DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Treasure %oom 1 1 Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2011 witii funding from Duke University Libraries Iittp://www.archive.org/details/authenticexposit01perr laai II ^ 1 1 I sf*>*>*»ii*«i>*iiin, New Orleans, and some other Honthern cities, a few politicians who earnestly desired the re-estxiblishment of the African slave-trade and the acquisition of new slave territory. They believed that the Constitution of the United States was a tyrannical document, since it prohibited the slave-trade, and reirarded it as a system of piracy. The American Union, therefore, had its enemies almost from its very childhood. These men formed themselves into secret juntos, which, without any particular form or ritual, were called S. R. C 's, (Southern Rights Clubs.) They had certain signs of recognition, by which they made themselves known to each other, and met weekly, semi- weekly, or otherwise, as the cause which they labored to promote eeemed to demand. They might have had, at this early day, some Bort of constitution and rules of regulation, but of these little is now known. f^r^r^r^r^^ 000*^v> jL (5) 6 EXPOSITION OF THE The African slave-trade being contrary to the laws of the United States, and to the laws of the whole civilized world, it waa not hoped to carrj it on in an open manner. The first efforts of the 8. K. O.'s, therefore, were directed to the fitting out, manning, and equipping of secret shivers, which were to cruise around the Afri- can coast and kidnap negroes whenever a good opportunity was afforded. Between the years 1834 and 1840 it is presumed that at least six of these vessels were equipped and sent out. Some of them were successful, and tilled tlie measure of their appoint- ment, while others were captured by F^nglish and other fleets, to the great mortification of the S. Ji. C.'s, and the discouragcmenli of tlieir enterprise. They did not, however, "give up the ship" in consequence of these discouragements, but continued their slave piracy with renewed vigor, whenever it seemed possible to conceal their maneuverings. Time roiled on, and every year seemed to add strength and mag- nitude to this abominable piratical clique, until the year 1844, when the prospect of the war with Mexico seemed to give them great hope of the acquisition of new slave territory. Their glori- ous dreams of the growth and extension of the slave power seemed now in a fair way to be realized. In the mean time they had, in their secret juntos, done all in their power to elevate and to con- tinue in office, at Washington, such congressional representatives as were suited to their peculiar views. These were persistent and untiring in their efforts to inflame the United States Government against Mexico and Spain, in the hope that a war would be the result, and thereby an opportunity afforded for the absorption of Southern territory. Wherever it seemed possible to make out a case of insult, it was done; and the most trivial circumstances were magnified into insufferable abuses. Here is given the reason why Southern politicians were so much warmer in their support of the Mexican war than those of the North, as a general thing, and also the reason why Southern States furnished so many more volunteers for the war than did the Northern States. They felt that the successful termination of this war was a matter of the greatest interest to them, and, consequently, were very forward in its promotion. 1 have heard a few persons complaining, since the commence- ment of the present war, that the " North allowed the South to do the fighting in Mexico." Let the instantaneous reply be, "They had more interest in that war than we." I do not wish to be understood here as saying that the Mexican war was an unjust one, or that the United States Government had no cause for it. I merely wish to put it plainly before the people that the Southern States had a peculiar interest in it. The war with Mexico was brought to a close, and Texas, New Mexico, and California were added to the United States domain; but Cuba was still out. The consciousness of this deficiency lefl KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. I an ajhing void in tlic " Southeru heart," and, forthwith, fillibus- terine; espeditions into Cuba were matured and set on foot by the members of the S. 11. C.'s, not in the hope that such expeditions would, in themselves, terminate successfully, but with a view to 8u embroilin;! the United States and Spanish Governments, that another acquisitive war would be waired by the former against the latter, and Cuba thereby wrested from its former owners. This scheme was not altogether successful, although it certainly did make advocates to the policy of the acquisition of Cuba through- out the United States. In the year 1852, the S. R. C.'s had become more numerous, and their organization was more highly perfected. Some two or three slavers were at this time plying successfully betAveen the African coast and the Southern Gulf States, but their places of landing were, of course, unknown to any but the S. R. C.'s. Par- ticular attention was now directed to the ingrafting of the policy of tiie acquisition of Cuba into the Democratic platform. It was confidently hoped to make it a national Democratic doctrine. In thi.-i they were, to a considerable extent, successful; and there is but little doubt that, had it not been for the agitation of the slavery question between the years lS50-'54, the acquisition of Cuba, either by purchase or conquest, would have become the loading political issue of the country. Many Northern Democrats were strongly opposed to the polic}', but no Southern ones were. In the Spring of 1854, it became apparent to the Southern ex- tremists that t!ie repeal of the Missouri Compromise had caused a great political revolution in the Northern States ; that the old Whig party had become extinct, and that its former adherents, together with many old Democrats, were building up a new party, 'lliis was the so-called Know-Nothing party, which, although it professed to be purely American, was the legitimate two-fold result of the entire defeat of the Whig party and the repeal of the Com- promise just alluded to. Shrewd Southern politicians did not fail to see the strong Free-soil clement which was gradually devel- oping in this party. The sweeping victory vrhich the K. N.'s achieved in the congressional and state elections of 1854 opened the eyes of the Southern Democrats to the fact that the old na- tional party of which they had presumed they had almost com- plete control, was not so invincible as had been suoDosed. EXPOSITION OF THE CHAPTER II. Increase of Anti-Slavery Sentiment at tub North, and its ef- fect T-poN South lit »Ns — (tenkral George C. Bicki.ey's advent ry 1S55 — THE KIR.ST to Systematize the Order of the K. G, (■. —Details or the Okoani/.ation — its OBJ^x:T.s, Solemn Oaths, AND Forms of Initiation — its secret influence upon the Pol- itics OF the Coi'NTRY— vSpKKCH IN CaSTLE OF A KnIGHT GEN- ERAL William W alki:r and Fillibustering. In 1855, it Avan noticed that the anti-slavery sentiment in the North was growini^r stiJl stronger, and it was, in fact, p;cnerallv thought by Southrons that the Democratic party was becominlr almost extinct there, from the large numbers that had deserted it in consequence of their Free-soil proclivities. It wtus about this time that a certain George G. Bickley, who was a native of IJoone county, Indiana, but, at the period alluded to, resided in Ginc'in- nati, went South, and, having espoused the cause of the S. R. G.'.><, i:ook it in hand to reduce them to a more perfect state of organ- ization. Having framed a constitution, by-laws, and ritual, and having cilocted thereby all the, to him, necessary changes and moditications in the Order, he chri.stened it with the highly •'chivalrous" name of Knu;iits of the (jtolden Circle. The sev- eral divisions of the K. G. C, according to the new constitution, were called Castles. As in the case of most other secret orders, there were subordinate castles, and a'Grand (Jastle, State Castle, or Legion.* The officers of the subordinate castle consisted of a cap- tain, lieutenant, secretary, treasurer, guard, (for the inner door,) sentinel, (for the outer door,) a corresponding secretary, and con- ductor. The officers of the Grand Castle were the same as those of the subordinates, with the addition of the prefix Grand. Their new constitution set forth, in its first article, as one of the pi-iu- cipal objects of the order, the acquisition of Cuba, Mexico, and Nicaragua, In another article, the members are pledged to stand united in the promotion of Southern interests, and opposition tv» the encroachments of abolitionism; and still, in another, they are pledged, in case of any encroachment on the part of the •United States Government, to do all within their power to estab- * All the State Legions, or Grand State Castles, are represented by delegates in what is termed the Grand United States or American Legion. From this body all the laws gorerning sUite and subordinate eastles emanate, as also do the military laws, or, an they are generally termed, "Articles of War." These •• Articles «)f War" requlr* regular military drill, especially in the use of the bayonot and sword. Euigbt* ^greatly pnde thcmst-lves on their swoidsmanehip. KNIOHTS OP THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. V lish a " free Southern Government." The ritual of this period required of the candidate, in the first pLice, the most solemn oath that he would never divulge anythina; he should see or hear after he entered the sacred portals of the castle. Having entered the castle, he was sworn to use all his efforts and powers in the fur- therance of the objects set forth in the constitution, viz. : the absorption of Southern tnrritorv. and the promotion of Southern interests. Nothinn; is said in either the constitution or ritual directly of the slave piracy, for the reason that it wns feared that, by sonie kind of accident, *'the papers" miglit fall into the hand^ oif the "persecuting government." This portion of their business had not boon forgotten, however, for, during the years 1855-6. they equipped and sent out three slavers, two of which were highly successful in their operations; one of them, however, was captured by an Knglish fleet. The year 1S56 gave the Knights a new impetus, and added many to their numbers, in consequence of the very larq;e growth of tiie anti-slavery sentiment in the North durins: that year, an especial manifestation of which w;is afforded by the Presidential campaign. It was now that the rank pro-slavery tree bei;an to produce tlif^ buds of secession Every effort v.-as put forth to test the North and the General Government respecting the policy of absorption of Soutlievn territory. This policy had been pretty strongly hinted at in the Cincinnati Platform, upon which Mr. Buchanan was then running; but hints did not satisfy them. They wcr*" bound to have the plain and explicit declaration from the national Democratic party, that "we are in favor of the acquisition of Cuba," or dissolve thoir connection with it, and, if needs be, witli the government. A few paragraphs from the filed speeches of cnstle C, New Orleans, at this period will give the reader a pretty clear idea of the spirit and intent of the Knights. In perusing tliesc speeches, passages such as the following occur: "The South can only hope for the real enjoyment of its rights in a Southern Confederacy, if the signs of tlie times mean anything. Even the Democratic party is becoming Abolitionized. We want more territory: we must have it; but can we hope to acquire it while the Abolitionists stand in our way, and the indl'.ierent De- mocracy refuse to give us aid? Who can not see that the Demo- cratic party is becomiu'i aholiiionized ? Wh}' does not the present administration (Pierce's) carry out the principles of the Kansas- Nebraska Act in Kansas Territory? Why does it allow those Emigrant Aid Societies of Massachusetts to send their pauper cut- throats to disturb and endanger our people in the common territory of the United States ?" Another specimen : "We must have C-uba and Mexico. The North is vastly out- 10 EXPOSITION OF THE ^owin,:: us in t^ritory and population. If we can't get territory in the Union, we can out of it. 1 do not feel like awaiting the slow steps of the Northern Democracy." In the mean time they were becoming pretty sick of the Kan- sas-Kebraska bill, as is manifest in the following, which I quote from memory : '* What advantage have we gained by the Nebraska bill ? None whatever. On the contrary, we have positively lost. While the Mis.souri Compromise lino stood, we had some territory which we (•ould call our own, and of Avhich we were sure. But how is it since that line is destroyed? Why, before one Southern man can get ready to migrate with his property, (niggcr.s,) they send a whole legion of Yankee Abolitionists to Kansas to cut his throat and steal his negroes. The whole American Government is really becoming a grand Abolition machine, which, even in thi: hands 01" DE.M0CaATS, IS DESTINED TO CRUSH OUT EVERY VESTIGE OF SoUTH- KKN LIBERTY." Becoming impatient with the slow movements of the United States Government respecting the acquisition of territory, the Knights resolved to try another fillibustering expedition. For the heading of this expedition they had, in their own ranks, one of the most daring and courageous of " chivalrous " adventurers. 1 allude to the no less personage than General Walker. This gentleman was duly furnished and equipped with ships, men, and money by the liberal members of the K. G. C., and sent out to " take Nicar- agua." How he took it, everybody knows. But, as in the in- stance of the Cuban fillibuster war, the effort was not expected to prove successful, but was merely thrown out as a feeler, to deter- mine the condition of Uncle Sam's pulse. After Mr. Buchanan's accession to power. Walker's expeditions were renewed with in- creased energy ; and it was sincerely hoped that, by some ingenious maneuver, he would induce somebody to "insult" the United States, so that a good excuse might be afforded for an aggressive war. In tliis expectation, however, they were greatly disappointed; for nobody did insult the United States, nor even General Walker, half as much as they were insulted. The only injustice done that individual was, that he was not hung before he started on his first expedition. Up to the time of which I am now writing, the order of the K. G. C. was a rather insignificant one in point of numbers. There were, in fact, very few persons, not members of the institu- tion, who even knew of its existence. But among their small num- ber were many of the wealthiest capitalists of the South, such as Yancey and Toombs; and they were fully confident that the time was rapidly coming when they would literally swallow up the whole of their section of country. KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE, 11 CHAPTER III. *r*.j YEAR 1858 — ^Thb Kansas Struggle and the Lecompton Con- -triTUTioN — Increased growth of the K. G. C. — Change of Ritual — Secession advocated, and the South united through ITS workings — the Order popularized — the Regalia, Symbols, AKD Workings of the Degrees and "Inner Temple" — Applica- vton for a Castle in a Northern city refused — Firing of thb Southern Heart in 1859-60 — Presidential Contest of 1860 — Instrumentality of the K. G. C. in dissolving the Democratic (invention — Opposition to Douglas — Speech in a New Orleans ( astle — the Charleston and Baltimore Conventions — thb ■ iSINCERlTY of SoUTHRONS. The year 1858 found the Knights of the Golden Circle more 1 ghly organized, and gaining wonderfully in popularity. The fivision being effected in the Democratic party by the discussion >f the celebrated Lecompton Constitution, gave them great hope of attaining the end to which they had been directing their efiForts. with undiminished zeal, for the past two years, and which their organization had been calculated to effect from its very infancy — the dissolution of the American Union. They had applied the most thorough tests to the general government, and had done all in their power to ascertain whether it were possible to entirely Southernize the great national Democratic party, and transform it into a pro-slavery engine with which they might extend and protect Blavery everywhere, to little effect. They had proven Mr. Buchanan to be a very indifferent friend to fillibustering movements ; and, last of all, they had found that there were thousands of Democrats who would not agree that the people of a territory should have a constitution which they were utterly opposed to, nor admit that forty Northern men were equal to but one Southern man. All these circumstances proved to them that secession was their only hope. The formation of a Southern Government was now talked of openly everywhere ; every means was used to make secessionists, and unite the Southern people. To this end it was thought the order of the K. G. C. should be popularized by various improvements. The castle was divided into an outer and inner temple; the outer temple being, in fact, the old castle to which, according to some changes made in the ritual and constitution, members were admitted on probation, preparatory to entering the inner temple. The time of probation was not definitely fixed, but was, in all cases, to be of sufficient duration to enable the committee of inquiry to determine 12 EXPOSITION OP TBB ■whether the initiate was "sound on the nigger." None but those who were known to be out-and-out secessionists could enter the " holy of holies." About this time it was thought well to do something in the way of regalia, emblems, etc., in which no effort was spared to be " vtry ancienV As I never had the good fortune to enter the inner temple, I can only doscriljo the outer. In this department the regalia consists of a close helmet for the head, from the top of which peers upward a small silver spear, and to tlie frontal portion of which is .'ittached a silver crescent ; of a close-fitting garment for the thorax and upper extremities, very much resembling the ancient coat of mail, and a long, straight sword suspended to the left side. The symbols wore a lar^e bronzed crescent, or new moon, set with lifteen stars, a large one of which was generally suspended over the seat of the Chief IChlght. from an arch of evergreens; of a large temple, under the dome of which shone a beautiful representation of the noon-day sun, and around the corona of which were fixed lifteen stars. To these Avere added the skull and cross-bones. Now for the language of the symbols: The crescent represents the growing Southern ConH^deracy ; the temple, v/ith its glowing sun and fifteen stars, foreshadows the glorious "sunny South," under the benign inliuence of a fully matured Southern Government, extending its borders through Cuba, Mexico, and Central and South America; the skull and cross-bones signify death to all "Abolition- ists" and opposers of "Southern independence." To the by-laws were added one strongly prohibiting any member from presenting the name of any new applicant unless he had the best of reasons for believing that such applicant was a good Southern man, and perfectly " sound on the nigger." The sole end to which the Knights now directed their c2brt« was the disruption of the American Confederacy. Like Garrison and his followers, they considered this an " accursed Union," and that its longer continuance was only calculated to degrade and oppress the South. In view of this object, they determined to aban- don the kidnapping business, inasmuch as it involved consid- erable expense, and required close attention, and concentrate aJI their energies upon the institution of new castles throughout all the Southern States. Forthwith castles began to spring up all through the Border States, and, in not a few instances, was it found that prominent Northern men were knocking at the door for ad- mission. Whenever they were known to be " good Southern men" they were welcomed and hailed with joy. At one time during the year of which I now w^rite, (1858), some very prominent citizens of New Albany, Indiana, proposed to have a castle instituted in their city, but the Knights thought that as their order was "pe- culiarly a Southern one," it were better that it should not extend into free soil During this period, castles were built up in Texas, and they showed themselves worthy of their calling, and, if any- KNIGHTS OF THS GOLDBN CIP.CLK. 13 BXP061TI0S OF THa ^^^}1j1^U 14 KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CHICLE. l.") thin^r, rather distanced those of the Gulf States in the promotion of the " p-ood cause." With the Texan Knights, however, tliere wa.-? one irreat obstacle in the way ofprotiiress, viz. : the larire free-hiborina; Crerman popu- lation. The Germans in Texas had domonstratr^d to the world that they could even excel the " ni2:,a;er" in the cultivation of the cotton plant. Th.is was considered as a very dangerosia argument against the "peculiar institution." The groat plea in favor of Slavery in the South had over been that "cotton couM not be crown without African service," and that the Avhole intolliiiont world should see a -practical demonstra- tion of its fallacy was something that the "chivalry" never could submit to. The Germans had become thoroughly acclimated, and being very healthy and prolific, bid Hiir to seriously undermine, and ul- timately destroy, the slave interests of Texas. Fully conscious of these f\icts, tiie members of the K. (i C. began and carried out such a system of abuse and oppression towards this valuable class of citizens, as finaliy resulted in the exodus of the entire German population ("Jo. 00!)) from Texas to Mexico, in the early part of the spring of the presciit year, (18GI.) All through the year 1859, the Knights wore working with un- abated energy for the increase of their nunil^ors and the "firing of the Southern heart." 1860 found them making grcal prepara- tions for the presidential campaign of that year. It had been strongly indicated by the Democrats of the great Xorthwest, at their recent state elections, that a less conservative man than Douglas would receive very few of their votes for the U. S. Presidency in tiie coming contest; and. from the strong op- position to him by Scmthern fire-eaters and Northern dongh-faces m the national Congress of that year, it was clear that a division, and consequent defeat, of the Democratic ticket could be easily effected, and an f xcase, by that means, afforded for the consumma- tion of their great loading design. Perhaps :■.<> politician ever had a firmer hold upon the sympa- thies of his a(lli(M-ents than Mr. Douglas. Of this fact the Knights were fully awa'-e; and, knowing that many of t!ie prominent lead- ers of the N(trt!iern Democracy were jealous of the ' IJttle Giant," it was duly arrait^ed to secure their services both in Congress and in the contem|»luted April convention, to the end of so dividing that body th;tt a siifficient number might be drawn off to form another convention and nominate another candidate. Months before the meeting of the National Democratic Conven- tion, men of tlio Yancey stripe had literally sworn, ia castle, to aplit that Convention, and thereby utterly defeat its objects, or else entirely Sonthernize it. The following, from a speech deliv- ered in the New (.'rleans Castle, will show the spirit and intent of JO EXPOSITION OF TFiK the ultraists of that period. The speecii was made at a meeting held, January 11th, 1860: "The next administration shall bo purely Southern, or we will have no admini-^tration at all. We will have a strictly Southern Uights Confrress. If we can't have such a con;rres8 at Washincton, we will have it someicherc else. Our rights of property should be s-i^cured, not only here and in the common territories, but all over the United States. Why can't we travel where we please with our negroes, and stay as long as we liko, without molostation ? The powers at the National Capital, under the influence of the abolition puritans, will never, in my opinion, grant the just privi- leges claimed hy Southern gentlemen. Tho Democratic party North is fast selling itself out to the Abolitionists, and, from pres cnt appearances, we may expect that before another campaign Steve Douglas and Fred Douglass will be spoken of as the candi- dates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, to be nominated at a fusion convention, composed of IJlack Republicans and Squatter Sovereignty Democrats. '•I am, for one, for an eternal separation from this yelloio- sldnnedy icoolbj-hcadcd clique. 1 am for an out-and-out Southern man in '60. We don't expect Northern men to vote for him. We don't want them to. We only want a man that a Southern gentleman can vote for with clean hands and a clear conscience. 1 would say, give us Yancey or .TetF Dasis. We can vote for such men as these conscientiously. We do n't expect to elect them ; we don't want to elect them according to the modes prescribed by the United States Constitution. We only want to siiov.' the North our hand and our strength. Let them elect their Abolition can- didate. Is there one here who does not hope they will? For my part, it has been my desire, for over ten years, that the North would give us some good excuse for the dissolution of the Union. We, as an Order, have been hoping and working for a long time for a separation from the North, and the formation of a govern- ment of our own, where we could, without any hindrance or drawback, carry out a purely Southern policy. At the coming Democratic convention we must have this Order well represented; we must have men there who will carry out our wishes; we must show the mulatto Democrats (Douglas men) that we will have a man of our own selection. He most be a Knight, and a good one at that. There is little doubt, from the present bull-headedness of the DouglasitC'S, that this policy will result in the division of the convention, and the nomination of two candidates; but that is just what we want. It will only assist the election of the Alx>lition candidate, which, as I have before said, is the upper- most desire of our hearts, in that it will afford a lawful excuse for dissolving a Union which has, for tlie past thirty years, been the most formidable obstacle to Southern progress.'^ KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEX CIRCLE. 17 The way in which the Knights proposed to divide the con- vention Tfas, to require at the hands of the conservative Northern Democracy the most unqualified recognition of the rights of property in slaves, and its especial Congressional protection in all the United States Territories. From the popular expressions of the Northwestern people at the ballot box, at their recent elections, they knew full well their desire of disruption would be successfully attained by this requirement. In April, 1S60, the National Democratic Convention assembled at Charleston, and it seemed to be the universal desire of the conservative men to harmonize that body by making every per- sonal concession consistent with what they had honestly believed to be a fair interpretation of the Cincinnati Platform. They pro- posed to lay aside all the differences of the past, say nothing about recent quarrels, and simply adopt the old Cincinnati Plat- form, with the mere addition that the slavery question in the territories should be settled by the Supreme Court, presuming, as they did, that the Constitution of the United States, as inter- preted by the highest of all judicial authorities, was a sufficient guarantee to the rights of property everywhere. If there had been any desire on the part of the Knights (as nearly all the Breckinridge men were,) to forget old differences and reunite the party, they would have readily agreed to this proposition. But no Buch desire existed among them. Nothing but a full and explicit acknowledgment that "neither Congress nor a Territorial Legis- lature" could impair the rights of property in slaves, and that it was " the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect the rights of persons and property in the territories, and wherever che its authorUy extends^'' would begin to satisfy diem. Whenever a Southern man says "property," he means ^'■niggers;' so that what the Knights really desired of the Douglas men was, that they should admit that no power on earth could, in any way, interfere with ^^niggersy This admission they knew, as well before as after the Convention, would not be made. Every man at all acquainted with the history of the past five years, knows that Mr. Buchanan was elected upon the principle of non-inter- vention ; and to presume that the conservative men of the North-^ west could indorse Congressional Intervention to the ridiculous and inconsistent extreme required by the Southern "nigger" wor- shipers in the Charleston Convention, was something that none but fools could do. As my readers are all aware, the result of the unreasonable- demands made upon the conservatives was the division of the Con- vention, or, more properly speaking, the secession of the Knights, and the formation of another convention. Both these conventions^ adjourned before arriving at any definite conclusion respecting. the selection of a candidate, to meet again at Baltimore, in the month of June. On the part of the K G. C. there was not the? 2 18 EXPOSITION OF THE least intention of trying to conciliate matters at the subsequent meetinj^ by the compromise of any of their principles ; nor did they anticipate any concession on the part of the conservatives. They only desired to widen the breach, and all their pretensions to the contrary were the merest sham. In the interim between the two meetings the Knights were busily engaged in castle, devising means whereby they might hold the organization at Baltimore, and thereby force the Douglas men to secede. By this ruse it was hoped to preserve for their faction the name of "The Regular Democratic Convention," and thus more thoroughly divide the party: and it was duly arranged that if they could not succeed in this plan, they would cause the -speaker (Mr. Gushing) to "secec/c," and by that means carry all the weight they possibly could with them. June arrived, and, at the assembling of the convention, the Knights found themselves clearly beaten, as it regarded their first plan, by the superior activity of the conservatives. They even came very near being denied a seat in the assembly. They were, consequently, forced to their last plan as the only alternative. Respecting the movements of the two Raltimore conventions, the reader is doubtless informed, but it may not be out of the way here to present the expressions of these two bodies on the slavery question, as found in their respective platforms. Here is what the Douglas convention said : "That inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Demo- cratic party as to the nature and extent of a territorial legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Consti- tution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the territories, Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States over the institution of slavery in t*he territories. " Resolved^ That it is in accordance with the interpretation of -the Cincinnati Platform that, during the existence of the territo- rial government, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the terri- torial legislature over the subject of the domestic relations (as the same has been or shall hereafter be finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States) should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Government." And here is the Breckinridge platform on slavery : " The government of a territory, as organized by an act of Con- gress, is provisional and temporary, and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with thoir property {^^ niggers") in the territory, without their rights KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 19 either of person or property being destroyed or injured by con- gressional or territorial legislation. "It is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its depart- ments, to protect the rights of persons or property {^^ niggers'") in the territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. " When the settlers in a territory, having an adequate popula- tion, form a state constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and being consummated by their admission into the Union, they stand on an equality with the people of other states ; and a state thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether the constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery." "With the exception of the last resolution appended to the Douglas platform, these platforms were both framed in Charles- ton ; and I will remark just here that, as it respects the Breck- inridge platform, it had been drawn up in the Calhoun castle, at Charleston, more than a month before the first meeting of the convention. In contrasting the above quotations, it requires no very great degree of perspicuity to determine which is the more conciliatory of the two; nor docs it require a very high development of the perceptives to see that the boasted "national" doctrine of non- intervention, of which we all heard so much in 1856, had been entirely abandoned by the secessionists as a political humbug, and that they had fallen back on the old idea, always maintained by the Ilepublicans, that Congress had a right to interfere with the institution of slavery in the territories; and that it was its duty to do it. The only difTerencc between the Republicans and Dreckinridge men, on this point, being that the former believed Congress should prohibit tlie introduction of slavery into the ter- ritories, while the latter taught that Congress should protect it to the full extent of its powers. Does it not seem remarkably strange that, with these facts before the intelligent world, the Knights should denominate the Kepublican party a sectional one, and base their excuse for secession upon its recent success in consequence? In this connection I will quote from the Repub- lican platform, framed at Chicago, May, 1860. The following is the eighth resolution of that document: " That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without the process of law, it becomes our duty by legislation, whenever Buch legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we defy the 20 EXPOSITION OF THE authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any indi- viduals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States." . This resolution may be said to embody the fundamental doc- trines of the Kepublicans respecting the relations subsisting be- tween the General Government and the United States territories, and it will be observed that they are, in spirit, the same as those of the Breckinridge Democrats, but very differently applied and directed. Now, respecting the Republican idea of the power of Congress to prohibit slavery in the territories, it had the decided advantage of legislative precedent from the earliest periods of our national history to within a few years past, and, therefore, if we are to decide in favor of intervention at all, we must go with the Republicans. The principle of non-intervention was certainly Democratic ; the greatest objection to it, perhaps, was that it was too Democratic to be applied to this age and this Government. One of the principal causes of the destruction of the Grecian Republic was, that its Democracy was in advance of the intelligence of its people ; and it may be that, of late years, some of our American statesmen have, in their ambitious desire to attract the attention of the world and leave their mark upon the times, which, under ordinary circumstances, is commendable, endeavored to lead this nation beyond the capacity of its sovereijfns. KNIGHTS OP THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 21 CHAPTER IV. The Contest of 1860 — the Breckinridge movement, and the insincerity of its opposition to lincoln the k. g. c. at the xorth and the south ^misrepresentations by xortheen Knights — Some of their Boasting Letters — Aid expected from THE North in case of Secession — New Emblem of the Order — Plans to steal Arms and Money from the U. S. matured in Castle in 1S50 — Lincoln and Hamlin scarecrow at the South — Stories of the Campaign, and their almost general belief — Treatment of Northerners at the South. The tAvo Baltimore CGnventiona having finished their Tvork, udjourned, and went forth organizing state tickets, and presenting the chiims of their respective candidates to the people of the country. Now, be it remembered, there were many warm supporters of Mr. Buchanan's administration, and political enemies of Senator Douglas, who, seeing the disorganized condition of the Democratic party, and the certain prospect of defeat in consequence, were willing to make almost any personal sacrifice in order to bring about a better state of affairs. These proposed to allow Breckinridge to take the South and Douglas the ^s'orth, in the hope that thereby the election of Lincoln would be prevented, and the choice thrown into Congress. These men were honest in their intentions, whatever we may say of their political views. They labored earnestly to prevent the orfanization of a Breckinridge ticket in any Northern State; but tliey were not members of the K. G. C, and, consequently, unac- qu.iinted with the real intent and meaning of the Breckinridge movement. Their reasoning, their efforts, their appeals, were not heeded, and almost before we were aware of it, there was a Secession ticket (that is the proper name) in nearly every state north of the Ohio River, with such men as the Hon. J. D. B and D. S. D to stump for it, and such papers as the New York Day Book to talk fo/ it. There were many men in the North who were not bona-fide members of the K. G. C, who still advocated the claim of the Secession ticket almost purely out of the hatred and envy they bore Mr. Douglas; others again were duped and lured into it. A certain Mr. 1] , of Indiana, a Mr. V , of Ohio, the editor of the Day Book, and a Mr. C , of Massachusetts, were said to be about the only reliable members the Order claimed among the prominent Northern politicians. Of course there were several of the " small fry " in many places. It was frequently wondered why any set of men could be so foolish as to advocate the Breckinridge ticket in the North, and often the questions were asked, " Why do you 22 EXPOSITION OP THE do it?" — "What -will you make by it?" The reply generally -vfa^ " We hope to make nothing; we act from principle." With some, these answers were, doubtless, honest, inasmuch as they were igno- rant of the operations and intentions of the Knights in the South, who were, as I have just shown, at the bottom of the whole movement. As has already been seen, the members of the K. G. C. hoped, by the organization of the Secession ticket in the North, to more effectually divide the Democratic party. But there was with th^m another and far greater object to be attained by it, viz.: the ascertainment of the precise number of Northern men with decided Southern principles. This was a desideratum of no little importance, since it was honestly believed and fully expected that, in the pondin;; revolution of 1861, every man in the North who had voted for Breckinridge might be set down on the lists as a soldier for the Southern army. All over the North agents were employed to attend the elections, ascertain the exact number of Breckinridge voters, and forward the same to any regularly organized castle in the South. This latter movement was somewhat interrupted in New York and some other Eastern states by the Union coalition entered into by all the parties opposed to the election of Mr. Lincoln. But, notwithstanding this, a pretty accurate calculation was made of the probable sympathetic aid that might be expected from every state north of 5lason and Dixon's line. About two months before the presidential election, there was an extensive correspondence going on between Northern and Southern Knights, in which the former were representing the secession strength of their section as being very great. In this connection I have thought fit to present, in substance, a few letters which 1 have had the opportunity of seeing. If I had been safe in so doing, I would have copied them verbatim. Here is one written from Madison, Indiana : Madison, Sept. — , 1860. Corresponding Sec, Jefferson Casti-r, No. 2.3, K. G. C. Dear Sir : — You may tell the friends of Southern Rights that our district can turn out at least one thousand men who will fight Northern aggression to the death. Be of good cheer, and work faithfully. Yours for the right, T. The following is the substance of an epistle written from Evansville, Indiana: EvANsriLLE, Sept. — , 180O. Corresponding Se'c. Jefferson Castle, K. G. C. Dear Sir: — Tell the friends that our county, alone, will be found good for one regiment of brave men, who will shed their last drop of blood before they will submit to Abolition rule. Put us down as A, number one. Very respectfully yours, etc., B. Washington, Indiana, is heard from in the following manner: KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIECLR 23 "Washington, Ind., Sept. — , 1860. CoRRESPOVDiKG Sec. Jeff. Castlk, K. G. C. Dear Sir : — Having been generally over the Hoosier State, I think I can tell pretty accurately how she stands. There are thirty thousand voters in this State who will never compromise with Black Republican- ism, and I think I may safely say that there are at least ten thousand who will shoulder their muskets in defense of the rights of their Southern brethren. Your ob't servant, M. The letter below is from the little town of Carlisle, Indiana: Carlisle, Sept. — , 18G9. CoRRESPOXDixa Sf.c. Jeffersox Castle, K. G. C. Dear Sir: — I have taken the pains to count noses in this district, especially in this county, and I can set you down, at the least calcula- tion, two thousand fighting men, who will, at a moment's warning, in case of need, march to the standard of Southern Rights, and it is highly probable that the whole of Indiana south of theXational Road will secede and unite its fortune with the South when Lincoln is elected. Ever yours, etc., W. The foregoing letters I saw and read among the filed papers of Jefferson Castle, Kentucky, and these were from Indiana alone. From what I could gather from prominent members of the Order, I think I may safely estimate the promised sympathetic aid of the several Northwestern States as follows: Indiana, at least 10.000; Ohio, about 5,000; Illinois, 5,000; Pennsvlvania, at least 15.000; New York, about 50,000; Iowa, 5,000; Michigan, 5,000. Total, 95,000. Beside the assistance expected from tlie above mentioned States, they looked for a good deal from others, both in the way of men and money. At no time previous to the bombardment of Fort Sumter was it presumed that the number of men to be counted on from the North would fall below 100,000, and with tliese, and the assistance of Northern capitalists. Northern engi- neers, manufacturers, etc., together with the heavy drafts to be made on the U. S. Treasury and the U. S. Arsenals, it was confi- dently apprehended as nothing more than a breakfast spell to ^^ clean out the Abolitionists," capture the Capital at Washington, and kick Uncle Sam into nonenity. About this time a new emblem was added to the Order. It was a simple triangular white card, somewhat resembling the Knights' spear, in the three corners of which were written the figures 7, 3, and 5. In the center of this card was printed the capital letter K, and immediately below this was written the number 61. Let the reader presume this card to be placed before him with the long, acute angle upward, as the upper part of a spear in situ ; let him imagine the figure 7 in the left hand corner, the fignre 3 in the upper corner, and the figure 5 in the right hand corner. Now he should place the capital letter K in the center of the cUrd, and 24 EXPOSITION OF THE 61 immediately under it, and read as follows, beginning with the capital R, and running round the several angles of the card, from left to right: R— Revolution. 7-3-5=15, ot fifteen states in '61, (1861,) or Revolution of fifteen states in sixty-one. These cards were thrown about the streets and corners of many of the Northern border cities nearly two months before the election of Mr. Lincoln. I have already intimated that secret arrangements had been made to secure a considerable portion of Uncle Sara's money at this period. This is true. Floyd and Cobb had taken all the neces- sary preliminary steps for the accomplishment of this object nearly two years previous to the time of which 1 am now writing. Plans for securing the arms of U. S. Arsenals, and possessing all the Southern fortresses, had been thoroughly matured about one year previous, historical evidence of which is presented in succeeding pages of this work. In addition to the foregoing, by far the larger portion of the regular army had been distributed among various outposts in Texas and Utah, where it was quite out of reach. The Navy had been, with the exception of an insignificant home squadron, sent to the most distant foreign points by that poor, pitiful, nigger irnckling yankee, Isaac Touccy, in order that it might not be readily recalled. Further, it was arranged to send nearl}'- every navy officer of known loyalty abroad, while a large majority of those to be selected for the home squadron were Knights of the genuine stamp. To Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Missouri, where it was known that the K. G. C. were vastly in the minority, no arras were to be distributed, or at least as few as possible, whereas in the Cotton States, where the Order was pretty strong, and where its members generally managed, by hook or crook, to be at the head of all public affairs, large numbers were sent. In order to more thoroughly prepare the people of the Gulf States for the antici- pated revolution, it was resolved upon to use every means to make them believe that if Mr. Lincoln was elected, the almost immediate abolition of slavery in all the Slave States would follow; and that he (Lincoln) was, in point of civilization, but a few removes from a Fejee Islander. The newspapers under the control of the Knights were constantly employed in giving the most distorted and unjust delineations of the characters of the Republican nominees. North- ern editors who wrote disparagingly or abusively of Lincoln and the Republican party were largely quoted from, and in small country sheets which rarely ever reached a Northern or border town, such quotations were miserably garbled, and presented to the people vastly more unjust than they were originally. In many of the Gulf States the common people were fully of the opinion that Mr. Hamlin was a mulatto, from the newspaper de- iScriptions they had read of him. Mr. Lincoln was generally be- lieved to be a totally illiterate numskull, as barbarous toward •the Southern slaveholders as a Hottentot, and as dear a lover of KNIGHTS OF THE G0LDE3I CIRCLR 25 'niggers" as a German is of lager beer. It was even currently reported, at one time, that his wife was a quadroon. Meantime, such a course was to be pursued toward Northern men caught in the South, of the slightest Republican tendency, as would stir up the indignation of the Northern people. Men were to be tarred and feathered, ridden on rails, ducked in muddy water, and even hung, or shot, where any sufficient excuse could be had. In short, every species of taunt and insult were to be used in order to arouse and irritate tho. North, so that Mr. Lin- coln's election might be all the more certain. The effects of ruffian- ism in Kansas had proven to them that the more they abused the North, the more intense would be its opposition to that institution which really does seem to engender, either directly or indirectly, more grossness and brutality than almost any other known to the civilized world. Just here I might relate a few incidents which occurred a short time before the JPresidential election, which fully illustrate the truth of what I have just been stating. In Nashville, Tenn., about the middle of September, 1860, there were found, wrapped around some books, a few copies of the N. Y. Tribune, in the trunk of a gentleman from Boston, who had been teaching music in Nashville nearly two years. The mere finding of these papers in his possession was construed by Knights into " distribut- ing incendiary documents." His conviction having been fully established by this mere fact, he was conveyed to a duck puddle and thoroughly soaked in its muddy contents ; he was then gently tarred and feathered, ridden on a rail all around town, followed by a gang of the "chivalry," and finally driven out of town by the locomotive "property" which it was thought his two year old Tribunes were likely to injure. Another instance. An "Egypt- ian," from Illinois, who had been on a. visit to some of his friends in Tennessee, in September, 1860, and who had been born and raised in that state, was going home per railroad through Ken- tucky. The train was pretty well filled with Knights on their way to Louisville, to assist in organizing a new castle in that place. Perceiving, from his appearance, that he was a Northerner, they proceeded to cross-examine the "Egyptian" respecting his politics. Seeing, from the complexion of things that the surrounding atmos- phere was highly "chivalrous," and not being as successful a hypocrite as the "Subscriber," he endeavored to pursue the non- committal course. But that would not do; they only persisted the more urgently with their quizzings. B'inally, he told them, very frankly, that if he must come out, he expected to vote for " Old Abe," if he lived till the coming election. This acknowledg- ment was the signal for hisses, groanings, jeerings, etc., and finally one of the crowd attempted to pull his nose, when he pulled off his coat, drew himself up a la Heenan, and swore most lustily that if they undertook anything of that kind, he would " thrash tho whole d — d car load." Fortunately, the conductor, and one or two 26 B3U»0SITI0N DF THE other genuine Kentucky gentlemen, induced the K. G. C.'s to de- sist their more than heathenish conduct. But still they could not give the job up entirely; and when the train stopped at tlie next station, they induced the women and ciiildren from the adjoining;; cars to come in and look at what they called the ^^ Lincoln animaiy 1 did not learn whether they charged an admission fee at the door, but understood that many of the "young 'uns" con- sidered it a very rare exhibition. And still another case: Judge , of Greencastle, Ind., was visiting some relatives in the western part of Kentucky, in the latter part of September, 1860, and being on a train one day which contained a goodly number of the "chivalry," was ques- tioned by them very closely as to his politics. He told them lie was a Lincoln man, when several of them began to curse him, and threaten to put him oil' the train. The Judge, however, showed them his mettle, gave them to understand that he, too, was a Ken- tuckian by nativity, and that before they insulted him they had to do some hard fighting. They concluded to let him alone. Many instances more of a similar and even worse character could be adduced to the point, but these are sufficient to give the reader some idea of the Knights' tactics towards Northern men in the fall of 1860. During the whole of Lincoln's campaign, the newspapers were full of accounts of almost insuirerable abuses received by Northern men, every one of which was justly attribu- table to the Knights. It is but justice to the South, however, to state that there were, at this time, many Southern gentlemen, even of the strong pro-slavery stamp, who utterly discountenanced these outrages. KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE 27 CHAPTER V. The close of Lincoln's Campaign — "Submissionists" — "Firing THE Southern Heart " for Secession — Great Increase of the Knighthood — New Degrees instituted — the Sworn Brother- hood pledged to a Southern Government — Death of Aboli- tionists AND other Crimes licensed — the Election of Lincoln A PLEA for "Southern Deliverance" — Charleston Castle — the "Cockade" excitement — Joy over the Election of Lin- coln " Co-OPERATIONISTS" CONFOUNDED BY THE "PRECIPITATORS" — Immediate Secession the war-cry of the K. G. C. — the Se- cession OF South Carolina, and its Effect upon the Gulf States — the K. G. C. opposed to Compromises — the Different Modes of Adjustment proposed in Congress hooted at. Toward the close of Mr. Lincoln's campaign it became apparent that his election was pretty certain. Nearly all the great Middle and Northwestern States had elected the Republican state ticket, and it now seemed that the grand object for which the Knights had labored so earnestly was about to be attained. In view of tliis contingency, they adopted a regular system of brow-beating, almost unequaled in the history of the world. They coined the appellation "Submissionist," and applied it, with great bitterness, to every man who indicated that he would await the committal of some overt act before he was willing his state should go out of the Union. Every editor and orator under their control, or within their hellish precincts, indulged in the most abusive epithets to- ward loyal citizens. Every appeal was made to Southern pride and Southern honor. Full well they knew the effects of this sys- tem of "coercing" the Southern people into the inextricable vor- tex of secession. Almost any really high-toned gentleman of the South prefers death to the name " coward^" which term was con- sidered by the "chivalry" as synonymous with "Submissionist." This devilish, domineering, and yet cowardly style of " firing the Southern heart," did more to induce men to enlist in the cause of secession than any other that could have been adopted. Further, it was now considered a good time to extend the Ordei of the K. G. C. Every man among them, therefore, who had education enough to read the ritual, was delegated to go forth and organize castles wherever he could find the material with which to construct one. In drumming for the Order, the agents took care to say nothing about the original objects for which it was framed, viz. : the re-establishment of the African slave-trade and the acquisition of slave territory. It was always represented 28 EXPOSITION OP THE to outsiders as a strictly " anti-submission " Order, only designed to aid in the securing of " Southern rights ; " and of course almost every Southern man is for Southern rights. Castles were organ- ized wherever a sufl&cient number could be got together for the purpose, irrespective of regalia, emblems, or any of the regular paraphernalia of the Order. Court-rooms, store-rooms, and even smokehouses and stables were used. New degrees were insti- tuted, which were called "preliminary" degrees. In these the candidate saw but little of the "inner beauties" of the castle. In the first, he was only sworn to resist the encroachments of "abolitionism" with all his powers; in the second, he was sworn to stand by the South, and especially his own state, and follow her destinies, wherever they tended ; in the third, which was the last of the "preliminary" degrees, he was obligated to favor a Southern Confederacy, and to pledge himself, and all that he had, in its support, when it should be formed. The candidate was now prepared to enter the Outer Temple of the castle, where he was received according to the new ritual, (one framed and adopted in October, I860,) which required the most solemn pledges that the initiate would never retrace a single one of his recent steps, and that he would, to the utmost of his powers, aid in promoting the formation of a Southern government. Further, this ritual de- mands that a man shall consider no act toward the enemies of "Southern rights" as too gross or unjust for him to commit. In other words, he is required to swear that he will do anything to punish "Abolitionists" and bring them to terms, the injury of their women and children excepted. This last feature, viz. : the exception, is really the only redeeming one of the whole affair. This ritual also gives the initiate license to kill any man whom he has reason to believe is a real Abolitionist, in any way he sees proper, and the Order is pledged to protect him to the end. Time moved, and at last the joyful news of Mr. Lincoln's elec- tion was trumpeted throughout the South.. I say joyful, because, to the Knights, it was the gladdest intelligence that could have been borne them. All the principal castles now put on their holiday garments, and men were heard in the streets to thank God that the hour for " Southern deliverance had come.'* (They should have thanked the devil, because he is their master.) Cal- houn Castle, located at Charleston, considered itself as second to no place but Heaven, and hardly to that; and well might she have felt proud, because she was the mother of Southern harlots, and to her 'continuous and industrious workings, for many long years, were to be attributed the mighty growth of the secession snake, which, when she first found it, was indeed a very young one. Xo sooner had the news of the election of Lincoln been received, than every Knight in Charleston mounted a cockade on his hat, and ran through the streets, shouting, " Glory I we aro free! we are independent! The d — d old Union is gone to helll" KNIGniS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 29 Public meetings were called, and the greatest demonstrations were made. Everything was to be done in hot haste. All the epeeches that were delivered at this period bj the Knights par- took of the hot, precipitous character of the conspirators, yot- withstanding their efforts to increase their numbers previous to the election, thev were still in the minority, even in the Gulf States, and it ^\as considered as fiital in the extreme to allow the common people of the country the least opportunity for tliought or reflection. Many of these latter seemed to think that the matter of secession should be left with the border Slave States, it being clear to them that, inasmuch as these states were more interested than theirs, they sliould be allowed a controlling voice. Persons of this order of thinking termed themselves '' Co-opera- tionists," and favored the calling of a convention of all the Slave States. Hon, A. II. Stephens, of Georgia, was their leader; and had it not been for his great popularity, the co-operative theory would have dwindled much sooner than it did. It is, however, wonderful how the " Co-operationists," with a clear majority in every state but South Carolina, should have suffered themselves to be driven into the whirlpool of secession by tlie brow-beating force of the appellations "Submissionist," "Abolitionist." It had neycr been the policy of the Knights to allow anything to be settled by the majority in a fair way. The cause which they advocated was not one which would admit of reflective delibera- tion, and hence, to allow the people time to reason in the premises, and determine the ultimate effects of secession upon the Slave States, or to ascertain the administrative policy of the newly elected President, would have proved fatal to their designs. It was a fact which none could deny, that the Democracy had a clear majority in both houses of Congress — a majority which could have held the administration in check, however much it might have been disposed to diverge from the path of constitutional rectitude — a majority which might have literally tied the President hand and foot, and have rendered him as incapable of encroaching upon "Southern rights" as an oyster is of making an aerial voyage across the Atlantic, or a Knight of getting to heaven — a majority even of Breckinridge Democrats, who would rather have their right arms torn from their sockets than deny that the extension of Slavery and the protection of the " nigger" is the genius of our Constitution and the sole end of Christianity — men whose motto was ^''nigger first 1 country second !" I say, all this was well known to the intelligent men of the nation, and yet the Southern people were constantly told that nothing but secession could save them from a subjugation too horrible even to contemplate. All the newspapers under the control of the K. G. C, were constantly teeming with editorials and contributions deeply deploring the humiliating fact that there were "yet a few" men in the South, "so unpatriotic to their states, and so untrue to themselves,' as to 80 EXPOSITION OF THE oppose a declaration of " Southern independence." Secession orators, upon the stump, branded every man of the slightest Union tendency as a "cowardly truckler" an(i a "traitor to the South." Everything must be done immediately ; it wa,s worse than folly to await an overt act; Lincoln's election was, of itself, an overt act — no time was to be lost. A weak cause always demands precipitancy. Of this the Knights were fully awaro, and, therefore, took the advantage of the chagrined condition of the Southern people to " rush matters." Complete arrangements for the whole secession movement had been made long before the Presidential election, and, therefore, nothing remained but to carry it forward. No respect was to be shown the Government or the U. S. laws after Lincoln's ascension to the executive chair. Ample provisions were made for stealing on a large scale ; United States senators and congressmen were to proceed to AVashington and receive their regular pay for black- guarding the North, defaming the Government, and' talking treason, and then, so soon as their states iiad seceded, whip off home like a thieving hound leaver a meat-house, with a ham in his mouth and his tail between his legs. All the plans for robbing the na- tional treasury, securing U. S. arms, etc., were also being put into execution, and the people know the result. They don't, however, know all of them — that secession, with all its hellish concomitants was the legitimate result of the workings of a long and well or- ganized band of robrers, more damnable than any who ever stood on the footstool, and pirates blacker than any who have preceded them to hell. Nor do they all know that some of the leading spirits of this clique had been at the very head of the American government for four years and more. There are, even yet, people who do not like to acknowledge that such men as Cobb and Floyd had been plotting the destruction of the American government, and the robbing of its treasury for nearly the whole time they were in its employ. Finally, by the incessant hurrying and driving of the Knights, South Carolina was precipitated out of the Union, and her "in- dependence" declared. This they considei:ed " knocking the key- stone out," which would be followed by the tumbling of the whole arch, as indicated by the motto inscribed upon some of the Charles- ton banners: "South Carolina leads, others will follow" No advantage was to be lost, and the old adage: "Give the devil an inch and he will take a foot," proved itself true in this instance. No sooner had the news of South Carolina's secession reached the principal cities in the Gulf States, than exciting bulletins were thrown broadcast, cannons fired, public mass meetings called, ex- citing speeches made, resolutions drawn up, read, and " adopted" by the crowd, and every other means of " firing the Southern heart ' applied with great force. At all these meetings and demon- strations, special arrangements had been previously made by til© KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 31 K. G. C. for the adoption of the resolutions thej intended pre- senting. Thus, it was frenerally arranged that a certain number of the "chivalry" should, after taking a sufficient quantity of the inspinng beverage, go into the assembly "where the meeting was to be held, "hurra for South Carolina" and "the South," and curse Lincoln, the Union, and every man that would submit to "Aboli- tion rule." Of course, respectable gentlemen knew not how to successfully withstand this kind of brutal persuasion. I do not know whether this could bo called " coercion " or not; but I can certainly see very little difference between whisky and mob sua- sion, and what some people call coercion. Perhaps the question might be settled by Webster, Avere it not that, in these latter days, that inferior lexicographer had been superseded by such learned dignitaries as Vallandighara and Gen. Joe Lane. Now, about this time, it was ascertained that the people in the North wx-re getting exceedingly anxious about the Union. The telegraph was re- peatedly announcing the calling and holding of " big mass meet- ings," the passage of " conciliatory resolutions," etc. These were laughed to scorn, derided, scoffed. One artistic Knight, who was a native of iJoston, Mass., even went so far as to produce a couple of pictures expressive of the extreme plasticity of the Philadel- phians. The tirst of these pictures presented a view of the citizens of the City of 15rotherly Love, immediately after the election of Lincoln, paying homage to "Old Abe," and a big "nigger" who stood by his side as Mr. Hamlin. The second presented the same citizens after the secession of South Carolina, driving the " nigger," with clubs and hounds, back to that state, and kicking •' Honest Old Abe" off a rickety old bench, which bore the inscription "Chicago Platform" unto another called " Compromise." These pictures were reproduced in great numbers, and sent, per mail, to every castle in the country. They were also sent t-o certain private individuals in some of the Northern Border State towns. 1 was informed that no less than fifty were maiied to northern Knights. The offers of compromise, and the repeal'of Personal Liberty Bills by the North were considered not only humiliating to those who offered them, but insulting to those to whom they were offered. By some they were presumed to be hypocritictil artifices, intended to hold the South in the Union while she should be lashed by slavery restriction. The truth is, the K. G. C. would accept no compromise, and none could have been framed to suit them. Se- cession they had been working zealously to achieve for several years, and secession they were bound to have. They had ex- pended time and money ; they had sacrificed the last vestige of honor, and gone, heart and soul, into the most diabolical plots and conspiracies for secession, and no compromise short of the adop- tion, by the North, of the proposed Confederate constitution, would have satisfied them. In the mean time, there was immense excitement in Congress, as 32 EXPOSITION OF THE everybody knows. All sorts of modes of adjustment were boins proposed there; almost every man seemed to have his own way oi '* saving the Union." Knights heeded none, cared for none. But among all others, the vigorous plan proposed by such men aa Wade, of Ohio, and Andy Johnson, of Tennessee, produced the most decided effect The only practical mode of affecting ti^eces- sionists is to make them either angry or afraid. The speeches of Johnson did both — angry, because ho was decidedly hostile to their plans, whereas being a Ir'outhron, they thought he should be their friend — afraid, because, in consequence of his great popu- larity in Tennessee, tliey had good reason to believe he might prove a serious drawback to them in that state. If every Senator and Oongressman who had taken the solemn oath to obey and defend ttie United States Constitution had been as faithful to his pledge as Johnson was, the Confederates would never have gained the time on the government they did. But with a weak-spined, indecisive, disconcerted, treacherous Congress, a majority of genuine Knights in the Cabinet, and a literal mud max in the Presidential chair, they had ample time and facilities to drag six more states out of the Union, occupy forts, steal arms., fortify themselves, and laugh defiance in the very face of the government Among all the compromises proposed, that known as the Critten- den Compromise seemed to attract most attention. It will be remembered that Jeff Davis proposed tiiat if the Republicans would present this compromise "in good faith," the South would be satisfied. Never did a greater lie escape from under the forge- hammer of the father of lies than was this. In the first place, be (Davis) is one of the oldest Knights in the South, and had been the chief devil in all the black work described in the preceding pages, especially that of the three last years, to wit: 1858-'59-'60, and had sworn in castle to take the South out of the Union, if it were in his power to do so. In the second place, he had written all the principal castles to work steadily and earnestly; that the Knights in Congress and in the Cabinet were acting their parts nobly, (the parts they had to perform were blackguarding and steafing,) and that everything betokened the speedy achievement of Southern independence. In the third and last place, he knew that such a thing as the offering of the Crittenden Compromise "in good faith," by the Republicans, was an utter impossibility. Then, asks the reader, what was Davis's object in making the pro- position ? It was, that the eyes of the country might be blinded to the real character and objects of the Secessionists, and thereby an opportunity afforded for the more successful carrying out of their nefarious plans, in the first place; and, in the second place, that the people of the North might be led to believe that the Southern States would be satisfied with what was, by many, thought to be a fair compromise. The latter consideration was one of no email value, since it was presumed that the offers of " fair adjust- KNIGHTS OP THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 39' ment" by the South would go very far to strenreckinridge and Douglas tickets entirely alone, especially the former. The Republicans certainly were the more natural friends and allies of the Douglas men, as it regarded the maintenance of the Union and the enforcement of the laws, as has been fully proven since the outbreak of the present revo- lution. I was myself a Republican, and a warm supporter of the Republican platform, but never could get the consent of my consistency to encourage the secession ticket. The real criminality of such an encouragement, however, never fully appeared to me until I traveled South, and there, both in castle and out doors, heard the K. G, C. congratulating themselves over the "valuable" assistance rendered them by the "Abolitionists" of the North. The Republican party has a platform of which it may justly be proud, and has done many highly estimable things; but the promotion of the secession ticket in the Free States during the campaign of 1860 was not one of those things. Should it survive the present storm, and again present its claims to the people of this government, let it never be guilty of another so gro^s and fatal a crime as this was. In due keeping with the manner in which the K. G. C. tried to palm the Lecompton swindle on the honest-thinking masses, in 1857-58, and in precisely the same spirit in which they have since conducted the secret sessions of their secession conventions, and forced their secession ordinances upon their fellow citizens, we now find them conducting all their present diabolical schemes. Having assumed the capacity of " Confederate " rulers, and having deprived the people, by armed mob suasion, of all their power, they form a bogus government, establish bogus laws, and, by the most inhuman, brutal means, force the rightful sovereigns of the land to obey them. Wherever they have the power, they arraign, try, and hang, as a traitor, a man, for merely asserting his preference of the United States Government; they confiscate and plunder the property of those who refuse to take up arms against their countir; they beat and mercilessly abuse a man for merely saying that tne fanatics of the North and South are equally to blame for the pre- sent unhappy state of affairs ; they, in their fiendish madness, even 72' EXPOSITION OF THE condescend to drive innocent, helpless women from their homes, not allowing them, in many instances, to take their own ward- robes with them ; they steal all the U. S. property which they can appropriate to their own use, and destroy that which is not avail- able ; they burn and blow up bridges and public buildings ; they issue bogus warrants for the arrest of such sterling patriots as Nelson and Johnson ; they concoct secret schemes to arm the se- cessionists of such states as Kentuck}^ and Maryland, to the end of dragging them forcibly out of the Union; they locate secret agents in the Border States to assist in conveying arms, provisions, etc., into the seceded states, to destroy lives and property, and violate female virtue : they send agents to Europe to misrepresent the true state of affairs in this country, and to induce foreign powers to assist them in destroying this government. Is there not a day of retribution ? CHAPTER X What the K. G. C. intend to do with their Government should THEY SUCCEED IN THEIR DeSIGNS THE RENEWAL OF THE SlAVE Trade — the Reasons why nothing is said of Slave Trade now — the Establishment of an Aristocracy — the War of 1861 — Northern depreciation of Southern Strength. Having traced the movements of the S. R. C. from 1834 to 1855, and having considered its metamorphosis, at the latter period, into the K. G. C., and its subsequent movements in the political arena up to the present day, I will now lay before the reader's mind the anticipations of the secessionists in the future. In the first place, the Knights have, by no means, forgotten their original pet idea of slave stealing. This was the substratum upon which their mud-sills were laid in the beginning, and, although obscured by the foam of the secession cauldron for the present, , will be brought out in full relief, in case the secessionists succeed in the establishment of a new government. Every member of the Inner Temple of the K. G. C. is an advocate of the slave trade, and so soon as opportunity is afforded, will make zealous, per- sistent efforts for its re-establishment. The castle was divided into an Outer and Inner Temj)le, in the first place, in order that there might be, in the former, a place of rendezvous for secessionists, whether for or against the foreign black traffic, and in the latter a place of refuge for the known and proved friends of the slave piracy. Whenever you come in contact with an Inner Templar, and broach the subject of the foreign traffic, he talks to you in the following style : KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 7S ""We, who have made the subject of slavery a study, know that it is an institution which must be either on the increase or de- crease; that it must either continue to grow in extent and power, or ultimately become extinct. We already have more territory than we have boys to cultivate it in the proper manner. There are thousands of acres of the very best of cotton land in many of the Gulf States untouched. The Border Slave State supply of negroes has never been anything like equal to the Cotton State demand. But further, we intend to have Cuba, Mexico, and cer- tain portions of Central America; and, consequently, there will be a great increase in the demand for slaves. How are we to get them, otherwise than by a resort to Africa? By going there, we can get them much cheaper, and in greater quantities, than we can in any part of the United States. Besides this, we can pro- cure better slaves in Africa than we can in America. The 'nig- gers' we get in the Border Slave States are generally very inferior as servants, and especially so as field-hands. Many of them are, in consequence of their large admixture of Anglo-Saxon blood, lazy, stubborn, and insubordinate. They are, also, shorter lived than the genuine African, and can not endure the labor in the cotton fields as he does. So far as the moral part of the negro traffic is concerned, there certainly is less sin in buying and sell- ing the genuine Guinea kinky-head than there is in trading in those of their American descendants, whose veins contain much of our own blood, if there be any sin in it at all." These are the arguments that the Inner Templars present in favor of its re-establishment; and if the institution of slavery be right, or if it be even tolerable in a republic, they are unanswer- able, I have cited them to show the tendency of the anticipated Southern Government, and to prove that, should they once cut loose from the United States, the fire-eaters will never rest easy until they have renewed the slave piracy. Perhaps it will here be asked, why the Montgomery Congress voted so largely against the introduction of this doctrine into the Confederate Constitution, if they really indorsed it? The fol- lowing are the reasons: First. They knew the Border Slave States, whose main dependence was the Southern negro-market, never could be induced to ratify a constitution which allowed of the African plave trade. Second. They were convinced that it would be folly to hope to secure the sympathy of any European power under such circumstances. In their then weak condition they knew that to renew the foreign traffic would be to shut out all hope of the successful attainment of their designs. But no Booner will their government be established, than all their ener- gies will be turned to that end. In the second place, the leaders of this rebellion have never anticipated, what many persons have supposed they did, the estab- lishment of a government composed exclusively of the Southern States. They know full well that such a government could not 74 EXPOSITION OF THE long exist. It has been their intention, from the beginning, to secure the annexation of all the great Middle and Northwestern States, or, at least, a great portion of them. Without the co-oper- ation of those Northern States which lie along the lower Ohio and Mississippi, their produce trade would be seriously impaired, and likely to be suspended at any time. Of the Southern and Northwestern States they intended to form what they term a limited aristocracy — a government which has been, for years, considered by the nabobs of the South as far better and more per- manent than a republic. ^lany of the leading citizens of the South have told me that they had regarded the present form of the American Government as a failure, for a long time ; that it had, almost from the very beginning, manifested a great lack of power and efficiency. This idea may truly seem strange, when it is remembered that Thomas Jefferson, a Southern man, was the father of Democracy; that he, with almost all the Southern states- men of his time, waged an uncompromising war against the more centralizing doctrines of Federalism ; and that, from his day to 1856, the stronghold of Democracy has been the South. The aris- tocracy alluded to is to be governed by a dictator, who may hold his office for life, unless deposed by the Congress. None but the wealthy are to be allowed a vote, and no one who is not known to have large interests in slave property is to be allowed to hold any office; and none but the most genuine of the chivalry are to be allowed a seat in the Confederate Parliament. These latter, when proved and chosen, are, like the dictator, to be allowed to continue in office for life,- and when they die, their successors are to be chosen from among their descendants. In short, the intention of the secessionists is to have a more powerful mon- archy than that of England. The steps toAvard its consummation are, however, to be gradual Yiy thus wresting the power of the government from the people, and placing it in the hands of the aristocracy, they could re-open the slave-trade, and carry on ag- gressive and acquisitive wars to any desirable extent. What change may have been effected in the designs of the K. G. C. since the unanimous uprising of all the Free States, and the apparent division in many of the Border Slave States, 1 know not, but certain I am that they still contemplate the establishment of a government vastly more centralized than the one we now live under. Without the constant aid of a standing army and an efficient navy, no power composed of Slave States can, for a day, maintain itself Thus it will be seen that the present revolution is not only intended to sunder the bonds that bind the Union together, but to prove the experiment of self-government a failure, and to crush at once, and forever, the last remaining hope of freedom to the world. The military discipline So strictly enforced in the "Arti- cles of War" promulgated by the "American Legion" of the K. G. C, has strict reference to the continual use which is to be KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. l9 made of it hereafter. No candidate is admitted into the Order without he declares, most emphatically, that he will "strictly ob- serve" these "Articles of War, as promulgated by the Legion." The question noTV to be asked by every true American citizen is — Shall I, while life remains, gubmit to the establishment of a power which has for its sole object the destruction of that liberty which cost the Revolutionary fathers their fortunes and their lives ? The American Government is now threatened by an enemy far more dangerous than any it has hitherto contended with. All the foreign powers of the world combined would not be so much to be dreaded as the internal foe we now have to contend with. There is, therefore, no time to be spent in foolish, timid regrets ; no hours to be wasted in deploring the " condition of the country," but every moment and every power is to be unreservedly given to the most vigorous action. The man who does not prefer death to the loss of his liberty and the destruction of the institutions of such a country as ours, is unworthy the name and privileges of an American citizen, and unfit for any other society than that of South Carolina. I have no patience %vith those persons who are always regretting this war, and longing for peace. The war is one of the greatest of necessities, and no permanent peace can be rationally hoped for but through the successful use of the rifles and bayonets of the United States troops. The man who cannot see this is either a fool or a cowardly traitor. The idea advanced by a few that it would be better to " let the South alone" than to shed the blood of oitr brethren^ or sacrifice our own lives and fortunes, if it be honestly declared, can come from none other than the most ignorant and short-sighted of men. Let us suppose, for a moment, that the South were "let alone;" all the lower Mis- sissippi commerce is under its supreme control ; the Southern aristocracy can exact just such duties of us as they please, and we must submit, or else be involved in a fight ; the K. G. C. can carry forward their acquisitive wars southwardly, and re-open the slave trade, and we dare not open our mouths ; and, worst of all, we will ever be regarded by them as the most contemptible cow- ards in the world. This is already the case, to a very considerable extent; and no hope need be indulged of securing even ordinary respect among them but by administering to them such a chastise- ment as shall make them remember us. The present revolution cannot be more productive of suffering and privations than the first one was. Our fathers began the war for their liberties with an empty treasury, few men, few arms, and scarcely any n-avy at all. We, on the other hand, have a full treasury, a large surplus of men, more provisions than we can consume, plenty of arms, and can soon have an efficient navy. Who, then, shall stand back and cry " peace," or counsel InactiYity and delay in this, our day of peril? As to the shedding of "brother's blood," I have this to say; he 76 EXPOSITION OF THE who lifts his traitorous arm to strike at the American government^ be he brother or stranger, is justly deserving of death, and no tears should be shed over his grave. If every man, women, and child in the South has to die, it were far better than to allow the union of these states to be destroyed. The dissolution of the American Union is the destruction of the whole North American continent. The idea of the existence of two governments in this country, so opposite to each other as those which would result from a division of the Northern from the Southern sections, is the most nonsensical of all absurdities, and can only be conceived in the brain of a political idiot. The man who has heretofore enjoyed the benefits of the best government on earth, anji who now seeks to destroy it by making war upon it, is worse than any foreign enemy. The political aristocrats of the South, although now pretending to the world that they only wish to be "let alone," are really aim- ing at the subjugation of the North. Nearly ever since the birth of the republic, they have had almost complete control of it, and arc now stung to the quick by the consciousness that the Northern States have at last shown a disposition to take a hand in its management. The politicians of the South have always believed that the people of the Free States were " too ignorant, cowardly, and selfish" to have a controlling voice in the hall" of legislation. They have so long fostered this idea that they have, finally, come to the couclusion that all that is grovelling and degrading in human nature belongs to the North. Whereas, on the other hand, all that is ennobling and great is indigenous to the South. They "have all the talent, bravery, and generosity;" we have all the ignorance, cowardice, and selfishness. To use a Hoosier phrase, a sound thrashing is really the only thing that can ever induce the fire-eaters to correct these views, and the sooner it is adminis- tered the better. The Southern people never had a proper appreciation of our superior industrial and educational institutions. Their descend- ancy from "noble" stock, their inheritance of "sacred" relics, and their absolvence from all kinds of labor have, in their estima- tion, elevated them far above the "menials" of the North, and given them a rightful claim to the management of this govern- ment. Northern courage and Northern bayonets will remove these false notions — nothing else will. For years the people of the Free States have, for the sake of preserving peace with their brethren of the South, humbled them- selves in the very dust before the altar of slavery, and displayed a subserviency which is even sickening to contemplate. No wonder they concluded that one Southern man could whip from five to a dozen Northerners, when, with a population hardly one-fifth as great as ours, they have had almost the entire control of the government from its infancy up. Let us redeem our character, and establish our just claims, at every hazard. KNIGHTS OP THE GOLDEN CIIICLE. 77 CHAPTER XI. The MiLiTAiiY Character of the K. G. C. — ''George "Washington Lafayette Bickley" — What the South can do; what we must DO, ETC. As I have before intimated, the Knights of the Golden Circle are "some military." Ever since 1855, when that lofty specimen of Boone county "chivalry," "George Washington Lafayette Bickley," applied all the powers of his master genius to the im- provement and superior organization of the Order, the Knights nave practiced regular military drill. For his untiring efforts in this regard, the said George AVashington Lafayette Bickley has been created president and commander-in-chief of the " American Legion." The object of the military exercises, or, as they are commonly called, "Articles of War," was to prepare for the "im- pending crisis." Every castle is, in truth, a regular military company, the State Legions are brigades, and the American Legion is an array. No\r, when we come to consider that thousands of castles have been drilling two and three times per week, for several years, wo must at once acknowledge that their influence in the present revolution will be considerable. However much persons may be disposed to ridicule the idea of any just apprehension of danger from the military operations of the K. G. C., I can assure them that they will prove a more for- midable foe than any outsider has yet presumed. Their long course of training and preparation, their well-matured, deep-laid plans, and their unscrupulous dishonesty, render them capable of effecting far more than any one not acquainted with their organ- ization would expect of them. The Knights of the Golden Circle are the secessionists proper, and their history is the history of secession. From a small and insignificant band of kidnappers and fiUibusters, they have grad- ually increased their numbers until they are to be counted by thousands in the Southern States of the Union, and by dozens in the Border Free States. Many of these latter are at this time in Philadelphia, Boston, New York, Albany, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, New Albany, Evansville, Cairo, and other border cities. As I have before said, they are the most dangerous of enemies. Some of them being native born, are not suspicioned. The sign of recognition and the response are never given in a Free State, unless the parties giving them know each other well, and are so situated that their communications will not be detected. They may be justl}% suspicioned, however, from the following expres- 78 EXPOSITION OP THB Bions, all of 'which are knightish: "The South only wants her rights;" "Better let them go, than involve ourselves in a war which will cost us more than the South is worth;" "0, dear me I the EXPENSES of this war ! " " What will the people say when it comes to paying the heavy taxes?" "The South can never be su6- jugated /' "I never will enlist to fight my brethren of the South; " (brethren means brethren in the real knightish sense;) "The country 's in an awful condition — we '11 never be as we were, again.' Sometimes an editor of the Knights' school ventures to condemn the '' mobocracy of the North,'' without saying anything of the mobbing proclivities of the South. At other times, as in the case of the editor of the I. S. G., he gives Webster's definition of the term slbjugate, and then, as his only comment, asks the question, "Can eleven States, with a population of three millions of people, ever be subjugated f" Let every one who talks thus be closely watched. In conversing with many hopeful friends of the Union, since my return from the South, I find the confidence in the superior numbers of the loyal troops, and the greater wealth of the North, entirely too great. I also notice that the numbers, power, and resources of the South are too much underrated. The impression, in fact, seems to be entirely too general, that the secessionists, in consequence of their limited means, scarcity of provisions, inferior numbers, and unholy cause, can endure but a short time. I am truly sorry that this idea has obtained to the extent that it has, calculated as it is, in its very nature, to prove more or less disas- trous to the cause of the Union. In the first place, as has been shown, the Confederate States have nearly all the arms contained in the Government arsenals in the early part of 1860, to which, by an arrangement made in the early part of the spring of 1861, have been added a heavy cargo of the latest and most improved European arms — about twenty thousand; and having seized nearly all the Southern forts, they have secured the greater number of our best, heaviest ordnance, and, therefore, are even better supplied in these regards than we are. In the second place, they have more provisions than has generally been supposed. During the whole of the winter and spring of 1861, steamboats and fiats have been employed by the seore in conveying the heaviest loads of provisions from the great Northwestern States; and from what I have seen and heard in New Orleans, and other river towns, I have not the least doubt that many of the principal cities of the South have provisions enough stored away to supply their citizens several years. In addition to this, every effort will now be made to increase the com and wheat crops in all the Southern States. For a time, at least, they will forget King Cotton, and pay more attention to Emperor Corn. Further, the Confederates will, without doubt, make the strongest efforts to put those stealing schemes, described in pre- vious pages, into vigorous execution, many of which will, in aU KNIGHTS OP THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 79 probability, succeed, on their immediate borders. In tin third place, respecting numbers, they can, without any doubt, muster two hundred thousand fighting men into the field — men of the most desperate and reckless character, who care less for life than they do for a meal's victuals; men of the rough, lower Mississippi order, who have, almost from childhood, been accustomed to mur- der and bloodshed; men who, although naturally cowards, would rather die a thousand times than have the name of being whipped. In the fourth and last place, as to the cause, the leaders of this great rebellion are fully conscious that, with them, the issue is life or death ; that, if conquered, their lives will be terminated in the most shameful manner, and their names handed down to all coming generations as traitors of the blackest stamp; that their children, after them, for many generations, will be disgraced by the deeds of their sires, and that their names will never be men- tioned in history or spoken of by men otherwise than as are the names of Arnold and Burr. Keflections such as these are the most powerful incentives to bold and determined action that can be presented to human pride and ambition anywhere, and, to the aristocratic leaders of the South, they will prove especially so. The struggle, on their part, therefore, will be powerful and desperate; such a struggle as could be manifested by men in no other condition or circumstances. Every efibrt in the field, every stratagem which they are capable of inventing, and every species of incendiary destruction, will be applied in the most vigorous manner. Meantime, the history of the first American Revolution should not be forgotten. It should be remembered that in streng-th and resources the American colonies were vastly inferior to the government of Great Britain, and yet we conquered our independence. Let none of the revolu- tionary lessons of the past be overlooked. It is never a good policy to undervalue the strength and the chances of a foe, if one would be sure of a victory. On the other hand, it is far better to overestimate them. The greatest gold mines in the world are found by looking downward, not upward, and it is always danger- ous in passing through a wood to overlook the stones and stubbs in gazing intently at the spreading tops of the tall trees. But while we concede to the South all that is due it, in the way of strength, facilities, and courage, let us not forget our own power. Nor should we forget the glory of the cause in which we have enlisted: the preservation of this great government, and the perpe- tuity of our liberties. As with the secessionists, so it is with us, either a matter of life or death, both as a nation and as a people. The world has, for years, been looking to this Republic as the great beacon-light of liberty; the crowned heads of Europe have been long regarding the land of Columbia with jealousy and envy, hoping and praying that our great experiment of self-government might prove a failure. In the mean time, our glorious example has enkindled a burning desire for liberty in the hearts of the people ZO EXPOSITION OF THE KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLR. of every surrounding nation, and caused them to revolutionize their despotisms, destroy their feudalisms, modify their monarchies, and improve their aristocracies. The great ball of freedom which our fathers set rolling, has even reached the very heart of old hierarchal Rome, and, by the master-strokes of the immortal Garibaldi, the Papal throne has been shaken to its very center, and tyrants have been made to quake at the rapid strides of the Genius of Liberty. Our own glorious America has advanced in civilization, in science, arts, improvements, and wealth, to an ex- tent unequaled anywhere or at any time in the world's history; the American flag has become an emblem of glory and protection wherever it waves, whether on land or sea, and the American citizen is honored and respected by all nations of people. The memories of the llevolutionary fathers, their unprecedented trials and unequaled victories, have not yet become extinct, nor their invigorating influence lost. Our gray-haired sires and aged mothers, as they totter on the verge of the grave, with their souls weighed with despair, and their hearts pierced with regret, turn with feeble though earnest voice, and entreat us to maintain invio- late the rich inheritance bequeathed us by the Grandsires of Seventy-six; our Avivcs, our sisters, our children, with their souls fraught with the remembrance of past blessings, demand of us a continuance of them in future. And, last and greatest of all, God, who cleft the waters of the Red ^ea, and rolled them to the right hand and to the left, causing his liberated children to walk safely and surely from under the galling yoke of Egypt's tyrant to the wilderness of freedom; God, who fought the battles of Israel, and secured to it the land of promise; God, who liberated the world from sin by the gift of his only-begotten Hon; God, who nerved the arm of the immortal Luther to the breaking of the Papal chains of Europe and the defense of religious freedom; God, who directed the Puritan fathers from under the oppressive hand of Britain to the wilderness of North America; God, who heard the prayers of Washington, fought the battles of American Independence, secured to us civil and religious liberty, and gave to us this great land, with its innumerable, invaluable blessings; God, who has always been the friend of freedom, and the foe of oppression, commands us to move forward in defense of the right, the maintenance of our government, and the vindication of its flag. These are 02ir incentives, and while they are not cal- culated to render us so desperate, brutal, and blood-thirsty as those which incite the followers of Lucifer, yet they are fraught with that patriotic glory, virtuous enthusiasm, and holy luster which render the soldier under their influence invincible. Then, let every one of the thousands who are marching under the Banner OF THE Free be fully imbued with the great fact that he is fighting in tlie cause of humanity and the cause of God. THE END, TIEIE I^ITXJ-A.IL. OF THE KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. There are three Degrees to the Order; the first Military, the eeeond Financial, the third Governmental. The ritual of the First Degree contains little of special impor- tance. We will here premise that the reading of the Ritual is entirely unintelligible except by the aid of keys, a great many numerical figures being substituted for words. We are in pos- session of the keys, and, in what we publish of the Rituals, we shall give it just as we find it, putting into parentheses the mean- ing of the figures. The two following paragraphs are from the Obligation taken in the First Degree, the words of the first being spoken by the Treasurer, and those of the second by an officer called the Captain: Treasurer. Gentlemen, we must now tell you that the first field of our operations is 2 (Mexico;) but we hold it to be our duty to offer our services to any Southern State to repel a Nor- thern army. We hope such a contingency may not occur. But whether the Union is reconstructed or not, the Southern States must foster any scheme having for its object the Americanization and Southernization of 2 (Mexico,) so that in either case our success will be certain. Captain. Under the laws of 2 (Mexico,) every emigrant re- ceives from the State authorities a grant of G40 acres of land. Under a treaty closed with 3, (Manuel Doblado, Governor of Gu- anajuato,) on the 11th of February, 1860, we are invited to colo- ndze in 2, (Mexico,) to enable the best people there to establish a permanent government. We agree to introduce a force of 16.000 men. armed, equipped and provided, and to take the field under 6 82 KITCAL OF THE the command of 3, (Manuel Doblado, Governor of Guanajuato,) who agrees to furnish an equal number of men to be officered by K. G, C.'s. To cover the original expenses of arming our forces, there is mortgaged to our trustees the right to collect one-half the annual revenues of 4, (Guanajuato,) until we are paid the sum of $840,000. As a bonus there is also ceded to us 355,000 acres of land. The pay of the army is the same as the -regular army of 2, (Mexico,) which is about one-eighth more than that of the United States. To secure this, there is mortgaged to us all the public property of 4, (Guanajuato,) amounting in taxable value to $23,000,006. 3 (Manuel Doblado, Governor of Guanajuato,) is now there, making arrangements for our reception. We shall cross over as soon as possible, after our national troubles are settled. I will now give you the signs, grips, password and token of the First Degree of the K. C. G. (Of course a misprint for K. G. C.) This Degree has a name, which I may now give you — it is the " 1," (Knight of the Iron Hand.) The first great sign of the Order is thus made, 7, (Hands open, palms touching and resting on the top of the head, fingers pointed upwards.) The answer to this is 8, (open hands touching shoulder where epaulettes are worn; elbows close to the side.) These are battle-field signs, and are not to be used under ordinary circumstances. The common sign of recognition is 9, (right forefinger drawn across upper lip under nose, as if rubbing.) The answer 10, (with forefinger and thumb of left hand take hold of left ear.) To gain admis- sion to a working Castle, or the room of any K. G. C., give 11, (one distinct rap) at the door. The Sentinel on duty will then raise the wicket and demand the countersign, which is 12, (SOL- DIERS, always lettered except at Castle door.) You will tken pass to the center of the room and give the true sign of the K. G. C; it is 13, (left hand on heart, right hand raised.) This will be recognized by a bow from the Captain, when you will at once take your seat. The sign of assent is 14, (both hands up;) ot dissent 15, (one hand up;) the grip is 16, (press with thumb one inch above second knuckle;) the token 17, (Golden Circle encas- ing block, hands closed on scroll ; the whole to be the size of a dime.) Every member may wear the sign of his degree. And now, reader, you know as much about the signs, grips, tokens, &c., of the Knights of the Golden Circle, as they them- selves do. We may here remark that the initiation fee for the First Degree is one dollar, for the Second five dollars, for the Third ten. From the Second or Financial Degree we need give but little. The following is the closing part of the initiation : Captain. The hoad (juarters of this organization are at 23, CMonterey,) where most of the stores and munitions are depos- fcMGHTS OP THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 83 ited. The Financial head quarters are at ; Col. N. J. Scott is at present Financial Chairman. "* * * Inspector. -sfr * * Lieutenant. * * * Captain. I shall now give you the unwritten parts of this work, and I trust you will be careful in its use. If a general war ensues, we shall dispense with the First Degree, and rely on this and the Third. Name — 18 (True Faith:) sign — 25 (fore finger and thumb of right hands joined, while, with the rest of the hand upon the right eye is touching with the middle finger,) answer — 26 (same with left hand and left eye:) password 27 (Monterey:) night word of distress — 32 (St. Mary:) response — 31 and say 5 (grasp by wrist and say Kio Grande:) emblem — 28 (gold circle encasing Greek cross, in center of which is star.) This is the 29 (key) to our 30 (secret alphabet:) use of 33 (K. G. C.) 56 (George Bick- ley:) guard sign ^ 28 (gold circle encasing Greek cross, in center of which is a star:) silence 25 (fore finger and thumb of right hand joined, while with the rest of the hand open the right eye is touching on middle finger) on lips : danger — right — same with left. And now it remains for us to give the Ritual of the Third De- gree, which, as being the most important, we shall publish almost entire. We have not the time or space for commenting on it now. Every citizen can judge of it for himself The Eoman Catholics, and the foreign born population, will see how they are proscribed by this mysterious Order, this central and guiding power of the secession and disunion party. All will see, too, that the Order declares for a Monarchy, a Limited Monarchy, as they call it, until all their purposes in regard to Mexico shall have been ac- complished, and we need not suggest how brief will be the period within which, if they get their Limited Monarchy, they will make it an Absolute Monarchy. Third or Political Degree of the 33 (K. G. C.) — named 57 (Knights of the Columbian Star.) Instructions : Officers of the Council shall be a Governor and a Secretary. Every 57 (Knight of the Columbian Star) is quali- fied to act in either capacity. Qualifications for Membership. Candidate must be familiar with the work of the two former Degrees; must have been born in 58 (a Slave State,) or if in 59 (a Free State,) he must be a citizen; 60 (a Protestant) and 61 (a Slaveholder.) A candidate who was born in 58 (a Slave State) need not b» 61 (a Slaveholder,) provided he can give 62 (Eviden- cee of character as a Southern man.) 84 lilTUAL OF T!1K Object: To form a council for the 33 (K. G. C.) and to organ- ize 63 (a government) for 2 (Mexico.) No 57 (Knight of the Co- lumbian Star) shall admit, except to a brother 57, that he has this Degree, for reasons that will hereafter appear. Any two 578 can confer the Degree on others, the oldest 57 acting as Governor. Council Hall. ^ * * Approaching Candidates. — Of course all 33 (K. G. C.) know each other. There being two 57 in hailing distance of the court house of said county — that is, 64 (within the county) they will confer together as to the worthiness of any 33, whom they may think a proper person to be made a 57, and, having agreed, one or both of them will go to the person, each knowing fche other is a 33, and tell him that there is a gentleman 64 (within the county) who has the power to confer the Third Degree, and propose to him that all three shall, or more, if so the case is, go and apply for it — telling him or them, at the same time, that the fee will be 65 (ten dollars.) If he assents, propose a time and place, and be punctual. Let it not be exactly the place where the degree is to be conferred, but near. The 57 (Knights of the Columbian Star) act as if they also sought the Degree. Also, tell the candidate that, as he or you may be rejected, it will be expected that he. will not mention the matter to any one till the result is known. "When in the room, the Governor will take the Bible, and will cause all to lay their hands thereon, when each will repeat after the Governor the following INITIATION. We three, (or any other number, ns the case may be,) citizeng of 58, (a Slave State) do hereby and herein, in the presence of each other and the Great Jehovah, solemnly and sincerely pledge our faith and honor to conceal, and never reveal to any mortal being, save such as We know to be 57, (Knights of the Columbian Star) any circumstance or thing that mny here transpire during the next hour, and to keep the knowledge of this hour fcn-evcr secret from all but 57. In the name of God. Amen! [All take seats.] BECRErAKT. What are you that you are thus leading off in this work, with which you seem so familiar ? GovEKNOE. I am, what you are, a 57 ; you being the Secretary and I the Gover- nor of this Council, and I here promise to conscientiously do my duty at all times while I hold fellowship with the 33. But, sir, will you explain why it was necea- Bary to proceed as we have ? Secretary. We th\is proceed because the laws of the Order demand it, and be- cause the Order will lose its efficiency as soon as it ceases to be absolutely secret. It i-s not permitted that we shall bo known to any person living, except to those who are 57. You will find nothing in the Order of which to be ashamed. Not even the 33 must know who has thin Degree. This is, perhaps, the only real secret order in the World. It must be kept secret! Governor. [To Candidate.] I liave a few questions to ask you, which I trust you will answer without reaerve, for I pledge you my word as a man, as a 57, and as Governor of this Council, that I am in earnest in this work, and would not have sought you out, unless I had thought this whole work would meet your unquali- fie>d approbatiou. 1. Give me the sign, password and grip of a 1 (Knight of the Iron Hand.) 2. Give me the signs, password and grip of ft 18 (True Faith.) KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 85 3 To what 66 (Castle) do you belong ? 4. Where were you born ? 6. Where was your father and mother born ? 6. Are you 60 (a Protestant) or 67 (a Roman Catholic ?) 7. Where do you now live ? 8. Do you belong to any other secret society ? 9. Married or single ? 10. Are you 61 (a Slaveholder ?) 11. Will you stand firm in your obligation to the 33 (K. G. C?) 12. Do you believe in the religion of Jesus Christ ? 13. Are you willing to help in spreading it ? Secketaey. Judging from what you have seen of the 33 Project, and by what you know of us, are you now willing to be united with us in a society from which you can never resign, but which can in no way compromise you, since the only work and responsibilities we put on you are these: 1. Secresy as to who the 57 are. 2. To attend every call of a Council made by the Governor (Jeneral of this State. 3. To do for every brother what every brother has sworn to do for you. 4. To inform the nearest working brother known to you of danger to the 33 or 57. 5. To exercise a cautious prudence in counteracting false impressions of the 33, and to report to 56, (GJeorge Bickley) or his successor or successors, any improper or dangerous actions you may know of. 6. To respond to the call of any brother in your country. 7. And never to speak of the work and character of this degree of the -33 to any one except 57, only as you express sentiments taught by the Order. We shall not force you to work unless you desire to do so, but on the call of five brothers you must respond, if in your power so to do. Once a 57, (Knight of the Columbian Star) so you will live and die, though no mortal man may know it but 57. GovEHNOB. Are you willing to proceed ? [Candidate answers, yes.] ffECEETABY. Every knee shall bend to God, and every tongue confess his name. Governor. Brothers, we will kneel for prayer. (JovERNOR. Mr. Secretary, collect the fees of this [or these] candidates, and we will proceed in the work of initiation. OBLIGATION DELIVERED BY GOVERNOR. Before God and these witnesses, I do vow that I will never reveal the sijns, grips, passwords, tokens or significants of the 57, (Knights of the Columbian Star) to any man, woman or child, except to a 57 in good and lawful standing, and then only as hereafter directed, and for the lawful purposes of this Order. And I pledge and commit myself fully and freely to each of the following obligations, and in perfect good faith. 1st. I vow and promise to conceal the names of the 57, fhe objects and character thereof, and never to speak of the same as though I was a member, except to those who can give me our sacred word in stich a way as to satisfy me they are 57. 2d. No matter what secrets may be given to me by a c7, if given as the secret of a 57, and because I am one, I will hold the same Eacrodly in my own knowledge, and never communicate it, even to a 57, (Knight of the Columbian Star) unless authorized so to do by the brother whose secret it is. I will never speak evil of a brother 57, either before his face or behind his back. I will never dishonor the wife or daughter of a 57, I knowing them to be such, but I will shield and protect t^ie character of all 57 whom I may know to be such, their wives, daughters and families. 3d. I will oppose, to the utmost of my ability, and never consent, but vote against the admission of any confirmed drunkard, professional gambler, rowdy, convict, feloa, 68, (Abolitionist,) negro, Indian, minor, idiot or 69, (Foreigner.) to member- ship in this department of the 33, but I will get as many good and eligible 70 (Southern born men) to join this Degree as I can. 4th. * * * 6th. * * * 6th. I do promise and vow that I will use my best exertions to find out any t»nd every 68 (Abolitionist) in my county, whether 71 (man, woman or child',") and for- ward the name of such to 56, (George Bickley,) or his lawful fucces?or, or, in cas-* I remain in tha 72 (Hnitcd States) after 56 and the .33 have gone to 2 (Mexico,) I 86 RITUAL Of THE * Will report the same to the GoTernor-G«neral of this State, and I will keep a clo8o vatch on all such, and report at every meeting of my Ck)uncil, for the information of the 57 remaining in the 72 (United States.) If I know of any G8 who is a 73 (stranger or traveler) trading with 100 (negroes,) or doing any other unlawful act, I will at once inform all 67 in my county — shall call the 57 to meet in council, that proper steps may be taken for 74 (his exposure.) 7th. If any 75 (insurrection) shall be started, and it comes to my knowledge, I will do all I have promised above. Or should my State, or any other 7G, (Southern State, be 77 (invaded) by 68, (Abolitionists,) I will muster the largest force I can, and go to the scene of danger, if well and able to go. I further promise to do all I can to build up a public sentiment in my State favorable to 18, (the expulsion of free negroes,) that they may be sent to 2 (Mexico.) I further promise that no 79 (free negro) shall marry 80 (my slave,) or 80 marry a 79 if I can prevent it. 8th. I also promise to report to the Governor-General of the State the names of all 67 (Roman Catholic) ministers in my county, as well as of all 31 (Northern teachers,) and no 69 (foreigners) or 68 (Abolitionists) shall ever receive this degree if I can prevent it — one negative vote only being necessary to reject any one from receiving this Degree, which vote must be taken before the candidate has been approached. 9th. I will protect and defend all widows and orphans, to the best of my ability, and especially those of a 57, and I vow I will never desert the 57, or their cause and aims, while three members remain and consent to propagate it. And should they succeed in 82 (conquering and Southernizing) the whole or any part of 2 (Mexico) I will do all I can to prevent any 67 (Roman Catholic) from being appointed to any office of profit or trust, and even in the 72 (U. S.) I will always give the preference to 60 (a Protestant,) and especially to 57. I will do all I can, as an honorable man, to make 58 (a Slave State) of 2. As such, I will urge its 83 (annexation) to 72 (U. S.;; otherwise I will oppose it with equal zeal. In 2 I will endeavor to cause to be opened to the public all 84, (nunneries, monasteries or convents,) and there shall be no advantages to 67 (Roman Catholic) which is not equally accorded to 60 (Prot- estant.) The 50 (Bible) shall be adopted for use in all public schools, and any 85 (Priest) who shall be detected in 86, (gambling, or violating the ordinances of re- ligion,) shall be expelled from 2. Any minister holding any place under the Gov- ernment must be 60 (Protestant.) 10th. All civil places of prominence shall be given, so far as my influence goes, to 57, ^Knights of the Columbian Star,) and, when these are supplied, to the 18 (True Faith ;) then to the 1 (Knights of the Iron Hand.) I will advocate the es- tablishment of 63 (a government) which shall place the power in the hands of th© most educated and moral, and oppose the recognition of any 87 (Negro, Mulatto, Indian or mixed blood,) to citizenship. I will sustain the effort to reduce the 88 (Peon system) to 89, (Perpetual Slavery,) and to divide them to 1, (Knights of the Iron Hand,) 18, (True Faith,) and 57, (Knights of the Columbian Star,) in the pro- portion of 1, 2, 3, to have and hold forever. But the sam« laws shall be enacted for their protection as are recognized in every other 58 (Slave State.) 11th. Until the whole civil, political, financial and religious reconstruction of 2 (Mexico) has been completed, I will recognize a 90 (Limited Monarchy) as the best form of 63 (Government) for the purpose in view, sihce it can be tnade strong afild effective. 12th. To prevent the entrance of any 68 (Abolitionist) into 2 (Mexico,) I will sus- tain a passport system, and any and every 73 (stranger or traveler) shall go before the customs officer at the port of his entry, and there take an oath, stating whether he intends to become a citizen, and, if so, that he will sustain and support the government then in existence, and that he will not interfere with the system of 89 (perpetual slavery) then recognized, but that he will obey the laws then recognized. If he be a traveler merely, he shall give up his passport to the Chief of Police on his entrance into each town, and which shall be returned to him on demand of the same officer, when about to leave for another place. And any 73 who shall pass, or attempt to pass, without a passport, shall be arrested and expelled from the coun- try, and upon resistance he shall be shot ; but every traveler so entering 2 (Mexico) must be informed of this rule. 13th. The successor to 56 (George Bickley) must be over thirty years of age, of Southern birth, liberally educated, a 57, (Knight of the Columbian Star,) sound of body and mind, and married, and GO (a Protestant.) Ho shall swear to carrj out this policy, and to ext«nd 91 (slavery) over the whole of 92, (Central America,) if in his power. He shall try to acquire 93, (Cuba,) and control 94 (the Oulf of Mexico.) No one else will I sustain. But for such a one, who must be propose(? KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 87 »y the 95, (Cabinet Minister,) and elected by all 57, or a majority of tkem, I will sustain here, there, or elsewhere. When the 33 (K. G. C.) cross the 5 (Rio Grande) I will do all I can to send in 96 (recruits for the army,) and, if I should ever eeaae to be an active worker for the 57, I will keep secret wha£^ I know of the real char- acter of the organization, and I promise never to confer this Degree in any other way than in the way I have here received it, and I will forward to 56, (Georgi* Bickley,) or to the Governor-General of this State, the name and fees of every can- didate whom I shall initiate as Governor. In witness, I do voluntarily, here in these presence, sign my name and P. 0. Address. [Governor asks, " will you sign ?"] Secretary. Perhaps you had better hear the whole degree and then sign, for, unless we have your entire approbation, we do not wish to commit you to anything. I am well aware that this whole scheme is a bold and daring one, that can but sur- prise you at first, as it did me, and for this reason I beg to state a few facts for your consideration. In the rise and progress of Democracy in America, we have seen its highest attainment. In the very outset, it was based on high religious princi- ples, and adopted as a refuge from despotism. In the North, Puritanism melted it, and went so far as to leave out the natural conservative element of all Democracies, 97 (domestic slavery.) As a result, we have presented, now, social, religious and political anarchy. From Millerism and spiritualism, every Utopian idea has nu- merous advocates. The manufacturer is an aristocrat, while the working man is a serf. The la1g;er class, constantly goaded by poverty, seek a change, they cara not what it may be. Democracy, unrestrained by 97, (domestic slavery,) multiplies the manufaAiring classes indefinitely, but it debases the mechanic. Who ever knew a pracMcal shoemaker, or a maker of pinheads, to have a man's ambition 7 They own neither land or property, and have no tie to the institutions of the coun- try. The Irishman emigrates, and the Frenchman remains at home. The one hates hjs country, the other adores his. The Frenchman is a slaveholder and a man. The Irishman is a serf and an outcast. The South is naturally agricultural, and the farmer, being most of the time in the midst of his growing crops, seeing the open operations of nature, his mind expands, he grows proud and ambitious af all around, and feels himself a man. He wants no change, either in civil, polit- ical or Feligious affairs. He cultivates the soil, and it yields him the means to pur- chase labor. Ba becomes attached to home and its associations, and remains for- ever a restrained t)emocrat, restrained by moral and civil law from any and all overt acts. He needs and makes a centralized government, because his property is at stake when anarchy prevails. Governor. Now, in the case of 2 (Mexico ;) suppose we were to elevate to citi- zenship 87, (Negro, Mulatto, Indian or mixed blood,) do you not see at once that the very act would undo all the results of 82 '^conquering and Southernizing?") We should be voted back to 72 (U. S.) the day of the first election. None but whit» 89 (landholders; should be allowed the exercise of the citizen's franchise. These are the mem who pay the taxes and guard the people. Again, efficient ofiBcers re- quire exp«rience, which can only be acquired by time, hence places should be held as long as the holder can discharge faithfully and efficiently his functions. Secretary. You will therefore see that we labor not only for the extension of 97 (Domestic Slavery) in 2 but that we seek to make 63 (a government) strong enough to protect and perpetuate it. The means for erecting a 90 (Limited Mon- archy) are in 2. They only require to be used well. We require a vast number of officers, some thousands in all. Now help us make 63 (a government,) and go you and Bend your son and let him take his place. The work ia large, and there are plenty of us to do it. Of course the whole scheme must be managed well. As soon aa everything is reduced to order, then we may canvass the question of a republic. Governor. Vast sums will be needed. 2 can furnish every dollar. The day we cross 5, (Rio Grande, ^ parties in 99 (Matamoras) will advance us §1,000,000, and others at 23 (Monterey) 2,000,000. The revenue of those two places amounts to $7,000,000, and the other cities in 24 (Northern Mexico) very large sums. The 33, then, is only a repetition of the East India Co., or the Hudson Bay Co. You are now a stockholder. Help us to get in the field, with your money and your influ- ence; help us to procure material, for you are as much interested as any of us. Money will follow our success. We shall concentrate in 20 (Encinal Co., Texas) by Sept. 15th, 1860, [a misprint, we presume, for 1861.— Ed. Journal.] and we will cross 5 ^Rio Grande) by the Ist day of 6 (October.) Now, sir, if you will be one of U9, either to go or to stay at home, you will sign y»ur name, as all of us have done, after which I will give you the Ceremonial of this Degree. [Candidate sigua at the end of the work ; and he aho tignx hi* own work.] Skcretary. The ^iguis, test signs, words ;ind passwords, grips and pass-grips. 88 RITUAL OF THE KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. tokens and keys of this Degree must be well learned, for on their proper nse de- pends your standing in this Order. Notice them, practice them, and heed them. [T'he candidate is hero made to sign the obligation, as also a copy for himself. When he has done this, present him with a copy and a key of the Degree.] Signs, &c. — (These are now to be given in full and explained.) B®~See Key. [The key here mentioned we have. We will give it in such a form that the reader will understand it. The sign is a [raise hat with left hand over right, open hand on top of head.} The countersign isfe [left hand with hat extended to right angles, hand by side.] The silent sign is c [left hqjid on back of head.] The an- swer is d [right hand on forehead, then extended* The night sign is e [two dis- tinct claps of hands, and repeat once.] The test sign is / [finger and thumb of left hand take hold of lip.] The sacred word is g [Eloi.] The password is h [An- dalusia,] and to this is added, in parenthesis, "Notice instructions in use of words." The night word given with e is i [high.] The grip is j [as given.] The pass grip is k [same with left hand, still holding by right.] The token or emblem is I [same as shown.] The answer to/ is m [right thumb and fore finger on pit of stomach.] That's all we have at present to give, and, as we have said, it may bo relied on as authentic. It is a revelation of the mysteries of an Order which claims to be, and no doubt is, powerful in our land. Its emissaries have lured into it thousands of young men, by impressing them with utterly false ideas of its nature and designs. The members of the First and Second degrees know nothing of the Third, although they are unwittingly guided and controlled by it. Lot them examine the revolt- ing character of the obligations of the Third Degree, and then make all haste to repudiate an organization that deserves the scorn and abhorrence of all just men. The reader will remark that General Bickley insists, in his circular, that "it is exceedingly desirable and important to organize the State of Kentucky before the August elections." No doubt the intention of the Order is to make its power felt in various ways on the day of the election. We look forward with no little inter- est to the result. The Roman Catholics and foreign born citizens will find much in the Ritual of the Third Degree deserving their attention. Irishmen in particular will meet with something interesting to themselves. If public opinion has not utterly lost its virtue, it will speedily sweep this mis- erable order off the face of the earth. Will Geo. Bickley dare, after the exposition, to show his face among men? Will any Knight of the Golden Circle have the au- dacity to avow himself one, or let himself be known as one ? Is it true, can it be true, that men of respectable standing in our community acknowledge, either be- fore the world or in their own hearts, the obligations of the Third Degree of this infamous association ? The K. G. C.'s declare for a Limited Monarchy, and say that it will be time enough to discuss the question of a Republic when all the extraordinary purposes that they propose to themselves shall have been accomplished. The K. G. C.'s of the Third Degree, it seems, look keenly to office. They require that all the members of their Degree shall have offices before any member of the Second Degree can be accommodated, and that all the members of the Second De- gree shall be provided with offices before a solitary individual of the First can be accommodated. But then they say that they are going to have thousands of offi- ces, and they mean that the incumbents of offices shall hold on for life. It is no wonder that the members of the Third Degree, Knights of the Columbian Star, as they call themselves, guard carefully in their Ritual against ever being known as such, even to their brethren of the First and Second Degrees. Let all bear steadily in mind that t'ne Order of the Knights of the Golden Circle is now and has all along been the central sun of the Secession party of Kentucky. ^^ AGENTS WANTED! To Sell the following among other Popular Works THEY ARE ALL LIVE BOOKS, And Agents are positively clearing from $3.00 to $6.00 per day in their sale. INCIDEXTS OF THE WAR : or, The Romance and Real- ities of Soldier Life. Bj P. Fisbe Reed. Large pamphlet, 112 pp Price 30 c MERRY'S NEW BOOK OF PUZZLES— With over 60 11- lustrations. This work will interest you longer than any other book extant Price 25 c THE HISTORICAL WAR MAP— Just revised. Is in ' pocket form, giving a brief history of over 300 battles and skirmishes, and marking specially the exact loca- tion of each : - Price 30 c KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE— With Ritual— j ! A full and authentic exposition of the Order Price 25 c THE STAR OF THE WEST— A new Music Book that should be in every Camp, Family and School Price 25 c U. S. RIFLE AND LIGHT INFANTRY TACTICS— an ofiBcial Text Book, 32 engravings Price 25 c I THE RED, WHITE AND BLUE SONGSTERS Price 10 c i THE AMERICAN UNION SONGSTER Price 10 c ' UNCLE SAM'S ARMY SONGSTER Price 10 c Either of the above works will be sent post paid on receipt of price. I A rare chance offered to make money. For terms, &c., apply immedi- ately to CLiLRKE & CO., 1^ Chicago, Illinois. Pat- Du 63 A939 533831