The New Mexico Campaign in .11862, DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY c & Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Duke University Libraries https://archive.org/details/coloradovoluntee01whit t c Battleflag of the First Colorado Regiment. (From a photograph of tin* Hag, which is now in the War- relic Department of the Head- quarters of the Grand Army of the Republic, Department of Colorado and Wyoming, in the Capitol at Denver.) The rents shown in the upper part of the engraving were made by Confederate grapeshot in the second engagement in La Glorieta Pass, March 28. 1862. Major Jacob Downing, of Denver, stated that the color-bearer was Sergeant William B. Moore, of his company (D). who was promoted Second Lieutenant shortly after the battle. Colorado Volunteers in the Civil War The N ew Mexico Campaign in 1862 BY William Clarke Whitford, D.D. PRESIDENT OF MILTON COLLEGE ILLUSTRATED DENVER THE STATE HISTORICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY I906 PUBLICATIONS OF THE STATE HISTORICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY OP COLORADO Historical Series, I THE ROWERS COLLECTION TC5.T3 V5U w C CONTENTS. Introductory 17 Preliminary Confederate Plans and Operations in the South- west 26 Conditions in Colorado Territory in 1861 36 General Sibley's Movement Up the Rio Grande Valley 56 Advance of the First Colorado Regiment into New Mexico. . . 75 The Fight in the Apache Canon 85 The Decisive Battle 98 Precipitate Retreat of the Confederates from New Mexico. . . . 128- Conclusion . 143 503313 ILLUSTRATIONS. Battleflag of the First Colorado Regiment Frontispiece Albuquerque, View in Old 129 Anthony, Captain Scott !., Portrait of 154 Apache Canon, View of Lower Battlefield in the 95 Apache Canon. View of Upper Battlefield in the 88 Armijo Mill, View of the Site of the, at Albuquerque 131 Armijo Residence in Old Albuquerque, View of 72 Arms Used by the Colorado Volunteers 151 Banner of the Veteran Battalion of the First Colorado Regi- ment 148 Baylor. Lieutenant-Colonel John R., Portrait of 29 Bridge in the Apache Canon, Near View of the 91 Camp Lewis, View of the Site of, at Kozlowski’s Ranch 83 Canby, Colonel Edward R. S., Portrait of 2 7 Cannon, Burial-Place of General Sibley’s, at Albuquerque, View of 137 Cannon, Four of the, Buried by General Sibley at Albuquerque 139 Carson, Colonel Kit, Portrait of 68 Chivington, Major John M., Portrait of 51 Cook, Captain Samuel H., Portrait of 92 Denver City in the Civil War Period, View of 54 Ditch in which Colonel Canby Planted His Artillery at Albu- querque, View of the 133 Dodd, Captain Theodore H., Portrait of 44 Downing, Captain Jacob, Portrait of 109 Ford, Captain James H., Portrait of 43 Fort Bliss, View of 33 Fort Thorn, View of 57 Fort Union, View of 78 Gilpin, Governor William, Portrait of 37 Glorieta, View of Part of the Battlefield of La 104 Glorieta, View of Part of the Battlefield of La 105 ILLUSTRATIONS. 9 Glorieta Locality, View of a Landscape in the 19 Glorieta Pass, View of Western Entrance to, at Johnson’s Ranch 100 Hamilton, Surgeon John F., Portrait of 48 Johnson's Ranch, Main Building and Corral at. View of 121 Kozlowski's Ranch, View Showing Present Condition of. . . . 80 Kozlowski’s Spring, View of 81 Logan, Captain Samuel M., Portrait of 39 Map of Parts of Colorado and New Mexico 113 Map Showing Detour-Route of General Sibley's Retreat. . . . 134 Map of the Fort Craig Locality 61 Map of the Rio Grande Valley x 59 Monument. Soldiers’, at Santa Fe 158 Mountainside, View of Precipitous. Descended by Chiving- ton’s Force at Johnson's Ranch 117 Pigeon’s Ranch, Present Condition of 86 Pecos Mission, View of the Ruined 22 Pecos Pueblo, View of Part of the Ruins of 24 Rangers, One of Sibley’s Texas 73 Standard, Regimental, of the First Colorado Regiment 145 Santa Fe in the Civil War Period, View of 156 Scurry, Lieutenant-Colonel William R., Portrait of 63 Sibley, Brigadier-General Henry H., Portrait of 31 Slough, Colonel John P., Portrait of 46 Tappan, Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel F., Portrait of 76 Teel, Major Trevanion T., Portrait of 65 Tolies. Assistant-Surgeon Lewis C., Portrait of 124 Valverde, View of Part of the Battlefield of 70 Valverde, View of Part of the Battlefield of 71 Whitford, William Clarke, D. D., Portrait of 16 Wynkoop. Captain Edward W., Portrait of 152 503303 PREFACE. BY JEROME C. SMILEY. Our Civil War was the most tremendous struggle for preserva- tion of the national unity of a homogeneous people of which the annals of our race contain any record. Its battle-front was more than two thousand miles long, reaching from the Virginia Coast far into the large Territory of New Mexico, which, until the organiza- tion of Arizona Territory in 1863, extended westward to California. Near the western end of this unparalleled fighting-line one of the highly momentous campaigns in that great national tragedy was closed in victory for the Union early in the second year of the war. The men in whom were the military ability and the very bone and sinew of the Union cause in that campaign, and who bore the burden of hardship and sacrifice in winning the victory which abruptly checked and turned the rising tide of Confederate successes' in the Southwest, were citizen-soldiers of the Territory of Colorado. On the part of the Confederates that campaign meant far more than appears when it is considered merely as a military enterprise — as an ambitious inroad into a section of the national domain out- side the boundaries of the Southern Confederacv. Back of it was a political project of vast magnitude, upon which enthusiastic South- ern leaders had set their hearts. In i860, 1861 and well into 1862 the militant spirit of disunion was not confined to the slave-holding States of our countrv. Dis- ruption of the old Union was boldly advocated among and favored by a large and influential element of the population of California — an element that predominated in number and influence in the south- ern half of that State. Far-northwest Oregon had many earnest and active supporters of secession, who thought their interests demanded an independent government on the Pacific Slope. In the Territory of Utah, which then included the area of the present State of Ne- vada, those of its people of the Mormon persuasion had been embit- tered against the United States Government by reason of their long- ( 10 ) PREFACE. I I continued embroilments with it, and were ready for any change in which immunity from interference in their church-and-domestic affairs was conceded to them. The inhabitants of New Mexico were divided in sentiment, but while probably more than one-half of them at heart were for the Union, those of the western part of the Territory (the present Arizona) were almost unanimously against it; and these, as well as the other sympathizers with the breaking-up policy, were led by men of high standing among them and of ex- treme determination. W hen the Territory of Colorado was organ- ized in 1 86 1, a large majority of its population was in the town of Denver, and in the Clear Creek, the Boulder and the South Park mining districts. Perhaps rather more than two-thirds of the people were loyal to the Union, but among their friends and associates and neighbors were many who were ardent and outspoken for the Southern cause. The first discovery of gold here that was followed by practical results had been made by Georgians in 1858, and a host of Southern men had come into the country in 1859 an< l 60. The first permanent town within the area of the Territory — one of the municipal constituents of the present City of Denver — had been founded in the autumn of 1858 largely under the leadership of Southerners. These Colorado pioneers from the South were, as a rule, men of sterling character and of much personal popularitv. In this backward glance at the political conditions existing in that period in Colorado, New Mexico, Utah, and on the Pacific Coast, we may see the reasons for the exuberant hopes that were sanguinely cherished by some Southern leaders in i86i-'62. Be- cause of these conditions they confidentlv expected to sp.lit off from the Union, in addition to the States which had already seceded and formed the “Confederate States of America", these three Territories and the larger part, if not all, of the Pacific Coast proper. Their anticipations and plans embraced even more than this, for it was their intention to acquire, also, either with money or by force of arms, a large part of northern Mexico, which was to be annexed to the Southern Confederacy. Major Trevanion T. Teel, one of Gen- eral Siblev's verv efficient officers, in a brief account of the objects of the Confederate campaign in New Mexico in 1862 and of the 12 PREFACE. ■causes of its failure, written and published about twenty years ago, said that if it had been successful, “negotiations to secure Chihuahua, Sonora and Lower California, cither by purchase or by conquest, would be opened; the state of affairs in Mexico made it an easy thing to take those States, and the Mexican President would be glad to get rid of them and at the same time improve his exchequer. In addition to all this, General Sib- ley intimated that there was a secret understanding between the Mexican and the Confederate authorities, and that, as soon as our occupation of the said States was assured, a transfer of those States would be made to the Confederacy. Juarez, the President of the Republic (so called), was then in the City of Mexico with a small army under his command, hardly sufficient to keep him in his posi- tion. That date (1862) was the darkest hour in the annals of our sister republic, but it was the brightest of the Confederacy, and General Sibley thought that he would have little difficulty in con- summating the ends so devoutly wished by the Confederate Gov- ernment". But we have not yet reached the limit of Southern purposes in that memorable campaign. Confederate control of the gold-produc- ing regions of the West then known— -Colorado and California — was another great result expected from its successful issue, and which figured largely in the calculations. President Lincoln held these sources of gold supply as being of vital importance to the Union cause, as forming “the life-blood of our financial credit". Jefferson Davis, President of the Southern Confederacy, also com- prehended their value in that time of stress, and hoped to make them an acceptable basis of foreign loans to his government. It is usually unprofitable to speculate about what “might have happened"; yet there can be no reasonable doubt that if the Con- federate army which entered New Mexico at the beginning of 1862 had not been stopped and defeated at La Glorieta, or somewhere else in that vicinity about the same time, our histories of the War for the Union would read differently. In their dreams of the near future some Southern leaders saw their Confederacy extended to the Pacific Coast and embracing more than one-half of the territory of the United States, while in those of others it formed a junction and an alliance with another division of the old Union — with a "“Western Confederacy" having dominion over all that part of our preface. 13 country lying west of the Continental Divide, save in the south an outlet to the Pacific for the Southern people. Had General Sibley succeeded in taking Fort Union, with its large stores of arms, artillery and general military supplies, his further progress before he could have been confronted by an adequate force perhaps would have been over an easy road toward fulfillment of the plans of his government. We are further informed by Major Teel that “Sibley was to utilize the results of Baylor's successes" (see the second chapter of this volume), and that, “with the enlistment of men from New Mexico, California, Arizona and Colorado, form an army which would effect the ultimate aim of the campaign, for there were scattered all over the Western States and Territories Southern men who were anxiously awaiting an opportunity to join the Confederate army; * * * an army of advance would be organized, and ‘On to San Francisco' would be the watchword ; * * With the Pacific Coast in their possession by conquest, or with a free way to it by alliance with a “Western Confederacy”, the world would have been open to the Confederates, since it would have been impossible for the Federal navy effectively to blockade that coast. Furthermore, the oceans could have been made to swarm with Confederate cruisers and privateers preying upon the commerce of the Union. An approach to success in this great scheme, with a prospect of the domain of the United States becom- ing broken into three minor nationalities, probably would have secured recognition of the Southern Confederacy from the English and French governments at once, and perhaps from others in Europe. What, then, might the consequences have been? It was such considerations as those outlined in the foregoing that induced Confederate leaders in i 86 i -’62 to attempt to establish provisionally a military government in western New Mexico, and to send General Sibley forth to carry the war into the Rocky 3 foun- tains. Regarded solely from a military standpoint, the mere con- quest and occupation of New Mexico, and even of Colorado in addi- tion, could have worked no advantage of importance to the Southern Confederacy; but possession of both would have strongly fortified subsequent efforts to consummate the greater purposes. Bearing 14 PREFACE. in mind these comprehensive designs, we shall he better prepared to appreciate the services rendered the Nation by the Colorado Volun- teers in the New Mexico campaign in 1862. In this volume we have the first circumstantially complete history of that campaign yet published, and no doubt the story will be a surprising revelation to many of its readers. As a military achieve- ment the defeat of General Sibley was overshadowed by the greater conflicts of the war, and the bold political project which it caused to vanish into thin air belongs to a part of the history of that period of which but little has yet become commonly known. In a lesser war the hurried march of the Colorado Volunteers to the rescue and their desperate fighting in La Glorieta Pass, with the great issues at stake forming the background of the scene, would have been celebrated long and far in song and story. The author, in the spirit which prompts the Union Veteran to hold out a hand and take off his hat to the Confederate Soldier, but without a thought of sympathy for the “Lost Cause ”, unreservedly recognizes the reso- lution, courage and devotion of the men who constituted Sibley’s army, as well as the bravery and ability of the officers who led them. The victor could add nothing to his credit by disparaging the van- quished, even were he so disposed to do. The first engagement in La Glorieta Pass usually has been known in Colorado as the “Apache Canon Fight”, and the second as the “Battle of Pigeon's Ranch”. The author very properly has treated the two as parts of one encounter, for which he adopted the name, “Battle of La Glorieta”. The second conflict is so called in some of the official records of the Union armies, and is known only by that name in the surviving Confederate records. While names of ranches and also of canons are liable to change with changes of ownership of the land, “La Glorieta”, by which the locality, and the pass as a whole, have been known by the Spanish-Mexican people of New Mexico for more than two hundred years, is likely to re- main attached to both indefinitely into the future. Therefore, it is eminently fitting that the bloody struggles in the pass — the Gettys- burg of the Southwest — should be known by the historic name which that opening through the southern terminal heights of the Sangre de Cristo (“Blood of Christ") Range so long has borne. PREFACE. 15 Fhe confidence expressed by the author at the close of his valuable contribution to the written history of the West, that the time would surely come when some worthy memorial would be raised by the State of Colorado to the Civil War Volunteers of the Territory, is about to be justified. The Fifteenth General Assembly, in its regu- lar session in 1905, provided for the erection in front of the capitol of an appropriate monument to them, and at the time of this writing its foundations have been laid. Dr. Whitford, born in Otsego County, New York, in 1828, was educated for the ministry and ordained in 1856. In 1858 he became the Principal of Milton Academy, a promising young institution of learning at Milton, Wisconsin. Nine years later, through his abil- ity and zeal as an educator, the academy was raised to the dignity of Milton College, and so incorporated by an act of the Wisconsin Legislature. He was elected its first President, and filled the posi- tion continuously until his death in May, 1902. He served as a member of the Wisconsin Legislature of 1868; was State Superin- tendent of Public Instruction for two consecutive terms (iSyS-'Si), and for a number of years was a member of the Board of Regents of the State University of Wisconsin. He was the author of vari- ous studies of the early history of Wisconsin, and made many ex- plorations of prehistoric mounds and other earthworks in that State. Dr. Whitford’ s death occurred before he had had opportunity to obtain from Colorado records some further facts he required for this volume, and when his manuscript was received by our Histori- cal Society it was seen that he had carefully noted the several de- ficiencies. The more important of the lacking data were the names of the killed and of the wounded among the Colorado Volunteers in the New Mexico campaign, and those of their company officers; the remainder having relation to sundry details and to some requested verifications. His notations respecting these matters received faithful attention from the Society. About one-half of the illustrations are from photographs procured by the author in New Mexico, most of which he caused to be made while he was on the ground ; the rest, with a few exceptions, were drawn from the Society’s resources. Denver, June. 1906. William Clarke Whitford. D. D. (From a photograph in the State Historical and Natural History Society’s collection.) ) INTRODUCTORY. In a springtime some years ago I made my first visit into the unique and romantic region of New Mexico, for the purpose of viewing its varied and impressive scenery, and especially of seeing its many places of historical interest. The railway ride on the last day, through the southeastern quarter of Colorado and on to Santa Fe, in the crystalline atmosphere and the brilliant sunshine, was fascinating in a very remarkable degree. The forenoon hours were occupied by the train in crossing an almost treeless expanse of roll- ing plains and low mesas, in full sight of the Spanish peaks to the west — those outlying sentinels of the famous Sangre de Cristo range. In the afternoon it dragged its way southward along the border of the immense plains, which sweep in on the left and then across' the roadway to the base of gray foothills, which at some points are close at hand and at others many miles distant; and its course afforded a complete view on the right of an almost continu- ous series of lofty and snow-covered pinnacles, which gave a ragged edge to the horizon. The train crept between the inferior eminences, composed of Post-tertiary strata of compact sandstone, named Fisher’s peak and Simpson's rest, and capped with huge cube-like masses of dark grayish rock, the remains of a stupendous volcanic overflow that preceded the upheaval of these towering ridges. It then plunged into a winding canon, following the course of a rush- ing creek. As it climbed the heavy grade in the Raton pass, across which runs the boundary line between Colorado and New Mexico, we had hurried, but inspiring, glances into deep gorges on one side, views of the swelling of almost barren heig'hts over and beyond each other on the opposite side into the dark blue sky, and a magnificent backward look, through the narrow canon, to the twin Spanish peaks in the distance, clothed on their slopes with rich purple color, and wearing on their heads, as touched by the sunlight, crowns of bril- liant silvery whiteness. ( 17 ) i8 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. Then the train entered a tunnel at the summit of this mountain range, which projects miles into the plains, and, on emerging from it, descended swiftly to the ordinary level of the high table-land, on which, for a long stretch, were feeding flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, and stopped at least a score of times at small hamlets and old settled towns, which showed a strange mixture of wretched adobe huts and modern wooden structures, and also of various types of Mexican and American inhabitants. The eye rested frequently upon the well-worn old Santa Fe trail, which runs here, as back in the Arkansas valley, parallel to the railroad, and on which were slowly drawn along, each by two or three double teams, a few lum- bering, canvas-top freight wagons, loaded with supplies for some mining camps or for live-stock ranches. They were the relics of the caravans of pack horses and “prairie schooners” that had traveled hitherward from the Missouri river almost from the beginning of the nineteenth century. Skirting' around the lower terminus of the imperial Rockies, whose bold heads, lifted into the clouds, line northward almost three thousand miles, the train approached, just before the darkening shadows of evening were falling upon the weird but splendid landscape, a narrow, transverse opening between the mountains, which forms at the west a side valley of the upper Pecos river. This is known as La Glorieta pass ; though often des- ignated as the Apache canon, from a powerful tribe of roving In- dians who terrorized this region and the country to the southwest for centuries. Just at this point, as the engine was laboriously drawing the train in a northwesterly direction toward the summit of this thorough- fare, a gentleman on board, inviting a group of passengers to stand around him on the front platform of a coach, said to them with much earnestness : “Right in here were some battles of the Civil War.” “Between whom?” one of the party inquired. “Confed- erate and Union soldiers,” was his answer. “Whereabouts in here?” another asked. “At several places in this pass,” he re- sponded; “but the severest one was down among those trees along the arroyo, and on these slopes you see, and near that large adobe building yonder.” “This is surprising; we never heard of these INTRODUCTORY. 19 engagement 8 before," several remarked. “Very likely," he con- tinued; “for I think that not one person in ten thousand in the states east of us knows to-day anything about them or of the cam- paign in which they were fought.” “Is there any account of them in our school histories or in the popular magazines?" he was ques- tioned. “Probably not," he replied; “hut you can accept my state- ment as true, for I fired at the invaders myself for hours with my Colorado company, in the woods down here, and from behind those A Landscape in the Glorieta Locality. (From one of the author’s photographs.) rocks on the ridge over there. I was never in so hot a contest be- fore or afterward in the Civil War.” The conversation was inter- rupted by the train reaching the station at the small hamlet of Glorieta, and by our Colorado train-acquaintance leaving us there. Later we learned that during this conflict the camp of the Northern army was about six miles back in the Pecos valley, and that that of the Southern was at the western end of the pass. In the deep depression from one place to the other the maneuvers of both armies, as well as their encounters, in this mountain region, were confined almost entirelv. 20 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. A superficial examination of the history of the events just men- tioned brought to light, in main part, the causes of the ignorance above alleg'ed. At the time they occurred, early in the spring of 1862, they failed to attract the notice of the American people. The means of communication from the Southwest to news centers in the East were slow and imperfect, the nearest telegraph line — one of a single wire — being at Denver City. This expedition of these loyal troops was largely independent of other operations of the Union armies. Public attention then was intensely fixed upon the gigantic preparations of the forces under General McClellan for the Penin- sular campaign in Virginia. Three weeks before, the Monitor had disabled the Merrimac in Hampton Roads. Fort Donelson had already been taken, and the fierce struggle at Shiloh happened a week and a half later. New Orleans surrendered to Farragut less than a month afterward. Furthermore, the number of soldiers on both sides engaged here was insignificant in comparison with the tens and hundreds of thousands who were then fighting on eastern battlefields. But their heroism, their powers of endurance and the unprecedented scope of their achievements have challenged the high- est admiration of all acquainted with their deeds. The Confederate troops marched a distance approaching one thousand miles over a wide stretch of arid country in Texas, beside over three hundred and fifty miles outside of their state, up the Rio Grande valley, with its scant population, to reach this pass; and Federal troops, over three hundred miles, along the eastern base of the Rocky mountains, still in the grasp of winter, with its terrific storms. Yet the imme- diate and permanent results of the victory gained here were among the most conspicuous and valuable to the Union that were won dur- ing the war. Here was utterly defeated, in a very brief time, the bold and comprehensive scheme of the Southern Confederacy to acquire, by invasion and force of arms, the possession and control of all this southwestern mountainous country, including its forts, passes and towns, and to extend this possession northward to Den- ver, Colorado, and thence westward to Salt Lake City, Utah. But another purpose in this great scheme was to open, through New Mexico (which then embraced the present Arizona, also), access to INTRODUCTORY. 21 California — to secure “a pathway to the Pacific Coast,” the harbors of which could not then be easily blockaded by the Federal navy. They desired thus to attach to their domain all this vast region, and to secure thereby the adherence and support of its Indian tribes, Mexicans, and of thousands of active sympathizers who had either emigrated from the South or were reared elsewhere and approved of the extension of negro slavery. In case of their final separation from the Northern states, their government, the Confederacy, would bar the latter from any further growth westward, and ultimately assume the charge of the Asiatic commerce of this continent. How- ever impracticable or idealistic such a project may now appear, there is ample evidence that it was then seriously entertained and its realization confidently expected by them. In fact, it was the cause of their loss of immense treasure and the death of many heroic, but misguided, soldiers of their army. Had their failure been postponed for some months, and had they gained supremacy also over a score of other natural fortresses in the mountains, and enlisted, as they wished, their allies in defense of these, it would have required a vast Union army to dislodge them, and years of struggle to regain the allegiance of the inhabitants. The disastrous result of this episode of the Civil War to the South adds another most interesting chapter to the history of the upper Pecos valley and of La Glorieta pass. The route through both these, and the less important one through the former and into the San Cristobal canon, immediately to the southwest, have been to the development of New Mexico and adjacent territory what the celebrated Brenner pass in the Alps has been to that of central- southern Europe since ancient times. For hundred of years before and since this continent became known to the civilized world here was the chief passageway of the nomads and village aborigines of this region through these immense mountain ranges, and here has been the scene of repeated and murderous attacks among them. The earliest Spanish explorers, beginning back in the first half of the sixteenth century, traveled through here on their visits to friendly tribes and on their journeys into the great western plains. Mexican families in the vallev of the Rio Grande found here a con- COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. venient exit for themselves to the opposite side of these lofty and crowded peaks, when they settled there to the northward in such towns as Las Vegas, Raton, Trinidad and La Junta. The Santa Fe trail ran through here, and previous to the time in which the railroad took its place long trains of heavy wagons could be seen tra- versing its steep inclines. In 1841, and two years af- terward, hostile or plundering expe- ditions from Tex- as, then an inde- pendent republic, became associated with this pass in their prospective raids on the town of Santa Fe. Gen- eral Manuel Ar- mijo, who had been governor of New Mexico for several terms, stationed in its extreme western part his native troops of about 4,000, occupying an advantageous position, which he fortified by some earthworks and fallen trees, for the purpose of intercepting and “annihilating" General Stephen W. Kearny and his United States forces, on their way in 1846 to take possession of the province, then a part of the territory of the Republic of Mexico. Armijo's project was ingloriously aban- doned, and the invading army marched through unmolested and on to Santa Fe, which capitulated without any bloodshed. Subse- quentlv, in the same vear. Colonel Sterling Price, with his famous Missouri regiment, followed the same route when he suppressed an insurrection of sr me of the inhabitants of the province. Colonel A. INTRODUCTORY. 23 \\ . Doniphan, in 1847, led his command through these gorges on his expedition to capture Chihuahua, in northern Mexico. The name, “Glorieta,” was bestowed upon this locality by the Spanish settlers of New Mexico at an early day. It was suggested by dense and beautiful growths of cottonwood and pine trees then on the land that long afterward became Pigeon's ranch, and also along the arroyo and up the slopes. Later it was given to the round-top eminence — Glorieta mountain — seen to the west soon after one enters the pass from the opposite direction : then to the pass itself, and to the canon at its eastern opening, and to the local station (elevation, 7,587 feet) of the Santa Fe Railway when that road was built. Since then it has been assigned to this entire sec- tion in praise of its picturesque scenery, genial climate and interest- ing- traditions. The pass at each extremity is very narrow, but in the middle nearly a quarter of a mile wide. On both flanks it is shut in by irregular crests, which rise above its bottom generally from one to two thousand feet. Its abrupt sides are thinly covered with cedar bushes and stunted oaks and pines. In its eastern half, particularly along the arroyo, are now growing only a few large cottonwoods, and close to them some yellow pines — the remnants of the Glorieta forest, which adorned the locality as late as forty years ago. When copious rains occur in this region two streams have their origin in the watershed at the summit, near the middle of the pass, one taking a southeasterly course by Pigeon’s ranch, and emptying at last into the Pecos river, and the other a southwesterlv course, becoming- a head of the Galisteo, a small branch of the Rio Grande. About three miles below Canoncito, at the farthest end of the pass, the second stream has worn a deep, very narrow and tortuous chan- nel through the solid rock, which the Santa Fe Railway Company has designated also Apache canon. The trains run through this defile at the end of a long and rapid descent. About nine miles to the east, in a parklike and undulating valley, close to the old Santa Fe trail, and in sight of this railroad, a mile and a half to the south, are the gray ruins of a famous ancient village of Pueblo Indians, called the Pecos Pueblo, and near them the red- 24 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. dish ones of a Catholic mission, commonly known as the “Pecos Church.” They are situated not far from the center of an apparent amphitheatre, seven miles in width and twelve in length, and sur- rounded, on the one hand, by tree-covered mesas, whose level tops are two thousand feet above their base, and on the other by moun- tains, which rise four thousand feet above their lowest foothills and present timbered slopes and craggy summits. A visit to the site of this ruined old pueblo would reveal more clearly to the reader that it lies in one of the most romantic and delightful retreats, in a region where the plains and the snowy elevations, crowded together, vie with each other for the mastery. The former have pushed them- selves, like an entering' wedge, some distance in among the latter. Here are seen the demolished walls of per- haps the largest aboriginal stone dwelling ever erected within the United States, and not inferior in size and capacity for sheltering human beings to the greatest of the old Aztec structures in Mexico and Central Amer- ica. The vis- itor still may enter the dilapidated mission edifices, which are said to have been the most capacious and substantial ever dedicated by the early Franciscan friars to the introduction of Christianity among the Pueblo tribes in the Southwest. These buildings were located on View of Part of the Ruins of the Great Pecos Pueblo. (From one of the author’s photographs.) INTRODUCTORY. 25 the highest portion of a ridge of ground running over a third of a mile from the south to the north, shaped like an irregular and elongated flint spearhead, spread over at most places with a thin layer of sandy and micaceous soil, underlaid by compact, brownish- gray limerock of the new red sandstone formation, and rising almost a hundred feet above the beds of two streams, often dry, one a few rods distant to the west and the other to the east. The camp of the Union soldiers who won the victory of La Glo- rieta was near the site of these destroyed buildings of a bygone era. When I first visited the locality I was deeply impressed by what I saw and heard. Now, having well in mind the stirring, but little- known. events of the Civil War which are identified with it, I re- solved to return and go more carefully over the places where the fighting occurred, and to prepare for publication, as faithfully as I could do so. an account of that campaign. Upon subsequent visits I was accompanied in my excursions by some men who were eye- witnesses of the principal military operations here, and by others who had been for many vears verv familiar with active participants in them. PRELIMINARY CONFEDERATE PLANS AND OPERA- TIONS IN THE SOUTHWEST. For a year or so before South Carolina seceded. Mr. John B. Floyd, secretary of war in President Buchanan's cabinet, caused to be sent to various army posts in the South and the Southwest vast quantities of military supplies in great variety, and of this prepara- tory distribution of the materials of war New Mexico received a large share, designed chiefly for the use of soldiers of the South when the contemplated Confederacy should attempt to establish its authority over the Southwest and into the country that soon after- ward became the territory of Colorado. He also caused to be moved into New Mexico an unusually large number of soldiers of the regular army, under the command, to a great extent, of officers from the Southern states. It was expected that these officers would influence the people of that territory to favor and aid materially the secession movement, and that when the proper time had arrived they would resign their positions and accept commissions in the Southern army. It was also the intention that they should persuade the soldiers of their commands to abandon their flag and enlist under that of the new government. At the time the Southern states began to secede, the people of that part of New Mexico now the territory of Arizona were known to be almost unanimous in their support of the movement. In a con- vention held at Tucson in 1861 they formally annexed their part of the country to the Confederacy, and elected a delegate to its con- gress. The mass of the people of the territory, a large majority of whom lived in the Rio Grande valley, evidently were rather apa- thetic in their attachment to the Union, and some of their former territorial officers were bitterly antagonistic. California had a strong element which sustained the Southern cause. Colorado had. as reported, as many as 7,500 inhabitants — about one-third of the population — who were openly or secretly disloyal to the national government. The assertion was made that “the Mormons in Utah, (2G) c Colonel Edward R. S. Canby, Commander of the Union Forces in New Mexico in 1861-62. (From a wood engraving, from an after-the-war photograph, in “Battles and Leaders of the Civil War.” The Century Company, 1887.) 28 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. if a chance were given them, would heartily join the enemies of the Northern states.” Several powerful and warlike tribes of Indians in the West, and others in the Southwest, could be incited to fiercer hostility against the troops employed to keep them in subjection. A series of bold achievements on battlefields and in marches in these territories by Southern troops, with the expulsion of the Federal dragoons and infantry from these rugged mountains and wide- spreading plains, undoubtedly would unite and strengthen this mixed and scattered population in contesting any further settlement and jurisdiction of the North within their bounds. The ordinance of secession adopted by Texas on February 1, 1 86 1, went into effect on March 2 ( 1 , and the state began at once to recruit and organize troops to occupy the Federal forts within its own limits, and also those in New Mexico. Those in the former were totally abandoned in the spring and summer of that year by the United States forces. On the 22cl of March Colonel William W. Loring, a native of North Carolina, an Indian fighter in Florida and Oregon, and a veteran of the Mexican War, was assigned the command of the United States troops in New Mexico, with headquarters at Santa Fe. He resigned his position about three months afterward, and joined the Texan leaders, whose plans to invade the territory he had already encouraged. In the meantime the war department at Washington had learned of this movement, and it soon instructed Colonel Edward R. S. Canby, of the Nineteenth regiment United States Infantry, who had assumed the command thus relinquished, to make vigorous preparations to resist any such movement. Colonel Canby was born in Kentucky in 1819; early removed with his parents to Indiana; graduated at West Point in 1839; served as a lieutenant in the Seminole War from 1839 to 1842; brevetted for gallantry in five battles in the Mexican War; became major in the regular infantry in 1855, and colonel in 1861. At the close of the Civil War he was brevetted brigadier-general in the regular army “for gallant and meritorious services at the battle of Valverde, New Mexico;” and on April 11, 1873, while commanding the Division of the Pacific, PRELIMINARY CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS. 29 was treacherously killed by the Modoc Indians when holding a con- ference with them near the “lava beds" in Oregon. Early in July, 1861, several companies of artillery and mounted rifles from Texas, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Bay- lor. entered New Mexico by the way of El Paso. In the course of Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Baylor, Commander of the first Confederate troops that in- vaded New Mexico. (From a war-time photograph in the State Historical and Natural History Society’s collection.) a month the military posts in the lower part of the Rio Grande val- ley in New Mexico, except Fort Craig, garrisoned by United State troops, were evacuated, and so fell into the hands of these invaders. By the close of September the latter had defeated small detachments of the former in four skirmishes in this valley. These were at Mesilla and Comada Alamosa, and near Forts Thorn and Craig. 30 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. along the Rio Grande and chiefly on its west side. In the first two the contest was the more serious. Immediately after that at Mesilla Major Tsaac Lynde, of the Federal army and in charge of Fort Fillmore, situated eight miles directly south of Las Cruces, after basely abandoning his post and fleeing to San Augustine Springs, twenty-five miles distant in the Organ mountains, surrendered on July 27th, probably through cowardice, without firing a shot, and against the protests of his officers, his entire command of at least 500 men, well armed, accustomed as regulars to stern warfare and “eager for the fray," to Colonel Baylor, with a detachment of less than 300 troops. This disaster opened southern New Mexico to the invaders, and compelled Colonel Canby to gather all his forces in this region at Fort Craig; and, after enlarging and strengthening it very materially, he made it the initial point of his offensive and defensive operations during the remainder of the campaign. Lieutenant-Colonel Baylor issued, August 1st, a proclamation to the people of the lower half of the territory. In it he stated that he took possession of this entire region “in the name and hehalf of the Confederate States of America;" that he designated Mesilla as its seat of government, and that in organizing it temporarily he appointed all of its civil officers. Subsequently he announced that his jurisdiction also included practically the whole upper half of the territory of New Mexico. In modification as well as in support of this act Jefferson Davis, the president of the Southern Confederacy, issued, February 14, 1862, his proclamation, which had been authorized by the Confed- erate congress on the 21st of January preceding, declaring the New Mexico country to be organized as the “territory of Arizona,” its civil and military officers to be appointed by him. Among those designated by President Davis was Lieutenant-Colonel Baylor, who was named as the military governor of the territory and also as the commander of the Confederate army operating in it. Thereupon, as the executive, Colonel Baylor sent forth, March 1, 1862, another proclamation, reaffirming many terms of the first, and designating the upper boundary of the Confederate “territory of Arizona" at the thirty-fourth parallel of north latitude, which gave it less than Brigadier-General Henry H. Sibley, Commander of the Confederate Forces in New Mexico in 1862. (From a wood engraving, from a war-time photograph, in “Battles and Leaders of the Civil War.” The Century Company, 1887.) COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. 32 half of the entire area of New Mexico. Our story has little further to do with the Confederate “territory of Arizona” and with the energetic Colonel Baylor as its “military governor.” Both con- tinued to figure for a few months longer, and then went out with the collapse of the Confederate cause in the Southwest. Among the officers of the United States army stationed in that section at the outbreak of the Civil War was another very able and influential man, Major Henry H. Sibley, who resigned his com- mission on May 13, 1861, and entered at once the service of the Confederacy. He was a Louisianian and a gradute at West Point; became a lieutenant in the operations against the Seminole Indians in Florida, and a captain of dragoons while engaged in the military occupation of Texas, and was promoted major for gallantry in the principal battles under General Winfield Scott in the Mexican War. He served in Kansas during the “tree-soil” troubles, was sent twice to Utah with troops to quell Mormon disturbances, resisted the raids of the Navajo Indians in New Mexico, and superintended the construction of Fort Union, with its arsenal and storage build- ings, the most complete in the territory. He wrote on June 12 , 1861, from El Paso, Texas, to Colonel Loring at Santa Fe, assur- ing him that safe transportation could be secured from that place to New Orleans, but entreated him to delay his departure from New Mexico “a week or two,” so as to prevent any of the troops still under his charge from capturing or destroying in that time “the full supplies of subsistence and ammunition” stored at El Paso for the use of Texas cavalry on their way, doubtless, from San Antonio. He regretted that he did not bring with him “the rank and file” of his entire command. But he and other disaffected offi- cers soon learned that nearly all of the private soldiers of the Fed- eral troops in New Mexico had resolved to remain firmly loyal to the Union. On the 8th of July following, Sibley, as a brigadier-general, was charged at Richmond, Virginia, with the “duty of driving the Federal troops” from New Mexico, and of securing therein “all the arms, supplies and materials of war.” This honor was conferred because of his recent service in the Rio Grande valley and to the PRELIMINARY CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 33 west of it, and of his “knowledge of that country and its people." He was instructed to proceed without delay to Texas, for the pur- pose of raising, as speedily as possible, a brigade to accomplish these objects, and, if successful, also of organizing in northern New Mex- ico a military government. Not until December 14th of that year was he prepared to assume in person at Fort Bliss, a large and well-built fort, then on the Rio Grande at El Paso, and within the state of Texas, the command of Fort Bliss. (From a wood engraving in “El Gringo; or, New Mexico and Her People,” by W. W. H. Davis, 1857.) the forces he had enlisted, and then designated as “the Army of New Mexico,” but afterward usually called “Sibley’s Brigade." These consisted, when united, of three regiments of mounted in- fantry, five companies under the charge of Lieutenant-Colonel Bay- lor, two batteries and three independent companies — a total of nearly 3.500 men. No volunteers more hardy, courageous and efficient ever entered the service of the Confederacy. On the 20th of this December General Sibley addressed a proclamation to the people of New Mexico, stating that, “by geographical position, by similaritv of institutions, by commercial interests, and bv future destinies," the territory “pertains” to the South. In it he appealed, “in the name of former friendship," to his “old comrades in arms” 3 34 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. still in the ranks of the Union's defenders, to renounce allegiance to “the usurpers of their government and liberties,’’ and to aid in enforcing permanently the authority he represented. He further asserted : ‘‘I am empowered to receive you into the service of the Confederate states — the officers upon their commissions, the men upon their enlistments.” He declared that, by virtue of the power vested in him, he abrogated the “laws of the United States levying taxes upon the people,” whose co-operation he solicited. W hile this movement was in progress Colonel Canby, in whose hands were placed all of the Federal military affairs in New Mexico, made strenuous efforts during the summer and fall to counteract it within the sphere of his command. He enlarged and strengthened greatly the defensive works at Fort Craig, situated at a sharp bend in the Rio Grande ; he reenforced its garrison with regular and vol- unteer troops, and he supplied it with the needed army stores. He sought to protect adequately the government depot at Albuquerque. The barracks at Santa Fe received other companies of soldiers. He gave attention to guarding more securely fortified posts somewhat beyond the upper border of the territory. Fort Union was selected as the most effective center for resisting attacks in its northern portion. As was the case with most of the military posts on the western frontier. Fort Union had been located and built with a view of affording- protection against attack by Indians, but not against that of a trained army of white men. Therefore, Colonel Canby ordered constructed near the old post a strong and extensive earthwork fortification, with well-protected storage facilities, into which the munitions of war and the more valuable of the other property were removed. He also provided the post with an in- creased force, and directed its officers to be on their guard against surprise by a Confederate force which he anticipated might enter New Mexico from Texas by way of either the Pecos or the Canadian river, to cooperate with General Sibley. Beside the great store of army supplies at the post for the use of the United States troops, valued at about $275,000 in Eastern prices, and which had been wagoned across the plains at heavy expense, Fort Union was, in the PRELIMINARY CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS. 35 ( colonel's opinion, the military kev to the whole situation, and there- fore must be held at all hazards. In 1 86 1 tlie militia of Xew Mexico, practically unorganized, con- sisted of about i.ooo men, but the loyal people of the territory promptly undertook the enlistment and organization of several regiments — the First, Second, Third, Fourth and Fifth New Mexico Volunteers — the officers of which largely were native New Mexi- cans, most of them being men of ability and dauntless courage. By the close of that year the ranks of two of these regiments were nearly complete as to number of men, those of the others being only partly filled. But, to the great mortification of their officers, the majority of these troops later proved unreliable in the presence of the enemy in an engagement. Toward the end of the year Colonel Canbv requested the governor of the territory of Colorado to send him some reenforcements, and in December two companies of Colorado volunteer infantry set out upon their march to his assistance. CONDITIONS IN COLORADO TERRITORY IN 1861. The political conditions in Colorado at the outbreak of our Civil War were comparable, in many respects, to those existing- at the same time in the states of Kentucky and Missouri. As in those states, a large number, though not a majority, of the people were in sympathy with the movement for a dissolution of the Union. The initial development of the gold diggings of the territory, some three years before, was the work of men from the South, and mean- while the prospects for speedily acquiring modest fortunes from its mountains and gulches had attracted thither several thousands of other men from that section of our country. Among these were many who became leading spirits in the mining camps and in the primitive towns. But there, as elsewhere all over the North, dur- ing the memorable winter of 1860-61, the more conservative of the people had hoped that the nation would not be plunged into the horrors of civil war — that some means of peaceful settlement of the difficulties would yet be found. The admission of Kansas as a state, in January, 1861, with its present boundaries, left for several months the western part of the former territory of Kansas, which had extended to the Continental divide and embraced the Pike's Peak gold region, without any form of organized lawful govern- ment— a “No Man's Land.’’ The territory of Colorado was created by an act of congress, which became a law on February 28, 1861. Fortunately, the first governor of the new territory, Major William Gilpin, was a man of foresight and energy, and of marked intelligence, courage and patriotism. Pie was born on the battlefield of Brandywine, in south- eastern Pennsylvania, October 4, 1813, and had ancestors who dis- tinguished themselves in England under Cromwell, and others who did likewise under Washington in our War of the Revolution. He was graduated by the University of Pennsylvania and also by the United States Military Academy at West Point. He saw hard serv- ( 36 ) William Gilpin, First Governor of Colorado Territory. (From an after-the-war small steel engraving in the State Historical and Natural History Society’s collection.) COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. 38 ice in fighting Indians in Florida and in the Far West, and joined Colonel Doniphan's expedition into Mexico in 1847. serving as a major in a Missouri regiment. Before and after this service with Doniphan he made exploring tours, at least two score times, across the Rocky mountains at various points and through the country west to the Pacific Coast. He represented the earliest settlers in the Willamette valley in Oregon before congress, urging its mem- bers to provide a territorial government for them, and became the founder of the city of Portland in the mouth of this vallev, near the Columbia river. Few public men, if any, ever appreciated more highly the importance to the United States of the vast region he so often traversed. To the executive office he held at the outbreak of our Civil War President Lincoln appointed him on March 22, 1861. He served as governor of the territory of Colorado until May, 1862, when he was removed in consequence of circumstances which are briefly recounted 011 a following page. He remained a citizen of the territory and of its successor state until his lamented death, which occurred in the night of January 19, 1894, at his residence in the city of Denver. Governor Gilpin arrived in Denver City, the capital of the new territory, on May 29, 1861, and proceeded at once to organize its government, the first lawful one which the people of the country may be said to have had. On assuming the duties of his position he found among the inhabitants what he characterized as “a strong and malignant secession element,” which had been “ably and secretly organized from November" of the previous year. Later he wrote that “extreme and extraordinary measures” were required “to meet and control its onslaught." Up to the winter of 1860-61 the formal military strength of the Pike's Peak country had not been awe-inspiring. At the beginning of 1861 it consisted of two Denver City militia companies, which had been organized under an “act” of the “legislature" of “Jeffer- son territory” authorizing a military establishment for “Governor” Steele. One of these was the Auraria (West Denver) “Jefferson Rangers,” commanded by Captain H. H. C. Harrison, and the CONDITIONS IN COLORADO IN 1 86 1. 39 other the “Denver Guards,” under the command of \Y. P. McClure, the postmaster, and an ardent and outspoken adherent to the South- ern cause. But these had disbanded early in the spring- of 1861, soon after the news of the creation of the territory of Colorado by congress had been received at Denver City. On April 24th an emblem of the new government that had arisen in the Southern states was run up over the general merchandise store of Wallingford & Murphy, on the principal business street in Den- ver City. Within a few minutes the vicinity was crowded by excited and angry men, who declared that the flag of disunion should not float in the town. There were others who thought it should and would, and a riot seemed near at hand. But the Union men outnumbered the others and demanded the flag’s quick re- moval. Without standing upon cere- mony, Samuel M. Logan, who soon afterward became a captain in the First regiment of Colorado Volun- teers, got on top of the building, and hauled the flag down before it had fluttered long enough to smooth out its creases and wrinkles, and never captain samuei m. Logan, ^ (From a war-time photograph in the again was a Lonieclerate nag Hung State Historical and Natural His- i 1 . _ „ tory Society’s collection.) to the breeze in Denver City. So it was that when Governor Gilpin went to Colorado to inaugu- rate civil government in the territory, he found its loyal people in a trying situation, one calling for prompt and decisive action by courageous and steadfast men. They were isolated by six hundred miles of rolling plains that lay between them and the borderland of the settled parts of the country to the east; menaced by Southern influences, which were conspiring and plotting to drag the territory and all the Southwest into the domain of the Confederacy; and 40 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. surrounded by hordes of Indians, to whose nostrils the scent of civil war among the people whom they regarded as their worst enemies was as a sweet incense. The United States marshal of Colorado, appointed with Gilpin, made in the summer of 1861, as required by the law creating the territory, a census of its population, exclusive of Indians, which was completed by September. According to this enumeration, which was thought to be very close, there were 18.136 white males over 21 years of age, 2,622 under 21 years, 4,484 women, and 89 negroes, a total of 25,331. The evident need of immediate action to save Colorado, to the Union, as well as the necessity of extending help to New Mexico in resisting attack from Texas, constrained Governor Gilpin to pro- ceed soon after his arrival to the organization of troops for the de- fense of the two territories. Grave hindrances other than those due to Confederate sympathizers were encountered by him. Proper equipment and general supplies for soldiers were exceedingly scarce in his territory, and the “sinews of war” were almost entirely lack- ing. The territorial government started with a weak treasury, and among its meager contents there was next to nothing with which to provide for troops in a campaign. Absorbed in his devotion to the Union, and appreciating the gravity of the situation, he gave his government more of the character of a military than of a civil establishment, and drove ahead in doing what he thought should and must be done. One of his early precautionary measures was to send agents forth among the people to buy guns of any sort, wherever they could be found, paying - , or promising to pay, high prices for them. As most of the men in the country had either a rifle or a heavy shot gun, a comparatively large number of such arms was soon collected, but as scarcely any two were alike they were poorly adapted for use by organized troops. However, his purpose partly was to “head off” the “malignant secession element” from obtaining arms of any kind, and partly to have a supply of such weapons in case an emer- gency arose in which better ones were not at hand. CONDITIONS IN COLORADO IN 1 86 1. 41 In this enterprise the governor soon had very active competition. The Confederate sympathizers in Denver City and its vicinity, while they had been outwardly more quiet since the flag episode of the preceding April, were by no means idle. Their leaders were resolute men, who believed firmly in the righteousness of their cause. Having been advised of the preparations for and avowed purpose of the Confederate movement into New Mexico — that of detaching the Southwest from the Union and of making Colorado a subse- quent objective — they had begun organizing, or trying to as best they could without making their movements unduly conspicuous, a force to co-operate with the expected invasion from the South. They found it easier to enroll themselves than to procure materials of war. Equipping a military force in a community in which the plotters are in minority is a difficult thing to do. These men could not bring in arms and munitions from outside in any considerable number or quantity, for there were no available sources from which to draw them, and if there had been, the chances were that any such shipments would be discovered and seized by the vigilant Union men. But when Governor Gilpin began buying miscellaneous arms they threw off restraint, and entered the field for the purchase of rifles and shot guns wherever they could obtain them, together with ammunition to make the weapons effective. They went even so far as to post printed notices in the mining camps and elsewhere in the vicinity of Denver City, in which they named places where good prices would be paid for guns, powder, and so forth, mentioning an especial desire for a supply of percussion caps. It was asserted that they had also planned to raid the bank and minting establishment of Clark, Gruber & Company, as well as the larger mercantile houses, in Denver City, for the purpose of capturing gold, which they intended to contribute to the Confederate war fund. Whatever else may be thought or said of them, they certainly were a deter- mined and fearless group of men. They succeeded in sending out a few small detachments or squads of marauders to intercept supply trains from the Missouri river, but these accomplished nothing of noteworthy importance. 42 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. Earlv in the autumn the Southern men who were determined at once to take up arms in behalf of the Confederate cause began to leave Colorado quietly and unostentatiously as individuals, and not as an organized military body marching forth with the pomp and circumstance of war. A large number of them thus departed and entered the Confederate armies, and served in them throughout the struggle. They had the courage of their convictions. Yet it was believed by some Union men that among those who remained longer there existed two full companies, secretly organized, that awaited the time and opportunity to act as auxiliaries to the Con- federate invasion of the Southwest. A tragic story was told in Denver City the next year of the fate of a few men who left the territory in 1861 and joined the Southern forces, and started to return some months later. This small party, of which W. P. McClure, heretofore mentioned, was a member, went to the army of General Sterling Price. They persuaded Gen- eral Price that they could easily raise a Confederate regiment in Colorado. Therefore, commissions were obtained for enough of them, including McClure, to make a full complement of regimental officers ; and they, with a few others, who expected to become com- pany officers, set out across the plains for Colorado early in 1862, to recruit the regiment. The Federal authorities heard of the move- ment, and sent a mounted detachment of enlisted Osage Indian scouts to capture or destroy the band of newly-fledged Confederate officers. According to the story, the party was intercepted on the southeastern plains, and in the fight that ensued its every man was killed, and the Indian scouts, to show that orders had been obeyed to the very letter, cut off the heads of all and carried these back with them as evidence. O11 October 26, 1861, Governor Gilpin stated that “the core of the Rebellion” in Colorado “has at present withdrawn, to gather strength,” particularly in Texas and from the Indian tribes in the Indian territory, with the view of returning to overwhelm opposi- tion to itself among the loyal citizens. But those who formed the “core” did not return. CONDITIONS IN COLORADO IN 1 86 1 . 43 The two companies of Colorado volunteers sent to the assistance of Colonel Canbv in New Me.Nico, in response to his appeal made toward the close of the year i86t. as mentioned on a preceding page, were the first organizations to leave Colorado for service in the war for the Union. They were familiar}- known in the terri- tory at that time as “Captain ‘Jim’ Ford's Independent Company' and “Captain Dodd's Independent Company," both of which were recruited in and around Canon City, which became their rendez- vous. On August 29, 1861, Governor Gilpin authorized James H. Ford to raise a company of infantry, of which he appointed him captain. This was the be- ginning of the Second regiment of Colorado Volunteers, the later organization of which the gover- nor then had in mind. The next day he appointed Alexander \Y. Robb first lieutenant and Cyrus H. DeForrest, Jr., second lieu- tenant of the company. On August 30th Theodore FT. Dodd was appointed first lieutenant of another company, and soon after- ward began at Canon City to en- list men for it. Recruiting for these organizations proceeded through the autumn of 1861, and hv December the ranks of both were filled. Dodd's company left Canon City December 7th, and marched to Fort Garland, in the San Luis valley, Colorado, by way of the Sangre de Cristo pass, a distance of no miles, and at that fort, on December 14th. was mustered into the United States service for three years, with Dodd as its captain. One entry in the military records of that period mentions it as an “independent company of foot Volunteers," but in another it is provisionallv designated as Company A of the Second Colorado Infantry. On December 27th Joseph C. W. Hall became second lieutenant; the records, so far as Captain James H. Ford. (From a war-time photograph in the State Historical and Natural His- tory Society’s collection.) 44 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. there are any on file in the Colorado capitol, being silent as to the first lieutenant. Ford’s company set out from Canon City on December 12th for Fort Garland, where it arrived on the 21st, and was mustered in for three years’ service on the 24th of that month, provisionally as Company B, Second Colorado Infantry, its officers being those com- missioned by Governor Gilpin near the close of the previous August. Captain Dodd’s “foot Volun- ters” were hurried to Santa Fe, and after a few days in camp there put out, with other troops, on the long march down the Rio Grande valley to Fort Craig, where they joined Colonel Can- by’s forces in time to participate in the hot battle of Valverde, on February 21, 1862, in which they accpiitted themselves gallantly. Captain Ford’s company re- mained at Fort Garland until February 4, 1862, when it started for Santa Fe, where it arrived on March 4th, having to break a roadway through deep snow a great part of the distance. On March 5th it left Santa Fe for Fort Union, to strengthen the small garrison at that post, where it ar- rived on March nth. In September and the fore part of October, 1861, two companies of home guards were organized in Denver City for six months’ service, and were designated No. 1 and No. 2. Of Company 1 Joseph Ziegelmuller was appointed captain; Jacob Garres, first lieu- tenant, and William Wise, second lieutenant, by Governor Gilpin, late in August. Of Company 2 the governor, about the middle of September, appointed James W. Iddings, captain; John A. Latta, first lieutenant, and Adamson T. Dayton, second lieutenant. These organizations performed duty in Denver City and at Camp Weld. Captain Theodore H. Dodd. (From a war-time photograph in the State Historical and Natural His- tory Society’s Collection.) CONDITIONS IN COLORADO IN l86l. 45 They were recognized by the war department, duly paid for their services, and mustered out in the spring of 1862. But the great military undertaking of Governor Gilpin and the loyal people of the territory, in the summer and autumn of 1861, was that of enlisting and getting into shape the very stalwart body of men known as the First regiment of Colorado Volunteer In- fantry, an organization which finally arrested and hopelessly crushed, almost entirely by its own valor and strategy, the Con- federate campaign in New Mexico. Early in the summer offers had been made from Colorado to the secretary of war to furnish imme- diately several companies, either of infantry or of cavalry, composed of “men inured to toil and hardship,” but were ignobly repelled by the war department. Notwithstanding the feeling of disappoint- ment caused by this rebuff from the general government, Governor Gilpin and other patriotic Colorado men resolved to organize a full regiment of infantry. The governor’s direct authority from Wash- ington for doing so, if any he obtained, is surrounded by much obscurity. But this does not matter now. A movement was started in July by Samuel H. Cook and two associates in the South Clear Creek Mining District to raise a mounted company for service under General “Jim” Lane in Kansas. Cook soon succeeded in filling - his company, but the governor per- suaded him and his men to remain in the territory and join the new regiment. Authority to enlist other companies had been given to eager applicants, and recruiting offices opened in Denver City, in the Clear Creek mining towns, at Boulder City, Colorado City, and at several other places. A military camp, named “Camp Weld,” in honor of Territorial Secretary Lewis L. Weld, was established on the Platte river, about two miles above what there then was of Denver City. Its locality is just west of the present artificial body of water called “Lake Archer.” Here, at a cost of about $40,000, “comfortable and sufficient barracks" were constructed for the troops, and as the companies were formed they went into quarters there. By the first of October the ranks of most of the companies were completely filled. Colonel John P. Slough, of the First Colorado Regiment (From a war-time photograph loaned by Mr. Samuel C. Dorsey, of Denver.) Colonel Slough resigned in April, 1862. CONDITIONS IN COLORADO IN l86l. 47 Appointments of company recruiting officers had been made in July and in the earlier part of August, and near the close rff the last named month the principal regimental officers and most'of the company officers were commissioned by Governor Gilpin, a majority of the commissions being- dated August 26th. John P. Slough, a prominent lawyer of Denver City and recruiting captain of Com- pany A, which he had enlisted in that town, was made colonel. Born and reared in Cincinnati. Ohio, he had been a member of the legislature of his native state, and secretary of the Ohio Democratic state central committee. While not an ideal military leader, he was a very capable man. Samuel F. Tappan, who as captain had re- cruited Company B at Central City and Black Hawk, was appointed lieutenant-colonel. To John M. Chivington, presiding elder of the Rocky Mountain district of the Methodist Episcopal church, the place of chaplain was tendered, but as he insisted upon having a strictly fighting- position, and was enthusiastically for the Union, he was made major of the regiment — a most fortunate appointment. Later (November 1st) Rev. J. H. Kehler, of the Protestant Epis- copal church, accepted the chaplaincy. On September 14th Dr. John F. Hamilton was appointed surgeon and Dr. Lewis C. Tolies assistant surgeon. About the middle of October the positions of quartermaster and adjutant were filled by company officers as men- tioned below. The department of the adjutant-general of the state of Colorado inherited from the territorial period but few records of the Colo- rado militarv organizations that served in the Civil War, nearlv all of those which it now possesses being copies, secured by virtue of perseverance, of such as were available in the war department at Washington. But these, beside being confused and even contra- dictory in various details, and deficient as to important particulars, such as the names of the killed and the wounded, are far from com- plete in series. However, in the following we have, according to the scattered data in these records, the names and rank of the origi- nal company officers, together with the changes made among them when the regimental officers were appointed, as well as other 4 8 COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. changes up to the time when the organization marched forth upon its victorious campaign in New Mexico : Company A — John P. Slough, captain; James R. Shaffer, first lieutenant ; Edward W. Wynkoop, second lieutenant. W hen Cap- tain Slough was appointed colonel. Lieutenant Wynkoop was pro- moted captain of the company, and Joseph C. Davidson, who had been first sergeant of Company C, succeeded Wynkoop as second lieutenant of Company A. The regimental roster states that David- son was “appointed adjutant October iS, 1861,” while the pay roll of January I, 1862, has him serving as second lieutenant of this company. Probably he was detailed to act as adjutant, instead ot being “appointed.” On February 7, 1862, Davidson was promoted first lieutenant and transferred to Company E to succeed Lieutenant Buell, deceased. The records do not show who succeeded him at that time as second lieutenant of Company A. Dr. John F. Hamilton, Surgeon of the First Colorado Regiment. (From a war-time photograph loaned by Mr. Samuel C. Dorsey, of Den- ver.) Company D — Jacob Downing, lieutenant; Eli Dickerson, second lieutenant, recruited principally at Denver City. Company B — Samuel F. Tap- pan, captain ; Isaac Gray, first lieutenant; Edward A. Jacobs, second lieutenant. When Cap- tain Tappan was appointed lieu- tenant-colonel, Samuel M. Logan, who appears to have been an “un- attached" first lieutenant since July 27th, was commissioned cap- tain of the company. Company C — Richard Sopris, captain ; Alfred S. Cobb, first lieu- tenant; Clark Chambers, second lieutenant. Most of the men of this company were enlisted at Denver City and in the Buckskin Joe mining district, captain ; William F. Roath, first This company was CONDITIONS IN COLORADO IN 1 86 1. 49 Company E — Scott J. Anthony, captain; Julius O. Buell, first lieutenant; James A. Dawson, second lieutenant. Buell died at Camp Weld on February 6, 1862 — the first death among the offi- cers — and was succeeded by Joseph C. Davidson, former second lieutenant of Company A. Chiefly, the company was enlisted in the mining towns of Oro City and Laurett and in their vicinity. Company F — Samuel H. Cook, captain; George Nelson, first lieu- tenant ; William F. Marshall, second lieutenant. Recruited in the South Clear Creek mining district. Company G — Josiah W. Hambleton, captain; William F. Wilder, first lieutenant; John C. Anderson, second lieutenant. On Novem- ber 30, 1861, Captain Hambleton was cashiered by court martial for insubordination. First Fieutenant Wilder then was promoted captain of the company; Second Lieutenant Anderson, who had been serving as quartermaster of the regiment since October 14th, was promoted first lieutenant, and First Sergeant George H. Hardin was promoted second lieutenant to succeed Anderson. Later (in July, 1862) Captain Hambleton was given an honorable dis- charge, and enlisted in the Third regiment of Colorado Volunteers, of one of the companies of which he was subsequently appointed second lieutenant. Nearly all of the enlistments in this company were made at Nevada, Empire City and neighboring Clear Creek mining camps. Company H — George L. Sanborn, captain; Jacob P. Bonesteel, first lieutenant; Byron N. Sanford, second lieutenant. This com- pany, which was originally intended by Captain Sanborn to be of the “Zouave” order, and to be taken to the states, was recruited mainly at Central City. Company I — Charles Mailie, captain : Charles Kerber, first lieu- tenant; John Baker, second lieutenant. The company consisted mostly of Germans, and was enlisted in Denver City, and in Central City and other towns in the Clear Creek mining districts. Company K — Charles P. Marion, captain ; George S. Eayers. first lieutenant ; Robert McDonald, second lieutenant. Captain Marion was cashiered on November 30, 1861, for insubordination, Samuel H. Robbins being commissioned to succeed him. Lieutenant Eay- 4 5 ° COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN T LI E CIVIL WAR. ers then resigned, and Silas S. Soule was appointed as his succes- sor. Lieutenant Eayers afterward became first lieutenant of McLain’s famous Colorado battery. Most of the men of this com- pany hailed from Central City and Denver. On December 18th George L. Shoup was appointed second lieu- tenant, and appears to have been assigned to duty on Colonel Slough's staff. A decade or so ago he was elected United States senator from the state of Idaho. On February n, 1862, Charles C. Hawley, who also figures as one of Colonel Slough’s staff officers, was appointed second lieutenant. The material of the regiment probably was as good as any that ever was brought together in a military organization. The men were uncommonly hardy and well seasoned, and not in the habit of being afraid. The average height of those of Company A, which may be taken as a representative unit of the regiment, was 5 feet 8V2 inches, the tallest being 6 feet 3*4 inches. The “cosmopolitan” character of the population of the territory of Colorado at that time was reflected in the nativity of the members of the same company when it was mustered into the service: New York, 17; Ohio, 9; Vermont, 5; Pennsylvania, 4: Illinois, 3; Virginia, Indiana and New Jersey, each 2; Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Michigan, Missouri and Iowa, each 1 ; Ireland, 7 ; Canada, 6 ; Scotland, 4; Germany and England, each 2; Wales, 1. Late in the autumn three companies of the regiment were sent to Fort Wise (afterward renamed “Fort Lyon.” in honor of Gen- eral Nathaniel Lyon, the Federal commander who was killed in the battle of Wilson’s Creek, Missouri), on the Arkansas river, more than two hundred miles southeast of Denver City, under the com- mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Tappan, to garrison that post, the other companies remaining in quarters at Camp Weld, of which Major Chivington had been placed in immediate charge. This stout-hearted soldier, John Milton Chivington, was born January 27, 1821, near Lebanon, Ohio. His father was an Irish- man and his mother was of Scotch descent, both of whom lived near Lexington, Kentucky. Soon after their marriage they re- moved to Warren county, Ohio. The father had been a soldier Major John M. Chivington, of the First Colorado Regiment. (From a war-time photograph in the State Historical and Natural History Society’s Collection.) Major Chivington was promoted Colonel of the Regiment in April, 1SG2. COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. 5 ^ under General William Henry Harrison in the War of 1812, with England, and fought with him, October 5, 1813, in the Battle of the Thames, in Canada. The son had inherited the martial spirit of his father, and was, as often remarked by his friends, “a born fighter." In addition, he was a staunch antagonist to human slav- ery. He joined in 1848 the conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church at Pleasant Green, Cooper county, Missouri, and was or- dained a preacher. He delivered his first sermon in Quincy, Illinois, and thereafter was engaged in church work in Illinois, Missouri and Nebraska — exhibiting wonderful power in the camp meetings of his denomination — until he removed to Denver City in i860. Dur- ing the four next preceding years he had served as a presiding elder in Nebraska, having his residence part of the time in Omaha and part in Nebraska City. He came to Colorado as presiding elder of the Rocky Mountain district, a church office which he was filling acceptably at the time the First regiment of Colorado Volunteers was organized. He left Colorado a few years after the Civil War, and resided in California and in Ohio until 1883, when he returned to Denver, where he remained the rest of his days, his death occur- ring on October 4, 1894. His brother, Lewis Chivington, a gallant colonel in the Confederate army, was killed August 10, 1861, in the bloody battle of Wilson’s Creek. Chivington developed extraordinary military ability, although he had had no military training before he abandoned the pulpit for the battlefield. In action he became the incarnation of war. The brav- est of the brave, a giant in stature, and a whirlwind in strife, he had, also, the rather unusual qualities that go to make soldiers per- sonally love such a leader and eager to follow him into the jaws of death. The admiration and devotion of his men became unbounded. He was their ideal of a dashing, fearless, fighting commander. Now a few words concerning the transactions which led to Gov- ernor Gilpin's removal from his position as chief executive of the territory of Colorado. During the summer and autumn of 1861, when the enlistment of the First regiment of Colorado Volunteers and of the two independent companies was under way. and also during a large part of the time in which these troops remained CONDITIONS IN COLORADO IN 1 86 1 . 53 in Colorado inactive, the treasury of the territory was practically without money for military purposes. The Washington govern- ment had placed no war fund at the governor's disposal, nor had it conferred upon him any authority to create indebtedness on Federal account. To organize and maintain, even for a short period, such a number of soldiers requires the expenditure of a comparatively large sum of money. As the territory was without ready means with which to make such expenditures, the governor met the emer- gency with a method that he believed to be proper and justified. In payment of incidental expenses and for general military supplies he issued negotiable drafts directly upon the national treasury at Washington, for which he had no legal authority. These drafts were willingly accepted by those to whom money was due on mili- tary account, and some of them passed from hand to hand in Colo- rado as currency, upon the presumption that they were valid docu- ments. which would be paid without question when they finally reached Washington. The sum of such drafts issued by the gov- ernor was about $375,000. When these issues appeared at Washington they were repudiated by the treasury department and went to protest. The effect of this was ruinous to merchants and many others in Colorado who had assisted in organizing and maintaining the troops. Governor Gil- pin's situation may be imagined. A bitter public sentiment arose against him. and he was assailed upon every hand by exasperated holders of his drafts. As an old army officer he was held to have known the government's rigid financial methods, and it was prin- cipally because of bis presumed knowledge of such matters that the people had unquestioningly accepted his irregular and illegal orders upon the national treasury. He declared that he had been person- ally assured by men high in authority in Washington that this irreg- ular method would be recognized in the emergency and that his drafts would be honored, and there is no reason to doubt that he had been given some such assurance. However, there was a storm at Washington over the matter, which the governor endeavored to allay, and to secure payment of the drafts, by going there and stat- ing the conditions existing in Colorado. But in this he was unsuc- ) View of Denver City in the Civil War Period. (From a lithograph of a drawing made by Albert E. Matthews in 1865, in the collection of early views in Colorado of Mr. Charles R. Dudley, of Denver. Between the beginning and the close of the war the town made very slow progress, and its general appear- ance was but little changed.) CONDITIONS IN COLORADO IN l86l. 55 cessful. The affair finally became one for cabinet consideration, and the result of this was that John Evans, of Illinois, came to Colorado in May, 1862, as Gilpin's successor — within two months after the regiment which had been chiefly the indirect cause of the trouble had defeated the Confederates at La Glorieta, and practically ended their operations in New Mexico. Later a large part of the indebtedness was paid by the Washing- ton government. Original holders of Governor Gilpin’s paper, who could prepare itemized and verified accounts of their claims for which drafts had been issued in payment, succeeded in getting their money after more or less delay. But the drafts, as such, were not recognized in any manner by the treasury department, and every one of them which had passed from original hands and could not successfully be thrown back upon the person to whom it had been issued became a total loss to the holder. Much of the paper was rendered worthless by payees, who had passed it to others, becom- ing scattered, many of them having left the territory before the gov- ernment began to adjust and pay any of the claims. But no one questioned Governor Gilpin’s integrity, the purity of his purpose, or the sincerity of his zeal to protect the people from invasion, and to serve them to the best of his ability. He was in some ways a “visionary" man, whose mind and thoughts occasion- ally were far above the practical affairs of everv-day life, and his enthusiasm for the Union overshadowed all other things. Not- withstanding the unfortunate consequences of his method of finan- cing his military preparations, the people, not only those of Colo- rado, but of the country at large, were immeasurably indebted to him for the promptness, vigor and earnestness with which he made ready for war. GENERAL SIBLEY’S MOVEMENT UP THE RIO GRANDE valley. It has already been mentioned that General Sibley arrived at Fort Bliss, Texas, near the close of the year 1861, and then took personal command of the forces he had raised for the consummation of the Confederate purposes in the Southwest, New Mexico having been claimed as already belonging to the Southern Confederacy. On the nth of January, 1862, he was still detained at this fort, but the main portion of his brigade had crossed the boundary line be- tween Texas and New Mexico some three weeks before, and was encamped in the Mesilla valley, thirty miles to the north. In the succeeding five days he had joined these troops and was conducting their march to Fort Thorn, forty miles farther up the Rio Grande, where he remained with them until the fore part of February. Thus nearly two months had been lost in waiting for belated reenforce- ments from San Antonio to reach him. During that time lie was engaged in completing arrangements to have the orders of Presi- dent Davis executed in securing a regiment of natives by enlistment and conscription. He sent a detachment of his small army to Tucson, two hundred and fifty miles to the west, to hold the west- ern part of New Mexico for the Confederacy and to sustain the authority of Colonel John R. Baylor, its military governor, and which arrived there on February 28th. He dispatched one of his officers, Colonel James Reily, as an envoy to the chief executive of the state of Chihuahua in Mexico, to whom was delivered a com- munication from him, and from whom he received a satisfactory response. According to General Sibley’s report, “friendship and good will" were pledged by one to the other, and a treaty formed to “establish friendly relations" between their respective governments. The governor declared that “he would not permit Federal troops to pass through his territory to invade Texas;" that he would not officially sanction the occupancy of any part of it “by foreign troops;’’ that he would not prevent the purchase of supplies in his ( 56 ) SIBLEYS MOVEMENT UP THE RIO GRANDE VALLEY. 57 state by any one in the Texan expedition, and that, whenever neces- sary, he would afford protection to the persons and property of the citizens of the Confederacy. Colonel Reily boastfully congratulated his general “on having obtained the first official recognition of the government of the Southern States” by any foreign power. He proceeded afterward with an escort on a similar mission to the state of Sonora in Mexico, but was reported to have secured from its chief executive only the privilege “of buying for cash anything” its people had to sell. i From a wood engraving in “El Gringo,” by W. W. H. Davis, 1857.) On the yth of February General Sibley set out from Fort Thorn with about 3,000 men, fifteen pieces of artillery, and a long and heavy supply train, upon his march up the valley of the Rio Grande, on the west side of the river, and on the 12th of that month he was in camp at a point seven miles below Fort Craig. Four days after- ward he offered battle on an open plain within two miles of the post, to its garrison under Colonel Canby, who declined the chal- lenge, as he hoped to select a position more advantageous to him- self, and because his troops, especially his New Mexico volunteers, were, he feared, much less effective on an open battlefield. The Texans withdrew down the valley on the 19th of February, and at COLORADO VOLUNTEERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. 58 their former camp crossed the river to its east bank. To pass the fort on their left beyond the range of its guns, and to arrive at the upper ford in the river, twelve miles above and five from Fort Craig, where they could compel the Federals to meet them in a general engagement, they moved northward on the following day over extremely rough ground, and made a “dry camp” late in the afternoon in a pine grove between ridges of malpais rock, near the ends of immense volcanic overflows from at least two craters thirty to forty miles to the eastward. Owing to ridges in the overflows, some of them sixty feet in height, between the camp and the river, it was impossible for the troops at the fort, with their cavalry and artillery, to reach the Confederates in their camp, which was about two miles directly to the east, and so only feeble efforts could be made to interrupt, much less to prevent, their march to the upper ford. This crossing was near an old hamlet called Valverde, and is now bordered on the west by the town of San Marcial. Valverde is somewhat famous in the early, as well as in the later, history of the valley. Expeditions along the Rio Grande often halted here to rest and to plan their future operations. They found here large groves of pine and cottonwood, particularly on the east side of the stream, and an easy access to water for themselves and their ani- mals. Here the Army of the West, under General Kearny, after taking possession of New Mexico, met late in 1846 the celebrated scout. Kit Carson, who had brought from southern California an express stating that Colonel Fremont and Commodore Stockton had received the surrender of that country, and that the American flag was floating in every part of it. Kearny’s army was here di- vided, one portion proceeding under Colonel Doniphan down the valley on its way to Chihuahua in Mexico, and the other, under General Kearny, to southern California, with Carson returning as the guide. At Valverde, on February 21, 1862, occurred the first severe en- gagement between the Union and the Confederate forces in the Southwest, and, considering the comparatively small number of troops engaged, it was a desperate encounter. The day was a 107 - 106° KJ , , ;SA*TA FE FORTMARCY S j CI1 e ® ^ l a S« 1 eo ''fe S an Miguel •Sai^PedrOfs • Corrales 0 / / Hp- Alpine da ^San Anjtonio Atrisco^ Paiaritoc LOS LUNAS ^ 34 ° j^s^OMERpUE "Suljjh xoulStdl • • " ^ v -~. ) . ^ - r , y, Spr uuf >- \ ^■‘■<1 \ *': // OjoM'stnijio ' V -. A-" /OidCibolo ;'. 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