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 THE 
 WILLIAM R. PERKINS 
 LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 DUKE UNIVERSITY 
 
 Rare Books 
 
Clarenhn $ms $mn 
 
 BACON 
 
 ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING 
 
 WRIGHT 
 
 a 
 
HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 
 PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK 
 
 TORONTO AND MELBOURNE 
 
£far*nfcon (preee Settee 
 
 BACON 
 
 The 
 
 Advancement of Learning 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 WILLIAM ALDIS WRIGHT, M.A. 
 
 HON. D.C.L. AND LL.D. 
 
 FELLOW AND VICE-MASTER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE 
 
 Fifth Edition 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 M DCCCC 
 
OXFORD 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 BY HORACE HART. M.A. 
 TRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 

 PREFACE. 
 
 Francis Bacox was born on the 22nd of January, 1560-1, 
 at York House in the Strand, the residence of his father 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. Sixty 
 years later, Ben Jonson sang of him as 
 
 ' England's high Chancellor ; the destined heir, 
 In his soft cradle, to his father's chair.' 
 
 His mother, Anne Cooke, whose eldest sister was married to 
 Lord Burleigh, was his father's second wife, and had borne 
 him two children. Anthony, the friend and correspondent of 
 Essex, was two years older than Francis. Of their childhood 
 nothing is known. In April, 1573, when Francis was little 
 more than twelve years old, the two brothers were entered 
 as fellow-commoners at Trinity College, Cambridge, and ma- 
 triculated between the 10th and 13th of June in the same year. 
 They were placed under the care of Dr. Whitgift, Master of the 
 College, who found this distinguished position not inconsistent 
 with holding the Deanery of Lincoln, a Canonry at Ely, and the 
 Rectory of Teversham ; having, however, previously resigned 
 the Regius Professorship of Divinity. From an account-book 
 which he kept, and which was published by the late Dr. Mait- 
 land in the British Magazine (vols, xxxii. xxxiii), we glean 
 the meagre facts of Francis Bacon's University career. We 
 learn, for instance, that during the period of his residence in 
 College, from April 5, 1573, to Christmas 1575, the Master's 
 parental care supplied him with so many pairs of shoes, a bow 
 and quiver of arrows, that there was oil bought for his neck, 
 and certain money paid to the ' potigarie ' when he was sick, 
 and for meat probably as he was recovering, that he had a 
 
V\ PREFACE. 
 
 desk put up in his study, that his stockings were dyed at 
 a cost of 12//., that his laundress's bill from Midsummer to 
 Michaelmas was 3 shillings, that his hose were mended, his 
 windows glazed, two dozen silk points, a pair of pantofles and 
 pumps bought for him, and a dozen new buttons set on his 
 doublet. Some books the brothers brought with them from 
 London. With others they were furnished by the Master, as 
 Livy, Cicero, Demosthenes' Olynthiacs, Homer's Iliad, Caesar, 
 Aristotle, Plato, Xenophon, Sallust, and Hermogenes. There 
 is an interval in the accounts from the latter part of August, 
 1574, to the 21st of March following; during which time the 
 plague raged in Cambridge, and the members of the Uni- 
 versity were dispersed. The only record of Bacon's residence 
 at Trinity is a reminiscence of his own preserved in the Sylva 
 Sylvarum (cent. ii. 151), which shows that at this early period 
 he had begun to observe natural phenomena. * I remember,' 
 he says, ' in Trinity College in Cambridge, there was an upper 
 chamber, which being thought weak in the roof of it, was 
 supported by a pillar of iron, of the bigness of one's arm, in 
 the midst of the chamber ; which if you had struck, it would 
 make a little flat noise in the room where it was struck, but it 
 would make a great bomb in the chamber beneath.' We may 
 possibly have here a description of the rooms occupied by the 
 two brothers, but if so they must have been in the buildings 
 of King's Hall, removed by Dr. Nevill in constructing the pre- 
 sent Old Court. No tradition of their whereabouts remains. 
 If we add to these fragments an anecdote related by Dr. Raw- 
 ley, his chaplain and earliest biographer, we are in possession 
 of all that is known of Francis Bacon up to the time that he 
 completed his fifteenth year. Rawley's story introduces us to 
 a child of singular gravity and adroitness, the future Chan- 
 cellor and courtier. The Queen 'delighted much then to 
 confer with him, and to prove him with questions; unto 
 whom he delivered himself with that gravity and maturity 
 above his years, that Her Majesty would often term him 
 " The young Lord Keeper." Being asked by the Queen how 
 old he was, he answered with much discretion, being then 
 
PREFACE. vil 
 
 but a boy, " That he was two years younger than Her Ma- 
 jesty's happy reign ;" with which answer the Queen was much 
 taken.' Another anecdote from the same source, of which 
 more than enough has been made, belongs to this period. 
 ' Whilst he was commorant in the University, about sixteen 
 years of age (as his lordship hath been pleased to impart unto 
 myself), he first fell into the dislike of the philosophy of 
 Aristotle ; not for the worthlessness of the author, to whom 
 he would ever ascribe all high attributes, but for the unfruit- 
 fulness of the way; being a philosophy (as his lordship used to 
 say) only strong for disputations and contentions, but barren 
 of the production of works for the benefit of the life of man ; 
 in which mind he continued to his dying day.' 
 
 The story which has been told above of the iron pillar in 
 the chamber at Trinity shows that Bacon's attention had 
 been very early directed to the observation of sounds, and 
 lends a probability to the supposition that it may have been 
 at this time that he tried the experiment recorded in the 
 Sylva Sylvarum (cent. ii. 140). 'There is in St. James's Fields 
 a conduit of brick, unto which joineth a low vault ; and at the 
 end of that a round house of stone ; and in the brick conduit 
 there is a window; and in the round-house a slit or rift of 
 some little breadth ; if you cry out in the rift, it will make a 
 fearful roaring at the window.' In all this there is a certain 
 ring of boyishness. To this time also belongs the story of the 
 conjuror (Sylva, cent. x. 946), who must have exhibited his 
 tricks at Sir Nicholas Bacon's house before Francis left 
 England. 
 
 But his father had in view for him a public career as states- 
 man or diplomatist, and after he had spent nearly three years 
 over his books at Cambridge, sent him to France to read men. 
 On the 25th of September, 1576, we learn from Burghley's 
 diary, ' Sir Amyas Paulet landed at Calliss going to be Amb. 
 at France in Place of Dr. Dale.' It was not till the February 
 following that he succeeded to the post. Bacon apparently 
 joined him after his arrival in Paris, for on Nov. 21, 1576, he 
 was admitted of the grand company at Gray's Inn, having 
 
V111 PREFACE. 
 
 entered the Society on the 27th of June previous. He was sub- 
 sequently 'entrusted with some message or advertisement to 
 the Queen; which having performed with great approbation, 
 he returned back into France again, with intention to continue 
 for some years there.' (Rawley.) Here we find him still keen 
 in his observation of natural phenomena, sounds as before 
 occupying a great share of his attention. Let him describe 
 what he heard in his own words written nearly fifty years 
 later. ( For echoes upon echoes, there is a rare instance thereof 
 in a place which I will now exactly describe. It is some three 
 or four miles from Paris, near a town called Pont-Charenton ; 
 and some bird-bolt shot or more from the river of Seine. 
 The room is a chapel or small church. The walls all stand- 
 ing, both at the sides and at the ends. Two rows of pillars, 
 after the manner of aisles of churches, also standing ; the roof 
 all open, not so much as any embowment near any of the walls 
 left. There was against every pillar a stack of billets above a 
 man's height ; which the watermen that bring wood down the 
 Seine in stacks, and not in boats, laid there (as it seemeth) for 
 their ease. Speaking at the one end, I did hear it return the 
 voice thirteen several times : and I have heard of others, that 
 it would return sixteen times : for I was there about three of 
 the clock in the afternoon ; and it is best (as all other echoes 
 
 are) in the evening I remember well, that when I went to 
 
 the echo at Pont-Charenton, there was an old Parisian, who 
 took it to be the work of spirits, and of good spirits. For 
 (said he) call Satan, and the echo will not deliver back the 
 devil's name ; but will say, i<a fen ; which is as much in French 
 as apage or avoid. And thereby I did hap to find that an 
 echo would not return S, being but a hissing and an interior 
 sound.' (Sylva Sylvarum, cent. iii. 249, 251.) Another story 
 which he tells of himself belongs to this period of his life. * I 
 had, from my childhood, a wart upon one of my fingers : after- 
 wards, when I was about sixteen years old, being then at Paris, 
 there grew upon both my hands a number of warts (at the 
 least an hundred) in a month's space. The English ambassador's 
 lady, who was a woman far from superstition, told me one day, 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 she would help me away with my warts : whereupon she got 
 a piece of lard, with the skin on, and rubbed the warts all 
 over with the fat side ; and amongst the rest, that wart which 
 I had had from my childhood : then she nailed the piece of 
 lard, with the fat towards the sun, upon a post of her chamber 
 window, which was to the south. The success was, that 
 within five weeks' space all the warts went quite away : and 
 that wart which I had so long endured, for company.' (Sylva 
 Sylvarum, cent. x. 997.) The questions of sounds and mys- 
 terious sympathies did not, however, occupy the whole of his 
 active mind. It was while at Paris learning diplomacy that 
 he invented the cypher which he describes at the end of the 
 sixth book of the De Augmentis, and here too he probably 
 saw that strange visionary, Guillaume Postell, in his retreat 
 at the monastery of St. Martin des Champs. In the summer 
 of 1577, the French Court was at Poitiers. Sir Amias Paulet, 
 with Bacon probably in his suite, remained there from the end 
 of July to the latter end of October. That Bacon was at 
 Poitiers at some time during his residence in France we 
 know from his own account of a conversation with a cynical 
 young Frenchman, perhaps a student, who afterwards became 
 a man of considerable distinction. (Hist. Vitas et Mortis, 
 Works, ii. 211.) There is no evidence however that he him- 
 self studied at the University there. 
 
 But now an event occurred which changed the whole cur- 
 rent of his life. On the 20th of February, 1578-9, Sir Nicholas 
 Bacon died, after an illness of only a few days. His death, by 
 a strange coincidence, was foreshadowed by a dream, which 
 his son upon after reflection appears to have regarded almost 
 as a sign of the coming disaster. ' I myself remember/ he 
 says, 'that being in Paris, and my father dying in London, 
 two or three days before my father's death I had a dream, 
 which I told to divers English gentlemen, that my father's 
 house in the country was plastered all over with black mortar.' 
 (Sylva, cent. x. 986.) A month later, on the 20th of March, 
 1578-9, Bacon left Paris, bearing with him a despatch and 
 commendations from Sir Amias Paulet to the Queen. His 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 father, according to Rawley, had accumulated a considerable 
 sum of money for the purpose of purchasing an estate for his 
 youngest son, but his sudden death prevented its accomplish- 
 ment, and Francis was left with only a fifth part of his father's 
 personal property. Diplomacy was now abandoned as a career, 
 his prospects of a studious leisure became more distant than 
 ever, and for one who would willingly have lived only to study, 
 there was nothing left but to study how to live a . Soon after 
 his return to England he appears to have entered upon a 
 course of law at Gray's Inn, and on the 27th of June, 1582, 
 we find him admitted as an utter barrister. The next year 
 he is seen abroad in the city in his barrister's dress, and pro- 
 mises to do well. Meanwhile he has made a beginning of 
 the great work on which his fame was to rest, the first sketch 
 ot which he called, as he told Father Fulgentio forty years 
 later, by the ambitious title of Temporis Partus Maximus. 
 
 In 1584 Bacon appeared upon a new stage, which he never 
 left for thirty years and upwards, and on which some of his 
 greatest triumphs were achieved. On the 23rd of November 
 he took his seat in the House of Commons as member for 
 Melcombe Regis, in Dorsetshire. In D'Ewes's Journal (p. 337), 
 his name appears on the Committee appointed on the 9th of 
 December to consider the 'Bill for redress of Disorders in 
 Common Informers.' In the next Parliament, which met 
 Oct. 29, 1586, he sat for Taunton, and on the 4th of No- 
 vember made a speech on ' the great cause ' of Mary, Queen 
 of Scots, but no report of it has been preserved. With other 
 members of both Houses he attended (Nov. 12) upon the 
 
 a Of his personal appearance at this time we can form an idea from 
 the interesting picture painted by Hilliard in 1 5 78, with the significant 
 motto, showing that his intellectual pre-eminence was already becoming 
 conspicuous, Si tabula daretur digna, anitnum mallem. The artist is he 
 of whom Donne says : — 
 
 1 A hand or eye 
 By Hilliard drawn, is worth a history 
 By a worse painter made.' 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 Queen, to present a petition for the speedy execution of Mary. 
 In the previous February he had been admitted to the high 
 table at Gray's Inn, and in due course became a bencher. 
 Beyond the fact that he was on the c Committees appointed 
 for conference touching a loan or benevolence to be offered 
 to Her Majesty,' and of the Bill for Attainder, and that he was 
 one of those sent up to confer with the Lords about the Bill 
 for continuance of Statutes, we hear no more of Bacon during 
 the present Parliament. The next finds him member for 
 Liverpool, busy on frequent committees, and reporting their 
 proceedings to the House. The Marprelate controversy was 
 now at its height, and Bacon delivered his judgement, full of 
 wisdom and moderation, on the points in dispute, in a paper 
 which remained -unprinted during his lifetime, called 'An 
 Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of 
 England.' It contains the germs of his essay ' Of Unity in 
 Religion.' 
 
 In 1589 he received his first piece of preferment in the 
 form of the reversion of an office, which however did not fall 
 in for nearly twenty years. L T nder the date of Oct. in this year 
 we find the entry in Burghley's printed diary, ' A Graunt of 
 the Office of Clerk of the Counsell in the Starr Chamber to 
 Francis Bacon.' The office was worth 1600/. or 2000/. a year, 
 and was executed by deputy, but Bacon had to exercise the 
 patience of hope till July 16, 1608 ; and meanwhile, as he said 
 himself, 'it was like another man's ground buttalling upon his 
 house, which might mend his prospect, but it did not fill his 
 barn.' (Rawley.) He was a poor man in purse for many years 
 to come, toiling in a profession in which his heart was not ; 
 but, as he writes to Burghley, with as vast contemplative ends 
 as he had moderate civil ends, for he had taken all knowledge 
 to be his province. His highest ambition at this time was to 
 be put in an office which should place him above the reach of 
 want and leave him leisure to prosecute his intellectual con- 
 quests. This was the career he longed for at thirty-one, and 
 it is important to bear it in mind as helping in some degree to 
 vindicate his motives in later life. 
 
Xli PREFACE. 
 
 In February, 159 1-2, his brother Anthony came to live in 
 Gray's Inn, and from the motherly solicitude of Lady Bacon 
 for her eldest son's religious welfare, we learn that Francis 
 was negligent in the use of family prayers, and was not to be 
 held up as a pattern to his brother, or resorted to for counsel 
 in such matters. 
 
 To the autumn of 1592 Mr. Spedding with great probability 
 assigns the speeches in praise of Knowledge and of the Queen, 
 which were apparently written for some Court device, perhaps 
 that contrived by the Earl of Essex for the Queen's day. In 
 close connexion with the latter of these is the treatise entitled 
 1 Certain observations upon a libel published this present year, 
 1592,' which Bacon wrote in reply to the Responsio ad edictum 
 RegincB Anglia of Father Parsons. 
 
 In the Parliament which met on February 19, 1592-3, Bacon, 
 who had hitherto been returned only by boroughs, now sat as 
 member for Middlesex. It was in the course of this session 
 that, according to Macaulay, ' he indulged in a burst of patriot- 
 ism, which cost him a long and bitter remorse, and which he 
 never ventured to repeat.' In this sounding sentence there is 
 hardly a word of truth. What really happened may be briefly 
 told. On the 26th of February Bacon, with Sir Robert Cecil 
 and other leading members of the House, moved that a com- 
 mittee of supply be appointed to provide against the dangers 
 with which the country was threatened both by Rome and 
 Spain, and other confederates of the Holy League. A few 
 fragments of his speech in support of the motion have been 
 preserved, and he himself was one of the committee appointed. 
 Another committee was formed by the Lords, the two com- 
 mittees consulted together, and the result of their conference 
 was communicated to the House of Commons by Sir Robert 
 Cecil. The Lords demanded at least a treble subsidy, payable 
 in three years by two instalments each year. Bacon spoke 
 next, ( and yielded to the subsidy, but misliked that this House 
 should join with the Upper House in the granting of it.* 
 (U'Ewes, Journal of the House of Commons, p. 483.) His 
 opposition was solely in defence of the privilege of the House 
 
PREFACE. Xlii 
 
 of Commons, and to preserve this he moved, ( that now they 
 might proceed herein by themselves apart from their Lord- 
 ships.' After considerable discussion the question was ultim- 
 ately put to the House, that no such conference should be 
 had with the Lords, and was carried by a majority of 217 to 
 128. The point of privilege was yielded, and a motion of Sir 
 Walter Ralegh's for a general conference with the Lords 
 carried unanimously. As the result of this, the original pro- 
 position was so far modified that four years instead of three 
 were to be allowed for the payment of the subsidies. Bacon 
 1 assented to three subsidies, but not to the payment under six 
 years/ but he was outvoted and made no further difficulty. 
 Such was the solitary act of patriotism of which Macaulay 
 says Bacon was guilty. And even for this, he adds, he made 
 the most abject apologies. Two letters of Bacon's on this 
 subject have been preserved, one to Lord Burghley, the other 
 probably, as Mr. Spedding conjectures, to Essex. The tone 
 of both is that of manly justification of his conduct; in neither 
 is there one syllable of apology or regret for what he had 
 done. He is evidently surprised at being misunderstood. The 
 Queen was angry at his speeches, and Bacon expresses his 
 grief that she ' should retain an hard conceit ' of them. What 
 follows is very instructive. ■ It mought please her sacred 
 Majesty to think what my end should be in those speeches, 
 if it were not duty, and duty alone. J am not so simple but 1 
 know the common beaten (way to please. And whereas popul- 
 arity hath been objected, I muse what care I should take to 
 please many, that taketh a course of life to deal with few.' 
 
 At this juncture the Attorney-Generalship was vacant, and 
 whatever chance Bacon might have had, through the influence 
 of Essex, of being appointed to the post, was entirely nullified 
 by the Queen's displeasure. For himself he was not anxious 
 for the honour, but he assured Elizabeth, in a letter which was 
 intended to appease her, that he was ready to do that for her 
 service which he would not do for his own gain. ' My mind,* 
 he says, ' turneth upon other wheels than those of profit.' Had 
 it not been for this chance, however, he would probably have 
 
Xl'v PREFACE. 
 
 relieved himself from the embarrassment of his debts by selling 
 the reversion of his property and purchasing an annuity, and 
 would then have abandoned a profession for which he had no 
 love, and lived the life of a student. But he was kept in sus- 
 pense during the summer of 1593, and the delay decided his 
 future career. 
 
 In March, 1593-4, he drew up a report, not printed in his 
 lifetime, ' of the detestable treason, intended by Dr. Roderigo 
 Lopez, a physician attending upon the person of the Queen's 
 Majesty,' which had been traced out with great skill by Essex. 
 The latter meanwhile was urging Bacon's claims upon the 
 Queen with a pertinacity and petulance which rather injured 
 than furthered his cause. Heartsick with hope deferred, 
 
 Bacon writes to his friend, ' I will, by God's assistance 
 
 retire myself with a couple of men to Cambridge, and there 
 spend my life in my studies and contemplations, without look- 
 ing back.' On the 10th of April Coke's patent as Attorney- 
 General was made out and delivered. By this appointment 
 the Solicitorship became vacant, and Essex renewed his im- 
 portunities with the Queen, who disparaged Bacon in his legal 
 capacity as one who was not deep, but rather showed to the 
 utmost of his knowledge, while she admitted he had l a great 
 wit and an excellent gift of speech, and much other good 
 learning.' On the 27th of July, 1594, being detained by illness 
 at Huntingdon on his way north, he paid a visit to Cambridge, 
 and received the honorary degree of Master of Arts. The 
 Queen was still relentless, but had given way so far as to 
 employ him on the 13th of June in the examination of two 
 persons in the Tower, who were implicated in a conspiracy. 
 In August and September he is again at work upon business 
 of the same kind. Still the long hoped-for promotion did not 
 come. In the Christmas vacation of this year he amused him- 
 self with beginning his ' Promus of Formularies and Elegan- 
 cies,' and in writing speeches for an entertainment at Gray's 
 Inn. The suspense of more than a year and half was brought 
 to an end by the appointment of Serjeant Fleming to the 
 Solicitorship on the 5th of November, 1.595. Essex was mor- 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 tified at the ill success of his suit, the failure of which had 
 perhaps in some measure been due to his own want of judge- 
 ment in pressing it. Lady Bacon said truly, ' though the Earl 
 showed great affection, he marred all with violent courses.' 
 But he generously resolved that his friend should not be alto- 
 gether a loser by his friendship. The relation between them 
 at this juncture is excellently expressed by Mr. Spedding. 
 1 In the account between him and Bacon the obligation was 
 not all on one side. Bacon owed him much for his friendship, 
 trust, and eager endeavours to serve him. He owed Bacon 
 much, not only for affection and zeal, but for time and pains 
 gratuitously spent in his affairs. These he had done his best 
 to requite in the best way— namely by advancing him in his 
 profession ; but having failed, he (not unnaturally) desired to 
 make him some reparation.' ' You shall not deny,' said Essex, 
 'to accept a piece of land which I will bestow upon you.' 
 Bacon declined, but the Earl insisted, and what followed 
 must be told in Bacon's own words, because it shows in what 
 light he viewed the respective duties of citizenship and friend- 
 ship, and how fixed a principle it was with him that, like 
 Pericles, he could only be a friend usque ad aras, so far, that 
 is, as was consistent with higher obligations. After in vain 
 endeavouring to persuade Essex not to imitate the Duke of 
 Guise and turn his estate into obligations, he said, ' My Lord, 
 I see I must be your homager and hold land of your gift : but 
 do you know the manner of doing homage in law ? Always it 
 is with a saving of his faith to the King and his other lords : 
 and therefore, my Lord' (said I), 'I can be no more yours 
 than I was, and it must be with the ancient savings.' It looks 
 as if Bacon already foresaw that the impetuous rashness of 
 Essex might at some time place him in such a position that 
 the lower duty would have to give way before the higher. 
 How strongly he felt this is shown by the closing sentence of 
 a letter to the Earl, which is very properly assigned to this 
 period of his life, and carries with it a warning sound. ' I 
 reckon myself as a common (not popular, but common) ; and as 
 much as is lawful to be enclosed of a common, so much your 
 

 XVI PREFACE. 
 
 Lordship shall be sure to have.' Five years later he reiterated 
 in the same tone, ' I humbly pray you to believe that I aspire 
 to the conscience and commendation first of bonus civis, which 
 with us is a good and true servant to the Queen, and next of 
 bonus vir, that is, an honest man.' But of this anon. The 
 result of the present negotiation was that Essex presented 
 Bacon with a piece of land, which he afterwards sold to Rey- 
 nold Nicholas for 1800/. 
 
 At what precise time Bacon was appointed by the Queen 
 one of her counsel learned in the law, is not quite certain. It 
 has been supposed that the appointment was made as early as 
 the beginning of 1592, and he is certainly described by this 
 title in a lease of sixty acres of land in Zelwood Forest, Somer- 
 setshire, which was granted him by the Crown, July 14, 1596. 
 From the fact that he is not so described in the grant of the 
 reversion of the lease of Twickenham Park, dated Nov. 17, 
 1595, it would seem that he had been made Queen's counsel 
 in the interval. Meanwhile he consoled himself for his pro- 
 fessional disappointments by increased devotion to his favourite 
 studies, and early in 1597 published, in a small volume, the first 
 instalment of his Essays, which had been written some time 
 before, and were already circulated in manuscript. From an 
 expression in the dedication to his brother Anthony, he evid- 
 ently regarded the publication as premature. ' I doe nowe,' 
 he says, Mike some that have an orcharde ill neighbored, 
 that gather their fruit before it is ripe, to prevent stealing.' 
 The same volume contained the Colours of Good and Evil, and 
 the Medit at tones Sacra. Traces of his hand are also to be 
 found in the ' Advice to the Earl of Rutland on his Travels,' 
 and to ' Sir Fulke Greville on his Studies,' which appear in the 
 name of Essex, and belong to the beginning of 1596. 
 
 On the 30th of April, 1596, the Mastership of the Rolls 
 became vacant by the death of Lord Keeper Puckering, and 
 the promotion of Egerton to his place. For this post Bacon 
 was again a candidate, Essex as before supported his claim, and 
 with the same result, suspense and ultimate disappointment. 
 Burghley's influence was exerted with no better success. He 
 
PREFACE. XVli 
 
 had endeavoured to procure the Solicitorship for his nephew, 
 and, failing that, 'the place of the Wards;' probably, as 
 Mr. Spedding conjectures, the office of Attorney of the 
 Wards. But all came to nothing, as did another suit of a 
 more private nature, which Bacon contemplated if he did not 
 prosecute, and in which Essex again stood his friend. It is 
 not certain that he ever actually proposed for the hand of 
 Lady Hatton, the young and wealthy widow of Sir William 
 Hatton, and granddaughter of Burghley. From an expression 
 in one of his letters to Essex it is probable that he saw no 
 opportunity of urging his suit with success, and on the 7th of 
 November, 1598, the lady became the wife of his determined 
 enemy, Sir Edward Coke. 
 
 It was during the autumn of 1597 that an estrangement 
 took place between Bacon and Essex. Warnings on the one 
 side, which were unheeded on the other, ' bred in process of 
 time,' says Bacon in his Apology, f a discontinuance of private- 
 ness .... between his Lordship and myself; so as I was 
 not called nor advised with, for some year and half before his 
 Lordship's going into Ireland, as in former time.' After the 
 brilliant success of the Cadiz expedition, Bacon wrote a letter 
 of advice to the Earl touching his conduct; a letter full of the 
 soundest wisdom, showing the clear apprehension which the 
 writer had of the weak points of Essex's character. The 
 difference between the policy he recommended and the 
 course which Essex adopted cannot be more strikingly put 
 than in Bacon's own words in his Apology : ' I ever set this 
 down, that the only course to be held with the Queen, was by 
 obsequiousness and observance . . . My Lord on the other 
 hand had a settled opinion that the Queen could be brought 
 to nothing but by a kind of necessity and authority.' How 
 true this was no man knew better by experience than Bacon 
 himself, who ever in season and out of season gave him ' the 
 counsel of a wise and then a prophetical friend.' (Sir H. 
 Wotton,.) But it was all in vain. Essex's nature was too 
 impatient to follow a course which involved so much self- 
 restraint. He went his own way, and in a few brief years 
 
 b 
 
XVlii PREFACE. 
 
 followed the partial failure of the Island voyage, the total 
 failure of the Irish expedition, his hasty return, the Queen's 
 displeasure, and then the final catastrophe. 
 
 But we must go back for a while to see in what matters 
 Bacon was occupied. In 1595 the question of Star-Chamber 
 Fees was undergoing investigation, and in consequence, cer- 
 tain fees hitherto claimed by the Clerk had been restrained 
 by the Lord Keeper. Bacon, who was immediately interested, 
 addressed a paper to Egerton on the subject in July 1597. 
 His estate at this time, as he confesses in another letter, was 
 ' weak and indebted,' a condition which he attributed in part 
 to the slender provision made for him by his father, and 
 greatly also to the plan of his own life, in which he c rather 
 referred and aspired to virtue than to gain.' Want was steal- 
 ing upon him. But he was not disheartened. There were 
 three means of preventing it : his practice, in which he was 
 conscious of not playing his best; the prospect of a place 
 under government ; and the reversion of the clerkship of the 
 Star-Chamber. The last of these he proposed to give up to 
 the Lord Keeper's son, if Egerton would obtain the Master- 
 ship of the Rolls for him ; but once more he failed, and the 
 office was not filled up till the next reign. 
 
 The ninth Parliament of Elizabeth met on the 24th of 
 October, 1597, and Bacon sat as member for Ipswich. His 
 first speech was on a motion which he brought forward 
 1 against depopulation of towns and houses of husbandry, and 
 for the maintenance of husbandry and tillage/ a question 
 which in after years possessed his mind, and was discussed in 
 his Essay ' Of the true Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates,' 
 first published in 16 12, and again in his History of Henry VII. 
 in 1622. An examination of D'Ewes's Journal of the House 
 of Commons shows that his name is to be found on com- 
 mittees for the consideration of every question of import- 
 ance during this session, and that though the Queen had not 
 yet forgiven his conduct on a former occasion, his position in 
 the House was as high as ever. 
 
 But if his reputation was increasing his debts were in- 
 
PREFACE. xix 
 
 creasing too, and in September 1598 he was arrested on his 
 way from the Tower, where he had been engaged in the in- 
 vestigation of a plot for the murder of the Queen. He com- 
 plained of the indignity thus offered him to Sir Robert Cecil 
 and the Lord Keeper Egerton, but how he was relieved from 
 it we have no information. A history of the conspiracy from 
 his pen appeared in the following year. 
 
 In the spring of 1599 Essex set out on his disastrous exped- 
 ition to Ireland. Bacon had already so far renewed his 
 intercourse with the Earl as to write him two letters of 
 advice. A third Cassandra-like note of warning was sounded 
 just before his departure, containing two maxims which Essex 
 was only too apt to forget, 'that merit is worthier than 
 fame,' and ' that obedience is better than sacrifice.' He 
 landed in Dublin on the 15th of April, and on the 28th of 
 September he startled the Queen at Nonsuch, by rushing 
 travel-stained into her chamber while she was dressing, ' her 
 hair about her face,' as a letter-writer of the time tells us. 
 And what had he done meanwhile ? Practically, as Mr. Sped- 
 ding puts it, ' whatever might be said in justification of this 
 or that item of the account, the totals must stand thus: — 
 Expended, 300,000/. and ten or twelve thousand men : re- 
 ceived, a suspension of hostilities for six weeks, with promise 
 of a fortnight's notice before recommencing them, and a 
 verbal communication from Tyrone of the conditions upon 
 which he was willing to make peace.' Between ten and 
 eleven o'clock the same night he was ordered to keep his 
 room. His first plan of bringing over with him a part of 
 the army to enable him to make conditions with the govern- 
 ment, had been abandoned by the advice of his stepfather 
 Blount, and his friend Southampton. But he took with him 
 a strong body-guard of trusty men, * who might have secured 
 him against any commitment.' On the 1st of October he 
 was placed in the custody of the Lord Keeper at York 
 House. Bacon, who at this time had constant access to the 
 Queen, was charged by popular rumour with irritating her 
 against Essex. 'According to the ordinary charities of 
 
 b 2 
 
n; 
 
 XX PREFACE. 
 
 Court,' he says with quiet irony, 'it was given out that I 
 was one of them that incensed the Queen against my Lord 
 of Essex.' To Elizabeth's plan of having ' somewhat pub- 
 lished in the Star-Chamber, for the satisfaction of the world 
 touching my Lord of Essex his restraint,' Bacon was firmly 
 opposed, and his opposition gave her great offence. She 
 charged him with being absent from the Star-Chamber when 
 the declaration was made on the 29th of November. That 
 he was absent we have his own evidence to prove, and he 
 pleaded indisposition as the cause. An unjust suspicion fell 
 upon him of having given the Queen an opinion in the cause 
 of Essex in opposition to that of the Lord Chief Justice and 
 the Attorney-General. His life was even threatened ; but he 
 had ' the privy coat of a good conscience,' and felt that these 
 falsehoods would recoil upon their authors. Essex still re- 
 mained in the custody of the Lord Keeper, and for some 
 months not a word passed between the Queen and Bacon 
 about him. But neither of them at this time knew the depth 
 of Essex's guilt. They knew nothing of his first design of 
 landing in England with two or three thousand men, to make 
 good his position till he could gain support. They knew 
 nothing of the treasonable intention with which Montjoy 
 succeeded to Essex's command in Ireland; an intention 
 which had no less a scope than with half his army to join the 
 King of Scots in an armed demonstration to support his 
 right to the succession, the party headed by Essex in England 
 working to the same end. James was too timid or too wary 
 to listen to such a proposal, and the plot was for the time 
 abandoned. Before it was revived Montjoy had come to his 
 senses, and then 'utterly rejected it as a thing which he could 
 no way think honest.' 
 
 In the meantime Essex was released from custody and 
 allowed to retire to his own house, still however remaining 
 under surveillance. Towards the end of the Easter term the 
 Queen admitted to Bacon that the former ' proceeding in the 
 Star-Chamber had done no good, but rather kindled factious 
 bruits (as she termed them) than quenched them.' She now 
 
PREFACE. XXI 
 
 proposed to proceed by public information against Essex. 
 But for this, Bacon urged, it was far too late ; at which the 
 Queen was offended. At the beginning of the next term the 
 subject was again discussed between them, Bacon as before 
 dissuading any public process. The Queen finally resolved 
 that the matter should be heard before a commission at York 
 House. Her counsel had their parts assigned to them. At 
 first it was doubtful whether Bacon, in consideration of his 
 relations with Essex, and the way in which he had consist- 
 ently pleaded his cause, would be allowed any share in the 
 proceedings. He begged to be excused, but held himself 
 ready to obey the Queen's commands, thinking that by so 
 far yielding to her he might be in a better position to serve 
 Essex. Up to this time it must be remembered he knew 
 nothing of the Earl's treasonous designs, and regarded his 
 quarrel with the Queen as a storm which would soon blow 
 over. In the distribution to the counsel of their several 
 parts, Bacon was allotted one which seemed insignificant, and 
 was given him as least calculated to do harm to Essex. The 
 Privy Council with their assessors met at York House on the 
 5th of June. Essex was acquitted of disloyalty, but censured 
 for contempt and disobedience in neglecting his instructions 
 and deserting his command. Bacon, by the Queen's order, 
 drew up a narrative of what had passed, in which he touched 
 upon Essex's faults with so tender a hand, that Elizabeth was 
 moved and said, 'she perceived old love would not easily be 
 forgotten.' Bacon with great adroitness took advantage of 
 the expression. 'Whereunto I answered suddenly, that I 
 hoped she meant that by herself.' In a short time Essex was 
 released from the slight restraint which had been placed upon 
 him, but forbidden to come to the Court. His fate was again 
 in his own hands. 
 
 So far it was proved that Bacon's policy was the true one, 
 and that by keeping on good terms with the Queen he could 
 better serve Essex than by placing himself in opposition to 
 her. His principles however remained the same as before. 
 ' For my Lord of Essex,' he writes to Lord Henry Howard, 
 
V 
 
 XX11 PREFACE. 
 
 1 1 am not servile to him, having regard to my superior duty. 
 I have been much bound unto him. And on the other side, I 
 have spent more time and more thoughts about his well- 
 doing than ever I did about mine own.' Still he had no 
 suspicion of the dangerous secrets of which Essex was con- 
 scious. His counsel was as ever patience, and for a time the 
 Earl, to the outer world at least, seemed heedful of his advice. 
 To his intimates he presented another aspect. ' In my laste 
 discourse,' says Sir John Harington, 'he uttered strange 
 wordes, borderynge on suche strange desygns that made me 
 hastene forthe, and leave his presence ; thank heaven I am 
 safe at home, and if I go in suche troubles againe, I deserve 
 the gallowes for a meddlynge foole : His speeches of the Queene 
 becomethe no man who hathe mens sana in corpore scmo.' 
 (Nugae Antiquae, ii. 225, ed. 1779.) His patent for the 
 monopoly of sweet wines was to expire at Michaelmas, and 
 he petitioned for a renewal of the lease. His petition was 
 refused and his patience at an end. From this time the 
 Queen, who evidently was better informed than Bacon as to 
 what Essex had really done, and supposed that Bacon knew 
 as much as herself, was so angry at his importunity for his 
 friend that she would no longer see him. For three months 
 this estrangement lasted. It was not till after New Year's 
 Day, 1 600-1, that Bacon was admitted to her presence, and 
 then boldly and 'with some passion ' spoke his mind. * Madam, 
 I see you withdraw your favour from me, and now that I have 
 lost many friends for your sake, I shall leese you too. . . . 
 A great many love me not, because they think I have been 
 against my Lord of Essex ; and you love me not, because you 
 know I have been for him : yet will I never repent me, that 
 I have dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both, without 
 respect of cautions to myself, and therefore nj'vvus -vidensque 
 pereo* The Queen was moved by the earnestness of his 
 protestations, and spoke kindly to him as of old ; but of Essex 
 never a word. Henceforth Bacon determined to meddle no 
 more in the matter, and never saw the Queen again till the 
 Earl had put himself beyond the reach of intercession. He 
 
PREFACE. XX111 
 
 now devoted his energies to his own affairs, which were still 
 embarrassed, and to the business of his profession, in which 
 he was gradually but surely rising. On the 24th of October, 
 1600, he had been made Double Reader at Gray's Inn, and 
 had his lectures for the Lent term to prepare on the Statute 
 of Uses. 
 
 Up to the 8th of February, 1 600-1, it is abundantly evident 
 that Bacon had done his utmost to restore Essex to the 
 Queen's favour. His efforts were vain, but they were made, 
 and were made, moreover, not only at the risk but with the 
 result of bringing the Queen's displeasure upon himself. And 
 now came the crisis in which his worst forebodings were 
 more than realised. Essex, left to his own devices and the 
 company and counsel of men who used him as an instrument 
 for their own ends, plunged deeper and deeper in guilt. As 
 long ago as the previous August he had again sounded 
 Montjoy on the subject of an armed demonstration in con- 
 junction with the King of Scotland. But Montjoy turned 
 a deaf ear. Still there were hopes from James. Meanwhile 
 the secret which had hitherto been confined to a few was 
 in danger of being divulged. The discontented spirits of all 
 parties were encouraged to rally round Essex, though without 
 knowing the full extent of the conspiracy they were intended 
 to support. Before Christmas, Essex had determined to se- 
 cure his access to the Queen in such sort as might not be 
 resisted. By the end of January the plot had assumed a defin- 
 ite form. He was ' resolved not to hazard any more com- 
 mandments and restraints.' On the 3rd of February the 
 plan for attacking the Court was made and the parts assigned 
 to the conspirators. Sir Christopher Blount was to seize the 
 utter gate, Sir Charles Davers the presence, and Sir John 
 Davies the hall and water-gate. The guard being over- 
 powered and the Queen's person secured, the Earl and his 
 company were to enter from the Mews, and make their own 
 terms. Cecil, Ralegh, and Cobham were to be removed. 
 They had no intention of injuring the Queen ; but, as Blount 
 confessed on the scaffold, they were prepared, rather than 
 
XXIV PREFACE. 
 
 fail in their ends, to have even 'drawn blood from herself.' 
 The gatherings at Essex House had attracted the attention 
 of the Court, and on Saturday the 7 th of February Essex was 
 summoned before the Privy Council. He refused to go ; and 
 in the evening, fearing that the Lords knew more than they 
 did, proposed to make the attack. But the guards were 
 doubled at Whitehall, and next morning Charing Cross and 
 Westminster were barricaded. There was nothing now left 
 but to raise the City. At ten o'clock on Sunday morning, 
 the Lord Keeper, the Earl of Worcester, Sir William Knollys, 
 and the Lord Chief Justice repaired to Essex House. Essex's 
 men had been running hither and thither all night to summon 
 his friends, and by this time wellnigh three hundred were 
 assembled. The arrival of the Lord Keeper precipitated 
 their action. Essex cried out that he should be murdered 
 in his bed, that his enemies had forged his name, and that 
 he was armed in self-defence. The Lord Keeper promised 
 that he should have justice done, but it was now too late. 
 Essex left him and his companions prisoners, and rushed out 
 with some two hundred followers on foot, crying hysterically 
 that plots were laid against his life, and that the country was 
 sold to the Spaniard. Not a man stirred in his defence. The 
 conspirators marched through the City as far as Fenchurch 
 Street to the house of Sheriff Smith, and there Essex showed 
 signs that his nerve had forsaken him. Making their way 
 back to Ludgate Hill, they found the street closed against 
 them. A fight ensued, in which one or two were slain on 
 either side, Essex was shot through the hat, Blount wounded 
 and taken prisoner. The Earl, with some fifty followers, es- 
 caped by water to Essex House, and by ten o'clock in the 
 evening surrendered. And so ended this miserable and ' fatal 
 impatience.' But there was evidently a mystery which the 
 Court had not penetrated, and to unravel it Bacon with others 
 of her Majesty's counsel was employed. They soon dis- 
 covered the true nature of the plot. Judgement followed 
 swiftly upon the offenders. On the 19th of February Essex 
 and Southampton were arraigned. The evidence against 
 
PREFACE. XXV 
 
 them was overwhelming. Bacon took his place among the 
 counsel. The office he had to perform was none of his 
 seeking: it was laid upon him with the rest of his fellows. 
 The time had come when he was obliged to choose between 
 his Queen and one to whom he had tried his utmost to be 
 a friend. Essex's defence was, as before, that his life was in 
 danger, that he took up arms for his own protection, and 
 that the kingdom was betrayed to Spain. Bacon spoke twice, 
 on both occasions recalling the attention of the Court to the 
 true nature of the case, and showing that the private quarrel 
 which had been alleged was a mere pretext. The defence 
 broke down on all points, and the two Earls were condemned. 
 Even those who blame Bacon for taking any part in the trial 
 have nothing to urge against the manner in which he acquit- 
 ted himself. Birch (Memoirs of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
 ii. 499) says, ' Mr. Francis Bacon's behaviour towards the Earl 
 at his trial was perhaps less exceptionable than his submitting 
 to any share in it.' Essex himself uttered no word of re- 
 proach. He was too conscious that Bacon had stood by him 
 in evil report and in good report, and how wise all his counsels 
 had been. After a careful review of this strange eventful 
 history, the whole course of which must have been inexpress- 
 ibly painful to Bacon, it is difficult to see how, as a good 
 citizen, whose first duty was to his country, he could have 
 acted otherwise. His contemporaries passed no censure upon 
 him. Essex, who laid the blame of his own treason upon 
 his personal enemies, did not reckon Bacon among them. 
 And these things being so, we may confidently expect at the 
 hands of posterity a verdict not only of ' not proven,' but of 
 1 not guilty.' 
 
 So much misapprehension has existed as to the real nature 
 of the offence of Essex, and of Bacon's share in his trial and 
 condemnation, that it has been necessary to discuss it some- 
 what in detail. With the Earl's execution, however, Bacon's 
 part in the transaction did not terminate. Though the evid- 
 ence was crushing and irresistible, the conduct of the trial had 
 been slovenly, and the impression left by it confused. It was 
 
XXVI PREFACE. 
 
 desirable that an authoritative statement should be drawn up, 
 setting forth with all clearness the real nature of the offence, 
 and the evidence on which judgement had been pronounced, 
 and the task of drawing up such a statement was entrusted 
 to the skilful pen of Bacon. The result was A Declaration of 
 the Practises and Treasons attempted and committed by Robert 
 late Earle of Essex and his Complices, against her Maiestie and 
 her Kingdoms, fyc, which was published in 1601. His in- 
 structions as to the writing were very precise, and after 
 a first draft had been made, it was submitted to 'certain 
 principal counsellors,' who 'made almost a new writing,' so 
 that Bacon himself ' gave only words and form of style,' and 
 in this he nothing extenuated or set aught down in malice. 
 The principal offenders being punished, he exerted himself 
 to save the inferior actors, and with such good success that 
 six out of nine were stayed from being attainted. 
 
 In the course of the spring of 1601 he lost his brother 
 Anthony, to whom he had always been greatly attached. 
 His circumstances were by this somewhat improved, and with 
 the 1200/. which he received from the fine of Catesby, one 
 of the accomplices of Essex, he was enabled to get rid of 
 some obligations which had pressed heavily upon him. 
 
 In the last Parliament of Elizabeth, which met on the 27th 
 of October, 1601, Bacon was returned both by Ipswich and 
 St. Alban's, a conspicuous proof that his conduct in the Essex 
 conspiracy had not brought upon him the censure of the 
 country. His voice, as of old, was heard, and his pen was still 
 busy, on all important questions. 
 
 With the death of Elizabeth on the 24th of March, 1602-3, 
 and the accession of James, no great change took place in 
 Bacon's prospects. He was still allowed to continue one of 
 the learned counsel. On the 3rd of July he writes to Cecil 
 that he is forced to sell the skirts of his living in Hertford- 
 shire to preserve the body, thereby leaving himself free from 
 debt and with a little money in hand, ' 300/. land per annum, 
 with a fair house, and the ground well timbered.' He wishes 
 to be made a knight because of some disgrace which had 
 
PREFACE. XXVli 
 
 been passed upon him, and because there were three new 
 knights in his mess at Gray's Inn. The most important 
 reason for seeking this honour he keeps to the last — ' because 
 I have found out an alderman's daughter, an handsome 
 maiden, to my liking.' But he desired especially that the 
 honour should be conferred as a real distinction, and that he 
 'might not be merely gregarious in a troop.' On the 23rd 
 of July he gained his wish, but in the company of three 
 hundred others. His ambition for professional advancement 
 was quenched under the new sovereign. In the letter to Cecil 
 which has already been referred to, he says, 'My ambition 
 now I shall only put upon my pen, whereby I shall be able 
 to maintain memory and merit of the times succeeding.' 
 James, if not wise, was undoubtedly learned, and in his 
 advent to the throne Bacon saw hopes of at last realizing 
 his magnificent dreams of the regeneration of learning and 
 the extension of the kingdom of man. And it may be that 
 during this year (1603) he wrote the first book of The 
 Prqficience and Advancement of Learning. His other literary 
 productions of this period are A Brief Discourse touching the 
 Happy Union of the Kingdoms of England and Scotland, and 
 Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edific- 
 ation of the Church of England. The latter of these may be 
 regarded as the sequel to a tract on the same subject which 
 he had written in 1589. It was partly printed in 1604, but 
 not published, and was evidently composed with direct refer- 
 ence to the subjects discussed at the Hampton Court con- 
 ference. His Apology for his conduct in the Essex trial, 
 which was addressed to Montjoy, now Earl of Devonshire, 
 belongs to the same year. 
 
 The first Parliament of the new reign met on the 19th of 
 March, 1603-4, and Bacon was again returned both by 
 Ipswich and St. Alban's, still taking the same prominent part 
 in the proceedings of the House. His office as one of the 
 learned counsel was confirmed to him by patent on the 18th 
 of August, coupled with the grant of a pension of 60/. a year 
 for life. His vacation was employed in drawing up Certain 
 
XXV111 PREFACE. 
 
 Articles or Considerations touching the Union of the Kingdoms of 
 England and Scot/and, in view of the Commission appointed 
 to meet in October for the discussion of the question. A 
 draft of a proposed proclamation touching his Majesty's style 
 was also prepared at the same time, but not used. Just as 
 the Commission had commenced its sittings, the Solicitorship 
 became vacant ; but Bacon was again passed over, and Dode- 
 ridge appointed. 
 
 Still his professional occupations allowed him less leisure 
 than ever, and when on the 24th of December the next 
 meeting of Parliament was postponed till October, 1605, 
 Bacon foresaw that, if he intended to finish his work on the 
 Advancement of Learning, he must make good use of the 
 interval. Mr. Spedding has pointed out that the first book 
 was printed in all probability before the second was ready 
 for the press, and that the second book shows marks of haste 
 both in printing and composition. The entries in the books 
 of the Stationers' Company b indicate that his first intention 
 was to have issued the work both in Latin and English. 
 Under the date of Aug. 19, 1605, we find, « Mr. Richard 
 Ockould. Entred for his Copies vnder the handes of the B : 
 of London & Mr. Feild warden, The firste parte of the Twoo 
 bookes of S r Frauncis Bacon, Of the proficience & advauncem* 
 of Learninge divine and Humane to be printed bothe in 
 Englishe & Lattin. xij d .' And again, Sept. 19 : 'Mr. Ockold. 
 Entred for his copie vnder the handes of my Lo. Bysshoop of 
 London, and the wardens. A booke as well in Latyn as in 
 Englishe called The second book of frauncis Bacon, of the 
 proficience and Advauncement of learninge Divine and 
 humane. xij d .' We might almost infer from these two en- 
 tries that Bacon in the course of the summer had resolved 
 to issue the first book separately, either from inability to 
 finish the second, or for some other reason, and that he 
 afterwards changed his mind and printed the second very 
 
 b For an opportunity of consulting these I am indebted to the kind- 
 ness of Mr. Greenhill. 
 
PREFACE. XXIX 
 
 hastily. Dr. Playfer, Margaret Professor of Divinity at Cam- 
 bridge, who had expressed the good liking he had conceived 
 of the book, was applied to by Bacon to translate it into 
 Latin, but the specimen of his version was too ornate for 
 Bacon's taste, and it was never completed. The two parts, 
 in English only, were published together in quarto some time 
 about the end of October, and then not by Richard Ockould 
 but by Henry Tomes, with the following title : ' The Twoo 
 Bookes of Francis Bacon. Of the proficience and aduaunce- 
 ment of Learning, diuine and humane. To the King. At 
 London, Printed for Henrie Tomes, and are to be sould at his 
 shop at Graies Inne Gate in Holborne. 1605.' In a letter from 
 Chamberlain to Carleton on the 7th of November, the appear- 
 ance of Sir Francis Bacon's new work on Learning is duly 
 chronicled . Any attention it might otherwise have attracted 
 was no doubt greatly diminished by the event which then 
 filled men's minds, the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot. In 
 the investigations which followed this discovery, Bacon was 
 only slightly concerned. A prospect of a vacancy occurs in 
 the Solicitorship in March, 1606-7, and Bacon urges Cecil to 
 press his claims. But he had again to wait. 
 
 In the hurry and business of this session, the gossip of 
 Carleton gives us a glimpse of Bacon, the statesman and 
 philosopher, in a new aspect. On the nth of May, 1606, 
 he writes to Chamberlain, 'Sir Francis Bacon was married 
 yesterday to his young wench in Maribone Chapel. He was 
 clad from top to toe in purple, and hath made himself and his 
 wife such store of fine raiments of cloth of silver and gold 
 that it draws deep into her portion. The dinner was kept at 
 his father-in-law Sir John Packington's lodging over against 
 
 c In the present edition the text has been taken from that of 1 605, 
 corrected where necessary by the Errata and by the subsequent editions 
 of 1629 and 1633. The spelling has been modernized throughout. In 
 tracing the quotations I have been materially assisted by Wats' trans- 
 lation of the De Augmentis, and the recent editions of the Advancement 
 by Mr. Markby and Mr. Kitchin. 
 
XXX PREFACE. 
 
 the Savoy, where his chief guests were the three knights, 
 Cope, Hicks, and Beeston ; and upon this conceit (as he said 
 himself) that since he could not have my L. of Salisbury in 
 person, which he wished, he would have him at least in his 
 representative body.' Alice Barnham, who thus became the 
 wife of Francis Bacon, was no doubt the same 'handsome 
 maiden ' whom he mentioned three years before to his cousin 
 Cecil. She was the daughter of Benedict Barnham, a London 
 merchant, whose widow took for her second husband Sir John 
 Packington, a knight of Worcestershire. Lady Bacon brought 
 with her a fortune of 220/. a year, which was settled upon 
 herself, with an additional 500/. a year from her husband, 
 a fact which at once disproves Lord Campbell's charge that 
 the match was a mercenary one. But how much of romance 
 or even sentiment there was in it we have no means of know- 
 ing. Bacon was now in his forty-sixth year, and his language 
 three months later breathes not so much the tone of ecstasy 
 as of tranquil satisfaction. ' I thank God I have not taken a 
 thorn out of my foot to put it into my side.' No letter of 
 their correspondence has been preserved, and from this time 
 we hear nothing more of the lady which could tell us whether 
 her influence over her husband was great or small. The 
 gossip of fifteen years later credited her with a forward 
 tongue, and from a sentence in Bacon's will we learn 
 that she had given him grievous cause of offence. She 
 survived him many years, and married her gentleman 
 usher. 
 
 The subject of the Union with Scotland and the Natural- 
 isation of the Scotch was still the prominent one before the 
 House. On the former question we have a fragment of Bacon's 
 speech delivered on 25th Nov., 1606. On the latter he replied 
 to Nicholas Fuller, 17th Feb., 1606-7. He spoke against the 
 motion for the Union of Laws on the 28th of March, and on 
 the 17th of June he reported to the House the speeches of 
 Salisbury and Northampton at the conference concerning the 
 petition of the merchants upon the Spanish grievances. The 
 reward which he had so well earned came at last. Doderidge 
 
PREFACE. XXXI 
 
 was made King's Serjeant, and Bacon became Solicitor General 
 in his stead on the 25th of June, 1607. 
 
 He had now no longer to fear that want would either steal 
 upon him as a wayfaring man or assault him as an armed man, 
 and in the greater tranquillity of mind which resulted he gave 
 himself up to the developement of his plan for enlarging the 
 borders of human knowledge. The Great Instauration seems 
 now to have taken a definite form, and as a means of clearing 
 the way for its reception he wrote the treatise called Cogitata 
 et Visa, which must have been the product of the latter half 
 of the year 1607. His professional work of the same period 
 is represented by 'A view of the differences in question 
 betwixt the King's Bench and the Council in the Marches,' 
 and by two proclamations, the one touching the Marches, the 
 other concerning Jurors. 
 
 The next year (1608) is marked by the falling in of the 
 clerkship of the Star-Chamber, by the death of William Mill 
 on the 1 6th of July. Bacon had waited patiently for it nearly 
 twenty years. In the summer vacation, and possibly during 
 the unwilling leisure caused by an outbreak of the plague, he 
 wrote his treatise Infehcem memoriam Elizabethae, and towards 
 the end of the year his discourse on the Plantation in Ireland, 
 which will even now be read with interest. Letters to his 
 friend Toby Matthew show that during the following year 
 (1609) the Instauration was not laid aside. ■ My Instauration 
 I reserve for our conference ; it sleeps not.' He sent him ' a 
 leaf or two of the Preface, carrying some figure of the whole 
 work.' Shortly after he forwarded another portion, which 
 may have been the Redargutio Philosophiarum. In the course 
 of this year, also, he wrote and submitted to the judgement of 
 the same friend, a little work of his recreation, as he calls it, 
 the treatise De Sapientia Veterum, on the interpretation of the 
 ancient fables of Greece and Rome. The Cogitata et Visa had 
 undergone revision and elaboration at the same time, and a 
 copy was sent in MS. to Bishop Andre wes, who had been 
 translated from Chichester to Ely. 
 
 The session of 1609-10 was occupied with disputes between 
 
XXxii PREFACE. 
 
 the King and the Commons, on the subject of the King's 
 debts. Bacon spoke in favour of supply, and in defence of the 
 King's right of imposition. Towards the end of August this 
 year his mother died, and to the summer vacation Mr. Sped- 
 ding refers 'The beginning of the History of Great Britain.' 
 What were his occupations in 161 1 we have no certain inform- 
 ation. Perhaps he amused himself with elaborating his 
 Essays, of which he published a much enlarged edition in the 
 following year. His letter to the King touching Sutton's 
 Estate, a report on the scarcity of silver at the Mint, and a 
 charge on opening the Court of the Verge, show that his pro- 
 fessional duties were not neglected. Salisbury's death in 1612 
 left an opening for the appointment of a Secretary of State, 
 and Bacon offered his services to the King. The office was 
 not filled up immediately, and soon after the Mastership of 
 the Wards, vacant from the same cause, was given to Sir 
 George Carey, though popular rumour assigned it to Bacon, who 
 had drawn up a frame of declaration and instructions for the 
 new Master. In the trial of Lord Sanquhar for murder (June 
 27, 161 2), Bacon appeared in his capacity of Solicitor General 
 as counsel for the prosecution. Three days later he made 
 a speech before the Council and Judges, on the refusal of the 
 Countess of Shrewsbury to be examined for aiding the Lady 
 Arabella Stewart in her attempt to escape. 
 
 The proposed marriage of the Princess Elizabeth to the 
 Elector Palatine in 161 2, gave Bacon additional employment 
 in drawing up Instructions to the Commissioners for collect- 
 ing the Aid which was levied on the occasion. Probably 
 towards the end of November he published the second edition 
 of his Essays. It was his intention to have dedicated them to 
 Prince Henry ; but the Prince's unexpected death on the 6th 
 of November prevented him from carrying this intention into 
 effect, and the Essays were addressed to Sir John Constable, 
 who had married Lady Bacon's sister. They must have ap- 
 peared in the interval between the death of the Prince and 
 the 17th of December, when they are referred to in one of 
 Chamberlain's letters. 
 
PREFACE. xxxiii 
 
 The marriage of the Princess, which had been postponed 
 in consequence of her brother's death, took place on the 14th 
 of February, 161 2-1 3, and a masque was given as an enter- 
 tainment in honour of the event by the gentlemen of Gray's 
 Inn and the Inner Temple. Bacon was the contriver of the 
 device, which represented the marriage of the Thames and 
 the Rhine. It was a work to which he was not new, and his 
 Essay * Of Masques and Triumphs' shows that he took interest 
 in it. 
 
 The Mastership of the Wards had again been vacant by the 
 death of Sir George Carey, 13th November, 1612, and ' Sir 
 Francis Bacon certainly expecting the place, had put most of 
 his men into new cloaks. Afterward when Sir Walter Cope 
 carried the place, one said merrily that Sir Walter was Master 
 of the Wards and Sir Francis Bacon of the Liveries.' (Rawley.) 
 As before, he might say sic nos non nobis. But the promotion 
 for which he had almost served an apprenticeship was not 
 long in coming. The death of Sir Thomas Fleming, Chief 
 Justice of the King's Bench, on the 7th of August, 161 3, 
 brought about a change. Sir Edward Coke, who had hitherto 
 been Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, became Chief 
 Justice of England and a Privy Councillor ; Hobart was put in 
 his place, and Bacon succeeded Hobart as Attorney General 
 on the 26th of October. For effecting this change, though 
 Bacon himself attributed it to the King, the Court favourite, 
 Somerset, wished to appropriate some credit, and it was ap- 
 parently with the view of releasing himself from the implied 
 obligation, that Bacon took the whole charge of preparing a 
 masque, which was given by Gray's Inn in honour of the 
 marriage of Somerset to the divorced Countess of Essex. 
 
 The first professional work in which he was engaged after 
 his appointment, was the delivery of a charge in the Star- 
 Chamber concerning duels, on the 26th January, 161 3-4. But 
 there were two cases with which his name has been associated, 
 and upon the telling of which much of the impression in 
 modern times with regard to his character depends. These 
 were the cases of St. John and Peacham. The charge against 
 
 c 
 
 J* 
 
XXXIV PREFACE. 
 
 him with regard to the former, is that he employed the laws, 
 which he was engaged in reducing and re-compiling, to the 
 vilest purposes of tyranny, by appearing as counsel for the 
 prosecution of Oliver St. John, who maintained that the King 
 had no right to levy benevolences. As Bacon acted in this 
 matter in a purely official capacity, it is scarcely necessary to 
 inquire whether the charge against St. John was justified 
 or not, and whether his conduct was so ' manly and constitu- 
 tional' as Macaulay represents it. The circumstances were 
 these. In June, 1614, the Parliament, to which Bacon had 
 been returned by three constituencies, Cambridge University, 
 Ipswich, and St. Alban's, was dissolved without voting any 
 supplies. As a means of meeting the King's wants, it was 
 proposed that a voluntary contribution should be raised, to 
 which all who would should give as they were disposed. No 
 compulsion was to be employed and no tax levied, but it was 
 to be a benevolence in the strict sense of the word. On the 
 nth of October, Oliver St. John, a gentleman of Marlborough 
 (not the St. John of the Long Parliament), addressed a letter 
 to the Mayor of that town, denouncing this kind of benevol- 
 ence as contrary to law, reason, and religion, and charging 
 the King with a violation of his coronation oath. For this he 
 was tried on the 15th of April, 1615, in the Star-Chamber. 
 The judges were unanimous, Coke leading the way, in sup- 
 porting the legality of the benevolence, and St. John was 
 condemned to a fine of 5000/., and to be imprisoned during 
 the King's pleasure. In this Bacon acted simply by the direc- 
 tion of the Council, and even if he recommended the prose- 
 cution, of which there is no evidence, he would have been 
 fortified by the unanimous opinion of the judges. 
 
 Peacham's case was of a different nature, and the charge 
 against Bacon founded upon it is even more serious. There 
 were difficulties both of fact and law to be met, and Bacon, 
 according to Macaulay, ' was employed to settle the question 
 of law by tampering with the judges, and the question of fact 
 by torturing the prisoner.' Edmund Peacham, a Somerset- 
 shire clergyman, having brought libellous accusations against 
 
PREFACE. XXXV 
 
 his diocesan, the Bishop of Bath and Wells, was sent up to 
 Lambeth to be tried before the High Commission, and sen- 
 tenced to be deprived of his orders on the 19th of December, 
 1614. Before the sentence his house was searched, and a 
 finished sermon was discovered, the contents of which were 
 decided by the Council to be of a treasonable nature. It was 
 thought, moreover, to indicate a state of disaffection in the 
 part of the country to which Peacham belonged, and as he 
 refused to criminate any accomplices, the Council resolved 
 that he should be put to the torture. In this there is no 
 evidence that Bacon had any hand whatever, further than that 
 he, as Attorney General, was one of the Commission appointed 
 by the Council to attend the examination of the prisoner. 
 It is clear that by the common law the use of torture for 
 extracting evidence was regarded as illegal, but it is equally 
 clear that it was employed by the Council for discovery, and 
 not for evidence ; that is, not to make a prisoner criminate 
 himself, but to get from him other information which it was 
 desirable to obtain. Bad as we may think this to be, it is not 
 Bacon who was to blame for it. There is proof in his own 
 letters that he engaged in the proceeding with reluctance, 
 and that the step was taken against his advice. How far he 
 can be justified against the other charge, of tampering with 
 the judges, depends upon a clear knowledge of what his inter- 
 ference really amounted to, and this is not easy to arrive at. 
 As the torture had utterly failed to extort from Peacham any 
 proof of the existence of a conspiracy, it became a question 
 whether he himself could be proceeded against for treason. 
 On this point of law the King was anxious to obtain the 
 opinion ot the judges of the King's Bench. It is not denied 
 that the Crown had a right to consult the judges on points of 
 this kind, but it does not appear to have been the custom to 
 consult them separately, as was done in this case. There was 
 no question with regard to Peacham's authorship of the 
 sermon, which was in his handwriting. The points for the 
 judges' consideration were, first, whether the sermon, had it 
 been published, would have supported an indictment for 
 
 c a 
 
XXXVI PREFACE. 
 
 treason ; and secondly, whether it was possible to establish a 
 treasonable charge on the mere fact of composition. The 
 idea of consulting the judges separately originated with the 
 King. Whether he thought by this means to get a more 
 genuine opinion from the others when they were not influenced 
 by the presence and authority of Coke, or what was his 
 motive, we have no means of knowing. That Bacon had 
 anything to do with suggesting such a course, there is no 
 evidence to show. What he did was to carry out the King's 
 instructions, and to lay the case before the Lord Chief Justice 
 for his opinion. Coke's opposition was not exerted against 
 the consultation of the judges, but against their being con- 
 sulted separately. None of the judges of the King's Bench 
 had to try the case, and therefore it is hard to see with what 
 truth Bacon's conduct can be described as tampering with 
 the judges in order to procure a capital conviction. Peacham 
 was ultimately tried at the assizes at Taunton, on the 7th of 
 August, 16 1 5, and convicted of high treason, but the capital 
 sentence was never carried into effect, because, as the report 
 of his trial says of his offence, ' many of the judges were of 
 opinion that it was not treason.' That his case excited any 
 indignation in the country, is a simple invention of Lord 
 Campbell's. 
 
 On the 24th and 25th of May, 16 16, Bacon took part as 
 Attorney General in the trial of the Earl and Countess of 
 Somerset for the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury. With 
 the prosecution of the inferior agents in this mysterious crime 
 he had nothing to do. During the early part of this year the 
 health of the Lord Chancellor (Ellesmere) had been giving 
 way, and Bacon was a suitor to the King for the office which 
 seemed likely to be vacant. On the 9th of June he became a 
 Privy Councillor, an appointment upon which he was formally 
 congratulated by the University of Cambridge, which he 
 represented in Parliament d . He had held the office of 
 
 d He now gave up his practice, though he retained his office of At- 
 torney General, and employed his first leisure in addressing to the King a 
 proposition for the compiling and amendment of the laws of England. 
 
PREFACE. XXXvii 
 
 University Counsel since the ioth of November, i6i3,and had 
 been retained in the same capacity by Trinity College during 
 the years 16 14-16. It was not known till the 3rd of March, 
 16 16-7, that the Lord Chancellor resigned the Great Seal, 
 which on the 7th of the same month was delivered by the 
 King into the hands of Bacon. ' Our new Lord-Keeper,' says 
 Chamberlain, ■ goes with great state, having a world of follow- 
 ers put upon him, though he had more than enough before.' 
 On the first day of Term (May 7) he rode in pomp to West- 
 minster, with a train of two hundred gallants, and delivered 
 his inaugural speech in Chancery, in which he published the 
 charge which the King gave him when he received the Seal, 
 and the rules he had laid down for his own conduct. Such 
 was his marvellous energy in his new office, that in the 
 course of a month he had cleared off all arrears, and on the 
 8th of June he reports to Buckingham that there is not one 
 cause unheard. A week after his appointment the King took 
 his departure for Scotland, leaving Bacon at the head of the 
 Council to manage affairs in his absence. In the same year 
 we find him using his influence with the King to dissuade him 
 from the Spanish match, and with Buckingham to prevent the 
 marriage of his brother, Sir John Villiers, with the daughter 
 of Sir Edward Coke. The issue of both showed that his 
 counsel was wise, but the King and Buckingham alike re- 
 sented his interference. Coke's animosity was of course not 
 lessened by it. But for the present the career of Bacon's 
 prosperity was unchecked. On the 4th of January, 16 17-8, he 
 became Lord Chancellor, and on the nth of July in the same 
 year he was created Baron Verulam. In his inaugural speech 
 as Lord-Keeper, he had announced his intention of reserving 
 1 the depth of the three long vacations' for the studies, arts, 
 and sciences, to which in his own nature he was most in- 
 clined. How well he had employed these moments of retire- 
 ment from the business of his office became evident when, in 
 October, 1620, he presented the King with the great work of 
 his life, the Novum Organum, the object of which, he says, 
 is to ' enlarge the bounds of reason, and to endow man's estate 
 
xxxviii PREFACE. 
 
 with new value.' He confesses that it is a fragment, and yet 
 not written in haste, for he has been about it near thirty 
 years. But he feels that his own life is hastening to its close, 
 and he wishes that a portion of his work at least should be 
 saved. The end was now very near. On the 27th ot 
 January, 1 620-1, he became Viscount St. Alban. His for- 
 tune, which for nearly four years had borne him smoothly 
 on, now raised him to his greatest height, as if to make 
 the final catastrophe more dramatic and appalling. Parlia- 
 ment met on the 30th. The Chancellor, in addressing 
 the new Speaker, gave expression to a sentiment which, 
 read in the light of subsequent events, seems prophetic, 
 — ' It is certain that the best governments, yea, and the 
 best of men, are like the best precious stones, wherein every 
 flaw or icicle or grain are seen and noted more than in 
 those that are generally foul and corrupted.' Coke, who had 
 not been in the House for many years, was returned as 
 member for Liskeard. On the 5th of February he moved for a 
 Committee to inquire into public grievances. A Committee 
 was appointed to report concerning the Courts of Justice. 
 Bacon, unsuspecting any malice, acted like a man who was 
 certainly not conscious of any great delinquency. On the 
 17th of February Sir E. Sackville reported to the House that 
 the Chancellor willingly consented that any man might speak 
 anything freely concerning his Court. On the 15th of March 
 Sir Robert Phillips laid before the Lower House the report 
 of the Committee on Courts of Justice. It came like a 
 thunderclap. The Lord Chancellor was accused of corrup- 
 tion in the exercise of his functions, and two instances were 
 given as proofs. On the 19th the Lords received a message 
 from the Commons requesting a conference concerning abuses 
 in certain eminent persons. Bacon was absent through ill- 
 ness. He sat in the House of Lords for the last time on 
 Saturday, the 17th of March. Next day, Sir James Ley, 
 Lord Chief Justice, was empowered by the King's commis- 
 sion to act as his substitute. On the Monday the con- 
 ference for which the Lower House applied was granted, 
 
PREFACE. XXXIX 
 
 and on the 20th the Lord Treasurer reported to the 
 Lords that the Lord Chancellor was accused of bribery 
 and corruption, and that the charge was supported by two 
 cases alleged. Bacon, sick to death as he thought himself, 
 and tortured by his hereditary malady, felt that his enemies 
 had closed upon him. He knew of 'the courses that had 
 been taken for hunting out complaints' against him, and 
 begged only a fair hearing, that he might give them an 
 ingenuous answer. He wrote to Buckingham : ' I know I 
 have clean hands and a clean heart, and I hope a clean house 
 for friends or servants. But Job himself, or whosoever was 
 the justest judge, by such hunting for matters against him, as 
 hath been used against me, may for a time seem foul, espe- 
 cially in a time when greatness is the mark, and accusation 
 the game.' And again, to the same : ' I praise God for it, 
 I never took penny for any benefice or ecclesiastical living ; 
 I never took penny for releasing anything I stopped at the 
 Seal ; I never took penny for any commission, or things of 
 that nature ; I never shared with any servant for any second 
 or inferior profit.' To the King he said : ' For the bri- 
 beries and gifts wherewith I am charged, when the books 
 of hearts shall be opened, I hope I shall not be found to have 
 the troubled fountain of a corrupt heart, in a depraved habit 
 of taking rewards to prevent justice ; howsoever I may be frail, 
 and partake of the abuses of the times.' We must take into 
 account these protestations when we come to consider his 
 subsequent confession. The Houses adjourned on the 27th 
 of March till the 17th of April. The day before they met, 
 Bacon had an interview with the King. On the following 
 day the Lord Treasurer reported to the Lords that the 
 Chancellor desired two things of his Majesty: — 1. That where 
 his answers should be fair and clear to those things objected 
 against him, his Lordship might stand upon his innocency. 
 2. Where his answers should not be so fair and clear, there 
 his Lordship might be admitted to the extenuation of the 
 charge ; and where the proofs were full and undeniable, his 
 Lordship would ingenuously confess them, and put himself 
 
xl PREFACE. 
 
 upon the mercy of the Lords. A few days later (April 22), 
 Bacon, who had ascertained privately the particulars of the 
 charge, wrote to the Lords: 'I find matter sufficient and 
 full, both to move me to desert my defence, and to move 
 your Lordships to condemn and censure me.' Why he thus 
 avoided the trial is a mystery which has never yet been 
 solved. He wished to resign the Seal, urging as a motive 
 for clemency, ' Neither will your Lordships forget, that there 
 are vitia temporis as well as <vitia bottoms ; and the beginning 
 of reformation hath the contrary power to the pool of 
 Bethesda ; for that had strength to cure him only that was 
 first cast in, and this hath strength to hurt him only that is 
 first cast in ; and, for my part, I wish it may stay there and 
 go no farther.' His confession was regarded as insufficient, 
 and it was ordered that the articles of the charge, now in- 
 creased in number to twenty-three, should be laid before 
 him. On the 30th of April his full confession, with the 
 answers to the articles in detail, was read before the Lords. 
 'I do plainly and ingenuously confess,' he says, 'that I am 
 guilty of corruption, and do renounce all defence.' As after 
 the severe self-examination which he underwent, he did not 
 find himself blameless, it would be doing an ill service to his 
 memory to excuse him. But, in confessing himself guilty of 
 corruption, we must have regard to his own language. That 
 Bacon took bribes for the perversion of justice no one has 
 ventured to assert. Not one of the thousands of decrees 
 which he made as Chancellor was ever set aside. None of 
 his judgements were reversed. Even those who first charged 
 him with accepting money admitted that he decided against 
 them. What his own opinions were concerning judicial 
 bribery we know from many passages in his writings, and 
 it would argue him a hypocrite of the deepest dye to suppose 
 that he openly practised what he as openly denounced. 
 In his speech in the Common Pleas (May 3, 16 17) to Justice 
 Hutton, he admonishes him : ' That your hands, and the 
 hands of your hands (I mean those about you) be clean, 
 and uncorrupt from gifts, from meddling in titles, and from 
 
PREFACE. xli 
 
 serving of turns, be they of great ones or small ones.' In 
 his Essay 'Of Great Place,' first published in 1612, and re- 
 issued in 1625, he says: 'For corruption: Do not only bind 
 thine own hands, or thy servants' hands, from taking, but 
 bind the hands of suitors also from offering.' In confessing 
 himself guilty of corruption, therefore, does he admit that 
 the whole practice of his life had been a falsification of his 
 principles ? Let us see. Of the twenty-two cases of bribery 
 with which he was charged, and which we may safely assume 
 were all that the malice of his enemies could discover against 
 him, there are but four in which he allows that he had in 
 any way received presents before the causes were ended ; 
 and even in these, though technically the presents were made 
 pendente lite, there is no hint that they affected his decision. 
 During the four years of his Chancellorship he had made 
 orders and decrees to the number of two thousand a year, 
 as he himself wrote to the Lords, and of the charges 
 brought against him there was scarcely one that was not two 
 years old. The witnesses to some of the most important 
 were Churchill, a registrar of the Court of Chancery, who 
 had been discharged for fraud ; and Hastings, who contra- 
 dicted himself so much that his testimony is worthless. But 
 we are more concerned with Bacon's confession of guilt than 
 with the evidence by which the charge was supported. In a 
 paper of memoranda which he drew up at the time, and 
 which has been printed by Mr. Montagu (Bacon's Works, xvi. 
 p* 1. p. cccxlv), he writes: 'There be three degrees or cases, 
 as I conceive, of gifts or rewards given to a judge. The first 
 is of bargain, contract, or promise of reward, pendente lite. 
 And of this my heart tells me I am innocent ; that I had no 
 bribe or reward in my eye or thought when I pronounced 
 any sentence or order. The second is a neglect in the 
 judge to inform himself whether the cause be fully at an 
 end, or no, what time he receives the gift ; but takes it upon 
 the credit of the party that all is done, or otherwise omits 
 to inquire. And the third is. when it is received sine fraude, 
 after the cause ended ; which it seems, by the opinions of 
 
xlii PREFACE. 
 
 the civilians, is no offence.' In another draft he adds this 
 comment: 'For the first, I take myself to be as innocent 
 as any born on St. Innocents' day in my heart. For the 
 second, I doubt in some particulars I may be faulty. And 
 for the last, I conceived it to be no fault.' 
 
 Such is Bacon's own interpretation of his confession, and 
 we are bound to accept it, for it is borne out by twenty-two 
 of the articles of the charge. To the twenty-third article, 
 that he had given way to great exactions by his servants, ' he 
 confessed it to be a great fault that he had looked no better 
 to his servants.' With this confession, we may leave his 
 name and memory, as he left it in his will, 'to men's charit- 
 able speeches, and to foreign nations, and the next ages.' 
 The verdict can hardly be other than that he pronounced 
 himself: 'I was the justest judge that was in England these 
 fifty years ; but it was the justest censure in Parliament that 
 was these two hundred years.' This censure, pronounced on 
 the 3rd of May by the Lords, was that he should pay a fine of 
 40,000/. and be imprisoned in the Tower during the King's 
 pleasure ; that he should thenceforth be incapable of holding 
 any office in the State, or of sitting in Parliament ; and that he 
 should not come within the verge of the Court. He had 
 resigned the Seal to the King on the 1st of May. It had 
 been decided by a majority of two that his titles were not to 
 be taken from him. But the sentence of imprisonment was 
 partially carried out, evidently to his great astonishment. On 
 the 31st of May he was taken to the Tower, and instantly 
 wrote a passionate letter to Buckingham, 'Good my Lord, 
 procure the warrant for my discharge this day.' The order 
 must have been given at once. On the 4th of June he wrote to 
 thank the King and Buckingham for his release. On the 7th e he 
 dated a letter to the Prince of Wales from Sir John Vaughan's 
 house at Parson's Green, whither he had been allowed to 
 retire. On the 9th, Chamberlain writes to Carleton that the 
 
 e The date usually given to this letter, 'June 1/ is obviously incorrect. 
 Mr. Spedding informs me that it should be 4 June 7.' 
 
PREFACE. xliii 
 
 Lord Chancellor had obtained leave to go to his own home, 
 and is talked of as President of the Council. On the 23rd, he 
 reports that the Chancellor has removed from Fulham to his 
 house at Gorhambury. Here he remained till the end of the 
 year. From his retirement he writes to Buckingham (Sep- 
 tember 5), ' I am much fallen in love with a private life ; but 
 yet I shall so spend my time as shall not decay my abilities 
 for use.' The occupation of his enforced leisure was the 
 History of Henry VII, which was completed in manuscript 
 by October. The fine inflicted by the sentence in Parliament 
 was released by the King's warrant on the 21st of September, 
 but was assigned to trustees, that Bacon might be protected 
 from the importunity of his creditors. He had nothing now 
 but the pension of 1200/. a year which the King had recently 
 given him, and his own private fortune. On being made Lord 
 Keeper he had resigned not only the lucrative post of At- 
 torney General, but the clerkship of the Star-Chamber. By 
 his fall he had lost 6000/. a year. A pardon was issued under 
 the Privy Seal on the 17th of October, but it appears to have 
 been stayed by the new Lord-Keeper. The prohibition which 
 prevented him from coming within twelve miles of the Court 
 was relaxed in the following March, and he was allowed to 
 approach as near as Highgate. Buckingham was annoyed at 
 his refusal to give up York House, and opposed his return to 
 London. In the course of the year, however, the restriction 
 was removed, and he took up his residence at Bedford House, 
 his own mansion meanwhile having been surrendered. The 
 publication of the History of Henry the Seventh in the 
 spring, and the translation into Latin of the Advancement 
 of Learning, kept him fully employed. In the latter work he 
 is said to have been assisted by George Herbert. Writing to 
 Bishop Andrewes the dedication to his Dialogue touching a 
 Holy War, which was also the work of this year, he says : 
 ' And again, for that my book of Advancement of Learning 
 may be some preparation, or key, for the better opening of 
 the Instauration ; because it exhibits a mixture of new con- 
 ceits and old ; whereas the Instauration gives the new un- 
 
xliv PREFACE. 
 
 mixed, otherwise than with some little aspersion of the old 
 for taste's sake ; I have thought good to procure a translation 
 of that book into the general language, not without great and 
 ample additions and enrichment thereof, especially in the 
 second book, which handleth the Partition of Sciences; in 
 such sort, as I hold it may serve in lieu of the first part of the 
 Instauration, and acquit my promise in that part.' 
 
 The provostship of Eton fell vacant in April 1623, and 
 Bacon sought the appointment as 'a retreat to a place of 
 study so near London,' but without success. The Advance- 
 ment of Learning in its Latin form was issued this year under 
 the title of De Augmentis Scientiarum, in nine books, the first 
 closely corresponding with the English. The last two or 
 three years of his life were occupied with dictating his Sylva 
 Sylvarum, putting the last touches to his Essays, which were 
 published in their final form in March 1625, and superintend- 
 ing their translation into Latin with other works to be entitled 
 Opera Moralia. The Apophthegms were the occupation of a 
 morning. It does not appear that the sentence of Parliament 
 was ever entirely revoked. The name of Lord St. Alban's, it 
 is true, is among those of the Peers summoned to the first 
 Parliament of Charles, but for some reason he did not take 
 his seat in the House. On New Year's Day, 1625-6, he 
 wrote to Sir Humphry May : ' The present occasion doth 
 invite me to desire that his grace (i. e. Buckingham) would 
 procure me a pardon of the King of the whole sentence. My 
 writ for Parliament I have now had twice before the time, 
 and that without any express restraint not to use it.' His 
 health, long feeble, would not have allowed him to attend, but 
 he could have appointed a proxy. At length came death, the 
 friend, whom for five years he had looked steadily in the face, 
 and released him from all his troubles. A cold, caught in the 
 process of an experiment to test the preserving qualities of 
 snow, terminated in a gentle fever, and after lingering a week 
 he passed quietly away in the early morning of Easter-day, 
 April 9, 1626. He died at the Earl of Arundel's house at 
 Highgate, and was buried in the church of St. Michael, at 
 
PREFACE. Xlv 
 
 St. Alban's. His chaplain, Dr. Rawley, ends the life which 
 he wrote of his old master with words which form a fitting 
 conclusion to every life of him : ■ But howsoever his body 
 was mortal, yet no doubt his memory and works will live, and 
 will in all probability last as long as the world lasteth.' And 
 with this anticipation we leave Francis Bacon to the judge- 
 ment of all time. 
 
 \V. A. W. 
 
 This Second Edition has been revised and corrected 
 throughout, and some additions have been made to the 
 Notes and Glossary. 
 
 W. A. W. 
 
 April y 1873. 
 
CALENDAR 
 
 OF THE LIFE AND WORKS 
 
 OF 
 
 FRANCIS BACON' 
 
 1 560-I. Jan. 22. Born at York 
 
 House. 
 1 573- April 5. Went up ta_Trinity 
 
 College , Cambridg e. 
 ,, June 10. Matriculated. 
 1576. June 27. Entered at Gray's 
 
 Inn. 
 „ Nov. 21. Admitted of the 
 
 grand company of that 
 
 society. 
 „ Went to_ Paris with Sir Amias 
 
 Paulet. 
 1578-9. Feb. 22. Death of his fa- 
 ther, Sir Nicholas Bacon. 
 1582. June 27. Admitted as utter 
 
 barrister. 
 „ About this time wrote Temporis 
 
 Partus Maximus. 
 1584. Nov. 23. Sat in parliament as 
 
 member for Melcombe Regis. 
 1586. Oct. 29. Member for Taunton. 
 
 1588. Lent term. Elected Reader at 
 
 Gray's Inn. 
 „ Nov. Member for Liverpool. 
 
 1589. Oct. 29. Reversion of the 
 
 Clerkship of the Star-Cham- 
 ber granted to him. 
 
 1589. An Advertisement touching the 
 Cotitroversies of the Church 
 of England (1640). 
 + 1592 Nov. 17. Discourses in praise 
 of Knowledge and of the 
 Queen ( 1 734). 
 „ Observations on a Libel (1657). 
 
 1592-3. Feb. 19. Sat as member for 
 Middlesex. 
 
 1593-4. Jan. 25. First appearance 
 as a pleader in court. 
 
 1594. A true Report of Dr. Lopez his 
 
 Treason (1657). 
 „ July 27. Made M.A. at Cam- 
 bridge. 
 
 1595. Nov. 17. Contributions to the 
 
 Device presented by Esse* 
 to the Queen : printed by 
 Mr. Spedding (1861). 
 1595-6. Formularies and Elegancies 
 
 (1859). 
 tj.596. Made Queen's Counsel Extra- 
 ordinary. 
 1597. First edition of the Essays. 
 -—"""" Colours of Good and Evil. 
 
 Meditationes Sacra. 
 Maxims of the Law (1630). 
 
 ' In the list of his Works I have not included his speeches in Parliament or 
 his arguments in law. The date of composition when it could be ascertained 
 is given ; the date of publication, when different from that of composition, is 
 included within parentheses. Probable dates are indicated by a dagger -f 
 Those pieces of which the date is altogether uncertain are placed at the end. 
 
CALENDAR OF LIFE AND WORKS. 
 
 xlvii 
 
 1597. Oct. 24. Sat as member for 
 Ipswich. 
 
 1600. Oct. 24. Double Reader at 
 
 Gray's Inn. 
 1 600-I. Feb. 19. Trial of Essex and 
 Southampton. 
 
 1 601. A Declaration of the Practises 
 
 and Treasons attempted and 
 committed by Robert late 
 Earl of Essex, &c, drawn 
 up by Bacon. 
 n Oct. 27. Returned to parlia- 
 ment as member for Ipswich 
 and St. Alban's. 
 
 1602. Letter to Cecil with Consider- 
 
 ations touching the Queen's 
 service in Ireland (1648). 
 1602-3. Mar. 24. Death of Elizabeth. 
 
 1603. July 23. Bacon knighted by 
 
 James I. 
 
 „ A Brief Discourse touching the 
 Happy Union of the King- 
 doms of England and Scot- 
 land. 
 + 1603. Valerius Terminus of the Inter- 
 pretation of Nature (1734). 
 
 ,, De Interpretatione Natures. Pro- 
 cemium (1653). 
 1603-4. Mar. 19. Returned again by 
 Ipswich and St. Alban's. 
 
 1604. Certain Considerations touching 
 
 the better Pacification and 
 Edification of the Church of 
 England (1640). 
 
 ,, Apology in certain imputations 
 concerning the late Earl of 
 Essex. 
 
 „ Aug. 18. Appointed King's 
 Counsel. 
 
 „ Certain Articles or Consider- 
 ations touching the Union of 
 the Kingdoms of England 
 and Scotland (1657). 
 
 1605. Advancement of Learning. 
 
 + 1605. Cogitationes de Natura Rerum 
 
 (1653). 
 
 1606. May 10. Francis Bacon mar- 
 
 ried Alice Barnham. 
 
 + 1606. Partis Inslaurationis SecundcE 
 Delineatio et Argumcntum 
 
 (1653). 
 
 1607. June 25. Made Solicitor Gen- 
 
 eral. 
 „ Cogitata et Vita (1653). 
 tl6o;. Filum Labyrinthi (1734). 
 
 1608. Inquisitio Legitima de Motu 
 
 (1653). 
 
 „ Calor et Frigus (1734). 
 
 „ Historia Soni et A uditus (1658). 
 
 „ In felicem memoriam Eliza- 
 beths (1658). 
 
 „ A fragment Of the true great- 
 ness of Britain (1734). 
 
 „ July 16. The Clerkship of 
 the Star-Chamber falls to 
 him. 
 fi6o8. Temporis Partus Masculus 
 
 (1653). 
 
 „ Aghorinni et Consilia (1653). 
 1608-9. Jan. I. Discourse of the 
 Plantation in Ireland 
 (1657). 
 
 1609. De Sapientia Veterum. 
 
 1610. Death of his mother, Lady 
 
 Anne Bacon. 
 „ The beginning of the History of 
 Great Britain (1657). 
 1611-12. Advice to the King, touch- 
 ing Sutton's Estate (1648). 
 ifii 2. Second edition of the Essays. 
 il^l2. Descriptio Globi Intellectualis 
 
 (1653). 
 „ Thema Colli (1653). 
 
 1613. Oct. 26. Appointed Attorney 
 
 General. 
 
 1614. Returned to parliament by 
 
 Ipswich, St. Alban's, and 
 Cambridge University. 
 1616. June 9. Made a Privy Coun- 
 cillor. 
 „ Proposition to His Majesty 
 touching the Compiling and 
 Amendment of the Laws of 
 England. 
 +1616. De Fluxu et Refluxu Maris 
 (1653). 
 
xlviii 
 
 CALENDAR OF LIFE AND WORKS. 
 
 + 1616. De Principiis atque Originibus 
 
 (1653). 
 
 1616-7. Mar. 7. Made Lord Keeper. 
 
 1617-8. Jan. 4. Made Lord Chan- 
 cellor. 
 
 1618. July 9. Created Baron Veru- 
 lam. 
 
 1620. Oct. Novum Organum 
 lisheH 
 
 >gr 
 Pat 
 
 pub- 
 ad 
 
 7th" farasceve 
 Historiam Naturalem et Ex- 
 perimentalem. 
 1620-1. Jan. 27. Created Viscount 
 St. Alban. 
 
 162 1. May 3. Sentenced by the 
 
 House of Lords. 
 1621-6. In this interval were com- 
 posed Abecedarian Natural 
 (lost except a fragment pub- 
 lished by Tenison, 1679); 
 Inquisitio de Magnete ( 1 65 8); 
 Topica inquisitionis de luce 
 et lumine (1653) ; _Sylva 
 Sylvarum ( 1 (> 2 7 ) ; Oft r ~qf 
 a Digest to be made of the 
 Laws of England (1629). 
 
 1622. History of Henry VII; Historia 
 
 Naturalis et Experimentalis; 
 Advertisement touching an 
 Holy War (1629). 
 
 1623. De Augment is Scientiarum libri 
 
 ix ; Historia Vita; et Mortis ; 
 History of the reign of Henry 
 VIII (1629). 
 
 1624. Considerations touching a War 
 with Spain (1629). 
 „ N ew Atlantis (1627). 
 „ Ufagnalia Natural (1627). 
 „ Dec. Apophthegms. 
 ,, ,, Translation of the Psalms. 
 1G25. Third edition of the Essays. 
 1626. Apr. 9. Bacon died at High- 
 gate. 
 
 Of the following works the date of 
 composition is doubtful : — 
 
 Phenomena Universi (1653); Scala 
 Intellectus and Prodromi (1653); 
 Cogitationes de Scientia Humana 
 (1653) ; De Interpretatione Natural 
 Sentential xii (1653) ; Short Notes 
 
 for Civil Conversation (1648); 
 Confession of Faith (1641); Pray ers 
 (1648, 1679) ; Imago Civilis julii 
 Caisaris (1658); Imago Civilis 
 Augusli Caisaris (1658); Addi- 
 tions to Camden s Annates (1717)1 
 In Henricum Principem Walliai 
 Elogium (1763); Physiological 
 and Medical Remains (1679). 
 Between 1 596 and 1604 Bacon 
 wrote the Letter and Discourse to 
 Sir Henry Savill, touching Helps 
 
 for the Intellectual Powers (1657) ; 
 and, after July 1608, Redargutio 
 Philosophiarum (1653). 
 
»Y^., t' 
 
ANALYSIS. 
 
 BOOK I. OF THE EXCELLENCY OF LEARNING AND KNOWLEDGE. 
 
 the King (1—3). The treati; 
 
 The excellency of learning and knowledge. 
 
 What has been done for the advancement of learning, with the defects of the same. 
 
 I. The zeal and jealousy of divines (i. s, 3). 
 
 II, The severity and arrogancy of politicians (ii. 1 — 9). 
 
 of Learning \ 1. their fortun 
 rising from 
 
 nd imperfections of learned -> 
 (ii».i-3); 
 
 3, the nature of their studic 
 
 the studies themselves (i\ 
 
 fi. Fantastical learning; (iv. 8— is). 
 1— 12K2, Contentious learning (iv. 5— 7J. 
 I 3. Delicate learning (iv. 2—4}. 
 
 1. Affectation of antiquity and novelty (v. 1). 
 
 2. Distrust of new discoveries iv. 2). 
 
 3. Conceit that the best opinions prevail (v, 3). 
 
 4. Premature reduction of knowledge to arts and methods (v. 4). 
 
 5. Neglect of universality or philosophia prima (v. 5). 
 
 6. Too great reverence for the intellect (v. 6). 
 
 7. Mixture of knowledge with men's inclinations (v. 7). 
 
 8. Impatience of doubt (v. 8). 
 
 9. Dogmatic delivery of knowledge (v. 9). 
 
 10. Aim which men propound to themselves (v. 10). 
 
 11. Mistaking of the end of knowledge (v. 11). 
 
 (B) Dignity 
 (vi-viii 
 
 f The work of creation (2). 
 I Spirits (3). 
 Light (4). 
 I. Divine testimony (vi) In \ The Sabbath (5). 
 
 I The contemplative life of Adam (6), and Abel (7) 
 mentors of arts (8). 
 
 The learning of Moses (9), Job (10), Solomon (11), Christ (is), the Apostles (13), the Fathers (14). the Jesuits (15). 
 
 Supreme honours paid to inventors of arts (v 
 
 : of learning upon 
 
 The intercourse of man and man (vii. 2). 
 
 States under learned princes { [jj J" c f v jj 
 
 Private virtue (viii. r. 2). 
 
 Power over the minds of men (viii. 3}. 
 
 Fortune and advancement (viii. 4). 
 
 Pleasure (viii. 5 ). 
 
 Immortality (viii. 6). 
 
 g. the Roman Emperors (vii. 4—8). Q- Elizabeth (vii. 9). 
 0); e.g. Alexander (vii. 11— 21), Caesar (vn. 22—29), 
 Xenophon (vii. 30). 
 
 

 THE 
 
 FIRST BOOK OF FRANCIS BACON; 
 
 OF THE PROFICIENCE AND 
 
 ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, 
 
 DIVINE AND HUMAN. < \JJ^^^' 
 
 To the King. 
 
 i. '"FHERE were under the law, excellent King, both 
 daily sacrifices and freewill offerings ; the one 
 pro ceeding upo n ordinary observance, the other upon a 
 devout che erfulnes s* in like manner there belongeth to 
 kings from their servants both tribute of duty and presents 
 of affection. In the former of these I hope I shall not live 
 to be wanting, according to my most humble duty, and 
 the good pleasure of your Majesty's employments : for the 
 latter, I thought it more r espectiv e to make choice of 
 some oblation, which might rather refer to the propriety 
 and excellency of your individual person, than to the 
 business of your crown and state. 
 
 2. Wherefore, representing your Majesty many times 
 unto my mind, and beholding you not with the inquisitive 
 eye of presumption, to discover that which the Scripture 
 telleth me is inscrutable, but with the observant eye of 
 duty and admiration ; r leaving aside the other parts of 
 your virtue and fortune, I have been touched, yea, and 
 possessed with an extreme wonder at those your virtues 
 
 B 
 

 
 J <-*-*-» ^U_*^»x^oL»-*V Y ■ 
 
 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. 
 
 [»• 
 
 -A. _ 
 
 — W*->~/-*f~ 
 
 It 
 
 and faculties, which the Philosophers call intellectual ; 
 ^he largeness of your capacity, the faithfulness of your 
 memory, the swiftness of your apprehension, the^pene- 
 tration of your judgement, and the facility and order of 
 your*elocution : and I have often thought, that of all the 
 persons living that I have known, your Majesty were 
 the best instance to make a man of Plato's opinion, 
 
 
 mat all knowledge is but remembrance, and that the 
 mind of man by nature knoweth all things, and hath 
 but her own native and original notions (which by the 
 strangeness and darkness of this tabernacle^of the body 
 are sequestered) again revived and restored : such a light 
 of nature I have observed in your Majesty, and such a 
 
 _cj readiness to take flame and blaze from the least occasion 
 presented, or the least spark of another's knowledge de- 
 livered. And as the Scripture saith of t he wisest kin^ , 
 Thai his heart was as the sands of the sea ; which though 
 it be one of the largest bodies, yet it consisteth of the 
 smallest and finest portions ; so hath God given your 
 Majesty a composition-of-understanding admirable, being 
 A able to compass and co mprehend the greatest matters, 
 and nevertheless to touch and apprehend the least ; 
 whereas it should seem an impossibility in nature, for 
 the same instrument to make itself fit for great and 
 
 A. small works. And for your gift of speech, I call to mind 
 what Cornelius Tacitus saith of Augustus Caesar : Atigusto 
 profluens, et qua principe??i deceret, eloquentia fuit. For if 
 we note it well, speech that is uttered with labour and 
 difficulty, or speech that savoureth of the affectation of 
 art and precepts, or speech that is framed after the imita- 
 tion of some pattern of eloquence, though never so ex- 
 cellent; all this hath somewhat servile, and holding of 
 the ^subject. But your Majesty's manner of speech is 
 
 \y^S\- /"V. ©-mioJL 
 
 I feci' W\ 
 

 2.] THE FIRST BOOK. 3 
 
 indeed prince-like, flowing as from a fountain, and yet 
 streaming and branching itself into nature's order, full of 
 facility and felicity, imitating none, and inimitable by any. 
 And as_in your civil estate there appeareth to be an emul- 
 ation and contention of your Majesty's virtue with your 
 fortune ; a virtuous disposition with a fortunate regiment; 
 a virtuous expectation (when time was) of your greater 
 fortune, with a prosperous possession thereof in the due 
 time ; a virtuous observation of the laws of marriage, with 
 most blessed and happy fruit of marriage*; a virtuous and 
 most Christian desire of peace, with a fortunate inclination 
 in your neighbour princes thereunto : so likewise in these 
 intellectual matters, there seemeth to be no less con- 
 tention between the exc ellency o f_ypur Majesty's gifts of 
 nature and the universality and per fection oTy our learn - 
 ing. For I am well assured that this which I shall say is 
 no amplification at all, but a positive and measured truth ; 
 which is, that there hath not been since Christ's time any 
 king or temporal monarch, which hath been so learned in 
 all literature and erudition, divine and human. For let a 
 man seriously and diligently revolve and peruse the suc- 
 cession of the emperors of Rome, of which Caesar the 
 Dictator, who lived some years before Christ, and Marcus 
 Antoninus were the best learned; and so descend to the 
 emperors of Grecia, or of the West, and then to the 
 lines of France, Spain, England, Scotland, and the rest, 
 and he shall find this judgement is truly made. For it 
 seemeth much in a king, if, by the compendious ex- 
 tractions of other men's wits and labours, he can take 
 hold of any superficial ornaments and shows of learning ; 
 or if he countenance and prefer learning and learned 
 men : but to drink indeed of the true fountains of learn- 
 ing, nay, to have such a fountain of learning in himself, 
 
 b 2 
 
 fc I. 
 
OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [2. 
 
 
 ^U>T.j 
 
 in a king, and in a king born, is almost a miracle. And 
 the more, because there is met in your Majesty a rare 
 conjunction, as well of divine and sacred literature, as of 
 profane and human ; so as your Majesty standeth in- 
 vested of that triplicity, which in great veneration was 
 ascribed to the ancient Hermes ; the power and fortune 
 of a king, the knowledge and illumination of a priest, and 
 the learning and universality of a philosopher. This 
 propriety inherent and individual attribute in your Majesty 
 deserveth to be expressed not only in the fame and ad- 
 miration of the present time, nor in the history or tradition 
 of the ages succeeding, but also in some solid work, fixed 
 memorial, and immortal monument, bearing a character 
 or signature both of the power of a king and the differ- 
 ence and perfection of such a king. 
 
 3. Therefore I did conclude with myself, that I could 
 not make unto your Majesty a better oblation than of 
 some treatise tending to that end, whereof the sum will 
 consist of these two parts ; the former concerning the &v+± 1 
 excellency of learning and knowledge, and the excel- 
 lency of the merit and true glory in the augmentation and 
 propagation thereof : the latter , what the particular acts &mk. x 
 and works are, which have been embraced and under- 
 taken for the advancement of learning ; and again, what 
 defects and undervalues I find in such particular acts : to 
 the end that though I cannot positively or affirmatively 
 advise your Majesty, or propound unto you framed par- 
 ticulars, yet I may excite your princely cogitations to 
 visit the excellent treasure of your own mind, and thence 
 to extract particulars for this purpose, agreeable to your 
 magnanimity and wisdom. 
 
 
I. i.] 7\tf£ FIRST BOOK. 
 
 I. i. TN the entrance to the former of these, to clear 
 the way, and as it were to make silence, to have 
 the true testimonies concerning the dignity of learning to 
 be better heard, without the interruption of tacit objec- 
 tions ; I think good to deliver it from the discredits and 
 disgraces which it hath received, all from ignorance ; but 
 ignorance severally disguised; appearing sometimes in 
 the zeal and jealousy of divines ; sometimes in the severity 
 and arrogancy of pjoliticLues ; and sometimes in the errors 
 and imperfections of learned men themselves. 
 ^ , 2. I hear the former sort say, that knowledge is of 
 
 durv^o th °se things which are to be accepted of with great limita- 
 <l tion and caution :, that the aspiring to overmuch know- 
 ledge was the original temptation and sin whereupon 
 V ensued the fall of man : that knowledge hath in it some- 
 what of the serpent, and therefore where it entereth into 
 t a man it makes him swell ;*Scieniia i?iflat: that Salomon 
 gives a censure/ That there is no end of making books, and 
 that much reading is weariness of the flesh ; and again in 
 another place,* That in spacious knowledge there is much 
 contestation, and that he that increaseth knoivledge increaseth 
 i anxiety : that Saint Paul gives a caveat, i That we be not 
 a. spoiled through vain philosophy : that experience demon- 
 x strates how learned men have been arch-heretics, how 
 t> learned times have been inclined to atheism, and how the 
 f contemplation of second causes doth derogate from our 
 dependence upon God, who is the first cause. 
 K*fr*oj,^ 3- To discover then the ignorance and error of this 
 opinion, and the misunderstanding in the grounds thereof, 
 a. it may well appear these men do not observe or consider 
 
 that it was not the pure knowledge of nature and uni- ^^^ 
 versality, a knowledge by the light whereof man did give ^c^_ _ 
 names unto other creatures in Paradise, as they were $X^ZIX> 
 
 w 
 
 K>JLB - <V%*ju^ 
 
 5 cu^.z.g 
 
 •* fr*— ^ ^* T^f^^^ 
 

 6 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [i. 3. 
 
 I 
 
 ±*V. 
 
 brought before him, according unto their proprieties, which 
 gave the occasion to the fall : but it was the proud know- 
 ledge of good and evil, with an intent in man to give law 
 unto himself, and to depend no more upon God's com- 
 mandments, which was the form of the temptation. 
 ^ 5 Neither is it any quantity of knowledge, how great soever, 
 that can make the mind of man to swell ; for nothing can 
 fill, much less extend the soul of man, but God and the 
 contemplation of God ; and therefore Salomon, speaking 
 of the two principal senses of inquisition, the eye and the 
 ear, affirmeth that* the eye is never satisfied with seeing, 
 nor the ear with hearing ; and if there be no fulness, then 
 is the continent greater than the content : so of knowledge 
 itself, and the mind of man, whereto the senses are but 
 reporters, he defineth likewise in these words, placed after 
 that Kalendar or Ephemerides which he maketh of the 
 diversities of times and seasons for all actions and pur- 
 poses; and concludeth thus :r God hath made all things 
 beautiful \ or decent, in the true return of their seasons: Also 
 he hath placed the world in man's heart, yet cannot man find 
 out the work which God worketh from the beginning to the 
 end : declaring not obscurely, that God hath framed the 
 mind of man as a mirror or glass, capable of the image of 
 the universal world, and joyful to receive the impression 
 thereof, as the eye joyeth to receive light ; and not only 
 delighted in beholding the variety of things and vicissitude 
 of times, but raised also to find out and discern the ordin- 
 ances and decrees, which throughout all those changes 
 are infallibly observed. And although he doth insinuate 
 that the supreme or summary law of nature, which he 
 calleth The work which God worketh from the beginning to 
 the end, is not possible to be found out by man ; yet that 
 doth not derogate from the capacity of the mind, but may 
 
 3. 
 

 I. 3.J THE FIRST BOOK. J 
 
 be referred to the impediments, as of shortness of life, ill 
 
 conjunction of labours, ill tr adition of knowledge over 
 
 from hand to hand, and many other inconveniences, 
 
 whereunto the condition of man is subject. For that 
 
 nothing parcel of the world is denied to man's inquiry 
 
 and invention, he doth in another place rule over , when 
 
 he saith,*7/fe spirit of man is as the lamp of God, where- 
 
 ivith he searcheth the inwardness of all secrets. If then 
 
 such be the capacity and receip t of the mind of man, it 
 
 is manifest that there is no danger at all in the proportion 
 
 or quantity of knowledge, how large soever, lest it should 
 
 make it swell or out-compass itself; no, but it is merely 
 
 the quality of knowledge, which, be it in quantity more or [SL \ fU ^ 
 
 less, if it be taken without the true corrective thereof, hath ^-*- > 
 
 in it some nature of venom or malignity, and some effects "**" L "^ 
 
 of that venom, which is ventosity or swelling. This cor- Mfr *t ■ 
 
 rective spice, the mixture whereof maketh knowledge so 
 
 sovereign, is charity, which the Apostle immediately 
 
 addeth to the former clause: for so he saith, knowledge 
 
 bloweth up, but charity buildeth up ; not unlike unto that 
 
 which he delivereth in another place :' 'if I spake, saith he, 
 
 with the tongues of men and angels, and had not charily, it 
 
 were but as a tinkling cymbal ; not but that it is an 
 
 excellent thing to speak with the tongues of men and 
 
 angels, but because, if it be severed from charity, and not 
 
 referred to the good of men and mankind, it hath rather ' 
 
 a sounding and unworthy glory, than a meriting and 
 
 C substantial virtue. 3 And as for that censure of Salomon, 
 
 concerning the excess of writing and reading books, and 
 
 : the anxiety of spirit which redoundeth from knowledge ; 
 
 ti and that admonition of Saint Paul, That we be not seduced 
 
 by vain philosophy ; let those places be rightly understood, 
 and they do indeed excellently set forth the true bounds 
 
 X 
 
 
 ZJb 
 
 '+1 
 
 p 
 
 1 (Uj-\^ 
 
 -».1 
 
 
 ) 
 
 » 
 
 13. 
 
 i 
 
I- 
 
 6- ^v^Xo4Z^juo 
 
 . r/M^ta^L 
 
 Lt^^AaJt^. 
 
 
 8 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [1.3. 
 
 and limitations, whereby human knowledge is confined 
 and circumscribed ; and yet without any such contracting 
 or coarctation, but that it may comprehend all the uni- 
 versal nature of things ; for these limitations are three : 
 the first, That we do not so place our felicity in knowledge, 
 as we forget our mortality : the s econd , That we make 
 application of our knowledge y to give ourselves repose and 
 contentment, and not distaste or repining: the third , That 
 we do not presume by the contemplation of nature to attain to 
 the mysteries of God. For as touching the first of these, 
 Salomon doth excellently expound himself in another 
 place of the same book, where he saith :**/ saw well that 
 knowledge recedeth as far from ignorance as light doth from 
 darkness ; and that the wise mans eyes keep watch in his 
 head, whereas the fool roundeth about in darkness : but 
 withal I learned, thai the same mortality involvelh them both. 
 And for the second, certain it is, there is no vexation or 
 anxiety of mind which resulteth from knowledge other- 
 wise than merely by accident; for all knowledge and 
 wonder (which is the seed of knowledge; is an impression 
 of pleasure in itself: but when men fall to framing con- 
 clusions out of their knowledge, applying it to their par- 
 ticular, and ministering to themselves thereby weak fears 
 or vast desires, there groweth that carefulness and trouble 
 of mind which is spoken of: for then knowledge is no 
 more Lumen siccum, whereof Heraclitus the profound 
 said, Lumen siccum optima anima ; but it becometh Lumen 
 madidum, or maceratum, being steeped and infused in the 
 humours of the affections. And as for the third point, it 
 deserveth to be a little stood upon, and not to be lightly 
 passed over : for if any man shall think by view and 
 inquiry into these sensible and material things to attain 
 that light, whereby he may reveal unto himself the nature 
 
 y r** P&x. /P-tlAo. ^^ 
 
 h I Col 
 
 
 
 ^^ * *-1/f -5,) 
 
Aj-*-^£*z*y^ 
 
 i. j.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 
 
 "k-«"*-»-'f^;oi»-£ 
 
 or will of God, then indeed is he spoiled by vain philo- 
 sophy: for the contemplation of God's creatures and 
 works produceth (having regard to the works and crea- 
 tures themselves) knowledge, but having regard to God, 
 no perfect knowledge, but wonder, which is broken know- 
 ledge. And therefore it was most aptly said by one* of 
 Plato's school, Thai the sense of man carrieth a resem- 
 blance with the sun, which (as we see) openeth and revealeth 
 all the terrestrial globe ; but then again it obscure th and 
 concealeth the stars and celestial globe : so doth the sense 
 discover natural things, but it darheneth and shutteth up 
 divine. And hence it is true that it hath proceeded, that x 
 divers great learned men have been heretical, whilst they 
 have sought to fly up to the secrets of the Deity by the 
 Pwaxen wings of the senses. And as for the conceit that 3 aZjL*^^. 
 too much knowledge should incline a man to atheism, 
 and that the ignorance of second causes should make a 
 more devout dependence upon God, which is the first 
 cause; first, it is good to ask the question which Job 
 asked of his friends : V Will you lie for God, as one ??ian will 
 do for another, to gratify him r For certain it is that God 
 worketh nothing* in nature but by second causes : lind 
 if they would have it otherwise believed, it is mere im- 
 posture, as it were in favour towards God : and nothing 
 else but to offer to the author of truth the unclean 
 sacrifice of a lie. But furthe r, it is an assured truth, and 
 a conclusion of experience, that a little or superficial 
 knowledge of philosophy may incline the mind of man to 
 atheism, but a further proceeding therein doth bring the 
 mind back again to religion. For in the entrance of 
 philosophy, when the second causes, which are next unto 
 the senses, do offer themselves to the mind of man, if it 
 dwell and stay there it may induce some oblivion of the 
 
 Y ^ is-i 
 
 
 ^ (9 CwJfJ 
 
IO OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [i. 3. f\ *• 
 
 highest cause ; but when a man passeth on further, and 
 seeth the dependence of causes, and the works of Pro- 
 vidence, then, according to the allegory of the*poets, he 
 will easily believe that the highest link of nature's chain 
 must needs be tied to the foot of Jupiter's chair. To 
 conclude therefore, let no man upon a weak conceit of 
 sobriety or an ill-applied moderation think or maintain, 
 that a man can search too far, or be too well studied in 
 the book of God's word, or in the book of God's works, 
 divinity or philosophy ; but rather let men endeavour an 
 endless progress or proficience in both; only let men 
 beware that they apply both to charity , and not to 
 swelling ; to use, and not to ostentation ; and again, 
 that they do not unwisely mingle or confou nd these 
 learnings together. 
 
 II. 1. And as for the disgraces which learning re- A 1 _ 
 ceiveth from politiques, they be of this nature; that *i£f 
 learning doth soften men's minds, and makes them 
 more unapt for the honour and exercise of arms ; that it Ar 
 doth mar and pervert men's dispositions for matter of 
 government and policy, in making them too curious and ms 
 irresolute by variety of reading, or too peremptory or k' 
 positive by strictness of rules and axioms, or too im- 
 moderate and overweening by reason of the greatness 
 of examples, or too incompatible and differing from the % ) 
 times by reason of the dissimilitude of examples; or at 
 least, t hat it doth divert men's travails from action and £ 
 
 business, and bringeth them to a love of leisure and 
 privateness; and that it doth bring into states a relaxa- <!. 
 
 tion of discipline, whilst every man is more ready to 
 argue than to obey and execute. Out of this / conceit, 
 Cato, surnamed the Censor, one of the wisest men 
 indeed that ever lived, when Carneades the philosopher 
 
 ■# "U\*-j_il. <X^_c (£_S~ k - CM-v/3 V.H ! / . )»'V 
 
II. i.l THE FIRST BOOK. II 
 
 came in embassage to Rome, and that the young men 
 of Rome began to flock about him, being allured with 
 the sweetness and majesty of his eloquence and learn- 
 ing, gave counsel in open senate that they should give 
 him his despatch with all speed, lest he should infect 
 and enchant the minds and affections of the youth, and 
 at unawares bring in an alteration of the manners and 
 customs of the state. Out of the same' conceit or 
 humour did Virgil, turning his pen to the advantage of 
 his country, and the disadvantage of his own profession, 
 make a kind of separation between policy and govern- 
 ment, and between arts and sciences, in the verses so 
 much renowned, attributing and challenging the one to 
 the Romans, and leaving and yielding the other to the 
 Grecians: Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento, 
 Hce tibi erunt artes, &c. So likewise we see that Anytus, 
 the accuser of Socrates, laid it as an article of charge and 
 accusation against him, that he did, with the variety and 
 power of his discourses and disputations, withdraw young 
 men from due reverence to the laws and customs of their 
 country, and that he did profess a dangerous and per- 
 nicious science, which was, to make the worse matter 
 seem the better, and to suppress truth by force of elo- 
 quence and speech. 
 
 2. But these and the like imputations have rather a (<^k^> - 
 countenance of gravity than any ground of justice : for 
 experience doth warrant, that both in persons and in 
 times there hath been a meeting and concurrence in 
 learning and arms, flourishing and excelling in the same 
 men and the same ages. For as for men, there cannot 
 be a better nor the like instance, as of that pair, Alexand er 
 the Great and JuliusCaesar the Dictator ; whereof the one ^ 
 was Aristotle's scholar in philosophy, and the other was 
 
 P{ -rvvV- eJ Ol 
 
/WA/ KW-^^i 
 
 •>~~*-A*K4 I 
 
 -Vwd^ . B^^/jl . KB^j^-*— ( 
 
 r 9l 
 
 
 r.; 
 
 T^.^7 
 
 — **vi i 
 
 
 -M.r\^lA^j 
 
 12 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [il. 2. 
 
 Cicero's rival in eloquence : or if any man had rather call 
 for scholars that were great generals, than generals that 
 were great scholars, let him take Epaminonda s the L<u ~£fr* 
 Theban, or Xenophon the Athenian ; whereof the one 
 was the first that abated the power of Sparta, and the 
 other was the first that made way to the overthrow of the 
 monarchy of Persia. And this concurrence is yet more 
 visible in times than in persons, by how much an age 
 is [a] greater object than a man. For both in Egypt, 
 Assyria, Persia, Grecia, and Rome, the same times that 
 are most renowned for arms, are likewise most admired 
 for learning; so that the greatest authors and philosophers 
 and the greatest captains and governors have lived in the 
 same ages. Neither can it otherwise be : for as in man 
 the ripeness of strength of the body and mind cometh 
 much about an age, save that the strength of the body 
 cometh somewhat the more early, so in states, arms and 
 learning, whereof the one correspondeth to the body, the 
 other to the soul of man, have a concurrence or near 
 sequence in times. 
 
 3. And for matter of policy and government, that ir 
 
 learning should rather hurt, than enable thereunto, is a 
 thing very improbable : we see it is accounted an error * 
 
 to commit a natural body to empi ric phy sicians, which 
 commonly have a few pleasing receipts whereupon they 
 are confident and adventurous, but know neither the 
 causes of diseases, nor the complexions of patients, nor 
 peril of° !accident s, nor the true method of cures : we see 
 it is a like error to rely upon advocates or lawyers, which 
 are only men of practice and not grounded in their books, 
 who are many times easily surprised when matter falleth 
 out besides their experience, to the prejudice of the 
 causes they handle : so by like reason it cannot be but a 
 
 AAA. 
 
 
- 
 
 II. 3.] 
 
 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 l 3 
 
 matter of doubtful consequence if states be managed by 
 empiric statesmen, not well mingled with men grounded 
 in learning. But_contrar iwis e, it is almost without instance 
 contradictory that ever any government was disastrous that 
 was in the hands of learned governors. For howsoever 
 it hath been ordinary with politique men to extenuate and 
 disable learned men by the names of pedantes ; yet in the 
 records of time it appeareth in many particulars that the 
 governments of princes in minority (notwithstanding the 
 infinite disadvantage of that kind of state) have never- 
 theless excelled the government of princes of mature age, 
 even for that reason which they seek to traduce, which is, 
 that by that occasion the state hath been in the hands of 
 pedantes : f or so was the state of Rome for the first five 
 years, which are so much magnified, during the minority 
 of Nero , in the hands of Se neca a pedanti: so it was again, 
 for ten years' space or more, during the minority of Gor- 
 di anus* the young er, with great applause and contentation 
 in the hands of Misitheus a pedanti : so was it before that, 
 in the minority of Alexander Sev ern^ in like happiness, in 
 hands not much unlike, by reason of the rule of the 
 women, who were aided by the teachers and preceptors. 
 Nay, let a man look into the government of the bishops 
 of Rome, as by name, into the government of Pius 
 Quintus'and Sextus Quintus in our times, who were both 
 at their entrance esteemed but as pedantical friars, and he 
 shall find that such popes do greater things, and proceed 
 upon truer principles of estate, than those which have 
 ascended to the papacy from an education and breeding 
 in affairs of estate and courts of princes ; for although 
 men bred in learning are perhaps to seek in points of 
 convenience and accommodating for the present, which 
 the Italians call ragioni di sta/o, whereof the same Pius 
 
 Co-, o^^Sjh 
 
 l-CA^4_Qj 
 
 -u. 
 
 £*^h+f*t l/i**y\*^, 
 
 
 ^^ - 
 
I-OC*. 
 
 14 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [il. 3. 
 
 Quintus could not hear spoken with patience, terming 
 them inventions against religion and the moral virtues ; 
 yet on the other side, to recompense that, they are perfect 
 in those same plain grounds of religion, justice, honour, 
 and moral virtue, which if they be well and watchfully 
 pursued, there will be seldom use of those other, no more 
 than of physic in a sound or well-dieted body. Neither 
 can the experience of one man's life furnish examples and 
 precedents for the events of one man's life. For as it 
 happeneth sometimes that the grandchild, or other de- 
 scendant, resembleth the ancestor more than the son ; so 
 many times occurrences of present times may sort better 
 with ancient examples than with those of the later or 
 immediate times : and lastly , the wit of one man can no 
 more countervail learning than one man's means can hold 
 way with a common purse. 
 
 4. And as for those particular seducement s or indis- 
 positions of the mind for policy and government, which 
 learning is pretended to insinuate; if it be granted that 
 any such thing be, it must be remembered withal, that 
 learning ministereth in every of them greater strength 
 of medicine or remedy than it offereth cause of indis- 
 position or infirmity. For if by a secret operation it make 
 men perplexed and irresolute, on the other side by plain 
 precept it teacheth them when and upon what ground to 
 resolve ; yea, and how to carry things in suspense without 
 prejudice , till they resolve. If it make men positive and 
 regular, it teacheth them what things are in their nature 
 demonstrative, and what are conjectural, and as well the 
 use of distinctions and exceptions, as the latitude of 
 principles and rules. If it mislead by disproportion or 
 dissimilitude of examples, it teacheth men the force of 
 circumstances, the errors of comparisons, and all the 
 
 f\x(r 
 
 ^^JU^t 
 
 & [t u 
 
 k: 
 
*fr. 
 
 a 
 
 II. 4] THE FIRST BOOK. 1 5 
 
 cautions of application ; so that in all these it doth rectify 
 more effectually than it can pervert. And these medicines 
 it conveyeth into men's minds much more forcibly by the 
 quickness and penetration of examples. For let a man 
 look into the errors of Cle ment the s eventh^so lively 
 described by Guicciardine, who served under him, or into 
 the errors of Cicero , painted out by his own pencil in his 
 Epistles to Atticus, and he will fly apace from being 
 lr' irresolute. Let him look into the errors of Phocion^and 
 he will beware how he be obstinate or inflexible. Let 
 2 ' him but read the fable of Ixior^ and it will hold him 
 from being vaporous or imaginative. Let him look into 
 the errors of Ca^ojhesecond^ and he will never be one 
 of the A ntipodes , to tread opposite to the present world. 
 
 5. And for the conceit that learning should dispose 
 men to leisure and privateness, and make men slothful; 
 it were a strange thing if that which accustometh the mind 
 to a perpetual motion and agitation should induce sloth- 
 fulness: whereas contrariwise it may be truly affirmed, 
 that no kind of men love business for itself but those that 
 
 u.' are learned; for other persons love it for profi t, as an 
 
 I*' hireling, that loves the work for the wages; or for honour, 
 as because it beareth them up in the eyes of men, and 
 refresheth their reputation, which otherwise would wear; 
 
 ' or because it putteth them in mind of their fortune, and 
 giveth them occasion to pleasure and displeasure; or 
 
 <*> because it exerciseth some faculty wherein they take 
 pride, and so entertaineth them in good humour and 
 
 a' pleasing conceits toward themselves ; or because it 
 advanceth any other their ends. So that as it is said 
 of untrue valours, that some men's valours are in the 
 eyes of them that look on ; so such men's industries 
 are in the eyes of others, or at least in regard of their 
 
 
1 6 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [il. 5. 
 
 "2- C 
 
 ->^LL4sl ld->L~~^^ 
 
 \^JJt 
 
 \tr*tiy 
 
 own designments : only learned men love business as 
 an action according to nature, as agreeable to health of 
 mind as exercise is to health of body, taking pleasure in 
 the action itself, and not in the purchase : so that of all 
 men they are the most indefatigable, if it be towards any 
 business which can hold or detain their mind. 
 
 6. And if any man be laborious in reading and study 
 and yet idle in business and action, it groweth from some 
 weakness of body or softness of spirit ; such as Seneca 
 speaketh of: Quidam tarn sunt umbratiles, ut putenl in 
 turbido esse quicquid in luce est ; and not of learning : well 
 may it be that such a point of a man's nature may make 
 him give himself to learning, but it is not learning that 
 breedeth any such point in his nature. 
 
 7. And that learning should take up too much time or 
 leisure ; I answer, the most active or busy man that hath 
 been or can be, hath (no question) many vacant times of 
 leisure, while he expecteth the tides and returns of busi- 
 ness (except he be either tedious and of no dispatch, 
 or lightly and unworthily ambitious to meddle in things 
 that may be better done by others), and then the question 
 is but how those spaces and times of leisure shall be filled 
 and spent ; whether in pleasures or in studies ; as was 
 well answered by Demosthenes to his adversary iEschines, 
 that was a man given to pleasure and told him That his 
 orations did smell 0/ the lamp ; Indeed (said Demosthenes) 
 there is a great difference between the things that you and I 
 do by lamp-light. So as no man need doubt that learning 
 will expulse business, but rather it will keep and defend 
 the possession of the mind against idleness and pleasure, 
 which otherwise at unawares may enter to the prejudice 
 of both. 
 
 8. Again, for that other conceit that learning should 
 
 • 
 
 

 &JUc_**~9 
 
 II. 8.] 
 
 77/£ F/KST BOOK. 
 
 undermine the reverence of laws and government, it is 
 assuredly a mere depravation and calumny, without all 
 shadow of truth. For to say that a blind custom of 
 obedience should be a surer obligation than duty taught 
 and understood, it is to affirm, that a blind man may 
 tread surer by a guide than a seeing man can by a light. 
 And it is without all controversy, that learning doth make 
 the minds of men gentle, generous, maniable, and pliant 
 to government; whereas ignorance makes them churlish, 
 thwart, and mutinous : and the evidence of time doth 
 clear this assertion, considering that the most barbarous, 
 rude, and unlearned times have been most subject to 
 tumults, seditions, and changes. ; 
 
 9. And as to the judgement of Cato the Censor, he 
 was well punished for his blasphemy against learning, in 
 the same kind wherein he offended ; for when he was 
 past threescore years old, he was taken with an extreme 
 desire to go to school again, and to learn the Greek 
 tongue, to the end to peruse the Greek authors ; which 
 doth well demonstrate that his former censure of the 
 Grecian learning was rather an affected gravity, than 
 according to the inward sense of his own opinion. And 
 as for Virgil's verses, though it pleased him to brave the 
 world in taking to the Romans the art of empire, and 
 leaving to others the arts of subjects ; yet so much is 
 manifest that the Romans never ascended to that height 
 of empire, till the time they had ascended to the height of 
 other arts. For in the time of the two first Caesars, which 
 had the art of government in greatest perfection, there 
 lived the best poet, Virgilius Maro ; the best historio- 
 grapher, Titus Livius ; the best antiquary, Marcus Varro ; 
 and the best, or second orator, Marcus Cicero, that to 
 the memory of man are known. As for the accusation 
 
 
 - 
 
 
Hz.- 3 
 
 • <^_o«X*-o 
 
 
 
 ♦— — (r 
 
 AA^-t^/^ 
 
 r8 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [u. 9 . 
 
 of Socrates, the time must be remembered when it was (v*»U. 
 prosecuted ; which was under the Thirty Tyrants, the 
 most base, bloody, and envious persons that have go- 
 verned ; which revolution of state was no sooner over, 
 but Socrates, whom they had made a person criminal, 
 was made a person heroical, and his memory accumulate 
 with honours divine and human; and those discourses of 
 his which were then termed corrupting of manners, were 
 after acknowledged for sovereign medicines of the mind 
 and manners, and so have been received ever since till 
 this day. Let this therefore serve for answer to 
 politiques, which in their humorous severity, or in their 
 feigned gravity, have presumed to throw imputations 
 upon learning ; which redargution nevertheless (save that 
 we know not whether our labours may extend to other 
 ages) were not needful for the present, in regard of the 
 love and reverence towards learning, which the example 
 and countenance of two so learned princes, Queen 
 Elizabeth and your Majesty, being as Castor and Pollux, 
 lucida sidera, stars of excellent light and most benign 
 i nfluence , hath wrought in all men of place and authority 
 in our nation. 
 
 III. i. Now therefore we come to that third sort of A 3 
 discredit or diminution of credit that groweth unto 
 learning from learned men themselves, which com- 
 monly cleaveth fastest : it is either from their fortun e, <k 
 or from their manner s, or from the nature of their 4- 
 studies . For the first, it is not in their power ; and the c 
 second is accidental ; the third only is proper to be 
 handled : but because we are not in hand with true 
 measure, but with popular estimation and conceit, it is 
 not amiss to speak somewhat of the two former. The 
 derogations therefore which grow to learning from the 
 
 f-a 
 

 III. i.] THE FIRST BOOK. 19 
 
 fortune or condition of learned men, are either in respect 
 or of s carcity of mean s, or in respect of p rivateness of lif e 
 y and m eanness of emplo yments. 
 ^ 2. Concerning wan t, and that it is the case of learned 
 
 men usually to begin with little, and not to grow rich so 
 fast as other men, by reason they convert not their labours 
 chiefly to lucre and increase, it were good to leave the 
 common place in commendation of poverty to some friar 
 to handle, to whom much was attributed by Machiavel in 
 this point ; when he said, Thai the kingdom of the clergy had 
 been long before at an end, if the reputation and reverence 
 towards the poverty of friars had not borne out the scandal 
 of the superfluities and excesses of bishops and prelates. So 
 a man might say that the felicity and delicacy of princes 0—0 -J.O^> 
 and great persons had long since turned to rudeness W^-j d*.*^ 
 and barbarism, if the poverty of learning had not kept up 
 civility and honour of life : but without any such advan- 
 tages^ it is worthy the observation what a reverent and 
 honoured thing poverty of fortune was for some ages in 
 the Roman state, which nevertheless was a state without 
 paradoxes. For we see what Titus Livius saith in his 
 introduction : Cceierum aut me amor negotii suscepti fallit f 
 aut nulla unquam respublica nee major, nee sanclior, nee 
 bonis exemplis di/ior fuit ; nee in quam tarn serai avaritia 
 luxuriaque immigraverint ; nee ubi lanlus ac tarn dia pau- 
 per taii ac parsinwnia? honos fueril. We see likewise, after 
 that the state of Rome was not itself, but did degenerate, 
 how that person that took upon him to be counsellor to 
 Julius Caesar after his victory where to begin his restora- 
 tion of the state, maketh it of all points the most sum- 
 mary to take away the estimation of wealth : Verum haze 
 el omnia mala pariter cum honore pecuniae desinenl; si neque 
 magislralus, neque alia vtdgo cupienda, venalia eruni. To 
 
 c 2 
 
 
4 i 
 
 JU^. 
 
 20 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [ill. 2. 
 
 conclude this point, as it was truly said, that Rubor est 
 virtutis color, though sometime it come from vice ; so it 
 may be fitly said that Paupcrlas est virtutis fortuna, though 
 sometimes it may proceed from misgovernment and ac- 
 cident. Surely Salomon hath pronounced it both in 
 censure, Qui festinat ad divitias non erit insons ; and in 
 precept; Buy the truth, a?id sell it not ; and so of wisdom 
 and knowledge ; judging that means were to be spent 
 upon learning, and not learning to be applied to means. 
 And as for the privaten ess or ob scureness (as it may be 
 in vulgar estimation accounted) of life of contemplative 
 men ; it is a theme so common to extol a private life, not 
 taxed with sensuality and sloth, in comparison and to the 
 disadvantage of a civil life, for safety, li bert y, pleasure, 
 and dignity, or at least freedom from indignity, as no 
 man handleth it but handleth it well; such a consonancy 
 it hath to men's conceits in the expressing, and to men's 
 consents in the allowing. This only I will add, that 
 learned men forgotten in states and not living in the eyes 
 of men, are like the images of Cassius and Brutus in the 
 funeral of Junia ; of which not being represented, as many 
 others were, Tacitus saith, Eo ipso prcefulgebant, quod non 
 visebaniur. 
 
 3. And for meanness of employmen t, that which is 
 most traduced to contempt is that the government of 
 <J '-*~ S V youth is commonly allotted to them ; which age, because 
 it is the age of least authority, it is transferred to the 
 disesteeming of those employments wherein youth is con- 
 versant, and which are conversant about youth. But how 
 unjust this traducement is (if you will reduce things from 
 popularity of opinion to measure of reason) may appear 
 in that we see men are more curious what they put into a 
 new vessel than into a vessel seasoned ; and what mould 
 
 
-Vv-^^C' I** 
 
 III. 3.] THE FIRST BOOK. 21 
 
 they lay about a young plant than about a plant cor- 
 roborate ; so as the weakest terms and times of all things 
 use to have the best applications and helps. And will 
 you hearken to the Hebrew rabbins ? Your young men 
 shall see visions, and your old men shall dream dreams ; say 
 they youth is the worthier age, for that visions are nearer 
 apparitions of God than dreams ? And let it be noted, 
 that howsoever the condition of life of pedantcs hath been 
 scorned upon theatres, as the ape of tyranny; and that 
 the modern looseness or negligence hath taken no due 
 regard to the choice of schoolmasters and tutors ; yet the 
 ancient wisdom of the best times did always make a just 
 complaint, that states were too busy with their laws and 
 too negligent in point of education : which excellent part 
 of ancient discipline hath been in some sort revived of 
 late times by the colleges of the Jesuits ; of whom, (al- 
 though in regard of their superstition I may say, Quo ~^r 
 meliores, eo deteriores ; yet in regard to this, and some C / 
 other points concerning human learning and moral mat- \^ ' 
 
 ters, I may say, as Agesilaus said to his enemy Pharna- S V 
 
 bazus, Talis quum sis, utinam noster esses. And thus 
 much touching the discredits drawn from the fortunes of 
 learned men. 
 
 4. As touching the .manners of learned men, it is a 
 thing personal and individual : and no doubt there be 
 amongst them, as in other professions, of all tempera- 
 tures : but yet so as it is not without truth which is said, 
 that Abeunt siudia in mores, studies have an influence and 
 operation upon the manners of those that are conversant 
 in them. 
 
 5. But upon an attentive and indifferent review, I for 
 my part cannot find any disgrace to learning can pro- 
 ceed from the manners of learned men ; not inherent 
 
-|u^ <^>^ 1^v< ^v^JJCo eUo. G-U -Vj~Owv / 
 
 22 OF 77/£ ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, fill. ; fl . 
 
 >■— ^ 'i>U*^ to them as they are learned ; except it be a fault (which 
 -lL, a*, &***- was the supposed fault of Demosthenes, Cicero, Cato the 
 second, Seneca, and many more) that because the times 
 they read of are commonly better than the times they live fi 
 
 in, and the duties taught better than the duties practised, * 
 
 they contend sometimes too far to bring things to per- 
 fection, and to reduce the corruption of manners to 
 honesty of precepts or examples of too great height. 
 And yet hereof they have caveats enough in their own 
 walks. For Solon , when he was asked whether he had 
 given his citizens the best laws, answered wisely, Yea of 
 such as they would receive : and Plato , finding that his own 
 heart could not agree with the corrupt manners of his 
 country, refused to bear place or office ; saying, That a 
 mans country was to be used as his parents were i that is, 
 with humble persuasions, and not with contestations. And 
 Caesar 's counsellor put in the same caveat, Non ad Vetera 
 inslitula revocans qua jampr idem corruptis moribus ludibrio 
 sunt: and Cicer o noteth this error directly in Cato the 
 second, when he writes to his friend Atticus ; Cato optime 
 sentit, sed nocet interdum reipublicce ; loquitur enim ta?iquam 
 in republicd Platonis, non tanquam in face Romuli. And 
 the same Cicero doth excuse and expound the philo- 
 sophers for going too far and being too exact in their 
 prescripts, when he saith, Isti ipsi prceceptores virlulis et 
 magislri videntur fines officiorum paulo longius quam natura 
 vellet proiulisse, ul cum ad ultimum animo contendissemus, ibi 
 tamen, ubi oportet, consisteremus : and yet himself might 
 have said, Monitis sum minor ipse meis ; for it was his 
 own fault, though not in so extreme a degree. 
 
 6. Another fault likewise much of this kind hath been V 
 
 incident to learned men ; which is, that they have es- 
 teemed the preservation, good, and honour of their 
 
III. 6.'] THE FIRST BOOK. 2$ 
 
 countries or masters before their own fortunes or safeties. 
 For so saith Demosthenes unto the Athenians ; If it 
 please you to note it, my counsels unto you are not such 
 whereby I should grow great amongst you, and you become 
 little amongst' the Grecians ; but they be of that nature, as 
 they are sometimes not good for me to give, but are always 
 good for you to follow. And so Seneca , after he had con- 
 secrated that Quinquennium Neronis to the eternal glory 
 of learned governors, held on his honest and loyal course 
 of good and free counsel, after his master grew extremely 
 corrupt in his government. Neither can this point other- 
 wise be ; jor learning endueth men's minds with a true 
 : sense of the frailty of their persons, the casualty of their 
 fortunes, and the dignity of their soul and vocation : so X*jtu. \k^ 
 that it is impossible for them to esteem that any greatness o»*»-m-* a 
 of their own fortune can be a true or worthy end of their c ^^ ( ^* J ^ 
 being and ordainment ; and therefore are desirous to give 
 their account to God, and so likewise to their masters 
 under God (as kings and the states that they serve) in these 
 words; Ecce tibi lucrefeci, K and not Ecce mihi lucrefeci : 
 whereas the corrupter sort of mere politiques, that have 
 not their thoughts established by learning in the love and 
 apprehension of duty, nor never look abroad into univers- 
 ality, do refer all things to themselves, and thrust them- 
 selves into the centre of the world, as if all lines should 
 meet in them and their fortunes ; never caring in all 
 tempests what becomes of the ship of estates, so they 
 may save themselves in the cockboat of their own for- 
 tune : ^whereas men that feel the weight of duty and 
 know the limits of self-love, use to make good their % 
 
 places and duties, though with peril ; and if they stand in 
 seditious and violent alterations, it is rather the reverence 
 which many times both adverse parts do give to honesty, 
 

 
 
 
 JJa*a-^ W 
 
 
 \A 
 
 V^jJL^^ »-4V » i*^^* 
 
 24 of r//E ^z)F^ivc^ , ^^iV7 , op learning, [hi. 6. Aug , 
 
 than any versatile advantage of their own carriage. But 
 for this point of tender sense and fast obligation of duty 
 which learning doth endue the mind withal, howsoever 
 fortune may tax it, and many in the depth of their corrupt 
 principles may despise it, yet it will receive an open 
 allowance, and therefore needs the less disproof or ex- 
 cusation. 
 
 7. Another faul t incident commonly to learned men, c' 
 
 which may be more probably defended than truly denied, 
 is, that they fail sometimes in ap pljing_ themselv es to 
 particular persons : which want of exact application 
 ariseth from two_causes ; the one, because the largeness a/ 1 
 
 of their mind can hardly confine itself to dwell in the 
 exquisite observation or examination of the nature and 
 customs of one person : for it is a speech for a lover, and 
 not for a wise man, *£#/?> magnum alter alter i theatrum 
 sumus. Nevertheless I shall yield, that he that cannot 
 contract the sight of his mind as well as disperse and 
 dilate it. wanteth a great faculty . But there is a second -Is 
 
 cause, which is no inability, but a rejection upon c hoice 
 and judgement. * For the honest and just bounds of ob- 
 servation by one person upon another, extend no further 
 but to understand him sufficiently, whereby not to give 
 him offence, or whereby to be able to give him faithful 
 counsel, or whereby to stand upon reasonable guard and 
 caution in respect of a man's self. But to be speculative 
 into another man to the end to know how to work him, or 
 wind him, or govern him, proceedeth from a heart that is 
 double and cloven and not entire and ingenuous ; which 
 as in friendship it is want of integrity, so towards princes 
 W superiors is want of duty. For the custom of the 
 Levant, which is that subjects do forbear to gaze or 
 fix their eyes upon princes, is in the outward ceremony 
 
 
R-y III. 7.] THE FIRST BOOK. 25 
 
 barbarous, but the moral is good : for men ought not by 
 cunning and bent observations to pierce and penetrate 
 into the hearts of kings, which the scripture hath de- 
 clared to be inscrutable. 
 d' 8. There is yet another fault (with which I will con- Fqjl^^ * 
 elude this part) which is often noted in learned men, that r*A*** <*jlc^ 
 they do many times fail to observe decency and discre- 
 tion in their behaviour and carriage, and commit errors 
 in small and ordinary points of action, so as the vulgar 
 sort of capacities do make a judgement of them in greater 
 matters by that which they find wanting in them in 
 smaller. But this consequence* doth oft deceive men, 
 for which I do refer them over to that which was said by 
 Themistocles, arrogantly and uncivilly being applied to 
 himself out of his own mouth, but, being applied to the 
 general state of this question, pertinently and justly; 
 when being invited to touch a lute he said r /& could 
 not fiddle, but he could make a small town a great state. 
 So no doubt many may be well seen in the passages of 
 government and policy, which are to seek in little and 
 punctual occasions. I refer them also to that which 
 Plato said of his master Socrates, whom he compared 
 to the gallipots of apothecaries, which on the outside had 
 apes and owls and a ntiques but contained within so- 
 vereign and precious liquors and confection s ; acknow- 
 ledging that to an external report he was not without 
 superficial levities and deformities, but was inwardly re- 
 plenished with excellent virtues and powers. And so 
 much touching the point of manners of learned men. 
 y 9. But in the mean time I have no purpose to give ft an c a 
 
 allowan ce to some conditions and courses base and ^> 
 
 unworthy, wherein divers professors of learning have ^ 
 wronged themselves and gone too far ; such as were 
 
 7» ts^-k^ ^>Xv^w, 
 

 
 ■^ 
 
 
 ^A^Jd, 
 
 -i-^CL^ 
 
 3 
 
 
 26 OF 77f£ ;4Z)PMA T CEiV£A T r OF LEARNING, [ill. 9. Al^r 
 
 those t rencher philosopher s which in the later age of * 
 
 the Roman state were usually in the houses of great 
 persons, being little better than s olemn parasite s ; of 
 which kind, Lucian maketh a merry description of the 
 philosopher that the great lady took to ride with her in 
 her coach, and would needs have him carry her little 
 dog, which he doing officiously and yet uncomely, the 
 page scoffed and said, That he doubted the philosopher 
 of a Stoic would turn to be a Cynic* But above all the 
 rest, the gross and palpable flat tery, whereunto many \ 
 
 not unlearned have abased and abused their wits and 
 pens, turning (as Du B arta s saith) Hecuba into Helena , 
 and Fa ustina into Lucret ia, hath most diminished the | 
 price and estimation of learning. Neither is the modern 
 dedication of book s and writing?, as to patrons, to be 
 commended : for that books (such as are worthy the name 
 of books) ought to have no patrons but truth and reason. 
 And the ancient custom was to dedicate them only to 
 private and equal friends, or to entitle the books with 
 their names : or if to kings and great persons, it was to 
 some such as the argument of the book was fit and pro- 
 per for : but these and the like courses may deserve 
 rather reprehension than defence. 
 
 10. Not that I can tax or condemn the morigeration £ 
 
 or application of learned men to men in fortune. For 
 the answer was good that Diogenes made to one that 
 asked him in mockery, How it came to pass that philo- 
 sophers were the followers of rich men, and not rich men 
 of philosophers ? He answered soberly, and yet sharply, 
 Because the one sort knew what they had need of and the 
 other did not. And of the like nature was the answer 
 which Aristippus made, when having a petition to Dio- 
 nysius, and no ear given to him, he fell down at his feet ; 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 j> QsV>SlA~L,' 
 
 ^ 
 
 pr 5 
 
III. 10.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 27 
 
 whereupon Dionysius stayed and gave him the hearing, 
 and granted it; and afterward some person, tende r on 
 the behalf of philosophy, reproved Aristippus that he 
 would offer the profession of philosophy such an indig- 
 nity as for a private suit to fall at a tyrant's feet : but he 
 answered, 7/ was not his fault, but it was the fault of 
 Dionysius, that had his ears in his feet. Neither was it 
 accounted weakness but discretion in him that would not 
 dispute his best with Adrianus Caesa r ; excusing himself, 
 That it was reason to yield to him that commanded thirty 
 legions. These an d t he like applic ations and st ooping: to 
 points of necessit y and convenience cannot be disallow- 
 ed ; for though they may hav e some outward baseness . 
 yet in a judgement t ruly made they are to be accounted 
 su bmissions to the occasion and not to the person . 
 
 IV. 1. Now I proceed to those errors and vanities 
 which have intervened amongst the studies themselve s 
 of the learned, which is that which is principal and 
 proper to the presen t argument ; wherein my purpose is 
 not to make a justification of the errors, but by a censur e 
 and separation of the errors to make a justification of 
 that which is good and sound, and to deliver that from 
 the aspersion of the other. For we see that it is the 
 manner of men to scandalize and deprave that which 
 retaineth the state* and virtue, by taking advantage upon 
 that which is corrupt and degenerate : as the heathens 
 in the primitive church used to blemish and taint the 
 Christians with the faults and corruptions of heretics. 
 But nevertheless I have no meaning at this time to make 
 any exact animadversion of the errors and impediments 
 in matters of learning, which are more secret and remote 
 from vulgar opinion, but only to speak unto such as do 
 fall under or near unto a popular observation. 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 HtJUjujJ. 
 
 c*U£L 
 

 28 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [iV. 2. a , 
 
 2. There be therefore chiefly three vanities in studies, 
 whereby learning hath been most traduced. For those 
 things we do esteem vain , which are either false or fri- 
 volous, those which either have no truth or no use : and 
 those persons we esteem vain, which are either credulous 
 or curious; and curiosity is either in matter or words: 
 so that in reason as well as in experience there fall out 
 to be these three distempers (as I may term them) of 
 learning : the first, fantastica l learning ; the second, con - U 
 
 tcnti'/Mip Iflorniniv • o r\ A tV>e> loot /"lol i on f c» Icnvninry • train 
 
 
 
 ls~L*~t? 
 
 tentious learning ; and the last, delicate learning ;~vain ^ 
 imaginations, vain altercations, and vain affectations ; and 
 with the last I will begin. ^ Martin Luther, conducted (no 
 doubt) by an higher providence, but in discourse of rea- 
 son , finding what a province he had undertaken against 
 the bishop of Rome and the degenerate traditions of the 
 church, and finding his own solitude, being no ways 
 aided by the opinions of his own time, was enforced to 
 awake all antiquity, and to call former times to his suc- 
 cours to make a party against the present time : so that 
 the ancient authors, both in divinity and in humanity, 
 which had long time slept in libraries, began generally 
 to be read and revolved. This by consequence did draw 
 on a necessity of a more exquisite travail in the lan- 
 1 *- guages original, wherein those authors did write, for the 
 better understanding of those authors, and the better 
 advantage of pressing and applying their words. And 
 thereof grew again a delight in their manner of style and 
 phrase, and an admiration of that kind of writing ; which 
 was much furthered and precipitated by the enmity and 
 opposition that the propounders of those primitive but 
 seeming new opinions had against the schoolmen; who 
 were generally of the contrary part, and whose writings 
 were altogether in a different style and form ; taking 
 
 --^ 
 
IV 
 
 1 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 2 9 
 
 liberty to coin and frame new terms of art to express 
 their own sense, and to avoid circuit of speech, without 
 regard to the pureness, pleasantness, and (as I may call 
 j' it) lawfulness of the phrase or word. And again, because 
 the great labour then was with the people (of whom the 
 Pharisees were wont to say, Execrabilis ista lurba, qua 
 11011 novit legem), for the winning and persuading of them, 
 there grew of necessity in chief price and request elo- 
 quence and variety of discourse, as the fittest and forci- 
 blest access into the capacity of the vulgar sort : so that 
 
 these four causes concurring, the admiration of ancient 
 
 ' — a ' /»' 
 
 authors, the hate of the schoolmen, the exact study of 
 
 ji * 
 
 languages, and the efficacy of preaching, did bring in an 
 affectionate study of eloquence and copie of speech , which 
 then began to flourish. This grew speedily to an excess ; 
 for men began to hunt more after words than matter; 
 more after the choiceness of the phrase, and the round 
 and clean composition of the sentence, and the sweet 
 falling of the clauses, and the varying and illustration of 
 their works with tropes and figures, than after the weight 
 of matter, worth of subject, soundness of argument, life 
 of invention, or depth of judgement. Then grew the 
 flowing and watery vein of Osorius * the Portugal bishop, 
 to be in price. Then did S turmiu s spend such infinite 
 and curious pains upon Cicero the Orator, and Hermo - 
 genes the Rhetorician, besides his own books of Periods 
 and Imitation, and the like. Then did Car of Cam- 
 bridge and Ascham with their lectures and writings 
 almost deify Cicero and Demosthenes, and allure all 
 young men that were studious unto that delicate and 
 polished kind of learning. Then did Erasmus take oc- 
 casion to make the scoffing echo, Decern annos consumpsi 
 in legendo Cicerone ; and the echo answered in Greek 
 
 >i,r»fc-So (^N-H-f 101) 
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 30 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [iV. 2. 
 
 One, Asine. Then grew the learning of the schoolmen 
 to be utterly despised as barbarous. In sum , the whole 
 
 Inclination and bent of those times was rather towards 
 
 - 
 
 copie than weight . 
 
 3. Here therefore is the first distemper of learning, 
 when men study words and not matter ; whereof, though 
 I have represented an example of late times, yet it hath 
 been and will be secundum majus el minus in all time. 
 And how is it possible but this should have an operation 
 to discredit learning, even with vulgar capacities, when 
 they see learned men's works like the first letter of a 
 patent, or limned book ; which though it hath large flou- 
 rishes, yet it is but a letter ? It seems to me thaL Pygma- 
 lion's frenzy is a good emblem or portraiture of this 
 vanity : for words are but the images of matter ; and 
 except they have life of reason and invention, to fall in 
 love with them is all one as to fall in love with a picture. 
 
 4. But yet notwithstanding it is a thing not hastily to 
 be condemned, to clothe and adorn the obscurity even 
 of philosophy itself with sensible and p lausible elocution. 
 For hereof we have great examples in Xenophon, Cicero, 
 Seneca, Plutarch, and o f Plato also in some degre e ; and 
 hereof likewise there is great use : for surely, to the 
 severe inquisition of truth and the deep progress into 
 
 / philosophy, it is some hindrance ; because it is too early 
 !' satisfactory to the mind of man, and quencheth the de- 
 i sire of further search, before we come to a just period. 
 But then if a man be to have any use of such knowledge 
 in civil occasions, of conference, counsel, persuasion, dis- 
 course, or the like, then shall he find it prepared to his 
 hands in those authors which write in that manner. But 
 the excess of this is so justly contemptible, that as Her- 
 cules, when he saw the image of Adonis, Venus' minion, 
 
 A3 
 
 ^cx 
 
 
 -~&' 
 
 7 Ji^yrJU^, in ?<£yJL 
 
 #cV«-0 • 
 
i IV. 4.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 3 1 
 
 in a temple, said in disdain, Nil sacri es; so there is none 
 
 of Hercules' followers in learning, that is, the more severe 
 
 and laborious sort of inquirers into truth, but will despise ib- ~ 
 
 those delicacies and affectations, as indeed capable of no ^ A>- "T 
 
 divineness. And thus much of the first disease or dis- y\kj ^ v_.f v ° 
 
 temper of learning. 
 3 5- The second which folio weth is in nature worse than 
 
 the former : for as substance of matter is better than 
 beauty of words, so contrariwise vain matte r is worse 
 than vain words : wherein it seemeth the reprehension of 
 Saint Paul was not only proper for those times, but pro- 
 phetical for the times following ; and not only respective 
 to divinity, but extensive to all knowledge : Devila pro- 
 fanas vocum novitates, el oppositiones falsi nominis sciential. 
 For he assigneth two marks and badges of suspected 
 and falsified science : the one , the novelty and strange- 
 ness of terms ; the other , the strictness of positions, 
 which of necessity doth induce oppositions, and so ques- 
 tions and altercations. Surely, like as many substances 
 in nature which are solid do putrify and corrupt into 
 worms ; so it is the property of good and sound know- 
 ledge to putrify and dissolve into a number of subtle, 
 idle, unwholesome, and (as I may term them) vermiculat e 
 questions , which have indeed a kind of quickne ss and 
 life of spirit, but no soundness of matter or goodness of 
 quality. This kind of degenerate learning did chiefly 
 reign amongst the '^schoolme n : who having sharp and 
 strong wits, and abundance of leisure, and small variety 
 of reading, but their wits being shut up in the cells of a 
 few authors (chiefly Aristotle their dictator) as their per- 
 sons were shut up in the cells of monasteries and col- 
 leges, and knowing little history, either of nature or 
 time, did out of no great quantity of matter and infinite 
 
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 L-0-£*jJb» ^-C0-41aJ^. 
 
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 32 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [iV. 5. 
 
 agitation of wit spin out unto us those laborious webs of 
 learning which are extant in their books. For the wit 
 and mind of man, if it work upon matter, which is the 
 contemplation of the creatures of God, worketh accord- 
 ing to the stuff and is limited thereby ; but if it work 
 upon itself, as the spider worketh his web, then it is 
 endless, and brings forth indeed cobwebs of learning, 
 admirable for the fineness of thread and work, but of 
 no substance or profit. 
 
 6. This same unprofitable subtility or curiosity is of 
 two sorts ; either in the subject itself that they handle, 
 when it is a fruitless speculation or controversy (whereof 
 there are no small number both in divinity and philo- 
 sophy), or in the manner or method of handling of a 
 knowledge, which amongst them was this ; upon every 
 particular position or assertion to frame objections, and 
 to those objections, solutions ; which solutions were for 
 the most part not confutations, but distinctions : whereas 
 indeed the strength of all sciences is, as the strength of 
 the old man's faggot, in the bond. For the harmony of a 
 science, supporting each part the other, is and ought to 
 be the true and brief confutation and suppression of all 
 the smaller sort of objections. But, on the other side, if 
 you take out every axiom, as the sticks of the faggot, one 
 by one, you may quarrel with them and bend them and 
 break them at your pleasure : so that as was said of 
 Seneca, Verborum minutiis rerum frangit ponder a, so a 
 man may truly say of the schoolmen, Quceslionum minutiis 
 scientiarnm frangunt soliditatem. For were it not better 
 for a man in a fair room to set up one great light, or 
 branching candlestick of lights, than to go about with 
 a small watch candle into every corner? And such is 
 their method, that rests not so much upon evidence of 
 
 /A 3. 
 
 1 V 
 
IV. 6.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 33 
 
 &u. 
 
 truth proved by arguments, authorities, similitudes, ex- 
 amples, as upon particular confutations and solutions of 
 every scruple, cavillation, and objection ; breeding for the 
 most part one question as fast as it solveth another ; even 
 as in the former resemblance, when you carry the light 
 into one corner, you darken the rest ; so that the fable 
 and fiction of Scylla seemeth to be a lively image of this 
 kind of philosophy or knowledge ; which was trans- 
 formed into a comely virgin for the upper parts ; but 
 then Candida succindam latrantibus inguina monstris : so 
 the generalities of the schoolmen are for a while good 
 and proportionable ; but then when you descend into 
 their distinctions and decisions, instead of a fruitful 
 womb for the use and benefit of man's life, they end 
 in monstrous altercations and barking questions. So 
 as it is not possible but this quality of knowledge must* 
 fall under p opular conte mpt, the people being apt to I 
 contemn truth upon occasion of controversies and alter- 
 cations, and to think they are all out of their way which 
 never meet ; and when they see such digladiation about 
 subtilties, and matter of no use or moment, they easily 
 fall upon that judgement of Dionysius of Syracusa, Verba 
 ista sunt senum otiosorum. 
 
 7. Notwithstanding, certain it is that if those school- 
 men to their great thirst of truth and unwearied travail 
 of wit had joined variety and universality of reading 
 and contemplation, they had proved excellent lights, to 
 the great advancement of all learning and knowledge ; 
 but as they are, they are great undertakers indeed, and 
 fierce with dark keeping. But as in the inquiry of the 
 divine truth, their pride inclined to leave the ^ oracle of 
 God's word , and to vanish in the mixture of their own 
 inventions ; so in the inquisition of nature, they ever left 
 
 D 
 
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 Sc^JLV 
 
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 34 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [iV. 7. ^ 3 c 
 
 the oracle of God's works , and adored the deceiving and 
 deformed images which the unequal mirror of their own 
 minds, or a few received authors or principles, did re- 
 present unto them."] And thus much for the second 
 disease of learning. 
 
 8. For the third vice or disease of learning , which V 
 concerneth deceit or untruth , it is of all the rest the 
 foulest ; as that which doth destroy the essential form 
 
 of knowledge, which is nothing but a representation of 
 truth: for the tr uth of bei ng and the t ruth of kn owing .,.,. 
 are one, differing no more than the direct beam and the 
 beam reflected. This vice therefore brancheth itself into 
 two sorts ; delight in deceiving and aptness to be de- 
 ceived ; i mpostu re and credulity ; which, although they a' ». > « 
 appear to be of a diverse nature, the one seeming to 
 proceed of cunning and the other of simplicity, yet 
 certainly they do for the mo st part concur : for, as the 
 verse noteth, 
 
 Percontatorem fugito, nam garrulus idem est, "^ ' 
 
 an inquisitive man is a prattler ; so upon the like reason 
 a credulous man is a deceiver : as we see it in fame, that 
 he that will easily believe rumours, will as easily augment 
 rumours and add somewhat to them of his own ; which 
 Tacitus wisely noteth, when he sa.ith, v Fingtmf simul cre- 
 dunique : so great an affinity hath fiction and belief. 
 
 9. This facility of credit and accepting or admitting a! 
 things weakly authorized or warranted, is of two kind s 
 according to the subject : for it is either a belief of 
 history, or, as the lawyers speak, matter of fact ; or else a" 
 
 of matter of art and opinion. As to the former, we jr* a 1 
 see the experience and inconvenience of this error in 
 ecclesiastical history ; which hath too easily received and < 
 
 registered reports and narrations of miracles wrought by 
 
 *(L^T^c 
 
 1 "dLa^. c/vj-doUSoL ^Vfi-jU 
 
 tU' 
 
IV. 9 ] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK, 
 
 cr>v> 
 
 (s'" 
 
 lr" 
 
 35 
 
 martyrs, hermits, or monks of the desert, and other holy 
 men, and their relics, shrines, chapels, and images : 
 which though they had a p assage for a time by the 
 ignorance of the people, the superstitious simplicity of 
 some, and the politic toleration of others, holding them 
 but as divine poesies ; yet after a period of time, when 
 the mist began to clear up, they grew to be esteemed but 
 as old wives' fables, impostures of the clergy, illusions of 
 spirits, and badges of Antichrist, to the great scandal and 
 detriment of religion. 
 
 10. So in natural history , we see there hath not been 
 that choice and judgement used as ought to have been ; 
 as may appear in the writings of Plinius, *Cardanus, 
 Albertus, and divers of the Arabians, being fraught with 
 much fabulous matter, a great part not only untried, 
 but notoriously untrue, to the great derogation of the 
 credit of natural philosophy with the grave and sober 
 kind of wits: wherein the wisdom and integrity of 
 
 Aristotle is worthy to be observed ; that, having made 
 so diligent and exquisite a history of living creatures, 
 hath mingled it sparingly with any vain or feigned 
 matter : and yet on the other side hath cast all pro- 
 digious narrations, which he thought worthy the record- 
 ing, into one^book : excellently discerning that matter 
 of manifest truth, such whereupon observation and rule 
 was to be built, was not to be mingled or weakened 
 with matter of doubtful credit; and yet again, that 
 rarities and reports that seem uncredible are not to be 
 suppressed or denied to the memory of men. 
 
 ii. And as for the facility of credit which is yielded to 
 arts and opinions , it is likewise of two kinds ; either when 
 too much belief is attributed to the arts themselves , or 
 to c ertain authors in any art. The sciences themselves, 
 
 D 2 
 
 
 
 - K«rf- ^ fr+^jh 
 
 
 
"-La i _<^Cv*^» 
 
 lw\*H*o 
 
 36 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [iV. II. 
 
 which have had better intelligence and confederacy with 
 the imagination of man than with his reason, are three 
 in number ; astrolog y, n atural mag ic, and alchemy : 
 of which sciences, nevertheless, the ends or pretences 
 are noble . For astrology pretendeth to discover that 
 correspondence or concatenation which is between the 
 superior globe and the inferior : natural magic pretendeth 
 to call and reduce natural philosophy from variety of 
 speculations to the magnitude of works : and alchemy 
 pretendeth to make separation of all the unlike parts 
 of bodies which in mixtures of nature are incorporate. 
 But the derivations and prosecutions to these ends, both 
 in the theories and in the practices, are full of error 
 and vanity; which the great professors themselves have 
 sought to veil over and conceal by enigmatical writings, 
 and referring themselves to auricular tradition s and such 
 other devices, to save the credit of impostures. And yet 
 surely to alchemy this right is due, that it may be 
 compared to the husbandman whereof Mso\> makes 
 the fable ; that, when he died, told his sons that he 
 had left unto them gold buried under ground in his 
 vineyard ; and they digged over all the ground, and 
 gold they found none ; but by reason of their stirring 
 and digging the mould about the roots of their vines, 
 they had a great vintage the year following : so assuredly 
 the search and stir to make gold hath brought to light a 
 great number of good and fruitful inventions and ex- 
 periments, as well for the disclosing of nature as for the 
 use of man's life. 
 
 12. And as for the overmuch credit that hath been 
 given unto authors in sciences, in making them dictators, 
 that their words should stand, and not consuls to give 
 advice; the damage is infinite that sciences' have received 
 
 h*.<toiv 
 
 in 
 
 & 
 
 I nr j>-i 1 c vrXK^^xjaJL^ 
 
IV. 12.] THE FIRST BOOK. 37 
 
 thereby, as the principal cause that hath kept them low 
 at a stay without growth or advancement. For hence 
 it hath comen, that in arts mechanical the first deviser 
 comes shortest, and time addeth and perfecteth ; but in 
 sciences the first author goeth furthest, and time leeseth 
 and corrupteth. So we see, artillery, sailing, printing, and 
 the like, were grossly managed at the first, and by time 
 accommodated and refined : but contrariwise, the philo- 
 sophies and sciences of Aristotle, Plato, Democritus, 
 Hippocrates, Euclides, Archimedes, of most vigour at 
 the first and by time degenerate and imbased ; whereof 
 the reason is no other, but that in the former many wits 
 and industries have contributed in one ; and in the latter 
 many wits and industries have been spent about the wit 
 of some one, whom many times they have rather de- 
 praved than illustrated. For as water will not ascend 
 higher than the level of the first springhead from whence 
 it descendeth, so knowledge derived from Aristotle, and 
 exempted from liberty of examination, will not rise again 
 higher than the knowledge of Aristotle. And therefore 
 although the position be good, Oportet discentem credere, 
 yet it must be coupled with this, Oportet edoctumjudicare; 
 for disciples do owe unto masters only a temporary belief 
 and a suspension of their own judgement till they be 
 fully instructed, and not an absolute resignation or per- 
 petual captivity : and therefore, to conclude this point, 
 I will say no more, but so let great authors have their ^>^*jL- 
 
 due, as time, which is the author of a uthors, be not 
 deprived of his due, which is, further and further to 
 discover truth. Thus have I gone over these three 
 diseases of learning; besides the which there are some 
 other rather peccant humour s than formed diseases, 
 which nevertheless are not so secret and intrinsic but 
 

 38 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [IV. 12. f\ 3 c £ 
 
 that they fall under a popular observation and traduce- 
 ment, and therefore are not to be passed over. 
 
 V. 1. The first of these is the ext reme affe cting of 
 two extremities : the one ant iquit y, the other novelty; 
 wherein it seemeth the children of tune do take after the 
 nature and malice of the father. For as he devo ureth 
 his childre n, so one of them seeketh to devour and 
 suppress the other ; while antiquity envieth there should 
 be new additions, and novelty cannot be content to add 
 but it must deface : surely the advice of the prophet is 
 the true direction in this matter, State super vias antiquas, 
 et videte quamam sit via recta et bona et ambulate in ea. 
 Antiquity deserveth that reverence, that men should make 
 a stand thereupon and discover what is the best way; 
 but when the discovery is well taken, then to make pro- 
 gression. And to speak truly, Antiquitas sccadi juvenilis 
 mundi. These times are the ancient times, when the 
 world is ancient, and not those which we account ancient 
 or dine relrogrado, by a computation backward from our- 
 selves. 
 
 2. Another error induced by the former is a distrust 
 that anything should be now to be found out, which 
 the world should have missed and passed over so long 
 time ; as if the same objection were to be made to time, 
 that Lucian maketh to Jupiter and other the heathen 
 gods ; of which he wondereth that they begot so many 
 children in old time, and begot none in his time; and 
 asketh whether they were become septuagenarj r , or 
 whether the law Pafiia , made against old men's mar- 
 riages, had restrained them. So it seemeth men doubt 
 lest time is become past children and generation; 
 wherein contrariwise we see commonly the levity and 
 unconstancy of men's judgements, which till a matter 
 
V. 2.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 39 
 
 be done, wonder that it can be done ; and as soon as 
 it is done, wonder again that it was no sooner done : 
 as we see in the expedition of Alexander into Asia, 
 which at first was prejudged as a vast and impossible 
 enterprise ; and yet afterwards it pleaseth Livy to make 
 no more of it than this, Nil aliud quam bene ausus vana 
 conlenmere. And the same happened to Columbu s in the 
 western navigation. But in intellectual matters it is 
 much more common ; as may be seen in most of the 
 propositions of Euclid ; which till they be demonstrate, 
 they seem strange to our assent ; but being demonstrate, 
 our mind accepteth of them by a kind of relation (as the 
 lawyers speak) as if we had known them before. 
 
 3. Another error, that hath also some affinity with the 
 former, is a conceit that of former opinions or sects after 
 variety and examination the best hath still prevailed and 
 suppressed the rest ; so as if a man should begin the 
 labour of a new search, he were but like to light upon 
 somewhat formerly rejected, and by rejection brought into 
 oblivion : as if the multitude, or the wisest for the mult- 
 itude's sake, were not ready to give passage rather to that 
 which is popular and superficial, than to that which is 
 substantial and profound ; for the truth is, that time 
 seemeth to be of the nature of a river or stream, which 
 carrieth down to us that which is light and blown up, and 
 sinketh and drowneth that which is weighty and solid. 
 
 4. Another error, of a diverse nature from all the 
 former, is the over-early and peremptory reduction o f 
 knowledge into arts and methods ; from which time 
 commonly sciences receive small or no augmentation. 
 But as young men, when they knit and shape perfectly, 
 do seldom grow to a further stature ; so knowledge, while 
 it is in aphorisms and observations, it is in growth : but 
 
40 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [v. 4. 
 
 y^^m^. 
 
 *L 
 
 Ju^ 
 
 Y^r 
 
 ■V- 
 
 Uj~aJr 
 
 k 
 
 when it once is comprehended in exact methods, it may 
 perchance be further polished and illustrate and accom- 
 modated for use and practice ; but it increaseth no more 
 in bulk and substance. 
 
 5. Another eiror which doth succeed that which we 
 last mentioned, is, that after the distribution of particular 
 arts and sciences, men have abandoned universality, or 
 philosophic, prima : which cannot but cease and stop all 
 progression. For no perfect discovery can be made upon 
 a flat or a level : neither is it possible to discover the 
 more remote and deeper parts of any science, if you 
 stand but upon the level of the same science, and ascend 
 not to a higher science. 
 
 6. Another error hath proceeded from too great a 
 reverence, and a kind of adoration of the mind and 
 understanding of man ; by means whereof, men have 
 withdrawn themselves too much from the contemplation 
 of nature, and the observations of experience, and have 
 tumbled up and down in their own reason and conceits. 
 Upon these intellectualists . which are notwithstanding 
 commonly taken for the most sublime and divine philo- 
 sophers, Heraclitus gave a just censure, saying, Men 
 sought truth in their own little worlds, and not in the great 
 and common world ; for they disdain to spell, and so by 
 degrees to read in the volume of God's works : and 
 contrariwise by continual meditation and agitation of wit 
 do urge and as it were invocate their own spirits to 
 divine and give oracles unto them, whereby they are 
 deservedly deluded. 
 
 7. Another error that hath some connexion with this 
 latter is, that men have used to infect their meditations, 
 opinions, and doctrines, with some conceits which they 
 have most admired, or some sciences which they have 
 
V. 7-] THE FIRST BOOK. 41 
 
 most applied ; and given all things else a tincture accord- 
 ing to them, utterly untrue and unproper. So hath Plato 
 intermingled his philosophy with theology, and Aristotle 
 with logic ; and the second school of Plato, Proclus an d 
 t he res t, with the mathematics. For these were the arts 
 which had a kind of primogeniture with them severally. 
 So have the alchemis ts made a philosophy out of a few 
 experiments of the furnace ; and Gilbertus our country- y 
 
 man hath made a philosophy out of the observations of a 
 loadstone. So Cicero, when, reciting the several opinions 
 of the nature of the soul, he found a musician that held 
 the soul was but a harmony, saith pleasantly, Hie ab arte 
 sua non reeessi/, &e. But of these conceits Aristotle speak - 
 eth seriously and wisely when he saith, Qui respiciunt 
 ad pauca de facili pronunciant. — v >w<wv^o /^o^Ji^H ! ' 
 
 8. Another error is an impatience of doub t, and haste bu^Mjij-^^ 
 to assertion without due and mature suspension of judge- 
 ment. For the two ways of contemplation are not unlike 
 
 the two ways of action commonly spoken of by the 
 ancients : the one plain and smooth in the beginning, 
 and in the end impassable ; the other rough and trouble- 
 some in the entrance, but after a while fair and even : so 
 it is in contemplation ; if a man will begin with certain- 
 ties, he shall end in doubts ; but if he will be content to 
 begin with doubts, he shall end in certainties. 
 
 9. Another error is in the manner of the tradition and 
 delivery of knowledge, which is for the most part magis- 
 tral and peremptory, and not ingenuous and faithful ; 
 in a sort as may be soonest believed, and not easiliest 
 examined. It is true that in compendious treatises for 
 practice that form is not to be disallowed : but in the 
 true handling of knowledge, men ought not to fall either 
 on the one side into the vein of Velleius the Epicurean, 
 
42 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [v. 9. 
 
 Nil tarn metuens, quam ne dubitare aliqaa de re videreiur; 
 j. j».8?, nor on the other side into Socrates his ironical doubting 
 of all things ; but to propound things sincerely with more 
 or less asseveration, as they stand^ in a man's o wn judg e- 
 ment proved more or less. 
 
 10. Other errors there are in the scope that men 
 -a*L— _* propound to themselves, whereunto they bend their en- 
 ^~*i deavours ; for whereas the more constant and devote 
 
 kind of professors of any science ought to propound to 
 themselves to make some additions to their science, they 
 convert their labours to aspire to certain second prizes : 
 as to be a profound interpreter or commenter, to be a 
 sharp champion or defender, to be a methodical com- 
 pounder or abridger, and so the patrimony of knowledge 
 cometh to be sometimes improved, but seldom aug- 
 mented. 
 
 11. But the greatest error of all the rest is the mis- 
 taking or misplacing of the last or furthest end of know- 
 ledge. For men have entered into a desire of learning 
 and knowledge, sometimes upon a natural curiosity and 
 inquisitive appetite; sometimes to entertain their minds 
 with variety and delight ; sometimes for ornament and 
 reputation ; and sometimes to enable them to victory of 
 wit and contradiction ; and most times for lucre and 
 profession ; and seldom sincerely to give a true acco unt 
 of their gift of reaso n, jto the bene fit and use of men: as 
 if there were sought in knowledge a couch whereupon to 
 rest a searching and restless spirit ; or a terrace for a 
 wandering and variable mind to walk up and down with 
 a fair prospect ; or a tower of state for a proud mind to 
 raise itself upon ; or a fort or commanding ground for 
 strife and contention ; or a shop for profit or sale ; and 
 not a rich storehouse for the glory of the Creator and the , 
 

 77/£ FIRST BC 
 
 X 
 
 V. ii.] 
 
 relief of man's estate. 
 
 4- , ->-"a-*--t-*-fl. 
 
 43 
 
 But this is that which will indeed 
 dignify and exalt knowledge, if contemplation and action 
 may be more nearly and straitly conjoined and united 
 together than they have been ; a conjunction like unto 
 that of the two highest planets, Saturn, the planet of rest 
 and contemplation, and Jupiter, the planet of civil society 
 and action. Howbeit, I do not mean, when I speak of use 
 and action, that end before-mentioned of the applying of 
 knowledge to lucre and profession ; for I am not ignorant 
 how much that diverteth and intcrrupteth the prosecution 
 and advancement of knowledge, like unto the golden ball 
 thrown before Atalanta, which while she goeth aside and 
 stoopeth to take up, the race is hindered, 
 
 Dcclinat cursus, aurumque volubile tollit. 
 
 Neither is my meaning, as was spoken of Socrates, to 
 call philosophy down from heaven to converse upon 
 the earth ; that is, to leave natural philosophy aside, and 
 to apply knowledge only to manners and policy. But as 
 both heaven and earth do conspire and contribute to the 
 use and benefit of man; so the end ought to be, from 
 both philosophies to separate and reject vain speculations, 
 and whatsoever is empty and void, and to preserve and 
 augment whatsoever is solid and fruitful : that knowledge 
 may not be as a courtesan, for pleasure and vanity only, 
 or as a bond-woman, to acquire and gain to her master's 
 use ; but as a spouse, for generation, fruit, and comfort. 
 
 12. Thus have I described and opened, as by a kind 
 of dissection, those peccant humours (the principal of 
 them) which have not only given impediment to the 
 proflcience of learning, but have given also occasion to 
 the traducement thereof: wherein if I have been too plain, 
 it must be remembered, fidelia vulnera amantis, sed dolosa 
 This I think I have gained, that I 
 
 \*~b 
 
 
 X 
 
 - *- 
 
 
 oscula malignanlis. 
 
 ■■ 
 
fvj3 UiL~. j^^ 6 . ~ o- 4 rt L ' > r 
 
 k 
 
 44 of raE iiz)r.4A'CE.irE-yr of learning, [v. 12. 
 
 ought to be the better believed in that which I shall say 
 pertaining to commendation ; because I have proceeded 
 so freely in that which concerneth censure. And yet I 
 have no purpose to enter into a laudative of learning, or 
 to make a hymn to the Muses (though I am of opinion 
 that it is long since their rites were duly celebrated), but 
 my_jntent__is, without varnish or amplification justly to 
 weigh the dignity of knowledge in the balance with other 
 things, and to take the true value thereof by testimonies 
 and arguments divine and human. 
 
 VI. 1. First therefore let us seek the dignity of k now - 
 ledge in the arch-type or first platform, which is in the 
 attributes and acts of God, as far as they are revealed to 
 man and may be observed with sobriety ; wherein we may 
 not seek it by the name of learning ; for all learnin g is 
 knowledge acquired, and all knowledge in God is original : 
 and therefore we must look for it by another name, that 
 of wis dom or sapienc e, as the scriptures call it. 
 
 2. It is so then, that in the work of the creation we see 
 a d ouble em anation of virtue froin God ; the one referring 
 more properly to power, the other to wisdom ; the one 
 expressed in making the subsistence of the matter, and 
 the other in disposing the beauty of the form. This being 
 supposed, it is to be observed that for anything which 
 appeareth in the history of the creation, the confused mass 
 and matter of heaven and earth was made in a moment ; 
 and the order and disposition of that chaos or mass was 
 the work of six days ; such a note of difference it pleased 
 God to put upon the works of power, and the works of 
 wisdom; wherewith concurreth, that in the former it is 
 not set down that God said, Let there be heaven and earth, 
 as it is set down of the works following ; but actually, that 
 God made heaven and earth : the one carrying the style 
 
 
 
VI. 2.] THE FIRST BOOK. 45 
 
 of a manufacture, and the other of a law, decree, or 
 counsel. 
 
 3. To proceed to that which is next in order from God i> h~ ■*• t 
 to spirits ; we find, as far as credit is to be given to the 
 celestial hierarchy of that supposed Dionysius the senator 
 of Athens, the first place or degree is given to the angels 
 of love, which are termed seraphim ; the second to the 
 angels of light, which are termed cherubim ; and the 
 
 third, and so following places, to t hrones , p rincipalitie s, 
 and the rest, which are all angels of power and ministry ; 
 so as the angels of knowledge and illumination are placed 
 before the angels of office and domination. 
 
 4. To descend from spirits and intellectual forms to L - c V^ r V^ 
 sensible and m aterial form s, we read the first form that 
 
 was created was light, which hath a relation and cor- 
 respondence in nature and corporal things to knowledge 
 in spirits and incorporal things. 
 
 5. So in the distribution of days we see the day SojJ^xt. *& 
 
 — — ■ — - J 
 
 wherein God did rest and contemplate his own works. "~3 ' 
 
 was blessed above all the days wherein he did effect and 
 accomplish them. * 
 
 6. After the creation was finished, it is set down unto **-**-» ^l~x* 
 as that man was placed in the garden to work therein; vafiuw>.~~ 
 which work, so appointed to him, could be no other than 
 
 w ork of con templation ; that is, when the end of work is 
 but for exercise and experiment, not for necessity ; for 
 there being then no reluctation of the creature, nor sweat 
 of the brow, man's employment must of consequence 
 have been matter of delight in the experiment, and not 
 matter of labour for the use. Again, the first acts which A^iv <^Tj 
 man performed in Paradise consisted of the two smnmary 
 parts of knowledge; the view of creatures, and the im- 
 position of names. As for the knowledge which induced 
 
46 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [Vf.6. 
 
 the fall , it was, as was touched before, not the natural 
 knowledge of creatures, but the moral knowledge of good 
 and evil; wherein the supposition was, that God's com- 
 mandments or prohibitions were not the originals of good 
 and evil, but that they had other beginnings, which man 
 aspired to know ; to the end to make a total defection 
 from God and to depend wholly upon himself. 
 
 7. To pass on : in the first event or occurrence after 
 the fall of man, we see (as t he scriptures have infinit e 
 mysteries , not violating at all the truth of the story or 
 letter) an image of the two estates, the contemplati ve 
 state and the active state, figured in the two persons 
 of Abel and Cain, and in the two simplest and most 
 primitive trades of life ; that of the shepherd (who, by 
 reason of his leisure, rest; in a place, and living in view of 
 heaven, is a lively image of a contemplative life), and that 
 of the husbandman : where we see again the favour and 
 election of God went to the shepherd, and not to the tiller 
 of the ground. 
 
 8. So in the age before the flood , the holy records 
 within those few memorials which are there entered and 
 registered, have vouchsafed to mention and honour the 
 name of the inventors and authors of music andj yprks in 
 metal. In the age after the flood , the first great judge- 
 ment of God upon the ambition of man was the confu- 
 sion of tongues ; whereby the open trade and intercourse 
 of learning and knowledge was chiefly imbarred. 
 
 9. To descend to Moyses the lawgiver, and God's first 
 pen : he is adorned by the scriptures with this addition 
 and commendation, That he was seen in all the learning of 
 the Egyptians ; which nation we know was one of the 
 most ancient schools of the world : for so Plato brings in 
 the Egyptian priest saying unto Solon, You Grecians are 
 
VI. 9 .] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 47 
 
 ever children ; you have no knowledge of antiquity, nor 
 antiquity of knowledge. Take a view of the ceremonial 
 law of Moyses ; you shall find, besides the prefigurati on 
 of Christ, the badge or difference of the people of God, 
 the exercise and impression of obedience, and other 
 divine uses and fruits thereof, that some of the most 
 learned Rabbins have travailed profitably and profoundly 
 to observe, some of them a natural, some of them a moral, 
 sense or reduction* of many of the ceremonies and or- 
 dinances. As in the law of the leprosy, where it is said. 
 If the whiteness have overspread the flesh, the patient may 
 pass abroad for clean ; but if there be any whole flesh 
 remaining, he is to be shut up for unclean ; one of them 
 noteth a principle of nature, that putrefaction is more 
 contagious before maturity than after : and another noteth 
 a position of moral philosophy, that men abandoned to 
 vice do not so much corrupt manners, as those that are 
 half good and half evil. So in this and very many other 
 places in that law, there is to be found, besides the theo- 
 logical sense, much aspersion of philosophy. 
 
 10. So likewise in that excellent book o f Job , if it be 
 revolved with diligence, it will be found pregnant and 
 swelling with natural philosophy ; as for example, cos- 
 mography, and the roundness of the world, Qui extendit 
 aquilonem super vacuum, et appendit terrain super nihilum ; 
 wherein the pensilenes s of the eart h, the pole of the north, 
 and the finiteness ox_ convexity of heaven are manifestly 
 touched. So again, matter of astronomy; Spiritus ejus 
 ornavil ccelos, et obsteiricante manu ejus cductus est Coluber 
 tortuosus. And in another place, Nunquid conjungere 
 vale bis mic antes Stellas Pleiadas, aut gyrum Arcturi po ten's 
 dissipare r Where the fixing of the stars, ever standing 
 at equal distance, is with great elegancy noted. And in 
 
 
 t 
 
 <%* 
 
48 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [vi. 10. 
 
 another place, Qui facit Ar durum, et Oriona, et Hyadas, et 
 interior a Austri ; where again he takes knowledge of the 
 depression of the southern pole, calling it the secrets of 
 the south, because the southern stars were in that climate 
 unseen. Matter of generation ; Annon sicut lac mulsisli 
 me, et sicut caseum coagulasii me ? &c. Matter of minerals ; 
 Habet argentum venarum suarum principia : et auro locus 
 est in quo conflalur,ferrum de terra tolli/ur, el lapis solutus 
 calore in ces vertitur : and so forwards in that chapter.' ^- ? 
 11. So likewise in the person of Salomon the king , we 
 see the gift or endowment of wisdom and learning, both 
 in Salomon's petition and in God's assent thereunto, 
 preferred before all other terrene and temporal felicity. 
 By virtue of which grant or donative of God Salomon 
 became enabled not only to write those excellent parables 
 or aphorisms concerning divine and moral philosophy ; 
 but also to compile a natural history of all verdure, from 
 the cedar upon the mountain to the moss upon the wall 
 (which is but a r udiment between putrefaction and an 
 herb), and also of all things that breathe or move. Nay, 
 the same Salomon the king, although he excelled in the 
 glory of treasure and magnificent buildings, of shipping 
 and navigation, of service and attendance, of fame and 
 renown, and the like, yet he maketh no claim to any of 
 those glories, but only to the glory of inquisition of truth ; 
 for so he saith expressly, $ The glory of God is to conceal a 
 thing, but the glory of the king is to find it out ; as if, accord- 
 ing to the in nocent p lay of children, the Divine Majesty 
 took delight to hide his works, to the end to have them 
 found out ; and as if kings could not obtain a greater 
 honour than to be God's playfellows in that game ; con- 
 sidering the great commandment of wits and means, 
 whereby nothing needeth to be hidden from them. 
 
 4 l^y^P 
 
 (5 &*v 
 
 * '^-*-t rx^t>-b ' 
 
 tjS.i- 
 
VI. 12.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 49 
 
 12. Neither did the dispensation of God vary in the 
 times after our Saviour came into the world ; for our 
 Saviour himself did first show his power to subdue 
 ignorance, by his conference with the priests and doctors 
 of the law, before he showed his power to subdue nature 
 by his miracles. And the coming of the Holy Spirit was 
 chiefly figured and expressed in the similitude and gift of 
 tongues, which are but vehicula scientice. *c& •>-•' 
 
 13. So in the election of those instruments, which it 
 pleased God to use for the plantation of the faith, not- 
 withstanding that at the first he did employ persons 
 altogether unlearned, otherwise than by inspiration, more 
 evidently to declare his immediate working, and to abase 
 all human wisdom or knowledge; yet nevertheless that 
 counsel of his was no sooner performed, but in the next 
 vicissitude and succession he did send his divine truth into 
 the world, waited on with other learnings, as with servants 
 or handmaids : for so we see Saint Paul, who wa s only 
 learned amongst the Apostles, had his p en most used in 
 the scriptures of the New Testament. 
 
 14. So again we find that many of the a ncient bishops 
 and fathers_ of the Church were excellently read and 
 studied in all the learning of the heathen ; insomuch 
 that the edict of the Emperor Julianus* (whereby it was 
 interdicted unto Christians to be admitted into schools, 
 lectures, or exercises of learning) was esteemed and ac- 
 counted a more pernicious engine and machination 
 against the Christian Faith, than were all the sanguinary 
 prosecutions of his predecessors ; neither could the 
 emulation and jealousy of Gre gory the first of that name, ivo-t^ 
 bishop of Rome, ever obtain the opinion of piety or de- 
 votion ; but contrariwise received the censure of humour, 
 malignity and pusillanimity, even amongst holy men ; in 
 
 E (^^o^^- 
 
 Q^jt&Zj^o 
 
 to j_^_*r»^»-o 
 
50 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VI. 14. 
 
 1C 
 
 ■«-*>-/Co 
 
 
 that he designed to obliterate and extinguish the memory 
 of heathen antiquity and authors. But contrariwise it was 
 the Christian church, which, amidst the inundations of the 
 Scythians on the one side from the north-west, and the 
 Saracens from the east, did preserve in the sacred lap and 
 bosom thereof the precious relics even of heathen learn- 
 ing, which otherwise had been extinguished as if no such 
 thing hadever been. 
 
 i5.[And we see before our eyes, that in the age ot 
 ourselves and our fathers, when it pleased God to call 
 the Church of Rome to account for their degenerate 
 manners and ceremonies, and sundry doctrines obnoxious 
 and framed to uphold the same abuses ; at one and the 
 same time it was ordained by the Divine Providence, that 
 there should attend withal a renovation and new spring 
 of all other knowledges.]* And, on the other side we see 
 the Jesuits, who partly in themselves and partly by the 
 emulation and provocation^^ their example, have much 
 quickened and strengthened the state of learning, we see 
 (I say) what notable service and reparation they have done 
 to the Roman see. 
 
 1 6. Wherefore to conclude this part, let it be observed, 
 that there be two principal duties and services, besides 
 ornament and illustration, which philosophy and human 
 learning do perform to faith and religion. The one, 
 because they are an effectual inducement to the exalt- 
 ation of the glory of God. For as the Psalms and other 
 scriptures do often invite us to consider and magnify the 
 great and wonderful works of God, so if we should rest 
 only in the contemplation of the exterior of them as they 
 first offer themselves to our senses, we should do a like 
 injury unto the majesty of God, as if we should judge 
 or construe of the store of some excellent jeweller, by 
 
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 g-£ls^ *r€LL+ 
 
 V-v. *^9 t^-V. 
 
 ^*~CS 
 
 VI. i 
 
 6.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 5* 
 
 i-T-.«l 
 
 that only which is set out toward the street in his shop. 
 The othe r, because they minister a singular help and 
 preservative against unbelief and error. For our Saviour 
 saith, You err, not knowing the scriptures, nor the power 
 of God ; laying before us t wo books or volumes to study, 
 if we will be secured from error; first the scjiptures, 
 revealing the will of God, and then the creatures ex- 
 pressing his power ; whereof the jatter i s a key u nto the 
 former : not only opening our understanding to conceive 
 the true sense of the scriptures, by the general notions 
 of reason and rules of speech ; but chiefly opening our 
 belief, in drawing us into a due meditation of the omni- 
 potency of God, which is chiefly signed and engraven 
 upon his works. Thus much therefore for divine testi- 
 mony and evidence concerning the true dignity and value 
 of learning. 
 
 VII. 1. As for hum an proofs , it is so large a field, as 
 in a discourse of this nature and brevity it is fit rather to 
 use choice of those things which we shall produce, than 
 to embrace the variety of them. First therefore, in the 
 degrees of human honour amongst the heathen, it was 
 the highest to obtain to a veneration and adoration as a 
 God. This unto the Christians is as the forbidden fruit. 
 But we speak now separately of human testimony: ac- 
 cording to which, that which the Grecians call apotheosis, 
 and the Latins relatio inter divos , was the supreme honour 
 which man could attribute unto man: specially when it 
 was given, not by a formal decree or act of state, as it 
 was used among the Roman Emperors, but by an inward 
 assent and belief. Which honour, being so high, had 
 also a de gree or middle term: for there were reckoned 
 above human honour s, honours heroica l and divine : in 
 the attribution and distribution of which honours we see 
 
 £ 2 
 
 
 1- t^tyuL^rm. 
 
 
 rK-^Vv-vC^w^ I \ 
 
 
 
A,? 52 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII. 1. 
 
 
 antiquity made this difference : that whereas founders 
 and uniters of states and cities, lawgivers, extirpers of 
 tyrants, fathers of the people, and other eminent persons 
 in civil merit, were honoured but with the titles of worthies 
 or demi-gods ; such as were Hercules, Theseus, Minos, 
 Romulus, and the like : on the other side, such as were 
 inventors and authors of_ne w arts, en dowments, and 
 commodities towards man's life , were ever consecrated 
 amongst the gods themselves; as was Ceres, Bacchus, 
 Mercurius, Apollo, and others ; and justly ; for the merit 
 of the former is confined within the circle of an age or a 
 nation ; and is like fruitful showers, which though they be 
 profitable and good, yet serve but for that season, and for 
 a latitude of ground where they fall ; but the other is 
 indeed like the benefits of heaven, which are permanent 
 and universal. The former again is mixed with strife 
 and perturbation ; but the latter hath the true character of 
 Divine Presence, coming in aura km, without noise or 
 agitation. 
 
 2. Neither is certainly that other merit of learnin g, in re- 
 pressing the inconveniences which grow from man to man, 
 much inferior to the former, of relieving the necessities 
 which arise from nature ; which merit was lively set forth 
 by the ancients in that feigned relation of Orpheus' theatre, 
 where all beasts and birds assembled ; and forgetting their 
 several appetites, some of prey, some of game, some of 
 quarrel, stood all sociably together listening unto the airs 
 and accords of the harp; the sound whereof no sooner 
 ceased, or was drowned by some louder noise, but every 
 beast returned to his own nature: wherein is aptly de- 
 JU-u**-, j scribed the nature jmd_ condition of men, who are full of 
 
 savage and unreclaimed desires, of profit, of lust, of re- 
 venge ; which as long as they give ear to precepts, to jaws, 
 
 t. 
 
 fr-_a-v*«g 
 
 Jv-a-^(U-v^. , 
 

 VII. 2.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 53 
 
 I to religion, sweetly touched with eloquence and persuasion 
 
 / of books, of sermons, of harangues, so long is society and 
 
 peace maintained ; but if these instruments be silent, or 
 
 that sedition and tumult make them not audible, all things 
 
 dissolve into anarchy and confusion. 
 
 3. But this appeareth more manifestly, when kings 
 themselv es, or persons of authority under them , or other 
 governors in commonwealths and popular estates, are en- 
 dued with learning. For although he might be thought 
 partial to his own profession, that said Then should people 
 and estates be happy, when either Icings ivere philosophers, or 
 philosophers kings ; yet so much is verified by experience, 
 that under learned princes and governors there have been 
 ever the best times : for howsoever kings may have their 
 imperfections in their passions and customs; yet if they be 
 illuminate by learning, they have those notions of religion, 
 policy, and morality, which do preserve them and refrain 
 them from all ruinous and peremptory errors and ex- 
 cesses; whispering evermore in their ears, when coun- 
 sellors and servants stand mute and silent. And senators 
 or counsellors l ikewise, which be learned, do proceed upon 
 more safe and substantial principles, than counsellors 
 which are only men of experience : the one sort keeping 
 dangers afar off, whereas the other discover them not till 
 they come near hand, and then trust to the agility of 
 their wit to ward or avoid them. 
 
 4. Which felicity of times under learned princes (to 
 keep still the law of brevity, by using the most eminent 
 and selected examples ) doth best appear in the age which 
 passed from the death of Domitianus the emperor until the 
 reign of Commodus; comprehending a succession of six 
 princes, all learned, or singular favourers and advancers of 
 learning, which age for temporal respects was the most 
 
 
 4,.. 3 • th f*A»» 
 
54 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII. 4. 
 
 
 happy and flourishing that ever the Roman empire (which 
 then was a model of the world) enjoyed; a matter revealed 
 and prefigured unto Domitian in a dream the night before 
 he was slain ; for he thought there was grown behind 
 upon his shoulders a neck and a head of gold: which 
 came accordingly to pass in those golden times which 
 succeeded : of which princes we will make some com- 
 memoration ; wherein although the matter will be vulgar, 
 and may be thought fitter for a decla matio n than agreeable 
 ' to a treatise infolded as this is, yet because it is pertinent 
 to the point in hand, Neque semper arcum tendit Apollo, thr ^-^- 
 and to name them only were too naked and cursory, I will 
 not omit it altogether. The first was Nerva ; the excellent 
 temper of whose government is by a glance in Cornelius 
 Tacitus touched to the life : Postquam divus Nerva res 
 olim insociabiles miscuissc/, imperium et liber /a/em. And in 
 token of his learning, the last act of his short reign left 
 to memory was a missive to his adopted son Trajan, pro- 
 ceeding upon some inward discontent at the ingratitude of 
 the times, comprehended in a verse of Homer's : 
 
 Telis, Phoebe, tuis lacrymas ulciscere nostras. 
 
 5. Trajan , who succeeded, was for his person not 
 learned: but if we will hearken to the speech of our 
 Saviour, that saith, He /ha/ recetieth a prophe/ in /he name 
 of a prophe/ shall have a prophe/' s reward, he deserveth to 
 be placed amongst the most learned princes : for there 
 was not a greater admirer of learning or benefactor of 
 learning ; a founder of famous libraries, a perpetual ad- 
 vancer of learned men to office, and a familiar converser 
 with learned professors and preceptors, who were noted 
 to have then most credit in court. On the other side, 
 how much Trajan's virtue and government was admired 
 and renowned, surely no testimony of grave and faithful 
 
^-a_* 
 
 VIT. 5.] THE FIRST BOOK. 55 
 
 history doth more lively set forth, than that legend tale * 
 
 of Gregorius Magnus, bishop of Rome, who was noted ^W^ % "\^ 
 for the extreme envy he bare towards all heathen excel- 
 lency : and yet he is reported, out of the love and estim- 
 ation pf Trajan's moral virtues, to have made unto God 
 passionate and fervent prayers for the delivery of his soul 
 out of hell : and to have obtained it, with a caveat that 
 he should make no more such petitions. In this prince's 
 time also the persecutions against the Christians received 
 intermission, upon the c ertificate of Plinius Secundus, a 
 man of excellent learning and by Trajan advanced. 
 
 6. Adrian, his successor, was the most_c urious man tiAckv^icw- 
 that lived, and the most universal inquirer ; insomuch as 
 it was noted for an error in his mind, that he desired to L L i [xr ^^) 
 comprehend all things, and not to reserve himself for the 
 worthiest things : falling into the like humour that was 
 long before noted in Philip of Macedon ; who, when he 
 would needs over-rule and put down an excellent musician 
 in an argument touching music, was well answered by 
 him again, God forbid, sir (saith he), that your fortune 
 should be so bad, as to know these things better than I. 
 It pleased God likewise to use the curiosity of this em- 
 peror as an inducement to the peace of his Church in 
 those days. For having Christ in veneration, not as a A-o X«'»^Lq 
 God or Saviour but as a wonder or novelty, and having 
 his picture in his gallery, matched with Apollonius (with 
 whom in his vain imagination he thought he had some 
 conformity), yet it served the turn to allay the bitter 
 hatred of those times against the Christian name, so as 
 the Church had peace during his time. And for his 
 government civil , although he did not attain to that of 
 Trajan^ in glory of arms or perfection of justice, yet 
 in deserving of the weal of the subject he did exceed 
 
 l^rt 
 
56 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [vil. 6. 
 
 him. For Trajan erected many famous monuments and 
 buildings ; insomuch as Constantine the Great in emul- 
 ation was wont to call him Pane/aria, wall-flower, because 
 his name was upon so many walls : but his buildings and 
 works were more of glory and triumph than use and 
 necessity. But Adrian spent his whole reign, which was 
 peaceable, in a perambulation or surve y of the Roman 
 empire; giving order and making ^assignation where he 
 went, for re-edifying of cities, towns, and forts decayed; 
 and for cutting of rivers and streams, and for making 
 bridges and passages, and for policing of cities and com- 
 monalties with new ordinances and constitutions, and 
 granting new franchises and incorporations ; so that his 
 whole time was a very restoration of all the lapses and 
 decays of former times, 
 o 7. Antoninus Pius , who succeeded him, was a prince 
 
 excellently learned, and had the p atient and subtle wit 
 of a schoolman ; insomuch as in common speech 
 (which leaves no virtue untaxed) he was called Cymini 
 Sector* & carver or a divider of cummin seed, which is 
 one of the least seeds; such a patience he had and 
 settled spirit, to enter into the least and most exact 
 differences of causes ; a fruit no doubt of the exceeding 
 tranquillity and serenity of his mind; which being no 
 ways charged or incumbered, either with fears, remorses, 
 or scruples, but having been noted for a man of the 
 purest goodness, without all fiction or affectation, that 
 hath reigned or lived, made his mind continually present 
 and entire. He likewise approached a degree nearer 
 unto Christianity, and became, as Agrippa said unto 
 S. Paul, half a Christian ; holding their religion and 
 law in good opinion, and not only ceasing persecution, 
 but giving way to the advancement of Christians. 
 
VII. 8.] THE FIRST BOOK. 57 
 
 8. There succeeded him the first Divi fratre s, the two Vt^^ * 
 adoptive brethren, Lucius Commodus Verus, son to zElius M r 
 Verus, who delighted much in the softer kind of learning, 
 and was wont to call the poet Martial his Virgil ; and 
 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus ; whereof the latter, who ob- 
 scured his colleague and survived him long, was named 
 the Philosopher : who, as he excelled all the rest in 
 learning, so he excelled them likewise in perfection of all 
 royal virtues ; insomuch as Julianus the emperor, in his 
 book intituled C&sares, being as a pasquil or satire to 
 deride all his predecessors, feigned that they were all 
 invited to a banquet of the gods, and Silenus the jester 
 sat at the nether end of the table, and bestowed a scoff 
 on every one as they came in ; but when Marcus Philo- 
 sophus came in, Silenus was gravelled and out of coun- 
 tenance, not knowing where to carp at him ; save at the 
 last he gave a glance at his patience towards his wife . rV^k^o, 
 And the virtue of this prince, continued with that of his 
 predecessor, made the name of Antoninus so sacred in 
 the world, that though it were extremely dishonoured 
 in Commodus, Caracalla, and Heliogabalus, who all bare 
 ■\5 che name, yet when Alexander Severus refused the name 
 because he was a stranger to the family, the senate with 
 one acclamation said, Quomodo Augustus, sic et Antoninus. 
 In such renown and veneration was the name of these 
 two princes in those days, that they would have had it 
 as a perpetual addition in all the emperors' style. In this 
 emperor's time also the Church for the most part was 
 in peace ; so as in this sequence of six princes we do 
 see the blessed effects of learning in sovereignty, painted 
 forth in the greatest table of the world. 
 L-a*. [_9. But for a tablet or picture of smaller volume (not £joL-t.o^i£_ 
 presuming to speak of your Majesty that liveth), in my 
 
58 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. |_VII. 9. 
 
 judgement the most excellent is that of Queen Elizabeth, 
 N3 -> your immediate predecessor in t his part of Britain; a prince 
 
 that, if Plutarch were now alive to write lives by paral- 
 lels, would trouble him I think to find for her a parallel 
 amongst women. This lady was endued with learning 
 in her sex singular, and rare even amongst masculine 
 princes; whether we speak of learning, of language, or 
 of science, modern or ancient, divinity or humanity : and 
 unto the very last year of her life she accustomed to ap- 
 point set hours for reading, scarcely any young student 
 in an university more daily or more duly. As for her 
 t government, I assure myself, I shall not exceed, if I do 
 
 affirm that this part of the island never had forty-five 
 years of better times ; and yet not through the calmness 
 of the season, but through the wisdom of her regiment. 
 For if there be considered of the one side, the truth of 
 religion established, the constant peace and security, 
 the good administration of justice, the temperate use of 
 t he preroga tive, not slackened, nor much strained, the 
 flourishing state of learning, sortable to so excellent a 
 1 patroness, the convenient estat e of wealth and means, 
 
 both of crown and subject, the habit of obedience, and 
 the moderation of discontents ; and there be considered 
 on the other side the differences of religion, the troubles 
 of neighbour countries, the ambition of Spain, and op- 
 position of Rome ; and then that she was solitary and of 
 herself: these things I say considered, as I could not 
 have chosen an instance so recent and so proper, so I 
 suppose I could not have chosen one more remarkable 
 
 I or eminent to the purpose now in hand , which is con- 
 cerning the conjunction of learning in the prince with 
 
 I felicity in the people.J 
 
 10. Neither hath learning an influence and operation 
 
VII. 
 
 ,c] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 59 
 
 
 only upon civil merit and moral virtue, and the arts or 
 temperature of peace and peaceable government ; but 
 likewise it hath no less power and efficacy in enablement 
 towards martial and military virtue and prowess ; as may 
 be notably represented in the examples of Alexander the 
 Great and Caesar the dictator, mentioned before, but 
 now in fit place to be resumed : of whose virtues and 
 acts in war there needs no note or recital, having been 
 the wonders of time in that kind : but of their affections 
 towards learning, and perfections in learning, it is per- 
 tinent to say somewhat. 
 
 n. Alexande r was bred and taught under Aristotle CuU^. 
 the great philosopher, who dedicated divers of his books 
 of philosophy unto him : he was attended with Callis- 
 thenes and divers other learned persons, that followed 
 him in camp, throughout his journeys and conquests. 
 What price and e stimation he had learning in doth not- 
 ably appear in these three particulars : first, in the envy 
 he used to express that he bare towards Achilles, in this, 
 that he had so good a trumpet of his praises as Homer's 
 verses : s econdl y, in the judgement or solution he gave 
 touching that precious cabinet of Darius, which was found 
 among his jewels ; whereof question was made what thing 
 was worthy to be put into it ; and he gave his opinion for 
 Homer's works : thirdly , in his letter to Aristotle, after he 
 had set forth his books of nature, wherein he expostul- 
 ateth with him for publishing the secrets or mysteries of 
 philosophy; and gave him to understand that himself 
 esteemed it more to excel other men in learning and 
 knowledge than in power and empire. And what use i^ 
 he had of le arning doth appear, or rather shine, in all 
 his speeches and answers, being full of science and use 
 of science, and that in all variety. 
 
 a^-dU/u 
 
 

 
 6">v\ 
 
 60 
 
 7. 
 
 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII, 12. 
 
 • 
 
 
 1 2. [And herein again it may seem a thing scholastical, 
 and somewhat idle, to recite things that every man know- 
 eth ; but yet, since the argument I handle leadeth me 
 thereunto, I am glad that men shall perceive I am as 
 willing to flatter (if they will so call it) an Alexander, or 
 a Caesar, or an Antoninus, that are dead many hundred 
 years since, as any that now liveth : for it is the display- 
 ing of the glory of learning in sovereignty that I pro- 
 pound to myself, and not an humour of declaiming in 
 any man's praises.] Observe then the speech he^ used of 
 Diogenes, and see if it tend not to the true state of one of 
 the greatest questions of moral philosophy ; whether the 
 enjoying of outward things, or the contemning of them, 
 be the greatest happiness : for when he saw Diogenes so 
 perfectly contented with so little, he said to those that 
 mocked at his condition, Were I not Alexander, I would 
 wish lo he Diogenes. But Seneca inverteth it, and saith ; 
 Plus eral, quod hie nolle i accipere, quam quod ille posset 
 dare. There were more things which Diogenes would have 
 refused, than those were which Alexander could have given 
 or enjoyed. 
 
 13. Observe again that speech which was usual with 
 him, That he felt his mortality chiefly in two things, sleep 
 and lust ; and see if it were not a speech extracted out of 
 the depth of natural philosoph y, and liker to have comen 
 out of the mouth of Aristotle or Democritus, than from 
 Alexander. 
 
 14. See again that speech of_ hu manity and_ poesy ; 
 when upon the bleeding of his wounds, he called unto 
 him one of his flatterers, that was wont to ascribe to him 
 divine honour, and said, Look, this is very blood ; this is 
 not such a liquor as Homer speaketh of, ivhich ran from 
 Venus hand, when it zvas pierced by Diomedes. 
 

 VII. is-] THE FIRST BOOK. 6l 
 
 15. See likewise his readiness in r eprehension of logic , ^-^^~j 
 in the speech he used to Cassander, upon a complaint 
 that was made against his father Antipater : for when 
 Alexander happed to say, Do you think these men would 
 have come from so far to complain, except they had just 
 cause of grief V and Cassander answered, Yea, that was 
 the matter , because they thought they should not be disproved ; 
 said Alexander laughing: See the sublillies of Aristotle, to 
 take a matter both ways, pro el contra, &c. * 
 
 16. But note again how well he could use the same •$ uju^a-C^ ^ 
 art, which he reprehended, to serve his own humour: ~^* ^ 
 when bearing a secret grudge to Callisthenes, because 
 
 he was against the new ceremony of his adoration, feast- 
 ing one night where the same Callisthenes was at the 
 table, it was moved by some after supper, for entertain- 
 ment sake, that Callisthenes, who was an eloquent man, 
 might speak of some theme or purpose at his own 
 choice ; which Callisthenes did ; choosing the praise of 
 the Macedonian nation for his discourse, and performino- 
 the same with so good manner as the hearers were much 
 ravished : whereupon Alexander, nothing pleased, said, // 
 was easy to be eloquent upon so good a subject : but saith 
 he, Turn your style , and let us hear what you can say [ U£**i s. tf . ^ u, 
 against us: which Callisthenes presently undertook, and 
 did with that sting and life, that Alexander interrupted 
 him and said, The goodness of the cause made him eloquent 
 before, and despite made him eloquent then again. 
 
 17. Consider further, for tropes of rhetoric, that ex- Uao.^ r^j^L 
 cellent use of a metaphor or translation , wherewith he ^ ***•._, 
 taxed Antipater, who was an imperious and tyrannous 
 
 governor : for when one of Antipater's friends com- 
 mended him to Alexander for his moderation, that he 
 did not degenerate, as his other lieutenants did, into the 
 
62 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII. 17. 
 
 Persian pride, in use of purple, but kept the ancient habit 
 
 of Macedon, of black ; True (saith Alexander), but Anti- 
 pater is all purple within. Or that other , when Parmenio 
 came to him in the plain of Arbela, and showed him the 
 innumerable multitude of his enemies, specially as they 
 appeared by the infinite number of lights, as it had been 
 a new firmament of stars, and thereupon advised him to 
 assail them by night : whereupon he answered, That he 
 would not steal the victory. 
 
 18. For matter of policy , weigh that significant dis- 
 tinction, so much in all ages embraced, that he made 
 between his two friends Hephaestion and Craterus, when 
 he said, That the one loved Alexander ', and the other loved 
 the king : describing the principal difference of princes' 
 best servants, that some in affection love their person, 
 and other in duty love their crown. 
 
 19. Weigh also that excellent t axation of an error, 
 ordinary with counsellors of princes, that they counsel 
 their masters according to the model of their own mind 
 and fortune, and not of their masters' ; when upon 
 Darius' great offers Parmenio had said/ Surely I would 
 accept these offers, were I as Alexander ; saith Alexander, 
 So would I were I as Parmenio. 
 
 20. Lastly, weigh that quick and acute reply, which he 
 made when he gave so large gifts to his friends and 
 servants, and was asked what he did reserve for himself, 
 
 (w-^Tw.j^ and he answered, Hop e^: weigh, I say, whether he had 
 not cast up his account aright, because hope must be the 
 portion of all that resolve upon great enterprises. For 
 this was Caesar's portion when he went first into Gaul, 
 his estate being then utterly overthrown with largesses. 
 And this was likewise the portion of that noble prince, 
 howsoever transported with ambition, Henry Duke of 
 
VII. 20.] THE FIRST BOOK. 63 
 
 Guise, of whom it was usually said, that he was the 
 greatest usurer in France, because he had turned all his 
 estate into obligations. 
 
 2 1./ To conclude therefore: as certain critics are used 
 to say hyperbolically, Thai if all sciences were lost they ^ 
 
 might be found in Virgil, so certainly this may be said 
 truly, there are the prints and footsteps of learning in 
 those few speeches which are reported of this prince .j 
 the admiration of whom, when I consider him not as/ 
 Alexander the Great, but as Aristotle's scholar, hath 
 carried me too far. 
 
 22. As fo r Julius Caesar , the excellency of his learning oJvJUw, Coju 
 needeth not to be argued from his education , or his 
 
 company , or his speeches ; but in a further degree doth 
 declare itself in his writings and works ; whereof some W-vxU^ 
 are extant and permanent, and some unfortunately 
 perished. For first, we see there is left unto us that 
 excellent history of his own wars, which he intituled only 
 a Commentary , wherein all succeeding times have admired 
 the solid weight of matter, and the real passages and 
 l ively images of actions and persons, expressed in the 
 greatest propriety of words and perspicuity of narration 
 that ever was; which that it was not the effect of a 
 natural gift, but of learning and precept, is well witnessed 
 by that work of his intituled De Analogia , being a gram- 
 matical philos ophy, wherein he did labour to make this 
 same Vox ad placitum to become Vox ad licitum, and to 
 reduce custom of speech to congruity of speech; and 
 took as it were the pictures of words from the iife_of_ 
 reason . * (HJp' 3°; 
 
 23. So we receive from him, as a monument both of 
 
 his power and learning, the then reformed computation CcJj— j^ 
 of the y ear; well expressing that he took it to be as r ^ir^ — 
 
 * Oj (a* 
 
64 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII. 23. 
 
 great a glory to himself to observe and know the law of 
 the heavens, as to give law to men upon the earth. 
 
 wK-CoJ"« 24. So likewise in that book of his, Anti-Cat o, it may 
 
 easily appear that he did aspire as well to victory of wit 
 as victory of war: undertaking therein a conflict against 
 the greatest champion with the pen that then lived, Cicero 
 the orator. 
 
 >•W^.ti^w>x / o 2 5* ^° a £ am m ms D0 °k of Apophthegms which he 
 
 collected, we see that he esteemed it more honour to 
 make himself but a pair of tables, to take the wise and 
 pithy words of others, than to have every word of his 
 own to be made an apophthegm or an oracle ; as vain 
 princes, by custom of flattery, pretend to do. And yet if 
 I should enumerate divers of his speeches, as I did those 
 of Alexander, they are truly such as Salomon noteth, when 
 he saith, Verba sapienium ianquam acuki, et tanquam clavi 
 in altum defixi: whereof I will only recite three, not so de- 
 lectable for elegancy, but admirable for vigour and efficacy. 
 
 ^ WlU 26. As first, it is reason he be thought a master of 
 
 r words; that could with one word appease a mutiny in his 
 
 army, which was thus. The Romans, when their generals 
 did speak to their army, did use the word Miiiles, but 
 when the magistrates spake to the people, they -did use 
 the word Quirites. The soldiers were in tumult, and 
 seditiously prayed to be cashiered; not that they so 
 meant, but by expostulation thereof to draw Caesar to 
 other conditions; wherein he being resolute not to give 
 way, after some silence, he began his speech, Ego Quirites ■, 
 which did admit them already cashiered ; wherewith they 
 were so surprised, crossed, and confused, as they would 
 not suffer him to go on in his speech, but relinquished 
 their demands, and made it their suit to be again called 
 by the name of Millies. 
 
VII. 27.] THE FIRST BOOK. 65 
 
 27. The second speech was thus : Caesar did extremely I 
 affect the name of king; and some were set on as he 
 passed by, in popular acclamation to salute him king. 
 Whereupon, finding the cry weak and poor, he put it off 
 
 thus, in a kind of jest, as if they had mistaken his sur- 
 name ; Non Rex sum, sed Ccesar ; a speech, that if it be 
 searched, the life and fulness of it can scarce be ex- 
 pressed. For, first, it was a refusal of the name, but yet 
 not serious : again, it did signify an infinite confidence 
 and magnanimity, as if he presumed Caesar was the 
 greater title; as by his worthiness it is come to pass 
 yi^, iq (& ( till this day. But chiefly it was a speech of great allure- 
 ment toward his own purpose ; as if the state did strive 
 with him but for a name, whereof mean families were 
 vested ; for Rex was a surname with the Romans, as well 
 as King is with us. 
 
 28. The last speech which I will mention was used to tit 
 Metellus : when Caesar, after war declared, did possess 
 himself of the city of Rome ; at which time entering into 
 
 the inner treasury to take the money there accumulate, 
 Metellus being tribune forbade him. Whereto Caesar 
 said, That if he did not desist, he would lay him dead in 
 the place. And presently taking himself up, he added, 
 J Young man, it is harder for me to speak it than to do it ; 
 Adolescens, durius est mihi hoc dicer e quam facer e. A 
 speech compounded of the greatest terror and greatest 
 clemency that could proceed out of the mouth of 
 man. 
 
 29. But to return and conclude with him, it is evident 
 hi mself knew well his own perfection in learning and 
 took it upon him ; as appeared when, upon occasion that 
 some spake what a strange resolution it was in Lucius 
 Sylla to resign his dictature; he scoffing at him, to his 
 
 F 
 
66 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII, 29. 
 
 own advantage, answered, That Sylla could not skill of 
 letters, and therefore knew not how to dictate. 
 
 30. And here it were fit to leave this point , to uchin g 
 thec oncurrence of military virtue and learning (for what 
 example should come with any grace after those two of 
 Alexander and Caesar?), were it not in regard of the rare- 
 ness of circumstance, that I find in one other particular, 
 as that which did so suddenly pass from extreme scorn to 
 extreme wonder : and it is of Xenophon the philosopher, 
 who went from Socrates' school into Asia, in the expedition 8i.\f>\ 
 of Cyrus the younger against King Artaxerxes. This 
 Xenophon at that time was very young, and never had 
 seen the wars before ; neither had any command in the 
 army, but only followed the war as a voluntary, for the 
 love and conversation of Proxenus his friend. He was 
 present when Falinus came in message from the great 
 king to the Grecians, after that Cyrus was slain in the 
 field, and they a handful of men left to themselves in the 
 midst of the king's territories, cut off from their country 
 by many navigable rivers, and many hundred miles. The 
 message imported that they should deliver up their arms 
 and submit themselves to the king's mercy. To which 
 message before answer was made, divers of the army 
 conferred familiarly with Falinus; and amongst the rest 
 Xenophon happened to say, Why, Falinus, we have now 
 but these two things left, our arms and our virtue ; and if 
 we yield up our arms, how shall we make use of our virtue ? 
 Whereto Falinus smiling on him said, If I be not deceived, 
 you7ig gentleman, you are an Athenian : and I believe you 
 study philosophy, and it is pretty that you say : but you are 
 much abused, if you think your virtue can withstand the 
 king's power. Here was the scorn ; the wonder followed : 
 which was, that this young scholar, or philosopher, after 
 
vn. 30.] 
 
 THE FIRST ROOK. 
 
 6 7 
 
 ,W T 
 
 
 
 all the captains were murdered in parley by treason, con- 
 ducted those ten thousand loot, through the heart of all 
 the king's high countries, from Babylon to Grecia in 
 safety, in despite of all the king's forces, to the astonish- 
 ment of the world, and the encouragement of the Grecians 
 in times succeeding to make invasion upon the kin°-s of 
 Persia; as was after purposed by Jason r the Thessalian, 
 attempted by Ageiilaus the Spartan, and achieved by 
 Alexand er the Macedonian, all upon the ground of the 
 act of that young scholar. 
 
 VIII. 1. To proceed now from imperial and military 
 virtue to moral and priv ate virtuej first, it is an assured 
 truth, which is contained in the verses, 
 
 Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes 
 
 Emollit mores, nee sinit esse feros. rVwj.Lfa. 
 
 It taketh away the wildness and barbarism and fierceness 
 of men's minds ; but indeed the accent had need be upon 
 fideliter : for a little superficial learning doth rather work 
 a contrary effect. It taketh away all levity, temerity, and 
 insolency, by copious suggestion of all doubts and diffi- 
 culties, and acquainting the mind to balance reasons on 
 both sides, and to turn back the first offers and conceits 
 of the mind, and to accept of nothing but examined and 
 Jried. It taketh away vain admiration of anything, which 
 is the root of all weakness. For all things are admired 
 either because they are new, or because they are great. 
 For novelty, no man that wadeth in learning or con- 
 templation throughly, but will find that printed in his 
 heart, Nil novi super terrain. Neither can any man 
 marvel at the play of puppets, that goeth behind the 
 curtain, and adviseth well of the motion. And for mag- 
 nitude, as Alexander the Great, after that he was used to 
 great armies, and the great conquests of the spacious 
 
 KlcuU,, F 2 
 
 La 
 
 ^-kAyvJ^cJtx/^ 
 
 
68 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VIII. i. 
 
 provinces in Asia, when he received letters out of Greece, 
 of some fights and * se rvice s there, which were commonly 
 for a passage, or a fort, or some walled town at the most, 
 he said, It seemed to him, thai he was advertised of the 
 laities of the frogs and the mice, that the old tales went of 
 So certainly, if a man meditate much upon the universal 
 frame of nature, the earth with men upon it (the divine- 
 ness of souls except) will not seem much other than an 
 ant-hill, whereas some ants carry corn, and some carry 
 their young, and some go empty, and all to and fro a little 
 heap of dust. It taketh away or mitigateth fear of death 
 or adverse fortune ; which is one of the greatest impedi- 
 ments of virtue, and imperfections of manners. For if a 
 man's mind be deeply seasoned with the consideration of 
 the mortality and corruptible nature of things, he will 
 easily concur with Epict etus, who went forth one day and 
 saw a woman weeping for her pitcher of earth that was 
 broken, and went forth the next day and saw a woman 
 weeping for her son that was dead, and thereupon said, 
 Heri vidi fragilem frangi, hodie vidi mortalem mori. 
 And therefore Virgil did excellently and profoundly couple 
 the knowledge of causes and the conquest of all fears 
 together, as conconiifaniia. 
 
 Felix, qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, 
 Quique metus omnes, et inexorabile fatum 
 Subjecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari. Qjur^a . 
 
 2. It were too long to go over the particu lar remedies t, 
 which learning doth minister to all the diseases of the 
 mind ; sometimes purging the ill humours, sometimes 
 opening the obstructions, sometimes helping digestion, 
 sometimes increasing appetite, sometimes healing the 
 wounds and exulcerations thereof, and the like ; and 
 therefore I will conclude with that which hath raiionem 
 
 ^PjA, 
 
 uvj-^-A^j 
 
CL-. 
 
 S^ 7 "" "*^ t"* C «aJM_A_& .Q. 
 
 VIII 
 
 1 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 ■* "* 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 9 
 
 iolius ; which is, that it disposeth the constitution of the 
 mind not to be fixed or settled in the defects thereof, but 
 still to be capable and susceptible of growth and reform- 
 ation. For the unlearned man knows not what it is to 
 descend into himself, or to call himself to account, nor 
 the pleasure of that suavissima vita, indies sen/ire se fieri 
 meliorem. The good parts he hath he will learn to show 
 to the full, and use them dexterously, but not much to 
 increase them. The faults he hath he will learn how. to 
 hide and colour them, but not much to amend them ; like 
 an ill mower, that mows on still, and never whets his 
 scythe. Whereas with the learned man it fares otherwise, 
 that he doth ever intermix the correction and amend- 
 ment of his mind with the use and employment thereof. 
 Nay further, in general and in sum, certain it is that 
 Veritas and Bonitas differ but as the seal and the print : 
 for Truth prints Goodness, and the£ be the clouds of 
 error which descend in the storms of passions and per- 
 turbations. 
 
 3. From moral virtue let us pass on to matter of power 
 and commandment, and consider whether in right reason 
 there be any comparable with that wherewith know- 
 ledge investeth and crowneth man's nature. We see the 
 dignity of the c ommandmen t is according to the dignity 
 of the commanded : to have commandment over beasts, 
 as herdmen have, is a thing contemptible : to have com- 
 mandment over children, as schoolmasters have, is a 
 matter of small honour: to have commandment over 
 galley-slaves is a disparagement rather than an honour. 
 Neither is the commandment of tyrants much better, over 
 people which have put off the generosity of their minds : 
 and therefore it was ever holden that honours in free 
 monarchies and commonwealths had a sweetness more 
 
 
70 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VITI. 3. 
 
 
 r6^»-tMA~c*~^" 
 
 than in tyrannies, because the commandment extendeth 
 more over the wills of men, and not only over their deeds 
 and services. And therefore, when Virgil putteth himself 
 forth to attribute to Augustus" Ccesar the best of human 
 honours, he doth it in these words : 
 
 Victorque volentes 
 
 Per populos dat jura, viamque affectat Olynipo. 
 
 V7 • 
 
 
 But yet the commandment of knowledge is yet higher 
 than the commandment over the will : for it is a com- 
 mandment over the reason, belief, and understanding of 
 man, which is the highest part of the mind, and giveth 
 law to the will itself. For there is no power on earth 
 which setteth up a throne or chair of estate in the spirits 
 and souls of men, and in their cogitations, imaginations, 
 opinions, and beliefs, but knowledge and learning. And 
 therefore we see the detestable and extreme pleasure that 
 arch-heretics, and false prophets, and impostors are trans- 
 ported with, when they once find in themselves that they 
 have a superiority in the faith and conscience of men ; so 
 great as if they have once tasted of it, it is seldom seen 
 that any torture or persecution can make them relinquish 
 or abandon it. But as this is that which the author of the 
 Revelation calleth the depth or profoundness of Satan, 
 so by argument of contraries, the just and lawful sove- 
 reignty over men's understanding, by force of truth rightly 
 interpreted, is that which approacheth nearest to the simil- 
 itude of the divine rule. 
 
 4. As for fortune and advancement , the beneficence of 
 learning is not so confined to give fortune only to states 
 and commonwealths, as it doth not likewise give fortune 
 to particular persons. For it was well noted long ago, 
 that Homer hath given more men their livings, than either 
 Sylla, or Ca?sar, or Augustus ever did, notwithstanding 
 
VIII. 4.] THE FIRST BOOK. 71 
 
 their great largesses and donatives, and distributions of 
 lands to so many legions. And no doubt it is hard to 
 say whether arms or learning have advanced greater 
 numbers. And in case of sovereignty we see, that if arms 
 or descent have carried awa y the kingdom, yet learning 
 hath carried the priesthood, which ever hath been in some 
 competition with empire. 
 
 5. Again, for the pleasure and delight of knowledg e P^la^w^. 
 and learning, it far surpasseth all other in nature. For, 
 shall the pleasures of the affections so exceed the plea- 
 sure of the sense, as much as the obtaining of desire or 
 victory exceedeth a song or a dinner ? and must not of 
 consequence the pleasures of the intellect or understand- 
 ing exceed the pleasures of the affections ? We see in all 
 other pleasures there is satiety, and after they be used, 
 their verdure departeth ; which showeth well they be but 
 deceits of pleasure, and not pleasures: and that it was 
 the novelty which pleased, and not the quality. And 
 therefore we see that voluptuous men turn friars, and 
 ambitious princes turn melancholy. But of knowledge 
 there is no satiety, but satisfaction and appetite are per- 
 petually interchangeable; and therefore appeareth to be 
 good in itself simply, without fallacy or accident. Nei- 
 ther is that pleasure of small efficacy and contentment 
 to the mind of man, which the poet Lucretius describeth 
 elegantly, 
 
 Suave mart magno, turbantibus aequora ventis, &c. 
 
 It is a view of delight (saith he) to stand or walk upon 
 the shore side, and to see a ship tossed with tempest upon the 
 sea ; or to be in a fortified tower, and to see two battles join 
 upon a plain. But it is a pleasure incomparable, for the 
 mind of man to be settled, landed, and fortified in the cer- 
 tainty of truth ; and from thence to descry and behold the 
 
72 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VIII. 5. 
 
 <vw><j-OLo>-!L_Xw 
 
 I 
 
 errors, perturbations, labours, and wanderings up and down 
 0/ other men. 
 
 6. Lastly, leaving the vulgar arguments, that by learn- 
 ing man excelleth man in that wherein man excelleth 
 beasts; that by learning man ascendeth to the heavens 
 and their motions, where in body he cannot come ; and 
 the like ; let us conclude with the dignity and excellency 
 *, of knowledge and learning in that whercunto man'_s na- 
 ture doth most aspire, which is imm ortality or continu- 
 ance ; for to this tendeth generation, and raising of houses 
 and families; to this tend buildings, foundations, and 
 monuments ; to this tendeth the desire of memory, fame, 
 and celebration ; and in effect the strength of all other 
 human desires. We see then how far the monuments of 
 wit and learning are more durable than the monuments 
 of power or of the hands. For have not the verses of 
 Homer continued twenty- five hundred years, or more, 
 without the loss of a syllable or letter ; during which time 
 infinite palaces, temples, castles, cities, have been decayed 
 and demolished ? It is not possible to have the true pic- 
 tures or statuaes of Cyrus, Alexander, Caesar, no nor of 
 the kings or great personages of much later years ; for 
 the originals cannot last, and the copies cannot but leese 
 of the life and truth. But the images of men's wits and 
 knowledges remain in books, exempted from the wrong 
 of time and capable of perpetual renovation. Neither 
 are they fitly to be called images, because they generate 
 still , and cast their seeds in the minds of others, pro- 
 voking and causing infinite actions and opinions in suc- 
 ceeding ages. So that if the invention of the ship was 
 thought so noble, which carrieth riches and commodities 
 from place to place, and consociateth the most remote 
 regions in participation of their fruits, how much more 
 

 
 VIII. 6.] 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 73 
 
 are letters t o be magnified, which as_ ships pass throug h 
 the vast seas of time , and make ages so distant to par- 
 ticipate of the wisdom, illuminations, and inventions, the 
 one of the other ? Nay further, we see some of the phi- 
 losophers which were least divine, and most immersed in 
 the senses, and denied generally the immortality of the 
 soul, yet came to this point, that whatsoever motions the 
 spirit of man could act and perform without the organs of 
 the body, they thought might remain after death ; which 
 were only those of the understanding, and not of the 
 affection ; so immortal and incorruptible a thing did 
 knowledge seem unto them to be. But we, that know 
 ^h by divine revelation that not only the understanding but 
 the affections purified, not only the spirit but the body 
 changed, shall be advanced to immortality, do disclaim 
 jn these rudiments of the senses. But it must be re- 
 membered, both in this last point, and so it may like- 
 wise be needful in other places, that in proba tion of 
 the dignity of knowledge or learning, I did in the be- 
 ginning separate divine testimony from human, which 
 method I have pursued, and so handled them both 
 apart. 
 
 7. Nevertheless I do not pretend, and I know it will 
 be impossible for me, by any pleading of mine, to reverse 
 the judgement, either of iEsop's cock, that preferred the 
 barley-corn before the gem ; or of Midas, that being 
 chosen judge between Apollo, president of the Muses, 
 and Pan, god of the flocks, judged for plenty; or of 
 Paris, that judged for beauty and love against wisdom 
 and power; or of Agrippina- occidat ?nalrem, modo im- 
 peret, that preferred empire with any condition never so 
 detestable ; or of Ulysses, qui vetulam prcetulit immort- 
 alitaii, being a figure of those which prefer custom and 
 
 
74 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [Vlll. 7. 
 
 habit before all excellency ; or of a number of the like 
 popular judgements. For these things must continue as 
 they have been: but so will that also continue where- 
 upon learning hath ever relied, and which failelh not : 
 Justificaia est sapicntia a filiis sais. IjUaJfr. u . il- 
 
 

ANALYSIS. 
 
 BOOK II. OF WHAT HAS BEEN DOIsE FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING HUMAN AND DIVINE, WITH THE DEFECTS OF THE SAME. 
 
 ' Acts of merit towards learning (3 — 7) as regards 
 
 {•: 
 
 Places of learning (4). 
 Books of learning (5). 
 The person of the learned (6). 
 
 Dedication to the King (1— 15) defining 
 
 All dedicated to professions and non< 
 Smallness of reward for lecturers (9), 
 Defects of places of learning (8—14) J 3- "'ant of apparatus for experiments ( 
 
 4. Neglect of consultation in* governors and of visitation in princes (12). 
 
 5. Want of mutual intercourse between the Universities of Europe (13). 
 
 6. Want of public appointment of writers or inquirers into the less known branches of knowledge (14). 
 
 Natural (i. 3K Of marvels (i. 3, 4). 
 I Of arts (i. 5, 6). 
 
 Memorials (ii. 2) 
 
 ^ (Chronicles. 
 
 Perfect histories (ii. 4. 5) ; 1 Lives, 
 their deficiencies (ii. 6—9] (Narrations. 
 . Antiquities (ii. 3) 
 
 (History of the Church (iii. 1). 
 
 11. 2). 
 (iii. 3). 
 
 Literary (defective). 
 Appendices to history, orations, letters, sayings (iii. 
 
 (A) Human learning 
 Ji— xxiii) " 
 
 divided into 
 
 ( Allusive. 
 
 (a) D» 
 
 III. Philosophy (\ 
 
 natural theology ( \ 
 
 Science /Physics (vii. 4 > 
 
 (Metaphysics (vii. 3, 5 — 7), including mathematics (v 
 
 ( Experimental. 
 Prudence {viii, 3) < Philosophical. 
 ( Magical. 
 
 Particular, or individual, 
 as regards the 
 
 Conjugate or Civil (xxiii), f S 
 
 with reference to l j~ 
 
 ■J 
 
 VSensual arts (x. 13). 
 Its nature (xi. 1—3). f ^ e 
 
 /Invention (xiii. 1 — 10). 
 judgement (xiv). _ 
 j Memory (xv). 
 ^Tradition (xvi— xix). 
 
 Conversation (> 
 
 gotiation ( xx 
 
 Government (x: 
 
 ■■• 3). 
 
 . 4— « >■ 
 
 (B) Divine learning 
 (xxiv, xxv) has 
 two parts 
 
 The matter revealed 
 
 'Of belief (xxv. 19). including f Jy"" 1 (xx , v - 2 °>- , 
 6 I Manners (xxv. 21). 
 
 , Of service, including (Liturgy (xxv 22). 
 
 (Government (xxv. 23). 
 
 8). 
 
 _, ( Limits (xxv. 8). 
 
 L The nature of the revelation, its < Sufficiency (xxv. 8, 9). 
 ... . ,. . , (Acquisition (xxv. 10— 1: 
 
 (Use and limits of reason in religon, xxv. 1 — 7). 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 [To /act Pagi 75.) 
 
 \A, 
 
THE 
 
 SECOND BOOK OF FRANCIS BACON; 
 
 OF THE PROFICIENCE OR 
 
 ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, 
 
 DIVINE AND HUMAN. 
 
 To the King. 
 
 i. TT might seem to have more convenience, though it 
 come often otherwise to pass (excellent king), that 
 those which are fruitful in their generations, and have in 
 themselves the foresight of immortality in their descend- 
 ants, should likewise be more careful of the good estate 
 of future times, unto which they know they must transmit 
 and commend over their dearest pledges. Queen Eliza- 
 beth was a sojourner in the world in respect of her un- 
 married life, and was a blessing to her own times; and 
 yet so as the impression of her good government, besides 
 her happy memory, is not without some effect which doth 
 survive her. But to your Majesty, whom God hath already 
 blessed with so much royal issue, worthy to continue and 
 represent you for ever, and whose youthful and fruitful 
 bed doth yet promise many the like renovations, it is 
 proper and agreeable to be conversant not only in the 
 transitory parts of good government, but in those acts 
 also which are in their nature permanent and perpetual. 
 Amongst the which (if affection do not transport me) there 
 
'y^xX^t ■) (v^A-e c-»_^-» 
 
 76 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [1. 
 
 is not any more worthy than the further endowment of 
 the world with sound and fruitful knowledge. For why 
 should a few received authors stand up like Hercules' 
 columns, beyond which there should be no sailing or dis- 
 covering, since we have so bright and benign a star as 
 your Majesty to conduct and prosper us ? To. return 
 therefore where we left, it remaineth to consider of what 
 kind those acts are which have been undertaken and per- 
 formed by kings and others for the increase and advance- 
 ment of learning : wherein I purpose to speak actively 
 without digressing or dilating. 
 
 2. Let this ground therefore be laid, that all works are 
 overcommen by amplitude of reward , by _sound n ess of 
 direction, and by the conjunction of la bours. The first 
 multiplieth endeavour, the second preventeth error, and 
 the third supplieth the frailty of man. But the principal 
 of these is direction : for claudus in via antevertit cursorem 
 extra viam ; and Salomon excellently setteth it down, 
 If the iron be not sharp, it requireth more strength; but 
 wisdom is that which prevaileth ; signifying that the 
 invention or election of the mean is more effectual than 
 any inforcement or accumulation of endeavours. This 
 I am induced to speak, for that (not derogating from the 
 noble intention of any that have been deservers towards 
 the state of learning) I do observe nevertheless that 
 their works and acts are rather matters of magnificence 
 and memory, than of progression and proficience, and 
 tend rather to augment the mass of learning in the mult- 
 itude of learned men, than to rectify or raise the sciences 
 themselves. 
 
 3. The works or acts of merit towards learning are 
 conversant about three objects; the places of learning, 
 the books of learning, and the persons of the learned. 
 
3.] THE SECOND BOOK. J J 
 
 For as water, whether it be the dew of heaven, or the 
 springs of the earth, doth scatter and leese itself in the 
 ground, except it be collected into some receptacle, where 
 it may by union comfort and sustain itself: and for that 
 cause the industry of man hath made and framed spring- 
 heads, conduits, cisterns, and pools, which men have 
 accustomed likewise to beautify and adorn with accom- 
 plishments of magnificence and state, as well as of use 
 and necessity : so this excellent liquor of knowledge, 
 whether it descend from divine inspiration, or spring 
 from human sense, would soon perish and vanish to 
 oblivion, if it were not preserved in books, traditions, 
 conferences, and places appointed, as universities, col- 
 leges, and schools, for the receipt and comforting of 
 the same. 
 
 4. The works which concern the seats and places of P^c** «Jlxa**~j^ 
 learning are four; foundations and buildings, endowments 
 
 with revenues, endowments with franchises and privileges, 
 institutions and ordinances for government; all tending 
 to quietness and privateness of life, and discharge of 
 cares and troubles; much like the stations which Virgil 
 prescribeth for the hiving of bees : 
 
 Principio sedes apibus siatioque petenda, 
 
 Quo neque sit ventis aditus, &c. Gu%*. 
 
 5. The works touching books are two : first, librarie s 
 which are as the shrines where all the relics of the an- 
 cient saints, full of true virtue, and that without delusion 
 or imposture, are preserved and reposed ; secondly, new 
 editions of authors , with more correct impressions, more 
 faithful translations, more profitable glosses, more diligent 
 annotations, and the like. 
 
 6. The works pertaining to the persons of learned men 
 (besides the advancement and countenancing of them in 
 
 £ 
 
 r>rk-> 
 
78 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [6. 
 
 general) are two : the reward and designation of readers 
 in sciences already extant and invented ; and the reward 
 and designation of writers and inquirers concerning any 
 parts of learning not sufficiently laboured and prosecuted. 
 
 7. These are summarily the works and acts, wherein 
 the merits of many excellent princes and other worthy 
 personages have been conversant. As for any particular 
 commemorations, I call to mind what Cicero said, when 
 he gave general thanks ; Difficile non aliquem, ingratum 
 quenquam prceterire. Let us rather, according to the 
 scriptures, look unto that part of the race which is before 
 us, than look back to that which is already attained. 
 
 8. First therefore, amongst so many great foundations 
 of colleges in Europe, I find strange that they are all 
 dedicated to professions, and none left free to arts and 
 sciences at large. For if men judge that learning should 
 be referred to action, they judge well ; but in this they 
 fall into the error described in the ancient fable, in which 
 the other parts of the body did suppose the stomach had 
 been idle, because it neither performed the office of mo- 
 tion, as the limbs do, nor of sense, as the head doth : 
 but yet notwithstanding it is the stomach that digesteth 
 and distributeth to all the rest. So if any man think phi- 
 losophy and universality to be idle studies, he doth not 
 consider that all professions are from thence served and 
 supplied. And this 1 take to be a great cause that hath 
 hindered the progression of learning, because these 
 fundamental knowledges have been studied but in pas- 
 
 • sage. For if you will have a tree bear more fruit than 
 it hath used to do, it is not anything you can do to the 
 boughs, but it is the stirring of the earth and putting 
 new mould about the roots that must work it. Neither 
 is it to be forgotten, that this dedicating of foundations 
 
«•] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 79 
 
 and dotations to professory learning hath not only had a 
 malign_aspeetand_influence upon the growth of sciences, 
 but hath also been prejudicial to states and governments. 
 For hence it proceeded! that princes find a solitude in 
 regard of able men to serve them in causes of estate, 
 because there is no education collegiate which is free; 
 where such as were so disposed mought give themselves 
 to histories, modern languages, books of policy and civil 
 discourse, and other the like enablements unto service 
 1 of estate. 
 
 9. And because founders of colleges do plant, and J* 
 
 founders of lectures do water, it followeth well in order iu ^ uwt^ 
 to speak of the defect which is in publicJe^Uires ; namely, 
 in the smallness and meanness of th e salary or reward 
 which in most places is assigned unto them; whether 
 they be lectures of arts, or of professions. For it is 
 necessary to the progression of sciences that readers be 
 of the most able and sufficient men ; as those which are 
 ordained for generating and propagating of sciences, and 
 not for transitory use. This cannot be, except their con- 
 dition and endowment be such as may content the ablest 
 man to appropriate his whole labour and continue his 
 whole age in that function and attendance ; and therefore 
 must have a proportion answerable to that mediocrity or 
 competency of advancement, which may be expected 
 from a profession or the practice of a profession. So 
 as, if you will have sciences flourish, you must observe 
 David's military law, which was, That those which staid 
 with the carriage should have equal part with those which 
 were in the action ; else will the carriages be ill attended. 
 So readers in sciences are indeed the guardians of the 
 stores and provisions of sciences, whence men in active 
 courses are furnished, and therefore ought to have equal 
 
t— 
 
 80 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [9. 
 
 entertainment with them ; otherwise if the fathers in 
 sciences be of the weakest sort or be ill maintained, 
 
 Et patrum invalidi referent jejunia nati. 
 
 ~yL 10. Another defect I note, wherein I shall need some 
 
 alchemist to help me, who call upon men to sell their 
 books, and to build furnaces; quitting and forsaking 
 Minerva and the Muses as barren virgins, and relying 
 upon Vulcan. But certain it is, that unto the deep, 
 fruitful, and operative study of many sciences, specially 
 natural philosophy and physic, books be not only the 
 instrumentals ; wherein also the beneficence of men hath 
 not been altogether wanting. For we see spheres, globes, 
 astrolabes, maps, and the like, have been provided as 
 appurtenances to astronomy and cosmography, as well 
 as books. We see likewise that some places instituted for 
 physic have annexed the commodity of gardens for 
 simples of all sorts, and do likewise command the use 
 of dead bodies for anatomies. But these do respect but 
 a few things. In general, there will hardly be any main 
 proficience in the disclosing of nature, except there be 
 some allowance for expenses about experiments ; whe- 
 ther they be experiments appertaining to Vulcanus or 
 Daedalus, furnace or engine, or any other kind. And 
 therefore as secretaries and spials of princes and states 
 bring in bills for intelligence, so you must allow the 
 spials and intelligencers of nature to bring in their bills ; 
 or else you shall be ill advertised. 
 
 11. And if Alexander made such a liberal assignation to 
 Aristotle of treasure for the allowance of hunters, fowlers, 
 fishers, and the like, that he mought compile an history 
 of nature, much better do they deserve it that travail in 
 arts of nature. 
 
 12. Another defect which I note, is an intermission or 
 
12.] THE SECOND BOOK. 8 1 . 
 
 neglect, in those which are governors in universities, fjLJU.^c 
 of consultation, and in princes or superior persons, of /w-*£L«U 
 visitation : to enter into account and consideration, whe- 
 ther the readings, exercises, and other customs apper- 
 taining unto learning, anciently begun and since conti- 
 nued, be well instituted or no ; and thereupon to ground 
 an amendment or reformation in that which shall be 
 found inconvenient. For it is one of your Majesty's 
 own most wise and princely maxims, That in all usages 
 and precedents, the tunes be considered wherein they first 
 began ; which if they were weak or ignorant, it derogate th 
 from the authority of the usage, and leaveth it for suspect. 
 And therefore inasmuch as most of the usages and orders 
 of the universities were derived from more obscure times, 
 it is the more requisite they be re-examined. In this 
 kind I will give an instance or two, for example sake, 
 of things that are the most obvious and familiar. The 
 one is a matter, which though it be ancient and general, 
 yet I hold to be an error ; which is, that scholars in 
 universities come too soon and too unripe to logic 
 and rhetoric, arts fitter for graduates than children and 
 novices. For these two, rightly taken, are the gravest of 
 sciences, being the arts of arts ; the one for judgement, 
 the other for ornament. And they be the rules and 
 directions how to set forth and dispose matter : and 
 therefore for minds empty and unfraught with matter, 
 and which have not gathered that which Cicero calleth 
 sylva and supellex, stuff and variety, to begin with those 
 arts (as if one should learn to weigh, or to measure, or to 
 paint the wind) doth work but this effect, that the wisdom 
 of those arts, which is great and universal, is almost made 
 contemptible, and is degenerate into childish sophistry 
 and ridiculous affectation. And further, the untimely 
 
 
82 
 
 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. 
 
 I 2. 
 
 X 
 
 
 learning of them hath drawn on by consequence the 
 superficial and unprofitable teaching and writing of them, 
 as fitteth indeed to the capacity of children. Another is 
 a lack I find in the exercises used in the universities, 
 which do make too great a divorce between invention 
 and memory. For their speeches are either premeditate, 
 in verbis concep/is, where nothing is left to invention; or 
 merely extemporal, where little is left to memory. Whereas 
 in life and action there is least use of either of these, but 
 rather of intermixtures of premeditation and invention, 
 notes and memory. So as the exercise fitteth not the 
 practice, nor the image the life ; and it is ever a true rule 
 in exercises, that they be framed as near as may be to 
 the life of practice ; for otherwise they do pervert the 
 motions and faculties of the mind, and not prepare them. 
 The truth whereof is not obscure, when scholars come 
 to the practices of professions, or other actions of civil 
 life ; which when they set into, this want is soon found 
 by themselves, and sooner by others. But this part, 
 touching the amendment of the institutions and orders of 
 universities, I will conclude with the clause of Caesar's 
 letter to Oppius and Balbus, Hoc quemadmodwn fieri 
 possit, nonnulla mihi in mentem veniunl, et midta reperiri 
 possunl : de it's rebus rogo vos ut cogitalionem suscipiatis. 
 
 13. Another defect which I note, ascendeth a little 
 higher than the precedent. For as the proficience of 
 learning consisteth much in the orders and institutions 
 of universities in the same states and kingdoms, so it 
 would be yet more advanced, if there were more intel- 
 ligence mutual between the universities of Europe than 
 now there is. We see there be many orders and found- 
 ations, which though they be divided under several 
 sovereignties and territories, yet they take themselves to 
 
<!■] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 83 
 
 k 
 
 have a kind of contract, fraternity, and correspondence 
 one with the other, insomuch as they have provincials 
 and generals . And surely as nature createth brotherhood 
 in families, and arts mechanical contract brotherhoods 
 in communalties, and the anointment of God super- 
 induceth a brotherhood in kings and bishops, so in 
 like manner there cannot but be a fraternity in learning 
 and illumination, relating to that paternity which is attri- 
 buted to God, who is called the Father of illuminations 
 or lights. 
 
 14. The last defect which I will note is, that there hath 
 not been, or very rarely been, any public designation of 
 writers or inquirers, concerning such parts of knowledge 
 as may appear not to have been already sufficiently 
 laboured or undertaken ; unto which point it is an 
 inducement to enter into a view and examination what 
 parts of learning have been prosecuted and what omitted. 
 For the opinion of plenty is amongst the causes of want, 
 and the great quantity of books maketh a show rather 
 of superfluity than lack ; which surcharge nevertheless is 
 not to be remedied by making no more books, but by 
 making more good books, which, as the serpent of Moses, 
 mought devour the serpents of the enchanters. 
 
 15. The removing of all the defects formerly enu- 
 merate, except the last, and of the active part also of 
 the last (which is the designation of writers), are opera 
 basilica; towards which the endeavours of a private man 
 may be but as an image in a crossway, that may point 
 at the way, but cannot go it. But the inducing part 
 of the latter (which is the survey of learning) may be 
 set forward by private travail. Wherefore I will now 
 attempt to make a general and faithful perambulation 
 of learning, with an inquiry what parts thereof lie fresh 
 
 g 2 
 
 2l 
 
 ^•JL t£j« 
 
 \ 
 
84 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [15. 
 
 X 
 
 and waste, and not improved and converted by the 
 industry of man ; to the end that such a plot made and 
 recorded to memory, may both minister light to any 
 public designation, and also serve to excite voluntary 
 endeavours. Wherein nevertheless my purpose is at this 
 time to note only omissions and deficiences, and not to 
 make any redargution of errors or incomplete prosecu- 
 tions. For it is one thing to set forth what ground lieth 
 unmanured, and another thing to correct ill husbandry in 
 that which is manured. 
 
 In the handling and undertaking of which work I am 
 not ignorant what it is that I do now move and attempt, 
 nor insensible of mine own weakness to sustain my pur- 
 pose. But my hope is, that if my extreme love to learning 
 carry me too far, I may obtain the excuse of affection; 
 for that // is not granted to man to tove and to be wise. 
 But I know well I can use no other liberty of judgement 
 than I must leave to others ; and I for my part shall be 
 indifferently glad either to perform myself, or accept from 
 another, that duty of humanity ; Nam qui erranti comiter 
 motistrat viam, &c. I do foresee likewise that of those 
 things which I shall enter and register as deficiences and 
 omissions, many will conceive and censure that some 
 of them are already done and extant ; others to be but 
 curiosities, and things of no great use ; and others to be 
 of too great difficulty, and almost impossibility to be com- 
 passed and effected. But for the two first, I refer myself 
 to the particulars. For the last, touching impossibility, I 
 take it those things are to be held possible which may be 
 done by some person, though not by every one ; and 
 which may be done by many, though not by any one ; 
 and which may be done in succession of ages, though 
 not within the hourglass of one man's life; and which 
 
 
■> I K/ 
 
 -5-1 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 «5 
 
 may be done by public designation, though not by private 
 
 endeavour. But notwithstanding, if any man will take to 
 
 himself rather that of Salomon," Dicitpiger, Leo est in via, 
 
 than that of Virgil, Possunt quia posse videntur, I shall be 
 
 content that my labours be esteemed but as the better 
 
 [ sort of wishes : for as it asketh some knowledge to de- 
 
 I mand a question not impertinent, so it requireth some 
 
 - sense to make a wish not absurd. 
 
 1. 1 ^HE parts of human learnin g have reference j^jkjj&_^jv~ 
 
 to the three parts of man's understanding, 
 which is the seat of learning : history to his .m emory , 1 
 poesy to his imaginatio n, and philosophy to his, reason. | 
 Divine learnin g receiveth the same distribution ; for the 
 spirit of man is the same, though the revelation of oracle 
 and sense be diverse. So as theology consisteth also of 
 history of the church; of parables, which is divine poesy; 
 and of holy doctrine or precept. For as for that part 
 which seemeth supernumerary, which is prophecy, it is 
 but divine history ; which hath that prerogative over 
 human, as the narration may be before the fact as well 
 as after. 
 
 2. History is natural, civil, ecclesiastical, and literary : \^dJn 
 whereof the three first I allow as extant, the 
 
 Historia 
 Liter arum. 
 
 fourth I note as deficient. For no man hath 
 propounded to himself the general stateo f 
 learnin g to be described and represented from, age to 
 age, as many have done the works of nature, and the 
 state civil and ecclesiastical ; without which the history 
 of the world seemeth to me to be as the statua of 
 Polyphemus with his eye out; that part being wanting 
 which doth most show the spirit and life of the person. 
 And yet I am not ignorant that in divers particular 
 
 ^ 
 
 'jk^v 
 
 ^4 
 
 
 W^AJJL ., . __" ' 
 
86 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [i. 2. 
 
 sciences, as of the jurisconsults, the mathematicians, the 
 rhetoricians, the philosophers, there are set down some 
 small memorials of the schools, authors, and books ; and 
 so likewise some barren relations touching the invention 
 of arts or usages. But a just stojry of learning, containing 
 the antiquities and originals of knowledges and their sects, 
 their inventions, their traditions, their diverse administra- 
 tions and managings, their flourishings, their oppositions, 
 decays, depressions, oblivions, removes , with the causes 
 and occasions of them, and all other events concerning 
 learning, throughout the ages of the world, I may truly 
 affirm to be wanting. The use and end of which work 
 I do not so much design for curiosity or satisfaction 
 of those that are the lovers of learning, but chiefly for 
 a more serious and grave purpose, which is this in few 
 words, that it will make learned men wise in th e__use and 
 administration of learning. For it is not Saint Augustine's 
 nor Saint Ambrose' works that will make so wise a divine, 
 as ecclesiastical history, throughly read and observed; 
 and the same reason is of learning. 
 
 3. History of nature is of three sorts : ofji ature in 
 course ; of nature erring or varying ; and of nature altered 
 or wrought ; that is, history of c reature s, history of mar- 
 vels, and history of arts. The first of these no doubt is 
 extant, and that in good perfection: the two latter are 
 handled so weakly and unprofitably, as I am moved to 
 note them as deficient. For I find no suffi- 
 cient or competent collection of the works of 
 nature which have a digression and deflexion 
 from the ordinary course of generations, pro- j 
 
 Historia 
 Naturae 
 Errands. 
 
 ductions, and motions ; whether they be singularities 
 of place and region, or the strange events of time and } 
 chance, or the effects of yet unknown p ropriet ies, or the 
 
I. 3.] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 87 
 
 
 3f 
 
 instances of exception to general kinds. It is true, I 
 find a number of books of fabulous experiments and 
 secrets, and frivolous impostures for pleasure and strange- 
 ness; but a substantial and severe collection of the 
 heteroclites or irregulars of nature , well examined and 
 described, I find not : specially not with due rejection of 
 fables and popular errors. For as things now are, if an 
 untruth in nature be once on foot, what by reason of the 
 neglect of examination, and countenance of antiqui ty, and 
 what by reason of the use of the opinion in similitudes 
 and ornaments of speech, it is never called down . 
 
 4. The use of this work, honoured with a precedent 
 i n Aristo tle, is nothing less than to give contentment to 
 the appetite of curious and vain wits, as the manner of 
 Mirabilaries is to do ; but for two reasons, both of great 
 weight; the_one to correct the p artiality of axiom s and 
 opinions, which are commonly framed only upon com- 
 mon and familiar examples ; the other because from the 
 wonders of nature is the nearest intelligence and passage 
 towards the wonders of art : for it is no more but by 
 following, and as it were hounding nature in her wander- 
 ings, to be able to lead her afterwards to the same place 
 again. Ne ither am I of opinion, in this history of mar- 
 vels, that superstitio us narration s of sorceries, witchcrafts, 
 dreams, divinations, and the like, where there is an 
 assurance and clear evidence of the fact, be altogether 
 excluded. For it is not yet known in what cases and 
 how far effects attributed to superstition do participat e 
 of natural causes : and therefore howsoever the practice 
 of such things is to be condemned, yet from the specu- 
 lation and consideration of them light may be taken, not 
 only for the discerning of the offences, but for the further 
 disclosing of nature. N either ought a man to make 
 
 
 I- ifrWX 
 
 it I aJU 
 
 -*-yi o-w*vs 
 
 
88 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [1.4. 
 
 \ 
 
 .iJavJL^ 
 
 uJr, 
 
 'fcCAXjjtuj 
 
 Historia 
 Mechanica. 
 
 scruple of entering into these things for inquisition of 
 truth, as your Majesty hath showed in your own example ; 
 who with the two clear eyes of religion and natural philo- 
 sophy have looked deeply and wisely into these shadows, 
 and yet proved yourself to be of the nature of the sun, 
 which passeth through pollutions and itself remains as 
 pure as before. But this I hold fit, that these narrations, 
 which have mixture with superstition, be sorted by them- 
 selves, and not (to; be mingled with the narrations which 
 are merel y and sincerely natural. But as for the nar- 
 rations touching the prodigies and miracles of religions, 
 they are either not true, or not natural; and therefore 
 impertinent for the story of nature. 
 
 5. For history of nature wrought or mechanical, I 
 find some collections made of agriculture, 
 and likewise of manual arts ; but commonly 
 with a rejection of experiments familiar and 
 vulgar. For it is esteemed a kind of dishonour unto 
 learning to descend to inquiry or meditation upon 
 matters mechanical, except they be such as may be 
 thought secrets, rarities, and special subtilties ; which 
 humour of vain and supercilious arrogancy is justly 
 derided in Plato ; where he brings in Hippias, a vaunting 
 sophist, disputing with Socrate s, a true ano^mifeigned I q -j. 
 i nquisitor of trut h ; where the subject being touching j 
 beauty, Socrates, after his wandering manne r of induc- 
 tions, put first an example of a fair virgin, and then of a 
 fair horse, and then of a fair pot well glazed, whereat 
 Hippias was offended, and said, More tha?i for courtesy's 
 sake, he did think much to dispute with any that did aiiege 
 such base and sordid his lances. Whereunto Socrates an- 
 swereth, You have reaso n^ and it becomes you well, being a 
 man so trim in your vestimcnts, &*c., and so goeth on in an 
 
1.5-1 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 8 9 
 
 irony. But the truth is, they be not the highest instances 
 that give the securest information ; as may be well ex- 
 pressed in the tale so common of the philosopher, that 
 while he gazed upwards to the stars fell into the water ; 
 for if he had looked down he might have seen the stars 
 in the water, but looking aloft he could not see the water 
 in the stars. So it cometh often to pass, that mean and 
 small things discover great, better than great can discover 
 the small : and therefore Aristotle noteth well, That the 
 nature of everything is best seen in his smallest portions. 
 And for that cause he inquireth the nature of a common- 
 wealth, first in a family, and the simple c onjugation s of 
 I man and wife, parent and child, master and servant, which 
 are in every cottage. Even so likewise the nature of this 
 ^^y^k^ great city of the world , and the policy thereof, must be 
 first sought in mean concordances and small portions. 
 So we see how that secret of nature, of the turning of 
 iron touched with the loadstone towards the north, was 
 found out in needles of iron, not in bars of iron. 
 
 6. But if my judgement be of any weight, the use of 
 history mechanical is of al l other s the most radical and 
 fundamental towards natural philosophy ; such natural 
 philosophy as shall not vanish in the fume of subtile, 
 sublime, or delectable speculation, but such as shall be 
 operative to the endowment and benefit of man's life. 
 For it will not only minister and suggest for the present 
 many ingenious practices in all trades, by a connexion 
 and transferring of the observations of one art to the use 
 of another, when the experiences of several mysteries 
 shall fall under the consideration of one man's mind ; 
 but further, it will give a more true and real illumination 
 concerning causes and axioms than is hitherto attained. 
 For like as a man's disposition is never well known till 
 
 X 
 
 * X a a£v^ 
 
 PJOUk. 
 
 
 1- Vo!L^ WdJ-a 
 
 
90 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [i. 6. 
 
 
 ^UAV^er-^voJ^a 
 
 
 iK^lii' 
 
 he be crossed, nor Proteus ever changed shapes till he 
 was straitened and held fast ; so the pa ssage s and vari- 
 ations of nature cannot appear so fully in the liberty of 
 nature as in the trials and ve xations of art. ^ <^a~ Ujv* iauvZL. 
 
 II. i. For c ivil hi story, it is of three kinds; not un- 
 fitly to be compared with the three kinds of pictures 
 or images. For of pictures or images, we see some are 
 unfinish ed, some are perfect, and some are defaced. So 
 of histories we may find three kinds, memorials , perfect 
 histories, and antiquitie s ; for memorials are history un- 
 finished, or the first or rough draughts of history ; and 
 antiquities are history defaced, or some remnants of his- 
 tory which have casually escaped the shipwreck of time. 
 
 2. Memorial s, or preparatory history, are of two sorts ; 
 whereof the one may be termed c ommentarie s, and the 
 other register s. Commentaries are they which set down 
 a continuance of the naked events and actions, without 
 the motives or designs, the counsels, the speeches, the 
 pretexts, the occasions and other passages of action : for 4JU00 
 this is the true nature of a commentary (though Caesar, j 
 in modesty mixed with greatness, did for his pleasure 
 apply the name of a commentary to t he best history of 
 the world ). Registers are collections of public acts, as 
 decrees of council, judicial proceedings, declarations and 
 letters of estate, orations and the like, without a perfect 
 continuance or contexture of the thread of the narration. 
 
 3. Antiquities , or remnants of history, are, as was said, 
 tanquam tabula naufragii : when industrious persons, by 
 an exact and scrupulous diligence and observat ion, out of 
 monuments, names, words, proverbs, traditions, private 
 records and evidences, fragments of stories, passages of 
 books that concern not story, and the like, do save and 
 recover somewhat from the deluge of time. 
 
n.4.] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 9 1 
 
 4. In these kinds of imperfect histories I do assign 
 no deficience, for they are tanquam imperfecte mista ; and 
 therefore any deficience in them is but their nature. 
 As for the corruptions and moths of history , which are 
 epitomes, the use of them deserveth to be banished, as 
 all men of sound judgement have confessed, as those 
 that have frette d and corroded the sound bodies of many 
 excellent histories, and wrought them into base and 
 unprofitable dregs. 
 
 5. History, which may be called just and perfect his- 
 tory, is of three kinds, according to the object which 
 it propoundeth, or pretendeth to represent : for it either 
 representeth a time, or a person, or an action. The first 
 we call chronicle s, the second lives , and the third narra- 
 tions or relations. Of these, although the first be the 
 most complete and absolute kind of history, and hath 
 most estimation and glory, yet the second excelleth it in 
 profit and use, and the third in verity and sincerity. For 
 history of times representeth the magnitude of actions 
 and the public faces and deportments of persons, and 
 passeth over in silence the smaller passages and motions 
 
 !of men and matters. But such being the workmanship I 
 of God, as he doth hang the greatest weight upon the 
 smallest wires, maxima e minimis suspendens, it comes 
 therefore to pass, that such histories do rather set forth 
 the pomp of business than the true and inward resorts 
 thereof. But lives, if they be well written, propounding to 
 themselves a person to represent, in whom actions both 
 greater and smaller, public and private, have a commix- 
 ture, must of necessity contain a more true, native, and 
 1 lively representation. So again narrations and relations 
 of actions, as the war of Peloponnesus, the expedition of 
 Cyrus Minor, the conspiracy of Catiline, cannot but be 
 
 T-pv 
 
 :^~* 
 
 i TLvv>^-0 f v r\*->< 
 
 WV*-»-v«-iLc»>(jL-> 
 
 U^ 
 
 V)"*^* ~VN-**a/W%^._ 
 
92 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [il. 5. 
 
 1 more purely and exactly true than histories of times, 
 because they may choose an argument comprehensible 
 within the notice and instructions of the writer : whereas 
 
 ' he that undertaketh the story of a time, specially of any 
 length, cannot but meet with many blanks and spaces 
 which he must be forced to fill up out of his own wit 
 
 . and conjecture. ** 
 
 6. For the history of times (I mean of civil history), 
 the providence of God hath made the distribution. For 
 it hath pleased God to ordain and illustrate two exemplar 
 states of the world for arms, learning, moral virtue, policy, 
 and laws; the state of Grecia and the state of Rome; 
 the histories whereof, occupying the middle part of time, 
 have more ancient to them histories which may by one 
 common name be termed the antiquities of the world : 
 and after them, histories which may be likewise called by 
 the name of modern history. 
 
 7. Now to speak of the deficiences. As to the hea- 
 then antiquities of the world, it is in vain to note them 
 for deficient. Deficient they are no doubt, consisting 
 most of fables and fragments ; but the deficience cannot 
 be holpen ; for antiquity is like fame, caput inter nubila 
 condit, her head is muffled from our sight. For the his- 
 tory of the exemplar states it is extant in good perfection. 
 Not but I could wish there were a perfect course of 
 history for Grecia from Theseus to Philopcemen (what 
 time the affairs of Grecia drowned and extinguished 
 in the affairs of Rome), and for Rome from Romulus 
 to Justinianus, who may be truly said to be ultimus 
 Romanorum. In which sequences of story the text of 
 Thucydides and Xenophon in the one, and the texts 
 of Livius, Polybius, Sallustius, Caesar, Appianus, Tacitus, 
 Herodianus in the other, to be kept entire without any 
 
II. 7-] THE SECOND BOOK. 93 
 
 diminution at all, and only to be supplied and conti nued. 
 But this is matter of magnificence, rather to be com- 
 mended than required : and we speak now of parts of 
 learning supplemental and not of supererogation. 
 
 8. But for modern histor ies, whereof there are some 
 few very worthy, but the greater part beneath mediocrity, 
 leaving the care of foreign stories to foreign states, be- 
 cause I will not be curiosus in aliena republica, I cannot 
 fail to represent to your Majesty the unworthiness of the 
 history of England in the main continuance thereof, and 
 the partiality and obliquity of that of Scotland in the £*-• (\~~+L*~^~. , 
 latest and largest author that I have seen : supposing that 
 it would be honour for your Majesty, and a work very 
 memorable, if this island of Great Brittany, as it is now 
 joined in monarchy for the ages to come, so were joined 
 in one history for the times passed ; after the manner of 
 the sacred history, which draweth down the story of the 
 ten tribes and of the t wo trib es as twins together. And V^**"*^ » IoaolO. 
 if it shall seem that the greatness of this work may make 
 it less exactly performed, there is an excellent period 
 of a much smaller compass of time, as to the story of 
 England ; that is to say, from the uniting of the Roses to 
 the uniting of the kingdoms ; a portion of time wherein, 
 to my understanding, there J^ath been the rarest varieties 
 that in like number of successions of any hereditary 
 monarchy hath been known. For it beginneth with the 
 mixed adeptio n of a crown by arms and title; an entry 
 by battle, an establishment by marriage ; and therefore 
 times answerable, like waters after a tempest, full of 
 working and swelling, though without extremity of storm ; 
 but well passed through by the wisdom of the pilot, 
 being one of the most sufficient kings of all the number. H -ZU 
 Then followeth the reign of a king, whose actions, howso- H-JB- 
 
94 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [ll. 8. 
 
 ever conducted, had much intermixture with the affairs of 
 Europe, balancing and inclining them variably ; in whose 
 time also began that great alteration in the state eccle- 
 siastical, an action which seldom cometh upon the stage. 
 Then the reign of a mino r: then an offer of an usurpation J** *» 
 (though it was but 2,$>febris ephemera). Then the reign of 
 a queen matched with a foreigner: then of a^crueen that *v»~p 
 lived solitary and unmarried, and yet her government so 
 masculine, as it had greater impression and operation 
 upon the states abroad than it any ways received from 
 thence. And now last, this most happy and glorious 
 event, that this island of Brittany, divided from all the 
 world, should be united in itself: and that oracle of rest 
 given to iEneas, antiquam exquirite matrem, should now 
 be performed and fulfilled upon the nations of England 
 and Scotland, being now reunited in the ancient mother 
 c/*h name of Brittany, as a full period of all instability and 
 
 peregrinations. So that as it cometh to pass in massive 
 bodies, that they have certain trepidations and waverings 
 before they fix and settle, so it seemeth that by the pro- 
 vidence of God this monarchy, before it was to settle in 
 your majesty and your generations (in which I hope it is 
 now established for ever), (it) had these prelusive changes 
 and varieties. 
 /2 . 9. For lives , I do find strange that these times have so 
 
 '" little esteemed the virtues of the times, as that the writings 
 
 of lives should be no more frequent. For although there 
 be not many sovereign princes or absolute commanders, 
 and that states are most collected into monarchies, yet 
 are there many worthy personages that deserve better 
 than dispersed report or barren elogies. For herein 
 £Ufi. Fu/v. tne invention of one of the late poets is proper, and 
 
 doth well enrich the a ncient fictio n. For he feigneth 
 
II. o] THE SECOND BOOK. 95 
 
 that at the end of the thread or web of every man's life 
 there was a little medal containing the person's name, 
 and that Time waited upon the shears, and as soon as 
 the thread was cut, caught the medals, and carried them 
 to the river of Lethe ; and about the bank there were 
 many birds flying up and down, that would get the 
 medals and carry them in their beak a little while, and 
 then let them fall into the river. Only there were a few 
 swans, which if they got a name would carry it to a 
 temple where it was consecrate. And although many 
 men, more mortal in their affections than in their bodies, 
 do esteem desire of name and memory but as a vanity 
 and ventosity, 
 
 Animi nil magnae Iaudis egentes ; /j^y 
 which opinion cometh from that root, Non prius laudes 
 eon/empsimus, quam laudanda facere desivimus : yet that 
 will not alter Salomon's judgement, Memoria justi cum 
 laudibus, at impiorum nomen putrescet : the one flourisheth, 
 the other either consumeth to present oblivion, or turneth 
 to an ill odour. And therefore in that styl e or addkion, 
 which is and hath been long well received and brought 
 in use, felicis memories, pice memories, bones memories, we 
 do acknowledge that which Cicero saith, borrowing it 
 from Demosthenes, that bona fama propria possessio de- 
 functorum ; which possession I cannot but note that in 
 our times it lieth much waste, and that therein there is a 
 deficience. 
 
 10. For narrations and relations of particular actions, h^uL c . \J^Jr . 
 there were also to be wished a greater diligence therein ; 
 for there is no great action but hath some good pe n 
 whi ch attends it. And because it is an ability not com- 
 mon to write a good history, as may well appear by the 
 small number of them ; yet if particularity of actions 
 
j>fcrn/\-«*swC»jLo 
 
 96 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING [il. 10. 
 
 memorable were but tolerably reported as they pass, the 
 compiling of a complete history of times mought be the 
 better expected, when a writer should arise that were fit 
 for it : for the collection of such relations mought be 
 5-c ^ ' as a nursery garden, whereby to plant a fair and stately 
 
 garden, when time should serve. 
 CUw^JL* ii« There is yet another partition of" history which 
 
 Cornelius Tacitus maketh, which is not to be forgotten, 
 specially with that application which he accoupleth it 
 withal, annals and journals : appropriating to the former 
 matters of estate, and to the latter acts and accidents of a 
 meaner nature. For giving but a tou ch of certain mag- 
 nificent buildings, he addeth, Cum ex dignitate populi Ro- 
 mani repertum sit, res ilhistres a nnalib us, /alia diurnis urbis 
 adis mandare. So as there is a kind of contemplative 
 heraldry , as well as civil. And as nothing doth derogate 
 from the dignity of a state more than confusion of de- 
 grees, so it doth not a little imbase the authority of an 
 history, to intermingle matters of triumph, or matters of 
 ceremony, or matters of novelty, with matters of state. 
 But the use of a journal hath not only been in the history 
 of time, but likewise in the history of persons, and chiefly 
 of actions ; for princes in ancient time had, upon point 
 of honour and policy both, journals kept, what passed 
 day by day. For we see the chronicle which was read 
 ?>Wu> before Ahasuerus^ when he could not take rest, contained 
 
 matter of affairs indeed, but such as had passed in his 
 own time and very lately before. But the journal of 
 GMU*. Alexander's house expressed every small particularity, 
 
 even concerning his person and court ; and it is yet 
 an use well received in enterprises memorable, as expe- 
 ditions of war, navigations, and the like, to keep diaries 
 of that which passeth continually. 
 
II. 12.] THE SECOND BOOK. gy 
 
 12. I cannot likewise be ignorant of a form of writing P&JUo -£: 
 which some grave and wise men have used, containing a h^ilr 
 
 scattered history of those actions which they have thought 
 worthy of memory, with politic discourse and observation 
 thereupon : not incorporate into the history, but separ- 
 ately, and as the more principal in their intention ; which 
 kind of ruminated history I thing more fit to place amongst 
 books of policy, whereof we shall hereafter speak, than 
 amongst books of history. For it is the true office of his- 
 tory to represent the events themselves together with the 
 counsels, and to leave the observations and conclusions 
 thereupon to the liberty and faculty of every man's judge- 
 ment. But mixtures are things irregular, whereof no man 
 can define. 
 
 13. So also is there another kind of history manifoldly C^-ovw^-.j^ 
 mixed, and that is history of c osmograph y : being com- 
 pounded of natural history, in respect of the regions 
 themselves ; of history c ivil, in respect of the habitations, 
 regiments , and manners of the people ; and the mathe- 
 matics, in respect of the climates and configu rations to - 
 wards the heavens : which part of learning of all others 
 in this latter time hath obtained most proficience. For 
 it may be truly affirmed to the honour of these times, 
 and in a virtuous emulation with antiquity, that this great 
 building of the world had never through-lights made in it, 
 till the age of us and our fathers. For although they had 
 knowledge of the antipodes, 
 
 Nosque ubi primus equis Oriens afflavit anhelis, 
 Illic sera rubens accendit lumina Vesper, (h> f,. 
 
 yet that mought be by demonstration, and not in fact; (a^.-,^ 
 and if by travel, it requireth the voyage but of half the 
 globe. But to circle the earth, as the heavenly bodies do, 
 was not done nor enterprised till these later times : and 
 
 H 
 
98 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [il. 13. 
 
 .cflj-^i . HvaV 
 
 therefore these times may justly bear in their word , not 
 only plus ultra, in precedence of the ancient non ultra, 
 and imitabile fulm en, in precedence of the ancient non 
 imitabile fulmen, 
 
 Demens qui nimbos et non imitabile fulmen, &c. Ut^\ji 
 but likewise imitabile calum; in respect of the many 
 memorable voyages after the manner of heaven about 
 the globe of the earth. 
 
 14. And this proficience in navigation and discoveries 
 may plant also an expectation of the further proficience 
 and augmentation of all sciences ; becaus e it may seem 
 they are ordained by God to be coevals, that is, to meet 
 in one age. For so the prophet Daniel speaking of the 
 latter times foretelleth, Plurimi pertransibunl, et multiplex 
 erit scientia : as if the openness and through-passage of 
 the world, and the increase of knowledge were appointed 
 to be in the same ages ; as we see it is already performed 
 in great part : the learning of these later times not much 
 giving place to the former two periods or returns of learn- 
 ing, the one of the Grecians, the other of the Romans. 
 
 III. 1. History ecclesiastica l receiveth the same divi- 
 sions with history civil : but further in the propriety 
 thereof may be divided into the history of the_ church, 
 by a general name ; history of proph ecy ; and history of 
 providenc e. The first describeth the times of the milit- 
 ant church, whether it be fluctuant, as the ark of Noah, 
 or moveable, as the ark in the wilderness, or at rest, as 
 the ark in the temple : that is, the state of the church in 
 persecution, in remove, and in peace. This part I ought 
 in no sort to note as deficient ; only I would the virtue 
 and sincerity of it were according to the mass and 
 quantity. But I am not now in hand with censures, but 
 with omissions. 
 
III. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 99 
 
 2. The second, which is history of prophecy , consisteth ^-u-c*- r 
 of two relatives, the prophecy , and the accomplishme nt ; j^iLa^^-^ 
 and therefore the nature of such a work ought to be, that 
 every prophecy of the scripture be sorted with the event 
 fulfilling the same, throughout the ages of the world ; both 
 for the better confirmation of faith, and for the better 
 illumination of the Church touching those parts of pro- 
 phecies which are yet unfulfilled : allowing nevertheless 
 that latitude which is agreeable and familiar unto divine 
 prophecies ; being of the nature of their author, with 
 whom a thousand years are but as one day ; and there- 
 fore are not fulfilled punctually at once, but have 
 springing and germinant accomplishment 
 
 throughout many a^es : though the heicrht _ , . 
 
 ° r ° ° Prophettca. 
 
 or fulness of them may refer to some one 
 
 age. This is a work which I find deficient ; but is to 
 
 be done with wisdom, sobriety, and reverence, or not 
 
 at all. 
 
 3. The third, which is history of p rovidenc e, con- 
 taineth that excellent correspondence which is between 
 God's revealed will and his secret will : which though 
 it be so obscure, as for the most part it is not legible 
 to the natural man; no, nor many times to those that 
 behold it from the tabernacle; yet at some times it 
 pleaseth God, for our better establishment and the con- 
 futing of those which are as without God in the world, 
 to write it in such text and capital letters, that, as the 
 prophet saith, He thai runneth b ymay read it,; that is, 
 mere sensual persons, which hasten by God's judge- 
 ments, and never bend or fix their cogitations upon 
 them, are nevertheless in their passage and race urged 
 to discern it. Such^are the notable events and examples 
 of God's judgements, chastisements, deliverances, and 
 
 H 2 
 
 |Cjlv*&>^ 
 
IOO OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [ill. 3 
 
 UruvcU J 
 
 iruji 
 
 WlA^j 
 
 LtW 
 
 o^Ui. 
 
 blessings : and this is a work which hath passed through 
 the labour of many, and therefore I cannot present as 
 omitted. 
 
 4. There are also other parts of learning which are 
 appendices to history. For all the exterior proceedings 
 of man consist of word s and deeds ; whereof history 
 doth properly receive and retain in memory the deeds, 
 and if words, yet but as inducements and passages to 
 deeds ; so are there other books and writings, which are 
 appropriate to the custody and receipt of words only ; 
 which likewise are of three sorts; orations, letters, and 
 brief speeches or sayings. Orations are pleadings, 
 speeches o f couns el, laudatives, invectives, apologies, 
 reprehensions, orations of formality or ceremony, and 
 the like. Letters are according to all the variety of oc- 
 casions, aglyertisements, advices, directions, propositions, 
 petitions, commendatory, expostulatory, satisfactory, of 
 compliment, of pleasure, of discourse, and all other pas- 
 sages of action. And such as are written from wise men 1 
 are of all the words of man, in my judgement, the best ; ( 
 for they are more natural than orations, and public 
 speeches, and more advised than conferences or present, 
 speeches. So again letters of affairs from such as 
 manage them, or are privy to them, are of all others the 
 best instructions for history, and to a diligent reade*r the 
 best histories in themselves. For apophthegms , it is a 
 great loss of that book of Caesar's ; for as his history, and 
 those few letters of his which we have, and those apo- 
 phthegms which were of his own, excel all men's else, so I 
 suppose would his collection of apophthegms have done. 
 For as for those which are collected by others, either I 
 have no taste in such matters, or else their choice hath 
 not been happy. But upon these three kinds of writings 
 
III. 4-] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 IOI 
 
 # 
 
 
 I do not insist, because I have no deficiences to propound 
 concerning them. 
 
 5. Thus much therefore concerning history, which is 
 that part of learning which answereth to one of the cells, 
 domiciles, or offic es of the mind of man ; which is that 
 of the memory. 
 
 IV. 1. Poesy is a part of learning inmeasure of words TLjbu. 
 for the most part restrained, but in all other points ex- 
 tremely licensed, and doth truly refer to the imagination ; 
 which, being not tied to the laws of matter, may- at plea- 
 sure join that which nature hath severed, and sever that 
 which nature hath joined ; and so make unlawful matches 
 and divorces of things ; Pictoribus atque poetis, <tc. It 
 is taken in two senses in respect of words or matter. 
 In the first sense it is but a characte r of style, and be- 
 longeth to arts of speech, and is not pertinent for the 
 present. In the latter it is (as hath been said) one of the 
 principal portions of learning, and is nothing else but 
 feigned history , which may be styled as well in prose as 
 in verse. 
 
 2. The use of this feigned history hath been to give 
 some shadow of satisfaction to the mind of man in those 
 points wherein the nature of things doth deny it, the 
 world being in proportion inferior to the soul ; by reason 
 whereof there is, agreeable to the spirit of man, a more 
 ample greatness, a more exact goodness, and a more 
 absolute variety, than can be found in the nature of 
 things. Therefore, because the acts or events of true 
 history have not that magnitude which satisfieth the mind 
 of man, poesy feigneth acts and events greater and more 
 heroical. Because true history propoundeth the successes 
 and issues of actions not so, agreeable to the merits of 
 virtue and vice, therefore poesy feigns them more just in 
 
 %r 
 
 *i fa&iy 
 
 • 
 
102 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [iV. 2. 
 
 retribution, and more according to revealed providence. 
 Because true history representeth actions and events more 
 ordinary and less interchanged, therefore poesy endueth 
 them with more rareness, and more unexpected and 
 alternative variations. So as it appeareth that poesy 
 serveth and _co_nferreth to magnanimity, morality, and to 
 delectation. And therefore it was ever thought to have 
 some participation of divineness, because it doth raise 
 and erect the mind, by submitting the shows of things 
 to the desires of the mind ; whereas reason doth buckle 
 and bow the mind unto the nature of things. And we 
 see that by these insinuations and congruities with man's 
 nature and pleasure, joined also with the agreement and 
 consort it hath with music, it hath had access and estim- 
 ation in rude times and barbarous regions, where other 
 
 _ „ \^ learning stood excluded. 
 
 d^^o. / 3. The division of poesy which is aptest in the pro- 
 priety thereof (besides those divisions which are common 
 unto it with history, as feigned chronicles, feigned lives, 
 and the appendices of history, as feigned epistles, feigned 
 orations, and the rest) is into poesy narrative, represent- 
 
 Voa/u . ative, and allusive. The narrative is a mere imitation of 
 
 history, with the e xcesse s before remembered ; choosing 
 for subject commonly wars and love, rarely state, and 
 
 ^<^. sometimes pleasure or mirth. Representativ e is as a 
 
 visible history ; and is an image of actions as if they were 
 present, as history is of actions in nature as they are, (that 
 
 <ki-d,o.Q,t, is) past. Allusive or parabolical is a narration applied 
 only to express some special purpose or conceit. Which 
 latter kind of parabolical wisdom was much more in use 
 in the ancient times, as by the fables of iEsop, and the 
 brief sentences of the seven , and the use of hieroglyphics f> 1 4,7 
 may appear. And the cause was, for that it was then of 
 
 (Tm« 
 
IV. 3.] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 103 
 
 necessity to express any point of reason which was more 
 sharp or subtile than the vulgar in that manner, because 
 men in those times wanted both variety of examples and 
 subtilty of conceit. And as hieroglyphics were before 
 letters, so parables were before arguments : and never- 
 theless now and at all times they do retain much life 
 and vigour, because reason cannot be so sensible, nor 
 examples so fit. 
 
 4. But there remaineth yet another use of poesy para- 
 bolical, opposite to that which we last mentioned : for 
 that tendeth to demonstrate and illustrate that which is 
 taught or delivered, and this other to retire and obscure 
 it : that is, when the secrets and mysteries of religion, 
 policy, or philosophy, are involved in fables or parables. 
 Of this in divine poesy we see the use is authorised. In 
 heathen poesy we see the exposition of fables doth fall 
 out sometimes with great felicity ; as in the fable that the 
 giants being overthrown in their war against the gods, 
 the earth their mother in revenge thereof brought forth 
 Fame : 
 
 Illam terra parens, ira irritata Deorum, 
 
 Extremam, ut perhibent, Coeo Enceladoque sororem 
 
 Progenuit. 
 
 Ej^)oujided__that when princes and monarchs have sup- 
 pressed actual and open rebels, then the malignity of 
 people (which is the mother of rebellion) doth bring forth 
 libels and slanders, and taxations of the states, which is 
 of the same kind with rebellion, but more feminin e. So 
 in the fable that the rest of the gods having conspired 
 to bind Jupiter, Pallas called Briareus with his hundred 
 hands to his aid : expounded that monarchies need not 
 fear any curbing of their absoluteness by mighty sub- 
 jects, as long as by wisdom they keep the hearts of the 
 
 2. U^j_a^» 
 
 iK 
 
 Vv-VJL^flu 
 
 
 ZlJhL* (ttw~*«.j 
 
104 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [iV. 4. 
 
 «■> -•■3 
 wry* o (.<-i.*i /3L^ 
 
 UwK r 
 
 <0^ 1 
 
 •-«-Cva_ 
 
 
 people, who will be sure to come in on their side. So in 
 the fable that Achilles was brought up under Chiron the 
 centaur, who was part a man and part a beast, expounded 
 ingenio u sly but corruptly by Machiavel, that it belongeth 
 to the education and discipline of princes to know as 
 well how to play the part of the lion in violence, and the 
 fox in guile, as of the man in virtue and justice. Never- 
 theless, in many the like encounters, I do rather think 
 that the fable was first, and the exposition devised, than 
 that the moral was first, and thereupon the fable framed. 
 For I find it was an ancient vanity in Chrysippus, that 
 troubled himself with great contention to fasten the 
 assertions of the Stoics upon the fictions of the ancient 
 poets ; but yet that all the fables and fictions of the poets 
 were but pleasure and not figure, I interpose no opinion. 
 Surely of those poets which are now extant, even Homer 
 himself (notwithstanding he was made a kind of scrip- 
 ture by the later schools of the Grecians), yet I should 
 without any difficulty pronounce that his fables had 
 no such inwardness in his own meaning. But what 
 they might have upon a more original tradition, is not 
 easy to affirm ; for he was not the inventor of many of 
 them. 
 
 5. In this third part of learning, which is poesy, I can 
 report no deficience. For being as a plant that cometh 
 of the lust of the earth, without a formal seed, it hath 
 sprung up and spread abroad more than any other kind. 
 But to ascribe unto it that which is due, for the expressing 
 of affections, passions, corruptions, and customs, we are 
 beholding to poets more than to the philosophers' works; 
 and for wit and eloquence, not much less than to orators' 
 harangues. But it is not good to stay too long in the 
 theatre. Let us now pass on to the judicial place or palace 
 
 i-o-» -d~*-^k i-y 
 
 ^U 
 
 
 CM-*- 1 <- -v. -t% 
 
IV. S-] THE SECOND BOOK. 105 
 
 of the mind, which we are to approach and view with 
 more reverence and attention. 
 
 V. 1. The knowledge of man is as the waters, some \ A^Jx^>^J 
 
 descending from above, and some springing from be- -\ 
 
 neath ; the one informed by the light of nature, the other 
 inspired by divine revelation. The light of nature con- 
 sisteth in the notions of the mind and the reports of the 
 senses : for as for knowledge which man receiveth by 
 teaching, it is cumulative and not original ; as in a water 
 that besides his own spring-head is fed with other springs 
 and streams. So then, according to these two differing 
 illuminations or originals, knowledge is first of all divided 
 into divinity and philosophy. 
 
 2. In philosophy, the contemplations of man do either 
 penetrate unto God, or are circumferred to nature, or are 
 reflected or reverted upon himself. Out of which several r^ KoIU»* to 
 inquiries there do arise tlu^eknmvled^es ; divine philo- ' 
 sophy, natural philosophy, and human philosophy or 
 humanity. For all things are marked and stamped with 
 this triple character, of the p_ower_of^God, the difference 
 ojjiature, and the use of man. But because the distribu- 
 tions and partitions of knowledge are not like several 
 I lines that meet in one angle, and so touch but in a point; 
 but are like branches of a tree, that meet in a stem, which 
 hath a dimension and quantity of entireness and con- 
 tinuance, before it come to discontinue and break itself 
 into arms and boughs : therefore it is good, before we 
 enter into the former distribution, to erect and constitute 
 one universal science, by the name of philosophia prima , 
 primitive or summary philosophy, as the main and com- 
 mon way, before we come where the ways part and divide 
 themselves; which science whether I should report as 
 deficient or no, I stand doubtful. For I find a certain 
 
106 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [v. 2. 
 
 rhapsoctysp f natural theology, and of divers parts of logic; 
 and of that part of natural philosophy which concerneth 
 
 Cx-f. ^ j^^tvi^. t j ie p r i nc ipi eSj an( } f t na t other part of natural philo- 
 sophy which concerneth the soul or spirit; all these 
 strangely commixed and confused ; but being examined, 
 it seemeth to me rather a de predation of other sciences, 
 advanced and exalted un to some height of term s, than 
 anything solid or substantive of itself. Nevertheless I 
 cannot be ignorant of the distinction which is current, 
 that the same things are handled but in several respects. 
 As for example, that logic considereth of many things as 
 they are in notion, and this philosophy as they are in 
 nature ; the one in appearance, the other in existence ; 
 * but I find this difference better made than pursued. For 
 if they had considered quantity, similitude, diversity, and 
 the rest of those extern characters of things, as philo- 
 sophers, and in nature, their inquiries must of force have 
 been of a far other kind than they are. For doth any 
 of them, in handling quantity, speak of the force of union, 
 how and how far it multiplieth virtue? Doth any give 
 the reason, why some things in nature are so common, 
 and in so great mass, and others so rare, and in so small 
 quantity ? Doth any, in handling similitude and divers- 
 ity, assign the cause why iron should not move to iron, 
 which is more like, but move to the load-stone, which is 
 less like ? Why in all diversities of things there should 
 be certain pa rticiple s in nature, which are almost am- 
 biguous to which kind they should be referred? But 
 
 I* , -UXo -u-oi* there is a mere and deep silence touching the nature and 
 operation of those common adjuncts of things, as in 
 nature : and only a resuming and repeating of the force 
 and use of them in speech or argument. Therefore, 
 because in a writing of this nature I avoid all subtility, 
 
V. 2.1 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 I07 
 
 my meaning touching this original or universal philo- 
 sophy is thus, in a plain and gross description by nega- 
 tive : That it be a receptacle for all such profitable observ- 
 ations and axioms as fall not within the compass of any 
 of the special parts of philosophy or sciences, but are more 
 common and of a higher stage. 
 
 3. Now that there are many of that kind need not be 
 doubted. For example : is not the rule, Si i?icequalibus 
 ccqualia addas, omnia erunt inaBqualia, an axiom as well of 
 justice as of the mathematics? and is there not a true 
 coincidence between commutative and distributive justice, 
 and arithmetical and geometrical proportion? Is not 
 that other rule, Quce in eodem ierlio conveniunl, el inter se 
 convcniunt, a rule taken from the mathematics, but so 
 potent in logic as all syllogisms are built upon it? Is 
 not the observation, Omnia mulanlur, nil inleril } a con- 
 templation in philosophy thus, that the quantum of nature 
 is eternal? in natural theology thus, that it requireth the 
 same omnipotence to make somewhat nothing, which at 
 the first made nothing somewhat ? according to the scrip- 
 ture, Didici quod omnia opera, qua fecit Deus, perseverent 
 in perpetuum ; non possumus eis quicquam addere nee au- 
 ferre. Is not the ground, which Machiavel wisely and 
 largely discourseth concerning governments, that the way 
 to establish and preserve them, is to reduce them ad 
 principia, a rule in religion and nature, as well as in civil 
 administration ? Was not t he Persian magi c a reduction 
 or correspondence of the principles and architecture s of 
 nature to the rules and policy of governments? Is not 
 the precept of a musician, to fall from a discord or harsh 
 accord upon a concord or sweet accord, alike true in 
 affection? Is not the trope of music, to avoid or slide 
 from the close or cadence, common with the trope of 
 
 PUUn. 
 
 * 
 
 AwaV^-^Lo-t" 
 
I08 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [V. 3. 
 
 ^-tiu^. 
 
 Philosophia 
 prima, sive 
 de fontibus 
 icientiarum. 
 
 rhetoric of deceiving expectation ? Is not the delight of 
 the quavering upon a stop in music the same with the 
 playing of light upon the water ? 
 
 Splendet tremulo sub lumine pontus. 
 
 Are not the organs of the senses of one kind with the 
 organs of reflection, the eye with a glass, the ear with a 
 cave or strait, determined and bounded? Neither are 
 these only similitudes, as men of narrow observation may 
 conceive them to be, but the same footsteps of nature, 
 treading or printing upon several subjects or matters. 
 This science therefore (as I understand it) I may justly 
 report as deficient: for I see sometimes the profounder 
 sort of wits, in handling some particular 
 argument, will now and then draw a bucket 
 of water out of this well for their present 
 use : but the spring-head thereof seemeth to 
 me not to have been visited; being of so 
 excellent use both for the disclosing of nature and the 
 abridgement of art. 
 
 VI. 1. This science being therefore first placed as a 
 common parent like unto Berecynthi a. which had so 
 much heavenly issue, omnes ccelicolas, omnes supera alta 
 te?ientes ; we may return to the former distribution of the 
 three philosophies, divine, natural, and human. And as 
 \ concerning divine philosophy or natural theolog y, it is 
 that knowledge or rudiment of knowledge concerning 
 God, which may be obtained by the contemplation of 
 his creatures; which knowledge may be truly termed 
 divine in respect of the object, and natural in respect of 
 the light. The bounds of this knowledge are, that it 
 sufficeth to convince atheism, but not to inform religion : 
 and therefore there was never miracle wrought by God 
 to convert an atheist, because the light of nature might 
 
^uL 
 
 VI. i.] THE SECOND BOOK. 109 
 
 have led him to confess a God : but miracles have been 
 wrought to 
 
 convert idolaters and the superstitious, be- 
 cause no light of nature extendeth to declare the will and 
 L true worship of God. For as all works do show forth 
 the power and skill of the workman, and not his image, 
 so it is of the works of God, which do show the omni- 
 potency and wisdom of the maker, but not his image. 
 And therefore therein the heathen opinion dirTereth from 
 the sacred truth ; for they supposed the world to be the 
 image of God, and man to be an extract or compendious 
 image of the world ; but the scriptures never vouchsafe 
 to attribute to the world that honour, as to be the image 
 of God, but only the work of his hands ; neither do they 
 speak of any other image of God, but man. Wherefore 
 by the contemplation of nature to induce and enforce 
 the acknowledgement of God, and to demonstrate his 
 power, providence, and goodness, is an excellent argu- 
 ment, and hath been excellently handled by divers. But 
 on the other side, out of the contemplation of nature, or 
 ground of human knowledges, to induce any verity or 
 persuasion concerning the points of faith, is in my judge- 
 ment not safe : Da fidei qua fidei sun/. For the heathen 
 themselves conclude as much in that excellent and divine 
 fable of the golden chain : That men and gods were not 
 able to draw Jupiter down to the earth ; but contrariwise 
 Jupiter was able to draw them up to heaven. So as we 
 ought not to attempt to draw down or to submit the 
 mysteries of God to our reason; but contrariwise to raise 
 and advance our reason to the divine truth. So as in 
 this part of knowledge, touching divine philosophy, I am 
 so far from noting any deflcience, as I rather note an 
 excess: whereunto I have digressed because of the ex- 
 treme prejudice which both religion and philosophy hath 
 
 IbJU^rv, 4 
 
 rxXlljn ■ >-*■ 
 
 
 A 
 
IIO OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VI. i. 
 
 received and may receive by being commixed together; 
 as that which undoubtedly will make an heretical religion, 
 and an imaginary and fabulous philosophy. 
 
 2. Otherwise it is of the nature of a na ds and spirits , 
 which is an appendix of theology, both divine and natural, 
 and is neither inscrutable nor interdicted. For although 
 the scripture saith, Let no man deceive you in sublime dis- 
 course touching the worship of angels, pressing into that he 
 hwweth not, &c, yet notwithstanding if you observe well 
 that precept, it may appear thereby that there be two 
 things only forbidden, adoration of them, and opinion 
 fantastical of them, either to extol them further than 
 appertaineth to the degree of a creature, or to extol a 
 man's knowledge of them further than he hath ground . 
 But the sober and grounded inquiry, which may arise out 
 of the passages of holy scriptures, or out of the grada - 
 tions of nature , is not restrained. So of degenerate and 
 revolted spirits, the conversing with them or the employ- 
 ment of them is prohibited, much more any veneration 
 towards them ; but the contemplation or science of their 
 nature, their power, their illusions, either by scripture or 
 reason, is a part of spiritual wisdom. For so the apostle 
 saith, We are not ignorant of his stratagems. And it is no 
 more unlawful to inquire the nature of evil spirits, than to 
 inquire the force of poisons in nature, or the nature of 
 sin and vice in morality. But this part touching angels 
 and spirits I cannot note as deficient, for many have 
 occupied themselves in it; I may rather challenge it, in 
 many of the writers thereof, as fabulous and fantastical. 
 
 VII. i. Leaving therefore divine philosophy or natural 
 theology (not divinity or inspired theology, which we re- 
 serve for the last of all as the haven and sabbath of all 
 man's contemplations) we will now proceed to natural 
 
 C**f. ?>'• 
 
 iC 
 
 -A- 
 
VII. I.] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 Ill 
 
 philosophy. If then it be true that Democritus said, 
 that tht truth of nature lieih hid in certain deep mines and 
 caves ; and ir it be true likewise that the alchemists do so 
 much inculcate, that Vulcan is a second nature, and im- 
 itateth that dexterously and compendiously which nature 
 worketh by ambages and length of time ; it were good to 
 divide natural philosophy into the mine and the furnac e, 
 and to make two profess ; ons or occupations of natural 
 philosophers, some to be pioneer s and some smiths ; 
 some to di.q, and some to refine and hammer. And surely 
 I do best allow of a division of that kind, though in more 
 familiar and scholastical terms ; namely, that these be the 
 two parts of natural philosophy, the inquisition of causes, 
 and the production of effects ; s peculative , and operative ; 
 na tural scienc e, and n atural pruden ce. For as in civil 
 matters there is a wisdom of discourse, and a wisdom of 
 direction; so is it in natural. [And here I will make a 
 request, that for the latter (or at least for a part thereof) 
 I may revive and reintegrate the misapplied and abused 
 name of natural magic ; which in the true sense is but 
 natural wisdom, or natural prudence ; taken according to 
 the ancient acception, purged from vanity and super- 
 stition!] Now although it be true, and I know it well, 
 that there is an intercourse between causes and effects, 
 so as both these knowledges, speculative and operative, 
 have a great connexion between themselves ; yet because 
 all true and fruitful natural philosophy hath a double 
 scale or ladde r, ascendent and descendent, ascendin g 
 from experiments to the invention of causes, and de- 
 s cending from causes to the invention of new experi- 
 ments ; therefore I judge it most requisite that these two 
 parts be severally considered and handled. 
 
 2. Natural science or theory is divided into physic and 
 
 Aj^a^^oJl pA^ii 
 
 1 - \^AJZ^-L^olA 
 
 K^jJri. WlBmil) 
 
 
112 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [vil. 2. 
 
 
 
 metaphysic : wherein I desire it may be conceived that I 
 use the word metaphysic in a di ffering sens e from that 
 that is received. And in like manner, I doubt not but 
 it will easily appear to men of judgement, that in this 
 and other particulars, wheresoever my conception and 
 notion may differ from the ancient, yet I am studious to 
 keep the ancient terms. For hoping well to deliv er 
 myself fr om mistaki ng, by the order and perspicuous 
 expressing of that I do propound; I am otherwise 
 zealous and affectionate to recede as little from antiquity, 
 either in terms or opinions, as may stand with truth and 
 the proficience of knowledge. And herein I cannot a 
 little marvel at the philosopher Aristotle, that did proceed 
 in such a spirit of difference and contradiction towards 
 all antiquity : undertaking not only to frame new words 
 of science at pleasure, but to confound and extinguish all 
 ancient wisdom : insomuch as he never nameth or men- 
 tioneth an ancient author or opinion, but to confute and 
 reprove ; wherein for glory, and drawing followers and 
 disciples, he took the right course. For certainly there 
 cometh to pass, and hath place in human truth, that 
 which was noted and pronounced in the highest truth : 
 Veni in nomine pain's, nee recipitis me ; si quis venerit in 
 nomine suo eum recipieiis. But in this divine aphorism 
 (considering to whom it was applied, namely to anti- 
 christ, the highest deceiver) we may discern well that 
 the coming in a man's own name, without regard of 
 antiquity or paternity, is no good sign of truth, although 
 it be joined with the fortune and success of an eum 
 recipieiis. But for this exce llent person Aristotl e, I will 
 think of him that he learned that humour of his scholar, 
 with whom it seemeth he did emulate ; the one to con- 
 quer all opinions, as the other to conquer all nations. 
 
 GIa^O 
 
VII. 2.] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 113 
 
 *x--«/u«.< 
 
 Wherein nevertheless, it may be, he may at some men's 
 hands, that are of a bitter disposition, get a like title as 
 his scholar did : 
 
 So, 
 
 Felix terrarum praedo, non utile mundo 
 Editus exemplum, &c. 
 
 Felix doctrinae praedo. 
 
 But to me on the other side that do desire as much as 
 lieth in my pen to ground a sociable intercourse between 
 antiquity and proficience, it seemeth best to keep way 
 with antiquity usque ad aras ; and therefore to retain the 
 ancient terms, though I sometimes alter the uses and 
 definitions, according to the moderate proceeding in civil 
 government; where although there be some alteration, 
 yet that holdeth which Tacitus wisely noteth, eadem via- 
 gistraluum vocabula. 
 
 3. To return therefore to the use and acception of the 
 term metaphysic , as I do now understand the word; it 
 appeareth, by that which hath been already said, that 1 
 intend philosophia prima, summary philosophy and meta- 
 physic, which heretofore have been confounded as one, 
 to be two distinct things. For the one I have made as 
 a parent or common ancestor to all knowledge ; and the 
 other I have now brought in as a branch or descendant 
 of natural science. It appeareth likewise that I have 
 assigned to su mmary philosophy the common principles 
 and axioms which are promiscuous and indifferent to 
 several sciences : I have assigned unto it likewise the 
 inquiry touching the operation of the relative and ad- 
 ventive characters of essences, as quantity, similitude, 
 diversity, possibility, and the rest : with this distinction 
 and provision ; that they be handled as they have efficacy 
 i n nature , and not logically. It appeareth likewise that 
 
 I 
 
 J-^-l WoLf* 
 
114 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII. 3. 
 
 *^*/v<-c V iVvjMo.- 
 
 
 natural theology, which heretofore hath been handled 
 confusedly with metaphysic, I have inclosed and bounded 
 by itself. It is therefore now a question what is left 
 remaining for metaphysic; wherein I may without pre- 
 judice preserve thus much of the conceit of antiquity, 
 that physic should contemplate that which is inherent in 
 matter, and therefore transitory ; and metaphysic that 
 which is abstracted and fixed. And again, that physic 
 should handle that which supposeth in nature only a 
 being and moving; and metaphysic should handle that 
 which supposeth further in nature a reason, understand- 
 ing, and platform. But the difference, perspicuously ex- 
 pressed, is most familiar and sensible. For as we divided 
 natural philosophy in general into the i nquiry of caus es, nf^t^sux^. 
 and productions of effect s : so that part which concerneth trf*^!^. 
 the inquiry of causes we do subdivide according to the 
 received and sound division of causes. The one part, 
 which is physic, inquireth and handleth the material and 
 efficient causes; and the other, which is metaphysic, 
 handleth the formal and final causes. 
 
 4. Physic (taking it according to the derivation, and 
 not according to our idiom for medicine) is situate in a 
 middle term or distance between natural history and 
 metaphysic. For natural history describeth the variety 
 of things; physic the causes, but variable or respective 
 causes; and metaphysic the fixed and constant causes. 
 
 Limus ut hie durescit, et hoec ut cera liquescit, 
 Uno eodemque igni. Vi^a.Ec.? 
 
 Fire is the cause of induration, but respective to clay ; 
 fire is the cause of colliquation, but respective to wax. 
 But fire is no constant cause either of induration or colli- 
 quation : so then the physical causes are but the efficient 
 and the matter. Physic hath three parts, whereof two 
 
 \1 - ^JU^XL Lft-^-^jrv-^Xa I 
 
VII. 4 .] 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 IT 5 
 
 respect nature united or collected, the third contemplateth 
 nature diffused or distributed. Nature is collected either 
 into one entire total, or else into the same principles or 
 seeds. So as the first doctrine is touching the contexture 
 or configuration of things, as de mundo, de universitate 
 rerum. The second is the doctrine concerning the prin- 
 ciples or originals of things. The third is the doctrine 
 concerning all variety and particularity of things ; whether 
 it be of the differing s ubstance s, or their differing qualities 
 and natures ; whereof there needeth no enumeration, this 
 part being but as a gloss or paraphrase that attendeth 
 upon the text of natural history. Of these three I 
 cannot report any as deficient. In what truth or per- 
 fection they are handled, I make not now any judge- 
 ment; but they are parts of knowledge not deserted by 
 the labour of man. 
 
 5. For metaphysic, we have assigned unto it the in- 
 quiry of formal and final causes; which assignation, as 
 to the former of them, may seem to be nugatory and 
 void, because of the received and inveterate opinion, 
 that the inquisition of man is not competent to find out 
 essential forms or true differences : of which opinion we 
 will take this hold, that the invention of forms is of all 
 other parts of knowledge the worthiest to be sought, if it 
 be possible to be found. As for the possibility, they are 
 ill discoverers that think there is no land, when they can 
 see nothing but sea. But it is manifest that Plato, in his 
 opinion of ideas, as one that had a wit of elevation 
 situate as upon a cliff, did descry that forms were the 
 true object of knowledge ; but .lost the real fruit of his 
 opinion, by considering of forms as absolutely abstracted 
 from matter, and not confined and determined by matter ; 
 and so turning his opinion upon theology, wherewith 'all 
 
 1 2 
 
 F 
 
 fr\/WV 
 
 
 
Il6 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII. 5. 
 
 ' his natural philosophy is infected. But if any man shall 
 . keep a continual watchful and severe eye upon action, 
 'o> ' J operation, and the use of knowledge, he may advise and 
 take notice what are the forms, the disclosures whereof 
 are fruitful and important to the state of man. For as 
 to the f orms of substance s (man only except, of whom it 
 *~-» 1 o-^A-i+a^^s said, Formavit hominem de limo terra?, ei spiravit in 
 -^^^ir^-K. faciem ejus spiraculum vita, and not as of all other crea- 
 ■*- ^**A^*> . tures, Producant agues, producat terra), the forms of sub- 
 A*^ stances I say (as they are now by compounding and 
 
 transplanting multiplied) are so perplexed, as they are not 
 to be inquired ; no more than it were either possible or 
 to purpose to seek in gross the forms of those sounds 
 which make words, which by composition and trans- 
 position of letters are infinite. But on the other side 
 to inquire the form of those sounds or voices which make 
 simple letters is easily comprehensible ; and being known 
 induceth and manifesteth the forms of all words, which 
 consist and are compounded of them. In the same man- 
 ner to inquire the form of a lion, of an oak, of gold ; nay, 
 of water, of air, is a vain pursuit : but to inquire the forms 
 of sense, of voluntary motion, of vegetation, of colours. 
 -~ 9 - ca^jul, °f g rav ity an d levity, of density, of tenuity, of heat, of 
 cold, and all other natures and qualities, which, like an 
 alphabet, are not many, and of which the essences (up- 
 held by matter) of all creatures do consist ; to inquire, I 
 say, the true forms of these, is that part of metaphysic 
 which we now define of. Not but that physic doth make 
 inquiry and take consideration of the same natures : but 
 how ? Only as to the material and efficient causes of 
 them, and not as to the forms. For example , if the 
 ijr^^ cause of whitenes s in snow or froth be inquired, and it 
 
 be rendered thus, that the subtile intermixture of air and 
 
I- fi t,. f H j\Q 
 
 VII. 5.] THE SECOND BOOK. II 7 
 
 water is the cause, it is well rendered; but nevertheless 
 is this the form of whiteness ? No ; but it is the efficient, 
 which is ever but vehiculum forma. This 
 part of metaphysic I do not find laboured ^taphysica 
 and performed : whereat I marvel not : be- T e \° r 
 
 mis etfim- 
 
 cause I hold it not possible to be i nvented bus rerum 
 by that course of invention which hath been 
 used ; in regard that men (which is the root of all error) 
 have made too untimely a departure and too remote a 
 recess from particulars. 
 
 6. But the use of this part of metaphysic, which I re- Oa* -^ULj, 
 port as deficient, is of the rest the most excellent in two /UoXj^U/^ 
 respects : t he one , because it is the duty and virtue of all 
 knowledge to abridge the infinity of individual experience, 
 as much as the conception of truth will permit, and to 
 remedy the complaint of vita brevis, ars longa ; which is 
 performed by uniting the notions and conceptions of 
 sciences. For k nowledges are as pyramides , whereof 
 history is the basis. So of natural philosophy, the basis is 
 natural history ; the stage next the basis is physic ; the 
 stage next the vertical point is metaphysic. As for the 
 vertical point, opus quod operator Deus a, principio usque ad 
 finem, the summary law of nature, we know not whether 
 man's inquiry can attain unto it. But these three be the 
 true stages of knowledge, and are to them that are de- 
 praved no better than the giants' hills : 
 
 Ter sunt conati imponere Pelio Ossam, 
 
 Scilicet, atque Ossae frondosum involvere Olympum. 
 
 But to those which refer all things to the glory of God, 
 they are as the three acclamations, Sancfe, sancte, sancte ! 
 holy in the description or dilatation of his works; Jiolv 
 in the connexion or concatenation of them ; and holy in 
 
 Sol. sT 
 
 V M ^-H- V *^, -—v. 
 
Il8 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VII. 6. 
 
 -*-"v A^o-X>-i^va. 
 
 the union of them in a perpetual and uniform law. And 
 therefore the speculation was excellent in Parmenides and (^ 
 Plato, although but a speculation in them, that all things # t 
 by scale did ascend to unity . So then always that know- 
 ledge is worthiest which is charged with least multiplicity, 
 which appeareth to be metaphysic; as that which con- 
 sidereth the simple forms or differences of things, which 
 are few in number, and the degrees and co-ordinations 
 whereof make all this variety. The second respect, which 
 valueth and commendeth this part of metaphysic, is that 
 it doth enfranchise the power of man unto the greatest 
 liberty and possibility of works and effects. For physic 
 carrieth men in narrow and restrained ways, subject to J 
 many accidents of impediments, imitating the ordinary 
 flexuous courses of nature. But lata undique sunt sapicnii- 
 bus via : to sapience (which was anciently defined to be 
 rerum divinarum et humanarum scientid) there is ever 
 choice of means. For physical causes give light to new 
 invention in simili materia. But whosoever knoweth any 
 form, knoweth the utmost possibility of superinducing that 
 nature upon any variety of matter ; and so is less re- 
 strained in operation, either to the basis of the matter, 
 or the condition of the efficient ; which kind of knowledge 
 Salomon likewise, though in a more divine sense, elegantly 
 describeth ; non arctabunlur gressus tut, et currens non 
 
 Ihabebis offendiculum. The ways of sapience are not much 
 liable either to particularity or chance, drf****" ±-*q.o^jl^d> 
 7. The second part of metaphysic is the inquiry of 
 yr lt L final causes, which I am moved to report no t as omit ted 
 but a s mis placed. And yet if it were but a fault in order, 
 I would not speak of it : for order is matter of illustration, 
 but pertaineth not to the substance of sciences. But this 
 misplacing hath c aused a _deficience, or at least a great 
 
 
VII. 7.] THE SECOND BOOK. 119 
 
 improficience in the sciences themselves. For the hand- 
 ling of final causes, mixed with the rest in physical in- 
 quiries, hath intercepted the severe and diligent inquiry 
 of all real and physical causes, and given men the occa- 
 sion to stay upon these satisfactory and specious causes, 
 to the great arrest and prejudice of further discovery. 
 For this I find done not only by Plato, who ever anchor- 
 cth upon that shore, but by Aristotle, Galen, and others 
 which do usually likewise fall upon these flats of discours- 
 ing causes. For to say that the hairs of the eye-lids are for 
 a quickset and fence about the sight ; or that the firmness of 
 the skins and hides of living creatures is to defend them from 
 the extremities of heat or cold ; or that the bones are for the 
 columns or beams, whereupon the frames of the bodies of living 
 creatures are built : or that the leaves of trees are for pro- 
 tecting of the fruit ; or that the clouds are for watering of 
 the earth ; or that the solidness of the earth is for the station 
 and ?na?ision of living creatures, and the like, is well in- 
 quired and collected in metaphysic, but in physic they 
 are impertinent. Nay, they are indeed but remora es and *{ V 4 ** 9 ■ 
 hindrances to stay and slug the ship from further sailing ; 
 and have brought this to pass, that the search of the 
 physical causes hath been neglected and passed in silence. 
 And therefore the natural philosophy of Democritus and 
 some others, who did not suppose a mind or reason in 
 the frame of things, but attributed the form thereof able 
 to maintain itself to infinite essays or proofs of nature, 
 which they term fortune, seemeth to me (as far as I can 
 judge by the recital and fragments which remain unto us) 
 in particularities of physical causes more real and better 
 inquired than that of Aristotle and Plato; whereof both 
 intermingled final causes, the one as a part of theology, 
 and the other as a part of logic, which were the favourite 
 
120 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [yil. 7. 
 
 <f* 
 
 r tyxy^j^^^A" 
 
 'j\^iv-«.^^aA^V 
 
 studies respectively of both those persons. Not because 
 those final causes are not true, and worthy to be inquired, 
 being kept within their own province ; but because their 
 excursions into the limits of physical causes hath bred a 
 vastne ss and solitude in that tract. For otherwise, keep- 
 ing their precincts and borders, men are extremely de- 
 ceived if they think there is an enmity or repugnancy at 
 all between them. For the cause rendered, that the hairs 
 about the eye-lids are for the safeguard 0/ the sight, doth 
 not impugn the cause rendered, that pilosity is incident to 
 orifices of moisture ; muscosi fontes, &c. Nor the cause 
 rendered, that the firmness of hides is for the armour of the 
 body against extremities of heat or cold, doth not impugn 
 the cause rendered, that contraction of pores is incident to 
 the outwardest parts, in regard of their adjacence to foreign 
 or unlike bodies : and so of the rest : both causes being 
 true and compatible, the one declaring an intention , the 
 other a consequence only. Neither doth this call in ques- 
 tion, or derogate from divine providence, but highly con- 
 firm and exalt it. For as in civil actions he is the greater 
 and deeper politique, that can make other men the instru- 
 ments of his will and ends, and yet never acquaint them 
 with his purpose, so as they shall do it and yet not know 
 what they do, than he that imparteth his meaning to those 
 he employeth ; 450 is the wisdom of God more admirable, 
 when nature intendeth one thing, and providence draweth 
 forth another, than if he had communicated to particular 
 creatures and motions the characters and impressions of 
 his providence. And thus much for metaphysic: the 
 latter part whereof I allow as extant, but wish it confined 
 to his proper place. 
 
 VIII. 1. Nevertheless there remaineth yet another 
 part of natural philosophy, which is commonly made a 
 
 
 
 \r* — 
 
VIII. i.] THE SECOND BOOK. 121 
 
 principal part, and holdeth rank with physic special and 
 metaphysic, which is mathematic ; but I think it more 
 agreeable to the nature of things, and to the light of order, 
 to place it as a branch of metaphysic. For the subject of 
 it being quantity, not quantity indefinite, which is but a 
 relative, and belongeth to philosophia prima (as hath been 
 said), but quantity determined or proportionable, it appear- 
 eth to be one of the essential forms of things, as that that 
 is causative in nature of a number of effects ; insomuch as 
 we see in the schools both of Democritus and of Pytha- 
 goras, that the one did ascribe figure to the first seeds of 
 things, and the other did suppose numbers to be the 
 principles and originals of things. And it is true also that 
 of all other forms (as we understand forms) it is the most 
 abstracted and separable from matter, and therefore most 
 proper to metaphysic ; which hath likewise been the cause 
 why it hath been better laboured and inquired than any 
 of the other forms, which are more immersed into matter. 
 For it being the nature of the mind of man (to the extreme 
 prejudice of knowledge) to delight in the spacious liberty 
 of generalities, as in a champain region, and not in the 
 inclosures of particularity, the mathematics of all other 
 knowledge were the goodliest fields to satisfy that appetite. 
 But for the placing of this science, it is not much ma- 
 terial : only we have endeavoured in these our partitions 
 to observe a kind of perspective, that one part may cast 
 light upon another. 
 
 2. The mathematics are either pure or mixed. To the 
 pure mathematics are those sciences belonging which handle 
 quantity determinate, merely severed from any axioms of 
 natural philosophy; and these are two, geometry and 
 arithmetic; the one handling quantity continued, and the 
 other dissevered. Mixed hath for subject some axioms 
 
122 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VIII. 2. 
 
 or parts of natural philosophy, and considereth quantity 
 determined, as it is auxiliary and incident unto them. 
 For many parts of nature can neither be invented with 
 sufficient subtilty, nor demonstrated with sufficient per- 
 spicuity, nor accommodated unto use with sufficient dex- 
 terity, without the aid and intervening of the mathematics ; 
 of which sort are perspective, music, astronomy, cosmo- 
 graphy, architecture, enginery, and divers others. In the 
 mathematics I can report no deficience, except it be that 
 men do not sufficiently understand the excellent use of the 
 pure mathematics, in that they do remedy and cure many 
 defects in the wit and faculties intellectual. For if the 
 wit be too dull, they sharpen it ; if too wandering, they 
 fix it; if too inherent in the sense, they abstract it. So 
 that as tennis is a game of no use in itself, but of great 
 use in respect it maketh a quick eye and a body ready to 
 put itself into all postures; so in the mathematics, that 
 use which is collateral and intervenient is no less worthy 
 than that which is principal and intended. And as for the 
 mixed mathematics, I may only make this prediction, 
 that there cannot fail to be more kinds of them, as nature 
 grows further disclosed. Thus much of natural science, 
 or the part of nature speculative. 
 
 3. For natural prudence, or the part operative of na- 
 tural philosophy, we will divide it into three parts, experi- 
 mental, philosophical, and magical: which three parts 
 active have a correspondence and analogy with the three 
 parts speculative, natural history, physic, and metaphysic. 
 For many operations have been invented, sometime by 
 a casual incidence and occurrence, sometimes by a pur- 
 posed experiment : and of those which have been found 
 by an intentional experiment, some have been found out 
 by varying or extending the same experiment, some by 
 
VIII. 3.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 23 
 
 transferring and compounding divers experiments the one 
 into the other, which kind of invention an empiric may 
 manage. Again by the knowledge of physical causes 
 there cannot fail to follow many indications and designa- 
 tions of new particulars, if men in their speculation will 
 keep one eye upon use and practice. But these are but 
 coastings along the shore premendo littus iniquum : for 
 it seemeth to me there can hardly be discovered any 
 radical or fundamental alterations and innovations in 
 nature, either by the fortune and essays of experiments, 
 or by the light and direction of physical causes. If 
 therefore we have reported metaphysic defi- ^ atnr r 
 cient, it must follow that we do the like of Ma«ia uve 
 natural magic, which hath relation thereunto. Physica 
 For as for the natural magic whereof now Oferativa 
 there is mention in books, containing certain ma J or 
 credulous and superstitious conceits and observations of 
 sympathies and antipathies, and hidden proprieties, and 
 some frivolous experiments, strange rather by disguise- 
 ment than in themselves, it is as far differing in truth of 
 nature from such a knowledge as we require, as the story 
 of King Arthur of Britain, or Hugh of Bourdeaux, differs 
 from Caesar's Commentaries in truth of story. For it is 
 manifest that Caesar did greater things de vero than those 
 imaginary heroes were feigned to do. But he did them 
 not in that fabulous manner. Of this kind of learning 
 the fable of Ixion was a figure, who designed to enjoy 
 Juno, the goddess of power ; and instead of her had 
 copulation with a cloud, of which mixture were begotten 
 centaurs and chimeras. So whosoever shall entertain 
 high and vaporous imaginations, instead of a laborious 
 and sober inquiry of truth, shall beget hopes and beliefs 
 of strange and impossible shapes. And therefore we may 
 
124 0F THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VIII. 3. 
 
 note in these sciences which hold so much of imagination 
 and belief, as this degenerate natural magic, alchemy, 
 astrology, and the like, that in their propositions the de- 
 scription of the means is ever more monstrous than the 
 pretence or end. For it is a thing more probable, that 
 he that knoweth well the natures of weight, of colour, of 
 pliant and fragile in respect of the hammer, of volatile and 
 fixed in respect of the fire, and the rest, may superinduce 
 upon some metal the nature and form of gold by such 
 mechanique as longeth to the production of the natures 
 afore rehearsed, than that some grains of the medicine 
 projected should in a few moments of time turn a sea 
 of quicksilver or other material into gold. So it is more 
 probable that he that knoweth the nature of arefaction, 
 the nature of assimilation of nourishment to the thing 
 nourished, the manner of increase and clearing of spirits, 
 the manner of the depredations which spirits make upon 
 the humours and solid parts, shall by ambages of diets, 
 bathings, anointings, medicines, motions, and the like, 
 prolong life, or restore some degree of youth or vivacity, 
 than that it can be done with the use of a few drops or 
 scruples of a liquor or receipt. To conclude therefore, 
 the true natural magic, which is that great liberty and 
 latitude of operation which dependeth upon the know- 
 ledge of forms, I may report deficient, as the relative 
 thereof is. To which part, if we be serious and incline 
 not to vanities and plausible discourse, besides the deriv- 
 ing and deducing the operations themselves from meta- 
 physic, there are pertinent two points of much purpose, 
 Inventarium the one by way of preparation, the other by 
 opum hum- way of caution. The first is, that there be 
 anarum. made a kalendar, resembling an inventory of 
 
 the estate of man, containing all the inventions (being 
 
VIII. 3.] THE SECOND BOOK. 125 
 
 the works or fruits of nature or art) which are now 
 extant, and whereof man is already possessed ; out of 
 which doth naturally result a note, what things are yet 
 held impossible, or not invented: which kalendar will 
 be the more artificial and serviceable, if to every reputed 
 impossibility you add what thing is extant which cometh 
 the nearest in degree to that impossibility; to the end 
 that by these optatives and potentials man's inquiry may 
 be the more awake in deducing direction of works from 
 the speculation of causes. And secondly, that those ex- 
 periments be not only esteemed which have an immediate 
 and present use, but those principally which are of most 
 universal consequence for invention of other experiments, 
 and those which give most light to the invention of causes. 
 For the invention of the mariner's needle, which giveth 
 the direction, is of no less benefit for navigation than the 
 invention of the sails which give the motion. 
 
 4. Thus have I passed through natural philosophy 
 and the deficiences thereof; wherein if I have differed 
 from the ancient and received doctrines, and thereby 
 shall move contradiction, for my part, as I affect not 
 to dissent, so I purpose not to contend. If it be 
 truth, 
 
 Non canimus surdis, respondent omnia sylvas ; 
 
 the voice of nature will consent, whether the voice of 
 man do or no. And as Alexander Borgia was wont to 
 say of the expedition of the French for Naples, that 
 they came with chalk in their hands to mark up their 
 lodgings, and not with weapons to fight ; so I like better 
 that entry of truth which cometh peaceably with chalk 
 to mark up those minds which are capable to lodge 
 and harbour it, than that which cometh with pugnacity 
 and contention. 
 
126 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [ VI II. 5. 
 
 5. But there remaineth a division of natural philosophy 
 according to the report of the inquiry, and nothing con- 
 cerning the matter or subject : and that is positive and 
 considerative ; when the inquiry reporteth either an asser- 
 tion or a doubt. These doubts or non liqueis are of two 
 sorts, particular and total. For the first, we see a good 
 example thereof in Aristotle's Problems, which deserved 
 to have had a better continuance; but so nevertheless 
 as there is one point whereof warning is to be given and 
 taken. The registering of doubts hath two excellent 
 uses : the one, that it saveth philosophy from errors and 
 falsehoods ; when that which is not fully appearing is not 
 collected into assertion, whereby error might draw error, 
 but reserved in doubt : the other, that the entry of doubts 
 are as so many suckers or sponges to draw use of know- 
 ledge; insomuch as that which, if doubts had not pre- 
 ceded, a man should never have advised, but passed it 
 over without note, by the suggestion and solicitation of 
 doubts is made to be attended and applied. But both 
 these commodities do scarcely countervail an inconveni- 
 ence, which will intrude itself if it be not debarred ; which 
 is, that when a doubt is once received, men labour rather 
 how to keep it a doubt still, than how to solve it ; and 
 accordingly bend their wits. Of this we see the familiar 
 example in lawyers and scholars, both which, if they have 
 once admitted a doubt, it goeth ever after authorised for 
 a doubt. But that use of wit and knowledge is to be 
 allowed, which laboureth to make doubtful things certain, 
 and not those which labour to make certain things doubt- 
 ful. Therefore these kalendars of doubts I commend 
 as excellent things ; so that there be this caution used, 
 that when they be throughly sifted and brought to resolu- 
 tion, they be from thenceforth omitted, decarded, and not 
 
VIII. 5.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 27 
 
 continued to cherish and encourage men in doubting. 
 
 To which kalendar of doubts or problems, I 
 
 advise be annexed another kalendar, as much ° n !? ua t0 
 
 Froblema- 
 
 or more material, which is a kalendar of tum • na _ 
 popular errors : I mean chiefly in natural tura. 
 history, such as pass in speech and conceit, Catalogus 
 and are nevertheless apparently detected and M ittatum 
 convicted of untruth : that man's knowledge S rassantlum 
 
 ^ in htstoria 
 
 be not weakened nor imbased by such dross natur<£ 
 and vanity. As for the doubts or 11071 liquets 
 general or in total, I understand those differences of 
 opinions touching the principles of nature, and the funda- 
 mental points of the same, which have caused the diversity 
 of sects, schools, and philosophies, as that of Empedocles, 
 Pythagoras, Democritus, Parmenides, and the rest. For 
 although Aristotle, as though he had been of the race of 
 the Ottomans, thought he could not reign except the 
 first thing he did he killed all his brethren ; yet to those 
 that seek truth and not magistrality, it cannot but seem 
 a matter of great profit, to see before them the several 
 opinions touching the foundations of nature. Not for any 
 exact truth that can be expected in those theories ; for as 
 the same phenomena in astronomy are satisfied by the 
 received astronomy of the diurnal motion, and the proper 
 motions of the planets, with their eccentrics and epicycles, 
 and likewise by the theory of Copernicus, who supposed 
 the earth to move, and the calculations are indifferently 
 agreeable to both, so the ordinary face and view of expe- 
 rience is many times satisfied by several theories and 
 philosophies; whereas to find the real truth requireth 
 another manner of severity and attention. For as Aris- 
 totle saith, that children at the first will call every wo- 
 man mother, but afterward they come to distinguish 
 
128 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [VIII. 5. 
 
 according to truth ; so experience, if it be in childhood, 
 
 will call every philosophy mother, but when it cometh 
 
 to ripeness it will discern the true mother. So as in 
 
 . . the mean time it is good to see the several 
 
 De anhquis ° 
 
 philosophies glosses and opinions upon nature, whereof 
 it may be every one in some one point hath 
 seen clearer than his fellows, therefore I wish some col- 
 lection to be made painfully and understanding^ de 
 antiquis philosophy's, out of all the possible light which 
 remaineth to us of them : which kind of work I find 
 deficient. But here I must give warning, that it be done 
 distinctly and severedly ; the philosophies of every one 
 throughout by themselves, and not by titles packed and 
 faggoted up together, as hath been done by Plutarch. 
 For it is the harmony of a philosophy in itself which 
 giveth it light and credence ; whereas if it be singled 
 and broken, it will seem more foreign and dissonant. 
 For as when I read in Tacitus the actions of Nero or 
 Claudius, with circumstances of times, inducements, and 
 occasions, I find them not so strange ; but when I read 
 them in Suetonius Tranquillus, gathered into titles and 
 bundles and not in order of time, they seem more mon- 
 strous and incredible : so is it of any philosophy reported 
 entire, and dismembered by articles. Neither do I ex- 
 clude opinions of latter times to be likewise represented 
 in this kalendar of sects of philosophy, as that of Theo- 
 phrastus Paracelsus, eloquently reduced into an harmony 
 by the pen of Severinus the Dane ; and that of Tilesius, 
 and his scholar Donius, being as a pastoral philosophy, 
 full of sense, but of no great depth ; and that of Fracas- 
 torius, who, though he pretended not to make any new 
 philosophy, yet did use the absoluteness of his own sense 
 upon the old; and that of Gilbertus our countryman, who 
 
VIII. 5] THE SECOND BOOK. 129 
 
 revived, with some alterations and demonstrations, the 
 opinions of Xenophanes; and any other worthy to be 
 admitted. 
 
 6. Thus have we now dealt with two of the three 
 beams of man's knowledge ; that is radius directus, which 
 is referred to nature, radius refractus, which is referred to 
 God, and cannot report truly because of the inequality of 
 the medium. There resteth radius reflexus, whereby man 
 beholdeth and contemplateth himself. 
 
 IX. 1. We come therefore now to that knowledge 
 whereunto the ancient oracle directeth us, which is the 
 knowledge of ourselves; which deserveth the more ac- 
 curate handling, by how much it toucheth us more nearly. 
 This knowledge, as it is the end and term of natural phi- 
 losophy in the intention of man, so notwithstanding it is 
 but a portion of natural philosophy in the continent of 
 nature. And generally let this be a rule, that all partitions 
 of knowledges be accepted rather for lines and veins than 
 for sections and separations; and that the continuance 
 and entireness of knowledge be preserved. For the 
 contrary hereof hath made particular sciences to become 
 barren, shallow, and erroneous, while they have not been 
 nourished and maintained from the common fountain. 
 So we see Cicero the orator complained of Socrates and 
 his school, that he was the first that separated philosophy 
 and rhetoric ; whereupon rhetoric became an empty and 
 verbal art. So we may see that the opinion of Copernicus 
 touching the rotation of the earth, which astronomy itself 
 cannot correct, because it is not repugnant to any of the 
 phaino?nena, yet natural philosophy may correct. So we 
 see also that the science of medicine if it be destituted 
 and forsaken by natural philosophy, it is not much better 
 than an empirical practice. With this reservation therefore 
 
I 30 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [iX. I. 
 
 we proceed to human philosophy or humanity, which 
 hath two parts: the one considereth man segregate or 
 distributively; the other congregate, or in society. So as 
 human philosophy is either simple and particular, or con- 
 jugate and civil. Humanity particular consisteth of the 
 same parts whereof man consisteth; that is, of know- 
 ledges which respect the body, and of knowledges that 
 respect the mind. But before we distribute so far, it is 
 good to constitute. For I do take the consideration in 
 general, and at large, of human nature to be fit to be 
 emancipate and made a knowledge by itself: not so much 
 in regard of those delightful and elegant discourses which 
 have been made of the dignity of man, of his miseries, of 
 his state and life, and the like adjuncts of his common 
 and undivided nature ; but chiefly in regard of the know- 
 ledge concerning the sympathies and concordances be- 
 tween the mind and body, which being mixed cannot be 
 properly assigned to the sciences of either. 
 
 2. This knowledge hath two branches : for as all 
 leagues and amities consist of mutual intelligence and 
 mutual offices, so this league of mind and body hath 
 these two parts; how the one discloseth the other, and 
 how the one worketh upon the other; discovery and 
 impression. The former of these hath begotten two 
 arts, both of prediction or prenotion ; whereof the one 
 is honoured with the inquiry of Aristotle, and the other 
 of Hippocrates. And although they have of later time 
 been used to be coupled with superstitious and fantastical 
 arts, yet being purged and restored to their true state, 
 they have both of them a solid ground in nature, and a 
 profitable use in life. The first is physiognomy, which 
 discovereth the disposition of the mind by the lineaments 
 of the body. The second is the exposition of natural 
 
IX. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. I31 
 
 dreams, which discovereth the state of the body by the 
 imaginations of the mind. In the former of these I note 
 a deficience. For Aristotle hath very ingeni- _, _. . 
 
 J ° Pars Physio- 
 
 ously and diligently handled the factures of gnomice, 
 the body, but not the gestures of the body, de gestu she 
 which are no less comprehensible by art, and moiu cor ~ 
 of greater use and advantage. For the linea- ^ om * 
 ments of the body do disclose the disposition and inclina- 
 tion of the mind in general ; but the motions of the coun- 
 tenance and parts do not only so, but do further disclose 
 the present humour and state of the mind and will. For 
 as your majesty saith most aptly and elegantly, As the 
 tongue speakcth to the ear so the gesture speaketh to the eye. 
 And therefore a number of subtile persons, whose eyes 
 do dwell upon the faces and fashions of men; do well 
 know the advantage of this observation, as being most 
 part of their ability; neither can it be denied, but that 
 it is a great discovery of dissimulations, and a great direc- 
 tion in business. 
 
 3. The latter branch, touching impression, halh not 
 been collected into art, but hath been handled dispers- 
 edly; and it hath the same relation or antistrophe that 
 the former hath. For the consideration is double : either, 
 how and how far the humours and affects of the body do 
 alter or work upon the mind ; or again, how and how far 
 the passions or apprehensions of the mind do alter or 
 work upon the body. The former of these hath been 
 inquired and considered as a part and appendix of medi- 
 cine, but much more as a part of religion or superstition. 
 For the physician prescribeth cures of the mind in phren- 
 sies and melancholy passions; and pretendeth also to 
 exhibit medicines to exhilarate the mind, to confirm the 
 courage, to clarify the wits, to corroborate the memory. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, f IX. 3. 
 
 and the like : but the scruples and superstitions of diet 
 and other regiment of the body in the sect of the Pytha- 
 goreans, in the heresy of the Manichees, and in the law 
 of Mahomet, do exceed. So likewise the ordinances in 
 the ceremonial law, interdicting the eating of the blood 
 and the fat, distinguishing between beasts clean and 
 unclean for meat, are many and strict. Nay the faith 
 itself being clear and serene from all clouds of ceremony, 
 yet retaineth the use of fastings, abstinences, and other 
 macerations and humiliations of the body, as things real, 
 and not figurative. The root and life of all which pre- 
 scripts is (besides the ceremony) the consideration of that 
 dependency which the affections of the mind are submit- 
 ted unto upon the state and disposition of the body. And 
 if any man of weak judgement do conceive that this suffer- 
 ing of the mind from the body doth either question the 
 immortality, or derogate from the sovereignty of the soul, 
 he may be taught in easy instances, that the infant in the 
 mother's womb is compatible with the mother and yet 
 separable ; and the most absolute monarch is sometimes 
 led by his servants and yet without subjection. As for 
 the reciprocal knowledge, which is the operation of the 
 conceits and passions of the mind upon the body, we see 
 all wise physicians, in the prescriptions of their regiments 
 to their patients, do ever consider accidentia animi as of 
 great force to further or hinder remedies or recoveries : 
 and more specially it is an inquiry of great depth and 
 worth concerning imagination, how and how far it altereth 
 the body proper of the imaginant. For although it hath 
 a manifest power to hurt, it followeth not it hath the same 
 degree of power to help. No more than a man can con- 
 clude, that because there be pestilent airs, able suddenly to 
 kill a man in health, therefore there should be sovereign 
 
IX. 3.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 33 
 
 airs, able suddenly to cure a man in sickness. But the 
 inquisition of this part is of great use, though it needeth, 
 as Socrates said, a Delian diver, being difficult and pro- 
 found. But unto all this knowledge de communi vinculo, 
 of the concordances between the mind and the body, 
 that part of inquiry is most necessary, which considereth 
 of the seats and domiciles which the several faculties of 
 the mind do take and occupate in the organs of the body; 
 which knowledge hath been attempted, and is contro- 
 verted, and deserveth to be much better inquired. For 
 the opinion of Plato, who placed the understanding in 
 the brain, animosity (which he did unfitly call anger, 
 having a greater mixture with pride) in the heart, and 
 concupiscence or sensuality in the liver, deserveth not to 
 be despised; but much less to be allowed. So then we 
 have constituted (as in our own wish and advice) the 
 inquiry touching human nature entire, as a just portion 
 of knowledge to be handled apart. 
 
 X. 1. The knowledge that concerneth man's body is 
 divided as the good of man's body is divided, unto which 
 it referreth. The good of man's body is of four kinds, 
 health, beauty, strength and pleasure : so the knowledges 
 are medicine, or art of cure : art of decoration, which is 
 called cosmetic ; art of activity, which is called athletic ; 
 and art voluptuary, which Tacitus truly calleth eruditus 
 luxus. This subject of man's body is of all other things 
 in nature most susceptible of remedy; but then that 
 remedy is most susceptible of error. For the same sub- 
 tility of the subject doth cause large possibility and easy 
 failing ; and therefore the inquiry ought to be the more 
 exact. 
 
 2. To speak therefore of medicine, and to resume 
 that we have said, ascending a little higher : the ancient 
 
134 0F THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [X. 2. 
 
 opinion that man was microcosmus, an abstract or model 
 of the world, hath been fantastically strained by Paracelsus 
 and the alchemists, as if there were to be found in man's 
 body certain correspondences and parallels, which should 
 have respect to all varieties of things, as stars, planets, 
 minerals, which are extant in the great world. But thus 
 much is evidently true, that of all substances which nature 
 hath produced, man's body is the most extremely com- 
 pounded. For we see herbs and plants are nourished 
 by earth and water; beasts for the most part by herbs 
 and fruits ; man by the flesh of beasts, birds, fishes, herbs, 
 grains, fruits, water, and the manifold alterations, dress- 
 ings and preparations of these several bodies, before they 
 come to be his food and aliment. Add hereunto that 
 beasts have a more simple order of life, and less change 
 of affections to work upon their bodies ; whereas man in 
 his mansion, sleep, exercise, passions, hath infinite varia- 
 tions : and it cannot be denied but that the body of man 
 of all other things is of the most compounded mass. The 
 soul on the other side is the simplest of substances, as is 
 well expressed : 
 
 Purumque reliquit 
 iEthereum sensum atque aural simplicis ignem. 
 
 So that it is no marvel though the soul so placed enjoy 
 no rest, if that principle be true, that Moins rerum est 
 rapidus extra locum, placidus in loco. But to the purpose : 
 this variable composition of man's body hath made it as 
 an instrument easy to distemper ; and therefore the poets 
 did well to conjoin music and medicine in Apollo, be- 
 cause the office of medicine is but to tune this curious 
 harp of man's body and to reduce it to harmony. So 
 then the subject being so variable, hath made the art 
 by consequent more conjectural; and the art being 
 
X. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 135 
 
 conjectural hath made so much the more place to be left 
 for imposture. For almost all other arts and sciences 
 are judged by acts or masterpieces, as I may term them, 
 and not by the successes and events. The lawyer is 
 judged by the virtue of his pleading, and not by the issue 
 of the cause. The master in the ship is judged by the 
 directing his course aright, and not by the fortune of the 
 voyage. But the physician, and perhaps the politique, 
 hath no particular acts demonstrative of his ability, but 
 is judged most by the event; which is ever but as it is 
 taken : for who can tell, if a patient die or recover, or if a 
 state be preserved or ruined, whether it be art or accident? 
 And therefore many times the impostor is prized, and 
 the man of virtue taxed. Nay, we see [the] weakness 
 and credulity of men is such, as they will often prefer a 
 mountebank or witch before a learned physician. And 
 therefore the poets were clear-sighted in discerning this 
 extreme folly, when they made ^sculapius and Circe bro- 
 ther and sister, both children of the sun, as in the verses, 
 
 Ipse repertorem medicinae talis et artis 
 
 Fulmine Phoebigenam Stygias detrusit ad undas : 
 
 And again, 
 
 Dives inaccessos ubi Solis filia lucos, &c. 
 For in all times, in the opinion of the multitude, witches 
 and old women and impostors have had a competition 
 with physicians. And what followeth ? Even this, that 
 physicians say to themselves, as Salomon expresseth it 
 upon an higher occasion, If it befal to me as bcfatteth to 
 the fools, why should I labour to be more wise ? And there- 
 fore I cannot much blame physicians, that they use 
 commonly to intend some other art or practice, which 
 they fancy, more than their profession. For you shall 
 have of them antiquaries, poets, humanists, statesmen, 
 
J 36 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [X. 2. 
 
 merchants, divines, and in every of these better seen than 
 in their profession ; and no doubt upon this ground, that 
 they find that mediocrity and excellency in their art 
 maketh no difference in profit or reputation towards their 
 fortune; for the weakness of patients, and sweetness 
 of life, and nature of hope, maketh men depend upon 
 physicians with all their defects. But nevertheless these 
 things which we have spoken of are courses begotten 
 between a little occasion, and a great deal of sloth and 
 default ; for if we will excite and awake our observation, 
 we shall see in familiar instances what a predominant 
 faculty the subtilty of spirit hath over the variety of 
 matter or form. Nothing more variable than faces and 
 countenances : yet men can bear in memory the infinite 
 distinctions of them ; nay, a painter with a few shells of 
 colours, and the benefit of his eye, and habit of his 
 imagination, can imitate them all that ever have been, 
 are, or may be, if they were brought before him. No- 
 thing more variable than voices ; yet men can likewise 
 discern them personally : nay, you shall have a buff on 
 or pantomimus, will express as many as he pleaseth. 
 Nothing more variable than the differing sounds of words; 
 yet men have found the way to reduce them to a few 
 simple letters. So that it is not the insufficiency or in- 
 capacity of man's mind, but it is the remote standing or 
 placing thereof, that breedeth these mazes and incom- 
 prehensions. For as the sense afar off is full of mistaking, 
 but is exact at hand, so is it of the understanding : the 
 remedy whereof is, not to quicken or strengthen the 
 organ, but to go nearer to the object ; and therefore there 
 is no doubt but if the physicians will learn and use the 
 true approaches and avenues of nature, they may assume 
 as much as the poet saith: 
 
X. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 37 
 
 Et quoniam variant morbi, variabimus artes ; 
 Mille mali species, mille salutis erunt. 
 
 Which that they should do, the nobleness of their art 
 doth deserve ; well shadowed by the poets, in that they 
 made ^Esculapius to be the son of [the] sun, the one being 
 the fountain of life, the other as the second stream : but 
 infinitely more honoured by the example of our Saviour, 
 who made the body of man the object of his miracles, as 
 the soul was the object of his doctrine. For we read not 
 that ever he vouchsafed to do any miracle about honour 
 or money (except that one for giving tribute to Caesar), 
 but only about the preserving, sustaining, and healing 
 the body of man. 
 
 3. Medicine is a science which hath been (as we have 
 said) more professed than laboured, and yet more la- 
 boured than advanced ; the labour having been, in my 
 judgement, rather in circle than in progression. For I 
 find much iteration, but small addition. It considereth 
 causes of diseases, with the occasions or impulsions ; the 
 diseases themselves, with the accidents ; and the cures* 
 with the preservations. The deficiences which I think 
 good to note, being a few of many, and those such as 
 are of a more open and manifest nature, I will enumerate 
 and not place. 
 
 4. The first is the discontinuance of the ancient and 
 serious diligence of Hippocrates, which used 
 
 to set down a narrative of the special cases Narratl0nes 
 of his patients, and how they proceeded, and 
 how they were judged by recovery or death. Therefore 
 having an example proper in the father of the art, I shall 
 not need to allege an example foreign, of the wisdom 
 of the lawyers, who are careful to report new cases and 
 decisions, for the direction of future judgements. This 
 
I38 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [X. 4. 
 
 continuance of medicinal history I find deficient; which 
 
 I understand neither to be so infinite as to extend to 
 
 every common case, nor so reserved as to admit 
 
 none but wonders : for many things are new in the 
 
 manner, which are not new in the kind; and if men 
 
 will intend to observe, they shall find much worthy to 
 
 observe. 
 
 5. In the inquiry which is made by anatomy, I find 
 
 much deficience : for they inquire of the 
 Anatomia * n 
 
 comparata. P arts > an< ^ tne i r substances, figures, and col- 
 locations ; but they inquire not of the diver- 
 sities of the parts, the secrecies of the passages, and the 
 seats or nestling of the humours, nor much of the foot- 
 steps and impressions of diseases. The reason of which 
 omission I suppose to be, because the first inquiry may 
 be satisfied in the view of one or a few anatomies : but 
 the latter, being comparative and casual, must arise from 
 the view of many. And as to the diversity of parts, there 
 is no doubt but the facture or framing of the inward parts 
 is as full of difference as the outward, and in that is the 
 cause continent of many diseases ; which not being ob- 
 served, they quarrel many times with the humours, which 
 are not in fault ; the fault being in the very frame and 
 mechanique of the part, which cannot be removed by 
 medicine alterative, but must be accommodate and pal- 
 liate by diets and medicines familiar. And for the pas- 
 sages and pores, it is true which was anciently noted, 
 that the more subtile of them appear not in anatomies, 
 because they are shut and latent in dead bodies, though 
 they be open and manifest in live: which being supposed, 
 though the inhumanity of aiiatomia vivorum was by Celsus 
 justly reproved, yet in regard of the great use of this 
 observation, the inquiry needed not by him so slightly 
 
X. c.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 39 
 
 to have been relinquished altogether, or referred to the 
 casual practices of surgery ; but mought have been well 
 diverted upon the dissection of beasts alive, which not- 
 withstanding the dissimilitude of their parts may suffi- 
 ciently satisfy this inquiry. And for the humours, they 
 are commonly passed over in anatomies as purgaments ; 
 whereas it is most necessary to observe, what cavities, 
 nests, and receptacles the humours do find in the parts, 
 with the differing kind of the humour so lodged and 
 received. And as for the footsteps of diseases, and their 
 devastations of the inward parts, impostumations, exul- 
 cerations, discontinuations, putrefactions, consumptions, 
 contractions, extensions, convulsions, dislocations, ob- 
 structions, repletions, together with all preternatural sub- 
 stances, as stones, carnosities, excrescences, worms and 
 the like; they ought to have been exactly observed by 
 multitude of anatomies, and the contribution of men's 
 several experiences, and carefully set down both histo- 
 rically according to the appearances, and artificially with 
 a reference to the diseases and symptoms which resulted 
 from them, in case where the anatomy is of a defunct 
 patient ; whereas now upon opening of bodies they are 
 passed over slightly and in silence. 
 
 6. In the inquiry of diseases, they do abandon the 
 cures of many, some as in their nature in- Tmna&itio 
 curable, and others as passed the period of ulterior de 
 cure ; so that Sylla and the Triumvirs never morbis in- 
 proscribed so many men to die, as they do by sanabilibus. 
 their ignorant edicts : whereof numbers do escape with 
 less difficulty than they did in the Roman proscriptions. 
 Therefore I will not doubt to note as a deficience, that 
 they inquire not the perfect cures of many diseases, or 
 extremities of diseases ; but pronouncing them incurable 
 
140 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [X. 6. 
 
 do enact a law of neglect, and exempt ignorance from 
 discredit. 
 
 7. Nay further, I esteem it the office of a physician 
 not only to restore health, but to mitigate pain and 
 dolors ; and not only when such mitigation may conduce 
 
 „ „ , to recovery, but when it may serve to make 
 
 Be Euthan- Ji J 
 
 , . a fair and easy passage. For it is no small 
 
 asta ex fen- J r ° 
 
 Qre felicity which Augustus Caesar was wont to 
 
 wish to himself, that same Euthanasia ; and 
 which was specially noted in the death of Antoninus Pius, 
 whose death was after the fashion and semblance of a 
 kindly and pleasant sleep. So it is written of Epicurus, 
 that after his disease was judged desperate, he drowned 
 his stomach and senses with a large draught and in- 
 gurgitation of wine ; whereupon the epigram was made, 
 Hinc Stygias ebrius hausit aquas ; he was not sober 
 enough to taste any bitterness of the Stygian water. But 
 the physicians contrariwise do make a kind of scruple 
 and religion to stay with the patient after the disease is 
 deplored ; whereas in my judgement they ought both to 
 inquire the skill, and to give the attendances, for the facil- 
 itating and assuaging of the pains and agonies of death. 
 
 8. In the consideration of the cures of diseases, I find 
 
 a deficience in the receipts of propriety, re- 
 MedictTKB S pecting the particular cures of diseases : for 
 
 . the physicians have frustrated the fruit of 
 mentales. * J 
 
 tradition and experience by their magistral- 
 ities, in adding and taking out and changing quid pro 
 quo in their receipts, at their pleasures ; commanding so 
 over the medicine, as the medicine cannot command 
 over the disease. For except it be treacle and mithri- 
 datum, and of late diascordium, and a few more, they tie 
 themselves to no receipts severely and religiously. For as 
 
X. 8.] THE SECOND BOOK. 141 
 
 to the confections of sale which are in the shops, they 
 are for readiness and not for propriety. For they are 
 upon general intentions of purging, opening, comforting, 
 altering, and not much appropriate to particular diseases. 
 And this is the cause why empirics and old women are 
 more happy many times in their cures than learned phy- 
 sicians, because they are more religious in holding their 
 medicines. Therefore here is the deficience which I find, 
 that physicians have not, partly out of their own practice, 
 partly out of the constant probations reported in books, 
 and partly out of the traditions of empirics, set down and 
 delivered over certain experimental medicines for the cure 
 of particular diseases, besides their own conjectural and 
 magistral descriptions. For as they were the men of the 
 best composition in the state of Rome, which either being 
 consuls inclined to the people, or being tribunes inclined 
 to the senate ; so in the matter we now handle, they be 
 the best physicians, which being learned incline to the 
 traditions of experience, or being empirics incline to the 
 methods of learning. 
 
 9. In preparation of medicines I do find strange, 
 specially considering how mineral medicines j m i tat i 
 have been extolled, and that they are safer natures in 
 for the outward than inward parts, that no balneis, et 
 man hath sought to make an imitation by art a( l utsmedl - 
 of natural baths and medicinable fountains : 
 which nevertheless are confessed to receive their virtues 
 from minerals : and not so only, but discerned and dis- 
 tinguished from what particular mineral they receive tinc- 
 ture, as sulphur, vitriol, steel, or the like : which nature, 
 if it may be reduced to compositions of art, both the 
 variety of them will be increased, and the temper of them 
 will be more commanded. 
 
[42 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [X. 10. 
 
 10. But lest I grow to be more particular than is agree- 
 Filum me- a ^ e e ^ tner t0 m >' intention or to proportion, 
 dicinale, sive I will conclude this part with the note of one 
 de vicibus deficience more, which seemeth to me of 
 mediana- greatest consequence ; which is, that the pre- 
 scripts in use are too compendious to attain 
 
 their end : for, to my understanding, it is a vain and flat- 
 tering opinion to think any medicine can be so sovereign 
 or so happy, as that the receipt or use of it can work any 
 great effect upon the body of man. It were a strange 
 speech which spoken, or spoken oft, should reclaim a 
 man from a vice to which he were by nature subject. It 
 is order, pursuit, sequence, and interchange of applica- 
 tion, which is mighty in nature; which although it re- 
 quire more exact knowledge in prescribing, and more 
 precise obedience in observing, yet is recompensed with 
 the magnitude of effects. And although a man would 
 think, by the daily visitations of the physicians, that there 
 were a pursuance in the cure : yet let a man look into 
 their prescripts and ministrations, and he shall find them 
 but inconstancies and every day's devices, without any 
 settled providence or project. Not that every scrupulous 
 or superstitious prescript is effectual, no more than every 
 straight way is the way to heaven ; but the truth of the 
 direction must precede severity of observance. 
 
 11. For cosmetic, it hath parts civil, and parts effemin- 
 ate : for cleanness of body was ever esteemed to pro- 
 ceed from a due reverence to God, to society, and to 
 ourselves. As for artificial decoration, it is well worthy 
 of the deficiences which it hath ; being neither fine 
 enough to deceive, nor handsome to use, nor wholesome 
 to please. 
 
 12. For athletic, I take the subject of it largely, that 
 
X. 12.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 43 
 
 is to say, for any point of ability whereunto the body of 
 man may be brought, whether it be of activity, or of 
 patience ; whereof activity hath two parts, strength and 
 swiftness ; and patience likewise hath two parts, hardness 
 against wants and extremities, and endurance of pain or 
 torment; whereof we see the practices in tumblers, in 
 savages, and in those that suffer punishment. Nay, if 
 there be any other faculty which falls not within any of 
 the former divisions, as in those that dive, that obtain a 
 strange power of containing respiration, and the like, I 
 refer it to this part. Of these things the practices are 
 known, but the philosophy which concerneth them is not 
 much inquired ; the rather, I think, because they are sup- 
 posed to be obtained, either by an aptness of nature, 
 which cannot be taught, or only by continual custom, 
 which is soon prescribed : which though it be not true, 
 yet I forbear to note any deficiences : for the Olympian 
 games are down long since, and the mediocrity of these 
 things is for use ; as for the excellency of them it serveth 
 for the most part but for mercenary ostentation. 
 
 13. For arts of pleasure sensual, the chief deficience in 
 them is of laws to repress them. For as it hath been f Je- 
 well observed, that the arts which flourish in times while ^ 
 virtue is in growth, are military ; and while virtue is in 
 state, are liberal ; and while virtue is in declination, are 
 voluptuary : so I doubt that this age of the world is some- 
 what upon the descent of the wheel. With arts voluptuary 
 I couple practices joculary ; for the deceiving of the 
 senses is one of the pleasures of the senses. As for 
 games of recreation, I hold them to belong to civil life 
 and education. And thus much of that particular human 
 philosophy which concerns the body, which is but the 
 tabernacle of the mind. 
 
144 0F THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XI. i. 
 
 XL i. For human knowledge which concerns the 
 mind, it hath two parts; the one that inquireth of the 
 substance or nature of the soul or mind, the other that 
 inquireth of the faculties or functions thereof. Unto the 
 first of these, the considerations of the original of the 
 soul, whether it be native or adventive, and how far it 
 is exempted from laws of matter, and of the immortality 
 thereof, and many other points, do appertain : which 
 have been not more laboriously inquired than variously 
 reported ; so as the travail therein taken seemeth to have 
 been rather in a maze than in a way. But although I am 
 of opinion that this knowledge may be more really and 
 soundly inquired, even in nature, than it hath been ; yet 
 I hold that in the end it must be bounded by religion, or 
 else it will be subject to deceit and delusion. For as the 
 substance of the soul in the creation was not extracted 
 out of the mass of heaven and earth by the benediction 
 of a producat, but was immediately inspired from God, so 
 it is not possible that it should be (otherwise than by 
 accident) subject to the laws of heaven and earth, which 
 are the subject of philosophy; and therefore the true 
 knowledge of the nature and state of the soul must come 
 by the same inspiration that gave the substance. Unto 
 this part of knowledge touching the soul there be two 
 appendices ; which, as they have been handled, have 
 rather vapoured forth fables than kindled truth; divin- 
 ation and fascination. 
 
 2. Divination hath been anciently and fitly divided 
 into artificial and natural ; whereof artificial is, when the 
 mind maketh a prediction by argument, concluding upon 
 signs and tokens ; natural is, when the mind hath a pre- 
 sention by an internal power, without the inducement 
 of a sign. Artificial is of two sorts; either when the 
 
XI. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 45 
 
 argument is coupled with a derivation of causes, which is 
 rational ; or when it is only grounded upon a coincidence 
 of the effect, which is experimental : whereof the latter 
 for the most part is superstitious ; such as were the hea- 
 then observations upon the inspection of sacrifices, the 
 flights of birds, the swarming of bees ; and such as was 
 the Chaldean astrology, and the like. For artificial divin- 
 ation, the several kinds thereof are distributed amongst 
 particular knowledges. The astronomer hath his predic- 
 tions, as of conjunctions, aspects, eclipses, and the like. 
 The physician hath his predictions, of death, of recovery, 
 of the accidents and issues of diseases. The politique 
 hath his predictions ; urban venalem, et cito perituram, 
 si emplorem invenerit ! which stayed not long to be per- 
 formed, in Sylla first, and after in Caesar. So as these 
 predictions are now impertinent, and to be referred over. 
 But the divination which springeth from the internal 
 nature of the soul, is that which we now speak of; which 
 hath been made to be of two sorts, primitive and by 
 influxion. Primitive is grounded upon the supposition, 
 that the mind, when it is withdrawn and collected into 
 itself, and not diffused into the organs of the body, hath 
 some extent and latitude of prenotion ; which therefore 
 appeareth most in sleep, in ecstasies, and near death, and 
 more rarely in waking apprehensions ; and is induced and 
 furthered by those abstinences and observances which 
 make the mind most to consist in itself. By influxion, is 
 grounded upon the conceit that the mind, as a mirror or 
 glass, should take illumination from the foreknowledge of 
 God and spirits : unto which the same regiment doth like- 
 wise conduce. For the retiring of the mind within itself 
 is the state which is most susceptible of divine influxions ; 
 save that it is accompanied in this case with a fervency 
 
 L 
 
146 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XI. 2. 
 
 and elevation (which the ancients noted by fury), and not 
 with a repose and quiet, as it is in the other. 
 
 3. Fascination is the power and act of imagination 
 intensive upon other bodies than the body of the imagin- 
 ant, for of that we spake in the proper place. Wherein 
 the school of Paracelsus, and the disciples of pretended 
 natural magic have been so intemperate, as they have 
 exalted the power of the imagination to be much one 
 with the power of miracle-working faith. Others, that 
 draw nearer to probability, calling to their view the secret 
 passages of things, and specially of the contagion that 
 passeth from body to body, do conceive it should like- 
 wise be agreeable to nature, that there should be some 
 transmissions and operations from spirit to spirit without 
 the mediation of the senses ; whence the conceits have 
 grown (now almost made civil) of the mastering spirit, 
 and the force of confidence and the like. Incident unto 
 this is the inquiry how to raise and fortify the imagin- 
 ation : for if the imagination fortified have power, then 
 it is material to know how to fortify and exalt it. And 
 herein comes in crookedly and dangerously a palliation 
 of a great part of ceremonial magic. For it may be 
 pretended that ceremonies, characters, and charms do 
 work, not by any tacit or sacramental contract with evil 
 spirits, but serve only to strengthen the imagination of him 
 that useth it ; as images are said by the Roman church 
 to fix the cogitations and raise the devotions of them that 
 pray before them. But for mine own judgement, if it 
 be admitted that imagination hath power, and that cere- 
 monies fortify imagination, and that they be used sin- 
 cerely and intentionally for that purpose; yet I should 
 hold them unlawful, as opposing to that first edict which 
 God gave unto man, In sudore vulius comedes pattern iunm. 
 
XI. 3.] THE SECOND BOOK. 147 
 
 For they propound those noble effects, which God hath 
 set forth unto man to be bought at the price of labour, to 
 be attained by a few easy and slothful observances. De- 
 ficiences in these knowledges I will report none, other 
 than the general deficience, that it is not known how 
 much of them is verity, and how much vanity. 
 
 XII. 1. The knowledge which respecteth the faculties 
 of the mind of man is of two kinds ; the one respecting 
 his understanding and reason, and the other his will, 
 appetite, and affection ; whereof the former produceth 
 position or decree, the latter action or execution. It is 
 true that the imagination is an agent or nuncius, in both 
 provinces, both the judicial and the ministerial. For 
 sense sendeth over to imagination before reason have 
 judged: and reason sendeth over to imagination before 
 the decree can be acted. For imagination ever precedeth 
 voluntary motion. Saving that this Janus of imagination 
 hath differing faces : for the face towards reason hath the 
 print of truth, but the face towards action hath the print 
 of good ; which nevertheless are faces, 
 
 Quales decet esse sororum. 
 Neither is the imagination simply and only a messenger ; 
 but is invested with, or at least wise usurpeth no small 
 authority in itself, besides the duty of the message. For 
 it was well said by Aristotle, That the mind hath over the 
 body that co?nmandment, which the lord hath over a bond- 
 man ; but that reason hath over the imagination that com- 
 mandment which a magistrate hath over a free citizen ; who 
 may come also to rule in his turn. For we see that, in 
 matters of faith and religion, we raise our imagination 
 above our reason ; which is the cause why religion sought 
 ever access to the mind by similitudes, types, parables, 
 visions, dreams. And again, in all persuasions that are 
 
 l 2 
 
148 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, [xil. 1. 
 
 wrought by eloquence, and other impressions of like 
 nature, which do paint and disguise the true appearance 
 of things, the chief recommendation unto reason is from 
 the imagination. Nevertheless, because I find not any 
 science that doth properly or fitly pertain to the imagin- 
 ation, I see no cause to alter the former division. For 
 as for poesy, it is rather a pleasure or play of imagination, 
 than a work or duty thereof. And if it be a work, we 
 speak not now of such parts of learning as the imagin- 
 ation produceth, but of such sciences as handle and con- 
 sider of the imagination. No more than we shall speak 
 now of such knowledges as reason produceth (for that 
 extendeth to all philosophy), but of such knowledges as 
 do handle and inquire of the faculty of reason: so as 
 poesy had his true place. As for the power of the 
 imagination in nature, and the manner of fortifying the 
 same, we have mentioned it in the doctrine De Anima, 
 whereunto most fitly it belongeth. And lastly, for imagin- 
 ative or insinuative reason, which is the subject of rhetoric, 
 we think it best to refer it to the arts of reason. So there- 
 fore we content ourselves with the former division, that 
 human philosophy, which respecteth the faculties of the 
 mind of man, hath two parts, rational and moral. 
 
 2. The part of human philosophy which is rational, is 
 of all knowledges, to the most wits, the least delightful, 
 and seemeth but a net of subtility and spinosity. For as 
 it was truly said, that knowledge is pabulum animi ; so in 
 the nature of men's appetite to this food, most men are 
 of the taste and stomach of the Israelites in the desert, 
 that would fain have returned ad ollas carnium, and were 
 weary of manna ; which, though it were celestial, yet 
 seemed less nutritive and comfortable. So generally men 
 taste well knowledges that are drenched in flesh and blood, 
 
XII. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 149 
 
 civil history, morality, policy, about the which men's affec- 
 tions, praises, fortunes do turn and are conversant. But 
 this same lumen siccum doth parch and offend most men's 
 watery and soft natures. But to speak truly of things as 
 they are in worth, rational knowledges are the keys of 
 all other arts : for as Aristotle saith aptly and elegantly, 
 That the hand is the instrument of instruments, and the mind 
 is the form of forms ; so these be truly said to be the art 
 of arts. Neither do they only direct, but likewise confirm 
 and strengthen : even as the habit of shooting doth not 
 only enable to shoot a nearer shoot, but also to draw 
 a stronger bow. 
 
 3. The arts intellectual are four in number; divided 
 according to the ends whereunto they are referred : for 
 man's labour is to invent that which is sought or pro- 
 pounded; or to judge that which is invented; or to 
 retain that which is judged; or to deliver over that 
 which is retained. So as the arts must be four : art 
 of inquiry or invention : art of examination or judge- 
 ment : art of custody or memory : and art of elocution 
 or tradition. 
 
 XIII. 1. Invention is of two kinds much differing: the 
 one of arts and sciences, and the other of speech and 
 arguments. The former of these I do report deficient; 
 which seemeth to me to be such a deficience as if, in the 
 making of an inventory touching the state of a defunct, it 
 should be set down that there is no ready money. For 
 as money will fetch all other commodities, so this know- 
 ledge is that which should purchase all the rest. And like 
 as the West Indies had never been discovered if the use 
 of the mariner's needle had not been first discovered, 
 though the one be vast regions, and the other a small 
 motion ; so it cannot be found strange if sciences be no 
 
150 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XITl. 1. 
 
 further discovered, if the art itself of invention and dis- 
 covery hath been passed over. 
 
 2. That this part of knowledge is wanting, to my 
 judgement standeth plainly confessed; for first, logic 
 doth not pretend to invent sciences, or the axioms of 
 sciences, but passeth it over with a cuique in sua arte 
 credendum. And Celsus acknowledged it gravely, speak- 
 ing of the empirical and dogmatical sects of physicians, 
 Thai medicines and cures were first found out, and then after 
 the reasons and causes were discoursed ; and not the causes 
 first found out, and by tight from them the medicines and 
 cures discovered. And Plato in his Theaetetus noteth well, 
 That particulars are infifiile, and the higher generalities give 
 no sufficient direction : and that the pith of all sciences, which 
 maketh the arlsman differ from the inexpert, is in the middle 
 propositions, which in every particular hiowledge are taken 
 from tradition and experience. And therefore we see, that 
 they which discourse of the inventions and originals of 
 things refer them rather to chance than to art, and rather 
 to beasts, birds, fishes, serpents, than to men. 
 
 Dictamnum genetrix Cretsea carpit ab Ida, 
 Puberibus caulem foliis et flore comantem 
 Purpureo ; non ilia feris incognita capris 
 Gramina, cum tergo volucres haesere sagittae. 
 
 So that it was no marvel (the manner of antiquity being 
 to consecrate inventors) that the Egyptians had so few 
 human idols in their temples, but almost all brute: 
 
 Omnigenumque Deum monstra, et latrator Anubis, 
 Contra Neptunum, et Venerem, contraque Minervam, &c. 
 
 And if you like better the tradition of the Grecians, and 
 ascribe the first inventions to men, yet you will rather 
 believe that Prometheus first stroke the flints, and mar- 
 velled at the spark, than that when he first stroke the 
 
XIII. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 151 
 
 flints he expected the spark : and therefore we see the 
 West Indian Prometheus had no intelligence with the 
 European, because of the rareness with them of flint, 
 that gave the first occasion. So as it should seem, that 
 hitherto men are rather beholden to a wild goat for sur- 
 gery, or to a nightingale for music, or to the ibis for some 
 part of physic, or to the pot- lid that flew open for artillery, 
 or generally to chance or anything else than to logic for 
 the invention of arts and sciences. Neither is the form 
 of invention which Virgil describeth much other : 
 
 Ut varias usus meditando extunderet artes 
 Paulatim. 
 
 For if you observe the words well, it is no other method 
 than that which brute beasts are capable of, and do put 
 in ure ; which is a perpetual intending or practising some 
 one thing, urged and imposed by an absolute necessity 
 of conservation of being. For so Cicero saith very truly, 
 Usus utii rei deditus et naturam et artem scepe vincit. And 
 therefore if it be said of men, 
 
 Labor omnia vincit 
 Improbus, et duris urgens in rebus egestas, 
 
 it is likewise said of beasts, Quis psittaco docuit suum 
 xmpe? Who taught the raven in a drowth to throw 
 pebbles into an hollow tree, where she spied water, that 
 the water might rise so as she might come to it ? Who 
 taught the bee to sail through such a vast sea of air, and 
 to find the way from a field in flower a great way ofT to 
 her hive? Who taught the ant to bite every grain of 
 corn that she burieth in her hill, lest it should take root 
 and grow? Add then the word extwidere, which im- 
 ported the extreme difficulty, and the word paulatim, 
 which importeth the extreme slowness, and we are where 
 
152 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XITI. 2. 
 
 we were, even amongst the Egyptians' gods ; there being 
 little left to the faculty of reason, and nothing to the duty 
 of art, for matter of invention. 
 
 3. Secondly, the induction which the logicians speak 
 of, and which seemeth familiar with Plato, whereby the 
 principles of sciences may be pretended to be invented, 
 and so the middle propositions by derivation from the 
 principles; their form of induction, I say, is utterly 
 vicious and incompetent : wherein their error is the 
 fouler, because it is the duty of art to perfect and exalt 
 nature ; but they contrariwise have wronged, abused, and 
 traduced nature. For he that shall attentively observe 
 how the mind doth gather this excellent dew of know- 
 ledge, like unto that which the poet speaketh of, Aerei 
 mellis c&hstia dona, distilling and contriving it out of 
 particulars natural and artificial, as the flowers of the 
 field and garden, shall find that the mind of herself by 
 nature doth manage and act an induction much better 
 than they describe it. For to conclude upon an enumer- 
 ation of particulars, without instance contradictory, is 
 no conclusion, but a conjecture ; for who can assure 
 (in many subjects) upon those particulars which appear 
 of a side, that there are not other on the contrary side 
 which appear not? As if Samuel should have rested 
 upon those sons of Issay which were brought before 
 him, and failed of David which was in the field. And 
 this form (to say truth) is so gross, as it had not been 
 possible for wits so subtile as have managed these things 
 to have offered it to the world, but that they hasted to 
 their theories and dogmaticals, and were imperious and 
 scornful toward particulars ; which their manner was to 
 use but as liclores and vialores, for sergeants and whifflers, 
 ad summovendam iurbam, to make way and make room for 
 
XIII. 3.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 53 
 
 their opinions, rather than in their true use and service. 
 Certainly it is a thing may touch a man with a religious 
 wonder, to see how the footsteps of seducement are the 
 very same in divine and human truth: for as in divine 
 truth man cannot endure to become as a child; so in 
 human, they reputed the attending the inductions (whereof 
 we speak) as if it were a second infancy or childhood. 
 
 4. Thirdly, allow some principles or axioms were rightly 
 induced, yet nevertheless certain it is that middle propos- 
 itions cannot be deduced from them in subject of nature 
 by syllogism, that is, by touch and reduction of them to 
 principles in a middle term. It is true that in sciences 
 popular, as moralities, laws, and the like, yea, and divinity 
 (because it pleaseth God to apply himself to the capacity of 
 the simplest), that form may have use ; and in natural phi- 
 losophy likewise, by way of argument or satisfactory reason, 
 Qua assensum pari/, open's effata est : but the subtilty of 
 nature and operations will not be enchained in those bonds. 
 For arguments consist of propositions, and propositions of 
 words, and words are but the current tokens or marks 
 of popular notions of things ; which notions, if they be 
 grossly and variably collected out of particulars, it is not 
 the laborious examination either of consequences or argu- 
 ments, or of the truth of propositions, that can ever cor- 
 rect that error, being (as the physicians speak) in the first 
 digestion. And therefore it was not without cause, that so 
 many excellent philosophers became Sceptics and Aca- 
 demics, and denied any certainty of knowledge or com- 
 prehension ; and held opinion that the knowledge of man 
 extended only to appearances and probabilities. It is true 
 that in Socrates it was supposed to be but a form of irony, 
 Scieniiam dissimulando simulavit : for he used to disable 
 his knowledge, to the end to enhance his knowledge : like 
 
154 0F THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XIII. 4. 
 
 the humour of Tiberius in his beginnings, that would 
 reign, but would not acknowledge so much. And in the 
 later Academy, which Cicero embraced, this opinion also 
 of acatalepsia (I doubt) was not held sincerely : for that 
 all those which excelled in copie of speech seem to have 
 chosen that sect, as that which was fittest to give glory to 
 their eloquence and variable discourses ; being rather like 
 progresses of pleasure, than journeys to an end. But 
 assuredly many scattered in both Academies did hold it 
 in subtilty and integrity. But here was their chief error ; 
 they charged the deceit upon the senses; which in my 
 judgement (notwithstanding all their cavillations) are very 
 sufficient to certify and report truth, though not always 
 immediately, yet by comparison, by help of instrument, 
 and by producing and urging such things as are too 
 subtile for the sense to some effect comprehensible by 
 the sense, and other like assistance. But they ought to 
 have charged the deceit upon the weakness of the intel- 
 lectual powers, and upon the manner of collecting and 
 concluding upon the reports of the senses. This I speak, 
 not to disable the mind of man, but to stir it up to seek 
 help : for no man, be he never so cunning or practised, 
 can make a straight line or perfect circle by steadiness of 
 hand, which may be easily done by help of a ruler or 
 compass. 
 
 5. This part of invention, concerning the invention of 
 Experientia sciences, I purpose (if God give me leave) 
 literate, and hereafter to propound, having digested it into 
 interpretatio t w0 parts ; whereof the one I term experien- 
 nature. ^ a m era f a ^ an d the other interpretatio natura: 
 
 the former being but a degree and rudiment of the latter. 
 But I will not dwell too long, nor speak too great upon a 
 promise. 
 
XIII. (».] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 55 
 
 6. The invention of speech or argument is not properly 
 an invention : for to invent is to discover that we know 
 not, and not to recover or resummon that which we 
 already know : and the use of this invention is no other 
 but, out of the knowledge whereof our mind is already 
 possessed, to draw forth or call before us that which may 
 be pertinent to the purpose which we take into our con- 
 sideration. So as to speak truly, it is no invention, but a 
 remembrance or suggestion, w r ith an application ; which 
 is the cause why the schools do place it after judgement, 
 as subsequent and not precedent. Nevertheless, because 
 we do account it a chase as well of deer in an inclosed 
 park as in a forest at large, and that it hath already 
 obtained the name, let it be called invention : so as it 
 be perceived and discerned, that the scope and end of 
 this invention is readiness and present use of our know- 
 ledge, and not addition or amplification thereof. 
 
 7. To procure this ready use of knowledge there are 
 two courses, preparation and suggestion. The former of 
 these seemeth scarcely a part of knowledge, consisting 
 rather of diligence than of any artificial erudition. And 
 herein Aristotle wittily, but hurtfully, doth deride the 
 Sophists near his time, saying, They did as if o?ie that 
 professed the art of shoe-making should not teach how to 
 make up a shoe, but only exhibit in a readiness a number of 
 shoes of all fashions and sizes. But yet a man might reply, 
 that if a shoemaker should have no shoes in his shop, 
 but only work as he is bespoken, he should be weakly 
 customed. But our Saviour, speaking of divine know- 
 ledge, saith, That the kingdom of heaven is like a good house- 
 holder, that bringeth forth both new and old store : and we 
 see the ancient writers of rhetoric do give it in precept, 
 that pleaders should have the places, whereof they have 
 
156 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XIII. 7. 
 
 most continual use, ready handled in all the variety that 
 may be ; as that, to speak for the literal interpretation of 
 the law against equity, and contrary ; and to speak fcr 
 presumptions and inferences against testimony, and con- 
 trary. And Cicero himself, being broken unto it by great 
 experience, delivereth it plainly, that whatsoever a man 
 shall have occasion to speak of (if he will take the pains), 
 he may have it in effect premeditate and handled m 
 thesi. So that when he cometh to a particular he shall 
 have nothing to do, but to put to names, and times, and 
 places, and such other circumstances of individuals. We 
 see likewise the exact diligence of Demosthenes; who, 
 in regard of the great force that the entrance and access 
 into causes hath to make a good impression, had ready 
 framed a number of prefaces for orations and speeches. 
 All which authorities and precedents may overweigh 
 Aristotle's opinion, that would have us change a rich 
 wardrobe for a pair of shears. 
 
 8. But the nature of the collection of this provision or 
 preparatory store, though it be common both to logic and 
 rhetoric, yet having made an entry of it here, where it 
 came first to be spoken of, I think fit to refer over the 
 further handling of it to rhetoric. 
 
 9. The other part of invention, which I term sugges- 
 tion, doth assign and direct us to certain marks, or places, 
 which may excite our mind to return and produce such 
 knowledge as it hath formerly collected, to the end we 
 may make use thereof. Neither is this use (truly taken) 
 only to furnish argument to dispute probably with others, 
 but likewise to minister unto our judgement to conclude 
 aright within ourselves. Neither may these places serve 
 only to apprompt our invention, but also to direct our 
 inquiry. For a faculty of wise interrogating is half a 
 
XIII. 9 ] THE SECOND BOOK. 157 
 
 knowledge. For as Plato saith, Whosoever seeketh, knoweth 
 that which he seeketh for in a general notion : else how shall 
 he know it when he hath found it? And therefore the larger 
 your anticipation is, the more direct and compendious is 
 your search. But the same places which will help us 
 what to produce of that which we know already, will also 
 help us, if a man of experience were before us, what ques- 
 tions to ask ; or, if we have books and authors to instruct 
 us, what points to search and revolve; so as I cannot 
 report that this part of invention, which is that which the 
 schools call topics, is deficient. 
 
 10. Nevertheless, topics are of two sorts, general and 
 special. The general we have spoken to; but the par- 
 ticular hath been touched by some, but rejected generally 
 as inartificial and variable. But leaving the humour which 
 hath reigned too much in the schools (which is, to be 
 vainly subtile in a few things which are within their com- 
 mand, and to reject the rest), I do receive particular 
 topics, that is, places or directions of invention and 
 inquiry in every particular knowledge, as things of great 
 use, being mixtures of logic with the matter of sciences. 
 For in these it holdeth, ars mvenicndi adolescit cum inventis ; 
 for as in going of a way, we do not only gain that part of 
 the way which is passed, but we gain the better sight of 
 that part of the way which remaineth : so every degree of 
 proceeding in a science giveth a light to that which fol- 
 loweth ; which light if we strengthen by drawing it forth 
 into questions or places of inquiry, we do greatly advance 
 our pursuit. 
 
 XIV. 1. Now we pass unto the arts of judgement, 
 which handle the natures of proofs and demonstrations ; 
 which as to induction hath a coincidence with invention. 
 For in all inductions, whether in good or vicious form, the 
 
158 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XIV. 1. 
 
 same action of the mind which inventeth, judgeth ; all 
 one as in the sense. But otherwise it is in proof by syl- 
 logism ; for the proof being not immediate, but by mean, 
 the invention of the mean is one thing, and the judge- 
 ment of the consequence is another; the one exciting 
 only, the other examining. Therefore, for the real and 
 exact form of judgement, we refer ourselves to that which 
 we have spoken of interpretation of nature. 
 
 2. For the other judgement by syllogism, as it is a 
 thing most agreeable to the mind of man, so it hath been 
 vehemently and excellently laboured. For the nature of 
 man doth extremely covet to have somewhat in his under- 
 standing fixed and unmoveable, and as a rest and support 
 of the mind. And therefore as Aristotle endeavoureth to 
 prove, that in all motion there is some point quiescent ; 
 and as he elegantly expoundeth the ancient fable of Atlas 
 (that stood fixed, and bare up the heaven from falling) to 
 be meant of the poles or axle-tree of heaven, whereupon 
 the conversion is accomplished : so assuredly men have a 
 desire to have an Atlas or axle-tree within to keep them 
 from fluctuation, which is like to a perpetual peril of 
 falling. Therefore men did hasten to set down some 
 principles about which the variety of their disputations 
 might turn. 
 
 3. So then this art of judgement is but the reduction of 
 propositions to principles in a middle term. The prin- 
 ciples to be agreed by all and exempted from argument ; 
 the middle term to be elected at the liberty of every man's 
 invention ; the reduction to be of two kinds, direct and 
 inverted ; the one when the proposition is reduced to 
 the principle, which they term a probation ostensive ; the 
 other, when the contradictory of the proposition is re- 
 duced to the contradictory of the principle, which is 
 
XIV. 3.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 59 
 
 that which they call per inconwwdum, or pressing an ab- 
 surdity; the number of middle terms to be as the pro- 
 position standeth degrees more or less removed from 
 the principle. 
 
 4. But this art hath two several methods of doctrine, 
 the one by way of direction, the other by way of caution ; 
 the former frameth and setteth down a true form of con- 
 sequence, by the variations and deflections from which 
 errors and inconsequences may be exactly judged. To- 
 ward the composition and structure of which form, it is 
 incident to handle the parts thereof, which are propos- 
 itions, and the parts of propositions, which are simple 
 words. And this is that part of logic which is compre- 
 hended in the Analytics. 
 
 5. The second method of doctrine was introduced for 
 expedite use and assurance sake; discovering the more 
 subtile forms of sophisms and illaqueations with their 
 redargutions, which is that which is termed elenches. For 
 although in the more gross sorts of fallacies it happeneth 
 (as Seneca maketh the comparison well) as in juggling 
 feats, which, though we know not how they are done, 
 yet we know well it is not as it seemeth to be ; yet the 
 more subtile sort of them doth not only put a man besides 
 his answer, but doth many times abuse his judgement. 
 
 6. This part concerning elenches is excellently handled 
 by Aristotle in precept, but more excellently by Plato in 
 example ; not only in the persons of the Sophists, but even 
 in Socrates himself, who, professing to affirm nothing, 
 but to infirm that which was affirmed by another, hath 
 exactly expressed all the forms of objection, fallace, and 
 redargution. And although we have said that the use of 
 this doctrine is for redargution, yet it is manifest the de- 
 generate and corrupt use is for caption and contradiction, 
 
l6o OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XIV. 6. 
 
 which passeth for a great faculty, and no doubt is of 
 very great advantage : though the difference be good 
 which was made between orators and sophisters, that the 
 one is as the greyhound, which hath his advantage in the 
 race, and the other as the hare, which hath her advantage in 
 the turn, so as it is the advantage of the weaker creature. 
 
 7. But yet further, this doctrine of clenches hath a more 
 ample latitude and extent than is perceived ; namely, unto 
 divers parts of knowledge ; whereof some are laboured 
 and other omitted. For first, I conceive (though it may 
 seem at first somewhat strange) that that part which is 
 variably referred, sometimes to logic, sometimes to meta- 
 physic, touching the common adjuncts of essences, is but 
 an elenche. For the great sophism of all sophisms being 
 equivocation or ambiguity of words and phrase, specially 
 of such words as are most general and intervene in every 
 inquiry, it seemeth to me that the true and fruitful use 
 (leaving vain subtilities and speculations) of the inquiry of 
 
 I majority, minority, priority, posteriority, identity, diversity, 
 ) possibility, act, totality, parts, existence, privation, and the 
 like, are but wise cautions against ambiguities of speech. 
 So again the distribution of things into certain tribes, 
 which we call categories or predicaments, are but cau- 
 tions against the confusion of definitions and divisions. 
 
 8. Secondly, there is a seducement that worketh by 
 the strength of the impression, and not by the subtilty 
 of the illaqueation ; not so much perplexing the reason, 
 as overruling it by power of the imagination. But this 
 part I think more proper to handle when I shall speak 
 of rhetoric. 
 
 9. But lastly, there is yet a much more important and 
 profound kind of fallacies in the mind of man, which I 
 find not observed or inquired at all, and think good to 
 

 XIV. 9.] THE SECOND BOOK. i6l 
 
 place here, as that which of all others appertaineih most 
 to rectify judgement: the force whereof is such, as it 
 doth not dazzle or snare the understanding in some par- 
 ticulars, but doth more generally and inwardly infect and 
 corrupt the state thereof. For the mind of man is far 
 from the nature of a clear and equal glass, wherein the 
 beams of things should reflect according to their true 
 incidence; nay, it is rather like an enchanted glass, full 
 of superstition and imposture, if it be not delivered and 
 reduced. For this purpose, let us consider the false ap- 
 pearances that are imposed upon us by the general nature 
 of the mind, beholding them in an example or two ; as 
 first, in that instance which is the root of all superstition, 
 namely, that to the nature of the mind of all men it is 
 consonant for the affirmative or active to affect more than 
 the negative or privative. So that a few times hitting or 
 presence, countervails oft-times failing or absence ; as was 
 well answered by Diagoras to him that showed him in 
 Neptune's temple the great number of pictures of such as 
 had scaped shipwreck, and had paid their vows to Nep- 
 tune, saying, Advise now, you that think it folly to invocate 
 Neptune in tempest. Yea, but (saith Diagoras) where are 
 they painted that are drowned? Let us behold it in another 
 instance, namely, that the spirit of man, being of an equal 
 and uniform substance, doth usually suppose and feign in 
 nature a greater equality and uniformity than is in truth. 
 Hence it cometh, that the mathematicians cannot satisfy 
 themselves except they reduce the motions of the celestial 
 bodies to perfect circles, rejecting spiral lines, and labour- 
 ing to be discharged of eccentrics. Hence it cometh, that 
 whereas there are many things in nature, as it were 
 monodica, sui juris ; yet the cogitations of man do feign 
 unto them relatives, parallels, and conjugates, whereas no 
 
 M 
 
 ^4^ 
 
(j3LV«- 
 
 162 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XIV. 9. 
 
 such thing is ; as they have feigned an element of fire, to 
 keep square with earth, water, and air, and the like. Nay, 
 it is not credible, till it be opened, what a number of 
 fictions and fantasies the similitude of human actions and 
 arts, together with the making of man communis memura, 
 have brought into natural philosophy ; not much better 
 than the heresy of the Anthropomorphites, bred in the 
 cells of gross and solitary monks, and the opinion of Epi- 
 curus, answerable to the same in heathenism, who sup- 
 posed the gods to be of human shape. And therefore 
 Velleius the Epicurean needed not to have asked, why 
 God should have adorned the heavens with stars, as if he 
 had been an csdilis, one that should have set forth some 
 magnificent shows or plays. For if that great work- 
 master had been of an human disposition, he would have 
 cast the stars into some pleasant and beautiful works and 
 orders, like the frets in the roofs of houses ; whereas one 
 can scarce find a posture in square, or triangle, or straight 
 line, amongst such an infinite number; so differing an 
 harmony there is between the spirit of man and the spirit 
 of nature. 
 
 10. Let us consider again the false appearances im- 
 posed upon us by every man's own individual nature 
 and custom, in that feigned supposition that Plato maketh 
 of the cave : for certainly if a child were continued in a 
 grot or cave under the earth until maturity of age, and 
 came suddenly abroad, he would have strange and absurd 
 imaginations. So in like manner, although our persons 
 live in the view of heaven, yet our spirits are included in 
 the caves of our own complexions and customs, which 
 minister unto us infinite errors and vain opinions, if 
 they be not recalled to examination. But hereof we 
 have given many examples in one of the errors, or 
 
XIV. io.] THE SECOND BOOK. 163 
 
 peccant humours, which we ran briefly over in our first 
 book. 
 
 11. And lastly, let us consider the false appearances 
 
 that are imposed upon us by words, which are framed ^ko 
 and applied according to the conceit and capacities of 
 the vulgar sort: and although we think we govern our 
 words, and prescribe it well loquendum ut vulgus senti- 
 etidum ut sapientes ; yet certain it is that words, as a 
 Tartar's bow, do shoot back upon the understanding of 
 the wisest, and mightily entangle and pervert the judge- 
 ment. So as it is almost necessary, in all controversies and 
 disputations, to imitate the wisdom of the mathematicians, 
 in setting down in the very beginning the definitions 
 of our words and terms, that others may know how 
 we accept and understand them, and whether they con- 
 cur with us or no. For it cometh to pass, for want 
 of this, that we are sure to end there where we ought to 
 have begun, which is, in questions and differences about 
 words. To conclude therefore, it must be confessed that 
 it is not possible to divorce ourselves from these fallacies 
 and false appearances, because they are inseparable from 
 our nature and condition of life ; so yet nevertheless the 
 caution of them (for all elenches, as was said, „. ,. 
 are but cautions) doth extremely import the ma <r n i, she 
 true conduct of human judgement. The de idolis ani- 
 particular elenches or cautions against these "» bumani 
 three false appearances, I find altogether nattms et 
 
 , n . adventitiis. 
 
 deficient. 
 
 12. There remaineth one part of judgement of great 
 excellency, which to mine understanding is so slightly 
 touched, as I may report that also deficient ; which is the 
 application of the differing kinds of proofs to the differing 
 kinds of subjects. For there being but four kinds of 
 
 M 2 
 
164 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XIV. 12. 
 
 demonstrations, that is, by the immediate consent of the 
 mind or sense, by induction, by syllogism, and by con- 
 gruity, which is that which Aristotle calleth demonstration 
 in orb or circle, and not a noiioribus, every of these hath 
 certain subjects in the matter of sciences, in which re- 
 spectively they have chiefest use; and certain others, 
 from which respectively they ought to be excluded ; and 
 the rigour and curiosity in requiring the more severe 
 proofs in some things, and chiefly the facility in con- 
 tenting ourselves with the more remiss proofs in others, 
 hath been amongst the greatest causes of 
 
 e ana ogia detriment and hindrance to knowledge. The 
 demonstra- ° 
 
 tionum distributions and assignations of demonstra- 
 
 tions, according to the analogy of sciences, 
 I note as deficient. 
 
 XV. 1. The custody or retaining of knowledge is either 
 in writing or memory; whereof writing hath two parts, 
 the nature of the character, and the order of the entry. 
 For the art of characters, or other visible notes of words 
 or things, it hath nearest conjugation with grammar ; and 
 therefore I refer it to the due place. For the disposition 
 and collocation of that knowledge which we preserve in 
 writing, it consisteth in a good digest of common-places ; 
 wherein I am not ignorant of the prejudice imputed to 
 the use of common-place books, as causing a retardation 
 of reading, and some sloth or relaxation of memory. 
 But because it is but a counterfeit thing in knowledges 
 to be forward and pregnant, except a man be deep and 
 full, I hold the entry of common-places to be a matter of 
 great use and essence in studying, as that which assur- 
 eth copie of invention, and contracteth judgement to a 
 strength. But this is true, that of the methods of common- 
 places that I have seen, there is none of any sufficient 
 
XV. i.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 65 
 
 worth : all of them carrying merely the face of a school, 
 and not of a world ; and referring to vulgar matters and 
 pedantical divisions, without all life or respect to action. 
 
 2. For the other principal part of the custody of know- 
 ledge, which is memory, I find that faculty in my judge- 
 ment weakly inquired of. An art there is extant of it ; 
 but it seemeth to me that there are better precepts than 
 that art, and better practices of that art than those re- 
 ceived. It is certain the art (as it is) may be raised to 
 points of ostentation prodigious : but in use (as it is now 
 managed) it is barren, not burdensome, nor dangerous to 
 natural memory, as is imagined, but barren, that is, not 
 dexterous to be applied to the serious use of business 
 and occasions. And therefore I make no more estima- 
 tion of repeating a great number of names or words 
 upon once hearing, or the pouring forth of a number of 
 verses or rhymes ex tempore, or the making of a satirical 
 simile of everything, or the turning of everything to a 
 jest, or the falsifying or contradicting of everything by 
 cavil, or the like (whereof in the faculties of the mind 
 there is great copie, and such as by device and practice 
 may be exalted to an extreme degree of wonder), than 
 I do of the tricks of tumblers, funambuloes, baladines ; 
 the one being the same in the mind that the other is in 
 the body, matters of strangeness without worthiness. 
 
 3. This art of memory is but built upon two intentions ; 
 the one prenotion, the other emblem. Prenotion dis- 
 chargeth the indefinite seeking of that we would re- 
 member, and directeth us to seek in a narrow compass, 
 that is, somewhat that hath congruity with our place of 
 memory. Emblem reduceth conceits intellectual to images 
 sensible, which strike the memory more ; out of which 
 axioms may be drawn much better practique than that 
 
J 66 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. (_XV. 3. 
 
 in use ; and besides which axioms, there are divers moe 
 touching help of memory, not inferior to them. But I did 
 in the beginning distinguish, not to report those things 
 deficient, which are but only ill managed. 
 
 XVI. 1. There remaineth the fourth kind of rational 
 knowledge, which is transitive, concerning the expressing 
 or transferring our knowledge to others ; which I will 
 term by the general name of tradition or delivery. Tra- 
 dition hath three parts ; the first concerning the organ of 
 tradition ; the second concerning the method of tradition ; 
 and the third concerning the illustration of tradition. 
 
 2. For the organ of tradition, it is either speech or 
 writing : for Aristotle saith well, Words are the images of 
 cogitations, and letters are the images of words. But yet 
 it is not of necessity that cogitations be expressed by 
 the medium of words. For whatsoever is capable of 
 sufficient differences, and those perceptible by the sense, 
 is in nature competent to express cogitations. And there- 
 fore we see in the commerce of barbarous people, that 
 understand not one another's language, and in the prac- 
 tice of divers that are dumb and deaf, that men's minds 
 are expressed in gestures, though not exactly, yet to 
 serve the turn. And we understand further, that it is 
 the use of China, and the kingdoms of the High Levant, 
 to write in characters real, which express neither letters 
 nor words in gross, but things or notions ; insomuch as 
 countries and provinces, which understand not one an- 
 other's language, can nevertheless read one another's 
 writings, because the characters are accepted more gener- 
 ally than the languages do extend; and therefore they 
 have a vast multitude of characters, as many (I suppose) 
 as radical words. 
 
 3. These notes of cogitations are of two sorts ; the one 
 
XVI. 3 ] THE SECOND BOOK. l6j 
 
 when the note hath some similitude or congruity with the 
 notion : the other ad placilum, having force only by con- 
 tract or acceptation. Of the former sort are hieroglyphics 
 and gestures. For as to hieroglyphics (things of ancient 
 use, and embraced chiefly by the Egyptians, one of the 
 most ancient nations), they are but as continued impreses 
 and emblems. And as for gestures, they are as transitory 
 hieroglyphics, and are to hieroglyphics as words spoken 
 are to words written, in that they abide not ; but they 
 have evermore, as well as the other, an affinity with the 
 things signified. As Periander, being consulted with how 
 to preserve a tyranny newly usurped, bid the messengei 
 attend and report what he saw him do; and went into 
 his garden and topped all the highest flowers : signifying, 
 that it consisted in the cutting off and keeping low of the 
 nobility and grandees. Ad placitiim, are the characters 
 real before mentioned, and words : although some have 
 been willing by curious inquiry, or rather by apt feigning, 
 to have derived imposition of names from reason and 
 intendment; a speculation elegant, and, by reason it 
 searcheth into antiquity, reverent ; but sparingly mixed 
 
 with truth, and of small fruit. This por- 
 
 De notis 
 
 tion of knowledge, touching the notes of 
 things, and cogitations in general, I find not 
 inquired, but deficient. And although it may seem of no 
 great use, considering that words and writings by letters 
 do far excel all the other ways ; yet because this part con- 
 cerned as it were the mint of knowledge (for words are 
 the tokens current and accepted for conceits, as moneys 
 are for values, and that it is fit men be not ignorant that 
 moneys may be of another kind than gold and silver), 
 I thought good to propound it to better inquiry. 
 
 4. Concerning speech and words, the consideration of 
 
1 68 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XVI. 4. 
 
 them hath produced the science of grammar. For man 
 still striveth to reintegrate himself in those benedictions, 
 from which by his fault he hath been deprived ; and as 
 he hath striven against the first general curse by the in- 
 vention of all other arts, so hath he sought to come forth 
 of the second general curse (which was the confusion of 
 tongues) by the art of grammar ; whereof the use in a 
 mother tongue is small, in a foreign tongue more; but 
 most in such foreign tongues as have ceased to be vulgar 
 tongues, and are turned only to learned tongues. The 
 duty of it is of two natures : the one popular, which is for 
 the speedy and perfect attaining languages, as well for 
 intercourse of speech as for understanding of authors; 
 the other philosophical, examining the power and nature 
 of words, as they are the footsteps and prints of reason : 
 which kind of analogy between words and reason is 
 handled sparsim, brokenly though not entirely; and there- 
 fore I cannot report it deficient, though I think it very 
 worthy to be reduced into a science by itself. 
 
 5. Unto grammar also belongeth, as an appendix, the 
 consideration of the accidents of words ; which are mea- 
 sure, sound, and elevation or accent, and the sweetness 
 and harshness of them ; whence hath issued some curious 
 observations in rhetoric, but chiefly poesy, as we consider 
 it, in respect of the verse and not of the argument. 
 Wherein though men in learned tongues do tie themselves 
 to the ancient measures, yet in modern languages it 
 seemeth to me as free to make new measures of verses 
 as of dances : for a dance is a measured pace, as a verse 
 is a measured speech. In these things the sense is better 
 judge than the art ; 
 
 Coenae fercula nostras 
 Mallem convivis quam placuisse cocis. 
 
XVI. S-] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 69 
 
 And of the servile expressing antiquity in an unlike and 
 an unfit subject, it is well said, Quod tempore antiquum 
 videtur, id incongruitate est maxime novum. 
 
 6. For ciphers, they are commonly in letters, or alpha- 
 bets, but may be in words. The kinds of ciphers (besides 
 the simple ciphers, with changes, and intermixtures of 
 nulls and non-significants) are many, according to the 
 nature or rule of the infolding, wheel-ciphers, key-ciphers, 
 doubles, &c. But the virtues of them, whereby they are 
 to be preferred, are three ; that they be not laborious to 
 write and read; that they be impossible to decipher; 
 and, in some cases, that they be without suspicion. The 
 highest degree whereof is to write omnia per omnia ; which 
 is undoubtedly possible, with a proportion quintuple at 
 most of the writing infolding to the writing infolded, and 
 no other restraint whatsoever. This art of ciphering hath 
 for relative an art of deciphering, by supposition unpro- 
 fitable, but, as things are, of great use. For suppose that 
 ciphers were well managed, there be multitudes of them 
 which exclude the decipherer. But in regard of the raw- 
 ness and unskilfulness of the hands through which they 
 pass, the greatest matters are many times carried in the 
 weakest ciphers. 
 
 7. In the enumeration of these private and retired arts, 
 it may be thought I seek to make a great muster-roll of 
 sciences, naming them for show and ostentation, and to 
 little other purpose. But let those which are skilful in 
 them judge whether I bring them in only for appearance, 
 or whether in that which I speak of them (though in few 
 words) there be not some seed of proficience. And this 
 must be remembered, that as there be many of great 
 account in their countries and provinces, which, when they 
 come up to the seat of the estate, are but of mean rank 
 
170 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XVI. 7. 
 
 and scarcely regarded ; so these arts, being here placed 
 with the principal and supreme sciences, seem petty 
 things ; yet to such as have chosen them to spend their 
 labours and studies in them, they seem great matters. 
 
 XVII. 1. For the method of tradition, I see it hath 
 moved a controversy in our time. But as in civil busi- 
 ness, if there be a meeting, and men fall at words, there 
 is commonly an end of the matter for that time, and no 
 proceeding at all ; so in learning, where there is much 
 controversy, there is many times little inquiry. For this 
 part of knowledge of method seemeth to me so weakly 
 inquired as I shall report it deficient. 
 
 2. Method hath been placed and that not amiss, in 
 logic, as a part of judgement. For as the doctrine of 
 syllogisms comprehendeth the rules of judgement upon 
 that which is invented, so the doctrine of method con- 
 tained the rules of judgement upon that which is to be 
 delivered ; for judgement precedeth delivery, as it follow- 
 eth invention. Neither is the method or the nature of 
 the tradition material only to the use of knowledge, but 
 likewise to the progression of knowledge : for since the 
 labour and life of one man cannot attain to perfection of 
 knowledge, the wisdom of the tradition is that which in- 
 spireth the felicity of continuance and proceeding. And 
 therefore the most real diversity of method is of method 
 referred to use, and method referred to progression : 
 whereof the one may be termed magistral, and the other 
 of probation. 
 
 3. The latter whereof seemeth to be via deserta et inter- 
 clusa. For as knowledges are now delivered, there is a 
 kind of contract of error between the deliverer and the 
 receiver. For he that delivereth knowledge, desireth to 
 deliver it in such form as may be best believed, and not 
 
XVII. 3.] THE SECOND BOOK. 171 
 
 as may be best examined ; and he that receiveth know- 
 ledge, desireth rather present satisfaction, than expectant 
 inquiry ; and so rather not to doubt, than not to err : 
 glory making the author not to lay open his weakness, 
 and sloth making the disciple not to know his strength. 
 
 4. But knowledge that is delivered as a thread to be 
 spun on, ought to be delivered and intimated, if it were 
 possible, in the same method wherein it was invented : and 
 so is it possible of knowledge induced. But in this same 
 anticipated and prevented knowledge, no man knoweth 
 how he came to the knowledge which he hath obtained. 
 But yet nevertheless, secundum majus el minus, a man may 
 revisit and descend unto the foundations of his know- 
 ledge and consent ; and so transplant it into another, as 
 it grew in his own mind. For it is in knowledges as it 
 is in plants : if you mean to use the plant, it is no matter 
 for the roots ; but if you mean to remove it to grow, then 
 it is more assured to rest upon roots than slips : so the 
 delivery of knowledges (as it is now used) is as of fair 
 bodies of trees without the roots ; good for the carpenter, 
 but not for the planter. But if you will have sciences 
 grow, it is less matter for the shaft or body of the tree, so 
 you look well to the taking up of the roots. j) e met hodo 
 Of which kind of delivery the method of the sincera, sive 
 mathematics, in that subject, hath some adJMos 
 shadow : but generally I see it neither put scien tarum - 
 in ure nor put in inquisition, and therefore note it for 
 deficient. 
 
 5. Another diversity of method there is, which hath 
 some affinity with the former, used in some cases by 
 the discretion of the ancients, but disgraced since by 
 the impostures of many vain persons, who have made it 
 as a false light for their counterfeit merchandises; and 
 
172 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING [XVIl. 5. 
 
 that is, enigmatical and disclosed. The pretence whereof 
 is, to remove the vulgar capacities from being admitted 
 to the secrets of knowledges, and to reserve them to 
 selected auditors, or wits of such sharpness as can pierce 
 the veil. 
 
 6. Another diversity of method, whereof the conse- 
 quence is great, is the delivery of knowledge in aphor- 
 isms, or in methods ; wherein we may observe that it 
 hath been too much taken into custom, out of a few 
 axioms or observations upon any subject, to make a 
 solemn and formal art, filling it with some discourses, 
 and illustrating it with examples, and digesting it into 
 a sensible method. But the writing in aphorisms hath 
 many excellent virtues, whereto the writing in method 
 doth not approach. 
 
 7. For first, it trieth the writer, whether he be superficial 
 or solid : for aphorisms, except they should be ridiculous, 
 cannot be made but of the pith and heart of sciences; 
 for discourse of illustration is cut off; recitals of exam- 
 ples are cut off; discourse of connexion and order is 
 cut off; descriptions of practice are cut off. So there 
 remaineth nothing to fill the aphorisms but some good 
 quantity of observation : and therefore no man can suffice, 
 nor in reason will attempt, to write aphorisms, but he that 
 is sound and grounded. But in methods, 
 
 Tantum series juncturaque pollet, 
 Tantum de medio sumptis accedit honoris, 
 
 as a man shall make a great show of an art, which, if it 
 were disjointed, would come to little. Secondly, methods 
 are more fit to win consent or belief, but less fit to 
 point to action ; for they carry a kind of demonstration 
 in orb or circle, one part illuminating another, and there- 
 fore satisfy. But particulars being dispersed do best 
 
XVII. 7-] THE SECOND BOOK. 173 
 
 agree with dispersed directions. And lastly, aphorisms, 
 representing a knowledge broken, do invite men to in- 
 quire further ; whereas methods, carrying the show of 
 a total, do secure men, as if they were at furthest. 
 
 8. Another diversity of method, which is likewise of 
 great weight, is the handling of knowledge by assertions 
 and their proofs, or by questions and their deter- 
 minations. The latter kind whereof, if it be immoderately 
 followed, is as prejudicial to the proceeding of learning, 
 as it is to the proceeding of an army to go about to 
 besiege every little fort or hold. For if the field be kept, 
 and the sum of the enterprise pursued, those smaller 
 things will come in of themselves : indeed a man would 
 not leave some important piece enemy at his back. In 
 like manner, the use of confutation in the delivery of 
 sciences ought to be very sparing; and to serve to re- 
 move strong preoccupations and prejudgements, and not 
 to minister and excite disputations and doubts. 
 
 9. Another diversity of methods is, according to the 
 subject or matter which is handled. For there is a great 
 difference in delivery of the mathematics, which are the 
 most abstracted of knowledges, and policy, which is the 
 most immersed. And howsoever contention hath been 
 moved, touching an uniformity of method in multiformity 
 of matter, yet we see how that opinion, besides the weak- 
 ness of it, hath been of ill desert towards learning, as 
 that which taketh the way to reduce learning to cer- 
 tain empty and barren generalities; being but the very 
 husks and shells of sciences, all the kernel being forced 
 out and expulsed with the torture and press of the method. 
 And therefore as 1 did allow well of particular topics for 
 invention, so I do allow likewise of particular methods of 
 tradition. 
 
174 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XVII. 10. 
 
 10. Another diversity of judgement in the delivery and 
 teaching of knowledge is, according unto the light and 
 presuppositions of that which is delivered. For that know- 
 ledge which is new, and foreign from opinions received, 
 is to be delivered in another form than that that is agree- 
 able and familiar ; and therefore Aristotle, when he thinks 
 to tax Democritus, doth in truth commend him, where he 
 saith, If we shall indeed dispute, and not follow after simili- 
 tudes, &c. For those whose conceits are seated in popular 
 opinions, need only but to prove or dispute ; but those 
 whose conceits are beyond popular opinions, have a 
 double labour ; the one to make themselves conceived, 
 and the other to prove and demonstrate. So that it is 
 of necessity with them to have recourse to similitudes and 
 translations to express themselves. And therefore in the 
 infancy of learning, and in rude times, when those con- 
 ceits which are now trivial were then new, the world was 
 full of parables and similitudes ; for else would men either 
 have passed over without mark, or else rejected for para- 
 doxes that which was offered, before they had understood 
 or judged. So in divine learning, we see how frequent 
 parables and tropes are : for it is a rule, that whatsoever 
 science is not consonant to presuppositions, must pray in 
 aid of similitudes. 
 
 n. There be also other diversities of methods vulgar 
 and received : as that of resolution or analysis, of con- 
 stitution or systasis, of concealment or cryptic &c, which 
 I do allow well of, though I have stood upon those which 
 Depruden- are least handled and observed. All which 
 tia tradi- I have remembered to this purpose, because 
 ttoms. j wou id erect and constitute one general in- 
 
 quiry (which seems to me deficient) touching the wisdom 
 of tradition. 
 
XVII.I2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 175 
 
 1 2. But unto this part of knowledge, concerning method, 
 doth further belong not only the architecture of the whole 
 frame of a work, but also the several beams and columns 
 thereof; not as to their stuff, but as to their quantity and 
 figure. And therefore method considereth not only the 
 disposition of the argument or subject, but likewise the 
 propositions : not as to their truth or matter, but as to 
 their limitation and manner. For herein Ramus merited 
 better a great deal in reviving the good rules of proposi- 
 tions, Ka06\ov npojTov, Kara navros &c, than he did in intro- 
 ducing the canker of epitomes; and yet (as it is the 
 condition of human things that, according to the ancient 
 fables, the most precious things have the most pernicious 
 keepers) it was so, that the attempt of the one made him 
 fall upon the other. For he had need be well conducted 
 that should design to make axioms convertible, if he 
 make them not withal circular, and non-promovent, or 
 incurring into themselves; but yet the intention was 
 excellent. 
 
 13. The other considerations of method, concerning 
 propositions, are chiefly touching the utmost proposi- 
 tions, which limit the dimensions of sciences : for every 
 knowledge may be fitly said, besides the profundity 
 (which is the truth and substance of it, that makes it 
 solid), to have a longitude and a latitude ; accounting 
 the latitude towards other sciences, and the lono-itude 
 towards action ; that is, from the greatest generality to 
 the most particular precept. The one giveth rule how 
 far one knowledge ought to intermeddle within the pro- 
 vince of another, which is the rule they call Kadavro • the 
 other giveth rule unto what degree of particularity a 
 knowledge should descend : which latter I find passed 
 over in silence, being in my judgement the more material. 
 
1 7O OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XVII. 13, 
 
 For certainly there must be somewhat left to practice ; 
 but how much is worthy the inquiry. We see remote 
 and superficial generalities do but offer knowledge to 
 scorn of practical men ; and are no more aiding to 
 practice, than an Ortelius' universal map is to direct the 
 way between London and York. The better sort of 
 rules have been not unfitly compared to glasses of steel 
 unpolished, where you may see the images of things, 
 but first they must be filed : so the rules will help, if they 
 De produc- be laboured and polished by practice. But 
 done axio- how crystalline they may be made at the 
 """'""■ first, and how far forth they may be polished 
 aforehand is the question; the inquiry whereof seemeth 
 to me deficient. 
 
 14. There hath been also laboured and put in prac- 
 tice a method, which is not a lawful method, but a 
 method of imposture ; which is, to deliver knowledges in 
 such manner, as men may speedily come to make a show 
 of learning who have it not. Such was the travail of 
 Raymundus Lullius, in making that art which bears his 
 name : not unlike to some books of typocosmy, which 
 have been made since; being nothing but a mass of 
 words of all arts, to give men countenance, that those 
 which use the terms might be thought to understand the 
 art ; which collections are much like a flipper's or broker's 
 shop, that hath ends of everything, but nothing of worth. 
 XVIII. 1. Now we descend to that part which con- 
 cerneth the illustration of tradition, comprehended in that 
 science which we call rhetoric, or art of eloquence ; a 
 science excellent, and excellently well laboured. For 
 although in true value it is inferior to wisdom, as ft is 
 said by God to Moses, when he disabled himself for 
 want of this faculty, Aaron shall be thy speaker, and thou 
 
XVIII. i.] THE SECOND BOOK. 177 
 
 shall be to him as God ; yet with people it is the more 
 mighty : for so Salomon saith, Sapiens corde appellabilur 
 prudens, sed dulcis eloquio major a reperiet ; signifying that 
 profoundness of wisdom will help a man to a name or 
 admiration, but that it is eloquence that prevaileth in an 
 active life. And as to the labouring of it, the emulation 
 of Aristotle with the rhetoricians of his time, and the 
 experience of Cicero, hath made them in their works of 
 rhetorics exceed themselves. Again, the excellency of 
 examples of eloquence in the orations of Demosthenes 
 and Cicero, added to the perfection of the precepts of 
 eloquence, hath doubled the progression in this art ; and 
 therefore the deficiences which I shall note will rather be 
 in some collections, which may as handmaids attend the 
 art, than in the rules or use of the art itself. 
 
 2. Notwithstanding, to stir the earth a little about the 
 roots of this science, as we have done of the rest ; the 
 duty and office of rhetoric is to apply reason to imagina- 
 tion for the better moving of the will. For we see reason 
 is disturbed in the administration thereof by three means ; 
 by illaqueation or sophism, which pertains to logic ; by 
 imagination or impression, which pertains to rhetoric; and 
 by passion or affection, which pertains to morality. And 
 as in negotiation with others, men are wrought by cun- 
 ning, by importunity, and by vehemency; so in this 
 negotiation within ourselves, men are undermined by in- 
 consequences, solicited and importuned by impressions 
 or observations, and transported by passions. Neither is 
 the nature of man so unfortunately built, as that those 
 powers and arts should have force to disturb reason, and 
 not to establish and advance it. For the end of logic is to 
 teach a form of argument to secure reason, and not to en- 
 trap it. The end of morality is to procure the affections to 
 
178 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XVIII.2. 
 
 obey reason, and not to invade it. The end of rhetoric is to 
 fill the imagination to second reason, and not to oppress it: 
 for these abuses of arts come in but ex obliquo, for caution. 
 
 3. And therefore it was great injustice in Plato, though 
 springing out of a just hatred to the rhetoricians of his 
 time, to esteem of rhetoric but as a voluptuary art, re- 
 sembling it to cookery, that did mar wholesome meats, 
 and help unwholesome by variety of sauces to the plea- 
 sure of the taste. For we see that speech is much more 
 conversant in adorning that which is good, than in 
 colouring that which is evil ; for there is no man but 
 speaketh more honestly than he can do or think : and 
 it was excellently noted by Thucydides in Cleon, that 
 because he used to hold on the bad side in causes of 
 estate, therefore he was ever inveighing against elo- 
 quence and good speech ; knowing that no man can 
 speak fair of courses sordid and base. And therefore 
 as Plato said elegantly, That virtue, if she could be seen, 
 would move great love and affection ; so seeing that she 
 cannot be showed to the sense by corporal shape, the 
 next degree is to show her to the imagination in lively 
 representation : for to show her to reason only in sub- 
 tility of argument was a thing ever derided in Chrysip- 
 pus and many of the Stoics, who thought to thrust 
 virtue upon men by sharp disputations and conclusions, 
 which have no sympathy with the will of man. 
 
 4. Again, if the affections in themselves were pliant and 
 obedient to reason, it were true there should be no great 
 use of persuasions and insinuations to the will, more than 
 of naked proposition and proofs; but in regard of the 
 continual mutinies and seditions of the affections, 
 
 Video meliora, proboque, 
 Deteriora sequor, 
 
XVIII. 4 .] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 79 
 
 reason would become captive and servile, if eloquence 
 of persuasions did not practise and win the imagination 
 from the affections' part, and contract a confederacy be- 
 tween the reason and imagination against the affections ; 
 for the affections themselves carry ever an appetite to 
 good, as reason doth. The difference is, that the affection 
 beholdeth merely the present ; reason beholdeth the future 
 and sum of time. And therefore the present filling the 
 imagination more, reason is commonly vanquished ; but 
 after that force of eloquence and persuasion hath made 
 things future and remote appear as present, then upon 
 the revolt of the imagination reason prevaileth. 
 
 5. We conclude therefore that rhetoric can be no 
 more charged with the colouring of the worse part, than 
 logic with sophistry, or morality with vice. For we know 
 the doctrines of contraries are the same, though the use 
 be opposite. It appeareth also that logic differeth from 
 rhetoric, not only as the fist from the palm, the one close, 
 the other at large; but much more in this, that logic 
 handleth reason exact and in truth, and rhetoric handleth 
 it as it is planted in popular opinions and manners. And 
 therefore Aristotle doth wisely place rhetoric as between 
 logic on the one side, and moral or civil knowledge on 
 the other, as participating of both : for the proofs and 
 demonstrations of logic are toward all men indifferent 
 and the same ; but the proofs and persuasions of rhetoric 
 ought to differ according to the auditors : 
 
 Orpheus in sylvis, inter delphinas Arion. 
 
 Which application, in perfection of idea, ought to extend 
 so far, that if a man should speak of the same thing to 
 several persons, he should speak to them all respectively 
 and several ways : though this politic part of eloquence 
 
 N 2 
 
l8o OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XVIIl. 5. 
 
 in private speech it is easy for the greatest orators to 
 
 want : whilst, by the observing their well- 
 
 Deprudentia g race( j f orms f speech, they leese the volu- 
 
 . . bility of application : and therefore it shall 
 
 not be amiss to recommend this to better 
 
 inquiry, not being curious whether we place it here, or in 
 
 that part which concerneth policy. 
 
 6. Now therefore will I descend to the deficiences, 
 Colores boni which ( as I sa id) are but attendances : and 
 et mali, first, I do not find the wisdom and diligence 
 
 simplicis et of Aristotle well pursued, who began to make 
 comparati. a co llection of the popular signs and colours 
 of good and evil, both simple and comparative, which are 
 as the sophisms of rhetoric (as I touched before). For 
 example : 
 
 Sophisma. 
 Quod laudatur, bonum: quod vituperatur, malum. 
 
 Redargutio. 
 Laudat venales qui vult extrudere merces. 
 
 Malum est, malum est {inquit emptor) ; sed cum recesseril, 
 turn gloriabitur I The defects in the labour of Aristotle 
 are three : one, that there be but a few of many ; another, 
 that their elenches are not annexed ; and the third, that 
 he conceived but a part of the use of them : for their use 
 is not only in probation, but much more in impression. 
 For many forms are equal in signification which are dif- 
 fering in impression ; as the difference is great in the 
 piercing of that which is sharp and that which is flat, 
 though the strength of the percussion be the same. For 
 there is no man but will be a little more raised by hearing 
 it said, Your enemies will be glad of this \ 
 
 Hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mercentur Atridze, 
 
 than by hearing it said only, This is evil for you. 
 
XVIII. ;•] THE SECOND BOOK. l8l 
 
 7. Secondly, I do resume also that which I mentioned 
 before, touching provision or preparatory store for the 
 furniture of speech and readiness of invention, which ap- 
 peareth to be of two sorts ; the one in resemblance to a 
 shop of pieces unmade up, the other to a shop of things 
 ready made up ; both to be applied to that which is fre- 
 quent and most in request. The former of these I will 
 call antiihcta, and the latter formula. 
 
 8. Antitheia are theses argued pro et contra ; wherein 
 men may be more large and laborious : but 
 
 (in such as are able to do it) to avoid prolixitv 
 of entry, I wish the seeds of the several argu- 
 ments to be cast up into some brief and acute sentences, 
 not to be cited, but to be as skeins or bottoms of thread, 
 to be unwinded at large when they come to be used; 
 supplying authorities and examples by reference. 
 
 Pro verbis legis. 
 Non est interpretatio, sed divinatio, quae recedit a litera : 
 Cum receditur a litera, judex transit in legislatorem. 
 
 Pro sententia legis. 
 Ex omnibus verbis est eliciendus sensus qui interpretatur singula. 
 
 9. Formula are but decent and apt passages or con- 
 veyances of speech, which may serve indifferently for 
 differing subjects ; as of preface, conclusion, digression, 
 transition, excusation, &c. For as in buildings there is 
 great pleasure and use in the well casting of the stair- 
 cases, entries, doors, windows, and the like ; so in speech, 
 the conveyances and passages are of special ornament 
 and effect. 
 
 A conclusion in a deliberative. 
 So may we redeem the faults passed, and prevent the inconveniences 
 future. 
 
 XIX. i. There remain two appendices touching the 
 
1 8 2 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XIX. i. 
 
 tradition of knowledge, the one critical, the other pedant- 
 ical. For all knowledge is either delivered by teachers, 
 or attained by men's proper endeavours: and therefore 
 as the principal part of tradition of knowledge concerneth 
 chiefly writing of books, so the relative part thereof con- 
 cerneth reading of books ; whereunto appertain incidently 
 these considerations. The first is concerning the true 
 correction and edition of authors ; wherein nevertheless 
 rash diligence hath done great prejudice. For these 
 critics have often presumed that that which they under- 
 stand not is false set down: as the priest that, where 
 he found it written of S. Paul Demissus est per sportam, 
 mended his book, and made it Demissus est per portam ; 
 because sporta was an hard word, and out of his reading : 
 and surely their errors, though they be not so palpable 
 and ridiculous, yet are of the same kind. And therefore, 
 as it hath been wisely noted, the most corrected copies 
 are commonly the least correct. 
 
 The second is concerning the exposition and explic- 
 ation of authors, which resteth in annotations and com- 
 mentaries : wherein it is over usual to blanch the obscure 
 places and discourse upon the plain. 
 
 The third is concerning the times, which in many cases 
 give great light to true interpretations. 
 
 The fourth is concerning some brief censure and judge- 
 ment of the authors ; that men thereby may make some 
 election unto themselves what books to read. 
 
 And the fifth is concerning the syntax and disposition 
 of studies ; that men may know in what order or pursuit 
 to read. 
 
 2. For pedantical knowledge, it containeth that differ- 
 ence of tradition which is proper for youth ; whereunto 
 appertain divers considerations of great fruit. 
 
XIX. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 83 
 
 As first, the timing and seasoning of knowledges ; as 
 with what to initiate them, and from what for a time to 
 refrain them. 
 
 Secondly, the consideration where to begin with the 
 easiest, and so proceed to the more difficult ; and in what 
 courses to press the more difficult, and then to turn them 
 to the more easy : for it is one method to practise swim- 
 ming with bladders, and another to practise dancing with 
 heavy shoes. 
 
 A third is the application of learning according unto 
 the propriety of the wits ; for there is no defect in the 
 faculties intellectual, but seemeth to have a proper cure 
 contained in some studies : as, for example, if a child be 
 bird-witted, that is, hath not the faculty of attention, the 
 mathematics giveth a remedy thereunto ; for in them, if 
 the wit be caught away but a moment, one is new to 
 begin. And as sciences have a propriety towards faculties 
 for cure and help, so faculties or powers have a sympathy 
 towards sciences for excellency or speedy profiting : and 
 therefore it is an inquiry of great wisdom, what kinds of 
 wits and natures are most apt and proper for what sciences. 
 Fourthly, the ordering of exercises is matter of great 
 consequence to hurt or help : for, as is well observed by 
 Cicero, men in exercising their faculties, if they be not 
 well advised, do exercise their faults and get ill habits as 
 well as good ; so as there is a great judgement to be had 
 in the continuance and intermission of exercises. It were 
 too long to particularise a number of other considerations 
 of this nature, things but of mean appearance, but of 
 singular efficacy. For as the wronging or cherishing of 
 seeds or young plants is that that is most important 
 to their thriving, and as it was noted that the first six 
 kings being in truth as tutors of the state of Rome in the 
 
184 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XIX. 2. 
 
 infancy thereof was the principal cause of the immense 
 greatness of that state which followed, so the culture 
 and manurance of minds in youth hath such a forcible 
 (though unseen) operation, as hardly any length of time 
 or contention of labour can countervail it afterwards. 
 And it is not amiss to observe also how small and mean 
 faculties gotten by education, yet when they fall into great 
 men or great matters, do work great and important 
 effects : whereof we see a notable example in Tacitus 
 of two stage players, Percennius and Vibulenus, who by 
 their faculty of playing put the Pannonian armies into 
 an extreme tumult and combustion. For there arising a 
 mutiny amongst them upon the death of Augustus Csesar, 
 Blaesus the lieutenant had committed some of the mutin- 
 ers, which were suddenly rescued; whereupon Vibulenus 
 got to be heard speak, which he did in this manner : 
 These poor innocent wretches appointed to cruel death, you 
 have restored to behold the light ; but who shall restore my 
 brother to me, or life unto my brother, that was sent hither 
 in message from the legions of Germany, to treat of the 
 common cause P and he hath murdered him this last night 
 by some of his fencers and ruffians, that he hath about him 
 for his executioners upon soldiers. Answer, Blcesus, what 
 is done with his body ? The mortalest enemies do not deny 
 burial. When I have performed my last duties to the corpse 
 with kisses, with tears, command me to be slain besides him ; 
 so that these my fellows, for our good meaning and our true 
 hearts to the legions, may have leave to bury us. With which 
 speech he put the army into an infinite fury and uproar : 
 whereas truth was he had no brother, neither was there 
 any such matter ; but he played it merely as if he had 
 been upon the stage. 
 
 3. But to return : we are now come to a period of 
 
XIX. 3.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 85 
 
 rational knowledges ; wherein if I have made the divi- 
 sions other than those that are received, yet would I not 
 be thought to disallow all those divisions which I do not 
 use. For there is a double necessity imposed upon me 
 of altering the divisions. The one, because it differeth 
 in end and purpose, to sort together those things which 
 are next in nature, and those things which are next in 
 use. For if a secretary of estate should sort his papers, 
 it is like in his study or general cabinet he would sort 
 together things of a nature, as treaties, instructions, &c. 
 But in his boxes or particular cabinet he would sort 
 together those that he were like to use together, though 
 of several natures. So in this general cabinet of know- 
 ledge it was necessary for me to follow the divisions of 
 the nature of things ; whereas if myself had been to 
 handle any particular knowledge, I would have respected 
 the divisions fittest for use. The other, because the 
 bringing in of the deficiences did by consequence alter 
 the partitions of the rest. For let the knowledge extant 
 (for demonstration sake) be fifteen. Let the knowledge 
 with the deficiences be twenty; the parts of fifteen are 
 not the parts of twenty ; for the parts of fifteen are three 
 and five ; the parts of twenty are two, four, five, and ten. 
 So as these things are without contradiction, and could 
 not otherwise be. 
 
 XX. 1. "YX 7E proceed now to that knowledge which 
 
 considereth of the appetite and will of 
 man: whereof Salomon saith, Ante o??i?iia, fili, custodi cor 
 tuum ; nam ijide procedunt adiones vitce. In the handling 
 of this science, those which have written seem to me to 
 have done as if a man, that professed to teach to write, 
 did only exhibit fair copies of alphabets and letters 
 
1 86 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XX. i. 
 
 joined, without giving any precepts or directions for the 
 carriage of the hand and framing of the letters. So have 
 they made good and fair exemplars and copies, carrying 
 the draughts and portraitures of good, virtue, duty, felicity; 
 propounding them well described as the true objects and 
 scopes of man's will and desires. But how to attain 
 these excellent marks, and how to frame and subdue the 
 will of man to become true and conformable to these 
 pursuits, they pass it over altogether, or slightly and un- 
 profitably. For it is not the disputing, that moral virtues 
 are in the mind of man by habit and not by nature ; or 
 the distinguishing, that generous spirits are won by doc- 
 trines and persuasions, and the vulgar sort by reward and 
 punishment ; and the like scattered glances and touches, 
 that can excuse the absence of this part. 
 
 2. The reason of this omission I suppose to be that 
 hidden rock whereupon both this and many other barks 
 of knowledge have been cast away ; which is, that men 
 have despised to be conversant in ordinary and common 
 matters, the judicious direction whereof nevertheless is 
 the wisest doctrine (for life consisteth not in novelties 
 nor subtilities), but contrariwise they have compounded 
 sciences chiefly of a certain resplendent or lustrous mass 
 of matter, chosen to give glory either to the subtility of 
 disputations, or to the eloquence of discourses. But 
 Seneca giveth an excellent check to eloquence, Nocet 
 illis eloquenlia, quibus non rerum cupiditatem facit, sed sui. 
 Doctrine should be such as should make men in love 
 with the lesson, and not with the teacher ; being directed 
 to the auditor's benefit, and not to the author's com- 
 mendation. And therefore those are of the right kind 
 which may be concluded as Demosthenes concludes his 
 counsel; Quce si feceritis, non o atorem duntaxat in pr&- 
 
XX. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 187 
 
 sentia laudabitis, sed vos?netipsos etiam non iia multo post 
 statu rerum vesiraram meliore. 
 
 3. Neither needed men of so excellent parts to have 
 despaired of a fortune, which the poet Virgil promised 
 himself, and indeed obtained, who got as much glory of 
 eloquence, wit, and learning in the expressing of the 
 observations of husbandry, as of the heroical acts of 
 ^Eneas : 
 
 Nee sum animi dubius, verbis ea vincere magnum 
 Quam sit, et angustis his addere rebus honorem. 
 
 And surely, if the purpose be in good earnest, not to 
 write at leisure that which men may read at leisure, but 
 really to instruct and suborn action and active life, these 
 Georgics of the mind, concerning the husbandry and 
 tillage thereof, are no less worthy than the heroical de- 
 scriptions of virtue, duty, and felicity. Wherefore the 
 main and primitive division of moral knowledge seemeth 
 to be into the exemplar or platform of good, and the 
 regiment or culture of the mind : the one describing the 
 nature of good, the other prescribing rules how to subdue, 
 apply, and accommodate the will of man thereunto. 
 
 4. The doctrine touching the platform or nature of 
 good considereth it either simple or compared; either 
 the kinds of good, or the degrees of good; in the latter 
 whereof those infinite disputations which were touching 
 the supreme degree thereof, which they term felicity, 
 beatitude, or the highest good, the doctrines concerning 
 which were as the heathen divinity, are by the Christian 
 faith discharged. And as Aristotle saith, That young men 
 may be happy, but not otherwise but by hope ; so we must 
 all acknowledge our minority, and embrace the felicity 
 which is by hope of the future world. 
 
 Freed therefore and delivered from this doctrine of . 
 
1 88 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XX. 5. 
 
 the philosopher's heaven, whereby they feigned an higher 
 elevation of man's nature than was (for we see in what 
 height of style Seneca writeth, Vere magnum, habere fra- 
 gilitatem hominis, securitatem Dei), we may with more 
 sobriety and truth receive the rest of their inquiries and 
 labours. Wherein for the nature of good positive or 
 simple, they have set it down excellently in describing 
 the forms of virtue and duty, with their situations and 
 postures ; in distributing them into their kinds, parts, 
 provinces, actions, and administrations, and the like : nay 
 further, they have commended them to man's nature and 
 spirit with great quickness of argument and beauty of 
 persuasions; yea, and fortified and entrenched them (as 
 much as discourse can do) against corrupt and popular 
 opinions. Again, for the degrees and comparative nature 
 of good, they have also excellently handled it in their 
 triplicity of good, in the comparisons between a contem- 
 plative and an active life, in the distinction between virtue 
 with reluctation and virtue secured, in their encounters 
 between honesty and profit, in their balancing of virtue 
 with virtue, and the like ; so as this part deserveth to be 
 reported for excellently laboured. 
 
 6. Notwithstanding, if before they had comen to the 
 popular and received notions of virtue and vice, pleasure 
 and pain, and the rest, they had stayed a little longer 
 upon the inquiry concerning the roots of good and evil, 
 and the strings of those roots, they had given, in my 
 opinion, a great light to that which followed ; and spe- 
 cially if they had consulted with nature, they had made 
 their doctrines less prolix and more profound: which 
 being by them in part omitted and in part handled with 
 much confusion, we will endeavour to resume and open 
 in a more clear manner. 
 
XX. 7.] THE SECOND BOOK. 189 
 
 7. There is formed in every thing a double nature of 
 good : the one, as every thing is a total or substantive in 
 itself; the other, as it is a part or member of a greater 
 body : whereof the latter is in degree the greater and 
 the worthier, because it tendeth to the conservation of a 
 more general form. Therefore we see the iron in par- 
 ticular sympathy moveth to the loadstone ; but yet if it 
 exceed a certain quantity, it forsaketh the affection to the 
 loadstone, and like a good patriot moveth to the earth, 
 which is the region and country of massy bodies : so may 
 we go forward, and see that water and massy bodies 
 move to the centre of the earth ; but rather than to suffer 
 a divulsion in the continuance of nature, they will move 
 upwards from the centre of the earth, forsaking their duty 
 to the earth in regard of their duty to the world. This 
 double nature of good, and the comparative thereof, is 
 much more engraven upon man, if he degenerate not : 
 unto whom the conservation of duty to the public ought 
 to be much more precious than the conservation of life 
 and being : according to that memorable speech of Pom- 
 peius Magnus, when being in commission of purveyance 
 for a famine at Rome, and being dissuaded with great 
 vehemency and instance by his friends about him, that 
 he should not hazard himself to sea in an extremity of 
 weather, he said only to them, Necesse est ut earn, non ut 
 vivam. But it may be truly affirmed that there was never 
 any philosophy, religion, or other discipline, which did 
 so plainly and highly exalt the good which is commun- 
 icative, and depress the good which is private and par- 
 ticular, as the Holy Faith ; well declaring that it was the 
 same God that gave the Christian law to men, who gave 
 those laws of nature to inanimate creatures that we spake 
 of before ; for we read that the elected saints of God have 
 
190 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XX. 7. 
 
 wished themselves anathematized and razed out of the 
 book of life, in an ecstasy of charity and infinite feeling 
 of communion. 
 
 8. This being set down and strongly planted, doth 
 judge and determine most of the controversies wherein 
 moral philosophy is conversant. For first, it decideth the 
 question touching the preferment of the contemplative or 
 active life, and decideth it against Aristotle. For all the 
 reasons which he bringeth for the contemplative are pri- 
 vate, and respecting the pleasure and dignity of a man's 
 self (in which respects no question the contemplative life 
 hath the pre-eminence), not much unlike to that com- 
 parison, which Pythagoras made for the gracing and 
 magnifying of philosophy and contemplation : who being 
 asked what he was, answered, That if Hiero were ever at 
 the Olympian games, he knew the manner, that some came 
 to try their fortune for the prizes, and some came as mer- 
 chants to utter their commodites, and some came to make 
 good cheer and meet their friends, and some came to look 
 on; and that he was one of them that came to look on. 
 But men must know, that in this theatre of man's life it is 
 reserved only for God and angels to be lookers on. Neither 
 could the like question ever have been received in the 
 church, notwithstanding their Pretiosa in oculis Domini 
 mors sanctorum ejus, by which place they would exalt 
 their civil death and regular professions, but upon this 
 defence, that the monastical life is not simple contem- 
 plative, but performeth the duty either of incessant prayers 
 and supplications, which hath been truly esteemed as an 
 office in the church, or else of writing or taking instruc- 
 tions for writing concerning the law of God, as Moses 
 did when he abode so long in the mount. And so 
 we see Henoch the seventh from Adam, who was the first 
 
XX. 8.] THE SECOND BOOK. 191 
 
 contemplative and walked with God, yet did also endow 
 the church with prophecy, which Saint Jude citeth. But 
 for contemplation which should be finished in itself, with- 
 out casting beams upon society, assuredly divinity knoweth 
 it not. 
 
 9. It decideth also the controversies between Zeno and 
 Socrates, and their schools and successions, on the one 
 side, who placed felicity in virtue simply or attended, the 
 actions and exercises whereof do chiefly embrace and 
 concern society ; and on the other side, the Cyrenaics and 
 Epicureans, who placed it in pleasure, and made virtue 
 (as it is used in some comedies of errors, wherein the 
 mistress and the maid change habits) to be but as a 
 servant, without which pleasure cannot be served and 
 attended; and the reformed school of the Epicureans, 
 which placed it in serenity of mind and freedom from 
 perturbation; as if they would have deposed Jupiter 
 again,' and restored Saturn and the first age, when there 
 was no summer nor winter, spring nor autumn, but all 
 after one air and season ; and Herillus, which placed 
 felicity in extinguishment of the disputes of the mind, 
 making no fixed nature of good and evil, esteeming things 
 according to the clearness of the desires, or the reluct- 
 ation; which opinion was revived in the heresy of the 
 Anabaptists, measuring things according to the motions 
 of the spirit, and the constancy or wavering of belief : all 
 which are manifest to tend to private repose and con- 
 tentment, and not to point of society. 
 
 10. It censureth also the philosophy of Epictetus, which 
 presupposeth that felicity must be placed in those things 
 which are in our power, lest we be liable to fortune and 
 disturbance : as if it were not a thing much more happy 
 to fail in good and virtuous ends for the public, than to 
 
192 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XX. 10. 
 
 obtain all that we can wish to ourselves in our proper 
 fortune ; as Consalvo said to his soldiers, showing them 
 Naples, and protesting he had rather die one foot for- 
 wards, than to have his life secured for long by one foot 
 of retreat. Whereunto the wisdom of that heavenly leader 
 hath signed, who hath affirmed that a good conscience is a 
 continual feast ; showing plainly that the conscience of 
 good intentions, howsoever succeeding, is a more con- 
 tinual joy to nature, than all the provision which can be 
 made for security and repose. 
 
 11. It censureth likewise that abuse of philosophy, 
 which grew general about the time of Epictetus, in con- 
 verting it into an occupation or profession; as if the 
 purpose had been, not to resist and extinguish perturb- 
 ations, but to fly and avoid the causes of them, and to 
 shape a particular kind and course of life to that end; 
 introducing such an health of mind, as was that health of 
 body of which Aristotle speaketh of Herodicus, who did 
 nothing all his life long but intend his health : whereas if 
 men refer themselves to duties of society, as that health 
 of body is best, which is ablest to endure all alterations 
 and extremities ; so likewise that health of mind is most 
 proper, which can go through the greatest temptations 
 and perturbations. So as Diogenes' opinion is to be 
 accepted, who commended not them which abstained, 
 but them which sustained, and could refrain their mind 
 in prcBcipitio, and could give unto the mind (as is used in 
 horsemanship) the shortest stop or turn. 
 
 12. Lastly, it censureth the tenderness and want of 
 application in some of the most ancient and reverend 
 philosophers and philosophical men, that did retire too 
 easily from civil business, for avoiding of indignities and 
 perturbations : whereas the resolution of men truly moral 
 
XX. 12.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 93 
 
 ought to be such as the same Consalvo said the honour 
 of a soldier should be, e tela crasswre, and not so fine as 
 that every thing should catch in it and endanger it. 
 
 XXI. 1. To resume private or particular good, it 
 falleth into the division of good active and passive : for 
 this difference of good (not unlike to that which amongst 
 the Romans was expressed in the familiar or household 
 terms of promus and condus) is formed also in all things, 
 and is best disclosed in the two several appetites in crea- 
 tures; the one to preserve or continue themselves, and 
 the other to dilate or multiply themselves; whereof the 
 latter seemeth to be the worthier: for in nature the 
 heavens, which are the more worthy, are the agent ; and 
 the earth, which is the less worthy, is the patient. In the 
 pleasures of living creatures, that of generation is greater 
 than that of food. In divine doctrine, beatius est dare 
 quam accipere. And in life, there is no man's spirit so 
 soft, but esteemeth the effecting of somewhat that he hath 
 fixed in his desire, more than sensuality ; which priority 
 of the active good, is much upheld by the consideration 
 of our estate to be mortal and exposed to fortune. For 
 if we mought have a perpetuity and certainty in our plea- 
 sures, the state of them would advance their price. But 
 when we see it is but magni cestimamus mori tardius, and 
 ne glorieris de crastino, nescis par turn diet, it maketh us to 
 desire to have somewhat secured and exempted from 
 time, which are only our deeds and works : as it is said, 
 Opera eorum sequuntur eos. The preeminence likewise of 
 this active good is upheld by the affection which is natural 
 in man towards variety and proceeding ; which in the 
 pleasures of the sense, which is the principal part of 
 passive good, can have no great latitude. Cogita quatn- 
 diu eadem feceris ; cibus, somnus, ludus; per nunc circulum 
 
 o 
 
194 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXI. i. 
 
 curritur ; morivelle non tantumfortis, aut miser, autprudens, 
 sed etiam fastidiosus potest. But in enterprises, pursuits, 
 and purposes of life, there is much variety; whereof men 
 are sensible with pleasure in their inceptions, progres- 
 sions, recoils, reintegrations, approaches and attainings 
 to their ends. So as it was well said, Vita sine proposito 
 languida et vaga est. Neither hath this active good any 
 identity with the good of society, though in some case it 
 hath an incidence into it. For although it do many times 
 bring forth acts of beneficence, yet it is with a respect 
 private to a man's own power, glory, amplification, con- 
 tinuance ; as appeareth plainly, when it findeth a contrary 
 subject. For that gigantine state of mind which pos- 
 sessed the troublers of the world, such as was Lucius 
 Sylla and infinite other in smaller model, who would 
 have all men happy or unhappy as they were their friends 
 or enemies, and would give form to the world, according 
 to their own humours (which is the true theomachy), 
 pretendeth and aspireth to active good, though it recedeth 
 furthest from good of society, which we have determined 
 to be the greater. 
 
 2. To resume passive good, it receiveth a subdivision of 
 conservative and perfective. For let us take a brief review 
 of that which we have said : we have spoken first of the 
 good of society, the intention whereof embraceth the 
 form of human nature, whereof we are members and 
 portions, and not our own proper and individual form : 
 we have spoken of active good, and supposed it as a 
 part of private and particular good. And rightly, for there 
 is impressed upon all things a triple desire or appetite 
 proceeding from love to themselves ; one of preserving 
 and continuing their form; another of advancing and 
 perfecting their form; and a third of multiplying and 
 
XXI. 2.] THE SECOND BOOK. 1 95 
 
 extending their form upon other things: whereof the 
 multiplying, or signature of it upon other things, is that 
 which we handled by the name of active good. So as 
 there remaineth the conserving of it, and perfecting or 
 raising of it; which latter is the highest degree of 
 passive good. For to preserve in state is the less, 
 to preserve with advancement is the greater. So in 
 man, 
 
 Igneus est ollis vigor, et caelestis origo. 
 
 His approach or assumption to divine or angelical na- 
 ture is the perfection of his form; the error or false 
 imitation of which good is that which is the tempest of 
 human life ; while man, upon the instinct of an advance- 
 ment formal and essential, is carried to seek an ad- 
 vancement local. For as those which are sick, and find 
 no remedy, do tumble up and down and change place, 
 as if by a remove local they could obtain a remove in- 
 ternal; so is it with men in ambition, when failing of 
 the mean to exalt their nature, they are in a perpetual 
 estuation to exalt their place. So then passive good is, 
 as was said, either conservative or perfective. 
 
 3. To resume the good of conservation or comfort, 
 which consisteth in the fruition of that which is agree- 
 able to our natures; it seemeth to be the most pure 
 and natural of pleasures, but yet the softest and the 
 lowest. And this also receiveth a difference, which hath 
 neither been well judged of, nor well inquired: for the 
 good of fruition or contentment is placed either in the 
 sincereness of the fruition, or in the quickness and 
 vigour of it; the one superinduced by equality, the 
 other by vicissitude ; the one having less mixture of evil, 
 the other more impression of good. Whether of these is 
 the greater good is a question controverted ; but whether 
 
 2 
 
I96 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXI. 3. 
 
 man's nature may not be capable of both, is a question 
 not inquired. 
 
 4. The former question being debated between Socrates 
 and a sophist, Socrates placing felicity in an equal and 
 constant peace of mind, and the sophist in much de- 
 siring and much enjoying, they fell from argument to ill 
 words : the sophist saying that Socrates' felicity was the 
 felicity of a block or stone ; and Socrates saying that 
 the sophist's felicity was the felicity of one that had the 
 itch, who did nothing but itch and scratch. And both 
 these opinions do not want their supports. For the 
 opinion of Socrates is much upheld by the general con- 
 sent even of the Epicures themselves, that virtue bear- 
 eth a great part in felicity; and if so, certain it is, that 
 virtue hath more use in clearing perturbations than 
 in compassing desires. The sophist's opinion is much 
 favoured by the assertion we last spake of, that good of 
 advancement is greater than good of simple preservation ; 
 because every obtaining a desire hath a show of advance- 
 ment, as motion though in a circle hath a show of pro- 
 gression. 
 
 5. But the second question, decided the true way, 
 maketh the former superfluous. For can it be doubted, 
 but that there are some who take more pleasure in en- 
 joying pleasures than some other, and yet, nevertheless, 
 are less troubled with the loss or leaving of them ? So 
 as this same, Non uti ut non appetas, non appetere ut non 
 metuas, sunt animi pusilli et diffidentis. And it seemeth 
 to me, that most of the doctrines of the philosophers are 
 more fearful and cautionary than the nature of things 
 requireth. So have they increased the fear of death in 
 offering to cure it. For when they would have a man's 
 whole life to be but a discipline or preparation to die, 
 
XX I- 5-J THE SECOND BOOK. 197 
 
 they must needs make men think that it is a terrible 
 enemy, against whom there is no end of preparing. 
 Better saith the poet : 
 
 Qui finem vitae extremum inter munera ponat 
 Naturae. 
 
 So have they sought to make men's minds too uniform 
 and harmonica!, by not breaking them sufficiently to con- 
 trary motions : the reason whereof I suppose to be, be- 
 cause they themselves were men dedicated to a private, 
 free, and unapplied course of life. For as we see, upon 
 the lute or like instrument, a ground, though it be sweet 
 and have show of many changes, yet breaketh not the 
 hand to such strange and hard stops and passages, as 
 a set song or voluntary; much after the same manner 
 was the diversity between a philosophical and a civil 
 life. And therefore men are to imitate the wisdom of 
 jewellers ; who, if there be a grain, or a cloud, or an ice 
 which may be ground forth without taking too much of 
 the stone, they help it ; but if it should lessen and abate 
 the stone too much, they will not meddle with it: so 
 ought men so to procure serenity as they destroy not 
 magnanimity. 
 
 6. Having therefore deduced the good of man which 
 is private and particular, as far as seemeth fit, we will 
 now return to that good of man which respecteth and 
 beholdeth society, which we may term duty; because the 
 term of duty is more proper to a mind well framed and 
 disposed towards others, as the term of virtue is applied 
 to a mind well formed and composed in itself: though 
 neither can a man understand virtue without some re- 
 lation to society, nor duty without an inward disposition. 
 This part may seem at first to pertain to science civil 
 and politic: but not if it be well observed. For it 
 
igS OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXI. 6. 
 
 concerneth the regiment and government of every man 
 over himself, and not over others. And as in architecture 
 the direction of framing the posts, beams, and other parts 
 of building, is not the same with the manner of joining 
 them and erecting the building; and in mechanicals, 
 the direction how to frame an instrument or engine, is 
 not the same with the manner of setting it on work and 
 employing it ; and yet nevertheless in expressing of the 
 one you incidently express the aptness towards the other ; 
 so the doctrine of conjugation of men in society differeth 
 from that of their conformity thereunto. 
 
 7. This part of duty is subdivided into two parts: 
 the common duty of every man, as a man or member 
 of a state; the other, the respective or special duty of 
 every man, in his profession, vocation, and place. The 
 first of these is extant and well laboured, as hath been 
 said. The second likewise I may report rather dispersed 
 than deficient; which manner of dispersed writing in 
 this kind of argument I acknowledge to be best. For 
 who can take upon him to write of the proper duty, 
 virtue, challenge, and right of every several vocation, pro- 
 fession, and place ? For although sometimes a looker on 
 may see more than a gamester, and there be a proverb 
 more arrogant than sound, That the vale best discovereih 
 the hill; yet there is small doubt but that men can write 
 best and most really and materially in their own profes- 
 sions ; and that the writing of speculative men of active 
 matter for the most part doth seem to men of experience, 
 as Phormio's argument of the wars seemed to Hannibal, 
 to be but dreams and dotage. Only there is one vice 
 which accompanieth them that write in their own pro- 
 fessions, that they magnify them in excess. But gener- 
 ally it were to be wished (as that which would make 
 
XXI. 7.] THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 I 99 
 
 learning indeed solid and fruitful) that active men would 
 or could become writers. 
 
 8. In which kind I cannot but mention, honoris causa, 
 your Majesty's excellent book touching the duty of a king: 
 a work richly compounded of divinity, morality, and policy, 
 with great aspersion of all other arts ; and being in mine 
 opinion one of the most sound and healthful writings that 
 I have read; not distempered in the heat of invention, 
 nor in the coldness of negligence; not sick of dizzi- 
 ness, as those are who leese themselves in their order, 
 nor of convulsions, as those which cramp in matters 
 impertinent; not savouring of perfumes and paintings, 
 as those do who seek to please the reader more than 
 nature beareth ; and chiefly well disposed in the spirits 
 thereof, being agreeable to truth and apt for action; 
 and far removed from that natural infirmity, whereunto 
 I noted those that write in their own professions to be 
 subject, which is, that they exalt it above measure. For 
 your Majesty hath truly described, not a king of Assyria 
 or Persia in their extern glory, but a Moses or a David, 
 pastors of their people. Neither can I ever leese out 
 of my remembrance what I heard your Majesty in the 
 same sacred spirit of government deliver in a great 
 cause of judicature, which was, That kings ruled by their 
 laws, as God did by the laws of nature ; and ought as 
 rarely to put in use their supreme prerogative, as God doth 
 his power of working miracles. And yet notwithstanding, 
 in your book of a free monarchy, you do well give men 
 to understand, that you know the plenitude of the power 
 and right of a king, as well as the circle of his office and 
 duty. Thus have I presumed to allege this excellent 
 writing of your Majesty, as a prime or eminent example 
 of tractates concerning special and respective duties : 
 
2CO OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXI. 8. 
 
 wherein I should have said as much, if it had been written 
 a thousand years since. Neither am I moved with certain 
 courtly decencies, which esteem it flattery to praise in 
 presence. No, it is flattery to praise in absence ; that is, 
 when either the virtue is absent, or the occasion is ab- 
 sent; and so the praise is not natural, but forced, either in 
 truth or in time. But let Cicero be read in his oration 
 pro Marcello, which is nothing but an excellent table of 
 Caesar's virtue, and made to his face ; besides the example 
 of many other excellent persons, wiser a great deal than 
 such observers ; and we will never doubt, upon a full 
 occasion, to give just praises to present or absent. 
 
 9. But to return : there belongeth further to the hand- 
 ling of this part, touching the duties of professions and 
 vocations, a relative or opposite, touching the frauds, 
 cautels, impostures, and vices of every profession, which 
 hath been likewise handled : but how ? rather in a satire 
 and cynically, than seriously and wisely: for men have 
 rather sought by wit to deride and traduce much of that 
 which is good in professions, than with judgement to 
 discover and sever that which is corrupt. For, as Salomon 
 saith, he that cometh to seek after knowledge with a 
 mind to scorn and censure, shall be sure to find matter 
 for his humour, but no matter for his instruction : Quce- 
 D ,. renti derisori scientiam ipsa se abscondit; sed 
 
 et malis studioso fit obviam. But the managing of 
 
 artibus. this argument with integrity and truth, which 
 
 I note as deficient, seemeth to me to be one of the best 
 fortifications for honesty and virtue that can be planted. 
 For, as the fable goeth of the basilisk, that if he see you 
 first, you die for it ; but if you see him first, he dieth : so is 
 it with deceits and evil arts ; which, if they be first espied 
 they leese their life ; but if they prevent, they endanger. So 
 
XXI. 9-] THE SECOND BOOK. 201 
 
 that we are much beholden to Machiavel and others, that 
 write what men do, and not what they ought to do. For 
 it is not possible to join serpentine wisdom with the 
 columbine innocency, except men know exactly all the 
 conditions of the serpent; his baseness and going upon 
 his belly, his volubility and lubricity, his envy and sting, 
 and the rest ; that is, all forms and natures of evil. For 
 without this, virtue lieth open and unfenced. Nay, an 
 honest man can do no good upon those that are wicked, 
 to reclaim them, without the help of the knowledge of 
 evil. For men of corrupted minds presuppose that 
 honesty groweth out of simplicity of manners, and be- 
 lieving of preachers, schoolmasters, and men's exterior 
 language. So as, except you can make them perceive 
 that you know the utmost reaches of their own corrupt 
 opinions, they despise all morality. Non recipit stultus 
 verba prudentice, nisi ea dixeris qua versantur in corde ejus. 
 
 10. Unto this part, touching respective duty, doth also 
 appertain the duties between husband and wife, parent 
 and child, master and servant. So likewise the laws of 
 friendship and gratitude, the civil bond of companies, 
 colleges, and politic bodies, of neighbourhood, and all 
 other proportionate duties; not as they are parts of 
 government and society, but as to the framing of the 
 mind of particular persons. 
 
 ii. The knowledge concerning good respecting society 
 doth handle it also, not simply alone, but comparatively; 
 whereunto belongeth the weighing of duties between per- 
 son and person, case and case, particular and public. As 
 we see in the proceeding of Lucius Brutus against his 
 own sons, which was so much extolled; yet what was 
 said? 
 
 Infelix, utcunque ferent ea fata minores. 
 
202 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXI. II. 
 
 So the case was doubtful, and had opinion on both sides. 
 Again, we see when M. Brutus and Cassius invited to 
 a supper certain whose opinions they meant to feel, 
 whether they were fit to be made their associates, and 
 cast forth the question touching the killing of a tyrant 
 being an usurper, they were divided in opinion; some 
 holding that servitude was the extreme of evils, and others 
 that tyranny was better than a civil war : and a number of 
 the like cases there are of comparative duty. Amongst 
 which that of all others is the most frequent, where the 
 question is of a great deal of good to ensue of a small 
 injustice. Which Jason of Thessalia determined against 
 the truth: Aliqua sunt injuste facienda, ut multa juste fieri 
 tossint. But the reply is good, Auctorem prcBsentis jus- 
 iitice habes, sponsor em futuroe non hades. Men must pursue 
 things which are just in present, and leave the future to 
 the divine Providence. So then we pass on from this 
 general part touching the exemplar and description of 
 good. 
 
 XXII. i. Now therefore that we have spoken of this 
 fruit of life, it remaineth to speak of the hus- 
 De cultura bandry that belongeth thereunto ; without 
 which part the former seemeth to be no better 
 than a fair image, or statua, which is beautiful to contem- 
 plate, but is without life and motion ; whereunto Aristotle 
 himself subscribeth in these words : Necesse est scilicet de 
 virtute dicere, et quid sit, el ex quibus gignatur. Inutile 
 enim fere fuerit virtutem quide?n nosse, acquirendce autem ejus 
 modos et vias ignorare. Non enim de virtute tantum, qua 
 specie sit, qucErendum est, sed el quomodo sui copiam facial: 
 utrumque enim volumus, et rem ipsam nosse, et ejus compotes 
 fieri: hoc autem ex voto non succedet, nisi sciamus et ex qui- 
 bus el quomodo. In such full words and with such iteration 
 
XXII. i.] THE SECOND BOOK. 203 
 
 doth he inculcate this part. So saith Cicero in great com- 
 mendation of Cato the second, that he had applied himself 
 to philosophy, Non ita disputandi causa, sed ita "Vivendi. 
 And although the neglect of our times, wherein few men 
 do hold any consultations touching the reformation of 
 their life (as Seneca excellently saith, De partibus vitce 
 quisque deliberate de summa nemo), may make this part 
 seem superfluous ; yet I must conclude with that aphor- 
 ism of Hippocrates, Qui gravi morbo correpti dolores non 
 seniiunt, lis mens cegrotat. They need medicine, not only 
 to assuage the disease, but to awake the sense. And if 
 it be said, that the cure of men's minds belongeth to 
 sacred divinity, it is most true : but yet moral philosophy 
 may be preferred unto her as a wise servant and humble 
 handmaid. For as the Psalm saith, That the eyes of the 
 handmaid look perpetually towards the mistress, and yet no 
 doubt many things are left to the discretion of the hand- 
 maid, to discern of the mistress' will; so ought moral 
 philosophy to give a constant attention to the doctrines 
 of divinity, and yet so as it may yield of herself (within 
 due limits) many sound and profitable directions. 
 
 2. This part therefore, because of the excellency thereof, 
 I cannot but find exceeding strange that it is not reduced 
 to written inquiry: the rather, because it consisteth of 
 much matter, wherein both speech and action is often 
 conversant ; and such wherein the common talk of men 
 (which is rare, but yet cometh sometimes to pass) is 
 wiser than their books. It is reasonable therefore that 
 we propound it in the more particularity, both for the 
 worthiness, and because we may acquit ourselves for 
 reporting it deficient; which seemeth almost incredible, 
 and is otherwise conceived and presupposed by those them- 
 selves that have written. We will therefore enumerate 
 
204 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXII. 2. 
 
 some heads or points thereof, that it may appear the 
 better what it is, and whether it be extant. 
 
 3. First therefore in this, as in all things which are 
 practical, we ought to cast up our account, what is in 
 our power, and what not ; for the one may be dealt with 
 by way of alteration, but the other by way of application 
 only. The husbandman cannot command, neither the 
 nature of the earth, nor the seasons of the weather; no 
 more can the physician the constitution of the patient, nor 
 the variety of accidents. So in the culture and cure of 
 the mind of man, two things are without our command ; 
 points of nature, and points of fortune. For to the basis 
 of the one, and the conditions of the other, our work is 
 limited and tied. In these things therefore it is left unto 
 us to proceed by application : 
 
 Vincenda est omnis fortuna ferendo: 
 
 and so likewise, 
 
 Vincenda est omnis Natura ferendo. 
 
 But when that we speak of suffering, we do not speak of 
 a dull and neglected suffering, but of a wise and indus- 
 trious suffering, which draweth and contriveth use and ad- 
 vantage out of that which seemeth adverse and contrary; 
 which is that properly which we call accommodating 
 or applying. Now the wisdom of application resteth 
 principally in the exact and distinct knowledge of the 
 precedent state or disposition, unto which we do apply : 
 for we cannot fit a garment, except we first take mea- 
 sure of the body. 
 
 4. So then the first article of this knowledge is, to set 
 down sound and true distributions and descriptions of the 
 several characters and tempers of men's natures and dis- 
 positions ; specially having regard to those differences 
 which are most radical in being the fountains and causes 
 
XXII. 4.] THE SECOND BOOK. 205 
 
 of the rest, or most frequent in concurrence or com- 
 mixture ; wherein it is not the handling of a few of them in 
 passage, the better to describe the mediocrities of virtues, 
 that can satisfy this intention. For if it deserve to be 
 considered, that there are minds which are proportioned 
 to great matters, and others to small (which Aristotle 
 handleth or ought to have handled by the name of 
 magnanimity), doth it not deserve as well to be con- 
 sidered, that there are minds proportioned to intend many 
 matters, and others to few? So that some can divide 
 themselves : others can perchance do exactly well, but it 
 must be but in few things at once : and so there cometh 
 to be a narrowness of mind, as well as a pusillanimity. 
 And again, that some minds are proportioned to that 
 which may be dispatched at once, or within a short 
 return of time ; others to that which begins afar off, and 
 is to be won with length of pursuit : 
 
 Jam turn tenditque fovetque. 
 
 So that there may be fitly said to be a longanimity, which 
 is commonly also ascribed to God as a magnanimity. So 
 further deserved it to be considered by Aristotle, That 
 there is a disposition in conversation {supposing it in things 
 which do in no sort touch or concern a man's self) to soothe 
 and please; and a disposition contrary to contradict and 
 cross: and deserveth it not much better to be considered, 
 Thai there is a disposition, not in conversation or talk, but 
 in matter of more serious nature {and supposing it still in 
 things merely indifferent), to take pleasure in the good of 
 another: and a disposition contrariwise, to take distaste at 
 the good of another? which is that properly which we call 
 good nature or ill nature, benignity or malignity: and 
 therefore I cannot sufficiently marvel that this part of 
 knowledge, touching the several characters of natures 
 
206 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXII. 4. 
 
 and dispositions, should be omitted both in morality and 
 policy; considering it is of so great ministry and sup- 
 peditation to them both. A man shall find in the trad- 
 itions of astrology some pretty and apt divisions of men's 
 natures, according to the predominances of the planets; 
 lovers of quiet, lovers of action, lovers of victory, lovers 
 of honour, lovers of pleasure, lovers of arts, lovers of 
 change, and so forth. A man shall find in the wisest sort 
 of these relations which the Italians make touching con- 
 claves, the natures of the several cardinals handsomely 
 and lively painted forth. A man shall meet with in 
 every day's conference the denominations of sensitive, 
 dry, formal, real, humorous, certain, huomo di prima im- 
 press ione, huomo di ultima impressione, and the like : and 
 yet nevertheless this kind of observations wandereth in 
 words, but is not fixed in inquiry. For the distinctions 
 are found (many of them), but we conclude no precepts 
 upon them : wherein our fault is the greater ; because 
 both history, poesy, and daily experience are as goodly 
 fields where these observations grow ; whereof we make 
 a few posies to hold in our hands, but no man bringeth 
 them to the confectionary, that receipts mought be made 
 of them for use of life. 
 
 5. Of much like kind are those impressions of nature, 
 which are imposed upon the mind by the sex, by the age, 
 by the region, by health and sickness, by beauty and 
 deformity, and the like, which are inherent and not 
 extern; and again, those which are caused by extern 
 fortune; as sovereignty, nobility, obscure birth, riches, 
 want, magistracy, privateness, prosperity, adversity, con- 
 stant fortune, variable fortune, rising per saltum, per 
 gradus, and the like. And therefore we see that Plautus 
 maketh it a wonder to see an old man beneficent. 
 
XXTI. 5.] THE SECOND BOOK. 20 7 
 
 benignitas hujus ut adolescentuli est. Saint Paul concludeth 
 that severity of discipline was to be used to the Cretans, 
 increpa eos dure, upon the disposition of their country, 
 Cretenses semper mendaces, malm bestics, ventres pigri. 
 Sallust noteth that it is usual with kings to desire con- 
 tradictories : Sed plerumque regies voluntates, ut vehementes 
 sunt, sic mobiles, sa?peque ipsa sibi adversce. Tacitus ob- 
 serveth how rarely raising of the fortune mendeth the 
 disposition : solus Vespasianus mulatus in melius. Pin- 
 darus maketh an observation, that great and sudden 
 fortune for the most part defeateth men qui magnamfeli- 
 citatcm concoquere non possunt. So the Psalm showeth it 
 is more easy to keep a measure in the enjoying of for- 
 tune, than in the increase of fortune : Divitice si affluant, 
 nolite cor apponere. These observations and the like I 
 deny not but are touched a little by Aristotle as in 
 passage in his Rhetorics, and are handled in some 
 scattered discourses : but they were never incorporate 
 into moral philosophy, to which they do essentially apper- 
 tain ; as the knowledge of the diversity of grounds and 
 moulds doth to agriculture, and the knowledge of the 
 diversity of complexions and constitutions doth to the 
 physician ; except we mean to follow the indiscretion 
 of empirics, which minister the same medicines to all 
 patients. 
 
 6. Another article of this knowledge is the inquiry 
 touching the affections ; for as in medicining of the body, 
 it is in order first to know the divers complexions and 
 constitutions; secondly, the diseases; and lastly, the 
 cures : so in medicining of the mind, after knowledge of 
 the divers characters of men's natures, it followeth in 
 order to know the diseases and infirmities of the mind, 
 which are no other than the perturbations and distempers 
 
208 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXII. 6. 
 
 of the affections. For as the ancient politiques in 
 popular estates were wont to compare the people to the 
 sea, and the orators to the winds; because as the sea 
 would of itself be calm and quiet, if the winds did not 
 move and trouble it; so the people would be peaceable 
 and tractable, if the seditious orators did not set them in 
 working and agitation : so it may be fitly said, that the 
 mind in the nature thereof would be temperate and 
 stayed, if the affections, as winds, did not put it into tumult 
 and perturbation. And here again I find strange, as 
 before, that Aristotle should have written divers volumes 
 of Ethics, and never handled the affections, which is the 
 principal subject thereof; and yet in his Rhetorics, where 
 they are considered but collaterally and in a second 
 degree (as they may be moved by speech), he findeth 
 place for them, and handleth them well for the quantity ; 
 but where their true place is, he pretermitteth them. For 
 it is not his disputations about pleasure and pain that can 
 satisfy this inquiry, no more than he that should generally 
 handle the nature of light can be said to handle the nature 
 of colours; for pleasure and pain are to the particular 
 affections, as light is to particular colours. Better tra- 
 vails,. I suppose, had the Stoics taken in this argument, as 
 far as I can gather by that which we have at second hand. 
 But yet it is like it was after their manner, rather in 
 subtilty of definitions (which in a subject of this nature 
 are but curiosities), than in active and ample descriptions 
 and observations. So likewise I find some particular 
 writings of an elegant nature, touching some of the af- 
 fections ; as of anger, of comfort upon adverse accidents, 
 of tenderness of countenance, and other. But the poets 
 and writers of histories are the best doctors of this know- 
 ledge ; where we may find painted forth with great life, 
 
XXII. 6.] THE SECOND BOOK. 209 
 
 how affections are kindled and incited ; and how pacified 
 and refrained ; and how again contained from act and 
 further degree; how they disclose themselves; how they 
 work ; how they vary ; how they gather and fortify ; how 
 they are enwrapped one within another; and how they 
 do fight and encounter one with another ; and other the 
 like particularities. Amongst the which this last is of 
 special use in moral and civil matters; how, I say, to set 
 affection against affection, and to master one by another ; 
 even as we use to hunt beast with beast, and fly bird 
 with bird, which otherwise percase we could not so easily 
 recover : upon which foundation is erected that excellent 
 use of prcEmium and poe?ia, whereby civil states consist : 
 employing the predominant affections of fear and hope, 
 for the suppressing and bridling the rest. For as in the 
 government of states it is sometimes necessary to bridle 
 one faction with another, so it is in the government 
 within. 
 
 7. Now come we to those points which are within our 
 own command, and have force and operation upon the 
 mind, to affect the will and appetite, and to alter man- 
 ners : wherein they ought to have handled custom, 
 exercise, habit, education, example, imitation, emulation, 
 company, friends, praise, reproof, exhortation, fame, laws, 
 books, studies : these as they have determinate use in 
 moralities, from these the mind suffereth; and of these 
 are such receipts and regiments compounded and de- 
 scribed, as may serve to recover or preserve the health 
 and good estate of the mind, as far as pertaineth to 
 human medicine : of which number we will insist upon 
 some one or two, as an example of the rest, because it 
 were too long to prosecute all; and therefore we do 
 resume custom and habit to speak of. 
 
 p 
 
210 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXII. 8. 
 
 8. The opinion of Aristotle seemeth to me a negligent 
 opinion, that of those things which consist by nature, 
 nothing can be changed by custom ; using for example, 
 that if a stone be thrown ten thousand times up, it will 
 not learn to ascend ; and that by often seeing or hearing, 
 we do not learn to see or hear the better. For though 
 this principle be true in things wherein nature is per- 
 emptory (the reason whereof we cannot now stand to 
 discuss), yet it is otherwise in things wherein nature 
 admitteth a latitude. For he mought see that a strait 
 glove will come more easily on with use; and that a 
 wand will by use bend otherwise than it grew ; and that 
 by use of the voice we speak louder and stronger; and 
 that by use of enduring heat or cold, we endure it the 
 better, and the like : which latter sort have a nearer re- 
 semblance unto that subject of manners he handleth, 
 than those instances which he allegeth. But allowing 
 his conclusion, that virtues and vices consist in habit, he 
 ought so much the more to have taught the manner of 
 superinducing that habit: for there be many precepts 
 of the wise ordering the exercises of the mind, as there 
 is of ordering the exercises of the body ; whereof we will 
 recite a few. 
 
 9. The first shall be, that we beware we take not at 
 the first, either too high a strain, or too weak: for if 
 too high, in a diffident nature you discourage, in a con- 
 fident nature you breed an opinion of facility, and so a 
 sloth ; and in all natures you breed a further expectation 
 than can hold out, and so an insatisfaction in the end : if 
 too weak, of the other side, you may not look to perform 
 and overcome any great task. 
 
 10. Another precept is, to practise all things chiefly at 
 two several times, the one when the mind is best dis- 
 
XXII. io.] THE SECOND BOOK. 211 
 
 posed, the other when it is worst disposed ; that by the 
 one you may gain a great step, by the other you may 
 work out the knots and stonds of the mind, and make 
 the middle times the more easy and pleasant. 
 
 ii. Another precept is, that which Aristotle men- 
 tioneth by the way, which is to bear ever towards the 
 contrary extreme of that whereunto we are by nature 
 inclined ; like unto the rowing against the stream, or 
 making a wand straight by bending him contrary to his 
 natural crookedness. 
 
 12. Another precept is, that the mind is brought to 
 anything better, and with more sweetness and happiness, 
 if that whereunto you pretend be not first in the intention, 
 but tanquam aliud agendo, because of the natural hatred of 
 the mind against necessity and constraint. Many other 
 axioms there are touching the managing of exercise and 
 custom; which being so conducted, doth prove indeed 
 another nature ; but being governed by chance, doth 
 commonly prove but an ape of nature, and bringeth forth 
 that which is lame and counterfeit. 
 
 13. So if we should handle books and studies, and 
 what influence and operation they have upon manners, 
 are there not divers precepts of great caution and direc- 
 tion appertaining thereunto ? Did not one of the fathers 
 in great indignation call poesy vinum dcemoniim, because 
 it increaseth temptations, perturbations, and vain opinions? 
 Is not the opinion of Aristotle worthy to be regarded, 
 wherein he saith, That young men are no fit auditors of 
 moral philosophy, because they are not settled from the 
 boiling heat of their affections, nor attempered with time 
 and experience ? And doth it not hereof come, that those 
 excellent books and discourses of the ancient writers 
 (whereby they have persuaded unto virtue most effectually, 
 
 p 2 
 
212 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXII. 13. 
 
 by representing her in state and majesty, and popular 
 opinions against virtue in their parasites' coats fit to be 
 scorned and derided), are of so little effect towards honesty 
 of life, because they are not read and revolved by men in 
 their mature and settled years, but confined almost to 
 boys and beginners ? But is it not true also, that much 
 less young men are fit auditors of matters of policy, 
 till they have been throughly seasoned in religion and 
 morality; lest their judgements be corrupted, and made 
 apt to think that there are no true differences of things, 
 but according to utility and fortune, as the verse de- 
 scribes it, Prosperum et felix scelus virius vocalur ; and 
 again, Ilk crucem prelium see lens lull/, hie diadema : which 
 the poets do speak satirically, and in indignation on 
 virtue's behalf; but books of policy do speak it seriously 
 and positively; for so it pleaseth Machiavel to say, Thai 
 if Ccesar had been overthrown, he would have been more 
 odious than ever was Catiline; as if there had been no 
 difference, but in fortune, between a very fury of lust and 
 blood, and the most excellent spirit (his ambition reserved) 
 of the world ? Again, is there not a caution likewise to 
 be given of the doctrines of moralities themselves (some 
 "kinds of them), lest they make men too precise, arrogant, 
 incompatible; as Cicero saith of Cato, In Marco Calone 
 hac bona qua videmus divina et egregia, ipsius scilole esse 
 propria; quce nonnunquam requirimus, ea sunt omnia non 
 a natura, sed a magistro? Many other axioms and advices 
 there are touching those proprieties and effects, which 
 studies do infuse and instil into manners. And so like- 
 wise is there touching the use of all those other points, 
 of company, fame, laws, and the rest, which we recited in 
 the beginning in the doctrine of morality. 
 
 14. But there is a kind of culture of the mind that 
 
XXII. i4«] THE SECOND BOOK. 213 
 
 seemeth yet more accurate and elaborate than the rest, 
 and is built upon this ground ; that the minds of all men 
 are at some times in a state more perfect, and at other 
 times in a state more depraved. The purpose therefore 
 of this practice is to fix and cherish the good hours of 
 the mind, and to obliterate and take forth the evil. The 
 fixing of the good hath been practised by two means, 
 vows or constant resolutions, and observances or ex- 
 ercises ; which are not to be regarded so much in 
 themselves, as because they keep the mind in continual 
 obedience. The obliteration of the evil hath been prac- 
 tised by two means, some kind of redemption or expiation 
 of that which is past, and an inception or account de novo 
 for the time to come. But this part seemeth sacred and 
 religious, and justly; for all good moral philosophy (as 
 was said) is but an handmaid to religion. 
 
 15. Wherefore we will conclude with that last point, 
 which is of all other means the most compendious and 
 summary, and again, the most noble and effectual to the 
 reducing of the mind unto virtue and good estate ; which 
 is, the electing and propounding unto a man's self good 
 and virtuous ends of his life, such as may be in a reason- 
 able sort within his compass to attain. For if these two 
 things be supposed, that a man set before him honest 
 and good ends, and again, that he be resolute, constant, 
 and true unto them; it will follow that he shall mould 
 himself into all virtue at once. And this is indeed like 
 the work of nature ; whereas the other course is like the 
 work of the hand. For as when a carver makes an 
 image, he shapes only that part whereupon he worketh ; 
 as if he be upon the face, that part which shall be the 
 body is but a rude stone still, till such times as he comes 
 to it. But contrariwise when nature makes a flower or 
 
214 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXII. 15. 
 
 living creature, she formeth rudiments of all the parts at 
 one time. So in obtaining virtue by habit, while a man 
 practiseth temperance, he doth not profit much to forti- 
 tude, nor the like : but when he dedicateth and applieth 
 himself to good ends, look, what virtue soever the pur- 
 suit and passage towards those ends doth commend unto 
 him, he is invested of a precedent disposition to conform 
 himself thereunto. Which state of mind Aristotle doth 
 excellently express himself, that it ought not to be called 
 virtuous, but divine : his words are these : Immanitah 
 autem consentaneum est opponere earn, quce supra hu?na?ii la- 
 tent est, heroic am sive divinam viriulem : and a little after, 
 Nam ut ferce neque vitium neque virtus est, sic neque Dei : 
 sed hie quidem status altius quiddam virtute est, ille aliua 
 quiddam a vitio. And therefore we may see what celsi- 
 tude of honour Plinius Secundus attributeth to Trajan in 
 his funeral oration; where he said, That men needed to 
 make no other prayers to the gods, but that they would con- 
 tinue as good lords to them as Trajan had been; as if he 
 had not been only an imitation of divine nature, but a 
 pattern of it. But these be heathen and profane passages, 
 having but a shadow of that divine state of mind, which 
 religion and the holy faith doth conduct men unto, by 
 imprinting upon their souls charity, which is excellently 
 called the bond of perfection, because it comprehendeth 
 and fasteneth all virtues together. And as it is elegantly 
 said by Menander of vain love, which is but a false 
 imitation of divine love, Amor melior Sophista Icevo ad 
 humanam vitam, that love teacheth a man to carry himself 
 better than the sophist or preceptor, which he calleth 
 left-handed, because, with all his rules and preceptions, 
 he cannot form a man so dexteriously, nor with that 
 facility to prize himself and govern himself, as love can 
 
XXII. ig.] THE SECOND BOOK. 215 
 
 do : so certainly, if a man's mind be truly inflamed with 
 charity, it doth work him suddenly into greater perfection 
 than all the doctrine of morality can do, which is but a 
 sophist in comparison of the other. Nay further, as 
 Xenophon observed truly, that all other affections, though 
 they raise the mind, yet they do it by distorting and 
 uncomeliness of ecstasies or excesses ; but only love doth 
 exalt the mind, and nevertheless at the same instant doth 
 settle and compose it : so in all other excellencies, though 
 they advance nature, yet they are subject to excess. Only 
 charity admitteth no excess. For so we see, aspiring to 
 be like God in power, the angels transgressed and fell ; 
 Ascendant, el ero similis altissirno : by aspiring to be like 
 God in knowledge, man transgressed and fell; Eritis 
 sicut Dii, scientes bonum et malum : but by aspiring to a 
 similitude of God in goodness or love, neither man nor 
 angel ever transgressed, or shall transgress. For unto 
 that imitation we are called : Diligite inimicos vestros, 
 benefacite eis qui oderunt vos, ei orate pro persequentibus et 
 calumniantibus vos, ut sitis filii Patris vestri qui in ccelis 
 est, qui so/em suum oriri facit super bonos et malos, et pluit 
 super justos et injustos. So in the first platform of the 
 divine nature itself, the heathen religion speaketh thus, 
 Optimus Maximus: and the sacred scriptures thus, Miser i- 
 cordia ejus super omnia opera ejus. 
 
 1 6. Wherefore I do conclude this part of moral know- 
 ledge, concerning the culture and regiment of the mind ; 
 wherein if any man, considering the parts thereof which 
 I have enumerated, do judge that my labour is but 
 to collect into an art or science that which hath been 
 pretermitted by others, as matter of common sense and 
 experience, he judgeth well. But as Philocrates sported 
 with Demosthenes, You may not marvel {Athenians) that 
 
2l6 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXII. 16. 
 
 Demosthenes and I do differ ; for he drinketh water, and I 
 drink wine; and like as we read of an ancient parable of 
 the two gates of sleep, 
 
 Sunt geminae somni portae: quarum altera fertur 
 Cornea, qua veris facilis datur exitus umbris : 
 Altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto, 
 Sed falsa ad coelum mittunt insomnia manes : 
 
 so if we put on sobriety and attention, we shall find it a 
 sure maxim in knowledge, that the more pleasant liquor 
 {of wine) is the more vaporous, and the braver gate {of 
 ivory) sendeth forth the falser dreams. 
 
 17. But we have now concluded that general part of 
 human philosophy, which contemplateth man segregate, 
 and as he consisteth of body and spirit. Wherein we may 
 further note, that there seemeth to be a relation or con- 
 formity between the good of the mind and the good of 
 the body. For as we divided the good of the body into 
 health, beauty, strength, and pleasure; so the good of 
 the mind, inquired in rational and moral knowledges, 
 tendeth to this, to make the mind sound, and without 
 perturbation; beautiful, and graced with decency; and 
 strong and agile for all duties of life. These three, as in 
 the body, so in the mind, seldom meet, and commonly 
 sever. For it is easy to observe, that many have strength 
 of wit and courage, but have neither health from per- 
 turbations, nor any beauty or decency in their doings: 
 some again have an elegancy and fineness of carriage, 
 which have neither soundness of honesty, nor substance 
 of sufficiency : and some again have honest and reformed 
 minds, that can neither become themselves nor manage 
 business : and sometimes two of them meet, and rarely 
 all three. As for pleasure, we have likewise determined 
 that the mind ought not to be reduced to stupid, but to 
 
XXII. 17.] THE SECOND BOOK. 21 J 
 
 retain pleasure ; confined rather in the subject of it, than 
 in the strength and vigour of it. 
 
 XXIII. i. /^IVIL knowledge is conversant about a 
 subject which of all others is most 
 immersed in matter, and hardliest reduced to axiom. 
 Nevertheless, as Cato the Censor said, That the Romans 
 were like sheep, for that a man were better drive a flock of 
 them, than one of them; for in a flock, if you could get but 
 some few go right, the rest would follow : so in that respect 
 moral philosophy is more difficile than policy. Again, 
 moral philosophy propoundeth to itself the framing of 
 internal goodness ; but civil knowledge requireth only an 
 external goodness ; for that as to society sufficeth. And 
 therefore it cometh oft to pass that there be evil times 
 in good governments : for so we find in the holy story, 
 when the kings were good, yet it is added, Sed adhuc 
 populus non direxerat cor suum ad Dominum Deum patrum 
 suorum. Again, states, as great engines, move slowly, 
 and are not so soon put out of frame : for as in Egypt 
 the seven good years sustained the seven bad, so govern- 
 ments for a time well grounded, do bear out errors fol- 
 lowing ; but the resolution of particular persons is more 
 suddenly subverted. These respects do somewhat qualify 
 the extreme difficulty of civil knowledge. 
 
 2. This knowledge hath three parts, according to 
 the three summary actions of society; which are con- 
 versation, negotiation, and government. For man seeketh 
 in society comfort, use, and protection : and they be three 
 wisdoms of divers natures, which do often sever : wisdom 
 of the behaviour, wisdom of business, and wisdom of 
 state. 
 
 3. The wisdom of conversation ought not to be over 
 
2l8 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXItl. 3. 
 
 much affected, but much less despised ; for it hath not 
 only an honour in itself, but an influence also into busi- 
 ness and government. The poet saith, Nee vultu destrue 
 verba tuo : a man may destroy the force of his words 
 with his countenance : so may he of his deeds, saith 
 Cicero, recommending to his brother affability and easy 
 access \ Nil interest habere ostium aperlum, vulium clausum; 
 it is nothing won to admit men with an open door, and 
 to receive them with a shut and reserved countenance. 
 So we see Atticus, before the first interview between 
 Caesar and Cicero, the war depending, did seriously 
 advise Cicero touching the composing and ordering of 
 his countenance and gesture. And if the government of 
 the countenance be of such effect, much more is that 
 of the speech, and other carriage appertaining to con- 
 versation ; the true model whereof seemeth to me well ex- 
 pressed by Livy, thought not meant for this purpose : Ne 
 aid arrogans videar, aut obnoxius ; quorum alterum est 
 alienee liber tatis oblili, alterum sua : the sum of behaviour 
 is to retain a man's own dignity, without intruding upon 
 the liberty of others. On the other side, if behaviour 
 and outward carriage be intended too much, first it may 
 pass into affectation, and then Quid deformius quam 
 scenam in vitam transferrer to act a man's life? But 
 although it proceed not to that extreme, yet it consumeth 
 time, and employeth the mind too much. And therefore 
 as we use to advise young students from company 
 keeping, by saying, A?nicifures iemporis: so certainly the 
 intending of the discretion of behaviour is a great thief 
 of meditation. Again, such as are accomplished in that 
 form of urbanity please themselves in it, and seldom 
 aspire to higher virtue ; whereas those that have defect in 
 it do seek comeliness by reputation ; for where reputation 
 
XXIII. •*.] THE SECOND BOOK. 210, 
 
 is, almost everything becometh ; but where that is 
 not, it must be supplied by puntos and compliments. 
 Again, there is no greater impediment of action than an 
 over-curious observance of decency, and the guide of 
 decency, which is time and season. For as Salomon 
 saith, Qui respicil ad venios, ?w?i seminai; et qui respicit 
 ad ?iubes, non metet: a man must make his opportunity, 
 as oft as find it. To conclude, behaviour seemeth to me 
 as a garment of the mind, and to have the conditions of 
 a • garment. For it ought to be made in fashion ; it 
 ought not to be too curious ; it ought to be shaped so as 
 to set forth any good making of the mind and hide any 
 deformity; and above all, it ought not to be too strait or 
 restrained for exercise or motion. But this part of civil 
 knowledge hath been elegantly handled, and therefore I 
 cannot report it for deficient. 
 
 4. The wisdom touching negotiation or business hath 
 not been hitherto collected into writing, to r> e negotiis 
 the great derogation of learning, and the gerendis. 
 professors of learning. For from this root springeth 
 chiefly that note or opinion, which by us is expressed in 
 adage to this effect, that there is no great concurrence 
 between learning and wisdom. For of the three wisdoms 
 which we have set down to pertain to civil life, for wisdom 
 of behaviour, it is by learned men for the most part de- 
 spised, as an inferior to virtue and an enemy to meditation; 
 for wisdom of government, they acquit themselves well 
 when they are called to it, but that happeneth to few; 
 but for the wisdom of business, wherein man's life is most 
 conversant, there be no books of it, except some few 
 scattered advertisements, that have no proportion to the 
 magnitude of this subject. For if books were written of 
 this as the other, I doubt not but learned men with mean 
 
220 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 4. 
 
 experience, would far excel men of long experience with- 
 out learning, and outshoot them in their own bow. 
 
 5. Neither needeth it at all to be doubted, that this 
 knowledge should be so variable as it falleth not under 
 precept; for it is much less infinite than science of govern- 
 ment, which we see is laboured and in some part re- 
 duced. Of this wisdom it seemeth some of the ancient 
 Romans in the saddest and wisest times were professors ; 
 for Cicero reporteth, that it was then in use for senators 
 that had name and opinion for general wise men, as 
 Coruncanius, Curius, Laelius, and many others, to walk 
 af certain hours in the Place, and to give audience to 
 those that would use their advice ; and that the particular 
 citizens would resort unto them, and consult with them of 
 the marriage of a daughter, or of the employing of a son, 
 or of a purchase or bargain, or of an accusation, and 
 every other occasion incident to man's life. So as there 
 is a wisdom of counsel and advice even in private causes, 
 arising out of an universal insight into the affairs of the 
 world ; which is used indeed upon particular cases pro- 
 pounded, but is gathered by general observation of cases 
 of like nature. For so we see in the book which Q. Cicero 
 writeth to his brother, De pelitione consulatus (being the 
 only book of business that I know written by the ancients), 
 although it concerned a particular action then on foot, 
 yet the substance thereof consisteth of many wise and 
 politic axioms, which contain not a temporary, but a 
 perpetual direction in the case of popular elections. But 
 chiefly we may see in those aphorisms which have place 
 amongst divine writings, composed by Salomon the king, 
 of whom the scriptures testify that his heart was as the 
 sands of the sea, encompassing the world and all worldly 
 matters, we see, I say, not a few profound and excellent 
 
XXIII. 5.] THE SECOND BOOK. 221 
 
 cautions, precepts, positions, extending to much variety 
 of occasions ; whereupon we will stay a while, offering to 
 consideration some number of examples. 
 
 6. Sed el cunctis sermonibus qui dicuntur ne accommodes 
 aurem tua??i, ne forte audias servum tuum maledicentem libi. 
 Here is commended the provident stay of inquiry of that 
 which we would be loth to find : as it was judged great 
 wisdom in Pompeius Magnus that he burned Sertorius' 
 papers unperused. 
 
 Vir sapiens, si cum stullo contenderit, sive irascalur, 
 sive ridea/, non inveniet requiem. Here is described the 
 great disadvantage which a wise man hath in undertaking 
 a lighter person than himself; which is such an engage- 
 ment as, whether a man turn the matter to jest, or turn it 
 to heat, or howsoever he change copy, he can no ways 
 quit himself well of it. 
 
 Qui delicate a pueritia nutrit servum suum, postea seniiet 
 eum contumacem. Here is signified, that if a man begin 
 too high a pitch in his favours, it doth commonly end in 
 unkindness and unthankfulness. 
 
 Vidisti virum velocem in opere suo r coram regibus stabil, 
 nee eril inter ignobiles. Here is observed, that of all virtues 
 for rising to honour, quickness of despatch is the best; 
 for superiors many times love not to have those they 
 employ too deep or too sufficient, but ready and diligent. 
 
 Vidi cunctos viventes qui ambulant sub sole, cum adoles- 
 cente secundo qui consurgit pro eo. Here is expressed that 
 which was noted by Sylla first, and after him by Tiberius; 
 Plures adorant solcm orieniem quam occidentem vel meri- 
 dianum. 
 
 Si spiriius poteslatem habentis ascenderit super ie } locum 
 tuum ne dimiseris ; quia curatio faciet cessare peccata 
 maxima. Here caution is given, that upon displeasure, 
 
222 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 6. 
 
 retiring is of all courses the unfittest ; for a man leaveth 
 things at worst, and depriveth himself of means to make 
 them better. 
 
 Erat civ Has parva, el pauci in ea viri: venit contra earn 
 rex magnus, et vallavit earn, instruxitque munitiones per 
 gyrum, el perfecla est obsidio ; inventusque est in ea vir 
 pauper et sapiens, et liber avit earn per sapieniiam suam; et 
 fiullus deinceps recordatus est hominis illius pauperis. Here 
 the corruption of states is set forth, that esteem not virtue 
 or merit longer than they have use of it. 
 
 Mollis responsio frangit iram. Here is noted that 
 silence or rough answer exasperateth ; but an answer 
 present and temperate pacifieth. 
 
 Iter pigrorum quasi sepes spinarum. Here is lively 
 represented how laborious sloth proveth in the end : for 
 when things are deferred till the last instant, and nothing 
 prepared beforehand, every step findeth a brier or im- 
 pediment, which catcheth or stoppeth. 
 
 Melior est finis orationis quam principium. Here is 
 taxed the vanity of formal speakers, that study more about 
 prefaces and inducements, than upon the conclusions and 
 issues of speech. 
 
 Qui cognoscii in judicio faciem, non benefacit; isle et pro 
 buccella panis deseret verilatem. Here is noted, that a 
 judge were better be a briber than a respecter of per- 
 sons; for a corrupt judge offendeth not so lightly as a 
 facile. 
 
 Vir pauper calumnians pauperes similis est imbri vehem- 
 enli, in quo paralur fames. Here is expressed the ex- 
 tremity of necessitous extortions, figured in the ancient 
 fable of the full and the hungry horseleech. 
 
 Fons turbatus pede, et vena corrupta, est Justus cadetis 
 coram impio. Here is noted, that one judicial and 
 
XXIII. 6.] THE SECOND BOOK. 223 
 
 exemplar iniquity in the face of the world doth trouble 
 the fountains of justice more than many particular injuries 
 passed over by connivance. 
 
 Qui subtrahit aliquid a pat re el a ma/re, et dicit hoc non 
 esse peccatum, particeps est homicidii. Here is noted, that 
 whereas men in wronging their best friends use to ex- 
 tenuate their fault, as if they mought presume or be bold 
 upon them, it doth contrariwise indeed aggravate their 
 fault, and turneth it from injury to impiety. 
 
 Noli esse amicus homini iracundo, nee ambulato cum 
 homine furioso. Here caution is given, that in the election 
 of our friends we do principally avoid those which are" 
 impatient, as those that will espouse us to many factions 
 and quarrels. 
 
 Qui conlurbat do mum suam, possidebil ventum. Here 
 is noted, that in domestical separations and breaches men 
 do promise to themselves quieting of their mind and con- 
 tentment ; but still they are deceived of their expectation, 
 and it turneth to wind. 
 
 Filius sapiens IcBtifical patrem: filius vero stultus mcestitia 
 est matri sues. Here is distinguished, that fathers have 
 most comfort of the good proof of their sons; but 
 mothers have most discomfort of their ill proof, because 
 women have little discerning of virtue, but of fortune. 
 
 Qui celat delictum, quarit amicitiam; sed qui alter ser- 
 vwne repetit, separ at feeder atos. Here caution is given, that 
 reconcilement is better managed by an amnesty, and 
 passing over that which is past, than by apologies and 
 excusations. 
 
 In omni opere bono erit abundantia ; ubi autem verba 
 sunt plurima, ibi frequenter egestas. Here is noted, that 
 words and discourse aboundeth most where there is 
 idleness and want. 
 
224 0F THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 6. 
 
 Primus in sua causa jus/us ; sed venit altera pars, et 
 inquiret in eum. Here is observed, that in all causes 
 the first tale possesseth much; in sort, that the pre- 
 judice thereby wrought will be hardly removed, except 
 some abuse or falsity in the information be detected. 
 
 Verba hilinguis quasi simplicia, et ipsa perveniunt ad 
 interiora ventris. Here is distinguished, that flattery 
 and insinuation, which seemeth set and artificial, sink- 
 eth not far ; but that entereth deep which hath show of 
 nature, liberty, and simplicity. 
 
 Qui erudit derisorem, ipse sibi injur iam facit ; et qui 
 arguit impium, sibi maculam generat. Here caution is 
 given how we tender reprehension to arrogant and scorn- 
 ful natures, whose manner is to esteem it for contumely, 
 and accordingly to return it. 
 
 Da sapienti occasionem, et addetur ei sapientia. Here is 
 distinguished the wisdom brought into habit, and that 
 which is but verbal and swimming only in conceit ; for 
 the one upon the occasion presented is quickened and 
 redoubled, the other is amazed and confused. 
 
 Quomodo in aquis resplendent vultus prospicientium, sic 
 cor da hominum manifesta sunt prudenlibus. Here the mind 
 of a wise man is compared to a glass, wherein the images 
 of all diversity of natures and customs are represented ; 
 from which representation proceedeth that application, 
 Qui sapit, innumeris moribus aptus erit. 
 
 7. Thus have I stayed somewhat longer upon these 
 sentences politic of Salomon than is agreeable to the 
 proportion of an example; led with a desire to give 
 authority to this part of knowledge, which I noted as 
 deficient, by so excellent a precedent ; and have also 
 attended them with brief observations, such as to my 
 understanding offer no violence to the sense, though I 
 
XXIII. 7.] THE SECOND BOOK. <Z2$ 
 
 know they may be applied to a more divine use : but 
 it is allowed, even in divinity, that some interpretations, 
 yea, and some writings, have more of the eagle than 
 others; but taking them as instructions for life, they 
 mought have received large discourse, if I would have 
 broken them and illustrated them by deducements and 
 examples. 
 
 8. Neither was this in use only with the Hebrews, but 
 it is generally to be found in the wisdom of the more 
 ancient times ; that as men found out any observation 
 that they thought was good for life, they would gather 
 it and express it in parable or aphorism or fable. But 
 for fables, they were vicegerents and supplies where 
 examples failed : now that the times abound with his- 
 tory, the aim is better when the mark is alive. And 
 therefore the form of writing which of all others is fittest 
 for this variable argument of negotiation and occasions 
 is that which Machiavel chose wisely and aptly for govern- 
 ment ; namely, discourse upon histories or examples. For 
 knowledge drawn freshly and in our view out of particu- 
 lars, knoweth the way best to particulars again. And it 
 hath much greater life for practice when the discourse 
 attendeth upon the example, than when the example 
 attendeth upon the discourse. For this is no point of 
 order, as it seemeth at first, but of substance. For 
 when the example is the ground, being set down in an 
 history at large, it is set down with all circumstances, 
 which may sometimes control the discourse thereupon 
 made, and sometimes supply it, as a very pattern for 
 action; whereas the examples alleged for the discourse's 
 sake are cited succinctly, and without particularity, and 
 carry a servile aspect towards the discourse which they 
 are brought in to make good. 
 
 Q 
 
226 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 9. 
 
 9. But this difference is not amiss to be remembered, 
 that as history of times is the best ground for discourse 
 of government, such as Machiavel handleth, so histories 
 of lives is the most proper for discourse of business, 
 because it is more conversant in private actions. Nay, 
 there is a ground of discourse for this purpose fitter 
 than them both, which is discourse upon letters, such 
 as are wise and weighty, as many are of Cicero ad 
 Atticum, and others. For letters have a great and more 
 particular representation of business than either chronicles 
 or lives. Thus have we spoken both of the matter and 
 form of this part of civil knowledge, touching negotiation, 
 which we note to be deficient. 
 
 10. But yet there is another part of this part, which 
 differeth as much from that whereof we have spoken 
 as sapere and sibi sapere, the one moving as it were to 
 the circumference, the other to the centre. For there 
 is a wisdom of counsel, and again there is a wisdom 
 of pressing a man's own fortune; and they do some- 
 times meet, and often sever. For many are wise in 
 their own ways that are weak for government or coun- 
 sels; like ants, which is a wise creature for itself, but 
 very hurtful for the garden. This wisdom the Romans 
 did take much knowledge of: Nam pol sapiens (saith the 
 comical poet) fingit fortunam sibi; and it grew to an 
 adage, Faber quisque for tuna propria; and Livy attri- 
 buted it to Cato the first, In hoc viro tanta vis animi 
 et ingenii inerat, ut quocunque loco natus esse/ sibi ipse 
 fortunam facturus videretur. 
 
 11. This conceit or position, if it be too much declared 
 and professed, hath been thought a thing impolitic and 
 unlucky, as was observed in Timotheus the Athenian, 
 who, having done many great services to the estate in 
 
XXIII. ii.] THE SECOND BOOK. 227 
 
 his government, and giving an account thereof to the 
 people as the manner was, did conclude every particu- 
 lar with this clause, And in this fortune had no part. 
 And it came so to pass, that he never prospered in any 
 thing he took in hand afterward. For this is too high and 
 too arrogant, savouring of that which Ezekiel saith of 
 Pharaoh, Diets, Fluvius est mens et ego feci memel ipsum : 
 or of that which another prophet speaketh, that men offer 
 sacrifices to their nets and snares; and that which the 
 poet expresseth, 
 
 Dextra mihi Deus, et telum quod missile libro, 
 Nunc adsint 1 
 
 For these confidences were ever unhallowed, and un- 
 blessed: and therefore those that were great politiques 
 indeed ever ascribed their successes to their felicity, and 
 not to their skill or virtue. For so Sylla surnamed him- 
 self Felix, not Magnus. So Caesar said to the master of 
 the ship, Ccesarem portas etfortunam ejus. 
 
 12. But yet nevertheless these positions, Faber quis- 
 que foriuncB sues: Sapiens dominabitur astris : Invia virtuii 
 nulla est via, and the like, being taken and used as spurs 
 to industry, and not as stirrups to insolency, rather for 
 resolution than for the presumption or outward de- 
 claration, have been ever thought sound and good; and 
 are no question imprinted in the greatest minds, who 
 are so sensible of this opinion, as they can scarce con- 
 tain it within. As we see in Augustus Caesar (who was 
 rather diverse from his uncle than inferior in virtue), how 
 when he died he desired his friends about him to give 
 him a plaudite, as if he were conscient to himself that he 
 had played his part well upon the stage. This part of 
 knowledge we do report also as deficient : not but that it 
 is practised too much, but it hath not been reduced to 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 12. 
 
 writing. And therefore lest it should seem to any that 
 Faberfor- it is not comprehensible by axiom, it is re- 
 tun<e,sivede quisite, as we did in the former, that we 
 ambitu vita. set d own some heads or passages of it. 
 
 13. Wherein it may appear at the first a new and un- 
 wonted argument to teach men how to raise and make 
 their fortune; a doctrine wherein every man perchance 
 will be ready to yield himself a disciple, till he see the 
 difficulty : for fortune layeth as heavy impositions as 
 virtue; and it is as hard and severe a thing to be a 
 true politique, as to be truly moral. But the handling 
 hereof concerneth learning greatly, both in honour and 
 in substance. In honour, because pragmatical men may 
 not go away with an opinion that learning is like a lark, 
 that can mount, and sing, and please herself, and nothing 
 else ; but may know that she holdeth as well of the hawk, 
 that can soar aloft, and can also descend and strike upon 
 the prey. In substance, because it is the perfect law of 
 inquiry of truth, that nothing be in the globe of matter, 
 which should not be likewise in the globe of crystal, or 
 form ; that is, that there be not any thing in being and 
 action, which should not be drawn and collected into con- 
 templation and doctrine. Neither doth learning admire 
 or esteem of this architecture of fortune, otherwise than 
 as of an inferior work: for no man's fortune can be 
 an end worthy of his being ; and many times the worthi- 
 est men do abandon their fortune willingly for better 
 respects: but nevertheless fortune as an organ of virtue 
 and merit deserveth the consideration. 
 
 14. First therefore the precept which I conceive to 
 be most summary towards the prevailing in fortune, is to 
 obtain that window which Momus did require : who see- 
 ing in the frame of man's heart such angles and recesses, 
 
XXIII. 14.] THE SECOND BOOK. 220, 
 
 found fault there was not a window to look into them ; 
 that is, to procure good informations of particulars 
 touching persons, their natures, their desires and ends, 
 their customs and fashions, their helps and advantages, 
 and whereby they chiefly stand : so again their weak- 
 nesses and disadvantages, and where they lie most 
 open and obnoxious; their friends, factions, depend- 
 ences; and again their opposites, enviers, competitors, 
 their moods and times, Sola viri molles adiius el lempora 
 jwras; their principles, rules, and observations, and the 
 like : and this not only of persons, but of actions ; what 
 are on foot from time to time, and how they are con- 
 ducted, favoured, opposed, and how they import, and the 
 like. For the knowledge of present actions is not only 
 material in itself, but without it also the knowledge of 
 persons is very erroneous: for men change with the 
 actions ; and whiles they are in pursuit they are one, and 
 when they return to their nature they are another. These 
 informations of particulars, touching persons and actions, 
 are as the minor propositions in every active syllogism ; 
 for no excellency of observations (which are as the major 
 propositions) can suffice to ground a conclusion, if there 
 be error and mistaking in the minors. 
 
 15. That this knowledge is possible, Salomon is our 
 surety, who saith, Consilium in corde viri lanquam aqua 
 profunda; sedvir prudens exhauriet illud. And although 
 the knowledge itself falleth not under precept, because it 
 is of individuals, yet the instructions for the obtaining of 
 it may. 
 
 16. We will begin therefore with this precept, accord- 
 ing to the ancient opinion, that the sinews of wisdom 
 are slowness of belief and distrust; that more trust be 
 given to countenances and deeds than to words ; and in 
 
230 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 16. 
 
 words rather to sudden passages and surprised words 
 than to set and purposed words. Neither let that be 
 feared which is said, FronH nulla fides, which is meant of 
 a general outward behaviour, and not of the private and 
 subtile motions and labours of the countenance and 
 gesture; which, as Q. Cicero elegantly saith, is Animi 
 /anua, the gale of the mind. None more close than 
 Tiberius, and yet Tacitus saith of Gallus, Etenitn vultu 
 offensionem conjectaveraL So again, noting the differing 
 character and manner of his commending Germanicus 
 and Drusus in the senate, he saith, touching his fashion 
 wherein he carried his speech of Germanicus, thus; 
 Magis in speciem adornatis verbis, quam ut penitus sentire 
 crederelur : but of Drusus thus ; Paucioribus sed intentior, 
 et fida oratione : and in another place, speaking of his 
 character of speech, when he did any thing that was 
 gracious and popular, he saith, that in other things he 
 was velut eluctantium verborum; but then again, solutius 
 loquebatur quando subveiiirel. So that there is no such 
 artificer of dissimulation, nor no such commanded coun- 
 tenance (vultus jussus), that can sever from a feigned 
 tale some of these fashions, either a more slight and 
 careless fashion, or more set and formal, or more tedious 
 and wandering, or coming from a man more drily and 
 hardly. 
 
 17. Neither are deeds such assured pledges, as that 
 they may be trusted without a judicious consideration of 
 their magnitude and nature : Fraus sibi in parvis fidem 
 press fruit ut major e emolumenlo fallal ; and the Italian 
 thinketh himself upon the point to be bought and sold, 
 when he is better used than he was wont to be without 
 manifest cause. For small favours, they do but lull men 
 asleep, both as to caution and as to industry ; and are, as 
 
XXIII. I;.] THE SECOND BOOK. 2$ I 
 
 Demosthenes calleth them, Alimenta socordioe. So again 
 we see how false the nature of some deeds are, in that 
 particular which Mutianus practised upon Antonius Pri- 
 mus, upon that hollow and unfaithful reconcilement which 
 was made between them ; whereupon Mutianus advanced 
 many of the friends of Antonius, Simul amicis ejus prce- 
 fecturas el iribunatus largitur: wherein, under pretence to 
 strengthen him, he did desolate him, and won from him 
 his dependences. 
 
 1 8. As for words, though they be like waters to phy- 
 sicians, full of flattery and uncertainty, yet they are not to 
 be despised, specially with the advantage of passion and 
 affection. For so we see Tiberius, upon a stinging and 
 incensing speech of Agrippina, came a step forth of his 
 dissimulation, when he said, You are hurt because you do 
 not reign; of which Tacitus saith, Audita hcec raram 
 occulti pectoris vocem elicuere ; correptamque Grajco versu 
 admonuil, ideo Icedi quia non regnaret. And therefore the 
 poet doth elegantly call passions tortures, that urge men 
 to confess their secrets : 
 
 Vino tortus et ira. 
 
 And experience showeth, there are few men so true to 
 themselves and so settled, but that, sometimes upon heat, 
 sometimes upon bravery, sometimes upon kindness, some- 
 times upon trouble of mind and weakness, they open 
 themselves ; specially if they be put to it with a counter- 
 dissimulation, according to the proverb of Spain, Di men- 
 tira,y sacaras verdad: Tell a lie and find a truth. 
 
 19. As for the knowing of men which is at second 
 hand from reports ; men's weaknesses and faults are best 
 known from their enemies, their virtues and abilities from 
 their friends, their customs and times from their servants, 
 their conceits and opinions from their familiar friends, 
 
232 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 19. 
 
 with whom they discourse most. General fame is light, 
 and the opinions conceived by superiors or equals are 
 deceitful; for to such men are more masked: Verior 
 fama e domesficis emanat. 
 
 20. But the soundest disclosing and expounding of 
 men is by their natures and ends, wherein the weakest 
 sort of men are best interpreted by their natures, and the 
 wisest by their ends. For it was both pleasantly and 
 wisely said (though I think very untruly) by a nuncio 
 of the pope, returning from a certain nation where he 
 served as lidger; whose opinion being asked touching 
 the appointment of one to go in his place, he wished 
 that in any case they did not send one that was too wise ; 
 because no very wise man would ever imagine what they 
 in that country were like to do. And certainly it is an 
 error frequent for men to shoot over, and to suppose 
 deeper ends, and more compass reaches than are: the 
 Italian proverb being elegant, and for the most part true : 
 
 Di danari, di senno, e di fede, 
 C'e ne manco che non credi : 
 
 There is commonly less money, less wisdom, and less 
 good faith than men do account upon. 
 
 21. But princes, upon a far other reason, are best 
 interpreted by their natures, and private persons by their 
 ends. For princes being at the top of human desires, 
 they have for the most part no particular ends whereto 
 they aspire, by distance from which a man mought take 
 measure and scale of the rest of their actions and desires ; 
 which is one of the causes that maketh their hearts more 
 inscrutable. Neither is it sufficient to inform ourselves 
 in men's ends and natures of the variety of them only, 
 but also of the predominancy, what humour reigneth 
 
XXIII. ii.] THE SECOND BOOK. 233 
 
 most, and what end is principally sought. For so we 
 see, when Tigellinus saw himself outstripped by Petronius 
 Turpilianus in Nero's humours of pleasures, meius ejus 
 rima/ur, he wrought upon Nero's fears, whereby he brake 
 the other's neck. 
 
 22. But to all this part of inquiry the most com- 
 pendious way restcth in three things: the first, to have 
 general acquaintance and inwardness with those which 
 have general acquaintance and look most into the world ; 
 and specially according to the diversity of business, and 
 the diversity of persons, to have privacy and conversation 
 with some one friend at least which is perfect and well 
 intelligenced in every several kind. The second is to 
 keep a good mediocrity in liberty of speech and secrecy ; 
 in most things liberty: secrecy where it importeth; for 
 liberty of speech inviteth and provoketh liberty to be 
 used again, and so bringeth much to a man's knowledge ; 
 and secrecy on the other side induceth trust and inward- 
 ness. The last is the reducing of a man's self to this 
 watchful and serene habit, as to make account and 
 purpose, in every conference and action, as well to 
 observe as to act. For as Epictetus would have a phi- 
 losopher in every particular action to say to himself, Et 
 hoc volo, ct etiam instiiuium servare ; so a politic man in 
 everything should say to himself, Et hoc volo, ac eiiam 
 aliquid addiscere. I have stayed the longer upon this 
 precept of obtaining good information, because it is a 
 main part by itself, which answereth to all the rest. But, 
 above all things, caution must be taken that men have 
 a good stay and hold of themselves, and that this much 
 knowing do not draw on much meddling ; for nothing is 
 more unfortunate than light and rash intermeddling in 
 many matters. So that this variety of knowledge tendeth 
 
234 0F THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 22. 
 
 in conclusion but only to this, to make a better and freer 
 choice of those actions which may concern us, and 
 to conduct them with the less error and the more 
 dexterity. 
 
 23. The second precept concerning this knowledge is, 
 for men to take good information touching their own 
 person, and well to understand themselves : knowing 
 that, as S. James saith, though men look oft in a glass, 
 yet they do suddenly forget themselves; wherein as 
 the divine glass is the word of God, so the politic glass 
 is the state of the world, or times wherein we live, in the 
 which we are to behold ourselves. 
 
 24. For men ought to take an unpartial view of their 
 own abilities and virtues ; and again of their wants and 
 impediments ; accounting these with the most, and those 
 other with the least ; and from this view and examination 
 to frame the considerations following. 
 
 25. First, to consider how the constitution of their 
 nature sorteth with the general state of the times ; which 
 if they find agreeable and fit, then in all things to give 
 themselves more scope and liberty; but if differing and 
 dissonant, then in the whole course of their life to be 
 more close retired, and reserved : as we see in Tiberius, 
 who was never seen at a play, and came not into the 
 Senate in twelve of his last years ; whereas Augustus 
 Caesar lived ever in men's eyes, which Tacitus observeth, 
 alia Tiberio morum via. 
 
 26. Secondly, to consider how their nature sorteth with 
 professions and courses of life, and accordingly to make 
 election, if they be free; and, if engaged, to make the 
 departure at the first opportunity : as we see was done 
 by Duke Valentine, that was designed by his father to a 
 sacerdotal profession, but quitted it soon after in regard 
 
XXIII. 26.] THE SECOND BOOK. 235 
 
 of his parts and inclination; being such, nevertheless, 
 as a man cannot tell well whether they were worse for 
 a prince or for a priest. 
 
 27. Thirdly, to consider how they sort with those whom 
 they are like to have competitors and concurrents ; and to 
 take that course wherein there is most solitude, and them- 
 selves like to be most eminent : as Caesar Julius did, who 
 at first was an orator or pleader ; but when he saw the 
 excellency of Cicero, Hortensius, Catulus, and others, 
 for eloquence, and saw there was no man of reputation 
 for the wars but Pompeius, upon whom the state was 
 forced to rely, he forsook his course begun toward a 
 civil and popular greatness, and transferred his designs 
 to a martial greatness. 
 
 28. Fourthly, in the choice of their friends and de- 
 pendences, to proceed according to the composition of 
 their own nature: as we may see in Caesar, all whose 
 friends and followers were men active and effectual, but 
 not solemn, or of reputation. 
 
 29. Fifthly, to take special heed how they guide them- 
 selves by examples, in thinking they can do as they see 
 others do; whereas perhaps their natures and carriages 
 are far differing. In which error it seemeth Pompey was, 
 of whom Cicero saith, that he was wont often to say, 
 Sylla potuit, ego non potero? Wherein he was much 
 abused, the natures and proceedings of himself and his 
 example being the unlikest in the world; the one being 
 fierce, violent, and pressing the fact; the other solemn, 
 and full of majesty and circumstance, and therefore the 
 less effectual. 
 
 But this precept touching the politic knowledge of our- 
 selves hath many other branches, whereupon we cannot 
 insist. 
 
236 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 30. 
 
 30. Next to the well understanding and discerning of 
 a man's self, there followeth the well opening and re- 
 vealing a man's self; wherein we see nothing more 
 usual than for the more able man to make the less 
 show. For there is a great advantage in the well set- 
 ting forth of a man's virtues, fortunes, merits; and 
 again, in the artificial covering of a man's weaknesses, 
 defects, disgraces ; staying upon the one, sliding from 
 the other ; cherishing the one by circumstances, gracing 
 the other by exposition, and the like. Wherein we see 
 what Tacitus saith of Mutianus, who was the greatest 
 politique of his time, Omnium quce dixerai feceratque arte 
 quadam ostenlator : which requireth indeed some art, lest 
 it turn tedious and arrogant ; but yet so, as ostentation 
 (though it be to the first degree of vanity) seemeth to me 
 rather a vice in manners than in policy : for as it is said. 
 Audader calumniare, semper aliquid hcerei : so, except it 
 be in a ridiculous degree of deformity, Audacter te vendi/a, 
 semper aliquid hceret. For it will stick with the more 
 ignorant and inferior sort of men, though men of wisdom 
 and rank do smile at it and despise it; and yet the 
 authority won with many doth countervail the disdain 
 of a few. But if it be carried with decency and govern- 
 ment, as with a natural, pleasant, and ingenious fashion ; 
 or at times when it is mixed with some peril and unsafety 
 (as in military persons) ; or at times when others are most 
 envied ; or with easy and careless passage to it and from 
 it, without dwelling too long, or being too serious; or 
 with an equal freedom of taxing a man's self, as well 
 as gracing himself; or by occasion of repelling or put- 
 ting down others' injury or insolency; it doth greatly 
 add to reputation: and surely not a few solid natures, 
 that want this ventosity and cannot sail in the height 
 
XXIII. 3©.] THE SECOND BOOK. 237 
 
 of the winds, are not without some prejudice and disad- 
 vantage by their moderation. 
 
 31. But for these flourishes and enhancements of virtue, 
 as they are not perchance unnecessary, so it is at least 
 necessary that virtue be not disvalued and imbased under 
 the just price ; which is done in three manners : by of- 
 fering and obtruding a man's self; wherein men think he 
 is rewarded, when he is accepted; by doing too much, 
 which will not give that which is well done leave to settle, 
 and in the end induceth satiety ; and by finding too soon 
 the fruit of a man's virtue, in commendation, applause, 
 honour, favour ; wherein if a man be pleased with a little, 
 let him hear what is truly said; Cave ne insuetus rebus 
 major ibus I'idearis, si hcec te res parva sicuti magna deleciat. 
 
 32. But the covering of defects is of no less importance 
 than the valuing of good parts ; which may be done like- 
 wise in three manners, by caution, by colour, and by con- 
 fidence. Caution is when men do ingeniously and dis- 
 creetly avoid to be put into those things for which they 
 are not proper: whereas contrariwise bold and unquiet 
 spirits will thrust themselves into matters without differ- 
 ence, and so publish and proclaim all their wants. Colour 
 is when men make a way for themselves to have a con- 
 struction made of their faults or wants, as proceeding 
 from a better cause or intended for some other purpose. 
 For of the one it is well said, 
 
 Saepe latet vitium proximitate boni, 
 
 and therefore whatsoever want a man hath, he must see 
 that he pretend the virtue that shadoweth it; as if he 
 be dull, he must affect gravity; if a coward, mildness; 
 and so the rest. For the second, a man must frame some 
 probable cause why he should not do his best, and why 
 he should dissemble his abilities; and for that purpose 
 
238 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 32. 
 
 must use to dissemble those abilities which are notorious 
 in him, to give colour that his true wants are but in- 
 dustries and dissimulations. For confidence, it is the last 
 but the surest remedy; namely, to depress and seem to 
 despise whatsoever a man cannot attain ; observing the 
 good principle of the merchants, who endeavour to raise 
 the price of their own commodities, and to beat down the 
 price of others. But there is a confidence that passeth 
 this other; which is to face out a man's own defects, 
 in seeming to conceive that he is best in those things 
 wherein he is failing ; and, to help that again, to seem on 
 the other side that he hath least opinion of himself in 
 those things wherein he is best : like as we shall see it 
 commonly in poets, that if they show their verses, and you 
 except to any, they will say That that line cost them more 
 labour than any of the rest; and presently will seem to 
 disable and suspect rather some other line, which they 
 know well enough to be the best in the number. But above 
 all, in this righting and helping of a man's self in his own 
 carriage, he must take heed he show not himself dis- 
 mantled and exposed to scorn and injury, by too much 
 dulceness, goodness, and facility of nature; but show 
 some sparkles of liberty, spirit, and edge. Which kind 
 of fortified carriage, with a ready rescussing of a man's 
 self from scorns, is sometimes of necessity imposed upon 
 men by somewhat in their person or fortune ; but it ever 
 succeedeth with good felicity. 
 
 33. Another precept of this knowledge is by all possible 
 endeavour to frame the mind to be pliant and obedient 
 to occasion; for nothing hindereth men's fortunes so 
 much as this : Idem manebat, neque idem decebat, men are 
 where they were, when occasions turn : and therefore 
 to Cato, whom Livy maketh such an architect of fortune, 
 
XXIII. 33-] THE SECOND BOOK. 239 
 
 he addeth that he had versatile ingmium. And thereof 
 it cometh that these grave solemn wits, which must be 
 like themselves and cannot make departures, have more 
 dignity than felicity. But in some it is nature to be 
 somewhat viscous and inwrapped, and not easy to turn. 
 In some it is a conceit that is almost a nature, which is, 
 that men can hardly make themselves believe that they 
 ought to change their course, when they have found good 
 by it in former experience. For Machiavel noted wisely, 
 how Fabius Maximus would have been temporizing still, 
 according to his old bias, when the nature of the war 
 was altered and required hot pursuit. In some other 
 it is want of point and penetration in their judgement, 
 that they do not discern when things have a period, but 
 come in too late after the occasion; as Demosthenes 
 compareth the people of Athens to country fellows, when 
 they play in a fence school, that if they have a blow, then 
 they remove their weapon to that ward, and not before. 
 In some other it is a lothness to leese labours passed, and 
 a conceit that they can bring about occasions to their ply ; 
 and yet in the end, when they see no other remedy, then 
 they come to it with disadvantage ; as Tarquinius, that 
 gave for the third part of Sibylla's books the treble price, 
 when he mought at first have had all three for the simple. 
 But from whatsoever root or cause this restiveness of 
 mind proceedeth, it is a thing most prejudicial; and 
 nothing is more politic than to make the wheels of our 
 mind concentric and voluble with the wheels of fortune. 
 
 34. Another precept of this knowledge, which hath 
 some affinity with that we last spake of, but with differ- 
 ence, is that which is well expressed, Fatis accede deisque, 
 that men do not only turn with the occasions, but also 
 run with the occasions, and not strain their credit or 
 
24O OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 34. 
 
 strength to over-hard or extreme points; but choose in 
 their actions that which is most passable : for this will 
 preserve men from foil, not occupy them too much about 
 one matter, win opinion of moderation, please the most, 
 and make a show of a perpetual felicity in all they under- 
 take ; which cannot but mightily increase reputation. 
 
 35. Another part of this knowledge seemeth to have 
 some repugnancy with the former two, but not as I 
 understand it ; and it is that which Demosthenes uttereth 
 in high terms ; Et quemadmodum receptwn est, ut exercitum 
 ducat imperator, sic et a cordatis viris res ipsa ducendce ; 
 ut qua ipsis videntur, ea gerantur, et non ipsi eventus per- 
 sequi cogantur. For if we observe we shall find two 
 differing kinds of sufficiency in managing of business : 
 some can make use of occasions aptly and dexterously, 
 but plot little ; some can urge and pursue their own plots 
 well, but cannot accommodate nor take in; either of 
 which is very unperfect without the other. 
 
 36. Another part of this knowledge is the observing a 
 good mediocrity in the declaring, or not declaring a man's 
 self: for although depth of secrecy, and making way 
 (quah's est via navis in mari, which the French calleth 
 sourdes mentis, when men set things in work without 
 opening themselves at all), be sometimes both prosperous 
 and admirable ; yet many times dissimulatio error es parity 
 qui dissimulatorem ipsum illaqueant. And therefore we 
 see the greatest politiques have in a natural and free 
 manner professed their desires, rather than been reserved 
 and disguised in them. For so we see that Lucius Sylla 
 made a kind of profession, that he wished all men happy or 
 unhappy, as they stood his friends or enemies. So Caesar, 
 when he went first into Gaul, made no scruple to profess 
 That he had rather be first in a village than second at Rome. 
 
XXIII. 36.] THE SECOND BOOK. 24I 
 
 So again, as soon as he had begun the war, we see what 
 Cicero saith of him, Alter (meaning of Caesar) non recusal, 
 sed quodammodo postulat, ut {ut est) sic appelletur tyrannus. 
 So we may see in a letter of Cicero to Atticus, that 
 Augustus Caesar, in his very entrance into affairs, when 
 he was a darling of the senate, yet in his harangues to 
 the people would swear, Ita parentis honores consequi liccat 
 (which was no less than the tyranny), save that, to help 
 it, he would stretch forth his hand towards a statua of 
 Caesar's that was erected in the place : and men laughed, 
 and wondered, and said, Is it possible ? or, Did you ever 
 hear the like ? and yet thought he meant no hurt ; he did 
 it so handsomely and ingenuously. And all these were 
 prosperous : whereas Pompey, who tended to the same 
 ends, but in a more dark and dissembling manner, as 
 Tacitus saith of him, Occultior non melior, wherein Sal- 
 lust concurreth, Ore probo, animo inverecundo, made it his 
 design, by infinite secret engines, to cast the state into 
 an absolute anarchy and confusion, that the state mought 
 cast itself into his arms for necessity and protection, and 
 so the sovereign power be put upon him, and he never 
 seen in it : and when he had brought it (as he thought) 
 to that point, when he was chosen consul alone, as never 
 any was, yet he could make no great matter of it, because 
 men understood him not ; but was fain in the end to go 
 the beaten track of getting arms into his hands, by colour 
 of the doubt of Caesar's designs : so tedious, casual, and 
 unfortunate are these deep dissimulations: whereof it 
 seemeth Tacitus made this judgement, that they were 
 a cunning of an inferior form in regard of true policy; 
 attributing the one to Augustus, the other to Tiberius; 
 where, speaking of Livia, he saith, Et cum artibus mariti 
 simulatione filii bene composita : for surely the continual 
 
 R 
 
 -'••**Ai 
 
242 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII.36. 
 
 habit of dissimulation is but a weak and sluggish cunning, 
 and not greatly politic. 
 
 37. Another precept of this architecture of fortune is 
 to accustom our minds to judge of the proportion or 
 value of things, as they conduce and are material to our 
 particular ends : and that to do substantially, and not 
 superficially. For we shall find the logical part (as I may 
 term it) of some men's minds good, but the mathematical 
 part erroneous; that is, they can well judge of conse- 
 quences, but not of proportions and comparison, pre- 
 ferring things of show and sense before things of sub- 
 stance and effect. So some fall in love with access to 
 princes, others with popular fame and applause, sup- 
 posing they are things of great purchase, when in many 
 cases they are but matters of envy, peril, and impediment. 
 So some measure things according to the labour and 
 difficulty or assiduity which are spent about them; and 
 think, if they be ever moving, that they must needs 
 advance and proceed; as Caesar saith in a despising 
 manner of Cato the second, when he describeth how 
 laborious and indefatigable he was to no great purpose, 
 Hcbc omnia magno studio agebal. So in most things men 
 are ready to abuse themselves in thinking the greatest 
 means to be best, when it should be the fittest. 
 
 38. As for the true marshalling of men's pursuits 
 towards their fortune, as they are more or less material, 
 I hold them to stand thus. First the amendment of their 
 own minds. For the remove of the impediments of the 
 mind will sooner clear the passages of fortune, than the 
 obtaining fortune will remove the impediments of the 
 mind. In the second place I set down wealth and 
 means ; which I know most men would have placed first, 
 because of the general use which it beareth towards all 
 
XXIII. 38.] THE SECOND BOOK. 243 
 
 variety of occasions. But that opinion I may condemn 
 with like reason as Machiavel doth that other, that 
 moneys were the sinews of the wars ; whereas (saith he) 
 the tru£ sinews of the wars are the sinews of men's arms, 
 that is, a valiant, populous, and military nation : and he 
 voucheth aptly the authority of Solon, who, when Croesus 
 showed him his treasury of gold, said to him, that if 
 another came that had better iron, he would be master 
 of his gold. In like manner it may be truly affirmed, 
 that it is not moneys that are the sinews of fortune, but 
 it is the sinews and steel of men's minds, wit, courage, 
 audacity, resolution, temper, industry, and the like. In 
 the third place I set down reputation, because of the 
 peremptory tides and currents it hath ; which, if they be 
 not taken in their due time, are seldom recovered, it 
 being extreme hard to play an after game of reputation. 
 And lastly I place honour, which is more easily won by 
 any of the other three, much more by all, than any of 
 them can be purchased by honour. To conclude this pre- 
 cept, as there is order and priority in matter, so is there 
 in time, the preposterous placing whereof is one of the 
 commonest errors : while men fly to their ends when they 
 should intend their beginnings, and do not take things in 
 order of time as they come on, but marshal them accord- 
 ing to greatness and not according to instance; not 
 observing the good precept, Quod nunc inslat agamus. 
 
 39. Another precept of this knowledge is not to em- 
 brace any matters which do occupy too great a quantity 
 of time, but to have that sounding in a man's ears, Sed 
 fugit interea fugit irreparabile iempus : and that is the 
 cause why those which take their course of rising by pro- 
 fessions of burden, as lawyers, orators, painful divines, 
 and - the like, are not commonly so politic for their own 
 
 K 2 
 
244 0F THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII.39. 
 
 fortune, otherwise than in their ordinary way, because 
 they want time to learn particulars, to wait occasions, and 
 to devise plots. 
 
 40. Another precept of this knowledge is to imitate 
 nature which doth nothing in vain ; which surely a man 
 may do if he do well interlace his business, and bend not 
 his mind too much upon that which he principally in- 
 tendeth. For a man ought in every particular action 
 so to carry the motions of his mind, and so to have 
 one thing under another, as if he cannot have that he 
 seeketh in the best degree, yet to have it in a second, or 
 so in a third ; and if he can have no part of that which 
 he purposed, yet to turn the use of it to somewhat else ; 
 and if he cannot make anything of it for the present, yet 
 to make it as a seed of somewhat in time to come ; and 
 if he can contrive no effect or substance from it, yet to 
 win some good opinion by it, or the like. So that he 
 should exact an account of himself of every action, to 
 reap somewhat, and not to stand amazed and confused 
 if he fail of that he chiefly meant : for nothing is more 
 impolitic than to mind actions wholly one by one. For 
 he that doth so leeseth infinite occasions which intervene, 
 and are many times more proper and propitious for some- 
 what that he shall need afterwards, than for that which he 
 urgeth for the present; and therefore men must be per- 
 fect in that rule, Hcec oportei facer ■<?, et ilia non omittere. 
 
 41. Another precept of this knowledge is, not to engage 
 a man's self peremptorily in any thing, though it seem 
 not liable to accident ; but ever to have a window to fly 
 out at, or a way to retire : following the wisdom in the 
 ancient fable of the two frogs, which consulted when their 
 plash was dry whither they should go ; and the one moved 
 to go down into a pit, because it was not likely the water 
 
XXIII. 4 i.] THE SECOND BOOK. 245 
 
 would dry there ; but the other answered, True, but if it 
 do, how shall we get out again ? 
 
 42. Another precept of this knowledge is that ancient 
 precept of Bias, construed not to any point of perfidious- 
 ness, but only to caution and moderation, Et ama ian- 
 quam inimicus fuiurus et odi tanqnam amahtrus. For it 
 utterly betrayeth all utility for men to embark themselves 
 too far into unfortunate friendships, troublesome spleens, 
 and childish and humorous envies or emulations. 
 
 43. But I continue this beyond the measure of an 
 example; led, because I would not have such know- 
 ledges, which I note as deficient, to be thought things 
 imaginative or in the air, or an observation or two much 
 made of, but things of bulk and mass, whereof an end is 
 hardlier made than a beginning. It must be likewise con- 
 ceived, that in these points which I mention and set down, 
 they are far from complete tractates of them, but only as 
 small pieces for patterns. And lastly, no man I suppose 
 will think that I mean fortunes are not obtained without 
 all this ado ; for I know they come tumbling into some 
 men s laps ; and a number obtain good fortunes by dili- 
 gence in a plain way, little intermeddling, and keeping 
 themselves from gross errors. 
 
 44. But as Cicero, when he setteth down an idea of a 
 perfect orator, doth not mean that every pleader should 
 be such; and so likewise, when a prince or a courtier 
 hath been described by such as have handled those sub- 
 jects, the mould hath used to be made according to the 
 perfection of the art, and not according to common prac- 
 tice : so I understand it, that it ought to be done in the 
 description of a politic man, I mean politic for his own 
 fortune. 
 
 45. But it must be remembered all this while, that the 
 
246 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 45. 
 
 precepts which we have set down are of that kind which 
 may be counted and called Bona Ar/es. As for evil arts, 
 if a man would set down for himself that principle of 
 Machiavel, That a man seek not to attain virtue itself but 
 the appearance only thereof ; because the credit of virtue is 
 a help, but the use of it is cumber : or that other of his 
 principles, That he presuppose, that men are not fitly to be 
 wrought otherwise but by fear ; and therefore that he seek 
 to have every man obnoxious, low, and in strait, which 
 the Italians call seminar spine, to sow thorns : or that 
 other principle, contained in the verse which Cicero citeth, 
 Cadant amici, dummodo inimici inter cidant, as the triumvirs, 
 which sold every one to other the lives of their friends 
 for the deaths of their enemies : or that other protestation 
 of L. Catilina, to set on fire and trouble states, to the end 
 to fish in droumy waters, and to unwrap their fortunes, 
 Ego si quid in foriunis meis excitalum sit incendium, id 
 non aqua sed nana restinguam : or that other principle 
 of Lysander, That children are to be deceived with comfits, 
 and men with oaths : and the like evil and corrupt posi- 
 tions, whereof (as in all things) there are more in number 
 than of the good : certainly with these dispensations from 
 the laws of charity and integrity, the pressing of a man's 
 fortune may be more hasty and compendious. But it is 
 in life as it is in ways, the shortest way is commonly the 
 foulest, and surely the fairer way is not much about. 
 
 46. But men, if they be in their own power, and do 
 bear and sustain themselves, and be not carried away 
 with a whirlwind or tempest of ambition, ought in the 
 pursuit of their own fortune to set before their eyes not 
 only that general map of the world, That all things are 
 vanity and vexation of spirit, but many other more par- 
 ticular cards and directions: chiefly that, that being 
 
XXIII. 46.] THE SECOND BOOK. 247 
 
 without well-being is a curse, and the greater being the 
 greater curse; and that all virtue is most rewarded, and 
 all wickedness most punished in itself: according as the 
 poet saith excellently: 
 
 Qiiae vobis, quae digna, viri, pro laudibus istls 
 Praemia posse rear solvi ? pulcherrima primum 
 Dii moresque dabunt vestri. 
 
 And so of the contrary. And secondly they ought to 
 look up to the eternal providence and divine judgement, 
 which often subverteth the wisdom of evil plots and 
 imaginations, according to that scripture, He hath con- 
 ceived mischief, and shall bring forth a vain thing. And 
 although men should refrain themselves from injury and 
 evil arts, yet this incessant and Sabbathless pursuit of 
 a man's fortune leaveth not tribute which we owe to 
 God of our time; who (we see) demandeth a tenth of 
 our substance, and a seventh, which is more strict, of 
 our time : and it is to small purpose to have an erected 
 face towards heaven, and a perpetual groveling spirit 
 upon earth, eating dust as doth the serpent, Atque affigit 
 humo divines particnlam aurce. And if any man flatter 
 himself that he will employ his fortune well, though he 
 should obtain it ill, as was said concerning Augustus 
 Caesar, and after of Septimius Severus, That either they 
 should never have been born t or else they should never have 
 died, they did so much mischief in the pursuit and ascent 
 of their greatness, and so much good when they were 
 established; yet these compensations and satisfactions 
 are good to be used, but never good to be purposed. 
 And lastly, it is not amiss for men in their race toward 
 their fortune, to cool themselves a little with that conceit 
 which is elegantly expressed by the Emperor Charles the 
 Fifth, in his instructions to the king his son, That fortune 
 
248 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 46. 
 
 hath somewhat of the nature of a woman, that if she be too 
 much wooed she is the farther off. But this last is but a 
 remedy for those whose tastes are corrupted : let men 
 rather build upon that foundation which is as a corner- 
 stone of divinity and philosophy, wherein they join close, 
 namely that same Primum quccrite. For divinity saith, 
 Primum quazriie regnum Dei, etista onuiia adjicienlur vobis: 
 and philosophy saith, Primum qu&rite bona anijni ; c&tera 
 aut aderunt, aut ?io?i oberunt. And although the human 
 foundation hath somewhat of the sands, as we see in 
 M. Brutus, when he brake forth into that speech, 
 
 Te colui (Virtus) ut rem ; ast tu nomen inane es ; 
 yet the divine foundation is upon the rock. But this may 
 serve for a taste of that knowledge which I noted as 
 deficient. 
 
 47. Concerning government, it is a part of knowledge 
 secret and retired in both these respects in which things 
 are deemed secret; for some things are secret because 
 they are hard to know, and some because they are not 
 fit to utter. We see all governments are obscure and 
 
 invisible : 
 
 Totamque infusa per artus 
 Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet. 
 
 Such is the description of governments. We see the 
 government of God over the world is hidden, insomuch 
 as it seemeth to participate of much irregularity and con- 
 fusion. The government of the soul in moving the body 
 is inward and profound, and the passages thereof hardly 
 to be reduced to demonstration. Again, the wisdom of 
 antiquity (the shadows whereof are in the poets) in the 
 description of torments and pains, next unto the crime of 
 rebellion, which was the giants' offence, doth detest the 
 offence of futility, as in Sisyphus and Tantalus. But this 
 
XXIII. 47-] THE SECOND BOOK. 249 
 
 was meant of particulars : nevertheless even unto the 
 general rules and discourses of policy and government 
 there is due a reverent and reserved handling. 
 
 48. But contrariwise in the governors towards the 
 governed, all things ought as far as the frailty of man 
 permitteth to be manifest and revealed. For so it is 
 expressed in the scriptures touching the government of 
 God, that this globe, which seemeth to us a dark and 
 shady body, is in the view of God as crystal : El in con- 
 spedn sedis tanquam mare vitreum simile crystallo. So 
 unto princes and states, and specially towards wise senates 
 and councils, the natures and dispositions of the people, 
 their conditions and necessities, their factions and com- 
 binations, their animosities and discontents, ought to be, 
 in regard of the variety of their intelligences, the wisdom 
 of their observations, and the height of their station where 
 they keep sentinel, in great part clear and transparent. 
 Wherefore, considering that I write to a king that is a 
 master of this science, and is so well assisted, I think it 
 decent to pass over this part in silence, as willing to 
 obtain the certificate which one of the ancient philo- 
 sophers aspired unto; who being silent, when others 
 contended to make demonstration of their abilities by 
 speech, desired it mought be certified for his part, That 
 there was one that knew how to hold his peace. 
 
 49. Notwithstanding, for the more public part of 
 government, which is laws, I think good to note only one 
 deficience ; which is, that all those which have written of 
 laws, have written either as philosophers or as lawyers, 
 and none as statesmen. As for the philosophers, they 
 make imaginary laws for imaginary commonwealths, and 
 their discourses are as the stars, which give little light 
 because they are so high. For the lawyers, they write 
 
2jO OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIII. 49. 
 
 according to the states where they live what is received 
 law, and not what ought to be law: for the wisdom of a 
 lawmaker is one, and of a lawyer is another. For there 
 are in nature certain fountains of justice, whence all civil 
 laws are derived but as streams: and like as waters do 
 take tinctures and tastes from the soils through which 
 they run, so do civil laws vary according to the regions 
 and governments where they are planted, though they 
 proceed from the same fountains. Again, the wisdom of 
 a lawmaker consisteth not only in a platform of justice, 
 but in the application thereof; taking into consideration 
 by what means laws may be made certain, and what are 
 the causes and remedies of the doubtfulness and uncer- 
 tainty of law; by what means laws may be made apt and 
 easy to be executed, and what are the impediments and 
 remedies in the execution of laws; what influence laws 
 touching private right of meum and tuum have into the 
 public state, and how they may be made apt and agree- 
 able ; how laws are to be penned and delivered, whether 
 in texts or in acts, brief or large, with preambles, or with- 
 out ; how they are to be pruned and reformed from time 
 to time, and what is the best means to keep them from 
 being too vast in volumes, or too full of multiplicity and 
 crossness; how they are to be expounded, when upon 
 causes emergent and judicially discussed, and when upon 
 responses and conferences touching general points or 
 questions; how they are to be pressed, rigorously or 
 tenderly; how they are to be mitigated by equity and 
 good conscience, and whether discretion and strict law 
 are to be mingled in the same courts, or kept apart in 
 several courts; again, how the practice, profession, and 
 erudition of law is to be censured and governed; and 
 many other points touching the administration, and (as I 
 
XXIII. 49-] THE SECOND BOOK. 25 1 
 
 may term it) animation of laws. Upon which I insist the 
 less, because I purpose (if God give me j) e pruden- 
 leave), having begun a work of this nature in tia legislat- 
 aphorisms, to propound it hereafter, noting on ' fl . dm, de 
 it in the mean time for deficient. fontibus juris. 
 
 50. And for your Majesty's laws of England, I could 
 say much of their dignity, and somewhat of their defect ; 
 but they cannot but excel the civil laws in fitness for the 
 government : for the civil law was no?i hos qucesitum muniis 
 in usus ; it was not made for the countries which it 
 governeth. Hereof I cease to speak, because I will not 
 intermingle matter of action with matter of general 
 learning. 
 
 XXIV. T^HUS have I concluded this portion of 
 learning touching civil knowledge ; and 
 with civil knowledge have concluded human philosophy ; 
 and with human philosophy, philosophy in general. And 
 being now at some pause, looking back into that I have 
 passed through, this writing seemeth to me (si nunquam 
 fallit imago), as far as a man can judge of his own work, 
 not much better than that noise or sound which musicians 
 make while they are in tuning their instruments : which 
 is nothing pleasant to hear, but yet is a cause why the 
 music is sweeter afterwards. So have I been content to 
 tune the instruments of the Muses, that they may play 
 that have better hands. And surely, when I set before 
 me the condition of these times, in which learning hath 
 made her third visitation or circuit in all the qualities 
 thereof; as the excellency and vivacity of the wits of this 
 age ; the noble helps and lights which we have by the 
 travails of ancient writers ; the art of printing, which com- 
 municateth books to men of all fortunes; the openness 
 
2^2 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXIV. 
 
 of the world by navigation, which hath disclosed multi- 
 tudes of experiments, and a mass of natural history ; the 
 leisure wherewith these times abound, not employing men 
 so generally in civil business, as the states of Grecia did, 
 in respect of their popularity, and the state of Rome, in 
 respect of the greatness of their monarchy; the present 
 disposition of these times at this instant to peace; the 
 consumption of all that ever can be said in controversies 
 of religion, which have so much diverted men from other 
 sciences ; the perfection of your Majesty's learning, which 
 as a phoenix may call whole vollies of wits to follow you ; 
 and the inseparable propriety of time, which is ever more 
 and more to disclose truth ; I cannot but be raised to this 
 persuasion that this third period of time will far surpass 
 that of the Grecian and Roman learning : only if men will 
 know their own strength, and their own weakness both ; 
 and take, one from the other, light of invention, and not 
 fire of contradiction ; and esteem of the inquisition of 
 truth as of an enterprise, and not as of a quality or orna- 
 ment; and employ wit and magnificence to things of 
 worth and excellency, and not to things vulgar and of 
 popular estimation. As for my labours, if any man shall 
 please himself or others in the reprehension of them, they 
 shall make that ancient and patient request, Verbera, sed 
 audi ; let men reprehend them, so they observe and 
 weigh them. For the appeal is lawful (though it may be 
 it shall not be needful) from the first cogitations of men 
 to their second, and from the nearer times to the times 
 further off. Now let us come to that learning, which both 
 the former times were not so blessed as to know, sacred 
 and inspired divinity, the Sabbath and port of all men's 
 labours and peregrinations. 
 
XXV. t.] THE SECOND BOOK. 253 
 
 XXV. 1. n^HE prerogative of God extendeth as well 
 to the reason as to the will of man ; 
 so that as we are to obey his law, though we find a re- 
 luctation in our will, so we are to believe his word, though 
 we find a reluctation in our reason. For if we believe 
 only that which is agreeable to our sense, we give consent 
 to the matter, and not to the author; which is no more 
 than we would do towards a suspected and discredited 
 witness ; but that faith which was accounted to Abraham 
 for righteousness was of such a point as whereat Sarah 
 laughed, who therein was an image of natural reason. 
 
 2. Howbeit (if we will truly consider of it) more worthy 
 it is to believe than to know as we now know. For in 
 knowledge man's mind suffereth from sense ; but in belief 
 it suffereth from spirit, such one as it holdeth for more 
 authorised than itself, and so suffereth from the worthier 
 agent. Otherwise it is of the state of man glorified ; for 
 then faith shall cease, and we shall know as we are 
 known. 
 
 3. Wherefore we conclude that sacred theology (which 
 in our idiom we call divinity) is grounded only upon the 
 word and oracle of God, and not upon the light of nature: 
 for it is written, Cceli enarrant gloriam Dei; but it is not 
 written, Cceli enarrant voluntaiem Dei: but of that it is 
 said, Ad legem et testimonium : si non fecerint secundum 
 verbum isiud &c. This holdeth not only in those points 
 of faith which concern the great mysteries of the Deity, 
 of the creation, of the redemption, but likewise those 
 which concern the law moral truly interpreted: Love 
 
 your enemies : do good to them thai hate you : Be like to your 
 heavenly Father, that suffereth his rain to fall upon the just 
 and unjust. To this it ought to be applauded, Nee vox 
 hominem sonal: it is a voice beyond the light of nature. 
 
254 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXV. 3. 
 
 So we see the heathen poets, when they fall upon a 
 libertine passion, do still expostulate with laws and moral- 
 ities, as if they were opposite and malignant to nature ; 
 Et quod natura rcmitiit, invida jura negant. So said 
 Dendamis the Indian unto Alexander's messengers, that 
 he had heard somewhat of Pythagoras, and some other 
 of the wise men of Grecia, and that he held them for 
 excellent men : but that they had a fault, which was that 
 they had in too great reverence and veneration a thing 
 they called law and manners. So it must be confessed, 
 that a great part of the law moral is of that perfec- 
 tion, whereunto the light of nature cannot aspire : how 
 then is it that man is said to have, by the light and law 
 of nature, some notions and conceits of virtue and vice, 
 justice and wrong, good and evil? Thus, because the 
 light of nature is used in two several senses ; the one, 
 that which springeth from reason, sense, induction, argu- 
 ment, according to the laws of heaven and earth; the 
 other, that which is imprinted upon the spirit of man by 
 an inward instinct, according to the law of conscience, 
 which is a sparkle of the purity of his first estate; in 
 which latter sense only he is participant of some light 
 and discerning touching the perfection of the moral law : 
 but how ? sufficient to check the vice, but not to inform 
 the duty. So then the doctrine of religion, as well moral 
 as mystical, is not to be attained but by inspiration and 
 revelation from God. 
 
 4. The use notwithstanding of reason in spiritual things, 
 and the latitude thereof, is very great and general : for it 
 is not for nothing that the apostle calleth religion our 
 reasonable service of God ; insomuch as the very cere- 
 monies and figures of the old law were full of reason and 
 signification, much more than the ceremonies of idolatry 
 
XXV. 4.] THE SECOND BOOK. 255 
 
 and magic, that are full of non-significants and surd cha- 
 racters. But most specially the Christian faith, as in all 
 things so in this, deserveth to be highly magnified ; hold- 
 ing and preserving the golden mediocrity in this point 
 between the law of the heathen and the law of Mahumet, 
 which have embraced the two extremes. For the religion 
 of the heathen had no constant belief or confession, but 
 left all to the liberty of argument; and the religion of 
 Mahumet on the other side interdicteth argument alto- 
 gether: the one having the very face of error, and the 
 other of imposture : whereas the Faith doth both admit 
 and reject disputation with difference. 
 
 5. The use of human reason in religion is of two sorts : 
 the former, in the conception and apprehension of the 
 mysteries of God to us revealed; the other, in the in- 
 ferring and deriving of doctrine and direction thereupon. 
 The former extendeth to the mysteries themselves ; but 
 how ? by way of illustration, and not by way of argument. 
 The latter consisteth indeed of probation and argument. 
 In the former we see God vouchsafeth to descend to our 
 capacity, in the expressing of his mysteries in sort as may 
 be sensible unto us; and doth grift his revelations and 
 holy doctrine upon the notions of our reason, and applieth 
 his inspirations to open our understanding, as the form of 
 the key to the ward of the lock. For the latter, there is 
 allowed us an use of reason and argument, secondary and 
 respective, although not original and absolute. For after 
 the articles and principles of religion are placed and ex- 
 empted from examination of reason, it is then permitted 
 unto us to make derivations and inferences from and 
 according to the analogy of them, for our better direction. 
 In nature this holdeth not; for both the principles are 
 examinable by induction, though not by a medium or 
 
2j6 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING [XXV. 5. 
 
 syllogism ; and besides, those principles or first positions 
 have no discordance with that reason which draweth down 
 and deduceth the inferior positions. But yet it holdeth 
 not in religion alone, but in many knowledges, both of 
 greater and smaller nature, namely, wherein there are not 
 only posita but placiia; for in such there can be no use 
 of absolute reason. We see it familiarly in games of wit, 
 as chess, or the like. The draughts and first laws of the 
 game are positive, but how ? merely ad placilum, and not 
 examinable by reason ; but then how to direct our play 
 thereupon with best advantage to win the game, is arti- 
 ficial and rational. So in human laws there be many 
 grounds and maxims which are placita juris, positive upon 
 authority, and not upon reason, and therefore not to be 
 disputed : but what is most just, not absolutely but rela- 
 tively, and according to those maxims, that affordeth a 
 long field of disputation. Such therefore is that second- 
 ary reason, which hath place in divinity, which is grounded 
 upon the placets of God. 
 
 6. Here therefore I note this deficience, that there hath 
 Be usu legit- not been, to my understanding, sufficiently 
 into rationis inquired and handled the true limits and use 
 humatHzin f reason in spiritual things, as a kind of 
 divims. divine dialectic : which for that it is not done, 
 
 it seemeth to me a thing usual, by pretext of true con- 
 ceiving that which is revealed, to search and mine into 
 that which is not revealed ; and by pretext of enucleating 
 inferences and contradictories, to examine that which is 
 positive. The one sort falling into the error of Nicodemus, 
 demanding to have things made more sensible than it 
 pleaseth God to reveal them, Quomodo possit homo nasci 
 cum sit senex ? The other sort into the error of the dis- 
 ciples, which were scandalized at a show of contradiction, 
 
XXV. 6.] THE SECOND BOOK. 257 
 
 Quid est hoc quod die it nobis? Modicum, et non videbitis me; 
 et iter urn, modicum , et videbitis me, &c. 
 
 7. Upon this I have insisted the more, in regard of 
 the great and blessed use thereof; for this point well 
 laboured and denned of would in my judgement be an 
 opiate to stay and bridle not only the vanity of curious 
 speculations, wherewith the schools labour, but the fury 
 of controversies, wherewith the church laboureth. For it 
 cannot but open men's eyes, to see that many contro- 
 versies do merely pertain to that which is either not re- 
 vealed or positive; and that many others do grow upon 
 weak and obscure inferences or derivations : which latter 
 sort, if men would revive the blessed style of that great 
 doctor of the Gentiles, would be carried thus, ego, non 
 dominus; and again, secundum consilium meum, in opinions 
 and counsels, and not in positions and oppositions. 
 But men are now over-ready to usurp the style, non ego, 
 sed dominus ; and not so only, but to bind it with the 
 thunder and denunciation of curses and anathemas, to the 
 terror of those which have not sufficiently learned out of 
 Salomon, that The causeless curse shall not come. 
 
 8. Divinity hath two principal parts; the matter in- 
 formed or revealed, and the nature of the information 
 or revelation : and with the latter we will begin, because 
 it hath most coherence with that which we have now last 
 handled. The nature of the information consisteth of 
 three branches ; the limits of the information, the suffici- 
 ency of the information, and the acquiring or obtaining 
 the information. Unto the limits of the information be- 
 long these considerations ; how far forth particular per- 
 sons continue to be inspired ; how far forth the Church is 
 inspired; and how far forth reason may be used: the 
 last point whereof I have noted as deficient. Unto the 
 
 s 
 
258 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXV. 8. 
 
 sufficiency of the information belong two considerations; 
 what points of religion are fundamental, and what perfec- 
 tive, being matter of further building and perfection upon 
 one and the same foundation ; and again, how the grada- 
 tions of light according to the dispensation of times are 
 material to the sufficiency of belief. 
 
 9. Here again I may rather give it in advice than note 
 De gradibus it as deficient, that the points fundamental, 
 unitatis in and the points of further perfection only, 
 civitate Dei. 0U ght to be with piety and wisdom distin- 
 guished: a subject tending to much like end as that I 
 noted before ; for as that other were likely to abate the 
 number of controversies, so this is like to abate the 
 heat of many of them. We see Moses when he saw the 
 Israelite and the Egyptian fight, he did not say, Why strive 
 you ? but drew his sword and slew the Egyptian : but 
 when he saw the two Israelites fight, he said, You are 
 brethren, why strive you? If the point of doctrine be an 
 Egyptian, it must be slain by the sword of the spirit, and 
 not reconciled; but if it be an Israelite, though in the 
 wrong, then, Why strive you ? We see of the fundamental 
 points, our Saviour penneth the league thus, He that is 
 not with us is against us ; but of points not fundamental, 
 thus, He that is not against us is with us. So we see the 
 coat of our Saviour was entire without seam, and so is 
 the doctrine of the scriptures in itself; but the garment 
 of the church was of divers colours and yet not divided. 
 We see the chaff may and ought to be severed from the 
 corn in the ear, but the tares may not be pulled up from 
 the corn in the field. So as it is a thing of great use well 
 to define what, and of what latitude those points are, which 
 do make men merely aliens and disincorporate from the 
 Church of God. 
 
XXV. io.] THE SECOND BOOK. 259 
 
 10. For the obtaining of the information, it resteth upon 
 the true and sound interpretation of the scriptures, which 
 are the fountains of the water of life. The interpretations 
 of the scriptures are of two sorts ; methodical, and solute 
 or at large. For this divine water, which excelleth so 
 much that of Jacob's well, is drawn forth much in the 
 same kind as natural water useth to be out of wells and 
 fountains ; either it is first forced up into a cistern, and 
 from thence fetched and derived for use; or else it is 
 drawn and received in buckets and vessels immediately 
 where it springeth. The former sort whereof, though 
 it seem to be the more ready, yet in my judgement is 
 more subject to corrupt. This is that method which 
 hath exhibited unto us the scholastical divinity; where- 
 by divinity hath been reduced into an art, as into a 
 cistern, and the streams of doctrine or positions fetched 
 and derived from thence. 
 
 11. In this men have sought three things, a summary 
 brevity, a compacted strength, and a complete perfection ; 
 whereof the two first they fail to find, and the last they 
 ought not to seek. For as to brevity, we see in all sum- 
 mary methods, while men purpose to abridge, they give 
 cause to dilate. For the sum or abridgement by con- 
 traction becometh obscure ; the obscurity requireth ex- 
 position, and the exposition is deduced into large com 
 mentaries, or into common places and titles, which grow 
 to be more vast than the original writings, whence the 
 sum was at first extracted. So we see the volumes of the 
 schoolmen are greater much than the first writings of the 
 fathers, whence the Master of the Sentences made his 
 sum or collection. So in like manner the volumes of the 
 modern doctors of the civil law exceed those of the an- 
 cient jurisconsults, of which Tribonian compiled the digest. 
 
 s 2 
 
l6o OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXV. II. 
 
 So as this course of sums and commentaries is that which 
 doth infallibly make the body of sciences more immense 
 in quantity, and more base in substance. 
 
 12. And for strength, it is true that knowledges reduced 
 into exact methods have a show of strength, in that each 
 part seemeth to support and sustain the other; but this 
 is more satisfactory than substantial : like unto buildings 
 which stand by architecture and compaction, which are 
 more subject to ruin than those that are built more 
 strong in their several parts, though less compacted. But 
 it is plain that the more you recede from your grounds, 
 the weaker do you conclude : and as in nature, the more 
 you remove yourself from particulars, the greater peril of 
 error you do incur : so much more in divinity, the more 
 you recede from the scriptures by inferences and conse- 
 quences, the more weak and dilute are your positions. 
 
 13. And as for perfection or completeness in divinity, 
 it is not to be sought ; which makes this course of arti- 
 ficial divinity the more suspect. For he that will reduce 
 a knowledge into an art, will make it round and uniform : 
 but in divinity many things must be left abrupt, and con- 
 cluded with this: O altitudo sapientice et scientim Dei! 
 quam incomprehensibilia sunt udicia ejus, et non invesiiga- 
 biks via ejus. So again the apostle saith, Ex parte sci- 
 mus ; and to have the form of a total, where there is but 
 matter for a part, cannot be without supplies by sup- 
 position and presumption. And therefore I conclude, that 
 the true use of these sums and methods hath place in 
 institutions or introductions preparatory unto knowledge : 
 but in them, or by deducement from them, to handle the 
 main body and substance of a knowledge, is in all sciences 
 prejudicial, and in divinity dangerous. 
 
 14. As to the interpretation of the scriptures solute 
 
XXV. 14.] THE SECOND BOOK. 26 1 
 
 and at large, there have been divers kinds introduced 
 and devised ; some of them rather curious and unsafe 
 than sober and warranted. Notwithstanding, thus much 
 must be confessed, that the scriptures, being given by 
 inspiration and not by human reason, do differ from all 
 other books in the author : which by consequence doth 
 draw on some difference to be used by the expositor. 
 For the inditer of them did know four things which no 
 man attains to know; which are, the mysteries of the 
 kingdom of glory, the perfection of the laws of nature, 
 the secrets of the heart of man, and the future succession 
 of all ages. For as to the first it is said, He that presseth 
 into the light, shall be oppressed of the glory. And again, 
 No man shall see my face and live. To the second, When 
 he prepared the heavens J was present, when by law and 
 compass he inclosed the deep. To the third, Neither was it 
 needful that any should bear witness to him of man. for he 
 knew well what was in man. And to the last, From the 
 beginning are known to the Lord all his works. 
 
 15. From the former two of these have been drawn 
 certain senses and expositions of scriptures, which had 
 need be contained within the bounds of sobriety; the 
 one anagogical, and the other philosophical. But as to 
 the former, man is not to prevent his time: Vide??ius 
 nunc per speculum in amigmate, tunc autem facie ad facie?n ; 
 wherein nevertheless there seemeth to be a liberty granted, 
 as far forth as the polishing of this glass, or some moder- 
 ate explication of this aenigma. But to press too far 
 into it, cannot but cause a dissolution and overthrow 
 of the spirit of man. For in the body there are three 
 degrees of that we receive into it, aliment, medicine, 
 and poison : whereof aliment is that which the nature of 
 man can perfectly alter and overcome ; medicine is that 
 
262 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXV. 15. 
 
 which is partly converted by nature, and partly converteth 
 nature ; and poison is that which worketh wholly upon 
 nature, without that, that nature can in any part work 
 upon it. So in the mind, whatsoever knowledge reason 
 cannot at all work upon and convert is a mere intoxica- 
 tion, and endangereth a dissolution of the mind and 
 understanding. 
 
 16. But for the latter, it hath been extremely set on 
 foot of late time by the school of Paracelsus, and some 
 others, that have pretended to find the truth of all natural 
 philosophy in the scriptures ; scandalizing and traducing 
 all other philosophy as heathenish and profane. But there 
 is no such enmity between God's word and his works; 
 neither do they give honour to the scriptures, as they 
 suppose, but much imbase them. For to seek heaven 
 and earth in the word of God, whereof it is said, Heaven 
 and earth shall pass, but my word shall not pass, is to seek 
 temporary things amongst eternal : and as to seek divi- 
 nity in philosophy is to seek the living amongst the dead, 
 so to seek philosophy in divinity is to seek the dead 
 amongst the living : neither are the pots or lavers, whose 
 place was in the outward part of the temple, to be sought 
 in the holiest place of all, where the ark of the testimony 
 was seated. And again, the scope or purpose of the spirit 
 of God is not to express matters of nature in the scrip- 
 tures, otherwise than in passage, and for application to 
 man's capacity and to matters moral or divine. And it 
 is a true rule, Auctoris aliud agentis parva auctoriias. For 
 it were a strange conclusion, if a man should use a simili- 
 tude for ornament or illustration sake, borrowed from 
 nature or history according to vulgar conceit, as of a 
 basilisk, an unicorn, a centaur, a Briareus, an hydra, or 
 the like, that therefore he must needs be thought to affirm 
 
XXV. i6.] THE SECOND BOOK. 263 
 
 the matter thereof positively to be true. To conclude 
 therefore these two interpretations, the one by reduction 
 or aenigmatical, the other philosophical or physical, which 
 have been received and pursued in imitation of the rab- 
 bins and cabalists, are to be confined with a noli altum 
 sapere, sed time. 
 
 17. But the two latter points, known to God and un- 
 known to man, touching the secrets of the heart and the 
 successions of time, doth make a just and sound difference 
 between the manner of the exposition of the scriptures 
 and all other books. For it is an excellent observation 
 which hath been made upon the answers of our Saviour 
 Christ to many of the questions which were propounded 
 to him, how that they are impertinent to the state of the 
 question demanded; the reason whereof is, because not 
 being like man, which knows man's thoughts by his words, 
 but knowing man's thoughts immediately, he never an- 
 swered their words, but their thoughts. Much in the like 
 manner it is with the scriptures, which being written to 
 the thoughts of men, and to the succession of all ages, 
 with a foresight of all heresies, contradictions, differing 
 estates of the church, yea and particularly of the elect, 
 are not to be interpreted only according to the latitude 
 of the proper sense of the place, and respectively towards 
 that present occasion whereupon the words were uttered, 
 or in precise congruity or contexture with the words 
 before or after, or in contemplation of the principal scope 
 of the place ; but have in themselves, not only totally or 
 collectively, but distributively in clauses and words, in- 
 jmite springs and streams of doctrine to water the church 
 in every part. And therefore as the literal sense is, as it 
 were, the main stream or river ; so the moral sense chiefly, 
 and sometimes the allegorical or typical, are they whereof 
 
264 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXV. 17. 
 
 the church hath most use : not that I wish men to be 
 bold in allegories, or indulgent or light in allusions ; 
 but that I do much condemn that interpretation of the 
 scripture which is only after the manner as men use to 
 interpret a profane book. 
 
 18. In this part touching the exposition of the 
 scriptures, I can report no deficience ; but by way of 
 remembrance this I will add. In perusing books of 
 divinity, I find many books of controversies, and many of 
 commonplaces and treatises, a mass of positive divinity, as 
 it is made an art : a number of sermons and lectures, and 
 many prolix commentaries upon the scriptures, with har- 
 monies and concordances. But that form of writing in 
 divinity which in my judgement is of all others most rich 
 and precious, is positive divinity, collected upon particular 
 texts of scriptures in brief observations ; not dilated into 
 commonplaces, not chasing after controversies, not re- 
 duced into method of art ; a thing abounding in sermons, 
 which will vanish, but defective in books which will re- 
 main, and a thing wherein this age excelleth. For I am 
 persuaded, and I may speak it with an absil invidia verbo, 
 and no ways in derogation of antiquity, but as in a good 
 emulation between the vine and the olive, that if the 
 choice and best of those observations upon texts of 
 scriptures, which have been made dispersedly in sermons 
 within this your Majesty's island of Brittany by the space 
 
 of these forty years and more (leaving out the 
 Emanationes J J \ o 
 
 scrittura- largeness of exhortations and applications 
 rum in doc- thereupon) had been set down in a con- 
 irinas posit- tinuance, it had been the best work in di,- 
 was. vinity which had been written since the 
 
 Apostles' times. 
 
 19. The matter informed by divinity is of two kinds; 
 
XXV. 19-] THE SECOND BOOK. 265 
 
 matter of belief and truth of opinion, and matter of ser- 
 vice and adoration ; which is also judged and directed by 
 the former : the one being as the internal soul of religion, 
 and the other as the external body thereof. And there- 
 fore the heathen religion was not only a worship of idols, 
 but the whole religion was an idol in itself; for it had no 
 soul, that is, no certainty of belief or confession : as a 
 man may well think, considering the chief doctors of their 
 church were the poets : and the reason was, because the 
 heathen gods were no jealous gods, but were glad to 
 be admitted into part, as they had reason. Neither did 
 they respect the pureness of heart, so they mought have 
 external honour and rites. 
 
 20. But out of these two do result and issue four main 
 branches of divinity; faith, manners, liturgy, and govern- 
 ment. Faith containeth the doctrine of the nature of 
 God, of the attributes of God, and of the works of God. 
 The nature of God consisteth of three persons in unity of 
 Godhead. The attributes of God are either common to 
 the Deity, or respective to the persons. The works of 
 God summary are two, that of the creation and that of 
 the redemption; and both these works, as in total they 
 appertain to the unity of the Godhead, so in their parts 
 they refer to the three persons: that of the creation, in 
 the mass of the matter, to the Father ; in the disposition 
 of the form, to the Son ; and in the continuance and 
 conservation of the being, to the Holy Spirit. So that 
 of the redemption, in the election and counsel, to the 
 Father ; in the whole act and consummation, to the Son ; 
 and in the application, to the Holy Spirit; for by the 
 Holy Ghost was Christ conceived in flesh, and by the 
 Holy Ghost are the elect regenerate in spirit. This work 
 likewise we consider either effectually, in the elect; or 
 
266 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. [XXV. 20. 
 
 privately, in the reprobate ; or according to appearance, 
 in the visible church. 
 
 21. For manners, the doctrine thereof is contained in 
 the law, which discloseth sin. The law itself is divided, 
 according to the edition thereof, into the law of nature, 
 the law moral, and the law positive ; and according to the 
 style, into negative and affirmative, prohibitions and com- 
 mandments. Sin, in the matter and subject thereof, is 
 divided according to the commandments; in the form 
 thereof, it referreth to the three persons in Deity : sins of 
 infirmity against the Father, whose more special attribute 
 is power ; sins of ignorance against the Son, whose attri- 
 bute is wisdom; and sins of malice against the Holy 
 Ghost, whose attribute is grace or love. In the motions 
 of it, it either moveth to the right hand or to the left ; 
 either to blind devotion, or to profane and libertine trans- 
 gression ; either in imposing restraint where God granteth 
 liberty, or in taking liberty where God imposeth restraint. 
 In the degrees and progress of it, it divideth itself into 
 thought, word, or act. And in this part I commend much 
 the deducing of the law of God to cases of conscience ; for 
 that I take indeed to be a breaking, and not exhibiting 
 whole of the bread of life. But that which quickeneth 
 both these doctrines of faith and manners, is the elevation 
 and consent of the heart ; whereunto appertain books of 
 exhortation, holy meditation, Christian resolution, and 
 the like. 
 
 22. For the liturgy or service, it consisteth of the re- 
 ciprocal acts between God and man ; which, on the part 
 of God, are the preaching of the word, and the sacra- 
 ments, which are seals to the covenant, or as the visible 
 word ; and on the part of man, invocation of the name 
 of God; and under the law, sacrifices; which were as 
 
XXV. 22.] THE SECOND BOOK. 26 J 
 
 visible prayers or confessions: but now the adoration 
 being in spiriiu el verilale, there remaineth only vituli 
 labiorum ; although the use of holy vows of thankful- 
 ness and retribution may be accounted also as sealed 
 petitions. 
 
 23. And for the government of the church, it con- 
 sisted of the patrimony of the church, the franchises of 
 the church, and the offices and jurisdictions of the church, 
 and the laws of the church directing the whole ; all which 
 have two considerations, the one in themselves, the other 
 how they stand compatible and agreeable to the civil 
 estate. 
 
 24. This matter of divinity is handled either in form 
 of instruction of truth, or in form of confutation of false- 
 hood. The declinations from religion, besides the priva- 
 tive, which is atheism and the branches thereof, are three ; 
 heresies, idolatry, and witchcraft : heresies, when we serve 
 the true God with a false worship ; idolatry, when we wor- 
 ship false gods, supposing them to be true ; and witch- 
 craft, when we adore false gods, knowing them to be 
 wicked and false. For so your Majesty doth excellently 
 well observe, that witchcraft is the height of idolatry. 
 And yet we see though these be true degrees, Samuel 
 teacheth us that they are all of a nature, when there is 
 once a receding from the word of God; for so he saith, 
 Quasi peccatum ariolandi est repugnare, el quasi scelus idolo- 
 latritz nolle acquiescere. 
 
 25. These things I have passed over so briefly because 
 I can report no deflcience concerning them : for I can 
 find no space or ground that lieth vacant and unsown in 
 the matter of divinity : so diligent have men been, either 
 in sowing of good seed, or in sowing of tares. 
 
kA >. 
 
 268 OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING. 
 
 HPHUS have I made as it were a small globe of the 
 intellectual world, as truly and faithfully as I could 
 discover; with a note and description of those parts 
 which seem to me not constantly occupate, or not well 
 converted by the labour of man. In which, if I have in 
 any point receded from that which is commonly received, 
 it hath been with a purpose of proceeding in melius, and 
 not in aliud ; a mind of amendment and proficience, and 
 not of change and difference. For I could not be true 
 and constant to the argument I handle, if I were not 
 willing to go beyond others; but yet not more willing 
 than to have others go beyond me again: which may 
 the better appear by this, that I have propounded my 
 opinions naked and unarmed, not seeking to preoccupate 
 the liberty of men's judgements by confutations. For in 
 anything which is well set down, I am in good hope, that 
 if the first reading move an objection, the second reading 
 will make an answer. And in those things wherein I 
 have erred, I am sure I have not prejudiced the right by 
 litigious arguments ; which certainly have this contrary 
 effect and operation, that they add authority to error, and 
 destroy the authority of that which is well invented. For 
 question is an honour and preferment to falsehood, as on 
 the other side it is a repulse to truth. But the errors I 
 claim and challenge to myself as mine own. The good, if 
 any be, is due lanquam adeps sacrificii, to be incensed to 
 the honour, first of the Divine Majesty, and next of your 
 Majesty, to whom on earth I am most bounden. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 P. i. [i] See Lev. xxii. 18; Num. xxviii. 2, 3. [3] upon ordinary 
 observance : ex rituali cultu. [7, 8] according . . . employments : Omitted 
 in Lat. [14-17] and ... admiration : Omitted in Lat. [15] Prov. 
 xxv. 3. 
 
 P. 2. [8] Plato, Phaedo, i. 72; Meno, ii. 81 ; Comp. Theaet. i. 166, 
 191 ; Arist. de Memor. 2 ; Anal. Pr. ii. 21 ; Cicero, Tusc. Disp. i. 24. 
 57. [10] notions: motions in ed. 1605, but corrected in the Errata 
 to that edition. [17] 1 Kings iv. 29. [17, 18] For the construction 
 see note on p. 20,1. 26. [23] 'should' used for 'would.' [26J Tac. 
 Ann. xiii. 3. Augusto prompta ac projluens quaique deceret principem 
 eloquent ia fuit. [32,33] all this ... subject : Lat. nescio quid servile 
 olet, nee sui juris est. 
 
 P* 3- [ r 5] perfection : projection in ed. 1605 '> corrected in Errata, 
 [20-27] Lat. Percarrat qui voluerit imperatorum et regum serietn, et juxta 
 mecum sentiet, omitting the particular dynasties. 
 
 P. 4. [6] Hermes : Hermes Trismegistus, fabled to be an Egyptian 
 priest, philosopher, and king. The author of the works ascribed to 
 him was probably a Neoplatonist of the second or third century. 
 Ficinus (Argum. in Merc. Tris. Pimandr.) says, Trismegistum vero 
 termaximum ntincuparunt, quoniam et philosophus maxhnus, et sacerdos 
 tnaximus, et rex maximus extitit. [tq] the former : the Lat. adds quae, 
 levior est, neque tamen ullo modo prcetermittenda. In his letter to Toby 
 Matthew, Bacon speaks of the first part of the Advancement ' but as 
 a page to the latter.' [22] the latter: Lat. posterior vero pars (quod 
 caput rei est). 
 
 P- 5- [7] ignorance severally disguised : Lat. ignorantia non sub uno 
 schemate. [17] 1 Cor. viii. 1. [18] Eccl. xii. 12. [20] Eccl. i. 18. 
 [22] Col. ii. 8. [25] Among the causes of atheism Bacon enumerates. 
 ' lastly, learned times, specially with peace, and prosperity : for troubles 
 and adversities doe more bow mens mindes to religion.' Ess. xvi. 
 p. 66. [32] Mr. Ellis gives the following note on the corresponding 
 passage in the De Augmentis : ' This reference to the imposition of 
 names in Paradise in illustration of natural knowledge, is common in the 
 writings of the schoolmen. Thus S. Thomas Aquinas in discussing 
 
270 NOTES. 
 
 the question " utrum primus homo habuerit scientiam omnem," after 
 stating objections alleged against the affirmative opinion, thus com- 
 mences his refutation of them. " Sed contra est quod ipse imposuit 
 nomina animalibus, ut dicitur Gen. 2. Nomina autem debent naturis 
 rerum congruere ; Ergo Adam scivit naturas omnium animalium, et pari 
 ratione habuit omnium aliorum scientiam.'" Comp. also the treatise 
 Of the Interpretation of Nature (Works, iii. 219, ed. Spedding and 
 Ellis) : * For behold it was not that pure light of natural knowledge, 
 whereby man in paradise was able to give unto every living creature 
 a name according to his propriety, which gave occasion to the fall; 
 but it was an aspiring desire to attain to that part of moral knowledge 
 which defineth of good and evil, whereby to dispute God's command- 
 ments and not to depend upon the revelation of his will, which was the 
 original temptation.' [33] Gen. ii. 19, 20. 
 
 P. 6. [11] Eccl. i. 8. [13 &c] Comp. Of the Interpretation of 
 Nature, p. 220. [18, 31] Eccl. iii. 11. 
 
 P. 7. [6] he doth in another place rule over: Lat. satis clare alibi 
 docet. [7] Prov. xx. 27. [12 &c] Comp. Of the Interpretation of 
 Nature (Works, vol. iii. p. 222). [19] 1 Cor. viii. 1. [21] 1 Cor. xiii. 1. 
 [31] Col. ii. 8. 
 
 P. 8. [12] Eccl. ii. 13, 14. [15] roundeth about: Lat. oberral. [20] 
 Comp. Plato, Theset. i. p. 155 d; Arist. Metaph. i. 2. Hesiod (Theog. 
 780) makes Iris the daughter of Thaumas. [26] Heraclitus the pro- 
 found : Lat. Heraclitus Me obscurus. [2 7] avytj ^Tjpij \pv\T) cocpaiTaTT) 
 Kara rbv 'HpafckeiTov eoifeev. Plut. De Esu Carnium, i. 6. 4. Schow 
 conjectured that avyf/ £77/577 ipvxv aocpwrcnr) was a corruption of 0.1)77 
 i/yvxri oo<pctiTa.Tr) : £77077 having been in the first instance a gloss upon 
 avrj and afterwards adopted into the text ; a change which necessitated 
 the further alteration of 0^77 to avyrj to make sense. Stobseus, ed. 
 Gaisford, v. r 20. The proverb is again quoted by Bacon, Ess. xxvi. p. 
 112:' Heraclitus saith well, in one of his senigmaes ; Dry light is ever 
 the best. And certaine it is, that the light, that a man receiveth, by 
 counsell from another, is drier, and purer, then that which com- 
 meth from his owne understanding, and iudgement; which is ever 
 infused and drenched in his affections and customes.' Comp. Apoph. 
 268; Adv. of Learning, p. 149, 1. 3. [31] — p. 9. [n] Compare the 
 corresponding passage Of the Interpretation of Nature, p. 218. 
 
 P. 9. [5, 6] broken knowledge : ' contemplation broken off, or losing 
 itself.' Of the Interpretation of Nature, p. 218. [6] one of Plato's 
 school: Philo Judaeus, De Somniis, p. 577 E. (ed. Turnebus, Franc. 
 1691). [7] Comp. Apoph. 120. [14] A reference to the fable ol 
 Icarus. [15 &c] Comp. Of the Interpretation of Nature, p. 219. 
 [20] Job xiii. 7, 9. [26 &c] Comp. Ess. xvi. p. 64 : ' It is true, that 
 a little philosophy inclineth mans minde to Atheisme; but depth in 
 
BOOK I. 
 
 271 
 
 philosophy, bringeth mens mindes about to Religion : for while the 
 minde of man, looketh upon second causes scattered, it may sometimes 
 rest in them, and goe no further: but when it beholdeth, the chaine 
 of them, confederate and linked together, it must needs flie to providence, 
 and deitie.' 
 
 P. 10. [5] Horn. II. viii. 19. Comp. also p. 109, 1. 24. Plato, 
 Theaet. i. 153 c. [25] too incompatible and differing: Lat. mmu 
 extravagantia. [31] Plutarch, Cato, 22 ; Pliny, N. H. vii. 31. 
 
 P. 11. [15] Virgil, .En. vi. 852. [16] Plato, Apol. Socr. i. 19, 
 24 &c. Xenophon, Mem. i. 1. 1. [28] Comp. Ess. lviii. pp. 237, 
 238: 'In the youth of a state, armes doe flourish: in the middle age 
 of a state, learning; and then both of them together for a time: 
 in the declining age of a state, mechanicall arts and merchandize.' 
 
 P. 12. [9] a greater: So ed. 1640; 'a' is omitted in edd. 1605, 1629, 
 1633. [14-20] Comp. Ess. lviii. pp. 237, 238, quoted above. [16] 
 about an age : i. e. about the same age. According to Aristotle (Rhet. 
 ii. 14. § 4) the body is strongest from thirty to thirty-five, the mind 
 at forty-nine. [25] a few pleasing receipts: Lat. pauca qucedam tnedica- 
 menta qua Mis videntur panchresta. [27] the complexions of patients: 
 Lat. (Egrotorum habitus. [28] peril of accidents: Lat. symptotnatutn 
 pericula. See p. 137, 1. 20. 
 
 P. 13. [16] Suetonius, Nero, 7; Tac. An. xiii. [17] Gordianus III. 
 (238-244) married the daughter of Misitheus, of whom Gibbon (c. vii.) 
 says, ' The life of Misitheus had been spent in the profession of letters, 
 not of arms ; yet such was the versatile genius of that great man, that 
 when he was appointed Praetorian prefect, he discharged the military 
 duties of his place with vigour and ability.' Capitolinus, Gordian. Tert. 
 c. 23. The name Misitheus is supposed to be corrupted from Temesitheus 
 or Timesitheus. [20] Alexander Severus succeeded after the murder of 
 his cousin Elagabalus, March io, 222. ' But as Alexander was a modest 
 and dutiful youth of only seventeen years of age, the reins of govern- 
 ment were in the hands of two women, of his mother Mamsea, and of 
 Mresa his grandmother. After the death of the latter, who survived but 
 a short time the elevation of Alexander, Mamaea remained the sole-regent 
 of her son and of the empire.' Gibbon, c. vi. [24] Pius V. (Michele 
 Ghislieri) was a Dominican and had been Grand Inquisitor. He was 
 Pope from 1565 to 1572. The victory over the Turks off Lepanto was 
 won in his time. See Bacon, Adv. touching an Holy War (vii. p. 19). 
 Sixtus V. (Felice Peretti) was appointed by Pius V. vicar-general of the 
 Franciscans, and afterwards promoted to the College of Cardinals as 
 Cardinal Montalto. He succeeded Gregory XIII. in 1585, and reigned 
 till 1590. Gibbon (c. 70) says of him, 'The genius of Sixtus the Fifth 
 burst from the gloom of a Franciscan cloister.' See Ranke, Hist, of 
 the Popes, trans. Foster, Books iii. and iv. [26] pedantical : So all the 
 
272 NOTES. 
 
 copies of ed. 1605 which I have seen. Mr. Markby quotes prejudicial as 
 the reading of others. [33] ragioni di stato : reasons of state, political 
 considerations. 
 
 P. 14. [1] Catena, Vita di Pio V. p. 31 (ed. 1586), reports a saying of 
 the Pope, something to this effect, with reference to the maxim of Louis 
 XI. of France, 'Chi non sa simulate non sa regnare.' See also 
 Gabutius, Vita Pii V. lib. vi. c. 7 (Acta Sanctorum, 5 Maii, ed. 1866), 
 and lib. ii. c. 3. [9] Lat. ad regendos eventus vitce etiam in uno homine. 
 Perhaps the reading of the English should be ' for the events even of 
 one man's life.' [27] positive and regular: Lat. pertinaces et difficiles. 
 [30] latitude : Lat. constantiatn. 
 
 P. 15. [5] Guicciardini, Hist. xvi. 5. [8] Cic. ad Att. xvi. 7. [9] 
 Phocion : see his life by Plutarch. [11] Pindar, Pyth. ii. 21 &c. • 
 Bacon interprets the fable of Ixion in the present work, p. 123. [13] 
 Cicero, Ep. ad Att. ii. 1. 
 
 P. 1 6. [2] according to nature : natural consentaneis. [4] and not in 
 the purchase: i.e. not in that which is acquired by it. [10] Seneca, 
 Ep. i. 3. Quidam adeo in latebras refugere, ut putent in turbido esse, 
 quicquid in luce est, from Pomponius. [24] Plutarch, Demosth. viii. 2, 
 where the story is told of Pytheas, not yEschines. Comp. Apoph. 114. 
 [32] of both: The Latin adds et negotiorum et liter arum. 
 
 P. 1 7. [4] duty taught and understood : ojficium oculatum. [8] mani- 
 able: Some copies of ed. 1605 read amiable. [10, 11] Lat. quod ex 
 historia clarissime patet. [14] Plutarch, Cato, ii. 6. Cic. Acad. Qusest 
 ii. 2. § 5 ; De Senect. i. § 3. 
 
 P. 18. [2] The Thirty Tyrants: After the battle of JEgospotami 
 (Sept. b.c. 405), which virtually terminated the Peloponnesian War, 
 a committee of thirty was appointed for the government of Athens, 
 with Critias and Theramenes among the chief. Their rule lasted 
 only eight months (b.c 404-403) and was put an end to by Thrasy- 
 bulus. [9] for sovereign medicines : i. e. to be sovereign medicines. 
 [20] Hor. Od. i. 3. 2. [21] influence: A word derived from the old 
 astrology. See Eng. vers, of Job xxxviii. 31. 
 
 P. 19. [8] Lat. Fralribus mendicantibus (pace eorum dixerim). [8, 8] 
 to some friar... to whom: Compare for the construction, Book ii. 
 § 10. p. 80, 11. 4, 5. [10] Machiavelli, Disc, sopra Liv. iii. 1. Quoted 
 for a different purpose in the tract On the Controversies of the Church 
 (Bacon's Life and Letters, ed. Spedding, i. 80). [31] Epist. 1. ad C. 
 Csesarem, De Republica Ordinanda, ascribed to Sallust. 
 
 P. 20. [1] A saying attributed to Diogenes the Cynic. See Diog. 
 Laert. vi. 54. [6] Prov. xxviii. 22. [7] Prov. xxiii. 23. [13] For 
 the construction 'in comparison of,' see Judg. viii. 2, 3. [22] Tac. 
 Ann. iii. 76 : Sed prcEfulgebant Cassius atque Brutus, eo ipso quod effigies 
 eorum non visebantur. [25] traduced to contempt : i. e. contemptuously 
 
BOOK I. 270 
 
 paraded. [26, 27] Which age, because it is the age of least authority, 
 it is transferred &c. : Observe the looseness of construction in the 
 unnecessary repetition of the pronoun it : the words ' which age ' being 
 placed foremost in the sentence without any government as a kind of 
 nominativus pendens. Other examples occur in the course of this book, 
 pp. 2, 11. 17, 18; 39, 11. 10, 11, 32, 33; 48, 11. 20-24. Comp. the 
 Authorized Version of John xiii. 3, 4 ; ' Jesus knowing . . . he riseth &c.' 
 
 P. 21. [4] Joel. ii. 28. Comp. Ess. xlii. p. 175 : 'A certaine rabbine, 
 upon the text ; Four young men shall see visions, and your old men shall 
 dreame dreames ; inferreth, that young men are admitted nearer to God 
 then old; because vision is a clearer revelation, then a dreame.' The 
 'rabbine* is Abrabanel. [6] they: Some copies of ed. 1605 rea d 'he. 
 [8] condition ... hath : In ed. 1605 the reading is conditions ... hath ; 
 in ed. 1633, conditions . . . have. [9] Comp. Florio's Montaigne, p. 60, 
 ed. 1603 : ' I have in my youth oftentimes beene vexed, to see a Pedant 
 brought in, in most of Italian Comedies, for a vice or sporte-maker.' 
 [16-21] The whole clause is modified in the De Augmentis to avoid 
 giving offence to the Roman Catholics. It there stands as follows: 
 quorum cum intueor industriam solerdamque tarn in doctrina excolenda 
 quam in moribus informandis, illud occurrit Agesilai de Pharnabazo &c 
 [17] A saying of Diogenes. See Diog. Laert. vi. 46. Comp. Apoph. 
 266. [21] Plutarch, Ages. xii. 5. [28] Ovid, Epist. xv. 83. Quoted 
 again in Ess. 1. p. 205. [28-30] Lat. atque literas, nisi incidant in 
 ingenia admodum depravata, corrigere prorsus naturam et mutare in melius. 
 [33] not inherent : The negative is superfluous, or something has been 
 omitted. The Latin has nullum occurrit dedecus Uteris ex literatorum 
 moribus, quatenus sunt literati, adherens, where 'inherent' is taken as 
 referring to ' disgrace,' and not to ' manners,' as Mr. Spedding explains 
 it : ' not [I mean, from such manners as are] inherent &c.' 
 
 P. 22. [11] Plutarch, Solon, 15; Bacon, Apoph. 93. [14] Plato, 
 Epist. vii. p. 331. Mr. Ellis suggested that Bacon probably took it 
 from Cicero, Epist. Fam. i. 9. 18. [17] Epist. i. ad Cses. De Republica 
 Ordinanda. [20] Cic. ad Att. ii. 1. 8 : Optimo animo utens et summafide, 
 nocet interdum reipublicce. Dicit enim lanquam in Platonis iroXireia, non 
 tanquam in Romuli fcece, sententiam. [23] doth excuse and expound: 
 Lat. molli inter pretatione excusat. [25] Cic. pro Mursena, 31: Etenim 
 isti ipsi mihi videntur veslri prceceptores et virtutis magistri fines officiorum 
 &c. [29] Ovid, Ars Amat. ii. 548. 
 
 P. 23. [2] Demosthenes, De Cherson. p. 106. [8] quinquennium 
 Neronis: See Aurelius Victor, De Cresar. v. 2. [10] The Latin adds, 
 magno suo periculo, ac postremo prcecipitio. [13] the casualty of their 
 fortunes: Lat. instabilitatis fortunes. [20] Matt. xxv. 20. [21 &c] 
 Compare with this Essay xxiii. • Of wisdome for a man's selfe.' [23] 
 nor never : Observe the double negative. [25] lines : Some copies of ed. 
 
 T 
 
274 NOTES. 
 
 1605 read times. [27] estates: Perhaps we should read estate; Lat. de 
 reipublicce navi. [31] stand : i. e. stand firm, keep their position ; Lat. 
 incolumes pennaneant. 
 
 P. 24. [3, 4] howsoever fortune may tax it : Lat. utcunque ece quando- 
 que a fortuna mulctentur. [10] Lat. quod non facile se applicent et accom- 
 modent. [16] Ascribed to Epicurus by Seneca, Ep. i. 7. § 11. Quoted 
 again in Ess. x. p. 36 : ' It is a poore saying of Epicurus ; Satis magnum 
 alter alteri theatrum sumus : as if man, made for the contemplation of 
 heaven, and all noble obiects, should doe nothing, but kneele before a 
 little idoll, and make himself subiect, though not of the mouth (as beasts 
 are) yet of the eye ; which was given him for higher purposes.' [lb.] 
 not: Omitted in some copies of ed. 1605. [[8] Lat. aciem animi, inslar 
 oculi. [19] Lat. Secunda vero causa est probitas morum et simplicitas. 
 [27] Lat. ut ilium inflectas, verses, et ad libitum circumagas. [31] the 
 custom of the Levant : Lat. mos Orientis. Comp. Her. i. 99. 
 
 P« 2 5- [3] Prov. xxv. 3. [14] Plutarch, Them. ii. 4; Cimon, ix. 1. 
 Quoted again in Ess. xxix. p. 118: 'The speech of Themistocles the 
 Athenian, which was haughtie and arrogant, in taking so much to 
 himselfe, had been a grave and wise observation and censure, applied at 
 large to others. Desired at a feast to touch a lute, he said ; He could 
 not fiddle, but yet he coidd make a small towne, a great citty.' [20] Lat. 
 quibus tamen in communi vita et quotidianis reculis nihil imperitius. [22] 
 Comp. Apoph. 196; Plato, Symp. iii. p. 215; Xen. Symp. v. 7. 
 Socrates is compared not to ' the gallipots of apothecaries ' but to the 
 images of Silenus, of which Rabelais (Gargantua, prol.) says, * Silenes 
 estoyent jadiz petites boytes, telles que voyons de present es bouticques 
 des apothecaires ; painctes au dessus de figures joyeuses et frivoles.' 
 Mr. Spedding, with great probability, conjectures that Bacon may have 
 had this passage in his mind. [24] Lat. qua exterius inducebantur simiis, 
 ululis, satyrisque. 
 
 P. 26. [3] solemn parasites : Lat. barbatos parasitos. [4] Lucian, De 
 Mercede Conductis, 33, 34. [6] Lat. catulum suum Melitceum. [12] Du 
 Bartas, Second Jour de la Semaine : 
 
 1 Tous ces doctes esprits dont la voix flatteresse, 
 Change Hecube en Helene, et Faustine en Lucresse, 
 Qui d'un nain, d'un batard, d'un archerot sans yeux, 
 Font, non un dieutelet, ains le maistre des dieux,' &c. 
 See also Judith, bk. v. [14] modern: The ed. of 1605 has trior all, which 
 is corrected in the Errata to moderne, the reading of edd. 1629, 1633. 
 [Ib.l dedication: ed. 1605 has dedications. It is curious that the 
 translator in the De Augmentis followed the uncorrected copy : neque 
 vero nimis laudo morem ilium receptum libros patronis nuncupandi. [26] 
 Aristippus, not Diogenes. See Diog. Laert. Aristip. ii. 69. Comp. 
 Apoph. 161. 
 
BOOK 1. 275 
 
 P. 27. [5] Diog. Laert. Aristip. ii. 79; Apoph. 86. [10] Spartianus 
 (Vita Hadriani, § 15) tells this story of Favorinus. Apoph. 160. [24] 
 Lat. etiam ea qua impolluta et in statu suo manserunt. [25] the state : the 
 article was not unfrequently employed where we should now use a 
 possessive pronoun. See Glossary. 
 
 P. 2S. [6] The Latin adds, quando tihnirum aut in rebus inanibus opera 
 insumitur, aut circa verborum delicias niniium insudatur. [10] Lat. 
 doctrina fucata et mollis. [12-31] The whole of this passage is much 
 abridged in the Latin, apparently to avoid offending the Roman 
 Catholics. See p. 2T, 11. 16-21, note. In the De Augmentis the 
 following is substituted : Intemperies ista, in luxurie quadatn orationis sita 
 (licet olim per vices in pretio habita fuerii), circa Lutheri tempora miris modis 
 invaluit. In causa prcecipue fuit, quod fervor et efficacia concionum tunc 
 temporis ad populum demulcendum et alliciendum max'une vigebat ; ilia autem 
 populare genus orationis poscebant. Accedebat odium et contemptus illis 
 temporibus ortus erg a scholasticos, &c. 
 
 P. 29. [4-15] And again . . . flourish : Omitted in the Latin. [5] 
 then : that then in ed. 1605, corrected in Errata. [6] John vii. 49. [23] 
 Osorius, bishop of Sylves in Algarve, died 1580; wrote De Rebus 
 Gestis Emanuelis, 1574. On his redundant style see Ascham, The 
 Scholemaster, pp. no, 129-131, ed. Mayor. [24] Sturmius : Joannes 
 Sturmius, born at Sleida, October 1, 1507, died March 3, 1589, was 
 called the German Cicero. He was professor at Paris and Strasburg, 
 and wrote In Partitiones Oratorias Ciceronis Dialogi Quatuor, Scholia 
 in Hermogenem, De Imitatione Oratoria Libri Tres, and De Periodis 
 Liber, to all of which Bacon refers, besides many other works. [27] 
 Car of Cambridge: Nicholas Carr (1523-1568) succeeded Sir John 
 Cheke as Regius Professor of Greek in 1547. He obtained a great 
 reputation by his translations into Latin of the Olynthiacs and Philip- 
 pics of Demosthenes, Plato's Dialogue on the Laws, and the Oration of 
 /Eschines against Ctesiphon. Besides these he wrote prefaces to the 
 Symposium and other dialogues of Plato, as well as to iEschines, 
 Theocritus, Sophocles, and some orations of Demosthenes. [28] Ascham- 
 Roger Ascham (1515-1568), in his Scholemaster, is constantly sounding 
 the praises of Cicero, whom he calls his master. [32] Erasmus, Colloq. 
 ' Decern jam annos cetatem trivi in Cicerone.' Echo. ' ove.' 
 
 P- 3°- [5] ls: Omitted in ed. 1605. [8] secundum majus et minus: i. e. 
 to a greater or less degree. See p. 171, L 12. [13] Pygmalion : Ovid, 
 Metam. x. 243. [32] The Scholiast on Theocr. v. 21 attributes this 
 story of Hercules to Cleander kv dfvrepq) rwv irapoi^iicuv. Bacon inserted 
 it in his Promus, fol. 16 a. [33] minion : migmon, ed. 1605. 
 
 P. 31. [5] In the De Augmentis another kind of style is mentioned as 
 somewhat more healthy than the last-mentioned, though not altogether 
 free from vanity. The whole object of this is that the words should be 
 
 T 2 
 
276 NOTES. 
 
 pointed, the sentences concise, and the composition rather twisted than 
 flowing. Instances are found largely in Seneca, less in Tacitus and 
 Plinius Secundus [13] Lat. neque theologiam tantum, sed etiam omnes 
 scientias respicere videtur. [lb.] I Tim. vi. 20. Quoted again in Ess. iii. 
 p. n. [17] the strictness of positions : Lat. rigor dogmatum. [26] — p. 
 32 [9] This kind . . . profit : The original of this passage is to be found 
 in Bacon's Cogit. de Sci. Hum. Frag. i. cog. 10 (Works, iii. 187). 
 
 P. 32. [7] cobwebs: ed. 1605, coptvebs, the older form of spelling. In 
 Old English, 'atter cop* (A. S. dttor coppa) is a spider. [20] See 
 iEsop, Fab. 52. Vis vnita fortior : Bacon, Colours of Good and Evil, 
 p. 255, ed. W. A. Wright. [27] Quintil. x. I : Si rerum pondera 
 minutissimis sententiis noti fregisset, consensu potius eruditorum quam 
 puerorum amore comprobaretur. Quoted again in Ess. xxvi. p. 105. 
 
 P. 33. [10] Virg. Eel. vi. 75. Bacon makes use of the same figure in 
 his book Of the Interpretation of Nature (Works, iii. 232, ed. Spedding). 
 [22] ol \6yoi aov ytpovTiwai. Diog. Laert. Plato, iii. 18. Quoted again 
 in Nov. Org. i. 71. [29] — p. 34. [4] but as they are . . . unto them: 
 Omitted in the Latin, for the same reason as before. For the original 
 form see Of the Interp. of Nat. p. 224. [30] fierce with dark keeping : 
 that is, as Mr. Ellis explains it, fierce with being kept in the dark, like 
 animals. He quotes from Bacon's Cogitationes de Scientia Humana, 
 1st frag. cog. 10 (Works, iii. 187) : ferocitatem autem et confidentiam earn 
 quae illos qui pauca sequi solet (ut animalia in tenebris educata) 
 acquisivissent. 
 
 P. 34. [8] the essential form: Lat. ipsam naturam animamque. [19] 
 Hor. Epist. i. 18. 69. [24] Tac. Ann. v. 10 ; comp. Hist. i. 51. [25] 
 ' hath ' for ' have ' : a loose construction, not uncommon in Bacon. See 
 p. 35, 1. 26 : ' Such whereupon observation and rule was to be built.' 
 Also p. 109, 1. 33, and Ps. xiv. 7, Pr. Bk. 'Destruction and unhappiness 
 is in their ways.' [29] or, as: * or' is omitted in ed. T605, but inserted 
 in Errata and in edd. 1629, 1633. 
 
 P. 35. [3-10] which though . . . religion: Omitted in the Latin as 
 before, pp. 21, 28, 33. [3] had a passage for a time: The ed. 1605 
 reads, • had a passage for time.' Perhaps it should be, ■ had passage for 
 a time,' that is, 'were current for a time.' [13] Plinius: ' Plinius 
 secundus of Verona; a man of great Eloquence, and industry inde- 
 fatigable, as may appear by his writings, especially those now extant, 
 and which are never like to perish, but even with learning it self; that 
 is, his natural History. He was the greatest Collector or Rhapso- 
 dist of the Latines, and as Suetonius observeth, he collected this piece 
 out of two thousand Latine and Greek Authors. Now, what is very 
 strange, there is scarce a popular error passant in our dayes, which 
 is not either directly expressed, or diductively contained in this work.' 
 Sir T. Brown, Vulgar Errors, book i. chap. 8, p. 33 (ed. 1658). [lb.] 
 
BOOK I. 
 
 277 
 
 Cardanus : ' We had almost forgot Jeronimns Cardanus, that famous 
 physician of Milan, a great enquirer of truth, but too greedy a receiver 
 of it. He hath left many excellent discourses, Medical, Natural, and 
 Astrological ; the most suspicious are those two he wrote by admonition 
 in a dream, that is, De subtilitate et varietate rerutn.' Ibid. p. 36. [14] 
 Albertus : ■ Albertus Bishop of Ratisbone ; for his great learning and 
 latitude of knowledge sirnamed Magnus. Besides Divinity, he hath 
 written many Tracts in Philosophy ; what we are chiefly to receive with 
 caution, are his natural tractates, more especially those of Minerals, 
 Vegetables and animals, which are indeed chiefly Collections out of 
 Aristotle, Jilian, and Pliny, and respectively contain many of our popular 
 Errors.' Ibid. p. 35. [22] side: The edd. of 1605, 1629, ^33, read 
 'sake.' The book De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, to which Bacon 
 refers, is not Aristotle's. See p. 87. [26] ' was ' for ' were.' See p. 34, 
 1. 25, note. 
 
 P. 36. [1] Lat. qua plus habent ex phantasia et fide quam ex ratione et 
 demonstrationibus. [12] the derivations and prosecutions to these ends: 
 That is, the subsidiary channels leading to these ends and the modes in 
 which they have been followed. The Latin has, vice atque rationes quce 
 ducere putantur ad hos fines. [19] iEsop, Fab. 33; comp. Nov. Org. i. 
 8 5- [3 2 ] consuls: counsels in ed. 1605, corrected to consulls in Errata. 
 Mr. Spedding conjectured that Bacon probably wrote counsels, and his 
 conjecture is adopted by Mr. Kitchin. The Latin has, dictatoria quadam 
 potestate munivit ut edicant, non senatoria ut consul ant, which again looks 
 as if the translator had the uncorrected copy before him. 
 
 P. 37. [2-20] For hence . . . Aristotle : The original form of this 
 passage is seen in the book Of the Interpretation of Nature (Works, iii. 
 226, 227). [3] deviser: 'device* (Interpretation of Nature). [6] 
 artillery, sailing, printing: 'painting, artillery, sailing' (Interpretation of 
 Nature). [16-20] For as . . . Aristotle : ' For knowledge is like a water 
 that will never rise again higher than the level from which it fell ; and 
 therefore to go beyond Aristotle by the light of Aristotle is to think that 
 a borrowed light can increase the original light from which it is taken' 
 ^Interpretation of Nature). [21] Aristot. Soph. El. i. 2. [28-30] Lat. 
 ut authori authorum et veritatis parenti, Tempori, non derogetur. [32] 
 peccant humours : Lat. vitiosi humor es. 
 
 P. 38. [6] Alluding to the old fable of Kronos. [11] Jer. vi. 16; 
 quoted again in Ess. xxiv. p. 100. [16] Comp. Nov. Org. i. 84 : Mundi 
 enim senium et grandcevitas pro antiquitate vere habenda sunt; quce 
 temporibus nostris tribui debent, non juniori cetati mundi, qualis apud 
 antiquos fiat. Ilia enim cetas, respectu nostri antiqua et major, respectu 
 mundi ipsius nova et minor fuit. The observation is quoted by Fuller in 
 his chapter on The true Church Antiquary (Holy State, ii. 6). [25] 
 Not Lucian but Seneca. See Lactantius, De Falsa Religione, i. 16. 
 
2/8 NOTES. 
 
 P- 39« [p] Liv. ix. 17; quoted again in Nov. Org. i. 97, and Of the 
 True Greatness of Britain (Works, vii. 50). Comp. Of the Interpretation 
 of Nature, p. 224, for the original of this passage. [10, 11] which till 
 they be demonstrate, they seem &c. : Observe the looseness of 
 construction and the unnecessary repetition of the pronoun. Comp. 11. 
 32, 33. [16] hath still prevailed : Lat. semper obtinuhse. [23-26] Comp. 
 Nov. Org. i. 71 ; Of the Interpretation of Nature (Works, iii. 227). In 
 Essay liii. p. 2 1 3 Bacon uses the same figure in speaking of Fame : 
 1 Certainly, Fame is like a river, that beareth up things light and swolne, 
 and drownes things waighty and solide.' [32, 33] So knowledge, while 
 it is in aphorisms and observations, it is in growth : Another instance of 
 the same construction as has been noticed before, p. 20, 11. 26, 27; p. 
 39, 11. 10, 1 1. See p. 48, 11. 20-24 ! P- T -9< 1- 3 2 - 
 
 P. 40. [2] illustrate: ed. 1633 has illustrated. [8] philosophia prima: 
 See p. 105, 1. 29; p. 113, 1. 20. [22] Heraclitus: In Sextus Empiricus, 
 Adv. Logicos, i. § 133. [25-29] for they . . . deluded : The original 
 form of this passage is to be found in the treatise Of the Interpretation of 
 Nature, p. 224. 
 
 P. 41. [3] See Nov. Org. i. 63, 96. [8] Gilbertus: William Gilbert of 
 Colchester (1540-1603), Fellow of St. John's Coll. Cambridge, and 
 physician to Elizabeth and James I., wrote 'De Magnete, magneticisque 
 corporibus, et de magno magnete tellure; Physiologia nova &c. 1600/ 
 1 His work,' says Dr. Whewell (Hist, of Ind. Sc. book xii. ch. 1), 
 ' contains all the fundamental facts of the science, so fully examined 
 indeed, that even at this day we have little to add to them.' Comp. with 
 the whole of this passage Nov. Org. i. 54, 64. [12] Cicero, Tusc Disp. 
 i. 10. 20, Hie ab artificio suo non recessit, speaking of Aristoxenus. [14] 
 Aristot. De Gener. et Corrup. i. 2, quoted again in the treatise Of the 
 Interpretation of Nature, p. 231. [18] The same comparison is made 
 use of in the last-mentioned treatise, p. 250. [19] the two ways of 
 action commonly spoken of by the ancients : Bacon probably refers to 
 Xenophon (Memorabilia, ii. 1. 20), who quotes Hesiod, Works and Days, 
 287-292, and introduces Prodicus's fable of the choice of Hercules. 
 
 P. 42. [1] Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. 8. 18. Comp. Nov. Org. i. 6^. 
 [2] Socrates: See p. 153, 1. 31. [8] devote: So ed. 1605. Ed. 1633 
 has devoute. [17] Comp. S. Bernard, Serm. 36 in Cant. [28] terrace: 
 ed. 1605 tarrasse. 
 
 P. 43. [5, 6] Comp. Macrob. in Somn. Scip. i. 12. [7-14] Comp. Of 
 the Interpretation of Nature, p. 222: 'And knowledge that tendeth to 
 profit or profession or glory is but as the golden ball thrown before Ata- 
 lanta, which while she goeth aside and stoopeth to take up she hindereth 
 the race.' [14] Ovid, Metam. x. 667. [16] Cicero, Tusc. Disp. v. 4. 10. 
 [23-26] Comp. Of the Interpretation of Nature, p. 222. [29] have: 
 hath in cdd. 1605, 1629, 1633. [32] Prov. xxvii. 6. 
 
BOOK 7. 279 
 
 P. 44. [12] arch-type: Arch-tipe in ed. 1605; Arch-type edd. 1629, 
 1633. [lb.] first platform: exemplari. Comp. Ess. xlix. p. 194: 'So I 
 have made a platforme of a princely garden, partly by precept, partly by 
 drawing, not a modell, but some generall lines of it.' [18] Comp. Prov. 
 viii. 22-31. [33] Gen. i. I. 
 
 P. 45. [4] Hooker, Eccl. Pol. i. 4. § 1, 2. [5] Dionysius, De Cselesti 
 Hierarchia, 6, 7, 8, 9. A work erroneously ascribed to Dionysius the 
 Areopagite. The epithet ' supposed' shows that Bacon believed it to be 
 spurious. The Latin has merely quce Dionysii Areopagitce nomine evul- 
 gatur. Thomas Heywood, in his Hierarchie of the Blessed Angels 
 (1635), divides them into Seraphim, Cherubim, Thrones, Dominations, 
 Vertues, Powers, and Principats. See also Milton, Par. Lost, v. 601, 
 772, 840. [15] Gen. i. 3. [22] Gen. ii. 3. [32] Gen. ii. 19. 
 
 P. 46. [1] Comp. pp. 5, 6. [7] In a note on the corresponding pas- 
 sage of the De Augmentis Mr. Ellis quotes from S. Thomas Aquinas, 
 Summ. Theol. Sec. Secund. q. 163. a. 2: Primus homo peccavit princip- 
 aliter appetendo similitudinem Dei quantum ad scientiam boni et mali, sicut 
 serpens ei suggessit, tit scilicet per virtutem propria natural determinant sibi 
 quid esset bonum et quid malum ad agendum. [13] Gen. iv. 2. [23] Gen. 
 iv. 2r, 22. [?5] Gen. xi. [30] Acts vii. 22. Comp. Of the Interpreta- 
 tion of Nature, p. 219. [32] Plato, Tim. iii. 22. Comp. Nov. Org. i. 
 71; Apoph. 223. 
 
 P. 47. [11] Lev. xiii. 12, 13. [14-18] Among the Regales Aphorismi 
 or maxims of King James I. edited by W. Stratton, 1650, is the follow- 
 ing, evidently borrowed from this passage: 'As it is a principle of nature, 
 that putrifaction is more contagious before maturity than after ; so it is 
 a position of Moral Philosophic, that men abandoned to vice, do not so 
 much corrupt manners, as those that are half good and half evill ' (p. 165). 
 In De Augm. iii. 1, Bacon gives as a rule in physics, Putredo serpens 
 magis contagiosa est quam matura. [24] Job xxvi. 7. [28] Job xxvi. 13. 
 [30] Job xxxviii. 31. 
 
 P. 48. [1] Job ix. 9. [5] Job x. 10. [7] Job xxviii. 1,2. [1 2] 1 Kings 
 iii. 5, &c. [17] verdure: verdor edd. 1605, 1629, 1633, which Mr. 
 Spedding would retain as another form of the word. It probably only 
 represents the current pronunciation. The corresponding passage of the 
 treatise Of the Interpretation of Nature, p. 220, has 'all that is green.' 
 [18] the moss upon the wall: The English version of 1 Kings iv. 33 
 has hyssop. Bacon followed the rendering of Junius and Tremellius. 
 [19] Nov. Org. ii. 30. [20-24] Nay, the same Salomon the king, 
 although he excelled. . . yet he maketh &c: The same loose construction 
 as before, pp. 20. 1. 27; 39. 11. 11, 32, 33. [26] Prov. xxv. a. Comp. 
 the corresponding passage Of the Interpretation of Nature, p. 220. 
 
 P. 49. [4] Luke ii. 46. [8] Acts ii. 1. [18] who was only learned: 
 i. e. the only learned man among the Apostles. Lat. qui inter Apostolos 
 
280 NOTES. 
 
 solus literatus fuit. [22] fathers: Father in ed. 1605. [24] Amm. Marc, 
 xxii. 10. 7; xxv. 4. 19. Comp. Gibbon, ch. 23; Juliani Epist. xlii. The 
 Lat. adds ccetera viri egregii. [30] Paulus Diaconus, iii. par. 33. Comp. 
 Ess. lviii. p. 232 ; Gibbon, ch. 45. 
 
 P. 50. [4] Scythians : The Scythians or Tartars invaded the Gothic 
 empire a.d. 375. See Gibbon, ch. 26. [5] Saracens: The Arabs under 
 Abubeker conquered Syria a.d. 633-639. See Gibbon, ch. 51. [9-16] 
 And we see . .. knowledges : Omitted in the Latin. [22 &c] With this 
 paragraph compare Of the Interpretation of Nature, p. 221. [27] Pss. 
 xix. civ. 
 
 p - 5*' [3- 8 ] Comp. Nov. Org. i. 89. [4] Matt. xxii. 29. This text 
 is made the subject of the section De Hseresibus in Bacon's Medita- 
 tiones Sacne. [25] See Herodian, Hist. iv. 2. [26] dives in some 
 copies of ed. 1605. [32] honours heroical: honour heroicall in edd. 
 1605, 1629, 1633. 
 
 P. 52. [1-19] Comp. Of the Interpretation of Nature, p. 223: 4 The 
 dignity of this end (of endowment of man's life with new commodities) 
 appeareth by the estimation that antiquity made of such as guided there- 
 unto. For whereas founders of states, lawgivers, extirpers of tyrants, 
 fathers of the people, were honoured but with the titles of Worthies or 
 Demigods, inventors were ever consecrated amongst the Gods them- 
 selves. And if the ordinary ambitions of men lead them to seek the 
 amplification of their own power in their countries, and a better ambi- 
 tion than that hath moved men to seek the amplification of the power of 
 their own countries amongst other nations, better again and more worthy 
 must that aspiring be which seeketh the amplification of the power and 
 kingdom of mankind over the world ; the rather because the other two 
 prosecutions are ever culpable of much perturbation and injustice ; but 
 this is a work truly divine, which cometh in aura lent without noise or 
 observation.' [9] as was: So in edd. 1605, 1629, 1633. For construc- 
 tion compare Luke v. 10. [13, 14] for a latitude of ground: Lat. pro 
 amplitudine tracius lerrce. [18] coming in: In ed. 1605 this is printed 
 com- in, the first syllable occurring at the end of a line. It was altered 
 to commonly in in edd. 1629, 1633, but the passage Of the Interpretation 
 of Nature above quoted, and the Lat. venhintque in aura leni, show that 
 ' coming in ' is the true reading. The Vulgate of 1 Kings xix. 1 2 is post 
 ignem sibilus aura tenuis. Bacon uses the expression again in a letter to 
 Sir Toby Matthew (Life and Letters, ed. Spedding, iii. 74). [24] Philo- 
 strati Junioris Imagines, vii. Comp. Discourse on the Plantation in 
 Ireland (Life and Letters, iv. 117), and De Sapientia Veterum, II. 
 
 P. 53. [10] Plato, Repub. v. p. 473. A favourite saying of Antoninus 
 Pius (Capitolinus, Vit. Ant. P. c. 27). Rabelais, Gargant. i. 45. [31] six 
 princes : six sciences in ed. 1605, corrected in Errata. [33] for temporal 
 respects ; We should say ' in temporal respects.' 
 
BOOK I. 281 
 
 P- 54- [3] Suetonius, Dom. 23, quoted again in Ess. xxxv. p. 150, and 
 in a letter from Bacon to King James on a Digest of the Laws of 
 England. [7-13] of which . .. altogether : de quibus sigillatim sed brevis- 
 sime verba faciam. The following paragraphs, as far as p. 58, 1. 32, are 
 much condensed in the Latin. [11] Hor. Od. ii. 10. 19. [15] Tac 
 Agric. 3 : el quamquam pritno statim beatissimi seculi ortu Nerva Ccesar res 
 olim dissociabiles miscuerit principatum ac libertatem. [21] Horn. II. i. 42; 
 Tiauav Aavaol (fid daxpva 00101 0e\«xaiv. Dio Cass. (Xiphilinus) lxviii. 
 p. 771. [24] Matt. x. 41. 
 
 P. 55. [2] This story is told of Gregory the Great in his life by Paulus 
 Diaconus, c. 27, and in that by Joannes Diaconus, lib. ii. c. 44; and is 
 referred to by Joannes Damascenus, De iis qui in Fide Dormierunt, c. 
 16. See also Dante, Purgatorio, cant. x. 73 &c. Vision of Piers Plough- 
 man, 6857-6907, ed. T. Wright. [10] Plin. Epist. x. 96. [12] Adrian: 
 Dio Cass. lxix. 3, 1 1. [17J Philip of Macedon : Some copies of ed. 
 1605 have ' and Macedon.' The story is told by Plutarch, de Adul. et 
 Amico, 27 ; Symp. ii. 1. 12 ; and repeated by Bacon, Of the Interpreta- 
 tion of Nature, p. 230, Apoph. 159. [26] It was not Hadrian, but Alex- 
 ander Severus, who is said, in his life by Lampridius (c. 29), to have 
 had, in the shrine where his lares were placed, figures of Apollonius, 
 Christ, Abraham, Orpheus, and others. And again (c. 43), Chrisio tem- 
 phwifacere voluit, eumque inter deos recipere. [32] Trajan's: Mr. Sped- 
 ding conjectures Trajan, which no doubt is more correct, though Trajan's 
 is probably what Bacon wrote. 
 
 P- 56. [3] Aurelius Victor, Epit. xli. 13. Quoted again in a Letter 
 from Bacon to King James, Of a Digest to be made of the Laws of 
 England (Cabala, p. 75). [11] policing: the regulating and governing 
 of a town. Edd. 1605, 1629 have pollicing, ed. 1633 pollishing. 'He 
 gave also multitudes of charters and liberties for the comfort of corpora- 
 tions and companies in decay.' Bacon, Offer of a Digest of the Laws of 
 England. [16] Antoninus : the three old editions have Antonius. [19] 
 Dio Cassius, lxx. 3. Comp. Juliani Caesares. ' If his wit be not apt to 
 distinguish or find differences, let him study the schoole-men ; for they 
 are cymini sec/ores.' Bacon, Ess. 1. p. 206. [31] Acts xxvi. 28. 
 
 P- 57- [ 2 ] Lucius Ceionius Commodus, son of /Elius Coesar, and 
 Marcus Annius Verus, were adopted by Antoninus Pius, and on his 
 death in 161 succeeded him with the titles of L. Aurelius Verus and 
 M. Aurelius Antoninus [4] Spartianus, Vit. iElii Veri, c. 5 : idem 
 Marlialem epigrammaticum poetam Virgilium suum dixisse. [6] Lucius 
 Verus died of apoplexy a.d. 169: Marcus Aurelius survived till a.d. 180. 
 [10] Juliani Caesares, xviii. [22] Lampridius, Vita Severi, 5-10. [31] 
 the world : ' the ' omitted in ed. 1605. 
 
 P. 58. [1-5] Compare Bacon's Letter to the Lord Chancellor, touching 
 the history of Britain, where he speaks of Queen Elizabeth in nearly the 
 
282 NOTES. 
 
 same words. [3] lives: lynes in ed. 1605. [6] rare: grace in some 
 copies of 1605 ; others read great. In the Errata it is corrected to rare, 
 and this is the reading of edd. 1629 and 1633. [12] her: So in some 
 copies of ed. 1 605 ; others read the. [30] to the purpose : that is, as 
 regards the purpose &c. 
 
 P. 59. [12] Plutarch, Alex. 8. § I. [19] Achilles: Plut. Alex. 15. § 3. 
 [22] Pliny, H. N. vii. 30; Plutarch, Alex. 26. § 1. [25] Plutarch, Alex. 
 
 7- § 4- 
 
 P. 60. [1-10] And herein ... praises : Omitted in the Latin. [14] 
 Plutarch, Alex. 14. § 2. [17] Seneca, De Benef. v. 4. § 4. [23] Plutarch, 
 De Adulatore et Amico, 25 ; Alex. 22. § 2. [27] The Latin adds, cum 
 tarn indigentia quam redundantia natural, per ilia duo designata, mortis 
 sint tanquam arrhabones. [31] Seneca, Ep. Mor. vi. 7. § 12. Plutarch, 
 Alex. 28. § r. [32] Horn. II. v. 340; Ix&P olvs irtp re piei pamptooi 
 Oeoiai. 
 
 P. 61. [2] Plutarch, Alex. 74. § 2. [6, 7] that was the matter: We 
 should say, that was the point. Lat. hoc ipsum animos eis dedit. [15] 
 Plutarch, Alex. 53. § 2. Quoted again by Bacon in his Letter to the 
 King on a Digest of the Laws of England (Cabala, p. 76). [24, 25] 
 Lat. Callisthenes negotium in se recepit, idque tarn acerbe tamque aculeate 
 prcestitit ifc. [29] translation : Bacon uses this word as the rendering of 
 metaphor, borrowing it from the Lat. tra?islatio as employed by Cicero. 
 [30] Plutarch, Apoph. Reg. et Imp. Alex. 17. Mr. Ellis has pointed 
 out that Bacon, following Erasmus, misunderstood the story. Holland 
 translates it : ' When some there were who much praised unto him the 
 plainenesse and homelie simplicitie of Antipater, saying that he lived an 
 austere and hard life, without all superfluities and delicious pleasures 
 whatsoever: Well (quoth he) Antipater weares in outward shew his 
 apparell with a plaine white welt or guard, but he is within all purple 
 (I warrant you) and as red as scarlet ( 'Ai/t nrarpos \ei>Kondpv<p6s 1cm, tcL 
 8' 'ivb'ov d\on6p<pvpos).' 
 
 P. 62. [3-9] Plutarch, Alex. 31. § 5. Quoted again in Ess. xxix. 
 p. 120. [13] Plutarch, Alex. 47. § 3. [19] according to the model of 
 their own mind : Comp. Hor. Epist. i. 7. 98, Metiri se quemque suo 
 modulo ac pede verum est. [21] Plutarch, Alex. 29. § 3. [25] Perdiccas, 
 according to Plutarch, was the only one of Alexander's friends who 
 asked the question. Plutarch, Alex. 15. § 2. [30] Plutarch, Cses. 11. 
 § 1 . Crassus became surety to C?esar's creditors for 880 talents, before 
 he was allowed to take the prsetorship in Spain. [32] This story of the 
 Duke of Guise had been heard by Bacon when he was in France in 1576. 
 In his Apology concerning the Earl of Essex, he says, in reference to 
 Essex's offer of a piece of land, ' My answer, I remember, was, that for 
 my fortune it was no great matter ; but that his lordship's offer made 
 me to call to mind what was wont to be said, when I was in France, of 
 
BOOK 1. 283 
 
 the duke of Guise, that he was the greatest usurer in France, because he 
 had turned all his estate into obligations; meaning that he had left him- 
 self nothing, but only had bound numbers of persons to him.' 
 
 P. 63. [4-8] To conclude. .. prince : Omitted in the Latin. [14] his 
 company: that is, his companions, the company he kept. The Latin 
 has ex familiaribus, [20] the real passages: This expression, which is 
 omitted in the translation, either means the actual occurrences or the 
 truthful descriptions of them. [21] lively images: We should say 
 ' vivid pictures.' [25] Suetonius, Jul. Cses. 56 ; Quintil. i. 7. § 34. This 
 work, De Analogia, in two books, is again referred to by Bacon, De 
 Augm. vi. 1, in which passage he is doubtful whether it treated of what 
 we should call philosophical Grammar, and not rather of elegance and 
 purity of language. It is quoted by Cicero (Brutus, 72) under the title 
 of ' De ratione Latine loquendi,' and in the first book Caesar is said to 
 have laid down as a maxim verborum delectum originem esse eloquentice. 
 Aulus Gellius (i. 10) quotes another precept from the same book that 
 an unusual word is to be avoided like a rock (ut tanquam scopulum sic 
 fugias insolens verbum). Again dx. 14) he appeals to the Second Book 
 of the De Analogia as an authority for the forms hujus die and hujus 
 specie, and to the work generally (xix. 8), without mentioning the book, 
 for the opinion that harena, ccelum, triticum could only be used in the 
 singular, and that quadriga could only occur in the plural. Compare 
 also iv. 16. [28-30] This passage is slightly modified in the Latin 
 translation, which is thus rendered into English by Wats: ' that words, 
 which are the images of things, might accord with the things them- 
 selves, and not stand to the arbitrement of the vulgar.' [32] Suet. Jul. 
 Coes. 40. 
 
 P. 64. [3] Anti-Cato : According to Suetonius (Jul. Coes. 56) this 
 was in two books. It was written in answer to Cicero's panegyric on 
 Cato, and is quoted by Aulus Gellius (iv. 16). Compare Cicero ad Att. 
 xii. 40, 4r, xiii. 50; Plutarch, Jul. Cres. 54. § 3. [4] victory of wit: 
 Archbishop Trench in his Select Glossary has given an excellent quota- 
 tion from Bp. Reynolds, which illustrates the difference between the 
 present and past usages of the word ' wit.' ' For I take not wit in that 
 common acceptation, whereby men understand some sudden flashes of 
 conceipt, whether in stile or conference, which like rotten wood in the 
 darke, have more shine then substance ; whose use and ornament are 
 like themselves, swift and vanishing ; at once both admired and for- 
 gotten ; but I understand a setled, constant, and habituall sufficiency of 
 the understanding, whereby it is inabled in any kind of learning, theory, 
 or practice, both to sharpnesse in search, subtilty in expression, and dis- 
 patch in execution.' Reynolds, The Passions and Faculties of the Soul, 
 c. xxxix. p. 514. [8] These Apophthegms (Cic. ad Fam. ix. 16), or 
 Dicta collectanea as they are called by Suetonius (Jul. Cses. 56), were 
 
284 NOTES. 
 
 among the works which Augustus suppressed. [16] Eccl. xii. 11. from 
 the Vulgate, though not quite literally. [21] Suetonius, Jul. Caes. 70. 
 [25] cashiered: cassiered in ed. 1605, a form of spelling which points 
 to the derivation of the word from Fr. casser. In Wats's trans, of De 
 Augm. the Latin is rendered, ' and seditiously prayed to be cassed.' 
 [26] by expostulation thereof: Lat. hoc postulate. 
 
 P. 65. [6] Suetonius, Jul. Cses. 79. [15] Rex was a surname with the 
 Romans: comp. Hor. Sat. i. 7. 1 ; Bacon, Apoph. 186. [17] Plutarch, 
 Jul. Cses. 3.s. § 4. 
 
 P. 66. [1] Suet. Jul. Cses. 77. [15] Xen. Anab. ii. 5. 37. [16] the 
 great king: of Persia. [25] The saying here ascribed to Xenophon is 
 in Schneider's edition of the Anabasis (ii. I. § 12) given to Theopompus. 
 Xenophon, who is described as serving merely as a volunteer, and hold- 
 ing no command in the army, could hardly have taken part in the parley 
 with Phalinus. Diodorus (xiv. p. 409) attributes the speech to Proxenus. 
 In Stephens's edition of 1561, which Bacon may have used, the reading 
 
 IS =.£VO(pU)V. 
 
 P. 67. [7] Jason the Thessalian (assassinated B.C. 370) was later than 
 Agesilaus, though Bacon mentions him first. See Smith's Hist, of 
 Greece, p. 473. [8] Agesilaus: See Plut. Ages. 15; Smith's Hist, of 
 Greece, p. 439, &c. The date of the attempted invasion of Persia by 
 Agesilaus was b.c. 396-394. Compare Bacon's treatise, Of the True 
 Greatness of Britain (Works, vii. 50): 'And those that are conversant 
 attentively in the histories of those times, shall find that this purchase 
 which Alexander made and compassed was offered by fortune twice 
 before to others, though by accident they went not through with it; 
 namely, to Agesilaus, and Jason of Thessaly. For Agesilaus, after he 
 had made himself master of most of the low provinces of Asia, and had 
 both design and commission to invade the higher countries, was diverted 
 and called home upon a war excited against his country by the states of 
 Athens and Thebes, being incensed by their orators and counsellors, 
 which were bribed and corrupted from Persia, as Agesilaus himself 
 avouched pleasantly, when he said That an hundred thousand archers 
 of the kings of Persia had driven him home : understanding it, because 
 an archer was the stamp upon the Persian coin of gold. And Jason of 
 Thessaly, being a man born to no greatness, but one that made a fortune 
 of himself, and had obtained by his own vivacity of spirit, joined with 
 the opportunities of time, a great army compounded of voluntaries and 
 adventurers, to the terror of all Grsecia, that continually expected where 
 that cloud would fall, disclosed himself in the end, that his design was 
 for an expedition into Persia, (the same which Alexander not many 
 years after achieved,) wherein he was interrupted by a private conspiracy 
 against his life, which took effect.' [14, 15] Ovid, Ep. Pont. ii. 9. 47. 
 Ovid has Adde quod for scilicet. Mr. Ellis has pointed out that the 
 
BOOK I. 285 
 
 origin of this saying is to be found in a fragment of Theophrastus : 
 doKti yap ff naiSela, teal tovto iravres dfxoXoyovcri. "rjfifpovv ras ipvxas. 
 acpatpovaa t6 Oijpiwdfs teal dyvcufiov (Stobcei Florilegium. ed. Gaisford, iv. 
 App. p. 55, ed. 182a). [23] examined and tried: observe the Latinized 
 construction of the participles. [29] Eccl. i. 9 ('There is no new 
 thing under the sun'), quoted from memory. [30, 31] The Latin 
 has. qui pone aulcea caput inserens organa quibus moventur et filamenta 
 cernit. 
 
 P. 68. [3] for a passage: that is, a pass or ford. The Latin has 
 propter pontem aliquem. [4] Plutarch (Ages. 15. § 6) relates that Alex- 
 ander called the battle between Antipater and Agis a battle of mice. 
 The news was brought to him soon after the battle of Arbela. [9] 
 Compare Seneca, Nat. Qusest. i. prol. § 10: Formicarum iste discursus est 
 in angusto laborantium. [20] See Epictetus, Enchir. 33, and Simplicii in 
 Epict. Comm. c. 33. The dramatic form of the story is apparently 
 Bacon's own. [24] Virg. Georg. ii. 490. [33] rationem totius : appa- 
 rently referring to Eccl. xii. 13. 
 
 P- 69. [5] Plato, Alcib. Prim. ii. 133. [6] Mr. Spedding quotes 
 another form of this sentence as Bacon had entered it in the Promus, 
 ' Suavissima vita indies meliorem fieri.' It appears to be derived from 
 Xenophon, Memor. i. 6. § 8. The same sentiment occurs in Dante, 
 Parad. xviii. 58, quoted by Mr. Ellis. Comp. also Adv. to the E. of 
 Rutland (Works, ix. p. 7). 
 
 P. 70. [6] Virg. Georg. iv. 561. [9] over the will: The Latin adds 
 licet liberam et non astrictam. [23] Rev. ii. 24. [24] force : face in ed. 
 1605, corrected in Errata. [31] A saying of Hiero's, recorded by Plu- 
 tarch (Reg. et Imp. Apoph.), is perhaps what Bacon was thinking of. 
 Xenophanes complained that his poverty did not allow him to keep two 
 servants. ' How is that?' said Hiero: ■ Homer, whom you worry with 
 abuse, dead as he is, supports more than ten thousand.' 
 
 P. 71. [10] exceed the pleasure of the sense: So in the Errata to ed. 
 1605. The original editions have 'exceed the senses.' The Lat. is 
 oblectamenta sensuum excedent. The true reading is probably ' exceed 
 the pleasures of the senses.' [15] satiety: sacietie, ed. 1605. [16] ver- 
 dure: In edd. 1605, 1629, 1633, it is verdour, which perhaps shows what 
 the old pronunciation was. In Cotgrave's French Diet, and Florio's 
 Ital. Diet, of 161 1, the spelling of the word is as we have it. See note 
 on p. 48, 1. 17. [17] deceits of pleasure: that is, deceptive, unreal 
 pleasures. The Lat. has umbras tantum et fallacias voluptatum. [20] 
 ambitious princes : Bacon was perhaps thinking of the Emperor Charles 
 V., who resigned the crown of Spain in favour of his son in 1556, and 
 retired to the monastery of San Yuste. See Ess. xix. p. 76. [22] 'it,' 
 that is, 'knowledge,' is omitted as the subject of 'appeareth.' The 
 whole sentence stands thus in the Lat. : ut necesse sit hujus delectationis 
 
286 NOTES. 
 
 bonum simplex esse, non ex accidente, ut cumfraude [27] Lucr. ii. I-10, 
 quoted again in Ess. i. p. 3. 
 
 P. 72. [11] to this tend: tend is omitted in ed. 1605, but added in the 
 Errata. [19] infinite: used loosely for 'innumerable.' The Lat. has 
 innumera. It occurs once in the same sense in Shakespeare, Tim. of 
 Ath. v. 1. 37: 'a satire against the softness of prosperity, with a dis- 
 covery of the infinite flatteries that follow youth and opulency.' [lb.] 
 have been decayed: that is, have been brought to decay, fallen into 
 decay. [21] statuaes: so in ed. 1605. 'Statua' was the old form of 
 the word while still unnaturalized which Bacon adopted. See Glossary 
 to his Essays. [23, 24] cannot but leese of the life and truth: that is, 
 cannot but lose some of the life and truth. 
 
 P- 73- [4] Bacon here refers to Aristotle and his followers. [11] 
 affection: The true reading is probably affections, as in 1. 14. [25] 
 Phsedr. iii. 12. Quoted again in Ess. xiii. p. 48. It was a favourite 
 fable with Bacon. Comp. Of the True Greatness of Britain (Works, 
 vii. 57): 'In which people (i.e. the Swiss) it well appeared what an 
 authority iron hath over gold at the battle of Granson, at what time one 
 of the principal jewels of Burgundy was sold for twelve pence by a poor 
 Swiss, that knew no more a precious stone than did iEsop's cock.' 
 See Commines, B. v. c. 2. [26] Midas: Ovid, Metam. xi. 153, &a 
 [29] Paris: Eurip. Troad. 924, &c. [30] Tac. Ann. xiv. 9, Occidat 
 clu?n imperet. [31] any : Omitted in ed. 1605, but added in the Errata. 
 [32] Horn. Od. v. 218 ; Plutarch. Gryll. 1 ; Cic. de Orat. i. 44. Quoted 
 again in Ess. viii. p. 27. 
 
 P. 74. [2] must: Omitted in ed. 1605, but added in the Errata. [4] 
 Matt. xi. 19, quoted from the Vulgate. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 P. 75. [1-7] Comp. Ess. viii. p. 26: 'Yet it were great reason, that 
 those that have children, should have greatest care of future times ; unto 
 which, they know, they must transmit their dearest pledges.' [9-12] 
 and yet so . . . survive her: Omitted in the Lat., apparently for the reason 
 mentioned in note on p. 21, 11. 16-21. [19] affection: Lat. stndinm 
 meum erga literas. 
 
 P. 76. [3] Hercules' columns: The two rocks Calpe (Gibraltar) and 
 Abyla (Ximiera, or Jebel el Mina) on either side of the Straits of Gibraltar 
 were so called by the ancients, as being supposed to mark the end of 
 the western wanderings of Hercules, and so the limits of early geogra- 
 phical knowledge in that direction (comp. Pindar, Nem. iii. 35 ; Herod, 
 iv. 42, 181, 185). Pliny says of the Straits of Gibraltar (Hist. Nat. iii. 
 proem, trans. Holland, ed. 1601): 'Of both sides of this gullet, neere 
 unto it, are two mountaines set as frontiers and rampiers to keepe all in: 
 namely, Abila for Africke, Calpe for Europe, the utmost end of Hercules' 
 
BOOK II. 287 
 
 Labours. For which cause, the inhabitants of those parts call them, 
 The two pillars of that God ; and doe verily beleeve, that by certaine 
 draines and ditches digged within the Continent, the maine Ocean, before 
 excluded, made way and was let in, to make the Mediteranean seas, 
 where before was firme land : and so by that meanes the very face of 
 the whole earth is cleane altered.' The origin of the legend is probably 
 to be sought in the fact that the Phoenicians were the great navigators 
 of the ancient world, and that Melkarth, the Greek Hercules, was their 
 tutelary deity. In any case ' the pillars of Hercules,' which, like the 
 ultima Thule of a later period, once denoted the extreme limit of geo- 
 graphical discovery in one direction, are used metaphorically by Bacon 
 to denote the limit of any investigation whatever. [10] Lat. sermone 
 quodam activo et masculo. [12] ground : the foundation or basis of an 
 argument. [16] supplieth: Lat. succurrit. [17] direction: Perhaps we 
 should read ' soundness of direction,' as before. Lat. consilii prudentia et 
 sanitas. [lb.] S. Augustine, Serm. clxix. (vol. v. p. 569, ed. Ant. 1700): 
 Melior it claudus in via, guam cursor prater viam. See Nov. Org. i. 61. 
 In the Promus (vii. p. 200) it stands, Melior claudus in via quam cursor 
 extra viam. Ben Jonson, in his Sylva, quotes it in a different form, 
 * Aegidius cursu superat — A cripple in the way out-travels a footman, or 
 a post out of the way:' St. Giles being the patron saint of cripples. 
 [19] Eccl. x. 10. Quoted again in a modified form in the treatise Of 
 the Interpretation of Nature (iii. p. 223): 'for as Salomon saith excel- 
 lently, The fool putteth to more strength, but the wise man considereth which 
 way, signifying the election of the mean to be more material than the 
 multiplication of endeavour.' 
 
 P- 77- [7] accomplishments: Lat. omamentis. [20] discharge of 
 cares: Lat. vacationem a curis. [23] Virg. Georg. iv. 8. [27] and that 
 without delusion or imposture : Omitted in the translation. See note to 
 p. 31, 1. 16. 
 
 P. 78. [9] Cic. Orat. post reditum in Senatu, xii. 30: Nam difficile est 
 non aliquem, nefas quemquam prceterire. [11] Phil. iii. 13. [14] I find 
 strange: Lat. demiror. [18] the ancient fable: The fable of the belly 
 and the members told by Menenius Agrippa, Livy, ii. 32. See Shake- 
 speare, Cor. i. 1. 99, &c. [24] universality: the study of general princi- 
 ples. Lat. contemplationibus universalibus. 
 
 P. 79. [1] professory learning: the teaching which has for its object 
 one special branch of study. [2] malign aspect and influence : This 
 metaphor is derived from the old astrology, in which the planets were 
 supposed to exercise control over human destinies. See Trench, English 
 Past and Present, Lect. iv. p. 180, ed. 4. [15] The Lat. adds prcesertim 
 apud nos. [17] Readers: i.e. lecturers. [22, 23] to appropriate his 
 whole labour, and to continue his whole age in that function and at- 
 tendance: i. e. to devote his whole energy and to spend his whole life in 
 
288 NOTES. 
 
 discharging and attending to the duties of his office. [23-26] and 
 therefore . . . profession : Omitted in the Lat. [28] 1 Sam. xxx. 22. 
 
 P. 80. [3] Virg. Georg. iii. 128. [4, 5] some alchemist. .. who call: 
 For another example of this loose construction see p. 19, 11. 8, 9, 'some 
 friar. . . to whom,' &c. [10] Physic: Lat. medicina. [17] Lat. nee usu 
 mortuorum corporum ad observations anatomicas destitui. [28] Pliny, 
 Hist. Nat. viii. 17. [31] travail: In edd. 1605, 1629, 1633, travailes. 
 [31, 32] much better . .. nature : Lat. certe tnajus quiddam debetur its, qui 
 non in saltibus natures pererrant, sed in labyrinthis artium viam sibi aperiunt. 
 Mr. Spedding explains 'arts of nature' as 'working upon and altering 
 nature by art.' In p. 86 'history of arts' is equivalent to 'history of 
 nature altered or wrought.' But from the expressions in the Latin 
 translation it would rather seem that 'by arts of nature' Bacon intended 
 those recondite and intricate operations which are the subjects of inves- 
 tigation by the experimental philosopher, as the chemist for example, 
 and which are contrasted with the more external manifestations with 
 which the naturalist deals, as the windings of a labyrinth with the open 
 glades of a forest. See Nov. Org. prsef. 
 
 P. 81. [27] Cic. De Orator, iii. 26. [28] Cic. Orator. 24. 
 
 P. 82. [22] Cic. Ep. ad Att. ix. 7. 
 
 P. 83. [2] Lat. adeo ut habeant prcefectos (alios Provinciales, alios Gene- 
 rales) quibus omnes parent. [9] James i. 17. [23] Aaron, not Moses. 
 See Exod. vii. 12. [26] opera basilica, works for a king: Perhaps 
 Bacon was thinking of the basilica facinora of Plautus (Trin. iv. 3. 23). 
 [29] the inducing part : the introductory part. Lat. speculativa ilia 
 pars. 
 
 P. 84. [16] A mare et sapere vix Deo conceditur. Publ. Syr. Sent. 15, 
 Quoted again in Ess. x. p. 37. Comp. Ovid, Met. ii. 846 : Non bent 
 conveniunt nee in una sede morantur Majestas et amor. [20] Quoted from 
 Ennius by Cicero, De Off. i. 16. 
 
 P- 8 5- [3] Prov - xxu - J 3- W vir g* ^ n - v * 9 .3 r « [9" 2I 1 This 
 paragraph is much enlarged in the De Augmentis, ii. 1. [22] De 
 
 Aug. ii. 4. In the De Augmentis Bacon makes only two divisions 
 of History, natural and civil; including in the latter history ecclesi- 
 astical and literary. 
 
 P. 86. [5] a just story of learning; i.e. an accurate history. [21] 
 In De Augm. ii. 2 the same division is made but at greater length. 
 [32] the strange events of time and chance: Lat. casuum (ut ait ille) 
 ingenia. 
 
 P. 87. [11] it is never called down: Lat. nunquam postea exter- 
 minantur aut retractantur. [13] The treatise De miris auscultationibus 
 attributed to Aristotle is now believed not to be by him. Bacon 
 again refers to it in p. 35, 1. 24. [lb.] is nothing less than : i. e. is 
 by no means intended. [16] axioms: Mr. Kitchin, in his edition of 
 
BOOK II. 289 
 
 the Novum Organum, App. A., has shown that Bacon uses 'axiom' 
 to denote any general principle of the lowest degree of generality. 
 And in this he is followed by Sir Isaac Newton, who gives the title 
 of * Axiom' to all ' general experimental truths,' to the ' laws of motion,' 
 which are purely inductive and not at all ' self-evident ' truths, to the 
 principles of optics, &c. 
 
 P. SS. [4] In the treatise ' Doemonologie, in forme of a Dialogue,' 
 in three books, printed among the works of James I., p. 93, ed. 161 6. 
 [5] Comp. Nov. Org. i. I 20, sol enim ccque palalia et cloacas ingreditur, 
 neque tamen polluitur. And Chaucer's Parson's Tale, quoted by Mr. 
 Kitchin : ' Certes holy writ may not be defouled, no more than the 
 sonne that schyneth on a dongehul' t^vol. iii. p. 168, Percy Soc. ed.). 
 [7-9] I hold fit, that these narrations . . . be sorted by themselves, 
 and not to be mingled &c. : For other instances of this mixed con- 
 struction, see Ps. lxxviii. 4, 8 (Pr. Bk.): 'That we should not hide . . . 
 but to shew &c.' 'That they might put their trust in God, and not 
 to forget &c* [23] Plato, Hippias Major, iii. 291. 
 
 P- ^9- [3] tne philosopher: Thales. See Plato, Theoet. i. 174; Diog. 
 Laert. i. 34. [9] Arist. Polit. i. 3. § I ; Phys. i. 
 
 P. 90. [1] Proteus: Virg. Georg. iv. 386, &c. [5] De Augm. ii. 6. 
 [22] of the world: i.e. in the world. [27] as was said: See above, 
 1. 13. In this paragraph Bacon perhaps had in his mind Camden's 
 Remaines concerning Britaine (1605). 
 
 P. 91. [2] In the discourse on the Union of the Kingdoms (Life and 
 Letters, iii. p. 94) Bacon gives instances in nature of those bodies 
 which were imperfecle mista, and concludes, 'So as such imperfect 
 minglings continue no longer than they are forced, and still in the 
 end the worthiest gets above.' He probably had this in his mind 
 when he called such histories the salvage of the deluge of time. [5] 
 epitomes: Bacon elsewhere (p. 175) condemns Ramus for ' introducing 
 the canker of epitomes? Here he refers probably to the Epitomes of 
 Plorus, Aurelius Victor, and others. [10] De Augm. ii. 7. [26] the 
 true and inward resorts : Lat. veros fomites et texturas subtiliores. Perhaps 
 we should read fontes. [27] The Latin adds neque enim de elogiis ei 
 hujusmodi commemorationibus jejunis loquimur. [32] Referring to 
 Thucydides, Xenophon, and Sallust. 
 
 P. 92. [4, 5] specially of any length: This refers to the length of the 
 period contemplated by the history, not to the history itself. The 
 Latin has a different idea, prcesertim qua cctate scriploris multo antiquior 
 sit; where the true reading would be quod . . . antiquius. [5] — p. 93. 
 [4] Omitted in the Latin. [22] Virg. JEn. iv. 177. [29] Justinianus: 
 Born a.d. 483; reigned from 527 to 565. [lb.] Ultimus Romanorutn: 
 Used of Cassius by Tacitus (Ann. iv. 34) and of Brutus and Cassius 
 by Suetonius (Tib. 61). [33] to be kept: 'are' is omitted in the 
 
 U 
 
290 NOTES. 
 
 construction. Comp. p. 94, 1. 8, ' and yet her government so mascu- 
 line,' where the copula is omitted. 
 
 P- 93- [8] Cicero, De Off. i. 34. Comp. Tac. Hist. i. 1. [10] in 
 the main continuance thereof: Lat. quatenus ad corpus ejus integrum. 
 [12] George Buchanan, who wrote Rerum Scoticarum Historia. To 
 this James I. evidently refers in the second book of his Basilicon Doron, 
 where he reckons among unpardonable crimes ' the false and vn reverent 
 writing or speaking of malicious men against your parents and pre- 
 decessors' (Works, p. 158). [21] Bacon himself endeavoured to carry 
 out the plan which he here suggested ; but the only part of the work 
 which was completed was the History of Henry VII., published in 1622, 
 during his retirement. Besides this he left a fragment of the history of 
 the reign of Henry VIII. In his letter to the Lord Chancellor touching 
 the history of Britain, to which reference has been made before (p. 58, 
 note), he speaks in nearly the same words of the defects of previous 
 histories. [24] hath been : Observe the construction, and see p. 52, 1. 9. 
 [27] By Henry VII. Compare Bacon, Henry VII. p. 3: 'There were 
 fallen to his lot, and concurrent in his Person, three seuerall Titles to 
 the Imperiall Crowne. The first, the Title of the Lady Elizabeth, 
 with whom, by precedent Pact with the Partie that brought him in, 
 he was to marry. The second, the ancient and long disputed Title 
 (both by Plea, and Amies) of the House of Lancaster, to which he was 
 Inheritour in his owne Person. The third, the Title of the Sword or 
 Conquest, for that he came in by victorie of Battaile, and that the King 
 in possession was slaine in the Field.' [33] Henry VIII. 
 
 P. 94. [5] Edward VI. and the attempt of the Duke of Northumber- 
 land to place Lady Jane Grey on the throne. [6] Comp. Ess. xxix. 
 p. 127 : 'A civill warre, indeed, is like the heat of a feaver.' [7] Mary, 
 married to Philip of Spain. [lb.] Elizabeth. [8] and yet her govern- 
 ment so masculine: The copula is omitted as in p. 92, 1. 33. [8-11] 
 and yet ... thence : Omitted in the Latin. [12] divided from all the 
 world : Comp. Virg. Eel. i. 67, Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos. 
 [14] Virg. ./En. hi. 96. [18] Comp. p. 134, 1. 25, and Ess. xi. p. 43, 
 'And as in nature, things move violently to their place, and calmely 
 in their place.' [23] it : redundant. [32] Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, at 
 the end of the 34th book and the beginning of the 35th. Mr. Singer, 
 in Notes and Queries, v. 232, was the first to point out the source of 
 this reference. [33] the ancient fiction : The fable of the three fates, 
 Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos. The allusion is more distinctly given 
 in the Latin translation. 
 
 P. 95. [14] Virg. ^En. v. 751. [15] Plin. Ep. iii. 21 : Nam postquam 
 desiimus facere laudanda, laudari quoque ineptum putamus. [17] Prov. 
 x. 7. [24] Cicero, Phil. ix. 5. § 10: Vita enim mortuorutn in memoria 
 vivorum est posita. The sentiment appears to have been borrowed from the 
 
BOOK II. 291 
 
 law of Solon quoted by Demosthenes adv. Lept. p. 488, /xtj \iyuv Katcua 
 
 TuV TC6l'(0)Ta. 
 
 P. 96. [7] De Aug. ii. 9. [lb.] partition: portion in ed. 1605, cor- 
 rected in Errata. [12] giving but a touch of certain magnificent build- 
 ings: that is, but slightly alluding to them. [13] Tac. Ann. xiii. 31. 
 [15] a kind of contemplative heraldry: that is, as is explained in the 
 Latin, a heraldry by which the rank of books as well as of persons 
 may be distinguished. [22] time: Mr. Speckling reads times. [24] 
 what passed day by day: For the construction compare Hamlet, i. 
 i- 33: 'What we two nights have seen.' [25] Esth. vi. 1. [28] Plut. 
 Symp. i. 6. 1 ; Alex. 23. § 2, 76, &c. 
 
 P. 97. [1] De Aug. ii. 10. [4] Mr. Ellis, in his note on the corres- 
 ponding passage of the De Augmentis, remarks that ' the most cele- 
 brated work of this kind is one with which Bacon was familiar, — 
 the Discorsi of Macchiavelli, of which the narrative part is derived 
 from Livy.' See what Bacon himself says, p. 225. [22] Comp. Of the 
 Interpretation of Nature (Works, iii. 225) : 'For at that time the world 
 was altogether home-bred, every nation looked little beyond their own 
 confines or territories, and the world had no through lights then, as it 
 hath had since by commerce and navigation, whereby there could 
 neither be that contribution of wits one to help another, nor that 
 variety of particulars for the correcting of customary conceits.' See 
 also Nov. Org. i. 84. [27] Virg. Georg. i. 250. 
 
 P. 98. [1] in their word: Lat. in symbolo suo. [2] plus ultra: Charles 
 the Fifth's motto. [3] imitabile fulmen : referring to the invention of 
 gunpowder. [5] Virg. /En. vi. 590. [7] Fernando de Magalhaens (or 
 Magellan) was the first navigator who sailed round the world, 15 19— 
 1522. Drake's voyage was in 1577- 1579. [ J 4] Dan. xu - 4- Tne 
 quotation in the text, which is from the Vulgate, is altered in the Latin 
 to augebitur scientia. [21] De Aug. ii. 11. [22] in the propriety 
 thereof: Lat. proprio vero nomine. 
 
 P. 99. [11] Ps. xc. 4; 2 Pet. iii. 8. [23] 1 Cor. ii. 14. [26] Eph. 
 ii. 12. [28] Hab. ii. 2. This very common form of misquotation of 
 this passage appears to have had its origin in Coverdale's Version ; 
 ' that who so commeth by, may rede it.' The correct rendering is 
 that given in the English Bible ; ' that he may run that readeth it.' 
 
 P. 100. [4] De Aug. ii. 12. [26] it is a great loss of that book of 
 Caesar's : A loose construction equivalent to • it is a great loss, viz. the 
 loss of that book of Caesar's.' 
 
 P. 101. [4-6] one of the cells ... which is that of the memory: 
 Comp. Burton, Anat. of Mel. Parti. Sec. 1. Mem. 2. Subs. 4. 'The 
 fourth creek, behind the head, is common to the cerebel or little brain, 
 and marrow of the back-bone, the least and most solid of all the rest, 
 which receives the animal spirits from the other ventricles, and conveys 
 
 U 2 
 
292 NOTES. 
 
 them to the marrow in the back, and is the place where they say the 
 memory is seated.' Vigo defines the brain as 'a substance full of 
 marrowe diuided into three ventricles, of which there is one in the 
 fore part which is greater then the other three. The second is in 
 the middest. The third hath his residence in the hinder part. And 
 therefore after Galens lodgement, it is the foundation of imagination, 
 and of deuising, and of remembrance' (Works, fol. 6b, Lond. 15S6). 
 Compare Chaucer, Knight's Tale, 1378: 
 
 1 Engendrud of humour malencolyk, 
 Byforne in his selle fantastyh.' 
 
 [7] Differently arranged in De Augm. ii. 13, where much new matter 
 is introduced. [13 1 Hor. De Art. Poet. 9. [19] maybe styled: that 
 is, may have this title of ' feigned history,' whether written in prose or 
 verse. 
 
 P. 102. [16] After this paragraph there is added in the De Aug- 
 mentis one on Dramatic Poetry. [32] The seven wise men were Solon, 
 Thales, Pittacus, Bias, Chilon, Cleobulus, and Periander of Corinth. 
 Instead of the last, Plato (Protag. i. 343) enumerates Myso. Their 
 maxims have been collected in Orelli's Opuscula Grrecorum veterum 
 sententiosa et moralia. As other instances of parabolical wisdom the 
 Latin mentions lesser ce Pythagorce, and (Etiigmata sphingis. The former 
 of these are associated with /Egyptian hieroglyphics by Plutarch (De 
 Isid. et Osir. 10) in a passage which Bacon probably had in his 
 mind. 
 
 P. 103. [15] Both these fables are quoted by Bacon in his fifteenth 
 Essay, ' Of Seditions and Troubles,' with substantially the same com- 
 ments. In the De Augm. is substituted a lengthened discussion of the 
 fables of Pan, Perseus, and Dionysus. See also Wisdom ol the Ancients, 
 c. 9. [21] Virg. JEn. iv. 178. [30] Thetis, not Pallas. See Horn. 
 II. i. 398, &c. 
 
 P. 104. [2] Achilles: Horn. II. xi. 832 ; Plutarch (De Musica, xl. 4). 
 [4] Machiavel: The Prince, c. 18. Mr. Ellis, in his note on this 
 passage, suggested that 'As two of the animals are the same it is 
 possible that Macchiavelli was thinking of what was said of Boniface 
 VIII. by the predecessor whom he forced to abdicate, — that he came 
 in like a fox, would reign like a lion, and die like a dog.' [1 1] Chry- 
 sippus: a Stoic philosopher, born b.c. 280. Bacon here refers to 
 what Cicero says of him, De Nat. Deor. i. 15, §§ 38-41. [13] the 
 fictions: 'the' is omitted in some copies of ed. 1605. [16-20] Surely 
 . . . meaning : The construction of this sentence is imperfect, though the 
 sense is clear. [16] Homer : The same remark is made by Rabelais (Gar- 
 gantua, prol.) of the allegorical interpretations of Homer by Plutarch, 
 Eustathius, Heraclides Ponticus and Cornutus. [17] 'To the Greeks 
 
BOOK II. 293 
 
 Homer was in fact a Bible, and guarded with all the care and all the 
 piety that belong to such a book.' Prof. Blackie, Art. on Homer, 
 Encyc. Brit, eighth ed. This is true generally, and not only of ' the 
 later schools of the Grecians.' ' But what really conveys a more 
 vivid impression of the influence of Homer in Greek education, than 
 any anecdotes about schools and schoolmasters, is the very apt and 
 easy way in which all Greek men are everywhere found quoting Homer 
 from memory, and applying it for the need of the moment, by a sort 
 of habitual "accommodation," just as we see many a devout father of 
 the Christian Church, and the ancient Jews, constantly quoting the 
 Old Testament, without any curious inquiry as to the exact critical 
 propriety of the text so applied.' Blackie, Homer and the Iliad, i. 
 308. [24J this third part of learning : It should be ' this second.' 
 [27-32] But . . . harangues : Omitted in De Augm. 
 
 P- io 5- [3] The third book of the De Augm. begins here. [29] philo- 
 sophia prima : See p. 40, 1. 8. 
 
 P. 106. [1] a certain rhapsody: Eat. farraginem quandam et massam 
 inconditam. [27] The instances of these ' participles in nature' given by 
 Bacon in the De Augm. are, moss, which is intermediate between putre- 
 faction and a plant ; fish that adhere and do not change their place and 
 are between a plant and an animal ; mice and other animals which are 
 between those propagated by putrefaction and those propagated by 
 impregnation ; bats, which are between birds and quadrupeds ; flying 
 fish, between birds and fish ; seals, between fish and quadrupeds, and so 
 on. See Nov. Org. ii. 30. 
 
 P. 107. [8] Euclid, Elem. Book i. Axiom 4. [9, 10] an axiom . . 
 mathematics: In some copies of ed. 1605, and in the edd. of 1629 and 
 1633, this clause is inserted by mistake after the following sentence. 
 The error is noted in the Errata at the end of a copy of ed. 1605 in the 
 Bodleian Library, and the true reading is given, preceded by the follow- 
 ing remark: 'In some few Bookes, in Ff: fol. 21, and the beginning of 
 the second page thereof, there is somewhat misplaced, and to be read 
 thus.' The catchword of the previous page is ' And.' [10] This ana- 
 logy between commutative (or corrective) and distributive justice is 
 derived from Aristotle (Eth. v. 3, 4). Of distributive justice Sir Alex- 
 ander Grant in his notes on the passage gives the following summary : 
 4 Justice implies equality, and not only that two things are equal, but 
 also two persons between whom there may be justice. Thus it is a 
 geometrical proportion in four terms ; if A and B be persons, C and D 
 lots to be divided, then as A is to B, so must C be to D. And a just 
 distribution will produce the result that A + C will be to B + D in the 
 same ratio as A was to B originally. In other words, distributive 
 justice consists in the distribution of property, honours, &c, in the state, 
 according to the merits of each citizen.' And of corrective, or as Bacon 
 
294 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 calls it commutative, justice, he says : ■ Corrective justice goes on a prin- 
 ciple, not of geometrical, but of arithmetical proportion ; in other words, 
 it takes no account of persons, but treats the cases with which it is con- 
 cerned as cases of unjust loss and gain, which have to be reduced to the 
 middle point of equality between the parties.' (Grant's Aristotle, ed. 2, 
 ii. pp. 108, 112.) [13] Eucl. Elcm. Bk. i. Axiom 1. Whately, Logic, 
 ii. 3. § 2 ; Nov. Org. ii. 27. [16] Ovid, Met. xv. 165. [18] Comp. 
 Bacon, Sylva Syl varum, cent. i. § 100 (Works, ii. 383, ed. Spedding): 
 ' There is nothing more certain in nature than that it is impossible for 
 any body to be utterly annihilated ; but that as it was the work of the 
 omnipotency of God to make somewhat of nothing, so it requireth the 
 like omnipotency to turn somewhat into nothing.' [21] Eccl. iii. 14, 
 quoted from the Vulgate. [23] Machiavelli, Disc, sopra Livio, iii. X. 
 [27] the Persian magic: 'Plato commends this Magia, and calls it 
 Machagistia, and Qtwv Oipanda the worship of the Gods; and saith, that 
 the Kings of Persia learned it, as a knowledge of diuine mysteries, 
 wherein by the worlds Common-wealth they were instructed to gouerne 
 their owne.' Purchas his Pilgrimage, p. 366, ed. 1614. The passage 
 of Plato referred to is Alcib. Prim. ii. 121, but the remark of Purchas 
 is apparently derived from the Apologia of Johannes Picus Mirandula 
 (p. 121, ed. 1557). That Plato called Magia by the mystic name of 
 Machagistia is stated by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 6. § 32). [30] 
 Comp. Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum, cent. ii. 113: 'There be in music certain 
 figures or tropes ; almost agreeing with the figures of rhetoric, and with 
 the affections of the mind, and other senses. First, the division and 
 quavering, which please so much in music, have an agreement with the 
 glittering of light; as the moon-beams playing upon a wave. Again, 
 the falling from a discord to a concord, which maketh great sweetness 
 in music, hath an agreement with the affections, which are reintegrated 
 to the better after some dislikes; it agreeth also with the taste, which is 
 soon glutted with that which is sweet alone. The sliding from the close 
 or cadence, hath an agreement with the figure in rhetoric which they 
 call prater expectatum ; for there is a pleasure even in being deceived' 
 (Works, ed. Spedding, ii. 388, 389). Comp. also Nov. Org. ii. 27, and 
 Of the Interp. of Nat. (vol. iii. p. 230). 
 
 P. 108. [1] See Quint. Inst. Or. vi. 3; Cic. de Orat. ii. 63. § 255. [2] 
 with: Some copies of the ed. 1605, according to Mr. Spedding, read 
 'which.' [4] Virg. iEn. vii. 9. [5] Comp. Nov. Org. ii. 27, where the 
 same illustrations are given of what Bacon calls 'conformable instances' 
 or * physical similitudes.' From these he deduces the principle, orgatia 
 sensuum et corpora, qua pariunt reflexiones ad sensus, esse stmilis natures. 
 [6] the eye with a glass : i. e. a looking-glass. Lat. oculus enim similis 
 speculo. [20] De Augm. iii. 2. [22] Virg. Mn. vi. 788. [28] Lat. 
 scientia, seu potius scientice scintilla. [32] Comp. Ess. xvi. p. 64: 'And 
 
BOOK II. 295 
 
 therefore, God never wrought miracle, to convince Atheisme, because 
 his ordinary works convince it.' 
 
 P. 109. [10] Comp. Macrobius, in Somn. Scip. ii. 12: Ideo physici 
 mundtim magnum hominem, et hominem brevem tnundum esse dixerunt. 
 [13] Gen. i; Ps. viii. 3, 6. Comp. Bereshith Rabba, § 8: 'Rabbi 
 Tiphrai, in the name of R. Acha (says), the superior beings were created 
 in the image and likeness (of God), and do not increase and multiply ; 
 the inferior increase and multiply, .but were not created in the image and 
 likeness (of God).' [24] See p. 10, 1. 5. [33] hath: Observe the con- 
 struction as in p. 34, 1. 25, ' so great an affinity hath fiction and belief.' 
 
 P. no. [4] Otherwise .. spirits : i.e. with respect to the nature of 
 angels and spirits the case is different. Comp. p. 158, 1. 2. Lat. Secus 
 est quod ad angelorum et spirituum naturam attinet. [7] Col. ii. 4, 18. 
 [15-17] Lat. cceteram sobria circa illos inquisitio, qua vel per rerum cor- 
 porearum scalam ad eorutn naturam pernoscendam ascendat, vel in anima 
 humana veluti in speculo earn intueatur neutiquam prohibelur. [23] 2 Cor. 
 ii. 11. [27] many : ' The theory of angels and that of fallen spirits form 
 a large and not very profitable chapter in every Summa Theologize.' 
 (Ellis.) See Reginald Scot's Discourse concerning Devils and Spirits. 
 [30] De Augm. iii. 3. 
 
 P. in. [2] Diog. Laert. be. 72: lv &v6a> yap 17 aKrjOeia. Cic. Acad. 
 Post. i. 12. [3] Paracelsus, Lib. Meteor, cap. 4. [9] pioneers: 'Pion- 
 eers' in ed. 1605. [17-23] And here . . superstition : Omitted in the 
 Lat. [33] De Augm. iii. 4. 
 
 P. 112. [8] from mistaking: i.e. from being misunderstood. Comp. 
 D'Ewes, Journal of the House of Commons, p. 560 : ■ Mr. Winch, one 
 of the Committee in the Bill to keep horses from stealing, &c.' [12] 
 Comp. what Bacon says of Aristotle, p. 127. [23] John v. 43. [31] 
 his scholar : Alexander the Great. 
 
 P. 113. [4] Adapted from Lucan, x. 20 &c. Mr. Ellis has pointed 
 out that Bacon has changed not only the order of words but the con- 
 struction. The whole passage stands thus : 
 
 • Illic Pelloei proles vesana Philippi, 
 Felix prcedo, jacet, terrarum vindice fato 
 Raptus; sacratis totum spargenda per orbem 
 Membra viri posuere adytis. Fortuna pepercit 
 Manibus, et regni duravit ad ultima fatum. 
 Nam sibi libertas unquam si redderet orbem 
 Ludibrio servatus erat, non utile mundo 
 Editus exemplum, &c.' 
 (11] usque ad aras : i. e. so far as is consistent with religious obligations. 
 Plutarch (De Vitioso Pudore, vi.) relates that Pericles, when asked to 
 perjure himself for his friend, replied, fiexpt tov Pajpov <pi\os dpi. See 
 also Plut. Pnecepta Ger. Reipubl. xiii. 17 ; Aul. Gellius, Noct. Att. i. 3. 
 
29*5 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Bacon introduces it again in a characteristic passage of his Apology 
 concerning the Earl of Essex (Life and Letters, iii. 142): 'For every 
 honest man, that hath his heart well planted, will forsake his king 
 rather than forsake God, and forsake his friend rather than forsake his 
 king; and yet w ill forsake any earthly commodity, yea and his own 
 life in some cases, rather than forsake his friend. I hope the world hath 
 not forgotten these degrees, else the heathen saying, Amicus usque ad 
 nras, shall judge them.' [15] Tac. Ann. i. 3. [20] philosophia prima: 
 See p. 105. [32] Lat. id solummodo cavendo ut physice, non logice trac- 
 tentur. 
 
 P. 114. [10] a being and moving: The Lat. adds, et naturalem necessi- 
 tate??!. [12] platform : Lat. idea?n. [15] productions : probably a mis- 
 print for •production.' See p. in, 1. 14. The Lat. has productio?ie?n 
 effectinmi. [17] The division here referred to is Aristotle's, as given in 
 the First Book of the Metaphysics: ' The e fficient cause is that which 
 acts — the material caus e that which is acted on ; as when the fire melts 
 wax, the former is the efficient, the latter the material cause of the effect 
 produced. The formal cause is that which in the case of any object 
 determines it to be that which it is, and is thus the cause of its various 
 properties ; it is thus the " ratio essentia?," the \6yos tt}s ovaias. The 
 final cause is that for the sake of which any effect takes place, whether 
 the agent is or is not intelligent.' Ellis's note on the corresponding 
 passage of the De Augmentis. [27] Virg. Eel. viii. 80. 
 
 P. 1 15. [20] Mr. Ellis (Gen. Preface, p. 29) says that Bacon 'has repeat- 
 edly denied the truth of the scholastic doctrine that Forms are incogno- 
 scible because supra-sensible.' See Nov. Org. i. 75; ii. 2. [23] See Nov. 
 Org. ii. 1 : Data autem tiaturce for??ia?n, sive differ e?itia??i vera?n, sive naiuram 
 naturante?n, sivefentem e??ia?iatio?iis . . i?ive?iire, opus et i?itentio est hu?na?icc 
 scientice. Mr. Ellis, in his General Preface to the Philosophical Works 
 (pp. 28-31), after pointing out that in Bacon's system 'substance is con- 
 ceived of as the causa immanens of its attributes, or in other words it is the 
 formal cause of the qualities which are referred to it,' divides these quali- 
 ties into primary and secondary ; the former being those which belong to 
 tubstance as its essential attributes, the latter those which are connected 
 with it by the relation of cause and effect. He then shows that Bacon's 
 'conception of the nature of Forms relates merely to the primary quali- 
 ties of bodies. For instance, the Form of heat is a kind of local motion 
 of the particles of which bodies are composed, and that of whiteness a 
 mode of arrangement among those particles. This peculiar motion or 
 arrangement corresponds to and engenders heat or whiteness, and this in 
 every case in which those qualities exist. The statement of the distin- 
 guishing character of the motion or arrangement, or of whatever else 
 may be the Form of a given phenomenon, takes the shape of a law ; it 
 is the law in fulfilling which any substance determines the existence of 
 
BOOK II. 2Q7 
 
 ihe quality in question.' Bacon himself, in the Novum Organum, speaks 
 of forma rei as ipsissima res (ii. 13), of formes as vera rerum differentia 
 and leges actus puri (i. 75), and asserts that res and forma differ only as 
 apparens et existens, aut exterius el interius, aui in ordme ad hominem el in 
 ordine ad universum (ii. 13). [29] Plato, Repub. x. 1. [33] See pp. 41, 
 119; Nov. Org. i. 96. 
 
 P. u6. [7] Gen. ii. 7. [9] Gen. i. 20, 24. [9, 10] the forms of 
 substances, I say : Lat. species inquam creaturannn. [15] Comp. 
 Plato, Philebus, ii. 17. [31] Nov. Org. ii. 23; Of the Inter, of Nat. p. 
 236. 
 
 P. 117. [2] See Nov. Org. ii. 23: Efficiens vero semper ponitur nil aliud 
 esse quam vehiculum sive deferens forma. [16] Hippocrates, Aph. i. 1. 
 [22] Eccles. iii. 11. [25] to them that are depraved: Lat. apud homines 
 propter scien.'ia inflalos el theomachos. [26] the giants' hills: Perhaps we 
 should read 'three' for 'the.' The Lat. has tres moles gigantea. [27] 
 Virg. Georg. i. 281, 282. [31] Rev. iv. 8. 
 
 P. 118. [1] law: Some copies of ed. 1605 read ' loue.' [2] Plato, 
 Parmen. 165, 166. This view of the Parmenides is probably derived 
 from the Argumentum of Ficinus. Parmenides of Elea travelled with 
 Zeno to Athens, circ. b.c. 460. [15] Comp. Of the Inter, of Nature, 
 p. 235 : ' for the poet saith well Sapientibus undique lata sunt via.'' [17] 
 Cic. de Off. i. 43; Tusc. Disp. iv. 26; De Fin. ii. 12. § 37. [24] sense: 
 Some copies of ed. 1605 have ' sort,' but one at least has ' sens,' which is 
 evidently the true reading, as appears from the Lat. sensu magis divino. 
 [2s] Prov. iv. 12. [30] misplaced: The Lat. adds, solent enim inquiri 
 inter phy>ica non inter metaphysica. 
 
 P. 119. [2] On the injury to philosophy by the investigation of final 
 causes see Nov. Org. i. 48, 65 ; ii. 2. [5] satisfactory and specious 
 causes : Lat. speciosis et vmbratilibus causis. [7] Plato, Timaeus, iii. 44 
 &c. anchoreth : 'ancreth' in ed. 1605. [8] Aristotle, Phys. ii. 8. 2; 
 Galen, De Usu Partium ; Xenophon, Memor. i. 4. See on this subject 
 Prof. Sedgwick's Disc, on the Studies of the Univ. of Cambridge, 5th ed. 
 App. p. 150. [14] frames : 'frame' in ed. 1605. The Lat. has fabrica. 
 and perhaps the true correction of the sentence would be to read ' is' for 
 'are' in the next line. [24] Democritus : Cic. Tusc. i. II; Diog. Laeit. 
 ix. 44, 45. 
 
 P. 120. [11] Virg. Eel. vii. 45. [32] De Augm. iii. 6. 
 
 P. 121. [6] as hath been said: See p. 106. [10] Democritus and 
 Pythagoras: See Arist. De Anima, i. 2 ; Met. i. 4, 5 ; Iamblichus, Vit. 
 Pythag. xii. 59. [21] champain: 'champion' in ed. 1605. [30] merely 
 severed: Lat. penitus abstractam. 
 
 P. 122. [7] intervening: * interueyning ' in ed. 1605. [8] enginery: 
 ' Inginarie' in ed. 1605. Lat. Machinaria. [12] See p. 183, and comp. 
 Ess. 1. p. 205. [24] De Augm. iii. 5. 
 
298 NOTES. 
 
 P. 123. [2] Lat. qu<£ magis ingeniosa quidem res est et sagax, quam 
 philosophica. [7] Hor. Od. ii. 10. 3. [16] in books: Among others the 
 Magia Naturalis of Baptista Porta, published in 1589. [22] Bacon uses 
 the same comparison in his treatise Of the Interpretation of Nature 
 (Works, iii. 234). The story of King Arthur of Britain was compiled 
 from the French legends by Sir Thomas Malory about the year 1470, 
 and was first printed by Caxton in 1485. Sir John Bourchier, Lord 
 Berners, the translator of Froissart, also translated from the French, at 
 the request of the Earl of Huntingdon, the romance of Sir Hugh of 
 Bourdeaux, a knight of the age of Charlemagne (Warton, Hist, of Eng. 
 Poetry, iii. 342, ed. 1824). This was printed by William Copland 
 about 1540. In Burton's time these romances were the favourite reading 
 of the country squires. ' If they read a book at any time . . 'tis an 
 English chronicle, S r Huon of Bordeaux, Amadis de Gaul, &c, a play- 
 book, or some pamphlet of news.' (Anat. of Mel. i. p. 205, ed. 1813). 
 The romance of Hugh of Bourdeaux supplied the incidents of Wieland's 
 Oberon. For a summary of it see Dunlop's History of Fiction, i. 394- 
 419 (ed. 1816). Montaigne (i. 25, trans. Florio, p. 85, ed. 1603) says, 
 ' of King Arthur, of Lancelot du-Lake, of Amadis, of Huon of Burdeaux, 
 and such idle time-consuming, and wit-besotting trash of bookes wherein 
 youth doth commonly ammuse it-selfe, I was not so much as acquainted 
 with their names.' [27] the fable of Ixion : Pindar, Pyth. ii. 21. 
 
 P. 124. [19] medicines, motions: Lat. medicinas proprias, accommodata 
 etiam exercitia. [21] Lat. quam quod hoc fieri possit per guttas pauculas, 
 aid scrupulos alicujus pretiosi liquoris aut quintessentice. [32] This inven- 
 tory was intended to occupy the tenth chapter of the treatise Of the 
 Interpretation of Nature. 
 
 P. 125. [9] deducing: 'diducing' in ed. 1605. [15] In the De Aug- 
 mentis Bacon omits the example of the mariner's compass and sub- 
 stitutes the experiments made by Drebbel on the artificial congelation 
 of water by means of ice and saltpetre. To this he again alludes in 
 the fifth book of the De Augmentis. See Mr. Ellis's note (Works, i. p. 
 628, note 1). [24] Virg. Eel. x. 8. [26] See Nov. Org. i. 35. Alex- 
 ander (properly Roderigo) Borgia was Pope Alexander VI., and the 
 expedition of the French was that under Charles VIII. in 1494. Bacon 
 quotes the story again in his Redargutio Philosophiarum (Works, iii. 
 558), and in his Hist, of Hen. VII. (Works, vi. 158). 
 
 P. 126. [1] De Augm. iii. 4. [5] Noti liquet was a Roman legal 
 formula, by which the judge declared his inability to decide upon 
 the guilt or innocence of the accused: like the Scotch not proven. [14, 
 15] the entry of doubts are: An instance of a loose construction of 
 frequent occurrence, in which the verb agrees in number with the 
 substantive interposed between it and its subject. Comp. Shakespeare, 
 Hamlet, i. 2. 36-38: 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 299 
 
 1 Giving to you no further personal power 
 To business with the king, more than the scope 
 Of these delated articles olloiv.' 
 
 Compare also Sanderson, Serm. iv. Ad Magistratum (Works, vol. ii. p. 
 
 274, ed. Jacobson, 1854): 'The result of these particulars amount in 
 
 the whole to this.' An example in which the intervening substantive is 
 
 in the singular is in Mid. Night's Dr. iii. 2. 97 : — 
 
 1 With sighs of love that costs the fresh blood dear.' 
 And again, Com. of Err. v. 1. 69, 70 : — 
 
 ' The venom clamours of a jealous woman 
 Poisofis more deadly than a mad dog's tooth.' 
 
 [15] 'use,' in the sense of interest or increase: Lat. incrementa. 
 
 P. 127. [14] The Lat. omits Empedocles and adds Philolaus, Xeno- 
 phanes, Anaxagoras, and Leucippus. [16] In 1574 Amurath III. on 
 succeeding to the throne caused his five brothers to be strangled, and 
 in 1595 Mahomet III. removed all his brothers in the same way and 
 caused ten of his father's wives and concubines to be drowned (Knolles, 
 Hist, of the Turks, pp. 919, 1056, ed. 1603). See Nov. Org. i. 67. 
 [18] Lat. tamen Us, qui non regnum aut magisterium sed veritatis inqui- 
 iitionem atque illustrationem sibi proponunt. [24] the received astronomy: 
 That is, the Ptolemaic system, in which the earth was the centre of the 
 universe. See p. 97, 1. 32, Ess. xxiii. p. 96, and Shakespeare, Troilus 
 and Cressida, i. 3. 85 : ' The heavens themselves, the planets, and this 
 centre.' On the slowness with which the Copernican theory was diffused, 
 and especially Bacon's opposition to it, see Whewell's Hist, of the Ind. 
 Sciences, i. 404-412, ed. 1847. Copernicus died in 1543, and his 
 opinions were introduced into England mainly through Giordano Bruno, 
 who came over about 1583. [31] Arist. Phys. i. I. 
 
 P. 12S. [7-1 1] In the Latin the sources of information are indicated; 
 viz. the lives of the philosophers, Plutarch's collection of their opinions, 
 the quotations of Plato, the refutation of Aristotle, and the scattered 
 notices in Lactantius, Philo, Philostratus, and the rest. [12] severedly : 
 The editions of 1605, 1633 all read 'severely,' but 'severedly' is the 
 reading in ed. 1629 and in the Errata to ed. 1605. Mr. Mark by reads 
 'severally' in the same sense. [23, 24] The Latin more clearly, Neque 
 absimilis est ratio philosophies, quando proponitur integra, et quando in 
 frusta concisa et dissecta. [26] Theophrastus of Hohenheim, called 
 Paracelsus, was born at Einsiedlen near Zurich in 1493; died at 
 Salzburg in the 47th year of his age, 24 Sept. 1541. His works on 
 chemistry and medicine were collected in ten volumes and printed at 
 Frankfort in 1603. [28] Severinus: Petrus Severinus, a Danish phy- 
 sician, born at Ripen in 1542, died in 1602. The work in which he 
 reduced into harmony the philosophy of Paracelsus was Idea Medicine 
 
300 NOTES. 
 
 Philosophies, 4to. Basil. 1571. [lb.] Tilesius: a misprint for Telesius, 
 as it stands in the De Augmentis, though the editions of 1605, 1629, 
 1633 °f tne Advancement read 'Tylesius.' Bernardino Telesio of 
 Cosenza (1508-1588), according to the Latin, revived the philosophy 
 of Parmenides, and turned the weapons of the Peripatetics against 
 themselves. He wrote De Rerum Natura in nine books (Napoli, 1586), 
 De Colorum Generatione (1570), and De Mori (1570). See Maurice. 
 Mod. Philosophy, p. 162. [29] Donius ; Augustino Doni, a physician 
 of Cosenza, wrote two books De Natura Hominis, 4to. Basil. 1581. 
 [lb.] as a pastoral philosophy : i. e. as Bacon explains it in the treatise 
 De Principiis atque Originibus, a philosophy which contemplates the 
 world placidly and at its ease. See also p. 46, 1. 14. [30] Fracas- 
 torius : Hieronymus Fracastorius, poet and physician, born at Verona 
 1 483. Paul III. appointed him physician in ordinary to the Council 
 of Trent, with a salary of ninety thalers a month. He died of apoplexy, 
 Aug. 6, 1553, on his estate near Verona. Neither Donius nor Fraca- 
 storius is mentioned in the Latin, but there is substituted ■ Patricius the 
 Venecian, who hath sublimated the fumes of the Platonists' (Wats' 
 trans, ed. 1640). [33] Gilbertus : See p. 4T, 1. 8. 
 
 P. 129. [2] For Xenophanes the Latin has Philolaus. [10] De 
 Augm. iv. 1. [11] Plato, Alcib. Pr. ii. 124; Protag. i. 343; Cic. de 
 Legg- i- 22. §§ 58. 59. YvCjOi oavTov is one of the sentences which are 
 said to have been written over the entrance to the temple of Apollo 
 at Delphi. [17] Comp. Seneca, Ep. Mor. xiv. 1. 2: Faciam ergo, quod 
 exigis, et philosophiam in paries non in frusta dividam. Dividi enim ill am, 
 non concidi, utile est. [24] Cicero, De Orat. iii. 16, 19. Comp. Of the 
 Interpretation of Nature (Works, iii. 228). [27] Comp. Of the Inter- 
 pretation of Nature (Works, iii. 229): 'And therefore the opinion of 
 Copernicus in astronomy, which astronomy itself cannot correct, because 
 it is not repugnant to any of the appearances, yet natural philosophy 
 doth correct.' Observe the change in the text of ' appearances ' to 
 phainornena and of 'doth correct' to 'may correct.' [28] The Latin 
 adds quae nunc quoque invalid/. [31, 32] the science of medicine, if 
 it be destituted . . . it is not much better &c. : For examples of a 
 similar redundancy of the pronoun see p. 39, 11. 11, 33. 
 
 P. 130. [26] Aristotle: in his Physiognomica. [27] Hippocrates: 
 in his Pnenotiones. [31] physiognomy: used in a wider sense than 
 at present. 
 
 P. 131. [4] the factures of the body: Lat. corporis fabricam dum 
 quicscit. [12] 'For as the tongue speaketh to the eares, so doeth the 
 gesture speake to the eyes of the auditour.' Basilicon Doron, book iii. 
 (Works of King James I. p. 183). [24] affects of the body: Lat. tern- 
 peramentum corporis. 
 
 P. 132. [2] the Pythagoreans: Referring to the precepts against eat- 
 
BOOK II, 3OI 
 
 ing beans (Cic. de Div. i. xxx. 62) and the fish melanurvs, to which 
 Plutarch gives a mystical signification (De Educ. Pueror. 17). [3] 
 Manichees : ed. 1605 has Manicheas. For the rules of life which Manes 
 laid down for his followers see Mosheim, Eccl. Hist. cent. 3. part. ii. ch. 
 5. § 10. [4] Mahomet : ' During the month of Ramadan, from the 
 rising to the setting of the sun, the Musulman abstains from eating, 
 and drinking, and women, and baths, and perfumes; from all nourish- 
 ment that can restore his strength, from all pleasure that can gratify 
 his senses.' Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. 50. [lb.] do exceed : Lat. 
 omnem modum superant. [5] See Lev. iii. 17; xi. [7] the faith: Lat. 
 Christiana jides. [12] the ceremony: the Lat. adds et excercitium obedi- 
 entice. [16] question = call in question: Lat. in dubium revocare. [19] 
 Lat. qui simul cum matris affectibus compalitur, et tamen e corpore matris 
 i-uo tempore excluditur. 
 
 P. 133. [3] Apoph. 236. Said by Socrates of a treatise of Heraclitus 
 which had been lent him by Euripides (Diog. Laert. ii. 22). The same 
 is told of Crates (Diog. Laert. ix. 12). [11] Plato, Timaeus, iii. 69, 70, 
 referred to by Montaigne, Ess. ii. 12. See Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 10. 
 [13] Lat. cum tumori et superbiee. sit propior. [15] In the Latin is 
 added a reference to the classification of the intellectual faculties, 
 fancy, reason, and memory, according to the ventricles of the brain. 
 [19] De Augm. iv. 2. [25] Tac. Ann. xvi. 18. [26] Lat. Subjectum 
 istud medicince (corpus nimirum humanum). The word 'other' is super- 
 fluous. Compare Ess. ix. p. 35 : ' We will adde this, in generall, 
 touching the Affection of Envy ; that of all other Affections, it is the 
 most importune, and continuall.' 
 
 P. 134. [1] See Plato, Tim?eus, iii. 43 &c. [2] Severinus (see above 
 p. 128) in his Idea Medicinse Philosophical, pp. 36, 37, after describing 
 the researches of the physician as ranging through the whole economy 
 of nature, proceeds : Hisce perceptis ad humanam rempublicam descendit, 
 et diuina qiridem analogia, maioris mundi dispositionem tanquam parentis, 
 microcosmo accommodat, elementa constituit humance naturce consentanea : 
 in his seminafoueri, et astra, ccdestia, area, aquatica, terrestria demonstrat : 
 &c. See also Crollii Basilica Chymica, p. 80 (ed. 1643), and Bacon, 
 Wisd. of the Ancients, ch. 26. [22] Virg. iEn. vi. 747. [25] See Ess 
 xi. p. 43 : ' And as in nature, things move violently to their place, and 
 calmely in their place : so vertue in ambition is violent, in authoritie 
 setled and calme.' In his Promus or Common-place Book, fol. 8 b, 
 Bacon entered, ' Augustus rapide ad locum leniter in loco.' [29] Ovid, 
 Met. i. 518, 521. 
 
 P- J 35- L 2 ] are : Added in Errata to ed. 1605. [3] by acts and 
 masterpieces: Lat. virlute sua et functione. [14] the: Omitted in 
 the early editions. [16] mountebank: ' Montabanke' ed. 1605. [20] 
 Virg. iEn. vii. 772. [23] Virg. HLn. vii. ii. [28] Eccl. ii. 15. 
 
j02 NOTES. 
 
 P. 136. [il, 12] Lat. quantum obtineat imperii intellectus subtilitas et 
 acumen. [19, 20] yet men can likewise discern them personally: Lat. 
 hujus tamen discrimina in singulis personis facile internoscimus. [26] 
 incomprehensions: Lat. acatalepsias. See p. 154, 1. 4. [32] avenues: 
 printed in italics in ed. 1605 as if it were a foreign word. 
 
 P- J 37- L 1 ! Altered from Ovid, Rem. Am. 525, the true reading being 
 Nam quoniam variant animi, variamus et artes. Some editions have 
 variabimus artes. [3-13] This paragraph is inserted in the De Aug- 
 mentis near the beginning of the chapter, after eruditus luxus (p. 133, 
 1- 2 5)- [5] tne sun: 'the' is omitted in ed. 1605. JEsculapius is 
 said to have been the son of Apollo and Coronis. [11] Matt. xvii. 
 27. The miracle was not wrought for the payment of the Roman 
 tribute but for the tnx which was due to the Temple. [20] accidents : 
 Used here in the sense of ' symptoms,' as in p. 12. [26] Hippocrates: 
 in his work De Epidemiis. [29] how they were judged: i.e. how the 
 cases were decided. 
 
 P. 138. [5] and if men will intend to observe: Lat. qui autem ad 
 obscrvandum adjiciet animum. [17] being comparative and casual: Lat. 
 qua comparativa est et catum recipit. [21] cause continent: Mr. Ellis 
 quotes the following passage from Celsus from which this phrase is 
 taken : Igitur hi qui rationalem medicinam profitenhir hcec necessaria esse 
 proponunt: Abditarum et morbos continentium causarum notitiam, deinde 
 evidentium, &c. Celsus, Prsefatio. [31] Celsus, De Re Medica, prsef. 
 Incidere autem vivorum corpora et crudele et supervacuum est. [32] the 
 great use: Some copies of ed. 1605 omit 'the.' 
 
 P. 139. [26] passed: So in edd. 1605, 1629, 1633. See Phineas 
 Fletcher's verses in Sorrowes Ioy, 1603 (Poems, ed. Grosart, iii. 268) : 
 
 ' Wearie of passed woe, and glad of present ioy.' 
 
 [27] Sylla: Plutarch, Sylla, c. 31. 
 
 P. 140. [9] Suetonius: Aug. 99. [10] Antoninus Pius: See his Life 
 by Capitolinus (c. 12) in Hist. Aug. Script.: Atque ita conversus quasi 
 dormiret, spiritum effiavit apud Lorium. [12] Diog. Laert. x. 15. [16] 
 From the Latin translation by Sambucus (Antw. 1566) of a Greek 
 epigram quoted by Diogenes Laertius, x. 15. [24] the receipts of 
 propriety, respecting the particular cures of diseases, i. e. medicines 
 appropriate to particular diseases : Lat. particidares tamen medicinas 
 quce ad curationes morborum singulorum proprietate quadam spectant. 
 [31] treacle: Lat. Tkeriaca. [32] The Latin adds et confectione Alkermes. 
 The following is Mr. Ellis's note on the corresponding passage of the 
 De Augm. : ' Theriaca, from which treacle is a corruption, is the name 
 of a nostrum invented by Andromachus, who was physician to Nero. 
 For an account of the history and composition of mithridatum, see 
 Celsus, v. 23. The invention of what was called diascordium is 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 3°3 
 
 ascribed to Fracastorius, who speaks of it as " Diascordium nostrum " 
 in his Be Cont. Morb. Cur. iii. 7. The confection of Alkermes in its 
 original form seems to have been invented by Mesue, an Arabian 
 physician. About Bacon's time what was called mineral kermes, 
 which was a preparation of antimony, was a popular medicine, but it 
 is probable that he here refers either to the confection of Mesue or 
 to some modification of it.' 
 
 P. 141. [1] the confections of sale which are in the shops: Lat. medi- 
 camenta ilia qua in nfficinis prostata venalia. [2] for readiness and not 
 for propriety : i. e. they are compounded for immediate use and not with 
 reference to the particular disease. [10] probations: In old MS. books 
 of receipts it is common to find probatum est written against such as have 
 been tried and found effectual. [21] I do find strange : Lat. mirari subit. 
 [23] extolled : i.e. by the school of Faracelsus. [33] more commanded: 
 i.e. more under control. Some copies of ed. 1605 read 'commended.' 
 The Lat. has pro arbitrio regere. 
 
 P. 142. [23] no more: Observe the repetition of the negative. We 
 should now say 'any more.' See p. 208, 1. 19. [29] artificial decora- 
 tion : i. e. painting the face. Lat. adulterina ilia decoratio, quce fucos et 
 pigmenta adhibet. [31] Mr. Spedding conjectures 'wholesome to use, 
 nor handsome to please.' [33] I take the subject of it largely : Lat. 
 earn sensu intelligunus paulo largiori quam accipi consuevit. 
 
 P. 143. [3] patience; i.e. endurance: Lat. tolerantia. [7] The Latin 
 adds ' in the prodigious strength of madmen.' [16] which though it be 
 not true, &c. : Compare, for this construction, p. 81, 1. 11, and Shake- 
 speare, Merch. of Ven. i. 3. 137: 
 
 • Who if he break, thou may'st with better face 
 Exact the penalty.' 
 [23] Comp. Bacon, Ess. lviii. p. 237; quoted in note to p. IX, 1. 28. 
 
 P. 144. [1] De Augm. iv. 3. [17, 18] by the benediction of a pro- 
 ducat: as in the fifth day of creation. See Gen. i. 20, 24: Producant 
 aquce .. producat terra. See p. 116, 11. 5-9. 
 
 P. 145. [6, 7] Lat. Etiam Chaldceorum Astrologia solennior, non multo 
 melior. [13] Sallust, Bell. Jug. 39. [16] referred over: i.e. to the 'par- 
 ticular knowledges' among which the various kinds of artificial divina- 
 tion are distributed; as astronomy, medicine, politics, and the like. [24] 
 near death : As an illustration of this belief in the possession of the 
 prophetic power by persons at the point of death, compare Shakespeare, 
 Rich. II. ii. 1. 31, 32 : 
 
 * Methinks I am a prophet new inspired 
 And thus expiring do foretell of him.' 
 [28] Plato, Timaeus, iii. 71 : oiov kv KaToirrpa) dix°H-^ V( i> tvttovs. 
 P. 146. [1] fury: Comp. Ovid, Met. ii. 640; vaticinos concepit mente 
 
304 NOTES. 
 
 furores. [6] See Paracelsus, De Vermibus, c. x. (p. 243, ed. 1603): 
 Quanquam admitto imaginationem et fidem esse tarn potcntes, ut per eas nos 
 ipsos reddere sanos aut cegros valeamus : imo quod ??iaius est, possutnus in 
 es'.ernum servari, vel perdi, secundum usum in quern assumtes fuerint. See 
 also Crollii Basilica Chymica, Prref. Admon. pp. 70-77 (ed. 1643). [9] 
 miracle-working faith : Comp. Matt. xvii. 20. [10] the secret passages 
 of things, &c. : Lat. occultas rerum energias et impressiones, sensuum irra- 
 diatioties, contagionum de corpore in corpus transmissions. [16] now 
 almost made civil: L,zt.factes quasi popidares. [26] The reference to the 
 Roman church is omitted in the Latin. [32] opposing to : i. e. in oppo- 
 sition to, repugnant to. [33] Gen. iii. 19. 
 
 P. 147. [3-6] For this sentence are substituted in the Latin two desi- 
 derata on Voluntary Motion, and on Sense and the Sensible, with a dis- 
 cussion of the Form of light. [7] De Augm. v. 1. [13-16] Lat. Nam 
 sensus idola omnigena phantasies tradit, de quibus postea ratio judical : at 
 ratio vicissim idola electa et probata phantasies transmittit, priusquam fiat 
 executio decreti. [21] Ovid, Met. ii. 14. [25] Arist. Pol. i. 3. 
 
 P. 148. [1] impressions: 'impression' in ed. 1605. The plural seems 
 necessary here from what follows, although ' other ' is used as an adjec- 
 tive with singular nouns. See Shakespeare, Cymbeline, iii. 4. 144. [3] 
 In the Latin this is expressed more clearly ; that where the minds of men 
 are in any way wrought upon by rhetorical artifices, the imagination is 
 roused till it triumphs over the reason, and as it were does it violence, 
 partly by blinding and partly by exciting it. On the office of rhetoric 
 see p. 177. [6] the former division : i. e. the division which is given at 
 p. 85. [8-15] And if it be . . his true place: Omitted in the Latin. [17] 
 in the doctrine De Anima: See p. 146. [21] the former division: See 
 p. 144. [27] pabulum animi: Cicero, Acad. Qusest. ii. 41. Est enim 
 animorum ingeniorumque naturale quoddam quasi pabulum consideratio con- 
 templatioque natures. Comp. also De Senect. 14. [30] ad ollas carnium: 
 to the flesh-pots (of Egypt), Num. xi. 4-6. 
 
 P. 149. [3] lumen siccum : See p. 8, 1. 26. [6] Aristotle, De Anima, 
 iii. 8. [11] to shoot a nearer shoot: Lat. ut melius quis collimet. [18] 
 ' These divisions are adopted from Peter Ramus ; the artes logicse in- 
 cluding what Ramus calls Dialectic and Rhetoric, of which the former 
 is divided into Inventio and Judicium, and the latter into Elocutio and 
 Pronunciatio.' Ellis's note on De Augm. v. 1. [22] De Augm. v. 2. 
 
 P. 150. [6] Arist. Prior. Anal. i. 30; Eth. Mag. i. 1. 17. [9] See 
 Celsus, De Re Medica, i. 1, where he gives it as the opinion of the Em- 
 pirics. [1 2] The reference to the Theaetetus is a mistake. It is corrected in 
 the Latin to the more general assertion Plato non semel innuit. Bacon was 
 perhaps thinking of the Philebus, p. 17. [19] See Plutarch, De Solertia 
 Animalium, c. 20. [21] Virg. JEn. xii. 412. [28] Virg. Mn. viii. 698. 
 
 P. 151. [1-4] Omitted in the De Augm. but retained in substance in 
 
BOOK II. 305 
 
 the Cogitata et Visa (Works, iii. 614). Acosta, in his Natural Hist, of 
 the Indies, describes the mode of obtaining fire by rubbing two sticks 
 together (Bk. iii. ch. 2). In the English translation of this book (p. 1 19, 
 ed. 1604) there is a misprint of 'stones' for 'sticks,' 'the manner to 
 strike fire in rubbing two stones one against another,' where the Spanish 
 has ' palos.' [5] to a wild goat for surgery : See the passage quoted on 
 the previous page from Virgil. [6] the ibis : ' The like device to this, 
 namely of clystres, we learned first of a foule in the same iEgypt, which 
 is called Ibis (or the blacke Storke).' Holland's Pliny, viii. 27 (ed. 1601). 
 This and the previous illustration are both mentioned by Montaigne, 
 Ess. ii. 12. [7] the pot-lid that flew open for artillery : Of the discovery 
 of guns we read, in the English translation of Pancirolli Rerum Mira- 
 bilium Libri Duo (Lond. 1785, p. 384), 'All Histories do agree in this, 
 that a German was Author of this Invention, but whether his Name be 
 known, or whether he was a Monk of Friburg, Constantine Ancklitzen, 
 or Bertholdus Swariz (as some call him) a Monastick too, is not so very 
 certain. 'Tis said he was a Chymist, who sometimes for Medicines kept 
 Powder of Sulphur in a Mortar, which he covered with a Stone. But it 
 happened one Day as he was striking Fire, that a Spark accidentally 
 falling into it, brake out into a Flame, and heav'd up the Stone. The 
 Man being instructed by this Contingency, and having made an Iron 
 Pipe or Tube together with Powder, is said to have invented this 
 Engine.' The story is found in Polydore Vergil (De Inventoribus 
 Rerum, ii. 11). [8] Comp. Agatho, quoted by Arist. Eth. Nic. vi. 4: 
 rix v V TVXH V eCTtp^f ml rvxr) ri\vr)V. [11] Virg. Georg. i. 133. [14] 
 do put in ure: i.e. do use. [17] Cic. Pro Balbo, 20: Assiduus usus uni 
 rei deditus et ingenium et artem scspe vincit. [20] Virg. Georg. i. 145 : 
 vicit in the original. [22] Persius, Prol. 8: Quis expedivit Piittaco suum 
 Xafpe. [23] See Holland's Pliny, x. 43. [24] pebbles: 'pibbles' in 
 ed. 1605 ; as in Shakespeare, Coriolanus, v. 3. 56, the first folio has, 
 
 4 Then let the Pibbles on the hungry beach 
 Fillop the Starres.' 
 
 [28] ' Looke what seeds or graines they do lay up for provision, sure 
 they will be to gnaw it first, for feare they should sprout and take root 
 again and so grow out of the earth.' Holland's Pliny, xi. 30. ' The 
 supposed grains of corn are no doubt the nymphse. Huber repeatedly 
 observed ants in the act of tearing the integument in which the young 
 ant was enclosed, in order to facilitate its exit.' Ellis's note on De 
 Augm. v. 2, p. 619. This again is mentioned by Montaigne, Ess. ii. 12. 
 P. 152. [1] See p. 150, 1. 26. [5] Nothing is said of Plato in the 
 translation. [14] Virg. Georg. iv. 1. [21] for who can assure: Lat. 
 quis enim in se recipiet. [23] not other: 'any other' in some copies of 
 ed. 1605. [24] 1 Sam. xvi. [25] Issay: So in the edd. of 1605, 1629, 
 
 X 
 
306 NOTES. 
 
 1633. Isai is the form of the word in the Bishops' Bible. [32] The 
 lictores and viatores were both attendants upon a Roman magistrate, the 
 business of the former being to clear the way and of the latter to sum- 
 mon persons before him. So that lictores corresponds to ' whifflers,' 
 and viatores to ' sergeants.' 
 
 P« *53- [5] Referring to Matt, xviii. 3. Compare Of the Interpreta- 
 tion of Nature (iii. p. 224); ' It is no less true in this kingdom of know- 
 ledge than in God's kingdom of heaven, that no man shall enter into it 
 except he become first as a little child.' [10] in subject of nature : Lat. in 
 rebus naturalibus qua participant ex materia. [17] In this sentence Bacon 
 appears to have had in his mind what he afterwards said of the investig- 
 ation of final causes : nam causarum finalium inquisitio sterilis est, et tan- 
 quam virgo Deo consecrata nihil parit (De Augm. iii. 5). In speaking of 
 these (p. 119, 1. 5) he calls them 'satisfactory and specious causes;' 
 while in the present passage he characterizes them as producing assent 
 but barren of result. [20] the current tokens or marks of popular 
 notions of things: See again pp. 166, 167, and Arist. Interp. i. 1. 2. 
 [21] notions: Lat. notiones ipsa (qua verborum animce sunt). For the 
 construction, see p. I43, 1. 16. [32] Cic. Acad. Qusest. ii. 5. § 15 : 
 Socrates autem, de se ipso detrahens in disputatione, plus tribuebat Us 
 quos volebat refellere. Ita cum aliud diceret atque sentiret, libenter uti 
 solitus est ea dissimulatione quam Graci €lpa>veiav vocant. See also Brutus, 
 c 85. 
 
 P. 154. [1] Tiberius: Tac. Ann. i. 7. 11. [4] acatalepsia : incompre- 
 hensibility, the doctrine of the impossibility of attaining absolute truth. 
 Cic. Acad. Qusest. ii. 6. 18. See Nov. Org. i. 37. [9] in both acade- 
 mies : The Lat. adds, multo magis inter Scepticos. [10] in subtilty and 
 integrity : Lat. simpliciter et iniegre, as if the reading had been, as it pro- 
 bably should be, 'in simplicity and integrity.' [14] by help of instru- 
 ment : Lat. ope instrumentorum. Perhaps we should read * instruments.* 
 With this whole passage compare what Bacon says in his treatise Of the 
 Interp. of Nat. (Works, iii. 244) : ' That the information of the senses is 
 sufficient, not because they err not, but because the use of the sense in 
 discovering knowledge is for the most part not immediate. So that it is 
 the work, effect, or instance, that trieth the Axiom, and the sense doth 
 but try the work done or not done, being or not being.' [29] experientia 
 literata : In the De Augmentis this is explained at some length as treat- 
 ing of the methods of making experiments. [30] interpretatio naturce : 
 The Lat. adds, sive Novum Organum. Of these two divisions Bacon 
 says, in the De Augmentis, the former proceeds from one experiment to 
 another ; the latter from experiments to axioms, which in their turn 
 lead to new experiments. 
 
 P- J 55- [ J ] D e Augm. v. 3. [23] Aristotle, Soph. El. ii. 9. [30] 
 Matt. xiii. 52. 
 
BOOK II. 307 
 
 P- J 56- [5] being broken unto it by great experience : Lat. longa docius 
 experientia. [6] Cic. Orat. xiv. 45, 46. [8] in thesi: 'in these,' ed. 1605, 
 corrected in Errata. [23] See p. 181. 
 
 P. 157. [1] Plato, Menon, ii. p. 80. [12] See Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 22. 
 16, 17. [22] See Nov. Org. i. 130. [23] in going of a way: i.e. in 
 going on or along a road. [29] In the De Augm. is here inserted an 
 example of a special topic, de gravi et levi. [30] De Augm. v. 4. 
 [31, 32] which .. .which: There is a little confusion of construction 
 here, the first ■ which' referring to 'arts,' and the second to 'judgement.' 
 
 P. 158. [2] otherwise it is: i.e. it is otherwise. Comp. p. 1 10, 1. 4. 
 [14] Aristotle, De Motu Anim. 2, 3. [16] Atlas: See Horn. Od. i. 
 52-54. [31] principle: Some copies of ed. 1605 read 'principles.' [lb.] 
 probation ostensive : or ' ostensive reduction, because you prove, in the 
 first figure, either the very same conclusion as before, or one which implies 
 it.' Whately, Logic, ii. 3. § 5. 
 
 P. 159. [1] ' Reductio ad impossibile. By which we prove (in the first 
 figure) not directly that the original conclusion is true, but that it cannot 
 be false; i.e. that an absurdity would follow from the supposition of its 
 being false.' Whately, Logic, ii. 3, § 6. [2] the number of middle 
 terms to be; i.e. greater or less. [29] Seneca, Ep. Mor. 45. § 8; sic 
 ista sine noxa decipiunt, quomodo prcestigiatorum acetabula et calculi, in 
 quibus me fallacia ipsa delectat. [23] doth not only put a man besides 
 his answer : Lat. non solum id pr&stant ut non habeat quis quod respondeat. 
 [27] the Sophists: The Lat. specifies Gorgias, Hippias, Protagoras, 
 Euthydemus, and the rest. [28] See the beginning of the Theaetetus. 
 
 P. 160. [23] categories or predicaments: Of Aristotle's enumeration 
 of Existences, as the basis of Logic, Mr. Mill says, ' The categories, or 
 predicaments — the former a Greek word, the latter its literal interpreta- 
 tion in the Latin language — were intended by him and his followers as 
 an enumeration of all things capable of being named ; an enumeration 
 by the summa genera, i. e. the most extensive classes into which things 
 could be distributed.' Logic, i. p. 60. They were ten in number : sub- 
 stance, quantity, quality, relation, action, passion, time, place, position, 
 and habit. [31] This section is expanded in the Latin into a discussion 
 of the ' idols ' or fallacies of the human mind ; the idols of the tribe, the 
 cave, the marketplace, and the theatre. See Nov. Org. i. 39-68. 
 
 P. 161. [10] false appearances : Lat. idola. [16] See Essay xxxv. 
 p. 152. These are what Bacon elsewhere calls the Idols of the Tribe. 
 [18] This story is told of Diagoras by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii. 37, 
 and of Diogenes the Cynic by Diogenes Laertius, vi. 59. See Bacon, 
 Nov. Org. i. 46. [23] Nov. Org. i. 45. [32] monodica, sui juris : as 
 if from nouos and hinrj. The word Bacon intended to use was mona- 
 dica, unique, which he then might have rendered mi generis instead of 
 sui jura 
 
 X 2 
 
3 o8 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 P. 162. [1] is : Compare Macbeth, i. 3. 141 : 
 
 1 And nothing is 
 But what is not.' 
 [lb.] an element of fire : Empedocles recognised the existence of four 
 elements, earth, air, fire, and water, and among these gave the most 
 important place to fire. Heraclitus assumed the elemental principle to 
 be fire, as the most subtle and active of the elements. See Tennemann, 
 Manual of the Hist, of Phil. §§ 103, 106, trans. Johnson. [5] Prota- 
 goras affirmed that man is the measure of all things. Arist. Met. x. 6. 
 [7] The Anthropomorphites, who were a branch of the Monophy sites, 
 held that God was of human shape, and interpreted literally all the 
 passages in the Scriptures in which mention is made of his eye, ear, arm, 
 or hand. See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. 47 ; Nicephorus, Hist. Eccl. 
 xiii. 10. The monastic sect of Audceans, founded by Audaeus, or Audius, 
 in Mesopotamia in the fourth century, maintained that the expression, 
 1 God created man in his own image,' is to be understood in its most 
 literal sense. A sect of Anthropomorphites was in existence in Italy in 
 the tenth century. [8] Epicurus : Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 1 7, &c. Comp. 
 Of the Interp. of Nat. p. 241, for the original form of much in this para- 
 graph. [11] Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. 9, § 22 : Quid autem erat quod concu- 
 piscent Deus, mundum signis et luminibus, tanquam cedilis, ornaret [lb.] 
 Epicurean: In the ed. of 1605 this is spelt Epicurian, but in p. 191 the 
 spelling is the same in the old as in the modern editions. The word in 
 Bacon's time was pronounced with the accent on the third syllable, as 
 in Shakespeare, Ant. and CI. ii. i. 24: 
 
 ' Epicurean cooks 
 Sharpen with cloyless sauce his appetite.' 
 [13] The curule aediles were at first appointed to take charge of the 
 ludi Romani, but the ludi scenici, or dramatic representations, and the 
 ludi megale&ii also came under their control. ' The decoration of the 
 Argentarice, with the gilded shields of the Samnites, at the triumph of 
 Papirius, in B. c. 309, is said to have first suggested to the Aediles the 
 idea of ornamenting the Forum and its vicinity with statues, pictures, 
 embroidery, and other works of art, during solemn processions and the 
 celebration of the public games.' (Ramsay, Rom. Ant. p. 159.) [19] 
 number : ■ numbers ' in some copies of ed. 1605. [22] Let us consider 
 again : i. e. Again, let us consider, &c. These false appearances are the 
 Idols of the Cave. See Nov. Org. i. 42. [24] Plato, Repub. vii. sub init. 
 P. 163. [1] in our first book: See p. 40. [3] These are the Idols of 
 the Marketplace : See Nov. Org. i. 43. [7] This is quoted as a saying 
 of Aristotle by Roger Bacon, Opus Majus,i. 4 : Quare Philosophus dicit in 
 secundo Topicorum, quod sentiendum estut pauci, licet loquendum sit utplures. 
 He was perhaps thinking of Aristotle, Top. ii. 2. 5. 'He that wyll wryte 
 well in any tongue, must folowe thys councel of Aristotle, to speake as 
 
BOOK 77. 309 
 
 the common people do, to thinke as wise men do.' Ascham's Toxophilus, 
 ed. Arber, p. 18. [9] The Tartars, says Dr Giles Fletcher, in his Russe 
 Commonwealth, c. 19. p. 67 (ed. 1591), 'are very expert horsemen, 
 & vse to shoot as readily backward, as forward.' And Maundevile 
 (Voyage, &c, p. 304, ed. 1727): 'And 3ee schulle undirstonde, that it is 
 gret drede for to pursue the Tartarines, sif thei fleen in Bataylle. For in 
 fleynge, thei schooten behynden hem, and sleen bothe men and Hois.' 
 Comp. Speech on the Subsidy Bill (Life and Letters, ii. 89) : 'Sure I am 
 it was like a Tartar's or Tarthian's bow, which shooteth backward.' 
 [30] so slightly touched: The Lat. has siyuidem Aristoteles rem notavit, 
 modum rei mullibi persecutus est. 
 
 P. 164. [2] syllogism: ' sophisme ' in ed. 1605, corrected in Errata. 
 [3] Arist. Prior. Anal. ii. 5 ; Post. Anal. ii. 13. [4-7] The construction 
 here is loose. We ought correctly to read, ' every of these hath certain 
 subjects ... in which respectively it hath chiefest use ; and certain others, 
 from which it ought.' &c. But Bacon regarded ' every of these ' as 
 equivalent to ' all these,' and finished the sentence accordingly. A 
 similiar construction is found in Shakespeare, Mid. N.'s Dr. ii. 1. 90-92 : 
 ' Contagious fogs, which falling in the land 
 Have every pelting river made so proud, 
 That they have overborne their continents.' 
 [16] De Augm. v. 5. [18, 20] for : i. e. as for. [28] a n.atter of great 
 use and essence: Lat. viagni prorsus rem esse usus et fir mitudinis. [31] 
 and contracteth judgement to a strength : Lat. et aciem judicii in unu?;i 
 contrahat. 
 
 P. 165. [6] An art there is extant of it: Cornelius Agrippa, in his 
 Vanitie of the Sciences, has a chapter ' Of the Arte of Memorie : ' 
 * Among these Artes, the Arte of Memorie is also accoumpted, whiche 
 (as Cicero saithe) is nothing els, but a certaine induction and order of 
 teaching, consisting of places and Images, as it were in a paper, deuised, 
 firste in Caracters by Simonides Melito, afterwarde broughte to perfection 
 by Metrodorus Scepticus. . . . Cicero hath written thereof in his newe 
 Rhetorike, Quintilian in his Institutions, Seneca, and of the fresher soite, 
 Franciscus Petrarcha, Mareolus of Verona, Petrus of Ravenna, and 
 Hermannus Buschius, and others, but vnworthie of rehersal, men little 
 knowen ' (Eng. trans, cap. 10, ed. 1575). Giordano Bruno also wrote an 
 Ars Memories. [27] dischargeth : i. e. dismisses, relieves us of. 
 
 P. 166. [3] distinguish: i.e. assert distinctly, decide. Bacon refers to 
 what he said on p. 84 : • my purpose is, at this time, to note only 
 omissions and deficiencies, and not to make any redargution of errors, or 
 incomplete prosecutions.' [5] De Augm. vi. 1. [12] the organ of 
 tradition : The Latin adds quae et grammatica dicitur. [13] Arist. De 
 Interp. i. 1. [15] it: Omitted in editions of 1605, 1629, 1633. [24] 
 China, and the kingdoms of the High Levant: In Acosto's Naturall and 
 
^TO NOTES. 
 
 Morall Historie of the East and West Indies, lib. vi. chap. v. (Eng. tr. 
 1604), is an account 'Of the fashion of Letters, and Bookes, the Chinois 
 vsed.' ' They have no Alphabet, neither write they any letters, but all 
 their writing is nothing else but painting and ciphering : and their letters 
 signifie no partes of distinctions, as ours do, but are figures and 
 representations of things, as of the Sunne, of fire, of a man, of the sea, 
 and of other things. The which appears plainely, for that their writings 
 and Chapas, are vnderstood of them all, although the languages the 
 Chinois speake, are many and very different ... So as things being of 
 themselves innumerable, the letters likewise or figures which the Chinois 
 vse to signifie them by, are in a maner infinite.' Of the Japanese, to 
 whom probably Bacon refers as the people of the High Levant or far 
 East, Acosta says in the same chapter, 'I have had some of their 
 writings shewed me, whereby it seemes that they should have some 
 kinde of letters, although the greatest part of their writings, be by the 
 characters and figures, as hath bin saide of the Chinois.' Acosta is in all 
 probability the source of Bacon's information, for, from the expression 
 'And we understand further/ which in the Latin is rendered 'Quinetiam 
 notissimum fieri jam ccepit,' it was clearly but recently acquired, and 
 there is other evidence that he had read his book. 
 
 P. 167. [11] The story of Thrasybulus sending to consult Periander is 
 told by Aristotle (Polit. iii. 13). In Herodotus (v. 92) it is Periander 
 who sends to Thrasybulus. Compare with this Livy's version (i. 54), 
 where it is applied to Tarquinius Superbus. The form of the tale as it 
 appears in Herodotus is adopted by Plutarch (Sept. Sap. Conv. 2). [16] 
 grandees: In ed. 1605 grandes, which probably represents the early 
 pronunciation of the word, with the accent on the first syllable. In 
 Burton's Anat. of Mel. (Democritus to the Reader, p. 34, ed. 1628), it is 
 found in the form grandy : ' For in a great person, right worshipfull Sir, 
 a right honourable Grandy, 'tis not a veniall sinne.' In the first edition 
 of the Advancement the word is printed in italics, an indication that it 
 was not yet naturalised, but had been adopted from the Spanish or 
 Italian. [28] words are the tokens current and accepted for conceits : 
 See p. 153; 'words are but the current tokens or marks of popular 
 notions of things.' [31] Perhaps Bacon had in his mind the paper money 
 of the Chinese, of which an account had been given by Rubruquis and 
 confirmed by Marco Polo (Travels, Bk. ii. c. 18, trans. Marsden; ii. 24, 
 ed. Yule). Colonel Yule in his edition of Marco Polo (i. pp. 3 8 °-3 s 5) 
 says it was in use as early as the 9th cent. 
 
 P. 168. [4] the first general curse: Gen. iii. 16-19. [6] the second 
 general curse : Gen. xi. 6-8. [7,8] in a mother tongue: 'in another 
 tongue' ed. 1605, corrected to 'in mother tongue' in the Errata and in 
 edd. 1629, 1633. The Latin has Unguis quibusque vernaculis. [32] Mart. 
 ix. 83. 
 
BOOK II. 3II 
 
 P. 169. [11] decipher: 'discypher' in ed. 1605. [13] Of this kind of 
 cipher Bacon gives an example in the De Augm., which he says was 
 invented by him at Paris. [30] words: some copies of ed. 1605 read 
 ' markes.' 
 
 P. 170. [4] labours and studies: some copies of ed. 1605 read 'labours 
 studies,' and Mr. Spedding, considering that one of these words is a 
 correction of the other, reads ' studies ' alone. [5] De Augm. vi. 2. 
 ' Besides Ramus himself and Carpentier, one of the principal persons in 
 this controversy was the Cardinal D'Ossat, of whom some account will 
 be found in De Thou's memoirs.' (Ellis.) [14] The first book of the 
 Dialectica of Ramus is De Inventione, the second De Judicio, and of the 
 latter the last four chapters are on Method. [19] invention: 'inventions ' 
 in ed. 1605, corrected in Errata. [29] Cicero, Pro Cselio xviii. 42 : Ergo hcec 
 deserta via et inculta atque inter clusa jam frondibus et virgultis relinquahir. 
 
 P. 171. [1] be: Omitted in ed. 1605. [7] to be spun on: i. e. to be 
 spun continuously, without break. [lb.] intimated : Mr. Spedding 
 conjectures ' insinuated.' The Latin has insinuanda. But in distinguish- 
 ing in the De Augmentis the two kinds of Methods, Magistralis and 
 Initiativa, Bacon says 'Magistralis siquidem docet; Initiativa intimat,' 
 and therefore, as in this passage he is speaking of the latter of these, 
 ' intimated ' is probably the true reading. [9] knowledge induced : that 
 is, derived by induction. Lat. scientia per inductionem acquisita. [12] 
 secundum majus et minus : to a greater or less extent. See p. 30, 1. 8. 
 
 P. 172. [1] enigmatical and disclosed: In the De Augm. he dis- 
 tinguishes them as Acroamatica and Exoterica. In this passage Bacon's 
 remarks apply to the enigmatical method. [16] except they should be 
 ridiculous : We should now say ' unless they would be ridiculous.' [26] 
 Hor. Ars Poet. 242. [31] demonstration in orb or circle : See p. 164. 
 
 P. 1 73. [8] The scholastical method which is condemned previously. 
 See pp. 32, 33. [13] indeed : Mr. Spedding interprets this as equivalent 
 to ' although indeed.' Rather, perhaps, ' would ' is used for • should.' 
 The difficulty is evaded in the Latin translation, which is as follows : 
 Illud tamen inficias non ierim urbem aliquam magnam et munitam a tergo 
 relinquere haudquaquam semper tutum esse. ' Piece ' in the sense of 
 'fort' occurs in Fairfax's Tasso, Book vii. st. 90. Bacon gives this 
 as an example of what he means by keeping the field and pursuing ' the 
 sum of the enterprise.' A general will not waste his strength in attack- 
 ing some small fort when an important position is held by the enemy in 
 his rear, and the teacher of a science will only employ confutation ' to 
 remove strong preoccupations and prejudgements' from the minds of 
 his pupils, and not to refute their minor cavils and doubts. Modem 
 editions read ' some important piece with an enemy.' [29] shells : 
 ' shales' in ed. 1605. [31] particular topics for invention : See pp. 156, 
 
 157- 
 
312 NOTES, 
 
 P. 174. [1] judgement : The Latin has here Sequitur aliud Methodi dis» 
 crimen, in tradendis scientiis cum judicio adhibendum. Method has been 
 described (p. 1 70) as a part of judgement, and here the one word 
 seems to have been substituted for the other. [5] agreeable : i. e. to 
 received opinions. Lat. opinionibus jampridem imbibitis et receptis affinis. 
 [7] Arist. Eth. Nic. vi. 3. The opinion alluded to in this passage is 
 generally supposed to be that of Plato (Theset. p. 197) and not 
 Democritus. Mr. Ellis conjectured that Bacon might inadvertently have 
 substituted one name for the other. [10] need only but: One of these 
 words is redundant. We should say' need only 'or* need but.' [22] 
 Mr. Ellis quotes Plato, Politic, ii. 277: x a ^ eiT ° v > A 4 *) irapadtiynaai xp&>- 
 pavov, luavws hbeiKvva6ai rt tojv fxei£6ucuv. [27] The Latin adds to 
 these diversities of methods Dicereticam and Homericam. 
 
 P. 175. [8] Ramus (Dialect, lib. ii. c. 3) divides the axioms or first 
 principles of sciences (axiomata artiuni) as follows : Axioms are either 
 true or false. Of true axioms, some are true contingently, others 
 necessarily. A necessary axiom must be true in all cases, and the 
 predication is then said to be Kara rtavros. It must be homogeneous, 
 that is, its parts must be essentially connected together, as form with the 
 thing formed, the subject with its proper adjunct, genus with species : in 
 this case it is said to be naO' avro. Thirdly, it must be catholic or 
 universal, that is, the converse of the proposition must be true as well as 
 the proposition itself, when it is tcaOoXov irpurov. To these three rules 
 Ramus gives the fanciful names of the law of truth (fcarci vavros), the law 
 of justice (koO' avro), and the law of wisdom (tcaOoXov irpwrov). It is the 
 last law which is referred to in the concluding sentence of this paragraph. 
 [11] the canker of epitomes: In p. 91 Bacon calls epitomes 'the 
 corruptions and moths of history.' [13] Referring probably to the 
 dragons which kept the garden of the Hesperides and the golden fleece. 
 Compare also Shakespeare, As You Like It, ii. 1. 12-14 : 
 
 'Sweet are the uses of adversity, 
 Which like the toad, ugly and venomous, 
 Wears yet a precious jewel in his head.' 
 
 [26-28] and the longitude . . . precept : Lat. longitudo vero sumitur a 
 summa propositione ad imam in eadem scientia. [30] which is the rule they 
 call KaOavTo : Omitted in the Latin. See note on p. 175, 1. 8. 
 
 P- J 76. [5] Ortelius: Abraham Ortel, or Ortelius, born June 9, 1527, 
 at Antwerp, and called the Ptolemy of his time. He was appointed 
 geographer to the King of Spain, and died June 26, 1598. Prefixed to 
 his Theatrum Orbis Terrarum is a map of the world called Typus Orbis 
 Terrarum, to which Bacon probably alludes. [20] Raymundus Lullius: 
 born at Palma in Majorca in 1235. He was at first steAvard to King 
 James of Majorca and High Chamberlain ; or, as others say, a merchant 
 
BOOK II. 313 
 
 like his ancestors. His early life was licentious, but he afterwards con- 
 ceived a disgust for the world, and when forty years of age studied 
 Latin and Arabic at Paris. While preaching Christianity in Africa he 
 was stoned by the natives, and carried off by a Genoese vessel, on board 
 of which he died off the coast of Majorca, March 26, 1315. For an 
 account of his art, which he said was revealed to him on a mountain, see 
 Maurice's Mediaeval Philosophy, pp. 244 &c. Cornelius Agrippa says 
 of it, ' herein I wil admonishe you, that this Arte auaileth more to the 
 outwarde shewe of the witte, and to the ostentation of Learning, than to 
 gette knowledge: and hath much more presumptuousnesse, than effi- 
 cacie.' Of the Vanitie and Uncertaintie of Artes and Sciences, cap. 9 
 (Engl, trans, ed. 1575). [27] De Augm. vi. 3. [lb.] which concerneth 
 the illustration of tradition : Lat. de illustratione sermonis. [33] Adapted 
 from Ex. iv. 16. See Ex. vii. 1. 
 
 P. 177. [2] Prov. xvi. 21, quoted from the Vulgate from memory. 
 [8] hath made : Observe the loose construction, the singular being used 
 for the plural. [18] The Latin adds, Rhetorica certe Phantasies quemad- 
 tnodum Diabetica Intellectui subservit : Rhetoric is to the imagination 
 what logic is to the understanding. [23] morality: Lat. Ethicam, ethics 
 or moral philosophy. [26] Lat. ant argumentornm fallaciis obruimur. 
 
 P. 178. [2] to fill the imagination: Lat. phantasiam implere observa- 
 tionibus et simulachris. [4] Plato, Gorg. i. p. 462, &c. [13] Thuc. iii. 
 42. [18] Plato, Phsedr. iii. 250; see also Cic. De Off. i. 5. 14; de Fini- 
 bus, ii. 16. 52; Rabelais, Pantag. ii. 18. For the opposite sentiment 
 compare Pope, Essay on Man, Ep. ii. 217 : 
 
 ' Vice is a monster of so frightful mien, 
 As, to be hated, needs but to be seen.' 
 
 [23] The Latin adds, a Cicerone. See Cicero, De Fin. iv. 18, 19; Tusc. 
 Disp. ii. 18. 42. [26] with the will: Lat. cum phantasia et voluntate. 
 [32] Ovid, Metam. vii. 20. 
 
 P. 179. [16] See Aristotle, Rhet. i. 1. 14. [18] The comparison is 
 attributed to Zeno; Cicero, Orat. xxxii. 113; De Finibus, ii. 6. 17; 
 Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Mathem. ii. 7. Bacon uses it again, though in 
 a different context, in his letter to Toby Matthew, upon sending him 
 part of Instauratio Magna (Life and Letters, iv. 137): 'And to speak 
 truth, it is to the other but as palma to pugnus, part of the same thing 
 more large.' [19] palm : ' pawme ' in ed. 1605. [23] Arist. Rhet. i. 2. 
 7. [29] Virg. Eel. viii. 56. [32] respectively; i.e. in terms adapted 
 to the persons addressed. 
 
 P. 180. [9] attendances: See p. 177, 'and therefore the deficiences 
 which I shall note will rather be in some collections, which may as 
 handmaids attend the ait, than in the rules or use of the art itself The 
 Latin has quce (ut ante diximus) ejus sunt generis, ut pro appendicibus potius 
 
314 NOTES. 
 
 censeri debeant, quam pro portionibus artis ipsius, el pertinent omnia ad 
 Promptuariam. [n] Aristotle, Rhet. i. 6, 7; Top. i. 12, &c. [14] Bacon 
 refers to the Colours of Good and Evil which he published with the first 
 edition of his Essays in 1597. In the Latin twelve examples are given 
 of these sophisms. [19] Hor. Ep. ii. 2. n. [20] Prov. xx. 14. [31] 
 Arist. Rhet. i. 6. [32] Virg. Mn. ii. 104. 
 
 P. 181. [2] See pp. 155, 156. [9] Of these Antitheta forty-seven 
 examples are given in the De Augmentis, of which the instance on this 
 page is the last but one. [22] For examples of these formula, see the 
 ' Promus of Formularies and Elegancies' printed by Mr. Spedding in 
 the seventh volume of his edition of Bacon. Three others are given 
 from Cicero in the De Augmentis. [33] De Augm. vi. 4. 
 
 P. 182. [1] the other pedantical : Lat. altera pcedagogica. [4, 5] con- 
 cerneth chiefly writing of books: The editions of 1605, 1629, and 1633 
 read 'concerneth chiefly in writing of books.' The true reading is pro 
 bably ' consisteth chiefly in writing &c.' In the Latin it is in scriptione 
 librorum consist it. [11] In the De Augm. the story of the priest is 
 omitted and another substituted of a proposed emendation of a passage 
 in Tacitus, Hist. i. 66. [lb.] As the priest : I am afraid that this tale 
 must share the fate of many other good stories, when their genuineness 
 is put to the test. The Vulgate rendering of the passage in question is 
 in sporta and not per sportam, a reading which leaves no room for the 
 point of the story as Bacon tells it. Nor, so far as I can ascertain, is 
 per sportam to be found in any Latin version. [12] Acts ix. 25. [17] 
 as it hath been wisely noted : Lat. quod nonnemo prudenter notavit. [31] 
 Lat. Ad Pcedagogicam quod attinet, brevissimum foret dictu, consule scholas 
 Jesuitarum : nihil enim, quod in usum venit, his melius. Bacon has already 
 (p. 21) expressed his appreciation of the services rendered by the Jesuits 
 to education. 
 
 P. 183. [6] courses: Mr. Spedding conjectures ' cases.' [7] See Essay 
 xxxviii. p. 159: ' Hee that seeketh victory over his nature, let him not 
 set himselfe too great, nor too small tasks : for the first will make him 
 deiected by often faylings ; and the second will make him a small pro- 
 ceeder, though by often prevailings. And at the first, let him practise 
 with helps, as swimmers doe with bladders, or rushes : but after a time, 
 let him practise with disadvantages, as dancers doe with thick shooes. 
 For it breeds great perfection, if the practise be harder then the use.' 
 [13] See Essay 1. p. 205 : 'So if a mans wit be wandring, let him study 
 the mathematicks ; for in demonstrations, if his wit be called away 
 never so little, he must begin again.' [25] Cicero, de Orat. i. 33. Comp. 
 Essay xxxviii. p. 160: ' Let not a man force a habit upon himselfe, with 
 a perpetuall continuance, but with some intermission. For both the 
 pause reinforceth the new onset; and if a man, that is not perfect, be 
 ever in practise, he shall as well practise his errours, as his abilities ; 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 315 
 
 and induce one habite of both: and there is no meanes to helpe this, but 
 by seasonable intermissions.* [33] and as it was noted : by Machiavelli, 
 Disc, sopra Livio, i. 19. 
 
 P. 184. [2] was : Observe the construction, the whole of the previous 
 clause being the nominative. Or else we have here another instance of 
 a common error, by which the verb is made to agree in number with 
 the last substantive which precedes. [10] Tac. Ann. i. 16-22, quoted 
 from memory. In the Latin Bacon strongly recommends acting as a 
 branch of education, for though of ill repute as a profession yet as a 
 part of training it is one of the best. In this he fortifies himself by the 
 practice of the Jesuit schools. [15] mutiners, i.e. mutineers, the old 
 form of spelling in Bacon's time. Compare pionners for pioneers (p. 1 1 1) 
 in ed. 1605. In Shakespeare's Temp. iii. 2. 41 the word is spelt mutt- 
 neere in the first folio, but in Coriol. i. I. 254 it is mutiners as here. 
 
 P. 185 [13] that he were like to use: i. e. that he might be likely to 
 use. [16] had been to handle : We should now use the verb ' to have ' 
 instead of the verb ■ to be' in this idiom. But the latter was formerly 
 common. See Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. i. I. 5 : 
 
 • But how I caught it, found it, or came by it, 
 What stuff 'tis made of, whereof it is born, 
 / am to learn.' 
 
 [27] De Augm. vii. I. [29] Piov. iv. 23. 
 
 P. 186. [10] they pass it over altogether: Another instance of the 
 redundance of the pronoun, as in p. 20, 1. 27. [12] by habit and not by 
 nature: See Aristotle, Eth. Nic. ii. 1. [13] Arist. Eth. Nic. x. 10. [27] 
 Seneca, Ep. ad Lucil. 52. § 14. [33] Demosthenes, Olyn. ii. 8. 
 
 P. 187. [10] Virg. Georg. iii. 289. [29] were as the heathen divinity: 
 Lat. qua ethnicis instar theologice erant. [30] Aristotle, Eth. Nic. i. 10 ; 
 Rhet. ii. 12. 
 
 P. 1S8. [3] than was : Lat. quam cujus ilia esset capax. [4] Seneca, 
 Ep. ad Lucil. 53. § 12, quoted again in Essay v. p. 16: 'It is true 
 greatnesse, to have in one, the frailty of a man, and the security of a 
 god.' [18] their triplicity of good: the threefold division of good as it 
 relates to mind, body, and estate. Aristotle, Eth. Nic. i. 8. 2. The 
 comparison between a contemplative and an active life : See Arist. Eth. 
 Nic. x. 6 8. [21] honesty and profit: Arist. Rhet. i. 6. [lb.] balanc- 
 ing of virtue with virtue : Arist. Eth. Nic. iii. iv. 
 
 P. 189. [12] rather than to suffer: We should say ' rather than suffer.' 
 [21] being in commission of purveyance for a famine; i.e. being com- 
 missioned to make provision for a famine. [25] Plutarch, Pomp. c. 50. 
 [33] St. Paul in Rom. ix. 3, and Moses in Exod. xxxii. 32. Comp. Ess. 
 xiii. p. 50 : ' But above all, if he have St. Pauls perfection, that he would 
 wish to be an anathema from Christ, for the salvation of his brethren, 
 
Jl6 NOTES. 
 
 it shewes much of a divine nature, and a kinde of conformity with Christ 
 himselfe.' 
 
 P. 190. [1] anathematized: ' anathemized ' in ed. 1605, corrected in 
 Errata. [15] The story is told by Cicero (Tusc. Disp. v. 3) from Hera- 
 clides Ponticus of Leo tyrant of Phlius, not of Hiero. See Iamblichus, 
 Vita Pythag. xii. 58. [21] this theatre of man's life, &c. : the reference 
 is to Gen. i. where after each of the six days' work ' God saw that it 
 was good.' Compare Essay xi. p. 40: ' For if a man, can be partaker of 
 Gods theater, he shall likewise be partaker of Gods rest.' [24] Ps. 
 cxvi. 15. [27] simple: So ed. 1605; the editions of 1629, 1633 read 
 1 simply.' [30] or taking: Some copies of ed. 1605 have ' or in taking,' 
 others 'and in taking:' in the Errata to ed. 1605 the reading is ' or 
 taking,' and this is adopted in edd. 1629, 1633. [31] Ex. xxiii. 
 
 P. 191. [1] Gen. v. 24. [2] Jude 14. The apocryphal Book of Enoch 
 was brought from Abyssinia by Bruce, and translated into English by 
 Abp. Laurence. [4] knoweth it not: Some copies of ed. 1605 read 
 ' knoweth it, decideth it not.' The Latin has nescit earn certe Theologia. 
 The compositor's eye had been caught by the following line. [6] Zeno, 
 the Stoic, who diedB.c. 263. [10] the Cyrenaics: founded by Aristip- 
 pus of Cyrene, who flourished b.c. 366. Their doctrines terminated in 
 Epicureanism. [15] Lat. nee minus Ulam alteram Epicuri scholam, quasi 
 reformatam. [19] Comp. Ovid, Met. i. 107: 
 
 ' Ver erat seternum, placidique tepentibus auris 
 Mulcebant zephyri natos sine semine flores.' 
 
 [20] and Herillus : Lat. denique et Ulam explosam Pyrrhonis et Herilli 
 scholam. Herillus of Carthage flourished about b.c. 264, Cic. de Fin. 
 iv. 14. [24] revived: Some copies of ed. 1605 read 'receued.' [29] 
 Epictetus, Enchir. 1-7. 
 
 P. 192. [2] Consalvo: Fernandez Consalvo, or Gonsalvo, of Cordova, 
 the Great Captain. This story is told by Guicciardini, Hist. vi. 2. 
 [3, 4] he had rather die . . than to have : Observe the looseness of the 
 construction. See p. 189, 1. 12. [5] leader: So edd. 1629 and 1633, 
 and some copies of ed. 1605 ; others have ' reader.' Lat. dux et impera- 
 tor. [6] hath signed : ' to sign to ' a document is to attest it by affixing 
 one's signature, and hence to attest generally. [lb.] Prov. xv. 15. [18] 
 Aristotle, Rhet. i. 5. § 10. [24] Mr. Ellis has shown that this was the 
 opinion of Aristippus and not of Diogenes. Diog. Laert. Aristip. ii. 75 
 to Kparuv Kal fxr) fjTTaaOai rj^ovuiv dpiaruv, ov to fii) xprjaOai, [25] dvi- 
 Xov Kal anexov was the maxim of Epictetus. [26] refrain: to bridle, 
 rein in, as it were ; a figure from horsemanship. [29] want of applica- 
 tion : Lat. ineptitudinem ad morigerandum. Mr. Spedding rightly explains 
 it as ' want of compliance or accommodation.' 
 
 P. 193. [1] This saying of Consalvo is quoted again in Essay lvii. 
 
BOOK II. 317 
 
 p. 229; in Apoph. 180; and in the Speech against Duels (pp. 28, 29. 
 ed. 1614). See note on the Essay. [4] De Augm. vii. 2. [8] Plautus, 
 Pseud, ii. 2. 14, Condus promus sum procurator petti. Baret (Alvearie) 
 gives : ' He that hath the keeping of a storehouse, or drie larder : also a 
 buttler. Promus.' And ' A Steward, or he that keepeth the store of 
 houshold. Condus.' Bacon in this passage evidently regards condus as 
 the officer who collected the stores, and promus the one who dispensed 
 them, so called quia promit quod conditum est. [11, 12] whereof the 
 latter seemeth to be the worthier : In the Latin this is expanded ; Atque 
 hie posterior, qui Activus est et veluti Promus, potentior videtur et dignior ; 
 ille au tern prior, qui Passivus est el veluti Condus, inferior censeri potest. 
 [16] Acts xx. 35. [17] but esteemeth, i.e. but he esteemeth. [23] the 
 state : Lat. securitas et mora. [24] Seneca, Nat. Quaest. ii. 59. § 7. 
 [15] Prov. xxvii. I. [28] Rev. xiv. 13. [32] Sen. Ep. x. 1. § 6, quoted 
 also in Essay ii. with slight variations from the original, 'eadem feceris,' 
 for jamdiu idem facias,' and ' fortis aut miser aut prudens ' for ' prudens 
 et fortis aut miser.' 
 
 P. 194. [6] By Seneca, Ep. 95. § 46: Vita sine proposilo vaga est 
 [7] any: 'and' ed. 1605; 'any' is the reading of 1629, 1633. [8] 
 though in some case it hath an incidence into it : Lat. quamquam 
 nonnunquam ambo coincidant. [13] gigantine : i.e. seditious, rebel- 
 lious, like the giants who waned against the gods. See p. 103, and 
 Ess. xv. [16] Sylla's epitaph, written by himself, was this, — 'That no 
 man did euer passe him, neither in doing good to his friends, nor in 
 doing mischiefe to his enemies.' North's Plutarch, p. 488 (ed. 163 1). 
 Compare p. 240, 1. 30. [19] active good: Lat. bonum activum indivi- 
 duate saltern apparens. [20] See p. 189. [23] For let us take., and 
 rightly: Omitted in the Latin. [33] multiplying and extending their 
 form upon other things : The ed. of 1 605 has ' multiplying their fourm 
 and extending upon other things.' 
 
 P. 195. [6] in state: Lat. in suo statu. [9] Virg. /En. vi. 730. [30] 
 by equality: 'by the equality,' ed. 1605, corrected in the Errata. [31] 
 evil : ' Euils ' in some copies of ed. 1605. 
 
 P. 196. [4] See Plato, Gorgias, i. 462, 494. [19-20] Compare what 
 Bacon says in Essay xix. p. 76 : ' That the minde of man is more cheared, 
 and refreshed, by profiting in small things, then by standing at a stay in 
 great.' [27] Plutarch, Solon. 7. Again quoted by Bacon in Cogit. de 
 Sc. Hum. frag. 3 (Works iii. 197). [31] Comp. Essay ii. p. 6: 'Certainly, 
 the Stoikes bestowed too much cost upon death, and by their great pre- 
 parations made it appeare more fearefull.' 
 
 P. 197. [4] Juv. Sat. x. 358; quoted again in Ess. ii. p. 7. The true 
 reading is spatium iox finem. [10-16] For as . . . life : Omitted in the 
 Latin. 
 
 P. 198. [22] Comp. Ess. xlviii. p. 200; ' For lookers on, many times. 
 
318 NOTES. 
 
 see more then gamesters : and the vale best discovereth the hill.* [27] 
 of active matter: i.e. concerning subjects of active life. [29] The story 
 is told by Cicero, De Orat. ii. 18. 75. 
 
 P. 199. [4] The Basilicon Doron, written by King James for the in- 
 struction of his eldest son, Prince Henry, and published in 1603. It is 
 in three books : the first, * Of a kings Christian dutie towards God ; 
 the second, 'Of a kings dutie in his 06106;' and the third, 'Of a kings 
 behaviour in indifferent things.' [9] not sick of dizziness : Lat. non 
 vertigine aliquando corripitur. The edition of 1605 has 'Dusinesse,' 
 which is corrupted to 'Businesse' in the editions of 1629 and 1633. 
 [11] nor of convulsions . . impertinent : Lat. non digressionibus distrahitur, 
 ut ilia quce nihil ad rhombum sunt expatiatione aliqua flexuosa complectatur. 
 [23] a great cause of judicature: Mr. Spedding says, 'Probably in the 
 case of Sir Francis Goodwin, in 1604, when the question was whether it 
 belonged to the House of Commons or the Court of Chancery to judge 
 of the validity of an election.' [28] The title of this work of king James 
 is ' The True Lawe of Free Monarchies, or the reciprock and mutuall 
 dutie betwixt a free king, and his naturall subiects.' It was first 
 published anonymously in 1603, and was afterwards included in the 
 collected edition of the king's works published in 1616. 
 
 P. 200. [10] In the De Augm. Bacon quotes the example of Pliny the 
 younger in his panegyric on Trajan. [14] part: 'partie* in ed. 1605, 
 corrected in Errata. [25] Prov. xiv. 6. [30] Comp. Shakespeare, Cym- 
 beline, ii. 4. 107 : 
 
 'It is a basilisk unto mine eye, 
 Kills me to look on't.' 
 
 [32] which., they leese: Another example of the redundance ofj 
 pronoun. See note on p. 21, 1. 26. 
 
 P. 201. [2-17] Comp. Bacon, Meditationes Sacne, 3. [16] Prov. 
 xviii. 2, quoted from the Vulgate. [18] for construction, see p, 52, 1. 9. 
 [30] Lucius Brutus: See Livy, bk. ii. 5. [33] Virg. JEn. vi. 823 ; facta 
 for fata is the true reading, but the latter is also found in the De Aug- 
 mentis. 
 
 P. 202. [2] This discussion is related by Plutarch, Brutus, xii. 2. [11] 
 Comp. Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. iv. 1. 216: 
 
 ' To do a great right, do a little wrong.' 
 
 [12] Plutarch, De Sanitate Prsecepta, 24; Prgecepta Gerund. Reip. 24; 
 Bacon, Apoph. 138. [20] De Augm. vii. 3. [26] Aristotle, Magn. 
 Mor. i. 1. 
 
 P. 203. [3] Cicero, Pro Mursena, 30. § 62. [6] Seneca, Ep. 71. § 2. 
 [9] Hippocrates, Aphorism, ii. 6. [13, 14] Lat. attamen philosophiam 
 moralem in famulitium theologies recipi instar ancillce prudentis et pedissequee 
 
BOOK II. 319 
 
 fidelis, qua ad omnes ejus nutus pr&sto sit el ministret, quid prohibeat? [15] 
 Ps. cxxiii. 2. [20] as it may yield of herself: Observe that the neuter 
 reflexive pronoun "itself had not come generally into use. [24] — 204. 
 [2] the rather . . extant : Instead of this the Latin has only, Earn igitur, 
 ex more nostro, cum inter desiderata collocemus, aliqua ex parte adurn- 
 brabimus. 
 
 P. 204. [7] the husbandman cannot command, neither, &c. : Observe 
 the double negative, as in Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. iii. 4. 1 1 : 
 
 • I never did repent for doing good, 
 Nor shall not now.' 
 
 [11] without our command: i.e. beyond our control. [12-26] For to 
 the basis .. apply : Altered in the Latin. [16] Virg. JEn. v. 710, 
 'Superanda omnis fortuna ferendo est.' [23] properly: 'property 'in 
 ed. 1605, corrected to ' properly' in the Errata and in ed. 1629. 
 
 P. 205. [2-31] wherein .. malignity: Omitted in the Latin. [6] Aris- 
 totle, Eth. Nic. iv. 7. [10] to few: Mr. Spedding conjectures that we 
 should read ' to intend few.' [18] Virg. iEn. i. 22. [20] See Ex. xxxiv. 
 5. [21] Aristotle, Elh. Nic. iv. 6. [30] properly: This is the reading 
 of edd. 1605, 1629, 1633, but Mr. Spedding alters it to 'property,' as in 
 p. 204, 1. 23. 
 
 P. 206. [2] Lat. cum utrique scieniice clarissimum luminis jubar affundere 
 possit. [6] These different dispositions are arranged according to the 
 planets which are supposed to predominate over them : Saturn, Jupiter, 
 Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, and the Moon. Comp. p. 43: 'Saturn, 
 the planet of rest and contemplation, and Jupiter, the planet of civil 
 society and action.' [6] Compare Bacon's Letter to Lord Burghley 
 (Life and Letters, i. 108): 'not as a man born under Sol, that loveth 
 honour ; nor under Jupiter, that loveth business (for the contemplative 
 planet carrieth me away wholly).' [8-23] A man shall find., use of 
 life : This is entirely omitted in the Latin, and another paragraph sub- 
 stituted which is partly made up of a sentence previously omitted (p. 203, 
 11. 24-28), and of a passage of some length in which Bacon points to 
 the wiser historians as the source from which to gather materials for 
 this treatise on the several characters of natures and dispositions. [9] 
 For some of these ' relations ' see Ranke's History of the Popes, App. 
 §§ 5, 6 (trans. Foster). [16] is: 'as' in edd. 1605, 1629, 1633. [21] 
 posies : ' poesies ' is the spelling of ed. 1605. [26] by the region : Lat. 
 patria. [32] Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, iii. 1. 40. 
 
 P. 207. [4] Tit. i. 12, 13, quoting from Epimenides. [6] Sallust, 
 Bell. Jug. 113. This is quoted again in Essay xix. p. 77, and there 
 attributed to Tacitus : ' For it is common with princes, (saith Tacitus) 
 to will contradictories. Sunt plerumque regum voluntates vehemenles, 
 if inter se contraries. For it is the solrecisme of power, to thiake to 
 
^20 NOTES. 
 
 command the end, and yet not to endure the meane.' [9] Tacitus, 
 Hist. i. 50; quoted again in Essay xi. p. 42. [11] Pindar, Olym. i. 55. 
 of Tantalus: Karairtyai /xiyav 6\@ov ovk khwaadrj. [14] Ps. lxii. IO. 
 [17] Arist. Rhet. ii. 12-17. [ 2 ^1 ^ i s m order: i.e. the order is. 
 
 P. 208. [r] politiques: 'in politiques,' ed. 1605, corrected in Errata 
 and in edd. 1629, 1633. [2] Solon, Fr. i. 8 (ed. Gaisford), referring to 
 Pisistratus. See Bacon's Apoph. 232, and Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 49. 
 Solon's lines are : 
 
 'E£ duifjiojp oe OaKaaaa rapaaaerai, ijv oe tis aiiTTjv 
 
 M7) Kivfl VaVTOiV kOTl dtKa.lOTO.Tl]. 
 
 'AvSpwv 5' l/f (xeyaKajv tt6\is oWvrai k. t. A. 
 
 [1 2] affections, which is, &c. : for ' which are, &c.' in modern usage. It 
 is not necessary to suppose that this is a mistake of Bacon's. The sub- 
 stantive verb is frequently found to agree with the subject which follows 
 it, as in Chaucer (Cant. Tales, 1. 14625), 'Peter! it am I.' See also 
 p. 226, 1. 22, and Shakespeare, Rich. II. v. 5. 55, 56: 
 
 ' Now sir, the sound that tells what hour it is 
 Are clamorous groans.' 
 [13] Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 1-11. Comp. Eth. Nic. ii. 4. 1. [19] For the 
 repetition of the negative see note on p. 142, 1. 23. [29] Plutarch and 
 Seneca wrote on Anger, and Plutarch has treatises of comfort upon 
 adverse accidents (addressed to his wife and to Apollonius), and of 
 tenderness of countenance (nepl Svaarrrias) or bashfulness. Seneca too 
 has a dialogue de Consolatione. [30] of comfort upon adverse accidents : 
 Omitted in Lat. 
 
 P. 209. [2] and how again contained from act and further degree: 
 i.e. how restrained from leading to actions and reaching a greater 
 height. [4] how they gather and fortify: Omitted in the Latin. [13] 
 prcemium and pcena : The doctrine of rewards and punishments is familiar 
 to the readers of Butler's Analogy. [25] these as they have determinate 
 use in moralities : Lat. haze enim sunt ilia qua; regnant in moralibus. 
 From which Mr. Spedding conjectures we should read 'these are they 
 &c.' [27] described: Perhaps we should read ' prescribed.' [28] serve: 
 'seeme' in ed. 1605, corrected in Errata. [30] insist: 'visit' in ed. 
 1605, corrected in Errata and in edd. 1629, 1633. 
 
 P. 210. [1] Aristotle, Eth. Nic. ii. 1. 2. [22] as there is: We should 
 now say, 'as there are,' but Bacon uses 'there is' like the Fr. il y a. 
 [26] diffident: 'different' in ed. 1605, corrected in Errata and in edd. 
 1629, 1633. L 2 9l m tne en( ^ : <on ^ e en ^' m e( *- I0 °5> corrected in 
 Errata. 
 
 P. 211. [3] the knots and stonds of the mind: Lat. nodos obicesque 
 animi. [4] the more easy: 'the more easily 'in ed. 1605, corrected in 
 Errata and edd. of 1629, 1633. Mr. Spedding says, 'Possibly Bacon 
 
BOOK II. 321 
 
 wrote run more easily. The translation has facile et placide delabentur.' 
 [5] Aristotle, Eth. Nic. ii. 9. 5. [9] bending: So ed. 1633 ! ' bynding' 
 ed. 1605; 'binding' ed. 1629. [24] St. Augustine (Confess, i. 16) calls 
 poetry vinum erroris ab ebriis doctoribus propinatum, and Jerome, in one 
 of his letters to Damasus (Ep. 146), says, Damonum cibus est carmina 
 poetarum. Both these quotations are combined in one passage by Cor- 
 nelius Agrippa, De Incert. &c. c. 4, and hence Bacon may have com- 
 pounded the. phrase vinum dccmonwn, which he uses again in Essay i. 
 p. 2 : ' One of the fathers, in great severity, called poesie vinum dcemo- 
 num; because it filleth the imagination, and yet it is, but with the 
 shadow of a lie.' [2S] Aristotle, Eth. Nic. i. 3. 5. Mr. Ellis, in his 
 note on the corresponding passage of the De Augmentis, points out 
 that ' Aristotle, however, speaks not of moral but of political philosophy. 
 It is interesting to observe that the error of the text, which occurs also 
 in the Advancement of Learning, has been followed by Shakespeare in 
 Troilus and Oessida : 
 
 " Not much 
 
 Unlike young men, whom Aristotle thought 
 
 Unfit to hear moral philosophy." 
 
 See Hector's speech in the second scene of the second act.' Mr. Sped- 
 ding has shown that the same error is committed by Virgilio Malvezzi 
 in his Discorsi sopra Cornelio Tacito. 
 
 P. 212. [12] Seneca, Here. Furens, 251. [13] Juvenal, Sat. xiii. 105. 
 [16] Machiavelli, Disc. i. 10. [24] incompatible: Lat. insociabiles. 
 [lb.] Cicero, Pro Murocna, xxix. 61. [31] See p. 209,1. 22-25. 
 
 P. 213. [15] as was said : See p. 203. 
 
 P. 214. [8] Which state of mind: i.e. With regard to, or concerning 
 which state of mind. [10] Aristotle, Eth. Nic. vii. 1. I. [17] Pliny, 
 Paneg. c. 74. Pro nobis ipsis quidem hac fnit summa votorum, ut nos sic 
 amarent dii quomodo tu. This panegyric was not a funeral oration, as 
 Bacon describes it, but was delivered at the beginning of the reign of 
 Trajan, who survived Pliny. [35] Col. iii. 14. [26] as : Omitted in ed. 
 1605, but inserted in the Errata and edd. 1629, 1633. [27] Menander : 
 4 Not Menander, but Anaxandrides.' (Ellis.) See Meineke Graec. Com. 
 Frag. iii. 199 : 
 
 epevs oo(pio~Tov yiyvtrai SiSaaKaKos 
 
 anaiov noXv KpuTrojv vpbs tov avOpunrcvv @lov. 
 
 Compare Dryden's Cymon and Iphigenia. 
 
 P. 215. [5] Xenophon, Symp. i. 10. [11] See Nov. Org. praef. [12] 
 transgressed: Lat. prcevaricati sunt. [13] Is. xiv. 14. [14] Gen. iii. 5. 
 [18] Matt. v. 44; Luke vi. 27, 28. [24] Ps. cxlv. 9. [27] concerning 
 the culture and regiment of the mind : Lat. de Georgicis animi. [33] 
 Demosthenes, De Falsa Legatione, p. 355. This story is omitted in the 
 
 Y 
 
322 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Latin, and is made use of by Bacon (Nov. Org. i. 123) for illustrating 
 the difference between his own philosophy, which he compares to wine, 
 and the philosophy which was current in his time. 
 
 P. 216. [4] Virg. iEn. vi. 894. [18] See p. 133, 1. 21. [19] inquired 
 in rational and moral knowledges : i. e. investigated with reference to 
 what is known in reason and morals. Lat. sijuxta moralis doctrince scita 
 Mud contemplemur. [22] agile: * agill' in edd. 1605, 1629, 1633. The 
 same spelling is found in the early quartos of Shakespeare, Romeo and 
 Juliet, iii. 1. 162. [24] easy: ' easiiye ' in ed. 1605; 'easie,' edd. 1629, 
 1633. [28, 29] which have neither strength of honesty, nor substance 
 of sufficiency : Lat. Mis tamen non suppetit aut probitas animi ut velint aut 
 vires ut possint recte agere. ' Sufficiency ' is here used in the sense of 
 1 capacity,' ' ability,' as in 2 Cor. iii. 5, ix. 8, and in Bacon, Essay lv. 
 p. 221 ; ' such as have great places under princes, and execute their places 
 with sufficiency.' [30] that can neither become themselves: i.e. who 
 can neither act gracefully. Lat. qui tamen nee sibi ipsis ornamento sunt. 
 [31] And those in whom this conjunction is found, he adds in the Latin, 
 are men endued with a kind of stoic gloom and insensibility, who do the 
 deeds of virtue but enjoy none of its pleasures. [33] reduced to stupid : 
 i. e. rendered stupid. Compare ' leaveth it for suspect,' p. 81, 1. 12. Mr. 
 Kitchin suggests stupidity or stupor. 
 
 P. 217. [3] De Augm. viii. 1. [6] Plutarch, Cato, 8. [7] a man 
 were better : i. e. might better, which is the reading of some modem 
 editions. [8, 9] if you could get but some few go right : i. e. to go 
 right. See Abbott's Shakespeare Grammar, § 349. [16] 2 Chron. xx. 33, 
 of the kingdom of Judah under Jehoshaphat. The early editions have 
 dixerat for direxerat, but the latter is the correct reading of the De Aug- 
 ments. [20] Gen. xl. [23, 24] These respects . . . knowledge: Instead 
 of this sentence the Latin has, Hoc denique Ethicam gravat, Politicce suc- 
 currit. [28] comfort, use, and protection : The Latin explains these as 
 comfort against solitude, assistance in business, and protection against 
 injuries. 
 
 P. 218. [2] In the Latin, the value of conversation is compared to 
 that of action in oratory. [3] Ovid, De Arte Amat. ii. 312. [6] 
 Quintus Cicero, in his book De Petitione Consulatus (xi. 44), says: 
 Curaque ut aditus ad te diurni nocturnique pateant ; neque solum foribus 
 adium tuarum sed eliam vultu ac fronte qua est animi janua ; qua si 
 significat voluntatem abditam esse ac retrusam, parvi refert patere ostium. 
 [10] Cicero, Ep. ad Att. ix. 12. [11] the war depending: Lat. hello 
 adhuc fervente. [17] Livy, xxiii. 12: Si reticeam aut superbus aut ob- 
 noxius videar, &c. [23] affectation: 'affection' in ed. 1605; corrected 
 in Errata and edd. 1629, 1633. [lb.] Quid de/ormius, &c. See An- 
 titheta, xxxiv. [31] form: 'howr' in ed. 1605, corrected to 'fourme' 
 in Errata: 'forme' is the reading of ed. 1629, 'hour' of ed. 1633. 
 
BOOK II. 323 
 
 Mr. Spedding reads ' honor.' If any conjecture were necessary, 
 'humour' might be suggested. [lb.] in it: 'in name' ed. 1605, 
 corrected in Errata and ed. 1629. Mr. Spedding conjectures that 
 the true reading may be 'in the same,' though he prints 'in name' 
 doubtfully. 
 
 P. 219. [6] Eccl. xi. 4, quoted again in Essay lii., 'Of Ceremonies 
 and Respects' (p. 212): 'Salomon saith ; He that considereth the wind, 
 shall not soiu, and he that looketh to the clouds, shall not reape. A wise 
 man will make more opportunities then he findes. Mens behaviour 
 should be like their apparell, not too strait, or point device, but free 
 for exercise or motion.' The whole Essay should be read in connexion 
 with this passage. [15] hath been elegantly handled : A MS. note in 
 the margin of a copy of the Advancement of Learning (ed. 1605) in the 
 Cambridge Univ. Library is ' per il Guazzo,' that is, Stefano Guazzo, 
 who wrote La Civil Conversatione in four books. The first three 
 books were translated into English by George Pettie in 1581. Another 
 edition, including a translation of the fourth book by B. Young, ap- 
 peared in 15S6. [20, 21] Comp. Advice to the Earl of Rutland on his 
 travels : * An authority of an English proverb, made in despite of 
 learning, that the greatest clerks are not the wisest men.' (Spedding's 
 Letters and Life of Bacon, ii. 12.) See Montaigne, Ess. i. 24, and 
 a saying of Heraclitus of Ephesus, iroXviiaQir) voov ov diddafcei (Diog. 
 Laert. ix. 1). [24] for wisdom of behaviour: i.e. with regard to 
 wisdom of behaviour. [30] except some few scattered advertisements : 
 Lat. prater pauca qucedam monita civilia in fascicultnn unum vel alterum 
 collecta. [33] as the other: i.e. as of the others. Lat. sicat de cateris. 
 [lb.] with mean (i.e. moderate) experience: Lat. aliquo experientia 
 manipulo instructi. 
 
 P. 220. [2] and outshoot them in their own bow: Lat. el proprio 
 illorum (quod dicilur) arcu usi magis e longinquo ferirent. Bacon uses 
 the same expression in Essay lv. p. 220. [9] Cicero, De Orat. iii. 33. 
 §§ ' 33» I 34- [lb.] it was then in use: i.e. in the times of which he 
 was writing, a little before his own. Lat. paulo ante stia secula. [1 2] 
 in the Place: Lat. in foro. [20] cases: So in ed. 1605; 'causes' in 
 ed, 1629, 1633. Lat. in casibus particularibus. [21] cases: 'causes' 
 in edd. 1605, 1629, 1633; Lat. casuum consimilinm. Perhaps we 
 should read 'cases' in both instances. [22] Q. Cicero: ' Q.' is omitted 
 in ed. 1605, but added in the Errata, and in edd. 1629, 1633. [24] 
 Mr. Ellis adds Frontinus's tract De Aqu&dnctibus. [31] 1 Kings 
 iv. 29. 
 
 P. 221. [3] The number of examples in the De Augmentis is in- 
 creased to thirty-four, which are arranged in a different order and 
 discussed at much greater length. The 14th and 21st in the Advance- 
 ment are omitted altogether in the De Augmentis. The quotations, 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 NOTES. 
 
 except that on p. 224, 1. I, are from the Vulgate, which will be found 
 in many cases to differ materially from the English Version. [4] 
 Eccl. vii. 21. [6] commended: 'concluded' in ed. 1605, corrected 
 in Errata. [8] Plutarch, Pomp. 20; Sert. 27. [10] Prov. xxix. 9. 
 [17] Prov. xxix. 21. [21] Prov. xxii. 29. [26] Eccl. iv. 15. [28] 
 Plutarch, Pomp. xiv. 2 ; Tacitus, Ann. vi. 46. Quoted again in Essay 
 xxvii. p. 10S: 'For when he had carried the consulship for a fiend 
 of his, against the pursuit of Sylla, and that Sylla did a little resent 
 thereat, and began to speake great, Pompey turned upon him againe, 
 and in effect bad him be quiet; For that more men adored the swine 
 rising, then the swine setting.'' [31] Eccl. x. 4. 
 
 P. 222. [4] Eccl. ix. 14, t.v [lb.] et pauci: ' et y is omitted in ed. 
 1605. [5] vallavit : the true reading, but vadavit is in the old editions 
 and in the De Augmcntis. [9] corruption: So in edd. 1629, 1633: 
 'corruptions' in ed. 1605. [11] Prov. xv. 1. [14] Prov. xv. 19. 
 [16] deferred: 'differed' in ed. 1605. [19] Eccl. vii. S. [20] about 
 prefaces and inducements : Lat. de sermonum suorum aditu atque in- 
 gressu. [23] Prov. xxviii. 21. [25] Compare Essay xi. p. 42: 'As 
 for facilitie; it is worse then bribery. For bribes come but now 
 and then; but if importunitie, or idle respects lead a man, he shall 
 never be without. As Salomon saith ; To respect persons, is not good ; 
 for such a man will transgresse for a peece of bread.' 1 [26] lightly : so 
 in ed. 1605; 'highly' in edd. 1629, 1633. [28] Prov. xxviii. 3. [32] 
 Prov. xxv. 26. Comp. Essay lvi. p. 222: 'One foule sentence doth 
 more hurt, then many foule examples. For these doe but corrupt 
 the streame ; the other cormpteth the fountaine.' 
 
 P. 223. [4] Prov. xxviii. 24. Omitted in the Latin. [10] Prov. 
 xxii. 24. [15] Prov. xi. 29. [20] Prov. x. 1 ; quoted again in Essay 
 vii. p. 24. [25] Prov. xvii. 9. [30] Prov. xiv. 23. [32] aboundeth : 
 So in ed. 1605. Compare Shakespeare, Rich. II. ii. 1. 258 : 
 
 'Reproach and dissolution hangeth over him.* 
 
 P. 224. [1] Prov. xviii. 17. [3] in sort: So in ed. 1605; 'in such 
 sort,' edd. 1629, 1633. [6] Prov. xviii. 8. Omitted in the Latin. [7] 
 Here: 'there' in edd. 1605, 1629, 1633. [11] Prov. ix. 7. [lb.] 
 sibi: ' tibi' in some copies of ed. 1605. [12] generat: ' gerit' in ed. 
 1605, corrected in Errata. [16] Prov. ix. 9. [21] Prov. xxvii. 19. 
 [26] Ovid, De Art. Am. i. 760. [29] — p. 225. [7] led with a desire . . . 
 examples : The Latin has only, dignitate et rei ipsius et authoris longins 
 provecti. 
 
 P. 225. [3] more of the eagle: In Mr. Ellis's copy of Montagu's ed. 
 of Bacon I find the following MS. note: 'More of the eagle — that is, 
 more of a mystical and recondite character. The allusion is to the 
 eagle as the symbol of S. John, and to the character of his gospel. 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 3*5 
 
 As is known, the four beasts in Ezechiel are taken by S. Jerome to 
 typify the 4 evangelists.* [6] deduccments : ' diducements ' in ed. 1605. 
 [13] /or fables: Lat. quod ad fabulas. [17] of negotiation and 
 occasions: Lat. de negotiis et occasionibvs sparsis. [18] See p. 97. 
 [28] may: 'manye' in ed. 1605, corrected to 'may' in the Errata! 
 Some copies of ed. 1605 have ' maye.' [30] action : ' gaine ' in ed. 
 1605, corrected in Errata and edd. 1629, 1633. Mr. Spcdding con- 
 jectures aime. 
 
 P. 2:6. [3] histories: So all the old editions. We should probably 
 read 'history.' [5] because it is: The edd. of 1605, 1629, 1633 have 
 simply 'is.' The reading of the text is from the Errata to ed. 1605. 
 Mr. Markby mends the passage thus: 'so history of lives is the most 
 proper for discourse of business, for discourse 0/ business is more con- 
 versant in private actions.* Mr. Spedding prints, « so histories of Lives 
 is the most proper for discourse of business, as more conversant in 
 private actions.* In the text of ed. 1605 the passage stands thus: 
 'so Histories of Liues is the moste proper for discourse of businesse 
 is more conversante in priuate actions.' [9] great: Mr. Spedding 
 conjectures 'nearer.* Perhaps 'greater' may be the true reading, ech 
 1605 having 'greate.' The Latin is, epistola- magis in proximo et ad 
 vivum^ negotia solent reprcesentare. [12] of this part of civil knowledge, 
 touching negotiation : Lat. porlionis prima doctrince de negotiis, qua tractat 
 cccasiones sparsas. [14, &c.] Read with this passage Essay xxiii., 'Of 
 Wisedome for a Mans Selfe.' [22] like ants, which is &c. : For the 
 construction compare 1. 4 above, and p. 208, 1. 12. Perhaps we should 
 read 'like an ant, which is &c.' Comp. Ess. xxiii. p. 96: 'An ant 
 is a wise creature for it selfe ; but it is a shrewd thing, in an orchard, 
 or garden.' [24] Plautus, Trinummus, ii. 2. 82. [26] This proverb 
 is usually ascribed to Appius Claudius. See the treatise De Republ 
 Ordin. i. 1, formerly attributed to Sallust. Both this and the following 
 quotation are repeated in Essay xl. ' Of Fortune.' [27] Livy xxxix. 40. 
 [30] Read with this paragraph Essay xl. 
 
 P. 227. [3] Plutarch, Sylla, vi. 5. [7] Ezek. xxix. 3. [8] Hab. i. 
 16. [10] The Latin adds de confemptore Deum Mczentio. [n] Virg. 
 JEn. x. 773. [lb.] missile: 'inutile' in ed. 1605, but corrected in 
 Errata. [12] The Latin adds another story of Julius Cecsar from 
 his life by Suetonius, c. 77. [16] Plutarch, Sylla, vi. 5. [18] Plutarch, 
 C?csar, c. 38. [19] positions: Lat. sententice. [20] Sapiens dominabitur 
 astns: Mr. Ellis says, 'This sentence is ascribed to Ptolemy by 
 Cognatus.' Compare Albumazar, i. 7 : 
 
 4 Indeed, th* Egyptian Ptolomy the wise 
 Pronounc'd it as an oracle of truth, sapiens dominabitur a^tris ' 
 [lb.] Invia virtuti &c: Ovid, Met. xiv. 113. [29] Suetonius, Octav. 
 99. 
 
326 NOTES. 
 
 P. 228. [13] because pragmatical men, &c. : i.e. in order that, &c. 
 [20] the globe of crystal: See p. 240, 1. 9. [32] Lucian, Hermotim. 
 20. The story is again alluded to in Essay xlv. p. 180. 
 
 P. 229. [9] Virg. iEn. iv. 423. [20, 21] For an explanation of the 
 terms major and minor propositions in a syllogism, sec Fowler's 
 Deductive Logic, ch. iii. p. 81. [25] Prov. xx. 5. [31] Na#€ real 
 Htj.i.va.o'' dirKXTfiv, apOpa ravra raiv tppfvaiv, a saying of Epicharmus 
 quoted by Cicero, Epist. ad Att. i. 19 8, and again by Q. Cicero, 
 De Petit. Cons. x. 39 : ' quamobrem 'EnixapfJ-Hov illud teneto, nervos 
 atque artus esse sapientice, non temere credere.' [32] Comp. Ess. vi. 
 p 20 : 'For the discovery, of a mans selfe, by the tracts of his counten- 
 ance, is a great weaknesse, and betraying: by how much, it is many 
 times, more marked and beleeved, then a mans words.' 
 
 P- 2 3°- [3] J uv - »• 8 - [6] Q- Cicero, De Petit. Consul, xi. 44. [8] 
 Tacitus, Ann. i. 12. [13] Tacitus, Ann. i. 52. [18] Tacitus, Ann. iv. 
 3T. [26] This paragraph and the following (' As for words . . . truth ') 
 are transposed in the Latin. [28] Livy, xxviii. 42. [29] Mr. Ellis 
 quotes the Italian proverb : 
 
 ' Chi mi fa piii caresse che non suole 
 O m'a ingannato, o ingannar mi vuolc* 
 
 [32] For small favours, &c: i. e. As for small favours, &c. 
 
 P. 231. [1] Demosthenes, Olynth. iii. 33, Wolf's Latin translation. 
 See Ellis's note on De Augm. vi. 3 (vol. i. p. 680. Compare The 
 Colours of Good and Evil, 10. p. 265 (ed. W. A. Wright): 'As when 
 Demosthenes reprehended the people for harkning to the conditions 
 offered by King Phillip, being not honorable nor equall, he saith they 
 were but aliments of their sloth and weakenes, which if they were 
 taken away, necessitie woulde teach them stronger resolutions.' [2] 
 are: See note on p. 126,1. 14. [6] Tacitus, Hist. iv. 39. [10] Lat. 
 simt quidem ilia (ut de ufinh loquuntur medici) meretricia. [16] Tacitus, 
 Ann. iv. 52. See Suetonius, Tib. 53. [21] Hor. Ep. i. 18. 3S. [27] 
 This proverb is again quoted in Essay vi. ' Of Simulation and Dis- 
 simulation,' p. 21. [29] As for the knowing of men, &c. This 
 paragraph and the following are transposed in the Latin. [30] weak- 
 nesses: The reading of ed. 1633; edd. 1605 and 1629 have 'weak- 
 nesse.' 
 
 P. 232. [2] or equals: Omitted in the translation. [3] Q. Cicero, 
 De Petit. Consul, v. 17, quoted again in Essay lv. p. 220. [10] Lat. 
 ubi tanquam ordinarius resederat. [29] Prov. xxv. 3. 
 
 P- 2 33- [3] Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 57. [4] rimatur: 'rinacur* in ed. 
 1605, corrected in Errata. [23] Epictetus, Enchir. c. 9. [25] In the 
 Latin this is more fully expressed : Et hoc volo, atque etiatn aliquid quod 
 in futurum usui esse possit addiscere. 
 
BOOK II. 327 
 
 P. 234. [1] but only: i.e. but, or only. We have an instance. of 
 the same reduplication in p. 174, 1. 10: 'For those whose conceits 
 are seated in popular opinions, need only but to prove or dispute.' [7] 
 James i. 23, 24. [14] these . . . those : The first referring to the nearer, 
 the second to the more distant antecedent. [26] Tacitus, Ann. i. 54. 
 The Latin quotes the instance of Pericles. [31] by Duke Valentine: 
 Lat. a Valentino Borgia. Cresar Borgia, son of Pope Alexander VI., 
 who was made Duke of the Valentinois. Guicciardini, vi. 3. If 
 Bacon had lived now he might have quoted the instance of Talleyrand, 
 who began life as an ecclesiastic, and was an Abbe and Bishop of 
 Autun before he became the French Minister of Foreign Affairs and 
 the first diplomatist in Europe. 
 
 P. 235. [6] Plutarch, Caesar, c. 3. [12] transferred: 'transgressed' 
 in edd. 1605, 1629, 1633. The Latin has, transtulit se ad artes mililares 
 et imperatorias ; ex quibus summum rerum fastigium conscendit. [16J all 
 whose friends and followers : The Latin adds, Antonius, Hirtius, Pansa, 
 Oppius, Balbus, Dolabella, Pollio, reliqui. [24] Cicero, Epist. ad Att. 
 ix. 10. [27] and pressing the fact: Lat. quique factum in omnibus 
 urgeret. 
 
 P. 236. [11] Tacitus, Hist. ii. 80; quoted again in Essay liv., 'Of 
 Vaine-Glory,' which may be read in connexion with this paragraph. 
 [16] Mr. Ellis suggests that 'this precept seems taken from the advice 
 given by Medius to Alexander's sycophants.' See Plutarch, De Adulat. 
 et Amico, c. 24. [lb.] calumniare : ' calumniari' in ed. 1605, corrected 
 in Errata. It is attributed to Machiavelli in a letter from the Earl 
 of Derby to his son (Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, lib. xi. p. 38, ed. 
 1 735) : Fortiter calumniare, aliquid adh&rebit. See also Bacon, Works, 
 viii. 148. [25] as in military persons: Comp. Ess. liv. p. 217: 'In 
 militar commanders and soldiers, vaine glory is an essentiall point : 
 for as iron sharpens iron, so by glory one courage sharpneth another.' 
 [28] taxing, i.e. censuring. [29] gracing, i. e. praising, complimenting. 
 [31] Comp. Ess. liv. p. 217: 'And those that are of solide and sober 
 natures, have more of the ballast, then of the saile.' 
 
 P. 237. [8] satiety: Spelt 'saciety' in ed. 1605. [11] Rhetor, ad 
 Heren. iv. 4, quoted by Mr. Ellis: Videte ne insueti rerum majorum 
 videamini, si vos parva res sicuti magna delectat. [21] their wants. 
 ie. their defects. [26] Ovid, Ars Amand. ii. 662. 
 
 P. 238. [7] that passeth this other, i. e. in impudence. [23] rescus- 
 sing: So edd. 1605 and 1629 ; ed. 1633 nas the modern form ' rescuing.' 
 See Glossary. [25] by somewhat in their person or fortune: The 
 Latin illustrates this by instances of deformed persons, bastards, and 
 men branded with some mark of disgrace. Comp. Essay xliv., ' Of 
 Deformity,' p. 178: 'Whosoever hath anything fixed in his person, 
 that doth enduce contempt, hath also a perpetuall spurre in himselfe, 
 
328 NOTES. 
 
 to rescue and deliver himself from scorne : therefore all deformed 
 persons are extreme bold.' [27] Paragraphs 32-38 are arranged in 
 the Latin in the following order; 35, 32, 36, 37, 33, 34, 38. [31] 
 Cicero, Brut. 95 ; of the ' fluent and luxuriant speech ' of Hortensius. 
 See Essay xlii. p. 175. [33] Livy xxxix. 40; quoted again in 
 Essay xl. 
 
 P. 239. [8] Machiavelli, Disc, sopra Livio, iii. 9. [14] Demosthenes, 
 i Phil. § 46. [21] See Aulus Gellius, i. 19; Bacon, Essay xxi. p. 89; 
 Colours of Good and Evil, p. 264. [30] Lucan, viii. 485. 
 
 P. 240. [2] from foil : i. e. from being foiled or repulsed. Lat. a 
 repulsa. [3] please the most : i. e. the majority of people. Lat. et 
 pauciores offendemus. [10] Demosthenes, I Phil. § 45. [18] unperfect: 
 'vnperfite' in ed. 1605. [22] Prov. xxx. 19. [27] Comp. Essay vi. 
 p. 19: 'Certainly the ablest men, that ever were, have had all an 
 opennesse, and francknesse of dealing; and a name of certainty, and 
 veracity; but then they were like horses, well mannaged; for they 
 could tell passing well, when to stop, or turne.' Sir H. L. Bulwer 
 (Historical Characters, i. 400) says of Talleyrand : ' What struck the 
 vulgar, and many, indeed, above the vulgar, who did not remember 
 that the really crafty man disguises his craft, was the plain, open, 
 and straightforward way in which he spoke of and dealt with all 
 public matters, without any of those mysterious devices which dis- 
 tinguish the simpleton who is in the diplomacy from the statesman 
 who is a diplomatist.' [30] Plutarch, Sylla, 38. See p. 194. [32] 
 Plutarch, Cses. xi. 2. 
 
 P. 241. [2] Cicero, Ep. ad Att. x. 4. § 2. [6] darling: Spelt 'dear- 
 ling' in ed. 1605. [7] Cicero, Ep. ad Att xvi. 15. § 3. [10] Caesar's: 
 See p. 55, 1. 32. [lb.] and men laughed: So in ed. 1605; edd. 1629, 
 1633 have 'whereat many men laughed.' [12] the like: So ed. 1605; 
 'the like to this' edd. 1629, 1633. [lb.] thought: So edd. 1629, 1633; 
 'though' ed. 1605. [16] Tacitus, Hist. ii. 38. [17] Sallust apud 
 Sueton. De Claris Gram. c. 15. [27] casual: Lat. casibus obnoxia. 
 [30] Compare Essay vi. p. 18: 'Dissimulation is but a faint kind 
 of policy, or wisdome ; for it asketh a strong wit, and a strong heart, 
 to know when to tell truth, and to doe it. Therfore it is the 
 weaker sort of politicks, that are the great dissemblers.' [32] Tacitus, 
 Ann. v. 1. 
 
 P. 242. [10] but not of proportions and comparison, i. e. of the 
 relative values of tilings. Lat. de pretiis vero impcritissime. [22] Caisar, 
 Bell. Civ. i. 30. Compare Essay xxvi. p. 104: 'So certainly, there 
 are in point of wisdome, and sufficiency, that doe nothing or little, 
 very solemnly ; Magna conatu m/gas.' [31] In the second place: 'the' 
 is omitted in edd. 1605, 1629, 1633. 
 
 P. 243. [2] Compare Essay xxix. p. 121, where Machiavelli is again 
 
BOOK II. 329 
 
 referred to (Disc, sopra Liv. ii. 10). Nervos belli pecuniam infinitam; 
 Cicero, Phil. v. 2. 5. In Diog. Laert. iv. 48, rbv ttXovtov vevpa irpayixd- 
 tojv is quoted as a saying of Bion's. See also Plutarch, Cleom. 27. 
 [6] Lucian, Charon, 10-12. [13] In the third place: 'the' is omitted 
 in edd. 1605, 1629. [14, 15] Compare Shakespeare, Julius Cocsar, 
 iv. 3. 1 1 8-2 2 1. [16] it being extreme hard to play an after game 
 of reputation : Lat. Ardua enitn res, famam prcecipitantem retrovertere. 
 [26] Virgil, Eel. ix. 66. [29] Virgil, Georg. iii. 284. 
 
 P. 244. [1] fortune: So in ed. 1605; 'fortunes' in edd. 1629, 1633. 
 [5] Comp. pp. 211, 213. [6, 7] and bend not . . . intendelh : Omitted 
 in the Latin. [17-19] So that he should exact ... and not to stand 
 &c. : This mixed construction is of very common occurrence. It 
 should be, of course, either ' So that he should exact . . . and not stand 
 Sec.,' or ' So that he ought to exact . . . and not to stand &c.' See note 
 on p. 88, 11. 7-9. [18] an account: So in ed. 1605 ; 'an' is omitted in 
 edd. 1629, 1633. [26] Matt, xxiii. 23; Luke xi. 42. [30] — p. 245. 
 [2] Omitted in the Latin. The story is told again in the Colours 
 of Good and Evil, 4. 
 
 P. 245. [5] Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 13. §4; Cicero, De Amic. 16. 
 Bacon, Apoph. 1S2. [S] troublesome spleens: Lat. molestis et turbidis 
 odiis. [26] 'The allusion is probably to Macchiavelli's Principe, and 
 to the Cortigiano of Castiglione.' (Ellis.) 
 
 P. 246. [4] Machiavelli, II Principe, 17, 18. [12] Cic. Pro Rege 
 Deiot. ix. 25: Pereant amici, &c. [16] 'Pope Alexander ... was 
 desirous to trouble the waters in Italy, that he might fish the better.' 
 Hist, of Hen. VII. (Works, vi. 113). [17] Cic. Pro Mur. xxv. 51. 
 [19] Plutarch, Lys. 8. [25] Bacon had entered this maxim in his 
 Promus or Commonplace book, ' In actions as in waves the neerest 
 y c fowlest' (Works, vii. 209). [31] Eccl. ii. II. 
 
 P. 247. [5] Virg. JEn. ix. 252. [8] The Latin quotes Cic. Ep. ad 
 Att. ix. 12, Atque eum ulckcentur mores sui. [11] Job xv. 35. [20] 
 Hor. Sat. ii. 2. 79. [23] Aurelius Victor, Epit. i. 28. [24] Spartianus, 
 Vit. Sept. Sev. c. 18; Bacon, Apoph. 98. [33] Charles V., after 
 raising the siege of Metz, is reported to have said, ' Fortune, I now 
 perceive, resembles other females, and chooses to confer her favours 
 on young men, while she turns her back on those who are advanced 
 in years.' Robertson, Charles V. ch. ix. 
 
 P. 248. [6] Matt. vi. 33. [10] sands: 'same' in ed. 1605, corrected 
 in Errata and edd. 1629, 1633. Mr. Spedding reads 'sand.' The 
 reference of course is to Matt. vii. 24, 27. [11] The dying exclamation 
 of Brutus, according to Dio Cassius, xlvii. 49. The Latin is a trans- 
 lation of part of two Greek iambics : 
 
 Si r\fjfiov apery \6yos dp' ■r\o0\ eyw 5e ere 
 els epyov tjokow, ai> 8' dp' edov\eves tv\ji. 
 
330 NOTES. 
 
 See Plat. De Supcrstitione, I, where part is quoted. [16] In De Augm. 
 viii. 3 the subject is treated quite differently. The remarks on the 
 secret part of government are entirely omitted, and the apology to 
 the king for passing over the subject in silence is transferred to the 
 beginning of the book. The remainder of the chapter is taken up 
 with two dissertations, the one, De Proferendis Finibus Imperii, which 
 corresponds with Essay xxix. ■ Of the True Greatnesse of Kingdomes 
 and Estates ; ' the other, De Justitia Universale The former of these 
 is said to have been translated into Latin by Hobbes of Malmesbury. 
 [22] Virg. iEn. vi. 726. [33] futility: 'facilitie' in ed. 1605, corrected 
 to ' futilitie* in Errata. The correction is adopted in edd. 1629, 1633. 
 [lb.] Sisyphus and Tantalus: See Horn. Od. xi. 5S2-600; Cic. Tusc. 
 Disp. i. 5. 10; iv. 16. 35. Sisyphus was punished because he had 
 betrayed the designs of the gods (Servius on Virg. iEn. vi. 616). 
 Tantalus divulged the secrets of Zeus. 
 
 P. 249. [9] Rev. iv. 6. [18-25] Transferred in the De Augm. to 
 the beginning of the book. [24] The story is told of Zeno ; Plut. De 
 Garrulitate ; Diog. Laert. vii. 24. 
 
 P. 250. [16] Comp. Ess. lvi. p. 227: 'For many times, the things 
 deduced to judgement, may bee meum and timrn, when the reason and 
 consequence thereof may trench to point of estate: I call matter of 
 estate, not onely the parts of soveraigntie, but whatsoever introduceth 
 any great alteration, or dangerous president ; or concerneth manifestly 
 any great portion of people.' 
 
 P« 25 1 - [3> 4] The same in all probability as the dissertation in the 
 De Augm., 'De justitia universalis [6] This paragraph is omitted in 
 the Latin. [9] Virg. JEn. iv. 647. [19] Virg. Eel. ii. 27. 
 
 P. 252. [15] only if: i.e. if only. [24] Made by Themistocles to 
 Eurybiades: Plut. Reg. et Imper. Apoph. [25] so they observe: i.e. 
 provided that they observe. [31] Sabbath: 'Sabaoth' in ed. 1605, 
 corrected in edd. 1629. 1633. This confusion between Sabaoth ('hosts') 
 and Sabbath ('rest') is by no means uncommon, though in p. no, 
 1. 32, 'Sabbath' is printed correctly in ed. 1605. Even as late as the 
 middle of the last century Dr. Johnson, in the first edition of his 
 Dictionary, treated the two words as synonymous. Other examples 
 are found in Spenser (F. Q. viii. 2) : 
 
 4 But thenceforth all shall rest eternally 
 With him that is the God of Sabaoth hight : 
 O! that great Sabaoth God, grant me that Sabaoth's sight.' 
 
 And the second quarto of Shakespeare's Mer. of Ven. iv. 1. 36, has 
 ' Sabaoth' for ' Sabbath,' which is the reading of the first quarto and of 
 the folios. 
 P- 2 53- [0 De Augm. ix. 1. [9] Rom. iv. 22. [10] Gen. xviii. 12. 
 
BOOK 77. 331 
 
 [12] of: So in cd. 1605; omitted in edd. 1629, 1633. C 1 ^] 1 Cor. xiii. 
 12. [23] Ps. xix. 1. [25] Isa. viii. 20. [29] Matt. v. 44, 45. [32] it 
 ought to be applauded: i.e. this applause ought to be given. [lb.] 
 Virg. iEn. i. 328. 
 
 P. 254. [4] Ovid, Met. x. 330. [5] Plutarch (Alex. 65) calls him 
 Dandamis, Strabo (xv. 64) Mandanis. [28] Comp. with this paragraph 
 Hooker, Eccl. Pol. i. S, 9 ; iii. 8. 9. [31] Rom. xii. 1. 
 
 P* 2 55- [ J ] non-significants and surd characters: See p. 169, in the 
 paragraph on ciphers. [22] grift: ' grifte' in edd. 1605, 1629; 'graft' 
 in ed. 1633. 
 
 r. 256. [20] This and the three following paragraphs are consider- 
 ably modified in the Latin. [31] John iii. 4. 
 
 P. 257. [1] John xvi. 17. [5, 6] an opiate to stay and bridle, &c. 
 The metaphor is better preserved in the Latin : utpote qua fulura sti 
 imtar opiata cujusdam medicina, qua non modo speculationum quibus 
 tchola interdum laborai inania consopiat, verum etiam controversiarum 
 furores qua in ecclesia tumtdlus cient nonnihil midget, [l 3] if men : ' of 
 men' in ed. 1605, corrected in Errata. [14] I Cor. vii. 12. [15] 1 Cor. 
 vii. 40. [17] 1 Cor. vii. 10. [21] Prov. xxvi. 2. 
 
 P« 2 58. [3] further: Some copies of ed. 1605 have 'sounder,' others 
 * furder.' [7] With this paragraph compare Ess. iii. ' Of Unity in 
 Religion,' and the notes upon it. [15] Ex. ii. 11, 12. [17] Ex. ii. 13; 
 Acts vii. 26. [22] Matt. xii. 30. [24] Luke ix. 50. [25] John 
 xix. 23. [26] garment: Some copies of ed. 1605 have ' garmente,' 
 others * gouernment.' [27] Ps. xlv. 10 (Prayer Book version). [29] 
 Matt. xiii. 29. 
 
 T. 259. [3] In the Latin Bacon explains that he treats here only of 
 the method, not of the authority, of interpretation, which is founded 
 upon the consent of the church. [6] John iv. 13, 14. [11-13] The 
 former ... corrupt : Omitted in the Latin. [18] Paragraphs 11 -13 
 are omitted in the Latin. [30] the Master of the Sentences: Peter 
 Lombard, bishop of Paris; so called from his Sum of Theology, 
 in four books, entitled ' The Sentences.' [33] ■ Tribonianus, was 
 successively quaestor, consul, and master of the offices to Justinian . . . 
 In a.d. 530 Tribonianus, then quaestor, was commissioned with sixteen 
 others to compile the Digest or Pandect.' (Smith's Diet, of Biog.) 
 
 P. 260. [12] the weaker do you conclude: i. e. the weaker are your 
 conclusions. [22] Rom. xi. 33. [7.4] 1 Cor. xiii. 9. [33] in the Latin 
 the substance of paragraphs 14 and 1 5 is much condensed. 
 
 P. 261. [2] curious : So some copies of ed. 1605 ; others have 'ruinous.' 
 [12] From the Vulgate of Prov. xxv. 27. [14] Ex. xxxiii. 20. [lb.] 
 Prov. viii. 27. [16] John ii. 25. [18] Acts xv. 18. [20] two of these: 
 So ed. 1605 ; 'of these two* in edd. 1629, 1633. [24] 1 Cor. xiii. 12. 
 
 P. 262. [8] the latter; i.e. the philosophical exposition. [9] The 
 
$$2 NOTES. 
 
 Latin adds that it had its beginning with the Rabbins and Cabbalists. 
 See p. 263. [16] Mark xiii. 31. [19] Comp. Luke xxiv. 5. [28] The 
 authority of one who is treating of a different subject is of small 
 weight, i. e. in regard to those things which he only mentions in- 
 cidentally. 
 
 P. 263. [5] Matt. xxiv. 35. Noli altum sapere was the motto of the 
 printer Robert Stephens. [12] See, for an example of answers of this 
 kind, Luke ix. 47, 48. 
 
 P. 264. [20-32] For... times: Omitted in the Latin. In its place 
 is substituted an application to theology of the illustration he makes 
 use of in Ess. lvi. p. 223, in reference to the administration of justice: 
 1 And where the wine-presse is hard wrought, it yeelds a harsh wine, 
 that tastes of the grape-stone.* The following is Mr. Spedding's trans- 
 lation of the passage in the De Augm. : ' Certainly as we find it in 
 wines, that those which flow freely from the first treading of the 
 grape are sweeter than those which are squeezed out by the wine- 
 press, because the latter taste somewhat of the stone and the rind; 
 so are those doctrines most wholesome and sweet which ooze out of 
 the Scriptures when gently crushed, and are not forced into controversies 
 and common places.' [21] Livy ix. 19. [26] island: So edd. 1629, 
 1633; 'islands' in ed. 1605. [lb.] Brittany: 'Brittanie' in ed. 1605. 
 [33] Paragraphs 19-25 (The matter . . . sowing of tares) are omitted in 
 the Latin. 
 
 P. 265. [8] Comp. Ess. iii. p. 8 : ' For you may imagine, what kinde 
 of faith theirs was, when the chiefe doctors, and fathers of their church, 
 were the poets. But the true God hath this attribute, that he is a 
 jealous God ; and therefore, his worship and religion will endure no 
 mixture, nor partner.' 
 
 P. 266. [1] privately: So edd. 1605, 1629, 1633. Mr. Spedding, with 
 great probability, reads 'privatively.' [20] thought, word, or act: Comp. 
 Plato, Protag. i. 348 D. [32] man: So edd. 1629, 1633; 'mans' in ed. 
 1605. 
 
 P. 267. [2] John iv. 23, 24. [lb.] Ilosea xiv. 2. [15] privative: 
 •primitive' in ed. 1605, corrected in Errata and edd. 1629, 1633. [22] 
 witchcraft is the height of idolatry: See King James's treatise on 
 Daemonology, iii. 6: 'it is the highest point of Idolatry.' [26] 1 Sam. 
 xv. 23. 
 
 P. 268. [23] question: i.e. the raising of doubts, which he describes 
 just before as ' litigious arguments.' [26] See Lev. i. 8, 12, &c. 
 
GLOSSARY. 
 
 A redundant. 'In a readiness:' p. 155, I. 25. 
 
 Abate, v. t. To beat down, lower, depress: p. 12, 1. 5. Compare Shake- 
 speare, Coriolanus, iii. 3. 132: 
 
 ■ Till at length 
 
 Your ignorance 
 
 deliver you as most 
 
 Abated captives to some nation 
 That won you without blows.' 
 Abstracted, adj. Abstract: p. 114, 1. 8. 
 
 Abuse, v. t. To deceive: p. 159, 1. 24 ; p. 242, 1. 23. Compare Shake- 
 speare, Tempest, v. i. 112 : 
 
 4 Whether thou be'st he or no, 
 Or some enchanted trifle to abuse me, 
 As late I have been, I not know.' 
 Abuse, sb. Deception: p. 224, 1. 5. 
 Abused, p. p. Deceived : p. 66, 1. 31 ; p. 235, 1. 25. 
 Accent, sb. Emphasis: p. 67, 1. 17. Compare Shakespeare, Hamlet, ii. a. 
 
 489 : ' Well spoken, with good accent and good discretion.' 
 Accepted of. Accepted: p. 5, 1. 12. 
 Accept of, v. t. To accept, admit: p. 67, 1. 23. 
 Acception, sb. Acceptation, meaning: p. Ill, 1. 22; p. 113, 1. 17. 
 Accidents, sb. The accidents of a disease are its symptoms : p. 12, !. 28 ; 
 p. 137, 1. 20; p. 145, 1. 12; p. 204, 1. 10. See Cotgrave (Fr. Diet. ed. 
 1632): 'Symptome: m. A symptome; an affect, passion, or accident 
 accompanying a disease.' Bacon, in a letter to his mother, says : ' In truth 
 I heard Sir John Scidmore often complain, after his quartain left him, that 
 he found such a heaviness and swelling, specially under his ribs, that he 
 thought he was buried under earth half from the waist, and therefore that 
 accident is but incident.' (Works, viii. 300.) 
 Accommodate, p. p. Accommodated: p. 138,1. 25. See consecrate. 
 Accomplishments, sb. Ornaments: p. 77, I. 7. 
 
 Accordingly, adv. In accordance therewith: p. 126, 1. 24; p. 234, 
 1. 29. Compare the phrase in the Litany : ' that both by their preaching 
 and living they may set it forth, and shew it accordingly.' The word is 
 by no means obsolete, but the force of it is often missed. 
 According to. Corresponding to, in harmony with: p. 16. I. 7. 
 Accords, sb. Harmonies: p. 52, 1. 28. 
 Account, v. i. To count, reckon: p. 232, 1. 22. 
 Accouple, v. t. To couple : p. 96, 1. 9. 
 
334 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Accumulate,^./). Accumulated; the old form of participles derived from 
 the Latm: p. 18, 1. 6; p. 65, 1. 20. Comp. Accommodate. 
 
 Accurate, adj. Worked out with care: p. 213, 1. 1. 
 
 Accustom, v.i. To use, be accustomed : p. 58, 1. 9 ; p. 77, 1. 7. 
 
 Acquaint, v. t. To accustom, familiarize: p. 67, 1. 21. Compare Shake- 
 speare, Tempest, ii. 2. 41 : ' Misery acquaints a man with strange bed- 
 fellows.' 
 
 Addition, sb. Title: p. 95, 1. 20. According to Cowel (Law Diet. s. v.) 
 it signifies ' a title given to a man besides his Christian and surname, 
 shewing his estate, degree, mystery, trade, place of dwelling, &c.' Com- 
 pare Shakespeare, Coriolanus, i. 9. 66 : 
 
 ' Caius Marcius Coriolanus ! Bear 
 The addition nobly ever ! ' 
 And Macbeth, i. 3. 106 : 
 
 ' He bade me, from him, call thee thane of Cawdor: 
 In which addition, hail, most worthy thane I' 
 See also Lear, ii. 2. 26. 
 
 Adeption, sb. An obtaining, acquisition: p. 93, 1. 27. 
 
 Adjacence, sb. Contiguity: p. 120, 1. 15. 
 
 Adoptive, adj. Adopted: p. 57, 1. 2. * Adoptive brethren' = brothers by 
 adoption. 
 
 Advance, v.t. To promote: p. 231, 1. 5. 
 
 Adventive, adj. Coming from without, adventitious: p. 113, 1. 29; 
 p. 144, 1. 6. 
 
 Advertised, p.p. Informed: p. 68, 1. 4; p. 80, 1. 27. 
 
 Advertisement, sb. Information: p. 100, 1. 16. Notice: p. 219, 1. 31. 
 
 Advise, v.i. To consider: p. 67, 1. 31 ; p. 161, 1. 21. 
 
 Advised, p.p. Deliberate, well considered : p. 100, 1. 22. Compare Shake- 
 speare, Merchant of Venice, i. I. 142 : 
 
 ' I shot his fellow of the selfsame flight 
 The selfsame way with more advised watch.* 
 
 Affect, sb. Affection, disposition: p. 131, 1. 24. Compare Shakespeare, 
 Love's Labour 's Lost, i. I. 152 : 
 
 1 For every man with his affects is born.' 
 
 Affectionate, adj. Zealous, devoted, attached : p. 29, 1. 14. Eagerly 
 desirous, studious: p. 112, 1. 10. Compare Bacon, Hist, of Hen. VII., 
 p. 17 (ed. 1622): 'So he being truly informed, that the Northerne parts 
 were not onely affectionate to the House of Yorke, but particularly had 
 been deuoted to King Richard the third.' 
 
 After, adv. Afterwards: p. 18, 1. 9 ; p. 67, 1. 7« 
 
 Afterward, adv. Afterwards: p. 27, 1. 2 ; p. 127, 1. 33. 
 
 Agreed, p.p. Agreed to, admitted: p. 158, 1. 27. 
 
 All, used where now we should use 'any': p. 17, 11. 2, 7 : P- 56, 1. 27. 
 Comp. ' without all contradiction ' (Heb. vii. 7). 
 
 Allege, v.t. To quote: p. 88, 1. 30; p. 199, 1. 31. 
 
 All one. The same: p. 30, 1. 17; p. 158, 1. 1. 
 
 Allow, v.t. To approve: p. 20, 1. 18 ; p. ill. 1. 1 1. Compare Luke xi. 
 48 : ' Truly ye bear witness that ye allow the deeds of your fathers.' 
 
 Allowance, sb. Approval : p. 24, 1. 6. So Shakespeare, Hen. VIII. iii. 2. 
 322 : ' Without the King's will or the state's allowance! 
 
GLOSSARY. 335 
 
 Allusive, adj. Figurative: p. 102, 1. 22, 28. Todd quotes from South 
 (Serm. ii. 276), ' The foundation of all parables, is some analogy or simili- 
 tude between the tropical or allusive part of the parable, and the thing 
 couched under it and intended by it.' 
 
 Almost, adv. Apparently in the sense of 'most of all,' or 'generally': 
 p. 163, 1. 11. Bacon uses it in the same way in Essay xliii. p. 176; 
 ' Neither is it almost seene, that very beautifull persons, are otherwise of 
 great vertue.' 
 
 Aloft, adv. Upwards : p. 89, 1. 6. 
 
 Ambages, sb. Circuitous ways or methods: p. Ill, 1.6; p. 124, 1. 18. 
 Compare Bale, Image of both Churches (p. 260, Parker Soc.) ; ' Evident 
 will these secret mysteries be unto him, which are privily hid unto other 
 under dark ambages and parables.' 
 
 Amplification, sb. Exaggeration: p. 3, 1. 17. Shakespeare uses 'ampli- 
 fied ' in the sense of * exaggerated' in Coriolanus, v. 2. 16 : 
 •His fame unparallel'd, haply, amplified.' 
 
 Anatomy, sb. A body used for dissection: p. 80, I. 18; p. I3S,U. 16, 28; 
 
 p. 139. !• J 7- 
 
 Animosity, sb. Courage: p. 133, 1. 12. Cotgrave (Fr. Diet.) gives, 
 'Animosite: f. Animositie, stoutnesse, courage, metall, boldnesse, resolution, 
 hardinesse.' 
 
 Anointment, sb. Anointing : p. 83, 1. 5. 
 
 Answerable, adj. Corresponding: p. 93, 1. 29; p. 162, 1. 9. Compare 
 Shakespeare, Taming of the Shrew, ii. 1. 361 : 
 
 ' Six score fat oxen standing in my stalls, 
 And all things answerable to this portion.' 
 
 Ant (p. 151, 1. 28), a feminine noun, as in Prov. vi. 6. 
 
 Antistrophe, sb. Literally, that part of a song sung by a chorus of 
 dancers when they retraced their steps in the dance. It corresponds to a 
 previous 'strophe.' Bacon uses it of 'correspondence' generally: p. 131, 
 1. 22. 
 
 Antiques, sb. Grotesque figures: p. 25, 1. 24. Compare Shakespeare, 
 Much Ado, iii. r. 63 : 
 
 • If black, why, Nature, drawing of an antique, 
 Made a foul blot.' 
 
 Apace, adv. Swiftly: p. 15, 1. 8. 
 
 Apparently, adv. Openly, manifestly: p. 127, 1. 7. Compare Shake- 
 speare, Comedy of Errors, iv. 1. 78 : 
 
 ' I would not spare my brother in this case, 
 If he should scorn me so apparently.' 
 
 Application, sb. Appliance: p. 21, 1. 3. Accommodation, adaptation: 
 p. 192, 1. 30; p. 204, 11. 6, 15, 24. Comp. p. 204, 1. 23, 'which is 
 that properly which we call accommodating or applying.' See also p. 26, 
 1. 25. 
 
 Apply, v.i. To accommodate, adapt oneself: p. 204, 1. 26. Used re- 
 flexively, p. 24, 1. 10. ' To apply ones selfe to others, is good : so it 
 be with demonstrations that a man doth it upon regard, and not upon 
 facilitie.' Essay lii. p. 21 1. Used transitively in the sense of, to devote 
 oneself to : p. 41, 1. I. 
 
 Apprompt, vf To prompt: p. 156, 1. 32. 
 
336 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Apt, adj. Fit, suitable: p. 181, 1. 22. Compare Shakespeare, Jul. Cxs. 
 
 ii. 2. 97 : 'A mock ^4/>/ to be render'd.' 
 Arefaction, sb. Drying, the act or state of growing dry: p. 124, 1. 14. 
 Arrogancy, sb. Arrogance: p. 5, 1. 9 ; p. 88, 1. 22. Compare Shake- 
 speare, Hen. VIII. ii. 4. no: 
 
 ' But your heart 
 Is cramm'd with arrogancy, spleen, and pride.' 
 Artificial, adj. Constructed with art, ingenious, skilfully contrived : p. 125, 
 1. 5. So in Shakespeare, Timon of Athens, i. I. 37 : 
 
 1 Artificial strife 
 Lives in these touches, livelier than life.* 
 Artsman, sb. One skilled in the liberal arts: p. 150, 1. 15. 
 As = that, in the phrases 'so as': p. 4, 1. 4; p. 16, 1. 28, &c. 'insomuch 
 
 as*: p. 56, 1. 2. ' Such ... as*: p. 91, 1. 23. 
 As. As that: p. 23, 1. 5. As for instance: p. 26, 1. 15. 
 Ask, v. t. To require: p. 85, 1. 6. Comp. Essay vi. p. 18 ; 'It aslrth a 
 strong wit, and a strong heart, to know, when to tell truth, and to doe it.' 
 Aspect, sb. The appearance of a planet, which varied with its position 
 among the stars : p. 145, 1. 10. Used metaphorically, p. 79> h 2, with a 
 reference to the old astrological belief in the power exercised by the planets 
 upon the fate of man. So Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. i. 3. 92: 
 
 ' Whose medicinable eye 
 Corrects the ill aspects of planets evil.' 
 So also Essay ix. p. 29. 
 Aspersion, sb. Sprinkling; and so, intermixture : p. 47,1. 20; p. 199, 1.6. 
 Assure, v.i. To ensure, guarantee: p. 152,1. 21. Used transitively by 
 Shakespeare, 3 Hen. VI. iii. 3. 240 : 
 
 ' This shall assure my constant loyalty.' 
 Assured,/.^. Safe, secure: p. 171, 1. 18. 
 
 As touching. With respect to: p. 8, 1. 10. See Matt, xviii. 19. 
 Astrolabe, sb. An ancient astronomical instrument for taking the height 
 of the stars &c. Chaucer wrote a treatise upon it for the use of ' little 
 Lewis' his son : p. 80, 1. 13. 
 Athletic, sb. The art of activity : p. 133, 1. 24. We now use 'athletics' 
 
 in the same sense. 
 Attend, used as a transitive verb, p. 153, 1. 6. 
 Attended, p.p. Accompanied: p. 224, 1. 32. 
 Attend upon. To accompany : p. 225, 11. 23, 24. 
 Authorised, adj. Gifted with authority: p. 253, 1. 16. Authenticated: 
 
 P- 34. !• 27. 
 Awake, v. /. To awaken, rouse: p. 203, 1. II. 
 
 • We must awake endeavour for defence.' 
 
 Shakespeare, K. John, ii. I. 81. 
 B. 
 
 Backward, adv. Backwards: p. 38, 1. 19. 
 
 Baladine, sb. A ballet dancer : p. 165, 1. 22. Cotgrave (Fr. Diet. ed. 1632) 
 
 gives, ' Baladin : m. A common dauncer of galliards, and other stirring, 
 
 or liuely Ayres.' 
 Bare = Bore; past tense of 'bear' : p. 59, 1. 19. 
 
GLOSSARY. 337 
 
 Basilisk, sb. A fabulous creature described by Pliny (viii. 33, xxix. 19) as a 
 
 serpent, of which many marvels are told : p. 200, 1. 30, note ; p. 262, 1. 32. 
 
 Battle, 56. A body of troops : p. 71, 1. 30. ' They were more ignorant 
 
 in ranging and arraying their battailes.' Essay Iviii. p. 237. 
 Be, 3 plu. Are: p. 10, 1. 17; p. 23, 1. 5 ; p. 50, 1. 23. In the phrase 
 
 ' had been to handle '; p. 185, 1. 16. 
 Because, conj. In order that : p. 228, I. 13. See Matt. xx. 31. 
 Become, used refiexively, p. 216, 1. 30. ' Can neither become themselves' 
 
 = can neither act in a graceful or becoming manner.' 
 Beholding, part. Beholden, indebted : p. 104, 1. 30. ■ The stage is more 
 
 beholding to love, then the life of man.' Essay x. p. 36. 
 Bent, adj. Crooked, twisted; and so, sinister: p. 25, 1. 2. 
 Besides, prep. Beside: p. 12, 1. 32 ; p. 159, 1. 23. 
 Bird-witted, adj. Incapable of fixed attention, volatile: p. 183, 1. 14. 
 Blanch, v.t. To flinch from, avoid: p. 182, 1. 21. 'Some are never 
 without a difference, and commonly by amusing men with a subtilty, 
 blanch the matter.' Essay xxvi. p. 105, 1. 12. 
 Blasphemy, sb. In its literal sense of defamation or slander : p. 17, 1. 15. 
 Compare the use of ' blaspheme ' in Shakespeare, Macbeth, iv. 3. 108 : 
 • Since that the truest issue of thy throne 
 By his own interdiction stands accursed, 
 And does blaspheme his breed.' 
 Blemish, v.t. To stigmatize: p. 27, I. 28. 
 Blow up, v.t. To inflate: p. 7, 1. 20. 
 Blown up, p.p. Inflated: p. 39, 1. 25. 
 Bond-woman, sb. A female slave : p. 43, I. 25. 
 Borne out, p.p. Compensated for: p. 19, 1. 12. 
 Bounden, p.p. Bound, indebted: p. 268, I. 2S. 
 Braver, adj. Finer, more beautiful: p. 216, 1. 10. 
 
 « The Duke of Milan 
 And his more braver daughter could control thee.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tempest, i. 2. 439. 
 Break, v.t. To train: p. 197, 1. 12. Still used of horses. 
 
 ' Why, then thou canst not break her to the lute ? ' 
 
 Shakespeare, Taming of the Shrew, ii. 1. 148. 
 Briber, sb. A taker of bribes : p. 222, 1. 25. 
 
 Brittany, sb. Britain : p. 93, 1. 14; p. 94, 11. 12, 17; p. 264, 1. 26. In 
 the first and last of these passages the word is spelt * Brittanie ' in ed. 
 1605. On the other hand, what we call ■ Brittany ' is uniformly, I believe, 
 called ' Britaine ' in Bacon's Hist, of Hen. VII. 
 Broken, p.p. Trained : p. 156, 1. 5. 
 Buckle, v. t. To bend : p. 102, I. 10. 
 Bufifon, sb. The old spelling of 'buffoon*: p. 136,1. 20. Florio (Ital. 
 
 Diet. 161 1) has 'Buffonare, to ieast or play the bnffon? 
 But only. This expression is found where we should now use one or 
 other of the words: p. 234, 1. I. So 'only but' is used for 'but' or 
 'only': p. 174, 1. 10. Compare Shakespeare, Meas. for Meas. iii. I. 3 : 
 ' The miserable have no other medicine 
 But only hope.' 
 By how much. In the same proportion as : p. 12, 1. 8 ; p. 129, 1. 13. 
 
 Z 
 
33* 
 
 GLOSSARV. 
 
 C. 
 
 Called down, p.p. Cried down, decried ; p. 87, 1. 11. 
 
 Capable, adj. In the construction * capable to lodge ' instead of ' capable 
 
 of lodging': p. 125, 1. 31. 
 Capable of. Able or apt to receive: p. 6, 1. 23. In a passive sense. 
 
 ' Abhorred slave, 
 Which any print of goodness will not take, 
 Being capable of all ill.' Shakespeare, Tempest, i. 2. 353. 
 Caption, sb. Deception, fallacy, in argument: p. 159,1.33. From the 
 
 Lat. captio as used by Cicero, De Fato, xiii. 30, Sec. 
 Card, sb. A chart : p. 246, 1. 33. Comp. Essay xviii. p. 72 : 'Let him carry 
 
 with him also some car d or booke describing the country, where hetravelleth.' 
 Carefulness, sb. Anxiety: p. 8, 1. 24. Comp. Ezek. xii. 18, 19. 
 Carnosity, sb. A fleshy excrescence : p. 139, 1. 14. 
 Carriage, sb. Baggage : p. 79, 1. 29. See Judg. xviii. 21. 
 Case, sb. * In some case ' = in some cases, sometimes : p. 194, 1. 8. 
 Cast, v. t. To consider, plan : p. 181, 1. 26. Comp. Luke i. 29, and Bacon, 
 
 Essay xlv. p. 183: 'Cast it also, that you may have roomes, both for 
 
 summer, and winter.' 
 Casual, adj. Uncertain, subject to accident : p. 241, 1. 27. Comp. Colours 
 
 of Good and Evil, p. 248 : ' Sometimes because some things are in kinde 
 
 very casuall, which if they escape, prove excellent.' Having reference 
 
 to special cases : p. 138, I. 17. 
 Casualty, sb. Uncertainty, instability : p. 23, 1. 13. See Bacon's Colours 
 
 of Good and Evil, p. 256 (ed. W. A. Wright), 'this colour will bee 
 
 reprehended or incountred by imputing to all excellencies in compositions 
 
 a kind of povertie or at least a casualty or ieopardy.' 
 Cautel, sb. Deceit : p. 200, 1. 16. 
 
 4 And now no soil nor cautel doth besmirch 
 The virtue of his will.' Shakespeare, Hamlet, i. 3. 15. 
 
 • Cautelle : f. A wile, cautell, sleight ; a craftie reach, or fetch, guilefull 
 
 deuise or endeuor; also, craft, subtiltie, trumperie, deceit, cousenage.' 
 
 Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Cautionary, adj. Full of cautions: p. 196, 1. 30. 
 Caveat, sb. A caution, warning : p. 22, 11. 9, 17 ; p. 55, 1. 7. 
 Cavillation, sb. A cavil, objection: p. 33, I. 3 ; p. 154,1. 12. ' Cavil- 
 
 lation. A cauill ; a wrangling proposition, ouerthwart reason ; also, a 
 
 cauilling.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Cease, v. t. To cause to cease : p. 40, 1. 8 ; p. 56, 1. 32. 
 Celsitude, sb. Loftiness, height: p. 214, I. 15. ' Celsitude : f. Celsitude, 
 
 highnesse, excellencie; (tearmes conferred on Princes).' Cotgrave, Fr. 
 
 Diet. 
 Censure, v. i. To judge, give an opinion : p. 84, 1. 23 ; p. 250, 1. 32. 
 ' That I, unworthy body as I am, 
 Should censure thus on lovely gentlemen.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Two Gent, of Ver. i. 2. 19. 
 
GLOSsARy. 339 
 
 Censure, sb. An opinion, judgement: p. 5, 1. 18; p. 7, !. 28; p. 49, 
 I. 32. 'The speech of Themistocles the Athenian, which was haughtie 
 and arrogant, in taking so much to himselfe, had been a grave and 
 wise observation and censure, applied at large to others.' Essay xxix. 
 p. 118. 
 Ceremonies, sb. Superstitious rites : p. 146, 1. 23. 
 
 • For he is superstitious grown of late, 
 Quite from the main opinion he held once 
 Of fantasy, of dreams and ceremonies.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, ii. I. 197. 
 Certify, v. t. To give information of: p. 154, 1. 13. 
 Challenge, v. t. To claim : p. 11, 1. 13. Comp. Ex. xxii. 9. 
 Challenge, sb. Claim: p. 198, 1. 21. 
 
 • And not of any challenge of desert.' 
 
 Shakespeare, 1 Hen. VI, v. 4. 153. 
 Champain, adj. Level, like a plain: p. 121, 1. 21. 
 Charity, sb. Used in the same sense as in 1 Cor. xiii. I, &c, for the 
 
 Greek ayanr). p. 214, 1. 24. 
 Ciphering, sb. Writing in cipher: p. 169, 1. 16. 
 
 Circuit of speech. Circumlocution : p. 29, 1. 2. Compare Cotgrave 
 (Fr. Diet.) : ' Circuition de paroles. A circumlocution, paraphrase, great 
 circumstance of words ; a going about the bush.' 
 Circumferred, p. p. Carried round: p. 105, 1. 15. 
 
 Civil, adj. Public, popular: p. 146, 1. 16. The Latin has quasi populares. 
 Civility, sb. Civilization, refinement: p. 19, 1. 17. 'And a man shall 
 ever see, that when ages grow to civility and elegancie, men come to build 
 stately, sooner then to garden finely.' Essay xlvi. p. 186. 
 Clear, v. t. To make clear or manifest: p. 17, 1. II. This is the sense 
 in which it is understood in the Latin of the De Augmentis, but it appears 
 to be used in the present passage in the legal sense * to justify.' 
 Cleave, v. i. To adhere : p. 18, 1. 26. 
 
 Climate, sb. Region : p. 48, 1. 4. • Climat : m. A clyme, or Clymate ; a 
 diuision in the Skie, or Portion of the world, betweene South and North.' 
 Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 
 The ancient geographers ' divided the space comprehended between the 
 equator and the pole into thirty parts, which they denominated Climates 
 or Inclinations, viz. twenty-four between the equator and polar circle, and 
 six between the polar circle and the pole.' Diet, of Science and Art, ed. 
 Brande and Cox. 
 Close, sb. A cadence in music : p. 107, I. 33. 
 
 ' The setting sun, and music at the close, 
 As the last taste of sweets, is sweetest last.* 
 
 Shakespeare, Richard II, ii. I. 13. 
 Close, adj. Secret: p. 230, 1. 7. 
 
 'The close contriver of all harms.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Macbeth, iii. 5, 7. 
 Close, adv. Closely, secretly: p. 234, 1. 22. 
 
 ' Stand you thus close, to steal the bishop's deer ? * 
 
 Shakespeare, 3 Hen. VI, iv. 5. 17. 
 Coarctation, sb. Restriction : p. 8, 1. 3. 
 
 Z 2 
 
340 GLOSSARV. 
 
 Cockboat, sb. A small boat: p. 23, 1. 28. Called a 'cock' by Shake- 
 speare, Lear iv. 6. 19 : 
 
 4 Yond tall anchoring bark 
 Diminish'd to her cock.' 
 Cogitations, sb. Thoughts : p. 4, 1. 28 ; p. 70, 1. 14, &c. Comp. Dan. 
 
 vii. 28. 
 Colliquation, sb. Melting, liquefaction : p. 114,1.30. 4 Colliquation : f. 
 
 A colliquation; a consumtion of the radicall humor, or substance of 
 
 the bodie ; also, a melting, resoluing, dissoluing.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Colour, sb. Pretext: p. 24, 1. 26. 'To give colour,' p. 238, 1. 2. 
 Columbine, adj. Dove-like : p. 20 r, I. 4. ' Colombain: m. ine : f. Doue- 
 
 like; of the nature of Doues; of, or belonging to, Doues.' Cotgrave, 
 
 Fr. Diet. 
 Combustion, sb. Heat, feverish excitement: p. 184, 1. 13. 
 Comen, p.p. Come: p. 37, 1. 3 ; p. 60, 1. 25; p. 188, 1. 24. So'be- 
 
 comen ' for 4 become.' ' Sir Robert Clifford (who was now becomen the 
 
 stale informer).' Hist, of Hen. VII. (Works, vi. p. 152). See also 
 
 Overcommen. 
 Comfort, v. t. To strengthen : p. 77, 1. 4. 'Not contented thus to have 
 
 comforted and assisted Her Majesty's rebels in England, he procured a 
 
 rebellion in Ireland.' Bacon, Observ. on a Libel (Works, viii. 194). 
 Comfortable, adj. Strengthening: p. 148, 1. 32. 
 Comforting, sb. Strengthening, a verbal noun: p. 77, 1. 14. 
 Comical, adj. Comic: p. 226, 1. 25. 
 Commanded, p. p. Controlled : p. 141, 1. 33. See p. 140, 11. 29, 30 
 
 p. 230, 1. 20. 
 Commandment, sb. Command: p. 48, 1. 32 ; p. 69, 11, 20, 23, 24, &c 
 Commenter, sb. Commentator: p. 42, 1. 12. 
 Commixed,/'./'. Mixed: p. no, 1. 1. 
 
 ' The smile mocking the sigh, that it would fly 
 From so divine a temple, to commix 
 With winds that sailors rail at.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Cymb. iv. 2. 55. 
 Commodity, sb. Convenience, advantage: p. 80, 1. 16. 
 4 Commodity, the bias of the world.' 
 
 Shakespeare, K. John, ii. I. 574. 
 Commonalty, sb. A corporation: p. 56,1. 11. Spelt also communally. 
 
 p. 83, 1. 5. 4 Communaut6: f. The comminaltie, or common people; 
 
 .... also, a societie, brotherhood, corporation, or companie incorporate.' 
 
 Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Common place, sb. The subject of a thesis or discussion : p. 19, 1. 8. 
 
 4 Some have certaine common places, and theames, wherein they are good, 
 
 and want variety.' Essay xxxii. p. 136. 
 Commutative, adj. Relating to exchange: p. 107, 1. 1 1. See note. 
 
 Johnson defines 4 commutative justice' as 4 that honesty which is exercised 
 
 in traffick ; and which is contrary to fraud in bargains.' 
 Compacted, p.p. Compact, consolidated: p. 259, 1. 19; p. 260, 1. 10. 
 
 See Eph. iv. 16. 
 Compaction, sb. The being fastened together or consolidated : p. 260, 1. 8. 
 Compass, sb. A pair of compasses: p. 154, 1. 25. 4 Compas: m. A 
 
GLOSSARY. 
 
 341 
 
 cotnpasse; a circle, a round; also, a paire of compasses.' Cotgrave, 
 Fr. Diet. 
 Compass, adj. Circuitous: p. 232, 1. 17. 
 
 Compatible, adj. Sympathetic: p. 132, 1. 19. 'Compatible: com. Com- 
 patible, concurrable; which can abide or agree together; or indure, or 
 beare with, one another.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Complexion, sb. The constitution both of mind and body ; p. 12, 1. 27 ; 
 p. 162, 1. 30. Hence it denotes a natural tendency or inclination. 
 Comp. Shakespeare, Meas. for Meas. iii. 1. 24: 
 
 •Thou art not certain; 
 For thy complexion shifts to strange effects, 
 After the moon.' 
 Compounded,/)./'. Compound: p. 134, 1. 19. 
 Conceit, sb. Conception: p. 20, 1. 17 ; p. 102, 1. 29 ; p. 174, 1. 9. 
 ' Hear me without thine ears, and make reply 
 Without a tongue, using conceit alone.' 
 
 Shakespeare, K. John, iii. 3. 50. 
 Conclude, v. t. To lay down as a conclusion: p. 206, 1. 17. 
 Concordance, sb. Agreement, harmony: p. 89, 1. 16; p. 130, 1. 16. 
 Concupiscence, sb. Eager desire, lust: p. 133, 1. 14. See Rom. vii. 8. 
 Concurrent, sb. A rival: p. 235, 1. 4. 'Concurrent: m. A concurrent, 
 
 corriuall, competitor.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Confectionary, sb. One who makes confections or conserves: p. 206, 
 1. 22. See I Sam. viii. 13. 
 
 ' But myself, 
 Who had the world as my confectionary.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Timon of Athens, iv. 3. 260. 
 Confer, v.i. To consult: p. 66, 1. 24. See Gal. i. 16. To contribute: 
 
 p. 102, 1. 6. 
 Confidences, sb. Unusual in the plural: p. 227, I. 13. See Jer. ii. 37. 
 Congregate, adj. Collected : p. 130, 1. 3. 
 Conjugate, adj. United : p. 130, 1. 4. 
 
 Conjugates, sb. Things related to, and so resembling each other : p. 161, 
 
 '• 33- Johnson defines a conjugate as 'Agreeing in derivation with 
 
 another word, and therefore generally resembling in signification.' Bacon 
 
 uses it in a wider sense. 
 
 Conjugation, sb. Relation, connexion, combination: p. 89, 1. 12 ; p. 164, 
 
 1. 19; p. 198, 1. 10. 
 Conscient, adj. Conscious: p. 227, 1. 30. 
 Consecrate, p.p. Consecrated: p. 95, 1. 10. 
 
 ' The imperial seat, to virtue consecrate* 
 
 Shakespeare, Tit. And. i. I. 14. 
 Compare accommodate, accumulate, alienate, copulate, corroborate, dedic- 
 ate, excommunicate, degenerate, demonstrate, devote, dilute, enumerate, 
 illuminate, illustrate, incorporate, palliate, premeditate, &c. 
 Consequent, sb. 'By consequent' = in consequence, consequently: p. 134, 
 
 1- 33- 
 Conserve, v.t. To preserve: p. 195, 1. 4. 
 
 •Thou art too noble to conserve a life 
 In base appliances.' Shakespeare, Meas. for Meas. iii. I. 88. 
 
342 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Considerative, adj. Requiring consideration or reflection: p. 126, 
 I. 4. Compare Demonstrative. 
 
 Consist, v.i. To stand firm, subsist, remain settled: p. 145, I. 27; 
 p. 209, 1. 13; p. 210, 1. 2. Comp. Col. i. 17. ' Consister. To consist, 
 be; rest, reside, abide; to settle, stand still, or at a slay.' Cotgrave, 
 Fr. Diet. 
 
 Consociate, v.t. To associate, unite: p. 72, 1. 32. 
 
 Consort, sb. Fellowship: p. 102, 1. 14. 
 
 Constitute, v.i. To establish: p. 130, 1. 9. 
 
 Construe, v. i. To interpret: p. 50, 1. 33 ; p. 245, 1. 4. 
 1 Construe the times to their necessities.' 
 
 Shakespeare, 2 Hen. IV, iv. I. 104. 
 
 Contain, v. t. To hold in, as the breath : p 143, 1. 10. 
 
 Contained,/)./). Restrained: p. -209,1. 2; p. 261,1. 22. 
 
 Contemplative, sb. One devoted to contemplation: p. 191, 1. 1, 
 
 Contend, v.i. To strive, endeavour : p. 22, 1. 6. 
 
 Content, ib. The thing contained : p. 6, 1. 13. 
 
 Contentation, sb. Contentment: p. 13,1. 18. 
 
 Contention, sb. Effort, exertion: p. 104, 1. 12; p. 184, I. 6. 
 
 Contestation, sb. Strife, debate: p. 22, 1. 16. 'Contestation: f. A con- 
 testation; a protestation, taking, or calling to witnesse; also, a contesting, 
 striving, debating, reasoning, brabling about a matter.' Cotgrave, 
 Fr. Diet. 
 
 1 Your wife and brother 
 Made wars upon me ; and their contestation 
 Was theme for you.' Shakespeare, Ant. and CI. ii. 1. 43. 
 
 Continent, adj. Containing; 'the cause continent' = the containing 
 cause: p. 138, 1. 21. 
 
 Continent, sb. The thing containing: p. 6, 1. 13. 
 
 4 Heart, once be stronger than thy continent, 
 Crack thy frail case !' Shakespeare, Ant. and CI. iv. 14. 40. 
 
 Continue,!/./. 'To continue his whole age' = to devote his whole life 
 continuously: p. 79, 1. 22. 
 
 Continued, p.p. Kept, caused to remain: p. 162, 1. 25. 
 
 Contract, sb. Convention, agreement: p. 167, I. 2. 
 
 Contrariwise, adv. On the contrary: p. 13, 1. 3; p. 15, 1. 19. See 
 2 Cor. ii. 7. 
 
 Contristation, sb. Sadness: p. 5, 1. 21. 
 
 Convenient, adj. Suitable: p. 58, 1. 21. 
 
 Conversant, adj. 'Are conversant about ' = have to do with, are con- 
 cerned with: p. 76, 1. 32. 
 
 Converse, v.i. To dwell or abide; and so, to associate: p. 43, 1. 16. 
 • I have, since I was three year old, conversed with a magician, most 
 profound in his art.' Shakespeare, As You Like It, v. 2. 66. 
 
 Conversion, sb. A turning round, revolving: p. 158, 1. 19. 
 
 Convince, v.t. To convict, refute: p. 108, 1. 31. See John viii. 46. 
 
 Copie, sb. Copiousness: p. 29, 1. 14; p. 30, 1. 4; p. 154, 1. 5. 
 
 Copy. ' To change copy' = to change, shift about: p. 22 1, 1. 15. 'Then 
 Callisthenes changing copy, spake boldly many things against the Mace- 
 donians.' North's Plutarch, Alex. p. 701 (ed. 163O. 
 
GLOSSARF. 343 
 
 Corroborate, v.t. To strengthen: p. 131, 1. 33. 
 
 Corroborate, p.p. Confirmed in strength, grown strong: p. 21, L 1. 
 ' There is no trusting to the force of nature, nor to the bravery of words ; 
 except it be corroborate by custome.' Essay xxxix. p. 162. 
 Corrupt, v. i. To become corrupt: p. 259, 1. 13. 'Likewise glorious 
 gifts and foundations, are like sacrifices without salt ; and but the painted 
 sepulchres of almes, which soone will putrifie, and corrupt inwardly.' Essay 
 xxxiv. p. 14S. 
 Cosmetic, sb. The art of decoration : p. 133, 1. 24. 
 
 Countenance, sb. Appearance, semblance: p. 11, 1. 26. 'A counte- 
 nance of gravity ' = an appearance of importance. 
 Countervail, v.t. To counterbalance, outweigh: p. 14, I. 15; p. 161, 
 I.17. 
 
 4 But come what sorrow can, 
 It cannot countervail the exchange of joy.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Rom. and Jul. ii. 6. 4. 
 Course, ' In course* = in its due order: p. 86, 1. 22. 
 Cramp in, v.t. To force, press in: p. 199, 1. II, The modern cram. 
 Creature, sb. Anything created: p. no, 1. 13. See Rom. i. 25; viii. 19. 
 ' The first creature of God, in the workes of the dayes, was the light of 
 the sense.' Essay, i. p. 2. 
 Crossness, sb. Intricacy : p. 250, 1. 24. 
 Cryptic, sb. Concealment: p. 174, 1. 27. 
 Cumber, sb. Encumbrance: p. 246, 1. 6. 
 Curiosity, sb. Nicety : p. 32, 1. 10. 
 
 ' Wherefore should I 
 Stand in the plague of custom, and permit 
 The curiosity of nations to deprive me.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Lear, i. 2. 4. 
 Curious, adj. Careful to excess, scrupulous, careful, nice: p. 10, 1. 21; 
 p. 20, 1. 32 ; p. 180, 1. 6. Wrought with care: p. 134, 1. 30. 
 * His body couched in a curious bed.' 
 
 Shakespeare, 3 Hen. VI, ii. 5. 53. 
 Customed, p.p. Frequented by customers : p. 155, 1. 29. 
 
 D. 
 
 Decarded, p.p. Discarded: p. 126,1. 33. 
 
 Decayed, p.p. Brought to decay: p. 72, 1. 19. 'Decay 'is used transi- 
 tively in Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, i. 5. 82 : 
 
 • Infirmity, that decays the wise.' 
 
 Decency, sb. Comeliness, propriety: p. 216, 11. 21, 26; p. 219, 11. 4, 5. 
 1 Decence : f. Decencie, seemelinesse, comelinesse, handsomenesse.' Cot- 
 grave, Fr. Diet. 
 
 Decent, adj. Becoming, appropriate : p. 6, 1. 19; p. 181, 1. 22. ' In beauty, 
 that of favour, is more then that of colour, and that of decent and gracious 
 motion more then that of favour.' Essay xliii. p. 176. 
 
344 GLOSSARV. 
 
 Declination, sb. Decline : p. 143, 1. 25. ' And the one of them said, That 
 to be a secretary, in the declination of a monarchy, was a ticklish thing, 
 and that he did not affect it.' Essay xxii. p. 94. 
 Deducement, sb. Deduction : p. 225, 1. 6 ; p. 260, 1. 30. 
 Defeat, v. t. To ruin, undo: p. 207, 1. n. * Desfaire. To vndoe ; breake, 
 defeat, discomfit, ouercome; ruine, destroy, ouerthrow.' Cotgrave, Fr. 
 Diet. 
 Deficience, sb. Deficiency: p. 84, 11. 6, 22 ; p. 118, 1. 33. 
 Define of. To define: p. 116, 1. 28; p. 257, 1. 5. 
 Defunct, sb. A dead man: p. I49, 1. 26. 
 
 Degenerate, p.p. Degenerated: p. 81,1.32. 'Reduce things, to the 
 first institution, and observe, wherein, and how, they have degenerate.* 
 Essay xi. p. 41. 
 Degrees, sb. Ranks in society : p. 96, 1. 17. 
 Delectable, adj. Delightful: p. 64, 1. 17; p. 89, 1. 24. 
 
 1 Making the hard way sweet and delectable.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Rich. II. ii. 3. 7. 
 Delectation, sb. Delight: p. 102, 1. 7. 'Delectation: f. Delectation, 
 
 delight, pleasure, oblectation.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Delicacy, sb. Effeminacy: p. 19, 1. 14. 4 Delicatesse : f. Delicacie, dainti- 
 nesse, tendernesse, nicenesse, wantonnesse, effeminacie ; sensualite.' Cot- 
 grave, Fr. Diet. 
 Delicate, adj. Affected, effeminate : p. 28, 1. 10. 
 
 Deliver, v.t. To pronounce, communicate, as a message: p. 7, 1. 21. 
 4 The former delivers the precepts of the art ; and the latter the perfection.' 
 Essay xlv. p. 181. 
 Demand, v. t. To ask, simply ; not as now, to ask with authority or as 
 
 a right : p. 85, 1. 7. See 2 Sam. xi. 7. 
 Demonstrate, />./>. Demonstrated: p. 39, 11. 10, II. 
 Demonstrative, adj. Capable of demonstration, demonstrable: p. 14, 
 1. 29. 
 
 ' He sends you this most memorable line, 
 In every branch truly demonstrative.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Hen. V, ii. 4. 89. 
 Dependences, sb. Dependents: p. 229, 1. 7; p. 231, 1. 9; p. 235, 
 
 I.14. 
 Depending, p.p. Impending: p. 218, 1. II. 
 Deplored, p.p. Despaired of: p. 140, 1. 20. 
 'Your love, sir, like strong water 
 To a deplor'd sick man, quicks your feeble limbs 
 For a poor moment.' 
 
 Albumazar, i. 2. (Dodsley's Old Plays, vii. 115, ed. 1825.) 
 Depravation, sb. Depreciation, defamation, dander: p. 17, 1. 2. 
 'Apt, without a theme, 
 For depravation.' Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. v. 2. 132. 
 
 Deprave, v. t. To defame, depreciate, disparage : p. 27, 1. 25 ; p. 37, 1. 15. 
 * If affection lead a man, to favour the lesse worthy in desert, let him 
 doe it without depraving or disabling the better deserver.' Essay xlix, 
 p. 202. 
 Depredation, sb. A robbing, plundering: p. 106, 1. 6. 
 
GLOSSARV. 345 
 
 Derivation, sb. Originally, the turning of a stream into another channel : 
 p. 36, I, 12. See note. 
 
 Derived, p. p. Drawn off, as in channels: p. 259, 11. 9, 17. 
 
 Descry, v. t. To observe, discern : p. 71, 1. 33 ; p. 115, 1. 29. 
 
 1 Moreover, to descry 
 The strength o' the enemy.' Shakespeare, Lear, iv. 5. 13. 
 
 Designation, sb. Appointment: p. 78, 11. 1, 3 ; p. 83, 1. 12; p. 84, 1. 4. 
 
 Designment, sb. Design: p. 16, 1. 1. 
 
 4 Served his designtnents 
 In mine own person.' Shakespeare, Coriolanus, v. 6. 35. 
 
 Desolate, v. t. To render desolate: p. 231, 1. 8. 'Desoler. To desolate ; 
 make lonelie, solitary, deavelie, or desart ; to deuast, waste extreamely, 
 mine vtterly.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 
 Despite, sb. Spite: p. 61, 1. 27. 
 
 ' Full of despite, bloody as the hunter.* 
 
 Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, iii. 4. 243. 
 
 Destituted, p. p. Left destitute, abandoned: p. 129, 1. 31. Bacon uses 
 4 destitute ' as a verb in Essay xxxiii. p. 143 : • It is the sinfullest thing in 
 the world, to forsake or destitute a plantation, once in forwardnesse.' 
 
 Determinate, adj. Definite^: p. 209, 1. 25. 
 
 Determination, sb. The solution or decision of a question : p. 1 73, 1. 7. 
 It is now used rather in the sense of * resolution ' which itself once was 
 equivalent to ' solution.' 
 
 Devote, adj. Devoted: p. 42, 1. 8. 
 
 Dexteriously, adv. Dexterously: p. 214, 1. 32. This is the form of the 
 word in the editions of 1605, 1629, 1633, and in Shakespeare, Twelfth 
 Night, i. 5. 66 : ' Dexteriously, good madonna.' In p. 240, 1. 15, the word 
 is spelt as usual. 
 
 Diascordium, sb. P. 140, 1. 33. See note. 
 
 Dictature, sb. Office of dictator, dictatorship : p. 65, 1. 33. 
 
 Difference, sb. A distinguishing mark, a badge : p. 4, 1. 14 ; p. 47, 1. 4. 
 In heraldry a difference is * a figure added to a coat of arms to distinguish 
 the persons or families who bear the same arms, and to indicate their 
 nearness to the original bearer.' (Webster, Diet.) Hence, in Shakespeare, 
 Haml. iv. 5. 183; ' O you must wear your rue with a difference'; and, 
 Much Ado, i. 1, 69; 'Let him bear it for a difference between himself 
 and his horse. 
 
 Differing, adj. Different: p. 10, 1. 25; p. 28, 1. 33, &c. 
 
 Difficile, adj. Difficult: p. 217, I. 10. 'Difficile: com. Difficile, difficult; 
 hard, vneasie, troublesome, intricate, painefull, almost impossible.' Cot- 
 grave, Fr. Diet. 
 
 Digested, p.p. Arranged: p. 154, 1. 28. *We have cause to be glad 
 that matters are so well digested.' Shakespeare, Ant. and CI. ii. 2. 179. 
 
 Digladiation, sb. Literally, a combat with swords ; hence, a quarrel or 
 controversy: p. 33, 1. 20. 
 
 Dilatation, sb. Dilation, expanded description: p. 117, 1. 32. 
 
 Dilute, adj. Diluted; and so, feeble: p. 260, 1. 16. 
 
 Disable, v.t. Literally, to disqualify; then, to pronounce disqualified, to 
 disparage: p. 13, 1. 7; p. 153, 1. 32; p. 176, 1. 32. Comp. Shakespeare, 
 As You Like It, v. 4. 80; ' He dualled my judgement.' 
 
34^ 
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Disallowed, p.p. Disapproved: p. 27, 1. 13; p. 41, 1. 31. See I Pet. 
 
 ii. 4. 7- 
 Discern, v. t. To distinguish between, recognize: p. 136, 1. 20. 'To 
 
 discern of: p. 203, 1. 18. Comp. 'accept of,' 'define of.' 
 Discharge, sb. The phrase * discharge 0/ cares ' signifies delivery from the 
 
 charge or burden of cares: p. 77, 1. 20. 
 Discharged, p.p. Dismissed, got rid of: p. 187, 1. 30. 
 Disclaim, in. To disclaim all share in, renounce: p. 73> h 15- 'You 
 cowardly rascal, nature disclaims in thee : a tailor made thee.' Shake- 
 speare, Lear, ii. 2. 59. 
 Discontents, sb. Causes of disaffection : p. 58, 1. 23. 
 ' His discontents are unremoveably 
 Coupled to nature.' Shakespeare, Tim. of Ath. v. 2. 227. 
 Discontinuation, sb. A solution of continuity : p. 139, I. II. 
 Discourse of reason. The power of inferring one thing from another ; 
 the reasoning faculty, as distinguished from reason: p. 28, 1. 13. Com- 
 pare Shakespeare, Haml. i. 2. 150: 
 
 4 A beast, that wants discourse of reason, 
 Would have mourn'd longer.' 
 And Troilus and Cressida, ii. 2. 1 16: 
 
 1 Or is your blood 
 So madly hot that no discourse of reason 
 Nor fear of bad success in a bad cause, 
 Can qualify the same?' 
 Shakespeare uses ' discourse ' alone in the same sense, Haml. iv. 4. 36 : 
 • Sure, he that made us with such large discourse, 
 Looking before and after, gave us not 
 That capability and godlike reason 
 To fust in us unused.' 
 Discoursing, adj. Discursive, shifting: p. 119, 1. 9. The figure is 
 
 evidently taken from a sandbank. See p. 120, 11. 1-5. 
 Discover, v. t. To uncover, lay bare : p. 9, 1. 10. Comp. Ps. xxix. 9. 
 Disesteem, v . t. To depreciate, undervalue : p. 20, 1. 28. 4 Disestimer. To 
 disesteeme, neglect, contemne, set naught by, make no reckoning of.' 
 Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Disguisement, sb. A disguising, disguise: p. 123, 1. 19. 
 Disincorporate, adj. Disincorporated, dissevered : p. 258, 1. 32. 
 Dismantled,/*./). Unmasked, stripped of disguise: p. 238, 1. 19. Com- 
 pare Shakespeare, Lear, i. I. 220: 
 
 'That she 
 
 . . . . should in this trice of time 
 Commit a thing so monstrous, to dismantle 
 So many folds of favour.' 
 Dispose, v.t. To arrange: p. 44, 1. 23; p. 81, 1. 25. 
 Disposition, sb. Arrangement: p. 44, 1. 27. Of studies, says Bacon, 
 their chief use ' for ability, is in the iudgement and disposition of busi- 
 nesses Essay 1. p. 204. 
 Distaste, sb. Disgust : p. 8, 1. 8. 4 Prosperity is not without many feares 
 
 and distastes.' Essay v. p. 17. 
 Distemper, v.t. To derange, disorder : p. 134. 1. 28. • The malignancy 
 
GL $ S A R Y. 347 
 
 of my fate might perhaps distemper yours.' Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, 
 
 ii. I. 5. 
 Distinguish, v.i. To assert distinctly, decide : p. 166, 1. 3. 
 Disvalued, p. p. Depreciated: p. 237, 1. 3. 
 
 ' But in chief 
 For that her refutation was disvalued 
 In levity.' Shakespeare, Meas. for Meas. v. I. 22 1. 
 Divers, adj. Different; and so, several: p. 25, 1. 32 ; p. 85, 1. 31. ' For 
 
 indeed, every sect of them, hath a divers posture, or cringe by themselves.' 
 
 Essay iii. p. 9. 
 Diverse, adj. Different: p. 39, 1. 27 ; p. 85, I. 15. 
 Divination, sb. Foretelling of future events : p. 87, 1. 25. * Diuination, 
 
 or Southsaying, & telling things by coniecture. Mantice.' Baret, 
 
 Alvearie. 
 Divulsion, sb. A tearing asunder: p. 1S9, 1. 13. * Divulsion: f. kdivul- 
 
 sion, or pulling vp ; also, a cutting, section, or division.' Cotgrave, 
 
 Fr. Diet. 
 Dogmatical, sb. Dogmatical statement, dogma: p. 152, 1. 30. 
 Dolor, sb. Grief, suffering: p. 140, 1. 5. 'A minde fixt, and bent upon 
 
 somewhat, that is good, doth avert the dolors of death.' Essay ii. p. 7. 
 Domestical, adj. Domestic: p. 223, 1. 16. • Domestique : com. Domes- 
 tical!, housall, of our household.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Donative, sb. A gift, largess: p. 48, 1. 14; p. 71, 1. 1. ' For their men 
 
 of warre ; it is a dangerous state, where they live and remaine in a body, 
 
 and are used to donatives. 1 Essay xix. p. 81. 
 Dotation, sb. Endowment: p. 79, 1. I. 
 Doubt, v.i. To hesitate through fear, and then, to fear: p. 16, 1. 28; 
 
 p. 26, I. 8. 
 
 'I doubt some danger does approach you nearly.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Macb. iv. 2. 67. 
 Droumy, adj. Turbid : p. 246, I. 16. Halliwell (Arch, and Prov. Diet.) 
 
 gives the word as a Devonshire provincialism. Chaucer uses ' drovy.* 
 Drown, v. i. To be drowned : p. 92, 1. 27. 
 
 Drowth, sb. Drought: p. 151, 1. 23. Compare Pericles, iii. Gower, 8. 
 Dulceness, sb. Sweetness, p. 238, 1. 21. 
 
 E. 
 
 Easiliest, adv. Most easily : p. 41, 1. 29. 
 
 Ecstasy, sb. A trance: p. 145, 1. 24. A state in which the functions of 
 
 the senses are temporarily suspended. Such was the * trance ' {enaraais) 
 
 into which the Apostle Peter fell (Acts x. 10). See Shakespeare, Oth. 
 
 iv. 1. 80: 
 
 ' I shifted him away, 
 And laid good 'scuse upon your ecstasy.' 
 Eccentrics, sb. According to the Ptolemaic system of astronomy, the 
 
 supposed circular orbits described by the planets about the earth, which 
 
 was not in the centre: p. 161, 1. 30. 
 
348 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Edition, sb. Promulgation, publication: p. 266, 1. 5. 
 
 Effectual, adj. Energetic, effective, practical: p. 235, I. 17. 'Neither 
 
 can they (i. e. vain persons) be secret, and therefore not effectnall.' Essay 
 
 liv. p. 216. 
 Elected, p.p. Chosen : p. 158, 1. 2S. 
 
 ' Why hast thou gone so far, 
 To be unbent when thou hast ta'en thy stand, 
 The elected deer before thee?' Shakespeare, Cymb. iii. 4. 112. 
 Election, sb. Choice : p. 46, 1. 18 ; p. 49, 1. 9. ' But contrariwise in 
 
 favour, to use men with much difference and election, is good.' Essay 
 
 xlviii. p. 199. See also Haml. iii. 2. 69. 
 Elegancy, sb. Elegance: p. 47, 1. 33; p. 64, 1. 18. ' But yet, since 
 
 princes will have such things (i. e. masques), it is better, they should be 
 
 graced with elegancy, then daubed with cost. Essay xxxvii. p. 156. 
 Elenche, sb. From the Greek eA^xos, a term in logic, which is defined 
 
 as ' a syllogism by which the adversary is forced to contradict himself: 
 
 p. 159, 11. 18, 25; p. 160, 1. 14. 
 Elogy, sb. A panegyric, eulogy: p. 94, 1. 31. 
 Emancipate, p.p. Emancipated, set free: p. 130, 1. II. 
 Embased, p.p. Debased, deteriorated: p. 127, 1. 9. 'And that mixture 
 
 of falshood, is like allay in coyne of gold and silver ; which they make 
 
 the metall worke the better, but it embaseth it.' Essay i. p. 3- 
 Embassage, sb. An embassy. ' To come in embassage ' = to come on an 
 
 embassy : p. II, 1. I. 'I will ... do you any embassage to the Pigmies.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Much Ado, ii. 1. 277. 
 Emulate with. To emulate, vie with: p. 112, 1. 32. The construction 
 
 is an imitation of the Latin ' aemulari cum aliquo.' 
 Emulation, sb. Envy, rivalry in a bad sense : p. 49, 1. 29. 
 •Whilst emulation in the army crept.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. ii. 2. 212. 
 
 It is now used exclusively in a good sense, as in p. 50, 1. 18. 
 Enable, v. t. To make able, to qualify: p. 12, 1. 22 ; p. 42, 1. 23. Comp. 
 
 1 Tim. i. 12. 
 Enablement, sb. A qualifying or making able, qualification : p. 59, 
 
 1. 3 ; p. 79, 1. 9. 
 End. 'To the end' = in order: p. 17, 1. 19; p. 46, 1. 6 ; p. 48, 1. 29. 
 
 ' Nay, some undertake sutes, with a full purpose, to let them fall ; to the 
 
 end, to gratifie the adverse partie, or competitour.' Essay xlix. p. 201. 
 Endeavour, v. t. To strive after, aim at, attempt : p. 10, 1. 10. Obsolete 
 
 construction. 
 
 ' But I'll endeavour deeds to match these words.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. iv. 5. 259. 
 Engaged, p. p. Literally, bound by a gage or pledge ; and so, pledged or 
 
 committed to a certain course of conduct : p. 234, 1. 29. 
 Engine, sb. A contrivance, device, requiring ingenium or skill : p. 241, 
 
 1. 18. 
 Enginery, sb. Engineering: p. 122, 1. 8. 
 Enterprised, p.p. Attempted, undertaken: p. 97, 1. 33. 'And therefore 
 
 is not by any to be enterprised, nor taken in hand, unadvisedly.' Marriage 
 
 Service. 
 
GLOSSARY. 349 
 
 Entitle, v. I. To give a title to, designate : p. 26, 1. 19. 
 Enucleate, v. t. To extract as a kernel : p. 256, I. 27. 
 Enumerate, p.p. Enumerated: p. 83, 1. 24. 
 
 Envious, adj. Malicious ; used in a much stronger sense than at present : 
 P- 18, 1. 3- 
 
 • But none can drive him from the envious plea 
 Of forfeiture, of justice, and his bond.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. iii. 2. 285. 
 Envy, sb. Ill-will: p. 55, 1. 3. 
 Envy, v . i. To bear ill-will, to gruchje : p. 38, 1. 8. 
 Epicure, sb. An Epicurean : p. 196, 1. 1 3. 
 Essence, sb. Essential importance : p. 164, 1. 30. 
 Estate, sb. State: p. 13, 11. 28, 30 ; p. 23, 1. 27 ; p. 70, 1. 13. Condition : 
 
 p. 43> 1- I- 
 
 Esteem of. To esteem, reckon, estimate: p. 178, 1. 6; p. 228, 1. 24. 
 
 * Whosoever esteemetb too much of amorous affection, quitteth both riches, 
 
 and wisedome.' Essay x. p. 37. Comp. ' define of,' ' discern of.' 
 Estuation, sb. Fermentation, agitation of mind: p. 195, 1. 20. 
 Every, pron. Each: p. 14, 1. 21 ; p. 136, 1. I. 'Every of them is carried 
 
 swiftly, by the highest motion, and softly in their owne motion.' Essay 
 
 xv. p. 56. 
 Examinable, adj. Capable of being examined: p. 2^5, 1. 33; p. 256, 
 
 1. 10. 
 Exceed, v. i. To be excessive : p. 132, 1. 4. 
 
 4 Marg. I saw the Duchess of Milan's gown that they praise so. 
 Hero. O, that exceeds, they say.' Shakespeare, Much Ado, iii. 4. 17. 
 Excellency, sb. Excellence: p. 55, 1. 3. * As if nature, were rather busie, 
 
 not to erre, then in labour, to produce excellency.' Essay xliii. p. I 76. 
 Except, p.p. Excepted : p. 68, 1. 8 ; p. 116, 1. 6. * Christ in the truth of 
 
 our nature was made like unto us in all things, sin only except.' Art. XV. 
 Excusation, sb. Excuse: p. 24, 1. 6; p. 181, 1. 25. 'Prefaces, and 
 
 passages, and excusations, and other speeches of reference to the person, 
 
 are great wasts of time.' Essay xxv. p. 102. 
 Exemplar, adj. Pattern, used as an adjective; conspicuous: p. 92, 11. 10, 
 
 24; p. 222,1. 33. 
 Exhibit, v.t. To administer as a remedy; a medical term: p. 131, 
 
 1. 32. 
 Expect, v.t. To await: p. 16, 1. 18. 
 
 ' Let 's in, and there expect their coming.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. v. I. 49. 
 Expedite, adj. Unencumbered, expeditious, speedy : p. 159, 1. 16. 
 Expostulation, sb. Demand : p. 64, 1. 26. 
 Expulse, v.t. To drive out, expel : p. 16, 1. 29 ; p. 173, 1. 30. 
 
 * For ever should they be expulsed from France.' 
 
 Shakespeare, 1 Hen. VI. iii. 3. 25. 
 Exquisite, adj. Elaborate, minute: p. 24, 1. 14; p. 28, 1. 23; p. 35, 
 
 1. 20. 
 Extemporal, adj. Extemporary: p. 82, 1. 8. 'Sir Nathaniel, will you 
 
 hear an extemporal epitaph on the death of the deer ? ' Shakespeare, 
 
 Love's Labour's Lost, iv. 2. 50. 
 
350 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Extensive, adj. Capable of being extended: p. 31, 1. 13. Compare 
 
 demonstrative. 
 Extenuate, v. t. To lessen, depreciate: p. 13, 1. 6. 'Extenuating and 
 blasting of your merit.' Bacon, Letter of Advice to Essex (Works, ix. 41). 
 ' Speak of me as I am ; nothing extenuate, 
 Nor set aught down in malice.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Oth. v. 2. 343. 
 Extern, adj. External: p. 106, I. 16; p. 199, 1. 20. 
 
 'When my outward action doth demonstrate 
 The native act and figure of my heart 
 In compliment extern.' Shakespeare, Oth. i. I. 63. 
 
 Extinguish, v. i. To be extinguished: p. 92, 1. 27. 
 Extinguishment, sb. Extinction; p. 191, 1. 21. 
 Extirper, sb. An extirpator: p. 52, 1. 2. 
 
 Extreme, adv. Extremely: p. 243, 1. 16. 'Acting in song, especially 
 in dialogues, hath an extreme good grace.' Essay xxxvii. p. 156, 
 1. 10. 
 Extremely, adv. ' Most extremely compounded ' = compounded in the 
 
 most extreme degree : p. 134, 1. 8. 
 Exulceration, sb. An ulcer: p. 68, 1. 33. 
 
 P. 
 
 Face out, v. t. To confront boldly, brazen out : p. 1 38, 1. 8. 
 
 Facile, adj. Easily swayed, fickle, pliant: p. 222, 1. 27. 'If they 
 
 (i. e. judges) be facile, and corrupt, you shall have a servant, five times 
 
 worse than a wife.' Essay viii. p. 27. 
 Facility, sb. Pliancy: p. 238, 1. 21. See quotation under Apply. 
 Facture, sb. Shape, form: p. 131, 1. 4; p. 138, 1. 19. 'Facture: 
 
 f. The facture, workemanship, framing, making of a thing.' Cotgrave, 
 
 Fr. Diet. 
 Faculty, sb. Power, influence: p. 136, 1. 12. 
 
 1 Besides, this Duncan 
 Hath borne his facidlies so meek.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Macb. i. 7- *7- 
 Fair, adj. Handsome: p. 32, 1. 30. 'It is a reverend thing, to see an 
 
 ancient castle, or building not in decay ; or to see a faire timber tree, 
 
 sound and perfect.' Essay xiv. p. 52. 
 Faith, sb. The Christian faith or religion: p. 49, 1. 10 ; p. 132, 1. 7; 
 
 P- 255J. II. 
 False, adv. Falsely: p. 182, 1. II. 
 Fallace, sb. Fallacy: p. 159, 1. 30. 
 Fallacy, sb. Deception: p. 71, 1. 22. 'Fallace: f. Afallacie; guile, 
 
 deceit, wile, tromperie, a craftie tricke, cheating, sleight, cousening deuice.' 
 
 Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Fall out, v. i. To happen : p. 28, I. 7 ; p. 103, 1. 16. 
 Fame, sb. Report, rumour: p. 34, 1. 21. See Gen. xlv. 16. 'Seditious 
 
 tumults, and seditious fames, differ no more, but as brother and sister, 
 
 masculine and feminine.' Essay xv. p. 55. 
 
GLOSSARF. 351 
 
 Fastest, adv. Most closely: p. 18, 1. 26. 
 
 Felicity, sb. Luck, good fortune: p. 227, I. B5. 'The pencill of the 
 
 holy Ghost, hath laboured more, in describing the afflictions of lob, 
 
 then the felicities of Salomon.' Essay v. p. 17. 
 Find strange. To wonder: p. 78, L 14; p. 94, 1. 25; p. 141, 1. 21. 
 
 1 It cannot be found strange? it cannot be wondered at: p. 149, 1. 33. 
 
 Lat. non est cur mirelur quispiam. 
 Fitteth, is befitting: p. 82, 1. 3. 
 Fixing, sb. Fixed position : p. 47, 1. 3a. Compare ' fixure ' in Troilus 
 
 and Cressida, i. 3. 101. 
 Flexxious, adj. Winding, intricate : p. 1 18, 1. 15. 
 Fluctuant, adj. Floating : p. 98, 1. 26. 
 Fly, v. t. To chase flying, as with a hawk : p. 209, 1. 10. ' But now, 
 
 if a man can tame this monster, and bring her to feed at the hand, 
 
 and govern her, and with her fly other ravening fowle, and kill them, 
 
 it is somewhat worth.' Essay of Fame, p. 240. 
 For = as for : p. 71, 1. 8. 
 
 Force. ' Of force ' = of necessity, necessarily : p. 106, 1. 17- 
 Forth, redundant in the phrases ' how far forth,' ' as far forth ' : 
 
 p. 176,1. 12; p. 257, 1. 30. 'Forth of' = out of: p. 231, 1. 14. See 
 
 Gen. viii. 16. 
 Fortify, v. i. To become strong : p. 209, 1. 4. 
 Forwards. In the phrase ' so forwards' = so forth, so on: p. 48, 1. 9. 
 Frame. 'Out of frame ' = out of order: p. 217, 1. 19. 'And therfore, 
 
 when great ones, in their owne particular motion, move violently. . . . 
 
 it is a signe, the orbs are out of frame! Essay xv. p. 56. 
 Fret, v. t. To eat away : p. 91, 1. 7. See Lev. xiii. 55. 
 Frets, sb. p. 162, 1. 17. Figures in architecture, used in ornamenting 
 
 the roofs of houses, ' formed by small fillets intersecting each other 
 
 at right angles.' Parker's Glossary of Architecture. The Egyptian key 
 
 pattern is a familiar example. ' Fringotteries : f. Frets ; cranklings, wrigled 
 
 flourishing, in earnings, &c.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. A. S.frcetu, an ornament. 
 Fripper, sb. A dealer in old clothes: p. 176, 1. 25. 'Fripier: m. A 
 
 Fripier ; or broker; a mender, or trimmer vp of old garments, and 
 
 a seller of them so mended.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. Shakespeare (Temp. 
 
 iv. I. 225) uses ' a frippery ' for an old-clothes shop. 
 Fro, prep. From : p. 68, 1. 10. 
 
 Fume, sb. Vapour, smoke ; used metaphorically : p. 89, 1. 25. 
 Funambalo, sb. A rope-dancer : p. 165, 1. 23. ' We see the industry 
 
 and practice of tumblers and funambulos, what effects of great wondei 
 
 it bringeth the body of man unto.' Bacon, Disc, touching Helps for 
 
 the Intell. Powers (Works, vii. p. 99). 
 Futility, sb. Idle talkativeness, blabbing of secrets : p. 248, 1. 33. 
 
 Bacon (Essay vi. p. 20) uses the adjective ' futile.' ' As for talkers 
 
 and futile persons, they are commonly vaine, and credulous withahV 
 
 And again in Essay xx. p. 84. 
 
35* 
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gamester, sb. A player at any game ; not necessarily a gambler : p. 198, 
 
 1. 23. 
 Generosity, sb. Nobility : p. 69, 1. 30. 
 Gigantine, adj. Giantlike : p. 194, L 13. Referring to the war of the 
 
 giants against Jupiter. 
 Glance, sb. An allusion, hint: p. 57, 1. I j. 
 Glass, sb. A mirror : p. 108, 1. 6 ; p. 161, 1. 6 ; p. 1 76, L 7. In the New 
 
 Atlantis Bacon uses 'glass' for ' lens' (Works, iii. 162). 
 Glory, sb. Ostentation: p. 7, 1. 27; p. 112, 1. 19; p. 171, I. 4. See 
 Essay lvi. p. 224, 1. 31 : 'Whatsoever is above these, is too much; and 
 proceedeth either of glory and willingnesse to speake ; or of impatience to 
 hear, &c. 
 Go, v. t. Used in a transitive sense: p. 83, I. 29. 
 Go about. To endeavour: p. 173, 1. 10. See Rom. x. 3. 
 Grace, v. t. To compliment, praise : p. 236, 1. 29. Comp. Essay lvi 
 p. 225: 'There is due from the iudge, to the advocate, some commend- 
 ation and gracing, where causes are well handled, and faire pleaded.' 
 Gravelled, p.p. Puzzled. To be gravelled = to hesitate: p. 57, 1. 15. 
 ' Nay, you were better speak first, and when you were gravelled for 
 lack of matter, you might take occasion to kiss.' Shakespeare, As You 
 Like It, iv. I. 74. 
 Crecia,s&. Greece: p. 3,1. 25; p. 12, 1. 10. See Dan. viii. 21. 
 Grecians, sb. Greeks: p. II, 1. 15. Comp. Joel iii. 6. 
 Grift, v.t. To graft: p. 255, 1. 22. The ed. of 1605 has grifie, which 
 in ed. 1629 became grift, and in ed. 1633 graft. Baret (Alvearie, s. v.) 
 gives ' To griffe. Inserere arbori.' 
 Grossly, adv. Clumsily, unskilfully : p. 37, 1. 7; p. 153, 1. 22. 
 Grot, sb. A grotto or cave : p. 162,1. 26. 
 Ground, sb. The plain-song of a tune, on which the variations or descants 
 
 are made : p. 197. 1- U« 
 Ground, sb. Foundation : p. 76, 1. 12. 
 Ground, v.t. To lay the foundation of: p. 113, 1. 9. 
 Grounded, p.p. Well founded: p. no, 1. 15. 'Well grounded ' = with 
 
 good foundations : p. 217, 1. 21. 
 Grounds, sb. Soils: p. 207, 1. 20. Among the disadvantages in the 
 site of a house, Bacon enumerates * want of fruitfulnesse, and mixture 
 of grounds of severall natures.' Essay xlv. p. 180. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hand. To be in hand with = to have in hand, to treat of: p. 18, 1. 30; 
 
 p. 98, 1. 32. 
 Hap, v. i. To happen : p. 61, 1. 4. « The remnant of people, which hap 
 
 to be reserved, are commonly ignorant and mountanous people. 
 
 Essay lviii. p. 232. 
 
GLOSSARY. 353 
 
 Hardiier, adv. With more difficulty: p. 245, 1. 15. 
 
 Hardliest, adv. With most difficulty: p. 217, 1. 5. 
 
 Hardness, sb. Hardiness: p. 143, 1. 4. 
 
 Harmonical, adj. Harmonious: p. 197, 1. 7. 
 
 Heat, sb. Anger: p. 221, 1. 15. 
 
 Henoch, sb. Enoch: p. 190, I. 33. This form is adopted in the older 
 English versions of the Old Testament, and in the Authorized Version 
 of 1 Chr. i. 3, while in the New Testament the Greek form Enoch is 
 followed. 
 
 Herdman, sb. A herdsman: p. 69, 1. 25. See Gen. xiii. 7. 
 
 Heroical, adj. Heroic: p. 18, 1. 6; p. 51, 1. 32, &c: 
 
 ' But 'gainst your privacy 
 The reasons are more potent and heroical.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. iii. 3. 192. 
 
 Heteroclite, sb. A word irregularly declined : p. 87, 1. 4. 
 
 His. Its : p. 89, 1. 10 ; p. 120, 1. 31 ; p. 148, 1. 15. 
 
 His, used as the sign of the genitive. 'Socrates his ironical doubting:' 
 p. 42, 1. 2. 
 
 Historiographer, sb. Historian: p 17, 1. 30. 
 
 Hold, v. /. To keep to : p. 141, 1. 7. To restrain, withhold : p. 15, 1. 1 1. 
 
 Hold of. To pertain to, have to do with: p. 2, 1. 32; p. 124, 1. I; 
 p. 228, 1. 16. 
 
 Holden, p. p. Held: p. 69, 1. 31. 
 
 Holpen, p.p. Helped: p. 92, 1. 22. See Ps. lxxxiii. 8: Dan. xi. 34. 
 
 Honesty, sb. Used to denote high and honourable character, and hence 
 transferred to moral beauty and grace: p. 2 2, 1. 8. 
 
 Humanist, sb. A student of the humanities {Uteres humaniores): p. 135, 
 1. 33. The term is still used in the Scotch universities. 
 
 Humanity, sb. The knowledge of man ; human philosophy, as distin- 
 guished from natural theology and natural philosophy: p. 105, 1. 19; 
 p. 130, 1. I. It is contradistinguished from divinity in p. 28, 1. 20; 
 
 p. 58. !• 8. 
 Humorous, adj. Fanciful, capricious: p. 18, 1. 12; p. 245, 1. 9. 'As 
 
 humorous as winter.' Shakespeare, 2 Hen. IV, iv. 4. 34. 
 Humour, sb. Caprice: p. 49, 1. 32. 
 
 • In huitiours like the people of this world.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Rich. II, v. 5. 10. 
 
 I. 
 
 Ice, sb. A flaw in a jewel: p. 197, 1. 17. Compare the Fr. gla$ons, 
 which Cotgrave explains ' hides, or flakes of yce ; also, flawes in stones 
 resembling flakes of yce.' 
 
 Ill, adj. Bad : p. 69, 1. 1 1. ' Neither is it /// aire onely. that maketh an ill 
 seat, but /// wayes, /// markets.' Essay xlv. p. 1 So. 
 
 IUaqueation, sb. An entangling in argument, a sophism: p. 159, 1. 17; 
 
 p. 177. 1- «• 
 
 Illuminate,/'./'. Illuminated, enlightened: p. 53, 1. 16. 
 Illustrate, v.t. To render illustrious: p. 37, 1. 16. 
 Illustrate,/'./'. Illustrated: p. 40, I. 2. 
 
 a a 
 
354 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Imaginant, sb. One who imagines: p. 132, 1. 29; p. 146, 1. 4. 
 
 Inibarred, p.p. Interrupted, checked: p. 46, 1. 27. 
 
 Imbase, v.t. To debase, degrade: p. 37, L II ; p. 96, I. 18. « Nuptiall 
 love maketh mankinde ; friendly love perfecteth it; but wanton love 
 corrupteth, and imbaseth it.' Essay x. p. 38. 
 
 Immediate, adj. Closely connected, proximate : p. 14, 1. 14. 'Immediate 
 times' are those which are not separated by any interval from the 
 present. 
 
 Immediately, adv. Directly, without the intervention of anything else : 
 p. 154, 1. 14. Now generally used of time only. 
 
 Import, v.t. To have a bearing upon, affect: p. 163, 1. 24. 
 
 Impostumation, sb. An abscess : p. 139, 1. II. 
 
 Imprese, sb. A device with a motto : p. 167, 1. 6. 'An Imprese (as the 
 Italians call it) is a devise in picture with his Motte, or Word, borne by 
 noble and learned personages, to notifie some particular conceit of their 
 owne.' Camden, Remaines, p. 158 (ed. 1605). 
 
 Impression, sb. Stamp, lasting character; used in a moral sense: p. 47, 
 1. 5. Comp. p. 214, 1. 24; 'by imprinting upon their souls charity:' 
 and p. 69, 1. 17; 'for truth prints goodness.' 
 
 Improficience, sb. Want of progress or proficiency: p. 119, 1. I. 
 
 Impulsion, sb. Impulse, impelling cause: p. 137, 1. 19. 
 
 Ill, prep. Into: p. 72, 1. 28. 'Conversant in ' = conversant with: p. 75, 
 1. 16. With verbal nouns in is used like the Latin gerund: 'while 
 they are in tuning their instruments,' p. 251, 1. 22. Comp. *in depart- 
 ing,' Gen. xxxv. 18; * in seething,* I Sam. ii. 13; *m building,' 
 I Kings vi. *J. 
 
 Incensed, p.p. Burnt: p. 268, 1. 26. 
 
 Incensing, adj. Exasperating: p. 231,1. 14. 
 
 Inception, sb. Beginning: p. 194, 1. 4; p. 213, 1. 13. 
 
 Incertainty, sb. Uncertainty: p. 250, 1. 13. 
 
 Incidence, sb. Coincidence: p. 122, 1. 30. 'It hath an incidence into 
 it* = it coincides with it: p. 194, 1. 9. 
 
 Incidently, adv. Incidentally : p. 182, 1. 6 ; p. 198, 1. 9. 
 
 Included, p.p. Shut up, inclosed: p. 162, 1. 29. 
 
 Incompatible, adj. Incongruous: p. 10, 1. 25. Used here in an obsolete 
 construction. See also p. 212, 1. 24. 
 
 Incomprehension, sb. Want of comprehension: p. 136, 1. 26. A trans- 
 lation of the Greek acatalepsia, p. 154, 1. 4. 
 
 Inconvenient, adj. Unsuitable: p. 81, 1. 8. 
 
 Incorporal, adj. Incorporeal: p. 45, 1. 17: 
 
 ' Alas, how is't with you, 
 That you do bend your eye on vacancy, 
 And with the incorporal air do hold discourse?' 
 
 Shakespeare, Haml. iii. 4. 1 18. 
 
 Incorporate, p. p. Incorporated : p. 36, 1. 11 ; p. 97, 1. 5. 
 • No, it is Casca ; one incorporate 
 To our attempts.' Shakespeare, Jul. Cses. i. 3. 135. 
 
 Incurring, />r. />. Running: p. 175,1. 18. 
 
 Indifferent, adj. Impartial: p. 21, 1. 31. See Ecclus. xlii. 5. Belonging 
 to all alike, common : p. 1 1 3, 1. 27. 
 
GLOSSARY. 355 
 
 Indifferently, adv. Impartially: p. 84, 1. 19. Comp. Prayer for the 
 Church Militant : ' That they may truly and indifferently minister justice.' 
 
 Inditer, sb. A composer: p. 261, 1. 8. 
 
 Induced, p.p. Derived by induction: p. 171, 1. 9. 
 
 Inducement, sb. An introduction: p. 83, 1. 16; p. 144, I. 32; p. 222, 
 1. 31. 
 
 Inducing, adj. Introductory, preliminary : p. 83, 1. 29. 
 
 Indulgent, adj. Apt to indulge: as 'indulgent in allusions,' p. 264, 1. 2. 
 
 Induration, sb. Hardening: p. 114, 1. 29. 
 
 Infinite, adj. Innumerable: p. 72, I. 19; p. 194, I. 15. See note on 
 p. 72. 
 
 Infirm, v.t. To weaken, invalidate: p. 159, 1. 29. 
 
 Influxion, sb. Inflowing, influence, intromission: p. 145, 11. 20, 27, 32. 
 
 Infolded, p.p. Involved: p. 54, I. 10. 
 
 Inform, v.t. To instruct, teach: p. 108, 1. 31; p. 254, 1. 24. 'To in- 
 form ourselves m' = to inform or instruct ourselves with regard to: 
 p. 232, 1. 30. 
 
 Informed, p.p. Taught: p. 257,1. 22; p. 264,1.33. Animated: p. 105, 
 1. 5. Comp. Shakespeare, Coriol. v. 3. 71 : 
 
 ' Inform 
 Thy thoughts with nobleness.* 
 
 Ingenious, adj. Ingenuous : p. 236, 1. 23. 
 
 Ingurgitation, sb. An immoderate draught: p. 140, 1. 14. 
 
 Inherent to. Inherent in: p. 21, 1. 33. 
 
 Injury, sb. Insolence, contumely: p. 236, 1. 30; p. 238, 1. 20. 
 
 Inquire, v.t. To investigate: p. 89, 1. 11; p. no, 11. 14, 25, &c. 
 
 Inquisition, sb. Inquiry, investigation: p. 6, 1. 10; p. 48, 1. 25; p. 88, 
 1. I, &c. See Deut. xix. 18; Ps. ix. 12. 
 
 Inquisitor, sb. Searcher : p. 88, 1. •24. 
 
 Insatisfaction, sb. Dissatisfaction: p. 210, 1. 29. 
 
 Insinuate, v.t. To introduce indirectly, by winding courses: p. 14, 1. 19. 
 
 Insinuation, sb. Intertwining, intimate connexion: p. 102, 1. 12. Indi- 
 rect argument: p. 178, 1. 29. 
 
 Insinuative, adj. Winding itself in, insinuating: p. 148, 1. 19. 
 
 Insolency, sb. Insolence : p. 67, 1. 20 ; p. 227, 1. 22. ' To give moderate 
 liberty, for griefes, and discontentments to evaporate, (so it be without too 
 great insolency or bravery) is a safe way.' Essay xv. p. 61. 
 
 Instance, sb. Urgency: p. 189, 1. 23; p. 243, 1. 25. 
 
 Instrumental, sb. An instrument: p. 80, 1. n. 
 
 Intelligence, sb. 'To have intelligence' = to have an understanding, to 
 correspond: p. 36, 1. I. 'The arch-flatterer, with whom all the petty 
 flatterers have intelligence, is a mans selfe.' Essay x. p. 37. See Dan. xi 
 30. Information : p. 80, 1. 25. 
 
 Intelligenced, p. p. Informed: p. 233, 1. 13. 
 
 Intelligencer, sb. An informer: p. 80, 1. 26. 
 
 ' Richard yet lives, hell's black intelligencer, 
 Only reserved their factor, to buy souls 
 And send them thither.' Shakespeare, Rich. Ill, iv. 4. 71- 
 
 Intend, v.t. To aim at, direct the attention to: p. 135, 1. 31; p. 138, 
 1.6; p. 192, 1. 19; p. 205, 1. 9; p. 218, 1. 22. 'The intending of 
 
 A a 2 
 
$j6 GLOSSARV. 
 
 the discretion of behaviour' = attention to, &c. : p. 218, 1. 29. 'Romulus, 
 
 after his death (as they report, or faigne) sent a present to the Romans ; 
 
 that, above all, they should intend arms.' Essay xxix. p. 1 25. Ibid. p. 1 26. 
 Intendment, sb. Intention: p. 167,1. 19. 
 Intensive, adj. 'Intensive upon ' = directed to: p. 146, 1. 4. 
 Intent, sb. Intention, purpose: p. 6, 1. 3. See John xiii. 28. 
 Interlace, v. t. To mix : p. 244, 1. 6. ' Interlace not businesse, but 
 
 of necessitie.' Essay xi. p. 41. 
 Intervenient, adj. Incidental: p. 122, 1. 18. 'When there is matter 
 
 of law, intervenient in businesse of state.' Es.»ay Ivi. p. 227. 
 Into, prep. ' Hath an influence into' = hath an influence upon : p. 218, 1. 2. 
 
 Comp. p. 250, 11. 16, 17. 'Immersed into ' = ' immersed in,' p. 121, I. 18. 
 Intrinsic, adj. Internal; and so, hidden: p. 37, 1. 33. Compare the use 
 
 of ' inward.' 
 Invent, v.t. To find out, discover: p. 149, I. 15. 
 Invention, sb. Finding, discovery: p. 11 1, 1. 30; p. 149, 1. 22. 
 Inveterate, adj. Long established: p. 115, 1. 20. 
 Invocate, v.t. To invoke: p. 40, 1. 27; p. 161, 1. 21. 
 Inward, adj. Hidden, secret: p. 248, 1. 28. 
 
 Inwardness, sb. Hidden sense : p. 104, 1. 20. Intimacy : p. 233, 11. 8, 18. 
 Irony, sb. An ironical speech : p. 88, I. 33. 
 Issay. The old form of spelling 'Jesse': p. 152, 1. 25. 
 Iteration, sb. Repetition: p. 137, 1. 18; p. 202, 1. 33. 'Truth tired 
 
 with iteration.' Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. iii. 2. 183. 
 
 J. 
 
 Joculary, adj. Belonging to jest or juggling : p. 143, 1. 28. _ 
 
 Joy, v.i. To rejoice: p. 6, 1. 25. 'There is no man, that imparteth his 
 
 ioyes to his frend, but he ioyeth the more.' Essay xxvii. p. HO. 
 Judge, v. i. To give judgement, decide: p. 73, 1. 28. 
 Judged, p.p. Decided: p. 137, I. 29. 
 Jurisconsult, sb. A lawyer : p. 85, 1. 32 ; p. 259, 1. 33. 
 Just, adj. Exact: p. 85, 1. 4. 
 
 ' If thou cut'st more 
 Or less than a just pound.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. iv. I. 327. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kindly, adj. Natural: p. 140, 1. 12. So in the Litany, 'the kindly fruits 
 
 of the earth.' 
 Knit, v.i. To become compact: p. 39, 1. 31. 
 Knowledge, sb. A branch of knowledge, a science: p. 32, 1. 15; 
 
 p. 50, 1. 16. 'To take knowledge of' = 'to recognize': p. 48, 1. 2; 
 
 p. 226, 1. 24. 
 
 L. 
 
 Laboured, p.p. Elaborated : p. 78, 1. 4; p. 220, 1. 6. 
 Large, adj. Diffuse: p. 181, 1. 10. 
 
GLOSSARY. $$ 
 
 Latitude, sb. Extent: p. 52, 1. 14; p. 258, 1. 31. 
 
 Laudative, sb. A eulogy: p. 44, 1. 4; p. 100, 1. 13. 'The funerall 
 
 laudatives and monuments for those that died in the wars.' Essay 
 
 xxix. p. 129. 
 Learnings, sb. Branches of knowledge: p. 49, 1. 17. 
 
 • Puts to him all the learnings that his time 
 Could make him the receiver of.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Cymb. i. I. 43. 
 Least wise. ' At least wise' =at least: p. 147, 1. 23. 
 Leese, v.t. To lose: p. 37, 1. 5 ; p. 72, I. 23; p. 77, 1. 2; p. 239, 1. 18. 
 
 • For that that he winnes in the hundred, he leeseth in the shire.' Essay 
 
 xix. p. 80. 
 Legend, adj. Legendary: p. 55, 1. I. 
 Levant, High. The far East: p. 166, 1. 24. The Latin has 'quod in 
 
 Chinae et provinciis ultimi crientis in usu hodie sunt &c.' 
 Levant, sb. The East: p. 24, 1. 32. 
 Levity, sb. Lightness, in its literal sense: p. 116, 1. 23. 
 Lidger, sb. A resident ambassador: p. 232, 1. IX. Spelt also leiger. 
 ' Lord Angelo, having affairs to heaven, 
 Intends you for his swift ambassador, 
 Where you shall be an everlasting leiger* 
 
 Shakespeare, Meas. for Meas. iii. I. 59. 
 Lieth, as much as: p. 113, 1. 9. See Rom. xii. 18. 
 Like, adj. Likely: p. 39, 1. 18 ; p. 185, 1. 10. 
 Liker, adj. More likely: p. 60, 1. 25. 
 Lighter, adj. More foolish, or less grave: p. 221, 1. 13. 
 Lightly, adv. Easily: p. 222, 1. 26. ' The traitor in faction lightly goeth 
 
 away with it.' Essay, li. p. 208. 
 Limned, p. p. Drawn, illustrated with drawings, illuminated: p. 30, 1. 12. 
 Lively, adv. Vividly: p. 15, 1. 5 ; p. 52, 1. 23; p. 55, 1. I. * Lively 
 
 describing Christian resolution.' Essay v. p. 17. 
 Long, v.i. To belong: p. 124, 1. 10. 
 Longanimity, sb. Patience, longsuffering : p. 205, 1. 19. 
 Long time. Long: p. 28, 1. 21. 
 Lothness, sb. Unwillingness, dislike: p. 239, 1. 18. 
 Lubricity, sb. Slipperiness: p. 201, 1. 6. ' Lubricite : f. Lubricitie, 
 
 slipperinesse, vncertaintie.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Lucre, sb. Gain: p. 19, 1. 7 ; p. 42, 1. 24. ' The stratagems of prelates 
 
 for their owne ambition and lucre* Essay xvii. p. 69. 
 
 M. 
 
 Magistracy, sb. The holding the office of magistrate : p. 206, 1. 30. 
 Magistral, adj. Dogmatic : p. 41, 1. 27 ; p. 141, 1. 14; p. 170, 1. 27. 
 Magistrality, sb. Dogmatism: p. 127, 1. 19; p. I40, 1. 27. 
 Magnify, v.t. To make much of, to extol: p. 13, 1. 15; p. 73, 1. 
 
 Comp. Ps. xxxiv. 3. 
 Main, adj. Important : p. 80, 1. 19. 
 Malice, sb. Evil disposition : p. 38. 1. 6. 
 
358 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Malign, adj. Malignant, injurious : p. 79, 1. 2. 
 
 Maniable, adj. Manageable, tractable : p. 1 7, 1. 8. ' Maniable : com. 
 
 Tractable, wieldable, handleable,' &c. Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Mansion, sb. A dwelling-place: p. 119, 1. 18; p. 134,1. 17. See John 
 
 xiv. 2. 
 Manurance, sb. Manuring, fertilizing : p. 184, 1. 4 
 Manured, p. p. Cultivated: p. 84, 1. 10. 
 Mar, v. t. To injure: p. 10, 1. 20. 
 Marvel, v. i. To wonder : p. 112, 1. 13. 
 Materially, adv. Solidly, soundly: p. 198, 1. 26. 
 Mathematic, sb. Mathematics: p. 121, 1. 2. Comp. athletic, cosmetic, 
 
 metaphysic, physic. 
 Matter, sb. The point or essential part of a subject : p. 61, 1. 7. Comp. 
 
 Albumazar, ii. 4 : 
 
 I Then vouch a statute, and a Latin sentence, 
 Wide from the matter! 
 
 May = can: p. 14I, 1. 31. Comp. Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. i. 3. 7 : 'May 
 
 you stead me.' And Ps. exxv. I, Pr. Bk. ' Mount Zion, which may not be 
 
 removed.' 
 Mean, sb. Means, medium: p. 76, I. 21; p. 195, 1. 19. 'For it is the 
 
 solcecisme of power, to thinke to command the end, and yet not to 
 
 endure the meane! Essay xix. p. 77. 
 Mean, adj. Moderate: p. 219, 1. 33. 
 
 Means, sb. Wealth : p. 20, 11. 8, 9. Used as a singular noun : p. 242, 1. 24. 
 Mechanicals, sb. Mechanics : p. 198, 1. 5. The word occurs in a different 
 
 sense in Shakespeare, Mid. N's. Dr. iii. 2. 9. 
 
 ' A crew of patches, rude mechanicals* 
 Mechanique, sb. Mechanism: p. 124, 1. 10; p. 138, 1. 24. 
 Medicinable, adj. Medicinal: p. 141, 1. 26. In Shakespeare, Oth. v. 2. 
 
 351, where the Quartos read, 
 
 * Drop tears as fast as the Arabian trees 
 Their medicinal gum,' 
 
 the Folios have medicinable. See also Much Ado, ii. 2. 5 ; Troilus and 
 
 Cressida, iii. 3. 45. 
 Medicine, v. t. To administer medicine to: p. 207, 1. 27. 
 Mercurius, apparently not yet Anglicised: p. 52, 1. 10. Comp. Acts xiv. 
 
 12. 
 Mere, adj. Absolute: p. 106, 1. 29. 
 
 I I have engaged myself to a dear friend, 
 Engaged my friend to his mere enemy.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. iii. 2. 265. 
 Merely, adv. Absolutely, simply: p. 88, 1. 10; p. 121, 1. 30; p. 258, 
 1. 32. 
 
 ' We are merely cheated of our lives by drunkards.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Temp. i. I. 59. 
 Meriting, adj. Meritorious: p. 7, 1. 27. 
 
 Message, 'Came in message ' = came as a messenger: p. 66, 1. 16. 
 Metaphysic, sb. Metaphysics: p. 112, 11. 1, 2 ; p. 1 13, 1. 18. Bacon's 
 
 definition is given on p. 1 14. 
 Minion, sb. A darling: p. 30, 1. 33. In ed. 1605 it is printed migmon 
 
glossarv. 359 
 
 in mistake for mignon. * Mignon: m. A minion, fauorite, wanton, 
 dilling, darling.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 
 Minister, v.t. To supply, furnish: p. 14, 1. 21 ; p. 51, 1. 2. 
 
 Ministry, sb. Service : p. 206, 1. 2. 
 
 Mirabilaries, sb. Collections of marvels: p. 87, 1. 15. 
 
 MITHRIDATUM, sb. See note on p. 140, I. 31. « Methridat : m. 
 Methridate; a strong Treacle, or Preseruatiue deuised at first by the 
 Pontian King, Mithridates.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. * The first he (i. e. 
 Mithridates) was also who devised sundrie kinds of antidots or countre- 
 poisons, whereof one reteineth his name to this day.' Holland's Pliny, 
 
 XXV. 2. 
 
 Model, sb. A small plan ; and so, a compendium : p. 54, 1. 2. The Lat. 
 
 has ' totius orbis tunc epitome.' Measure, scale: p. 62, 1. 19 ; p. 194, 1. 15. 
 Moe, adj. More: p. 22, 1. 3; p. 166, 1. 1. 
 Monastical, adj. Monastic: p. 190, 1. 27. 
 Moneys, sb. Coins, pieces of money: p. 167 : 11. 29, 31. 
 Morality, sb. Moral philosophy: p. 177, 1. 23. 
 Morigeration, sb. Obsequiousness: p. 26, 1. 24. 
 Mortalest, adj. Most deadly: p. 1S4, 1. 25. 
 Most, adv. Mostly : p. 94, 1. 29. 
 Motions, sb. Exercises: p. 124, 1. 19. 
 Mought. Might : p. 79, 1. 7 5 P- 80, 1. 30. ' The part of Epimetheus, 
 
 mought well become Prometheus, in the case of discontentments.' 
 
 Essay xv. p. 61. 
 Mountebank, sb. A quack doctor : p. 135, 1. 16. Cotgrave (Fr. Diet.) 
 
 gives : ' Charlatan : m. A Mountebanhe, a cousening drug-seller, a 
 
 pratling quack-saluer.' See Essay xii. p. 45 : ' As there are moun- 
 
 tebanques for the naturall body : so are there mountebanques for the 
 
 politique body.' 
 Move, v.t. To excite: p. 125, 1. 21. To propose: p. 244, 1. 32. 
 Moyses. The old spelling of ' Moses,' from the Vulgate Moyses : p. 46, 
 
 1. 28, &c. Bacon is not uniform in adopting this spelling. See p. 83, 
 
 1. 23. 
 Mutiner, sb. A mutineer: p. 184, 1. 15. See note. 
 Mystery, sb. A craft or trade : p. 89, 1. 29. ' Mestier : m. A Trade, 
 
 Occupation, Misterie, Handicraft.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. Comp. Chaucer, 
 
 Cant. Tales, Prol. 615: 
 
 'In youthe he lerned hadde a good mester ; 
 He was a wel good wright, a carpenter.' 
 
 N. 
 
 Nature, sb. Used in the phrase ' it is nature ' for ' it is natural ;' as ' it is 
 
 reason' for ' it is reasonable:' p. 239, 1. 3. 
 Nature, sb. Kind: p. 7, 1. 15 ; p. 168, 1. 11. ' Flower-de-lices, and lillies 
 
 of all natures.' Essay xlvi. p. 187. 
 Navigation, sb. A sea voyage : p. 96, 1. 31. 
 Near hand, adv. Near : p. 53, 1. 25. 
 
3 6o 
 
 GLOSSARV. 
 
 Negotiation, sb. Transaction of business : p. 219,1. 17; p. 225, 1. 17; 
 p. 226, I. 12. 
 
 Neighbour, adj. Neighbouring: p. 58, 1. 25. See Jer. xlix. 18, 1. 40. 
 
 Nestling, sb. A place for building a nest ; hence applied to the place 
 where humours may breed: p. 138,1. 13. 'That the birds may have 
 more scope, and naturall neastling.' Essay xlvi. p. 194. 
 
 Nether, adj. Lower: p. 57, 1. 13. See Ex. xix. 17. 
 
 New. In the phrase 'one is new to begin ' = ' one has to begin anew': 
 p. 183, 1. 16. 
 
 Non-promovent, adj. Literally, not advancing: p. 175, 1. 17. The 
 epithet is applied to axioms as equivalent to ' circular ' and ■ incurring 
 into themselves.' 
 
 Nor . . . not. Double negative : p. 120, 11. [I, 13. 
 
 Nor never. Double negative : p. 23, 1. 23. 
 
 1 This England never did, nor never shall, 
 Lie at the proud foot of a conqueror.' 
 
 Shakespeare, K. John, v. 7. 1 1 2. 
 
 Not . . . nor: p. 4, 11. 10, 11 ; p. 127, 1. 9; p. 186, 11. 22, 23 ; p. 240, 
 1. 17. 'Is it not hard, Nerissa, that I cannot choose one nor refuse 
 none?' Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. i. 2. 28. 
 
 Notably, adv. Remarkably, conspicuously: p. 59, 1. 17. 
 
 Note, sb. Mark, sign : p. 44, 1. 28 ; p. 166, 1. 33. 
 
 Note, v. t. To denote : p. 146, 1. 1. 
 
 Nothing, adv. In no respect : p. 251, 1. 23. 
 
 Nothing less than = anything but: p. 87, 1. 13. * The use of this work 
 ... is nothing less than to give contentment &c,' that is, it is so little 
 intended to give contentment to the appetite of curious and vain wits that 
 nothing is less so. Comp. Stubbs, Anatomie of Abuses, fol. 5 (ed. 1585) • 
 ' Pride of the hatre is perpetrate, when as a man liftyng hymself on high, 
 thinketh of hymself, aboue that whiche he is : dreamyng a perfection of 
 himself, when he is nothyng lesse? 
 
 Null, sb. A non-significant cipher : p. 169, 1. 7. 
 
 O. 
 
 Oblation, sb. An offering: p. 1, 1. 10; p. 4, 1. 17. 
 
 Obnoxious, adj. Exposed, p. 229, 1. 7. In dread of punishment : p. 246, 
 I.9. 
 
 Obscureness, sb. Obscurity : p. 20, 1. 10. 
 
 Obtain, v.i. To attain: p. 51, 1. 22. Comp. Essay vi. p. 19 : 'But if a 
 man cannot obtaine to that iudgment, then it is left to him, generally, to 
 be close, and a dissembler.' 
 
 Occupate, v. t. To occupy: p. 133, 1. 8. 
 
 Occupate, p.p. Occupied : p. 268, 1. 4. 
 
 Of, redundant in the phrases ■ accept 0/,' p. 63, 1. 23 : 'esteem 0/,' p. 178, 
 1. 6 ; p. 228, 1. 24: ' define o/,' p. 257, 1. 5 : ' discern 0/,' p. 203, 1. 18 : 
 'meaning 0/,' p. 241,1. 2. 'The reverence 0/ laws and government:' 
 p. 17, 1. I. We should now use for. Comp. ' a zeal of God,' Rom. x. 2. 
 ' Of used partitively for ' some of: p. 72, 1. 24, 'cannot but leese of the 
 life and truth.* See p. 135, 1. 33. ' To participate o/' = to participate in: 
 
G L S S A R Y. 361 
 
 P- 73» '• 3 \ P- ^7i •• 28. ' To grow o/' = to grow from : p. 16, I. 10. 
 1 Invested 0/' = invested with: p. 4, 1. 5 ; p. 214, 1. 7. ' In comparison 
 of: p. 20, I. 13. 'Of the one side ' = on the one side: p. 58, 1. 16. ' Of 
 herself = by herself, alone: p. 58, 1. 26. ' 0/ consequence ' = in conse- 
 quence, consequently: p. 71, 1. 12. 
 Offer, sb. An attempt: p. 94, I. 5. ' Many inceptions are but as Epicurus 
 termeth them, tentamenta. that is, imperfect offers, and essaycs.' Colours 
 of Good and Evil, p. 266. 
 Oft, adv. Often: p. 25, 1. 12. 
 Omnipotency, sb. Omnipotence: p. 51, 1. 13; p. 107. I. 19. Is. xl. 
 
 cont. 
 On, p. 171, 1. 7. See note. 
 One. The same; in the phrases ' much one,' p. 146, I. 8 ; 'all one,' p. 1 ;S. 
 
 1. 2. 
 Only, adv. Alone ; ' Saint Paul, who was only learned amongst the 
 Apostles,' signifies that he alone of the Apostles was a learned man; 
 p. 49, I. 18; p. 80, 1. 10. Comp. Collect for Thirteenth Sunday after 
 Trinity, ' of whose only gift it cometh.' 
 Only but. Used for ' but* or ' only ': p. 174, 1. 10. See But only. 
 Open, v.t. To explain, or make plain: p. 43. 1. 27. Comp. Acts xvii. 3. 
 
 To disclose or reveal : p. 240, 1. 24. 
 Opened, p.p. Explained: p. 162, 1. 3. 
 
 * And in regard of causes now in hand, 
 Which I have open'd to his grace at large, 
 As touching France.' Shakespeare, Hen. V, i. I. 78. 
 
 Operation, sb. Influence, effect: p. 94, 1. 9; p. 211, 1. 22. 'A good 
 sherris-sack hath a two-fold operation in it.' Shakespeare, 2 Hen. IV, 
 iv. 3. 104. 
 Operative, adj. Effective, productive : p. 80, 1. 9. 
 ' Our foster-nurse of niture is repose, 
 The which he lacks ; that to provide in him, 
 Are many simples operative, whose power 
 Will close the eye of anguish.' 
 
 Shakespenre, Lear. iv. 4. 14. 
 Opinion, sb. Reputation: p. 49, I. 31 ; p. 87, 1. 10; p. 220, 1. 10. 
 ' But fish not, with this melancholy bait, 
 For this fool gudgeon, this opinion.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. i. I. 102. 
 Opposing, adj. Repugnant: p. 146, I. 32. 
 
 Opposite, sb. An opponent: p. 229, I. 8. 'Betake you to your guard; 
 
 for your opposite hath in him what youth, strength, skill, and wrath 
 
 can furnish man withal.' Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, iii. 4. 253 ; and 
 
 again, 1. 293. 
 
 Ordainment, sb. Ordination: p. 23. 1. 17. 
 
 Order. 'To be in order' = to be the true order of proceeding: p. 207, 
 
 1. 28. 
 Ordinary, adj. Customary: p. 13, 1. 6. 
 Ostensive, adj. p. 158, 1. 31. See note. 
 Other, pron. Others : p. 14, 1. 6; p. 62, I. 16; p. 160, 1. 10. 
 Outwardest, adj. Outermost: p. T20, 1. 15. 
 
\t>0 JL - u^J, 
 
 362 G L S S A R Y. 
 
 Over, redundant in 'command over,' p. i^o, 11. 29, 30. 
 
 Overcommen, p.p. Overcome, achieved, accomplished: p. 76, 1. 13. 
 
 Compare Essay xxxiv, p. 146. Sec Comen. 
 Over usual. Too customary: p. 182, I. 21. 
 
 P. 
 
 Painful, adj. Laborious: p. 243, 1. 32. 'I think we have some as 
 painful magistrates as ever was in England.' Latimer, Sermons, p. 142 
 (Parker Soc). 
 Painted forth, p.p. Depicted: p. 57, 1. 31 ; p. 206, L II; p. 208, 1. 33. 
 Painted out, p.p. Depicted: p. 15, 1. 7. 
 Palliate, p.p. Palliated: p. 138, 1. 25. 
 
 Pantomimus, sb. A mimic: p. 136, 1. 21. 'Pantomime: m. An Actor 
 of many parts in one Play ; one that can represent the gesture, and 
 counterfeit the speech, of any man.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 Parcel, sb. A part. 'Nothing parcel' = no part : p. 7, 1. 5. 
 
 4 Many a thousand, 
 Which now mistrust no parcel of my fear.' 
 
 Shakespeare, 3 Hen. VI. v. 6. 38. 
 Participant, adj. Partaking: p. 254, 1. 22. 
 Particular, adj. Private: p. 185,1. 12. 
 
 ' But value dwells not in particular will.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. ii. 2. 53. 
 Particular, sb. A private affair ; used of an individual case : p. 8, 1. 22 ; 
 p. 156, 1. 9. 
 
 ' Though no man lesser fears the Greeks than I, 
 As far as toucheth my particular.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. ii. 2. 9. 
 Pasquil, sb. A satire: p. 57, I. 10. 'Sometimes contrived into pleasant 
 pasquils and satires, to move sport.' Bacon, Obs. on a Libel (Works, viii. 
 I48). 'Pasquille: f. A Pasquill ; a Libell clapt on a Poste, or Image.' 
 'Pasquin : m. The name of an Image, or Poste in Rome, whereon Libels 
 and defamatorie Rimes are fastened, and fathered ; also, as Pasquille.' 
 Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. The statue still stands at the corner of the Palazzo 
 Braschi, near the Piazza Navona. 
 Passage, sb. A ford, or pass: p. 56, 1. II ; p. 68, 1. 3. Comp. Judges 
 xii. 6 ; I Sam. xiii. 23. Metaphorically, a proceeding, process, transaction, 
 course: p. 25, 1. 19; p. 91, 1. 21 ; p. 100, 1. 18 ; p. 146, 1. II. 'To 
 give passage '= to give way : p. 39, I. a I. 'In passage' = in passing, cur- 
 sorily: p. 78, 1. 28 ; p. 205, 1. 3 ; p. 207, 1. 17 ; p. 262, 1. 26. 
 Passed, adj. Past : p. 93, 1. 16 ; p. 139, 1. 26 ; p. 239, 1. 18. See note 
 on p. 139, and compare Drayton, Polyolbion, i. 383 : 
 
 1 And by his present losse, his passed error found.' 
 Pastor, sb. A shepherd: p. 199, 1. 21. See Jer. xxiii. 1, 2. 
 Patience, sb. In its literal sense of endurance of suffering: p. 143, 11. 3, 4. 
 Peccant, adj. Morbid, unhealthy : p. 37, 1. 32 ; p. 43, 1. 28. 'L'humeur 
 peccante. The corrupt, or corrupting humor in the bodie.' Cotgrave, 
 Fr. Diet. 
 
G L S S A R Y. 363 
 
 Pedanti, sb. A pedant: p. 13, 11. 16, 19. Plur. fedantes : p. 13, 11. 7, 14; 
 p. 21, 1. 8. From the It. pedaute, which appears not to have been quite- 
 naturalised in 1605. ' Pedante ' occurs in Florio's Worlde of Wordes, 
 1598; and in Shakespeare's Love's Labour's Lost, iii. 1. 179, ' A domi- 
 neering pedant o'er the boy,' it must have been pronounced as a dis- 
 syllable. The first ed. of this play was published in 1598. 
 
 Pedantical, adj. Pedantic: p. 13, 1. 26; p. 165, 1. 3. 
 
 Pensileness, sb. Suspended condition : p. 47, 1. 26. 
 
 Percase, adv. Perhaps: p. 209, 1. 11. 
 
 Peremptory, adj. Destructive : p. 53, I. 18. 
 
 Perfective, adj. Capable of being perfected or improved: p. 258, 1. 2. 
 Compare Demonstrative. 
 
 Peruse, v. t. To review : p. 3, 1. 21. See Shakespeare, Rich. II, iii. 3. 53. 
 4 That from this castle's tatter'd battlements 
 Our fair appointments may be well perused.' 
 
 Phainomena, p. 129, 1. 30. This mode of spelling shows that the word 
 in Bacon's time had not become fully naturalised, though in p. 127, 1. 23 
 it appears in its usual form. Later still in the Reliquiae Wottonianse 
 (p. 101, ed. 1655) I find phainomenon. 
 
 Physic, sb. Physics, or physical science: p. Ill, 1. 33 ; p. 114, 1. 21. 
 
 Pilosity, sb. Hairiness : p. 120, 1. 10. 
 
 Place, sb. A passage of an author or book : p. 7, 1. 32 ; p. 8, 1. 12 ; p. 
 190, 1. 25. A topic or subject of discourse : p. 155, 1. 33. A piazza, or 
 public square ; here, the Forum: p. 220, 1. 12 ; p. 24I, 1. 10. 'To give 
 place' — to yield: p. 98, I. 19. 
 
 Plash., sb. A shallow pool, a puddle : p. 244, 1. 32. 
 
 Platform, sb. Plan: p. 44, 1. 12; p. 114, 1. 12. Pattern : p. 187, 1. 19. 
 See note on p. 44. 
 
 Ply, sb. Bend, bias: p. 239, 1. 19. 'For it is true, that late learners, 
 cannot so well take the plie.' Essay xxxix. p. 164. 
 
 Poesy, sb. A poem : p. 35, 1. 6. Poetry : p. 60, 1. 28 ; p. 211, 1. 25. 
 
 Point, sb. In the phrase ' was of such a point as whereat Sarah laughed ' : 
 p. 253, 1. 10; where the Latin has de kujvsmodi re extitit quam irristd 
 habebat Sarah. 
 
 Police, v.t. To regulate : p. 56, 1. 1 1. 'Spain,' says Bacon, in his Observa- 
 tions on a Libel (Works, viii. 169) 'is not in brief an enemy to be feared 
 by a nation seated, manned, furnished, and pollicied as in England ; ' where 
 two MSS. read polliced. 
 
 Politique, sb. A politician: p. 5, 1. 9; p. 10, 1. 17 ; p. iS, 1. 12, &c. In 
 p. 13, 1. 6, it is used as an adjective ; 'politique men ' = politicians. 
 
 Popular estate. A democracy: p. 53. 1. 8; p. 208, 1. 1. 'Therefore, we 
 see it (i. e. boldness) hath done wonders, in popular states' Essay xii. 
 
 P- 45- 
 
 Popularity, sb. Democratic character: p. 252, 1. 5. 
 
 Populous, adj. Numerous : p. 243, 1. 5. See Deut. xxvi. 5. 
 
 Portugal, adj. Portuguese: p. 29, 1. 23. 
 
 Position, sb. The laying down of a law : p. 147, 1. II. A maxim, senti- 
 ment : p. 221, 1. 1 ; p. 227, 1. 19 ; p. 246, 1. 20. 
 
 Possess, v.i. To prepossess: p. 224, I. 3. 
 
 Practique, H>. Practice : p. 165, 1. 33. 
 
364 GLOSSARV. 
 
 Practise, v.i. To plot: p. 179, 1. 2. 'He will practise against thee by 
 
 poison.' Shakespeare, As You Like It, i. 1. 156. 
 Pray in aid. To call in to one's assistance: p. 174, 1. 23. 
 
 1 A conqueror that will pray in aid for kindness, 
 Where he for grace is kneel'd to.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Ant. and CI. v. 2. 27. 
 Sir T. Hanmer in his note on this passage says : ' Praying in aid is a term 
 used for a petition made in a court of justice for the calling in of help 
 from another that hath an interest in the cause in question.' 
 Precedent, adj. Preceding, previous: p. 82, 1. 26; p. 214, 1. 7. 
 ' Our own precedent passions do instruct us 
 What levity's in youth.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tim. of Ath, i. I. 133. 
 Preception, sb. Precept: p. 214, 1. 31. 
 
 Prefer, v.t. To promote: p. 3, 1. 31. See Esth. ii. 9; Dan. vi. 3. 
 Preferred, />. /!>. Recommended: p. 203,1. 14. 
 
 ' Large gifts have I bestovv'd on learned clerks, 
 Because my gift preferred me to the king.' 
 
 Shakespeare, 2 Hen. VI, iv. 7. 77. 
 Preferred before. Preferred to : p. 48, 1. 13. See John i. 15. 
 Prelusive, adj. Preliminary, introductory : p. 94, 1. 23. 
 Premeditate, p. p. Premeditated : p. 82, 1. 6 ; p. 156, 1. 8. 
 Prenotion, sb. Foreknowledge : p. 130, 1. 25 ; p. 145, 1. 23. 
 Preoccupate, v.t. To preoccupy: p. 26S, 1. 14. 
 Preposterous, adj. Inverted in order; literally, having the last first- 
 
 p. 243, 1. 2r. 
 Prescript, sb. A prescription: p. 22, 1. 25 ; p. 132, 1. 1 1 ; p. 142, 1. 5. 
 Present, v.t. To represent: p. 100, 1. 2. 
 
 ' Ay, my commander : when I presented Ceres, 
 I thought to have told thee of it.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Temp. iv. I. 167. 
 Present, adj. Immediate: p. 222, 1. 13. 'Present speeches ' = speeches 
 made on the spur of the moment, impromptu speeches: p. 100, 1. 22. 
 ' In present '- Lat. in prcesenti, at present : p. 202. 1. 16. 
 Presention, sb. Presentiment: p. 144, I. 31. 
 Press, v.t. To pursue eagerly: p. 226, 1. 19. 'Pressing the fact' seems 
 
 to mean ' urgently pursuing the business in hand ' : p. 235, 1. 27. 
 Pretence, sb. The thing pretended or aimed at : p. 124, 1. 5. 
 Pretend, v. i. To aim at, propose as an end or object : p. 36, 11. 5, 7, 10; 
 
 p. 21 r, 1. 13. 
 Pretermit, v.t. To pass by : p. 208, 1. 17 ; p. 215, 1. 30. 
 Prevent, v.i. To anticipate: p. 200, 1. 33; p. 261, 1. 24. Comp. Ps. 
 
 cxix. 148. 
 Prevented, p. p. Anticipated: p. 171,1. 10. 
 Price, sb. Value: p. 26, 1. 13 ; p. 29, 1. 8, &c. See Matt. xiii. 46. * To 
 
 be in price' = to be valued : p. 29, 1. 24. 
 Prime, adj. Chief, excellent: p. 199, 1. 32. 
 Prince, used of Queen Elizabeth : p. 58, 1. 2. 
 Print, sb. Impression, of a seal : p. 69, 1. 16. 
 Privateness, sb. Privacy : p. 10, 1. 29 ; p. 15, 1. 16, &c. Comp. Essay 
 
GLOSSARV. 365 
 
 xi. p. 39 : ' Nay, retire men cannot, when they would ; neither wiJl they, 
 
 when it were reason : but are impatient of privatetiesse, even in age, and 
 
 sicknesse, which require the shadow.' 
 Probably, adv. With probability, in a probable manner : p. 156, I. 29. 
 Probation, sb. Trial; and hence, proof from experience: p. 141, 1. 10; 
 
 p. 158J. 31. 
 Proceed, v.i. 'It proceedeth' = the result is: p. 79, 1. 3. 
 Proceeding, sb. Progress: p. 170, 1. 9 ; p. 173, 11. 9,' 10; p. 193, 1. 30. 
 Proceeding upon. Resulting from: p. 1, 1. 2. 
 
 Profession, sb. Means of living, livelihood : p. 42, 1. 25; p. 43, 1. 9. 
 Professory, adj. Professional : p. 79, 1. 1. See p. 43, "l. 7, &c. 
 Proficience, s6. Progress, advancement: p. 43, 1. 30; p. 76, 1. 27. 
 Profiting, sb. Profit, advantage: p. 183, 1. 19. 
 Progression, sb. Progress: p. 76, 1. 27 ; p. 78, 1. 27. 
 Promiscuous, adj. Mixed indiscriminately: p. 113, 1. 27. 
 Proof, sb. Experiment: p 119, 1. 27. ' Good or ill proof is the proving 
 
 or turning out good or ill ; p. 223, 11. 22, 23. 
 Proper, adj. One's own : p. 1S2, 1. 3. 
 Propriety, sb. Peculiarity: p. I, 1. 10; p. 4, 1. 9; p. 6, 1. I. Property: 
 
 p. 113, I. 18; p. 212, 1. 28; p. 252, 1. 12. 'Receipts of propriety' = 
 
 specific receipts, proper or peculiar to certain diseases : p. 140. 1. 24. 
 
 •Not for propriety' = not appropriate to particular diseases, as Bacon 
 
 explains afterwards ; p. 141,1. 2. 
 Prosecution, sb. Investigation : p. 84, 1. 7. 
 Provocation, sb. Incitement: p. 50, 1. 18. 
 Punctual, adj. Minute: p. 25, 1. 21. 
 Puntos, sb. Minute observances, punctilios: p. 219, 1. 2. 
 Purchase, sb. Acquisition, that which is acquired: p. 16, 1. 4. Value. 
 
 p. 242, 1. 14. 
 Pureness, sb. Purity : p. 29, 1. 3, 
 Purgament, sb. An excretion : p. 139, I. 6. 
 
 Pursuance, sb. A prosecuting or following out, sequence: p. 143, ], 19, 
 Pursued, p. p. Followed out: p. 106, 1. 14. 
 
 Pursuit, sb. Consecutiveness, sequence: p. 142, I. 13; p. 1^2, ). 29. 
 Pusillanimity, 56. Littleness of mind : p. 49, 1. 33 ; p. 205, 1. 13. 
 Put forth., v.refl. To endeavour: p. 70, 1. 2. 
 Put to, v . t. To apply: p. 156, 1. 10. 
 Pyramides, sb. p. 117, 1. 18. The old form of the word before it was 
 
 naturalised. Compare Shakespeare, Antony and Cleopatra, v. 2. 61 : 
 
 ' Rather make 
 My country's high pyramides my gibbet.' 
 
 In Minsheu's Spanish Dictionary (1599), s. v. Piramide, the singular is 
 
 given as 'pyramis.' But Cotgrave (Fr. Diet.) and Florio (Ital. Diet.) 
 
 both use ' piramides ' as singular. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Question, v.t. To call in question: p. 132, 1. 16. 
 
 Quintuple, adj. Fivefold : p. 169, 1. 14. 
 
 Quit, v.refl. To get quit of, relieve oneself: p. 221, 1. 16. 
 
3 66 
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 R. 
 
 Raven, used as a feminine noun, p. 151, I. 23. In the Authorized Version 
 it is masculine. 
 
 Reach, sb. A contrivance: p. 232, 1. 17. 
 
 Reader, sb. A lecturer: p. 78, 1. I ; p. 79, 1. 17. Still retained in the 
 Universities and the Inns of Court. 
 
 Reason. 'By reason ' = because : p. 19, 1. 6 ; p. 167, 1. 20. • It was 
 reason ' = it was reasonable : p. 27, 1. 10. ' It is reason': p. 64, 1. 19. 
 
 Receipt, sb. Power of receiving, capacity: p. 7, 1. 9. Reception: p. 77, 
 1. 14 ; p. 100, 1. 10. 
 
 Receive, v.t. To admit: p. 157, 1. 18. 
 
 Recess, sb. A withdrawal, retirement: p. 117, I. 10. 
 
 Recompense, v.t. To compensate for : p. 14, 1. 3. 
 
 Reconcilement, sb. Reconciliation: p. 223, 1. 27; p. 231, 1. 4. 
 
 Redargution, sb. Reply, refutation: p. 18, 1. 14; p. 84, 1. 6; p. 159, 
 1. 18. 'Redargution : f. A redargution, checking, reprouing, reprehend- 
 ing, controwling.' Cotgrave, Fr. Diet. 
 
 Reduced. 'Reduced to stupid ' = rendered stupid: p. 216, 1. 33. 
 
 Re-edify, v. t. To rebuild : p. 56, 1. 9. 
 
 Reflect, v.t. To be reflected : p. 161, 1. 7. 
 
 Refrain, v.t. To restrain, hold in check as with a bridle: p. 53, 1. 1 7 ; 
 p. 183, 1. 3; p. 192,1. 26. 
 
 Regiment, sb. Regimen, training : p. 3, 1. 6 ; p. 97, I. 19. Rule, govern- 
 ment: p. 58,1. 15. 
 
 Region, sb. Climate, atmosphere : p. 206, 1. 26. See note on Hamlet, ii. 
 2.472. 
 
 Regular, adj. Rigid in adhering to rule, methodical : p. 14, 1. 28. Bacon 
 had previously (p. 10, 1. 22) spoken of one of the charges brought against 
 learned men that they were ' too peremptory or positive by strictness of 
 rules and axioms.' For the word see Essay xxx. p. 133. 
 
 Reintegrate, v.t. To restore : p. in, 1. 19. 
 
 Relation, sb. p. 39, 1. 12. 'Relation is, where, in consideration of law 
 two times, or other things are considered so as if they were all one ; and 
 by this the thing subsequent is said to take his effect by relation at the 
 time preceding.' Cowel's Law Dictionary, ed. 1727. Narrative, story : 
 p. 52, 1. 24; p. 86, 1. 3. 
 
 Reluctation, sb. Struggle, violent effort, reluctance : p. 45, 1. 27 ; p. 188, 
 1. 20; p. 253,1. 3. 
 
 Remembered, p.p. Mentioned : p. 102, 1. 23; p. 174, 1. 30. 
 
 Remora, sb. A fabulous fish, which was supposed to delay the progress of 
 a vessel by adhering to its bottom ; and so generally, a hindrance : p. 119, 
 1. 20. ' Many holde opinion, that in that last and famous sea-fight, which 
 Antonie lost against Augustus, his Admirall-gallie was in her course staied 
 by that little fish, the Latines call Remora, and the English a Sucke-stone, 
 whose propertie is, to stay any ship he can fasten himselfe vnto.' Mon- 
 taigne's Essaies, transl. Florio, p. 270, ed. 1603. 
 
 Remove, sb. Removal : p. 98, 1. 29 ; p. 242, 1. 28. 
 
 Reposed, p.p. Laid up as in store : p. 77, 1. 28. 
 
GLOSSARV. 367 
 
 Reprehensions, sb. Reproofs: p. 100, 1. 14. 
 Reprove, v.t. To refute : p. 112, I. 19. 
 Repugnancy, sb. Repugnance : p. 120, I. 7 ; p. 240, I. 8. 
 Rescussing, sb. Rescuing: p. 238, 1. 23. Rescous and Resaisser are the 
 old law terms for rescue and rescuer, and although I have not been able to 
 find any other instance of the occurrence of rescussing, I have not hesi- 
 tated to retain it, as it is found in the editions of 1605 and 1629. Chaucer 
 (Cant. Tales, 2645) uses rescous : 
 
 ■ And in the rescous of this Palamon 
 The stronge kyng Ligurgius is born adoun.' 
 
 Resemble, v.t. To compare: p. 178, 1. 6. 
 
 Resort, sb. Spring, source: p. 91, 1. 26. Comp. Essay xxii. p. 95 : 'the 
 resorts and falls of businesse.' 
 
 Respective, adj. Having respect or reference to: p. 31, 1. 12. Appro- 
 priate: p. 1, I.9. Special, relative: p. 114, 11. 25. 29, 30; p. 19S, 1. 14. 
 Peculiar: p. 265, 1. 20. 
 
 Respectively, adv. Appropriately: p. 179, I. 32. Relatively: p. 263, 
 1. 24. 
 
 Respect, sb. Consideration: p. 53, 1. 33; p. 194, J. 10; p. 217, I. 23; 
 p. 228, 1. 28. ' For bribes come but now and then ; but if importunitie, 
 or idle respects lead a man, he shall never be without.' Essay xi. p. 42. 
 See Hamlet, iii. 1. 68. 
 
 Rest, v.t. To remain : p. 129, 1. 8. 'Since therefore they must be used, 
 in such cases, there resteth to speake, how they are to be brideled.' Essay 
 xxxvi. p. 154. 
 
 Retire, v.t. To withdraw: p. 103, 1. 12. 
 
 Reverent, adj. Reverend, venerable: p. 19, 1. 18. 
 
 Reverted, p.p. Turned back: p. 105, 1. 16. 
 
 Revolve, v.t. To reflect upon: p. 3, 1. 21 ; p. 157, 1. 9. 
 
 Revolved, p.p. Considered, reflected upon: p. 28, 1. 22 ; p. 212, 1. 4. 
 
 Rhapsody, sb. A patchwork, confused mixture: p. 106, 1. 1. 'This 
 concerneth not those mingle-mangles of many kindes of stufte, or as the 
 Grecians call them Rapsodies.' Florio's Montaigne, p. 68, ed. 1603. 
 
 Rhetorics, sb. Rhetoric: p. 177, 1, 9. 
 
 Round about, v. i. To roam about : p. 8, 1. 15. « For a man may wander 
 in the way, by rounding up and down.' Bacon, Of the Interp. of Nature 
 (Works, iii. 232). 
 
 Rudiment, sb. An elementary form : p. 48, 1. 19. 
 
 Rule over, v. t. To decide, as a judge decides a point of law : p. 7, 1. 6. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sabbathless, adj. Restless: p. 247, 1. 14. 
 
 Sacramental, adj. Bound by an oath or solemn obligation: p. 146, 1. 24. 
 
 Saddest, adj. Most serious, most important : p. 220, 1. 8. 
 
 Sake. For .... sake : As in the phrases * for entertainment sake ' : p. 61, 
 1. 16; * for demonstration sake': p. 185, 1. 21; 'for example sake,' p. 8t, 
 1. 16; 'assurance sake,' p. 159, 1. 16. Compare Hooker, Eccl. Pol. i. 
 p. 156 (ed. Keble) : ' for that work sake which we covet to perform.' 
 
368 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Sale, sb. 'Confections of sale' = confections which are offered for sale: 
 p. 141, 1. 1. 
 
 Salomon, sb. Solomon: p. 20, 1. 5. The old form of the name in the 
 Geneva Bible. 
 
 Sapience, sb. Wisdom : p. 44, 1. 18; p. 118, 1. 16. 
 
 Satisfactory, adj. Bacon uses this word on three occasions in a sense 
 which, so far as I am aware, has not been noticed in the dictionaries. 
 'These satisfactory and specious causes' (p. 119, 1. 5); 'by way of 
 argument or satisfactory reason' (p. 153, 1. 16); 'more satisfactory than 
 substantial ' (p. 260, 1. 7). See also p. 30, 1. 26. From these instances it 
 appears that an explanation is satisfactory which merely stops the mouth 
 of the inquirer, and, as Bacon says of Mirabilaries, gives ' contentment to 
 the appetite of curious and vain wits' (p. 87). Again, in the same spirit 
 he speaks of the methods of tradiiion of knowledge in his time; ' he that 
 receiveth knowledge desireth rather present satisfaction, than expectant 
 inquiry: and so rather not to doubt, than not to err' (p. 1 71). Compare 
 the use of ' satisfy,' p. 172, 1. 33. 
 
 Scale. ' By scale ' = by degrees, step by step : p. 1 18, 1. 4. 
 
 Scape, v.t. To escape : p. 161, 1. 20. 
 
 Science, sb. Knowledge, erudition: p. 59, 1. 32. 
 
 Scope, sb. Mark to aim at; and so, aim, object ; p. 42, 1. 6. 
 
 Seducement, sb. Seduction: p. 14, 1. 17; p. 153, 1. 3. 
 
 Seeing, used as an adjective, p. 76, 1. 6. 
 
 Seek, to. 'To be to seek' = to be at a loss: p. 13, 1. 31; p. 25, 1. 20 
 ' For if you reduce usury, to one low rate, it will ease the common bor- 
 rower, but the merchant will be to seeke for money.' Essay xli. p. 171. 
 
 Seen, p.p. Versed, skilled : p. 25, 1. 19 ; p. 46, 1. 30 ; p. 136, 1. 1. 
 
 Seem much, to. To appear a great thing : p. 3, 1. 28. So ' to think 
 much ' is to reckon highly as an act of importance. 
 
 Segregate, adj. Separate: p. 130, 1. 2; p. 216, 1. 13. 
 
 Septuagenary, adj. Seventy years old : p. 38, 1. 28. 
 
 Service, sb. Used especially of military service ; a campaign or engage- 
 ment : p. 68, 1. 2. We speak of a soldier having ' seen service.' 
 
 Set forward, v. t. To further, promote: p. 83, 1. 30. See 1 Chr. xxiii. 4. 
 
 Set into, v.t. To set to, apply oneself to: p. 82, 1. 18. 
 
 Seven. The seven wise men of Greece : p. 102, 1. 32. See note. 
 
 Sever, v.i. To be separated : p. 216, 1. 24 ; p. 217, 1. 29 ; p. 226, 1. 20. 
 
 Several, adj. Separate : p. 185, 1. 14. See Matt. xxv. 15. 
 
 Severally, adv. In several ways : p. 5, 1. 7» 
 
 Severe, adj. Rigidly accurate: p. 87, 1. 4. 
 
 Severedly, adv. Separately: p. 128, 1. 12. 
 
 Shall, used for 'will ': p. 80, 1. 27. 
 
 Shape, v. i. To acquire shape or form : p. 39, 1. 31. 
 
 Shoot, sb. A shot : p. 149, 1. 11. 
 
 Shoot over, v.i. To overshoot the mark : p. 232, 1. 16. 
 
 Should, used for 'would': p. 2, 1. 23 ; p. 66, 1. 5 ; p. 126, 1. 17 ; p. 155, 
 1. 28. 
 
 Show, sb. Semblance, appearance : p. 3, 1. 30 ; p. 102, 1. 9. See Is. iii. 9. 
 
 Side. ' On the other side' - on the other hand : p. 35, 1. 22. So also ' of 
 the other side': p. 210, 1. 30. 
 
GLOSSARY. 369 
 
 Sign unto, v. 1. To attest : p. 192, 1. 6. 
 
 Signify, v.t. To indicate : p. 65, I. 9. 
 
 Similitude, sb. Likeness: p. 70, I. 26; p. 215, 1. 16. Comparison: 
 
 p. 87, 1. 10; p. 147, 1. 32. 
 Simples, sb. Herbs: p. 80, 1. 17. 
 Sincereness, sb. Sincerity : p. 195, 1. 29. 
 Skill, v.i. To understand, know: p. 66, 1. I. Comp. I Kings v. 6; 
 
 2 Chr. ii. 7, 8, xxxiv. 12. 
 Slug, v.t. To delay, hinder: p. 119, 1. 21. 
 Sobriety, sb. Temperance in its widest sense, sobermindedness : p. 10, 
 
 1. 7; p. 44, 1. 14; p. 216, 1. 8. 
 Softest, adj. Most effeminate : p. 195, 1. 25. 
 Softness, sb. Effeminacy: p. 16, 1. 9. 
 Solemn, adj. Grave, decorous: p. 235, 11. 18, 27. 
 Solidness, sb. Solidity: p. 119, 1. 17. 
 So long time. So long : p. 38, 1. 23. 
 Solute, adj. Free, unfettered : p. 259, 1. 4 ; p. 260, 1. 33. 
 Some, used with a singular, p. 194, 1. 8. 
 Sometime, adv. Sometimes: p. 20, 1. 2 ; p. 122, 1. 29. ' As it is seene 
 
 sometime in friars.' Essay x. p. 38. 
 Soothe, v.t. To flatter: p. 205, 1. 23. 
 
 ' Thou art perjured too, 
 And sootkest up greatness.' 
 
 Shakespeare, K. John, iii. 1. 121. 
 Sophister, sb. A sophist : p. 160, 1. 3. 
 
 ' A subtle traitor needs no sophister.' 
 
 Shakespeare, 2 Hen. VI. v. I. 191. 
 Sorcery, sb. Fortune-telling by casting lots : p. 87, 1. 24. 
 Sort, sb. A class of persons : p. 29, 1. 10; p. 163, 1. 6. 
 
 ' The shallowest thick-skin of that barren sort.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Mid. N.'s Dr. iii. 2, 13. 
 'In sort ' = in such a manner; p. 224, 1. 3 ; p. 255, 1. 21. 
 Sort, v.i. To agree: p. 14, 1. 12; p. 234, 1. 18. ' A frend may speak, 
 as the case requires, and not as it sorieth with the person.' Essay xxvii. 
 
 P- U5- 
 
 Sortable, adj. Agreeable, suitable : p. 58, 1. 20. 
 
 Sounding, adj. That which merely gives forth a sound ; and so, meta- 
 phorically, hollow, unsubstantial : p. 7, 1. 27. 
 
 Spacious, adj. Widely extended: p. 67, 1. 33. Not used now of coun- 
 tries. 
 
 Spake. Spoke; past tense of 'speak': p. 64, 1. 23. 
 
 Sparkle, sb. A spark : p. 23S, 1. 22 ; p. 254, 1. 21. 
 
 Speak to. To speak of or upon, as a topic : p. 157, 1. 13. 
 
 Speak unto. To speak of, or with reference to : p. 27, 1. 33. 
 
 Specially, adv. Especially: p. 51, 1. 27. 
 
 Speculation, sb. Inquiry, investigation : p. 87, 1. 30 ; p. 125, 1. 10. 
 
 Speculative, adj. Inquisitive : p. 24, 1. 26 ; p. 111, 1. 14. 
 
 Spial, sb. A spy : p. 80, 11. 24, 26. ■ But yet their trust towards them, 
 hath rather beene as to good spialls, and good whisperers; then good 
 magistrates, and officers.' Essay xliv. p. 179. 
 
 Bb 
 
37° 
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Spinosity, sb. Thorniness: p. 148, 1. 26. 
 
 Spleen, sb. Ill humour, anger ; of which the spleen was believed to be 
 
 the seat : p. 245, 1. 8. 
 
 ' If she must teem, 
 Create her child of spleen ; that it may live, 
 And be a thwart disnatured torment to her.' 
 
 Shakespeare, K. Lear, i. 4. 304. 
 
 See also the quotation under Arrogancy. 
 Stand, v.i. To stand firm, keep one's position: p. 23, 1. 31 ; p. 36, 1. 32. 
 
 See Eph. vi. 13. To stop : p. 210, 1. S. 
 Stand with. To be consistent with: p. 112, 1. II. 'It is true, speedie 
 
 profit is not to be neglected, as farre as may stand, with the good of 
 
 the plantation, but no further.' Essay xxxiii. p. 139. 
 State, sb. Original condition: p. 27, 1. 26; p. 195, 1. 6. Estate: p 149. 
 
 1. 26. ' Certainly who hath a state to repaire, may not despise small 
 
 things.' Essay xxviii. p. 117. Stability : p. 193, 1. 23. ' In the favours 
 
 of others or the good windes of fortune we have no state or certainty.' 
 
 Colours of Good and Evil, p. 262. 
 Station, sb. A standing-place: p. 119, 1. 17. 
 
 Statua, sb. Statue: p. 72, 1. 21; p. 85, 1. 29; p. 202, 1. 24; p. 241, 1. 9. 
 ' Even at the base of Pompey's statua* 
 
 Shakespeare, Jul. Caes. iii. 1. 192. 
 Stay, sb. A standstill: p. 37, 1. 2. * He that standeth at a stay, when 
 
 others rise, can hardly avoid motions of envy.' Essay xiv. p. 52. 
 Stay, v. i. To stand still, rest: p. 119, 1. 5. To dwell : p. 233, 1. 26. 
 Still, adv. Constantly : p. 39, 1. 16; p. 69, 1. II ; p. 72, 1. 28. 
 1 Thou call'dst me up at midnight to fetch dew 
 From the still~vex'd Bermoothes.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tempest, i. 2. 229. 
 Stond, sb. An impediment, hindrance: p. 211, 1. 3. ' The removing of 
 
 the stonds and impediments of the mind doth often clear the passage and 
 
 current of a man's fortune.' Bacon, Disc, touching Helps for the Intell. 
 
 Powers (Works, vii. 99). See also Essay xl. p. 165. 
 Stood upon. Insisted upon: p. 8, 1. 30; p. 174, 1. 28. 'But it is so 
 
 plaine, that every man profiteth in that hee most intendeth, that it needeth 
 
 not be stood vpon.' Essay xxix. p. 126. 
 Story, sb. History : p. 86, 1. 4; p. 90, 1. 32. See 2 Chr. xiii. 22. 
 Strait, adj. Tight: p. 210, 1. 10; p. 219, 1. 13. 
 Straitly, adv. Strictly: p. 43, 1. 3. See Gen. xliii. 7. 
 Stroke. Struck ; the preterite of ' strike ' : p. 150, 11. 32, 33. 
 Stupid. 'Reduced to stupid ' = rendered stupid : p. 216, 1. 33. Compare 
 
 'leaveth it for suspect,' p. 81, 1. 12. 
 Style, sb. Title or formula, designation : p. 44, 1. 33 ; p. 57, 1. 27. 
 Style, sb. The pen of the ancient Greeks and Romans, one end of 
 
 which was pointed for the purpose of writing on the wax tablets ; 
 
 the other broad and flat to erase what had been written. Hence the 
 
 Latin phrase vertere stylum, to turn the style, = to erase, and this is 
 
 imitated by Bacon, p. 61, 1. 23. 
 Styled. See note on p. 101, 1. 19. Perhaps we should read 'may be so 
 
 styled.' 
 
GLOSSARy. 371 
 
 Subject, adj. Liable : p. 2=9, i. 13. 
 
 • A widow, husbandless, subject to fears.' 
 
 Shakespeare, K. John, iii. I. 14. 
 Subject, sb. Used as a collective noun for the people: p. 55, 1. 33, as in 
 
 Hamlet, i. 1. 72. 
 Suborn, v.t. Like the Lat. subornare, to furnish, equip: p. 187, 1. 14. 
 Subsistence, sb. Substance: p. 44, 1. 22. 
 Substantive, adj. Substantial : p. 106, 1. 8. 
 Subtility, sb. Subtilty; the old form of spelling, which Bacon most 
 
 frequently adopts; from Lat. stibtilitas : p. 32, 1. 10 ; Sec. 
 Success, sb. The result or issue of an action, good or bad: p. 10 1, 1. 31 : 
 
 P- J 35» '• 4- It was formerly used with some qualifying adjective. See 
 
 Josh. i. 8. 
 Such one. Such, such a one : p. 253, 1. 15. 
 Succours. Plural for singular : p. 28, 1. 18. 
 Suddenly, adv. Quickly, hastily : p. 184, 1. 16; p. 234, 1. 8. 
 ' Muse not that I thus suddenly proceed.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Two Gent, of Ver. i. 3. 64. 
 ' And suddenly resolve me in my suit.' 
 
 Id. Love's Lab. Lost, ii. 2. no. 
 Suffice, v. 1. To be competent: p. 172, 1. 23. 
 Sufficient, adj. Competent, able: p. 79, 1. 18; p. 93, 1. 32; p. 221, 
 
 1. 25. ' Sufficient men ' = men of capacity, ability. 
 Sufficiency, sb. Ability, capacity : p. 216, 1. 29. See 2 Cor. iii. 5. 
 Summary, adj. Chief, most important: p. 6, 1. 30; p. 19, 1. 30; p. 45, 
 
 L 31. 
 Suppeditation, sb. Assistance : p. 206, 1. 2. 
 Supply, v.t. To assist: p. 76, 1. 16. 
 Suppose, v.t. To imagine : p. 267, 1. 19. 
 Supposed, adj. Fictitious, imaginary: p. 45, 1. 5. 'Upon supposed 
 
 fairness.' Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. iii. 2. 94. ' Wounding supposed 
 
 peace.' Id. 2 Hen. IV. iv. 5. 196. 
 Surcharge, sb. Surfeit: p. 83, I. 20. 
 
 Surd, adj. Literally, without sound, unmeaning: p. 255, 1. I. 
 Suspect, adj. Suspected, suspicious: p. 81, 1. 12; p. 260, 1. 19. 'Cer- 
 tainly in Italy, they hold it a little suspect in popes, when they have often 
 
 in their mouth, padre commune! Essay li. p. 208. 
 Swelling, sb. Inflation of mind by pride : p. 10, 1. 13. Compare 2 Cor. 
 
 xii. 20. 
 Syntax, sb. Arrangement: p. 182, L 28. 
 Systasis, sb. See p. 174, 1. 27. 
 
 T. 
 
 Table, sb. A tablet, picture: p. 57, 1. 31. 'A pair of tables? p. 64, 1. 10. 
 ' Who art the table wherein all my thoughts 
 Are visibly character'd and engraved.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Two Gent, of Ver. ii. 7. 3. 
 B b 2 
 
2J% GLOSSARY. 
 
 Taint, v.t. To sully, tarnish : p. 27, L 28. With the use of 'blemish and 
 taint ' in this passage, compare Macbeth, iv. 3. 124 : 
 
 ' The taints and blames I laid upon myself.' 
 Take up, v. refl. To check oneself: p. 65, I. 23. 
 Take upon. To arrogate, assume to oneself: p. 65, 1. 31. 
 Tax, v.t. To censure: p. 24, 1. 4 ; p. 135, 1. 14. In the former passage 
 the Latin translation takes the word in the modern sense. See note. 
 ' They tax our policy and call it cowardice.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Tr. and Cr. i. 3. 197. 
 Taxation, sb. Censure, reprehension: p. 62, 1. 17; p. 103, 1. 27. 'You'll 
 be whipped for taxation one of these days.' Shakespeare, As You Like 
 It, i. 2. 91. 
 Temperature, sb. Temperament : p. 21, 1. 26; p. 59, 1. 2. 'The best 
 composition, and temperature is, to have opennesse in fame and opinion ; 
 secrecy in habit; dissimulation in seasonable use; and a power to faigne, 
 if there be no remedy.' Essay vi. p. 22. 
 Tenderness, sb. Sensitiveness: p. 192, 1. 29. 'Tenderness of coun 
 tenance' = bashfulness: p. 208, 1. 31. 
 
 ' Lest I give cause 
 To be suspected of more tenderness 
 Than doth become a man.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Cymb. i. I. 94. 
 Term, sb. Limit, termination: p. 129, 1. 14. 
 Terrene, adj. Earthly: p. 48, 1. 13. 
 
 ' Alack, our terrene moon 
 Is now eclipsed.' Shakespeare, Ant. and CI. ill. 13. 153. 
 That, pron. That which : p. 66, 1. 30; p. no, 1. 8 ; p. 112, 1. 9 ; p. 155, 
 
 1. 2. 
 The, used for the possessive pronoun 'its': p. 27, 1. 26. Compare the 
 version in the Bishops' Bible of Lev. xxv. 5 : ' That which groweth of 
 the owne accord of thy haruest, thou shalt not reape.' And also Holland's 
 Plutarch, p. 812 (ed. 1603) : ' Anstotle and Plato doe holde, that matter 
 is corporall, without forme, shape, figure and qualitie, in the owne nature 
 and propertied 
 The, redundant. ' At the first :' p. 37, 11. 7, II. * The which:' p. 37, 1. 31 ; 
 
 p. 234, 1. 10. 'Other the heathen gods': p. 38, 1. 25. 
 Theomachy, sb. A battle with the gods : p. 194, 1. 18. 
 Theory, sb. Speculation : p. in, 1. 33. 
 Think much. To take ill, grudge : p. 88, 1. 30. 
 Through-lights, sb. Lights or windows on both sides of a room : p. 97, 
 
 1. 25. Comp. Essay xlv. p. 183. 
 Throughly, adv. Thoroughly; p. 67, 1. 28; p. 86, 1. 19. See Matt. 
 
 iii. 12. 
 Through-passage, sb. Transit, traversing: p. 98, 1. 15. 
 Thwart, adj. Perverse: p. 17, 1. 10. 
 
 ' Create her child of spleen ; that it may live, 
 And be a thwart disnatured torment to her.' 
 
 Shakespeare, K. Lear, i. 4. 305. 
 To, prep. 'Designed /o'= designed for: p. 234, 1. 31. Comp. 'gain to,' 
 p. 43, 1. 25 ; ' employ to,' p. 252, 1. 20. ' To ' redundant iu ' rather than 
 
GLOSSARY. 373 
 
 to suffer': p. 189, 1. 12. Comp. Colours of Good and Evil, p. 262; * Yet 
 you shall seldome see them complaine. but to set a good face upon it.' 
 
 Tongue, sb. Language: p. 17, 1. 19. 
 
 Touch, sb. 'To give a touch of' = to allude to, mention slightly: p. 96, 
 
 I. 12. Testing, examination, p. 153, 1. 1 1, as of gold by the touch-stone. 
 Touching, prep. Concerning: p. 59, 1. 22; p. 88, 1. 25. 
 
 Tractate, sb. A treatise: p. 245, 1. 17. 
 
 Tradition, sb. The delivery of knowledge: p. 166, 1. 8 ; p. 170, 1. 5; 
 p. 176, 1. 28. 
 
 Traduced, p.p. In the passage in which this word occurs, p. 20, 1. 25, 
 1 traduce ' appears to be used with a distinct reference to its original mean- 
 ing ' to lead along, lead in procession,' and so ' to parade.' Hence 
 ' traduced to contempt ' would mean ' paraded contemptuously, or so as to 
 excite contempt.' 
 
 Traducement, sb. Misrepresentation, calumny : p. 38, 1. 1 ; p. 43, 1. 31. 
 
 1 'Twere a concealment 
 Worse than a theft, no less than a traducement, 
 To hide your doings.' Shakespeare, Cor. i. 9. 22. 
 
 Translation, sb. A metaphor: p. 61, 1. 29. See note. 
 
 Travail, v.i. To labour: p. 49, 1. 7 ; p. 80, 1. 31. 
 
 Travail, sb. Labour: p. 10, 1. 27; p. 28, 1. 23, &c. Travails = pains . 
 p. 208, 1. 22. See Num. xx. 14, Lam. iii. 5. 
 
 Treacle, sb. p. 140, 1. 31. Formerly triacle from Gk. BrjpiaKTj, an antidote 
 to the viper's poison. ' " Treacle," or " triacle," as Chaucer wrote it, was 
 originally a Greek word, and wrapped up in itself the once popular belief 
 (an anticipation, by the way, of homoeopathy), that a confection of the 
 viper's flesh was the most potent antidote against the viper's bite. . . . 
 Expressing first this antidote, it then came to express any antidote, then 
 any medicinal confection or sweet syrup ; and lastly that particular syrup, 
 namely, the sweet syrup of molasses, to which alone it is now restricted.' 
 Trench, English Past and Present, fourth ed. p. 188. Coverdale's version 
 of Jer. viii. 22 is — 'I am heuy and abashed, for there is no more Triacle 
 at Galaad;' and of Jer. xlvi. II — ' Go vp (o Galaad) and bringe triacle 
 vnto the doughter off Egipte.' 
 
 Trepidation, sb. Trembling ; used in a literal sense: p. 94, 1. 19. 
 
 Triplicity, sb. A threefold combination or nature: p. 4, 1. 5; p. 188, 1. 18. 
 
 Trivial, adj. Trite, commonplace: p. 174, 1. 17. 
 
 Trope, sb. A figure, generally of speech ; here applied to music : p. 107, 
 
 II. 32. 33- 
 
 Tutor, sb. A guardian: p. 21, 1. 11 ; p. 184, 1. 1. See Gal. iv. 2. 
 
 Typocosmy, sb. p. 176, 1. 21. Defined by Blount and others ■ a figure 
 or type of the world.' But this does not appear to me satisfactory. 
 Among 'the means that help the understanding and faculties thereof 
 Bacon enumerates ' Lullius Typocosmia.' ' To reduce surnames to a 
 Methode, is matter for a Ramist, who should happly finde it to be a Typo- 
 cosmie.' Camden, Remaines, p. 95, ed. 1605. It seems rather to mean 
 an orderly arrangement of the figures or types which play such an im- 
 portant part in the Art of Lullius. 
 
 Tyrannous, adj. Tyrannical: p. 61, 1. 30. 
 
 Tyranny, sb. Absolute power : p. 241, 1. 8; p. 202, 1. 8. 
 
374 g l o s s a r r. 
 
 u. 
 
 Unawares, at. Unexpectedly: p. n, 1. 7; p. 16, 1. 31. Comp. Vs. 
 xxxv. 8. 
 
 Uncivilly, adv. Rudely: p. 25, 1. 14. 
 
 Uncomely, adv. Ungracefully, awkwardly: p. 26, I. 7. 
 
 Unconstancy, sb. Inconstancy : p. 38, 1. 33. 
 
 Uncredible, adj. Incredible: p. 35. 1. 28. 
 
 Understandingly, adv. Intelligently: p. 128, I. 8. 
 
 Undertake, v.t. To deal with, contend with: p. 221, 1. 12. 
 
 Undervalue, sb. Depreciation : p. 4, 1. 25. 
 
 Universality, sb. The study of general principles: p. 7S, 1. 24. 
 
 Unlikest, adj. Most unlike: p. 235, 1. 26. 
 
 Uumanured, p. p. Uncultivated: p. 84, 1. 8. 
 
 Unmovable, adj. Immovable: p. 158, 1. 13. 
 
 Unpartial, adj. Impartial: p. 234, 1. 12. 
 
 Unperfect, adj. Imperfect: p. 91, 1. 1; p. 240, 1. 18. In the latter 
 passage the ed. of 1605 has vnperfite. 
 
 Unproper, adj. Improper: p. 41, 1. 2. 
 
 Unsafety, sb. Insecurity : p. 236, 1. 24. 
 
 Untaxed, p.p. Uncensured : p. 56, 1. 19. 
 
 Unwinded, p.p. Unwound: p. 181, 1. 15. 
 
 Unwrap, v.t. To disentangle: p. 246, 1. 16. 
 
 Upon, prep. Used in phrases where we should now employ other pre- 
 positions. 'Upon a natural curiosity ' = ' out of a natural curiosity': 
 p. 42, 1. 20. 'Proceeding upon some inward discontent' = proceeding 
 from, &c. : p. 54, 1. 19. ' Upon a more original tradition': p. 104,1. 21. 
 1 Upon displeasure ': p. 221, 1. 33. ' Upon heat ': p. 231, 1. 23, &c. ' To 
 take advantage upon' = \o take advantage of: p. 27, 1. 26. ' To do good 
 upon' = to do good to: p. 201, 1. 9. 'Multiplying and extending their 
 form upon other things': p. 195, 1. I. 'Study upon't p. 222, 1. 21. 
 1 Be bold upon': p. 223, 1. 8. See Glossary to Bacon's Essays. 
 
 Ure, sb. Use: p. 151, 1. 15; p. 171, 1. 27. 
 
 Use, v. i. To be accustomed : p. 21, 1. 3 ; p. 40, 1. 31. 
 
 Use, sb. Usance, interest, increase: p. 126, 1. 15. 
 
 V. 
 
 Value, v.t. To give value to: p. 118, 1. 10. 
 
 Vaporous, adj. Boastful, vain: p. 15. 1. 12; p. 123, I 31. 
 
 Variably, adv. Unsystematically : p. 153, 1. 22. 
 
 Vastness, sb. A waste, wilderness : p. 120, 1. 5. 
 
 Venemency, sb. Vehemence: p. 177, 1. 25. 
 
 Ventosity, sb. Windiness : p. 7, 1. 16; p. 95, 1. 13. 
 
 Verdure, sb. Literally, greenness ; and so, vegetation generally : p. 48, 
 
 I.17. 
 Verity, sb. Truth: p. 91, 1. 18 ; p. 109, I. 20. 
 
GLOSSARY. 375 
 
 Vermiculate, adj. Intricate, winding, like the moving of a worm : p. 31, 
 
 I. 23. 
 Versatile, adj. Changeable: p. 24, I. 1. 
 Vestiments, sb. Vestments, dress: p. 88, 1. 33. 'Vestimento, as Veste, 
 
 any vestiment or vesture.' Florio, Ital. Diet. 
 Vicissitude, sb. Change: p. 6, 1. 26 Order of things : p. 49, 1 16. 
 Void, adj. Empty: p. 43, 1. 22. 
 
 Vollies, sb. Flights: p. 252, 1. II. From Fr. voire a flight of birds. 
 Vohibility, sb. Rolling or twisting motion : p. 201, 1. 6. 
 Voluble, adj. Capable of revolving: p. 239, 1. 27. 
 Voluntary, sb. A volunteer: p. 66, 1. 14. 
 
 Voluptuary, adj. Belonging to pleasure : p. 133, 1. 25 ; p. 143, 1. 26. 
 Vulgar, adj. Common, familiar : p. 54, 1. 8. 
 
 W. 
 
 "Wait on. To attend: p. 49, 1. 17. 
 
 "Wait upon. To attend : p. 95, 1. 3. 
 
 "Want, ife. Defect, deficiency: p. 237, 11. 21, 23. 
 
 "Warrant, v.i. To attest : p. 11, 1. 27. 
 
 Watch candle, sb. A night light : p. 32, 1. 32. Compare Albumazar ii. 
 
 9; 'Why should I twine mine arms to cables, and sigh my soul to air? 
 
 Sit up all night like a watching candle, and distil my brains through my 
 
 eyelids?' ' My good old mistress was wont to call me her watch-candle, 
 
 because it pleased her to say 1 did continually burn (and yet she suffered 
 
 me to waste almost to nothing).' Bacon, Letter to King James (Works, 
 
 x. 280). 
 Water, sb. A piece of water: p. 105, 1. 9. Compare Tennyson, Morte 
 
 d'Arthur: 
 
 ' On one side lay the ocean, and on one 
 Lay a great water, and the moon was full.' 
 Wavering, sb. Oscillation: p. 94, 1. 19. 
 "Way, in the phrase 'to hold way with' = to keep pace with: p. 14, 1. 16. 
 
 So ' to keep way with,' p. 113, 1. 10 ; 'to take the way ' = to take steps 
 
 or measures: p. 173, 1. 27. 
 Way, sb. A road : p. 144, 1. 11 ; p. 246, 1. 25. 
 
 "Ways. 'No ways ' = in no way: p. 28, 1. 16 ; p. 56, 1. 25 ; p. 221, 1. 15. 
 "Weal, sb. Welfare, prosperity: p. 55, 1. 33. 
 "Wear, v. i. To suffer from wear or use : p. 1 5, 1. 24. 
 "Went of = were current about : p. 68, 1. 5. 
 "Were better, p. 217, 1. 7 ; p. 222, I. 25. We should now say 'a man 
 
 had better,' or ' it were better for a man Sec' 
 "What time. At which time, when: p. 92, 1. 27. 
 Whereas, adv. Where : p. 68, 1. 9. 
 Whether, pron. Which, of two: p. 195, 1. 32. 
 Which, rel. pr. Who ; used of persons : p. 9, I. 18 ; p. 28, 1. 21 ; p. 233, 
 
 L 12. 
 
tf6 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Whiffler, sb. An officer whose duty it was to clear the way for a proces- 
 sion : p. 152, 1. 32. 
 
 ' Which like a mighty whiffler 'fore the king.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Hen. V. v. Chor. 12. 
 
 Wit, sb. Our modern word • intellect ' expresses as nearly as possible the 
 meaning which 'wit' had in Bacon's time: p. 33, 1. 26. See note on 
 p. 64, 1. 4, and comp. Essay vi. p. 18 ; xliv. p. 179. 'Games of wit' are 
 games of skill or science as opposed to games of chance : p. 256, 1. 7. 
 
 "With, prep. Occurs where we should now use ' by.' ' Waited on with ' = 
 attended by : p. 49, 1. 17. 'Attended with ' = attended by : p. 59, 1. 14. 
 
 Withal, prep. With : p. 24, 1. 3. Placed after the case it governs. 
 
 Within, prep. Among : p. 46, 1. 21. 
 
 Without, prep. Beyond : p. 185, 1. 25 ; p. 204, 1. 11. Comp. 2 Cor. x. 
 
 13. 15. 
 Word, sb. Motto: p. 98, 1. 1. 
 
 4 And the device he bears upon his shield 
 Is a black Ethiope ieaching at the sun; 
 The word, ' Lux tua vita mihi.' 
 
 Shakespeare, Per. ii. 2. 21. 
 Work, ' To set on ivork' = \o set working: p. 198, 1. 7. So * to set in 
 
 work' = to put in motion : p. 240, 1. 23. 
 "Worthy, sb. A hero: p. 52, 1. 4. Comp. 'the nine worthies' and Nah. 
 
 ii. 5. 
 Wrought, p.p. Influenced, worked upon: p. 177, 1. 24. 
 
 Anagogical, adj. Mystical : p. 261, I. 23. 
 
 Consul, sb. Loosely used for ' counsellor,' ' senator': p. 36, 1. 32. Com- 
 pare Shakespeare, Othello, i. I. 25 ; i. 2. 43. 
 
 Piece, sb. A castle or fort: p. 173, 1. 14. See Jewell's Works (Parker 
 Soc. ed.), i. 485. 
 
 Additional Notes. 
 
 P. 18 [2]. Socrates however was not put to death till B.C. 399. 
 
 P. 228 [20]. Dr. Thompson, the Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, 
 has pointed out to me that the origin of Bacon's ' globe of matter ' and 
 'globe of crystal or form' is probably the acpaipos alaOrjTus and the 
 ccpaipos votjtos of Empedocles as interpreted by Proclus. See Proclus in 
 Timaeum, p. 160 D, and Simplicius in Physica, p. 7 b. 
 
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