Mr. Ware’s 
 
 THANKSGIVING SERMON, 
 
 February 19, 1795. 
 
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The Continuance of Peace and increasing 
 Prosperity a Source of Consolation 
 and just Cause of Gratitude to the 
 Inhabitants of the United States. 
 
 A 
 
 SERMON, 
 
 Delivered February 19, 1795; 
 BEING A DAY SET APART 
 
 B Y 
 
 The PRESIDENT, 
 
 for 
 
 THANKSGIVING and prayer 
 
 THROUGH THE 
 
 United States. 
 
 By HENRY WARE, 
 
 Pastor of a Church in Hingham. 
 
 Blefied be the Lord, who hath not given us as a Prey to their Teeth. 
 The Snare is broken and we are efcaped. 
 
 That I may fee the Good of thy chofen, that I may rejoice in the Gladnefs 
 of thy Nation. 
 
 David. 
 
 Printed by Samuel Hall, No. 53, Cornhill, Boston. 
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Psalm cxlvii. 12, 13, & 14 ver. 
 
 Praise the Lord, O Jerusalem ; praise thy 
 God, O Zion. 
 
 For he hath strengthened the Bars of thy 
 Gates : He hath blessed thy Children 
 within thee. 
 
 He maketh Peace in thy Borders, and filleth 
 thee with the finest of the Wheat. 
 
 T HE occafion, my chriftian friends, which 
 calls us together this day to the houfe of 
 God, is equally important and joyous ; and 
 the obfervance of this day by the whole people of 
 united America, in public expreflions of gratitude to 
 God for important national bleffings, exhibits to the 
 imagination a mofi: magnificent and interefting fcene. 
 
 To aid us in contemplations fuited to the occafion, 
 I have feledled the paffage of Scripture which has 
 now been read. 
 
 It may be applied, perhaps, with as flriking pro- 
 priety to the prefent circumftances of the inhabitants 
 of this country, as it ever could be to thofe of any 
 people, fince its original application, by the facred 
 penman, to the fituation of the children of Ifrael, at 
 a time of great profperity. In 
 
[ 6 ] 
 
 In the Prefident’s proclamation for this day, we 
 have a reprefentation of the prefent condition of the 
 United States, which remarkably correfponds, in its 
 leading features, with the elegant and fublime def- 
 cription in the text. 
 
 He maketh peace , faith the Pfalmift, in thy borders , 
 The Prefident, in the preamble to the proclamation, 
 fpeaks of “ our exemption hitherto from foreign war, 
 * f and an increafing profpecft of the continuance of 
 “ that exemption.” The Pfalmift fays. He hath 
 jlrengthened the bars of thy gates . The Prefident takes 
 notice of fC the great degree of internal tranquility 
 “ we have enjoyed, and the recent confirmation of 
 “ that tranquility, by the fuppreflion of an infurrec- 
 ** tion which fo wantonly threatened it.” And parallel 
 to the words of the text, He hath bleffed thy children 
 zvilhin thee , and filleth thee with the finefi of the wheat , 
 are thofe of the proclamation, which remind us of 
 “ the happy courfe of our public affairs in general, 
 “ and the unexampled profperity of all claffes of our 
 “ citizens.” 
 
 On account of fuch important public bleflings, the 
 children of Ifrael are called upon to exprefs their 
 gratitude to God. Praife the Lord , 0 Jerufalem , 
 praife thy God , O Zion / And in " circumftances which 
 “ fo peculiarly mark our fituation with indications of 
 " the divine beneficence towards us,” we are reminded 
 in the' proclamation of our duty as a people, with 
 
 <c devout 
 
C 7 ] 
 
 ** devout reverence, and affectionate gratitude, to 
 <e acknowlege our many and great obligations to 
 tf Almighty God, and to implore him to continue 
 “ and confirm the bleflings we experience.” 
 
 That we may know the extent of our obligations, 
 and have feelings awakened anfwerable to them ; let 
 us now take a particular view of that ftate of prof- 
 perity, which, at this day, marks the condition of the 
 United States ; the general outlines of which are fo 
 juftly fketched in the proclamation. 
 
 The bafis of all our public happinefs are certainly 
 the conjlitutions of government under which we live ; 
 which, in a degree perhaps never before experienced 
 in any country, “ unite, and by their union eftablifh, 
 liberty with order.” 
 
 In other countries, liberty has ufually languifhed 
 under a fyftem of corruption, or been crufhed beneath 
 the arm of arbitrary power ; or elfe the focial order 
 has become the vi&im of fa&ion ; and liberty has 
 degenerated into a licentioufnefs, more dreadful in its 
 operation, and more oppreffive in its effects than any 
 other fyftem of tyranny. 
 
 The conftitution of the United States, and thofe 
 of the feveral ftates which compofe the Union, are 
 formed on purely republican principles. They were 
 the deliberate aCt of the people, — intended to fecure 
 their rights, by guarding, on the one hand, againft 
 encroachment and oppreffion by 'perfons inverted 
 
 with 
 
[ * 3 
 
 with civil power ; and, on the other, againft the 
 numberlefs evils, which muffc refult from a relapfe 
 into licentioufnefs and diforder. And they happily 
 embrace the two great objects of government, — fe- 
 curity of rights to individuals, and of ftrength, dig- 
 nity, and order to fociety. 
 
 Under thefe confdtutions every man enjoys perfedt 
 fecurity, and feels an honeft independence, while he 
 condudts confiftently with the general good, and does 
 not contravene the rights of others. The pooreft 
 member of the community is confcious of a perfedt 
 equality with the richeft, in refpedt to the protection 
 of his perfon, and the fecurity of his property. And 
 not only fo, but, under the conftitution of this Com- 
 monwealth with few exceptions, and under that of 
 the United States without any, he is taught to feel 
 his importance as a member of the body politic, by 
 his having an equal voice in the election of perfons 
 to hold the molt important offices of government, 
 and by being himfelf, equally with others, eligible 
 to the firft offices. 
 
 It is a great excellency of our government, that 
 our rulers are from among ourfelves ; and that they 
 do not derive their ftations from birth, or any adven- 
 titious circumftances, but are raifed to office by the 
 fuffrages of the people ; that they enjoy no heredi- 
 tary diftindlion, or right of domination ; that they are 
 fervants of the people, — accountable to them for 
 
 their 
 
t 9 3 
 
 their conducft in the offices in which they are placed 
 by their voice, and liable to be difplaced, if they are 
 found to neglecft their duty, or betray their truft. 
 
 Our conftitutions of government, under which all 
 enjoy equal rights, by having equal protection of 
 perfons and fecurity of property, and by being equal- 
 ly reprefented in the adminiftration, are the glory of 
 our land, and the admiration and envy of the friends 
 of freedom in other countries. Imperfedtions they 
 doubtlefs have in common with all other productions 
 of human wifdom ; yet fuch is, nbtwithftanding, 
 their intrinfic excellence and real importance, that 
 the contemplation of them this day may with the 
 greateft propriety fill with fatisfadlion our hearts, who 
 are fo deeply interefted in them, and our lips with 
 praife to the benign Author of all good ; inafmuch 
 as they lay the foundation of all our civil and politi- 
 cal advantages, and are the fource of mod of our fa- 
 cial and domeftic felicity. 
 
 Next to the glorious fabric of our government, 
 cc the prefervation of our peace foreign and domeftic,” 
 by which we continue to enjoy its bleflings, lays claim 
 to a tribute of gratitude to the God of peace. 
 
 In order juftly to eftimate the bleffing of peace 
 foreign and domeftic at the prefent day, and in the 
 prefent pofture of affairs, it is neceffary for us to lend 
 our attention to the circumftances which have, for 
 fome time, endangered its cxiftence. 
 
 B 
 
 Several 
 
L 10 ] 
 
 Several circum fiances, in the courfe of two years 
 pall, have concurred to embarrafs our internal affairs, 
 and to render our fituation with foreign nations ex- 
 tremely delicate and critical. 
 
 The war, which has been carried on with fo much 
 zeal and obftinacy between France and feveral of the 
 European powers combined againft her liberties and 
 
 i 
 
 independence, could not, from the nature of the 
 thing, be uninterefting to this country. Having our- 
 felves, fo lately, made a glorious and fuccefsful fac- 
 rifice in the caufe of liberty, it was natural for us to 
 rejoice to fee the principles of freedom extending 
 their influence. And we could not but behold with 
 peculiar fatisfadtion the ardent and refolute exertions 
 for freedom in a large and powerful nation with 
 which we were in alliance; and which had long groan- 
 ed under as refined and fyftematic defpotifm, as, per- 
 haps, ever exifted in the world. — And, proportioned 
 to our fatisfadtion in the efforts made by the French 
 nation to {hake off the fetters of flavery, and recover 
 their freedom, was our indignation at the unprovok- 
 ed, and unreafonable interference of a wicked com- 
 bination in her internal concerns. And as lincerely 
 as we lamented the exceffes, which, till lately, dif- 
 graced the glorious caufe in which France was en- 
 gaged ; and as much as we detefled the fanguinary 
 meafures purfued by a fadfion within her ; the 
 American people had difcernment enough to know, 
 
 that 
 
[ 3 
 
 that thefe exceffes were not to be attributed to the 
 caufe in which (lie was engaged ; and they had can- 
 dour enough to trace them to their true fource. 
 They knew that great convulfions were inevitable in 
 fo great a revolution, and that violent meafures were 
 to be expefted in the exertions of a people, who were 
 engaged with zeal and refolution in crufhing an an- 
 cient and eftablifhed tyranny ; and ftill felt the deep- 
 eft refentment againft thofe, who had been the inftru- 
 ments of their oppreftion, and who, they naturally 
 fuppofed, were wiftiing to prolong it. They were 
 aware, belides, that the open invafton of France by 
 the combined powers, and their fecret intrigues in 
 the heart of the country, by exafperating the friends 
 of the revolution, by fowing jealoufies and diftruft 
 among the leaders of it, and fomenting faeftion in 
 every form through the nation, were the principal 
 caufes, to which were to be imputed the fhocking 
 feenes, which caft a' deep fhade over the dawn of 
 freedom in that country. 
 
 The American people, in general, have wi Hied 
 well to the caufe of the French, through every ftage 
 of the revolution ; at the fame time that they had to 
 lament it fhould be the occasion of fo much incidental 
 mifery, and fuch fhocking feenes of wanton cruelty 
 and injuft ice. 
 
 This partiality of the Americans to the caufe of 
 the French, expreffed perhaps by individuals too 
 
 ftrongly 
 
r* -Vi 
 
 L 12 J 
 
 ftrongly and pointedly for a neutral power, operated 
 as an encouragement to them to employ every effort 
 to engage us to take an aftive part in their caufe ; at 
 the fame time it awakened the jealoufy of fome of the 
 combined powers, and might probably be one occa- 
 fion of the unfriendly and hoftile mode of treatment 
 adopted toward us by the Britifh court. 
 
 Thus were we expofed to the attempts of one na- 
 tion to draw us into the war, which through the arts 
 of an intriguing minifter had nearly proved effe&ual ; 
 while by another we were provoked by various infults, 
 and by acffis of robbery, outrage, and hoflility chal- 
 lenged to unfheath the iword. 
 
 To defeat the views and fruftrate the expeftations 
 of thofe, who wifhed us to take part with them in the 
 war, in fuch a manner as to preferve at the fame time 
 their friendfhip and confidence ; and to fupport our 
 national confequence with thofe, who had grofsly in- 
 fulted and injured us, without drawing the fvvord to 
 refent the infulr, and feek fatisfaflion for the injury ; 
 required in our government more wifdom and ad- 
 drefs, and more coolnefs and moderation united with 
 firmnefs, than generally fall to the lot of men, to 
 whom are entrufted the affairs of nations. 
 
 And the difficulty of conducing in fuch a manner 
 as to avoid taking a fide in the European war was 
 increafed by feveral inaufpicious circumfkmces a - 
 mong ourfelves. 
 
 There 
 
[ *3 3 
 
 There were fome men among us fo regardlefs of 
 the common good, and entirely under the influence 
 of felfilh views, as to rejoice in the profped of war, 
 from the hope of riling to wealth by the calamities 
 of their country. There were with us, as there are 
 in all countries, men who are impatient of the linger- 
 ing procefs of induftry and regular bufinefs to make 
 their fortune. To fuch men war prefents the moft 
 fafeinating profpedls. Having, before their eyes, ex- 
 amples of enormous eftates very eafily and rapidly 
 amaffed, in the courfe of the late revolution in this 
 country, by privateering, and various kinds of fpecu- 
 lation, which war, and its confequence, a general 
 derangement of affairs, never fail to prefent ; they 
 dream of nothing but war and revolution : and 
 nothing will fatisfy their avaricious defires, till by 
 war they can be furnifhed with an eafy and expe- 
 ditious way of riling to opulence ; or by producing 
 internal confufion, and effecting a change in the or- 
 der of things, they can avail themfelves of the gene- 
 ral convulfion and Ihift of property to fecure an am- 
 ple lhare to themfelves. 
 
 Characters of this defeription abounded in every 
 part of the Union ; and they were not deficient in 
 exertions, nor very fcrupulous in their meafures, to 
 
 l 
 
 engage others with them in the caufe. 
 
 They were joined by all the refilefs, ambitious, 
 and difappointed perfons, who, having abilities 
 
 which 
 
[ >4 ] 
 
 which rendered them dangerous, but wanting thole 
 virtues which beget refpedt and confidence in man- 
 kind, had been defeated in their ambitious and af- 
 piring views by the good fenfe and caution of the 
 people. Stimulated at once by ambition, chagrin 
 and refentment, thefe men were ready to join in a 
 meafure, which furni filed fo alluring a profped of 
 producing a revolution in government, or changing 
 the prefent order of things in fuch a manner, as to 
 give them an opportunity of riling to eminence and 
 diftin&ion, 
 
 Some were advocates for war from an opinion 
 that the national honour required ip. Some, becaufe 
 they cherifhed an old grudge againfi: Great-Britain, 
 and, without attending well to the probable confe- 
 quences of the meafure, were ready to feize on any 
 opportunity to manifefi: their refentment. And 
 fome there were, who thought this country obliged, 
 either by treaty or by the principle of gratitude, to 
 engage a&ively with France in her contefi: againfi; 
 the enemies of her freedom and independence. 
 
 It happened unfortunately that within the United 
 States were many citizens deeply indebted to Britifli 
 merchants, A rupture with Great-Britain prefent- 
 ed a certain profpedt of either an entire extinftion of 
 thofe debts, or at leaf! a delay of the term of pay- 
 ment. — And we cannot but lament that the language 
 employed, and meafures propofed by fome influen- 
 tial* 
 
C *5 ] 
 
 tial members of Congrefs were fuch, as to expofe 
 them to the fufpicion of acting under the influence of 
 this confideration. Candour, however, and a regard 
 to the honour of our country would lead us to hope, 
 that no man, entrufted with a fhare in the manage- 
 ment of our national concerns, would advile to mea- 
 fures obvioufly tending to involve the whole country 
 in a ruinous war, for the fake of relieving fome in- 
 dividuals, in the flare to v/hich he belonged, from' 
 the neceflity of paying their juft debts. 
 
 The feveral characters and deferiptions of men 
 which have been mentioned, befides their own direct: 
 exertions, had their feveral fpheres of influence ; and 
 being joined in their meafures by the diforderly, the 
 difeontented, the enemies of the Federal Government, 
 and thofe who were difaffected on account of its 
 general operation, or particular parts of its admini- 
 ftration, they conftituted a very formidable faction 
 in the ftate. 
 
 The more effectually to accomplifh their purpofes, 
 they inftituted focieties in imitation of the jacobin 
 clubs in France ; and in order to ftrengthen their 
 party and carry into effect their defigns, they had re- 
 courfe to meafures which muft have funk a good 
 caufe into difrepute, — a bad one it rendered infa- 
 mous. By feditious and inflammatory publications 
 they endeavoured to poifon the public mind, — to 
 deceive the people, — to excite their jealoufy, and 
 roufe their pafiions. The 
 
C >6 ] 
 
 The enemies of peace and order were greatly aided 
 in their defigns, by finding, in feveral parts of the 
 \Jnion, printers of news-papers, who regarded fo little 
 their duty to the public, as to devote their prefies to 
 the caufe of fedition, and to fuffer falfehood, flander, 
 and mifreprefentation to flow copioufly in thofe pa- 
 pers, which fhould have been facredly employed as 
 the vehicles of public inflrudlion and political in- 
 formation. In thofe papers they defamed and abufed 
 public characters, — they mifreprefented and cenfured 
 the meafures of government, — they endeavoured to 
 caft an odium on the molt meritorious officers of 
 government on account of their moft meritorious 
 actions, and thus to deftroy the public confidence 
 in them. They abufed the Prefident for exerting 
 his conftitutional authority in order to preferve 
 our peace. They vilified and traduced thofe mem- 
 bers of Congrefs, who advocated moderate and pa- 
 cific meafures ; holding them up to public detefia- 
 tion as lukewarm patriots, as being under Britifli 
 influence, — friends to Great-Britain, and enemies to 
 their country. Their fpeeches they mutilated, and 
 handed fcraps of them to the public in fuch a form, 
 and fo detached from their conne&ion, as entirely td 
 pervert their meaning, and convey fentiments which 
 were never entertained by their authors. 
 
 By the circulation of thofe papers, fufpicions were 
 Town among the people, the public fentiment was 
 ( milled. 
 
C '7 3 
 
 milled, and the public feelings agitated. And the 
 fpirit of diforder, uneafinefs, and oppofition, by 
 which the public tranquility was threatened in every 
 part of the Union, in one part of it adually broke 
 out in avowed oppofition to the laws, and open re- 
 bellion againfl: the government. 
 
 Thefe, which I have mentioned, are fome of the 
 leading circumftances, which have operated to dis- 
 turb our internal tranquility, — threatened to fhake 
 the fabric of our government— thus endangered our 
 freedom, and rendered it difficult for the friends of 
 peace, in the adminiftration of government, to pre- 
 vent our country from being entangled in the Euro- 
 pean war. 
 
 Amidft all thefe obftacles to the continuance of 
 peace and tranquility, through the wife and feafon- 
 able meafures adopted by the Prefident, and the 
 faithful exertions of the friends of peace and order in 
 Congrefs, fupported by the concurrence of public 
 fentiment, and accompanied with the fmiles of hea- 
 ven, we yet enjoy the bleffing of peace ; and a fair 
 profpedl, which is daily brightening, that we fliall 
 continue to enjoy it under circumfiances highly ad- 
 vantageous, and confifient with public faith and na- 
 tional honour. Rejoicing in the continuance of peace, 
 and the check, which has been given to a fpirit of 
 diforder and infurredtion ; we have reafon to blefs 
 the day, when the friends of peace and advocates of 
 C moderate 
 
[ i« ] 
 
 moderate meafures prevailed over thofe, who, by ralh 
 and violent proceedings, would have precipitated our 
 country into a ruinous war. And we have the further 
 fatisfadlion of feeing, that the leaders of fadtion are 
 lofing their influence, — that the honeft and well- 
 meaning citizens, who had been duped by their ar- 
 tifices, and betrayed into their meafures, begin to be 
 undeceived, — and that the focieties, which had arro- 
 gantly ufurped the prerogative of the people, and 
 were endeavouring to didtate to their reprefentative 
 government, and to controul its meafures, are fall 
 dwindling into infignificance. 
 
 To the continuance of peace, the fupprefllon of 
 infurredtion, and the triumph of order it is chiefly 
 owing, that this country is, in other refpedts, in fo 
 flourilhing a condition. 
 
 It requires but little difeernment and only com- 
 mon attention to perceive, that the unexampled 
 profperity of the feveral clafles of our citizens, our 
 rapid improvement in agriculture and manufactures, 
 the furprifing increafe of our commerce and naviga- 
 tion, the prodigious accefiion of wealth and ftrength 
 to the community at large, and the eafy circumftan- 
 ces of the inhabitants in general, of every clafs, are 
 chiefly owing to that regular courfe of things, which 
 feveral years peace, a good government, and internal 
 tranquility have produced. And nothing is more 
 certain, than that all thefe marks of profperity muft 
 
 receive 
 
I 
 
 [ l 9 3 
 
 receive a check, and fome of them perhaps be utter- 
 ly annihilated, were we to engage in a war with any 
 of the European powers, or were our government to 
 be materially fhocked by faction. 
 
 There never was a time heretofore when this 
 country was in fo fiourilhing a condition, and made 
 fo refpeCtable a figure abroad, as it does at this day. 
 Among many other evidences of our increafing 
 wealth, power, and importance, it is particularly 
 worthy of our prefent notice, that notwithftanding 
 the long and expenfive war by which we purchafed 
 our independence, the refources of the United States 
 are fuch, as to enable them to pay, with a great deal 
 of eafe, the intereft of the public debt ; and that the 
 prefent debates in Congrefs, on the reduction of the 
 public debt, difeover to us that there is ability in the 
 nation and a difpofition in our government, by a 
 pretty rapid procefs to fink the principal. It is 
 highly honorary to the United States, and a fource 
 of confolation to the citizens ; that, while other na- 
 tions, already burdened with debt to the utmoffc ex- 
 tent of their refources, are yet madly plunging into 
 the moll ruinous wars to add to their embarralT- 
 ments ; it is the enlightened policy of our govern- 
 ment to avail itfelf of the prefent profperity to relieve 
 the country of exifting debt, and, if pollible, to avoid 
 the necefiity of increafing it, and to prolong that 
 peace and profperity, which furnilh the only hope of 
 its final extinction. The 
 
[ 20 ] 
 
 The fuccefs, which has attended the late negocia- 
 tion with the court of Great-Britain, furnilhes anoth- 
 er proof of our national refpedability. We have 
 authentic, though not official notice, that the En- 
 voy Extraordinary, lately fent by our Supreme Ex- 
 ecutive to the Britifh court, on buiinefs of the moft 
 interefting nature, has effected the defign of his mif- 
 lion. This fuccefs, while it evinces that our friend- 
 fhip is of fome importance in the eftimation of other 
 powers, we have reafon to hope and exped, will 
 contribute much to our future profperity and hap- 
 pinefs. 
 
 To enumerate the marks of private profperity 
 w'ould lead me beyond the limits of a fermon. It is, 
 befides, unneceffary. They are feen and felt by all 
 the inhabitants of our land. That people in general 
 of nearly every clafs and occupation enjoy a ftate of 
 unufual profperity ; that the means of a comfortable 
 fubfiflence were never more than now within the 
 reach of all ; that induftry and enterprize ia every 
 line of life are highly encouraged — that they receive 
 a fure and ample reward — and that this reward is well 
 fecured to him who earns it, are fads fo obvious, that 
 they can neither be overlooked nor contefted. 
 
 Equally certain it is, that we live under a mild 
 and free government ; as mild and free as we can 
 bear — a government, under which each individual 
 has given up as few of his natural rights, as is con- 
 fident 
 
[ ] 
 
 ilftent with the fecure poffefTion of the reft in a ftate 
 of fociety. 
 
 For all thefe public bleflings and marks of private 
 profperity, which diftinguifh our condition as a peo- 
 ple and as individuals, let the juft tribute of our unf- 
 ted thanks afcend this day, as an acceptable facrifice, 
 to that God, by whofe providence we enjoy them all. 
 
 And while, with hearts deeply imprefled with a 
 fenfe of our obligations, we unitedly praife the Lord 
 for thefe indications of divine benignity ; pioufly 
 noticing the footfteps of a kind providence in our na- 
 tional concerns : the proclamation direcfts us, “ at 
 t( the fame time humbly and fervently to befeech the 
 ec kind Author of thefe bleffings gracioufly to prolong 
 “ them to us, and to imprint on our hearts a deep 
 *' and folemn fenfe of our obligations to him for 
 “ them.” 
 
 While we hold in juft eftimation the patriotic ex- 
 ertions of thofe men, who were inftrumental in fra- 
 ming and eftablilhing the happy government under 
 which we live, as well as of thofe who have been the 
 means of preferving to us the great blefling of peace, 
 and promoting our profperity ; let us yet always bear 
 in mind, that, in effecting thefe bleffed ends, they 
 were but the inftruments of that providence, which 
 rules over all ; and that our firft acknowlegements 
 are due to the Father of light s y from whom comes down 
 every good and perfect gift. 
 
 This 
 
[ 22 ] 
 
 This direction of the Prefident to exprefs a pious 
 fenfe of dependence on the great Governor of the 
 world is peculiarly feafonable at the prefent day, 
 when we are in fo great danger of imbibing the athe- 
 iftic fentiments fo openly avowed and publicly coun- 
 tenanced by a nation, with which we have clofe con- 
 nections and conftant intercourfe. 
 
 The French people, as was naturally to be expeCt- 
 ed, in their zeal to deftroy every veftige of the an- 
 cient tyranny and fuperflition, have gone to a la- 
 mentable excefs on the other extreme. They have 
 too evidently confounded government with tyranny, 
 and religion with fuperflition. We are not however 
 to imagine, as has been too haftily believed by fome, 
 that the French are become a nation of atheifts . — Yet 
 it is certain that a very confiderable proportion of the 
 nation have exploded all religion ; and, in fome of 
 their moll public and folemn adts, their government 
 has virtually rejected the dodtrine of a God govern- 
 ing the world by his providence. While we put a 
 candid conftrudtion on the prefent infidelity and ir- 
 religion of the French, attributing it to their zeal to 
 exterminate all fuperflition ; and while we hope and 
 believe that, ere long, they will vibrate back again 
 to fome rational fyftem of religion, we cannot be too 
 careful to avoid the contagion of their prefent prin- 
 ciples. 
 
 Next to acknowleging the hand from which our 
 
 bleffings 
 
[ 23 ] 
 
 blefHngs flow, it is neceffary for us “ rightly to efti- 
 « mate their immenfe value.” If we eftimate our 
 public bleflings according to their worth, we fhall 
 never be willing to facrifice them to private intereft, 
 party prejudices, national pride, paflion, or refent- 
 ment. It will be our wifh to prolong them to the 
 lateft period, and to preferve them unimpaired. 
 
 We are dire&ed to pray, that God would ff pre- 
 " ferve us from the arrogance of profperity, and from 
 “ hazarding the advantages we enjoy by delufive 
 * f purfuits.” 
 
 Nations are apt to grow arrogant and prefumptu- 
 ous, as they become rich and powerful ; and wan- 
 tonly to engage in deftrucfiive wars, which ferve to 
 exhauft the treafures, and wafle the ftrength of the 
 country, to contaminate the morals of the people, 
 and, by a certain procefs, to corrupt their govern- 
 ment and undermine their liberties. They will fac- 
 rifice the lives and property of the inhabitants to na- 
 tional pride and refentment ; and, inftead of endea- 
 vouring to reconcile differences with other nations 
 by fair negociation, will bring the heaviefl calamities 
 on the country, by appealing to the fword for de- 
 cifion on the moft trifling occafions. 
 
 Another danger to which we are expofed by prof- 
 perity is, that, as we increafe in wealth, we fhall 
 progrefs in luxury ; that diftinftions in fociety will 
 be marked by ftronger lines, as we depart from that 
 
 mediocrity 
 
[ n ] 
 
 mediocrity of condition, which, as yet, very much 
 diftinguiftres the fituation of the inhabitants of this 
 country ; and that, as inequality of condition gradu- 
 ally increafes, we (hall gradually lofe our republican 
 fentiments and manners, and with them our repub- 
 lican form of government. God forbid this fhould 
 ever be the cafe ! But certainly there is a natural 
 tendency toward it, which it requires fome care both 
 in the Government and in the people to guard againft. 
 
 The body of the people, efpecially in the middle 
 and lower walks of life, muft cherifli the republican 
 virtues. They muft be diftinguiftied by induftry, 
 frugality, and temperance ; fo as to maintain their 
 individual freedom and independence, and prevent 
 the wealth, and with it the power of the community, 
 from fettling into the hands of a few. 
 
 And the Government would do well to fet the peo- 
 ple an example of republican plainnefs and frugality. 
 Were perfons in high office in government to dif- 
 countenance by their example the introdudlion of 
 luxury, extravagance, and diffipation, it might have 
 confiderable influence on the manners of fociety at 
 large. They may further fubferve effentially the 
 public good by purfuing regular and uniform mea- 
 fures in the adminiftration of government ; by a fixt 
 and permanent policy ; and by holding up as few 
 objetfts of fpeculation as poffible, which ferve to dif- 
 courage the exertions of patient induftry, by enabling 
 
 enterprizing 
 
[ 15 ] 
 
 enterprizing individuals, and ofren the Ieaft ufeful 
 members of the community, to acquire large fortunes 
 without induftry, and without purfuing any regular 
 bufinefs. 
 
 The Prefident’s caution againft delulive purfuits, 
 which endanger the advantages we now enjoy, re- 
 minds us of certain commercial regulations propofed 
 in Congrefs for the purpofe of promoting the com- 
 mercial intereft of the country. Upon thorough 
 examination of their nature and tendency it appeared 
 that they muff, in the iflue, have operated extremely 
 to our difadvantage. This being the cafe, the adop- 
 tion of them with the expe&ation of their promoting 
 our advantage muft have proved a very delufive 
 purfuit. 
 
 It reminds us of the vigorous effort afterward 
 made, by taking advantage of the general indigna- 
 tion at the depredations made on our commerce by 
 the Britifh in the Weft-Indies, to ftir up the people 
 and the government to acfts of hoftiliry in return. 
 Befides the numberlefs incidental calamities of war, 
 the expofure of the lives and property of the citizens, 
 fuch a meafure muft have brought on us, it muft have 
 been the occafion of increaftng beyond all calcula- 
 tion our public debt, and in equal proportion aug- 
 menting our public burdens. 
 
 A more delufive purfuit can fcarcely be imagined, 
 than that of plunging a nation in war to obtain in- 
 D demnification 
 
[ 26 ] 
 
 demnification for injuries, which, if obtained, would 
 pay but an inconfiderable part of the probable ex- 
 pences of the war. Efpecially where any hope re- 
 mains of an amicable adjuftment of difficulties by 
 negociation. 
 
 It leads us again to think of the clamours, daily 
 made again ft our government by perfons, who would 
 make the people believe it too ariftocratic in its form 
 and oppreffive in its operation. 
 
 Under our prefent government, where each man 
 is fairly reprefented, where all, except in a very few 
 cafes of incapacity, are alike candidates for office, 
 and every public officer is fubjecft to the law, and ac- 
 countable for his condueft in office, there is as much 
 freedom and equality as can exift with focial order. 
 Every attempt to leften the confidence of the people 
 in their public fervants, to fpread difcontent and 
 jealoufy, to foment a fpirit of facftion, to excite in- 
 furrecftion or oppofition to the meafures of govern- 
 ment ; and all mifreprefentations of the defigns and 
 meafures of men in office, have a certain tendency 
 to undermine and deftroy, inftead of increafing, the 
 freedom of the people. This the leaders of faction 
 know. But they have popular themes of declama- 
 tion with which to deceive the people ; and they 
 have it in their power, by difguifing well their real 
 views, to delude into their meafures many honeft and 
 firm friends to liberty with order. 
 
 Equally 
 
[ *7 ] 
 
 Equally unfriendly to the continuance oi liberty 
 and equal rights are the popular focieties eftabliffied 
 in this country as checks on our government. 
 Whatever may be their pretences to democratic 
 principles, they conftitute a dangerous ariftocracy. 
 They are inconfiftent with any permanent govern- 
 ment, as they tend to keep a country in a ftate of 
 perpetual revolution. In the hiftory of France for 
 three years pad we have melancholy evidence, that 
 they put it in the power of a few popular and am- 
 bitious individuals to controul the operations of the 
 reprefentatives of the people, and in effed to exer- 
 cife the whole power of the government. 
 
 A fpirit of jealoufy is the foul of a republican 
 government. By watching faithfully the meafures 
 of government, the people have it in their power to 
 keep in office thofe men who ferve them with fidel- 
 ity, and purfue meafures promotive of the general 
 good, and to difplace thofe who do not. 
 
 But this is a fervice they can only perform them- 
 felves. It is not capable of being delegated to oth- 
 ers. They can neither with propriety nor fafety en- 
 truft it in the hands of men they do not know ; men 
 who have nothing to recommend them to public 
 confidence, but their own high pretenfions to ex- 
 alted patriotifm and concern for the liberties of the 
 people — pretenfions, which none but their own fo- 
 ciety have acknowleged, and which we do not 
 
 know 
 
C 38 ] 
 
 know that they have ever fupported by a&ual ex- 
 ertions for the public good. 
 
 While, as friends to order, we reprobate all com- 
 binations of men for the purpofe of oppofing, em- 
 barrafTing, or controuling the operations of govern- 
 ment, or influencing elections ; as friends to liberty, 
 we fhould cherifh a fpirit of jealoufy, and earneftly 
 wifh that all might be vigilant in guarding their 
 rights, and in preventing the corruption of govern- 
 ment, and checking its tendency toward defpotifm. 
 
 The prayer of David refpe&ing thofe, who were 
 combined againfl: him and oppofed his wife govern- 
 ment, feems peculiarly applicable to the combina- 
 tions againfl: our Federal Government. Slay them 
 not , left my people forget • J'catter them by thy power , 
 and bring them down . It is not to be wifhed that 
 oppofition fhould be wholly extinguifhed. It would 
 be an unfavourable fymptom. It would denote a 
 political lethargy. But it is defirable that it fhould 
 be prevented from riling to excefs, and, by powerful 
 combinations of men, fhaking the fabric of govern- 
 ment. A little fermentation gives a proper anima- 
 tion and vigour to the body politic ; but, carried to 
 excefs, it produces convulfions, which threaten dif- 
 folution. 
 
 Again. We are not to expe£t the continuance of 
 our prefent advantages, unlefs we <( merit it by not 
 
 <c abufing 
 
L 2 9 3 
 
 f ‘ abufing them, by our gratitude for them, and by 
 c * a correfponding condudt as citizens, and as men.” 
 
 We fhall be guilty of abufing our advantages, if, 
 as a nation, or as individuals, we become vain, pre- 
 fumptuous, and infenfible of our obligations ; cor- 
 rupt and licentious in our manners, regardlefs of the 
 principles of piety and morality, and inattentive to 
 religious obligation and focial duties. And we fhall 
 deferve to lofe our excellent government and the 
 freedom it fecures, if we ever become, on the one 
 hand, fo inattentive to our rights, as to allow the 
 government to become oppreflive ; or fuffer in- 
 triguing men, on the other hand, to amufe us with 
 the idea of more perfect freedom, fo as to undermine 
 the principles of our excellent conftitution, and by 
 their infidious manoeuvres to excite difcontent, and 
 produce a revolution. 
 
 While our primary and principal view, in im- 
 proving with fidelity our national advantages, and 
 making ff our condudl as citizens and as men, cor- 
 ” refpondent to them,” is to fecure and perpetuate 
 thereby our individual intereft and the common good 
 of our country ; it is natural and juft for us to make 
 it a fecondary conftderation, at a time when the con- 
 vulfions of Europe oblige fo many to quit their na- 
 tive countries and feek a fecure and peaceful retreat 
 abroad, “ to render this country a fafe and propitious 
 ,f afylum to the unfortunate of other countries :” 
 
 and. 
 
C 30 ] 
 
 and, with our faithful exertions, to join our united 
 and fervent prayers for this happy effedt. 
 
 While we again pray, “ that true and ufeful 
 “ knowlege may be extended among us, and that 
 “ habits of fobriety, order, morality and piety may 
 “ be diffufed and eftablifhed,” let us accompany our 
 prayers with the moll zealous and faithful exertions 
 to promote thefe delirable ends. 
 
 As long as the inhabitants of this country fhall be 
 attentive to the fubjedt of education, extending pub- 
 lic advantages, as is now done in this and fome of 
 the other dates in the union, to the children of every 
 clafs of citizens ; and as long as we fhall be diftin- 
 guifhed by the general prevalence of the habits of 
 fobriety , order > morality and piety, there can be no dan- 
 ger of our loling the bleflings of freedom and good 
 government. But, certain it is, thefe bleflings will 
 be no longer ours, when thofe habits fhall be loft, 
 and the general extenfion of the means of education 
 fhall be negledted. We fhall always have a govern- 
 ment fuited to our character. Freedom and order 
 can be fupported only in an enlightened and virtu- 
 ous community. Ignorance and vice require the 
 feverer difeipline of arbitrary power. And it is 
 their natural tendency to introduce it. 
 
 When we extend our view to other countries, in 
 many of them we meet with ftriking evidences of 
 the juftice of this laft remark. We find that igno- 
 rance 
 
[- 3 1 ] 
 
 ranee and fuperftition, and a prevalence of bad mor- 
 als are the fupport of defpotic power. 
 
 Our fatisfadtion in contemplating the fiourifhing 
 condition and bright profpebis of the United States 
 is checked, when we contraft with it the calamities 
 of other nations, which are either oppreffed by def- 
 potic power, involved in the miferies of deftructive 
 war, or draggling with faction at home and conflict- 
 ing with foes abroad in the caufe of liberty. 
 
 Enjoying ourfelves the fweets of peace, freedom, 
 focial order, and profperity, and fympathizing in the 
 fufferings of thofe to whom thefe bleffings are de- 
 nied, let it be our fervent and devout prayer to Al- 
 mighty God, “ that all the bleffings we poflefs or 
 tc afk for ourfelves, may be imparted to the whole 
 <f family of mankind.” 
 
 FINIS . 
 
 /