile, yet the natives on the coast positively state, that the rivers in the bights of Benin and Biafra are branches of the Niger, which they call Insukussey, or Insoohassy , and which, in the Fantee and Ashantee languages, signifies Large Water , or Large River. That such was my opinion, I not only stated to Mr. Mackenzie, but also as long since as 1819, I wrote a letter to a gentle- man, to be laid before Lord Bathurst, to the same effect, and suggesting establish- ments on the rivers Volta, Lagos, and Formosa, as well as on the island of Fernando Po, which would command an exclusive and extensive trade with all this part of Africa, and by which our mer- chandise could be transported into the very heart of that country with facility and security. Much credit is due to Mr. M‘ Queen for the able manner in which he has pointed out the advantages which would result from our taking possession of the island of Fernando Po. It is, however, but justice to others to observe, that he was by no means the first to suggest this, as not A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 393 only myself, but my respected friends, Sir Charles MacCarthy and Mr. Robertson, submitted the same opinion long ago to His Majesty’s government ; and Mr. Ro- bertson, in 1819, arrived on the Gold Coast with three vessels, for the purpose of taking possession of this island, under the sanction of His Majesty’s government ; so that, in fact, this island would long since have been in the possession of a British merchant, had not the captain of one of our sloops of war detained Mr. Robertson’s vessels, with their cargoes, and sent them to Sierra Leone, uitder the following cir- cumstances : Mr. Robertson having taken on board his vessels a number of negroes on the windward coast of Africa, for the purpose of colonizing Fernando Po, fell in with the Morgiana at Cape Coast on his way to take possession of that island ; and, in consequence of those negroes expressing some doubt as to where Mr. Robertson was carrying them, the captain of the Morgiana detained the vessels, and sent them to Sierra Leone ; and although they were afterwards liberated, it ruined the 394 A VOYAGE TO AF11ICA. voyage, and, for a time, obliged the aban- donment of the plan. Whether the rivers which empty them- selves into the bights of Benin and Biafra are outlets of the Niger or not, they ought at least to be explored, especially as this may be done at so small an expense, and with every prospect of success. It is indeed surprising, with all the anxious curiosity which has so long been manifested re- specting^ the Niger, that these rivers have never attracted the attention of the Af- rican Company, though they are situated only a few days’ sail from our settlements on the Gold Coast. How far this has been owing to the contracted means of the African Committee, or to a want of energy and zeal for the public service among the chief directors of their affairs in Africa *, I will not now stop to enquire ; but certain it is, not one of those rivers has ever been explored by the Company’s * The only exploratory missions which have been undertaken by the Company’s servants, were suggested during the government of Mr. Dawson and Mr. Smith, within the last four years. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 395 servants, although it is well known, from their short distance from our settlements in that quarter, small expeditions for this pur- pose might easily have been fitted out at Cape Coast, where there are not wanting men of enterprising spirit, who would wil- lingly have hazarded their lives in such an undertaking, had they been encouraged to do so. It is therefore to be hoped, as His Majesty’s government have taken the forts from the African Company, that the Governor, who may be appointed at Cape Coast, will be vested with full powers to send exploratory missions up the Volta, Lagos, Formosa, Calabar, and Del Rey ; for even though such undertakings fail in ascer- taining the termination of the Niger, they will not fail in acquiring much valuable and interesting information of the countries on the banks of those rivers. The Rio Del Rey is eight miles broad at its mouth, and is very likely to prove an arm of the Niger, althoughMr. M £ Queen draws a different con- clusion, from the cataracts and rapids which he states this river to be full of ; and hence will arise the greatest difficulties in exploring 396 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. it. The death of Mr. Nichols, who was em- ployed by the African Association to ex- plore it, is to be lamented, as we have no ac- counts of its source, although Mr. M‘ Queen supposes it to be on the south side of the Mount Thala of Ptolemy ; but Mr. Nichols’s reports to the African Association give no account of this, and his information is altogether very unsatisfactory. From frequent conversations upon this subject with Mr. Robertson, (author of notes on Africa), that gentleman appeared to be better acquainted with the Del Rey and the other rivers which flow into the bights of Renin and Riafra, than any person I have ever conversed with, or any author I have read, excepting only Rosman, whose work certainly contains the best account of the Rio Formoso ; it was written by a Dutch Captain (Nyandale) in 1702, who had been twice trading in this river, and is to the following effect : “ That sixty Dutch miles (or two hundred and ten English) above its mouth, ships may be navigated with safety, sailing by hundreds of branches, some of which are so wide that they well deserve the name of rivers ; its length and source, 16 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 397 he adds, he was not able to discover, no Negro being able to give him an exact ac- count of it.” Granting, however, that the Formoso may not enable us to get to the Niger, still ‘ a trial, with steam boats, ought to be made to ascertain how far it will take us into the interior ; and then, mooring a vessel well manned and provisioned, at the highest navigable point of the river, small parties could be sent out daily to make incursions, and after becoming in some measure ac- quainted with the natives, and obtain- ing information as to the best means of pursuing the journey, a strong de- tachment, with men of science, might easily be fitted out from the vessel, which should remain moored as already men- tioned ; so that the party, which may be detached, will have an opportunity of com- municating to the commander, from week to week, the success of the undertaking, and hence we should be able to get in England the earliest accounts of their progress. Upon this subject, I agree with Mr. M‘ Queen, that the bights of Benin and Biafra are the most desirable points to set out from to ascertain the course and termination of 398 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. the Niger ; but I cannot agree with him in the whole of what he states in the following extract. “ A very considerable portion of the journey, we know from the best authority, can be travelled by a water conveyance, and the whole distance cannot much exceed 300 miles till the point would be determined. The natives and people on the route are comparatively peaceable, civil, and friendly to Europeans. At Old Calabar different European lan- guages are understood, the English language is spoken, taught, read, and written ; they keep regular mercantile accounts in our language ; hence good guides could be pro- cured, in any other route from the west, from the north, or from the east, into the interior; the path is through dreadful barren deserts, countries wild and rugged, and men fierce and rude, and by their religion, the most inveterate enemies to the Christian name. The distance also by any one of these routes to be travelled before the points alluded to could be decidedly determined, is about 2500 miles ; it is not difficult there- fore to determine the route which should be chosen.” A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 399 Having thus given as copious an extract from Mr. M‘Queen’s book, as the limits of my own small volume will admit of, and ex- pressed my concurrence in the opinion that the bights of Biafra and Benin are desirable points to set out from, to ascertain the ter- mination of the Niger, it is proper I should explain where I differ from that gentleman, who, not being so well acquainted with Africa in practice, as he appears to be in theory, has fallen into a few slight errors. With these, however, I have nothing to do, unless they happen to come in my way, as one or two of them do in the preceding passage ; in which it is implied, although not expressly stated, that the bights of Benin and Biafra are the only desirable points to set out from, and that to proceed from any other place to ascertain the ter- mination of the Niger, the distance to be travelled would be 2500 miles. Such, at least, is the inference which might be drawn from the extract just quoted, and therefore, though I agree with this gentleman in the main, yet, as he says not one word about the route from Cape Coast through Ashan- tee, it is proper to explain, that in setting 400 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. out from Cape Coast, the distance to the Niger would not exceed 700 miles, nearly 200 of which have been travelled by myself, and others; and, with the king of Ashantee’s protection, we know that the greater part of these 700 miles can not only be travelled in almost perfect security, but also that the country, through which we should pass, is abundantly supplied with fresh water and provisions, and the people generally hos- pitable and obliging. Indeed, as the king of Ash an tee, in his last treaty with Great Britain, (Appendix, No. 12.) pledged him- self to march his armies to any part of his dominions, where the interest of His Bri- tannic Majesty might require their assist- ance, it is not unreasonable to suppose that he might be prevailed upon to assist in this undertaking, if a suitable embassy were fitted out for this purpose, accompanied by an escort and such presents * as would be almost certain of securing the respect and confidence, as well as the friendship and as- sistance of the Ashantee monarch. Such an undertaking I conceive very likely to be successful ; and, not calculating any delays * Vide page 234. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 401 upon the journey, the whole distance from Coomassie might be travelled in fifty days, at the rate of fourteen miles a day ; but if we allow twenty days for delays upon the road, the journey would take up nearly ten weeks. Mr. M‘ Queen states that ten miles was the utmost which Mr. Bowdich and a small party could make good in the journey from Cape Coast to Coomassie, and seems to think that this is the utmost distance which can be allowed for a day’s constant travel- ling in Africa. In this, however, I must differ from him ; but I agree with Mr. Bow- dich, in thinking that Mungo Park’s five journies through the Ialonka wilderness, were as much as any man could perform in Africa, being nineteen direct or twenty-five road miles each day. I believe I performed as great a distance, on my journey from Coomassie to Cape Coast, but I did not do so without the greatest exertion, having been obliged to travel some days fourteen or fifteen hours, starting as early as five or six o’clock in the morning, and not halting until eight or ten at night, which D D 402 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. enabled me to perform the whole jour- ney in six days, and which Jtlie Ashan- tees declared was never done before, either by native or European. Differing, how- ever, as I do with Mr. McQueen, I conceive that fourteen direct miles a day may be travelled in Africa, without any extraor- dinary exertion, as we repeatedly did this on our journey to Coomassie, with upwards of 400 men, who carried up the presents to the king, through a forest, where the path was narrow and crooked, and our progress continually interrupted by large trees being blown down directly across it. But to return to the subject of the Niger, we will suppose, for a moment, that the main body of this river does not flow into the bights of Benin and Biafra, yet some other branch of it, to the eastward of the Leasa, I have no doubt will ultimately be found to do so. The Moors, it is true, have positively stated again and again, that the Niger communicates with the Nile, and after all the information that has been collected to support this opinion, it would be presumptuous to say that such is not the 13 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 403 fact.* It is possible that these two great rivers may have a communication with each other, and yet be distinct rivers, neither is there any thing improbable in supposing that the Niger may communicate with the Nile,, and also throw off a great body of its water, by a tributary stream, to the east- ward of the Leasa, not yet discovered. A stronger proof indeed of the strange concatenation of rivers cannot be referred to than that mentioned by Mr. Bowdich, drawn by Baron Humboldt, who represents the courses of the Orinoco and Amazon to be quite opposite to each other, not- withstanding their immediate connection ; and there is nothing more improbable in the Niger and the Nile being connected by the Gir, (although flowing in opposite directions,) than there is in the Orinoco and Amazon being connected by the Caci- quaire. According to information we obtained * Mr. Dupuis, I believe, is of opinion that the Niger and the Nile unite, and this is also the opinion of others. (Vide Jackson’s Account of Morocco, and Bowdich’s Mission to Ashantee.) D D 2 404 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA, at Coomassie, there is a water communi- cation from Porto Nova and the Lagos river nearly all the way to Egypt ; and this is in a great measure confirmed by the late Mr. Jarvis of the Company’s service, with whom I had many con- versations, who stated that, during his residence at Lagos, he met with negroes who had come from the banks of the Niger, who assured him that there was a water communication nearly the whole of the way. Mr. Bowdich, in a late publication, speaks of having received similar inform- ation, and Mr. Robertson writes also to the same effect, and says he was informed that canoes have come from Timbuctoo to Lagos in three days, but this I suppose must be a typographical error, as I can- not imagine that gentleman would write such a manifest absurdity, three weeks be- ing more likely. The Quolla * mentioned * Mr. Dupuis, in Adams’s Narrative, states, upon the information of a Negro of Bambara, that Quollo is the name of a country, and says it must be to the south-east of Bambara, and about three journies from the capital of Quolla is a considerable lake, or rather a river, which communicates with the Niger, A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 405 by the Moors, and alluded to by Mr. Bow- dich, is said to be the Lagos, and not the Niger.* The Moorish name is the Bohr Neel or Seer Neel , which the Moors call all large rivers, and the sea they call “ Bahr Mall." “ Joliba ” is also a figu- rative name, meaning “ a great river and the Negroes call the Nile of Egypt “ Gulbi ,” which signifies a sea. It is also called “ Neel Massar ,” and “ Neel Sham" The Niger likewise is known by various names, such as Neel-el Abeed, Joliba , Coudha, &c. The Quolla is reported to be one month’s journey from Coomassie, and the Niger one month’s journey from the Quolla. Accord- ing to Mr. Bowdich’s account, the Niger is forty-seven days’ journey from Kong, to which place the Ashantees can travel in safety. The Mecca itinerary, detailed by that gentleman, is of considerable value, and strongly tends to confirm what I have stated in the first part of this chapter, respecting the route to the Niger , through Ashantee. * This statement I would wish to be understood as offering with great diffidence, as I had no opportunity of confirming it by the general reports of the Moors. D D 3 406 A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. On the route to Coomassie, after passing the Boosempra, most of the rivers run to the eastward. The Volta or Adirri is said to flow from the Kong mountains, and is a beautiful river, which empties itself into the ocean about one degree to the eastward of our settlement at Accra. * This state- ment is indeed confirmed by the new map published by Mr. Bowdich, on which this river (the Volta) is traced from the Coomba or Zamma, close to the Kong and Koon- doongoree mountains. These scanty notices, regarding the Niger and the geography of this part of Africa, I trust will be excused, when it is considered that I was prohibited from making inquiries upon these subjects. Vide Instructions, p. 416 and 447. But from what has now been stated, it will be evident that these noble rivers afford the greatest facilities for the in- troduction of our commerce into the very * Colonel Straenberg, (whom I frequently had the pleasure to meet at table, with the late General Daendels, after he sailed up this river,) gave me some interesting particulars respecting his journey ; but as they are cor- rectly given by Mr. Bowdich, I will not repeat them. A VOYAGE TO AFRICA. 407 heart of Africa ; and it cannot be too often repeated, that whether they have a commu- nication with the Niger or not, they ought at least to be explored, as more trade might be thus carried on in one month, than on the Gold Coast in a year ; there being no rivers of any magnitude near our settlements there, and consequently the transportation of merchandise on the heads of the negroes for hundreds of miles under a vertical sun, must evidently be attended with every disadvantage to the African trader, as well as to the mercantile interests of Great Britain. I cannot therefore do better, in concluding my observations upon this occasion, than by earnestly calling the attention of His Majesty’s government to these subjects, as the prosperity of this country depends chiefly, if not entirely, upon her commercial resources ; and if the suggestions here offered be adopted, new channels will be opened for our manufactures, which will not only greatly increase the revenue of the country, but give employment to thousands who are now wanting bread. D D 4 , vwi ym .V OS lv "//-n '''wTojy APrENDIX. No. I. Instructions from the Committee of the Company of Mer- chants trading to Africa to Joseph Dupuis, Esq. African Office, October 31. 1818. Joseph Dupuis, Esq. Sir, The committee of the company of merchants trading to Africa have received a communica- tion from the right honorable the lords of His Majesty’s treasury, importing that their lord- ships desire that the intercourse which has been opened with the king of Ashantee, should be kept up, and the advantages which may be expected to arise from it, promoted to the utmost. With this view, his royal highness the Prince Regent has been pleased to appoint you (your long residence at Mogadore, and acquaint- ance with the Moorish language peculiarly qua- lifying you for the situation,) to be His Majesty’s consul at Coomasie, the capital of Ashantee. Their lordships further direct the committee to 110 APPENDIX. make you an allowance of 5001. sterling per annum, from the period of your arrival in Africa; and to pay your passage to Cape Coast, and journey to Coomasie, furnishing you with an escort, and such presents for the king, as may be deemed most acceptable, not exceeding the value of 200/. ; and with such instructions for your government, as may be necessary for your own safety, and useful to you in the pro- motion of the objects of confirming the friendly disposition of the natives of Ashantee, and ob- taining correct information of the kingdoms fur- ther inland. Their lordships have also intimated their opi- nion, that besides yourself, there should be stationed at Coomasie, one officer in the service of the African company, qualified to establish and conduct a school at that place, if the op- portunity should be afforded ; and also a sur- geon with two or three subordinate officers as the committee may think necessary. Conformably to their lordships said instruc- tions, I have now by directions of the commit- tee, to acquaint you, that the vessel which they have chartered to take out their annual supply of stores to Cape Coast Castle, is the Sarah, Cap- tain Corser, now lying in the London Docks, which is intended to leave the river on the 15th of next month at the furthest. Captain Corser will be instructed to receive you and your bag- gage, and to afiord you every accommodation. APPENDIX. ill With respect to the presents for the king of Ashantee, I am directed by the committee to acquaint you, that they have authorised me to purchase such articles, to the amount limited, as you may deem best suited for the purpose. The committee will also instruct the governor and council at Cape Coast to furnish you with the necessary escort to Coomasie. With regard to the measures requisite for your own personal safety, and for confirming the friendly disposition of the natives, and obtaining correct information of the kingdoms further inland, so much must depend on the actual state of things when you arrive upon the coast, that the committee have judged it better to refer you to the governor and council, than to lay down for you any specific and positive rule of con- duct. The committee are however of opinion, that previously to your going into the interior, you should take up your residence for a considerable time, at Cape Coast, 1st, In order that you may become seasoned to the climate. %dly, That you may acquire a knowledge of the language and manners and customs of the natives. 3dly, That you may obtain the most satisfac- tory information from Ashantee that yourself and attendants will be favorably received and permitted to reside there. 142 APPENDIX. And in order that you may have a full insight into the company’s affairs and connexions with the natives, whereby you may be enabled most effectually to promote the objects of his majesty’s government in your appointment, the committee propose, that you should be admitted to a seat in council. In concluding upon this last mea- sure, the committee are much influenced by the consideration of the extreme importance both to the service and to yourself, of your appearing to the natives to be a member of the company, and wholly dependant upon the governor and coun- cil ; since, were the natives to imagine that your situation was independent of the company, you would be tormented with numerous applications of various kinds, which, however improper, you would find it difficult, if not impossible, to avoid. Whereas, by making it distinctly understood that you are subject to, and that your conduct must, in all cases, be regulated by the governor and council, you will be able, whenever you see proper, to evade coming to a decision, by send- ing to Cape Coast for instructions. In order that you may be in possession of all the information in the power of the committee to afford, I have been directed to furnish you with the accompanying copy of the instructions which they gave to the governor and council, and of the additional ones given by them to the gentlemen who visited Coomasie in the year 1817> and to acquaint you that you are at liberty to peruse and take extracts from the whole of the APPENDIX. 413 correspondence which took place in Africa on that occasion. I also enclose copies of the trea- ties entered into with the kings of Ashantee and Dwabin ; upon reference to which you will see that they pledge themselves to continue on terms of friendship with the British : to permit a British officer constantly to reside at Coomasie : to encourage trade with Cape Coast Castle and its dependencies : and to commit their children to the care of the governor-in-chief for education at Cape Coast Castle, &c. &c. The foregoing you will observe are objects of great importance ; it appears therefore to the committee, to be desirable to impress upon the kings, that His Britannic Majesty’s government consider the treaties as sacred ; and the better to give effect to the amicable relations subsisting between this country and those sovereigns, you are hereby authorized to signify to them, that provided they will find labourers, they may de- pend upon receiving, free of other expence than of carriage from the coast, an ample supply of hatchets, saws, spades, pick axes, and other tools for opening and repairing the roads to the coast; which the committee deem to be an object of the greatest importance in every point of view ; but especially, as it may, by furnishing profitable means of employment, induce those kings to dis- continue the practice of sacrificing their prisoners and others. As the governor and council have a supply of these articles sent out by the store-ship, we re- 414 APPENDIX. commend your taking a few of each to Coomasie, in order that you may he the better enabled to explain yourself upon this point. One object most desirable to obtain, as it would essentially assist in the realization of the views of government, might perhaps be a grant from the king of Ashantee, of a district, distant about twenty-five miles from the coast, subject to a certain perpetual annual rent, with full liberty to clear and cultivate the same, and to erect houses, &c. Such a spot, judiciously chosen, might open an extensive field for the employ- ment of the youth educated at the company’s schools, and be the beginning of a system which might eventually extend to the cultivation and civilization of the whole coast. You will there- fore keep this object constantly in view ; and seize every favourable opportunity of impressing upon the mind of the king, the signal advantages that would result to the Ashantees as a people, and the immense accession of riches and strength which would be acquired by the sovereign from the country being brought into such an improved state. It need hardly be observed to you that this is a matter which will require to be treated with the greatest delicacy, and that no opinion upon it should be ever hazarded by any person attached to the mission. Whatever may at any time pass upon this subject, you will, as soon as possible, communi- cate to the governor and council, and be very APPENDIX. 415 careful that your despatches are entrusted to safe hands. It does not occur to the committee on the present occasion to add to the foregoing any particular instructions. The inclosed paper containing queries on the geography, statistics, government, political institutions and rela- tions, wars, laws, general appearance of the in- habitants, their dispositions, morals, religion, intellectual capacity, arts, sciences, manu- factures, education, &c. &c. ; you will find of great assistance to you in the prosecution of your enquiries ; and, as opportunities may offer of gaining assistance in this object, from others, you have herewith several copies which you can distribute as such opportunities offer. It must be almost superfluous to point out to you, that the most important object, is, to estab- lish mutual confidence, since upon this basis alone can mutual interest be raised. And with this view, it may be good policy to defer the prosecution of any plans for immediate profit, that may have a tendency to excite the suspicion or jealously of the natives. For, though the promotion of our commercial relations with the interior, is undoubtedly a consideration of the first importance, vet in a country with which we have had so little intercourse, that should be but a secondary object. Your particular care should be to satisfy the minds of the king and his ministers, that our professions of friendship and good-will are sincere, before you allow it to 410 APPENDIX. be understood that the intention is to pursue our enquiries, and to extend the trade beyond the boundaries of his dominions. For the same reasons, all enquiries relative to the geographical situation of Ashantee, or neighbouring countries, or their internal govern- ments, should be cautiously avoided, both by yourself and those who may accompany you, since it will be difficult to make the Ashantees credit the true motives by which the company are influenced ; and it is most probable that an unfavourable construction would be put upon the views of persons who manifest an eager curiosity upon those subjects. Nevertheless, you must be sensible how necessary it is to get this information, and therefore you will carefully treasure up every thing you can learn, without shewing you attach any importance to the ob- taining of it. Your acquaintance with the characters of the Moors or Arabs, obtained during your long re- sidence in Barbary, renders any suggestions for your government with respect to them wholly unnecessary ; further than that it will be de- serving of much consideration, how far it may be politic to place confidence in any of those who are resident at Coomasie, by making use of them as interpreters, or otherwise, as they must, both from their religious principles, and self-interest, be rather disposed to prejudice, than to promote our interests. You may, how- ever, find them to be less bigotted than self- APPENDIX. 417 interested ; and by prudent measures may be able to turn their influence with the government very much to the advantage of this country. The duties of a British consul at Coomasie must necessarily be of a peculiar nature : he must, therefore, for a time, be almost wholly guided by circumstances as they arise ; bearing, however, always in mind, as the general rule of his conduct, his duty and allegiance to his sove- reign and country ; the promotion of the Christ- ian religion, and the interest of British commerce. In every case in which you may require advice and assistance, you may always rely upon the go- vernor and council at Cape Coast ; to the extent prescribed by their means ; — by the orders of government, and by their sense of what is pro- per and just in the cases upon which you may apply to them. I have only to add the best wishes of the committee for your health and prosperity. By order of the committee, (Signed) S. Cock, Sec. P.S.— 20th Nov. Since writing the foregoing the committee have received directions from the right honourable the lords of the Trea- sury, authorizing the committee to encrease the amount of the presents to the king of Ashantee to 500/. ; and to allow your pay to commence from the date of your appointment, which it appears by your commission w r as dated the 26th January, 1818. E E 418 APPENDIX. No. II. To Mr. Dupuis. Cape Coast, November 6. 1819. Dear Sir, I feel complimented by the handsome manner in which you have expressed yourself' on the subject of my abilities and zeal for the public good; and to prove to you that I have no interested motive in wishing to accompany you to Ashantee, I now repeat the tender of my humble services, without any stipulation whatever as to profit or emolument, but merely as a volunteer, and the pleasure and pride I shall feel in being your companion on so interesting an occasion. Should you, therefore, think my services wor- thy of your acceptance, and signify the same to me, I shall immediately apply to the governor for permission to accompany you. Believe me, dear Sir, with great truth and esteem, Your’s always, W. Hutton. Joseph Dupuis, Esq. APPENDIX. 419 No. III. From Mr. Dupuis. Cape Coast Castle, November 7. 1319. Dear Sir, Your offer of the 6th instant does, as you justly observe, bear testimony to the purity and disinterestedness of your motive for voluntarily rendering your services to accompany the em- bassy to Ashantee ; and in reply to the same I have only to observe, that I shall feel much gra- tified with your society for the reasons I have already given, and because I am fully impressed with the conviction, that from your knowledge of the country much advantage may be derived, and much solid information obtained, in promo- tion of those objects for the public good which his majesty’s government has in its wisdom sug- gested. Therefore I embrace your offer, pro- vided only that no obstacle of sufficient weight shall oppose itself to the proposed arrangement. This objection I am induced to make, founded on a knowledge that your zeal on a former occa- sion, and under similar circumstances, involved you in great difficulty ; and because it might militate against you in the present instance. I am, dear Sir, Your very obedient servant, Joseph Dupuis. William Hutton, Esq. E E 2 APPENDIX. 420 No. IV. Instructions from the Governor and Council to Mr. Dupuis. Cape Coast Castle, January 1820. Sir, The king and people of Ashantee being in some measure aware of the objects for which you have come to this country, have expressed a strong desire of your immediately visiting Coomasie, the capital of that kingdom ; this favourable disposition leaves no doubt on the minds of the governor and council, that you can, with perfect safety to yourself, and the other gen- tlemen attached to the embassy, proceed to your destination ; and, as all the requisite arrange- ments are now complete, and your departure fixed for Thursday next, it becomes their duty, in obedience to the orders received from “ The Committee of the Company of Merchants trad- ing to Africa,” to add to their instructions such other matters as appear to them to be important for your guidance. You are in possession of the instructions which, in accordance with the directions of his majesty’s government, were addressed to you by Mr. Cock, the secretary of the committee, under date of 31st October, 1818. And you will receive herewith copies of their instructions to the governor and council, dated November, 1816, relative to the mission to Ashantee of APPENDIX. 421 18 17 ; and of the instructions given to Mr. James, the chief of that mission, by the go- vernor and council, dated the 9th of April I 8 I 7 . To these several full and important do- cuments, the governor and council particularly refer you. Conceiving it unnecessary to touch on the subjects contained in them, they will confine their communications to such points as have occurred since, or which differ from the state of things at the period that mission was undertaken. Mr. Hutchison, the late resident at Coom- assie, returned to this Castle in consequence of the king leaving his capital, for the purpose of proceeding at the head of his army to attack the Buntookoos, a warlike nation to the north- ward of Ashantee. The king of Ashantee claiming a decisive victory sent to the different states on the water-side (whom he considers in some measure as tributary to him) messengers acquainting them with his success, and request- ing them to send him presents in order to add to the splendor of his entree into his capital, where he was about to return. The king’s re- quest was acceded to, with the exception of the Commendas, who not only did not send pre- sents, but insulted the messenger. This mes- senger returned, complained to the Cape Coast people of the treatment he had expe- rienced, and sent to the king his master, an exaggerated account of the facts ; and in conse- quence of which, the king sent down, in March APPENDIX. 422 last, a very hostile and threatening message both to the Castle, and to the people of Cape Coast ; importing, that in forty days, he would march down with his army to the attack of both ; to which, the substance of the reply was, that he was at liberty to take his own measures. You are too well acquainted with the parti- culars of this very insulting communication from the king, and with the minutiae of the circumstances which have since occurred to render their detail necessary. The preceding concise and plain statement will therefore suf- fice to shew the grounds which have led to the king’s sending down the embassy, which is at present here, to demand from this castle 1600 ounces, equal to 6400/., and a similar sum from the Cabboceers and people of the town of Cape Coast. These two points being entirely new, could not be contemplated, and of course could not be provided against by any instructions in your possession. They are of extreme importance, and may in their result vitally effect the British interests in this country, and as such they will require, and the governor and council have no doubt, will receive vour utmost at- tention. On the first point — “ The demand on the Castle of 1600 ounces.” You are not under any circumstances even to permit its discussion, much less the payment of a APPENDIX. 423 single ounce on such a pretext, or for the pur- pose of avoiding a war. Any payment so made would be a serious compromise of the British character, and would also lay the governor and council open to repeated demands of a similar nature, until they would become so enormous, that the whole allowance granted annually by parliament would be insufficient to meet them. It would besides destroy at once that high opi- nion (and authority in this country is supported more by opinion than by the force possessed) which the natives entertain of British power, — the maintaining of which is so indispensable to the security of the service and for the protec- tion of the important interests entrusted to the management of the governor and council. On the second point — “ The demand of 1600 ounces from the Cape Coast people.” — Although this is a matter that might, with more propriety, be left for settlement to the respective parties, yet, as the 5th article of the treaty, en- tered into with the king of Ashantee, does un- questionably bind the executive government of this country to entertain such questions, and as such interference will have the effect of reducing this enormous and unjust demand to a sum within the means of the people of this town, and which they are willing to pay, rather than subject themselves to the inconvenience that would result from a dispute with the king of Ashantee, whose power they are altogether un- able to cope with. And, although they would e e 4 APPENDIX. 424 find protection for their persons and properties within the range of the Castle guns, yet, in the event of a war, they must withdraw from the interior, abandon their villages and plantations, and become dependant on interior supplies for the necessaries of life. Their trade, the source of considerable profit, would also be cut off. It is therefore obviously the interest of the people of Cape Coast to arrange their difference with the king of Ashantee by the payment of a moderate sum of money. The governor and council, though convinced that this will be the worst political proceeding as regards the towns- people, cannot but sincerely regret the necessity of its adoption because they are sensible it will form a precedent for further exactions, and excuses will never be wanting to the stronger power when it has been resolved upon to extort money from the weaker. To induce the reduction of the king’s de- mand, the following reasons can be urged with such strength of argument as they may re- quire : 1st, The Commendas and not the Cape Coast people were the original cause of the dispute. Zd, That the Cape Coast people did not in fact refuse satisfaction to the king’s messenger. 3d, That they neither in word or deed offer- ed any offence to the king ; in proof of the con- trary, they sent him a present of sixty ounces on his return from the Buntookoo war. 4 dh. That they are a small population, gene- APPENDIX. 425 rally poor, and depending for support on their ployment by the British residents. 5th, And lastly, Should the king persist in demanding an exorbitant sum, this Castle must interfere with its power to protect them; and that, in fact, the king’s declaring war against these people will be considered as a declaration of war against the Castle, as it never can be per- mitted to any power in Africa, to oppress with impunity such people who reside under the Bri- tish forts and claim British protection. Until the governor and council have ascer- tained the means and inclination of the Cape Coast people, they cannot fix a sum as the max- imum of what they are to pay, but they trust 100 ounces will satisfy the king. On this point the governor and council will procure the proper authority and communicate the same to you in due time. The governor and council are anxious to im- press the necessity of not allowing the service of his majesty and that of the company to be sepa- rated in any negociation whatever ; they ought in all cases to be identified as one and the same. A contrary line of conduct would most certainly prove fatal to the influence of the government in this country ; would protract the settlement of the present dispute; and, above all, would create the most serious obstacles to the extension of our trade with the interior, which is indeed one of the principal objects of your embassy to Coomasie. ¥26 APPENDIX. In the execution of the various and important duties confided to you, it will occur to you, from the character of the people, amongst whom you are about to reside, that you may be placed in situations of difficulty and probably sometimes subjected to mortifications not easily submitted to. Nothing can be opposed to these (should you experience them) but your own address and your zeal in the service of your country. In all cases, you may rely with confidence upon every support that the governor and council have it in their power to afford, and you will of course be aware of the necessity of frequently communi- cating with them ; keeping them fully advised of the whole of your proceedings and referring to them for advice on all important occasions. This they consider to be equally as necessary to yonr own safety, and to the attainment of the im- portant objects you have in view, as it is due to the situation they hold as the executive govern- ment of this country, authorized to decide upon and carry into effect any arrangements which it may be thought proper to make with the king of Ashantee. To avoid, therefore, the possibility of your committing yourself to the king, they desire that it may be distinctly understood that no arrangement with him can be considered as final without their previous approval. The governor and council have placed under your directions, the following officers belonging to this service ; — Mr. William Hutton, who, in the event of any accident to yourself j will sue- APPENDIX. 427 ceed to the command of the embassy ; Mr. Salmon, surgeon, and Mr. David Greaves, to be employed as you may think fit ; copies of the letters to each of these gentlemen are sent here- with. If a favourable opportunity should present it- self, it would be of very material importance not only to explore the country immediately inland from Ashantee, but even as far as the Niger. All this, however, must depend upon your own judgment. Should you deem it prudent, you can, in furtherance of this great object, select such of the gentlemen under your command as you may deem best qualified for the enterprize, holding out to them the inducement of a reward commensurate to their exertions and to the dis- coveries they may be enabled to make. The parties to be so employed will be at liberty to draw on the governor and council for such reasonable sum or sums as they may require during their absence, not exceeding 200/. unless very sufficient reasons can be assigned, or very peculiar circumstances arise. Should you be of opinion that a school could be established at Coomasie with a fair prospect of success, one of the teachers expected from England shall be sent to you as early as possible after his arrival. You will observe by the treaty that the king positively engaged to send some of his children to Cape Coast for education, and this article has never been fulfilled. 428 APPENDIX. Herewith you will receive a copy of a letter addressed to the governor and council by the governor of Christianburg Castle respecting the unwarrantable demand made on him by the king of Ashantee. Should a favorable opportunity offer, they request you will avail yourself of it to carry his wishes into effect. It will of course appear evident to you, that a compliance with the king’s demand would be double his pay from the Danish government, and that this would form the ground of an application to this Castle for a similar mode of payment. In this point of view, therefore, the governor and council conceive that this subject comes within the scope of the objects of your embassy. A corporal, a trumpeter, two linguists, and a cooper will be also attached to the embassy. One hundred ounces of gold dust are here- with delivered to you to defray the expenses of your journey and other incidental charges. A list of the presents intended for the king, and of the articles to be distributed according to your judgment to the Moors and to the seve- ral chiefs, together with a list of the necessaries and stores, accompany this. The hammock-men and bearers of your bag- gage, stores, &c. &c. are Cape Coast people, 106 in number ; and it will be very desirable that they be sent back as early as circumstances will permit, in order to avoid the very considerable expense attendant on their subsistence. APPENDIX. 429 The carriers of the presents for the king are his own people, 300 in number. It is the particular wish of the governor and council that a journal be kept of the proceed- ings of the embassy, in order that the same may appear on record for the benefit and guidance of those who may be employed on any similar expedition hereafter. Anxiously desirous to promote the British interests in this country by the extension of our commercial intercourse, and influenced by the impression that, whilst they are furthering this most important object, their proceeding may tend to add to the respect due to the rank which you hold in his majesty’s service, the governor and council have thought it incumbent on them to add very considerably to the presents sent out from England. The expense of the embassy, including the presents (which, however, form but a small part of the whole charge) will not be less than 4000/. sterling, a sum greatly ex- ceeding what his majesty’s government or the committee had contemplated, and approaching so near the whole sum granted by parliament, that it precludes, for the present, the possibility of their sending an expedition up the river Volta, which, from the best information they have been able to obtain, holds out the promise of consi- derable accession to our commerce : — but on your talents, discretion, and firmness, the gover- nor and council ground a confident expectation, that this sum, though large, will not be expend- ISO APPENDIX. eel in vain ; that the honor and interest of the British nation and character will be maintained, our commerce promoted, our geographical knowledge of Africa improved, and the basis laid for extending to it the blessings of educa- tion and consequent civilization. By order of the governor and council, (Signed) John Tasker Williams, Sec. To Joseph Dupuis, Esq. &c. &c. &c. No. V. Mr. Dupuis to Mr. Hutton. Cape Coast Castle, 2d February 1820. Dear Sir, I regret to learn you are so very unwell, and am sorry to add, I stand in the same situation. I send you two sketches of certain ideas con- nected with the subject we yesterday conversed upon. As we are precluded the pleasure of personal communication, I shall not hesitate to tell you, in this way, that I have given due reflection to the nature of things, and am decidedly resolved not to accept of instructions from the M. C. (member of council) board. I will not submit to such degradation, except in as much as they shall be at liberty to let me APPENDIX. 431 know how much the town is capable of paying, without injuring the inhabitants. If they ob- ject to this, you know, my dear Sir, my inten- tions in regard to yourself. I will invest you with as full powers as I am able, and will do all I can, on that score, on my arrival in England, as I have promised you, because I am convinced you will act with that independence becoming an officer and a man. I shall then quit the coast, as I believe I can do more real good to the cause in England in one month than I could effect here in twelve. I will not stir, as I have told you, with instruc- tions derogatory to my character, but will con- sider my powers to all intents and purposes plenipotent. At all events, it will make no difference to you, with the exception, that it will put a good thing in your pocket (if the king of Ashantee, and our own government are liberal, as I am inclined to think they will be,) and believe me, my dear Sir, none of your friends will feel more pleasure than I shall, as the flattering satisfac- tion of having placed an independent man in an independent and honourable situation will be all the gratification I desire, and I dare assure my friends that you will tread in my steps, or, in other words, that you will do your duty in defiance of such characters as are im- mured in these walls. I can assure you in so doing, you will take the right side of the ques- tion, as you may be assured I know more than 432 APPENDIX. I can communicate to any body. In fact ad- mitting they (the governor and council) were to give you a salary of a 1000/. per annum, I do not think it would be an equivalent for any sacrifice of principle and opinion. I am always faithfully your’s (Signed) J. Dupuis. To William Hutton, Esq. No. VI. Governor and Council to Mr. Hutton. [On Service.'] Cape Coast Castle, 5th February 1820. Sir, I have received directions to inform you, that the hammock-men will be in readiness at two o’clock this day to convey you to Paintrey, where you will remain until you are joined by M. Dupuis, or receive further instructions. I enclose you a list of the presents and of the stores, and you will of course ascertain im- mediately on your arrival at Paintrey, whether they are correct, reporting the same to the governor in chief. The hammock-men and Cape Coast people have received their subsistence until Wednesday next, and as it has been found necessary to encrease the number to 106, the sum of oz. 1, 2. for every APPENDIX. 433 two days must be given them for their sub- sistence. I am Sir, Your most obedient servant, Jn°. Tasker Williams, Sec. To William Hutton, Esq. &c. &c. Additional Instructions to Mr. Hutton. Cape Coast Castle, February 9. 1820. Sir, The governor and council, in order to guard against circumstances which may by possibility arise, although they consider them unlikely to do so, deem it necessary to send the following additional instructions for your government. In the event of the consul’s detention on the road, by the recurrence of indisposition, the governor and council direct that you remain at the same place until he may be able to proceed. Should any accident occur, or the consul be obliged, by ill health or the intervention of any untoward circumstance, to return to this Castle, without having reached Coomassie, they direct, that you make them acquainted with the same forthwith, await their further instructions, and that you, on no consideration, enter the capital at the head of the embassy without having received their orders to that effect. By order of the governor and council. Jn°. Tasker Williams, Sec. William Hutton, Esq. 434 APPENDIX, No. VIL Mr. Hutton's Appointment as Consul and Conductor of the Embassy . “ I, Joseph Dupuis, holder of the foregoing commission, being taken suddenly ill at the com- mencement of the journey to Coomassie, and in consequence of certain presents to the King of Ashantee, which I was to have accompanied, having been already sent olf, are now on the road to Pamtrey, taking into consideration the importance of carrying into effect the objects of the present embassy and the necessity, for cer- tain very important reasons, that the expedition should proceed without delay, I do hereby no- minate, constitute, and appoint William Hutton, Esq. to take immediate charge of the said em- bassy and presents, and if necessary to proceed on to Ashantee with all possible dispatch, and there to act for me in all respects during my absence as I have particularly directed him in my instructions of this day. “ And, moreover, influenced as 1 am by my regard for the public good, and with the desire of giving weight and influence to the said William Hutton, in his negociations with the king of Ashantee, while I am unable to act for myself ; I do hereby transfer the power and au- thority which is vested in me, in virtue of the said commission, to him the said William Hutton APPENDIX. 435 to have, to hold, and to exercise the functions of my said appointment as his majesty’s agent and consul ; and in the event of my being obliged to leave the Coast from indisposition, this trans- fer of my appointment is to be considered in full force until my return from England ; and as I have every reason to believe, from my present state of health, that I shall be obliged ultimately to leave the Coast, I do hereby make known to all whom it shall or may concern, that in virtue of this appointment and transfer, the said William Hutton is fully and effectually authorized to have, to hold, and to exercise the said appoint- ment of his majesty’s agent and consul, and to fill and to occupy my situation under govern- ment to all intents and purposes for and during the period of my absence and from the date of my said departure. “ Given under my hand and private seal at Cape Coast Castle, the 5th day of February, in the year 1820. (Signed) “ Joseph Dupuis.” f f 2 436 APPENDIX, No. VIII. To the Governor and Council, Cape Coast. Castle . Coomasie, 5th March 1820» Gentlemen,. In reference to my correspondence with yon on the subject of Mr. Hutton’s appointment to act for me as consul and conductor of the em- bassy, I have now both health and leisure to notice your unjustifiable conduct on that occa- sion, and at the same time to state to you the motives which influenced me to appoint that gentleman my successor, which you, in the usual wisdom of your deliberations, did not think pro- per to recognise. First, gentlemen, you are aware that at the time I appointed Mr. Hutton, I was seriously ill, from an unexpected renewal of my old com- plaint, and having been unfortunately afflicted just as the presents for the king of Ashantee were sent offi accompanied by Mr. Collins and Mr. Graves, the first question which occurred to me, in this important crisis was, “ What measures are best to adopt for the public good if my illness should continue ?” The answer, gentlemen, was sufficiently obvious, and I imme- diately decided that nothing else could be done in those circumstances but to appoint Mr. Hut- ton my successor, not only as consul, but also as conductor of the embassy, as you in fact had APPENDIX. 437 already spontaneously nominated him to succeed me in the event of accident. Surely, then, I could not have appointed a more fit person, in your ideas, than the one you had yourselves previously nominated and approved of. But although I met your wishes in this respect, even this did not satisfy you ; and I therefore must say, that such conduct convinces me (if I want- ed conviction) of a predetermination on your part to throw opposition in my way, and instead of promoting, is evidently calculated to retard the views of his majesty’s government in this country. Secondly, I considered Mr. Hutton the fittest person to succeed me in charge of the embassy for another reason, far more important, perhaps, than as regarded my desire to meet your wishes, namely, that as I had previously notified to you my intention of appointing that gentleman to act for me as consul on leaving the country (in the event of my bad state of health continuing), I deemed it an act indispensably necessary for the public good to appoint him to take upon him- self the functions of my office on his arrival at Coomasie ; but as, happily for me, my health enabled me to join the embassy at Doonqua, I have to inform you that Mr. Hutton’s appoint- ment, for the present, has become null and void. But, gentlemen, you must admit that had it pleased the hand of Providence to have continued the indisposition with which I was afflicted, the circumstance of Mr. Hutton being appointed act- f f 3 488 APPENDIX. ing consul at Coomasie, and wearing uniform, would have given him far more weight and in- fluence with the king of Ashantee in his nego- tiations as conductor of the embassy, than any officer sent from the castle could possibly have on such an occasion ; and this I can declare, with truth, was my principal reason for appoint- ing Mr. Hutton at that time. I could have no other reason for so doing, as it is to my advan- tage to keep the appointment as long as I remain in the country ; but I considered it a measure inseparably connected with the public good. Although, gentlemen, I will not allow you to suppose I value any sanction it is in your power to bestow upon my public conduct, or that in fact I consider your approbation, for reasons which you are well informed of, as amounting to any thing respectable in itself, yet I am willing, nay, desirous of knowing the motives by which you are influenced in refusing to recognise my appointment of Mr. Hutton during my absence in England. To me such insidious dealing appears more than myste- rious. If, therefore, you are able to oppose any reasonable objection to my selecting that gentle- man, I can only say, that as it is by no means my wish to do that which will give you displeasure for the sake of any private gratification of my own, I will listen with patient compliance to any suggestions you may think proper to communi- cate to me of a tendency to promote the vews of his majesty’s government and the interests of 19 APPENDIX. 439 the public in this country ; and, therefore, if you can point out any reasons sufficiently cogent in their nature to act as a barrier to the honor- able advancement I contemplate for Mr. Hut- ton, you cannot, I presume, object to make these reasons known to me, and thereby allow me an opportunity of profiting by your argu- ment, which, for the present, you know I am totally unacquainted with. I am, &c. (Signed) Josh. Dupuis. No. IX. List of Presents for the King of Ashantee. 1 — 25 26—31 32 , 33 34 35 , 36 37 38 39 40 41 25 Cases containing 50 Tower and 50 Dane guns. 100 Ankers of rum (West India.) 1 00 Ounce kegs of gunpowder. 6 Cases containing six-dozen port wine. two dozen porter. one jar of currants. 1 12lb. soap. three hampers of annisette. — — brandy fruits. an elegant breakfast service. uniform, hat, four shawls, six pair of trowsers, six shirts, twelve pair of stockings. — magic lantern and kaleides- cope. 1 Case - 2 Cases • 1 Case — 1 — 1 1 ___ F F 4 440 APPENDIX. 42 43—45 46, 47 48, 49 50— 54 55 56 57 58—61 62 63 18 1 Cask containing three dozen tumblei’s, three dozen finger cups, and eight decanters. 3 Cases an organ. 2 eleven rugs, iEolian harp, harmonic glasses belong- ing to piano, and port- folio of prints. 2 drums and cymbals. 5 turning lathe. 1 Case piano of harmonic glasses. 1 mirror. 1 lamp. 4 Ankers sugar. 1 Case sample of rum and two pair of shoes. 1 gold repeating watch sent to the consul. Three pieces of linen, six taffetas, 40-10 half Danes, and two chintz. No. X. Instructions from Consul Dupuis to Mr. Hutton . Cape Coast Castle, February 5. 1820. Sir, In consequence of an unexpected renewal of my old complaint, and the uncertainty of how long it may continue, I deem it. proper, to pre- vent any interruption to the present expedition, to appoint you in the mean time to the command of the embassy, now on the road to Ashantee, there to act for me and in the name and on be- APPENDIX. 441 half of his majesty’s government in all respects as I may direct you or as may be pointed out in the instructions which I shall transfer to you previous to your departure for Coomassie. 1st. I desire that you will be particular in carrying on your negotiations with the king of Ashantee entirely in the name and on behalf of his majesty’s government, bearing in mind the necessity of impressing the king with a just sense of the importance of the executive government of this country, and particularly as regards the interests of the merchants here. Qndly. My own instructions from govern- ment, which are signed by Mr. Cock, a copy of which I send you herewith, will require your particular attention, and you will lose no oppor- tunity of endeavouring, as much as you shall deem prudent, under existing circumstances, to carry into effect the objects which are there pointed out, without, however, losing sight of the more immediate and important objects which have so recently thrown the country into such a disturbed state ; and its important nature to the mercantile interests will demand your most strenuous and early exertions to adjust. 3dly. In reference to a letter of instruc- tions which has been addressed to me by the governor and council, and which I have pro- tested against, for reasons which you shall here- after be made acquainted with, I beg to say that it is my wish that you should refer to them, and avail yourself of such suggestions con- tained therein, as may appear to you, on your 442 APPENDIX. arrival at Coomassie, expedient for the public good. 4 thly. As soon as you have succeeded (which I hope, from the confidence I have in your talents and exertions you will,) in arrang- ing the present serious differences with the king, you will direct your attention to the cutting of a road, in which undertaking the governor and council will supply the necessary tools, and cut one half of the road at their own expence. 5thli). You will endeavour to get the king’s sanction to the establishment of a school from twenty to thirty miles from Cape Coast ; and if he will approve of a spot of land being selected for that purpose, a monthly note to the amount of one or two ounces will be al- lowed. On your road to Coomassie you will of course look out for a desirable spot for this purpose. (5 thly. It is impossible for me to lay down any particular arguments for you to urge, as I must leave you chiefly to your own discretion, and to circumstances, as they may occur. At the same time, I may point out to you, as regards the treaty, that should the king express any dissatisfaction respecting it, I would advise you to propose to the king to destroy it, and to make another in the name and on behalf of his majesty’s government. This treaty I would recommend to be drawn out less complicated than the former, to prevent, as much as possible, any liability to its misconstruction on the part of the king. And in short, I think you may APPENDIX, US draw the whole treaty in three articles, in which, as one of the most essential points, you will particularly direct your attention to the mercantile interests here, reserving any part of the former treaty, bearing relation to this point, which you may deem adviseable. 7 thly. In all cases of difficulty, in your ar- guments with the king, I advise you to avail yourself of the pretext that you will send the affair for consideration to his majesty’s govern- ment, and which I request you will do, advising at the same time with the governor and coun- cil, and committee also, if you should think necessary. 8lhly. You are distinctly to understand that in transferring to you my appointment, you will stand precisely in the same situation as myself, and will in all respects act up to the duties of your station, while you are officiating for me ; and it is my particular desire, that you will not allow the functions of your office, either as consul or commander of the embassy, to be at all infringed, or admit of the slightest inno- vation on the part of the council here ; but at the same time it is my wish, that you should communicate with them on all occasions you may deem necessary, and it is extremely to be desired that you should go hand in hand, and maintain a good understanding with the council if nothing important should occur to interrupt it. In this case, of course, you will be justified in maintaining the independence of your appoint- ment. 444 APPENDIX. Othly, As regards the existing state of affairs, I recommend your arguments with the king to be, as near as you shall deem proper, to the following effect : 1st, The treaty which was entered into by Mr. Bowdich, was highly gratifying to the British government, and led to my being sent out to this country by the king of England, in consequence of his majesty’s government being satisfied of the king’s friendly disposition; and with the view of strengthening the good understanding which at present exists between the two nations, as the king of England enter- tains so favourable an opinion of the honour and justice of the king of Ashantee, he has been induced to send these handsome presents to cultivate a good understanding with him. If the king of Ashantee wishes to keep up a good understanding with the king of England, he cannot more effectually do so than by being on friendly terms with the forts, and as I am the first person sent directly from the king of England, now is the time for him to shew his disposition, either to cultivate the present good understanding, which the British government have taken such measures to pro- mote ; or, if it is his determination to make war, and you find you are unable to move him by your arguments from such determination, you will then request a decisive answer upon the subject, that you may return and lay the same before his majesty’s government. If you should ultimately find you are not able APPENDIX. 445 to settle matters to the satisfaction of the king, you may tell him, (and it is my advice to you in a political point of view to do,) that you are willing to represent any complaints he may have against the governor of Cape Coast to the king of England ; and that you believe his com- plaints will be attended to, and that the gover- nor will no doubt be removed if he has done wrong. This, however, I recommend as the dernier resort. Should my health improve, you will tell the king I shall not fail to pay him a visit, although you should have settled the differences which at present exist, and which you have full powers to* do ; but in the event of your receiving a letter from me acquainting you with my bad healthy you will urge this to him as a reason for coming to an early decision of the differences in ques- tion, and say that my health is so bad that I am obliged to return to England immediately, and only await a letter from you to know the king’s- sentiments, that I may lay them before the king of England on my arrival. This you will parti- cularly urge, as it maybe the means of bringing him to an immediate settlement of the existing differences. The argument, as regards the road, will be much strengthened by your adverting to the carriage * now here, there being no road suffi- * This carriage was sent out to Cape Coast for the king of Ashantee two years ago ; but in consequence of the narrow path to Coomassie, his majesty has not yet seen it. 446 APPENDIX. ciently wide to admit of its conveyance ; and you may add, that, when the road is completed, many other presents may be made to the king, which could not now be sent, on account of the narrowness of the path. As regards the difference between a king’s officer and the company’s, should the king make any inquiry on the subject, you will state that we are all subjects of his Brittanic majesty, although serving him in different situations ; and that, although the uniform is different, you will ex- plain that my appointment is immediately from the king, but the company’s officers are appoint- ed by a body of men, in England, acting for the king, and that the forts and officers are paid and supported with the king’s money, that they all belong to the king of England, and only are managed by a body of men, which are a com- pany, and that is why they are called so ; but any demand made on the fort, or the governor, or any palaver made with the people, is the same as if he made it with the king of England. As regards your communications with the Moors, it is a particular source of uneasiness to me, and concerns me above all other consider- ations, on this occasion, that the embassy may be deprived of the advantages which would otherwise result from my presence and my ac- quaintance with the Arabic language ; but should I unfortunately be prevented from join- ing the embassy, you will be attentive in observ- ing the dispositions and manners of the Moors, APPENDIX. 447 and the principal men to whom you are to dis- tribute the presents, according to the best of your judgment. You will be cautious not to excite their jealousy, by inquiring about the country, &c. ; and on no account ask any ques- tions until tlie present differences are settled. This you will also desire the gentleman under your command particularly to observe. I shall write you further in the course of a day or two, if I am able ; in the mean time I have only to add, that you will remain at Pain- try for me two days, when you will proceed on slowly with the embassy to Coomasie, should you not hear from me to the contrary. I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, Josh. Dupuis. William Hutton, Esq. No. XI. Declaration of Messi's. Hutton, Salmon , Collins, and Graves, relative to the Message sent up to the King of Asliantee, by Mr. Smith. We, the undersigned officers and gentlemen, who accompanied the embassy, under charge of Consul Dupuis, being present at an audience, on APPENDIX. 448 the 9th instant, were witnesses to the truth of the following statement, resulting from a discus- sion which ensued between the king of Ashan- tee and the consul, on the subject of certain claims established by the former on the governor of Cape Coast Castle, and also on the town of Cape Coast, amounting, separately, to 1600 ounces of gold, and collectively to double the said sum. The new treaty being read over and inter- preted to the king, he expressed much dissatis- faction, and declared it to be his determined resolution not to relinquish the demand he had made on the town of Cape Coast ; alleging, at the same time, that he was actually negotiat- ing with the governor of the Castle, who had become responsible to him for the payment of a certain sum of money, provided the original de- mand was reduced to limits proportionable to the means of the people ; and in support of this argument the king appealed to a messenger who had been dispatched to him by the governor of the Castle, and who distinctly and vehemently declared that he had been instructed to tell the king, the governor himself would negotiate with him respecting the claim on the natives of Cape Coast town, which claim, when reduced to mo- derate limits, he would cause to be liquidated. The messenger, then pointing out one of my own linguists, named George Abroah, who had. very recently arrived from Cape Coast, declared APPENDIX. 449 that he was the man who interpreted to him the governor’s words in the public hall of the castle. In consequence of this impeachment, the king called upon the said George Abroah to attest or deny the accusation, which, however, was con- firmed by him beyond the possibility of refu- tation. Previous to the discussion on this subject, the consul had framed the treaty in terms to cancel all demands, but the king refused even to listen to such a proposal ; and although the consul per- sisted in offering his mediation between the par- ties, and demanded to know what reduction would be allowed from the original demand, it was declined by the king, .who unhesitatingly declared, he should look to the governor only for the liquidation of his claim upon the natives of Cape Coast town, in conformity with the promises he had received to that effect. In reply to an observation, which was made by the consul at an early part of the debate, that the king of Ashantee had, in virtue of the treaty of 181 7, consigned over to the protection of the British government the natives residing under the British forts, he, the king, pro- duced the original treaties, preliminary and definitive, and caused them to be read over and explained to him, which, when done, he declared he had been deceived by the author of those do- cuments, who did not truly explain to him their contents, for he never could or would resign the G G 450 APPENDIX. command he possessed over a conquered people, who were his slaves, and consequently should be obedient to him their master. He moreover de- clared, that he had consigned these people over to the English, resident on the coast, giving and granting them authority to make use of their services as they pleased ; but he never transferred to them the power to interfere with his go- vernment, in any shape, nor would he permit it, as they were, “ bond Jide,” his subjects only, as his dominions embraced the whole line of coast from Appolonia on the west, to Danish Accra on the east, (both inclusive.) In reference to the king’s demand on the go- vernor of Cape Coast Castle for one thousand six hundred ounces of gold, as a penalty for having violated the treaty, he again publicly de- clared, what he had expressed on a former occa- sion, namely, that as he was so much gratified at the king of England having sent him out one of his own officers to take charge of his concerns for him ; and as he had “ seen the consul’s face,” he relinquished the said demand of 1600 ounces of gold claimed from the governor in toto. This declaration having produced an altercation on the illegality of the king’s de- mand for money, on the alleged infraction of the treaty ; and on the king’s demanding to know if such a clause was not expressly stipulat- ed in the treaty of 1817, and being answered in the negative, he again protested he had been deceived by Mr. Bowdich, who had distinctly APPENDIX,, 451 told him, “ the penalty for breaking the law was a fine of gold;” and, in support of his own asser- tion, the king appealed to the evidence, first of his counsellors and generals, and, lastly, to the con- sul’s own servant, who accompanied Mr, Bow- dich on the mission of 1817, and who was pre- sent at the time the treaty of that date was read over to the king ; and this man’s evidence fully confirmed the truth of the king’s assertion. The consul, in reply, told the king, he did not doubt his word, but a treaty so framed was not valid, nor was it a treaty, as the governor had neither power nor authority to pay him money on account of the king of England. Witness our hands, at Coomassie, this 1 1th day of March, 1820. (Signed) Benjamin Salmon. Francis Collins. David Mill Graves. I hereby declare, that I was also witness to the particulars of the above dis- cussion at Coomassie on the 9th of March. (Signed) William Hutton. Cape Coast, April 7. 1820. G G 2 452 APPENDIX. No. XII. General Treaty entered into with the King of Ashantee by Consul Dupuis on the part of His Britannic Majesty’s Government. 1 820. Treaty made and entered into by Joseph Dupuis, Esq. his Britannic majesty’s consul for the kingdom of Ashantee, in Africa, in the name and on behalf of the British government, with O’Saii Tootoo Quamina, King of Ashantee and its dependencies. 1st. The king of Ashantee agrees to receive and acknowledge Joseph Dupuis, Esq. as his majesty’s consul, to the full intent and meaning of his commission, and if at any time ill health should oblige the said Joseph Dupuis to leave this country, the king will receive and acknow- ledge any gentleman that he may appoint to succeed him. 2nd. The king of Ashantee having taken the sacred oatli of allegiance and fidelity to the crown of Great Britain in the person of his royal highness the Prince Regent, makes known to all to whom these presents shall come, that he will, with all his power and influence, support, aid, and protect the British interest in this country, and that he will, if necessary, on all occasions, march his armies to any part of the country, where the interests of Great Britain may require their aid and assistance. 3d. The claim recently made by the king of Ashantee on the governor of Cape Coast APPENDIX. 453 Castle, amounting to one thousand six hundred ounces of gold, or 6400/. is hereby acknow- ledged to be relinquished ; and it is agreed that there are now no differences or palavers existing between the king of Ashantee and the governor, or between the king and any other of his Bri- tannic majesty’s subjects, collectively or in- dividually. 4 th. The king of Ashantee agrees and binds himself to support and encourage the commerce of this country with Cape Coast and its depend- encies, by all the means in his power, and pledges himself not to allow any differences that may occur, to interrupt the trade with the English merchants on the coast. . 5th . . The king of Ashantee claims the Fantee territories as his dominions, to which the consul on the part of the British government accedes, in consideration and on the express condition that the king agrees to acknowledge the natives residing under British protection entitled to the benefit of British laws and to be amenable to them only in case of any act of aggression on their part. 6th. After the final adjustment of the present claim upon the Cape Coast people, the king binds himself to submit all future complaints to the consul only, and on no account whatever to make war with the natives at any of the English settlements without first allowing the consul the opportunity of settling such differences. 7 th. The consul, on the part of the British g g 3 454 APPENDIX. government, guarantees all the protection in his power to the subjects of the king of Ashantee who may have any commerce with the British settlements on the coast. 8 th. The consul binds himself, on the part of the British government and the governor and. council, to keep half the path that is already made, between Cape Coast and Ashantee, well cleared, and the king of Ashantee agrees to keep the other half of the path constantly in good order, so that there shall always be a free and easy communication with the Ashantee dominions. 9 th. It is expressly agreed and understood that the consul shall at all times be at liberty to visit the capital of Ashantee, and to take his departure therefrom whenever he may think fit, without being subject to any interruption or de- tention, and that his residence may either be at Coomassie or at Cape Coast, as he may from time to time deem expedient for the public good, but if at any time, during his absence from Coomassie, the king of Ashantee has any complaint or palaver against the natives of the British settlements, the same is to be submitted to the consul at Cape Coast, and if it cannot be settled without his presence at Coomassie, it is agreed that he is immediately to proceed to the capital on all such occasions* 10 th. The king of Ashantee having publicly and repeatedly complained of the exorbitant prices charged on the notes he holds from the forts, of the goods he receives in payment of those notes ; and in consequence of the manifest APPENDIX. 4 59 ligion j and the king hereby cordially invites to his country such well disposed men. Given under our hands and seals at the king’s palace, at the capital of Ash- antee, this 23d day of March, in the year of our Lord 1820, and in the fifty-ninth year of the reign of his majesty George the Third, &c. &c. The mark X of (Signed) O’Saii Tootoo Quamina. Joseph Dupuis. In the presence of (Signed) B. Salmon. F. Collins. D. M. Graves. No. XIV. To the Governor and Council of Cape Coast, explanatory of the Treaties entered into voith the King of Ashantee , by Mr. Dupuis. Cape Coast, April 14. 1820. Gentlemen, In reference to my negotiations at Coomassie it may be necessary to inform you (what you would have been acquainted with long ago but for your insulting conduct to me when I waited upon you in the public hall) that the Cape Coast 460 APPENDIX. people have nothing to do with either of the treaties excepting only as regards the stipulation I have made in their favor in the second clause of the supplementary treaty, binding the king down “ not to fire a gun in the town nor to allow his troops to commit any act of hostility or depredation therein,” I again repeat that the Gape Coast natives have nothing to do with either of the treaties excepting only as regards the clause in their favor just mentioned ; as they are most decidedly exempted in the supplementary treaty , from the advantages or disadvantages of either of the treaties, in con- sequence of the palaver not being settled ; and this will fully appear to the most superficial ob- server from the following words in the second clause of the supplementary treaty. “ It is here- by expressly stipulated that the natives of Cape Coast town, “being subjects of the king of Ash- antee” *, are excluded from participating in the benefits of either of the treaties;” and, moreover, the king’s last words to me were, that I should do every thing in my power to assist the governor and his nephew, the Ashantee ambassador, to settle the palaver with the natives of Cape Coast, which, being done, the king declared he had no- thing further to do with them, but in case of their being guilty of any future offence he would communicate with the consul only, allowing him * These were the express words made use of by the king on all occasions, and, as such, were inserted in the treaty. 15 APPENDIX, 461 the opportunity of settling the “ palaver.” I liave, therefore, on this subject only to add, and which I do without ostentation, that I believe my influence in this case with the Ashantee am- bassador will have great weight in bringing mat- ters to a speedy and favourable termination. I shall therefore be extremely happy during the short time I remain in this country if I can be instrumental in any w T ay to the accomplishment of so desirable an object. But should Sir George Collier leave this be- fore you can avail yourselves of my services, it may be proper to state to you distinctly that, in consequence of the interference of the governor with my negotiations at Coomassie, as particu- larly applicable to the Cape Coast palaver, the natives of this town stand precisely in the same situation as when I left this for Ashantee, ex- cepting only as already mentioned, that the king is bound down “ not to Are a gun in the town nor to allow his troops to commit any act of hostility or depredation therein.” As regards the treaties, copies of which I inclosed for your information and future government, I flattered myself they would have been highly gratifying to you and to the world, inasmuch as they re- stored that harmony and good understanding with the Ashantees which have been so long in- terrupted by the impolitic measures of the chief governor, and not only so, but these treaties secured to the merchants those commercial ad- vantages, which if they are now deprived of by 462 APPENDIX. your building up a redoubt, at so critical a mo- ment, you will have only yourselves to blame ; and this I very much apprehend will be the case if you persist in building any out- work until the Cape Coast palaver is settled. If, therefore, I may yet be allowed to offer my opinion on this subject, I strongly recommend that the present palaver should be settled in the first instance, and then no man will be more ready than my- self to co-operate in any measures to protect the Cape Coast people, either by building up a re- doubt or otherwise. Indeed had there been any out-work to protect these people, I might then have refused the king’s demand on them altogether, but, situated as they are at present, and as they have been, I did not conceive it either prudent or politic to do so. And, as re- gards the Fantees residing under the protec- tion of the out-forts, the king again and again vehemently declared, “ that they all belonged to him ; that he had conquered them all either by force of arms or by voluntary submission, and that he could at any time destroy the whole of the towns and population on the coast from Ap- polonia to Accra.” As I could not, therefore, with truth or justice, deny these arguments, 1 acceded to his claiming the Fantee territories on the express condition of the people under the forts, being entitled to the protection of British laws, and to be amenable to them only in case of any act of aggression. In doing this, I con- ceived I was yielding a point merely nominal APPENDIX. 463 for one of real value, namely, the protection of the king of Ashantee, as well as his acknow- ledgement that they should be protected by the British laws, and be amenable to them only in case of any act of aggression on their part. What, then, gentlemen, I will ask, is it that you desire for these people, unprotected as many of them are by the recent desertion of our forts by the governors and garrisons? In placing these wretched inhabitants under the protection of our own laws, I have done more for them than could reasonably be expected since the aban- donment of the out-forts ; for the fifth clause of the general treaty, you will observe, particularly applies to these people, and not to Cape Coast at all, as the natives of this town, in particular, are most decidedly and expressly excluded from participating in the good or bad clauses (if any) of either of the treaties. In short, the king of Ashantee, as can be proved, declared that he would not relinquish his right to claim the Fan- tee territories, for, rather than do so, he was de- termined to make war on these people, and con- quer them as he had done before. The question, therefore, is simply this, was it more politic for me to yield this point for a time to save the people residing under the out-forts from destruction, or, by a refusal to accede to the king’s claim, to have subjected all the towns on the Gold Coast to pestilence and famine, and the most inhuman butcheries ? Before concluding my remarks as connected 4-64 APPENDIX with my negotiations, it is proper to mention that the king of Ashantee declares he is so completely dissatisfied with the conduct of the present chief governor, and also with the con- duct of the conductors of the former mission, that he long ago lost all confidence in the cha- racter of the former gentleman ; and not only so, but from these and other circumstances, I blush for the misfortune of my country, while I con- fess that the honour, the probity, the dignity, and the faith of an Englishman and a merchant have severely suffered from the obstinacy and folly of men, who, from want of capacity, or some other cause, now scarcely retain a shade of in- fluence either with the king of Ashantee, or over any of the towns on the Gold Coast, if I except our chief settlement. As I have told you, in another part of my letter, I should have favoured you with these particulars before, had it not been for your in- sulting conduct to me, when I waited on you in the public hall, for the purpose of reading and explaining the treaties fully for your information ; but as- you then refused me an audience, I was determined not to put you in possession of this dispatch, until the arrival of the commodore. I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) Joseph Dupuis. To the Governor and Council, Cape Coast Castle. Route from Cape Coast to Coomassie . To Pain trey or Doonqua, Mansue, Abandon, Acomfodie, Kirkiwhiri, Ansah, Akrofroom, Doompassie Dachasou, Amafoo, Sirassou, Coomassie, 1 9 direct mites. 1 day' s journey. 14 1 is* 1 m 1 12 1 6 / 1 13 1 !i> 1 i2ii 1 140^ 9 It is nine good days’ journey from Cape Coast to Coomassie. We were, however, twelve days in per- forming the distance, which was in consequence of being detained at Ansah and other places to pay our respects to the Cabboceers. Messrs. Bowdich and Hutchison, as well as Mr. Dupuis, were ten days in returning to Cape Coast, but I was only six. The Ashantee traders and messengers consider it expeditious travelling if they perform the journey in twelve days. . . • ' ■ , APPENDIX. 4 (>5 No. XV. A Price Li A of the Company's Supplies and Stores, at Cape Coast Castle. A s. d. Allspice - 0 0 3 per ounce Allegars 1 10 0 each Bees’ Wax 0 1 3 per pound Bujutapauts 1 5 0 Bread (brown) 0 0 3^ per pound Ditto (white) 0 0 6 Beef 5 9 0 per tierce Ditto 0 0 5 per pound Butter 4 0 0 per firkin Blue - 0 3 0 per pound Bunting 3 0 0 per piece Box-irons and heaters 0 15 0 each Brads (flooring; 0 6 0 per hundred Belts 1 1 0 each Breast-plates 2 2 0 Blacking 0 2 0 per bottle Brushes (shoe) 0 3 0 per pair Ditto (clothes) 0 2 0 each Ditto (paint) - 0 2 0 Ditto (white-wash) - 0 2 0 Bricks 0 10 0 per hundred Chelloes 1 15 0 each Cottons - 0 15 0 Coat patterns (uni- form) 11 0 0 Currants 1 10 0 per jar Cloves 0 1 6 per ounce H H 4 66 APPENDIX. £• s. d. Canvas - 5 0 0 per bolt Cambric - 1 5 0 per yard Cordage - 5 0 0 per cwt. Corks - 0 6 0 per gross Corkscrews - 0 2 6 each Cocks (puncheon) - 0 5 0 Ditto (wine) - 0 3 0 Ditto (vat) - 1 8 0 Ditto (porter) - 0 3 9 Candles (wax) - 0 5 6 per pound Ditto (sperm; - 0 S G Ditto (mould) - 0 2 0 Cinnamon - 0 1 6 per ounce Coffee-pots - 0 7 0 each Dirks and belts - 3 3 0 each Decanters (quart) - 0 5 6 Ditto (pint) - 0 4 6 Deals (1 inch) - 0 5 6 Ditto (l£ inch) - 0 8 0 Ditto (3 inch) - - 0 14 0 Dimity, Indian, - 0 6 0 per yard Diaper - 0 8 0 Dish Covers - 3 0 0 per set Epaulets - 3 3 0 each Earthenware - 2 2 0 per basket Ditto - 10 0 0 per crate Feathers (uniform) - 0 5 6 Flour - 2 18 0 per barrel Flannel - 0 5 6 per yard Funnels (tin) - 0 5 0 Finger cups - 1 19 7 0 per dozen APPENDIX. 4G7 s. d. Guinea stuffs 0 7 0 each Gunpowder 12 0 0 per barrel Glasses (wine) 0 15 0 per dozen Glasgow danes - 1 10 0 each Green ells 1 15 0 Hats (round) 1 10 0 each Ditto (uniform) 3 5 0 Haberdashery 2 0 0 per lot Hinges 0 1 3 per pair Hams ... 0 2 0 per pound Huccabuck 0 3 6 per yard Iron bars 0 7 6 each Irish linen 0 6 0 per yard Iron bars (square) 0 12 0 Ketchup 0 4 6 per pint Knives and Forks (large) 2 11 0 per dozen Ditto ditto (desert) - 2 8 0 Ditto (carvers) 0 9 0 per pair Lead bars 0 1 8 each Locks (plate or stock) 0 7 6 Ditto (chamber door) 1 0 0 Ditto (desk or chest) 0 2 6 Ditto (drawer) 0 2 G Ditto (cupboard) 0 2 6 Lead (milled) 2 8 0 per cwt. Lanthorns 0 5 6 each Linen (Irish) 0 6 0 per yard Mustard 0 2 0 per bottle Madeira wine 72 0 0 per pipe Ditto 0 13 9 per gallon H H 2 APPENDIX. 46 3 Mace . *£. s. 0 2 d. 8 per ounce Neganipauts - - 1 15 0 each Niccanees (long) - 1 15 0 Ditto (bine) - 1 10 0 Nutmegs - 0 2 8 per ounce Noils (2dy) - 0 0 2 per hundred Ditto (4dy) - 0 0 4 Ditto (6dy) - 0 0 6 Ditto (8dy) - 0 0 10 Ditto (lOdy) - 0 1 0 Ditto (20dy) - 0 1 6 Ditto (30dy) - 0 2 0 Osnaburg - 0 1 6 per yard Oil (sallad) - 0 7 6 per pint Oil (paint) - - 0 13 6 per gallon Oil (Lamp) - 0 9 0 Peas - 1 10 0 per keg Pickles - 2 2 0 per case Pork - 4 4 0 per barrel Ditto - 0 0 6 per pound Pepper - 0 3 6 Porter - 8 0 0 per hhd. Padlocks «• 0 14 0 each Ditto (common) - 0 7 6 Puncheon (iron bound) 1 10 0 Pick-axes - 0 8 3 Paint (white) - 0 0 8 per pound Ditto (red) •• - 0 0 6 Ditto (yellow) - 0 0 8 Ditto (green) - 0 5 6 Ditto (lead colour) - 0 0 8 APPENDIX. 469 Paint (blue) Ditto (black) Ditto (chocolate) Port wine Romals, (assorted) Rum (Jamaica) Ditto (Leeward Island) Russia Duck Sastracundies Swords, Ditto belts Ditto knots Sashes (uniform) Soap Stockings Starch Staples (canoe) Spades Shovels - Spruce Sugar - Shirts - - Shoes Sheeting (Irish) Ditto (British) - Silesias ... Tapseils Tacks Tea - Turpentine Taffetas II H s. d. 3 0 1 3 0 8 10 0 per dozen 0 0 each 10 0 per gallon 6 0 3 0 per yard 15 0 each 4 0 1 0 5 0 1 6 per pound 12 6 per pair 1 6 per pound 6 0 per hundred 6 0 each 6 0 7 6 per pot 2 0 per pound 2 6 each 15 0 per pair 6 0 per yard 3 6 7 0 each 10 0 each 0 6 per hundred 0 0 per pound 4 0 per gallon 10 0 each £ 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 1 4 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 6 0 0 1 0 1 1 3 3 470 APPpNDIX. £• s. d . Tea kettles - 0 12 0 Tallow - ^ 0 10 0 per keg Tumblers - 1 4 0 per dozen Vinegar o o 1 3 0 per gallon Watering-pots - o 7 0 each No. XVI. Meteorological Report. The range of the thermometer during our journey to Coomassie was from 74° to 93° in the shade. In the mornings, at five o’clock, it was as low as 74° and 75°, from which time the temper- ature continued gradually to increase till three o’clock, P. M. when the maximum was generally from 84° to 88°. The greatest daily heat we ex- perienced was at Kikiwhiri, on the 25th of Feb- ruary, when the thermometer was as high as 93° in the shade, at three o’clock, P. M.; the mini- mum of that day was 7 5°. We had neither a barometer or hygrometer, and the account of the thermometer was kept by Mr. Salmon, from whom I omitted to get a perfect copy ; but the following is a copy from the account kept by that gentleman from the 25th to the 29th of March inclusive. APPENDIX. 471 Coomassie, March 25 , Sarassou, In the Forest,' Assiminia, -26, — — 27 , Dachasou, March 27, In the Forest, Doompassie, - — Moinsee, — — In the Forest,- Acrofroom, — 28 , In the Forest, ■29, Kikiwhiri, 6 A. M, 12 M. 4 P. M. 6 A. M. 12 M. 4 P.M. 8 P. M. 6 A. M, M. P. M. P. M. 6 A. M. 12 M. 4 P. M. 8 P. M. 6 A. M. 12 M. 4 P.M. 8 P.M. 12 4 8 , 74° rain. 79 fine. 86 tornadoe. 73 cloudy. 84 fine. ,86 — 82 cloudy. , 79 hazy. 86 fine. 88 — 82 tornadoe. 74 fine. 86 88 — - 82 — - 74 — 86 — 88 - — ■ 82 — 5 No. XVII. I Since writing the preceding pages, I have been favoured with the following official papers from Sir Charles MacCarthy, which I have no doubt will be interesting, as shewing the advanced state of improvement in the colony of Sierra Leone : — h h 4 LIST OF MERCHANT VESSELS AND THEIR BURTHEN. With the Amount of the several Invoices upon ‘which Duties have been paid at the Port of Free~Town, Sierra Leone, from the lsi January to the 31 si December, 1820. 472 APPENDIX. •sAjaeuia^j OO OCl®MN«)®00^0)00©0 o o OAIOCOOOCOCO'^OO-H — 00 CT> 1 *0 GO rHif5^05(MO^00Q0^^O<«C0^ ^ 10 cD-H^oo^coo-Hcoi^r^Gor-CMCN r-H OO ^ O^H hOJh r-H iO c -6 o e r» C S .S> 1 .ts si i W rd £ CU . O Q : £ .2 ill +-> C 3 . >-5 l_ 5 >-5 ^ J 4 -»-W y ^ .y 4 J 4 J 4 J J s s 5 S S 5 1 1 1 8 S Q s s M (< PP C/5 O O o o o CO I 55 CD CT> 10 CO co co co .—i GO 1 SO g £ s a £ ~ bf) 05 r\ K-c cy cd o te >z 5. £ H co D- W r __ _ _ _ <3 cd c 3 fi ."ti ^ ^ p 2 ■ 000 g 3 8 6 3 6 ^ u o 3 g 8 8 8 M >o<£ Cw tn K w o be # a< °E 2 PQ co cd 00000 o ^ a *2 x »o -*-> od o o .*>8 8 8 8 6 .£>4 c .^.e-8 888 t * *-*'-■ 5 - ^£3 ca cc cq pa c» c — O« 00 Tfia 0 WC 0 '#'«r-l^ O aTO^'t- - 3 *~C£> 05 — 1 CO ^vr>io^(JlcrjOG— , <5-5 ;o f-- -$■ O co co 00 t— co 00 co in co 10 a -h c -a r? cj H | a o 4 J cn eg w o-g ■ CLi • 03 • 'T 3 S c O 0 ) a; : a? bJDi . . u <— n_ Sg 1 ^ m : c : - ; c • « o . s- O : he • -C ' ts S’Su m «3H W ^ .c3 .es . «l h Jj . as -G .eSqjai . KSoosg^aScKK o • Jr ^ o -5 3 05 G o o r d • G "COOO^O^oD-iOOOOOcrt^OOOO 2 W +J 4 J « »T J- T T -*-> - 4 -i — . Q ^ -*“ i -*- 1 •— < 0 • — 0 W ^ 4 -» 4 J 4 -J 7* CJ +-> ~ 4 -> 4 -> auSQSg^gjSoaSSIjgoSa o _ o : c - - cu © o o o ■ r O © • g : o • S o M O . 2 " G G . . OOO H g O Os 00 CN CO 00 IOOOh lO GO r- CO — ' r-H CO CO ^ rH CO ^ Ol CN rjt <-H CO 04 tJ* g 3 >>-5 b£ , G < O G .5 . O s — 5 J co -= o £ .2 SE 3 r-G Ch^ 3 ^ w H — jj r\ «« O •*-> rH 1 -*-» 4 -» S a S 5 . a : g : o • - 4-3 : b£ J .£ o> 3 bogs 5 03 l_* CCS g -= w !_ •— 4 > CC c g O ^ . 03 .£> 15 v cs C^ qj OJ G fc- O 05 W -G S | 0 ) c^j eJ U^ooKU^So >■> o G - 03 PQ ^ C *-4 S-( 05 G O o I .« 2 o£h 0 c rt c 1-5 o o ® fcc.5 be bc.t; *s a. bc-g cu.-e c 2 .ti .ti g cu.ic be" " 13 ‘E Q ‘C 'C Q Q 2 ^ u£ Q JJ Q O .§ ^5 Q '£ Q Q co pa cq ca CO CO Pa CO Pu CO > CO CQ Q< 00 co 05 00 CO G^ ,*H r -4 00 '£ >> cu «i c § CM O') >» cd 4 < CM LIST OF MERCHANT VESSELS, &c. — continued. 474 APPENDIX. •sjjjuiuajj | •asn ajUAucl .ioj sajojg* 5 'o ffioo!cooon«mo(0'icoo®>oxaino «5bOOrtHOnrt0''IOaia'J5M3!O»CH® G3 CO l*OrJ<0-lcO^C'lC r 3CO-a,lClGqoO— ( CO >o o 00 10 101-1 cm rt cq o cm o t' m ■<}< w 03 < 1 > co£ <3 ^ cj k^. . M > !ic 5 : o . ' l ~i l -Q c : : : O &J 0 • ■ CO • 4 A 13 2 g >*S M ^ f . -2 C /3 K K. ' o o £ 0(3 _ a c o ctf : v :"3 !t 3 B : o • o 4J . £ « c 3 a> c bcj CO i -5 o C$ UO ohobcoo gang's : ^ ; £ : o ; a> •hJ CO 0000000000 JSS 65 q 55 qS^SSS|SJS|J 0 p : rrt c P O p CJOOO^O h ^ tj ^5 ns GO to r-H r- r-H CM ooooooooo* 000 K 2 * - q q q S S 5 5 5 Q “ 5 o 3 ^ 5 1 5 >—3 t - * ;> «K _} 4 -> T) .*_> +J bc.ti .tS .t2 .tJ .3 bJD.pj ,t3 03 bc.ti ^ bJD.t2 ^OQQflQQQQQ^QQQsQ^Oo^Q CM co CM GO CO PC 3 Ditto I 1 Ditto I J. W. Bartlett .J 274' LIST OF MERCHANT VESSELS, &c. — continued. APPENDIX 4-7 5 •asn oibaucI joj ssjo^g * . i ©(DOO'JOHOOOMNOOramTfTjOO 05 ^ t' OUD N M N OO (D O 5 = 0 )C 0 iQ(D 0 U'' • i-. ^3 o a> f | ■g ‘bi) o a> Ph - . 0) :. 3 • o •h? o o ooooooooo G OOOOO-jOOOO pt-C 4-J -4-> -»-J -*-> r» 4J 4-J r— < oQQQQiQQ o p p S S S 5 3 5 3 3 ►J (/} h-3 *3 G c3 t: g < u o a s 3 o C/3 o g> H § CM CM VH CM CM O co o CO r-H O) a. £2 • r— qr 3 oqooo°oooooooS -2 8 -3 .3 .-3 .3 ^ .3 .3 c_ .3 O .3 .3 .3 .3 .3 .3 .3 .3 ffi t-4 -QQQQ^QQ^Q |QQQQQOQQ^ bp ■r b£ B a & > % 3 >> o G a £ -*-J 4-3 bo.t 5 .t 2 ,t 2 .t? p a (D o> o o o o o o o o . . -5 CO 05 C/3 O CM CM CO CO CT> CM CM O Elias Deeper ....I 21 L Ditto ' Ditto LIST OF MERCHANT VESSELS, &c. — continued. 476 APPENDIX. IJ C-9 § 1 s£ < sjjaEiuay •asn a^BAud .ioj saaoig * r-^ ©o^coo^ococ^ooooMOt'-oocN©;^ CN (ooco(DOO>^'t^O(O l o®r-®cM®ot^® iMiO(oo>ocC'} | cot'noO'#ooom(Moof''^n CO 00 -3< t'- ICO co c© i— i a> a Z .HP •* C/5 ’ # 5 CJ j_ cc • ~ a> 'n ctf _ * * §H ‘-' £ t t/j O c c -G o 05 ^ 05 co _ Q I j= 2 S"So S G t-G C w m *«G >, a o s o u •• o ^h i “ 5 1 - 5 i “ 5 w oPPh > "5 0) coS^gsse 0 ^. 05 > c 3 be w ~ ,co S >-S ^ _ H c 0 ) o a ooooooooooo G- §5 T3 ®s o o o o o p S p p p p p 5 S p p J I p § p S p M M << |-1 CD O - l| •si cS o PQ hJ r- o CD U} CN CD ^ tO O 05 05 ^ 01 CN io r- r=< o o £ #5 a J ^ d 1 ° 2 n O O'-OOOOOO s © cs -p -m -p +j -w o c 3 rS .tS O .ti AS AS AS AS AS Q rh £ AS P .PPPPPP^^P Ph *-0 "o 1-0 c ® es AS -C P o pp T3 • J- £ c3 05 JO es CO ^ # g-l ‘pH I CO o o CO o o o o o o : c : o • -w : be : _c : "3 03 03 c _e C -5 cS 53 s S SW 05 s CCS *""5 a; be *-< o CD o o o o 1 .ti ce.d .ti .d .id .id *G be Q dQQQQQQ J d CQ PQ : be .id I Q PQ Q Q 0 > Ga: o ni Ph gj 3 2 | o o CN CN CJ CD Q LIST OF MERCHANT VESSELS, &c. — continued. APPENDIX. 4?7 (U3 H Sc < C T5 2 c •g SO eS i •asn 3}BA ud JOJ SO-lOJg * O h (O O o «l-t 05 00 O O •& 3 * * O at J- r* © • alia £ ^ <- © s H ’“3 ^ ^ sa £ ■3 a : : • : cu a £ : : | • | ; e. o o o’ o 2 4 -> ^ 4 -> . 4 -> 4 -i 4 J 4 J I . 4-5 ^QQQQ^gQ -a — tr > n — cu ~ "3 W ^ c/3 iJj-g bJO/S .5 .5 .5 bC .5 - E s'EQQQQ'C Q CQCQCQ 1 ^ CQ hX 0 W 0 (D ««00 ooixxo^rt^r-o 04 l - tj< l'- 'O 1«5 rn t"f —I CM 04 00 04 : 33 c o -S _ 04 ^ GO O © Q r- r- o | — ' CO — i CD CD 1 CD *"H 04 f-H | .2 ‘C © © .g © G O © ►J >% G O 'o to © G g"i: G © ■*j 4_> T3 CO © O XI Number, weight un- known. Cases, wt. unknown. | Tons. | U O t Bushels. >_ | Barrel, wt. unknown. | 6 9 Ct c at CT X -) 0 6 5 Lbs. | Cask, wt. unknown. 34^16 3 23 174! 2 71 8 1 1 1,612 333 1086 276,800 10 2 24 1 N. B. In addition to the above, the ship Nearchus, Herring, Master, left this in December with a Cargo of Timber, quantity unknown — the Captain and crew being sick, no account was kept of the number of Logs put on board. J. R. There is, on the Date of this Return, Thirteen Merchant Vessels up the River loading Timber. Custom House, Freetown, Sierra Leone, January 1st, 1821. J. REFFELL, Collector. RETURN OF SCHOOLS, AND PERSONS EDUCATED THEREIN. Colony of Sierra Leone, January, 1821. APPENDIX, 479 Total. 346 473 302 115 141 152 95 , 125 90 93 27 1959 EVENING SCHOOL. Women. oooooo^o oooo ^ CO r-H Men and Lads. r^cocoooeoc ooooo O ffl MSOllfl iO «) si Girls. ^ O ^*000 IQ CM © o X CO W ^ ^ CO CM CO t s o 10 10 tN O «5 CO O CO OO I- 03 o CM X IQ CO CO CM CM PQ r—t Oh £ £ O W O < • Cd > > Pi