COL. GEORGE WASHINGTON FLOWERS 
 MEMORIAL COLLECTION 
 
 DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 DURHAM. N. C. 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 W. W. FLOWERS 
 
Digitized by 
 
 the Internet Archive 
 
 
 
 in 2015 
 
 
 
 https://archive.org/details/miscegenationoraOOcoxs 
 
MISCEGEMTION OR AMALaAMATIOK ' 
 
 FATE OF THIS TRliEDMAM'. 
 
 J'\JU-v\ 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HU^. SAMUEL S. COX, 
 
 O F O H I O , 
 
 DELIVERE.) 
 
 m THE HOUSE OP REPRESEOTATIVES, FEBEUAEY IT5 1864, 
 
 WASSrtTGTOlSr, D. C. : 
 
 AT OiTICE OF "THS CONSTITUTIONAt UNION.'* NO 330 E Sl AciSf , 
 
 1864. 
 
V 
 
 THE FATE OF THE FEEEDMxiN 
 
 MISCEGENATION, OR AMALGAMATION. 
 
 The House having under consideration the bill 
 to establioh a Bureau of Freedmen's Affairs — 
 
 Mr. COX said : 
 
 Mr. Speakeb : I did net rise for tlie purpose 
 of discussiog this measure — only to have it 
 referred for discussion. The discussion of 
 its details will be ably conducted by the mi- 
 nority of the committee, the gentleraan from 
 New York [Mr. Kalbfleisch] and the gentle- 
 man from Illinois, [Mr. Knapp.] I shall only 
 call attention to its general features. The 
 member who introduced it [Mr. Eliot] com- 
 mended it to this side for its humanity. He 
 recalled to our minds the fact that vro opposed 
 the confiscation bill for its inhumanity. He 
 hoped that humane considerations would pre- 
 vail as to this bill. I wish that he had set a 
 better example, by his voice and vote upon 
 the other measure. This bill is founded in 
 part on the confiscation system. If that were 
 inhuman, then this is its aggravation. The 
 former takes the lands which are abandoned 
 by loyal or disloyal whites, under the pres- 
 sure of war ; while the present bill turns 
 these abandoned lands over to the blacks. 
 But motives of humanity, however pure, are 
 not the motives that should prompt legislation 
 altogether. 
 
 I only refer to the confiscation part of the 
 measura to show how comprehensive and all- 
 reaching is this scheme. The industrious 
 gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Eliot] 
 states that he is the author of the confiscation 
 bill, of which this bill is the sequel. 
 
 Mr. ELIOT. I did not say that I was the 
 author of the confiscation bill. I said that I 
 reported it from the select committee that had 
 that matter in charge. 
 
 Mr. COX. I misapprehended the tenor of the 
 gantleman's remarks. I have no doubt that 
 he had a good deal to do with getting it up. 
 The gentleman's modesty will not permit him 
 to claim the credit of it. I rather thick that 
 all of these measures spring from the fertile 
 brain of the Solicitor of the Treasury, ( Mr. 
 Whiting. J He is the reservoir of all the Re- 
 publican heresy and legislation proposed iii 
 this House ; though he is often confounded, I 
 think, with Divine Providence, to whom gen- 
 tlemen are erroneously in the habit of attrib- 
 uting these abolition measures. 
 
 But to return to the ^member from Massa- 
 chusetts. The f;fFect of former legislation has 
 been, in his opinion, to bring under zhe con- 
 
 trol of the Q-overnment large multitudes of 
 freedmen who "had ceased to be slaves, but 
 had not lesrced how to be fre?." To care for 
 these multitudes he presents this bill, which, 
 if not crude and undigested, yet is sweeping 
 and revolutionary. It begins a policy for our 
 Federal Government of limited and express 
 power?, so latitudinarian that the whole sys- 
 tem of our Government is changed. If the 
 acts of confiscation and the proclamations, on 
 which this measure is founded, be usurpations, 
 how can we who have denounced them favor 
 a maasure like this ? 
 
 According to Mr. Whiting this system, to 
 be complete, must include in its provisions 
 all the abandoned lands, all lands forfeited for 
 taxes, all confiscated lands, all derelict per- 
 sonalty, all colored men free before the war 
 in rebellious districts, and all fugitives there- 
 to from loyal States, all legal proceedings of 
 confiscation, all migrations of blacks to and 
 trom rebel States, ail laws compensating mas- 
 ters for slaves, and all other matters relating 
 to the colored people, whether bond or free* 
 
 This is a new system introduced into our 
 Government. It opens a vast opportunity for 
 greed, tyranny, corruption and abuse. It 
 may be inaugurated in the name of humanityr 
 but I doubt, sir, if any Government, much 
 less our Federal Government of limited and 
 delegated powers, will ever succeed in the 
 philanthropic line of business, such as is 
 contemplated by this bill. 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts appeals 
 to us to forget the past — not to inquire how 
 these poor people have become free, whether 
 by law or by usurpation — but to look the 
 great fact in the face "that three millions- 
 slaves have become and are becoming free." 
 
 Before I come to that great fact let me first 
 look to the Constitution. My oath to that is^ 
 the highest humanity. By preserving the 
 Constitution amidst the rack of war, in any 
 vital part, we are saving for a better time" 
 something of those liberties. State and per- 
 sonal, which have given so much happiness 
 for over seventy years to so many millions ;• 
 and which, under a favorable Administration, 
 might again restore contentment to our' 
 afflicted people. Hence the highest hu- 
 manity is in building strong the ramparts of 
 constitutional restraint against such radical 
 usurpations as is proposed to be inaugu- 
 rated by measures kindred to this before the 
 House. 
 
4 
 
 If the gentleman cin sliow us warrant in 
 tlie Constitution to establish this eleemosyna- 
 ry system for the blacks, and for making the 
 Government of the United States a grand 
 plantation speculator and overseer, and the 
 Treasury a fund for the helpless negro, I will 
 then consider the charitahie light in which he 
 has commended his bill to our sympathies. 
 It does not follow that because (a.s General 
 Butler once said) there were as naany poor 
 in proportion to the people in the poorhouses 
 of Massachusetts who were killed outright by 
 bad treatment as were killed at the battle of 
 Solferino in proportion to those engaged, 
 that we are to interfere by Federal legislation 
 for the victims of Massachusetts inhumanity. 
 
 I would love to do something for the poor 
 blacks who have been thrown houseless, 
 clotheless, foodless, medicineless, and friend- 
 less on the cold world by the improvident 
 and barbarous philanthropy now in vogue ; 
 but when my constituents ask me for my 
 warrant thus to tax them, I wish to be able 
 to point it out. If you can so frame your bill 
 as to draw no money from the Treasury, and 
 make your scheme self-supporting; or if you 
 can so perfect the system as to connect it 
 legally with the military without degrading 
 the Army, and still discipline and care for 
 the unfortunate blacks, male and female, old 
 and young, strong and weak, then we may 
 consider its propriety and legality with a 
 view to aid its passage. 
 
 We cannot and do not desire to ignore the 
 fact that incalculable misery has been and 
 will be the fate of the freed negroes ; but it 
 is another and a difficult problem to reconcile 
 the aid they require from the benevolent with 
 our oaths and well-matured judgments as to 
 the province of the Federal Government over 
 matters like this. The gentleman refers us 
 for the constitutionality of this measure to 
 the war power, the same power by which he 
 justifies the emancipation proclamation and 
 similar measures. We upon this side are 
 thoroughly- convinced of the utter sophistry of 
 BHch reasoning. If the proclamation be un- 
 toustitutioual, how can this or any measure 
 based oiUt be valid f The gentleman says, 
 "If the President had the power to free the 
 slave, does it not imply the power to take 
 care of hiia when freed?" Yes, no doubt. 
 If he had any power under the war power he 
 has all power. He is so utterly irresponsible 
 that even Congress^cannot share bis monarch- 
 ical despotism. Under the war power he 
 is a tyrant without a clinch on his revolu- 
 tions. He can spin in any orbit he likes, as 
 far and as long as he pleases. 
 
 He refers us also to that clause of the Con- 
 stitution which authorizes Congress to de- 
 clare war and make rules concerning captures 
 on land." This latter argument squares with 
 the theory of this war announced by the gen- 
 tleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Stevens,] 
 for the authority of Congress to declare war 
 is of course only meant as against foreign na- 
 tions, and Congress can make all rules con 
 
 cerning captures in siicn a war. But ?inle-s 
 the gentlemen on the other side arc ready to 
 acknowledge the independence of the South, 
 and recognize them as a separate nation o; bel- 
 ligerents, then his argument proves nothing 
 in behalf of this bill, except that he is a the- 
 oretical secessionist. The constitutional ar- 
 gument in favor of this bill is one that this 
 side of this House cannot recognize, unless 
 we are prepared to unsay and undo all that 
 we have said and done to protect the Consti- 
 tution since the abolition measures began to 
 take the form of law. 
 
 " But," it is urged, something must be 
 done for the poor blacks. They are perishing 
 by thousands. We must look the great fact 
 of aui'l- slavery and its millions of enfranchised 
 victims in the face and legislate for their re- 
 lief." Such is the appeal to our kindlier na- 
 tures. Something should be done. The hu- 
 manity which so long pitied the plumage 
 should not forget the dying bird. But what 
 can be done without violating the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, or without intrench- 
 ing upon a domain never granted by the 
 States or the people in their written charter 
 of powers ? What can be done ? Oh ! ye 
 honey-toEgued humanitarians of New Eng- 
 land, with your coffers filled from the rough 
 hand of western toil, the beaded sweat of 
 whose industry by the subtle alchemy of your 
 inventive genius is transmuted into the jew- 
 els of your parvenu and shoddy splendor, with 
 your dividends rising higher and higher like 
 waves under this storm of war ; I would be- 
 seech you to go into the camps of the contra- 
 bands, as the gentleman described them, who 
 are starving and pining for their old homes, 
 and lift them out of the mire into which your 
 improvident and premature schemes have 
 dragged them, pour the oil of healing into 
 their wounds, and save a few of them at least 
 from the doom of extirpation. Here is a fit- 
 ting and legal opportunity for the exercise of 
 a gracious humanity. I rejoice to know that 
 many good men, even from New England, 
 have embraced it. 
 
 But the gentleman urges this legislation, 
 because if it be not passed, the President's 
 proclamation will be made "a living lie." He 
 tl^Jnlcs that "neither the considerate judgment 
 of mankind nor the gracious favor of God can 
 be invoked upon the President's act of free- 
 dom, unless the law shall protect the freedom 
 which the sword has declared." Not merely 
 has the President's proclamation been made 
 a living lie, but the thousands of corpses daily 
 hurried out of the contraband hovels and 
 tents aleng the Mississippi prove it to have 
 been a deadly lie. Neither the judgment of 
 man nor the favor of God can be invoked with- 
 out mockery upon a fanatical project so 
 fraught with misery to the weak and whole- 
 sale slaughter to its deluded victims ! 
 
 But we are warned to look the great fact in 
 the face that millions unfit for freedom are yet 
 to become free. I know, Mr. Speaker, that 
 we cannot change the fact by closing our 
 
5 
 
 eyes. It is true. The revolution rolls on. 
 No effort on the part of tlie Democracy to 
 achieve' a peace through conciliation will now 
 be listened to. The spirit of those in power 
 is the spirit of extermination. The war with 
 its revolutions goes on, and slavery as a polit- 
 ical if not as a social institution may fall un- 
 der its crushing car. It may be that all of the 
 four million slaves will be thrown, like the 
 one hundred thousand already freed, upon 
 the frigid charities of the world. But, sir, if 
 slavery be doomed, so, alas ! is the slave. No 
 scheme like this bill can save him. The In- 
 dian reserves, treaties, bounties, and agencies 
 did not and does not save the red man. No 
 Government farming system, no charitable 
 black scheme, can wash out the color of the 
 negro, change his inferior nature, or save him 
 from his inevitable iate. The irrepressible 
 conflict is not between slavery and Ireedom, 
 but between black and white ; and, as De 
 Tocquerille prophesied, the black will perish. 
 
 Do gentlemen on the other side rely upon 
 the new system, called by the transcendental 
 abolitionists ^^Miscegenation," to save the 
 ' black? This is but another name for amal- 
 gamation ; but it will not save the negro. 
 True, Wendell Phillips says it is ''God's 
 own method of crushing out the hatred of 
 racej and of civilizing and elevating the 
 world," and Theodore Tilton. th^ editor of 
 the Independent, („ paper publishing the laws 
 of the United. States by authority,J) holds that 
 hereafter the "negro will lose his typical 
 blackness and be found clad in white men's 
 skins." But, sir, no system so repugnant to 
 the nature of our race — and to organize which 
 doubtless the next Congress of Progressives, 
 and perhaps the gentleman from Massachu- 
 setts, will practically provide — can save the 
 negro. 
 
 Mr. ELIOT. I have no doubt that my 
 friend understands all about it. 
 
 Mr. COX. I understand all about it, for I 
 have the doctrines laid down in circulars, 
 pamphlets, and books published by your anti- 
 slavery people. But it was not my intention 
 to discuss it now and upon this bill. 
 
 Mr. PRICE. If all the blacks are crushed 
 out, how is amalgamation to ruin the coun- 
 try ? 
 
 Mr. COX. They will all run, according 
 to the new gospel of abolition, into the white 
 people, on that side of the House. [Laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 Mr. ELIOT. Is that what the gentleman is 
 afraid of ? 
 
 Mr. COX. No, sir, for I do not believe 
 that the doctrine of miscegenation, or the 
 amalgamation of the white and black, now 
 strenuously urged by the abolition leaders, 
 will save the negro. It will destroy him ut- 
 terly. The physiologist will tell the gentle- 
 man that the mulatto does not live ; he does 
 not recreate his kind ; he is a monster. 
 
 Such hybrid races by a law of Providence, 
 scarcely survive beyond one generation. I 
 promise the gentleman at some future and ap- 
 
 I propriate time, when better prepared to de- 
 j velope that idea of miscegenation as now 
 j heralded by the abolitionists, who are in the 
 van of the Republican movement — 
 I Mr. ELIOT. I hope that the gentleman 
 ! will go into it. 
 
 I Mr. COX. If such be the desire of the gen- 
 i tleman I will attempt it, though reluctantly ; 
 I for my materials, like the doctrine, are a little 
 "mixed." 
 Mr. GRINNELL rose. 
 
 Mr. COX. I cannot yield to the gentleman. 
 I want none of his impertinences in my speech. 
 The other day when I was speaking he inter- 
 rupted me with them without my consent. I 
 do not recognize him as the member to whom 
 I owe the courtesy of my attention. 
 
 But since I am challenged to exhibit this 
 doctrine of the abolitionists — called after 
 some Greek words — miscegenation — to mingle 
 and generate— I call your attention first to a 
 circular I hold in my hand. It was circulated 
 at the Cooper Institute the other night, when 
 a female who, in the presence of the Presi- 
 dent, Vice President, and you, Mr. Speaker, 
 and your associates in this Hall, made the 
 same saucy speech for abolition which she ad- 
 dressed to the people of New York. It begins 
 with the following significant quotation from 
 Shakspeare : 
 
 " The elements 
 So mixed in him that Nature-migh stand up, 
 And say to the world, ' ' This was a man !" 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 ''Miscegenation, the Theory of the Blending of the 
 Races, applied to the American White Man and Negro. 
 Among the subjects treated of are — 
 
 " 1. The Mixture of Caucasian and African Blood Essen- 
 tial to American Progress." [Laughter.] 
 
 "2. How the American may become Comely. [Laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 "3. The Type Man a Miscegen— The Sphynx Riddle 
 Solved. 
 
 " 4. The Irish and Negro first to Commingle, " [Laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 " 5. Heart Histories of the Daughters of the South. 
 " 6. Miscegenetic Ideal of Beauty in Woman. 
 " 7. The Future— No White— No Black." 
 
 If gentlemen doubt the authenticity of this 
 new movement let them go to the office of 
 publication, 113 Nassau street. New York, 
 and purchase. The movement is an advance 
 upon the doctrine of the gentlemen opposite, 
 but they will soon work up to it. The more 
 philosophical and apostolic of the abolition 
 fraternity have fully decided upon the adop- 
 tion of this amalgamation platform. I am 
 informed that the doctrines are already in- 
 dorsed by such lights as Parker Pillsbury, 
 Lueretia Mott, Albert Brisbane, William 
 Wells Brown, Dr. McCune Smith, (half and 
 half — miscegen,) Angelina Grimke, Theodore 
 D. Weld and wife, and others. 
 
 But these are inferior lights compared with 
 others I shall quote. When I name Theodore 
 Tilton, an editor of the Government paper in 
 Brooklyn called the Independent ; when I re- 
 call the fact that the polished apostle of abo- 
 lition, Wendell Phillips, whose golden-lipped 
 eloquence can make miscegenation as attrac- 
 tive to the ear as it is to the other senses; 
 when I quote from the New York Tribune, the 
 
6 
 
 centre and circumference of tlie abolition 
 movement, and Mrs Stowe, whose writings 
 have almost redeemed by tbeir genius the 
 hate and discord which they aided to create ; 
 when I shall have done all this, I am sure the 
 Progressives on the the other side will begin 
 to prick up their ears and study the new 
 science of miscegenation with a view to its 
 practical realization by a bureau. [Laughter. ] 
 First hear the tealirciony of Wendell Phil- 
 lips. He says : 
 
 " Now I am goiug to say something that I know will 
 make the New York Herald use its small capitals and 
 notes of admiration, and yet no welt-iuformed man this 
 side of Cbina but believes it in the very core of his heart. 
 That is, ' amalgamation,' a word that the northern apolo- 
 gist for slavery has always used so glibly, but which you 
 never heard from a southerner. Amalgamation 1 Re- 
 member this, the youngest of you, that on the 4th day of 
 July, l8o3, you heard a man say that iu the light of all 
 history, in virtue of every page he ever read, he was an 
 amalgumatiouist to the utmost extent. I have no hope 
 for the future, as this country has no past, and Europe.has 
 no past but in that subiime mingling of races which is 
 God's ov/n method of civilizing and elevating the world. 
 God, by the events of His provideace, is crushing out the 
 hatred of race which has crippled this country until 
 to-day." 
 
 I put it to gentlemen on the other side. 
 Are you responsible for him ? Ah I you re- 
 ceived him, how ardently in this city and 
 Capitol last year. 
 
 Mr. ELIOT. To whom does the gentleman 
 refer? 
 
 Mr. COX. Wendell Phillips. The Senate 
 doors flew open for him; the Vice President 
 of the United States welcomed him ; Senators 
 flocked around him ; Representatives cheered 
 his disunion utterances at the Smithsonian ; 
 and you will follow him wherever he leads. 
 He is a practical amalgamationist, and he is 
 leading and- will lead you up to the platfrom 
 on which you will finally stand. You may 
 seem coy and reluctant now, but so you were 
 about the political equality of the negro a 
 year ago ; so you were about abolishing slave- 
 ry in the States two years ago. Now you are 
 in the millennial glory of abolition. So it 
 will be hereafter with amalgamation I 
 
 Here is what Theodore Tilton, editor of the 
 Independent, says in the circ^ilar to which I 
 have referred : 
 
 " Have you not seen with your own eyes — ^no man can 
 have eicaped it — that the black race in this couutry is 
 losing its typical blackness? The Indian is dying out; 
 the negro is only changing color 1 Men who, by and by , 
 shall ask for the Indians will be pointed to their graves : 
 'There lis their asLaes.' Men who, by and by, shall ask 
 for the negroes wid be told, ' There they go, clad in white 
 men's skins.' A hundred years ago a mulatto was a ea- 
 riosily ; now the mulatiocs are half a million. You can 
 yourself predict the future 1" 
 
 Mr. ELIOT. The gentleman will permit 
 me to say that surely all this was under a 
 state of slavery. 
 
 Mr. COX. I will show the gentleman di- 
 rectly that his friends and leaders propose to 
 continue it in a state of freedom. It will be 
 the freest kind of license. 
 
 Mr. ELIOT. The gentleman will allow me 
 to suggest whether the difficulty he labors 
 wader is not that the Democratic party is 
 ' afraid the Republicans will get ahead of them. 
 
 Mr. COX. I am not afraid of anything of 
 the kind while white people remain upon 
 which we can center our affections and phil- 
 anthropy. You can take the whole monopo- 
 ly of " miscegenation . ' ' We abhor and detest 
 it. The circular referred to has other in- 
 dorsements, which I quote before I reach that 
 Warwick of Republicanism, Horace Greely. 
 The Anti-Slavery Standard of Januarji 30 says : 
 
 "This pamphlet comes directly and fearlessly to the 
 advocacy of an idea of which the American people are 
 more afraid than any other. Assuredly God's laws will 
 fulfill and vindicate themselves. It Is in the highest de- 
 gree improbable tbat he has placed a natural repugnance 
 between any two families of His children. If He has 
 done so, that decree will execute itself, and these two 
 will never seek intimate companionship togccher. If, on 
 the contrary, He has made no such barrier, no such one 
 is needful or desirable, and every attempt to restrain 
 these parties from exercising their natural choice is in 
 contraveulion of His will, and is an unjust exercise of 
 power. The future must decide how far black and white 
 are disposed to seek each other in marriage. The proba- 
 bility is that there will bo a progressive intermiiagling, 
 and that the nation will be benefitted by it." 
 
 I hold in my hand the Anglo-AfMcan, of 
 January 23, which discusses this subject from 
 the purely African stand-point : 
 
 " The author of the pamphlet befose us advances be- 
 yond these lights of the days gone by. What they deemed 
 a remote and undesirable probability he regards as a 
 present and pressing necessity ; what they deemed to be 
 an evil to be legislated against he regards as a blessing 
 which should be hastended by all the legislative and po- 
 litical organizations in the land I The v/ord—nay the 
 deed — miscegenation, the same in substance with tho 
 word amalgamation, the terror of our abolition friends 
 twenty years ago, and of many of them* to-day — miscege- 
 nation, which means intermarriages between whites and 
 blacks — ' miscegenation,' which means the absolute prac- 
 tical brotherhood or social intermingling of blacks and 
 whites, ho would have inscribed on the banner of the 
 Republican party, and' held np as the watchword of the 
 next presidential platform !" ***** 
 
 * * " We tfike a deep interest in the doctrine shad- 
 owed forth, that to improve a given race of men. It is 
 too late to begin with infant and Sunday schooling; at 
 birth they have the bent of their parents, which we may 
 slightly alter but cannot radically change. The education 
 and improvement should begin with the marriage of par- 
 ties who, instead of strong resemblances, should have 
 contras s which are complementary each of the other. It 
 is disgraceful to our modern civilization that we have 
 societies for improving tho breed of sheep, horses, and 
 pigs, while the human race is left t-o grow up without 
 scientific culture." 
 
 The editor of the Anglo-African confesses 
 that he is a little staggered in bis theories by 
 what he calls the evident deterioration of the 
 mixed bloods of Central America, but he finds 
 t|je solution of the difficulty in the fact that 
 the races there mixed, Indian and Spanish, 
 are not complementary of each other. This, 
 to my observation, Mr. Speaker, is as absurd 
 as it is untrue. But I am not now arguing 
 the reasonableness of this doctrine of mixed 
 races. I only propose to show what it is, and 
 whither it is tending. 
 
 The New York Tribune, the great organ of 
 the dominant party, is not so firank as the 
 Anglo-African, but its exposition of "miscege- 
 nation" is one of the signs which point to the 
 Republican solution of our African troubles 
 by the amalgamation of the ra^ea. In indors- 
 ing the doctrine of this pamphlet, Mr. Gree- 
 ley holds that—!, 
 
 " No statesman in his senses cares to prt morsels of 
 cuticle under a microscopo before be determines upon 
 
7 
 
 the prudence of a particular policy. Dvcersity of races is 
 the condition precedent in America, <md their assimilation 
 is the problem. High skulls, broad skulls, long skulls, 
 black hair, red hair, yellow hair, copper skins, or olive 
 skins, Caucasians, Ethiopians, Mongolians, Americans, 
 Malays, with oval pelvis, round pelvis, square pelvis, or 
 oblong pelvis, we have or may have them all in our pop- 
 ulation ; and our business is to accommodate all by sub- 
 iecting merely material ditTerences to the ameliorating 
 influence of an honest and unlimited recognition of one 
 common nature," 
 
 To ''assimilate these various races" is the 
 problem which Mr. Greeley approaches. We 
 cannot but admire the delicate phraseology by 
 which his approaches are couched. Not so 
 the pamphlet to which I referred. It is bold 
 and out- spoken. It advocates a preference of 
 the black over the white as partners. The fol- 
 lowing are the points inculcated by its author : 
 
 " 1. Since the whole human race is of one family, there 
 should be in a republic no distinction in political or social 
 rights on account of color, race, or nativity. 
 
 2. The doctrine of human brotherho'od implies the 
 right of white and black to intermarry. 
 
 " 3. llie solution of the negro problem will not be 
 reached in this country until public opinion sanctions a 
 union of the two races. 
 
 " 4. As the negro is here, and cannot be driven out, 
 there should be no impediment to the absorption of one 
 race in the other. 
 
 " 5. Legitimate unions between whites and blacks 
 could not possibly have any worse effect than the illegiti- 
 mate unions which have been going on more than a cen- 
 tury at the South. 
 
 " 6. Tlie mingling of diverse races is proved by all 
 history to have been a positive benefit to the progeny. 
 
 " 7. The southern rebellion is caused less by slavery 
 than by the base prejudice resulting from distinction of 
 color ; and perfect peace can come only by a cessation of 
 that distinction through an absoption of the black race 
 by the white. 
 
 '•8. It is the duty of anti-slavery men everywhere to 
 advocate the mingling of the two races. 
 
 9. The next presidential election should secure to the 
 blacks all their social and political rights ; and the pro- 
 gressive partj' should not flinch from conclusions fairly 
 deducible from their own principles. 
 
 " 10. In the mcliennial future the highest type of man- 
 hood will not be white or black, but brown ; and the 
 union of black with white in marriage will help the hu- 
 man family the sooner to realize its great destiny-" 
 
 The author finds an emblem of his success 
 in the blending of many to make the one new 
 race, in the crowning of the dome above this 
 Capitol with the bronze statue of Liberty I It 
 is neither black nor white, but the interme- 
 diate miscegen, typifying the exquisite com- 
 posite race which is to arise out of this war 
 for abolition, and whose destiny it is to rule 
 the continent ! Well might the correspond- 
 ent of the New York Tribune, in describing 
 the lifting of the uncouth masses, and bolting 
 them together joint by joint, till they blended 
 into the majestic ''Freedom" which lifts her 
 head in the blue sky ■ above us, regard the 
 scene as prophetic of the time when the re 
 constructed symbol of freedom in America 
 shall be a colored goddess of liberty I But to 
 the- pamphlet itself. Here we have it, Mr. 
 Speaker. This new evangel for the redemp- 
 tion of the black and white, upon its intro- 
 ductory page begins as follows : 
 
 " The word is spoken at last. It is miscegenation — the 
 blending of the various races of men — the practical re- 
 cognition of the brotherhood of all the children of tho 
 common Father." [Laughter.] 
 
 Just what our miscegenetic Chaplain prays 
 for here almost every morning ; and you all 
 
 voted for him, even some of my friends from 
 
 the border States. The "introduction" pro- * 
 
 ceeda : 
 
 "While the sublime inspirations of Christianity l^ve 
 taught this doctrine, Christians so-called have igniplp it 
 in denying social equality to the colored man ; while de- 
 mocracy is founded upon tho idea that all men are equal. 
 Democrats have shrunk from the logic of their own creed 
 and refused to fraternize with the people of all nations : 
 while science has demonstrated tbat the intermarriage of 
 diverse races is indispensable to a progressive humanity, 
 its votaries, in this country at least, have never had the 
 courage to apply that rule to the relations of the white 
 and colored races. But Christianity, democracy, and 
 science are stronger than the tiinidity, prejudice, and pride 
 of sbort-sighted men, and they teach tliat a people, to be-- 
 come great, must become comi)osite. This involves what 
 i.T vulgarly known as amalgatiou," (laughter.) and those 
 who dread that name, and the thought and fact it imphes, 
 are warned against reading these pages." 
 
 There are some remarkable things thrown 
 out in this pamphlet, which should be exam- 
 ined by gentlemen upon the other side. The 
 author discusses the effect ©f temperature on 
 color. Quoting from a German naturalist, he 
 holds — 
 
 "That the true skin is perfectly white ; that over it is 
 placed another membrane, called the reticular tissue, and 
 that this is the membrane that is black ; and, finally , that 
 it is covered by a third membrane, the scarf skin, which 
 has been compared to a tine varnish lightly extended over 
 the colored membrane, and designed to protect it. Ex- 
 amine also this piece of skin belonging to a very fair per- 
 son. You perceive over the true white skin a membrane 
 of a slightly brownish tint, and over that again, but quite 
 distinct from it. a transparent membrane, la other words 
 it clearly appears that the whjtcs aud the copper-colored 
 have a colored membrane which is placed uud r the scarf 
 skin and immediately above the true skin, just as it is la 
 the negro. The infant negroes are horn white, or rather 
 reddish, like those of oilier people,^'' (laughter.) " hut in two 
 or iiiree days the color her/ins to change ; Uiey speedily become 
 copper-colored," QsLUghter,) "andby the seven.h or eighth 
 day, though ney^er exposed to the sun, they appear quite black.''* 
 (Laughter.) " He mentions that it is known I'lat negroes 
 in some instances are born quite white or an; tn;c Albinos; 
 somef-mes, after being black for many years, they become 
 piebald, or wholly white, without ihuir gonL-nil health 
 suff'^ring under the change. He also mentions another 
 metamorphosis, which would not be agreeable to the pre- 
 judices of many among us ; it is that of the white becom- 
 ing piebald with black as deep as ebony." 
 
 That is an argument to show that we all, 
 j black and white, start off in the race of life 
 nearly of the same color, and that we ought 
 to come to it again, by the processes of — mis- 
 cegenation ! 
 
 The author, in his second chapter, devotes 
 many pages to considerrag the superiority of 
 mixed races. Without combating his tacts or 
 deductions, let me quote this grand conclu- 
 sion : 
 
 " "Whatever of power and vitality there is in the Amer- 
 ican race is derived, notlrom its Anglo-Saxon j^rogCi^itors, 
 but from a 1 the different nationalities which go to make 
 up this people. All that is uecJoJ to make l.s the finest 
 race on earth is to ingraft upon our stock thcj negro ele- 
 ment which Providence has j laccd by our side on this 
 continent." (Laughter.) Of all the r.ch treasures of 
 blood vouchsafed to us, that of tho negro is the nmst pre- 
 cious," (laughter.) because it is the most nniikc any 
 other that euters into the composition of our national Ufe." 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I wish my 
 friend from Ohio to read an extract from a 
 book which he himself wrote. 
 
 Mr. COX. My friend ought not to be so 
 sensitive. These dev^ lopments will not hurt 
 him. does not belong to the mi^cegenists 
 yet; and if he will stand by General Grants 
 
8 
 
 and the white constitution — physical and po- 
 litical — he will not "mix" himself in this 
 matter. I again quote : 
 
 " It is clear that no race can long endure without a com- 
 mingli^ of its blood with that of oiher races. The con- 
 ditionWall human progress is miscegenation." (Laughter.) 
 "The Anglo-Saxon should learn this in time for his own 
 salvation. If wc will not heed the demands of justice let 
 us at least respect the law of self-preservation. Provi- 
 dence has kindly placed on the American soil, for his own 
 wise purposes, four million colored people. They are our 
 brothers, our sisters." (Laughter.) " By mingling with 
 them we become powerful, prosperous, and progressive ; 
 by refusing to do so we become feeble, unhealthy", narrow- 
 minded, unfit for the nobler ofijces of freedom, and certain 
 of early decay." (Laughter.) 
 
 I call the especial attention of my friend from 
 Massachusetts [Mr. Eliot] to these points, 
 "with a view to their incorporation in his bu- 
 reau for freedmen and freedwomen. All your 
 efforts will be vain, and you will not be able 
 to maintain a healthy vitality, if you do not 
 mix your whites very freely with your black 
 beneficiaries. 
 
 The writer gives us his theory of the war. 
 Although the war has not quite reached the 
 miscegenetic point yet, it progresses visibly. 
 After showing how other wars ^ave blended 
 the various bloods of the world, lie says : 
 
 " It will be our noble prerogative to set the examdie of 
 this rich blending of blood. It ig idle to maintain that 
 this present war is not a war for the negro. It is a war 
 for the negro. Not simply for his personal rights or his 
 physical frpedom ; it is a war, if you please, of amalgama- 
 tion, so called — a war looking, as its final fruit, to the 
 blending of the white and black. All attempts to end it 
 without a recognition of the political, civil, and social 
 rights of the negro will only lead to still bloodier battles 
 in the futm-e. Let us be wise and look to the end. Let 
 the war go on until the j^ride of caste is done away. Let 
 it go on until church, and state, and society recognize not 
 only the propriety but the necessity of the fusion of the 
 white and black ;" [laughter] "in short, until the great 
 truth shall be declared in our public documents and an- 
 nounced in the messages of our Presidents, that it is de- 
 sirable the white man should marry the black woman and 
 the white woman the black man — that the race should 
 become melaleuketic before it becomes miscegenetic." — 
 [Great laughter.] 
 
 This is the language of scientific progress, 
 soon to become familiar to the gentlemen on 
 the other side. The author proceeds : 
 
 "The next step will be the opening of California to the 
 teeming millions of eastern Asia. The patience, the in- 
 dustry, the ingenuity, the organizing power, the skill in 
 the mechanic arts which characterize the Japanese and 
 Chinese must be transplanted to our soil, not merely by 
 the emigration of the inhabitants of those nations, but by 
 their incorporation with the composite race which will 
 hereafter rule this continent. 
 
 "It must be remembered that the Indians whom we 
 have displaced were copper-colored ; and no other com- 
 plexion, physiologists affirm, can exist permanently in 
 America. The white race which settled in New England 
 will be unable to maintain its vitality as a blonde people. 
 The darker shades of color live and thrive, and the con- 
 sumption so prevalent in otir eastern States is mainly con- 
 fined to the yellow-haired and thin-blooded blondes." 
 
 What a sad picture this for our New Eng- 
 land friends ! Oh, ye yellow-haired and thin- 
 blooded Yankees I Mingle ! mingle I mingle 
 while ye may ! It is the sure cure for your 
 asthmas and consumptions. 
 
 Still speaking of these thin-bleoded New 
 Englanders, he says : 
 
 " They need the intermingling of the rich tropic tem- 
 perament of the negro to give warmth and fullness to their 
 natuies." [Laughter.] " Ihey feel the yearning, and do 
 
 not know how to interpret it." [Laughter.] " The phy- 
 sician tolls them they must travel to a warmer climate. 
 They recognize in this a glimpse of the want they feel, 
 though they aie hopeless of its efficacy to fully restore the 
 lost vitality. Still they feel the nameless longing. 
 " Yet waft me from the harbor mouth. 
 Wild wind ! I seek a warmer sky. 
 And I will see before I die 
 The palms and temples of the South." 
 "It is only by the infusion into their very system of the 
 vital forces of a tropic race that they may regain health 
 and strength. VTe must accept the facts of nature. We 
 must beeome a yellow-skinned, black-haired people— in 
 fine, we must become miscegns if we would attain the full- 
 est results of civilization." [Laughter.] 
 
 This enthusiastic theorist then shows that 
 all religions are derived from the dark races. 
 He calls to us from the tombs of Egypt, and 
 solves the Sphynx riddle of our national des- 
 tiny. That solution is this : that "if we 
 would fill our proper places in nature we 
 must mingle our blood with all the children 
 of the common father of humanity." Thus 
 and thus only can we hope for redemption by 
 a pure religion. The cold skepticism of the 
 Caucasian will then be expunged in the more 
 genial faith which miscegenation will produce. 
 Hear him : 
 
 " May we not hope that in the happier hereafter of thia 
 continent, when the Mongolian from China t3nd Japan, 
 and the negro from his own Africa, shall have blent their 
 more emotional natures with ours, that here may be wit- 
 nessed at once the most perfect religion as well as the 
 most perfect type of mankind the world has yet seen ? 
 Let us then embrace our black brother;" (laughter;) let 
 us give him the intellect, the energy, the nervous endur- 
 ance of the cold North which he needs, and let us take 
 from him his emotional power, his love of the spiritual, 
 his elelight in the wonders which we understand only 
 through faith. In the beautiful words of Emerson: 
 " He has the avenues of God 
 
 Hid from man of northern brain, 
 Ear beholding, witnout cloud, 
 What these with slowest steps attain.' " 
 
 The writer then goes on to show what this 
 miscegen will become physiologically. He 
 will be the realization of the ideal, not of tke 
 white or of the black race, bat the perfect ideal 
 of the blended races I The artist is called 
 in to adorn by the rarest touches of the facile 
 pencil this production of advanced abolition- 
 ism : 
 
 " The ideal or type of 6ian of the future will blend in 
 himself all that is passionate and emotional in the darker 
 1-aces, all that is imaginative and spiritual in the Asiatic 
 races, and all that is intellectual and perceptive in the 
 white races. He will also be composite as regards color" 
 The purest miscegen will be brown, with reddish cheeks, 
 cm-ly and waving hair, dark eyes, and a fullness and sup- 
 pleness of form not now dreamed of by any individual 
 people." * * * * * * *= 
 
 * " Adam, the progenitor of the race, as his very 
 name signifies, was made of red eartli : and, like the in- 
 habitants of Syria and Mesopotamia, must have been of a 
 tawny or yellow color. The extreme white and black are 
 departures from the original tj-pe. The Saviour is repre- 
 sented very falsely in paintings as being light-haired and 
 white-skinnod, when, in truth, he must have been a man 
 of very dark complexion, as were all the Palestine Jews. 
 They were a tawny or yellow race. The fact has beea 
 noticed that the Aniharic, the language of the Abyssinian, 
 is remarkably analogous to the Hebrew, rendering it 
 probable that the Jews were partly of Abyssinian or ne- 
 gro origin." 
 
 The writer makes the same mistake which 
 others have made in confounding the Abys- 
 sinian with our Congo negro. They are 
 utterly unlike in form and feature as well as 
 in mind and character. The author's elo- 
 quence is better than his science ; for with 
 
9 
 
 wliat enthasiasra does lie close Ma appeal to 
 the members of tlie abolition party : 
 
 <^ We Hire upon -^vliite men and Avoman no longer to 
 <-Hwy in dicir color; it is no evidence of cultivation or of 
 oarity of bk.od. Ad;ini and Christ, the type men of the 
 vvorld's f-rcdC eras, v. ere red or yello\v, and to men of this 
 color, aijove all others, must be comniimicated the higher 
 inspirations which involve great spiritual trutlis, and 
 ■which bring individuals of the human family into direct 
 communion with supernatural agencies." 
 
 These theories, which seem 80 novel to us, 
 have been a part of the gospel of abolition for 
 years. The celebrated authoress of Uncle 
 Tom's Cabin has made a pen- portrait of a mis- 
 cegenetic woman and man in her novel called 
 Dred. She makes them the central figures in 
 her graphic scenes of Southern life. Harry, the 
 quadroon overseer and Lisette, his wife, are 
 described as of that "mixed blood which 
 seems so peculiarly fitted to appreciate all the 
 finer aspects of conventional life."_ Harry's 
 power was such, owing to the constitution in- 
 herited from his father, tempered by the soft 
 and genial temperament of the beautiful Eboe 
 mulattress who was his mother^ that, through 
 fear or friendship, upon the plantation_ there 
 was universal subordination to him. JLisette 
 is described as a delicate, airy little creature, 
 formed by a mixture of the African and French 
 blood, producing one of those fanciful, ex 
 otic combinations that give the same impres- 
 sion of brilliancy and richness ttiat one re- 
 ceives from tropical insects afid flowers I Her 
 eyes have the hazy, dreamy languor which is 
 so characteristic of the mixed races. 
 
 With such sensuous portraiture as his ori- 
 ginal, the author I am considering finds all 
 the characteristics of perfect ideal beauty in 
 the — negro girl I He copies them with fideli- 
 ty, it he does not surpass the original. 
 ' I call the attention of gentlemen upon the 
 other side to this remarkable picture, for they 
 will find its living counterpart only in ' the 
 crazed skulls of their fanatic supporters : 
 
 In -n-hat does beauty consist ? In richness and bright- 
 ness of color, and in gracefulness of curve and outline. 
 What does the Anglo-iiaxon, who assumes that his race 
 monopolizes the beauty of the earth, look for in a lovely 
 woman ? Her cheeks must be rounded and have a tint of 
 the sun, her lips must be pouting, her teeth white and 
 regular, her eyes large and bright ; her hair must curl 
 about her head, or descend in crinkling Avaves ; she must 
 be merry, gay, full of poetry and sentiment, fond of song, 
 childlike, and artless. But all these characteristics be- 
 luag, in a somewhat exaggerated degree, to the negro 
 girl. What color is beautiful in the human face? It is 
 the blank white. In paintings, the artist has never por- 
 trayed so perfect a woman to the fancy as when, choosing 
 his subject from some other than the Caucasian race, he 
 Las been able to introduce the marveious charm of the 
 combinatioa of colors in her flice. Not alone to the while 
 face, even when tinted with mantling blood, is the fasci- 
 nation of female loveliness imputed. The author may 
 state— and the same experience can be witnessed to by 
 thousands— that the most beautiful girl in form, feature, 
 and every attribute of feminine loveliness he ever saw 
 was a mulatto. By crossing and improvement of different 
 varieties, tho strawberry, or other garden fruit, is brou;^ht 
 nearest to f erfection, in sweetness, size, and fruitfulness. 
 This was a ripe and complete Avonian, possessing the best 
 elements of two sources of parentage Iler comfjlexion 
 was warm and dark, and golden with the heat of tropical 
 suns, lips full and luscious, cheeks perfectly molded and 
 tinged with deep crimson, hair curling, and 
 '• 'W hose glossy black 
 To shame might bring 
 The plumage or the raven's wing.' " 
 
 This pamphleteer is a thorough philosopher. 
 He holds that the slaveholders South are a 
 superior race, owing to their intimate com- 
 munication from birth to dea-lh with the 
 colored race. Their emotional power, fervid 
 oratory, and intensity of thought and will 
 are attributed to this association. Their abil- 
 ity to cope with the North in battle is found 
 to consist in the fact that the presence of Afri- 
 cans in their midst in large numbers infuses 
 into the air a sort of barbaric malaria ; a 
 miasm of fierceness, which after long inter- 
 course between the races comes to infect the 
 white men and even the women also ! I 
 would fail in my promise to elucidate this 
 new creed of abolition, did I not call attention 
 to the argument which the writer draws from 
 the fact that contraries like each other and 
 that the blonde incontinently fails in love 
 with the black ! From this principle of 
 sesthetics or lust the author deduces his 
 highest type of beauty. From this source of 
 opposite yet mingling emotions he thinks that 
 civilization will be enhanced and glorified I 
 
 I give his deductions as well for their novel- 
 ty as for his felicity in choosing the names by 
 which he illustrates them. Lot me again 
 quote : 
 
 " Such of our readers as have attended anti-slavery 
 meetings will have observed the large proportion of 
 blondes in the assemblage. This peculiarity is also notice- 
 able in the leading speakers and agitators in the great 
 anti-slaverj- pai-ty. Mr. Horace Greely, of the New York 
 Tribune, known for his devotion to the negro race, is as 
 opposite as a man possibly can be to the people to whom 
 he has shown his attachment by long and earnest labor 
 for their welfare. In color, complexion, structure, men- 
 tal habits, peculiarities of all kinds, they are as far apart 
 as the poles. The same is true of Mr. Vv'endc41 Phillips. 
 He, too, is the very opposite of the negro. His complex- 
 ion is reddish and sanguine; his hair in younger days 
 was light ; he is, in short, one of the sharpest possible 
 contrasts to the pure negro. Mr, Theodore Tilton, the 
 eloquent young editor of the Independent, who has al- 
 ready achieved immortality by advocating enthusiasti- 
 cally the doctrine of miscegenation," (laughter,) " is a 
 very pure specimen of the blonde, and when a young 
 man was noted for his angelic type of feature," (laughter) 
 — "we mean angelic after the type of Kaphael, which ia 
 not the true angelic feature, because the perfect type of 
 the future will be that of the blended race, with the 
 sunny hues of the South tinging the colorless complexion 
 of the icy North. But it is needless further to particu- 
 larize. The sympathy Mr. Greeley, Mr. Phillips, and Mr. 
 Tilton feel for the negro is the love which the blonde bear 
 for the black ; it is a love of race, a sympathy stronger to 
 them than the love they bear to woman- It is founded 
 upon natural law. We love our opposites. 
 
 '•Nor is it alone true that the blonde love the black. 
 The black also love their opposites. Said Frederick Doug- 
 lass, a noble specimen of the melalueketic American," 
 (laughter,) "in one of his speeches : ' We love the white 
 man, and will remain with him. We like him to well to 
 leave him . but we must possess with him the rights of 
 freedom.' Our police courts give painful evidence that 
 the passion of the colored race for the white is often so 
 uncontrollable as to overcome the terror of the law. It 
 has been so, too, upon the Southern plantations. The 
 only remedy for this is legitimate melaleuketic mar- 
 riage.' (Laughter.) 
 
 The revelations at Hilton Head and along 
 the Carolina coast might have been added to 
 the illustrations above to show the irrepres- 
 sible afi'ection between white women and 
 black men and black women and white men. 
 Bat on that — I forbear. 
 
 Sir, I cannot pursue this style of remark 
 further. The contemplation of such disgust- 
 
10 
 
 ing theories is not pleasant. I have been 
 challeEged to go into it by my friend from 
 Massachusetts. This is my apology. The 
 gentlemen on the other side may be nncon- 
 scious of the path they are traveling under 
 the lead of these amalgamationists. But they 
 must follow. They may protest, but we know 
 that they will yield, for they have ever 
 yielded to their extreme men. As this very 
 writer himself truly says, Cp^ge 580 
 
 " As the war has progressed, men's miuds have been 
 opened more and more to the true cause of our country's 
 difficulties. Human nature is imperfect; i t can ordinarily 
 take in only half or quarter truths. It was a grpat step 
 in the advance when the country willingly accepted the 
 truth that all men should be free. But it might not 
 have been seen by many that further along in the path 
 of progress vre should recognise the great doctrine of 
 human brotherhood, and that human brotherhood com- 
 prehended not merely the personal freedom, but ihe 
 acknowledgement of the political and social rights of the 
 negro, and the provision for his entrance intotho.-efamiiy 
 relations which form the dearost and strongest ties that 
 bind humanity together. Ouco place the races upon a foot- 
 ing of perfect eq"ality,and these results will surely follow?. 
 
 "Let it be understood, then, that equality before the 
 law, for the negro, secures to him freedom, privilege to 
 secure property and public position, and, above al', carries 
 with it the ultimate fusion of ihe negro and white races. 
 When this shall be accomplished by the inevitable in- 
 fluences of time, all the troubles that loom up now in the 
 future ( f our country v.'ill have passed away. It is the 
 true solution of our difficulties, and lie is blind who does 
 not sec it. The President of the United States, for- 
 tunately for the country, has made a great advance in 
 the right direction. Ilis first thought in connection with 
 the ehfrancbisement of the slaves was to send them from 
 the country. He discovered, first, that this was physi- 
 cally impossible, and, second, that the labor alone which 
 ■would be lost to America and the world would amount 
 in value to more than the debts of all the nations of the 
 earth. The negro is rooted on this conthient; we cannot 
 remove him; we must not hold him in buudnge. The 
 wisest course is f o giv^ him his rights, and let Lim alone; 
 and by the certain influence of our institutions he will 
 become a component element of tho American man. ' 
 
 Gentleman of the other side have here laid 
 down for them the shining pathway that will 
 lead them out of the troubles with which 
 their ill-judged emancipation schemes have 
 environed them. Whether they will follow 
 it, time will show. Events will show whe- 
 ther the American people will not have a 
 thorough and honest white man's disgust for 
 all these African policies, culminating, as 
 they must, in atnelgamation, so as in time to 
 reverse the wheel of revolution, and thus 
 save both races — the one from continuHd 
 slaughter, and the other from eventual and 
 certain extermination. I have quoted these 
 extracts to show that there is a doctrine now 
 being adverdsed and urged by the leading 
 lights of the Abolition party, toward which 
 the Republican party will and. must advance. 
 See hf'W they have advanced for the last two 
 or three years ! They used to d'-ny, when- 
 ever it was charged, that they favured black 
 citizenship; yet now they are favoring free 
 black e^nffrafje ia ^he District of Columbia, 
 and will favor it wherever in the Sout they 
 need it for their purposes. The Attorney 
 General of ibc United States has declared the 
 African to he an American Oitizen. The ?:(-c.- 
 retary of State grants him a passport a'5 such. 
 The President of the United States calls ] im 
 an American citr'zen of African descent. The^ 
 
 Senate of the United States is discussing Af- 
 rican equality in street cars. We have the 
 negro at every moment and in every bill in 
 Congress. All these things, in connectioa 
 with the African policies of confiscation and 
 emancipation in their various shapes for the 
 past three years, culminating in this grand 
 plunder scheme of a department for freedmcn, 
 ought to convince us that that party is mov- 
 ing steadily forward to perfect social equality 
 of black and white, and can only end in this 
 detestable doctrine of — Miscegenation ! 
 
 Gentlemen may deny that this is the ten- 
 dency of their party. They used to deny that 
 they favored the doctrine of the political equal- 
 ity of black and white, which was once charg- 
 ed upon them, and which they are now so 
 boldly consummating. The truth will appear. 
 After a year or two some member from New 
 England will come here recognizing the great 
 fact that four million blacks are mixing more 
 or less, and ought to mis more with the 
 whites of the country, and will advocate a 
 bureau of another kind — a department for the 
 hybrids who are cast upon tho care of the 
 Government by this system of miscegenation, 
 Mr. Speaker, since I have been upon the 
 floor, the gentleman from Massachusetts more 
 than hinted that the Democracy might desire 
 to compete with his party in this new scheme 
 of miscegenation. Not at all, sir. Our pre- 
 judices are strong, but they are in favor of our 
 own color. We have, in times past, affiliated 
 with the Democracy South, but I do not un- 
 derstand that the Democratic party North is 
 responsible for what the Democratic party 
 South did since or when they separated from 
 us, or since and when they divided our party 
 and helped you to divide the Union. The 
 Democratic party of the North never was a 
 pro- slavery party, as has been libelously 
 charged. [Laughter on the Republican side.] 
 Oh, I know you laugh, gentlemen, at that ; 
 but your laugh is "like the crackling of thorns 
 under a pot." 
 
 The Scripture tells you what kind of laugh- 
 ter that is. It would be unparliamentary to 
 characterize it farther. I repeat it, the De- 
 mocracy North never was a pro- slavery party. 
 I know the contrary has been reiterated by 
 the crew who have floated on the summer 
 current of northern prejudice, until many 
 good people believe it. A grosser falsehood 
 was never uttered. Even Horace Greeley is 
 ashamed any more to repeat it. He stated 
 the other day our position correctly, when he 
 said that "northern Dem cracy i.s not really 
 pro slavery, bat anti-intervention; ruaintain- 
 ing, not that slavery is right, but that .we of 
 the free States should mind oar own business 
 and let alone other people's." Oar pJatvorms 
 are but the rnpHtition of this idr a or uon in- 
 terference. Beginning with 1840 and ending 
 with 18G0, we ra-olvcd— 
 
 «• That Cona:r«^?s has no power, under the Pon^^Mtution, 
 1o i-te'-fcro with ( r cntrol iljo d'.m io iu-i itntions of 
 iho feveiT.l S /tfHs; :'nd hat suc'i S ut are the s .Io and 
 proper jnd-c^ of c- tr. t; in- p<':-t:.iniLj t .ilioiro .n ;:i?aira, 
 >G prcliibited bv the uousiituiioii ; thai, all eilortiS by 
 
11 
 
 ibolitionists or others made to induce Congress to inter- utmest tO preserve what they can of local and 
 
 S P«=«°-»l "f^'y of "^e chao, of this con. 
 
 alarming and dangerous consequences, and tliat all such 
 efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happi- 
 ness of the people, and endanger the stability and per- 
 manency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced 
 
 by any triendto our political institutions." 
 
 The Democracy ever favored local sover- 
 eignty as to slavery and every other domestic 
 matter. They would have extended that sov- 
 ereignty, and not slavery, from the States to 
 the Territories. On that question of exten- 
 sion, of non intervention, the Democracy 
 North and South unhappily divided. The 
 consequences are upon us. 
 
 I accept events as they traaspire. Not re- 
 sponsible for them, yet not unobservant of 
 them, I call the attention of the House to the 
 bold strides which have been made since we 
 last met, by fraud and force, to crush out the 
 institution of slavery. I need not point you 
 to the black recruiting system in Maryland 
 and Missouri. I need not rehearse the orders 
 of generals and subordinates, all working to 
 this end, regardless of the rights of property 
 or local sovereignty. Slavery hangs precari- 
 ously, by a hair, in Tennessee, Arkansas, 
 Louisiana, Maryland, Missouri, and Florida. 
 Even in old Kentucky, where her loyal peo- 
 ple cared less for it and more for their State 
 right over it, anti- slavery is at work. Wher- 
 ever in our lines slavery yet^exists, it is com- 
 paratively free and altogether profitless. It 
 works at its own will, and not at the will of 
 the master. Outside of our lines — within the 
 Gulf States — slaves once worth $2,000 are 
 now only worth their $100 in gold; and this 
 depreciation will go on if our armies continue 
 to penetrate the South. If it thus go on, 
 where will it end ? In the grave of the slave ! 
 Read the accounts of mortality among the 
 blacks, especially those in the military. Each 
 camp is a hospital. The deserted families per- 
 ish by their removal from their homes, by 
 vice and starvation. We of this side have no 
 power to stop it. The war keeps it going. 
 For this condition of the negro let the Aboli- 
 tion party and its savage counterpart South 
 answer to God and the country. To the 
 horrors ond calamities of the whites growing 
 out of this war is to be added the miseries 
 and destruction of the blacks ; and this in- 
 dictment of hi?;h crime will not be found against 
 the northern Democracy, but against its revil- 
 ers North, vv'ho divided our Union, audits ene- 
 mies South, who divided our party. 
 
 In the for 'hcoming election for Chief Mag- 
 istrate you will find the Democracy making no 
 issue about slavery. If it is dying or dead, 
 BS you allege, you will find them striving their 
 
 personal liberty ®ut of the chaos of this con- 
 flict. We have been the champions of local 
 and State liberty, not because slavery was 
 guarantied by it. No, sir. We have not 
 championed slavery. We never placed it in 
 our northern constitutions. I would fain have 
 seen slavery die, if die it must, by the un- 
 forced action of the States, as it has died in 
 the now free States, and not by the rough 
 usages of war, which destroys the slave with 
 slavery ; not by usurpations upon the rights 
 of the States and the people, which destroy 
 both freedom and slavery and slave, but by 
 the sovereign intelligence of the people of the 
 States, who alone are responsible for the ex- 
 istence of their own domestic institutions. 
 
 I am not insensible to the signs of the 
 times. Judging fey what we daily see here 
 in this House, the border States, through the 
 blandishments of power, the fear of ruin, the 
 tyranny of the bayonet, and the corruption of 
 greenbacks, are, I think, gradually being 
 persuaded to yield before the genius ot univer- 
 sal emancipation! The music of the old 
 tJnion is hushed in the bugles of war. The 
 northern Democracy, in struggling to pre- 
 serve the institutions of those States, and in 
 doing which they have been and are yet in 
 sympathy with their only proper representa- 
 tives, have done so from no love of slavery ; 
 but because, in the language of the Chicago 
 platform, they would by preserving State 
 institutions, "preserve the balance of power, 
 on which the perfection and endurance of our 
 political fabric depended." 
 
 When the party in power, by edict and 
 bayonet, by sham election and juggling pro- 
 clamation, drag down slavery, they drag down 
 in the spirit of ruthless iconoclasm iLie very 
 genius of our civil polity, local seU-govern- 
 ment. They strike constitutional liberty in 
 striking at domestic slavery. Hence they 
 must abolish habeas corpus when thtry stab 
 the hated institution. They mwit invade 
 bills of right when they invade State rights. 
 
 When next you meet us at the polls yon 
 shall answer for the perfection of our politi- 
 cal fabric which you have marre(4, au 1 the en- 
 durance of which you have imperiled. No 
 more wrangling about pro-slavery or anti- 
 slavery. The question shall be, the old order 
 with Democracy to administer it, or continu- 
 ed revolution with destructives to ^uide it; 
 the old Union with as much Bf local sove- 
 reignty as may be saved from the abi'\->i )n of 
 war, or a new abolition and military uuity of 
 territory, with debt, tyranny, and fanaticism 
 as its trinity. 
 
) 
 
 .•^SOSFECTUS FOR THS NSW YEAR. 
 
 TECE COMSTITXJTTOlSr^Xi UISriOl^T, 
 
 A Daily and Weekly Democratic Conservative Union Newspaper. 
 
 Tile Bold and Fearless Beifeiider of ConstitiaCioaial liiberity I 
 
 Devoted earnestly to the maintenance of the Constitution as it is, and the restoration of 
 
 the Union as it was. 
 
 The CoJTSTiTUTioNAL Uxton" has won, since its establishment, the heartiest approval 
 of all national and conservative men, for its able and fearless advocacy of Constitutional 
 Liberty, Constitutional Eights, and Constitutional Principles. As the Tublisher desires 
 to enlarge the field of its operations by an increase in its subscription list and a more 
 extended circulation, he is encouraged in the belief that it may be made a means of vast 
 and greater usefulness in the important work of the Preservation of the Union, which 
 in His inscrutable wisdom, Providence has committed to the National Conservative De- 
 mocracy ; and in which, if our free form of Constitutional Government is to be preserved 
 there must be neither hesitation, timidity, or delay. The " Constitutional Union" will 
 continue to exercise, as fearlessly as it has heretofore done, its constitutional right of the 
 Freedom of the Press, while it will earnestly contend for the entire Freedom of Speech, 
 and a free and untrammeled ballot for the people, unawed and undismayed by the inter- 
 vention of bands of armed men at the polls', so as to secure a constitutional victory through 
 the ballot-box, a restoration of law and order in the administration of the Government 
 and the election in the autumn of 1864 of a President of the United States who will 
 faithfully and constitutionally administer the duties of his great office. 
 
 THE DAILY CONSTITUTIONAL UNION is sent to subscribers, by mail, at $8 a year. 
 Clubs, for the daily, of twenty five persons, mailed to one address, $i50 per year. 
 
 THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONAL UNION, for single copies, is furnished by mail a 
 the low rate of a year, and at less prices for Clubs. 
 
 Especial attention is solicited to our weekly paper, which is a mammoth sheet, filled 
 v^^ith choice matter, and exceedingly desirable, in our judgment, as a periodical visitor at 
 the hearthstone and in the family of every conservative man in the Union. It m.ay be had, 
 considering the enormous price of paper and increased cost of labor and materials, at a 
 very cheap rate, as the scale of prices will show. We suggest the union of effort among 
 friends to form Clubs, by which a large reduciion in the price of the paper is attained. 
 
 oust TERMS FOR CI. UBS : 
 
 Single Copies, one year $2 00 
 
 Two Copies, one year 3 50 
 
 Ten Copies, to one address, with an extra Copy to the person sending the Club. ... 17 50 
 Twenty Copies, to one address, with an extra Copy to the person sending the Club. . 30 GO 
 
 Additional names can be added to the Clubs, at any time, at the usual Club rates. 
 
 SPECIMEN COPIES will be sent to the address of any one who may desire them. 
 
 All subscriptions to be invariably in advance. Address 
 
 THOMAS B. FLORENCE, 
 330 E street, Washington, D. C. 
 
 The Constitutional Union Recommended and Indorsed. 
 
 The Democratic and Conservative members of the Thirty-Eighth Congress, now in 
 session, held a meeting at the Capitol, on Monday, January 12, 1864, when it was unani- 
 mously 
 
 '■'■Resolved^ That the Democratic members of Congress earnestly recommend The Con- 
 stitutional Union, published in Washington, to the patronage and support of the Demo- 
 cratic party of the United Spa tes, as the fearless exponent of sound Democratic doctrines." 
 
# 
 
Date Due 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 UnnKcl ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
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 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Form 335— 35M— 9-34— C. P. Co. 
 
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