cBowdoin, James ]1752-1811. 
 
 Opinions respecting the commercia] 
 intercourse between the U.S. of Americ 
 and the dominions of Gt.Brit.... 
 
DUKE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 Treasure "S^om 
 
 THE LIBRARY* 1789 
 Class...Jd£.'3.Q2.:i..l 
 
 Book 
 
 Oil) 1 — 1123 
 
K» 
 
 /::c<?'y<-£ 
 
::mMmm>^^mmM^.mm. 
 
OPINIONS 
 
 RESPECTING THE 
 
 COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE 
 
 BETWEEN THE 
 
 United States and Great-Britain. 
 
OPINIONS 
 
 J RESPECTING THE 
 
 COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE 
 
 B E T W E E » 
 
 The United States of America, 
 
 AND 
 
 The Dominions of Great-Britain, 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 OBSERVATIONS 
 
 Upon the NECESSITY and IMPORTANCE 
 
 OF AN 
 
 American Navigation A&. 
 
 BY A CITIZEN OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 " Fas eji et ah Hojle doceri.** 
 
 ^e^»^^^»^ ^ SP? ^«« ^^ g— 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 Printed and fold by Samuel Hall, No. 53, CornhilL 
 1797. 
 
w^ 
 
 ''irf.' 
 
-to THE 
 
 CITIZENS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STA.TES 
 
 IN GENERAL, 
 
 AND TO THE 
 
 Merchants and Owners of Vessels 
 
 IN PARTICULAR. 
 
 l^ ONVINCED that the Treaty of Commerce 
 with Great-Britain conceded important principles, 
 which ought never to have been relinquifhed ; the 
 Writer of thefe Sheets fuppofes, that it ought not to 
 be implicated, by an unjuft and irrational conftruc- 
 tion, upon the fuppofition, that the United 
 States have it not in their power to reciprocate 
 the Difadvantages of their Commerce with Great- 
 
 J< Britain, Conceiving this not to be the cafe, 
 nor to have been intended, but that the United 
 States are at full Liberty to place it upon the 
 footing of Reciprocity, provide^ the Regulations, 
 neceffary thereto, extend to every other Nation, 
 
 ^ ^ the following Obfervations are moft refpec^fuUy 
 fubmitted, by The AUTHOR. 
 
/iah; 
 
OPINIONS 
 
 RESPECTING THE 
 
 COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE 
 
 BETWEENTHE 
 
 WmUttt S>tate0 and #reat=Britaitt. 
 
 A GREAT fundamental principle of adion, 
 applying to national intercourfe and tranfac- 
 tions of every kind, whether commercial or 
 not, is, that one nation Ihould not injure another : 
 that national conduft fhould, upon all occafions, be 
 frank and fincere ; or that whatever might be the 
 relative power, there fliould be no aim to over-reach, 
 or to obtain unequal or improper advantages* The 
 writers upon the law of nations agree in this great 
 principle, as fpringing from the law of nature. From 
 whence they infer, that treaties made, and to be 
 kept, fhould have equality for their bails, let what 
 may be the ftate and condition of the contrafting 
 parties ; for as fuperiority of power creates no obli- 
 gation, or right, " fo power or weaknefs," fays Vat- 
 tel, " does not, in this refpecl, produce any differ- 
 ence." * Equal treaties then, founded on equal 
 rights, and conferring equal benefits, are alone obli- 
 gatory by the law of nations. " Treaties equal," 
 lays Vattel, " are thofe in which the contrafting par.- 
 ties promife the fame things, or things that are equiv- 
 alent J 
 * Vattel, book i. chap. i. page i8. 
 
C « 1 
 
 alent ; or, in fhort, that are equitably proportionecfy 
 fo that their condition is equal. Equal treaties 
 may be fubdivided into as many kinds as the fove- 
 reigns have different tranfaclions between them* 
 Thus they treat of the conditions of commerce,*'* &c. 
 " Nations not being lefs obliged than individuals, to 
 have regard for equity, they ought, as much as poffi- 
 ble, to preferve equality in their treaties ; when, 
 therefore, the parties are in fuch a ftate, as to obtain 
 the Jame reciprocal advantages^ the law of nature re- 
 quires their treaties fliould be equal, at leaft, if there 
 is not fome particular reafon to deviate from that 
 equality, fuch as gratitude for a former benefit,"! he. 
 Unequal treaties, fays the fame author, are thofe in 
 which the allies do not promife the fame things, and 
 tvhere the conditions of commerce, or whatever may 
 the objects of the treaty, are unequal. 
 
 To apply the foregoing obfervations, drawn from 
 the law of nations, to a particular article of the Brit- 
 ifh treaty, to determine its meaning and conftruftion, 
 it may not be improper, in the firfl: place, to recite 
 the 1 4th article of the treaty at large, and then to in- 
 quire, whether tht^re is not fuificient latitude, in its 
 conftruftion, to juftify fuch additional regulations of 
 commerce, as fhall give that protection and fupport 
 to the commerce and navigation of the United States, 
 which reciprocity demands. 
 
 14th* Article^ 
 
 " There fhall be between all the dominions of his 
 ^' Majefty in Europe and the territories of the United 
 *' States, a reciprocal and perfedl liberty of Com- 
 " merce and Navigation. The people and inhabi- 
 *' tants of the two countries refpeclively fhaU have 
 *' liberty, freely and fecurely, and without hindrance 
 *' and moleftation, to come, with their fhips and car- 
 " goes, to the lands, countries, cities, ports, places 
 " and rivers, within the dominions and territories 
 
 '' aforefaid, 
 
 - * Vattel, book 2. chap. 12. fed. 172. 
 f Vattel, book II. chap. 12. fed. 173. 
 
C 9 3 
 
 ■*' aforefaid, to enter into the faftie, to refort and to 
 ** remain and to relide there, without any limitation of 
 *' time : alfo to hire and poffefs houfes, and ware- 
 " houfes, for the purpofes of their commerce ; and 
 *' generally the merchants and traders, on each fide, 
 '' lliall enjoy the moft complete proteclion and fecu- 
 " rity for their commerce ; but fubjecl always, as to 
 *' what refpeSfs this article^ to the Laws and Statutes of 
 *' the two countries rejpedive/y.'* 
 
 If the ftipulation of a reciprocal and perfect liberty* 
 of commerce and navigation herein made, as well as 
 the protection and fecurity promifed to the mer- 
 chants and traders on each fide, is no*t fufficiently ex- 
 plicit, when it is declared, as to what refpefts the ar- 
 ticle, to be always fubjecl to the lavv^s and ftatutes of 
 the two countries refpectively ; Ihould it be made a 
 queftion, whether a general IHpulation, under as gen* 
 eral an exception, as to the laws and ftatutes of the 
 two countries, Ihall be conftrued to preclude the Le- 
 giflature from making laws and ftatutes, which are 
 neceffary to procure the reciprocity guarantied, or 
 luch laws and ftatutes as are founded in reciprocity 
 and equality ; and in the policy and pra<flice of one 
 of the contracting parties, the Britifli ? or whether 
 it ought to be fuppofed, that the other contracting 
 party (the United States) Ihould be tied down under 
 the general ftipulation, and not allowed to protect its 
 citizens and commerce againft foreign interference ? 
 or whether a perfect liberty of commerce and naviga- 
 tion ought to be granted on one fide, againft a very 
 imperfect one on the other f or, in other words, 
 whether the affected perfect liberty conferred by the 
 treaty, marred by reftrictions and prohibitions, ought 
 to reciprocate fev/, or no advantages on the one hand, 
 whilft the moft perfed liberty, common to every cit- 
 izen of the United States, is allowed on the ether, 
 with the exception of an extra tonnage duty upon 
 foreign veflels, and an addition of one tenth to the 
 amount of the impoit accruing upon their cargoes ? 
 B If 
 
[ 10 ] 
 
 If fuch a conftruction is admitted, there is no roonf 
 left on which legiflation can exercife its powers ; all 
 future laws and ftatutes of the two countries being 
 neceffarily contravened. And although Britifli mer- 
 chants and traders might introduce practices injurious 
 to the rights and interclls of the merchants and citi- 
 zens of the United States, they would not be amen- 
 able to laws made pofterior to the treaty ; and of 
 courfe there might be a fet of foreigners, under the 
 privileges of a general protection, committing inju- 
 ries to the commerce of the country beyond the reach 
 of legiflative remedy. 
 
 If this conftruction was the one deligned, why was 
 the exception made as to the laws and ftatutes of the 
 two countries ? Was it to ratify and confirm Britifh 
 navigation acis, and the reftridions and prohibitions 
 of Britifli ftatutes on the one fide, and to leave no 
 means to reciprocate fuch difadvantages on the other ? 
 
 If this was intended, why was it not declared ; and 
 that no future laws or ftatutes fliould be made to 
 limit or reftrain the liberty therein given ; in which 
 cafe, with what view, or to what purpofe, was the 
 fucceeding, the 1 5th article, made ? 
 
 The 1 5th article appears to be but an exception or 
 % provifo to the 14th ; or if it is not, it has neither 
 meaning nor ftgnification : For if the legiflative 
 power was to be controled, in future, by the pro- 
 vifions of the preceding article, of what confequence 
 was it to ftipulate, that " no other or higher duties 
 *-^ Jhall be paid by the fhips and merchandizes of the one 
 " party, in the ports of the other, than fuch as are paid, 
 " by the like veflels, on merchandize of all other na- 
 " tions'* ? or that " no other, or higher duty, fliould be 
 " impofed in one country, on the importation of any 
 " articles of the growth, produce or manufacture of 
 " the other, than are, or Jhall be payable (mark this ex- 
 " preflion) on the importation of the like articles, being 
 " of the growth, produce or manufacture of any other 
 *' foreign nation" ? Or of what import are the follow- 
 ing: 
 
[ " ] 
 
 ing words ? " ^or Jhall any prohibition be impofed on 
 " the exportation or importation of any article, to or 
 " from the territories of the two parties refpectively, 
 *' which JJmll not equally extend to all other na- 
 " tions." The reply is, that the 15th article mufl 
 become nugatory, and be without meaning or figni- 
 fication, if the unnatural conftruction aforementioned 
 is admitted. The flipulation of the 14th article ap- 
 pears to guaranty a reciprocal liberty of commerce, 
 and navigation, with protection and fecurity to mer- 
 chants and traders ; but fubjecl to the laws and fta-. 
 tutes of the two countries refpectively ; provided 
 fuch laws and ftatutes fliall conform to the provifions 
 and limitations of the 15th article. Taking the two 
 articles together, the conftruclions harmonize, and 
 the legiilatures of the two countries are left only un- 
 der the reftraints of reciprocity, as to commerce and 
 navigation ; that in cafe either party fhould think it 
 neceffary to reciprocate what it fliould deem unequal, 
 or difadvantageous, the regulations neceffaiy therefor 
 muft extend to every other nation. This conftruc- 
 tion gives to the treaty its true meaning, and con- 
 forms to the law of nations, which exacts juftice and 
 equality, as the balis of commercial and political tranf- 
 actions. It is prefumed then, that the United States 
 have a clear, obvious right to pafs fuch laws and fta- 
 tutes as are neceffary to equalize commercial advan- 
 tages, and to give protection and fecurity to their cit- 
 izens againft foreign interference. 
 
 Admitting the foregoing reafoning to be juft, the 
 next inquiry which arifes out of our fubjecft, is. 
 What regulations does reciprocity require, on our 
 part, to place the commerce of the two countries 
 upon that footing of equality which wifdom on the. 
 one fide, and a liberal policy on the other, ought to 
 demand ? 
 
 To permit commercial intercourfe to take off the 
 furplus productions, beyond what are neceffary for 
 home confumption, is a duty that nations owe to the 
 
 welfare 
 
welfare and happinefs of each other ; and the obliga- 
 tion is no lefs ftrong, that the exchanges fliould be 
 founded in juftice and equity ; for the moral princi- 
 ple of nations does not permit unequal regulations of 
 commerce ; or, at leaft, if they are affumed, or pro- 
 cured through artifice or intrigue by the one party, 
 it is made the duty of the other, by the law of na- 
 tions, to relift and to oppofe them. In order then to 
 examine the fubject before us with clearnefs and pre- 
 cifion, it is neceflary to inquire, 
 
 I, What is the relative fituation, in refpecl to 
 commerce and navigation, arifmg out of the ex-* 
 ifting laws and ftatutes of the two countries re- 
 fpeclively ? And 
 a. To fuggeil what meafures are probably necef- 
 fary to place their commerce and navigation 
 upon the footing of reciprocal and mutual ad- 
 vantage. 
 J- In treating the important fubjed herein undertaken, 
 it is proper to premife, that what is aimed to be ef- 
 tabliflied, refts as much upon facts, as dedudlions ; 
 upon commercial flatements, as political inferences. 
 The facls depended on, are the cuftom-houfe flate- 
 ments of Great -Britain, and thofe official documents, 
 and other references, which were thought fufficient 
 data, on which to ground that fyftem of rules and 
 regulations, by which Great-Britain is, and has been 
 guided in her commerce with this country. A re- 
 currence to the fame facts and authorities, which, it 
 is conceived, are the beft the fubjecl admits, cannot 
 be deemed unfair, to fliew the inequality and danger 
 of the United States from fuch regulations, and the 
 neceflity of refifling and oppofmg them by counter 
 regulations.- 
 
 The firft object of inquiry herein propofed, referring 
 to the comparative benefits refulting from the com- 
 mercial and maritime regulations of the two coun- 
 tries, fliall be confidered under their diftinct heads, as 
 far as the nature of the fubject will permit. 
 
 In 
 
C 13 ] 
 
 In the year 1783, the Brltifli Parliament, not know- 
 ing what might be the effect of the independence of 
 the United States, in regard to the Englilh commerce ; 
 the national reiburces and credit being reduced to a 
 low ftate, and a general alarm being fpread through 
 the nation, for fear that the refentment of this country- 
 might transfer its commerce to other channels, gave a 
 difcretionary power to the king, by the advice of the 
 privy council, to adopt fuch temporary" regulations, in 
 regard to the United States, as the intereft of the na- 
 tion, and the new fituation of the United States, 
 might require. Accordingly the following order of 
 the king and council palTed 2d of July, 1783. 
 
 " At the Court of St. Jameses, 2d July, 1783. 
 Prefent, the King's Moft Excellent Majefty in 
 Council. 
 
 " Whereas by an acl of Parliament paffed this 
 feflion, intitled, " An acl for preventing certain in- 
 " ftruments from being required from Ihips belong- 
 " ing to the United States of America ; and to give 
 " to his Majefty, for a limited time, certain powers 
 " for the better carrying on trade and commerce be- 
 *' tween the fubjects of his Majefty's dominions, and 
 " the inhabitants of the faid United States," it is, 
 amongft other things, enacted, that during the con- 
 tinuance of the faid act, it Ihall and may be lawful for 
 his Majefty in council, by order or orders to be iffued 
 and publiftied, from time to time, to give fuch direc- 
 tions, and to make fuch regulations, with refpect to 
 duties, drawbacks, or otherwife, for carrying on the 
 trade and commerce between the people and territo- 
 ries belonging to the crown of Great-Britain, and the 
 people and territories of the faid United States, as to 
 his Majefty in council fliall appear moft expedient and 
 falutary, any law, ufage, or cuftom, to the contrary 
 notwithftanding ; his Majefty doth therefore, by and 
 with the advice of his privy council, hereby order 
 and dired, that pitch, tar, turpentine, hemp, flax, 
 
 mafts. 
 
[ '4 : 
 
 mafts, yards and bowfprits, ftaves, heading, boards, 
 timber, fhingles, and all other fpecies of lumber ; 
 horfes, neat cattle, fheep, hogs, poultry, and all other 
 fpecies of live llock and live provilions ; peas, beans, 
 potatoes, wheat, flour, bread, bifcuit, rice, oats, barley, 
 and all other fpecies of grain, being the growth or 
 production of any of the United States of America, 
 may (until further order) be imported by British 
 SUBJECTS IN British built ships, owned by his 
 Majefty's fubjecls, and navigated according to law, 
 from any port of the United States of America to any 
 of his Majefty's Weft-India iflands ; and that rum, 
 fugar, molafles, coffee, cocoa-nuts, ginger and pimenta, 
 may, until further orders, be exported by British 
 SUBJECTS IN British built ships, owned by his 
 Majefty's fubjecls, and navigated according to law, 
 from any of his Majefty's Weft-India iflands, to any 
 port or place within the faid United States, • upon 
 payment of the fame duties on exportation, and fub- 
 jcd: to the like rules, regulations, fecurities and re- 
 ih'id:ions as the fame articles by law are, or may be 
 fubject, and liable to, if exported to any Britifh colo- 
 ny or plantation in America. And the Right Hon- 
 orable the Lords Commiflioners of his Majefty's trea- 
 fury, and the Lords CommifTioners of the admiralty, 
 are to give the neceffary directions herein, as to them 
 may refpectively appertain." 
 
 Signed, *' Stephen Cqttrell.'* * 
 
 With refpecl to the regulations above recited, it is 
 to be obferved, that they were repeated the Decem- 
 ber following, and have been, from time to time, fmce 
 continued, with little alteration in their principle, by 
 acts which have paifed, at every feflion of Parliament, 
 authorizing his Majefty to make them ; and they are 
 now confirmed, with the approbation of the United 
 States, in the ratification of the late treaty with Brit* 
 
 ain, 
 
 * The petty cuftom of one per cent, upon alien goods- was repealed, 
 and the allowance of drawback to aliens, in certain cafes, permitted} 
 1784. 
 
C '5 ] 
 
 ain, viz. in the 14th article aforementioned, whicfe 
 fubjecls the liberty of commerce, therein given, " to 
 the laws and llatutes of the two countries refpeclively." 
 It is but juftice to the treaty, however, to fay, that 
 the provilions of the 12th article, which were refufed 
 ratification by the United States, were intended as a 
 mitigation to the injuries and inequalities of thefe reg- 
 ulations. The conceflions therein made, by the Brit- 
 ifli government, although unequal to the facritices, 
 by the United States, in other parts of the treaty, 
 might have been of fome commercial advantage ; 
 but they were accompanied with fuch indignities to 
 the freedom and independence of the country, in re- 
 lation to productions from the dominions of other 
 ftates, that they could not be accepted. 
 
 But before I proceed to obferve upon the detail, it 
 will be proper to make a few obferv^ations upon the 
 principle of the foregoing regulations. 
 
 They hold up an important diftinclion between the 
 European and the other dominions of Great-Britain^ 
 in the allowance of commerce with the United States. 
 If this diftinclion was proper, why did it not go fur- 
 ther, and extend the fame reftriction to Ireland, which 
 is no more than a Britifh colony ; or to Scotland or 
 Wales, or to all of them ; for there would have been 
 equal propriety in extending the reftriclions further, 
 even to all the Britilh dominions, whether in Europe 
 or elfewhere, which, it is believed, v/ould have been 
 moft for the intereft of the United States, as to have 
 limited the reftriclions to the Englifh colonies only ? 
 In fuch cafe, the United States would have feen 
 through the equity of the regulations, and governed 
 themfelvcs accordingly. As well might the United 
 States fay, that liberty of commerce Ihould be grant- 
 ed to the fubjecls of Great-Britain, except with Vir- 
 ginia, South-Carolina and Georgia, and with them, 
 fo far as to permit the citizens of the United States 
 to tranfport tobacco, rice, and naval ftores to Great- 
 Britain, if {[lipped in American bottoms, with liberty 
 
 to 
 
C i6 ] 
 
 to import into thofe ftates, in like bottoms, Englifh 
 manufactures, with the exception of woolen cloths, 
 cottons, and fome other principal Britifti merchandizj. 
 es, which Ihould be totally prohibited. 
 
 Whenever a nation fets up a principle of action, as 
 a rule of commercial or political conduct, which is to 
 operate upon the commerce or policy of other nations, 
 it is becoming, that it ihould regard juflice and equity, 
 in relation to fuch nations with which flie has political 
 or commercial tranfaclions. It is not fufficient for a 
 nation to fay, that fhe has colonies, which, becaufe flie 
 has planted, ihe will wantonly exclude from other 
 nations, and monopolize to herfelf their commerce 
 and labour : nor is it fufficient, that this principle be 
 fortified by the ufages and practices of nations ; or 
 that Grotius, Puffendorf, Burlamaqui, and Vattel, 
 implicitly or explicitly juftif)^ it. Two confiderations, 
 in their nature previous to the adoption of fuch a rule^ 
 enter into its exercife, and ought to make its principle; 
 the firft is, whether it is for the beft intereft of the 
 parent Hate as connected with the leaft injury to the 
 inhabitants of her colonies : and the fecond, whether* 
 it is for her beft intereft as connected with thofe advan- 
 tages fhe derives from the commerce of other ftates. 
 Admitting the right of monopoly over colonies, in 
 the moft extenfive fenfe that protection and power 
 cart give it, it does not follow, that the inhabitants of 
 colonies have no claim upon the parent ftate, from 
 iituation and humanity, from circumftances and ex- 
 pedients, in procuring their own welfare, with the 
 objects of their eftablifhment : although the parent 
 ftate is fovereign, and colonies fhould be liibordinate ^ 
 and fliould produce, fay indefeafible right, on the one 
 fide ; and abfolute fubmi'flion on the other ; yet un- 
 neceffary and cruel deprivations cannot be juftified 
 under fuch a claim. Their circumftances and fitua- 
 tion, their internal and external relations, muft pro- 
 duce a choice of means, which muft defignate the 
 wifdom, juftice and policy of the meafures purfued. 
 
 To 
 
i: 17 3 
 
 To fay then, that colonies have no rights, but filch as 
 are abforbed in the mere will of the metropolitan ftate, 
 is abfurd : nor lefs fo, would it be to fay, that it would 
 be always for the intereft of the metropolitan ftate to 
 exclude foreigners from a participation in its colonial 
 commerce ; for fuch a regulation fliould arife rather 
 from policy than right, and muft depend upon the 
 liquidation of advantages and difadvantages, in its 
 commerce v/ith other ftates : if the right is affumed, 
 the policy may be denied, and the metropolitan ftate 
 may become the lofer from its aflumption. In fuch 
 cafe, it had been better to have adhered to the policy, 
 rather than the right. The concurrence, then, of both 
 the one, and the other, muft be brought into view, 
 to determine the fitnefs and propriety of fuch com- 
 mercial regulations. The right then refts precifely 
 upon the fame footing, which every independent 
 country pofl'elTes, of regulating its own commerce, to 
 extend, to limit, or totally to prohibit it, with foreign 
 nations, leaving the fame right to the nation afFefted 
 by fuch regulations, which muft, of necellity, at length 
 reduce the right to a mere queftion of policy. 
 
 Let us examine then, whether right and policy 
 concur, in the prefent cafe, to juftify Great-Britain in 
 excluding the citizens of the United States from a 
 participation in the commerce and navigation of her 
 Weft-India illands, admitting the right and power of 
 retaliation in the United States, which fhall hereafter 
 be ftiewn. 
 
 Whenever we reflect upon what was the relative 
 fituation of the United States and the Enjxlifli Weft- 
 India colonies, that v/e were the offspring of the fame 
 parent, eftabliflied and protected by the fame power, 
 and nourifhed and cherilhed for the fame purpofe, viz. 
 the aggrandizement of the Britifli empire ; without 
 entering into the difputes which brought on the 
 American revolution ; fuffice it to fay, that there was, 
 before the revolution, a clofe, intimate and beneficial 
 commercial connection, which fubfifted between the 
 C Englifli 
 
[ "8 ] 
 
 Englifli Weft-India illands and the now United State's, 
 Mutual wants and conveniences were its foundation, 
 which contributed not lefs to the growth and profperi- 
 ty of the then refpeclive colonies, than to the opulence 
 and gi'andeur of the mother country. 
 
 To fever and cut off a commercial intercourfe, 
 Ipringing from fituation, interwoven by habit, and 
 cemented by fo many ties of intereft and convenience, 
 ought to be juftilied by arguments of more folidity 
 than the independence of the United States, or the 
 mere right of monopoly over the trade and produce 
 of colonies. 
 
 It is admitted, that the citizens of the two coun- 
 tries, by the fovereignty and independence of the 
 United States, became aliens to each other, and that 
 each country poilelled, in a fenfe, the right of limit- 
 ing, reftriding, or prohibiting its commerce, as it 
 might deem beft ; yet, when a narrow, illiberal pol- 
 icy, bottomed upon refentment and difappointment, 
 rather than its real intereft, or the convenience or ad- 
 vantage of its colonies, became adopted into a fyftem 
 of commercial regulations, fuch a conduct, if proved, 
 muft deferve reprobation and reproach, and in the 
 end will produce defenfory meafures, which fhall re- 
 quite their injuftice. Several of the ftates, in the year 
 1784, in their individual capacities, as well as the 
 Englifli Weft-India merchants and planters, made in- 
 effedual efforts to procure the repeal of thefe ofFenfive 
 regulations. The latter, that is, the Englifh mer- 
 chants and planters, petitioned the Englifh parliament, 
 pointing out the injurious confequences of the regu- 
 lations of commerce to the Weft-India iflands ; that 
 they were founded in ill policy and refentment, and 
 would induce a retaliation on the part of the United 
 States^ The ftates of Virginia, New- York, New-Jer- 
 fey, and Maryland, paffed refolutions upon the fub- 
 je<5l, conlidering them as aggrellions upon the com- 
 meite of the ftates, and ftrongly recommending 
 countervaiHng reftriclions. The ftate of Maffachu- 
 
 fetts 
 
[ tg 3 
 
 fetts pafled a navigation ad:, with an expeclation it 
 would have been followed by limilar acts from the 
 other ftates, which was to have been in force until 
 Congrefs fhould have been empowered to regulate 
 trade : but it not being feconded by any other ftate 
 than Rhode-Ifland, it was repealed, for the want of a 
 more general concurrence. Thus ended the prophe- 
 cies of retaliation by Englifh writers, and Weft-India 
 planters ; and thus became fruitlefs, the individual 
 attempts of feveral of the ftates to remedy the inju- 
 ries and cruelties of thefe pernicious regulations of 
 commerce. 
 
 Mankind don't adminifter to the rights of others 
 fo much from duty as from fear ; it is by retaliation, 
 that nations muft make their rights and interefts re- 
 Ipected, when they are infringed. The United States, 
 untaught by experience, and not having provided 
 againft the evils, which awaited their independence, 
 for fix years were laid under Britifti commercial bon- 
 dage, and patiently fuffered their navigation, com- 
 merce, and manufactures, to be almoft cut up by the 
 roots, for the want of thofe defenfory reftrictions, 
 which were neceflary to their proteftion. Thefe in- 
 juries, fenfibly as they were felt, had their attendant 
 benefits ; they afforded an inftruclive leflbn to the 
 honeft unfufpecling politics of our country. Great- 
 Britain, under the deceitful appearance of tendering 
 to us the liberal hand of friendlhip and reconciliation, 
 at the eftablifhment of peace, difarmed us of our pru- 
 dence ; and, by her commercial arrangements, even 
 put to hazard the very independence for which we 
 had contended, and achieved. The feveral ftates faw 
 the evil, which was fapping their beft interefts, jealous 
 of their fovereignties, and diftracled by oppofing fen- 
 timents, from the defecl of the old organization of 
 Congrefs ; and from the neceflity of a power to reg- 
 ulate commerce, the great actuating motive for the 
 adoption of a Federal Conftitution, the now Confti- 
 t^tion of the United States became accepted, and ap- 
 proved 
 
[ 40 ] 
 
 proved by the people, trufting, that its refult would, 
 produce a conducl from Great-Britain more confo^ 
 nant to equity, and to thofe advantages ftie was daily 
 deriving from the comi?ierce of the United States* 
 But Englifh minifters, hitherto knowing the influence 
 of language, habits, manners, fafliions, and credits ; 
 knowing the difficulties and embarraffments attend* 
 ant on the altering of ojd channels of commerce ; 
 knowing her power to circumfcribe her own mar- 
 kets, whilft ours were open to her manufactures ; 
 knowing the prejudicies and jealoufies fubfifting be- 
 tween the feveral ftates, fhe has even procured a pre- 
 ference in our own ports, through her merchants and 
 factors, for the employment of her fliips and veffels, 
 to thofe of the United States : and the United States, 
 fbr feveral years, exhibited a fituation as novel as it 
 was abfurd ; foreign fhips and veffels finding in our 
 ports ample and feady freights, whilft thofe of the 
 United States, circumvented by Britifli reftrictions, 
 were rotting at our wharves, for want of employ. 
 
 It is by the fettled tendency of meafures, rather 
 than by profeffions and declarations, that we muft 
 judge of the friendihip or enmity of nations : we 
 need not recur, for inftance, to the hiftories of either 
 France or England, to know their enmity and hatred 
 to each other : a recurrence to their laws, and to their 
 rules of commerce, will fufBciently difcover their paf- 
 fions and refentments, perhaps more ftrongly than 
 the hiftory of their battles. Accident, miftake, or 
 occurrences, from a thoufand circiimftances, might 
 produce temporary hoftilities ; but in the fettled rules 
 apd regulations of their general and commercial pol- 
 icy, their hatred, their malice, and their rivalries, will 
 be more fully defignated : in like manner, if we re- 
 cur to the Englifh regulations of commerce, adopted 
 towards this country, in the face of the petitions 
 and remonftrances of the moft refpeclable Englifli 
 merchants and Weft-India planters, to point to their 
 leading motives, "jjq cannot doubt ^ that extreme Jelfijhnefs, 
 
 and 
 
[ 21 ] 
 
 Mnd a vmrked refeniment againji the United States generaU 
 ly, and ttje New-England Jiates in particular, for their 
 manly conduB in the revchition, ivere the chief objeds and 
 end of their policy, Circumftanced and fituated as the 
 New-England States particularly were, at the clofe of 
 the war, can the narrow, felfifh, bigoted policy of a 
 Britifh minifter be juftiiicd in denouncing their navi- 
 gation, fiflieries, and commerce, by the mofl fudden, 
 cruel and oppreflive regulations ? Is it poffible, that 
 the New-Ensfland ftates can have witnefled the ten- 
 
 o 
 
 dency of fuch mealures, and obferve them continued 
 and perlilied in, and yet be taught, as fome amongft 
 us affect to inftruci: us, that an Englifh alliance ought 
 to be courted and preferred to all others ? if alliances 
 with reftrictions and prohibitions ought to be court- 
 ed ; if they are marks of friendfliip, a New-England- 
 man might well afk, what are indications of enmity, 
 fhort of open hoftility ? whilft he will apoftrophize 
 and fay. From fuch friendfliip, and fuch regulations 
 of commerce, good Lord deliver us ! 
 
 But as it would be unwarrantable, and it is not 
 mf intention, to mifreprefent, either the defigns or 
 the policy of the Britifti government, it is fitting that 
 the facfs and ftatements, on which the foregoing 
 fuggeftions are grounded, fliould be laid before the 
 public. 
 
 1. The citizens of the United States and their 
 veffels were excluded commercial intercourfe with 
 the Britifli Weft-India illands, whereby the employ- 
 ment of above thirty thoufand tons of American 
 fliipping was totally interdicted, befides the difadvan- 
 tage of a great diminution, both in the vent of Amer- 
 ican productions, and in the fupply of thofe of the 
 Weft-Indies, which arofe from confining the carrying 
 trade, in both direftions, -to Englifli velTeis. 
 
 2. The following important articles of the pro- 
 duce of the United States, particularly thofe of the 
 Ncw-l']ngland ftates, were totally prohibited to be im- 
 ported into the Englifli Weft-India colonies, either in 
 
 Britifli 
 
[ 2Z ] 
 
 Britilh or American bottoms, viz. beef, pork, falted 
 filli, whale oil, fpermaccti candles, &c. whereby the 
 New-England ftates fuftained an annual lofs of vent 
 or market for upwards of " fifteen thoufand barrels 
 " of beef and pork, two hundred and thirty thoufand 
 *' quintals of fifh, about five hundred tons of whale 
 " oil," which, with the other articles of the growth 
 and produce of the United States annually fliipped to 
 the Englifh Weft-Indies, amounted, by the Britilh ac- 
 counts, to not lefs than a million fterling, which not 
 only fupplied them with the produce of the Englifli 
 iflands, viz. with " three million fix hundred thou- 
 " fand gallons of Weft-India rum, three thoufand 
 " hogfheads, fifteen hundred tierces and four thou- 
 " fand barrels of fugar, one hundred and fifty thou- 
 " fand gallons of molafl'es, with coftee to the amount 
 " ^^ ;C5'^5°°o fterling ; cocoa, mahogany plank, pi- 
 " menta, ginger, cotton wool, fuftick, logwood, and 
 *' lignum-vitse, to the amount of £. 60,000 fterling, 
 " befides a balance in cafti of ;^. 240,000 fterling."* 
 
 It was natural for the unfiifpecting politics of the 
 United States to fuppofe that Great-Britain hadifo 
 much to gain, by permitting their commerce to take 
 its old channels, and in the end, fo much to lofe, if 
 they would not permit it, that the general balance of 
 the whole trade was fo much to the advantage of 
 Great -Britain, by receiving an annual balance from 
 the United States of above fix hundred thoufand 
 pounds fterling, befides the immenfe advantage arifing 
 from the freightage of the produce of the United 
 States, that fhe would not, under fuch circumftances, 
 aim to profcribe her markets to American veflels ; 
 nor to carry into effect againft them, her illiberd 
 fyltem of reftriclions and prohibitions upon foreigners, 
 and foreign veffels, to the difadvantage of any particu- 
 lar part of the commerce of the United States, efpecial- 
 ly of the New-England ftates : but in this, the United 
 
 States 
 
 * See Brian Edwards's pamphlet, refpeding the trade of the Wcft- 
 Irdia iflfands \x\th. the United States. 
 
C 23 j 
 
 States have found themfelves deceived, and CireM-t 
 Britain has hitherto been able to fupport her narrow, 
 felfifh fyllem of commercial regulations, unretaliated 
 by the United States, through her machinations and 
 intrigues, in the government of the United States. 
 
 But the neceflity of reviling the commercial fyftem 
 of the United States does not reft, merely, upon the 
 Englifh colonial arrangements, but muft be confidered 
 in connection udth her European fyftem of commer- 
 cial policy ; and in relation to the diftinclions and 
 difabilities, which the laws of England impofe, between 
 foreigners and Britifli fubjecls. 
 
 Although merchant ftrangers enjoy important priv- 
 ileges in England, compared with thofe of fome other 
 countries of Europe, except Holland ; that when 
 friends, they have a conftitutional right of refidence, 
 and a legal protection to their perfons and properties, 
 extending even to the right of holding real eftate, 
 when not to their own ufe, they are ftill under nu- 
 merous difabilities, and fubject to peculiar impofitions, 
 which, although leffening, fays Judge Blackftone^ 
 " from the commercial intereft and policy of the 
 nation," yet they create important diftinclions be- 
 tween natives and foreigners, to the benefit of the 
 one, and to the prejudice of the other. To thefe im- 
 pofitions, numerous as they are, fay Britifli minifters, 
 the citizens of the United States became fubjcct from 
 their independence ! and what rendered them the 
 more injurious, was, that they had been the ground, 
 and realbn, on which the commerce of the United 
 States had, in many cafes, been predicated. A con- 
 fpicuous example of the fad: herein ftatcd, well known 
 to the people of New-England, is the alien duty of 
 jT.iS-^ fterhng per ton on foreign train oil, original- 
 ly intended, as it now continues to be, a prohibition 
 upon its importation into England ; whereby the 
 employment of one hundred and thirty fail of our 
 velTels, or thirteen thoufand tons of Ihipping, in ouf 
 whale fifhery, was laid under fuch embarralfments, 
 
 that 
 
C 24 ] 
 
 that it became nearly ruined before other channels of* 
 vent could be found * ; and it has not, even at this 
 period, arrived at its ufual ftate of profperity ; not 
 now employing more than forty fhips of two hundred 
 tons, or eight thoufand tons of fliipping ; in confe- 
 quence of which, a remittance of one hundred and 
 fifty thoufand pounds fterling in train oil, to pay for 
 Britifh manufactures, allowed free entry ^ was at once 
 interdicted, and the country reduced to the ncceffity 
 of finding therefor other means of payment. 
 
 Upon the fame principle, American built fhips were 
 prohibited fale in Britifh ports ; or, what was the 
 fame thing, the prohibitions and reftriclions of the 
 Englifli navigation act deftroyed the Engiilh market 
 for the fale of American built veffels, which, before 
 the revolution, Great-Britain had been in the habit 
 of purchafing, deriving, at leaft, two fifths of her 
 fhips and vefl'els from the built of America, amount- 
 ing to about two hundred and ten thoufand tons, 
 which, if renewed every feven years, the time allow- 
 ed, by Britifh accounts, for the duration of American 
 built veffels, an annual vent for thirty thoufand tons 
 of fhipping became loft to the United States ; which, 
 if calculated at fix pounds fterling per ton, including 
 their fails and rigging, without reckoning their freight 
 to England, amounted to one hundred and eighty 
 thoufand pounds fterling. If we add to thefe injuri- 
 ous diftinclions, the numerous reftraints upon aliens, 
 who may refide in England, for the purpofe of carry- 
 ing on commerce, (the particulars of which may be 
 feen by recurring to the Englifh rate books), we fhall 
 find, that the privileges granted, by the 14th article 
 of the Britifh treaty, to the citizens of the United 
 States, unlefs counter reftrictions and prohibitions are 
 
 adopted, 
 
 * To preferve the whale fiflaery of Maflachuietts from total ruin, ti.e 
 ftate of Maffachufctts, in the year 1785, was obliged to grant the follow- 
 ing bounties upon whale oil, viz. on white fpermaceti oil, five pound ; 
 per ton ; yellow ditto, three pounds ; and common whale oil, 40 fhil- 
 lings per ton ; which were continued until the ill of December, 1787 ; 
 and on which were paid £,. 10,293-3-10 MalTachufctts currency. 
 
C 25 ] 
 
 adopted, can bear no comparifon with the privileges 
 conferred upon Britifh fubjecls, refiding in this coun- 
 try, independent of the reftraints of the Englilh navi- 
 gation ad, of which I fhall take more particular no- 
 tice hereafter. 
 
 I. Englilh merchants are allowed to import into 
 England, many articles of merchandize, which are 
 not permitted to merchant ftrangers. 
 • 2. Numerous articles of merchandize are not per- 
 mitted to be uttered or fold, either by foreigners or 
 Britilh fubjects. 
 
 3. The exclulive privileges given to particular 
 trading companies, fuch as the Eaft-India Company, 
 the Turkey Company, the Hudfon-Bay Company, &c. 
 are further reftraints upon the liberty of commerce. 
 
 4. The prohibitions upon the exportation of raw 
 materials, fuch as gold, filver, iron, brafs, copper, lat- 
 tin, bell metal, pan metal, gun metal, fhruff metal, 
 tallow and raw hides, unwrought horns, wool, wool- 
 felts, mortlings, fuller's clay, pipe clay, and many 
 other articles, the bafes of manufadures, are among 
 the reftraints upon commerce. 
 
 5. The qualified prohibition upon the following 
 articles, which are only allowed to be exported when 
 under a given price, or value, at the place of exporta- 
 tion, viz. gun-powder, wheat, rye, barley, malt, oats, 
 beef, pork, butter, &c. under the expreis exception, 
 that when allowed, are only permitted to be exported 
 in Britifli bottoms. 
 
 6. The abfolute prohibition, upon the importation 
 of moft articles of manufadlures from foreign coun- 
 tries, and of courfe, upon thofe of the United States, 
 fuch as woolen cloths, flioes*, goloflioes, hats, wool 
 cards, &c. fome of which might be very advantagc- 
 oufly exported from this country to England. 
 
 7. The importation into England of beef, pork, 
 cattle, ftieep, fifli, &c. important articles of export 
 from the New-England ftates, are deemed a public 
 nuifance, and are forfeited if offered for fale. 
 
 D 8. Double 
 
C 26 ] 
 
 8. Double light nwney and trinity duties of 1/9 
 fterling per ton on foreign veffels, except to the port 
 of London. 
 
 9. The alien duties of fcavage, package, and por- 
 terage, paid to the corporation of London, and to 
 other cities in England, on goods exported therefrom.f 
 
 In Ihort, to enumerate the invidious .diftinctions 
 between Englifh fubjecls and foreigners, in relation 
 to commercial advantages in Great -Britain, vi^ould be 
 to tranfcribe fome pa^es, at lead, from their Englifh 
 rate books ; and to talie up more time and attention 
 than is neceffary for the prefent purpofe : fufficient is 
 it to fay, that the afts and ftatutes of the Englifh Par- 
 liament are well calculated to procure to the Englifli 
 merchants, the factorage upon foreign merchandizes, 
 to exclude foreigners from participation in any of the 
 advantages of her internal commerce, and to fecure 
 her markets, exclufively, to her own citizens, againft 
 foreign interference, by prohibiting fuch articles of 
 foreign growth or manufacture, which interferes with 
 her own. It is by recurring to the principles of thefe 
 laws, and by carrying them into practice, that the 
 United States will be able to obtain, promote, and 
 fecure their own profperity, and at the fame time, to 
 retaliate the difadvantages they experience, from the 
 felfifli, commercial policy of Great-Britain. 
 
 If what has been already fuggefted, does not fully 
 ftate the principles of the Englifti regulations of com- 
 merce ; 
 
 ■f Tliere are no lefs than nine diftindt tables of prohibited articles in 
 the Englifh rate books, each containing a long lift thereof, under the 
 diftinft heads of, 
 
 I. Goods prohibited to be imported into, or exported from Great- 
 Britain. 
 
 3. Goods prohibited to be imported for fale. 
 
 3. Goods prohibited to be imported without licenfe from his Majefty. 
 
 4. Goods prohibited to be imported for fale, unlefs made and 
 wrought in Ireland. 
 
 5. Goods prohibited for fale by ftrangers, or aliens. 
 
 6. Goods prohibited, appertaining to particular crafts. 
 
 7. Ditto, except in particular weights, packages, or under other 
 reftri<5tions. 
 
 8. Goods prohibited to be exported. 
 
 9. Qualified prohibitions upon wheat, &c. as before ftated. 
 
[ «7 ] 
 
 merce ; if the details produced, do not corroborate 
 thofe principles, nor fatisfaclorily evince their injuftice, 
 :ind inequality, the annual balance of trade, in favour 
 of Great-Britain, will give force to their tendency, and 
 muft convince every unprejudiced mind, that means 
 more efFeclual, than thofe already devifed, are neceffar)' 
 toplace the commerce of the two countries upon a more 
 equal footing than the one on which it now ftands. 
 
 If there is a principle of commercial intercourfe, 
 which can neither be controverted by argument, nor 
 denied with reafon ; if there is a predominating 
 maxim, diftinguiflied as a juft rule of commercial 
 tranfadtion ; it is, that a commerce is beneficial^, or perni- 
 cious^ in proportion to the balances paid and received by 
 the refpehive countries carrying it on. The commercial 
 intercourfe betweeir^ngland and Ruffia, for example, 
 has been the theme of much Engliih Parliamentary 
 difcuffion, if not of political lamentation and grief, in 
 confequence of the annual balance of half u million 
 fterling, paid in favour of Ruffia,* by the imports 
 therefrom exceeding the exports thereto, by that fum. 
 The annual balance of two hundred and forty thou- 
 fand pounds fterling,! in favour of the United States, 
 in their commercial intercourfe with the Englifh 
 Weft-Indies, was taken SINGLY, by the Engliflt 
 minifter, to determine the policy, of prohibiting and 
 reftricling the commerce of the United States to thofe 
 iflands ; although, if taken coUedively, into one com- 
 prehenfive and liberal view, the conceffion of the 
 Weft-India trade, and many others, in the European, 
 would have been proper, on the part of Great-Brit- 
 ain ; and even then, would not have been equiva- 
 lent to the immenfe advantages flie derives from the 
 commerce of the United States. Commerce is the 
 
 interchange 
 
 * Balance of trade in favour of Ruffia, agalnft Great-Britain, in the 
 year 1749, was 1,012,209 rubles, at 4/z each, ;(^.256,95o-i6-8 fterling. 
 In the year 1773, the balance was 653,983-1 7-a do. 
 
 1785, ditto, 1,372,689-16-0 do. 
 
 See Anderfon on Commerce, vol. 3, p. 275 j vol. 4. p. 604. 
 
 f See Brian Edwards's pamphlet on the comnierce of the United 
 Stato with the Engliih Weft-India iflands. 
 
C »8 ] 
 
 interchange of the products of one country, for thofe 
 of another ; the advantages are reciprocal, when the 
 one receives as much of the other, as it gives of its 
 own products in exchange ; but if the exchanges are 
 unequal, in proportion to their excefs, they become 
 beneficial to the one, and injurious to the other. 
 From hence arife the advantages or difadvantages of 
 the balance of trade, which, if infidioufly or art- 
 fully procured on the one fide, ought to be retaliated 
 and counteracted on the other. 
 
 Among the feveral means which have been*fug- 
 gefted, to afcertain the balance of trade, between 
 countries having commercial intercourfe, two ways 
 feem to have a preference ; although thefe are not 
 without their objections ; the one is, by cuftom- 
 houfe dockets ; the other, by the price and value of 
 bills of exchange. It appears, by the Englifh Itate- 
 ment of imports and exports for the year 1773, that 
 there was paid, by the United States to Great -Brit- 
 ain, a balance of ;f .610,184-12-5 fterling ; viz. 
 
 1773. Imports. Exports. 
 
 New-England, ;^. 124,624-19-6 C 5^7^os 5-1 5-10- 
 New- York, 76,246-12-0 289,214-19-07 
 
 Pennfylvania, 36,652-08-9 426,448-17-03 
 
 Virginia & Maryland, 589,803-14-5 328,904-15-08 
 Carolina, 456,513-08-4 344,859-09-01 
 
 Georgia, 85,391-01-8 62,932-19-08 
 
 i»369»232-o4-8 1,979,416-17-01 
 Deduct 1,369,232-04-08 
 
 Balance ;,r. 6 1 o, 1 84- 1 2-05 
 
 See Anderfon on commerce, vol. 4, p. 170. 
 
 The cuftom-houfe dockets of the United States, al- 
 lowing no frauds to have been committed upon the 
 revenue, by evading the duties upon importation, (a 
 circumftance almoft impoflible to fuppofe), the bal- 
 ance of trade in favour of Great-Britain, the year 
 preceding the 30th of Sept. 1790, was 5,922,012 dol- 
 lars J the whole amount of the exports to the Britifh 
 
 dominions. 
 
C 29 ] 
 
 dominions, ha\'ing been 9,363,416 dollars ; and the 
 imports therefrom, 15,285,428 dollars. 
 
 With reipecl to the rates of exchange between the 
 two countries, they have been corroborative of the 
 balance of trade being againft the country, which 
 have varied from two to nine per cent, above par ; 
 as will appear by the fchedule, herewith annexed, 
 which has been taken from the books of perfons, who 
 have been in regular habits of purchaling, and re- 
 mitting bills of exchange, fince the year 1783, for the 
 purpofe of paying for Britilh manufactures. 
 Schedule of the Rates and Value of Bills of Exchange, 
 
 at fixty Days* Sight, drawn upon London, fince the 
 
 American Revolution, viz. 
 
 1784. 
 
 November, 
 
 May, 
 
 November, 
 
 2 per 
 
 2 
 4i 
 
 cent, 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 above par, 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 1785. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 2 
 6 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 17I6. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 4 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 1787. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 4i 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 1788. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 4f 
 4i 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 1789. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 4i 
 4i 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 1790. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 34 
 
 3T 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 1791. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 44 
 34 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 1792. 
 1793' 
 
 May and November, at par. 
 May, do. 
 November, do. 
 
 
 1794. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 4 per 
 6 
 
 cent, 
 do. 
 
 above par. 
 do. 
 
 1795 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 1796. 
 
 May, 
 November, 
 
 2 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
C 3° 1 
 
 It is obferved, that much is to be inferred from the 
 {late and condition of the people, in relation to the 
 general balance of trade ; * if the people are generally 
 employed, and their affliirs profperous ; if the feveral 
 profeflions and callings find ready vent for their la- 
 bour, that fuch circumflances are a ftrong fymptom 
 of a favourable balance : but this is a fuggeftion very 
 little to be depended on, as it has applied to the 
 United States, fmce the adoption of the Federal Con- 
 Hitution ; for the renovation of public credit, by 
 funding the debts of the United, and of the individual 
 ftates, produced fuch an efFeft, by the introduction of 
 near eighty millions of dollars into circulation, that 
 the relation of perfonal to real property became fud- 
 denly altered, and thereby the means of induftry ex- 
 tended, and the value of lands and other property 
 greatly enlarged ; but thefe circumftances were no 
 evidence of a more favourable commercial relation 
 to foreign nations ; for the increafe of wealth did not 
 fpring from induftry, nor from new improvements in 
 arts, manufactures, or commerce, but from the eftab- 
 lifhment of public credit, of banks, and from the cre- 
 ating of artificial capitals, on which were predicated 
 fome ufeful fchemes, but many pernicious fpecula- 
 tions, injurious to commerce, manufactures and agri- 
 culture ; and has hitherto added little or nothing to 
 the advantage, or independence of the country, in re- 
 lation to forei2:n nations. But when we have had fo 
 unfavourable a balance, fo immenfe m its amount, 
 when applied to Great-Britain, that the demand for 
 Britilh manufactures, inftead of relaxing, has acquired 
 force, from our commercial policy : that the manu- 
 fa(^ures, which had grown up under the reftric^ions 
 and prohibitions of the feveral ftates, had been grad- 
 ually expiring ; whereby the intermediate relations 
 between hufbandmen and merchants have almoft 
 wholly fubfided : that what had been called protect- 
 ing duties, whether arifing from infufficiency in their 
 
 execution, 
 
 ■ * See Anclerfon on commercf . 
 
C 3" 3 
 
 execution, or inadequacy in their provifion, had af- 
 forded neither fecurity nor protection ; or from what- 
 ever caufe, a plain, obvious fact is manifeft ; that the 
 maniifadures of the United States are ?iow reduced to a 
 lower Ji ate, than they have been at any former period. No 
 doubt, fome of thofe inconveniences are to be attri- 
 buted to the war in Europe ; but it muft be remem- 
 bered, that the inconvenience, attendant on the paper 
 fyftem of the United States, from the nature of it, 
 was to reduce the value of fpecie, by cauiing an arti- 
 ficial repletion ; the effect of which, was to raife the 
 price of labour, and of the ncceflaries of life, and of 
 courfe to difcourage our own manufaclures, by render- 
 ing their competition more favourable to foreigners. 
 The fitnefs and propriety of commercial intercourfe 
 depends on calculation, and minute inveftigation of 
 advantages and difadvantages : To fuppofe that an 
 object of fuch importance ought to reft merely on 
 the cafual, tranfient information of the members of a 
 Legillature, would feem improper ; or, at leaft, it has 
 been deemed fo, by the Britifli nation, as long ago as 
 Cromwell's time, (1665), when a board of commif- 
 fioners of trade and plantations was eftabliilied ; 
 which, although afterwards laid down for a time, 
 was revived in the year i696,under the adminiftration 
 of King William. To this board, the Britifh nation 
 owes its principal commercial profperity : its bufinefs 
 has been, from time to time, to recomm^end altera- 
 tions in the trade laws ; to ftate " favourable, or un- 
 favourable balances of trade, with foreign nations ; 
 and to receive propofals for the eafe and improvement 
 of navigation, manufaclures, and commerce." By the 
 conftitution of the board, it was to confift of mem- 
 bers, having a " thorough knowledge of the general Jiate, 
 hijlory, and interejis of commerce. How far an eftab- 
 lilliment of this fort, would be worth the confidera- 
 tion of our government, is not the prefent inquiry, 
 any further than to fliew, that the navigation, man- 
 ufactures, and commerce of a country, and the pla- 
 cing 
 
C 3^' ] 
 
 cing them in a juft relation to each other, and to for- 
 eign nations, are objects of the higheft importance, 
 demanding the attention of government, particularly 
 in relation to the policy of fuch nations, with which 
 we have unfavourable balances. 
 
 There are writers, among whom is Mr. Hume,* who 
 tave fuppofed, that the received, if not eftablifhed 
 opinions, in refpect to balances of trade, were errone- 
 ous, and without foundation ; and that fuch balances 
 would find their own level : that the precious metals 
 were no other than merchandize, which would have 
 a value with regard to commodities, or other proper- 
 ty, in proportion to their plenty or fcarcity : that if 
 money was more plenty than other property, it would 
 be of a lefs comparative value ; and that if commodi- 
 ties, or other property, were plentier than money, 
 that it would be of a comparative greater : that if a 
 country had accidentally loft the greater part of its 
 circulating medium, that the remaining quantity 
 would ftill be a mean of transferring property, at 
 a proportionably lefs price : and that, therefore, a 
 nation had nothing to do, but to attend to its induftry, 
 and that trade would balance itfelf. However plauii- 
 ble and folacing this theory is, and however well in- 
 tended it may have been, for the people and times in 
 w^hich it was fuggefted, the government of England 
 never thought the principle worthy of their atten- 
 tion, but aims at preferving a general balance in its 
 favour ; and confiders every trade pernicious, which 
 carries a balance againft her ; and the more fo, in 
 proportion to the increafe of fuch balance. ProfelTor 
 Smith concurs, in fome points, with Mr. Hume, in 
 regard to balances of trade ; but confeiTes, that there 
 is a balance of " produce, and confumption, which, 
 " as it happens to be either favourable or unfavour- 
 " able, neceffarily occafions the profperity or decay of 
 ** a nation ;" " if the exchangeable value of the an- 
 " nual produce," fays this excellent writer, " falls 
 '* fliort of the annual confumption, the capital of the 
 
 * See yth eflay, vol. a. " foCiety 
 
t 33 3 
 
 ** {bcicty muft annually decay in proportion to this 
 *' deficiency.*' * 
 
 But admitting Mr. Hume's polition to be true, in 
 an abftracl view, it does not follow, that trade ought 
 to be left to itfelf, and to the cotnmercial impofitions, 
 that other nations may put upon it ; for a commer- 
 cial law extends beyond the jurifdidion of the gov- 
 ernment making it : it may go to the denying, cur^. 
 tailing, or extending the privileges of other nations ; 
 even to the giving a preference of one nation to an- 
 other. In proportion as fuch a law limits, reftricls, 
 or denies commercial intercourfe to other nations, 
 the aflumed jurifdidion, if unretaliated, becomes per- 
 nicious and injurious. In this cafe, a commercial, 
 may have the effecl of a political law, operating 
 either upon other nations generally, or to extend the 
 power of one ftate, whilft it may be a mean of de- 
 preffing that of another : it may give advantages, 
 with or without receiving equivalents ; it may deny 
 benefits, when more thah equivalents are beftowed, i£ 
 the nation receiving the difadvantages, will permit 
 them : but if the reftrictive operation of the law fhould 
 be retaliated, as it ought to be, the commercial inter- 
 courfe might diminifti, or be fufpended for a time, 
 until both parties ihould find it convenient to make 
 mutual conceffions. Since, by regulating trade then, 
 it may be fo contrived, as to produce favourable or 
 unfavourable balances, fo a nation, for the moft part, 
 paying an unfavourable balance, may moft commonly 
 conclude, that in cafe of its taking place, it arifes from 
 unjuft and felfifh trade laws in other nations, V/hich 
 require, and ought to be retaliated. For one of three 
 thiflgs muft neceftarily refult from an unfavourable 
 balance of trade, when the commodities imported are 
 confumed, and are not re-exported, i. The fpeci6 
 muft either be exported, to pay the unfavourable bal- 
 ance : — or, 2. it muft be made up from the excefs, in 
 the commerce with other ftates ; — or, 3. it inuft re- 
 main a debt againft the country. With 
 
 * SrftJth on the wealth of nations, vol. a. chap. 3d. part ad. page ao8. 
 
 F, 
 
E 34 ] 
 
 With refped to the firft, whatever may have been 
 faid by Mr. Hume, that a chxulating medium will 
 regulate itfelf, and that no country need be apprehen- 
 five from its exports, whilfl it has population, and the 
 means of induftry ; yet every flate muft feel appre- 
 henfive for its fafety and welfare, from depreciating 
 the value of property,, in relation to the precious met- 
 als, when fuch changes are known to lay the founda- 
 tions of injuftice, and to produce diftruft, diforder, and 
 confufion in every country. For example, we need 
 but to retrace events a few years back, in our own 
 country, to know the caufe and effect of the lofs of 
 our circulating medium. The heavy balances due to 
 Great-Britain, from cutting off our ufual remittances, 
 by her commercial regulations, produced the uneafi- 
 neffes, diftrufts, and confulions of the year 1786. The 
 people, who had contracted debts, and made promifes 
 of fpecie at one rate of value, found themfelves. utterly 
 unable, from its undue exportation, to fulfil them at 
 another, i. e. an enhanced one, arifing out of its fear- 
 city ; — for inftance, he who had bought a hundred 
 bufhels of grain, and gave his note for it, at a given 
 price, payable at an advanced period, fay twelve 
 months, found that it would require more than double 
 the quantity of grain to difcharge his note. In ihort, 
 fuch were the diforders introduced into the money 
 tranfaclions of the country, through this fertile fource 
 of public calamity, that public and private credit were 
 for a long time fufpended, and confufion and diiaffec- 
 tion to government, in fome inftances, grew out of the 
 unfavourable balances of trade, grounded on Britifli 
 regulations of commerce. 
 
 With refpedt to the liquidating an unfavourable 
 balance of trade with one country by a favourable one 
 with another, it muft be confidered as a mean too 
 precarious and uncertain to be calculated upon, in a 
 lyftem of commercial regulations j for it cannot be 
 expected to continue longer than until the nations, 
 with which we have favourable balances, fliall become 
 
 apprized 
 
I 35 ] 
 
 apprized of their fituatron and intei'eft. For inftance ; 
 Can it rationally be expecled, that Fraince, with which 
 we have had, before the prefent European war, a more 
 favourable balance of trade than with any other na- 
 tion, amounting to 2,068,348 dollars, will not put 
 farther reftriclions vpon our commerce, or demand 
 an equivalent, in fome form or other : efpecially when 
 file finds, that the balance fhe pays to the United 
 States, goes to feed and to nourilh the commerce and 
 power of her enemy ? Every nation ought, then, to 
 expe6l an unequal commerce will be retaliated, and 
 that it wdll be reftrid:ed asid retrenched, as times and 
 opportunity prefent. 
 
 Although there was a balance of trade of ^2)5^97 5 
 dollars, in the year 1790, againft the United States, 
 yet it has been faid, that it has been fometimes in their 
 favour ; but a little reflection upon what took place, 
 prior to the prefent European war, will not only fhew 
 the fuggeftion unfounded ; but will fufficiently prove, 
 that unlefs additional protection had been given to 
 the commerce of the United States, what with the old 
 debts due to Great-Britain, and thofe which were daily 
 accruing, there was much reafon to fear, that the. 
 Englifli commerce would, in a few years, have abforbed 
 the greater part, or all, of the perfonal property of the 
 country ; as the infufficiency of the exports was 
 made up, for feveral years, out of the public fecurities, 
 bank ftocks, and an extenfive fale of our wild lands 
 in England ; and although thefe operated as remit- 
 tances to a vaft amount, comprehending, as it has 
 been fuppofed, one half of the national bank ftocks, 
 and one third, at leaft, of the public debt of the United 
 States ; yet the concurrence of thefe circumftances 
 was not fufficient to reduce the price of bills of ex- 
 change. If thefe then are fads, and that they are, a 
 reference to people in trade, and to the rates of ex- 
 change, until the beginning of the prefent Europeaa 
 war, will fully evince ; — muft it not, then, be a ferious 
 caufe of alarm, to fee the fame pernicious commercial 
 
 fyftem 
 
C 36 1 
 
 fyftem perfifted in, almoft without a fuggeftion, or ant 
 attempt, to retaliate the commercial policy of England I 
 Well might the Britifli minifter exult, as he cjid, m 
 the year 1790, that the independence of the Umtedi 
 States had coft nothing to Great-Britain ; that fo far 
 from its proving an injury, it had faved the heavy ex- 
 penfe of their protection ; whilft Great-Britain had 
 derived greater commercial benefits, from the United' 
 States, than when they were colonies : or, in other 
 words, that the American independence had been, and 
 would continue, but a name,v/hilft a phyfical depend- 
 ence could be retained by commerce. 
 
 If the power of regulating commerce, given to the 
 United States, implies an obligation, it muft have 
 been intended, that the commerce ftiould be fo man- 
 aged, that the annual imports fhould not exceed the 
 exports ; or that the productions of foreign countries, 
 fliould not be confumed out of proportion to ther 
 means of paying for them, by the productions of the 
 IJiiited States ; for any thing fhort of this, is not the 
 legulation, but the mifmanagement of commerce ; 
 for the term regulation carries with it, the idea of a» 
 juft and proper method of management, which can-, 
 |i,ot be the cafe, if this principle is unattended to. 
 
 Baron Montefquieu obferves,* that the liberty of 
 commerce depends upon its reftraints ; that it does 
 not confijft, on the one hand, in an unbridled freedom 
 to traders ; nor yet in unjuft impolitions for the fake 
 of revenue, on the other : that government fliould 
 fcind neuter between its commerce and reyenues, and 
 not fuffer the interefts of the latter to encroach upon 
 the rights of the former. In fliort, f the law maxim 
 of Jic uiere tuo, ut alienum non Iczdas^ feems ftrongly to 
 apply, both as to the individual liberty of commerce, 
 ^nd to the rules and regulations neceflary to produce 
 it ; on the extenfion of which, muft principally de- 
 pend the public economy : — ^Public economy exadsj 
 
 thatJ 
 
 i- * Montefquieu, book ao, chap. la and_i3. 
 \ Kackftone, book 3. ch. 13. vol. 3. p. ai?. 
 
E 37 ] 
 
 tliat the public income lliould not exceed the public 
 expenditure : — In this cafe, the annual exports are the 
 income, and the annual imports the expenditure ; 
 which, if the regulations of commerce do not con- 
 trol, fo that the latter fliould not exceed the former, 
 it is a fure mark, that the commerce is not fufficient- 
 ly reftrained. The impoft laws of the United States 
 ajlow the importation of eveiy thing from abroad, 
 whether wanted or not, on payment of the ftipulated 
 duties ; but to allow the importation of fuch articles, 
 yrhich we do not want, or can procure amongft our- 
 felves, muft leffen the capacity to obtain what we 
 actually ftand in need of. If we expend equally in 
 what we do, and do not want, we muft have a redu- 
 ced quantity of what we do want, by the amount of 
 the expenditure in what we do not want. To leiTen 
 foreign importations, then, it is neceffary to prohibit 
 entry to fuch articles as we can raife or manufacture 
 ^mongft ourfelves in fufficient quantities, to fupply 
 the demand. High duties, by fome called proteding 
 duties, are feldom collected, or very imperfectly fo, in 
 countries even lefs fidted to conceal ftnuggling than the United 
 States ; from whence it may be inferred, that prohi- 
 bitions will afford greater fecurity to American manu^ 
 factures, than what are c^ed protecting duties, which 
 ofier temptation to fmuggling, produce little or no 
 fevenue, and juftify th^ fale, ufe, and conlumption 
 of fuch manufactures, which merit an exclufion. 
 Sure it is, that means more effectual, than thofe 
 which have been hitherto devifed, are neceffary to re-, 
 duce the ruinous and growing balance of trade, 
 againft tlie United States, in favour of Great -Britain. 
 The ftate of MalTgchufetts i/rohibited the importation 
 from abroad, of many articles of home produce, and 
 manufacture, in the year 1786, which had a benefi- 
 cial effect, as to feveral of the articles ; for whilft the 
 prohibition fhut out foreign importation, fuch was 
 the competition produced in their manufafture, that 
 many of the articles were fupplied at a lefs price than 
 
 before 
 
C 3« 1 
 
 before their importation was prohibited. The article 
 of nails, particularly, fell from feven and fix pence, 
 Maflachufetts currency, to five and four pence per 
 thoufand ; and the other articles of iron ware in a 
 like proportion ; whilft the general prices of all were 
 not enhanced by the prohibition. The articles pro- 
 hibited by Maiiachufetts were as follows, viz. f 
 
 *' Loaf fugar, hats made of fur, hair, and wool, or 
 any or either of them ; boots and flioes of every de- 
 nomination, coaches, and all other riding carriages, 
 or any part thereof, and harnefs of all forts 5 fcyths, 
 iron fliovels, hoes, broad and narrow axes, flat irons 
 for ironing clothes, anchors, iron and brafs ftoves, 
 mill faws, faddles and bridles, wool cards, cotton 
 cards, ready-made millinery, articles of drefs of all 
 kinds, plumes and artificial flowers of all kinds, white 
 and blond lace of aU forts, fans charged at more than 
 five (hillings fterling a piece in the invoice exhibited, 
 embroidered patterns for waiftcoats, or for any other 
 parts of drefs, gold and filver lace, and trimmings, 
 women's and children's ftays, leather gloves and mitts 
 of all forts, meflage cards, playing cards, hair powder 
 of all kinds, pomatum, and all kinds of perfumery, 
 paper hangings and children's toys, fpelling books 
 and primers, novels, romances and plays, whips, 
 walking canes, horn and tortoife-fheU combs, por- 
 ter, beer and ale, butter, cheefe and muftard, cofiin 
 furniture of all kinds, linfeed oil, candles, fnufF of 
 all kinds of manufactured tobacco, aU kinds of wear- 
 ing apparel, and wooden houfehold furniture, except 
 the furniture brought by perfons who fhall come to 
 refide in this country."*. 
 
 There 
 
 f See Maflachufetts impoft aft, pafied in the year 1786. 
 * TJie following articles, with the quantities annexed, were imported, 
 and paid duties to the United States, which, it is conceived, might be 
 moftly prohibited, with fafety and advantage. 
 [See the return of imports for the year 1790, publifhed in Tench 
 Coxe's view of the United States.] 
 Beer, ale, or porter, in calks, 70,564 gallons. 
 
 Loaf fugar, 1-31,837 pounds. 
 
 Tallow 
 
[ 39 ] 
 
 There is little doubt but moft, if not all t^tf 
 foregoing articles, as well as many others, might be 
 fupplied, in fufficient quantities to anfwer the de-^ 
 mands of the citizens of the United States, without 
 foreign importation. Admitting this to be the cafe, 
 ought not fuch articles to be prohibited ? ought not 
 the citizens of the United States, who are taxed by, 
 and fubmit to the federal and Hate governments, to 
 be protected in their profeiiions and callings, againft 
 foreign interference ? is it not bad economy for a 
 government, acting in its perfonal capacity, to puf- 
 chafe what it does not want, or what its citizens do, 
 or may procure of themfelves ? is it not as reprehen- 
 fible to permit fuch importations, as it would be for 
 a farmer to allow himfelf to purchafe wheat or corn, 
 when he had the moft ample means to procure a fuf- 
 ficiency of both ? Abfolute prohibitions, therefore, 
 upon all articles of foreign importation, interfering 
 with our own manufactures, when their demand can 
 be fupplied ; increafmg duties upon articles imported, 
 which are of our own manufacture, until extinguifh- 
 ed by prohibitions ; heavy duties upon fuch articles 
 as we ought, and do not manufacture, as an encour- 
 agement to tlieir being undertaken, are the meafures 
 purfued by Great-Britain ; and the means the moft 
 likely to promote manufa(5hires, and to procure a 
 more favourable balance of trade. But ihould the 
 
 prefent 
 
 Tallow candles, 
 Wax and fpermaceti ditto, 
 Cheefe, 
 Soap, 
 
 Nails and fpikes, 
 Snuff, 
 
 Tobacco marvufa<ftured. 
 Tarred cordage, 
 Untarred do. and yam, 
 Twine and pack-thread, 
 Beer, ale, porter, or cider in bottles. 
 Wool and cotton cards, 
 Coal, 
 
 Shoes, flippers, &c. of leather, 
 Do. do. of filk and ftuffj. 
 
 Boots, 
 
 15>I57 ] 
 
 4,224 
 88,771 
 24,120 
 
 pounds 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 1>579'947 
 2,198 
 3.18a 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 a57C\vt. a< 
 
 ir. 5 lb. 
 
 900 3 14 
 609 2 8 
 17,746 dozen 
 
 780 do. 
 181,885 bufhels 
 
 49>oo3 
 
 20,701 
 746 
 
 pair; 
 do. 
 do. 
 
C 40 3 
 
 prefent pernicious fyftem of commercial regulations be 
 unalterably adhered to, and the produce and manufac- 
 tures of the United States meet no farther protection 
 againft foreign interference, \vould not the feparate 
 ftates be juftified in levying an excife upon fuch im- 
 pprted articles^ which produce an injurious efFeft upon 
 their refpedive manufactures ? for example, why 
 fliould not thd farmers of the United States be entit- 
 led to the exclulive fale of their produdions, efpecially 
 when they already fuflPer fo many inconveniencies for 
 the want of eftabliftied markets ? Why then fhould 
 not the articles of beef, cheefe, porter, beer, and other 
 articles, which appertain to the produce of the foil, be 
 prohibited ? do the proted:ing duties, as they arc 
 termed, exclude their confumption ? on the contrary, 
 are not large fums annually expended upon fuch im- 
 ported articles ? do they not produce a much greater 
 injury from their importation, than the revenue, de- 
 tived from them, is a benefit ? may it not be aflted, 
 why thefe articles are not permitted entry into Engs 
 land ? and whether the policy of protecting the inte- 
 tefts of agriculture and manufactures, in its principle, 
 does not apply as ftrongly to the United States, as to 
 Great -Britain ? The belt vent for the productions of 
 every country, is that of its richeft citizens, who, if 
 fupplied with what they ufe, through foreign nations,- 
 muft proftrate all efforts to improvement, and lelve 
 td the native farmers and artifans, the fupply of the 
 poorer citizens only, who are unable to purchafe, but 
 of the inferior kinds. It is by prohibitions, and in 
 the expenditures of the richer citizens, that the poorer 
 are to be maintained, and the requilite improvements 
 in arts and manufactures are to be expeCted : and fliall 
 government, for the fake of retaining duties, imper- 
 fectly collected, indulge luxury, pride, and vanity, at 
 the expenfe of the public welfare ? Are the fums col* 
 leCted in this way, to be put In competition with the 
 interefts of the great body of hufbandmen and artifans 
 of the United States ? Are they to be put in oppofition 
 
 to 
 
C 41 ] 
 
 to the habits, manners, and independence of the coun- 
 try ? If laws are intended to prevent public evils ; if 
 the impoft laws, particularly, can be fo conftrucled, as 
 to leffen luxury, to influence manners, and to induce 
 habits of induftry, economy, and moderation, ought 
 not coniiderations of this fort to have weight in a re- 
 publican government ? Nations, like individuals, fuf- 
 fer more from example, than by the natural progrefs 
 of corruption. Every one, therefore, mutt wilh, 
 that if the American character fliall be contaminated, 
 it fhould refult from the flow progrefs of luxury, 
 through its own improvements, rather than from the 
 corrupt fources of the tinfeled fineries of Europe.* 
 
 Another obje<5t, perhaps of no lefs importance than 
 what has been before intimated, to reduce an unfav- 
 ourable balance of trade, may not be improper here 
 to fuggeft : it is a meafure of no lefs confequence than 
 to fecure the commiflions, or factorage, upon the fup- 
 ply of our own markets with the productions and 
 merchandizes of foreign countries : and it is conceiv- 
 ed, that no better fuggeftion, for the purpofe, can be 
 readily offered, than mi alien duty upon goods^ wares, or 
 produdions of foreign countries, fhippcd for, or configned to 
 
 any 
 
 * ** The importer of foreign luxuries and fineries finds it greatly for 
 ** his own profit to encourage a fpirit of diflipation and extravagance 
 " amongft all ranks of people ; for he not only reaps profit on them, 
 *' but, in the mean time, he knows that what were accounted mere fu- 
 '< perfluities at firft, foon become neceflaries of life, fo that this trade 
 " will increafe with the increafing demand for them : It is his intereft, 
 " therefore, and will be his ftudy, to promote, as far as he can, that 
 *' general fpirit of extrawigance and diffipation, which is the moft efFec- 
 " tual bar to fober induftry, and the moft certain means of deftroying 
 ** the internal felicity of every individual of the ftate. In confequence 
 *' of this fyftem, the people foon become poor, and the profits of the 
 ** dealer increafe with their poverty ; how abfnrd then is it in mankind, 
 ** to eftimate the degree of improvement of a country by the richnefsof 
 *' its merchants !" See Andcrfon on national induftry. 
 
 " Luxury and prodigality," fays Sir Jofiah Childs, " are as well pre- 
 *• judicial to kingdoms as to private families ; and that the expenfe of 
 ".foreign commodities, efpecially foreign manufa<5tures, is the worft ex- 
 " penfe a nation can be inclinable to, and ought to be prevented as 
 " much as poffible." See Sir Jofiali Childs's preface to his new dif- 
 courfe upon trade. 
 
 F 
 
C 42 ] 
 
 any other ^ than an American citizen ; and that no draw^ 
 back jhould be allowed upon the exportation of article s^ oth- 
 erwife Jloippcd or conftgned, which had previoujly paid duty 
 upon importation : By a meafure of this fort, the Unit- 
 ed States might calculate a faving, at leaft, of two 
 millions of dollars annually, which the commiflions 
 upon importation and exportation, calculated at 5 
 per cent, with incidental charges, would at leaft 
 amount to. 
 
 American merchants, confidered as fuch, in relation 
 to their country. Hand in an important point of view ; 
 they are to be regarded as the inftrumcnts of com- 
 munication with foreign countries, of exciting do- 
 meftic induftry, of diflufmg profperity and wealth, 
 and of holding the capitals of the country, to be re- 
 curred to, in cafes of exigence or neceflity. To fup- 
 pofe that perfons, of tliis refpeclable .clafs, ought not 
 to find protection, in preference to thofc of foreign 
 nations, is to confider that foreign merchants are not 
 bound by ties and connexions, which attach them to 
 their native country ; and that their opinions and 
 fentiments are divefted of thofe partialities, which 
 commonly actuate the human heart. So fully do the 
 Englifli laws recognize this principle of attachment to 
 their native country, that they fuppofe, if a merchant 
 fhall even aiTume a foreign allegiance, that it is only 
 " local and temporary^* and that his natural allegiance 
 is a perpetual, ad:uating principle, from which he can- 
 not be withdrawn without the " concurrent act of 
 the government to which it was firft due." * This 
 principle of the Englifli law is likewife concurrent to 
 another, quite as generally received, and better un- 
 derftood, which is, that the profits obtained in commerce^ 
 if carried on by foreigners, will he expended out of the, 
 country y in which they were procured. 
 
 When we refled upon the numerous evils, ariling 
 from the profits of labour, (which moft commonly 
 center in commerce), being expended out of the coun- 
 try,. 
 
 * See Blackftone, book i. chap. 10. p. 370. 
 
r 43 ] 
 
 tn% to which they properly belong ; that a gradual 
 poverty, and an accumulating mifery, are its never 
 failing confequence, as may be exemplified in the peo- 
 ple of Scotland and Ireland, particularly the latter, 
 where their wealth, being principally expended in 
 England, inftead of nourilhing the fources, from 
 whence it is derived, has reduced the inhabitants to 
 the loweft ftate of beggary and WTCtchednefs. In 
 proportion, therefore, as a country fuffers its com- 
 merce to be carried on by foreigners, will its citizens 
 become deprelTed and impoverifhed. * Virginia, the 
 two Carolinas, and Georgia, afford an additional ex- 
 ample in point, where Englifti and Scotch merchants 
 and factors carry on the commerce, and retire to their 
 native country, with the wealth which they thereby 
 acquire, to the injury of thofe dates. To fuppofe, 
 then, that a diftinclion ought not to be made, between 
 American merchants and thofe of other countries ; 
 and that the difabilities of foreign merchants ought 
 not to be increafed in the United States, when fo many 
 inconveniencies muft arife from the eftablilhing of a 
 foreign influence, from the transferring the profits of 
 commerce to a foreign country, and from withdraw- 
 ing the credits and capitals from the country, at a 
 time of exigence, or of war, when they may be moft 
 needed, is, in every point of view, a proftration, both 
 of national and commercial policy. For this purpofe, 
 additional and fpecial impediments fliould be thrown 
 in the way of naturalizing merchant fi:rangers,in order 
 to procure the preferences and advantages herein con- 
 templated. When we conlider the numerous difabili- 
 ties of foreigners, carrying on trade in Great-Britain, 
 the commercial impofitions to which they are fubjeft, 
 and the reftraints which meet them in every direc- 
 tion : — that refidence procures no remifiion to thofe 
 reftraints, except in the Britifh plantations* : — and 
 even Ihould they procure letters of enfranchifement, 
 
 the 
 
 * The colonial aflemblies were authorized to naturalize foreigners of 
 good charadler, after a refidence of feven years. 13 Geo. a. ch. 7- ao 
 Geo. a. ch. 24. and % Geo. 3. ch. 25. 
 
[ 44 3 
 
 the commercial difabilities ftill follow them, until they 
 can find influence fufficient to obtain, at a great ex- 
 penfe, a ipecial acl of naturalization in their favour,* 
 which cannot be fuftained, in either houfe of parlia-. 
 ment, without a difabling claufe, declaratory, " that 
 *' they can neither be ihenifehes ?nembers of the privy coun- 
 ** cil, nor of either houfe of parliament, nor hold any office of 
 *' irufi, civil or military, nor capable of any grant from the 
 ** crown : — when we compare thefe difabilities with 
 the liberties and privileges of Englifh merchants and 
 factors coming to, and trading in the United States ; 
 when we compare them with the eafe, facility, and 
 advantages of EngUflimen, becoming naturalized A- 
 merican citizens, every one is left to wonder at the 
 motives, the policy, and inducements, which author- 
 ize the difparity. — In fhort, there feems to be little 
 lefs than a communion of commercial benefits on the 
 one fide, againft limitations, reftriclions, taxes and 
 prohibitions on the other ! 
 
 With refpecl to the relative lituation of the two 
 countries, in regard to navigation — the laft divifion of 
 our fubjecl— »in order to place it fairly before the pub- 
 lic, it may not be improper to recite a few claufes 
 from feveral principal ftatutes of the Britifti parlia- 
 ment, viz. from an act entitled, " An ad for the en- 
 couraging and increafmg of fliipping and navigation," 
 " An acl for the encouragement of trade,'* and from 
 other acts fupplementary thereto. 
 
 The firft of thefe ftatutesf enacts. Section i. " That 
 *' no goods or commodities whatfoever fhall be im- 
 " ported into, or exported out of any lands, iflands, 
 " plantations, or territories, to his majefty belonging, 
 " or in his pofTeflion, or which may hereafter belong 
 " unto, or be in the pofTeflion of his majefty, his heirs 
 " and fucccflbrs, in Afia, Africa, or America, in any 
 '* other fhips, vefTel or veflels whatfoever, but in fuch 
 ** Ihips or veflels as do truly, and viithout fraud, be- 
 long 
 
 * See BJackftone, vol. i. p. 371 to 374, 
 4- 13 Cha. J. ch. ig. 
 
[ 4s 3 
 
 ** long only to the people of England, or Ireland, do- 
 *' minion of Wales, or town of Berwick upon Tweed, 
 " or are of the built of, and belonging to, any of the 
 *' faid lands, illands, plantations or territories, as the 
 " proprietors and right owners thereof, and whereof 
 *' the mafter and three fourths of the mariners, at 
 " leaft, are Englifli," under the penalty of vefTel and 
 cargo. 
 
 Seel. 3. *' Extends the fame prohibition to all goods 
 or commodities whatfoever, of the growth, produdion 
 and manufacture of Africa, Afia or America, under like 
 penalties." 
 
 Sect. 4. " Provides that no goods or commodities, 
 " that are of foreign growth, produd:ion, or manu- 
 *' fachire, and which are to be brought into England, 
 " Ireland, Wales, the iflands of Guernfey or Jerfey, or 
 " town of Bervxdck upon Tweed, in Englifh built fhip- 
 *' ping, or other fliipping belonging to fome of the a- 
 " forefaid places, and navigated by Englifli mariners, 
 ** as aforefaid, fliall be fhipped or brought from any 
 " other place or places, country or countries, but on- 
 " ly from thofe of the faid growth, production, or ma- 
 *' nufacture, or from thofe ports where the faid goods 
 " and commodities can only, or are, or ufually have 
 " been firft fhipped for tranfportatipn, and from none 
 " other places or countries,'* under the forfeiture of 
 velTel and cargo. 
 
 Sect. 6. " That from henceforth it fhall not be law- 
 '* ful to any perfon or perfons whatfoever, to load, or 
 " caufe to be loaden, and carried in any bottom or 
 " bottoms, fhip or fhips, vefTel or veffels whatfoever, 
 " whereof any ftranger or ftrangers born, (unlefs fuch 
 " as are citizens or naturalized), be owners, part own- 
 *' ers, or mafters, and whereof three fourths of the 
 " mariners, at leaft, fhall not be Englifh, any fifh, vic- 
 " tual, wares, goods, commodities or things, of what 
 " kind or nature foever the fame fhall be, from one 
 " port or creek of England, Ireland, Wales, iflands of 
 " Guernfey or Jerfey,or town of Berwick upon Tweed, 
 
 " to 
 
C 46 ] 
 
 '^ to another port or creek of thefame,or any of them," 
 under the forfeiture of veffel and cargo. 
 
 The 6th Sedion of the Acl for the encouragement 
 of trade, contains the following prohibition.* 
 
 " That no commodity of the growth, production 
 " or manufaclure of Europe, fhall be imported into 
 ** any land, ifland, plantation, colony, territory or 
 " place to his majefty belonging, or which fhall here- 
 '* after belong unto, or be in pofTeffion of his majefty, 
 " his heirs and fucceflbrs, in Alia, Africa, or America, 
 " (Tangier only excepted), but what ftiall be bona 
 " fide, and without fraud, laden and fhipped in Eng- 
 *' land, Wales, or in the town of Berwick upon Tweed, 
 " and in Englifli built ihipping, &c. whereof the maf- 
 " ter and three fourths of the mariners, at leaft, are 
 " Englifli, and which ftiall be carried diredly thence to 
 " the lands, iflands, plantations, &c. and from no oth- 
 '^ er place or places whatfoever, under the penalty 
 '^ of the forfeiture of goods and veflel.** 
 
 In addition to tlie Sections of the foregoing Acts, 
 the following claufes are taken from two other Acts, 
 pafledin the 26th and 27th years of the prefent King 
 of England, ftnce the American revolution, fupplemen- 
 tary and confirmatory of the prohibitions and reftric- 
 tions of the afts aforefaid, as they refpecl tfie United 
 States, viz. 
 
 " That no fliip or veflfel built in any of the colonies 
 *^ of North America, now called the United States of 
 " America, during the time that any act or afts of 
 " parliament made in Great-Britain, prohibiting trade 
 " and intercourfe with thofe colonies,! was or were 
 *' in force, nor any ftiip or veflfel which was owned 
 " by, or belonging to the fubjecls of the United States, 
 " or of any of the faid States refpeftively, during the 
 " exiftence of thofe acts, and not regiftered before the 
 " commencement thereof, is or ftiall be entitled to be 
 
 regiftered 
 
 * 15 Cha. 2. ch. 7. 
 
 •f The laws prohibiting trade and intercourfe with America were rc-» 
 pealed in the year 1783,% 23 Geo. 3d. ch. 26. 
 
[ 47 ] 
 
 **= regiftered under this prefent act, or to any of the 
 " privileges or advantages of a Britifli built fliip or 
 " veffel, unlefs fuch fliip or velTel fliall have been taken 
 " and condemned as lawful prize, or have been ftrand- 
 " ed, fliall have been built or rebuilt, and regiftered 
 " in the manner heretofore pradifed and allowed." 
 
 " From and after the ift day of Auguft, 1786, no 
 " fliip or veflel fliall be deemed or taken to be Britifli 
 " built, or enjoy the privileges thereunto belonging, 
 " which fliall from thenceforth be rebuilt or repaired 
 " in any foreign port or place, if fuch repairs fliall ex- 
 " ceed fifteen fliillings for every ton of the faid fliip or 
 " veflel," except to enable her to perform the voyage 
 in which flie fliall then be engaged. 26 Geo. 3d ch. 60. 
 
 " For obviating all doubts which may arife, touching 
 the meaning and conftruclion of the act made and 
 pafled in the 26th year of his prefent majefty, for the 
 further increafe and encouragement of fliipping and 
 navigation," Be it enacted and declared, that all fliips 
 and veflels, " which, by faid act, are declared not to 
 *' be entitled to any of the privileges or advantages of 
 ** a Britifli built fliip, or of a fliip owned by Britifli 
 " fubjects, and all fliips and veflels not regiftered ac- 
 " cording to the directions and regulations of the faid 
 " acts, fliall, although fuch fliips and veflels may be 
 *' owned by his majefty *s fubjects, be held and deem- 
 " ed, to aU intents and purpofes, as alien fliips, and 
 *' fliall, in all cafes, be liable to fuch and the fame pe- 
 " nalties and forfeitures as alien ihips, in the like ca- 
 " fes, are or fhaU by law be liable to." * 
 
 Although the acts, from which the foregoing claufes 
 are tranfcribed, pafled in the 12th and 15th years 
 of the reign of Charles 2d. and the 26th and 27th of 
 George 3d. yet the firft act was produced during 
 Cromwell's protectorfliip, at the inftigation of Mr. St. 
 John, who, through refentment, from an unfuccefl^ 
 fill negotiation with which he had been charged to 
 the ftates of Holland, procured its adoption. The 
 policy of thefe acts, the pride ajid boaft of Englifli- 
 
 * 27 Geo. 3. ch. 19. men. 
 
C 48 ] 
 
 men, and to which tliey fliew an enthuliaftic, if not 
 a bigoted attachment, has been, and is ftill confidered 
 as the foundation of the maritime importance of 
 England. Lord Ha^kefborough, in his difcourfe 
 with regard to neutral nations, calls CromwelPs acl 
 " A NOBLE Strain of Commercial Policy, which 
 " hath proved the fertile fource of all the naval pow- 
 " er, which hath operated infenfibly to the preferva- 
 " tion, and hath been the fpring from whence hath 
 " flowed, the wealth and greatnefs of England." 
 
 How far this noble Jirain of commercial policy ought 
 to be refifted, or harmoni2sed with ; and whether, in 
 the poetic language of the noble Lord, the United 
 States ought to echo to the fong, and in notes refpon- 
 five, bear up its lengthened found, let it be the ob- 
 ject of the following obfervations to examine. 
 
 Admitting the advantages of navigation, and of a 
 carrying trade, to be unqueftionable, as a mean of 
 wealth and defence, which will fcarccly be denied ;— 
 a commercial intercourfe ought equally, as has been 
 already fuggefted, to reciprocate fuch advantages ; — 
 and the benefits received ftiould equal thofe which 
 are beftowed : But the inquiry recurs. What is the 
 ftate of the cafe, as it refpects the important fubject 
 in difcuflion ? It is, in fad:, that in the year end- 
 ing the ifi: of October, 1790, the United States al- 
 lowed to the veflels of Great-Britain, five times the 
 direct freightage that they received ; and of courfe, 
 our carrying trade contributed to the wealth and de* 
 fence of Great-Britain in the proportion of four parts 
 in five, at Icafi:, of what it did to the advantage and 
 benefit of the United States ! ! 
 
 The whole tonnage of veifels, on which duty was 
 paid in the United States, in the aforementioned year, 
 was 761,710 tons, of which there were belonging to 
 the United States 492,100 tons, to other nations 269, 
 610 tons, of which Great-Britain had 226,953 tons*: 
 
 whereby 
 
 * See Mr. Jefferfon's ftatement toCongrefs in December, 1793. AI- 
 fo Tench Coxe's view of the United States. 
 
t 49 ] 
 
 t^hereby Great-Britain drew for the freightage, calcti- 
 lating but one trip, or two paffages to the veflels, at 
 the mean rate of fifty fliillings fterling per ton, on 
 each paiTage, 1,134,765 pounds fterling, which fum, 
 if rendered into dollars, amounts to 5,043,400 dol- 
 lars, or about one quarter part of the value of the ex- 
 ports of the Uniteid States, by the employment Off 
 eleven hundred and thirty-four fliips, of two hundred 
 tons each ; which, if calculated to carry twelve men 
 to each veflel, employed 13,608 feamen ; whilft the 
 direct freightage of American veffels, to and from the 
 Britifli dominions, employed no more than 43,580* 
 tons of fliipping, leaving the immenfe balance of 
 1 83,370 tons in favour of the fhipping of Great-Brit- 
 ain : — ^fo that the relative advantages, on the employ- 
 ment of the refpeftive Ihips and feamen of the two 
 countries, ftood in the proportion of two hundred 
 and eighteen Ihips to eleven hundred and thirty- 
 four : in feamen, of 2,616 to 13,608— ^and in the 
 value of freightage, 968,444 dollars to 5,043,400, 
 without taking into view the advantage of freightage 
 from port to port, permitted to Englifh veffels in the 
 United States, and not allowed to American veffels in 
 the Britifli dominions, which muft add much to the 
 already too glaring difparity. 
 
 The whole carrying trade of the Englifli Weft4ndia 
 iflands, in the year 1772, by the Britiih accounts, (fee 
 ftatement belowf), including that part of it which was 
 
 * See Mr. Jcffsrfon's ftatement. participated 
 
 f " An acturate abftraft of the number of veflels, tvhich appears, from the regiftevs 
 of fliipping, to have been cleared from each refpeftive Engli/h ifland, during a year 
 of great export, diftinguifhing the Britifli from American built fliipping^ 
 
 Iflands. Britifli fliips. Amer. fliips. Britifli tons. Amer. tons. 
 
 Jamaica^ 
 
 145 
 
 136 
 
 26,906 
 
 15,847 
 
 Barbadoes, 
 
 47 
 
 13 
 
 6,546 
 
 1,172 
 
 St. Kitts, 
 
 35 
 
 20 
 
 6,494 
 
 2,310 
 
 Antigua, 
 
 a8 
 
 22 
 
 4>073 
 
 2,290 
 
 St. Vincents, 
 
 25 
 
 9 
 
 3,04» 
 
 1,100 
 
 Tobago, 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 61J 
 
 320 
 
 Montferrat, 
 
 ID 
 
 9 
 
 1,437 
 
 1,043 
 
 Nevis, 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 2,851 
 
 
 Grenades, 
 
 51 
 
 49 
 
 7,717 
 
 5.94» 
 
 Dominica, 
 
 3* 
 
 ai 
 
 3>933 
 
 3>433 
 
 Britiih, 
 
 397 
 
 aSz 
 
 63,614 
 
 Br 
 
 Britifli. 
 
participated in, by the citizens of the United States, 
 employed 96,07 1 tons of Clipping, of which 32,457 
 tons belonged to the citizens of the United States, 
 employing-three hundred and eighty-two American 
 velfels, with their complements of feamen. 
 
 The trade to and from the United States to New- 
 foundland, employed one hundred and twenty-five A- 
 merican vejQTels, in the year 1771, carrying 8475 tons, 
 employed chiefly in the exchange of provifions for fifli, 
 gf which they purchafed 67,000 quintals, being about 
 a ninth of the fifii caught, and about a fifth of the 
 tonnage employed,in the Newfoundland filhery,inthe 
 tranfporting the fifti : — the whole tonnage;, including 
 that of the United States, being 41,424 tons, and the 
 whole number of velfels, five hundred and four, from 
 which, deducting the American veffels and tonnage, 
 left 379 Britifh veffels, the tonnage of which were 
 32,949 tons, as will appear by the following detail 
 of the Newfoundland fiihery in the year 1771, taken 
 
 from 
 
 Britifh, 397 63>6i4 
 
 American, aSz 32*457 
 
 679 96,071 
 
 Total 1772 
 
 See George Chalmers' opinions on public law and commercial policy, 
 publiflied in the year 1784. 
 
 An account of fugar and rum imported into England, from March 
 25 to Odlober 19, in the year 178-5. 
 
 
 Ships. 
 
 Calks of fugar. 
 
 Caflcs of rum. 
 
 Jamaicai, 
 
 I3» 
 
 48,615 
 
 14,743 
 
 Antigua, 
 
 30 
 
 13*505 
 
 529 
 
 St. Kitts, 
 
 30 
 
 14,229 
 
 62Z 
 
 Barbadoes,, 
 
 18 
 
 7>2 75 
 
 133 
 
 Grenades, 
 
 35 
 
 11,841 
 
 1,634 
 
 Montferrat, 
 
 S 
 
 a>i59 
 
 58 
 
 Nevis, 
 
 8 
 
 3>974 
 
 116 
 
 Dominica, 
 
 9 
 
 3,601 
 
 14 
 
 St. Vincent, 
 
 zo 
 
 4.273 
 
 »5I 
 
 Tortola, 
 
 5 
 
 2,110 
 
 a4 
 
 Tobago, 
 
 6 
 
 669 
 
 54 
 
 Total, 288 112,272 18,184 
 
 See Anderfon on commerce, vol. 4. page 602. 
 
 N. B. Anderfon makes the whole Weft-India tonnage, in the year 
 Ijij, 5%i fliips, 123,581 tons, outward, and 132,222 tons inward," 
 
r 5' ] 
 
 from George Chalmers' opinions on intereftlng fub- 
 jcds of public law and commercial policy. 
 
 <* Britifh fifliing veflels, of which ^ f: (U' 
 
 244 on the great bank filhing, 3 ^ ^ ' 
 
 Britifh trading veflels, no 
 
 American ditto, 125 
 
 Total, 504 fliips. 
 Tonnage of Britifli trading and 
 
 filhing veflels, 32,949 tons, 
 
 ditto American, 8 947 5 
 
 Total, 41,424 tons. 
 Number of men in the Britifli fifliing veflels,447 7 
 ditto in the Britifli trading veflels, 1 1 1 8 
 
 ditto in American ditto, 865 
 
 Fifliermen, fliorefmen, and paflengers ? 
 
 from Britain and Ireland, 3 5-5 9 
 
 Inhabitants, who remained during 7 fi t 
 
 the winter, 3 
 
 The number of boats employed by 
 
 fifliing Slips, 
 do. yearly from Great-Britain and Ireland, 
 
 and having no fliare in veflels fifliing on 
 
 the great bank. 
 The number of boats employed by the 
 
 inhabitants, 1178 
 
 2288 
 
 The quintals of fifii made in fifliing 
 ^.^P'\ ^ 236,000^ .^^^^ 
 
 ditto m bye boats, 147,999 > fi 
 
 ditto by the inhabitants, 261,2403 ^"^S^S^^ 
 
 The quintals of fifli carried to foreign 
 market, 580,204 
 
 Tons of oil exported, 2,846 
 
 Tierces of falmon exported, 1,248.'* 
 
 With 
 
C 5« 3 
 
 -cTVith refped to th« trade to Canada and Novar 
 Scotia, before the revolution, it might have employed 
 about five thoufand tone of American {hipping, which, 
 if taken in connection with the advantage the United 
 States now derive from the diredl trade, in American 
 bottoms, with the Englilh Eaft-India fettlements, * 
 amounting to J 155! tons ; the general refult of com- 
 parative a4vantages, ixom the freightage afforded, by 
 the commerce of the r^fpe<!tive qountries, admitting 
 the participation of benefits before the revolution to 
 be conlidered as data, on which to ground an opin- 
 ion, of what would -have been the effed of a more libe- 
 ral policy, than the one, which has been purfued by 
 Greatr Britain, in the admiflion of American vcflels 
 intb hex colonies, upon the fame footing lincc, as he- 
 for^ the revolution, would probably be as follows. 
 
 I)r. JStttifh Ihipping to the Cr. American (hipping 
 Amer. carrying trade, by the j&ritifti direft 
 calculated upon ao^ve' carrying trade, to an4 
 rage of three years, viz. from the Englifh Eu- 
 from iftOftober, 1789, ropean dominions, in 
 to "the ill of 0(flober, the year 1790, viz. 43*580 
 1792, rfife average ton- 
 nage of which years is 211,199:}; » n 
 
 *lt i« true, Great-Britain licenfes American velTds, contrary to her 
 colonial fyftem, by the 13th article of the treaty, ifco import and export 
 dire^ to, and from her Eaft-India fpttleroeots, interdi^ing all freightage 
 from one port to another, but under the exprefs exception of fuch articles, 
 ** of which the importation or exportation, relpeftively, to, or from the 
 ♦* faid territories, flJaJi not be entirely prohibited.'* The right of freight- 
 age, panted by this article, is a limited one, and may be wholly re- 
 ftrained'bythe exprefs ftipulation itfelf ; but if this was not the cafe, the 
 liberty given is not an important conceffion in favour of our navigation, 
 or ctorylng trade. The trade will em.ploy but few veflels, and requires 
 a great exportation of fp^ecic, added to any c^rgo which might be Clip- 
 ped from the United States, to afford a tolerable freight upon the little 
 bulky, »ndiijgh-piiced manufa<ftures, fuch as muflins, calicoes, &c. of 
 the Eaft-India fetttlenagnts. 
 
 + See'HpteXt's fta|fen>£ot of Amsricaa torumgc^or. tbe^iBAr 1794. Hwrfc^ )Pf . 
 1: The Engl ifn tonnage ernployed in the commerce oftheTJnited 
 States, beginning with the ift Odlober, 1789, ending the ift of O(3:ober, 
 179a, is as follows, Tiz.^ 1790, 2 1 6,9 14; tons. "1791, 310,618 do. r79a, 
 ^06,965 do. whole ttujnbo" 633,597 tons. Average, 211,199 tons. 
 
 § N. B. As 0»fene feems to be a difference in the tonnage ftatements 
 of the year i79Pi, nh. in that made by Mr. Tench Coxe, and that mads^ 
 by Joieph Nourre,l4i«avaragein this account is made upon the flat<" 
 eaupt/thc moft favourable to Great-Britain, viz. Nourfc's. 
 
C 53 3 
 
 43>5?» 
 
 The exportation from "j 
 England of 82,500 j 
 iiogfheads of tobac- j 
 CO to France, Hoi- } 
 land, Germany, and 
 te the northern and 
 foudiem ftates of Eu- 
 rope, the freight, f 
 
 The exportation from" 
 England of 74,375 
 cofts of rice, import- 
 ed from the United 
 States, and exported 
 as above, the freight J , 
 
 Loft to the United' 
 States by the Eng- 
 jifh regulations of 
 commerce in the car- 
 rying trade to and ^ 3^>457 
 from the Englilh 
 Weft-India iflands, 
 being before the re- 
 volution. 
 
 Ditto in the New- 
 foundland trade, 8,475 
 
 Ditto in theCanada and 
 
 Nova-Scotia trade,(fay) 5,000 
 
 Gained by the treaty 
 in the Eaft-India 
 trade, 1,155 
 
 Tons, 211,199 Balance againft the U- 
 jiited States, 
 
 90,667 
 
 120,532 
 
 211,199 
 
 But to extend the foregoing calculations farther, 
 
 let us fuppofe the worft of the cafe, as it refers to 
 
 Great -Britain, which wovld be to admit that the vef- 
 
 fels of the United States fliould have permiffion to 
 
 enter 
 
 f The imports into Great-Britain from Virginia and Maryland, be- 
 fore the American war, were 96,000 hhds. of tobacco, of which 13,500 
 >vere confumed at home, and the duty on them, at £a6 i/each, amount- 
 ed to j(;35i, 675 ; the remaining 82,500 hhds. were exported, by our 
 merchants, to different parts of Europe, and brought a great deal of mo- 
 ney into this kingdom. This trade alone conftandy employed 330 fhips, 
 and 3960 failors. See Anderfon on commerce, vol. 4. p. 187. 
 
 J Great-Britain imported and exported rice as follows, viz. in the 
 
 year 1773- 
 
 England imported. 
 
 Scotland imported. 
 
 
 cwt. 
 
 q- 
 
 tb- 
 
 cwt. 
 
 *!• 
 
 ft- 
 
 CaroKaa, 
 
 370,290 
 
 a 
 
 5 
 
 8,49a 
 
 I 
 
 a7 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 72,469 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 3,750 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 New- York, 
 
 2,454 
 
 ,1 
 
 14 
 
 ia,24» 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 PenniyWania, 
 
 3,857 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 459>o7« 
 
 t 
 
 19 
 
 459,07a a 1.9 471,315 o 25 
 
 of which Great-Britain confumed 99,438 cwt. » q. i ft. and exported 
 371,876 cwt. aq. 24 ft. 
 
 N. B. In the year ending the 30th Sept. 1792, there was exported 
 from the United States, it is conceived, principally to Great-Britain — 
 but of this there is no public document — viz. 112,428 hoglheads of to- 
 kacco, 141,76 a tiercce of rice, and 147*937 barrels of naval ftores. 
 
- C 54 ] 
 
 enter freely into the Britifti colonies, and thereby ab. 
 forb theii* whole carrying trade, except that of their 
 Eaft-India fettlements, pf Nova-Scotia and Canada, 
 ■v^hich fliould continue as above ftated, the balance of 
 freightage would ftill be in favour of the Englifti nav- 
 igation, as will appear by the following ftatement, 
 
 Dr. Britifli Shippin? 1 Tons /-.a • m • • 
 
 ;>s before ftated, J 21 1,199 ^'' ^^''^^^^ Shipping, 
 
 BytheEnglifhEuro--) 
 
 pean carrying trade, J ^•''■' 
 Newfoundland, ditto, 41,424 
 Weft-India ditto, 96,071 
 
 Nova-Scotia and Can-l 
 
 -ada ditto, j ^'°90 
 
 Eaft-India ditto, ^i^55 
 
 187,230, 
 Balance againft the United States, 23,9691 
 
 Tons, 211,199 
 
 But if the freightage in foreign veflels is a juft 
 charge againft the exports of the United States, which 
 it undoubtedly is, it will not only affect the general 
 balance of trade, but the particular balance in favour 
 of Great-Britain againft the United States : for al-^ 
 though the freights, paid to foreigners, may not ht a 
 clear lofs to the country, as one of the beft writers up- 
 on Englifli commerce. Sir Joliah Childs, aflerts it is,, 
 it muft, at leaft, be confidered as a deduction from, 
 the value of the exports, and in favour of the nation,, 
 to vi'hich fuch freightage is paid. 
 
 The average of foreign tonnage, for three years, 
 preceding the prefent European war, was 245,158 
 tons,* which, if calculated at five pounds fterling per 
 ton freightage, upon two paflages, amounts to 
 1,225,790 pounds fterling, or 5,459,288 cJoUars, which 
 
 being 
 
 * Foreign tonnage for the year 1790, 450,^^46 tons. 
 
 1791, 240,552 do. 
 
 1792, 244,278 do. 
 
 735*376 
 
 Average, 245*158 tons. 
 
C 55 3 
 
 being added to the other juft charges againft the es> 
 ports of the United States, (noted below),* the gen- 
 eral balance of trade, including that of navigation dnd 
 commerce, againft the United States, is 6,674,831 
 dollars ; and a particular balance againft the United 
 States, in favour of Great-Britain, amounting to 
 11,078,787 dollars- 
 
 Although Mr. JefFerfon, in his report, ftates the par* 
 ticular balance of trade arifing from the imports from, 
 and the exports to Great-Britain, to be 5,993^013 
 dollars againft the United States, yet, for the greater 
 accuracy, as well as to fhew the Britifli ftatement of 
 imports and exports into, and from Great-Britain, 
 the following ftatement is tranfcribed from Ander- 
 fon's Chronological Hiftory of Commerce, which is 
 the lateft that it contains, and is for the year 1785. 
 
 Imports from and Exports to 
 £. 56,647-11-11 163,348-05-03 New-England. 
 
 61,671-10-09 405,762-12-00 New- York. 
 57i7'^5-^^-^5 369,215-08-05 Pennfylvania. 
 443,580-06-02 1,015,102-08-10 Virg. & Maryla. 
 228,070-15-10 310,198-03-07 Carolinas. 
 45»9i9-i4-o7 44,396-04-06 Georgia. 
 
 C 8935695-05-08 £.3,308,033-02-00! 
 
 Balance 
 
 * The general balance of trade, ftated m the year 1790, by Mr. Jef- 
 feifon, in his report to Congrefs, made December 13, 1793. 
 
 The United States ftood debtor for a general 
 commercial balance againft them, - - 235,975 dollars. 
 
 The United States paid freightage to foreign 
 
 nations, in the fame year, as before ftated, - 55459, z88 
 
 The commiflions upon the imports, not charg- 
 ed at the cuftom-houfe, the duties being lev- 
 ied exclufive thereof, at 2^ per cent. - - 500,000 
 
 Goods and merchandizes fmuggled, contrary 
 to law, eftimated at 2^ per cent, (only) - 50c ,000 
 
 General balance of trade againft the United States, 6,695,263 
 N. B. No notice is herein taken of goods admitted free of duty, no 
 accoimt thereof being kept at the cuftom-houfe. 
 
 f " The value of the exports of the two years 1794 and 1795 was 
 " 80,000,000 of dollars, and of the two years 1791 and 1792. did not 
 " amount to 40 millions. That prodigious augmentation cannot be 
 
 viewed 
 
t 56 ] 
 
 Balance againft the U. S. j^* i,4i4,337-i7-4 fterling, 
 ^ (.or 6,285,946 dollars. 
 
 To which, if is added '> r. j « 
 
 the freightage, viz. 5 ±79^Mi_ doUars, 
 there will be a balance of 11,078,787 dollars 
 againft the United States, which, if compared with 
 the amount of exports upon an . average of three 
 years, ending on the ift of October, 1793, the whole 
 exports, upon fuch average, being no more than 
 21,805,516 dollars, there is an excefs of more than 
 one half of our exportable produce annually accruing 
 to Great-Britain from her commerce with the United 
 States. 
 
 dollars. 
 
 Exports* 
 
 
 1791* 
 
 18,399,202 
 
 1792, 
 
 21,005,568 
 
 1793* 
 
 26,011,788 
 
 65*416,558 
 
 Average 21,805,516 dollars. 
 
 See Tencli Coxe 9 ftatemcnt of exports, in his view of the United States* 
 
 Obferye, that the above ftatement does not include the imports or ex- 
 ports to and from the Britiih colonies. 
 
 If the foregoing ftatements are founded upon fa6ts 5 
 
 (for it is by facts and ftatements of this fort that the 
 
 commercial policy of a country muft be adjudged) ; — *■ 
 
 if they juftly point out the relative advantages, arif- 
 
 ing from the commerce and navigation of the two 
 
 countries, can there be a doubt remaining, as to the 
 
 ill policy of our exifting regulations of commerce ? 
 
 and 
 
 <' viewed as permanent, unlefs owing to the increafe of the quantity of 
 ** articles of our own growth, or manufadtGre, that were exported.. 
 " But it has already been ftated, that that quantity has received but a 
 *' trifling addition, if any, fince the former period. That increafe is ^ue 
 " to mere temporary caufes ; the firft arifing from an advanced pnce, 
 ** of perhaps forty per cent, upon the total amount of our exports, be- 
 *' yond their ufual value ; the fecond, from our having become the car- 
 ** riers of a large proportion of the produce of fome of the Weft-India 
 ** iflands. Thofe two items, both of which are owing to the prefent 
 *• European war, conftitute nearly one half of the value of our exports 
 " for the two laft vears." See Gallatin on the finances of the United 
 States, lately publiflied, page 27. 
 
C 57 3 
 
 and is it not obvious, that a balance of trade, fo im- 
 menfe in its amount, and fo ruinous in its confe- 
 quences, threatning both public and private credit 
 with fhip\vreck, ought, by fome means or other, to 
 be remedied ? and to what meafure, concurrent to 
 thofe already fuggefted, c?in we better recur, than to 
 an American navigation acl, flmilar to that of Great- 
 Britain ? It is a meafure of juftice to ourfelves, of 
 protection to our citizens, and of reciprocity to Great- 
 Britain. Tench Coxe, in his view of the United 
 States, obferves upon it, " That the article of the 
 " Britifli trade laws, which confines the importation 
 " of foreign goods to the bottoms of the country 
 " producing them, and of their own citizens, appears 
 " applicable to our lituation. By means of thofe tv/o 
 " flags, we fhould be certain of the neceffary importa- 
 " tions ; and we fhould throw out of each department 
 " of the carrying trade, every competitor, except the 
 '' Ihips of the nation by which the goods were pro- 
 " duced or manufactured. All trade with feveral 
 " countries, fuch as China and India, whofe veflels 
 " feldom or never make foreign voyages, would be 
 *' fecured in our own hands. It will be found, that a 
 " modified application of this regulation, in pradice, 
 *' wiU be attended with no difficulties or inconveni- 
 " ences ; and befides the immediate benefits already 
 " mentioned, our merchants will be led directly to the 
 " original market for the fupplies of which wc ftand 
 " in need. Inftead of purchafing goods of Rufila, of 
 " the Eaft-Indies, in England, France, or Holland, our 
 '* own Ihips will fail directly to the fountain, from 
 " whence they have hitherto flowed to us through 
 " foreign channels. The credits given to us in JEu- 
 *' rope, after the peace, kept us in the practice of go- 
 " ing to a very few places, for all our importations. 
 *' But they have trufted us, in many inftances, at a 
 " dear rate indeed ; and however ufeful credit may 
 " be, as a fupplement to our means of trade, in this 
 ** young country, Lt is very certain that wc fhould 
 H firfl 
 
[ 58 ] 
 
 *• firil: liiy out to the beft advantage, our ^nds lit 
 "hand." 
 
 Left it may be objecled, that the reforms herein 
 fuggeftcd, in the commercial fyftem of the United 
 States, might impugn the revenue, and thereby pro- 
 duce mifchief and dlforder in the pubUc finances ; — 
 but as this is neither intended, nor expefted ; and 
 with a view to prevent fuch a fuggeftion, as M^ell as to 
 avoid unnccelTary amplification , it may not be improp- 
 er to fuggeft the following queries. 
 
 Query i. Whether the revenue upon goods im- 
 ported, ought to be calculated upon, beyond the value 
 of the goods or produce exported ? 
 
 2. Whether an increafe of revenue, arifino; from, 
 an undue importation in one year, muil not be fol- 
 lowed by a reduced revenue in fucceeding years ; and 
 if the excefs be repeated, (the imports exceeding the 
 exports), whether the revenue, grounded upon fuch 
 importations, will not be fubjecied to a gradual reduC' 
 tion, if not a final extinction ? 
 
 3. Whether the amount of the importations would 
 in fact be diminiflied by particular prohibitions, tak- 
 ing feveral years together ; and whether the exclu- 
 lion of articles, unnecellary and luxurious, would not 
 produce the fame revenue, by the increafe of fuch ar- 
 ticles as were ufeful and convenient ? 
 
 4. And, laftly. Whether a diminution in the re- 
 venue from a partial cxclufion of foreign tonnage, by 
 an American navigation act, might not readily be in- 
 demnified by an increafed duty upon the domeftic ? 
 
 Before the prefent fubject is concluded, it may not 
 be improper to make a few additional obfervations. 
 
 An American navigation acl, it is conceived, muft 
 operate not lefs beneiicially to the agricultural, than to 
 •the commercial ftates, by giving fecurity to the tranf- 
 portation of their produce to foreign markets at all 
 times, and efpecially in times of war ; and fhould it be 
 found, that the competition, in the fupply of vefl'els, 
 ihould not at firft be fuliicient to furnifh the freight- 
 age 
 
C 59 ] 
 
 age at the loweft rates, (which muft lOon be the cafe,) 
 the agricultural ftates, under fuch circumftances, would 
 be wanting in a juft view of their true interells, not 
 to co-operate in the meafures neceflary to produce it : 
 In proof of which, it may be afked, what would have 
 been the probable fituation of the fouthern ftates, from 
 the prefent European war, if the United States had 
 been without navigation ? Their produce muft, in all 
 probability, have perifhed upon their hands, or have 
 been tranfported to market at fo heavy an expenfe, as 
 to have left little to the profit of their lands : whereas 
 they have found immenfe prices for their productions, 
 whilft our ftiips and veffels have had ample and gene- 
 rous freights for their tranfportation. The union of 
 the commercial and agricultural intereft in this, as in 
 moft other cafes, has been found contributive to the 
 general welfare ; and perhaps no meafure of more ge- 
 neral policy, or particular advantage, applying to the 
 northern and fouthern ftates, could be readily devifed 
 for the mutual bencfi^t of agriculture andr commerce, 
 than an American navigation act, upon the principles 
 herein propofed. 
 
 But when we confider the encouragement of navi- 
 gation as contributive to the general defence, without 
 going far into the hiftory of ancient or modern na- 
 tions, there are fevi'- or no inftances of a country hold- 
 ing extenftve colonies or pofleilions abroad, or of en- 
 joying power or refpeclability at home, or among the 
 neighbouring ftates, without the aid of a maritime 
 force. Navigation, as a nurfery of feamen, and as a 
 mean of beftowing wealth and power, is found, by 
 experience, to be among the firft objects of national 
 policy. The Carthagenians maintained their indepen- 
 dence, and were fuccefsful rivals to the Roman power, 
 as long as they preferved their naval fuperiority : — 
 The moft brilliant achievements of the Athenians were 
 through the means of their fleets :- — " The anfwer giv- 
 " en by the oracle of Delphi to the Athenians,to fortify 
 *' their city with wooden walls againft the invafton of 
 
 " XerxeSj 
 
C 6o 3 
 
 '* XerxeSjisan advice which has been fuccefsfully adopt- 
 *' ed by the French and Englifli," * and ought to be 
 operative upon the citizens and government of the 
 United States. 
 
 France, by the eftabHfhment of diftant colonies, and 
 by laying a duty, amounting to a prohibition, upon 
 foreign ihipping, in the time of Lewis 14th, gained 
 iuch sin afcendency upon the ocean, that her fleets be- 
 came formidable to thofe of England, Holland, and 
 Spain : England, although always known as a mari- 
 time power, yet from the time of King Edgar, to that 
 of Queen Elizabeth, made no great figure upon the 
 ocean :^Her colonies, principally Virginia, and after- 
 wards the Carolinas, added to the wife provifions and 
 prohibitions of her navigation afts, firft laid the foun- 
 dation, and afterwards eftablifhed her maritime im- 
 portance. 
 
 To the policy of thefe afts ought the citizens of 
 the United States to have recourfe, as a mean of pro- 
 curing their country's profperity and power, as a 
 meafure of fecurity againft foreign invafion ; — to coA- 
 voy and to protect their commerce, to aflure to them 
 the juft reward of their labour, and to proteft it 
 againft foreign interference : — as a defenfive meafure, 
 to equalize the advantages of commerce with foreign 
 nations ; to place prohibitions againft prohibitions, 
 and generally to fecure thofe benefits, to which their 
 iituation, productions and good policy ought jto en- 
 title them. . ' 
 
 To conclude : ■■ .F ellow- Citizens of the United 
 States ! let not " partial views, or local prejudices'^ 
 deter you from a due confideration of the meafures 
 herein recommended : weigh well your commercial 
 and political Iituation with Great-Britain ! Let unity 
 of aftion and defign (the chief charafteriftics of a na- 
 tion) mark your meafures and councils ! Weak — 
 
 timid — ^yielding politics never yet achieved any thing 
 
 pf importance ! It is for you tq fay, whether you 
 
 wiji 
 
 -» Poftlethwaitc. 
 
t 5i 1 
 
 will be a great, independent, enterprifing and com- 
 manding people ;— or a weak — dependent — timid— 
 and degraded one ! Speak the word, infufe your 
 influence into your government ; and thofe ads and 
 meafures will foon be purfued, which yv'iH not only 
 fecure )'0u againft the impending evils, which threat- 
 en you, but will waft to your favoured fliores, pro- 
 grellive wealth, profperity, and power. 
 
 
 Errata. In the 54th line of page 18, and the sad line of page X9> 
 
 read Je/enfitef inftead of defenfory. 
 

 
 H 
 
 
 
 P^ 
 
 
 
 W 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 f^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 en 
 
 w 
 
 
 H 
 
 HH 
 
 
 
 
 
 fo^ 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 ?53 
 
 
 •^ 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 S 
 
 «— I 
 
 
 W 
 
 o 
 
 tv> 
 
 y, 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 >^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 h-< 
 
 Ui 
 
 
 irri 
 
 l. 
 
 
 !z: 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 -J 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 LO 
 
 
 
 W 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t^a 
 
 
 
 c^ 
 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 
 CN 0\ "^ 
 
 o\ o^ -^ 
 
 bi O^ C>i 
 
 M Oi vO 
 
 OS C»J 
 
 M 
 
 4^ 
 
 OJ 
 
 
 
 
 
 O HI 
 
 Ck) 
 
 ^1 
 
 ~~> 
 
 4^ t-^ 
 
 •*>• 
 
 OS 
 
 --» 
 
 4^ oj 
 
 M 
 
 OS 
 
 ^J 
 
 M -U 
 
 , 
 
 , 
 
 1 
 
 so <-^ 
 
 
 
 
 tJ 00 
 
 
 
 
 III Forfifrti 
 
 Trade. 
 
 In C'-alUnfr 
 Trddv. 
 
 In ripping 
 Trade, 
 
 VeJ]'dt 'ivtied in part by 
 Ain'rirain fcf Foreign. 
 
 VeJJ'ih foreign built ■^ 
 civmd by Americatis. 
 
 Vcfl'eh American itiilt, 
 Cloned by Foreigners, 
 
 Great -Britain. 
 
 o' 
 
 3 
 
 France. 
 
 1 
 
 Sjain, 
 
 H 
 o 
 
 3 
 
 Portugal, 
 
 o' 
 
 3 
 
 Italy, 
 
 H 
 
 so so 
 00 w 
 
 United Nether- 
 lands, 
 
 Imperial, 
 
 
 (*o 
 
 w 
 
 o 
 
 M 
 
 so 
 
 OS 
 
 <^K 
 
 so 
 
 VH 
 
 o 
 
 -fc. 
 
 SO 
 
 w 
 
 OJ 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 () 
 
 Oi 
 
 SO 
 
 t>» 
 
 O, 
 
 J^ 
 
 t-l 
 
 <> 
 
 OS 
 
 OO 
 
 '-" 
 
 so 
 
 -J 
 
 M 
 
 Oi 
 
 Hanfe Towns. 
 
 Denmark. 
 
 Sweden, 
 
 PruJJla 
 Rujia. 
 
 
 Co 
 
 (Ji 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 &^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 s 
 
 5 
 
 
 R 
 
 •*. 
 
 Co 
 
 ^ 
 
 "^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 5 
 Q 
 
 -4 
 
 VO 
 
 o 
 
"b 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 .^,^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
c 
 
 '? 
 
 i' 
 

 •■'■•m 
 
 ^ 
 
' - ■ ■■■»'■ 
 
 ,;-:)? 
 
w- 
 
 Library 
 
i)