* • fflltTWfflfn ■ H^H PERKINS LIBRARY Duke University Kare Dooks ■ J K4-. 3, n+ «r_ A a CONSTITUTIONAL REPUBLICANISM, IN OPPOSITION TO FALLACIOUS FEDERALISM; AS PUBLISHED OCCASIONALLY IN THE f n&qjen&ent Cfntrntcle, UNDER THE SIGNATURE OF OLD-SOUTH TO WHICH IS PREHXED, A PREFATORY ADDRESS TO THE CITIZENS c* 553 UNITED STATES, K NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED. by BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun. be, "OH, that this ore might u- That all our rpecics liv'd in harmony ! Thafctbe wide world outflretch'd, in moral ?il, The^.rad'.:ng arm. to inciter anil to dat'c ! That tcndci transport incited cv'ry foul, And one warm wifn preGded o'er the whole ! That all th' oppoftng elements of life, The gales of rage, and hurricanes of ftrifc. Might ce.ife ; and waft our barks with lilkcn fail; And on life's ocean zephyrs mild prevail ! That mutual pafTions mutual charms might lend. And each to each be NEIGHBOUR, FATHER, FRIENO !' BOSTON: PRINTED FOR ADAMS tf RIIOADES, EDITOPS Or THE INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE. 1C t\ri(\ ^fS'i'v Fellow-Citizens, 1 HAT the United States, in their political fituation, connected with all thofe advantages which refult from cnterprife and induftry, ftand pre-eminently confpicuous amid the nations of the world, is a truth readily acknowledged by the contending parties throughout the continent. On this fuhject there is no real controverJy ; federalifts and republicans unite in this one princi- ple, and nothing can be wanting but a fpirit of reconciliation to promote univcrfal harmony. As Americans, we are all interefted in the general welfare ; we all partake of equal blcflings, arifing from one fource. The conftitution is the true ark of fafety, and while we adhere to the principles of its legitimate conftruclion, all will go well. The government is organized for the happinefs of the whole people ; no exclufive privileges are the birth-right of particular individuals ; no man has a claim on public patronage ; but each citizen, however elevated, muft depend for his continuance in of- fice, on the fuffrages of his fellow-citizens, defignated in fuch modes as are explicitly pointed out by the conftitution and laws of the United States. Who then has a right to arraign the voice of the people, when thus exprefled ? What body of men have the privilege to contemn thofe, whom the citizens have approbated ? Who have a licenfe to calumniate, in terms the moll opprobrious, thofe who are placed in the feats of government ? A free inquiry into national tranfactions, is laudable and patriotic ; but when fcur- . rility and defamation attend fuch inquiries, we have reafon to fufpect the integrity of the agents. The hiilory of the world cannot produce a parallel, wherein the groffnefs of abufe, and the malignity of temper, have been carried to fuch an unbounded excefs. The prefent adminiftxatiott 1C0796 4 Prefatory Address. have been attacked with a virulence, which has nearly exceeded the ingenuity of grammarians to coin words adequate to its im- port. The whole vocabulary of the Englifh language, expreffive of the malignant paflions, has, within a few years, been exhaufted to defame the reputation of almoft every republican in the gov- ernment. The greatefl culprit within Newgate, the mod aban- doned mifcreant that ever made his exit from Tyburn, has been more favoured by his opponents than the Prefident of the United States and thofe who adhere to his adminiftration. Decency has been facrificed at the fhrine of federal ifm ; and oftentimes have the libellous paragraphs been fo bafely defamatory, that a virtuous man felt a confeious guilt in admitting fuch obfeenities within his family. Every epithet of flander was admitted. Our na- tional character has been fported with, by men who pretend to ref- pect the honour of their country, with a wantonnefs which would di/grace a tribe of favages, or a horde of Hottentots. Fellow-citizens ! it is unnecefTary to recapitulate in detail the falfehoods, fcurrility, and malicious defamation, which have been propagated through thofe proflituted vehicles, arrogantly ftiled federal prefTes. They are difgraceful to any organifed fociety, more efpecially to one which exclufively claims the appellation of republican. If we may judge of the difpofition of thofe authors, by their manner of writing, the reign of Roberfpierre would be a millennium in comparifon with the fanguinary actions of fuch in- veterate calumniators, provided their power was co-extenfive with their malice. If the guillotine was not the weapon of their cruel- ty, to filence all oppofition, it would not arife from motives of leni- ty ; but imprifonment, fines and perfecutions would be adopted as more adequate to the purpofes of torture and diflrefs, by the ling- ering ppignancy of the death inflicted. If thefe men Mere really defirous to promote the welfare of their country, would they try every method to excite the hatred of the citizens againfl their conftituted authorities ? Would they at- tempt to diflolve the Union, by raifing a jcaloufy between the ref- lective ftates ? Would they profane the name of Washington, by urging an attachment to his precepts, while at the fame time, they were crucifying this patriot on the crofs of anarchy and civil diflenfion ? The fact is, thefe people are enemies to the happinefs and pro£ Prefaliry Address, $ perity of America ; they are- the remnants of that faction, which were well known during our revolution, under the appellation of tories. This party have had the addrefs, like Satan in the garden of Eden, to deceive fome, whom we delighted to call our frjl parents. They tempted them to renounce their primeval (late, and attempting to be GODS, they became lefs than men. They loft their original purity, and by their fall threatened to inflict a political curfe on the prefent and future generation. Thank heaven, the guardian angel of America appeared for our deliver- ance ; and fince the authors of our misfortunes have been legally difmiiTed from their (lations, wp truft, that the happinefs of fociety is referved for the faithful and virtuous citizens. The conftitution of our country does not make one clafs of men the fole reprefen- tatives of our national profperity, but has referved a right in the people, to change them whenever apoftacy becomes the prominent feature of their adminlftration. At this crifis, fellow-citizens, what is the direct path before us ? Will you truft to them, who are abufing thofc who do all in their power to relieve you ? Are you in favour of thofe who wiih addi- tional taxes in opposition to fuch who are defirous to lefTen them ? Do you want an eight per cent:, loan, excife, ftamp duties, (land- ing army and Supernumerary officers, when the government de- clares there is no occaflon for them ? Are you fo anxious to pay away your money, that you muft reprobate the men who tell you they do not require it ? Does die merchant earn his property fo readily, that he is uneafy unlefs government is conftantly drain- ing his coffers ? Do the farmer and tradefman enjoy fuch a plen- itude, that they require an excifeman to carry away the furplus ? If die executive of the United States pledges himfelf to anfwer all emergencies without thefe Supplementary aids ; if the Secretary of the treafury exhibits a fifcal (Is tement, proving the practicability of paying off our cumbrous debt, with the revenue arifing from impost alone, why in the name of common fenfe are we oppofed to the experiment ? Depend on it, fellow-citizens, the man who is againfr. the repeal of our excife laivs, is not a friend to the people ; he willies to affimilate our mode of taxation with die BritiSh, and is afraid, unlefs diis fyftem of taxation is adopted, he Shall not (land a chance to participate in enjoying thoSe perfonal bleffings* which arife from a multiplicity of offices, Prefatory Addrtu. Let us then unite in the falutary fyftem adopted by the pref. cnt government ; let each one end favour to promote the general harmony, and do all in his power to flrengthen an adminiftration, whofe object appears concentrated to lejfen taxes, and cafe the cit- from unnccfjfary burdens. If any government in Europe had adopted fmiilar meafures, die projectors of fuch a beneficent plan would receive the plaudits of every honeft man within the nation. If a minifter in England had curtailed the taxes of the people in a limilar proportion to Prelident Jefferfon, millions of voices would join in hallelujahs to celebrate his patriotic merit. The foregoing remarks may be thought inconfiftcnt with that fpirit of reconciliation inculcated in the motto of this volume. But in the idea of the author, they perfectly coincide with the ef- fentials contained in it. Harmony, peace, and moderation depend on the body of republican citizens, acting upon one confolidated principle in iupport of the confutation and laws of the government. An union of republicans and menarchifts can never be expected ;. an union with thofe who advocate unneceftary taxes, and thofe who are oppofed to them, is chimerical ; an union of thofe, who ufe fcurrility and defamation, with thofe who fubftantiate their meafures by reafon and found policy, is reverfing every logical decifion ; an union with friends of order and the revilers of an adminiftration, which inculcates peace abroad, and harmony at home, is as impoffible as a cordiality between God and mammon. The union fought after, depends on the candid deliberation of the well-difpofed citizens, whofe happinefs is involved in the perma- nency of a wife and economical adminiftration. An union of this kind may be effected ; as we have reafon to think that many hon- eft men have been in oppofition, from the arts and intrigues of fuch clafTes as are above defcribed : and we charitably hope, a pre-eminent character, now in ietirement, is convinced that he was deceived by thofe who pretended the higheft friendfhip towards him. We ever wifh to revere his character for the part he took ■.'ion ; and we pray GOD, that his laft days may be employed in cxpofing thofe culprits, who pretend to venerate him, igife the man who attempted to blaft his fame with iiy and reproach. Taking this ground, the author of the following numbers has conudered the various fubjects contemplated. He has noticed , Prefatory Address. if every individual in his political character. As private men, he es- timates them in proportion to their fbcial virtues, and does not wiflr to invalidate whatever may be elTential to their moral recti- tude. He acknowledges to have written with freedom : but the controverfy of the prefent day, as connected with the future happi- nefs of our common country, demands an unequivocal invefti- gation of public men and meafures. He is willing to Hand the tell of principles ; and for this purpofe only, has he confented to give his name as a voucher for the fmcerity of his obfervations. The caufe of real, undefilcd religion, as inculcated in the go/pel, he is ever defirous to efpoufe, and if any remarks on its profeflbrs may appear pungent, it is for the fole purpofe of difcriminating be- tween piety and hypocrify : neither would he uncharitably con- temn all fuch men, as differ from him, as hypocrites or apof- tates ; yet the feverity and indecency with which fome have repli- ed to his remarks, juftify him in adminiflering the tartar of retal- iation. He has been particular in fome of his numbers to appeal to the good fenfe, and unbiafTed judgment, of the young men. He has made his addrefs to this valuable clafs of citizens, from the moil: inconteflible documents ; and though he may be thought, by a few of them, to have efpoufed doctrines fubverfive of their interefi:, yet he trulls they will, on a candid re-perufal of the fubject, acquit him from any fuch defign. He has furniflied them with the Specific proceedings of the merchants, functioned with names of the higheft credibility ; and he leaves it with the young men to decide on this important queftion. If he is wrong in any one particular throughout tire fcveral numbers, he is willing to acknowledge his error ; but fcurrility and defamation will never be confidered as arguments, either to abandon his principles, or intimidate him from perfeverance. The remarks are fubmitted to a candid public ; and to their tribunal he is ready to fubmit his plea. Having no fmifter views to grat- ify, if they arc acceptable to his fellow-citizens, he is perfectly re- warded for his labours. The author (lands on the bafis of the conflitution ; and while he maintains an attitude, which is juflifiable by this compact, the billingfgate effufions of a defperate faction will be unnoticed. If S Prefatory AJJress. any man will meet him with his name, he is willing to rttteftigate the fubjecT, becoming a gentleman and citizen. After this ex- plicit declaration, whoever replies, in abufive language, in an an- onymous difguife, will be treated as fuch a character ought ever to be, with filent contempt. ^ THE POLITICAL WRITINGS OP OLD-SOUTH. No. I. ON THE BRITISH TREATY. A HE fignature of Old-South may appear a little fingular to thofc who are not acquainted with the proceedings of the town of Bof- ton, afiembled at this ancient edifice on the queftion of the treaty. At a previous meeting, the treaty was univerfally difapproved, and a petition forwarded to the Prefident on the fubjedt. It was therein declared to be injurious to the interefl: of the country, and deftructive to our commerce. Many weighty objections were made to its ratification, and after the fulleft investigation of the principles of the report, it was ordered to be fent to the Prefident by the Selectmen. About three weeks afterwards, a petition was handed about by particular individuals, to be figned by the citizens, urging our Re- prefentatives to make the neceiTary appropriations for the fulfil- ment of the treaty. This meafure was confidered as counteract- ing the former declaration of the town in their corporate capacity ; and as undue means were ufed to obtain fubferibers, another meet- ing was called to take the fenfe of the citi/.ens on the funject. During the debates, the fame objections were ftated as at the for- mer meeting, and the injurious cor.fequcnces of this internment were (till held forth in oppofition to its ratification, and apprcpna- tions.^ The pointed reflections then made on the oppofers, are frefh in the minds of thofe who attended, and though the v.-tc was carried againfi; th*m, yet the confequent disadvantages wc e::perh- 10 6n the British Ti No. I. ence, are proofs of the propriety of the objections then offered. To commemorate this important asra, the fignature of Old-South is now taken. As the oppofers of the treaty were at that period the objects of the mod fevcre, and ungenerous abufe and cenfure ; and as their principles were repiobated with all the venom of calumny und de- famation, it is but proper to turn the minds of the citizens, into that channel of reflection, as will lead them to j&dgey " Whether the ftntimenis of the oppofers, or thofe of the advocates, were mofi congenial to the tntercjls of the country : Whether the predictions of the fallacy of Britifh integrity, in protecting our commerce and refpecting our neutrality ; in their profeffions of friendfhip, and their cordiality to our feamen, have not in almoft every inftance been realized : And whethc • we have not proofs as clear as holy writ to vindicate the afTertiens then made, that the benefits anticipated by the treaty would foon become as delufive, as the " bafelefs fabric of a virion,-*' Let the orators who then pictured in the mofi glowing drains the bleffings we were to enjoy under the mild operation of this in- ftrument, now enumerate the manifold advantages we experience. Let them lay their finger on the document, which gives that am- ple indemnification to our merchants, for captured property, which they fo pleafingly defcribed. Let them relate the honorary marks of reipect paid to the American flag. Let them contraft the late orders of the Britifh government, with their rhapfody on Britifh amity, and reciprocal attachments. Let them oppofe the whip- pings, and infults to our feamen, with their pleafmg recitals of good fellowfhip between Britilh and American tars. Let them dilplay the ports of Jamaica, New-Providence, &c. with the ex- panded wings of the American eagle, pourtrayed as covering the ocean in every quarter of the maritime globe. Or let them con- fohdate the bleffings in die modeft demands on the country for the payment of mercantile debts, and the execution of the unfortunate Robbins.— Thefe are fubjects, on which we wifh to be informed, in order to judge with accuracy between the friends and oppofers of the treaty. * The political controverfy in this country has been carried on with a degree of perfonal inveteracy, unbecoming the character ei- ther of gentlemen or citizens. Particularly fmce the adoption of the treaty, every indecent term of reproach has been given to thofe No. I. On the British Treaty. II who were in the oppofition. Diforganizers, traitors, enemies to their country, jacobins, aie epithets which have been ufed againft men, whofe characters in every point of view have flood at leaft on a par with their calumniators, and in mod inftances fuperior. But we truft, however, that the time is faft approaching, when po- litical merit will be duly appreciated ; as events will foon decide, how far the fentiments of individuals have been favorable or unfav- orable to the happinefs, intereft, and independence of the country. Our political fituation cannot long remain a fpeculative queftion ; it has arrived to that ci ids, which muft difclofe the aftions of men, and (lamp on their mcafures the indelible marks of right or turoug, in characters too legible to be concealed, and too deeply engraved to be erafed ; each individual will ftand cenfured or approved, ac- cording to the part which he has taken, and judgment will be pa(Ted upon them, not under the influence of party fpirit, but un- der that impreflion which ariies from deliberation and reflection. This is the teft to which every honeft man is willing to fubmit his conduct, and though he may have borne the contumely of his en- emies with a filent indignation, yet he muft feel a confolation, that the period muft foon arrive, when actions and principles, inftead of calumny and reproach, will be admitted as the evidences of his in- tegrity. Art and intrigue, threats and defamation, will no longer be wielded as the menacing weapons to deprive a tradefman of his employment ; nor the horrors of a diftrefled family be ufed as argu- ments to oblige a citizen to vote and act contrary to his fentiments. Thank God ! this day of political perfecution is near over j info- lence begins to lower his creft, and though here and there we fee its fliadow, with fome traits of its former arrogance, yet its fallow countenance befpeaks the feeblenefs of its future operations. With great propriety we can exclaim with the Prophet, as it applies to the circumftances of many, who grew fat and kicked, " How has the gold become dim, and how has the moft fine gold changed. Their prophets have prophefied falfely, and their pricjls bear rule by their means — and my people love to have it Jo t but what will ye do in the end thereof V* It On the British Treaty. No. II. No. II. ON THE BRITISH TREATY. X HE tranfactions of this town, on the fubject of the treaty, "were fo unprecedented, that a mere relation of them at this diftant period, cannot but carry conviction of the impropriety of our conduct. Notwithftanding the legal meafure originally adopted by the town, in bearing their teflimony againft the treaty, yet a number of perfons formed themfelves into a " felf-creatcd committee," and early in the morning patroled the flreets, and by unjuflifiable means obtained a large number of fubferibers, in favour of immediate ap- propriations being made to carry the fame into operation. Inflcad of calling upon their fellow-citizens in a legal tozvn-meeting, they took the advantage of the fears and apprehenfions of individuals, and thereby increafed their fubfeription-paper, not by the deliberate determination of the inhabitants, but by ibatlperfonal influence, which their pre-eminent fituation gdvc them over the judgment of thofe to whom they applied. On a queflion fo important, and on which the town had previ- oufly acted, it was incumbent on thofe gentlemen of the committee, to call another meeting of the inhabitants, that the fubject might be candidly debated and maturely confidered : — That the town in its corporate capacity might hear the arguments in favour, and in op- pofition to the meafure : — That each man might be able to judge and act, according to the weight of reafoning offered on both fides : — That free difcuffion, inftead of threats and menaces, fhould be the criterion on which the mind fhould decide. This mode of conduct would have been fair and candid, and no reflections could afterwards have been thrown on any one, whatever might have been the ifTue of the bufmefs. It would have fhewn a difpofltion for reconciliation, and given an opportunity for each citizen to ftate his objections. It may here be anfwered, that a town-meeting was called, and that the fubject was debated in a legal affembly of the citizens. — But, after the committee had accomplifhed their ohjeB, by obtain- ing twelve or thirteen hundred fubferibers, the pitblic mind had by No. II. On the British Tr.sty. 1 3 this meafure been fo far pre-engaged, that it placed the bufinefs be- fore the town, in a very different pofition, than if iuch a proce- dure had not taken place. After men had figned to a paper in favour of the treaty, it was too great a challenge on their pride, to expect that they would renounce in public, what they had thus done in private. This whole tianfaction was, if I may ttfe the exprel- fion, forjfaHcd, previous to the town-meeting being called ; and the advocates for the treaty evidently felt their fecurity in cairying their vote, from the peculiar conduct which they afuimed on this occaflon. The debates were carried on, with that hmtieur of iclf- coniidence, as fully evinced, that they knew what would be the final ifTue of the queftion. Clamour, and other indecencies, fo fir drowned the voice of the oppofers of the freaty, that even the thunder of a Stcntor, would have been as feeble in the tumult, as the whifpers cf an infant. From thefe circurnftances, therefore, the town-meeting was rendered entirely ufelefs, as it refpected an unli- cjfid "niihjligation of the fubject on which they had aflexhbled ; and the whole tranfaction mull, on cool reflection, be confidcred (as it relates tofome) as the efforts of an overbearing party, to counteract, by undue means, the legal meafures of the town at their previous meeting. It may be obferved by fome, that it is unnecefTary at this dis- tance of time, to recount die doings of individuals on this occa*. fion, as what they then did, cannot nozv be remedied. But, when • r e reflect, how far political characters have been eftimated, by their opinions on this queftion ; what abuiive fcurrility has been incefTantly heaped upon thofe, who dared to fpeak their fentinents, — it may not be improper to mention thefe diings, by iviiy of rennm- brance, in order to (hew, that however partv spirit might at that period gain fuch an afcendancy, as to injure the reputation of individuals, yet, that the oumi has proved their opponents to be in the wrong. The apprehenfions of the inutility of this inftru-. ment, and the diftruft of its beneficial operation, were the princi- pal caufes which originated the oppofition to its adoption. The venerable Samuel Adams declared in his fpeech to the legislature of MafTachufetts, that " it was pregnant with evils ;" and Prefix dent Washington faid alfo, that " it was pregnant with events." The former with a prophetic fpirit, dreaded its confequences, and the latter hefitated as to its falutary effects. Such were the cha- c 14 On the British Treaty. No. II. rafters, that halted, and paufed over this important instrument ; how ungenerous then has been the abufe which thofe have receiv- ed, who exprefled their doubts, when fuch fages were thus agitated ? The prefent Situation in which we are placed, is a ftrong evi- dence, that the benefits anticipated from the treaty are vain and delufive. The commiflioners on the part of the United States have feceded from the claims of the Brilifli. This is a proof the demands muR have been fo unreafonable that MeSTrs. Fitz Sim- mons and'SiTGREAYEs could not juflify themfelves in acceding to them. NotwithRanding thefe gentlemen were warm advocates in its favour, yet on an attempt to liquidate the fyflem of Settlement, they are obliged to relinquish the bufinefs. NotwithRanding the government have made all their neceflary appropriations, and fub- mitted the whole tranfaction to the friends of the treaty, yet when they come to act on the Subject, the impropriety of the claims and the extent of the demands, are fo glaringly improper, they are forced to fufpend the negociation. If thefe gentlemen are confounded (who are fo favorably inclined towards the treaty) what muR we think of the nature of the claims ? If they could not tranfact the bufinefs, who among us can expect to do it ? If the British com- missioners will perfiR in oppofition to thefe gentlemen, to whom will they condefcend to comply i The objections by thefe gentle- men muR be of the greateR magnitude, otherwife they would not ven- ture to derange and fufpend fo important a bufinefs. The treaty is now placed on their Shoulders, as it has gone through every de- partment of government, and it reRs with them to bring it to a clofe. They muR have flrong reafons why they have feceded ; the property of the merchants is fufpended on their decifion ; mil- lions now lay in the Britiih courts, waiting the fulfilment of our treaty. AmidR fuch anxious expectations, our commifEoners muft be led by arguments the moR cogent, to break off from this nego- ciation. We muR conclude, when fuch men hejitate, that " the treaty is pregnant with evils," and that they dread its confequences. No fmall consideration could fuSFer them to delay a moment ; but to fecede and difperfe, carries in it an appearance of the moft alarming nature ; or at leafi, in the words of General Washing- ton, " it is pregnant with events." What then, fellow-citizens, fhall we fay to thefe things ? After No. Ill' On the Dangers of passive Obedience. i$ every exertion mnde by its advocates — after Mr. Pickering was fo ftrenuous for its ratification, as to declare that all was " thrown into the wind," if it was not effected — after the violent meafures pur- fued to intimidate all who were in the opposition — after the " felf- created committee" in Bofton, had ranfacked, early in the morning, every part of the town, and difturbed the pious citizens in their family devotions — after the abufe of MefTrs. Gallatin, Living- ston and others, for prefuming to offer a reafon againft it — after all the huzzas and exultation on Succeeding in this bufmefs, — is it not ftxange that when it was left to MefTrs. Fitzsimmons and Sit- greaves, (two of its moft ftrenuous advocates) the whole fhould be " thrown into the wind," by them, and that they are the per- fons to difcover its fallacy and deception ? This is a moft curious circumftance. What muft the " fclf- crcated committee" in Bofton think of this ? If they were fo irritat- ed at a few obfervations againft the treaty, what muft be their opinion of MefTrs. Sitgreaves and Fitzsimmons ? Thefe gentle- men have ftruck radically at the bufmefs ; they have forgot your zeal in making the appropriations, and if one of the oppolers had told you in town -meeting, that the treaty would be fufpended in its operation, by its friends, you would have redoubled your clamours inhiffing him from the fanctum fan&orum of the Old South. Not to purfue, for the prefenf, this fubjecl any further, we can- not but flatter omfelves, that the characters of men will be duly appreciated, and that Congrefs in their next feffion will call on our commiflioncrs'/tfr the reafvns of their feceding. It is a qucftion too interefting in its nature to be confined within the breads of MefTrs. Fitzsimmons and Sitgreaves. If government have done their duty, and the " felf-created committee" in Bofton have done their duty, why is the bufmefs of the treaty fufpended ? The wifdem of the executive, aided by the refolution of the legiflature, wc truft, will reconcile thefe Teeming contradictions. No. III. ON THE DANGERS OF PASSIVE OBEDIENCE. X HE pride of every freeman muft recoil at the difgraceful way* and means, taken by thofe who have the effrontery to claim the ex* ft On die Dangers cf passive C No. lit. clufive title tif federalifts, to obtain profelytes to their meafures ; and the infaifl \ ~ed by the tools of this party, cannot but e ry man, who duly eftimates the character and dignity of an independent citizen. Paffive obedience, not only in principle, but In practice, is the teft by which the patronage ( f thefe perfons is to be gained ; and "without the moft humiliating fublerviency to all their plans, no man is fecure againft the utmoft extent of their perfecution and de- traction. Knowing the bafenefs of their views, they are afiaid to truft to the deliberate and unbiased judgment of the public, but depending altogether on deception, they take every method to k an inveftigation of their conduct, and by terror and tli-eats accomplifh thofe purpofe's,' which otherwife would be flifled in embryo. This is a pichirefque defcriptinn of i p^rty, who have been af- fiduous in controling the public mind. ( They have, for a num- ber of years pad, been active in bearing down every man, who dared to act or even think contrary to their opinion. Every vile calumny has been propagated againft characters, whole indepen- dence of mind would not fufrer themfclves to become the dupes of a junto, whofe only claim to be obeyed, confided in the perempto- ry infolence of their demands, and the audacious arrogance with which they profecuted their meafures. In a government like our own, it is but fair and reafonable that every citizen Ihould be entitled to act and think independent of the influence of a " fAf-created" body of dictators. But unfor- tunately the times have produced a let of men, who prefume to take a rank above the common level of the people, and becaufe they have acquired, by {peculation, ufury, and other accidental clr- cwnfi-mces, a larger proportion of property than many of their neighbours, they think they have a right to infringe on the privi- leges of thofe, whom they ignominioufly defignate as the lower clefs of the community. This ariftocratical junto cannot however obtain that rever- ence of character which they are aiming to acquire. The good fenfe of the citizens will ever appreciate their worth, as the means by which fome of them have rifen to their prefent elevation, are in fo many inftances derogatory to their reputation, that even the No. III. On the Dangers of passive Obedience. iq brilliancy of their outfide deportment, cannot conceal the black- nefs of their inward depravity. For the moft part, the meafures of this pretended federal corps are matured within a " fmall party," emphatically ftiled the Essex Junto; and after they have paiTed the ordeal of thefe choice Spirits, are brought forward with as much folemnity as a young child to be chriftened. The plans thus adjufted by this primary afiembly, are laid before another order, (promifcuoufly aflembled in a well noted place of refort) for their bcnediclion, and from thence are tranfmitted through various channels, confiftirig of runners, dependants, fycophants, and hirelings, till at length the whole fu- perftrucTure rifes into view, with as much facility as the machinery of an Harlequin exhibition. The different fchemes adopted to ef- fect their purpofes are worthy notice : one man is threatened, and another coaxed — one is promifed a vaft employment in his bufmefs, while another is told that he will be deprived of the little he has al- ready got — fome are placed on the vi/ionary lift of preferment, and the high founding titles of Colonel, Captain, Lieutenant, and En- fign, are fufficiently enchanting to fecure a great number on this alluring profpect. Every wheel is fet in motion, and even the infig- nificant, childifh bauble of a cockade, is exhibited as a token of fcr- vile fubmiffion to all the dogmatical mandates, and grofs impofi- tions, which this fupercilious junto are pleafed to enjoin. No de- pendance however is to be placed on their affurances ; for, after they have anfwered their purpofes, they leave their votaries a prey to chagrin and difappointment.- Neither are they more faithful to each other, for if any accident, arifmg either from an unfortunate fpeculation or mercantile tranfaclion, creates the lead fufpicion, they purfue each other with the moft unrelenting feverity. Thus, during the controverfy on the treaty, every artful means was pracrifed to intimidate the honeft tradefmen. Some of this party had the impudence to threaten an induftrious citizen with a deprivation of his whole bufmefs. Every little contemptible art was practifed to obtain fignatures to many of their fubferip- tion papers. Boys in their non-age, and old men in their dotage, were forced to enrol their names, to fwell the lift of fubferibers. They even deceived the Prefident and Congrefs, in the number exhibited on their fcroll ; for inftead of free and independent citizens, » C issive Obedience, No. Ill, re obliged to fubmit to the : - ipn, fj man ap« prehenfion of; g family, rather than from a difpoiition in it of a paper the contents of which they held in ft ab- horrenc*. TV names of this Committee, (fuch ;:s ufed unfair ^btain fignatures) ought to be known to the public, and read yearly in our town-meeting, to imprcis on the minds of the people the dangerous tendency of a felf-created junto, in impofmg on the fears of the citizens, and in attempting to deceive, by falfer representations, the constituted authorities of the United Slates. The mot virulent abide was conftantly offered in die papers under this influence, to all fuch pcrfons as refufed to comply with their arrogant requisition ; and every one was treated with the moft pointed indignity, who dated to exprefs a fentiment in opposition to their fyftem of terror. In juftice, however, to a few who acted in this bufinefs, we are willing to exercife a candour, in believing they undertook it from the pureft motives, though without maturely confidering the importance of the fubject. The difference between fuch characters, and the htghjlylng Terrorjjls, is eafdy diftinguifhable, and charity draws a veil over their conduct. But, it may with truth be faid, that in no inftance, was the honour of die town, and the liberties of the citizens more grofsly violated than in this tranfaction. However unpleafing the recollection of pad events may be, yet, when we reflect on the nature and tendency of fuch unjuflifiable me- thods, to control the unwary and terrify the timid — how deftructive to the unbiaiTcd exercife of freedom and deliberation, when the mid- dling clafles of citizens are expofed to the perfonal application of men, whofe pecuniary htjluence clogs every avenue of inveftigation— when poverty is made an argument to enforce a compliance with their demands, what more effectual fyftem can be adopted to def- troy that independent fpirit, which is the bafis of a republican government ? If this mode of conduct is permitted with impunity, inftead of that dignified deportment, which ever characterifes the tradefmen of this metropolis, we have reafon to fear that this val- uable body of citizens will foon be placed in that degraded fitua- tipn, as to obliterate every trait of their former refpectability. Let us then, fellow-citizens, hereafter be jealous ofthefe viola- tors of our freedom, and watch with hawk-eyed penetration their future movements, left, under the mafk of exclusive federalism. No. IV. Monarchy and RepubUcanifm. » they may fubftantiate a fyftem which may give then caufe ei ex- ultation, and you of grief, " at a future day." Ma_. heaven " infatuate and defeat their councils, abate their pride, aflua; malice, and confound t^ieir devices !"' No. IV. M< [V AND REPUBLICANISM. JL HE prefent conte't in Europe is not merely as it refpects, France and the combined powers, but as it relates to the great prin- ciples of Monarchy and Republicanifm thioughout the world. — Thij has been openly avowed by the Britifli miniftry in the Houfe of Commons. The reftoration of the monarchy of France, and the fubverilcn of their prefent republican government, are the ob- jects contemplated by the Britifli government in their prefent oper- ations. It is therefore a ivar of principle, on the iiTue of which de- pends the happinefs and freedom of mankind, as founded on this bafis. This being granted, we cannot but view with indignation the man who affects a total indifference as to the ultimate decifion on fo important a queflion. It has of late become very fafhionable to reprobate both France and Britain, particularly among thofe who ftile themfelves Moderates. How often do we hear fuch cha- racters exclaim, " Lei the contending powers fight on, it is of no confe* quence to America which of them proves t vitlorious. ,y This is a fatal miftakc — it is of importance to the United States whether the prin- ciples of Monarchy mould prevail over thofe of Republicanifm, as the future profperily of this country is involved in the controverfy. If the republic of France fhould be fubverted, can it be fuppofed that the republic of America * -ould long furvive the cataftrophe ? If England conceives it neceflary to exterminate in France a fyftem of government founded on the bafis of republicanifm, is it probable they would view the fame principles prevailing in America,without jealoufy and diftruft ? If they have involved themfelves in a debt of millions to carry on a monarchic crufade in Europe, can we fuppofe they would fet down quietly and obferve with an eye of compla* 23 Monarchy and Republic anifm. No. IV. cency, the rifing glory of the American Republic ? If it is a war of principle, will they fuffcr the lead Spark of Republicanism to re- main unextinguished ; or rather, after having annihilated the flame in Europe, will they not exert their invigorated energies to oblit- erate every trait in America, which bears its image or fuperfcrip- tion ? Would the Monarch of France and the King of England ever be reconciled to the prefent establishment of our government, when the principles of our revolution had roufed the Subjects of the former to dethrone his predecejfor, and«obliged the latter to ac- knowledge cur Sovereignty and independence ? Depend on it, America will be viewed as the hot-bed of sedition, and the combined Monarchs would confider their work but half com- pleted, while they Suffered the feeds to flourish within the climate of the United States. The obligation under which Britain would lay France, (if Monarchy Should again be reftored) would ever make her fubfervient to the views of England, and the hatred of Britain would be profecuted againjl us, with the additional weight of France to haften our destruction. The power cf the Britiih gov- ernment would be encr'eafed in proportion to the Strength of France, and America would be obliged to Stand alone in opposi- tion to their combined efforts. France, inftead of Supporting our independence, would.become an ally with Britain to annihilate it. By obferving the various publications in this country, during the European controyerfy, it is clear that many perfons among our- felves have anticipated the fuccejfes of the coalition as introductory to a monarchical and ariStocratical SyStem in America. For thefe purpofes the " Difcourfes on Davila" Seem fully calculated. The pageantry of Royalty has been held up with a reverence, Solely intended to recommend this form to our approbation. Numerous writers have openly advocated this mode of government, and many individuals, without hesitation, have avowed their Senti- ments in favor of its adoption. The newSpapers under the direc- ' tion of this party, have been more afliduous to propagate the fuc- ceSTes of the combined powers, than even the Royal Gazette of London ; and the observations which accompanied their " glori- ous news" were generally fraught with invectives againft Repub- licanism and encomiums on Monarchy. It muft be evident, by retracing the publications which have appeared within twelve months paSt, that the expectations of a certain junto in this country No. IV. Monarchy and Rcpublicanifm. zi were highly elated at the profpect cf a total annihilation of Republicanifm in Europe, and fondly anticipated its fall within the United States. Though lome of them have not had the temerity to declare openly in favor of a King and Nobility, yet they have been defirous fo to extend the powers of the Executive, and contract thofe cf the Legiflative, that the difference between the Britifh government and our own would be only nominal. From all thefe circumitances the conclufion is fairly drawn, that the principle of Monarchy and Repuhlicanifm is involved in the controverfy between France and the combined powers. Where then is the American who can view with indifference the ultimate decifion of fo interefting a queftion ? Can thofe who fought and bled to acquiie thofe ineftimable privileges, which are the bafis of a Republican Conftitution, behold with frigid apathy the contend- ing armies in Europe, or exprefs an unconcerned " impartiality" whether victory is more propitious to one fide than to the other ? Would it be plcafing to obferve the ftandard of Monarchy erected on the ruins of the Baftile, and millions of unhappy vidims falling facrifices to the vengeance of an incenfed defpot, and a numerous body of enraged nobility and bloody priefts ? After contending againlt the combined exertions of nearly all Europe ; after dif- playing the mofl brilliant exploits of heroifm and bravery, againfl the mercenary banditti of Britifh hirelings, is it poffible that any American can feel a lukewarm indifference, whether the barbarous Suwarrow or the humane Bonaparte fhould reap the laurels of the controverfy ? whether Maffena fhould grace the triumphs of this favage, or lead him, bound in chains, as a fpeftacle of horror and deteftation ? Yes, fellow-citizens, there are fome who call themfelves Amer- icans, who have anticipated the pleafing idea that Bonaparte would ere long be in irons, and Suwarrow drove in a triumphal car through the llreets of Paris. How often have our papers been difgraced with eulogies on this beaft of prey. Even the feftive board has refounded in approving plaudits at the name of a mon- fter, whole character is ftained with the blood of helplefs matrons and weeping infants. The ghofts of murdered innocents, it might have been expected on Inch occafions, would have (talked before the inhuman wretch who applauded this affaflin, and dallied the glafs from the trembling hand of him, who thus dared to pro- It On Washington's Legacy. No. V. fane their memory and fmile over their tombs. But however discordant it may be to the feelings of the human heart, to obfervc even a bacchanalian in his cups giving fuch evidences of depravity, yet the pain is increafed tenfold in obferving the fair daughters of America admitting the name of this demoniac to defignate any ornament of their attire. The name of SUWARROW, is more naturally attached to a dagger and a poichard, than to a lady's head-drefs. It may alio be a defirable toaft within a banditti of robbers ; and the hall of Pandemonium (during the caroufals of the infernals) might with propriety refound with the name of a wretch, whole wickednefs gives him a claim to dilpute precedency even with BELZEBUB. Civilization is become too refined to venerate any circle, that admits this bead of prey among the char- afters they celebrate. It is natural, fellow-citizens, that the enemies of our revolution mould mourn at the victories of the French republic. The old fpirit of '75 ftill corrodes their bofoms ; and they yet feel that refentment againfl the name of a Frenchman, which boiled in their breads when they were fighting with Wafhington againfl the armies of Britain. Thefe men, would then have flabbed the im- mortal Wafhington with as much fatisfacVion as they would now facrifice Bonaparte. Monarchy is their object, and whoever flands in the path which leads to the goal, muft expect the utmofl ven- geance of their difpleafure. Thank heaven, the fnare is broken, and we have efcaped ! No. V. on Washington's legacy. IT is remarkable, that the " legacy" (fo called) of Gen. Wash- xngton, mould be recommended to the perufal of the citizens, by thofe who act fo contrary to the advice contained in that publi- cation, and who advocate meafures in direct oppofition to the prin- ciples which he recommends. The prominent features of this farewel Addrefs, are confpic- uous in three important points — ift, UNION of the States. This No. V. On Washington 's L- 23 is confidered by him fo eflential that he dius expreffes himfelf : " We have rcafon to diitruft the patriotifm of thofe, who in any quarter may endeavour to iveakcn its bands." The fecond is, his difapprobation of MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS, which, he declares, " under any form of government, are inaufpicious to libeity, and are to be regarded as particularly hoftile to republican lib- erty: 7 The 3d is, ECONOMY IN PUBLIC EXPENDI- TURES ; " not throwing upon poflerity the burthen which we ourfelvcs ought to bear." Thefe are the cardinal points, on which our deceafed friend emphatically places the happinefs, profperity, and independence of the United Stales. In order, therefore, to fhew the propriety of the medium through which the " legacy of Gen. Waihington" is recommended, we are led to examine the fentiments inculcated by thofe, who now invoke the citizens to a consideration of the fubjecl. For a number of years paft, the writers in thofe papers have continued in one conftant ftrain of invective againft fome of the mod important States in the Union. Every term of reproach, every epithet of abhorrence, every fpecies of calumny and detraction, have been heaped upon them. In many of thofe papers (efpecially in Con- necticut) die qucftion of feparation between the Northern and Southern States has bean ferioully and vehemently agitated. The great coalition of the federal government has been indecently com- pared to " a fow with a litter of pigs," and die fovereignty of each individual State has been confidered as a monster, which ought to be execrated. The people, in their elective capacity, have been burlefqued, a3 an uninformed, ignorant banditti, and dieir votes (tigmatized with the odious appelladon of " dirty pieces of paper." The fubverfion of our Conflitution has been contemplated by an He- reditary Prefideni and Senate, and die UNION of the States has been threatened by proportions from men high in office, to alter the fun- damental principles of the federal government. Sentiments of this nature have been induftrioufly propagated by fome, who now recommend to our perufal the Legacy of our deceafed Washing- ton ; and, while they pretend to revere his memory and follow Lis precepts, arc endeavouring to accompliih mcafures to convulfe and agonize the union of the American Confederation. How inconfift- ent then is the conduct of fuch perfons, with the advice given in die addrefs ? — This party have ever bsen deJirous to feek fhelter %\ On Washington's L No. V. under die wing of General Wafhington, and on all occafions are 1 making an infldious ufe of his fame to accomplilh their purpofes. They pretend to be his friends ; but while they affect a friendfhip for him, they are affiduous to counteract every beneficent fyftem which he recommends. Union of the States was with him an object of the higheft magnitude : but difunion, and even fepara- tion, would be the refult of their projects. He confiders the dig- nity of the States as harmonizing in their individual capacity ; while thofe perfons view them as a menial group, defcriptive only by the fordid fimile of a " litter of pigs." Can fuch people be con- fidered in unifon with Wafhington ? As a further pioof of the difpofition of this party, in oppofi- tion to the Union of the States, is the abufe we daily obferve in particular papers offered to the ftates of Pennfylvania, Virginia and Kentucky. The indecent reflections fo conflantly beftov.cd on them, for an exercife of their oivn fovereignty, are calculated to en- gender a fpirit of animofity, highly prejudicial to that " Union" recommended by General Wafhington. Can the fpirit of patrio- tifm influence thofe, who are endeavouring to excite the moft ma- lignant paffions and thereby raife a jealoufy and diftruft between the refpective ftates ? — Such perfons have had the audacity to ftig- matize the majority of the people of thofe governments, as difor- ganizers, enemies to order, and a banditti of unprincipled foreign- ers. This kind of language is folely calculated, to deftroy every principle of cordiality, and, no doubt, is intended by a Britifh fac- tion to diffolve that amity fo effential to the happinefs and prof- perity of the Uni'ted States. Governor M'Kcan and Governor Monroe, have been treated with the utmoft fcurrility ; every infa- mous epithet has been ufed, to injure and depreciate their reputa- tion. Thefe refpectable States have been held up as the hot-bed of fedition, and we daily fee the grofTeft reflections upon the civil and moral character of their fupreme magiflrates. — What can be the refult of all this virulence and defamation ? Will it not bring on public and private animofity ? Will it not weaken that ■ UNION," which General Wafhington confiders as the bands of our ftrength and fecurity ? — We muft certainly admit thefe States to equal rights with ourfelves ; how irritating then muft it be to the citizens, to find themfelves calumniated as the moft deleftable of mankind, becaufe they have chofen to exercife their privileges \A No. V. On Washington's Legacy. 25 the choice of a Governor ? We have never found them ccnfurlng us for our choice ; and none but thofe, who conftitute a diforganizing parly (falfely ftyling themfelves federalifts) would nowhave the ef- frontery to propagate their indecencies, unlefs with a view, to ef- fect die wicked and deteftable purpofes of difTolving the Union, and counteracting the object, fo ferioufly contemplated in the lega- cy of the beloved Wafliington. Fellow-Citizens — in all my former publications, I have en- deavoured to lay before you facts, in order that you may draw fair conclufions. Impofition has too long been a weapon, fuccefs- fully wielded by thofe, who are emphatically defignated as afaftion, acting under the immediate control of a Junto. Such perfons are now fhedding their crocodile tears over the tomb of Wafhing- ton. They are lavifh in their encomiums on his virtues and patrl- otifm ; they are recommending his legacy to be read fo loud, as that thofe on the houfe top may hear it. But in order to try their faith, by their -works, examine critically their conduct, and you will foon difcovcr the hollow voice of diffimulation, and fraud. While Wafhington cries " UNION," they are vociferous for di/fenfon. While he endeavours to draw the bands of friendfhip clofer, they are afliduous to diflblve every link which connects the federal chain. While Wafliington recommends peace at home, they are kindling the flame of interline difcord, and doing all in their power to create an animofity little fhort of a civil war, between the north- ern and fouthern States. The meafures taken by them, may, fooner than we are aware, produce the dreaded evil. Can we ex- pect that Pcnnfylvania, Virginia, and Kentucky will calmly obferve the indignities offered to them ? Will they bear with complacency the fcurrilous language, and odious epithets, applied to their legal proceedings, in many of our papers ? Will not fuch reiterated abufe ferve to alienate every affectionate attachment, and in time produce that rancour of difpofition, which threatens the mod feri- ous confequences ? Such an event would be pleating to this invet- erate faction, as they view themfelves reduced to the laft ftage of defperation ; and, as they find that the European controverfy is like- ly to terminate in favour of republicanifm, their laft refource is, to fow difTenfion between the refpective States. Abufc and fcurrility are their weapons of warfare, and fcreened by a hypocritical avew- D On Wasli 'nglon's Legacy. No. VI. al of their attachment to the deccafed Wafhington, they prowl like wolves in fhcep's clothing, to take an advantage of every oc- currence that arifes. How many of thefe modern patriots, who now difplay tlieir infignia of grief for the death of the hero of Mount Vernon, would, in the days of our revolutionary troubles, have rejoiced to fee him agonizing on the heights of Bunker-Hill, and expiring in the arms of Warren ? Recapitulation and reflection are ftrong antidotes to their treachery. • Let us then, fellow-citizens, while reading the " Legacy of Wafhington," confider it as an inftrument of denunciation againft the arts and ftratagems of thefe pretended eulogizers of his mem- ory. They are attempting to make nfe of his name to defixoy every republican principle which he advocated. They are defi- rous, under the appellation of Wafhington's friends, to unite us with that nation, in oppofition to which, our lately departed hero, by the command of Congrefs, arrayed the armies of America. If Britain had fucceeded, the amiable citizen, whom we now deplore, inftead of being refpeciably depofitcd on the mores of the Potomack, would have been elevated (in company with the pro- fcribed Hancock and Adams) as an object of derifion within the purlieus of Temple Bar. Let us contemplate his virtues at the trying period of our revolution, and let us imprefs this truth on the rising generation-, that the man who wifhes to ally us with Bri- tain, cannot be a friend to Wafhington. We never can efteem thofe, who aimed a dagger at his breaft. , ' May the tomb of this beloved Patriot be fprinkled with the tears of the virtuous Americans, and may it never be polluted by thofe, who would willingly have fhed his blood at the time3 which " tried men's souls"! The other points enumerated will be confidered in future papers. No. VI. on Washington's legacy. Illustrious Washington i the Republican Cm- zen i of America celebrate thy virtues, not ia (trains of hypocritical No. VI. ®n Washington's Legacy. |J| adulation, nor in the bumble attitude of venal fycophants, but we eulogize tby memory in tbofe fublime accents of veneration which are becoming freemen, when commemorating the glorious actions of their departed patriots. "While performing this duty, we do not call to our aid a group of menial flatterers, whofe diflimulation cannot reflect any honour on thy character ; for as thou acquiredft thy reputation in the days which " tried men's fouls," and in oppo- sition to their malevolence, we difown their perfidious friendfhip, and claim the exclufive privilege of exprefling the agonies of our forrow ; and with the folcmnity of real mourning raoft fmcerely weep over thy grave. When the enemies of the American revolution ex- ultingly anticipated thy. fall, and rejoiced at thofe difaflers which like daggers goaded thy bofom ; when the faithful band of Amer- ican Soldiers, in concert with the troops of an allied nation, were fuffering thofe hardfhips and toils which peculiarly attended the American camp ; when our cities were in flames, and the diflreiT- ed inhabitants drove from their dwellings ; when every face turn- ed pale, and " every man's hand was upon his thigh ;" at thefe ex- cruciating periods of public calamity, the citizens who now lament thy exit were anxioufly folicitous for thy fafety, and with fervent devotion offered up their prayers to heaven, for the confummation of thy glory, and the peace, happinefs and independence of our coun- try. While thus extolling thy pre-eminent virtues, we cannot but entwine the laurel on thy brow, and tears of grief which now flow on this forrowful occalion, are thofe fpontaneous efFufions of the heart, which will forever embalm thy memory, and tranfmit thy name in honourable remembrance to future generations. I fhall now, fellow-citizens, as propofed in my laft, purfue the fubjedt, by confidering the other important point contained in the " Legacy" of our deceafed friend, " Overgrown Military Establishments (he fays) under any form of government, are in-, aufpicious to liberty, and are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty." The principles of General Washington on the various fubjects enumerated in his addrefs, are fo diametrically oppofed to the conduct of many who now recommend it to public perufal, that we candidly fuppofe they are convinced of their former error, and are now willing to make an atonement for their numberlefs faults, by becoming profelytes to his fentiments. Military eftabliih.men.ts have often been advocated i* 3 8 On Washington's Legacy. No. VI. the very papers which now eulogize this performance. They have gone fo far as to hold them effential to the fecurity of Republican Liberty. How are we then loft in wonder, when this fage patriot is reprobating military eftablifhments in the moft pointed terms, to hear men, who pretend to extol his political talents, recommend- ing for our adoption, fuch pernicious inftitutions ? — His cxpreffions are as ftrong as words can render them. He defcribes thefe eftablifhments as inaufpicious to every form of government, but emphatically declares them fo to " republican liberty." Thefe were the fublime fentiments of our beloved Washington — fenti- ments which ought to be wrote in letters of gold, and placed in every public department of the federal and ftate governments — fentiments which do honour to the man who has filled the office of fupreme executive in a free, fovereign, and independent Repub- lic — fentiments which fhould be taught to our children, and be- come lefTbns within our colleges, academies, public fchools, and every feminary of education. They are fo fublime, that even our pulpits fhould rcfound with thofe pathetic ftrains. After this ex- alted declaration, where is the man who pretends to revere the precepts of Washington, or confiders his addrefs as the legacy of a dying friend, who can come forward in fupport of an eftablifhment denounced by him, as fubverfive of the happinefs and freedom of his country ? Illuftrious fhade ! may thy warning voice be heard from thy grave, and may the fatal tendency of mercenary military eftablifh- ments be as deeply impreffed on our minds, as thy innumerable virtues are on the tablet of our hearts. And as thou obtainedft thy glorious and honorable reputation in defence of a republican fyjlem of government, in oppofition to a monarchical, may the citizens of America ever exprefs their confidence in thy fnendfhip, and their gratitude for thy inflexibility, by deprecating eftablifhments which you have exprefsly declared are " inaufpicious to liberty." The dreaded confequences of Standing Armies are too deeply impreffed on the minds of our fellow citizens, to require the la- bours of declamation to enforce an abhorrence to their introduc- tion. The wounds are fcarcely clofed which were inflicled by the foldiery of Britain, and the fighs of the widow, and the tears of the fatherlefs are ftill expreffive of their baneful tendency during their refidence in America, Hancock, Warren, Thacher, &c. m No. VI. On Washington's Legaey. 29 their orations on the fifth of March, have dcpiclured the conflagra- tions, mafTacres, depredations, and violence committed in all ages by a mercenary military force, and have defcribed it as a fare prc- curfor to the extermination of every veftige which adorns and dig- nifies human nature in a ftate of fociety. — They declared " that it was the moft fuccefsful engine ever wielded by tyrants, and that it was impoflible the kings of England fhould acquire fuch exorbi- tant power, had they not a ftanding army to enforce their com- mands — and that, with the officers of this army, they had bribed men to facriticc the rights of their country." — Such are the opin- ions of the patriots of our country ; and yet we daily fee in our public papers advocates for meafures which tend to the introduc- tion of this monster, " whofe fupport is plunder, whofe nutriment is carnage, and whofe* paftime is to inflict human wretchednefs." I afk you, my fellow-citizens, whofe habitations have been con- fumed by the ftanding armies of George the 3d, and whofe lives have been jeopardied by the mandates of an intuiting leader of a ftill more infuriated band of foldiery, whether you can now view a military eftablifhment with cordial complacency ? I appeal to you, who have experienced " Britifh generofity in nakednefs and hunger," their freedom in guard-fhips, " and their tendernefs in ftripes, and at the end of their fabres." Speak, fellow-citizens, fuch of you as felt the vengeance of this fyflem of terror, and were anxioufly folicitous for the event, while fome rn'ifcreant refugees were even hardening the heart of the Britifh Pharoah, and urging him during our revolutionary warfare, " to make peace with Amer- icans only at the point of the bayonet." If there are any who favour the doctrine of ftanding armies, I will reply to them, not only in the words of Washington, " that they are inaufpicious to liberty," but enforce even this cautionary fentiment in the lan- guage of the immortal Warren, " Our fathers look from their celeftial feats with fmiling approbation on their fons, who boldly ftand forth in the caufe of freedom — but fternly frown upon thj inhuman mifcrcant, who, to fecure the loaves and jifl:cs to himfelf, would breed a ferpent to deftroy his children." Principles are peimanent, time cannot make that wrong which was originally right, and however an Eflex faclion, a felf-created junto (falfely ftyling themfclves federal), a Peter Porcupine, a group of mercenary editors, apoftate whigs, and a remnant of old and young tories H Gn Washington's Legacy. No. VI. may wifh for the eitablifhment of a ftanding army, yet we truft, that the patriotifm of the Legislative and Executive authorities of the United States will annihilate in embryo, every eftablifhment which " is hoftile to republican liberty." As friends to the belov- ed Washington, they will never render permanent thofe inftitu- tions, which, " under any form of government" he declares to be " inaufpicious to the rights of the citizens." While we read " his. Legacy" thus denouncing military eftablifhments, every drum we hear beat, and every cannon we hear fired from a mercenary corps, we muft confider as his voice fpeaking from his tomb, to check the evil from increafing. In addition to his authortiy, we can alfo quote the Prefident of the United States, who in the rap- turous (train of ejaculation, " thanked heaven that in America there was no standing army." " What our enemies fo ardently wifh, muft be our bane : what they dread mull be its antidote." — Our enemies are defirous for a permanent military eftabliihment, but Wafhington fays nay, as it it deftructive to Republican Liberty. Hancock, Warren, and Thacher entered their folemn proteft againfl the meafure ; " from fmall beginnings (fays the latter) and under fpecious pretences, princes will raife a ftanding military force, the moil; fuccefsfut engine ever yet wielded by the hand of lawlefs domination." From fuch au- thorities, compofed of worthies both in Church and State, we have reafon to dread the monster as " concealing a dagger," under whatever form he prefents himfelf. Let us ever be aware, " that the tiger crouches before he leaps." Military eftabliihmcnts are too terrific to raife their broad creft on their firft introduction, but they imperceptibly inftil their poifon, till at length they bring on the political ruin of mankind, as univerfal as the moral depravity by Satan in the garden of Eden. The advocates of the meafure foothe us by faying, " we lhall not furely die :" but depend upon it, if we partake of its pernicious fruit, we involve ourfelves and pofterity inremedilefs ruin. . l4o. VII. On Washington** Legacy. No. VII. on Washington's legacy. XLCONOMY in public Expenditures, is another fhoflg trait in the advifory addrefs of the departed Waflrington — " not throwing Upon poflerity the burthen which we ourfelves ought to bear." It has often been urged by the friends of monarchy, that a public debt is a public bleffing. Upon this principle it has al- ways been an object in this form of government, to encreafe the patronage of the Executive, by creating an artificial fpecies of property, and thereby eftablifhing in the hands of a few, a flrong monied interefl in the community, which on all occafions (land ready to fupport every miniflerial meafure, however injurious t» the general happinefs of the people. This policy has been affidu- oufly purfued by the Britifli nation, and from the multiplicity of defcriptive evidences of public debt, it has become a fcience fo intricate in its various labyrinths, that a man in England is oblig- ed to have rccourfe to a flock-jobbing negociator, to know the value of the refpective denomination of funds. By this infamous practice, the value of property is as intricate, to be accurately as- certained, as a queflion in law, and a few fharpers within the flock exchange, (after practifing a few legerdemain tricks under the ap- pellation of bulls and bears,) fettle the value of every fpecies of paper currency throughout the kingdom. Neither is there any appeal from their decifion ; as a leading flockbroker is as peremp- tory in fixing the public eftimation of 3 per cent. 6 per cent, confols, &c. as the Chief Judge of the Court of King's Bench in de- termining a judicial controverfy. Every man in the kingdom, who holds any paper evidences of public debt, mufl fubmit to the arbi- trary verdict of a licenfed body of fharpers, who regularly affem- ble between the hours of one and three, to fix the value of hun- dreds of millions of property, difperfed over the whole nation in the pofTeffion of individuals. The fyftem of finance has become fo fublimated in England, that it is principally conducted under the control of the miniflry. Stocks rife and fall as directed from the office of the Premier — when they are low, the miniflry buy in, and when tfiey are high, the miniflry fell out. Confequently o» ■%-i On Washington's LfgJCJ. No; Vlll the report of bad new=, the government take the advantage of the public diftruft, and enable their purebafers to lay in a confiderable flock, in order to furniih thcmfelves with the means to profecutc tneafures to cany on their farther projects. In fhort, the funds of England are nothing but a pantomimic exhibition — it is a kind of magic, which th who appears like the pole ftar in a clear fky, to $6 On Mr. Ames's Oration. No. VIII. direct the fkilful flateTman — His Presidency will form an epoch, and be diflinguifhed as the Age of Wafhington." Mr. Ames from thcfe obfervations, endeavours to lower the military character of Waih- ington, and attempts to exhibit the brilliancy of his reputation in his civil capacity . But where is the American, who has the feelings of '75, that would wifh to eclipfe his glory and honour, during the trying period of our revolution ? If this was not his intention, why does he introduce the dif- gufting idea, that, " in times of violent convulfwns, and in ages of defpolifm and darinefs, great Generals rife by the force of the whirlwind, high enough to ride in it, and direct, the ftorm" ? Is this obfervation any way analogous to Wafhington ? Was it an age of " defpotifm and darinefs," when the Americans were con- tending againft Great-Britain for their rights and liberties ? Did Wafhington ride in the florin of " violence and convulfion" ; or like a " meteor glare on the black clouds with a fplendour, that while he dazzled and terrified, made nothing vifible but darinefs ? If he did not, why does Mr. Ames, in an Eulogy commemorating his fublime virtues as a " General," throw this dark picture into view, and exclaim with a peculiar rhapfody, " that however the military fame of Wafhington may excite the wonder of mankind, it is chiefly by his civil magiflracy that his example will inflrutl them ?" Are then the fublime virtues of Wafhington, as difplayed during the diftrefT- ing periods of our revolution, to be fo far undervalued, as only to excite the " wonder of mankind ;" while his civil magiflracy " is held up as the only example to inflrutl them P" In his military char- acter, was he only to be " viewed as a dazzling, terrifying meter or ;" while his civil condutl was the medium through which " his example was to inflrutl them ?" Was not his " example inftructing," when he led the American army through the various difficulties and perplexities with which they were furrounded ? Were not his firmnefs, intrepidity and patriotifm worthy of imitation, while contending for the liberties of his fellow-citizens ? and was not his perfeverancc, amid the innumerable diftrefTes he had to encounter, an example to inflrutl us, againfl the wiles and ftratagems of Britain ? In this exalted ftation as Commander in chief of the American army, in oppofition to Britain, the illuflrious Wafhington appears pre-eminent — while under the direction of a patriotic band of worthies, afTem- b.led in Congtrfs, (when an Hancock prefided, and a Samuel Adams No. VIII. On Mr. Ames's Oration. 37 was a member) he fhone confpicuous as the " defender of his country." In this character, Washington will ever receive the applaufe of the virtuous citizens, and they will reverence his name while the horrors of Briti/h tyranny are imprefTed on the minds of Americans. The tear of moft grateful affection will be fried on the remembrance of his virtues at the times " which tried men's fouls." The republican Americans recollect him in the field of bat- tle, furrounded with the myrmidons of Britain. They view him, with his heroic (though injured) army, befet on all fides with Brit- ons, Hejfians, and Tories. They now recount his deeds of valour, and inftruct their liftening children in thofe " examples" which he fet them to oppofe the defpotifm and artful defigns of their former foes. Thefe are the flrong traits which they will ever confider within their plan to dilate on his character. Though it may be for the intereft of feme, to obliterate from the American page the military fame of Wafhington, yet every true American will conlider him during our revolution, " like the pole flar in the clear fky to direct the fkilful ftatefman" : Like a fun that difpclled the black clouds of Britifh Tyranny, and with its luftre terrified every lurking knave, who was planning in dark-, nefs to deftroy his country. As a proof of the propriety of my obfervations, the orator even in his relation of the American war, partes over it with this flight i-emark :- — That " neither the objeel, or limits of his plan, would permit him to dilate on the military events of the revolutionary war." The objeel of Mr. Ames was not (by his own confelTion) to diftinguiih General Wafhington in the glorious achievements of our revolution. The brilliancy of his character, in this fituation, was not within the " plan" of his eulogy. The fublime virtues of Wafhington, which rivet him in the hearts of his fellow-citizens, during our contefl with Britain, are ft* feebly imprefTed on the mind of Mr. Ames, that he feems to apologize for mentioning them, as being detached from the great " object" he had in commcrcu orating his reputation. Is it poffible, that fuch a pointed far- cafm could be delivered before the legiflature of Maffachufetts ? The patriots, who, at thofe times, were in our State legiflature, know too well the diflreffed ftate of our country. They remember with bleeding hearts, when they and Wafhington were mutually engaged in the violent conflict: for America and liberty ! could it then be ) 38 On Mr. Jmes's Oration. No. VIII. fuppofed, that within fo few years, the virtues of this great General in his moft diftrcfTed fituation, would not be " within the cbjefi of a plan" contemplated by an orator chofen to eulogize his diftin- guifhed talents ? s the political character of Mr. Ames during our revolution, is not now a fubject of inveftigation ; but this is cer- tain, that every friend to England, would not confider it " an ohjetl within their plan" to exhibit the full luftre of Wafhington while at war with Britain. They would tread lightly over this ground, and though common modefty might lead them to fpeak of the revolution, yet they would traverfe the path with as much velocity, as the duke of York while retrograding from his purfuers. Thefe obfervations are not intended to be uncandidly fevere ; but the defign of this eulogy is too ftrongly marked not to excite a jealoufy, that the character of Wafhington, in his revolutionary capacity, was but a fecondary " object" with the orator. Inftead of dilating on this fubjeft, he turns his oration into a philippic againll the French revolution, and almoft lofes the hero of his panegyric, in his anethemas agaiilft that nation. A ftranger would fuppofe, that he was appointed to calumniate the French, inftead of eulogizing Wafhington ; for he declares, " his thoughts teem with a deep abhorrence of that revolution." What connec- tion had this fubject with the character of Wafhington ? Or rather, how could a man prefume to celebrate the virtues of Wafhington, who approved, by his letters to that government, of the " rife and progrefs" of their revolution — who ftilcd them " a wonderful people" " a magnanimous nation" ; while he himfelf openly profefTes the utmoft abhorrence of their whole conduct ? If General Wafhing- ton was right, Mr. Ames is wrong : for the former declared, in the moft folemn manner, his approbation of the revolution, and rcquefted to draw defer the bands of friendfhip ; while the latter, abhors with the utmoft deteftation every principle of it, and fur- ther fays, that " it washoflile to all peace, or order in fociety." This however is a fact, that general Wafhington, in his letter to that government by Mr. Monroe, has eulogized the French revolution in its rife and progrefs, beyond any man that ever wrote or fpoke on the fubject. Judge then, fellow-citizens, be- tween the opinion of General GEORGE WASHINGTON, late Prefident of the United States (the fplcndour of whofe name en- No. IX. On Mr. Ames's Oration. 39 lightens the world)- — and, Fiflier Ames, Efq. a praftitioner of lav.'. The foregoing remarks are only as they refpe<5t principle, but the following quotation is a fpccimcn of his compofiti >n : — " / do not know that / ought, but / am iure, that / do, pre- fer thofe republics to the dozing flavery of the modern Greece," Sec. Here is a difplay of egotifm, which a modeft author ought to blufh at. But an impropriety of compofition is more excufeable than an impropriety of principle ; it is not, therefore, of any import- ance to try him in the crucible of criticifm. No. IX. ON MR. AMES'S ORATION. W ASHINGTON ! thou illuftrious (hade ! pardon the attempt to arreft thy " military fame" from the afperfions of thofe, who pre- fumptuoufly rank themfelves among thy exclufive friends. The republican citizens retrace, with enthufiaftic afFe&ion, thofe periods when thou and thy patriotic companions were encountering the hoftile inroads of a hoft of Britons, and their fanguinary coadju- tors — when every man's face turned pale, and every man's hand was on his thigh — when the flames of our conflagrated cities were afcending to Heaven, and " garments roll'd in blood" were dif- played as the trophies of a defolating foldiery — when frantic mothers were bewailing the maflacre of their children, and weep- ing daughters were alfembled to mourn over the mangled corfes of their expiring parents — when the citizens of Bofton,. Charlef- town, Sec. were drove from their habitations, and fought refuge from the pcrfecution of a mercenary banditti — when the inhab- itants of America were fuffering under the fevere tortures of Brit- i/Jj inhumanity, and their guard-fliips were appropriated as the flaughter-houfe from whofe " bouine no prifoner returned." At this important crifis, how did we hail you as the " defender of our country" ! At thy name every heart leaped for joy, amid the moft trying fcenes of our revolution. With the higheft tranfport, the real fons of America nozu enumerate the fublime virtues which accomplifhed the arduous work of American independence. / 4c On Mr. Amn't Cratior. No. IX. But, illuftrious (hade ! how would you have flood appalled, if, in thole interefting periods, fomc prophetic voice had arretted you in the following accents : — Waihington ! thy " military fume hay excite the vender of mankind., hut it is chiefly by thy civil magijlracy that thine example will inftrucl them" — " Great generals have arifen in all ages of the world, and perhaps mojl in thofc of defpoiifm and darkticft" — " In times of convulfion and violence they rile, by the force of the whirlwind, high enough to ride in it, and direct the ftorm — Like meteors, they glare on the black clouds with fplendour, that, while it dazzles and terrifies, makes nothing vilible but darl- nefs — The fame of heroes is indeed growing vulgar : they mul- t ; ply in every large war : they ftand in hiftory, and thicken in their ranks, almoft as undijlinguijhed as their own ibldiers." On hearing fuch language, even if it had been fpoken by the Guardian Angel of America, would you not have exclaimed : — Gracious God ! is it poffible that my " military fame" mould be thus degraded ? After all the toils, dangers, and hardihips which I have encountered, to eftablifh the peace, liberty, and indepen- dence of my country — after quitting my happy domeftic retreat on the fummit of Mount Vernon — after all the wearifome night3 which I experienced, during the long revolutionary conflict, — are all thefe facrifices to be eftimated at fo low a rate as only to " ex- cite the wonder of mankind i" Are the American army, and the hoft of "great Generals" now contending with me in the caufe of their country, to be confidered " like meteors, which glare on the black clouds with fplendour, and make nothing viable but dark- nefs ?" Can it be pojfiblc that the " fame of thefe heroes will grow vulgar" ; or " ftand in hiftory almoft as undiflinguijhcd as their fol- diers ?" — This would have been the foliloquy of Wafhington, had he been called to contemplate afubject in which he and his army had been thus implicated. It is probable, that Mr. Ames may think that this is too high- wrought a defcription of his oration. But, in confidering this fub- jedc, I do not mean to take a latitude beyond what a fair conftruc- tion of " his plan and dejign" will admit. I do not however, in thefe obfervations, mean to draw " a picture, flat as the canvas" j or erect " a ftatue, cold as the marble on which it is reprefented" ; neither " cold, alas," as his eulogy is expreflive of the magnanimity and virtues of Waihington. But as Mr. Ames's oration is extol- No. IX. On Mr. Ames's Oration. 41 led by fome, who MafTachufetts. What mud be the opinion of die French govern, ment of our fincerity, when diey find fuch a toirent of calumny thrown upon them, even at the time we are making overtures for accommodation ? How can Mr. Ames juftify his conduct, in thus itigmatizing with every epithet of odium, a nation widi whom die Prefident is in ferious negociation ? While the Prefident has declared that he had received die moflr fatisfactory afiurances of the difpofition of die French government to receive our commif- fioners, is it not the higheft arrogance in Mr. Ames, to reprobate 46 On Mr. Ames's Oration. No. X. (in a hafly performance) the revolution, " as hoftile to all right and juftice, to all peace and order," and that " its very cx'tflcnce has been a flate of warfare againft the civilized world" ? Does he mean to infinuate, that the Prefident is defirous to renew a connec- tion with a people thus deftitute of every amiable qualification, and that he is only fporting with our future welfare in attempting a reconciliation ? Such kind of language befpeaks a difrefpefl to the meafures of the Prefident, which is not becoming a man who, by fpecial appointment, was pledging the fentiments of the Exec- utive and Legiflative of one of the largeft Mates in the Union. By what authority did he prefume to bring into view the nation of France, when the vote of the Senate and Houfe of Reprefent- atives never contemplated fuch a fubjeft ? It was the moft unpar- alleled effrontery in him, to take this opportunity to vent his in- veftives ; and, under pretence of commemorating the virtues of Wafhington, to afperfe a nation, within whofe territory the Prefi- dent had juft fent his commiffioners. Mull: not this oration be considered as an infidious counterpart to the pacific fyftem adopt- ed by the Prefident, and, in fome degree, intended to defeat the purpofes for which it originated ? I would not be unchar- charitable towards Mr. Ames, but it is a faft, that the Prefident has met with obftacles in the bufinefs of negociation. A junto are oppofed to him for this part of his condutf ; and every bafe means is taken to thwart, and defeat an amicable termination of this embaiiy. A war faction are bufy to increafe the diiTenfions ; to prevent a renewal of friendfhip and intercourfe ; to force the two Republics to open hoftilicies ; to create a war with France, and to form an alliance with Britain. All the tools of this fa&ion are induftrious in their various departments to accomplifh thefe purpofes, and while fome are employed to calumniate that nation by their writings, others are as equally induftrious to difaffefc the public mind by detraction and falfehoods. A war junto are now doubly aclivc iince the profpedi brightens for amity and good fel- lowship between France and the United States. They are afraid that their fchemes for a Handing army, and other deteftable plans which they had anticipated, will be fruftrated ; and, as fuch prof- pefts decreafe, they become more vigilant to effect their projects by fraud and ftratagem. Such perfons are totally inattentive to the intereft of the merchant, farmer, or tradefman. They do not No. Xv On Mr, Ames's Oration* 47 confider the embarraffed ftatc of our commerce, and the immenfe injury to our trade, by the prefent ftoppage of intercourfe with France : fuch commercial confiderations do not attract their no- tice. The great object with them is to obtain a war eftablifh- ment — and, under this patronage, to riot in luxury amid the gen- eral diftrefs, and impoverishment of the country ; to live on the toils and fatigues of the induftrious ; to incrcafe the public bur- thens ; augment LAND-TAXES ; and, after throwing the com- munity into convulfions, to employ a STANDING ARMY to force the people into a compliance with their arbitrary mandates. Such, for the moft part, are the men oppofed to Mr. Gerry, as governour of this Commonwealth ; — he is for Peace., but they are for War. Such reflections are not imaginary, they appear too ferious to be doubted. If this was not the cafe, why do we find particular perfons fo anxioufly defirous to prevent an amicable negociation with France ? Why do we find them ufmg the mod irritating and abufive language towards them at this important juncture ? If thefe perfons were difpofed for peace, is it probable they would ftudy fuch numberlefs epithets to provoke the refentment and ex- cite the jealoufy of the French government ? Or would they em- brace every opportunity to vent their malice and chagrin* at the conduct of the Prefident, for commencing the prefent negociation ? Impoflible, that men who were ferioufly in favour of peace, fhould in all their actions and conduct exprefs fo contrary a difpofition. The Britifh faction are now reduced to their ne plus ultra. They know that the bufinefs between the two Republics is in a train for an amicable fettlement. They are convinced if this fhould take place, that a Britifh influence would be weakened in this country. The Old Tories, and men of monarchical principles, are pleafed while the controverfy fubfifts between France and the United States, and they exultingly anticipate the period when the fwords of the Americans will be drawn againfl France, and their arms extended to embrace Britain. Gracious heaven ! can there be men who call themfelves citi- zens of the United States, (till attached to a connexion with Britain, and defirous of a war with France ? Let fuch perfons read the cruelties of the Britifh during our revolution — let them read the feorrid maflacres of their fellow citizens— let them revert to thofe 4« On Mr. Anus's Oram:. No. XI. periods when Britons and Heflians were prowling through our defencelefs towns, and marking their footfteps with the blood of the innocent inhabitants ; let them afk themfelves this ferious queftion, whether they can place any confidence in the friendfhip of a nation, which has purfued every fyftem of terror to accom- plifh their purpofes ? Ye advocates for England, talk no more about Religion — were not the facred temples of the Almighty, appropriated by them to the vileft purpofes ? Even the venerable fanctuary, where the pious Prince and Sewall wept over their au- dience, was converted to an equeftrian theatre — where the faints affembled, there the unhallowed footfleps of a blafphemous banditti marked their outrageous depreciations. Thefe remarks may appear foreign to Obfervations on Mr. Ames's Oration — but, when we obferve a difpofition in any man to coun- teract, by indecent reflections on the French nation, the amicable nego- ciation now pending, it naturally excites fentiments of the fore- going nature. If Mr. Ames was a friend to peace, would it not have been prudent to fupprefs the indignation of his mind with refpeft to France ? Why mould he vent his calumny at this crifis, when every effort is making to clofe the breach which has unfor- tunately taken place ? If the Prefident is willing to heal the wound,«why mould he apply any corrofive to irritate and inflame it ? Would a friend to the Prefident attempt to open new wounds, when he is ufmg meafures to clofe the old ? Could we expect this from Mr. Ames, whofe pathetic fpeech in Congrefs again/l a war with Britain, contrafted Indians, tomahawks, and fcalping-knives> with peace, liberty, and fafety ? The obfervations made by a writer with the fignature of « NEW SOUTH," I mall confider at "my leifure." They ap- pear too trifling to draw me afide from a few more obfervations on Mr. Ames's oration ; after I have gone through, I fhall clip the wings of this new fledged rara avis. No. XL ON MR. AMES'S ORATION. jOL Propriety of language, and a dignity of deportment, are two ef- fential qualities of an orator. It is derogatory to a public fpeaker to ISlo. XI. On Mr. Ames's Oration. 4f ufe opprobrious epithets, or to take an advantage, from the exclufive privilege of his fituation, to abufe nations or even individuals. It difcovers a fordid difpofition to improve an opportunity (when interruption would be deemed an indecency) to calumniate thofe, who cannot anfwer for themfelves ; and when a man arrogantly affumcs this mode to vent his inveftives, it difplays a ftrong mark of the malignancy of his heart. Mr. Ames, when placed within the fantlum < fantlorum of the Old South, arrayed in his fable habiliments, felt that kind of fecurity, which has too often been improved within the facred defk, to ad- vance principles, and enforce dogmas analogous to the feelings and pcrfonal refcntmcnt of the fpeaker. Thus elated, he knew that whatever he might fay, would not expofe him to an immediate explanation ; and, under this impreflion, he felt a confidence in wilhing to " gather round him the nations" ; and with a fupercili- ous aflurance, was anxious to " raife his voice to a ftrain which could be heard by all mankind." But to check the flight of this enraptured enthufiaft, let us fup- pofe him placed within the hearing of the army of France ; would he dared to have vociferated " that the French revolution has been, from thefrjl, hoftile to all right and juflice, to all peace and order in fociety, and that its very exigence has been a ftate of warfare againll the civilized world" ? It is a difgf ace for a perfon to fay that behind a man's back y that he is afraid to fay to his face. Mr. Ames, though vaunting in a pulpit that he wifhcd to be " heard by all mankind," would have exhibited a ftrong defcription of the tremor of Belfhazzar, if Bonaparte had at that moment been an- nounced, as one of his audience. On fuch an event, he would have been a curious phenomenon in the hiftory of Quixotifm, to obferve the change between the bombaftic fulminations of an ora- tor, when he confidered his antagonift at three thoufand miles dif-« tance, and the placid ftrains of complacency when he expe&ed to confront him on his defcent from the roftrum. Mr. Ames, in his reply to the Legiflature, acknowledges his oration to be a hafly performance^ and that he had not leifure to confider the fubjeft ; from thence we are to conclude, that hs thought but little about what he toot faying) or ivho be was ahijing. His oration was a kind of medical regimen, which ferved to cvap- G 5 .3 On Mr. Amti's Oration. No. XL orate the effufions of his " teeming mind" ; and his epithets, tropes and figures, like mercurial pills, ferved the valuable purpofe of difcharging the fpleen and chagrin which for a long time had laid indigefted within him. As thofe humours are now worked off, we hope he feels more compofed and tranquil. The French revolution is a fubjeft worthy the contemplation of a philofopher. It is an epoch, which no hiftory can parallel, and when a political character prefumes to fpealc upon it, he un- dervalues his reputation by bringing into view the ' mufly docu- ments' of hiilorical tradition. Where is the hiftory that keeps pace in analogy with its rapid progrefs ? It outftrips every flow, tedious procefs of former examples, and (lands pre-eminent among thofe wonders which at once confound and aftonifh mankind. Bonaparte, in companion with Casfar, Alexander, and the long lift of military characters which fwell the page of hiftory, is like the fun in its meridian fplendour diffufmg its rays among the inferior planets of the natural fyftem. Such men are only viewed at a diftance, like the Georg'mm Sidtts, through a telefcope ; but Bonaparte is a lumi- nary which difplays its radiance not only within its own orbit, but illumines the extenfive hemifpheres of Europe, Afia, and America. He (lands a monument of the particular attention of heaven ; for, amidft the immenfity of dangers by which he has been furrounded, he has never received a wound to flop for a moment the career of his glory. He has fuffered innumerable deaths by his enemies, but he has rifen from the grave with a tenfold increafe of military fame, If the crocodiles have fwallowed him, they have been obli- ged to difgorge their luxurious repa,ft with an additional retinue to proclaim' his re-entrance into life, and with frefli laurels to adorn the brow of their engulphed hero. — The combined powers of Eu- rope have alternately been obliged to fubmit to the invincibility of this " wonderful people" ;. and we may daily expedl to hear that the Emperor, with his prowling bead of prey, Suwarrow, are fup- pliants for their mercy. Britain may pofllbly have the honour of being the laft to acknowledge their fovereignty ; but the energy of the prefent government will probably force her to a compliance, in order to prevent the inroads of a " confervative power" (directed by Bonaparte) to check the lawlefs domination of this tyrannical na- tion. The letter of Conful Bonaparte to the King may be the pre* curfor of fuch an event. No. XI. On Mr. dmcs* s Oration. p The French revolution thus foars beyond the idle tittle-tattle of a few fuperficial, local politicians in this country. The fhottr lighted policy of a funding fyftem- — the menial fycophancy of a Britifh alliance — the trifling considerations of pecuniary appoint- ments, the paltry efforts of a fclf-created ariflocracy in America, are all loft in the great plan of the French revolution. The ex- peufive monarchical, ariftocratical, and prieftly modes of their for- mer government are completely annihilated, or at leaft are placed in that direction as mull eventually deftroy the pernicious princi- ciples which for centuries have been the fcourge of that nation. The government is now free from the voracious demands of bankrupts ; who, in fome republics, are confidered as national pau- pers, to be provided for by commiffions in the army and navy. The levee of a Queen was a greater burden to the people of France than the whole expenditure of their prefent civil eftabliihment. To judge of the French revolution, we muft recur to their for- mer fituation under the monarchy : and when Mr. Ames talks about French jacobinifm, " as inspiring a fanaticifm that was intol- erant and contagious," he ought to have brought into view the gloomy receffes of the Bastile ! the defpotifm and extravagance of the monarchy, and the the horrid impofitions of the Popifh hi- erarchy. This fpirit of jacobinifm, which he reprobates, was necef- fary to counteract the immenfe preiTure upon the liberties and pro- perty of the citizens, and became the only efficacious medium to oppofe the tyrannical meafures of their former government. This jacobinifm was fimilar to the fpirit which animated Wafn- ington, Hancock, Adams, and the hoft of patriots during the American revolution ; and had Great-Britain accomplifhed her wicked purpofes, thefe heroes would have been ftigmatized as jaco- bins and fuffcrcd the penalty of rebels. The term jacobin is of mod- ern coinage, but its real signification (as applied by thofe falfely ftyl- ed federalifts) is comprized in the old-fajlnoned word, Rebel. The tories would have been equally as induftrious, during our revolution, to ftamp the epithet jacobin upon Congrefs, the American army, with the arch-jacobin Wafhington at their head, as they now are to give this appellation to the leading characters in the French nation. The traitor Hutchinfon, if the term jacobin had been then in vogue would have been conftantly dinging in the ear of his Majefty, that " jacobinifm had become ia America rather a fe#, than a I 52 On Mr. Ames's Oration. No. XI. party" ; " infpiring a fanaticifm that was equally intolerant and contagious." The Englifh papers would have been conftantly teeming with this opprobrious epithet. Lord Nordi would have re-echoed in the BritiSh Parliament, " the contagion of the jacobin faction," and every confpicuous character in the United States would have been reprobated as the fomenter of inSurrection, and promulgator of diforganizing principles. Every attempt to reftore the liberties of mankind, or to check the progrefs of arbitrary power, is now ftyled jacobinifm. If the people of Ireland make any exertions to maintain their rights, or oppofe the cruelties of a mercenary foldiery, they are marked out as the objects of ministerial vengeance under this designation. If the French people efpoufe their liberties, againft the outrages of a monarchy, nobility, and priefthood, the weapons wielded in oppo- fition to them are the proflituted epithets of diforganizers, anarch- ills, and jacobins. If Mr. Ames means to be confidered as the defender of the old fyjlem of France, under which the tortures of the Baftile were exercifed — the extravagant expenditures of the crown — the vaf- falage of the citizens, under the impofitions of a numerous body of nobility — and their ignorance arifing from the absurdities intro- duced by a phalanx of voracious priefls : If he is the advocate for thefe eftablifhments, let him ftep forward in a manly avowal of his principles, rather than by an infidious reflection on thofe patriotic efforts which have been made to reftore the equal rights of the citizens. Mr. Ames, while reprobating France as purfuing a Jacobinical fyftem, lias the audacity to affert, that the fame deftructive Senti- ments are prevailing in this country. An oppnfttion to the Federal Conjlitution is generally defined to conftitute the character of a jacobin. Upon this ground, I am willing to meet Mr. Ames ; and am ready to place the ftigma upon that body of men, among whom the grcateil attempts have been made to deftroy thofe repub- lican principles, on which this Constitution is founded. From what quarter has -xjlandrng army been advocated ? From whence is it, that the economical fyftem has been fo far Supersed- ed, that the impoft and exciSe have not been equal to the exigences of our government ? From whence have land taxes arifen — - Stamp duties-— bank eftablifhments-— with a numerous train of er- No. XI. On Mr. Ames's Oration. 53 penfive official appointments, which have encieafed the national debt to its prefent magnitude ? Who were the men in favour of a treaty, which will probably deceive the merchant, and expofe the farmer to a demand of Several millions ? Who are now defir- ous to collateral the amicable negotiation now pending in France ? Are thofe the men whom Mr. Ames would defignate as the friends to our Republican Cqnflitutton I or would he rcprcfent their oppofers as a jacobin faftion ? Have not this latter clafs of citizens been con- stantly urging economical meafimrs ; and in all their proceedings, both in and out of Congrefs, have they not been afliduous to pre- vent the pernicious tendency of extravagant expenfes ? The de- bates in Congrefs are evidences of tbeir exertions to maintain the purity of the Republican fyftem, to reftore the friendfhip of France, and a defire to retrench the expenditures of the government within the real abilities of the people to difcharge them. I may venture to fay, if thefe traits conftitute a Jacobin, that a large proportion of the real citizens are of this defcription. But, to come clofer towards Mr. Ames, as it relates to the Conjli/u/ion, and the difpofition of certain individuals to alter its republican properties, I would afk him (and he is rcqurjlid to anfwer) whether he is not the author of the following remarks in Mifs Hannah Adams's hiftory of New-England ? If he is, let the citr jzens judge who are the men, that are defirous to change the clfen- tial principles of the Federal ConUituticn. — Who are the men, that are anxious to fubvert the flate fovereignties, and to etlablifh a complete confolidation — and provided jacobinifm is defined to be, an attempt to change our prefent Conjlituticn, the queftion is, whe- ther men of this Stamp are not deferving the obnoxious epithet. The remarks, referred to, Stand thus in page 496 of the above- mentioned hiftory :- — " The withholding of a complete negative from the Prefident, the interference of the Senate in appointments to office, the mode of their election by the refpeefhe Jlates, the want of permanency in that body, Sufficient for their flf-prefrvation againfl die paroxifm of fudden democratic intemperance which have generally denied to republics the enjoyment of both tranquillity and longevity, and above all, the difcordant and feemingly anarchical conflict of national and flate fovereignties ', the impcrium in imperio, are yetconfideied by many as deviations from a corrcd political theory," 54 On Mr. Ames's Orallon. No. XI. In this proportion, an " unchecked, unbalanced" Prcfidcnt, and an hereditary Senate, are contemplated- — an uncontroled ap» pointment of offices by the Executive, and an annihilation of the ftate governments, are all confidcied as eifential to form a " cor- rect political theory."— -Can any man who advocates fuch a plan be ftylcd a Federalift ? Can he be called a friend to the exifting Conftitution ? Are not all the Republican and Federal traits of our government exploded, mould fuch amendments be introduced ? Could a mode ft man prefume to reprobate others for attempting to fubvert the Conftitution, if he himfelf propofed a change which ftruck fo radically at its vital principles ? N It has ever been the policy of monarchifts and ariflocrats to effect their purpofes by certain cant terms, which they circulate with peculiar facility, as defcriptive of their own fentiments and thofe of their opponents — Federal and Anti-Federal Lave been ufed by them with remarkable fuccefs to favour their deflgns. While fuch perfons ftyle themfelves Federalifls, they have in mod inftances been endeavouring to confolidate, not only the Federal government in the hands of the Executive, but have been equally anxious to annihilate the fovereignty of the refpective States. , Inftead of calling themfelves Federalifls, they are more properly ftyled Con- Jolidation'ifts. The Anti-Federalifts (fo called) are in fa" *aterfper£d with a few draggling negroes ; with a huge throng ( z* Jt Plots, Plots, Plot Si tio. XVL fill up the chafm) of fycophants, who were courting public favour, exhibited a fcene which naturally excited the laughter and pity of every confederate citizen. This cocKADE-influenza was rather harmlefs, as folly was the only confpicuous trait Which marked it» progrefs — Only one blot remains on it*, which was, the cowardly action of tearing a iri-coloured one from the hat of an invalid Frenchman ; but as we know the man and his co-adjutors, who were guilty of this difgraceful action, it is an apology for the ftig- ma attending the tranfa&ion. The tory junto, in this ftage o£ the bufiflefs, got to their tu plus ultra i ingenuity was exhaufted. They flood at bay for fome time, till they hit upon an expedient to roufe their drooping fpir- its. Reiigiom ! Religion ! Was in danger ;-— an Illuminati was about to darken the Chriftian world ; — Deifm, Atheifm, and every ether evil was about to take place among mankind. Some of the reverend Doctors of Divinity were on fire to extirpate the perni- cious Society ; and they wrote in the public papers fo many ab- surdities, that all their rhapfodies became the fubject of ridicule, and themfelves the objects of derifion* Thus, for thefe four years paft, have the citizens of the United States been impofed on by a tory faction. Alarms, terror, threat* enings, and fraud, have been the weapons by which they have a£- failed the good fenfe of the people. Every fpecies of impofition has been practifed to accomplifh their wicked purpofes : thofe whom they could not coax they intimidated, and thofe they could not intimidate they coaxed. They have purfued fo deteflable a fyi- tem, that they have been afraid and afhamed to encounter thofe who had fpirit and refolution to challenge them to an explicit con- teft. They have acled the part of afTafTms towards their oppo- nents, by attempting, in an infidious manner, to injure jthem in their bufmefs, and afpeife their characters. No meafure, however bafe and infamous, has been neglected by this defperate junto, to raife themfelves, and deprefs others. But, thank God, they are fruf- trated in their defigns ; and we truft in heaven, that the time will foon arrive, when the perfidy of fuch adverfaries will be as con- fpicuous to the public as their bafenefs is defpifed by their op- ponents. Plots, Illuminati, Ocean maflacres, &c. having loft their effica- ty, the tory faction are now watching the motion of the waters in No. XVI. Flats, Plots, Plots: 73 the enfuirig election for Prefident. Their lafl refource is, to ca- lumniate Mr. Jefferfon as an enemy to the Chriftian religion. The fame perions who have hitherto deceived the citizens about tub- plots — who have propagated the lie of the Ocean maffacre, are now bufy in fcandalizing Mr. Jefferfon. They have worn out ev- ery other falfehood, and are now reduced to the miferable fubter- fuge of calling him an athcift. The fact is, Mr. Jefferfon in his wry- tings vindicates the right of confeience on the fubjed of religion, while his antagonifts are planning in conclave, to creel a national hierarchy, to control and tyrannize over every other religious eita- blilhmcnt. This mull be the cafe, otherwife it is impoflible that fo much virulence lhould appear againft him, for attempting to place every feet on an equal footing. Judge then, fellow-citizens, between Mr. Jefferfon and his opponents. The deceptions which have been pra" — Ye Clergy, what is your opinion ? — Ye men of piety, in holy orders, what confidence can you place in thofe who have fo grofsly and impioufly profaned your houfes of Worfliip, and who difturbed your devotions on the day fet apart for public worfhip ? Can the minifters of the gofpel now become the friends of thofe who have fhewn fuch a difpofition of enmity to that being whom they adore ? After driving the flock from their wonted paflurcs ; after introducing Leafts for fpOrt on the altar where the fouls of men were proftrated before the majefty of heaven ; after polluting the courts which led to Zion's gates with every obfeenity which could difgrace human nature — can ye, ye minijleri cf the gofpel, embrace the perpetrators as the friends of God, or to the caufe in which you have engaged ? Such an unnatural alliance is affronting to heaven, and muft in the end be reprobated by fome evident marks of its difpleafure. The minds of the Americans have been inflamed on the fubjecT: of religion, and directed to anathematize the French as the only fub- vertcrs of tills facred inftitution. But what nation has ever been fo hoftile to the principles of this country as the Britifh ? From the firft fettlement of America, has not the hierarchy of the church been attempting to annihilate the independency of our religious eftablifhments ? Why did a Mayhew and a Chauncy enter the field of controverfy againft the affirmed rights of National Epifco- pacy ? Why did thofe religious patriots encounter the fpiritual weapons of biihops and their hofl of hireling fcribblers ? Why were they blafted as diforganizers in their facerdotal prcfeflions ? The anfwer is plain, becaufe they oppofed thofe who wifhed to " lord it over Chrift's heritage." During the revolution this fpirit was evidenced in the rnofl ftriking colours ; our Prefbyterian mecting-houfes were the peculiar objects of refentment ; they were ftyled Schifm-Jljopsy and every fhaft of calumny and detraction was directed againft their fupport- crs j fcarccly was a town entered by the Britifh troops but the 96 Appeal to the C\ No. XXII. houfes of worfhip experienced their particular violence. I town of Bnfton the inhabitants can recollect the large proportion which fell a iacrifice to their hoftilities. Their conduct was fo vin- dictive, that it feemed a war of religious extermination, and they plac- ed our Prejbyterian worlhip in fuch a ridiculous point of view, that they wantonly aimed at thofe houfes which were diftinguifhed for the veneration of the men who had preached within them. Dr. Sewall was eminent throughout the world for his piety, and there- fore they chofe to fignalize his fancluary for the mod degrading amufements ; they continued in their impiety till the old gentle- man ftalked before them, in the attitude of an injured ghoft. — The Old North was diftinguifhed by its venerable characters, and this ancient fabrick was deftined to the flames. Many other places of worlhip (excepting the Epifcopalian) were defiled by their unhallowed hands. Our Sabbaths were days of military parade, and the highefl contempt was fhown for every thing which wore the appearance of religion and morality ; drums and fifes were the interludes to our devotion. Fellow-Citizens ! Is this too high a wrought picture of Britilh proceedings in this country during our revolution ? Ye aged patriots, I can appeal to you for the truth of the defcription : Ye venerable matrons, I can call on you for the propriety of the ob- fervations : Ye minifters of the gofpel, fome of whom now flumber on*your polls, I will even venture to fummon you as evidences to the foregoing ftatement. If I am wrong in my narration, come forward and deny the facts ; but if I am right, you muft accede to my principle. Where is the American then, who willies an alliance with England, to defend either our civil or religious rights ? But it has lately been declared, that " many influential characters in the gov- ernment" have been defirous to accomplifh this meafure. On the prefent occafion, however, it may not be impertinent to inquire whether thofe perfons are not the friends to Mr. Pinckney ? Are they not defirous to make him Piefident ? Is he not the man who is the object of this particular party ? It is true, he may not favor their defigns, but we ought to be jealous of the candidate, who is fupported by men of this defcription. Is he not patronized by the EfTex Junto ? And while we dctefl their politics, we muft be careful of the man whom they recommend. fro. XXIII.- To the Electors of the northern States. 97 Unwarrantable jealoufy is derogatory to an enlightened people ; but there are points of decifion to which wife men will adhere. The crifis is important, and it calls on every confiderate citizen to weigh confequences. If we miftake our fituation, or be- come lulled into feciirity, by the deceptive appellations of federalifls and jacobins, cur ruin is inevitable. Our government muft depend on the wifdom of its adminiftration, and the economy of its ex- penditure?. An extravagant fyftcm muft impoverifh the people ; enormous taxes muft prefs hard on the induftrious citizens ; eight per cent, loans will increafe the public debt beyond the ability of thofe who will be called on to difcharge it. Let us then throw afide party fpirit, and contemplate the man whofe whole political condud has been oppofed to fuch meafures : Who this man is, we have the ftrongeft evidences ; as the abufe of Mr. JefFerfon has folely arilen from his decided difapprobation of every religious ty- ranny, and his defire to adminiftcr the government on the pure and economical principles of republic anifm. Americans ! this being the ftate of the queftion, can we halt ' between two opinions ? Let us act like men, and exercife our rights as becomes the defendants of " tucll-borrt" Americans. The evidence of being " ?uel/-iorn," is to prefrve our freedom. When this is permanently effected, then may we exclaim with, pleafurablc emotions, " the fnare is broken, and we have cfcaped !" No, XXIII. TO THE ELECTORS OF THE NORTHERN STATES, IN order to give a fpecimen of the tendency of your proceedings, I fliall exhibit the character of Mr. Adams as defcribed by Mr. Hamilton ; after reviling this portrait, you may be able to draw proper inferences of your conduct. Mr. Hamilton fays — " Mr. Adams does not poffefs the talents adapted to the adminiflraiion of government ; he has intrinfic de- fects in his character, which unft him for the office of Chief Magf- trate" — " he is a man of an imagination fublimated and excentric —propitious neither to a regular difplay of found judgment, nor to N 9 S To the Electors of No. XXIII, fteady perf«verancc in a fyltematic plan of conduct ;" and, fays Hamilton, " I began to perceive, what has been too manifeft, that to thefc defects arc added the unfortunate foibles of a vanity without bounds, and a jealoufy capable of difcolou/mg every okjccl.'* Mr. Hamilton goes on, " the confidepatioos which had reconciled me to the fuccefs of Mr, Pinckney, were of a nature exclusively pub- lic ; they refulted from the difgufling egot'fm, the diflempered jealoufy, and the ungovernable indifcretion of Mr. Adams's tempei, joined to fome doubts of the correctnefs of his maxims in administration" — ■ u it will not appear exaggeration to thole who have ftudied his character, to fuppofe that Mr. Adams is capable of being alienated from a fyftem to which he has been attached, becaufe it is vpheldby men •whom he hates." Speaking of the American million to France, he thus defcribes Mr. Adams, " fometimes lie has treated with ridi- cule the idea of its being a meafure which would terminate in peace ;" at other times, " that he has vindicated the meafure, as one con- formable with the general and ftrong wifh of the country for peace, and as likely to promote that defirable object." This is the character given of Mr. John Adams, by Mr. Alexander Hamilton — and can any thing be more difhonorary and affront- ing ? Outrageous pajpons, jealoufy and duplicity, are reprefented as the prominent features which mark his political portrait. While Mr. Hamilton thus defames Mr. Adams, he is equally as elaborate in his eulogiums on Mr. Pinckney. Now, gentlemen, I would beg leave to afk you, with what pro- priety you could connect Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney in your votes for Prefident and Vice-Prefidcnt ? Was there one man among the electors in the four New-England governments, who knew any thing about Mr. Pinckney, otherwife than by the character given him by Mr. Hamilton ? And provided he had not been nom- inated by him, whether you would have thought of this gentleman in connection with Mr. Adams ? You muft excufe me if I fay, that I very much doubt it. If this is the cafe, what could induce you to take up with the nomination of Mr. Hamilton, who had fo fe- verely treated Mr. Adams, and attempt to give Mr. Pinckney an equal (if not afuperior) chance with him ? This was an alliance of the moll unnatural kind ; for if Mr. Adams was in the lead degree fimilar to what Mr. Hamilton had reprefented him, he was not deferving of your choice, and yet you have reprobated his opinion as No. XXIII. the northern States. 99 it refpected Mr. Adams, while at the fame time you have approbat- ed his nomination of Mr. Pinckney. Ho\» could you fuppofe that any cordiality could ever fublill between the gentlemen thus chofen : One was denounced by Hamilton as unfit for the office, and the other was the candidate of his warmed approbation. Certain- ly Mr. Pinckney would feel an obligation to his patron, and while in office would attempt to promote his political meafures — Mr. Adams, on the contrary, being wounded by the cenfures thrown upon him, mull ever be placed in a mod difagreeable fituation, to act in concert with a man, v/ho obtained his votes by the. recom- mendation of his opponent. Provided fuccefs had attended the election of thefe two gentlemen, Mr. Adams would have been " of all men the moil miserable." He would have been mortified be- yond expreffion, to fee the man of Hamilton's nomination in the firft feat of government ; or if he perchance had obtained it, yet the problematical fuccefs of the election between them, would have produced feelings, which the tendernefs of his mind could not eafily have eradicated. Mr. Hamilton would have exulted over him, and might poffibly threaten Mr. Adams as to the event of his next election. Suppofe that Mr. Pinckney had obtained a majority of votes, and was chofen Prefident, what would the northern ftates have faid to this bufmefs ? Would they not have feen-that they were duped ? Would they not have difcovered the artful plot, and would not every citizen have been chagrined at fuch an event ? Yet, gentle- men, you came near to give this triumph to a party, who were laughing behind the curtain at the game they were playing. Sampfon's Jire-brands and foxes were not a more unnatural alli- ance, than Pinckney and Adams, and it is probable that a " fmall party" calculated to produce as much mifchief. After Mr. Hamil- ton had defcribed Mr. Adams in terms fo opprobrious, he could not fmccrcly wifh him to be Prefident. This may be good policy, but I muff confefs it is beyond my comprehenfion. As friends to Mr. Adams, the candidate of Hamilton would have been the laft man to be confidered. It feemed a pointed refleclion on both to bring them in contact. The connexion mull have been fo difagreeable, that I Ihould fuppofe no friend of either would wifli to have forwarded it. But the fact appears plain, that many who pretended to be the advocates J co To the Electors tf No. XXIV. for Mr. Adams are his greateft enemies. They loljlered up Pinck- ney by the ftrength of Adams ; and this is evident, for at the late feaft of the defcendants of the Pilgiims, in this town, we fee by the toafts the real fcnlimcr.ts of certain individuals. Hamilton is ftyled the pure gold, though deprived of his official jlamp ; what is this but a direct implication on the Prefident for his difmifTal ? If then we find particular perfons extolling him for his purity, notwith- ftanding his late attack on the Prefident, can we helitate to declare, that fuch men are hypocrites, when they pretend friend- ship towards Mr. Adams ? Excufe me, gentlemen, for thefe plain remarks — I have not ftudied elegance in diction, but I profefs franknefs in expreffion. The citizens will judge of the propriety of my remarks ; and as I write for their information, apologies are unnecefiary. I do not cen r fure you in your official capacity, but I muft fay, if you are fiiends to Mr. Adams, that you took a ftrange method to exprefs ycur at- tachment. The Essex Junto, that bane to our country, have thrown us into our prefent difficulties, and occafioned our inconfifte ncies and perplexities. They have calumniated Mr. JefFerfon, and every honeft republican throughout the United States ; and Mr. Adams, in his retirement, will have an opportunity to reflect on thofe delu- fions, which thofe who have been ftyled jacobins, cautioned him againft. But we truft in heaven that the deligns of this faction are fruftrated, and that the fnare is broken and we have efcaped. No. XXIV. TO THE ELECTORS OF THE NORTHERN STATES. JVEPUBLICANS pofTefs that magnanimity of mind, that they fcorn to avenge themfelves of their adverfaries, by retaliating on the fordid principle of perfonal reftntment. Though for many years paft, they have been expofed to the infolence of every petty fycophant, who was feeking a maintenance from the federal gov- ernment ; though fingled out as objects of popular odium, by the deteftable tools of an EfTex faction ; though vilified from the prefs, and denounced from the pulpit j though perfecuted, defamjdj and No. XXIV. the northern States. IOI libelled by every ignorant Scribbler, who could wield his pen in op- position to the liberties of his country : yet, amidSt this torrent of invective, the republicans Hand pre-eminent for their moder- ation, and feel fuch a fuperiority as will not fuffer them to retort the pitiful and ignominious fcurrility, which characterize their ca- lumniators. The republicans wifh not to fcreen themfelvcs from a Strict investigation of their conduct. They place themfclves on the baSis of the Constitution, and never dread an appeal to the public judg- ment, by threatening men with fines and imprisonment. Under the fyitem of a pure republican a dmhiijl ration, we hope never to hear the groans of a prifoner echoing through the rccefTes of a dungeon, for exprefiing his political Sentiments ; nor to behold a wife and children bemoaning their misfortunes, by being deprived of the fupport of an huSband and parent under the cruel hand of a relent- Icis judiciary. Such exceSTes are abhorrent to well-Lorn Americans. The republicans depend on principle, and not on terror. The human mind is left unShackled, and permitted to contemplate in its utmoft latitude the conduct of men, and the tendency of meaf- urcs. They aSTume no control over public opinion, nor deSignate a paiticular party by the childiSh infignia of a black cockade. Thefe degrading actions are beneath the philanthropy of repub- licans. They fti iye to convince, rather than to terrify. They ap- peal to the reafon rather than the feats of their fellow-citizens : and if thefe falutary purpofes are not effected, by thefe moderate meas- ures, they pity and commiSTerate the obdurate. A gaol is not the temple of Apollo to convince the mind, and fines" and impris- onment are arguments too unphilofophical to be offered as rational conviction. Magnanimity, benevolence, and moderation are the car- dinal virtues ; and may the caufe of republicanism never be dis- graced, by any Species of conduct which defignates tyranny. After thus giving the outlines of republican tenets, I hope you will acquit me of exciting a fyftem of terror under the new admin- istration. Though an oppofite line of conduct has hitherto been purfued by the oppoicrs of the republicans, (the Severity of which might juftify an ample retaliation) yet the brilliancy of the caufe in which they are engaged, I hope will never be clouded by imita- ting the degrading and difgraceful behaviour of a fet of infolent, intolerant, infulting, and abufive wretches, Some of whom have lot To th: Electors of No. XXIV. been bafking under the emoluments, and feeding on the loaves and fifties of government. Though the principles of republicanifm foften the vindictive paffions, yet they tend to the moll critical fcrutiny into all the motives and operations of their public fer- vants. No man, or body of men, is confidered above " The Peo- ple" ; they are the Alpha and Omega of power ; they are the "checks and balances" which poife the political flandard, and elections are the weights by which they decide merit. Thefe things being premifed, gentlemen, I cannot but make a few more obfervations on the tendency of your conduct in the choice of Preiident and Vice-Pi efident.- The confequences mu.l have been fatal, had you fucceeded in the election of MeiFrs. Adams and Pinckney. It might have been fetling up two (landards, to which the different parties would have repaired. The enemies f Mr. Adams knew this, and therefore urged their plans under the expectation of reviving their own par- ty. Tbey knew that they could not expect any preferment under Mr. riJims's adminiftration ; they therefore artfully linked them- felves with Mr. Adams's friends, and, with the utmofl fubtilty of addrefs, fo far ingratiated them elves as to walk hand in hand like two fond lovers, toward, the confummation of their defigns* But their friendfhip was deiuhve ; it might be compared to the afTaffin who had enticed the traveller to depend on his protection, and af- ter obtaining his confidence, facrificed him the firft opportunity. All the expectations' of this junto refted on the fuccefs of Mr. Pinc&ny, and if he did not fucceed, they were fatisfied that their plans were fruftrated. To carry him under his own political rep- utation, they knew was impoffible ; they therefore flood ready to couple him> either with Adams or Jefferfon : — and I am confidently told, that a propofition was made by Mr. Pinckney's friends for this purpofe ; but the fupporters of Mr. Jefferfon treated the com- promife with every mark of contempt ; they would not barter the general happine r s to bring forward a party, which they confidered as injurious to the general welfare, though it would completely fe. cure the eleclion of their candidate. Mr. Jefferfon might have had a great fupport from Mr. Pinckney's friends, if his advocates had folely ftudied his elevation to the prefidential chair, in preference to the real republican principles, which they meant by his election to fubftantiate. No. XXIV. the northern States. 103 As an evidence in point, of the impropriety of connecting Meflrs. Pinckney and Adams, I will ftate a circumftance -which would probably have taken place, in cafe Mr. Pinckney had been chofen Prefident : and, as you gave him an equal chance with Mr. Adams, the event cannot be confidercd as altogether vifionary. Suppofe the firft nominations of Mr. Pinckney had been Mr. Ham- ilton and Mr. Pickering, one as Secretary of State, the other Secretary at War ? In this ftage of the bufmefs, the wound inflict- c ed by Hamilton would have been laid bare before the public ; the friends of Adams would have confidered it as a pointed affront on r e him ; and the friends of the candidates would have viewed it as a _jt jult compliment to their merits. During this controverfy, parties 1C 1 would have rallied ; reflections would have increafed with an elec- ;h trical celerity ; the honour of Mr. Adams on one fide, and the jealoufy of Mr. Pinckney on the other, would have created a fer- mentation in the public mind, which could not eafily be allayed ; the EfTex junto would have erected their baneful creft, and the event would have been, if not a civil war, yet the inveteracy of paf- fions would have fell but little fliort of fuch a cataftrophe. The conteft might have been fo diftrefling, that the hiftory of America would have furnilhed a datum whereby to calculate our political misfortunes. The contending parties being powerful, the United States might have commenced the fanguinary detail of war, from this inaufpicious period. The nineteenth century might have be- gun its progrefs with garments rolled in blood, within the once peaceful fhores of America. Hiftory, inflead of being crimfoned with European controversies, might have opened a new page to defcribe the fanguinary fcencs exhibited on the American theatre. Theie recitals are not the whims of fancy, or the flights of im- agination ; they arc probabilities which no man can controvert j and wc have reafon to thank heaven, that we are delivered from fuch apprehenfions, under an adminiftration fo congenial with uniform principles. Thefe obfervations, gentlemen, are offered for your confidera- tinn — and the citizens have reafon to rejoice, that the election has- taken its prefent courfe — and provided "the people" are atten- tive to their adminiftration, We may anticipate events the moll fal- Utary and propitious. 1 04. To those whom it may cbncern. No. XXV; Thus, gentlemen, have I offered my fentiments en the ten ofyourvcies, in paying attention to an inconfiflent nomination, and if they ftrike your mind with the fame force they do mine, you muft congratulate each other that you did not fucceed in your election ; for Mr. Adams mull have been the moil miferablc man within the United States, if chofen either Prefident or Vice-Prefi- dent, under the patronage of the Eifex junto. The writings of federalifls, and the toafts we fee drank, arc but feeble fpecimens of what they would have done, provided this party had been brought once more into our public councils. " May they henceforth refl from their political labours, and may their tvorh folhto thtm." No. XXV. TO THOSE WHOM IT MAY CONCERN* J_ HE Essex junto being completely baffled in their views* and finding that all their arts and ftratagems are defeated, have now become defperate, and are endeavoring to confound and per- plex that government by artifice, which they could not fubvert by intrigue. Thefe men are now reduced to the mod mortifying fitu- ation, in feeing themfclves difappointcd in their defigns, and after anticipating the mod glorious profpecis, they cannot refrain ex- preffing their chagrin in being arrefted in the midft of their career. Thus wc obferve the continued calumny in the prcfles devoted to their fervice. Every indecency of language and every oppro- brious epithet are exprefiive of the malignity of their difpofition. They have the impudence to charge the republican citizens as aim- ing folely to acquire pojls of honour and profit ; when it is evident that a large proportion of thefe defamers are either enjoying places of profit or are conftantly feeking fome lucrative em- ployment. With what bare-faced arrogance muft thefe perfons prefume to allege fuch motives to the citizens who have given their fuf- frages for Mr. Jefferfon. The fubfiantial property of this country is in favour of this patriotic gentleman by the prcfent election. Their votes are not obtained by fraudulent means, in voting for one man, when another was evidently intended. Notwithftanding this une- No. XXV. To those whom it may conctrri. 10£ quivocal decifion in dieir favour, yet this implacable faction are perfifting in their nefarious fchemes to throw the United State* into perplexities. They have dared to call their opponents difor- ganizers, enemies to the conjlitution, and difpofed to depreciate the pub- lic confidence in all matters refpecting the funds, and other pecuni- ary eftablifhments. Thefe are the charges brought by this faction againft the friends of Mr. Jefferfon. Let us then, fellow-citizens, fee how far their actions correfpond with their allegations. Who are the diforganizers at die preient moment ? Who are the men that talk about overturning government ? Are they not thofe who are pleading in favour of an hereditary Prefident and Senate ? Are they not thofe who are calumniating the ftates which have given their fuffrages for Mr. Jefferfon ? If thefe perfons are in favour of the conftitution, why will they not allow the fame right to others, which they claim themfelves ? The conftitution contemplates a free election for Prefident and Vice-Frefident, once in four years, and on this occafion every freedom is to be exercifed by the refpective ftates, to choofe fucft men as are moft agreeable to them. The mode adopted at the laft election has been peculiarly favorable to Meffrs. Adams and Pinckney, notwithftanding which, the return of votes has given the majority to Meffrs. Jeffeifon and Burr. If this does not exprefs die fentiments of the citizens, what method could be taken to give them a more decided avowal I Maffachufetts has taken the right from the people for the exprefs purpofe of fecuring Meffrs. Adams and Pinckney ; and Pennfyl- vania have carried their projects to die utrrioft length to effect their purpofes ; who then is to blame in this bufinefs ? Though this is fo evident, yet we daily obferve the mofl grofs abufe on the public voice. The vileft calumny is publiflied againft Mr. Jefferfon, as they know that he is the man contemplated by ths electors to fill the feat of prefidency. To defeat this purpofe, is now their great object. The Effex junto and their adherents, therefore, are the diforganizers ; they are the difturbers of the pub- lic tranquility ; diey are the men who are endeavouring to depreci- ate the public funds, to leffen the value of all pecuniary eftablifh- ments, to create jealoufy among the citizens, and to injure our na- tional reputation in Europe. For this bafe end, they are deicrifc- O lo6 To those whom it may concern. No. XXV. ing our government as tending to a difTolution ; that property will be fet afloat ; that our fix per cent, and other public flocks are falling. Ye holders of the public funds, what have you not to appre- hend from thefc diforgani/.crs ? How arc you to receive your quarterly payments, if the confidence of the citizens in the govern- ment is thus blafted ? From whence do you expect your intereft money, if this junto are to raife a diflruft in the new adminiflra- tion ? If your flocks are to be cried down by this defperate party, who are the people to give liability to your property : — Will the junto help you in the day of adver/ity ? If they convulfe the govern- ment, will not your pecuniary intereft be the firfl fliaken in the con- troverfy ? Inflead, therefore, of joining this defperate clan of oppofers, rather fufpeel their views and defigns. It may be for their private emolument that confufion fhould arife. Individuals among them may be fo plunged in arrears, (provided a ftricl ex- amination into their accounts fhould take place) that their only fe- curity may lay in burning the hooks, and involving all public trans- actions in intricacy and perplexity. Such men, we may fufpeel: are afraid to have things brought to light, and under their prefent embarrafTments may be defirous to introduce every difficulty to prevent a critical investigation into their conduct. The men who have been planning a war with France are not the friends to any clafs of real American citizens. In this Mate of things, if they had accomplifhed their purpofes, xhejlocks, and every kind of landed property mufl have fell a facrifice. It would have been impoffible to maintain the funds at their prefent eflima- tion, as the public debt would have increafed beyond the ability of the people to difcharge it. The fchemes of this junto were hoflile to every man who held either public flocks or landed property, as war mufl have leffened the value of both. And it is further fu£- pected, that many who are now clamorous againfl Mr. Jefferfon are fo involved in the banks, cuflom-houfe, &c. that they wifli to balance their accounts by an annihilation of the government. The utmofl confidence, therefore, mufl be placed in the new udminijlration. A war with France is now improbable, if not impof- fible. A fyflemof economy will give liability to the funds, and appreciate the landed intereft. The merchant will not be burden- ed with exceffive duties to maintain a Handing army and a clan of No. XXVI. Considerations for the Clergy and People. 107 idlers, who have too long lived on faLiries much above their fcrvice, or their merits. Economy is the great work of reformation : — The induilrious are the worthy part of fociety, and the lazy drones who are bafking either at home or abroad, under governmental patronage, ought to be put to a better employment. Economy is die vital principle of a republic, and under die adminiftration of Mt. Jefferfon, wc doubt not, the citizens will have reafon to return thanks to heaven, that the " fnare is broken and that we have ef- caped." Adefpcrate, iniidious, wicked facYicn are now difcovered (emphatically ftyled the Essex Junto) and provided we keep fuch men from our councils, and remove them from their offices, the Republic of America will affume its national dignity. Thefe are the diforganizers, and ought to be branded as fuch. Citizens of America, be firm ; be vigilant. No. XXVI. CONSIDERATIONS TOR THE CLERGY AND PEOPLE, FROM DR. MORSE'S GEOGRAPHY. L/OCTOR MORSE, in his Geography, page 453, fpeaking of the clergy of Connetlicut, makes this Angular remark : — " The cler- gy, who are numerous, and as a body very refpectable, have hith- erto preferved a kind of arijlocratical balance in the democratical gov- ernment of the State, which has happily operated as a check to the overbearing fpirit of republicanifm." This aflertion, if falfe, is a charge which requires the confid- eration of the clergy : If true, the declaration is worthy the im- mediate confideration of the people. If it is falfe, it is a libel on the " refpeclable clergy" of Connecticut : If true, it is a fubjecl in which the citizens are deeply interefled. In a republican government, it is an alarming idea, that an ariftocracy is operating among the clergy to check the fpirit of re- publicanifm ; and the alarm is greatly increafed, when die declar- ation is made by a man, who pledges the authenticity of his avowal by fubferibing his name to the publication. Doflor Morfe's Geography is paffing current through the United States. He is an author, who has obtained a reputatio* ;o8 Considerations for the No. XXVI. (if not by the propriety of his writings, yet his oivn ajfiduity has given a circulation to them) which has overpowered many inac- curacies contained in various pages of his performances. Doctor Morfe has taken peremptory ground. It is prefumed, then, that he is willing to be refponfible for whatever his Geogra- phy contains. If it is ftudied in our academies, public fchools, &c. every article ought to be well authenticated. If our children are to be taught not only geography, but the political principles which govern certain orders of men, how careful fhould he be, that nothing is inferted but what will bear the ftricteft fcrutiny. By this ftatement, the queftion is reduced to a ample point, — do we wifh that our children, by perufmg Doctor Morfe's Geog- raphy, fhould be taught as a rudiment of education, " That the refpectable body of clergy in Connecticut, are a kind of arijlocratical ialance in the democratical government of that ftate, and that they operate as a check to die overbearing fpirit of republicanijm ?" Will the clergy of Connecticut thank Doctor Morfe for this de- claration ? Do they wifh to be confidered as oppofed to a republi- can fyfiem of government ? Are they defirous to become an arifto- cratical check in the civil eflablifhment of that ftate ? Are church and ftate fo allied among the free citizens of Connecticut, that the clerical order is introduced as an efficient branch of the adminiftra- tion ? Does their conftitution contemplate the clergy as part of the legiflature, or have they a control over the " conftituted authori- ties" eftablifhed in their fovereignty ? What right has Doctor Morfe (while writing a Geography for his perfonal emolument) to bring into public view the clergy of Con- necticut, as interfering in the civil departments of that Common- wealth ? Who gave him an authority to reprefent this refpectable order as an arijlocratical body, and acting in oppofition to the repub- lican principles of their fellow-citizens ? Who empowered him to denounce the freemen of Connecticut as exerciurig an overbearing fpirit of rcpublicanifm ? Or will the file of his Geography (as it refpects his private intcrejl) compenfate the refpectable clergy of Connecticut for the cenfure thus thrown upon them ? While reading this remark of Doctor Morfe, a ftranger would naturally fufpect that the clergy of Connecticut had formed them- felves into a civil phalanx : that inftead of attending to the duties *f their profejfion, they had affociated as a body of politicians } that No. XXVI. Clergy and People. I Of they voted and aBed in oppofition to the legal authority of the ftate ; that they iffued their veto or bulls to counteract the refolu- tions of the legiflature ; that they forfook their pulpits, and com- menced political miffionaries ; in fhort, that the clergy had com- bined as an ecclefiajlical fatlion to fubvert the cftabliihed principle of the government. If a zealous republican had dealt fo freely with the Reverend Order, it might have been confidered as an outrage on their patriotiim, but when one of their own fraternity makes the avowal, it wears a more ferious afpect. Not being particularly acquainted with the clergy of Connecti- cut, I cannot pretend to fay, how far the reprefentation of Doctor Morfe may be agreeable to them. But this I am bold to fay, that if any man in Connecticut had made the fame indecent declaration againfl the whole refpctlable clergy of Massachusetts, they would have refented it as a mod illiberal degradation of their clerical character. The clergy of this ftate would have received it as a grofs reflection on their conduct ; and at their annual convention would have pafTed a fevere reprimand on the officious author. The clergy of MafTachufetts would have reprobated every fuggeC- tion that conveyed an idea that they had formed an arijlccratical bal- ance^ to check the fpirit of republicanifm. They would have confid- ered it as an affront on the Reverend Order, to be placed in fuch a degrading political view, and defignated as fubvertcrs of the liber- ties of their country. If Doctor Morfe can take this freedom with the clergy of Connecticut, it is prefumed that no man dare aflumc the fame liberty with the clergy of MafTachufetts. Though we have reafon to think, that fome individuals of the clerical profef- fion are endeavouring to form an ariftocratical balance, yet the clergy, as a body, we prefume, are oppofed to fuch a meafure. When Doctor Morfe was writing his Geography, and hurrying it for the prefs, he might flatter himfelf, that it was but of little con- fequence how he defcribed particular orders of men. But what he fays of the clergy of Connecticut is a charge of the higheft magni- tude. If this ariftocracy is already formed in Connecticut, may we not fufpect that it may have a more extenfive operation ? Has not Doctor Morfe, by his injudicious obfervations, taken an effect- ual method to fet the people of Connecticut againfl their eccle- fiaftical teachers ? Does he fuppofe, that the citizens will reverence their clergy as an ariflocratical body ? Will they efteem them as Iio Considerations for the Clrgy and People. No. XXVI. men, w ho are a check to die /pint of republicanifm ? Are not the people of Connecticut Republican's ? If fo, they mud be oppofed to an arflocratical body ; and when they are told by Doctor Morfe, that the clergy are this body, will they not view them with jealoufy, and endeavour to render them uneafy in their refpective congregations ? What can have a greater tendency to deftxoy the caufe of re- ligion, than denouncing the whole clergy of a flat e as a combined body of arijlocrats P A deift could not take a more effectual way to ac- complifh his purpofes ; and yet the pious Doctor Morfe is prejudicing the citizens of Connecticut againft their clergy by fuch an opprobrious epithet. The Palladium is bemoaning the progrefs of infidelity ; the New-England States are particularly called upon to rally round the banner of religion ; and yet this &ge Doctor has come forward, and declared, that the clergy of one of thefe dates, " happily" preferve an ariflocratical balance, and check the fpirit of republicanifm. The Doctor, it muft be allow- ed, mows fome degree of jefuitifm in his mode of exprefllon ; he fays, "an overbearing fpirit of republicanifm. But who are the judges in this cafe ? Are the clergy fo far a branch of the gov- ernment as to interfere in the laws ? or have they fuch an influ- ence as to control meafures, after they are enacted by the legifla- ture ? Do they meet in conclave to revife the laws ? or are they recognized as Lords Spiritual? Can they rally a fatlion to counteract the proceedings of the conftituted authorities ? — But, according to Doctor Morfe's ftatement, all thefe things are done by the Clergy, and that it is in their power to check the fpirit of republicanifm -, as far as they think proper. Citizens of Connecticut ! Thefe remarks are made for your connderation. Permit me to arte you, whether Dr. Morfe is right or wrong ? Is it a fact, that your clergy are an aristocratical body ? Is it true, that they check the fpirit of republicanifm ? Have they fuch a control over your councils, that they can fay, hitherto ihall you go in your republi- canifm, and no farther ? Have you a bench of bishops, or do your laws pafs through the ordeal of a fpiritual inquifition ? If thefe are facts, we cannot but pity your fituation : But if they are not, we expect that fome fevere cenfures will be pafled on the man, whofe arrogance has led him to give fuch a ftatement of your po. No. XXVII* Further Remarks on Dr. Morse. i i i litical vaiTalage. The yeomanry of Connecticut are too enlight- ened to be prieft-ridden. The freedom of their conftitution foars above a clerical control ; and though a man may acquire a few dollars by the fale of a geographical publication, yet the honour of freemen is too great a facrifice not to expofc his abfurdities. The liberties of a people are too facrcd to be fported with, and even prieftly habiliments fhould never be a cover, too impenetrable for inveftigation and reprehenfion. The federal conftitution has gua- ranteed a republican government to the refpe&ivc ftates ; who then is the man that prefumes to afTert, that the clergy are form- ing an ariftocracy to check this conftitutional barrier ? If there is fuch a perfon, let him come forward and maintain his principles, and not impute to others, what he dare not himfelf openly avow. No. XXVII. FURTHER REMARKS ON DR. MORSE. X HE remarks on Old-South, in the Palladium, carry ftrong traits, that the Reverend DoSor is the author ; — but when fo high a compliment is paid to him, " that every gentleman, who is friend- ly to the difiemination of ufeful knowledge, feels indebted to the in- duftry and talents of Doctor Morse for fo valuable a work, as the Geography of his own country," candour might forbid me to con- fider him as the trumpeter of his literary fame. But though can- dour may lay in her claim, yet we have been fumifned with fo many evidences of his fcribbling propenfity, 1 cannot fuppofe that any other perfon would take the pains to vindicate his political repu- tation. I (hall, therefore, confider the Doctor as the writer of the re- marks on Old-South ; and, after he has complimented himfelf as a " man of talents" I am willing to allow him the fame privilege with any other trader, who has an article to uifpofe of. His Geog- raphy is an article of fale ; and as fuch, it gives it an additional value, by ftamping on the prefatory page the talents of die author. For we buy books for the improvement of the mind, as we buy " Hamilton's worm-deftroying lozenges," or any other medicine, for rectifying the human conftitution. There never was a perform *I2 Further Remarks on Dr. Mow* No. XXVII. ( who publifiicd a noftrum, but what declared the inventor a man of talents, and that the medicine would cure almoft every complaint to which the human frame was liable. Though I am willing to acknowledge that Doftor Morfe has great merit as a compiler ; yet in books, as m medicine, the public will judge for themfelves. Doctor Morfe, while endeavouring to apologize for his expref- fion in his Geography, has perfifted in his declaration, " that the fcntiment is perfectly correct." He ftill perfifts in his avowal, " that the clergy of Connecticut have hitherto preferred a kind of arijlocratical balance'" ; — and how do they preferve it ? The Doctor tells us, " by preaching the pure doctrines of the gofpel ; inculca- ting its moral precepts, and exemplifying them in their lives." — Thus, by the ftatement made by Doctor Morfe, the pure doSrinet °f ^ }e gtfpel i &* moral precepts, and ivalhing agreeably to them, are arijlocratical. This is a new doctrine, for when Paul preached be- fore Felix, he was not denounced as an ariftocrat ; he was consid- ered rather as a madman. When the difciples and apoftles proceed- ed in their millions, it was not declared by the infidels that the arijlocrats had come among them, but men who were " turning the world upfide down." The pure principles of the gofpel were nev- er ityled ariflocracy, before Doctor Morfe gave them this appella- tion : — In what inftance did our Saviour give himfelf the charac- ter of an ariftocrat ? On the contrary, he bore tcftimony againft every thing that led to this diftinction, or excited the vain excla- mation, " I am holier than thou." The fact is, Doctor Morfe has completely expofed his political principles, in his defcription of the clergy of Connecticut. It is conjectured, that he felt a difpofition, in 1789, to give the clergy an arijlocratical preponderance in the civil institutions of the govern- ment ; but finding, at this time, that it will not do openly to avow his fentiments, he has recourfe to an explanation, which ftrikes at the very foundation of the Chriftian fyftem ; to Strengthen his Ge- ography, he weakens the Scripture. He has, in order to juftify his mode of expreflion, been obliged to give a difgufting appella- tion to the pure doctrines of the gofpel. He has declared it a cor- rect fentiment, that preaching the pure doctrines of the gofpel, in- culcating its moral precepts, &c. is a kind of an arijlocratical infti- tution. Will this kind of definition help the caufe of religion ? Will its minifters be received with alacrity, under all the apprehenfions No. XXVII. Further Remarks on Dr. Morse. I13 annexed to this difgufting expreffion ? Will the people become zealous to propagate the pure doctrines of the gofpel, as an arifto- cratic eftablifhment ? Dodor Mode being thus reduced to an ex- plicit explanation, as to his charge againft the clergy of Connecticut, inftead of acknowledging his error, has chofen rather to give an odi- ous appellation to the doctrine of the gofpel, than to depreciate his Geography, which contains fuch a fevefe cenfure on the refpecta- ble clergy of Connecticut. Suppofc Thomas Paine had made ufe of this opprobrious epi- thet, would not the clergy have confidered it as an unfair repre- fentation of the tendency of the gofpel ? Would they not have reprobated the man who had attached fuch an unpopular idea to this facred fubject ? The term ariftocracy, is no way applicable to the mild, equitable principles of the chriftian religion. Its word enemy could not introduce a word more injurious to its propa- gation. If ariftocracy is the tendency of its eftablifhment, will the people be zealous in extending its progrefs ? Dr. Morfe may be a warm advocate for religion, but if he means to get clear of his charge againft the clergy of Connecticut, by throwing the odium of ariftocracy on the pure doctrines of the gofpel, the queftion is, whether greater injuries will not arife to the caufe of religion, than benefit to the community by the faleofhis Geography ? His ungenerous affertion, that I have " inceftantly abufed the clergy," " merits no other notice than a fmile of contempt ;" fo far from attempting to injure their reputation, I have endeav- oured to vindicate them from the ftigma which his publication tended to produce. To be plain with the Doctor, I confider him, and a few others of the fame vindictive difpofition, as wounding the caufe of religion beyond any body of men in the United States. He has expofed himfelf to ridicule m many of his fermons and newfpaper publications ; his ftory of the Ocean maffacre is degrad- ing to a minifter of the gofpel, cfpcch'.ily when he has tarnifhed his integrity by not acknowledging his error. From delicacy to his pro) {//ton, I ihall forbear commenting any far- ther on his remarks, as I might roufe the citizens of Connecticut to treat him with too poignant a feverity. But his infinuation, that " this ariftocracy of manners and virtue has been in a great degree preferved among the citizens of Connecticut, by the good P H4 Dr. Morse o L No. XXVIII. examples and moral inculcations of the clergy,"'' is a high reflection on the people of that ftate. " The refpetlable clergy of Connecticut" will not thank him for this remark ; neither will the merchants or farmers of that Commonwealth refpect him for this declaration. The clergy are too liberal to admit of fuch a degrading idea of their pariihioners ; and the citizens are too enlightened to fuppofe that the clergy (injlead of their own goodfnfe), have prevented them from plunging into anarchy and diforganization. As a friend to the Doctor, I would advife him to keep within his proper boundary ; he miftakes his talents if he thinks he can do his duty as a Clergyman, a Geographer, and a newfpaper Editor ;. any one of thefe employments is fully iufficient for a man of his literary endowments. It is bed for him to make his election which of them he will purfue ; for depend on it, his inadequacies will ap- pear more and more confpicuous if he profecutes the whole of thefe vocations. If money is his object, let him correct his Geography ; if religion is his fludy, let him attend to his pariih ; if politics are his purfuits, let him take a Printing-Office, and openly announce himfelf as the Editor. This is my advice, as a friend. I mult apologize to the Reverend Doctor, for omitting the word " very ;" it was wholly unintentional : But as it is of " very" little confequence, I am " very" willing, and " very" much grati- fied, in giving the Reverend Doctor all the advantages refulting from the omiflion. I remain, his " very" devoted fervant, &c. No. XXVIII. DOCTOR MORSE AGAIN i I f .HUMANITY pleads fo llrongly in favour of Doctor Morfe, that it would be cruel to purfue him any farther. Ke, or fome friend for him, is obliged to come forward and declare, " that he has never been a writer in the Palladium." Is the vindication of his Geography fo puerile, or the remarks on Old-South fo ridiculous, that the reputation of the Doctor would fuffer, if he firould allow himfelf to be tire author ? Are the publications in the Palladium fo dilhonorary, that a man mull fuffer in his literary reputation, No. XXVIII. Dr. Mom again. fltf if he were recognized as the author ? Alas ! that the Palladium fhould fo foon link in the public eftimation. After fuch a difplay of literary patronage, under which this paper was ufhered into the world ; after fo many private fubferiptions to fubftantiate its eftab- liftiment ; after being told that men of the fivft abilities were in- vited to furnifh its lengthy columns with the rareft fpecimens of erudition ; after Dr. Morfe had been peculiarly active in obtaining money from individuals, to eltablilh this " New-England Palla- dium" ; is it pomble, in lefs than two months, the Reverend Doctor fliould find it eflential to his literary fame, to declare, that he has never been a writer in it ? Why are you thus explicit, Doctor ? Do you think it fair, after getting perfons to fubferibe, fome a hundred, and fome fifty dollars, thus to leave them in the lurch, and depreciate the paper with an avowal that you have nothing to do with it ? Certainly, Doctor, tins is not doing as you would be done by. Do you fuppofe, that when the money was paid by the gentlemen to whom you applied for fubfeription, that they expected you would fq foon have difowned their patron- age ? One perfon, I underftand, figned one hundred dollars, but if he had thought you would have denied having any thing to do with the paper, is it probable he would have been fo lavifh in his bounty ? The declaration appears ungenerous as it refpects the fubferibers, tcr it looks as if you were afhamed of the paper, though fome have coaxed fo much money from their pockets to- wards its eftablifhment. The evidences, however, are fo ftrong, that Dr. Morfe does furnifh pieces for publication in the Palladium, that it is fufpected the denial, though apparently explicit, fomewhat partakes of a mental refervation. The writer fays, " that Dr. Morfe never has been a writer in the Palladium.'" This " kind" of evidence cannot be admitted, for it is out of the power of any perfon (ex- cepting the Doctor himfelf) to make fuch a negative declaration. It the pieces were brought by another perfon, or written in ano- ther hand, yet no man can fay pofitively that Dr. Morfe was not the author. This declaration, theiefore, goes for nothing. But I fufpect further jefuitifm ftill : the expreffion is, " Dr. Morfe has never been a writer in the Palladium" ; neither is any other man a writer in the Palladium ; it is a printed not a written paper, and it may be declared with fafety, that the Doctor's hand-writinjj n6 Answer to Dr. Morse. No. XXIX. docs not appear among the types of that paper. But will the Doctor pofitivcly fay, that he never has been a writer for the Pal- ladium ? that lie never furnifhed a piece for publication ? If be declares this, he will fay fomething ; but at prefent the aflei tion wears a queftionable afpect. However, Doctor, for once be candid and generous ; will you declare on the honour of a man, and on the /unfitly of a Cbrijl'tan, that you have not, directly or indirectly, written for the Palladium. Equivocation and mental refervation are out of the queflion : fay whether you have not furnifhed many publications, and don't be afhamed to tell the whole truth, even though your literary fame fhould fuffer by the acknowledgment. Is it not a facl, that you fpend many hours in the printing-office ? Is it not a fact, that you applied to many of your clerical brethren foi their counte- nance and fupport ? If this be true, Doctor, why are you afraid to be considered as a writer ? Has Old-South intimidated you ? — Depend on it, nothing but honour and generofity will arife from this quarter ; he will handle your publications with gentle- nefs ; if he is fevere, yet it will be only the chaftifement of a friend, who rather means to caution you in your conduct, than expofe your imprudences. Your zeal has carried you beyond your proper boundary ; as a Clergyman I cfteem you ; but as a Politician, I mud honeftly fay, that you have done an injury to religion, and even expofed yourfelf to ridicule. I fhall now clofe this controverfy, unlefs an unfair advantage is taken of my hlence ; in which cafe I may renew my obfervations. Health and fraternity. No. XXIX. IN ANSWER TO DR. MORSE, ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS. J\S fubjefts of much higher importance than Dr. Morfe's IUu- minaii, Sec. are now before the public, it requires an apology lor noticing his elaborate obfervations. But, as the Doctor has given it an apparent folemnity by bis prolixity, a few gentle remarks \ hope will not be confidered as improper. Ko. XXIX. Answer to Dr. Morse. 1 17 The Doctor, with all the humility and candour of " a Minifkr of the gofpel of peace," has ftyled his opponents " unprincipled men" : Such an indecorous appellation does not favour of thap chriftian fpirit, which ought to characterize his profeffiom Charity- is an appropriate attribute of religion, and it ill becomes a man to life fuch opprobrious language, who aliumes the prerogative to assize hinridf the Jlandard of orthodoxy. My obfervations, on the paragraph taken from the Poclor's Geography, were principally intended to reprobate the idea, that the " vcfpalalh r/ergy of Conruclicut" were an ariflocratical body. The afTeriion, in my mind, conveyed a fentiment injurious to that wor- thy clais of citizens. The remarks were introduced, not to injure the Doctor, but to give him an opportunity to explain his meaning. He has thought prcpt.r to be filent on the iubjedr, but fome friend Jn his behalf has made a feeble defence, and at the fame time has indirectly fuggefted, that the Doctor has not written any tiling in the Palladium^ excepting advertifements and anecdotes. The (lory of the Ocean maffacre is not fully cleared up by the Doctor ; for no perfon doubted that fuch a " report" prevailed ; but, as a " miniilcr of peace and truth" it was expected that when he found it was falfe, he would frankly have confejfed the error of his aflertion ; that he would be as ready to reclify his mijlake, as he was afliduous to propagate the report in his fermon. At leaft it was as incumbent on him to ftand on the ground of yeracity in thi$ inflance, as in that of Profeflor Ebeling's letter. The wild, ridiculous ftory of IUuminifin, I never pretended to inveftigate. This was too dark a bufmefs for my comprehenfion ; but if the Doctor would condefcend to publiih the real letter which he received from Profelfor Ebeling, it is expected that great light would be thrown on this clouded fubject. Though I have never before noticed the controverfy on Pro- feffor Ebeling's letter, yet after reading the laboured vindication of the Doctor, the following remarks naturally recurred from the perufal : The identical letter, received by Dr. Morfe, . from ProfefTor Ebeling, it is readily acknowledged, was not the one publi/hed ; but will the Doctor fay, that he had not at the fame time, in his pofTef- fion, a letter from this gentleman of the fame import ? If he had, I would afk him whether the mode, in which he denied the letter publifh. U S Ansiv:r to Dr. Morse. No. XXIX. id, had not a tendency to raife a doubt as to the authenticity ef ProfefTbr Ebeling's opinion of Robifon ? And whether this " kind" of denial docs not leave a.fdjntjbadow of deception on his part ? Doctor" Morfe, in his letter to the editor of the Bee, (fpeakingof the letter publiihed) fays, " This I can, and do afTure you, it is false ; I never faw the letter you have publijhed, till I read it in your paper." Now, Doclor, I would afk you, whether this decifive language did merely carry in it a denial of the letter being .''j you, but whether it did not convey a ftrcng idea that Pro- fetfor Ebeling had not written any letter whatever d'fepprobatory of Robifon's book? Further, the certificate declares, that "the abflracl was bafely falfe and calumnious" Such a pofitive denial gave a more ferious appearance againft thefafls of the letter, than againft the trifling miftake that it was direcled to you. The whole merits of this queftion, Doclor, reft on this fingle point, whether, at I u declared the letter publifhed to be false, you had not in your pofTedlon a limilar ©ne from ProfefTbr Ebeling, and though the letter publijhed might not contain every particular word, which could be found in the one you received, (the word " very," &c. might be omitted) yet whether it did not cxprefs the fame in " fubjlance, /cope and end ? The marrow of this caufe, Doctor, lies in this inquiry, and ten lines in the paper in anfiver to it, would as fully fatisfy the public, as the columns you have publiihed. You acknowledge, Doctor, that you received a letter from ProfefTbr Ebeling, in July, 1799, " in which he mentions having feen Robifon and Barruel's books on the fubject of Illuminifm, and gives his opinion, and the reafans of his opinion againfl the authen- ticity of thefe works" ; while the note you fent to the editor of the Bee, declaring the letter publifhed to be " false," is dated Dec. 3, 1799, fi ye months after you acknowledge to have received Ebeling's letter. How then could tire letter be "falfe," even if a millake was made, in faying it was fent to Doclor Morfe, inflead of the Rev. Mr. Bentley ? The contents of the letter, as it refpected Ebeling's " opinion, and the recfons for his opinion" were the fub- jeclsof controverfy, not whether it were fent to Doclor Morfe, or any other clerical character. The direFiion of the letter to Doctor Morfe, might be fafely denied : but how could he undertake to fay, that the letter was Answer to Dr. Morse. 1 1 9 "folfi" * or ^ ow could any one for him fay, that it was " fatft and calumnious" when he had every reafon to fuppofc the letter to be genuine, as he held one in his own hands containing fibular ientiments ? The monofyllable " to" could not alter the merits of the letter ; it was true or falie, not as directed " to Doctor Morfe," but in the validity of the opinion given of Robilbn by Ebeling ; wherein was the faliity or calumny, as it related to the effence and quinteffence of the letter, whether the pcrfon who published it, faid it was fent to you or any other perfon ? Robifon's book was a matter of public notoriety, and the public were pleafed to know Ebeling's opinion of it, and there could be no other calumny attached to Doctor Morfe by this difclofure, than the difference of his opinion with Profeffor Ebeling's. Crcc' men in all countries, and in all ages have and will difagree, without the ftigma of calumny, and 1 hope, Doctor, this will confole you under the mortification of finding the learned Eliding reprobating a book, which you fo fcduloufly recommend. The Doctor alleges, that it Would be improper to publifli a private correfpondence. This may be a very honorary apology, but will the Doctor fay, that he did not write to Profeffor Ebeling, in expctlation that be would approbate the book ; and provided he had been furnifhed with fuch a choice document, I would afk him, whether he would not have publiflied it with avidity, to fubflantiatc the belief of Illuminifm ? Unfortunately, however, for the Illu- minati votaries, die learned Profeffor reprobated the vagaries of Robifon and Barruel, and therefore his letter was confined to a few confidential friends to lament their dif appointment. The writings of Robifon and Barruel have long fmce been exploded by almofl every literary character in Europe and Amer- ica. It is difcovered to be a mere trick to deceive the people. This being the fact, I am forry that Doctor Morfe fhould expofe himfelf, by pcrfifting to fupport fuch incoherent trumpery. Infiead of ftudying Robifon and Barruel, it would be more becoming a Minifter of the gofpel to have recourfe to the Bible, and difcover tire " figns of the times." In this book, the Doctor may be led to more evangelical contemplations ; the prophecies and revelations might folemnize his mind to more judicious reflections than the extravagant reveries of thofe fanatics. Fleming,, on the fulfilment of the Scriptures is an author more adequate to the i2o Answer to Dr. Morse. No. XX purpofes, as this divine has purfucd the inquiry on fcriptural prin- ciples. But, while Doctor Morfe adheies to fuch rhodorriotftade as Robifon and Barruel, and alarms the ignorant in his Fa!, mons, with the ridiculous ftories of knight-templars, &c. and excites the public attention with a number of outlandish names, as confpirators againfl religion, he weakens his profeffional energies, and rather appears in the ftation of a bigot, than in the dignified deportment of a man of literature. Religion does not require fuch paltry aid ; for he, who has declared that the " gates of hell fliall not prevail againfl it," will fecure it from falling a prey to a few knight-templars, or a combi- nation of illiterate Germans. The alarm ought to fubfide in the Doctor's mind, for in this Commonwealth we have upwards of five hundred learned and refpeclable clergymen, (under the guid- ance of the Supreme Being,) in oppofition to the combined ef- forts of fuch antagonists. If we doubt of victory, we depreciate (what I am unwilling to allow) the abilities of the clergy. Why then' is the Doctor defcribing the people as running headlong to dellruc- tion ? If the people in general do not reflect on the clergy, is it not ungenerous for any clergyman to reflect on the people ? Wherein do the people appear fo difpofed to injure the clergy ? Are they not as well paid, as well fed, and in general as highly cflimated as ever ? While the clergy are treated well by the people, why fhould any man fuggeft in his century fermon, " that before the end of this century, the majority of the people of America will be fo corrupt as to diflike the reflraints of religion ?" If this fhould be the un- happy Mate of our country, I am afraid it will arife from the im- prudent conduct of a few clerical zealots, who are bcwilderir.g dieir focieties with politics, in Mead of enlightening them with religion. Can it be fuppofed, at this enlightened age, that the vagaries of fanatics will pafs for gofpel truths ? And if a clergyman will fport the facred fenptures upon the frenzies of Robifon and Barruel, he muft expect to excite ridicule, inftead of refpect. Notwithstanding thefe gloomy forebodings, I believe that real unadulterated chriflianity will prevail Iri America, and thofe of the clergy who walk in the path defcribed by their master, will be duly honoured and reverenced. Iffome of the clergy have weakened their influence, on whofe fhoulders docs the blame lie ? If the Doctor confiders himfelf as undervalued in public eftimation, let him reflecT: on his own con- No. XXX. On President Jefferson's Speech. . 12? duct ; he would never have been a fubject of animadverfion, if he had kept within his clerical profeffion, but when he overleaped the bounds of decency in denouncing men as Jacobins, Illuminati, &c. he might naturally fuppofe that fuch cenfures would not be pa- tiently borne, though fanctified with the appellation of faft fer- mons, or pulpit difcourfes. A clergyman^ow/*/ refpeB him/elf, if he means to acquire it from others. A teacher of gofpel truths fhould not prefume to denounce and anathematize as a political dictator ; or print fermons with marginal notes, which afterwards prove falfe : If he will take this refponfible part, he places him- felf on an equality with his fellow-citizens, and at once flrips him- felf of his ecclefiaftical habiliments. If, inftead cf a clergyman, he affumes the politician, he mud expect to take his lot in the fcuffle. As the Doctor' has flyled his opponents " unprincipled men" he mud excufe the liberty taken in thefe remarks ; and though I would not retort in fuch uncharitable language, yet when a man affumes too high a prerogative, a gentle reprimand may prove ferviceable. Health and fraternity, Doctor. No. XXX. ON PRESIDENT JEFFERSON S SPEECH* W HILE reading the fpeech of Mr. Jefferfon, every American muft feel an indignation that withm the United States there are men fo loft to every honorary principle, as to calumniate a charac- ter fo truly amiable and refpectable. The contrail between the e alted fentiments of this patriot and ftatefman, and the bafe detr tion vented by his enemies, muft ftrike every confideratc citi with the mod forcible conviction, that malignity and defamai are the leading paffions of his opponents ; while he exhibits the nevolence, candour, and magnanimity of a Chriftian, patriot, a philofopher, his enemies have portrayed him in all the deteftab qualities of infidelity, immorality, and atheifm. While his opponents have been affiduous to deftroy his repu- tation, by the fouleft epithets of detraction, he has rifen fuperior r« their calumny, and, inftead cf condefcending to " return Q izt tin President J.J.rscns Spc:cL tio. XXX- raiiing for railing," has given ilrong evidence of die magnanimity of an honed heart, and an exalted mind, over the deformities at- tached to a polluted temper and difpoution. Fellow-citizens ; while reading the fpeech of Prefidcnt Jeffer- fon, paufe at every period, and recollect, that this is the man who has been held up to public view as the object of univcrfal detefta- tion. While contemplating the fublirnity of the fentiments ; the eloquence of diction ; the candour, and conciliating (trains, which adorn every paragraph, reflect, that //.' fe are the words of a man who has been denounced as the deftroyer of government, the fub- verter of religion ; the demoralizer, the ucift, the atheift ; and whole name has been profaned, as the leader of a banditti to over- throw government, and diflblve the bands which unite and har- monize fociety. Ye minifters of the gofpel ; yc individuals who have anathe- matized him from the facred de/k, how muft fhame cover your faces, while perufing this fpecimen of his political, and religious In- tegrity ! He. now ftands unmafked before the public, and with the purity of bis ownjignature, announces himfelf an advocate for religion : That religion, which places mankind on the bafis of equal rights ; that undifguifed conduct which defignates the real chrifiian, from the impoling hypocrite : An enemy to the perfect- ing fpirit of bigotry, but a friend to that benign temper which fe- cures the happinefs of fociety, and eftablifhes the facred doctrines of the gofpel on a foundation too permanent to be fhaken by zealots, or fanguinary fanatic:. He diiplays that mildnefs and modera- tion, which have too rarely been found in thofe who have aflumed the right of judging on his principles, and denouncing his conduct. HiHe you have calumniated him, he has fcorned to retort in the guage of reproach, but with that charity which is the ornament chriftianity, enforces with a mildnefs of perfuafion, thofe doc- es which you have charged him as violating ; from henceforth n, be fdent. Let your reproaches ceafe ; convince the world at you are " indeed, and in truth," what you profefs to be ; in- ead of reviling, acknowledge your mifconduft ; give fome fpeci- men of your benevolence, by your works ; for as men of honour, and as chriftians, you muft feel a confeioufnefs of your error ; and thus convicted, you muft confefs, that the mod permanent trait of No. XXX. On Pr.Jlht Jtjjbrxnft Sp-. 123 repentance, is a confefllon of your manifold offences. This is * chriflian regimen of honefty and contrition. Every clais of citizens mud feel a pride, when they perufe a fpecch fraught with fuch claflical erudition ; fuch propriety of fenti- ment ; fuch unaffected evidences of patriotiftn and integrity. The character of an American a flumes a dignified deportment in the literary and political world, when its Chief Magiftrate difplays a character fo fublime and maje'ftic ; the great principles of our government are brought within the comprehenfion of every indi- vidual ; it is not a mmmary of our ConlHtution, but a perfect system, fo completely condenfed, that it exhibits in one view all the vital organs of its exillcncc. The man who ftudies this fpecch cannot be ignorant of the effential qualities of a free government ; it is a leffon which fhould be early learnt to our children, as con- taining thofc rudiments, which ought to direct not only the ftatef- man in his duties, but inftruct each citizen in the prefervation of his rights. Solon as a law-giver is immortalized, but Jefferfon as a commentator on the American Conftitution, ftands in a more permanent attitude. The doctrines which he inculcates, are fa- miliar to republicans ; they have ever been the creed of thofe, who, have been falfely designated jacobins and diforganizers. The comprehenfivenefs of his mind is confpicuous in the minute details of thofe effential principles of our government, which ought to direct its adminiltration. They are compreffed within fuch precife limits, as to enforce them on the memory, and expreffed with fuch claflical elegance, as to charm the fcholar with their rhetorical brilliancy. This is the peculiar happinefs attached to Mr. Jefferfon's literary performances. His Notes on Virginia are ftrewed with flowers felected from the parterre of the Belles Letters, while the declaration of American Independence exhibits the fublimity of his fentiments, and will forever remain a monument of the immenfity of his talents. It muff be allowed, that the licentioufnefs of the prefs has been extended in its utmoft latitude in calumniating Mr. Jefferfon ; but far from touching this palladium of public liberty, he avows his facred attachment to its freedom. He is not afraid to truft his conduct to the inflection of his fellow- citizens : neither is he defi- rous to wreft the pen from the hands of freemen, and to rivet Jhscieh in its place. Conscious rcftitude preserves Ji^ confidence.. **4 the Means to lessen Taxes. No. XXXI, He readily fubmits his actions to uncontroled inveftigation. His own bofom is the tribunal, and integrity prefides as an impar- tial judge to confound his accufers. This being the real character of Mr. JefFerfon, how mortified and how abafhed muft his calumniators be, if they retain one fpark of manly reflection ! How muft thofe feel, who in private cauuijfes have vilified this exalted and virtuous citizen — who never dare openly to avow what they privately aflerted — who have exerted thetnfelves in oppofing the election of Mr. JefFerfon, contrary to the apparent voice of the people — who have fhewn a rancour of temper (unbecoming even the character of a gentleman) through the whole progrefs of the late election—who have quitted the fair ground of argument, and fcreened thefnfelves under the mafic of hypocrify — who have endeavoured to injure Mr. JefFerfon, among the lerious and well difpofed, when the conduct of many of them has been difcordant to every principle of honour, religion and morality ! Such is the fyftem purfued againft every patriot who has attempted to counteract the plans of an inveterate faction. Such is the procefs againft Mr. Gerry and General Heath, and while this " junto" can profecute their wicked defigns with any profpect of fuccefs, they will never " ceafe from troubling," neither will this banditti " be at reft." Let the magnanimity of the republicans be confpicuous in the treatment of their enemies ; but while we exercife our benevolence, let us guard againft their infidious and deceptive ftratagems. Let us fhew a fuperiority over thtir reign of terror ; but inftead of trufting to their repentance, let us put it out of their power to renew their fubtlcties — remember, *' the tyger crouches before he leaps." No. XXXI. THE MEANS TO LESSEN TAXES. JL HE people of America are peculiarly attached to Liberty and Property. Perfecuted in England by the arm of tyranny, they fought an afylum in this country for the enjoyment of their polit- ical and religious principles. After experiencing the fanguinary difpofition of the government of Britain, they became tenacious No. XXXI. The Means to lessen Taxes. ! 2 e of thofe rights which they had acquired by their emigration. With a laudable jealoufy they watched over the conduct of their magi fixates, and in every initance were alive to all thofe tender emotions which naturally arife in the minds of men, who had fled from perfecution. The cold, unfeeling temper of thofe who were in league with the Britifh during our revolutionary conflict : the apathy of thofe individuals who were within the lines of the enemy, — can fpeak with a peculiar indifference on the fears and apprehenfions of the people. They can exprefs their furprife, that the citizens are alarmed, or that they fhould diftrufl the intentions of thofe who are appointed to adminifler the government ; but from the firfl fcttlement of the country, it has been our misfortune to experience the worft of evils, from the hands of men, who made the highejl profejjions of friendship. Who would have thought that Hutchinfon was planning the ruin of America, under that courtly mafk of cordiality which fo peculiarly diftinguifhed his character ? He was the idol of the Clergy, as hypoerify was the coat of mail under which he attempted to render himfelf invulnerable. Far be it from me, to cenfure any pre-eminent character of our late adminifiration ; but if we examine the meafurcs adopted for a few years part, it cannot but excite fufpicions which are hard to be fuppreffed. Who are the authors of our troubles I will not pretend to fay, but that we are in difficulties is too evident to be difputed. That there has been a party, deviflng " ways and means" to bring us into a war with France and an alliance with England is declared by Ariflides. The conduct of individuals, in too many inflances, has given a fanction to fuch a declaration. Every aggravation has attended their reprefentations, as they related to France, and every palliative as connected with England ; while we have torn ourfelves afunder from Fiance by a Non-Inter courfe, we have as anxioufly renewed our connexion with Britain ; while we have refented, with all the rage of malignity, the violations of our commercial rights by the French, v.e have pajjively furren- dered our neutral privileges to the arbitrary decifions of the Englijh. If this country had only experienced the effects of wrong judg- ment, and the mifchiefs could be as eafily rectified as the fentiments could be retracted, we might overlook the injudicioufnefs of thofe 126 The Means to lessen Taxes. No. XXXI. who have been the authors of our difficulties ; but a heavy debt is contracted, and the prefent and future generations mull become " tributary" to difcharge it. If we could difcharge our debt as eafily as we could difuand our army, the evil would be remedied without any efTential inconvenience. While reflecting on this fubjecl, remember, fellow-citizens, aus are to pay for our folly ; every dollar expended mud come from the pockets of The People. During the debates in the convention on the adoption of the federal conflitution, the duties arifing from impofl were thought adequate to all the CiTential purpofes of our government, alfo for the payment of our foreign and domeflic debt. The people were led to. anticipate a cheap and energetic adminiftiation under the operation of this new fyflem ; but, flrange to relate, within about twelve years, in a Jlale of peace, the moil powerful refouregs of rev- enue are called into action ; Impofl, Excife, Stamp Duties, Land and Houfe Tax, and to cap the climax, a Loan at the enormous premium of eight per cent. Such has been the effect of the late adminiflration ; and can any man fay that profperity has attended this country, when fuch an immenfity of taxes have arifen under its operation ? Who is to blame, is not c4 prefent my inquiry ; fome future numbers may be more explicit on this fubjefl ; but I can with confidence afk, whether any man had reafpn to fuppofe, that within fo few years, the debts of the country would have called for fuch financial exertions ? Every bafe fyflem, of fpeculation has been profecuted'j the artful defigning knave has preyed on the diflreffes of the un- fortunate ; and a few men .have been able to acquire a profufenefs of fortune, while the induflrlous part of the community are bur- dened with exceffive duties to furnifh their quarterly interefl. It is evident^ that the economy recommended by Mr. Jefferfon was not fully practifed during the late adminiflration ; for if it had, the neceffities of this country could not have demanded fuch ex- ceffive expenditures. The treafury department has been obfeured in my fiery ; it is fo inexplicable, that one man will aflert, we have lejfened the public debt, while another will as confidently maintain that it has increafed millions ; whether it has increafed or lejfened is an important confideration. It might reafonably be expected that the debt would have been nearly extinguifhed by the refpective. fburces of revenue. The people have been paying, for a number No. XXXI. The Means to lessen faxes. 12J of years back, every fpecies of taxes, and yet they remain uncer- tain, whether we are not more in delt than before they made then* payments. The extravagance in the expenditures of public money is generally allowed to exceed even European countries ; our trifling navy, it is fuppofed, has colt the United Stutes four times as much as the fame force in any other nation ; the army was a wanton laviihment of public money, and a mod egregious impo- fition on the United States. Millions have thus been fported with in various channels ; Algerine tribute, grants for carrying into effect a Britifh treaty, expenfes of foreign mihifters, and, above all, that maufokum of folly and extravagance the Federal City. While our money is thus profufely fquandered away, can we cxpecT: to difchargc our debts, even though our taxes fhould increafe four- fold ? Through the agency of perfonal patronage, the benefits of this extravagance have been confined within about one hundred families within the United States. The ftate of the treasury is of the highefl importance ; an inveftigation of the financiering fyftem, receipts and expenditures and the refpective items which have exhaufted the fupplies as rapidly as they were furnifhed. Thefe are particulars which call for the critical eye of the new adminiftration, and if the docu- ments are not burnt, it is hoped that a juft ftatement will be made ; that the people fhould be informed how their money is fpent, and what is the remaining balance of their debts. A few men have enjoyed the advantages of thefe extravagances, but the burdens on commerce, agriculture, and manufactures prefs hard on the in- duftrious part of the community, and begin to excite difagreeable fenfations. Some other fources of revenue muft be adopted, for it is unreafoneble that the whole weight of an extravagant fyftem of expenditure (which has principally enriched a particular clafs of men) fhould be laid on the mercantile, agricultural, and mamifaSur- ing branches. Let thofe who have experienced the " bkjfings of the public debt," bear their proportion of the burden ; common fenfe requires an equalization of taxes ; the induftry of a country ought not to be the fole object of taxation ; affluence and indolence have as broad fhoulders to fuftain the pondcrancy. On the eftablifhment of peace, how are our young men t» acquire a mercantile fubfiftence, if commerce is cramped with ex- cefllve duties ? How are- the manufacturing and agricultural H% A publi;h Debt, a publich Evil. No. XXXII. branches to be fupported, if every tradefman and farmer are borne down by exorbitant taxes ? But whatever may be the diftrefTes arifing from future taxation, Mr. Jefferfon cannot be anfwerable for them, as the debts for which he is to make appropriation were contracted during a former adminiftration. His economy would^ have prevented them ; but the errors of thofe who formerly had the lead in the financial departments, have brought a debt upon us, which will require the moft accurate arrangement juftly to liquidate. The money departments are the great efiential points, to which the prefent adminiftration muft be directed ; an able and indujirlous financier is the great requifite of our government. When the people under/land their public accounts, and when econ- omy is pra<5Hfed in expending the money, and each clafs of citizens bear their proportion, a general confidence will pervade the com- munity ; but diftruft will ever fubfift, while money concerns are involved in clouds and darknefs. The Americans are ever ready to fupport government, but they are equally defirous to know how their money goes. Under Mr. Jefferfon's adminiftration, we expect an open, ex- plicit ftatement of all pecuniary tranfactions ; and there is the higheft expectation, that fuch a man will be found, who will fur- nilh not only the amount of debt, but recommend fuch " ways and means" as to put it in the power of die people, honourably and equi- tably to difcharge it. We wifh to pay our debts, but the fupport of naval agents, with a long train of hangers-on, in various depart- ments, are burdens which were never contemplated by the people* on the adoption of the federal eonftitution. The conftitution was made for the people, and not the people for the conftitution ; or, in other words, it ought to be adminiftered in fuch a manner, as that the people fhould not be opprefied under it. No. XXXII. A PUBLICK DEBT, A PUBLICK EVIL. X HE profperity of a country, and the profperity of an individual muft be calculated on the fame principles ; the fame ftandard No. XXXII. A publik Debt, a pullick Evil. 129 which determines the accuracy of one, equally decides the validity of the other. Mankind are too apt to confound their ideas in judging on particular fubjects ; more efpecially when fpeaking of government, they foar into the regions of myftery, and inconfider- ately adopt the falfe doctrines of defigning politicians, that it is a fcience too intricate and perplexed for common apprehenfion — the more abftrufe and unintelligible the adminiftration, the more " ftu- pendous the fyflcm" of wiidom which guides and directs thofe who govern. But this is falfe reafoning ; upon this ground, the abfurd doc- trine, that " a public debt is a public bleffing," is founded. It is impoffible, that fuch a grofs fentiment mould be inculcated, if the people would exercife the fame common fenfe on this queflion, as they do in the general concerns of life. A public debt mull, in its conlequences, create public taxes ; taxes mufl be collected from the people, and thofe who pay them muft inevitably feel their ulti- mate tendency and pernicious effects. What can be the difference between a nation and an individu- al ? Do not the fame conclufions follow in one cafe as in the other ? If a private citizen is diftrefTed by his debts, if he is ex- pofed to many difficulties from the multiplicity of demands upon him, why mould we fuppofe thatfa nation may not equally expe- rience the operation of fuch embarrafTments ? This appears plain reafoning ;— but unfortunately for nations, an oppofite doctrine is inculcated ; and even in America, an at- tempt has been made to inftil this abfurdity, as the teft of political orthodoxy. It has been fo far confidered as the pivot of feder- alifm, that the man who prefumed to fpeak of the public debt, or recommended economy, has been ftigmatized a jacobin, and expofed to every reflection which could injure his political repu- tation. In fhort, extravagance in public expenditures appears to have been fyftematically contemplated as the mark of national happinefs and profperity ; and though this chimerical mode has been fecretly adopted by individuals, yet the project was too ab- furd to be openly divulged ; for while the plan was intended to increafe the public debt, the citizens have been flattered that it was annually decreafing. But that the public debt has increafed, cannot be controverted ; for if this had not been the fait, how is it R , . &«/. XXXII. pofhble that the augmentation of taxes fliould fo rapidly have* taken place ? It either proves that we have expended our r. ces needlefsly, or that the debt had kept pace with the call for The reafoning to be drawn from the increafe of taxes is, that the demands on the government are equal to the demands on the people ; and this being granted, it follows that the or't debt was within the revenue arifing rn m - aug- mentation requires an ercift . , and an t per cent, loan, to cancel the arrearag We may talk about the chcreafe of the public debt as long as we pleafe ; financiering legerdemain may perplex ments from the treafury department ; Mr. Harper may write to his con- ftitucnts that our pecuniary affairs are in a profperous Situation ; but when the people find, that all the refources of the country are , brought into operation, and that our public credit demanded eight per cent, to fupport it, they cannot be fo loft to the eftimation of pounds, (hillings and pence, as to deceive themfelves by fictitious calculations. The money, raifed from various fources, ought to have diminifhed the debt by this time ; and it is but a poor confo- lation to be told by a few fpeculators, that we are not more hi ar- rears than when we only paid thj^rifling duties of impoft. It would be highly iatisfacto^ to the people of the United States, to have laid before them the whole revenue, arifing from the refpective taxes and loans, from the firft year after die revenue fyftcm was eftabliihed', to the 3d of March, 1801. Should this be don:, I believe the people would be aftonifhed at the magnitude of the amount. From this ftatement, the citizens would be able to judge what have been their exertions in fupport of the government, and from this document they could afecrtain how far the revenue might have been applied to difcharge the public debt. This ftate- ment would at once open the eyes of the people ; and when they looked at the amount, the object would ftrike them with wonder and furprife. But the misfortune is, the treafury accounts have hitherto been involved in myftery ; there has been fuch a perplex- ity attending thefe communications, that but few men knew, after they had perufed them, the real ftatc of the bufmefs. In ftiort, it has been fo intricate, that in one circle, we fhould hear them boaft- ing of the decreafe of our national debt, and in another deploring its augmentation. No. XXXII. A p.J:- : P '', a fuhYtck Evil. 1^1 But if the whole revenue was explicitly declared, and die expenditures were as clearly Stated, the people at large could as accur; ' paid and what had Income of the m as the ableSt financier and the molt plodding negociator on the continent. This would be bringing our financial projects to a clear, defined point, and the of the country would give an evidence to the world, of the immenje of the United States h the fuppprt of government. Mr. Jefferfon being introduced to the chair of government, by the republican citizens of the United States, in vindication of his iniftration, it is hoped that Such a itatement will be made. The people will then fee, what lias hitherto been done, and if their taxes continue, that it is in confequence of previous engage- ments. If a debt is contracted by a former administration, it is not Mr. Jefferfon's fault ; but the fulfilment of former contracts - LS indiipeniablc on his part. Thofe, then, who iheeiingly obierve, that the republicans expect no taxes under Mr. Jefferfon's admin- istration, are to remember that the debt was contracted in the days of his predeceSTor. The citizens of America are peculiarly fond of knowing how their money goes ; they are ready to pay their taxes, but at the fame time arc anxious to pry into the appropriation of them. Like honeft men, they are defirous to anfwer all necejfary and legal demands, but it is a New-England fqjhion to examine accounts with a critical acutenefs. Millions of dollars are large Sums, and when they come from the pockets of the people, they feel a Satisfaction in knowing their direction. If they are fairly expended, they are not difpofed to murmur, but if they go under the idea that " a public debt is a public bleffing," it is apt to make them jealous of the propriety of the principle. They love their country, and they love their money ; they arc not fond of pageantry, and not will- ing to pay taxes, juft to gratify the pride of men, who vainly im- agine that the people honour ihemfclves by paying for their extrav- agances. The economy recommended by Prefident Jeffcrfon is the key-r ftone of republicanism ; this is the confummation devoutly to be wiShed by the republican citizens of the United States. If this principle had been ftri&ly adhered to, I am pcrfuaded the rev- enue already raifed would have nearly extinguished the publi I3 2 On the Abuse of Federalism. No. XXXIII. debt. But the poifon which has been infufed into our govern* ment, has given a baneful tendency to corrupt die vital organs of the adminiftration ; it has raifed a few to eminence, and thrown a heavy debt on the bulk of the citizens. A falfe, deceptive ap» pearancc of profperity has bewildered the public mind ; but when peace takes place, and the immenfe demands from the banks, cuftom-houfes, &c. are cancelled, thefe films which now obfcure the fight will drop from our eyes, and we fhall not only_/ff, but/«/ the effects of our political credulity and folly. No. XXXIII. ON THE ABUSE OF FEDERALISM. AT is worthy of remark, to obferve the peculiar efficacy of the term " ftderalifm," as connected with the ftratagems and defigns of a particular defcription of men. It has for many years pad been *ifed as a charm, to fubftantiate the piopriety of character, both as it refpects religion and politics. It has alfo had its operation in the fafhionable circles, being confidered as a general paflport of good- breeding, and a fubftantial badge of virtue and politencfs. Under this delufive impreffion, the young men confidered an avowal of thefe principles as the mod convenient introduction to the company of the Ion ton, and inconfiderately adopted thofe political fenti- raents which have a tendency to promote the intcrefl of Britijh fatlors, to their injury ; for if is a fact, that the leading men, who are now in favour of thofe meafures which have been pre-eminently ftyled federalifm, are the identical perfons who were the moft boifle- rous fome years ago to deftroy the very fyftcm they are now pre T tending to fupport. If this obfervation is denied, a full proof will be given, and the names of the individuals mentioned. The young Americans have been egregioufly impofed on, in this politi- cal controverfy, and fome future numbers will b« appropriated to undeceive them. This falfe defcription of federalifm was the tell even of eccleji- aflical orthodoxy. However pious, exemplary, and attentive to the duties of his profeffion, the clerical character has too often been tried by the federal touchflone. However devout in the d,ifr No. XXXIII. On the Abuse of FedtrWutk. 133 charge of his functions ; however kind and charitable in his con- duct, yet federalifm was " the pearl of grout price," without which, no man could cxpecT: the affettion of his parifhioners, or the eftecm of his fellow-citizens. If the clergyman conld obtain the role d'equipnge of federalifm, he might pals current as a faint of the firft magnitude, even though the general tenour of his behaviour was not ftriflly conformable to that modeft deportment, which de- fignates the difciple of his heavenly Matter. If he neglected the duties of his profeflion ; impofed on the credulity of his parilh- ioners ; published fermons containing the groffefl falfehoods ; or endeavoured to palm on the public the mod chimerical abfurdities, yet federalifm fhrouded him from thofc cenfures which jultice, and even Chriftianity demanded. How many worthy characters have been calumniated, whofe life and converfation were conformable to every moral principle I whofe behaviour, in the various departments of life, has in no in- ftance been impeached with any fpecific criminality ! How often have we feen abufe and detraction heaped on them, as the mod abandoned in fociety, becaufe they exercifed the right of freemen, or prefumed to differ from thofe, who monopolized the appellation of federalifls ! This intolerance has pervaded almoft every circle in the community, and the reputation of men has been repeatedly facrificed, at the ihrine of party, with tire mod wanton barbarity. I would not be thought unjuftly cenforious, but the validity of thefe remarks is fubmitted to the candid decifion of an en- lightened public. However honeft the dealings of the merchant ; however punc- tual in the difcharge of his engagements ; however induftrious the tradefman in his occupation, yet his good name was no longer fe- cure from defamation than he became the fycophantic approver of particular men and meafures, or dared to think for himfelf in any matters in which the honour or profperity of his country was involved. Like the Jews of old, the cry was, " away with him, 0 fined object, are more apt to irritate partizans than to make con- verts. High church and low church, illuminati, jacobinifm, anti-federalifm, modern philofophy, demoralizing principles, &c. have been the common cant phrafeology of very formidable opponents for many years, and it was only to give currency to the refpective appellations as the parties acquired an afcendancy, in order to blaft the reputation of the individuals who efpoufed oppofite opin- ions. Reafon was buried in the mafs of detraction, and no man's character flood fecure while there were more tongues to bellow it down, than to reafon it up. In this cafe it is like a conteft on a precipice, the moft numerous could eafily croud over their op- ponents. No. XXXV. Introductory to cogent Reflections. 1 43 At prefent I fhall be very brief in making my application.— The difpofition, above defcribed, has too long been the palladium creeled againft every thing that looked like an oppofition to cer- tain eftablifhed terms in politics. At the period when our Confti- tution was under the deliberative investigation of the ftate conven- tion, the term s federal and anti-federal were the principlal weapons of warfare. The man who hefitated to adopt it without amend- ments was cried down as an anti-fcderalift ; federalifm was the order of the day, and the teft of patriotifm was an explicit avowal of your belief in every minute point of the inftrument fubmitted to the confideration of the people ; the perfon who dared to think, was purfued as an enemy to his country. But, notwithflanding this fyftcm of terror, the good fenfe of the oppofers rofe fuperior to perfonal pcrfecution, and at length obtained amendments which are now confidered as the mod valuable parts of the con- ftitution. Even after the eftablifhment of the government, thefe nominal difti notions were kept up, but evidently with this differ- ence as to the objects of the parties, thofe n the ar- rival of a few Britiih merchants in die town of B-. fton. The a- larm excited at that period among the American merchants, will convince the young men that the monopoly of our trade was con- fidered as the inevitable confequencc of permitting Brkifli refidents to enjoy equal advantages with our own citizens. The agitation which prevailed at that time on the reftridlions of our commerce, will fully ihew how far the carrying trade was contemplated as tbe palladium of our commerce, agriculture and manufadlures. IGIRQULAtW} "Boston, April 22d, 1785. ** Gentlemen; " WE being appointed by the merchants, traders and others, citizens of this town, to write to die merchants of the feveral fea- ports throughout the United States, on the alarming iituation of our commercial intercourfe with Great-Britain, do, in their names addrefs you on the fubject ; which, we doubt not, you will think- with us> requires mature deliberation, as well as the mnjlfpirited and vigorous exertions to be properly arranged. " Happy fhould we be, if we could devife fome plan which would effectually produce, and laftingly cement, that union of fen- timent, on which lb effectually depend the advantage and liability of the commerce of this country : we do not, however, prefume to dictate what is beft to be done in this critical fituation of our affairs ; but conceive it highly neceffary to have a free communi- cation of the fentiments of the mercantile intereft ; as on meafures which may be adopted in confequence of this correfpondence, fome permanent and beneficial purpofes may be effected. " The CARRYING TRADE, fo important to this country, is alfo effentially affected ; and Great-Britain is endeavouring, by every means in her power, to annihilate it — by prohibiting the ©atry of our fhips in her Weft-India colonies — difcouraging, and No. XL. On the Carrying Trade. !OJ (by rtrtnours which are generally exaggerated) preventing her own manufactures, intended for our confirm ption, from being ihipped in American bottoms, unlefs burthened with an extra charge — by employing her vcflels — by depriving our fhips of the privilege of carrying the produce of our own country to Quebec, Newfoundland, ?4 The Rah.' Scalping-Knifc. No. XLVL binder of Supreme Benevolence) was to lofe its radiancy, the con* (equences were too fatal to be fported with : If a weak, infirm man, juft tottering over the grave, thus prognosticated fuch direful event.s from the rejection of the treaty ; or. like a fecond Noah* prepared it as the only alternative for the falv'ation of his fcllow- eitizens, the fully of our decifion can be no other-wife apologized for, than the credulity attached to his infallibility. But, fellow-citizens, at this age of reaion, do we fuppofc the luminaries of heaven would have ftrayed from their orbits ? Do we apprehend that the planetary fyftem would have been de: cd in its revolution ? Do we think that the milky way would have confounded its brilliant pavement into chaos ? Or can we fuppcfe, that the rainbow would have turned into a cloud of fmoke, and all the variety of its magnificent texture be reduced to a huge mafs of opaque atoms ? This portrait may be confidered as a ftrortg colouring : but if we revert to the period of the treaty, we fhall find it perfectly within the original. As a proof of which, read Mr. Ames's fa- mous fpeech ; read the debates in the Old-South Meeting-Houfe ; recur to die documents of that day in the Centinel and other fed- eral papers ; and though we may now laugh at the idea thoij:-. ed, yet you will find them portrayed in all the publications which advocated the adoption of the treaty. Our judgment was not then the criterion of decifion, but our fears, and a itrange frenzy and political fanaticifm pervaded every part of the community. If a man talked about die moon's being turned into blood, or the rainbow perverted into an omen of terror, we were led to adopt the wildnefs and extravagance of his fancy. The treaty ! the treaty ! was all the cry, and none were even Chrijiians, but fuch as admitted its efficacy ; the pulpit, on many oecafions, was the ecclefiaftical drum, to rally difciples, apoftles, and adherents. In fhort, the ratification was fo interesting, that circular-letters were forwarded to be read after divine fervice. The treaty, federal gentlemen, you have obtained ; the republi- cans oppofed it ; and now, firs, it is your duty to point out its util- ity. You laid that compensation would be made for Britilh depre- dations ; let me candidly afk you, whether you have received as much as you expected ? You faid that our commerce would be more refpedted ; pleafe to tell us wherein. Have not American veffelt No. XLVI. The Rainbow atid Scalping-Knife. lB$ been taken and condemned fincc, and upon as unreasonable pleas as before ? Have not our iailors been imprefTed ? Has not every impofition been equally praclifed in the Britifh courts of admiralty ? „Tell ns, federal gentlemen, what remittances Mr. Gore has made you, and what account he gives of his cmbafTy ; whether he is now in a way to liquidate your claims, and whether you foon ex- peft him with bills of exchange, for the detention of your property ? Let us know what advice you have received from Mr. King, and whether Pitt and Grcnvillc are obliged to Mr. Ames for fecuring the luftre of the rainbow, by our adopting the treaty ? If inch favourable events have taken place, we arc defirous to know them, and Ave arc willing to participate in your good for- tune, by reciprocating our congratulations. But believe me, feder- al gentlemen, when I tell you that the whole is a delufion, and that you will find a party has deceived you. Time will convince you, that the oppofers of die treaty have been, and noiv are your beft friends. Mr. Jeiferfon's and Mr. Madifon's political princi- ples would have helped you, but a junto led you to fpurn their proffered friendship. If you do not get compenfation, you mud blame the laft administration. I did propofe, in this Number, to point out the impofitions on our neutrality by Mr. Jay's treaty, but finding them fo innumera- ble, I have thought beft to call on its advocates to declare the commercial benefits they fo confidently contemplated, and even pledged themfelves Avould arifc. If they are filcnt on this head, we are to prefume they have never realized their expectations, that the whole was a feries of federal deception, and folely calculat- ed to root out, by means of agents and factors, every advantage of commerce, heretofore enjoyed by our citizens. The United - have been at a vail expenfe to fulfil their engagements, whils w have reafon to think that the money expended has been bed in parade and diplomatic ceremonies. v uld not fugged that Mr. Gore and others have not done 'r power to gain the (\vq millions faid to be captured ; I ;;e qucftion is, what proportion of this fum has bona fids been • cd. it lS6 Intrigues of the Jttntc. No. XLVII, No. XLVII. INTRIGUES OF THE JUNTO. /lLTHOUGH the faction in this country exclaim againft the ©bfervations on the Britiili treaty (as being unnueffory Jince its a/lop- tion) yet the tendency of its opci anion ought ever to be held up with dete/lation and abhorrence. This inftrument has been the fatal engine to dellroy every benefit Contemplated on the fuccefs of our revolution. We flattered ourfclves on the declaration of our independence, that our commerce would not hereafter be controled by Britain ; we then denied their right to lay even a three-penny duty on tea, and yet, within a few years after, have concluded a treaty fubjecting our commercial property to their deciiions. We are, if poflible, in a worfe iituation now (as it relates to their marine mandates) than when we were colonies — we then fought for our commercial rights, and, in alliance with France, obtained them ; but we have fince furrendered the prin- cipal part of them, through the medium of an injudicious and impolitic negociation. To fay that we ought now to let the treaty {lumber in filence, or that it is an oldjlory, and therefore it is beft to drop it, are fen- timents which may be peculiarly pleafing to the feelings of its authors and promoters, but " the people" of die United States* who will have to pay thoufands to cancel Britiili demands, fhould keep it in remembrance, while the " tablet of their memory" can retain an impreffion, or their minds are iufceptible of indignation. It is fo involved in our political and commercial concerns, that its mifchievous properties will enfeeble the energy and vigour of our government. It palfies our exertions, and like a poifonous ingredient, contaminates the vital principles of our political and commercial exiltence. To fay that we ought to forget it, is to fay, that we ought to forget the fall of ovrjirjl- parents ; for if it is not original Jin, it is actual Iranfgrejjwn. It is worthy of obfervation, that two of the greateft revolution- ary characters in the United States expreffed their difapprobation ®f the Britiili treaty, nearly in hmilar language : — Prefident No. XLVII. Intrigues of the Junto. 187 Wafhington faid il ant with events" and Govern out Adams declared il to be * pregnant with evils.'- The illuilrious Wafhington, in the earli s of the bufmefs, was oppofed to its rati he exertions and machinations of the friends to Britain, that we have reafon to think this great and good man v. ! into the meafure. lie was encompafled by a boft of partisans ; though their importunities were prefting and urgent, vet he refuied for fome time his atfent. At length, after intercepting a letter to Mr. Fauchet, under all the aggrava- tion which their almolt blafted hopes excited, they inftilled into the Prefideai: a fufpici n and refenttnent which led him to fign'it in a ha/ly manner. It is generally believed, that Prefident Wath- ington would never have eonlented to its ratification if he had been left folely to his own judgment ; but the whole power of the part\ was Lent to this purpofe ; he was furrounded with fo formidable a phalanx, that he mud have been more than a man to have withflood their combined efforts. They rallied round him as their lad defperatc hop:, and by intreaties, deception and hy- pocrify, it is ftrongly fufpc.cted, that this patriot yielded, though reluctantly, to patronize this inftrument. The foregoing fuggeftior.s may be conjectural, but it has been obferved by many who vifited General Waftiington after his re- tirement, that he declined converfing on all politcal fubjecls, and that he appeared wholly dilpofed for folitude and retirement. — The lajl will of the General is a prefumptive evidence of his difap- probation of the treaty ; for, though the integrity of his mind would not fuffer him to violate it, after it was ratified, yet he feem- cd to dread the expofure of his fucceffor to the intrigues of a par- ty, in futuic diplomatic proceedings pf a fimilar nature. The fentiments he advanced in that inftrument, were in many inftances in oppofition to the treaty, as the peace and profperity of die Unit- ed States were in his opinion folcly dependant on their own na- tional energies, unfliackled by any foreign interference to control their political or commercial tranfacfions. If he was thus againfl any connexion which tended to weaken this ilrength, it is a ftrong prefumption that he was not in favour of the Britifh treaty. " The conclufion of this whole matter is," — a pretended federal par- ty have, by various means, indeed fome to accede to their in- triguing ichemes, to bring this country into an alliance offenfivc l8S Intrigues of the Junto. No. XLVII. and defenfive with Britain, and thereby aid them in their projects agamic France. They have exaggerated every tranfadtion of the French, and extenuated every action of the Britifh ; they have af- firmed the garb of federalism, and been foremoft to refent the con- duct of the French, and to footh the paffions as it refpecled the Eng- lish ; they pretended that the Englilh government was fiiendly to our commerce and independence, and often exprefTed a concern for our happinefs and profperity. They were ever bufy in our town-meetings, foremoft on all public occaiions, and when the cockade was the emblem of federalifm, generally difplayed a much larger fignal than their biethren of this black order. But can any man fuppofe that fuch men were really friendly to the freedom, lovereignty and independence of America ? Can we fup- pofe that fuch men were fincere in their attachment to General Wafhington ? Is it probable that all their former prejudice againft him, as the commander of our army had fubfided ? that they had become real Americans, when many of them were receiving pay from the Britifh government, as oppofers of our revolution ? Can any man thin):, that the whole body of refugees had been convert- ed to the caufe of American independence, and that they viewed their confifcated eftates as lawful facrifices for its obtainment ? Could Prefident Adams, when efcorted through the country, or into Bofton, confole himfelf with a confidence in their integrity, when fuch a large number of the retinue were formerly his moft implacable perfecutors ? Adams and a body of tories were an unnatural affociation ? they might cry hofanna, or even ftrew the way with palm trees, yet when it was in their power they would carry him out of the city and crucify him ; they might drink his health in bumpers, but, like Judas, they would betray him under the courtly fa.utation of a kifs. This difplay of friendfhip was never lincere ; but was intended as a lure to facriiice him after they had obtained his confidence and efteem. This deceptive conduct, on their part, has been amply fhewn in the late election for Prefident. Mr. Adams's pretended friends were planning his overthrow, even while they were exalting his po- litical reputation. Some who weic apparently the moft zealous in his favour, were in league with thofe who were infidioufly under- mining his popularity. Thcfe fame men would entertain Hamil- ton and eulogize his virtues, when at the fame time they knew his Nd. XLVII1. The Folly of clerical Alarms. 1S9 defigns to turn out Adams and introduce Pinckney to the prefix dency. It is fupriting how Mr. Adams fhould be deceived in filch characters, when he had inch conftant evidences of their attach- ment to a man who had calumniated him in epithets the motl de- grading. If the charges of Hamilton were true, the hypocrify of this party was the more glaring ; if they were falfe, the infult was doubly aggravating to Mr. Adams — and yet amidrt this inconfill- ency, Mr. Adams appeared totally unapprehenhve of their defigns, but in the laft Rages of his adminiftration appointed a great pro- portion of thefe perfons to important offices. They may thank him for his civility to them, but even this kindnefs would not fe- cure their affection to him. Thus, fellow-citizens, have our patiiots been deceived by a faction, and by others well known by the appellation of an " EJfex junto" who have induflrioufly purfued their plans, by claiming the prerogative of exclufivc federalifts. Wafhington we have reafon to think discovered their plots when it was too late to defeat them. His lajl -will'is a legacy which ought to accompany Prcfident Jeffisr- fon's inaugural fpeech. In that initrument he fpeaks like himfelf, uncontroled by any intriguing intruders. It is his death-bed ad- monition, when no furrounding miniens and hypocrites difturbed his mind. It is an appeal to God, and his confidence, and not in- tended to be made public, till he was in the fruition cf heavenly happinefs. It is a melancholy reflection that the arts of this facfion have lb far involved our country in difficulties. They have tarniihed the fame of many refpeclable patriots. Eut we trull in that Being who often relieved us when in trouble, and wc confole our- felves that he has railed a Jeffcrfon, who like Jofhua will conducT us to the promifed land. No. XL VIII. THE FOLLY OF CLERICAL ALARMS; OR THE PLOTS DISCOVERED I I X HE various means ufed to effecT: fuch purpofes, as would af- nft the faction in their defigns to Involve this country in a war with f£G Tie FcLy oj Alarms; No. XLVIII. France, are too numerous to be particularly recited at this period. Their aim was not confined merely to this object, but every mea- i was taken to raife a jcalouly again II certain republican characters who orpofed their conduct- For this purpofe the public mind was conflantly upon the idea of an invafion from Trance. Conspiracies were daily announced ; tailor-plots, tub-plots, and even lady-plots, followed in rapid fucceffion. Mr. Harper went fo far as to pledge himfelf on the difcovery of fome terrific plan, which had nearly arrived to a completion ; he laid •:fs, that he had the " clues," and promifed foon to difclofe all the mylle;ies of a treafonable combination. The went on from one fpecies of alarm to another, till at lei the cry of danger became fo familiar, that the people conlidered mere chimera of a dillcmpered brain. Finding thefe is would not anfwer their purpofes, recourfe was at length had to the all-pow< on of religion. This facred caufe was brought into operation ; the people were told, that all honour, hone fry and morality were to be annihilated ; that deifm, atheifra and impiety of every kind were to predominate ; and to favour the deception, a few clergymen conjured up the exploded publi- cations of Robifon and Barruel, to forward their iyftem of fanat- icifm. Trie illumina'.i was the ivatch-iuord of the party ; but the principal light anting from the fubjecl, ferved only to make a certain Reverend Doctor appear more confpicuoufly ridiculous, Sermons were publiihed on this occafion, and marginal notes introduced, with the horrid ftory of a defpeiate combination in Europe and America to overturn all that is called godly. The illuminati-influcnza killed' about eighteen month*, and at length expired with a few ftruggles, under the injudicious management of this clerical operator. — Thus have this party run '.he feveral parts of their political drama, and now are brought to their ne plus ultra, which is, that the Prefident is an !, and does not believe in tbr Chrifiian religion. This is the only ground on which the party now (land, and while they think the people believe them, they take the greater liberty in their calumny and detraction ; they alternately call him deift, infidel, and atheift ; they reprefent him as having a defign upon the religious eftablimments of our country, and fome are fo fooliih as to believe, that all the mceting-houfes will foon be razed, No. XLV11I. or the Plots tfi/rm Set the minifters difcarded, and carnage and plunder become the «' order of the day." , At this enlightened age, it is almoft an affront upon the good \ ( fenfe of the citizens of the United Slates, to reply to the many ablurditics written againft the Prefi dent on this lubjevt- li' Mr. Jefferfon is deftitute of thofe virtues which cbnftitute a Chriftian, or a citizen, where is the man who is polTcfied of them ? If hon- efty, integrity, forbearance, humanity, benevolence and patriotilm' are the prominent features which defignate a Chriftian, certainly no man within the United States ftands more confpicuoufly em- inent. So far from having no religion, he is a friend to all ; and inftead of contracting its influence, lie is defirous of giving every citizen a right to woifhip Gou in his own Way ; he is not a per- • fecutor of any feet ; he is not a defamer of any particular mode of worfhip ; he is not a fanatic, to fcourge thofe who do not believe in his tenets ; he leaves every confeience to its own bias, and inftead of controling men as the arbiter of revelation, he is anxious to place the adoration of the Supreme Being and his attributes, on that balls of the human mind, on which alone it can or ought to be erc&cd. If this is the character of the Prefident, why is he attacked with fuch feverity and indecency ? Why is he held up as the fubverter of religion when he gives fuch ample fcope to every principle connected with its eftabbihment ? If he injures no man in his religion, why fhould others injure him in his reputation ? if he is an immoral man, point out his immoralities ; if he is defti- tute of the Chriftian virtues, let them be fpecified in fuch a manner as the people may judge of his criminality ; if he has deftroyed any houfes of worlhip, or difturbed any pious affembly, let the eircumftances be related ; if he is profane, let the inftances appear. This mode of procedure would be candid ; but to defame the chief magiftratc under the vague appellations of deift, atheift, and infidel, is unbecoming the character either of a Chrift- ian, gentleman, or citizen. If fome of the clergy are oppoft.1 to him, it would be more honourable to ftate their charges. If he has violated the laws of fociety, why do they not come forward in an explicit manner, and give the public a narrative of the whole tranfaclion ? This Tine of conduct would appear more manly than to attempt to The Folly of clerical Alarms ; No. XLVIIa. weaken the confidence of the citizens in his adminillration by invidious furmifes. The conduct of Mr. Jefferfon through life has been peculiarly amiable : His writings are fraught with benevolence, and folely intended to ameliorate the condition of mankind, and to lead them to an improvement of all thofe faculties with which heaven has ble.Ted the human fpecies. His character, in Europe, flands in the mod elevated pofition, and it is degrading to our country to find men, who aflame the reputation of " the learned," demean themfelves by fuch grofs reflections as are daily publifhed in the Palladium, Centinel, and other papers. If the clergy are alarmed^Ut the decay of religion, can it have any falutary effect to represent Mr. Jefferfon as the oppofer of the chrillian fyilem ? Will it perfuade people to embrace the gofpel, by telling them that Mr. Jefferfon rejects it ? It rather appears to me, that it has a contrary tendency — no man will believe merely becaufc Mr. Jefferfon cl'ijbel'ieves. His character as a.Jlholar, philofc- pher, and reafoner, gives him a reputation too high to be made the negative of a principle, either of religion or any other fubject. If the people are told, that the Prcfident does not believe the Chrif- tian religion, it may lead many to conclude, that be htwivs more than they, and that he has good 1 onions for his disbelief. This kind of argument maybe fatisfactory to fome, and thus, inftead of help- ing the caufe of religion, it may have a very unfalutary effect. The clergy in this particular are doing an injury to the caufe they are attempting to fupport, and it is the height of folly to expect to gain profelytes by propagating with fo much avidity the infidelity of Mr. Jefferfon. As Prcfident of the United States, he is not called on to make a declaration of his religious creed ; if he was, I am perfuaded the moft orthodox would not condemn it. General Walhington was peculiarly careful in this particular ; among thg variety of his publications we find but little to lead us to a conclusion of his re- ligious tenets ; and as the confutation does not even fuggeil test of this kind, it is proper that the Prefident fhould not h himfelf forward in any point of view on this ground. He is not called on to administer any religious ordinances, and while he intermeddles with no particular feet, and promotes the rights of No. XLV1II. or the Plots difcovered. 193 all, neither the clergy nor other individuals have a right to cenfure him for his own fentiments. Suppofe the President fhbuld make a declaration of his firm perfuafion of the truth of the gofpel, ftill a difficulty would remain among his oppolers as to the particular tenets he maintained ; fome would fay, that he was a Roman Catholic, others that he was an Armenian ; fome a Calvinifl — in (hort, Socinians, Quakers, Bap-« tills, Univerfalifts, Swedcnbourgians, and Sandemanians, would be clamorous to know to what doflrine he adhered. His declaration, therefore, as to his belief in the Scriptures, would not remedy the evil, for points of faith are as often contended for, as the avowal of a general principle. If religion is to be brought forward in this controvcrfy, the Prelident is perfectly right in keeping his creed to himfelf. Part why is this apprehenfion excited, that Mr. JefFerfon is op- pofed to the Chriftian fyllem ? No part of his adminiflration has had the mod diftant tendency to injure it ; fince his election " all things remain as they were" as it relates to the church ; we go to meeting with as much order as ufual, and return home without the lead moleflatron ; our fabbaths are equally hallowed ; the frfl zndfecotid bells ring with as much folemnity and regularity as for- merly ; we baptize our children with as much reverence as ever ; the clergy are as much refpecled, as well paid, dine out as frequently, and in mod inftances frolic as often as under the late ad- minillration ; ordinations are announced in our papers with their ufual reverence, and there is as much good cheer on fuch occafions as in days of old. Where then is the mifchicf ? Where the danger, when nothing has taken place to difcompofe die moft devout in their religious exercifes ? If we are difpofed to religious duties, Mr. JefFerfon will not dillurb us ; only let the clergy mind their bufi- nefs, and I doubt not he will mind his. If fome of them do not choofe to pray for him, it would be decent not to bray at him. The bleflings of Providence are not partial, and though the enemies of the Prefident may not think proper to remember him at the Throne of Grace, yet we truft he is not dependant on their clemency, (though clothed in facerdotals) but on the benevolence of the Supreme Being. To him we commit him, and it does not require A a to^. On Thanksgiving. No. XLIX. the benediction of his advcrfaries to fecure him a continuance in His holy keeping. While fpeaking of the clergy, I do not mean to include the order, as being thus oppofed to the Prefident ; a large propor- tion of them, I am perfuaded, reprobate the indecent publications which Lave appeared againfl: him. As an order in fociety I fhalr •ever respect them ; but there are a few who have acted a part, which upon ferious reflection they cannot juilify to God, nor their own confeiences. If fuch men would be more circumfptci in their own conduct, and attend more to the duties of their own profeffion, the caufe of religion would be more effectually fupported, than by their calumny againfl the Prefident. When he is as inattentive to his duty as Prefident, as they are as clergymen, it will be time for the people to find fault.. Mr. Jefferfon never gave fuch a flrong evi- dence of his difbclief in fcripturc a. ll.cy have of the negligence of their parfii ; and if they are ferious to propagate the gofpel, it is in- cumbent on them to aft more confiflent with its principles. The Geography of this world is not the " one thing needful," neither are the " graces" of Chejlerfhl, an appropriate ftudy for a clergyman ; lefs attention, therefore, to fublunary concerns, and more to heav- enly, are highly becoming a chriftian teacher. While fuch men are charging the Prefident with infidelity, they fhould examine their own conduct, and poflibly, upon reflection, they would find the remainder of their lives could not be better ipent, than in cor~ reeling their former imprudencies. No. XLIX. ON THANKSGIVING. "It is the Lord'j doing?'* X. HE benevolence of Providence, in its various difpenfations towards this country, is a fubject which ought ever to excite the ferious contemplation of the citizens of the United States. From the firft fettlement of A/nerica, the kind hand of heaven has direct- ed us in the way in which we fhould go. Next to the chofen nation, America ft an ds die peculiar care of the Supreme Being, and if No. XL1X. On Thanlsgiv. 1 95 miracles have not been wrought in her favour, yet the interpofition of the Almighty has been i'o often difplayed, that we muft be loft to every rational reflection not to acknowledge his benignity and fuperintendance. On this day, citizens of Maflachufctts, we are requested to ac- knowledge with thanhfuhiefty the kindnefs and protection of him, who governs the world, and who fo accurately acijulls its various operations, as to produce " feed-time and harveft, fummer and winter." By His goodncic, we are fumiihed wkh all thofe com- forts which render exitlence happy, and which confole us under every trouble and misfortune, incident to human life. This year, in a particular manner, may we exultingly fay, " that the fig-tree has blofibmed, and that fruit has been in our vines ; that the labour of the olive has not failed, and that the fields have yielded their meat ; that our flocks have not been cut off from the fold, and that there has been an abundance of herd in the {tails." While contemplating thefe bleflings, may we all thankfully re- fponfe, — we will " rejoice In the Lord, and joy in the God of our falvation." While we adore the Supreme Being for granting us thofe fpecial bounties of his benevolence, may we be led to contemplate his mercies, as they refpedt our national happinefs. That this coun- try has been expofed to the diftrefling cenfequences of war, we have proofs of the mod authentic natu ■:. Mr. Tracy, in Congrefs, urged " a war of extenttinathn ,•" the queftion of war was folemnly debated in that auguft aflembly ; the young men were called on to place themfelves in an hoflile attitude, and artificial means were ufed to make their " blood boil" to invigorate their prowefs. The tory party were active throughout the Union, to kindle the torch of Mars, and every incentive which could roufe the paflions, was applied, with the moft artful addrefs, to bring America into an open rupture with the French nation. An Orator in Boflon vaunted in his heroifm, and under the fmoke of public infatuation, and inflated with his own vanity, declared, in his oration, that "peace muft be obtained at the point of the bayonet!" This was the " fpirit of the times" at the day of federal fanaticifm. If a pru- dent man paufed at the adoption of fuch violent mcafures, he was cried down as a jacobin. The tories completely aflumed the whig ground ; they rejoiced at the profpecl: of involving the Unit- ig6 On Thanlsgiving. No. XLIX. ed States in a war with France, and connecting them in an alliance with England. But, it is the Lord's doing, that we were not plunged into that dreadful vortex, which fuch meafures would have quickly hurried us. Suppofe Mr. Tracy's " war of extermination" had been adopted, or the heroic lawyer's propofition, for " peace at the point of the bayonet" had been acceded to, what would have been our prefent fituation ? Inftcad of rejoicing, we fliould have to mourn ; inftead of a thanl/giving-day, we fhould have been obliged, (from the prefent date of Europe) to fet apart this day for " falling, humiliation, and prayer." " A war of extermination !" gracious heaven ! Five millions of Americans at war with thirty millions of Frenchmen ! ! Not only fo, but probably with all the European powers in alliance with that nation. — " A peace at the point of the bayonet !" ctreadful alternative ! that the daughter on fuch a preliminary fhould be the fmc qua non of our public quietude. How infatuated rauft fuch men have been, to place America in fo barbarous a pofition — five millions of people to demand the blood of thirty millions ! How defperate muft have been our condition, that the whole nation of France muft atone for our refentment. In this conteft, what muft have been the fate of the United States ? After France had made peace with England, we alone muft have met them, confolidated in all their energies ? If Britain, was alarmed at their invalion, what muft have been our apprehen- fions ? If the " wooden walls of England" were not a fecurity, what could we expedl from the few bulwarks we could oppofe to their incurftons ? Admit that the people of the United States would have defended themfelves on their fhores, yet the horrid carnage that muft have enfued chills the blood of the humane cit- izen to contemplate. If we are equal to every a/Fault from abroad, yet the folly of thofe who were defirous to plunge us into *' a war of extermination," or to make " peace at the point of the bayonet," rnuft be evident to every rcflc&ing mind. Under the fanatic impulfc of thefe times, none but the Supreme Being could prevent the dreadful calamity. It was " the Lord's doing," that we were thus faved from the horrid cataftrophe of a war with France ; " if the Lord had not been on our fide," we may now fay, we fhould have been furrounded with dangers No. XLIX. On Thanksgiving. 197 and diftretfes from which we could not have been extricated with- out the greateft difficulty. HE has appeared for our relief ; HE has fruftrated the defigns of our enemies, and rendered their machinations of no effect. Mr. Tracy was a reprefentative from Connecticut, but we hope the religious fniiments of his conftituents will not juftify him in his favage ferocity. Would nothing fliort of the extermination of thirty millions of the human fpecies fatisfy his fanguinary difpofition ? Mull the blood of a whole nation be filed to appeafe his vindictive indignation ? If France had dis- played the fame temper, and called for the extermination of every yfmerican, what mult have been the confequences of fo terrible a conflict ? Or if the powerful Bonaparte had affiimed the dictato- rial language of the BoMon Orator, that " peace with America muft be made at the point of the fword," how afflicting would have been the controverfy to decide the principles of an amicable negociation ? Such ignorance exhibited in Congrefs, and fuch folly in a Bofton town-meeting, by men whofe malignity of heart was the only criterion of their judgment, arc cxpreffive of the rage of party, and evince the dreadful precipice, on the brink of which, the fate of America was fufpended. The violence of the political agitation, urged on by the frenzy of a faction, placed our country in the moft critical attitude. The critis was important, and nothing fnort of the interpofition of Providence flopped us in our career to pafs the Rubicon, commence the horrid carnage of ex- terminating war, and make a " pe^ce at the point of the fword." But, thank heaven, " the fnare is broken and wc have efcap- cd" ; the annual tribute of praife is now due to that Being, by whofe goodnefs we have been preferved. With thankful hearts, we offer Him our unfeigned love and adoration, for the bleffings we have experienced the paft year ; and though the deflroying angel has fwept away many of our fellow-citizens in other States, yet we have ftill the greateft reafon to exalt, and magnify His name. This annivcrfary pleads ftrongly in favour of Peace, and every focial circle is a manifefto of the bleffings arifmg from it. See the venerable parent furrounded with his numerous family, while joy, health and plenty crown the fcftive board ; the fprightiy 198 Oh Thanksgiving. No. XLIX. amufements, the friendly convcrfation, the pleafing harmony and reciprocal congratulation, — all, all proclaim, that the melodious accents of peace are more defirable than the hoarfe clarion of war. Let the mind for a moment contemplate the reverfe of this enchanting fcene — inftead of the focial circle, let us introduce the mourning widow and fatherlefs children, deploring the lofs of a hufband and parent, fallen at " the point of the /word" — in- ftead of the pleafing endearments of domeftk: conviviality, let the horrid tale of conflagration, (laughter and death (the dread-- ful attendants of a M war of extermination" ) become the topic of convcrfation — inftead of the infant, prattling on the knee of a fond parent, let us portray the lifping babe mingling its tears with the difconfolate mother. Thefe are but the faint outlines of the dif- treffing picture. Here fancy intrudes her fuggeftions. During the fanguinary period of war, we might ob Serve the pampered contractor, whofe per centum ftands in competition with the happinefs of his country — the unprincipled Speculator, who is living on the injuries of an unfortunate foldier ; a clan of favoured fycophants, who to obtain employment, would Sacrifice every principle of honour and honef- ty ; a group of myrmidons, who under pretence of Supporting government, would offer themfelves as tools to enflavc their fellow- citizens ; a junto of proud officiates, who, rioting on the emolu- ments of their appointments, would, if polfible, overthrow the con- ftitution, if there fhould be virtue enough in the Prefidcnt to dif- place them. Such circles might experience the benign efficacy of war ; and while the induftrious body of the people were groaning under the weight of taxes, the feftive board of fiicfa gluttons might refound with fongs of mirth, in adoration of their patron. As men and citizens, our devotion on this day naturally em- brace the fuperintendance of Providence. Under this imprefGon, it is our duty to approach the altar with every expreffion of grati- tude ; no party Spirit ought to difturb that chriftian tranquillity, which fhould diftinguifh its profefTors. The pulpit, on Such occa- sions, fhould not become as ternUe as Mount Sinai, but be uSed as the medium through which the diScordant paffions fhould be al- layed ; charity towards each other, on religious points, fhould be exerciSed ; no cenSure fhould be call on a fifter ftate for their relit No. L. Peace and Funds, vs. Centlnel. 199 gious fcruples ; abufive epithets fhould be avoided ; union inculcat- ed ; the Conftituted Authorities refpeckd ; and thus, harmonizing in our thanksgiving and devotion, we may anticipate "peace en earth, and good will towards men." No. L. PEACE AND FUNDS, 'verf'US CENTINEL, ** The national debt of Great-Britain is enormous on paper ; and has beeit a fruitful fource of materials for the jacobin Maginneffes to deceive tie public lulth. But nationally confidercd that debt is merely nominal. — It is due from the nation to individuals ; — and individuals form the na- tion. If the intlre debt were paid off at this moment It would not add a fhllllng to the wealth of the nation ; nor a fcnfatlon to the flock of its general happinefs. On the other hand, were It to be wiped off entirely with a fponge, it would not caufe fifty individuals in the whole kingdom to retrench one meal a day In their fub/j/lence." Centinel. " The intelligence of peace, received here a fortnight fince, has been qu:f iioned at the Southward. It is neverthelefs TOO TRUE." ib. _/~xL. THOUGH the moft violent acrimony and malevolence are difplayed in die tory gazettes againll the Prefident, yet it muft af- ford him the higheft confolation, 'that fuch publications do not originate in Bolton, but are taken principally from a paper which is confidered as the immediate fucce/for of Peter Porcupine.— That there is a faclion lurking in this metropolis, oppofed to every republican principle of the conftitution, is too apparent to be con- troverted ; but even this traiterous combination are obliged to keep themfelves concealed, and initead of openly avowing their defigns, are driven to the " imperious necefftfy" of ufing foreign means to effect their purpofes. It muft be admitted as an incontroverti- ble truth, that 'the obfervations in thefe gazettes are the expiring ftruggles of a faclion, and the republication of them in our papers, are the paltry ebulitions of a few unprincipled Editors, who, in the 200 Peace and Fundi, is. &.riti;.d. No. L..' reign of terror, wantonly pledged their credit on the validity of their political predictions. Finding, however, that die Corfu an hero has brought their " befl of kings" to fue for peace — that the con- tinent of France, ftands on a commanding eminence over the ifland of Britain — tli.it Citizen Otto is on a level with Lord Hawkefbury ; that the Tower guns as readily difcharge their fonorous exultations on the iffue of the war, as when they refounded to the tune of " Rule Britannia, rule the waves" — that they as readily annour.ee the arrival of a French millionary, to fettle the definitive ai'ticles of peace, as they formerly did to denounce the jacobins of that victorious nation ; and, that the Englifh " populace" as readily took out the horfes and drew the carriage of a Frenchman, as ever they did that of one of the royal family. When they find that fuch events have taken place, the Anglo-federalifts of the United States have recourfe to fuch fugitive obiervations as a defeated enemy in their retreat are pleafed to furnifh them. Thefe Britifh troops, refiding in America, are arranged in vari- ous directions — one part is affigned to abufe the Prefident, anoth- er to calumniate Mr. Gallatin ; a few are foolifh enough to flatter Mr. Gallatin, as if his integrity and knowledge could be biaffed by fuch fycophancy ; another detachment is rallied for the exprefs purpofe of cenfuring every removal from office ; fome to create a jealoufy between the northern and fouthern ftates, while others take a more extenfive ground by pretending to exult at the advan- tages gained by the Britifh in the treaty of peace. But not calcu- lating an uniformity in fentiment on this fubjecr, they unfortu- nately counteract each other in their ftatcments- — while fome rejoice at the event, others lament the tidings as " too true" Ruffell takes the latter ground, and yet in the fame Centinel proclaims the " glorious news," that Britain has gained every benefit by the iffue of the war ; that her flocks are in high eftimation ; that the EnglHh " omnium" is more valuable than the French gatherum ; that the Britifh have " not loft a foot of ground ;" and yet, ftrange to relate, even in the midft of his boaftings on the advan- tages of peace, the Editor clofes his narrative with a mournful figh, Alas, it is " too true" ! If the Englifh have obtained thefe great advantages by the peace, why fhould their friends exprefs an uueafinefs" at the clofe No. L. Peace and Funds, vs. Centinel. 201 of this European controverfy ? Why fhould they lament the if- fue of a war, provided the preliminary articles are altogether in their favour ? If Pitt is fatisfied, if Fox fays it is a good treaty, if the people of England have become a body of illuminati, by il- luminating every capital city in the kingdom, why fhould the Ccn- tincl become the only mourner ? Rachel, weeping for her firft- born, could not exprefs herfelf with more difconiblate dejeftion than this poor Editor : in the midfl of the univerfal hilarity, we hear his difcordant vociferation, Alas, it is " too true" ! Whilft thus " rcfufing to be comforted," it was expected fome emblem of grief would have exprelTed his condolence ; whether a black cockade, or a dilplay of black crape on the horns of the roajled ox in Liberty-Square, would have been exhibited by him and his dif- treffed alfociatcs, were the doubtful fufpcnfc of thofe who have long laughed at his ignorance and folly. How mull the faction in America have been mortified, had they fecn Citizen Lauriften drawn in his coach by the Englijlj mobility through the Itreet of St. James ! Alas, this alio is " too true." How would they have ftared to obferve the populace in Briftol welcome the London mail, which brought the pleafmg intellirr-ence of peace, and, after taking out the horfes, drag it amidft the ac- clamations of thoufands to the Bufh tavern ! Alas, this is alfo " too true." How would they have been terrified to behold the French convalescents leap from their hammocks, and dance upon the main deck of their priibn fhips ! But above all, how great muft have been their mortification to find, that the " immortal" Peter Porcupine had his office dcmolijhed, by the London populace, for his rcfufal to illuminate ! Ahis, thefe are all " too true." Confiftency is a principal trait in a political character. The Centinel, even while deploring that war had ceafed, is gafconad- ing, that the Engliih 5 per cents, ftand at 95 dollars to a hundred ; that they have " not loft a foot of ground ;" that '« the ihips taken at Toulon are not returned," &c. But the chagrin arifes amidlt thefe pretended congratulations on Britiih advantages, from the 15th article of the treaty, which evidently mews that the terms were diSated'm Paris, viz. "The prefent preliminary articles Jhall be exchanged at London in the lpaoe of 15 days at faith eft" ; Bt ; : z ice and Funds, vs. Cen'.inef. No. T~ — thaL " plenipotentiaries Jhall be appointed to proceed to an ar- rangement of the definitive treat}', in concert with the alius of the contracting parties." Pray, inform us who are the allies on the part of die Britifh, to give their weight in the Convention at Amiens ? Alas, it is " too true," they will have but little help from this quarter. This treaty carries further marks of French i'upremacy — the " Firft Coniul of the Republic," (lands before " His Majesty, the King of the United Kingdoms of Great- Britain and Ireland." This certainly looks a littk "fqaalfy" that Citizen Bunaparte fhould take rank of His Majejly George the Hid. Who could dictate this Jacobinical arrangement in the articles ? Is is probable, if the treaty was in the lcaft degree under the control of the Englifh miuiflry, that they would have fuffered the name of a " Corfican ufurper," to be mentioned before that of their rightful fovereign ? This is contradicted in the Centinel, but as both the French and Englifh papers publifhed the treaty in this form, we have reafon to believe it is agreeable to the original. The farce, however, does not end here, for it is " done in London, on the 9th Vendemaire, and icth year of the French Republic ;" thus obliging the Englifh to acknowledge, within the Britifh capital, the freedom, fovereignty and independence of the French nation. It looks then as if the glory of the Britifli nation was " burn- ing to the water's edge." How the M rainbow'" will appear after this event, is apocryphal ; it may brighten, or it may lofe its luilrc ; and as this luminary has heretofore been fummoned to take an adHve part in our political controverfy, it is hoped that the almanack-malcrs in the feveral States will defcribe with the utmoft accuracy in their next year's publications its variation as to the extent of its arch, or the brilliancy of its rays. For my own part, I read the Centinel, Palladium, and Price Current, merely to obferve the chagrin of the Eflex junto. Even their exultations are evidences of their mortification. If in one paragraph they ftate the advantages of the Engliih by the treaty of peace, I am fure to find that the next will declare the falfity of their reafoning. They drain every nerve to vindicate them- felves ; they amufe us with a pretty ftory about " omniums ;" they defcribe the Britifh funds as rifing to an immenfe value j but before their reader* are well prepared to join the chorus, they No. L. Peace and Funds, vs. Centinel* 203 Malt their own information by anticipating fome terrible forebod- ings, which intirely deftrcy the luxury oif their repaft. "They build up with one hand, and knock down with the other." In the prefent ftate of politics, I am almoll perfuaded to conde- scend to afk Major RuiTell (this Keeker of finance) to explain his farrago of the Britifh debt, when he fays, " if it were to be wiped off intirely with a /page, it would not caufe fifty individuals in the whole kingdom to retrench one meal a day in their fubfiftence." If this hypothecs is right, the American debt could be as eafily wiped off as die Britiih ; the national debt of bodi nations (lands on the fame balls ; the doctrine advanced in the Centinel applies equally to both countries. What then will the flock-holders in the United States fay to this Centinel mode of financeering ? How would they relifh thisjjpeaglag manner of fettling their claims ? — If we fhould have publiihed a fimilar paragraph in the Chronicle, and inftead of Britain inferted America., the 6 and 8 per cent- creditors would have reafon to reprobate the principle ; if fuch di/organizing fentiments had been advanced by the republicans, the anathemas of every flock-holder would have followed them with the mod clamorous vociferation. The Centinel, by the ignorance of its projectors, has funk too low in public cftimation to require mferious reflection on its numerous abfurdities. If we mould hold them ftrictly to their own declarations, die funds of the United States would be converted to very different purpofes dran paying their creditors. As a friend to the honour and national character of America, I hope never to fee fuch principles operate in this country, as to pj*ice the creditors under the tyranny of a " fponge" — public credit is the energy of government ; republicans fhould ever attend to their finances in fuch a manner, as to give confidence to its citizens in their loan of money. Whatever contracts are made on this bafis ought to be tenacioufly fulfilled ; the credit OF A NATION IS AS SACRED AS THAT OF AN INDIVIDUAL ; fo far from " fponging," I am for punctual and honourable pay- ment ; fo far from fuggefting that no injury would arife from annihilating the debt, I believe the greatefi injury would arife if fuch a meafure was adopted, 204 Peace and Funds, vs. Centinel. No. L. The obfervations made in the Centinel, on the public debt of England, are the very eflence of jacobinifm. The Editor, from his arrogance, feems to fport with every thing that is held valuable in fociety ; he fpeaks of peace as a curfe, of the public debt as a chimera, and yet, under a political infatuation, he is fupported (by the very men whom he wifhes to ruin) as the friend to public credit and the advocate of harmouy and focial order ; while, on the other hand, the Editors of the Chronicle have been reprcfented as the deftroyers of property and the enemies to every moral virtue. The Chronicle has now come to an iffue with the Centinel on this ground, and means to maintain an oppofite doctrine. If the debt of England is a mere ignis fatuus, the principle is equally operative in the United States. The republicans will not admit public credit to be expofed to fuch a vague decifion, but are willing in a juft manner, (by the burden falling equally on every clafs of citizens) to pay their creditors, agreeably to their pledged contracts, any thing in the Centinel to the contrary notwithstanding. Suppofe Mr. JefFerfon or Mr. Gallatin had advanced a fimilar doctrine on the debt of the United States, as is advanced in the Centinel on the Britifh debt — fuppofc they had faid, that the debt was due from one individual to another, and, therefore, if a " fponge" was applied to the fettlement, not more than fifty individuals would retrench one meal a day in their fnbfiftence ? If this is true of England, it is equally applicable to America ; and, provided it was adopted, how many fat, plump Jlock-holders would become as thin and as lank as a pack of hounds, after courfmg a whole day without any game to fatisfy their hunger. Away, away with fuch Jacobinical principles ; the Centinel 'is aiming to throw " public credit in the wind" to help its diforganizing ad- herents — but the Chronicle, ever fteady to its object, will purfue fuch renegadoes to their fecret holds, and expofe them to public execration. No. LI. Rain and JFar. 205 ?~ No. LI. RAIN AND WAR ! ! I tf We &y a touchitone moic pungent than the efTu- fions of Vila's hall, you are again requefted to publilh your phil- ippic againfl: the federal government, delivered on fabbath even- ing, and I pledge myfelf to anfwer it, vrith a fignaturc equally as explicit as the one you fubferibe. No. LVIII. TO HARRISON G. OTIS, KS<£; X HE Bofton Gazette of the 5th inftant, contains a few fketche: of your fpeech delivered at Vila's on the fabbath evening preceding the election for Governour. It is declared, " that you have always acquitted yourfelf handfomely, but never did better than on this occaiion." We have then, fir, before us, one of your hefl fpeecbes, and though the reporter apologises for his inability to do you juf- tice, yet he cannot forbear gratifying thofe who could not be in- dulged the pleafure of feeing and hearing you acquit yourfelf fo *' hanctfomely." The fpeech abounds with fuch an energy of pathos, that it ex- cites a glow of fervency in the firft outfet. We cannot but ad- mire the brilliant fentiment in defcribing Vila's hall as a camp, in which was collected the main body of the federal army. Bona- parte could not addrefs his veterans in a ftyle more heroic than you did the moderator, viz. " Hard indeed, fir, is the fate of a gar- rifon, when the troops are not only obliged to Jleep upon their arms, but find it ncceflary to make frequent fallies to prevent a furprize." If your troops were difpofed to meet their opponents, why do you complain of a " furprize," when on the Friday even- ing previous to your mujler, the republicans gave public notice that they were to afTemble at Faneuil-Hall ? Certainly, fir, there was no danger of a " furprize," when you had notice in the public papers three days before your meeting. Why did you not then tally to the Hall, and like a hold general, bring your men into the No. LVII. To Harrison G. Oils, Esq. 235 field of battle ? Why, on that evening, did youfufFer the garrifou " tojlrep on their arms," or why did you choofe to defert the ample fpace of Faneuil-Hall, and croud your mam hotly on ijabbath even- ing within the fmall compaf; of Vila's hall ? Is it generous, fir, to complain of a " furprize," when the mod public information was given of die time suft ' "meeting \ If your troops have long " flcpt on their arms," why did you not roufe them from their Jlumbers, and march them in folid columns to confront their opponents ? I fuipect, fix, the difficulty in your garrifon arofc principally from the want of ammunition, and that you thought a few vollies of muikctry, when the republican army was difperfed, would have a better ef£e<$ than a general engagement. Your fpeech, fir, further defcribes, in pathetic language, " the inconveniences which the aged and fiber citizens fuftained on an election-day, by the uoifc and confufion of the jacobin bawlcrs, on Faneuil-Hall flairs." Why is this charge againft the jacobins (or in other words the republicans) when your own caucus appointed a committee of one hundred and twenty men to diftribute votes on this occafion ? If you look over the names you will find among the number, fome of the mod noify, boifterous men that can be produced in the town. This committee arranged them- felves in fimilar order, in conducting the election, as the firewards make lanes to communicate water to the engines. The whole force of the federal party took poffeffion of almoft every avenue, and every voter had to pafs an ordeal, under the minute infpection of bank directors, Elfex junto men, and fycophants hanging on their patronage. How then, fir, can you prefume to talk about " jacobin bawlers," when the caucus, in which you a/Turned the direction, appointed fucb a numerous committee, as almoft drowned by their vociferation every articulation of the republicans ? Why then, fir, do you talk about the " engines of reafon," to ex- tin^uiih the "furnace of your opponents," when you yourfelf blew the bellows of oppofition, and voted for one hundred and twenty men from Vila's, to influence the election ? Your reflections on the choice of Mr. Jefferfon are unworthy notice. I do not, fir, clofe with you on this ground, by admitting that your objections are valid ; but if you perfift in your caucus declamations, I am willing to meet you on this queftion, whenever your warm zeal ftiall lead you publicly to fupport your obje&ions, 2 $6 To Harrison G. Otis, Esq. No. LVIII. The foregoing obfervations are folely confined to the rhodo- momade of your fpeech, as it relates to the fuhlime fiction of an army uifembled in Vila's hall, the " jacobin bawlers" on Faneuil- hall ilairs, and the indecency of your afTertions as to the election of Mr. Jefferfon. I fhall now advert to your ridiculous pathos, on the meafures of the prefent adminiftration. From a " garrifon," Vila's hall is fuddenly changed to a boifterous ocean — the wreck of the conilitution is defcribed as floating on every billow, " our judiciary on one wave, our internal taxes on another, and our late ftanding army on another." You further fay, that " not only the doors but the windows of the temple of juftice have been burft open, and the building is filled with a banditti ; the pillars of the temple are broken down, its roof has fallen in, and its foundation is undermined." What a deluge of ideas croud upon the mind amid fuch an inundation of lhapfody. In a hot room, thronged with a body of heated federaliits, how mult fuch glowing fentiments operate among them ? Waves and billows engulphing the conftitution — internal taxes bobbing up and down like drown- ing kittens — the ftanding army, like wharf-rats in a high tide, quitting their encampment — the judiciary ! the judiciary, though reprefented by you as a temple, is neverthelefs defcribed as floating on a wave ; the windows broken, the doors burft open, and a banditti thronging the building. If, fir, the old adminiftration have launched fuch a /olid temple on the ocean, and filled it, like the Trojan horfr, with a banditti, it is rather miraculous to find it floating on a wave ! I fhould fuppofe it would fink to the bottom, and that " its foundation" would not eafilybe " undermined." I am fenfible, fir, that it is neceffary here to notice an apology which appeared in the Palladium ; but in juftice to your friend ivho reported your fpeech in the Gazette, I cannot think it poflible for him to be guilty of fuch an error. Is is probable, that fuch a grofs miftake fhould arife from a man who pretended to give a fketch of the beft fpcerh ycu ever delivered ; that the " right of fuf- frage" fhould be miflaken for the judiciary fyjletn ; — that he fhould abfurdly defcribe tire " doors, windows, benches," &c. of the " right of fuj'rage." No man in his fenfes could make fuch a blunder, and yet the editors of the Gazette endeavour to palm, thrrugh the Palladium, fuch abfurdities on the public. They No. LIX. On the Measures, fcfr. 237 took care not to expofe their folly in their own paper, and there- fore made the Palladium a " cat's paw" for the purpofe. In this cbntroverfy, fir, nothing more is required than the truth ; if your friends have not done you juftice, alTume the right to yourlelf ; let us have the whole Jpeech. If the waves of faction are fwallowing up the conftitution — if the pieces are tolTed about on every billow — if the temple of juftice is filled with a banditti, and their honours are expoled to catch cold, by the windows being broken, and every door burft in, let us have the dieadful difafters defer ibed in plain language, and it is not doubted but every re- publican will lend a hand to repair the damage. It is equally as mort'.fyir.g to me particularly to addrefs you on this fubjecT, as it may be condtfc ending in you to reply to my ob- fervations ; but the crifis of political controverfy is fuch, that it is proper to bring individuals, who volunteer themfelves in oppofition to the prefent adminiftration, to explain the motives of their con- duel. The object of my addrefs is to prevent an improper bias at the moment of an election, and if poffible to bring the leaders of the federal party to an explicit avowal of their fentiments, be- fore the tribunal of the public. The republicans are willing to fubmit their caufe to an impartial inveftigation, and as you, fir, have prefumed to take the lead in oppofition to them, your filence will be confidered as an evidence of the imbecility of the caufe you efpoufe. No. LIX. ON THE MEASURES OF THE PRESENT ADMINISTRA- TION. What evil have they done ? X HE political controverfy in this country is unparalleled in the hiftory cf the world ; a government alTailed by the intrigues of a faclion who have no other pretence for their conduct, than the at- tempts of tire adminiftration to leiTen the taxes of the people, is a lingular phenomenon in fociety. This peculiar mode of creating spimofity among the citizens, is referved for a wonderful event On the Meatures of the No. LIX, of the prefent day ; it is a political paradox, and mull excite the admiration of Europe, as a circumftancc of a peculiar nature. The calumny daily bellowed upon the executive and a majori- ty of the legiflature, naturally calls upon the citizens to inquire, What eiikhave they done ? Why are fuch conflant alarms excited ? Why apers fo fraught with abufe and detraction againfl every man who appeaYs dcilrous to fupport the prefent govern- ment ? Why is- a party calling on the people to rally ? Why are they urging a feparation of the ftates, and endeavouring by every means to deftroy our confidence in the executive ? What evil have they done ? is a queftion which flill recurs. Where is the man who is injured by the meafures of government ? Is the merchant, trade/man or farmer injured by the deer cafe of taxes ? Even the flock-holder has no reafon to complain, as his quarterly demands are as punctually difcharged as when the government lorro-v:c! money at 8 per cent. Is it poffible then, that there can be a ferious difpofition in the people, to oppofe the prefent adminiflration ? If no man is injured, who is to begin the oppofition ? If no citizen i» aggrieved, who is to rife in arms, and under what ftandard are we to rally ? An ar- my in the field, wich all their military apparatus, in cppofition to a government which is relieving them from taxes, mull be as ridicu- lous as the vagaries of Don Quixote. It is poffible, however, that fome hiight-ermnt m:*y contemplate fuch a whimfical crufade, and fome Sancho Panza Hand ready to attend him in his enter- prise ; but the good fenfe of the people muK ever hold fuch wild extravagances in the utmoll dctellation. Prefidcnt Jefferfon, fince his inauguration into office, has by a fyftem of economy, laved the United States upwards of three millions of dollars ; and yet, Itrange to relate, has been abufed in the mofl outrageous manner, for the very meafures which effected it ! In- ftead of which, had he made an addition of this fum to the ex- penfes of the laft adminiflration, his prefent calumniators would have been his warmed advocates ; for it mull be remembered, that his opponents are of the " feci:," who hold the doctrine that * £ a public debt is n public bleffing ;" confequeritly, every dollar ex- pended is a pledge of that blejfmg, and every milling faved is the foreboding of a national curfc. If the Prelident, inftead of repeal- ing our internal taxes, had augmented them — inftead of difcharg- No. LiX. present Attihinistrativn. 239 ing a numerous body of ufelefs officers, had increafed them — in- stead of paying the ftockholders with the duties arifing from im- port only, had requefled a loan of millions, at 8 cr 10 percent, interefl : If he had done thefe things, the federal papers would have been crouded with congratulations on our national profperi- ty ; addrefTcs would have covered the prefidential table, and in all probability we fhould have been called on to revive the cockade, as the emblem of our attachment to his adminiflratior:. But, alas, it happens unfortunately for this clafs of gentry, that Mr. Jefferfon explodes the fentiment that " a public debt is a public blcffing" ; he does not wifli to place the happinefs of his country on this foundation ; this " modern pbVofophy" lie difowns ; he flud- ies the general welfare of his fcllov.--citizcns ; and is not defrrcus to heap bleffings on one clafs of men, by cuffing every other with taxes, This, fellow-citizens, is the evil which he hath dene — he has lef- fened the burden from the fhoulders of his conflituents, and has pledged himfelf that he will purfuc this line of conduct to the ex- tinguifliment of the public debt. Thefe are his crimes, and thefe are the fins of the prefect adminiftration — if any man is injured let him fpeak. Here, methinks, I hear a number of men exclaim, he has turned xs out of office. Alas, gentlemen, your cafes may be deplorable as to your particular private interefl ; but you mull confole your- felves, that the Prefident is not to act by partial, but by general laws. If you have had the good fortune for many years to live by your offices, it docs not follow, that you fhould continue in them, if the exigencies of the country do not require it. It may be a very " pretty thing" for you, to receive an annual compenfation arifing from the public taxes, but it would be a grievous tiling to thofe who pay them, if your ferviccs are no longer needed. If you enjoyed thefe bleffings for a number of years pafl, you ought rath- er to congratulate yourfelves that you have been fo far benefitted, than to cenfurc and condemn the government for not continuing you in office. The citizens are grateful, but not prodigal — we thank you for all the good you have done fmce your appointments, but you mud excufe us, if we are willing that the pay fhould flop, when your labours are wholly ufelefs. — Though fome of you are difplaced, and others take your births, yet mode fly fhould forbid you to exclaim againfl the Prefident ; for if he was flritfly tc l^o 0;: the Measure: of the No'. LIX. " lay juftice to the line and righteoufnefs to the plummet" he would extend his removals to a much greater length ; for why fhould thofe, oppofed to his adminiftration, enjoy his particular patronage ? The fcurrility againft the Prefident is fo grofs, and the caufes of complaint are fo abfurd, that I conceive it necelfary to apologize for ferioufly noticing them. The federal party* appear determined to place the United States in the moll derogatory point of view in the eyes of the European nations. While other powers are laying exorbitant taxes on their fubjefh — while England is bur- dening the people at the rifk of an infurredtion, the Eifex junto are endeavouring to raife a rebellion in America for leffening taxes. What can be the defign of this meafure ? The reafon is obvious, they wifh to convince the world, that "The People" are never fatisfied ; that there is as much oppofition in the republic of America, for decreafing taxes, as there is in the monarchy of Europe for increafing them. This faction are endeavouring to confound all governments ; to riot on the earnings of the induftrious, and if any complaint fhould arife to bring America as the voucher to prove, that The People are never eafy. Their plans are deep and fubtle ; they are rallying to overthrow the liberties of mankind, and every ftratagem is ufed to effect their diabolical purpofes. They wilh to prove, that the " people are their greatejl enemies." To prove my pofition, I would remark, that there is no more oppofition to the Britifh minrftry for augmenting taxes, than there is in America for lejfening them ; the Englifh papers are not more fevere againft the Britifh government, under the prefTure of taxes, than the federal papers againft the American government for the extinguifhment of them. Would it not then be a ftrange ftory in hiftory, if the people of England fhould rHe in arms to obtain an decreafe of taxes, and the citizens of America fhould at the fame time rally to increafe them ? It would be a curious chapter of accidents, for a recruiting fergeant in the city of London, to beat up for volunteers to feek a relief from taxes — while in Bofton, one fhould, with equal ardour, hold out the tempting inducement of an additional weight. This is a paradox ; but the " modern phi- lofophy" that " a national debt is a national bleffing," is the only hypothefis on which fuch an abfurdity can be fubftantiated, in this country. No. LIX. present Administration. 741 The ElTox fa&ion are not contented to lay heavy taxes upon us, but they are anxious for a divi/ion of the Northern and South- ern States. If this fliould take pl?ce, what would be our fituation ? The fhipping of the Northern States muft lay at the wharves, and Lritiih veflels would enjoy the exclufive privilege of the Car- rying-Trade : our fhip-carpcnters would fpeedily be obliged to lay by their tools ; and every tradefman in town, connected with navigation, muft retire into the country, or become an underling ill the llore of a Britain agent ; our young men, would be cut off from every commercial cntcrprize, and have the mortification of feeing Britifh fliips unloading Britifh manufactures in the Northern States, and from thence fent to the Southward for a freight of tobacco anil other valuable produce. Let us then, fellow-citizens, look around us, and inquire, whether an enemy is not doing this ? Who are the men that are urging a Reparation, and cenfuring the prefent adminiftration ? Tell me, whether among the whole number, there is an old tory who is not concerned in this bufinefs ? They pretend to call it federalifm, but the truth is, it is Toryism in difguifr ; it is the poifon of the old leaven, which threatened to " leaven the whole lump," during our revolution. The enemies of that day, ufed every effort to make us jealous of our patriots ; Hancock and Adams were then abufed fimilar to Mr. Jefterfon — our Congrefs Were ftigmatized as a banditti — the temple of juftice was then defcribed as having " every window broke and every door burft in" — the " friends to order" were then called on to roufe from their {lum- bers, and on the night of the 19th April, 1775, (when the unfuf- pecting citizens had retired to reft) they fallied out on the defence- lefs yeomanry, and ere the fun had riien to its meridian, embrued their hands in the blood of our flaughtered countrymen. At that time they endeavoured to divide the Northern and Southern States — but ** unite or die" was then our motto, and it is now as (bong a pledge of our fafety, under tire guidance of heaven, as the ark, amidft the deluge of the old world. Let us, then, fellow- citizens, be collected, be firm, and perfevering — rely on the good- nefs of your caufe and the rectitude of your conduit — dr.pend on it, heaven will never fuffer us to fdl a prey to ovr enemies, after ;.f~ Arts and Dtlusicns. ]\o. LX» fo many miracles wrought in our favour, during the diftreffing period of our revolution. No. LX. ■ A Etonaitdl a D ratio* I -IT mud be acknowledged that the junto hare one vali ia - ait in their political cl '■?.. to ttiat event ar'ifes in ur. In this parti ;ular, they adopt the peculiar policy of the Britiih miniftry, during their controvcrfy with France ; every fuccefs obtained by the Englifh (however infigniluant) was detailed in the government gazettes, as victories of the higheft magnitude ; the people were led to believe, that every meafure of the nation was fraught with the moft happy confequences, by partial ftatements of the defeats and difafters of their enemies. The tower-guns were often fired to announce victories of the moft brilliant nature, when die cabinet at St. James's were in poffeflion of documents of a very different complexion. The fpirit and enterprise of the nation were effential to the great object of their contention ; it has always been the invariable fyftem of the Englifh, to make the moll formidable appearance, when their affairs were in the moft defperate fituation. Daring the American war, this conduct was purfued with alacrity ; the Englifh papers were conftantly filled with anticipa- tions of a complete- conqueft of the colonics, and the capture of Burgoyne was precurfor'd with the vanquifhment of the American army ; Bunker-Hill battle was celebrated as the moft glorious dtfplay of* Britiih heroifm, and the poffeflion of that eminence was defcribed as commanding the moft extenfive fortreffes of America, During the French revolution, how often have we heard of the total difaffecYion of the French army ? Bonaparte has fuffered as many deaths, a? Mary Magdalene had devils ; he has bee 1 - No. LX. 243 affaffinated, eaten, famifhed, dr awned, frozen, poifoned, blown tip, and burnt in his camp ; the Mamelukes and crocodiles of Egypt have alternately triuJ over his c arc ale ; and the ipartc has fometiznes been buried in the funds, and at other limes devoured !>_> afts and birds of prey, for the amufement oi miniflerial hirelings, and to deceive and gull the people. Thus have the Britifl) purine;! a fyftem of delufion, and have by thele means urged the nation to proiccute their chimerical projects, till ecu faHehood bad loft its energies. The Elfcx junto i:i this country have adopted mexfures, fimilar in almoil all inflances with thofe of their adherents in Europe ; every Ibatagem has beer, prattiied, every mode of deception has been profecuted ; plots and eonfpiracies were daily announced, as "clues" to more difaftr-oua difcoyeries. As fail as one falfehdod was difcoveied, another was immediately circulated ; our elections were ever attended with freili details of alarming apprehtnfions, and the people have at theie periods, been excited to exercife their fufFrages under imprefllous, that a " tub-plot" was about to blow up the continent, or that a body of Illuminati were undermining every church in die Union : fome of the clergy feemed to apprehend that a Guy Faux was fecreted in every avenue leading to the places of public worfhip. Thefe idle tales at length began to grow too ftalc for belief, and their effects were loft among the body of enlightened citizens. True, however, to their defigns, the junto perfilled in their plans to roufe the fears of the citizens ; having exhauiled their ingenuity to create new ftories of " Ocean maffacres," &c. they at length rallied their whole force, and con- centrated all dieir efforts in the cry of a " French demand l n This was their ne plus ultra ; this was their mafter-piece of policy ; here they fuppofed they had touched the manly fpii it of the Americans ; a demand ! a demand ! was echoed and re-echoed through the Union — a demand ! a demand ! was proclaimed in every city, town and village within the noithern ftates — a demand ! a demand I flew like electricity throughout MafTachufetts ; and on the day of elec- tion, though the tremor had fomewhat fubfided within die circle of information, yet the agitation of the public mind had not totally evaporated ; like a fhock of an eardiquake, it left an un- dulating motion, which gave an opportunity to die projectors of 2+*,. Arts and Delusions. No. LX. the report, to effect in an extenfive degree, the pernicious purpofes contemplated. Since theie difluibers" of our peace have been de- tected in this diabolical icheme, they have given it a more Favour- able appellation ; they have modcitly called it a " loam," which wears quite a different afpect than what they endeavoured to imprefs on the public mind by " a demand, ivith twelve fail of the line to enforce it !'' This ftory, however, turned out a falfehood in every particular, as the French, fo far from demanding a loan., (with a threat of twelve fail to carry it into execution) have not even requejled a Cent from our government. Thus falls to the ground the ", mam- moth" plot of a " French demand." Baffled in every cucumii:;nce on this fubject, they are obliged to cover their deform' i s. by faying that "they intended to rcquc ft. a loan." Tins, h< \ ver, is a miferable apology for the hue and cry of a " demand," and the terrors of twelve fail of the line to enforce it. If they intended to make this requeft, happy are we that the prztvefs of the i .in, who " prayed for war," has inlunidated them from their reqnih- tion. The EfTex junto, after being defeated in all their de- signs, have at length refumed courage by the election in Boflon. They now run about the ftreets in frantic ecftacies^ affemble on the Exchange with a majeftic deportment, and collect: at corners in an hoflile attitude, for the purpof'e of vociferating with Stentorian lungs, that federallfm is gaining an afce'ndancy in the refpective States ; as an evidence of which, their firft de- claration announced that Colonel Thomas was not chofen in New-York ; but in two days the Editor of the Centinel was obliged to contradict the falfehood in his own paper, by informing the good people that this fame Colonel Thomas obtained upwards of nine hundred votes majority, in this effort they were foon fruflrated, and there remains but one folitary refort, viz. the elecHon in the metropolis. But the fallacy of this expectation will foon be realized. The idea that the people of Bofton have changed their political fentiments, is alfo fallacious ; the votes, either as it refpects Governour, Senators or Reprefentatives, are no teft of federal principles, as the confufion and diforder which arofe on the Irft election by the throng paffing to the boxes, gave an pppot No. 1,X. Arts and Delusions. *45 (unity for thofe who were difpefed to violate the equal fuffi of tbe*citizens, to put their plans into execution. The tumult was io outrageous, that it was out of the power of the J eki! nun to prevent an improper croudtng upon them, and it is publicly aflferted by a refpeclable tradefrriah, that he faw three men put a handful of voles into the box, during- the general feramble. The laft election was more orderly proiecutcd, the felectmen have ever fhewn a difpofition to accommodate the citizens, but the difficulty which attends voting, and the time which it takes to be regularly cheeked, prevented a large proportion of the republican tradefmeu from coming forward on the election of Reprefentatives. The choice, therefore, in this town is more owing to accident than any real change of political fentiment among the inhabitants. If any fpeciKc queftion was brought before the town, relating to the prcicnt adminiftration, there is no doubt the junto would be leit in the minority. They are always fearful of a public in- veltigation of Mr. JcrFerfon's conduct, and choofe to confine their caucuiTes within a fmall room, rather than to appear in the ample ipace ot Faneuil-HaiL Notwithftanding all thefe evidences of the problematical (late of the town, y^t now, forfooth, the Reprefentatives of Bofton are going to raiie the " fetting fun of federalifm." The cry is, we have this great mar., and that great man in the Legillature ; and that the feat laft year was not honourably filled, we had no talents, no honcfty, and that one hundred thoufand dollars tax was laid on the town by the inerficacy of the memoei s ; but this year we lhall have honourable men, all honourable men, gentlemen of veracity ; and above all, we are to be honoured with a Speaker from Bofton. Thus every thing is planned with the utmoft accuracy for the a- doption of the Legifiature. Now federalifm is reviving, and the country members ate under a forcible direction from the " head- quarters of good principles ;" if there arc any oppofers it is proba- ble they will be called a " contemptible minority" ; the " honoura- ble men" wdl fet their faces againft them, and like Jofhua of old will arreft the fettitig fun of federaiifm. Here I would paufe and inquire what is the real meaning of federalifm, in oppofition to the adminiftration of Mr. JefFcrfon ? Does federalifm confift in an extravagant expenditure of public iiioncy ? a (landing army ? an 8 per cent, loan ? a continuance of 2+6 To the " Totutg Mat* in ; turn. No. LXI. internal taxes, whereby Maflachufetts paid eighty thousand dollars, :md Virginia only forty thou land dollais ? a fupernumcraiy body of officers to erjeate . .1 patronage, and whofe pay exhaulr- ed a large pro] the income ? Is it federal ifm to calumni- ate the President, abufe every oflicer of government, vilify the ma- jority of Congrcfs, raife the refentment of the French, and court the fmiles of the Engliflb ? to encourage thoufands of Britifh refi- dents to monopolize the trade with England, and to ilarve oul young American citizens, to feed thofe who fcarcely pay a Ihiliiog while they are vending the fame ai tides imported by our own merchants ? If this is federalism, it is impoffible that it mould long proiper — the young men will quickly feel the effects of this poli- cy. If this is federalifm— if this is the " riling fun" which i> Tauntingly proclaimed as diiluling its benign efficacy, depend on it, my young friends, that its genial warmth will never promote your happinels ; it will baffle your hopes ; your enterprize will be fruf- trated ; the cultivation of the foil will not extend your growth ; the harv«ft will redound to Britons, while you will be left in the field of commerce, like vegetables Dialled by an untimely froft. No. LXI. TO THE " YOUNG MAN, IN THE PALLADIUM. 1 HAVE riad your performance with ccnfiderable attention, and am forry you have difcovered fo great a degree of acrimony in your obfervations. — Truth is of fuch a delicate texture, that it mufl be fought for in the calm recefles of reflection, rather than in the turbulent effufions of the paffions. The ornament of a young man is madefy, and when he overleaps the boundary of decency, he expofes himfelf more to pity than refpecTful attention. If you have any objections to my remarks, it would be more becom- ing to point out tlje impropriety of them, than to retort in a lan- guage which conveys an idea that your manners have not been im- proved by your education ; prefuming ? however, that you have ven- No. LXI. To the " Young Man" in the Palladium. 24-/ tured in public in order to obt;iin information, and being unwil- ling to difappoint you in your laudable defign, I iha.ll wave, for the prefent, my own reflections, on the baneful tendency of Britjjhfatlors enjoying the fame commercial benefit* with our own citizens, and recom- mend to your candid perufal the circular letter, written by ibme of oui moll refpectable mercantile characters in the year 1785. This letter has often been publifhed, but as it contains fafls of the moft interefting nature ; as it expretfes the fentiments of men who are well acquainted with our ccr.imevchl relations ; as the meafurcs recommended wctc the bafis on which our federal govera- ment was founded ; as the debates in the feveral ftate conventions (during its adoption) principally contemplated the necelhty of fome " checks and%alances," on the European trade : For thefc reafons, I prefume it will not be thought improper at this time to recommend this important document to your confideration, or even to recommend its being read annually in our town-meetings. It is fo particularly defcriptive of the prefent ftate of our country, I flatter myfclf, while it communicates to you that knowledge of which you appear at prefent fo deilitute, it will ferve to revive thofe fentiments among the citizens at large which actuated the merchants of Bo'lon at that eventful period. However, " young man," if the letter mould fail to convince you of your error, I fhall only requeft that your refenlment will hereaf- ter be levelled on the gentlemen who diffeminated thefe principles by a circular letter, (even if feme of them have apoftatized) rather than on one who is only a profelyte to the truths which it con- tains. When you arrive at the age of maturity, you will know the difference between thofe induftrious emigrants, who arrive in Ame- rica for the purpofe of improving our manufactures, cultivating the foil, and whofe object is ^permanent rr/rdenct, and the mere transient hawkers who only refide in the commercial towns, for the fole pur- pofe of vending their goods, to the injury of our merchants, who pay little or no taxes, whofe refidence is fo temporary, that they are not afraid to hazard their reputation by erroneous entries in the cuftom-houfe, and who will in time deftroy all the regular impor- tation of our own citizens. If the young men of the prefent day are more enlightened and liberal than the merchants whofe fignatures accompany the Ad- *4 S The political Phenomenon. No". L"XI r - drcfs, or if they are perfuaded they can rife fuperior to all the con- fequences anticipated by thoie gentlemen, yet I am perfuaded there is fo much candor reading in the breafts of the youth of this me- tropolis, that they will not confidcr me as " their enemy," though I may be thought too officious in warning them of the danger con- templated by fome of the moft diftinguiihed patriots at that alarm- ing crihs. If the young American, with his wife and family, feel difpof- ed to have a Scotch fadlor or an Engliih agent enjoy equal com- mercial advantages with themfelves, it is a misfortune foi v- liich I am not anfwerable, or think that the man who deprecates the ten- dency arifing from fuch evils is " their enemy," I mult fubmit to die implication ; but let me affure fuch inconiTCrate revilers, that tlie time will foon arrive when they will/tr/ the effects of their fol- ly, and be o/diged to acknowledge the man who forewarns them of the evii as their befl friend. No. LXIL THE POLITICAL PHENOMENON'. 1 HE prcfent flate of politico in this country, mud exhibit the United Stales as a phenomenon in the view of European nations. To obferve individuals in a republican fociety contending again ft thofe vital principles, on which its legitimate permanency mud exift to read publications fraught with the moll malignant calumny againft the man who is defirous to fubftantiate the full energy of thofe doctrines, which have ever been confidered as the bulwark of a free government — to fee papers which are ftyled federal, proftituted to the bafe purpofe of diflblving the Union ! — to find toads circulated around the feftive board, tending to excite lihe moft abhorrent paffions, and countenanced by clerical characters, who profefs to inculcate the benign maxim of " peace on earth and good will towards men"— to hear the full-toned organ (dedicated to hymns of praife and thankfgiving to the No. I.XII- The political Phenomenon. 249 great Ruler of the univerfe) leading in difcordant notes to the Sanguinary fong of blood and carnage among the citizens of the respective States ! Initead of the angel of peace, to portray •* the amputating knife," in the temple of Him, who declared, that " whofocver drew the (word fhould perifh by the (word !" To notice the hypocrify of thofe, who, while they pretend to eulogize Wafhington, are deftroying the great Legacy of Union, which he bequeathed at the laft moments of his exiftence ! To obferve the bafe intrigues of men, who by falfehood and decep- tion miilcad the honcil yeomanry and tradefmen of Malfachnfetts, New-Hamplhire, and Connecticut, to counteract the principles fo earneftly recommended by this departed patriot ! When, fellow- citizens, we view thefe things fyjlc mat: c ally purfued, have we not reafon to paufe and examine the characters who are doing the mifchief i In the firfl place, if we look through the town of Bofton, can we find one man who was oppofed to the revolution, but what t& a reviler of Prefident JeiFeribn ? Or, is there one man among them, wlio was - inimical to Wafhington, during the war, but what is now in oppofition to Jefferibn l — Thefe men treated Wafhing- ton, during our revolution, in the fame manner they now do Jefferfon. Did they not reprefent him as the leader of an intol- erant faction ? Was not his conciliatory conduct treated with every indignity ? — Were not his attempts to relieve us from Inter- nal Brliljh taxes, conhdered as infringing on the prerogative of King, Lords, and Commons ? — Was not his oppofition to the eftablifhjnent of a Judiciary, the judges of which were to remain permanent under the pay of the crown, denounced by the then Britifh faction, as a violation of the Gonftkution ? Was not the declaration of independence, though functioned by the fignature of Hancock and enforced by the iword of Wafhington, called the " fpeaking trumpet of lebcllion" ? Were we not then called upon, in the fame tone of energy which now defignates a Morris or a Bayard, to " paufe, for heaven's fake paufe" ? Were not the patriots of Congrefs denounced as a body of infurgents, and were not the American army deftined to the gibbet, in cafe their prcwefs had .not been equal to the great objects of our Independence ■ H h 2J3 The political r • ... ' No. LXII, If vc had not focceeded, Samuel Adam-, John Hancock • -;c Washington and a hoil of • uld have been . in the American hiftory, in the point of as Prefident Jcffcrfon now flands i . oted to a jiin*. . -very tracter within the United St Id any ;-. in the time vt tfie re 1 • be now counte- nanced by this patty, it would ! to bis eat caufe wh ; :h 1 and gave him a political reputation. inftance, the junto have Supported the old rfa ■ patriots fo far, and no farther than they have renounced their republican creed. Though a man might at thole J. a feudal fyftem, yet if he is now in favour of an hefeditai »nt and fenate, they will receive him into full comnnv:. The prefent controvcrfy is net merely an oppofition to Mr. Ton, it is no more nor lefs than the outrageous etrafions of the enemies of our revolution, againft republfcanifm ; they may • :n the pill with federal ifm, to make it palatable, but depend on it the moft component parts are the poifqnous ingredients of tvryifm. Thefe people find that the Prefident is reverting to original principles ; they are anxious therefore to rally under colours ; they cry out Wajhmgtont and, like Judas, would falute him " hail, matter, and kifs him," but, at the fame time, would if in their power, crucify him and every man who profefles to be his difciple. The tones always (poke one language — they do not argue, But declaim ; they do not reafon, but denounce ; they do not npt to convince, but alarm. They declared in 1775 that we had broken the Conftitution ; that deilrueuon would follow our oppofition to Britain ; that we ought to pay taxes ; that it was proper to have a (landing arm)- ; that a numerous body of officers, to live on the earnings of the people, were congenial with liberty ; that a republican government was a volcano, which generated in its bofom the lava of its dhfolution. They attempted to di!folve the union of the States, by (hutting up the port of Bofton, and giving exclufive privileges to the other fea-ports ;. they fpread alarms among the people, and kept the continent in . LXIL political Phcn::. one conflant ftate of perturbation ; they told us chat Adam Hancock were trail ?iary, paid by the ci • nglifh liberty. Is it not n itizens,to e -.he dengr.s of thi • Ion the prefent admin- titration I Why is di Ivocated as the defideratum ci public happinefs ? Why is I rented with i'uch pointed dtfrefpecl : Arc you diitreJled by being relieved from taxes? Is the r< .icife on dillilled fpirits injurious, when on the commencement of tl.is tax, Governcur Strong and Mr. Dalton, itors from this Su'- >ppofed to the meafure ? li we now fey the repeal is unjuRiaable, we condemn Governour Strong, as he was, from the firil ... . >ion of thh aft, in die oppoiition. idvaatageous to our citizens, when wc paid 8c,coc dollars, and Virginia only 40.000 ? Can it be beneficial for us J"o continue a tax which took twenty dollars out of every hundred to fupport 'he various officers for collecting it, and which amount- ed to i8o,oco yearly ; every cent of which is faved to the people by abolifhing the fyftcm ? Every other part of the interna] saxes fell largely on the New-England States, and yet the tory faction are attempting to lenew the i'yilem, under the deceptive plea, that we are to be benefitted by the meafure. The judiciary is another fource of complaint againft the Pres- ident. But is there a man in the United States who willies to extend this department of our government ? Where is the man who candidly thinks that the bench and the bar, (though ref- peftable as men) have not already their full preponderancy of weight in die community ? Yc who attend our courts, and yc who have caufes depending, examine the records and your own bills of cod, and then anfwer whether the liberties and happinefs of America depend on an extenfion of judiciary prerogative i The man who has a difpofition to abufc the prefent adminiftration, for this timely check of profeilional influence, mull have been peculiarly fortunate in not being obliged to pafs the ordeal of a law-fuit, othcrwife the evidence would have been too forcible on his mind and purfe to admit a doubt as to the propriety of the repeal. To illuflrate this remark, let the will of WaJliington fpeak ; as he therein declares, diat all controverfies as they related to bis ejlate, fiiould " be decided by three impartial and difmteieft- 252 The political Phenomena. No. LXIf. ed men." This is the deliberate voice of him in whom " all hearts wiiteJ." Who then can controvert the principle ? Who then can vilify Honestus ? Have ye, fellow-citizens, gone to your homes, after attending a Circuit or Diilrict Court, and bewailed the weaknefs and imbe- cility of the judiciary, as it relates to any one officer within the whole department ? If it is true that the happinefs of our coun- try wholly depends on giving further energy to the judiciary, in the name of liberty and independence, let us rally round this neglected and enfeebled part of our government — let us anath- ematize the Prefident and Congrefs — let us commence a crufade to Wafhington-City, and under the banners of the judiciary, to the tune of " Rule New-England," let us entrench ourfelves within pirtol-fhot of the Legiflative and Executive — thus embodied and embattled, let us fend in the articles of capitulation, and peremp- torily demand an unequivocal compliance with our willies ! To fhew the unreafcnablenefs of the attack on Prefident Jefferfon's conduct, let us fuppofe that he had been at the head of the adminrtration the laft four years ; that the public debt had increafed, though the revenue had been fo abundantly productive from the European war ; that he had raifed .an army evidently unneccflary at the period of its eftablifhment ; that he had bur- dened the citizens with excifes, ftamp duties, and a direct tax ; that he had borrowed money at the unprecedented intereft of 8 per cent. Suppofe he had purfued a fyftem of expenditure upon a fcale fimilar to the above items, in moft of his tranfactions — fhould we not confider it a happy event, if Mr. Adams had been chofen and in a few months had adopted meafures exaclly conformable to the prefent adminiftration ? Would not the people have thought it was a change for the better ? Would they not have reafon to be thankful, that the finances of govern- ment were adequate to all our purpofes, while they felt themfelves relieved from fuch a number of burthenfome taxes ? This is a fair ftatement of the queftioa, and if the ErTex junto deny it, let them ftate their objections. ' Why then, fellow-citizens, is all this rancorous temper excited ? How degrading muft we appear in Europe, to find us abufing the man, whofe whole conduct appears directed to the public good ! It is impoffible, that the real friends to our country are th- No. LXI1I. Steady Halms, 253 authors of that calumny which daily appears in our papers — they mud be enemies, lurking in our fea-ports and interior, men who are baffled in their defigns to eftahlifh themfelves and fam- ilies on the run of our general prefperity. Let us be collected, cool and deliberate, and by perJevertHg in the glorious caufe of: republicanifm, we mull obtain the victory ; we fliall " rife con- querors, yea more than conquerors," over the diflurbers of our national quietude — we fhall finally triumphantly fing, tf - Columbians never, never jl.cU le Paves /" No. LXIII. STEADY HABITS." lN all controverfies, either religious or political, the parties gener- ally adopt fome laconic terms, which give celerity and facility in profecuting their favourite tenets. Orthodoxy has had a wonderful effecl: in theological difputes ; for who can be oppofed to orthodoxy P Who can be an enemy to the true faith ? The Calvinift claims this appellation ; the Socinian enlifts under this banner ; the Univer- lklift pleads orthodoxy as the ground-work of his profeflion ; and even the Shaker exclaims," orthodoxy'! orthodoxy !" — Thus, in religion, we are oftentimes led by founds, without attending to realities. Controverfies have oftener originated from attachment to names, than from fpiritual improvement and information ; abufe and fcurrility are frequently the weapons of oppofition, and the purity of the fubject is commonly loft in the impurity of the language. Calumny never made a profelyte, though it generates hypo- crites ; a man who feeks popularity by facrificing principle, may accommodate himfelf to a leading party, but he who has no other monitor than his own confeience, views with the utmeft indiffer- ence the frowns of his enemies, and obferves with ineffable con- tempt the bafe defigns to injure his reputation. The whole hiftory of the bible is fraught with fimilar fentiment, and when thofe who No. LXI1I. pretend to prefefc docti ines contained in that holy record, calum- niate as orators and defame a r, fo far from fubftantiating profefs, are, (like the hypocrites emphati- libedin that facred volume) " : 259 No. LXIV. THE CHURCH IN DANGER ! ! " SHOULD the infidel Jefferson be elecled to the Prefidency, the feal of death is that moment Jet on our holy Religion^ our churches will be pro/hated, and fome infamous proftitute, under the title of the Goddcfs of Reafon, will prcjide in the Santluaries now devo- ted to the Mojl High." New-England Palladium. " THIS unholy fpirit of Atbeifm has already deteriorated the polit- ical and moral condition of this country, and flill menaces our hopes t privileges and pojfeffions." Mr. Emerfon's 4th of July Oration. X HE public mind has been fo long " deteriorated" by alarms and apprehenfions, that it is proper to arreft the attention of the citizens, to a candid reflection upon the above paragraphs. In a fociety, compofed of men influenced by the precepts of religion, ir is natural to fuppofe, when the caufe cf chrijlicnity is threatened with annihilation, that every ferious member will be roufed in its vindication. No wonder the federalifts built their expectations on Connecticut and the Northern States ; for if the election of Mr. Jefferson was to " feal with death our religion, proftrate our churches, and fome infamous proftitute was to prefide in the fanc- tuaries devoted to the Mod High," it was full time for every religious " feet" to put on the whole armour " both of faith and practice." This is a high charge againft the Prefident, but like all other effufions of fanaticifm, it falls by the preflure of its own weight. Fellow-citizens — Let us for a moment condefcend to reafon with thefe men, who thus deprecated the election of Mr. JefFerfon. He has been elected nearly eighteen months, and I would afk them 260 The Church in Danger. No. LXIV. in what inftance has " the feal of death been Jet on our holy religion" ? In what city, town, or parifh, has " the church been proftratcd" ? In what ftate has " an infamous proftitute prefided in the fanc- tuaries of the Moft High" ? The pious Palladium faid thefe things would take place at " the moment Mr. Jefferfon was elected," and yet he has been Prefident nearly eighteen months and not one particular has turned out in conformity to its prediction ! The federalists have of late become fo infignificant in their obfervations, and expole themfelves fo grofsly by their abfurdities, that they are fcarcely worthy a ferious reply ; for my own part, they are not viewed as antagonists ; they are become rather the. fport of fatirc, than the fubjects of argument. The controverfy is fo unequal, that it is rather condefcenfion that excites in me the common civility of refutation ; — would a man, who values his reputation, prefume to argue with thofe, who fo often expofe them- felves to ridicule ? The pith and marrow of the whole federal " feet" are confol- idated to the terrific charge, that Mr. Jefferfon's election will en- danger religion. Tlii: dreadful prediction, is proclaimed through the confecraied medium of the New-England Palladium. This infallible oracle receives an additional influence, by being edited by a Connecticnt genius, who lately difplaycd his fcientific kji edge, by inferting a receipt to make a ivhortle-lsrry (vulgarly called buckle-berry,) pudding ? While he is thus anxious for a good puddings we cannot but fuppofe he will be equally attentive to the moral virtues. When, therefore] it is declared, in a paper which travels by the bounty of federal charity into the manfion of almoft every clergyman in New-England, that if Mr. jefferfon is chofen Prefident, the churches will be proftratcd, and that fome hag will prefide in the fanctuaries of the Moft High, can we won- der that a temporary infatuation has bewildered the well-difpofed citizens, and that a faction of old tories, fliould have excited a tranfient difguft againft the man who penned that declaration which fevered America from the fangs of Britain ? I have endeavoured, fellow-citizens, to treat every fubject with deliberate con fide rati on ; but you mull excufe me if I indulge a humorous excurfion on the prefent occafion. Pray, pious editor, from whence did your diftrcfling forebodings axife ? who were the pioneers, armed with weapons of destruction, to level the churches I No. LXIV. The Church in Danger. 261 who were the notaries, to fet the feal cf death on our holy religion ? who were the artificers, to fafhion out the image of the Goddefs of Reafon, and who were the banditti to erecT: it in the temple of the Moft High ? The abfurdity of your declaration is evidenced by thefe inquiries, and yet you have folemnly told the citizens, that " at the moment" Mr. Jefferfon was chofen, thefe evils would take place ! Can you fuppofe that the people are fo ignorant as to credit your abfurdities ? Has there been any attempt to accomplifh your prophecies ? What church is threatened with proftration ? What reverend prelate is under bonds or imprifon- ment ? Is any fubordinate member of the church Suffering per- secution ? Are not your clergy as well paid now as when Mr. Adams was Prefident ? Has any fociety lowered their annual falary ? Are the reverend parlors called on to do more duty than formerly ? or has the " arduous work of the minirtry" increafed ? Have we heard of any "innovations' 1 to lefTen the income of the church ? If thefe things have not taken place, what can be the meaning of the pious Palladium in denouncing the people as fub- verters of order and religion ? Since the fettlement of this coun- try, the clergy never lived eafier than at the prefent day. It is ungenerous then to be abufing the people as atheifts, dcifts, and diforganizers, when their whole conduct proves the fallacy of fuch epithets. So far from churches being " proflrated" new ones are daily erefting ; propofals for building meeting-houfes are more frequent in our newfpapers than formerly. In Bofton we mall foon fee the New-North rife more glorious than the former temple ; if we proftrate an eld church, it is to raife a more fplendid new one in its place. Since Mr. Jefferfon's election, we find religion is as highly rated as ever ; fome focieties are liberal in procuring pajlors, while others are as tenacious in eftimating them at their full value ; even the old-fafhioned pride is banifhed, of crouding all refpedable families in the broad-aiflc and on the lower floor, and gallery pews are now fought for with the greateft avidity. In fhort, every thing about the churches looks as flourifhing fince the election of Mr. Jefferfon as before ; inftead of beholding " an infamous pro/litute , ' prefix- ing in our Sanctuaries, they were never more ornamented with ladies, comely in their attire, and attractive in their deportment. 26z The Church in Danger. No. LXIV. Thtfe things being facts, is it not furprifing that a man from Connecticut mould make a declaration fo contrary to truth ? that he fhould raife a falfe alarm, and put the whole Chriilian church into confternation ? Or, how can any man, clothed in facerdotals, ufly afTert, that " atheifm is deteriorating the moral and re- ligious condition of this country," when every appearance carries fuch ftrong conviction to the contrary, and when he knows there is not one profejfed athe'tjl on the continent ? How can we reconcile thefe declarations, when the revival of religion is fo powerful (ftated in the Evangelical Magazine) as to " knock down" by the terror of the law, thoufands of men, women and children ? How are we menaced with an annihilation of all morality, when " whole forelts are illuminated with lamps" to guide the heavenly pilgrims to the place of worfhip ? When men thus impofe on the public, it is but juflice to the caufe of virtue and religion to notice their ab- furdities, to expofe their folly, and hold them up as objects of derificn. A trifling parade of aflumed confequence ; a pedantic difplay of clafllcal erudition, interfperfed with a few vitiated pronuncia- tions of the American dialect, may give a perfon a vaft idea of his own importance ; but men of cool reflection eafily difcover the gauze covering, which fcreens fuch pretenders from the pub- lic eye. It 16 worthy of obfervation, that every prediction of the feder- alists has proved falfe, as it related to Mr. Jeffcrfon's election. They not only told us that religion was to be banifhed from our ■ ry, but that the public credit would be facrificed, and that commerce would be wholly unprotected. Inftead of which, re- Tt?um has rifc.n to an uncommon elevation, if the accounts of the Miffionaiy Societies can be credited; the public Jlocls are high- er than for many years, and our remaining mips of war have protected our Mediterranean trade, even beyond what they did when their numbers were much larger. Fellow-citizens ! — Be no longer deceived ; affume your wonted pofition ; kt not fanalicifm on one fide, and apathy on the other, lead you from your duty ; act like men in deliberation, and like hrcthren in decificn ; your enemies are few, though violent in their cppofition ; they buz like a difturbed hive, but their clamours muft eventually ceafe. They want an expenfive government, and I No. LXV. The World turned Upside down. 26*3 the queftion is (imply this, Are the People in favour of taxes, when they are not needed ? Let the queftion be taken throughout the Northern States — yea or nay — Ye who are in favour of heavy taxes, pleafe to manifeji it ? If the tories want to know the public opinion on this fubjeft, let them try it in town-meeting, or even at Vila's caucus. No. LXV. THE WORLD TURNED UPSIDE DOWN ! ! *' Tbofe men, who have turned the world upfide down, have come hither alfo." IS it pojjible, that the chriftian difpenfation fhould raifc a formi- dable oppofition from men who pretended to difown all worldly grandeur and emoluments, and who lived in expectation of a re- ward in another world ? But however paradoxical it may appear, yet the only antagonifts which gave our Saviour or his difciples any trouble, were thofe who profefTed the greater! concern for re- ligion, and who lived within the purlieus of the altar. The whole, hiftory of the chriftian fyftem is a narrative of the fcandalous treat- ment of the chief priefts, fcribes, and Pharifees, towards its pro- feflbrs. They were followed by a body of perfecutors, who were conftantly exciting the public refentment againft them. The ene- mies of our Saviour profecutcd their plans with fuch infidious art, as even to gain over, by bribery, one of his difciples, to betray him. He was early purfued by Church and State : for Herod began his fanguinary purpofes by murdering the infants in Beth- lehem. When that failed of the object contemplated, Satan, im- mediately upon his baptifm, in a courteous ftrain of adulation. tempted him. After the powers of earth and hell had exhaufted all their ftratagems to enfnare and deftroy him, he began his mif Gon by preaching on the mount, and from that eminence made a )&+ The World turned Upside dotun. No. LXVi fokmn declaration of the benign principles of his mifllon ; he re- commended his miniftration by afts of kindnefs and beneficence ; healing all manner of difeafes, and evidencing his divinity by figns and miracles, which gave a luftre to the philanthropy of his char- after. Is it pojiblc, then, that any oppofition could arife againft a fyftem which difplayed fuch complacency in its Author ? Should we expect to find among his opponents, thofe who profefTed to fludy the happinefs of mankind, or feemed devoted to the caufe of virtue and religion ? But the hi (lory informs us, " that when the chief priefts, fcribes and Pharifees faw the things which he did, they were difpleafed, and from that time fought to lay hands on him ; but they faired the people.''* The Pharifees alfo took counfel " how they might entangle him in his talk." They began their artifice by queftioning him, whether it was lawful to give tribute to CjEsar. ? They were preparing to entrap him that he was not Cafar's friend ; but our Saviour, though thus furrounded by a pmtoy boldly began his oppofition, by denouncing them as hypo- crites and deceivers. The Sadducees next came forward, " who fay, there is no refurrection ;" thus combining Church and State, as it related to taxes to Caefar, and the final retribution of man- kind. The money-changers, it is probable, were greatly difturbed in confequence of being " whipped out of the temple ;*' they therefore allied themfelves with the Sadducees, in order to form a federal connexion with this powerful ** feci." The Pharifees feemed greatly alarmed, when they found he had put the Sadducees to fdence, and they gathered together and deputized a lawyer to a(k him a queftion, for the purpofe of tempting him. After he had cofounded this lafl tempter, (from " the bar,") no man was able to anfwer him a word, neither durft any man, from that day forth, a(k him any more queflions. As foon, therefore, as our Saviour had defeated the fcribes, Pharifees, Sadducees, chief priefts, Satan, and the lawyer, he began to fpeak to the people and his difciples. He appears, at this period of his miniftra- tion, convinced of the oppofition which he was to encounter, and therefore began his mifllon by warning them of the deceptive arts of thofe who had long deceived them under the mafk of hypocri- fy. Matthew, in his 23d chapter, (which I recommend to my readers to perufe) begins his narrative in a mod triumphant man- ner : after defcribing the complete victory of our Saviour over his Ino'. tXV. The World turned Upside down. 26$ antagonists, he goes on, " Then fpake he to the multitude (which fhews that he did not confider " the people" as " wolves," or them' /elves as their " woril enemies") faying, the fcribes and Pharifees let in Mofcs' feat, but do not ye after their works ; for they fay % and do not ; they bind heavy burdens, and lay them on men's fhoulders, but they themfehes will not move them with one of their fingers ; they love the uppei'moft rooms at feafts, and the chief feats in the fynagogue, and greetings in the market place, and to be called of men, Rabbi, rabbi." After defcribing thefe perfons i'n their proper characters, he goes on for 39 verfes, calling them hypocrites, devoureis of widows' houfes, children of hell, blind guides, extortioners, whited fepulchres, ferpents, generation of vipers, perfecutors of ntife men, and finally clofes with this tremen- dous denunciation — " on whofe head be all the righteous Hood, fhed on the earth, from the blood of Abel unto the blood of Zacharias, lbn of Barachias, whom they flew between die temple and the altar." The Chriftian fyftem being thus oppofed to all the hypocrify and intrigue of defigning men, to a phalanx of church andflatc, to all thofe who found it their intereft. to deceive the multitude, (to whom our Saviour preached) can we wonder that they combined in a federal affociatkn to deftroy the efficacy cf his doctrines, depre- ciate his reputation, and reprefent him and his followers as " turn- ing the world upfide down" ? Can we fuppoie that any cordiality could ever exift between Him, who told the people (whom they had before held in fubjection and dread) that they were deceivers and apoftates ? No ; " for it came to pais immediately after he had finiihed all thft Jayings, that the chief prie/ls a,J fcribes alfembled iu die palace of the bjgh prie/l, arid conluhed how they might take by fubilcty, and kill him ; they faid, not on the feaft-dav, left there be an Uproar amo?ig Toe People." la all this divine ftory, •. ire feeois to be two parties ; the people in favour, and the chief , &c. in oppofition. Till, at length, by the bafeft practices of bribery .md puriecution, (as in the inltance of thruiling out ths man cured of his blindncfs) they excited the fears of the populace, by crying out that religion was in danger ; that his followers were not Ctfar'i friends ; and that he was a" peftilent fellow." By fuch inflammatory declarations, they fo far perfuaJed the people to K 1: No. LX ;pt to his crucifixion, as even to demand the releafe of Barab-J b.^s, : ir Saviour. The " reign of tenor," at that time, mull hai . raoft vindictive nature ; for thofe who d the efficacy of his miracles, were in •■/ neral afraid n his vindication. Nicodemus (though a ruler) dare not make liis vints bui in the moft fe< of the night. Ji cautious how far be acknowledged Him openly ; and not till after the higheft manifeftatioas oi ity"j did he dare to beg the body, to be placed in his fep.ul.chre. Under this preflure of . cannot he furpri.eci that the multil became the revilcrs of Him and his apoftles. The clergy of that day, no doubt, preached fer- mons to influence die public mind. The mulitude were told, that he meant to fubvert all religipn ; that lie was a defpLfer of ordi- nances ; that He abufed the * ; and that all property, all the churches, and every veftige of piety and morality would be annihilated. On all public occahons, it is probable, the u lawyer who tempted him" would be declaiming that the courts of jullice would be abolifhed, and that he had denounced the whole fanhedrin of judges as hypocrites and devourers of widows' houfes. When He, and his apoilles, preached up peace on earth, and good will towards me::, the fycophants of the clerical party confounded every appeal to common fenfe, by crying out, " Great is Diana of the Ephefians." Such was their influence in exciting the public odium, that even Paul and Silas were mobbed in Thef- falonica, as men " turning the world upjlde down." The enemies of the apoftles had fo far bewildered the people, that the charge of overturning religion was blended with the political herefy, that they did " contrary to the decrees of Cafer." All the beneficent ac- tions of the apoftles were ftyled "turning the world upfide down" ; all their exhortations were " modern philofophy," or, in other words, deftroying thole " fteady habits" long imbibed under the difcipline of pretended orthodoxy, or " blue law" eftabiifh- ments. To raife an opposition to men thus circumftanced, was not a difficult bufinefs to be accomplifhcd, by their adverfaries ; a combination of fuch characters, all poflefling an extenlive perfonal influence, afliftcd with the electrical watch-word that the church tvas s in danger, was an onfet too powerful to be withflood by fuch weak " miflionarles" (without purfe or fcrip) as Paul and Silas, NOi LXV" The World turned Upside down. 267 The foregoing obferyatioris arc drawn from facts in the bible,' ■which cannot be contv tliey are mentioned to mew the effe&s of a combination ..: men, when united in oppofition to any ifaeafures, however bene :he general intereft of mankind ; efp'eciall) ^.cir influence, coun- teract the uhiary emoluments. By cre- ating a conflant irritation in the public mind, they will prejudice the well-difpofed, and, oftentimes; the well-informed citizens; again I hey will perfuade many, that thole afe attempting to relieve the burdens of mankind, are " turn- ing tl ■■ or, in ether words, that keeping the people w,-' defence of their national rights, is overturning them. They -will,! ''.our, excite fufpicions againft men whole moral characters can in no inflance be impeached, and whofe political fentiments ?.re in unifon with the fundamental prin- ciples of the Conilitution. If thefe events took place under the mild miniftration of the chrilHan fyflem ; if it was poflible to roufe tile vengeance of the people againil the doctrines which inculcated peace on earth and" good will towards men ; can we be furprifed, under a fimilar com- bination, they mould now be under a temporary deiufion, to rhif- take their political, as they then did their religious, bleffings ? If it was then in the power of a junto of interefted men to perfuade the people that to do juftice, love mercy, and walk humbly with God, were tenets deftru&ivc of the harmony of fociety, and that the preachers of fuch rational maxims were " turning the world uptide down" : we can cafily perceive that the fame practices on their credulity might perfuade them, that leflening the public tax- es, repealing a ftamp-acT, removing ufelefs offices, abridging a fu- pemumerary body of judges, and difcharging the public debt, were equally as deftruclivc to the happinefs of the community j and that the men who attempted to do thefe things were alfo, like Paul and Silas, " turning the world upfide down." A jvd*e BdJJctt, like Demetrius of old, might, with equal fuccefs, cry out, " the craft is in danger /" I would here obferve, that fo far from wifhing to depreciate the character of the clergy, as a body, by the foregoing obfervations, they are meant to place them in that refpeftable fituation to which their profeffion entitles them. The hiftory of the Chriftian relig- 168 The Work! turned Upside down. No. LXV. ion juftly appreciates the fincere preachers of the gofpel. The apof- tles, and all true believers, were ever eftimated as the " fait of the earth." But our Saviour's denunciations were foleiy confined to certain men, who ftyled themfelvcs " chief priefls" ; who afFumed a cflntrol over church and date ; who were " bufy -bodies" ; who were blending the politics of Csfar with the propheiies of lfaiah, Jeremiah, &c. ; men who claimed precedence in all proceflions and who minded earthly, more than fpiritual, things. The cler- gy are a valuable body in fociety, and no man, who regards the "welfare of his country would with to fee the monc grade below their juft eftimatiori. But thofe, who aim at the rank of chief pricfls, and •who calumniate (in fermons, orations, &c.) men much better than themfelves, muft, at this enlightened age, expett to fall into difre- pute, unlefs they take more heed to their ways and become more circumfpedt in their manners. Neither is there any intention to reflect on the lawyers, as a body, by mentioning one of the order as a tempter ; for if the Jcw- ifh fanhedrin could get but one, (and no doubt he was well fee' d,) it is father a compliment on the profeffion : And we candidly hope, they could not procure more than one at the prefent day. The known piety of the "order," in thefe days, would fecure them from having this charge brought againft. them. ' LXVI. j. he Town-Clerk of Epbesus. $6g No. LXVL THE TOVVN-CLF.RK OF EPHESTJS S Tf XT — " And when the Town-Clerk had appcafed the people, he /did, ye men of Ephefvs, what man is there that Inoiiuth net how the city of the Ephrfians is a worfl:ipper of the great goddffs Diana, and of the image which fell down from Jupitf.r ? Seeing then that ihefe things cannot be ipoken againft, ye ought to le quiet and, do nothing rafl.ily. For ye have brought hither thef men, who 'are neither robbers of churches, nor yet llafphemers ofyourgoddefs. Wherefore^ if Dem- etrius, and the craft/men which are with him, have a matter agaimfl any man, the law is open and there are deputies ; let them implead ore another." X HE fcriptures were written for edification, and if we practife the doctrines they inculcate, we are promifed not only the blefhngs of this life, but that which is to come. If any book inculcates icanifm, and reprobates an arjjlocraey, either civil or eccle/Jaflical, it is the Bible. The whole tenor of the facred writings runs in nnifon with the rights of " the people, " in oppofition to a certain " felf-created" body, who affume the power to dictate and control public opinion. The " multitude," and " the people," are the on- ly objects contemplated in all die addrefles made by our Saviour and his apoftles. If they now were on eardi their language would be ftigmatized as jacobinifm and illuminati — if we heard them de- nouncing one monarchical magiflrate as a " whited fepulchre" — - if we law them whipping out the money-changers — if we found them afTembling the multitude, fpeaking to the people, and in eve- ry inflance reprobating the chief priefts as hypocrites and deceivers, our junto gentry would be clamorous in vociferating " away with them, away with them" — " crucify him, crucify him." The ftory of Paul's entering Ephefus is a true reprefentation of church infatuation, when fet in motion by a few interefled individ- The l:ivn-Lkrh of £pi No. LX\ I uals. On his arrival, and in order to counteract Paul's miniftra- tion, the feven fons of one Sceva, " chief of the priefit,** attempted to cxercife the miraculous power of calling out evil fpirits ; but though this fame Sceva could deceive the people, yet he could not deceive the devil, for the man in whom 'the evil fpirit was, "leaped on them and prevailed againti them, and Sceva's feven fons fled out of the houfe naked and wounded." In this inftance, Satan himfelffeemed to ad with fome generofity, for the evil fpirits re- torted on the rs with a degree of feverity — " Jefus we know, and Paul ye know, but who are. ye ?" It is piobable this Sceva was an artful priefl, who had made himfelf very bufy in ex- citing alarms among the people ; had told them that there was an organized body oi' illuminati, who were going to overturn all ie* ligion ; had propagated ftories about malfacres, and that the world :;oing to be " larned upfide down." Sceva, therefore, thought he was competent to fet up in oppofition to Paul, and, by a little ftratagem, could make his exorcifm appear the genuine difplay of evangelical influence. In confequence of thefc artful proceedings, he and his feven fons had gained to themfclves a high reputation at Ephefus ; and the people* acting under their infatuation, were led to lay violent hands on the apoftles. The firflfattack on Paul, however, did not fucceed ; Pccva was proved an impoftor, and his fons were obliged to flee out of the houfe naked and wounded. At leng'.h a more powerful antagonift appeared ; one Demet- rius, a filver'-fthUh, who made fhrines for Diana, aflembled his fel- Jow-craftfmcn, and began a ir.cft violent onfet, by crying out, craft is in danger ! great is Diana of the Ephefians !" He further declared, if thefe men were fullered to proceed, the profits of his bufmefs would ceafe ; and emphatically concluded, " Ye knew, that by ihis craft £ England, hut the written law.<> of the land. Impeach them before the conftitutcd authorities. Ye have deputies and Lawyers in abundance ; one half of the money you have given towards paying imncculary oiliccrs, would be a-hand- fome fee to the whole body o£ attornies. Act like men, " ye citi- zens of Ephcfus," and do not become a bye-word and derifion among the citizens of the earth. And when the Town-Clerk had thus ipoken, each man went away to his own home, and the city was quiet. No. LXVIL THE WOLVJiS- AND THE NOBILITY. Text — " The love cf liberty (fays Samuel Adams,} is interwoven in the foul cf ntan." " So it is, (fays John AdamsJ according to La Fontaine, in that of a wolf : and I doubt whether it be much more rational, generous, or focial, in one than in the other, v.v.tll in man it is enlightened by experience, rtflefllon, education, and civil and political Inftitutlons , which are firft produced, and con- ftantly fupported and improved by a few — that is, by the nobility:' JL H E epiftolary correfpondence between Mr. John Adam» and Mr. Samuel Adams is important, as it contains political prin- ciples which are highly interefting to the happinefs and profperity of this country. The Letters are written with that cordiality, as it relates to the opinion which they entertain of each other's integ- rity, that we are to view them as the eftablifhed tenets of tW9 old H