flliBRp 
 iSgiMn 
 
DUKE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 

 1 
 
 
 Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2018 with funding from 
 Duke University Libraries 
 
 https://archive.org/details/prliaeboracensia01 lead 
 

 
Ancient Cross at Aldborough. (See pp. 57, 5?.) 
 
 [Frontispiece. 
 
*Pr oe.Uo- 
 
 ^rctlta 
 
 >\ 
 
 ©fcoracensta. 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN 
 YORKSHIRE: 
 
 TREATED 
 
 HISTORICALLY AND TOPOGRAPHICALLY. 
 
 BY 
 
 ALEX. D. H. LEADMAN, F.S.A. 
 
 l.R.C.P. AND L.R.C.S. EDIN., dtc. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR BY 
 
 BRADBURY, AGNEW, & CO. Limd., WHITEFRIARS, E.C. 
 
 1891. 
 
 [The Rights of Reproduction and Translation are reserved.] 
 
LONDON I 
 
 BRADBURY, AONEW, <fc CO. L1MD., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 LWI 
 
 It is now twelve years since I took up my pen to write 
 an account of the Battle of Boroughbridge, an important 
 event which had previously received but scanty notice by 
 the historian. This was the beginning of a series of papers 
 on Yorkshire Battles which have been printed from time to 
 time in the Yorkshire Archaeological and Topographical 
 Journal.* At the request of many friends they are now 
 issued as a separate volume. 
 
 The information in these pages has been drawn from 
 original and contemporary sources, and every possible care 
 has been taken to ensure completeness and accuracy. Great 
 attention has been paid to topographical details, and local 
 traditions have not been ignored. Chapter and verse could 
 have been given for every statement, but such a course 
 would so multiply foot-notes that it would weary the reader. 
 
 It is a pleasure to add that archaeological research has 
 helped to brighten the years spent in following the arduous 
 profession of medicine. 
 
 Boroughbridge, 
 April, 1891. 
 
 * Vols. 7, 8, 10 and 11. 
 
 A. D. H. L. 
 

 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PREFACE.iii 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS.v 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.vii 
 
 THE BATTLE OF HEATHFIELD. 
 
 „ ,, WINWCED. 
 
 „ „ STAMFORD BRIDGE. 
 
 ,, THE STANDARD. 
 
 „ „ MYTON . 
 
 BOROUGHBRIDGE, THE FATE OF THE EARL OF 
 LANCASTER, AND THE STORY OF HIS CANONISATION . . 
 
 THE INSURRECTION AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP SCROPE . 
 
 THE BATTLE OF BRAMHAM MOOR. 
 
 „ „ WAKEFIELD. 
 
 „ „ TOWTON. 
 
 „ ,, MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 26 
 
 32 
 
 70 
 
 79 
 
 81 
 
 94 
 
 117 
 
 INDEX 
 
 179 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Ancient Cross at Aldborough. Frontispiece 
 
 Plan op the Battle of Stamford Bridge.9 
 
 Plan of the Battle of Towton.100 
 
 Shields on Lord Dacre’s Tomb.105 
 
 Tomb of Lord Dacre at Saxton.113—115 
 
 The Campaign of Marston Moor.120 
 
 Plan of the Battle of Marston Moor .132 
 
 Ancient Cottage at Wilstrop.140 
 
 For Photographs and Blochs, my very best thanks are due to Mr. A. F. 
 Hill, York City and County Bank, Boroughbridge ; Mr. T. M. Fallow, 
 F.S.A., Coatham House, Redcar; Air. John Daniel, York; Air. S. R. 
 Gardiner; and to the Council of the Yorkshire Archaeological and Topo¬ 
 graphical Association. 
 
BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF HEATHFIELD.' 
 
 A change of religion in any country is not easily effected ; 
 old and decaying faiths die hard, so that it is almost 
 easier to conquer a kingdom than to alter its ancient creed. 
 When Christianity was first introduced into England, its 
 progress was not rapid, and it met with many checks. 
 Among those whose hostility to it was very keen, Penda, the 
 heathen King of Mercia, was most pronounced. He simply 
 loathed the Christians, and, having met with a reverse of 
 arms in a battle between his forces and those of Cadwallon, 
 King of the Britons, he actually entered into an alliance 
 with his conquerors to invade the dominions of Edwin, the first 
 King of Northumbria who had embraced the new religion. 
 They had no difficulty in combining for such a purpose, for 
 Cadwallon naturally hated the Saxons, whilst Penda’s dislike 
 to the Northumbrians had been intensified by the fact of 
 their having become Christians. When Edwin heard of the 
 approach of these formidable foes, he lost no time in collecting 
 the whole of his available soldiery, and advanced to meet 
 them. 
 
 1 Authorities : — Boedae Historiae 
 Ecclesiasticse Gentis Anglorum ; The 
 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle; Florentii 
 Wigorniensis Chronicon; Henrici 
 Huntendunensis Historiae Anglorum; 
 L’Estoriae des Engles solum Geffrei 
 Gaimar: all in Monumenta Historica 
 Britannica, vol. i. 1848. Chronicon 
 Johannis Brompton Regnum Merciorum; 
 Abbreviationes Chronicon Auctore 
 Iiadulpo de Diceto ; Chronica Pontificum 
 Ecclesiae Eboraci, auctore Thoma Stubbs : 
 
 all in Twysden’s Decern Scriptores, 
 London. 1652. Flores Historiarum per 
 Matthaeum Westmonasteriensem collecti, 
 Frankfort, 1601. Roger of Wendover’s 
 Flowers of History, translated by J. A. 
 Giles, London, 1849. Ethelwerd’s 
 Chronicle: Nennius’s History of the 
 Britons, trans. Giles, London, 1878. 
 Fasti Eboracenses by the Rev. W. H. 
 Dixon, and the Rev. Canon Raine, 
 London, 1863. Also a few notes collected 
 by myself. 
 
 B 
 
BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 The two armies encountered each other on Heathfield 
 Moor 2 —now Hatfield—where a very sharp battle took place 
 on the 12th 3 of October, 633. Offrid, Edwin’s son, pierced 
 by an arrow, fell dead at his father’s feet, which so distracted 
 Edwin, that he rushed into the thick of the fight, where he was 
 slain, and with him Godbald, King of the Orkneys. Despair 
 now took hold of the Northumbrians, who were soon com¬ 
 pletely routed, and Penda, triumphant with victor}-, wasted 
 their country, leaving it in such a miserable condition that 
 the inhabitants soon became rent with internal strife, and the 
 kingdom was in a deplorable state. 
 
 The immediate result of this battle was a temporary blow 
 to Christianity, and forced the retirement of Paulinus, the 
 great missionary bishop of the North. Taking with him 
 Ethelburga, the widowed queen of Edwin, he sailed to Kent, 
 where he w r as received with great respect by archbishop 
 Honorius and King Eadbald. 
 
 The head of King Edwin was brought to York, where it 
 was buried in the chapel of St. Gregory, within the minster 
 he was building for the service of God. He was forty-eight 
 years old when he was killed, and had ruled his kingdom 
 with the greatest honour for seventeen years. Florence of 
 Worcester describes him as “ most renowned.” His zeal for 
 the Christian religion since his conversion and baptism in 
 627, combined with his sufferings, obtained for him a place 
 in the calendar of our early English Church. Not many 
 may be aware that it is to him the beautiful city of Edin¬ 
 burgh owes its foundation. 
 
 At a later period his body was buried in the abbey at 
 Whitby. 
 
 Hatfield Moor is seven miles to the north-east of 
 Doncaster, and about three miles south-west of Stainforth 
 station on the Manchester, Sheffield and Lincoln Railway. 
 A short distance from the village of Hatfield is a place called 
 “ The Lings,” where the battle is said to have been fought. 
 Eastward of Hatfield is a road named Slay Pit Lane, leading 
 to the “ Slay Pits.” Beyond this there is no local tradition 
 of any kind. 
 
 2 Nennius writes of this fight as the 3 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives 14th 
 “ Battle of Meicen.” October. 
 
THE BATTLE OF WINWCED . 1 
 
 Oswy, King of Northumbria, had but a restless time of it 
 with his neighbour Penda, the now hoary-headed King of 
 Mercia. The latter was continually harassing the southern 
 regions of Oswy’s dominions by sudden inraids. Penda’s 
 reason was to annoy and exterminate the men who professed 
 the new Christian religion. He would not forsake Thor and 
 Woden, the gods of his forefathers. Heathen to the last, no 
 matter who preached or advised, Penda, with a consistence 
 worthy of a better cause, “despised those whom he saw not 
 doing the works of the faith they had received.” For the 
 sake of his subjects, Oswy tried if handsome gifts would 
 pacify his troublesome adversary ; but to no purpose. Penda 
 had one great desire, and he was determined to gratify it. 
 So he gathered together a large army, consisting of thirty 
 legions of soldiers, commanded by the same number of 
 generals, men of tried service and ability, among whom was 
 Ethelwald, son of Oswald, the deceased King of Northumbria, 
 and nephew to Oswy. For some reason Egfrid, a son of 
 Oswy, was detained as a hostage at the court of the king of 
 Mercia. Perhaps he had been acting as an ambassador 
 between the two kings. Anyhow, Penda kept him whilst he 
 advanced into Northumbria, marching in the direction of 
 “ Loidis-in-Elmete,” in the vicinity of which he pitched his 
 camp. 
 
 In the meantime, Oswy and his other son displayed great 
 energy in collecting men to defend his kingdom. He im¬ 
 plored the Divine assistance, that he might be delivered from 
 his barbarous and impious foe, and, binding himself by a 
 vow, said, “ If the pagan will not accept our gifts, let us offer 
 them to Him that will, the Lord our God.” He also added, 
 should he come off victorious, that he would devote his 
 daughter to the service of God, and give twelve pieces of 
 land to build and endow houses for His worship. 
 
 He met Penda on the field of Wimvoed. Oswy was now 
 
 b 2 
 
 1 Authorities—the same as Heathfield. 
 
<) 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 The two armies encountered each other on Heathfield 
 Moor 2 —now Hatfield—where a very sharp battle took place 
 on the 12th 3 of October, 633. Offrid, Edwin’s son, pierced 
 by an arrow 7 , fell dead at his father’s feet, which so distracted 
 Edwin, that he rushed into the thick of the fight, w 7 here he w r as 
 slain, and with him Godbald, King of the Orkneys. Despair 
 now took hold of the Northumbrians, who w r ere soon com¬ 
 pletely routed, and Penda, triumphant with victory, wasted 
 their country, leaving it in such a miserable condition that 
 the inhabitants soon became rent with internal strife, and the 
 kingdom was in a deplorable state. 
 
 The immediate result of this battle v r as a temporary blow 
 to Christianity, and forced the retirement of Paulinus, the 
 great missionary bishop of the North. Taking with him 
 Ethelburga, the widowed queen of Edwin, he sailed to Kent, 
 where he was received w r ith great respect by archbishop 
 Honorius and King Eadbald. 
 
 The head of King Edwin was brought to York, where it 
 was buried in the chapel of St. Gregory, within the minster 
 he w T as building for the service of God. He was forty-eight 
 years old when he w 7 as killed, and had ruled his kingdom 
 w 7 ith the greatest honour for seventeen years. Florence of 
 Worcester describes him as “most renowned.” His zeal for 
 the Christian religion since his conversion and baptism in 
 627, combined with his sufferings, obtained for him a place 
 in the calendar of our early English Church. Not many 
 may be aware that it is to him the beautiful city of Edin¬ 
 burgh owes its foundation. 
 
 At a later period his body was buried in the abbey at 
 Whitby. 
 
 Hatfield Moor is seven miles to the north-east of 
 Doncaster, and about three miles south-w T est of Stainforth 
 station on the Manchester, Sheffield and Lincoln Railway. 
 A short distance from the village of Hatfield is a place called 
 “ The Lings,” where the battle is said to have been fought. 
 Eastward of Hatfield is a road named Slay Pit Lane, leading 
 to the “ Slay Pits.” Beyond this there is no local tradition 
 of any kind. 
 
 2 Nennius writes of this fight as the 3 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives 14th 
 “ Battle of Meicen.” October. 
 
THE BATTLE OF WINWCED. 
 
 Oswy, King of Northumbria, had but a restless time of it 
 with his neighbour Penda, the now hoary-headed King of 
 Mercia. The latter was continually harassing the southern 
 regions of Oswy’s dominions by sudden inraids. Penda’s 
 reason was to annoy and exterminate the men who professed 
 the new Christian religion. He would not forsake Thor and 
 Woden, the gods of his forefathers. Heathen to the last, no 
 matter who preached or advised, Penda, with a consistence 
 worthy of a better cause, “ despised those whom he saw not 
 doing the works of the faith they had received.” For the 
 sake of his subjects, Oswy tried if handsome gifts would 
 pacify his troublesome adversary ; but to no purpose. Penda 
 had one great desire, and he was determined to gratify it. 
 So he gathered together a large army, consisting of thirty 
 legions of soldiers, commanded by the same number of 
 generals, men of tried service and ability, among whom was 
 Ethelwald, son of Oswald, the deceased King of Northumbria, 
 and nephew to Oswy. For some reason Egfrid, a son of 
 Oswy, was detained as a hostage at the court of the king of 
 Mercia. Perhaps he had been acting as an ambassador 
 between the two kings. Anyhow, Penda kept him whilst he 
 advanced into Northumbria, marching in the direction of 
 “ Loidis-in-Elmete,” in the vicinity of which he pitched his 
 camp. 
 
 In the meantime, Oswy and his other son displayed great 
 energy in collecting men to defend his kingdom. He im¬ 
 plored the Divine assistance, that he might be delivered from 
 his barbarous and impious foe, and, binding himself by a 
 vow, said, “ If the pagan will not accept our gifts, let us offer 
 them to Him that will, the Lord our God.” He also added, 
 should he come off victorious, that he would devote his 
 daughter to the service of God, and give twelve pieces of 
 land to build and endow houses for His worship. 
 
 lie met Penda on the field of Win weed. Oswy was now 
 
 b 2 
 
 ’ Authorities—the same as Heathfield. 
 
6 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 the rightful heir, was thus wickedly deprived of his patri¬ 
 mony. “An inheritance may be gotten hastily at the begin¬ 
 ning,” quoth the wise man, “ but the end thereof shall not 
 be blessed.” And so it happened with Tostig. He was a 
 tyrant, and ten years of galling oppression and rapacity at 
 last thoroughly roused the thanes of Yorkshire and North¬ 
 umberland, who burst into open revolt, decreed Tostig an 
 outlaw, slew his retainers, and finally drove him out of the 
 kingdom. In sullen and angry temper, full of revenge, the 
 banished earl, his wife, and a few followers sailed across the 
 sea to find a temporary home with his brother-in-law, 
 Baldwin, earl of Flanders. Here he remained the greater 
 portion of the winter, maturing plans for the invasion of 
 England and the dethronement of his brother, for which 
 purpose he collected and manned some sixty ships. Suc¬ 
 cessful overtures to obtain the help of Harald Hardrada, 
 king of Norway, were also made by the designing Tostig, 
 and whilst the Norwegian fleet was getting equipped, he 
 very suddenly swooped down on the Isle of Wight, whose 
 inhabitants received much cruel treatment at his hands, and 
 having laid them under heavy contributions both for food 
 and money, he sailed along the south coast, laying waste 
 every maritime town as far as Sandwich in Kent. 
 
 Harold was in London when the evil tidings reached his 
 ears, but he lost no time in sending off the fleet to pursue 
 Tostig, whilst he with his army pushed on rapidly to Sand¬ 
 wich, only to find that his hostile brother, an able and crafty 
 soldier, had been informed of all Harold’s movements, and had 
 sailed away northwards, even escaping the English ships. 
 
 All along the coasts of Norfolk and Lincolnshire did Tostig 
 ravage both town and village ! He entered the Humber, and 
 continued his piratical excursions into both Yorkshire and 
 Lincolnshire, where he devastated the district of Lindsey 
 with fire and sword. But patriotism was not wanting. 
 Edwin, earl of Northumbria, and Morcar, earl of Mercia, were 
 determined to save their country, and having assembled all 
 the men-at-arms in the North, they hurried to meet the in¬ 
 vaders, whom they repulsed with much slaughter, and drove 
 Tostig with the remainder of his soldiers back to their boats, 
 where he soon found many of his seamen had deserted his 
 cause. Then as he was leaving the Humber Tostig fell in 
 with Harold’s fleet (which had now arrived at the Humber 
 
THE BATTLE OF STAMFORD BRIDGE. 
 
 7 
 
 mouth), and so terribly did they attack him, that all his 
 ships were damaged or destroyed but twelve, and with this 
 sorry number he retreated to Scotland, where he spent the 
 summer intriguing with Malcolm, king of that country. 
 
 Meanwhile the king of Norway’s promised aid was com¬ 
 pleted, and from the many fiords of that rugged coast sailed 
 some five hundred 2 ships filled with warlike Norsemen chant¬ 
 ing their weird battle-songs. They sailed to the Tyne, and 
 in its mouth they anchored, waiting for Tostig, who soon 
 joined them, bringing with him some assistance from Scot¬ 
 land and the Orkney Isles. The combined fleets then set 
 sail for the Humber, which they entered unmolested, and 
 continued their course up the Ouse as far as Riccall, a village 
 ten miles to the south of York, where, leaving their boats, 
 the allied forces landed and pushed on to that city, which 
 they intended to take by storm. On their march thither the 
 country-people fled panic-stricken. 
 
 The earls Edwin and Morcar were again on the alert. 
 Citizens and men of the surrounding district joined their 
 ranks, the garrison of York turned out to help, nay even 
 priests armed for the fight, so determined was everyone to 
 resist the invaders and defend their dearly loved city. They 
 met the Norsemen at Fulford,a village on the northern bank 
 of the Ouse, a mile and a half to the south of York. There 
 was hard fighting, and fortune, though at first favouring the 
 English, later on veered round to their opponents, and then 
 the war-song of the Norseman was heard that he was trium¬ 
 phant on that day. Many on both sides perished, but the 
 loss on the part of the English was by far the heaviest. 
 Numbers were drowned by having been forced back into the 
 waters of the Ouse, whilst of priests it is said more than one 
 hundred stark corpses were left on that fatal field. This 
 calamitous event took place on Wednesday, 20th September, 
 1066, the eve of S. Matthew. 
 
 Paralysed at the success of their enemies, the citizens 
 offered no resistance to their entry into York, and at the 
 command of Tostig furnished them with provisions. Tostig 
 also took five hundred of the inhabitants as hostages, leaving 
 one hundred and fifty Norwegians in exchange—a curious 
 
 : The number of Haraid Hardrada’s the Waverley Chronicles, 300; Peter- 
 ships varies: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle borough, 360; Hovenden, 500; and 
 gives 300 ; Malmesbury. Huntingdon, and Drake from 200 to 1000. 
 
H BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 arrangement. Before he left, orders were issued that all his 
 followers who had fallen at Fulford should have decent 
 burial and funeral services. Then the Norwegians returned 
 to their boats, where they placed the hostages under a strong 
 guard, commanded by Olave, the king of Norway’s son, and 
 Paul, earl of the Orkneys. After this an interesting cere¬ 
 mony took place ; the leaders made a solemn compact that 
 they would subdue the kingdom, which was ratified by the 
 plaudits of the mighty host of men who had followed 
 Harald, “ the double-beard,” from the steppes of Scandi¬ 
 navia. But news had arrived that Harold of England was 
 rapidly approaching, so Tostig and his Norse allies marched 
 across country from Riccall to Stamford Bridge, where they 
 secured a very strong position, and forthwith set about to 
 dispose their forces on the defensive. 
 
 At this place the river Derwent is about twelve to four¬ 
 teen yards in width, and runs almost due north and south. 
 The village of Stamford is divided by it into two unequal por¬ 
 tions. On the west bank there is a tract of level ground, 
 and at some distance from the river arises a gentle slope, 
 and when you are standing on the highest ridge of this 
 you can see for some distance over a flat country. On 
 the east bank in and just behind the village is a continuous 
 crest of higher ground, rising at once from the water’s edge, 
 but when you walk over the edge of the crest there is a dead 
 level, and here are the fields still called the “ Battle Flats.” 
 The river at Stamford Bridge is sluggish and not fordable, 
 and at the period of the battle was crossed over by a wooden 
 bridge about five hundred yards above the present structure. 
 
 The probable disposition of the Norwegians must have 
 been—the main body in occupation of the higher ground on 
 the east bank of the river, a very strong vanguard on the 
 level west of the bridge, with outposts on the ridge above 
 the “ gentle slope ” to give notice, on the enemy being sighted, 
 to the vanguard to be in readiness to defend the bridge. The 
 situation chosen shows consummate generalship, and it was 
 thus that the Norsemen awaited Harold. On the highest 
 ground was planted the Norse king’s royal ensign—most 
 aptly named “ The Land Ravager.” And who is this tall 
 warrior in shining armour bright, with a helmet on his head 
 that glistens again in the sun % It is Harald Hardrada 
 himself ! Over his armour flows a long and rich sky-blue 
 
THE BATTLE OP STAMFOKD BK1DGE. 
 
 9 
 
 mantle. 3 Mounted on a black horse with a white star in 
 its forehead, he rides from place to place encouraging his 
 soldiers. 
 
 Whilst all these troubles were transpiring in the north, 
 the King of England was engaged with a very large army 
 in watching the southern coasts, in order to frustrate the 
 contemplated attack of William, duke of Normandy, but 
 when he heard what terrible misfortunes had befallen his 
 
 A Out-post. 
 
 B Van-guard. 
 
 C Main Body. 
 
 D Wings. 
 
 E Site of Bridge. 
 
 F Elevated Ridge. 
 
 G Sharp Crest. 
 
 H Danes Garth — now 
 called Dean-well Garth. 
 I Chapel Garth. 
 
 Plan of Battle, Stamford Bridge. 
 
 northern subjects, he at once left the south to take its chance, 
 and travelling day and night by forced and rapid stages, he 
 hurried northwards, bent upon driving the enemy out of his 
 realm. The news of the landing of Tostig and Harald Har- 
 drada at Riccall would reach him first, and as he advanced 4 
 he heard about the Battle at Fulford, which would hasten 
 his speed. On Sunday, the 24th September, he arrived at 
 Tadcaster, ten miles from York ; very early the next day he 
 was at York, and pushing on without delay found the 
 invaders at Stamford Bridge, eight miles to the east of that 
 city, thus completing one of the most marvellous marches 
 
 3 The mantle was called “ Emma,” 4 Flor. of Worcester, 
 perhaps after some lady. 
 
io 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 that is on record in our country’s history. On Monday, 
 25th September, by break of day, at the head of an army 
 numbering some sixty thousand of England’s bravest war¬ 
 riors, Harold came up “amid a cloud of dust,” and without 
 delay attacked the Norwegians, who were about equal in 
 number to his own men. 5 
 
 “ A fierce battle took place,” “ than which a greater 
 has never been.” No quarter was given and none was 
 asked—to kill was the order of the day. From dawn to 
 midday, from seven in the morning until three in the 
 afternoon, the battle raged with fatal significance. The first 
 fight was on the west bank, when the English made a terrific 
 onslaught on the Norwegian vanguard, which after a brave 
 stand of some duration was driven backwards to the bridge, 
 a narrow wooden structure, which, at that day, crossed the 
 Derwent. A powerful Norwegian, 6 armed with a ponderous 
 battle-axe, had taken possession of it. Though his name 
 has not been preserved, his fame has come down to the 
 present day, and his valorous deeds on that memorable 
 occasion have been clothed with all the glamour of romance. 
 To him is given the credit of keeping the English army at 
 bay for some hours 7 ; single men tried, groups of men tried 
 to dislodge him, but in vain ; no matter the number, they 
 recoiled or fell under his blows, and it is recorded that he 
 slew forty Englishmen with his own hands. Arrows were 
 shot at him, javelins were hurled at him, but his armour 
 withstood them all. Invited to surrender with every 
 promise of clemency for such great prowess, he simply 
 laughed to scorn those who asked him, and taunted them as 
 “ unable to overcome one man.” But the timber-built bridge 
 had many holes in it, and whilst the brave Norseman was 
 warding off the direct attacks upon him, an English soldier 
 quietly entered a flat-bottomed boat, and unobserved rowed 
 it beneath the bridge. Thrusting a spear up through one 
 
 ■’ A field near the river, and close to 
 where the railway bridge crosses it, is 
 called “Halifax,” where local tradition 
 maintains the battle first commenced. 
 Mr. Wicksteed was told by an old man, 
 resident at Stamford Bridge, that its 
 original name was “ Malefax,’' which was 
 changed to “Halifax,” because it had no 
 sense. Mr. Wicksteed further suggests 
 that " Malefax ” may be from maleficium 
 —the field of the “dreadful deed.” 
 
 6 A Norwegian Chronicle gives an 
 elaborate account of this hero — in fact of 
 the whole battle, but it is very apocry¬ 
 phal, and I have preferred to rely 
 entirely on English writers. 
 
 7 The Norwegian is said to have 
 hindered the passage of the bridge for 
 nine hours. Surely a mistake—one hour 
 would seem an enormous time. A local 
 tradition says he was no other than 
 Harald Hardrada himself. 
 
THE BATTLE OF STAMFORD BRIDGE. 
 
 11 
 
 of the apertures, he pierced the Norwegian under his coat of 
 mail, causing his immediate death. Their hero fallen, the 
 Norwegians yielded the bridge and fell back upon their 
 main body. Sword in hand the English crossed the bridge 
 and also the river in a continuous stream, “ the living stand¬ 
 ing on the dead ” 8 whose bodies dammed the water. Bit by 
 bit was the main body of the Norwegians dislodged from 
 the ’vantage ground which rises on the east bank of the 
 river. The struggle was keen indeed, but at last the 
 superior generalship of tne English Harold asserted itself, 
 and the crest of the hill was carried. Yet again the Norse¬ 
 man stood at bay, and a final but terrific struggle took place 
 in the fields called the “ Battle Flats,” which ended in the 
 complete rout of the invading hosts. Though many English 
 were killed, the slaughter of the Norsemen was immense, 
 but few escaped, and of those many fell in the pursuit which 
 followed, some were drowned in the Derwent, and some were 
 forced into the Ouse, whilst others perished in some of the 
 boats at ldiccall in which they had taken refuge, and which 
 were set on fire by the English, who had followed them to 
 their mooring place. Harald Hardrada, “ the double-beard,” 
 was slain by an arrow which pierced his neck. The English 
 king killed Tostig with his own sword. So terrible had been 
 the destruction that though five hundred ships had borne 
 the Norsemen across the German Ocean, twenty-four were 
 ample to carry back the remnant that was left. 
 
 Olave, the king of Norway’s son, and Paul, the earl of 
 Orkney, were taken prisoners, along with those who guarded 
 the ships ; but as they had not been fighting, their lives were 
 spared, and Harold generously allowed them to depart with 
 their fellow countrymen on condition that they would at 
 once liberate the hostages, and promise for ever to “ observe 
 peace and friendship with this land.” So they sailed home, 
 “ bearing sorrowful news into their country of the loss of 
 their king, and the overthrow of his people.” 
 
 Vast booty was found in the Norwegian camp,—“more 
 gold than twelve young men could carry on their shoulders.” 
 Harold, elated at his splendid success, forgot his friends and 
 actually appropriated the whole of the spoil, which so dis¬ 
 gusted many of his soldiers, that some forsook his cause, 
 whilst the ardour of others was very greatly cooled. 
 
 s Henry of Huntingdon. 
 
BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 12 
 
 The distinguished dead were buried, others were thrown 
 into large common pits, whilst the bodies of many of the 
 invaders who had fallen lay on the battle-field for years 
 until their bones had whitened in the sun. Tostig’s corpse 
 had nearly shared the common fate, but a wart between the 
 shoulders led to its identification, when it was removed to 
 York and there ignominiously buried . 9 
 
 That same Monday evening Harold rode into York, where, 
 some two or three days later in order to celebrate his 
 glorious victory, he held a great feast and rejoicing among 
 his friends, but, like Belshazzar, while he ate and drank, the 
 hand-writing was on the wall, and the days of his kingdom 
 were numbered. A messenger, who had sped on the 
 fleetest of horses from the south of England, was ushered 
 into his presence to announce the dark news that William of 
 Normandy had landed at Pevensey. In all haste he set out 
 for the south, and met William on the field of Senlac on 
 Friday, 13th October. So the brave and noble Harold 
 passed from a great and brilliant victory, which had delivered 
 England from a barbaric host, to lose his short-worn crown, 
 to meet with a hero’s death in defence of bis dearly loved 
 country, and to be succeeded on his throne by a man who 
 was to change the destinies of England. 
 
 Stamford Bridge is the “ Pons Belli ” of history. It is 
 also called Battle-bridge, Stamford Bridge, Standford Bridge 
 and Stringfordebrigge. But another name, Stoneford, gives 
 the best derivation I know of, viz., the ford of stones, and 
 so taking its name from the very primitive way of crossing 
 a river by stepping-stones. 
 
 It is easily reached by train, being on the York, Market 
 Weigh ton, and Beverley branch of the North-Eastern llail- 
 way. The “ Battle Flats ” are now divided into several 
 pastures, and are not far from the station. In Drake’s time 
 (1720-30) pieces of old swords, spears, and small horse¬ 
 shoes were often found about the “ Flats.” A field at 
 
 5 Upon Skipwith Common, between 
 Skipwith and Riccall, were vestiges of an 
 encampment and several tumuli, called 
 the Danes Hills. One, opened in 1754, 
 contained the perfect skeleton of a young 
 man, and portions of another skeleton. 
 In ooe case the skull was laid between 
 the knees. Other tumuli contained 
 calcined bones, ashes, and corroded frag¬ 
 
 ments of iron weapons. Tradition says 
 the Danes were permitted to encamp 
 here whilst they interred their dead, and 
 until their ships were ready to return to 
 Norway. A piece of ground half a mile 
 further south is called the “King’s 
 Rudding,” and a road near it “ Olave's 
 Lane." Burton’s Monasticon, pp. 29,30. 
 
THE BATTLE OF STAMFORD BRIDGE. 
 
 18 
 
 the north end of the village yet bears the name of the 
 “ Danes-garth.” On the other side of the river is a little 
 field, enclosed with a rampart, and belonging to the Church 
 of Bossall. Local tradition says that after laying for many 
 years by the river-side the bones of the slain were piously 
 buried in this enclosure. 
 
 An annual feast, now greatly decayed, is held in Sep¬ 
 tember, 10 when, up to twelve years ago, the inhabitants used 
 to make tub-shaped pies, and tradition affirms that they 
 were to commemorate the Englishman and the vessel used 
 by him when he slew the Norwegian from under the bridge, 
 and that it was not a boat, but a swine-tub , that he made 
 use of, and so the day was called the “ Pear Pie Feast,” 
 but why this designation I am at a loss to explain. 
 
 The wooden bridge was replaced in 1727 by a high and 
 narrow stone structure of three arches, at the cost of the 
 county. Ten years ago, when the water in the Derwent 
 was very low, the foundations of the stone-piers of the 
 ancient and historic bridge were laid bare, and until very 
 recently there was preserved at the Manor House in the 
 village a Norwegian spear which had been dredged out of 
 the river. 
 
 10 The first Sunday after the 19th of September rules the Feast Day. 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE STANDARD. 
 
 Who can read the pages telling the story of Stephen’s 
 reign over England without shuddering at the fearful cruelty 
 and lawlessness of the age, and the deplorable condition into 
 which the nation had sunk \ The feudal system had become 
 developed in its worst aspects, every man was a law unto 
 himself, the country was covered with castles “ filled with 
 devils and evil men/’ the people were plundered, towns 
 
 i Authorities : — * The Anglo-Saxon 
 Chronicle, vol. ii., Rolls Series. Chroni- 
 eon Anglise Petriburgense, edited by J. 
 A. Giles for the Caxton Society, London, 
 1845. * Historia Johannis Prions Hagus- 
 taldensis Ecclesiae; * Historia Ricardi 
 Priori s Hagustaldensis Ecclesiae de Gesta 
 regis Stephani et de hello Standardi, 
 both in The Priory of Hexham. The 
 Historians and Annals of the House, 
 edited by the Rev. Canon Raine, vol. i., 
 Surtees Society, 3 863. Descriptio Ser- 
 lonis . . . . de bello inter Regem Scotise 
 et Barones Anglise; * Aelredi abbatis 
 Rievalleusis Historia de Bello Standardi 
 (the 2nd abbot of Rievaulx) ; Abbrevia¬ 
 tions Chronicorum auctore Radulfo de 
 Diceto ; Chronicon Johannis Brompton ; 
 Chronicon Gervasii (of Canterbury); 
 Chronica Henrici de Knighton, all in 
 Twysden’s Decern Scriptores, London, 
 1652. * Henrici Archidiaconi Hunten- 
 
 dunensis Historiarum, lib. viii. ; Rogeri 
 Hovedon Annalium, both in Rerum 
 Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam, 
 Frankfort, 1601. * Chronica de Mailross, 
 in vol. i. ; Chronicon Thomse Wikes; 
 *AnnalesWaverleiensis; ChronicaWalteri 
 Hemingford canonici de Gisseburne, in 
 vol. ii., all in Historise Anglicanse Scrip¬ 
 tores, in 3 vols., Gale et Fell, Oxford, 
 1684-87-91. Matthsei Paris monachi 
 Albanensis Angli Historia Major. London, 
 1684. Flores Historiarum per Mattheum 
 Westmonasteriensem collecti ; * Con- 
 
 tinuatio ad Florentium Wigorniensum 
 (Florence of Worcester died in 1118, 
 his work was continued by another hand 
 
 until 1141), Frankfort, 1601. Roger de 
 Wendover Flores Historiarum, edited by 
 H. O. Coxe for the English Historical 
 Society, in 5 vols., vol. ii., London, 1841. 
 F. Nicholai Triveti Annales, edited by 
 Mr. Thomas Hog for the English Histo¬ 
 rical Society, London, 1845. * Chronicles 
 of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II., and 
 Richard I., vol. i. Historia Rerum Ang- 
 licanum of * William of Newburgh, 
 Rolls Series (considering he was a con¬ 
 temporary writer, and lived near the 
 place, his account is very meagre). 
 * Gesta Stephani, edited by R. C. Sewel, 
 London, 1846 (though valuable as to the 
 invasion of Northumberland by David, 
 this important contemporary chronicle 
 contains no account of the battle). Poly* 
 dori Vergilii Urbinatis Anglicse Historic, 
 Gandavi (Ghent), 1556. John of For- 
 dun’s Chronicle of the Scottish Nation 
 (vol. iv. of the Historians of Scotland), 
 edited by VYm. F. Skene, Edinburgh, 
 1872. Casual use is made of the fol¬ 
 lowing :—Holinshed’s Chronicles of Eng¬ 
 land, in 6 vols., vol. ii., London, 1807. 
 Drake’s Efcoracum, London, 1736. Cam¬ 
 den’s Britannia, in 2 vols., edited by 
 Gibson, vol. ii., London, 1792. Whit¬ 
 taker’s Richmondshire, in 2 vols.,printed 
 at Leeds, 1823. Ingledew’s History of 
 Northallerton, London, 1858. For an 
 account of Stephen’s reign the reader is 
 referred to “ Early Plantagenets,” edited 
 by the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop 
 of Oxford (London, Longman, Green & 
 Co.). 1877. — Those marked with an 
 asterisk are contemporary chronicles, 
 
THE BATTLE OP THE STANDARD. 
 
 15 
 
 burnt, churches robbed, the land not tilled, religion was well- 
 nigh annihilated, “yea,” to such a pass had things come, that 
 “men said openly Christ and his saints slept.” Yet one 
 event occurred during the second year of this reign which 
 presents a gleam of glory amidst all the surrounding gloom 
 and turbulence, and that event is an honour to Yorkshire, for 
 it was in the main part by Yorkshire-men that the Battle of 
 the Standard was fought and won. 
 
 In the year 1138 Stephen was engaged in quelling unruly 
 subjects in the south of England, being probably at Bedford. 
 David, King of Scotland, thought he saw an opportunity of 
 aggrandisement while Stephen was thus occupied. Under 
 the shallow excuse of advancing the fortunes of the ill-starred 
 Matilda, he collected an army from all parts of his kingdom 
 and advanced into the north of England. Soldiers from the 
 wild west and the Isles, Lowlanders, both Norman and 
 English, Piets, Scots, and 
 
 Galwegians , 2 wild as ocean’s gale, 
 
 And Lodon’s knights, all sheathed in mail, 
 
 And the bold men of Teviotdale. 
 
 Such indeed comprised his forces, and the cruelty of some 
 of these semi-barbarian hordes, sparing neither sex nor age, as 
 they passed through the country, roused the indignation of 
 the Archbishop of York and the principal nobles and barons 
 in the county. The north of England had for many long 
 years past been kept in a state of turmoil and fear, owing to 
 the frequent incursions of the Scotch, who never failed in 
 cruel excesses and deeds of blood to the terror of the 
 inhabitants who fled helpless before them. “ The Scotch were 
 always cruel in all their wars, but in this invasion they 
 exceeded themselves.” David was a mild and humane man, 
 who deeply deplored this ferocious conduct of his soldiers, 
 but was utterly unable to control them, and one historian 
 writes “ that he was often moved to tears of compassion ” in 
 consequence. 
 
 At that time Thurstan filled the metropolitan chair of 
 York, a venerable ecclesiastic, of great firmness of character, 
 and of such indomitable spirit, that he would never submit 
 
 1 Gallwegia, the ancient name of the granted by David I. to the monks of 
 county of Galloway in south-west Scot- Selkirk, 
 land, and so called in 1124 in a charter 
 
16 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 to the authority of the see of Canterbury. He had been 
 appointed by Stephen “lieutenant of the North.” 
 
 It had been rumoured that David intended marching into 
 Yorkshire and laying siege to the city of York. This news 
 reaching the ears of the Archbishop, he issued a most spirited 
 pastoral in which he appealed to the people by the Divine 
 Authority committed unto him, and by his vice-regal power, 
 to take up arms for the defence of their Church and 
 father-land—the cause was a worthy one, and if they 
 undertook it faithfully, trusting to the mercy of God, he 
 could almost, pronounce them sure of victory :—whilst, if 
 they fought with good and pious intentions, death would not 
 be formidable, but rather to be courted. The parish priests 
 were bidden to read it from the steps of their respective 
 altars, and to urge all those who were qualified to car^ 
 arms to join “ being reconciled to God by true repentance 
 and turned to Him with their whole heart. ” The pastoral 
 had a very great effect. From every town and village 
 streamed forth, over hill and dale, processions of armed men 
 headed by their priests arrayed in canonical vestments, 
 and bearing aloft “ crosses and banners and relics of the 
 saints.” 
 
 Taper and host and book they bare, 
 
 And holy banner flourished fair 
 With the Redeemer’s Name. 
 
 It bore more the look of a holy pilgrimage than the 
 preparation for a great battle. 
 
 Nor were the barons and nobles backward in aiding 
 the movement, for they not only came themselves, but 
 brought their numerous retainers and men-at-arms with 
 them. 
 
 William, earl of Albemarle, an illustrious young man, well 
 versed in arms, answered the summons, accompanied by 
 many valiant knights and esquires :—Walter de Gant, an 
 old man nigh unto death, gentle and pious, led an army of 
 Flemings and Normans, rendering great help by his wisdom 
 and power of speech ; Gilbert de Lacy, a man sadly schooled 
 by misfortune and a risky life ; Robert de Bruce, and his 
 son Adam ; Bernard de Baliol, with soldiers direct from 
 Stephen; Roger de Mowbray ; William de Percy ; William 
 Fossard; Richard de Courcy ; Robert de Stutevilie, from 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE STANDARD. 
 
 17 
 
 Nottinghamshire ; William de Peverill ; Galfrid Assaline ; 
 Robert de Ferrers, from Derbyshire; and each brought 
 many soldiers. Walter L’Espec 3 also came, an old man 
 full of days, quick-witted, prudent in council, moderate in 
 peace, and always a loyal subject. His stature was passing 
 tall, his limbs all of such a size as not to exceed their just 
 proportions and yet to be well matched with his great height. 
 His hair was still black, his beard long and flowing, his 
 forehead large and noble, his eyes large and bright, his face 
 broad but well featured, his voice like the sound of a 
 trumpet, setting off his natural eloquence of speech with a 
 certain majesty of sound. He was not only noble by birth, 
 but far nobler by his Christ-like piety. 
 
 Jealous as the barons were of each other, they all mutually 
 hated the Scotch, thus it is plainly evident that the duty of 
 resisting them to the utmost had been universally felt. 
 
 In the first place the English forces met at York, where, 
 after three days fasting and prayer, having offered alms and 
 oblations, they received absolution from the Archbishop, who 
 
 Stretch’d his hand, 
 
 And blessed them as they kneel’d. 
 
 With holy cross he signed them all, 
 
 And prayed they might be sage in hall, 
 
 And fortunate in field. 
 
 He would fain have gone with them to inspire their minds 
 and hearts with the utmost courage but, being full of years 
 and so infirm that he had to be carried about on a couch, 
 they besought him to remain at home, where he could 
 intercede with God on their behalf “ by prayers and offerings, 
 in vigils and in fastings.” To this the Archbishop consented, 
 and bidding them go forth in the strength of the living God, 
 he delivered into their hands his cross and the banner of 
 St. Peter. He sent his retainers to join their ranks, and 
 bade Ralph Nowell, 4 bishop of Orkney, one of his suffragans, 
 
 3 A long speech is put into the mouth 
 of Sir Walter L’Espec by Aelred in his 
 account of the Battle of the Standard, 
 which is an evident fabrication, and no 
 doubt written for the purpose of glorify¬ 
 ing the founder of Rievaulx. 
 
 4 Several chronicles confuse the Bishop 
 of Orkney with the Bishop of Durham as 
 
 to speaking on the battle-field. Geoffrey 
 Rufus was Bishop of Durham at the 
 time (cons. Aug. 6, 1133; died May 6, 
 1140), and there is no evidence that he 
 was present. There was a see of Orkney 
 all through the middle ages, in fact the 
 whole of Scotland until 147C was in the 
 province of York. 
 
 C 
 
18 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 accompany them. Several archdeacons and other clergy 
 also went. 
 
 The English army marched towards Thirsk, at which 
 place Robert Brace and Bernard Baliol left for the Scottish 
 camp in order to have an interview with David and entreat 
 him to return home without fighting;, holding out as an 
 inducement that his son Henry should have the earldom of 
 Northumberland granted to him by the King of England. 
 But David turned a deaf ear to their proposals and “ laughed 
 them to scorn.” Then Bruce absolved himself from the 
 homage due to David for the lordship of Annandale: Bernard 
 likewise renounced the fealty of the manor of Woodhorn, 
 and both returned to their English allies. From Thirsk they 
 went to Northallerton, three miles north-west of which on 
 Cowton Moor, in a field 5 of the fee of St. Cuthbert, they 
 planted their famous standard. 6 It was composed of a ship’s 
 mast fastened to a low carriage which run on four wheels. 
 At the summit of this pole was fixed a pyx containing the 
 Blessed Host, and to several cross pieces were fastened the 
 sacred banners 7 of St. Peter of York, St. Wilfrid of Ripon, 
 St. Cuthbert of Durham, and St. John of Beverley. This 
 noble ensign was placed in a prominent situation for two 
 purposes—to stimulate their belief “that Jesus Christ would 
 be their leader in the fight,” and to serve as a rallying point 
 in chance of any reverse. On the base of the pole, Hugo de 
 Sotevagina, 8 then archdeacon of York, wrote this remarkable 
 distich, 
 
 Dicitur a stando standardum, quod stetit illic 
 Militite probitas viucere sive mori 
 (Standard, from stand, this fight we aptly call : 
 
 Our men here stood to conquer or to fall). 
 
 And now the disposal of the army began—all who had 
 horses left them at some distance from the site which was 
 
 5 Standard Hill was freehold tenure, 
 subject to a small fee-farm rent payable 
 to the Bishop of Durham (Hutchinson’s 
 Durham, vol. iii. p. 245). 
 
 6 A wood-cut of the Standard is given 
 by Twysden, but the description will 
 not tally with it. There is a pen-and-ink 
 
 sketch of it in one of the archbishop’s 
 Registers at York. 
 
 ' These banners afterwards flew on 
 many a well-fought field. 
 
 8 Hugh Sotevagina, or Sottewain, pre¬ 
 centor and archdeacon of York, was a 
 witness to the deed by which Archbishop 
 Thurstan founded the Nunnery at Cle- 
 menthorpe, near York, in 1130 (Dugdale 
 IV., p. 323). He was also present when 
 that prelate visited Fountains Abbey 
 (Memorials of Fountains Abbey, vol. i., 
 p. 24 : Surtees Society). He probably 
 witnessed the engagement from a good 
 stand-point. 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE STANDARD. 
 
 19 
 
 soon to be the scene of action so as to cut off all chance of 
 flight for themselves, they being resolved to conquer, or if 
 conquered to die on the field of battle. “ Better death 
 itself,” said they, “ than to fall into the hands of the cruel 
 Scots.” Such indeed was the spirit that pervaded the whole 
 army. 
 
 The archers were placed in the front rank, cluse behind 
 them were the spearmen and lancers, who were supported 
 by the mailed chivalry of Yorkshire. Shields were joined 
 to shields, spears were set by spears, lances with flowing 
 ensigns, and coats of armour shone with the splendour of 
 the sun. Priests went about the army with sacred emblems 
 and relics, strengthening the men by advice and prayer. A 
 little distance off stood the body-guard encircling tbe 
 Standard, whilst hard by was the brave Bishop of Orkney, 
 surrounded by church dignitaries and other ecclesiastics— 
 all vested in full canonicals. The bishop urged all to true 
 repentance, laying great stress upon the glory of a future 
 life in case any were killed. Me addressed them thus :— 
 
 “ Illustrious nobles of England, Normans by birth (for it behoves you 
 when about to fight to be mindful of your name and of your birth), 
 remember who ye are, and against whom and where ye wage war. For 
 no one dare rashly oppose you. Bold France hid away from you. Fierce 
 England yielded as a captive to you. Rich Apulia was restored by you. 
 Noble Jerusalem and famous Antioch have both bound themselves before 
 you. But now the Scotch, by rights your subjects, attempt to fight you 
 unarmoured, preferring a rashness better fitted for a riot than a battle. 
 They know nothing of military affairs ; they are unskilled in fighting, 
 and not fit to rule. Fear them not, therefore, but rather reproach 
 yourselves that those, whom we have always sought and conquered 
 in their own country, have entered our land with the rashness of a 
 drunkard ; nevertheless, I, your chief, who stand in the place of our 
 archbishop, declare it a divine providence that these men, who have pro¬ 
 faned the temples of God in this country, defiled the altars, and slain 
 the priests, have spared not the children, nor women with child, shall 
 meet with just punishment at your hands for their villainous deeds. 
 Be brave, then, ye warriors, think of your country, and rise up filled 
 with the presence of God. These men know not how to arm themselves 
 in war, whereas ye are used to arms in peace, so that ye need fear 
 nothing in battle. Your head is covered with a helmet, your breast 
 with mail, your thighs with greaves, and all your body with a shield. 
 When the enemy bears down upon you, ye will be found surrounded 
 with iron. As they are coming against us unarmoured and naked why 
 do we hesitate ? Is it at their number 1 It is not the multitude of the 
 soldiers, but the skill of the few that ends the conflict ; for an undis¬ 
 ciplined host is an hindrance to itself, even in victory or in flight. Your 
 
 C 2 
 
BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 20 
 
 leaders have often conquered against superior numbers ! What avail 
 ancestral glory, ancient use, and military teaching, except ye be able to 
 overcome superior numbers 1 But I must finish speaking, for the enemy 
 are approaching hastily, yet in disorder. Therefore I, as your arch-priest, 
 sent to-day by the Lord of Lords, that ye might avenge the priests of 
 God aud His scattered flock, if any of you fall in the fight, absolve him 
 from every sin in the Name of the Father-, whose creatures they have 
 cruelly destroyed ; in the Name of the Sou, whose altars they have 
 polluted ; and in the Name of the Holy Ghost, whose grace they have 
 set at defiance.” 
 
 With uplifted hands he gave absolution to the kneeling 
 soldiers, and, having pronounced a solemn benediction, “ they 
 all responded with a loud voice until even the mountains and 
 hills re-echoed—Amen, Amen/’ 
 
 “Your cause is just,” cried out Walter L'Espec, “it is 
 for your all that you combat.” Then grasping the hand of 
 the Earl of Albemarle, he continued, “ I swear that on this 
 day 1 will overcome the Scots or perish.” “ And so swear 
 we all,” exclaimed the barons assembled around him. 
 
 For a little while a glance at the Scotch army and its 
 arrangement is needful. The Scotch King was not without 
 his troubles, for jealousy cropped up as to who should occupy 
 the foremost rank. In previous fights the naked Galwegians 
 had been placed in the front and had borne the brunt of the 
 charge, but David, knowing the powers of our bold English 
 archers, had on this occasion placed the mailed soldiery, with 
 what bow-men he possessed, in the vanguard. This the men 
 of Galloway resented, and stood out for their old position, 
 fearing naught from the “iron tunics” they beheld in the 
 distance. “ Why is it ? ” cried Malise, Earl of Stratherne, 
 “ why is it ? 0 King ! that thou hast committed thyself to 
 the will of the Gauls, when none of them with their arms 
 shall surpass me in battle to-day though I wear no armour?” 
 To this Earl Alan de Percy rejoined :—“ Thou hast spoken 
 the word which this day thou mayst not be able to perform 
 with thy life.” David, fearing this altercation would bode 
 no good, yielded to the wishes of the Galwegians, placing 
 them in the front line. Another portion of his army, 
 consisting of knights, spearmen, and some archers (the men 
 of Cumberland and Teviot-dale), he formed into a wing, 
 which he assigned to the command of his son Henry, earl of 
 Huntington and Carlisle, a brave and noble prince, who won 
 the respect of all who knew him, The Lowlanders, men of 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE STANDARD. 
 
 21 
 
 the West and the Isles, constituted a third wing, whilst for 
 his own body-guard the Scotch cavalry, a chosen band of the 
 knights of England and France, completed the centre of the 
 royal wing, which was chiefly composed of the Scotch. Thus 
 prepared for battle, having burnt their tents, the order was 
 given, and the Scotch army, marching with their lances erect, 
 amid the blare of trumpets, made the first onslaught. 
 
 Onward came the Scotch, sweeping across the plain, 
 filling the air with their war-cry of “Albany! Albany!” 9 
 while some of the more barbarous tribes raised three hideous 
 howls. A terrible charge was made by their front upon 
 the English, which, had the latter not been well prepared, 
 would have materially altered the prospects of the day. 
 Though somewhat shaken they soon recovered themselves, 
 and then the order was given that the archers should shoot; 
 when from the vast thick-set ranks our Yorkshire bowmen 
 poured out volley after volley, which fell chiefly among the 
 naked Galwegians—“ The arrows flew like the densest rain, 
 rushing into the breasts of those who stood in their way, 
 sticking into their faces and eyes,” and completely hindering 
 them from fighting. 
 
 “ Never did armourer temper steel on stithy, 
 
 That made sure fence against an English arrow. 
 
 See it descending now — the fatal hail shower — 
 
 The storm of England’s wrath — sure, swift, resistless, 
 
 Which no mail coat can brook. Brave English hearts! 
 
 How close they shoot together ! as if one eye 
 Had aimed five thousand shafts — as if one hand 
 Had loosed five thousand bow strings.” 
 
 So thick was the shower, that the Galloway men appeared 
 as if “ covered with spines like a hedgehog.” This caused 
 them to hit about blindly, brandishing the sword in agony, 
 striking now at an enemy, now at a friend, or vainly beating 
 the air. The attack at this point became general, “ lance to 
 lance and spear against spear ; ” fierce as it was, it fell but 
 lightly on the mailed soldiery of England. Early in the 
 engagement the Earl of Lothian fell, wounded to death by 
 an arrow. This demoralised the Galwegians, who formed 
 the front van, which was under his command, and soon 
 
 9 Albany. Alla, wild—bin, moun- Albanacli being literally wild moun¬ 
 tains. Alabin. Gaelic for Scotland. taineers. 
 
22 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 after bis death they took to flight,—at first one by one, 
 and later in groups. Other soldiers belonging to the wings, 
 seeing these flee, joined them, and a steady defection took 
 place. Henry, Earl of Huntington, witnessing this flight, 
 bold and reckless himself, called to his men :—“ Whither go 
 ye, good fellows ? Here shall ye find armour and force, 
 neither shall ye, while life remaineth in your captain (whom 
 ye ought to follow), depart without the victory. Therefore 
 choose whether ye had rather try the matter with your 
 enemies by battle, or be put to a shameful death at home 
 when ye return thither 1 ” 
 
 The wing under his command followed him, bravely 
 charging the English with such force that their leader 
 actually fought his way into the thick of them with only a 
 handful of supporters. Then finding his mistake he partly 
 disguised himself, and, mixing with his enemies, was enabled 
 to get away undetected. One man, in the midst of the 
 battle, cut off the head of one of the slain, and, placing it 
 on a spear, ran about crying that it was the head of the 
 King of Scotland. This ruse reaching David’s ears, he flung 
 off his helmet, leaped from his horse and flew about the 
 ranks to reassure his men. His own bodyguard stood 
 bravely, but everywhere else the battle went against him. 
 The Galwegians were in a sad plight—two of their chiefs, 
 Ulgeric and Dunewald, had been killed. They lost heart 
 and fled. A general flight of the Scotch now took place, 
 David himself being compelled to join in it. They flung 
 away all their arms and baggage. Henry, after vainly 
 trying to stay it, saw the attempt was hopeless. “ Bitterly 
 cursing the frowardness of fortune, and the mishaps of that 
 day’s chance,” he galloped hastily away. 
 
 The rout of the Scotch w r as complete, “ they fled hither 
 and thither like sheep with a hireling shepherd.” Not 
 knowing the roads or the country, many were killed by 
 the wayside. Others were put to death “ like sheep for 
 slaughter ” in the cornfields and woods w r here they were 
 hidden. Some perished of hunger, and it is recorded, that 
 “ more fell by the roadside than on the field itself.” 
 
 Dreare was the daye—in darke darke cloudes 
 The Welkin alle endrown’d; 
 
 But farr more dreare the woeful scene 
 Of carnage alle arounde. 
 
THE BATTLE OP THE STANDARD. 
 
 Z 3 
 
 Dreare was the sounde of warring wyndes 
 That fought along the skyes ; 
 
 But far more dreare the woeful sounde 
 Of dying warriours sighs. 
 
 The loss of the Scotch was computed to be about 11,000 ; 10 
 on the side of the English it was very small ; the only- 
 nobleman of ours who fell was Lord William de Lacy. 
 
 The English made no organised pursuit but returned to 
 their rallying point—the Standard, and thence to their 
 horses, which having mounted, they made their way home, 
 I cannot help but think to York, where they would again 
 meet the aged Thurstan in that grand old minster to offer 
 up thanksgiving services to Almighty God for so great a 
 victory. It was indeed a glorious day for Yorkshire, and 
 even more so for England. The battle was fought on 
 Monday, the 22nd August, 1138 ; it lasted two hours, and 
 most probably took place early in the day. From the great 
 number who fell it must have been very hotly contested. 
 On account of the discreditable retreat of the Scotch, the 
 nickname of the Battle of Baggamoor was bestowed upon 
 the event. The monk Serlo wrote some lively lines about 
 the victory, holding up the Scotch to scorn and ridicule for 
 their sorry flight, which he likens unto Lysia shamefully 
 retreating before the arms of Judas Maccabseus, and praising 
 the prowess of the English might which gained the day, 
 “ as Moses wrote from God, in the book of Leviticus ”— 
 “ five of you shall chase an hundred, and an hundred shall 
 put ten thousand to flight.” 
 
 Only fifty Scottish knights were taken prisoners, amongst 
 whom was the Scotch, chancellor, William Cumin, who was 
 imprisoned by the Bishop of Durham for a short time. On 
 regaining his liberty, he “gave thanks to God, desiring 
 heartily that he never at any time should again meet with 
 the like experience.” The rest of the prisoners were ran¬ 
 somed about the Feast of All Saints following. 
 
 King David with much difficulty reached Carlisle, where 
 he waited two days, deeply anxious about his son. Henry, 
 however, after encountering many perils and dangers, joined 
 
 10 Of t, he slain Richard of Hexham says of Worcester give the same number; 
 10,000; Gervase of Canterbury, John Wendover and Huntington, 11,000; 
 Brompton, Knighton, and the Continuator Diceto and others, 12,000. 
 
u 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 his father in Scotland. Of David’s two hundred “ mailed 
 knights” who accompanied him in the expedition, only 
 nineteen brought back their armour, and very few their 
 horses, so precipitate had been their retreat. 
 
 Stephen, when he heard the good tidings, rejoiced and 
 thanked God. In honour of the event, he created William 
 de Albemarle, Earl of York, and Robert de Ferrers, Earl of 
 Derby. 
 
 The battle-field was thickly covered with corpses, which 
 “ by the just judgment of God were left unburied, and 
 were eaten by the birds of the air and the beasts of the 
 field.” 
 
 Thomas Wikes, whose chronicle dates about 160 years 
 later, writing of this very battle, says that “ the memory 
 of that famous Standard was not cast asleep even in his 
 day.” 
 
 Roger Gale records that in his time a few trenches were 
 still to be seen, which bore the name of “ The Scots Pits.” 
 Local tradition said that they contained the bones of those 
 slain in this fight. In the early part of the present century 
 the levelling influence of the plough had destroyed every 
 trace of them. 
 
 The discoveries that have been made are only few. A 
 silver coin of King Stephen was found by a man when 
 working in a field adjoining the Standard Hill grounds : it 
 was in good preservation—the head in profile, with sceptre 
 in the right hand, and the legend “ Steifne. R ”; on the 
 reverse, a cross and the year 1137, with the mint-master’s 
 name. 11 A similar coin was found near the same place in 
 1839, and at a short distance from it the silver hilt of a 
 sword. 
 
 The site of this battle-field is easily reached from the 
 Brompton Station on the Thirsk and Stockton line of the 
 North Eastern Railway. Two farm-houses, somewhat over 
 a mile from Brompton and about a quarter of a mile distant 
 from each other, still preserve the name of “ Standard Hill. 
 Nearer Brompton is a grass-grown lane, leading from the 
 Brompton Road to the York and Darlington Road : this is 
 “ Scot Pits Lane,” and within living memory bones of men 
 
 11 Illustrated London News, May 3, 1851. 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE STANDARD. 
 
 25 
 
 and horses have been found here. The brow of the hill 
 approaching the site is called the Red Hill, and a local 
 tradition says that, when this memorable battle took place, 
 the hill-side streamed down with blood. 
 
 The holye prieste doth weep as he sings 
 Hys masses o’er and o’er ; 
 
 And alle for the soules of them that were slayne 
 At the battle of Cuton Moore. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MYTON. 1 
 
 Somewhat short of three miles eastward of Boroughbridge 
 in a pasture not far distant from the quiet village of 
 My ton, on the banks of the Swale, and just above its con¬ 
 fluence with the Ure, occurred one of those sanguinary 
 engagements with the Scotch which blot the pages of our 
 earlier history, and which helped to render any union of the 
 two countries an impossibility for several centuries. 
 
 In the year 1319 Edward II. was engaged with his forces 
 in the siege of Berwick, the garrison of which defended 
 themselves bravely, though attacked both on land and by sea. 
 Not caring to relieve the garrison of that town by direct 
 means, Thomas Randolph, Earl of Murray, and Lord James 
 Douglas contemplated a diversion so that it might appear 
 as if they had no fear of the English. Having collected an 
 army amounting to 15,000 men, 2 they crossed the Solway 
 into England, completing by pillage, fire, and murder the 
 havoc which had been begun by the plague of the previous 
 year. Passing through the counties of the North, they 
 entered Yorkshire, “ spoiling and burning the greater part 
 of the country they traversed.” Boroughbridge shared the 
 fate of other places in being reduced to ashes. 
 
 1 Authorities :—* Johannis de Troke- 
 lowe Anuales Edward II.: * Mouaehi 
 eujusdain Malmesburiensis Vita Edward 
 II. Printed by Thomas Hearne, Oxford, 
 1729. * Chronica Mouasterii de Melsa. 
 
 The historical section written by Adam, 
 the 14th Abbot, in Vol. II.; Rolls Series. 
 * Gesta Edward de Carnarvan auctore 
 Canonico de Bridlingtoniense ; ed. Right 
 Rev. the Lord Bishop of Oxford; Rolls 
 Series. * Chronica de Lanercost, edited 
 by Joseph Stephenson. Edinburgh, 
 1839. * Vita et Mors Edward II., by 
 
 Thomas de la Moor, in the “ Anglica, 
 Normannica, Hibemica, Cambrica et 
 Veteribus scripta,” of William Camden. 
 Printed at Frankfort, 1603. The extracts 
 made by John Leland from * William 
 de Pakington, and from the Peter 
 College Chronique; Johannis Lelandi, 
 
 Antiquarii de rebus Brittanicis Col¬ 
 lectanea, in Vol. II. of an edition printed 
 in 6 Vols. London, 1774. The Chronicle 
 of England, by John Capgrave; Rolls 
 Series. Thomas Walsingham Historia 
 Anglicana, Vol. I. ; Rolls Series. 
 The Chronicle of the Londe of Eng- 
 londe, by Gerarde de Leew. Antwerp, 
 1493. Letters from Northern Registers; 
 edited by Rev. Canon Raine; Rolls Series. 
 Casual use is also made of Holinshed's 
 Chronicles of England in 6 Vols; Vol. 
 II. London, 1807. Drake’s Eboracum. 
 London, 1736. 
 
 I have also inserted all the local 
 traditions I was able to collect. 
 
 Those marked with an asterisk are 
 contemporary authorities. 
 
 • Malmesbury says 10,000. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MYTON. 
 
 27 
 
 The Scotch pushed on to the very gates of York, for 
 Douglas had heard that the queen was residing in a suburb 
 of that city, and his scheme was to seize and carry her off 
 to Scotland, and then offer terms of peace to Edward, who, 
 as he thought, would be only too glad to acquiesce in 
 any stipulations to ransom his consort. “ But,” writes the 
 Monk of Malmesbury, “the counsel of the traitor Ahitophel 
 was of none effect, nor did the God of Israel suffer such 
 misfortune to befall us.” A spy from the Scottish camp 
 was taken at York, and, under promise of escaping punish¬ 
 ment if he would reveal the intentions of the Scotch, 
 he freely divulged their plans— “ how our enemy, James 
 Douglas, with a chosen band of men, would come to these 
 parts in order to carry off the queen, and those whom he 
 should find resisting should be killed at the same time. . . . 
 .... On such a day and in such a place they will lay hidden, 
 and, after waiting a certain time, they will accomplish their 
 purpose.” Credence was scarcely given to his words, seeing 
 which the informer clenched his story by declaring that, if 
 events did not happen as he had forewarned them, he would 
 willingly suffer death. 
 
 William de Melton was then Archbishop of York, “a 
 reverend grave divine.” John de llotham, Bishop of Ely and 
 Chancellor of England (1318-20), and the Abbot of Selby, 
 were staying at York. They, along with Sir Nicholas Fleming, 
 the Lord Mayor of that city, set out with a numerous 
 following to rescue the queen. Noblemen, the principal 
 citizens, with their families, monks, canons, and other regular 
 clergy, rich men and beggars, joined to swell the ranks—in 
 short, every person deemed competent to carry arms was 
 enlisted. They were successful in bringing back the queen, 
 who was afterwards taken “by water” to Nottingham, 
 where she had to fear neither James Douglas nor his 
 treachery. Her safety having been secured, these Yorkshire- 
 men, considering the evil deeds which the Scotch were 
 everywhere perpetrating, determined to give chase to them 
 and (if possible) to avenge the blood of their fellow- 
 citizens and neighbours. They pressed into their service 
 “all that could travel,” husbandmen and peasants of the 
 surrounding districts, and “ such other unapt people for the 
 wars.” Under the command of the Archbishop and the 
 Bishop of Ely, they left York soon after the queen’s rescue, 
 
BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 28 
 
 the spy having brought word of the whereabouts of the 
 Scotch. This hybrid army (numbering 10,000 men) did 
 not proceed “ in battle array, but walked stealthily through 
 the fields without any uproar, hoping thereby to pounce upon 
 their enemies unawares. They must have pursued their 
 way along the eastern bank of the Ouse and the Swale, for 
 they discovered the invaders near Myton. And now their 
 episcopal commanders, “ men much fitter to pray for the 
 success of a battle than to fight it, - ’ found they had embarked 
 on a warfare without counting the cost. Randolph was an 
 experienced and wary old warrior, in command of a body of 
 troops “ fit for battle, fit for all work,” inured to exposure of 
 all kinds—even to sleeping on the bare heath of their 
 country’s wild moors, and ever content with meagre fare. He, 
 as well as the Archbishop, had had spies at work, and, fully 
 aware of the advance of the latter with his forces, was calmly 
 awaiting their advent “in Myton pasture, near to Swale 
 water.” “ These men are not men of war,” cried the Scotch 
 as they beheld the disorderly approach of the English ; 
 “they are hunters, and will do no good.” 
 
 The hostile forces met after noon on Thursday, the 20th 3 
 September, the eve of St. Matthew, 1319. 
 
 The Swale, just below the village of Myton, is crossed by a 
 handsome iron girder bridge of modern design. About two 
 hundred yards below the present structure local tradition 
 assigns a site to an ancient bridge said to have been existing 
 when this battle was fought. It was probably constructed of 
 wood upon stone piers, as it is asserted to have been after¬ 
 wards destroyed by fire. 
 
 The Scotch feigned a retreat as the English advanced, and 
 when they had crossed the bridge the Scotch, who lay in 
 ambush, set fire to three haystacks, the smoke from which, 
 driven by the west wind, as tradition still relates, “ ascend¬ 
 ing widely and dispersing over the sky,” so blinded the 
 English forces that they could not see the position of 
 their enemies. The Scotch, following their usual custom, 
 concentrated themselves “ after the manner of a shield,” 
 and, at an appointed signal, every man gave “ a most 
 lusty shout,” which struck terror into the hearts of the 
 
 3 Trokelowe and Walsingham give this given. Holinshed’s Chronicles give 
 date. In the Chron. de Melsa and October 12th. 
 
 Chron. de Bridlington, Sept. 12th is 
 
THE BATTLE OF MYTON. 
 
 :l 9 
 
 English ; whereupon, dividing into two separate wings, they 
 mounted their horses, swooped down upon the English, and, 
 getting “ betwixt them and the bridge,” cut off' all their 
 chance of retreat and pinned the Archbishop’s army into a 
 corner. With but little resistance the English, wholly dis¬ 
 organised and demoralised, fled before the vengeance of their 
 invaders, with whom they were utterly unable to cope. 
 Without mercy the Scotch fell to the work of slaughter, 
 “ and they who had escaped the sword only fled to perish in 
 the waters of the Swale.” The sacred office was of no avail 
 —priest, monk, and layman alike fell—3,000 4 were left dead 
 on the field of battle, and of these 300 were priests in full 
 canonicals. About 1,000 were “suffocated in the devouring; 
 stream,” and the shades of evening alone arrested the whole¬ 
 sale carnage ; for, records one historian, “ unless night had 
 supervened, scarce one Englishman would have escaped.” 
 On the side of the Scotch the loss was trifling. 
 
 Among the slain was Sir Nicholas Fleming. Sir John de 
 Pakeham, knight, and Sir William de Ayrmin, priest, “ the 
 king’s clerk,” were taken prisoners. The Archbishop, the 
 Bishop of Ely, the Abbot of Selby, the Abbot of St. Mary’s 
 at York, the Deau of York, and others, having swift horses, 
 saved themselves by hasty flight. 
 
 When the disastrous news reached the ears of the king he 
 raised the siege of Berwick and hastened to prevent the 
 return of the Scotch. They, however, went from Myton “ to 
 the bridge of Castleford upon the river Aire, near Pontefract, 
 thence through Airedale, Wharfedale, and Craven. They 
 killed many people, burnt numerous towns and churches, led 
 away many captives, and, laden with plunder, leaving cursed 
 tokens of their cruelty in every town,” they returned into 
 Scotland without meeting with Edward. The prisoners 
 were afterwards redeemed at heavy prices. 
 
 Walsingham implies that the presence of so many clergy 
 in the Archbishop’s host was owing to their having assembled 
 at York to celebrate the Feast of St. Matthew. Consequent 
 upon their appearance, the sorry defence they made, and the 
 numbers of them left dead upon the field, the names of 
 “The White Battle ” and (as if in grim derision) “The 
 Chapter of Myton ” were bestowed upon the event. 
 
 4 Chron. de Lanercost says 4,OOQ. 
 
30 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 The Archbishop had his work set on his return home to 
 fill the vacancies in his chapter and churches. He buried the 
 body of Sir Nicholas Fleming honourably in the parish church 
 of St. Wilfrid, at York. The slain Lord Mayor had been a 
 man in a high repute with his fellow-citizens, for he had been 
 chosen by them seven times to fill their highest office—six 
 times in succession (1311-16), and again in 1319. A 
 chantry was founded in the church where he was buried, 
 “ at the altar of St. Mary, for the soul of Nicholas Fleming,” 
 and an indulgence, dated Wilton, 22nd August, 1320, was 
 granted by Archbishop Melton for those who pray for the 
 repose of the soul of Nicholas Fleming, Mayor of York. 
 “Forty days’ relaxation of sins was promised to all par¬ 
 ishioners who, being truly penitent, contrite and confessed, 
 should in a faithful mind say for his soul the Lord’s Prayer 
 and the salutation of the Blessed Virgin.” 5 
 
 Adam, the fourteenth Abbot of Meaux, records that the 
 crossbearer of the Archbishop when at Myton, no doubt in 
 haste and trepidation, laid the pastoral cross “ in some 
 hiding-place” where a husbandman had taken refuge for 
 fear of the Scots. This covetous churl took it away and hid 
 it “ among hay-bands ” in his hut for many days. At last 
 the compunctions of conscience prevailed, and he returned 
 it to the Archbishop. 
 
 A letter from the Archbishop to the Rural Dean of 
 Sherburn, dated Cawood, 15th October, 1319, tells that 
 many of his tenants had been killed in the Battle of Myton, 
 and at the same time asks for their affairs to be properly 
 administered. Another, dated Cawood, 16th November, 
 1319, to the Abbot and Convent of Well-beck, states how 
 great his loss is—all his plate and valuables are gone, to 
 replace which he solicits help. Other places also received 
 appeals from him. 
 
 Local tradition, always to be respected, asserts that the 
 battle was fought on the west of the Swale, and the site of 
 the haystacks is yet pointed out near a small fold-yard. 
 The same authority says that the numerous dead were 
 buried in the church-yard at Myton, which formerly was of 
 greater extent than at present. At a later date, after the 
 
 4 October 21, 1320, “Elena, widow William de Melton, archbishop of York, 
 to the mayor, took the solemn oath of within the chapel of his manor of 
 chastity from the sacred hands of Thorpe.” Ex. Torre's M.S. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MYTON. 
 
 31 
 
 destruction of the bridge, 6 the stones that remained were 
 used in helping to build or rebuild Myton Church, and on 
 some of them firemarks may yet be seen. 
 
 The Church of St. Wilfrid, in Blake Street, was one of the 
 churches of York mentioned in Domesday Book, which had 
 vanished before Drake’s time (1736), its site being then 
 covered by houses and gardens. 
 
 6 The following extracts from the 
 Register of St. Mary’s Abbey at York, 
 will be of interest respecting the ancient 
 bridge at Myton. “Stephen de Ponteburg, 
 now Burrough-bridge, granted to the 
 said abbey for the repairs of Myton- 
 bridge certain roods of laud in Swale- 
 dale."—Registrnm Marie, p. 238. “ Roger 
 
 de Mowbray in his charter of liberties 
 granted to this Abbey, gave leave that 
 they should have a Miln and a dam, with 
 a fishery at Myton. And because he had 
 demolished their bridge there, he gave 
 them a ferry-boat to make use of till the 
 bridge was repaired.”— p. 138. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROJJGHBRIDGE. 
 
 The Fate of the Earl of Lancaster and the Story of his alleged 
 Canonisation. 1 
 
 When the hand of death laid low Edward I. at Burgli- 
 upon-Sands, his son was not long in proving himself an 
 unworthy successor to the throne. The brave old warrior, 
 whose sole aim in life had been the present and future glory 
 of his country, was followed by a king bent upon a policy 
 of regal autocracy. The barons had not yet recovered from 
 
 1 Authorities :—*Joliannis de Troke- 
 lowe Annales Edwardi II. ; * Henrici de 
 Blaneforde Chronica ; * Monachi cujus- 
 dam Malmesburiensis Vita Edward II. ; 
 printed by Thomas Hearne, Oxford, 1729. 
 
 * Vita et Mors Edward II. a Thoma de 
 
 la Moor; in the “ Anglica, Normannica, 
 Hibernica,Cambrica& Veteribus scripta,” 
 of William Camden; printed at Frank¬ 
 fort, 1603. * Adami Murimuthensis 
 
 Chronica Sui Temporisedited by Mr. 
 Thomas Hog for the English Historical 
 Society; Loudon, 1846. * Chronica 
 
 Monasterii de Melsa:—The historical 
 section written by Adam, the 14tli abbot 
 —in Vol. II.; Rolls Series. * Gesta 
 Edward de Carnarvan auctore Canonico 
 de Bridlingtonien.se, &c. ; ed. Right Rev. 
 the Lord Bishop of Oxford ; Rolls Series. 
 
 * Chronicon de Lanercost; edited by 
 
 Joseph Stephenson; Edinburgh, 1839. 
 Extracts made by John Leland from 
 “ Scalse Chronicon,” “ Gervase of Canter¬ 
 bury,” *“ William de Pakington; ” 
 Johanis Lelandi Antiquarii de rebus Brit- 
 tannicis Collectanea ; an edition printed 
 in 6 vols.; London, 1774—in Vols. 1 
 and 2. * Chronica Henrici de Knighton, 
 
 monk of Leicester ; * Chronica Ranulplii 
 de Cistrensis (more properly Roger of 
 Chester), both given in Twysden’s Decern 
 Scriptores; London, 1652. Thornm 
 Walsingham Historia Anglicana, Vols. 1 
 and 2 ; Rolls Series. The Chronicle of 
 England, by John Capgrave; Rolls 
 Series. The Chronicle of the Londe of 
 Englonde, by Gerarde de Leew (as far as 
 I have been able to ascertain this is a 
 
 verbatim reprint of the Chronicle of the 
 Schoolmaster Printer of S. Alban’s) ; 
 printed at Antwerp, 1493. Fabian’s 
 Concordance of Histories; Sir Henry 
 Ellis’s edition. Letters from Northern 
 Registers; edited by Rev. Canon Raine ; 
 Rolls Scries. Testamenta Eboraciensia, 
 Vol. I.; Surtees Society’s Publications. 
 Foedera, Couventioues, Litterse, &c., Vol. 
 II. Parts 1 & 2 ; Public Record Series. 
 Parliamentary Writs, &c., Vol. II., Divi¬ 
 sions 1, 2, 3; Public Record Series. 
 Political Songs from John to Edward 
 II.; edited by Mr. Wright (Camden 
 Society, Vol. 6, 1840). Casual use is 
 also made of Le Livere de Reis de 
 Brittanie e Le Livere de Reis de Engle- 
 terre; edited by Rev. John Glover ; 
 Rolls Series. Eulogium (Historiarum 
 sive Temporis); edited by F. S. Haydon ; 
 Rolls Series. Valor Ecclesiasticus, Vol. 
 V.; Public Record Series. Calendarium 
 Inquisitionem post mortem; Public Re¬ 
 cord Series. Buchanan's Rerum Scotia- 
 rum; Aberdeen, 1762. Holinshed’s 
 Chronicles of England, in 6 vols, Vol. 
 II. ; London, 1807. Camden’s Britannia 
 in 2 vols; edited by Gibson ; Loudon, 
 1722. Hargrove’s History of Knares- 
 borough ; York, 1793. 
 
 Those marked with an asterisk are 
 contemporary authorities. The intro¬ 
 ductory portion of this account, 1307— 
 21. is based upon “ The Early Plantaga- 
 nets,” by the Right Rev. the Lord 
 Bishop of Oxford (London: Longman, 
 Green & Co., 1877), frequent references 
 having also been made to the Chronicles, 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBRIDOE. 
 
 33 
 
 the high-handed measures by which Edward I. had so ex¬ 
 tensively altered the old feudal arrangements, and they 
 were scarcely pacified when Edward II. was proclaimed king. 
 His first acts were in direct disobedience to the last com¬ 
 mands of his father. The Scotch war was given up in spite 
 of the express injunction not to bury his body until the 
 conquest of Scotland was completed—“ Since none will be 
 able to overcome thee, whilst thou causest my bones to be 
 carried with thee.” Piers Gaveston was recalled at an early 
 date. He was the son of a Gascon retainer of the first 
 Edward’s court, and that monarch had observed with regret 
 the evils resulting from the friendship between Gaveston and 
 his son. He had been banished the realm during the lifetime 
 of Edward I., and that king, when dying, absolutely forbade 
 his return “under threat of his curse.” Nevertheless, when 
 Gaveston came back, Edward II. fully installed him into 
 favour, created him Earl of Cornwall, and continually showered 
 honours 2 upon him. When Edward left for France to marry 
 Isabella, the daughter of Philip the Fair, Gaveston was ap¬ 
 pointed regent during his absence, to the astonishment and 
 disgust of the nobles and the whole country. The selection 
 of this Gascon adventurer caused great discontent, and when 
 the coronation took place on the return of the king this 
 feeling was intensified, for Gaveston occupied the foremost 
 place in the royal procession, carrying the crown. The wise 
 counsellors of Edward I. were displaced, the court was filled 
 with foreigners, who pandered to the inclinations of the 
 luxurious and self-indulgent king. Royal promises were 
 made only to be broken ; tergiversation ruled in the palace. 
 Gaveston reigned supreme, and at first endeavoured to pro¬ 
 pitiate the barons, by becoming “ noble, liberal, and gentle 
 in some fashions ; afterwards lull of pride and disdain, of 
 which they took great despite.” Doubtless he had many 
 good qualities ; he was young and accomplished, elegant in 
 appearance, and possessed of good military knowledge ; but 
 his head was turned by the zenith of power which he had 
 reached. In a tournament held at Wallingford, 13th Feb¬ 
 ruary, 1308, by the aid of alien jousters, he rode down the 
 
 5 Among the possessions granted to appurtenances.also the manors of 
 
 Gaveston, 6th August, 1307, were “the Roecliffe and Aldborough, which then 
 castle, town, and manor of Knares- included Boroughbridge. Fcedera, Vol. 
 borough, with free chace and other II., Pt. 1, p. 2. 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 earls of Lancaster, Hereford, Pembroke, Warren, and others, 
 in an unfair way. These men never forgot the ridicule 
 they encountered that day—hatred and revenge filled their 
 thoughts. 
 
 The previous gentleness soon gave way to studied inso¬ 
 lence, and nicknames were freely bestowed by Gaveston on 
 the principal nobles. Clare, the proud Earl of Gloucester, 
 was the “Cuckold’s Bird the Earl of Lincoln, “Brostebelly 
 the Earl of Warwick, “the Black Dog of Arderne—because 
 he was tawny and Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, 
 “Joseph Judas—inasmuch as he was pale and tallwhile 
 the gentle Earl of Lancaster was “ the actor,” “ the churl,” 
 and “ the old hog, rich, and of good estate.” These were 
 dangerous men to treat thus and well might such epithets 
 excite their bitter resentment. The Earl of Warwick retorted, 
 “ If he calls me a dog, I will bite him when 1 shall see my 
 time.” The baronage clamoured for his removal. “ This 
 man causes much evil . . ... . he circumvents our king, he 
 appoints foreigners over us, so that they rule our place and 
 people.” On the 18th May, 1308, he was banished, but in 
 June was appointed Lord-lieutenant of Ireland. 
 
 Months passed on, Edward wanted to have Gaveston re¬ 
 called, but the barons would not consent. The king required 
 money, which he could only have by agreeing to reforms. 
 After a useless delay he conceded certain measures, and the 
 money was at once granted. Meanwhile Gaveston had been 
 recalled, and, though little or nothing was said by the barons, 
 the wind was being sown which hereafter was to bear the 
 whirlwind. Thomas, Earl of Lancaster—own cousin to the 
 king and uncle to the queen—a man of extensive possessions 
 and great influence, refused to meet Gaveston at the court. 
 Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Constable of 
 England (who, by his marriage with the Princess Elizabeth, 
 the widowed daughter of Edward I., was the king’s brother- 
 in-law), joined Lancaster ; also the earls of Lincoln, Warwick, 
 Arundel, and other nobles. “ Ordainers” were appointed by 
 the Parliament, which met in March, 1310, to carry on the 
 government of the country, and of these the nobles above 
 mentioned formed the opposition members of the council— 
 the king being represented by the earls of Gloucester, Pem¬ 
 broke, and Richmond. They continued in office until Michael¬ 
 mas, 1311. Meanwhile the Earl of Lincoln died, having on 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBRIDGE. 
 
 35 
 
 his death-bed charged Lancaster, “his son-in-law and heir, 
 that he should maintain his quarrel against Gaveston, governed 
 by the counsel of Guy, Earl of Warwick.” Disgusted at the 
 interference with his prerogative, Edward went to the Scotch 
 border, where the army was then engaged, and here he was 
 joined by Gaveston. 
 
 The year 1311 witnessed the passing of the “ Ordinances,” 
 a series of enactments of reform. Old abuses, miscarriages 
 and perversions of justice, extortion, and other iniquitous 
 customs were to be swept away; even the king’s favourite 
 was not spared—along with other obnoxious persons Gaveston 
 must be banished. Edward, anxious to save him, delayed 
 awhile, but his consent was at last gained, whereupon he 
 travelled back to the North, rejoined Gaveston, and listening 
 to evil advice, declared the ordinances null and void. Indig¬ 
 nant at such treatment, the barons took to arms to compel 
 the king to observe the ordinances. Led by the Earl of 
 Lancaster, Lords Henry de Percy, Clifford, Pembroke, Surrey, 
 and other nobles, they collected forces and marched north¬ 
 ward, and, arriving at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, where the king 
 was then staying, “after midday on the Thursday in the Feast 
 of the Ascension, they besieged the town for four days.” 
 Unable to cope with them, the king after a narrow escape 
 of being captured, retired precipitately to Tynemouth, having 
 lost all his treasure, and from thence he proceeded with his 
 retinue by sea to Scarborough. Gaveston and a few knights 
 and soldiers were placed in the castle, so that the favourite 
 might find better security. Edward went to Knaresborough 
 Castle, and afterwards to York, hoping to strengthen his army 
 and return to Scarborough for the purpose of aiding Gaveston; 
 for no sooner had news of the favourite’s hiding-place reached 
 the barons, than the earls of Surrey, Pembroke, and others 
 hastened thither, and laid siege to it. Gaveston defended 
 the fortress bravely, but no relief coming, he surrendered 
 himself to the Earl of Pembroke, on condition that he should 
 have a fair trial, and for that purpose he was conveyed south. 
 His captors had taken him as far as Dedington, near Danbury, 
 when, during an unfortunate temporary absence of Pembroke, 
 the Earl of Warwick came “with much clatter and many 
 armed men,” surrounded the house where Gaveston lay, and 
 entering his chamber, bade the worn-out captive leave his bed 
 —“Arise, traitor, thou art taken.” When Gaveston saw the 
 
 d 2 
 
36 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 crowd, feeling resistance useless, lie quietly submitted, and 
 was led away “amid the shouts of the people, the blowing 
 of horns, and horrible noises.” Outside the town he was 
 mounted on a wretched jade, and then quickly conveyed to 
 Warwick Castle, where he was imprisoned. To Warwick also 
 came the Earls of Lancaster, Arundel, and Hereford. A 
 hurried conference w T as held, at which grave doubts arose as 
 to what steps should be taken. They hesitated whether they 
 should lead their prisoner to the king or not. The Earl of 
 Pembroke, when he heard of his capture, had hastened to 
 Warwick and begged hard that Gaveston should be restored 
 to him. At last a man wise in counsel reminded them how 
 the}' had hunted many a day and failed, now they had cap¬ 
 tured the man they hated, and if he escaped they would not 
 get him again easily. He further asked them to consider his 
 wicked deeds, the evils he had brought upon the country, his 
 scornful answers, scandals both public and private, innumer¬ 
 able expenses, and almost endless troubles which they had 
 borne "with long before his capture. His death would be 
 better than the increase of disturbances likely to occur should 
 his life be spared. This decided his fate, and a messenger 
 w r as ordered to inform Gaveston of it. “ Look to yourself, 
 my lord, because you shall die this day.” The wretched 
 man rejoined :—“ Where are my friends 1 ... I have no 
 aid, every remedy fails, the desire of the earls will come to 
 pass.” 
 
 Shortly after this Gaveston was led from his prison, and 
 when he saw- the Earl of Lancaster he fell on the ground 
 before him, and besought him thus :—“ Gentle Earl, have 
 mercy on me.” The Earl harshly replied :—“ Take him away. 
 By God ! Let him be led away.” “ And they who saw this 
 could not refrain from tears. For who could so contain him¬ 
 self when he beheld this gallant knight now seeking merc} r in 
 such a plight.” The terms of his capitulation were wholly 
 disregarded, and he was conducted to a hill, called Blacklowe, 
 at the foot of which winds the river Avon. Two Welshmen, 
 hired to act as executioners, were in attendance, and while 
 one held the body the other cut off the head of the ill-starred 
 Earl of Cornwall. 3 The “ Black Dog of Arderne ” was at last 
 
 3 The judges before whom Gaveston He was beheaded on Monday, the 19th 
 was brought were Inge and Spigurnell. June, 1312 (Chron. Bridlington). 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBRIDGE. 
 
 37 
 
 avenged—Gaveston himself had “ felt the sharpest stings.” 
 Lancaster is said to have insulted the severed head of 
 his fallen enemy with a triumphant barbarism. Unjust and 
 vindictive as this execution (or rather murder) was, it pleased 
 the dominant party in the country. Songs were written 
 exulting over Gaveston’s death, glorifying his executioners, 
 and the implements used by them. “ The Comet of Earls 
 (i.e. Lancaster) had tamed him, whom nobody else could 
 tame.” Glory to the Earls who have made Peter die with his 
 charms. Henceforth may there be peace and rejoicing 
 throughout England. Amen.” 
 
 When Edward heard of the fate of his friend, he was so 
 troubled that he desired of God that he might live to be 
 avenged of his death. He declaimed against his murderers, 
 and swore, sooner or later, to be revenged on them. Though 
 he calmed down in a short time, and writs of pardon were 
 issued to all implicated, yet there ever lurked the secret 
 desire to punish those who had thus aggrieved him. 
 
 The next few years are dark pages in our country’s 
 history—the old chroniclers all record the same sad stories. 
 The Scotch wars were resumed, but Lancaster refused to aid 
 the king or go to Scotland. Edward met with nothing but 
 reverses, which culminated in the defeat at Bannockburn. 
 The country was disgusted at the humiliation, “ 0 day of 
 revenge and of misfortune ! ” are the words of the monk 
 of Malmesbury ; “ day of destruction and of disgrace, evil 
 and cursed day, not fit to be reckoned in the circle of the 
 year.” 
 
 Internal troubles arose, which Edward was unable to cope 
 with, and a series of famines did not improve affairs, which 
 rapidly grew worse. In 1314 there “fell such a dearth that 
 victuals could not be procured ; ” great sickness prevailed ; 
 the Scots entered the country at Carlisle, and wasted all before 
 them as far as York; hunger and disease had done their 
 work, and no one opposed their progress. Next year the 
 North suffered terribly from the Scots, “ they took aw r ay all 
 they could find, yet neither the king or the lords helped ” in 
 any way to hinder them. “ This robbery continued nearly 
 four years.” The anarchy in the kingdom increased ; Edward 
 could not rule : so in 1316 a council was appointed to manage 
 the affairs of the nation, of which Lancaster was elected chief. 
 Though in supreme power, the failure of the new leader was 
 
38 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 conspicuous—mismanagement and intrigue prevailed both in 
 court and in the country. In this same year a knight, 
 formerly of Lancaster’s household, was taken in the act of 
 bearing letters from the King of England to the King of 
 Scotland, asking that some baud of soldiers should kill Lan¬ 
 caster. He was brought before the Earl of Pontefract, and 
 by his orders was drawn and hanged, and his head spiked 
 upon the castle wall. In 1317, the Pope sent two cardinals 
 to treat between the king and the rebellious earl, and though 
 they succeeded in making peace, it was of short duration. 
 During their visit an incident happened to the cardinals, 
 which proves the lawlessness of the times. The cardinals 
 were travelling to Durham to consecrate Lodewic, bishop-elect 
 of that see, when they were met upon Wygglesdon Moor, in 
 North Yorkshire, by Sir Gilbert de Middleton and Sir Walter 
 de Selby, by whom they were plundered of all they had, and 
 Lodewic was put into prison until he paid a ransom. Lan¬ 
 caster, hearing of the assault, hastened towards Durham “with 
 a powerful army, and brought back the cardinals to the town 
 of Boroughbridge.” A sentence of excommunication was 
 pronounced by the injured ecclesiastics, who pursued their 
 journey to York, and thence to London. Sir Gilbert de 
 Middleton, who had been captured shortly after the commis¬ 
 sion of the offence, was taken to London and executed. 
 
 Lancaster became further embittered against the king in 
 consequence of the abduction of his wife by Richard de 
 Saint Martin, at the bidding of the Earl of Warren, “the 
 king,” it was alleged, “ consenting.” 
 
 In consequence of his incapacity Lancaster rapidly lost 
 the popularity he had enjoyed, and after the capture of 
 Berwick by Bruce in 1318, the king might have regained his 
 proper position had he been guided by wiser counsels. But 
 it was ordered otherwise, and the state of the kingdom grew 
 daily worse and worse. A siege of Berwick was undertaken 
 in 1319, and though Lancaster made some attempt to aid the 
 king, a remark made by the latter and overheard by Lan¬ 
 caster so offended him, that he withdrew, leaving Edward to 
 prosecute the siege as well as he could. In the meantime a 
 terrible inroad of the Scots swept the north country right 
 up to the gates of York; they met with no resistance; famine, 
 pestilence, and former incursions had so thinned the land 
 that “the face of things seemed piteous even to the 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBR1DGE. 
 
 39 
 
 invaders.” They completed their raid, and, avoiding Edward’s 
 army, returned to their own country laden with booty. 
 
 The king’s next step was the choice of a new favourite, and 
 Hugh le Despenser, the younger, was the one selected. The 
 elder Despenser had always espoused the royal cause, and 
 now he aided his son in directing the king. Both were bitter 
 enemies of Lancaster, who knew their arrogance, pride, reck¬ 
 less language, and insulting conduct to all ; in the general 
 hatred they had incurred, he saw a chance of winning back 
 public favour, and at the same time a quarrel among the co¬ 
 heirs of the late Earl of Gloucester respecting some land 
 favoured the opportunity. The younger Despenser had 
 married Eleanor : and Sir Hugh de Audley had married 
 Margaret, widow of Gaveston—both sisters of the deceased 
 Gloucester. Despenser encroached on Audley’s estate, and 
 the interests of Sir Roger de Mortimer of Wigmore and Sir 
 Humphrey de Bohun, the powerful Earl of Hereford, also 
 suffered from his ambitious claims. 
 
 This greed of the Despensers drove the barons to seek 
 redress from the king ; they demanded the exile of the new 
 favourites, and in the parliament which met 15th July, 1321, 
 passed sentence of banishment on them, and, as if conscious 
 of the illegality of their proceedings, they included in the 
 act a pardon and indemnity for themselves at the same 
 time. 
 
 Respect for the royal power seemed now at its lowest ebb. 
 In October of the same year the wife of Sir Bartholomew de 
 Badlesmere shut the gates of Leeds Castle, in Kent,in the face 
 of the queen and killed several of her retinue. This disloyalty 
 occasioned more harm than good to the barons’ cause ; even 
 the citizens of London, though inclined to the popular side, 
 after this, sent their soldiers to the king. Edward raised an 
 army without difficulty to punish the contempt of Badlesmere, 
 took his castles, captured his family,—also Sir Bartholomew 
 de Burghshire and his family, and Sir Thomas Colepepper, the 
 warden of Leeds Castle. Both families together with Burgh¬ 
 shire were sent to the Tower of London and Colepepper to 
 Winchester, where he was shortly afterwards executed. The 
 Earl of Hereford raised an army to oppose the king, but Lan¬ 
 caster, who had no love for Badlesmere, persuaded him not 
 to interfere. 
 
 The king then proceeded to the Welsh Marches, where the 
 
40 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 castles belonging to the Earl of Hereford, Sir Hugh de Audley, 
 and Sir Roger de D’Amory soon fell into his hands. The 
 Mortimers and others had rebelled, and acting hastily had 
 taken some border towns and burnt Bridgenorth. News of 
 this reaching the king, he camo “ by a circuitous way into 
 Shropshire.” The Mortimers, in defending the passage of the 
 Severn, had slain some of the king’s soldiers, the aid expected 
 from Lancaster had not come, and from lack of money they 
 were unable to pay their men, who fled when they saw the 
 large numbers of the royal forces, took to the river and 
 “ swam away.” The Mortimers, thus deserted, were com¬ 
 pelled to surrender. Yet, in spite of their little opposition, 
 “ they fell not in such grace as they supposed,” for both were 
 sent to the Tower of London to await the king’s pleasure. 
 The king then left Shropshire, and proceeding to the Marches 
 seized all the castles easily. He likewise took Hereford, and 
 pushed on to Gloucester, having captured Hugh Audley the 
 elder, while Lord Maurice de Berkeley surrendered, and both 
 these nobles -were sent to Wallingford. 
 
 Meanwhile the barons had risen in arms, and moving 
 northward they assembled at Doncaster at the instance of 
 the Earl of Lancaster, who now divided his forces ; one 
 party, commanded by the Earl of Hereford, commenced the 
 siege of Tickhill Castle, which lasted “for six weeks from 
 the month of February, 1322”—but the inmates defended 
 themselves so bravely that the attempt was useless. The 
 king, who was at Cirencester, when he heard of it, “swore 
 by God and His Holy Names, that the siege should be re¬ 
 moved and “went thitherward with his army, his power 
 increasing from day to day.” He also expected to fall in 
 with Lancaster, who was advancing to meet him. Writs 
 had been issued by him commanding soldiers to be raised 
 and mustered at Coventry, 28th February. In them he 
 proclaimed as his enemies all who took the part of the barons, 
 or even remained neutral, as it is written—“ He who is not 
 with me is against me.” 
 
 Lancaster himself, “gathering a great host,” marched 
 southward, but had the misfortune to lose “ many of his 
 stores through a great flood of water.” At Burton-on-Trent 
 the opposing forces met. Lancaster, by reason of the river 
 being swollen with rains, was able to hold the bridge for 
 three days until the king discovered a ford higher up the 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBRIDGE. 
 
 41 
 
 river and crossed by it. 4 Lancaster observed this movement, 
 and having set fire to the town, advanced (10th March) to 
 meet the royal army, but, seeing the numbers opposed to him, 
 he turned and fled. Hearing what had happened to their 
 master, the garrisons of Kenilworth and Tutbury surrendered 
 to the king. Lancaster retreated northwards, the forces of 
 Edward in the rear pursuing “ foot by foot,” under the 
 command of the Earls of Surrey and Kent. He trusted by 
 this movement to gain time, also to receive the aid promised 
 by the King of Scotland, and a reinforcement which had 
 been collected by Robert de Holland, one whom Lancaster 
 had befriended in life, and “ had advanced him to be a great 
 man from nothing.” Holland did indeed set out with five 
 hundred men, but hearing of the retreat of Lancaster, con¬ 
 cluding it was a defeat, he turned traitor, and “ robbed his 
 lord’s men who came away from the discomfiture, taking 
 horses, harness, and all they had,” after which he quietly 
 yielded to the king at Derby, by whom he was sent to 
 Dover Castle. The people detested Holland for his perfidy, 
 and when the news of it reached Lancaster’s ears, he ex¬ 
 claimed, “ 0 Almighty God ! how could Robert Holland find 
 in his heart to betray me, since I have loved him so much. 
 0 God ! well may a man see by him, so that no one may be 
 deceived by another he trusts, for he has yielded me evil 
 for my goodness and the honour I have done him ; through 
 kindness have 1 advanced him, and made him high from low, 
 and lie maketh me go from high unto low, but yet shall he 
 die an evil death.” 
 
 Lancaster, in his march passed through Tutbury, where 
 Sir Roger D’Amory “ sickened unto death,” and he was left 
 in the abbey of that place. The Earl pressed forward to his 
 castle at Pontefract. Here in the Black Friars the barons and 
 Lancaster consulted together, but the latter could not forget 
 the infidelity of his former ‘protege,. “ Alas ! Holland hath 
 betrayed me. Aye is in the reed some evil shred,” was his 
 exclamation. The barons concluded to go to Dunstanburgh, 
 in Northumberland, another castle belonging to Lancaster. 
 
 4 The king crossed the Trent, but be- thy people, and for the mercy of God, let 
 fore marching, the younger Despenser not the power but the clemency of the 
 threw himself on the snow-clad ground, king prevail,”—but to this supplication 
 and, extending his arms so as to make a the king listened not. (Chron. de Brid- 
 cross, besought the king not to prosecute lington.) 
 the civil war. “ Spare, 0 Lord, spare 
 
42 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 This policy was objectionable to their leader, who feared that 
 such a movement would convict him of intrigue with the 
 Scots. He urged “ If we go to the north, the northern men 
 will say that we go towards the Scots, and so should we be held 
 traitors by reason of the differences between King Edward 
 and Robert Bruce : therefore I say as touching myself I 
 will go no further into the north, than to my own castle at 
 Pontefract.’' Evidently Lancaster had lost courage; he knew 
 what a vast army the king had in the field, and at the same 
 time he must have thought of the small band of men left 
 him to continue this great struggle. He probably felt that 
 he could garrison Pontefract, and defend himself there in 
 safety until he could either capitulate with advantage, or 
 await better times. Sir Roger de Clifford waxed wroth at 
 this decision—it savoured of cowardice in the mind of that 
 fearless and relentless warrior. Out came his dagger, and 
 in a tremendous rage he swore “ by Almighty God and by 
 His Holy Names,” “ that he would kill him with his own 
 hands except he would go with them.” Like a man over 
 whose head the sword of Damocles was suspended, troubles 
 beset Lancaster at every point. In dismay he replied, 
 e£ Fair sirs, I wall go with you wdiithersoever ye lead me.” 
 
 He consented to go to Dunstanburgh, and, after he had 
 reinforced them with seven hundred men, the barons set off, 
 arriving at Boroughbridge on Tuesday, the 16th March, 1322, 
 where they hoped “ they might rest safely one night.” A 
 check, however, awaited them. 
 
 The king had instructed Sir Andrew de Harcla, “ warden 
 of Carlisle and the Western Marches,” by a writ dated 
 Gloucester, 14th February, to assemble the men-at-arms of 
 the northern counties to resist Lancaster and his insurgents. 
 
 Having heard of the retreat from Burton-on-Trent, Harcla 
 w r as moving southward to join the king, and had got as far 
 as Ripon, where he would have passed the night; but learn¬ 
 ing from a spy that the rebels would be at Boroughbridge 
 on the morrow, he hastened thither by night and occupied 
 the bridge. He then commanded the horses to be sent to 
 the rear, and all the knights and some spearmen to the 
 north part of the bridge, while he disposed other spearmen 
 at a ford below, placing them in the form of a shield, 
 after the custom of the Scotch, to resist the cavalry in 
 which their adversaries trusted. To the archers the advice 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOKOUGHBUJDGE. 
 
 48 
 
 he gave was to shoot so that the volleys should be thick 
 and continuous. Thus prepared he waited for Lancaster’s 
 approach. 
 
 The earl’s soldiers on their arrival at Boroughbridge had 
 begun to make themselves at home in the town, when they 
 were informed that Harcla was in possession of the bridge. 
 
 Retreat was now impossible ; the king’s army was rapidly 
 drawing nigh ; go whither he would he must fight or sur¬ 
 render. Thus hemmed in on both sides he determined to 
 force the passage of the bridge. At this spot the river Ure 
 is sixty yards wide ; the land on the northern side has a 
 gentle rise, which overlooks the opposite bank, where the 
 town of Boroughbridge lies. The higher portion of this 
 rising ground would in all probability be the situation where 
 Harcla posted his archers, and they would thus have complete 
 command of the bridge. At this period, the bridge which 
 spanned the water was so narrow as to be unfit for horse 
 traffic; it w T as constructed of wood, and in consequence 
 would doubtless have many chinks in its floor, and projec¬ 
 tions about its supports. 
 
 Lancaster’s men left the town, marching on foot to the 
 bridge to combat with their adversaries. Before com¬ 
 mencing hostilities, the earl, who had heard with dread of 
 the magnitude of Harcla’s army, sent for that knight and had 
 an interview with him. They were no strangers, for it was 
 Lancaster himself who had in the past conferred the degree 
 of knighthood upon Harcla. Lancaster told him “ how the 
 king was misgoverned by much false counsel ”—the Despen- 
 sers, both father and son, the Earl of Arundel, and “ Master 
 Robert Baldock, a false clerk ; ” he dilated upon “ his just 
 quarrel with the Despensers,” and entreated Harcla, “ if he 
 would favour his cause,” and “ help to destroy the enemy of 
 England,” he would give him “ one of the five countships 
 in his possession,” and admit him to full confidence. Harcla 
 would not consent to any arrangement “ without the will 
 and commandment of our lord the king ; ” lest “ 1 should 
 be held a traitor for evermore.’’ Still Lancaster persevered : 
 “ Will ye not consent to destroy the enemy of the realm ? ” 
 Harcla still remained obdurate, so the earl suddenly changed 
 his manner and taunted his opponent “ that he would sorely 
 repent, and that shortly ; ” and he further predicted that 
 Harcla “should die a shameful death, that he would be 
 
u 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 hanged, drawn, and quartered ere another year should 
 expire, and that he would be held up to great obloquy as a 
 traitor.” “And now go, and do that you like best, and I 
 will put myself into the mercy and grace of God.” 
 
 The mandate to fight was now given, but there is no 
 record at what hour of the day the battle really com¬ 
 menced. Harcla ordered his archers to shoot, and 
 Lancaster’s soon replied. Volleys of arrows flew across 
 the river from either side, bearing to many the message of 
 death, and after a while the earl’s men quailed before the 
 stronger force. Observing that they were overpowered, 
 Humphrey de Bohun led the mailed chivalry of England 
 on to the bridge, intent upon victory by sheer hand-to-hand 
 combat. Lancaster and his contingent mounted their horses 
 and simultaneously attacked the ford. All maintained their 
 places fighting valiantly—“ both knights and archers fought 
 wondrous sore ” writes one old chronicler ; “ like lions ” re¬ 
 cords another. Hereford’s contingent had left their horses 
 behind them-—all fought on foot, and perhaps the issue of 
 the day would have been different had not a Welsh soldier 
 crept under the bridge and remained hidden watching his 
 opportunity. The moment came, and with the lance he held, 
 through a chink between the timbers, he dealt the Earl of 
 Hereford a treacherous blow. The weapon passed beneath 
 the armour into his body, gashing the bowels. The 
 pallid hue of death o’erspread his features, and he fell among 
 the slain. “ So died the most renowned knight throughout 
 all Christendom—Alas ! the sorrow ! for there was slain 
 the flower of solace, and of comfort, and of courtesy.” 
 
 The contest continued fiercely ; Sir Roger de Clifford 
 fought well and nobly until he was sorefy “ wounded on the 
 head with an arrow.” 
 
 The attempt made by Lancaster to cross the ford was not 
 successful ; Harcla had lined the bank with archers, and the 
 terrible showers of arrows they poured upon the knights and 
 horse soldiers, prevented them from even entering the water. 
 Sir William de Sully, Sir Roger de Bernefield, Sir Ralph de 
 Elington, Sir Hugh Lovel with three esquires, and many 
 others were killed, besides a great number wounded. 
 
 The unfortunate fate of Hereford spread dismay among 
 Lancaster’s soldiers, and his forces now began to be dis¬ 
 comfited. At first “ one by one,” later on “ many at a time,” 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGH BRIDGE. 
 
 45 
 
 they took to flight. Lancaster rallied his men as well as he 
 could, and another attempt to ford the river was made as a 
 last resort, but the archers of Harcla again drove back his 
 troops who now fled in all directions. 
 
 Lancaster, unable any longer to sustain the weight of the 
 battle, retired with those who remained faithful to him into 
 the town of Boroughbridge, where he spent the night, after 
 concluding a temporary truce with Harcla, stipulating either 
 to fight it out or surrender on the morrow. Harcla assented 
 to the wish of the earl, at the same time he kept his 
 soldiers stationed on the bridge, and also guarded the ford, 
 so that he might be ready for any sudden surprise ; and he 
 kept his forces there the remainder of that day and all the 
 night. This arrangement seems inexplicable when the forces 
 of Harcla so outnumbered Lancasters that they might have 
 easily completed their victory by at once taking all prisoners. 
 
 During the night Sir Simon de Ward, 5 High Sheriff of 
 Yorkshire, who by a writ, dated Warwick, 26th February, 
 had been commanded to summon the men-at-arms of the 
 county, arrived with a force of 400 yeomen at Boroughbridge 
 and joined Harcla. 
 
 Next day, Wednesday, 17th March, at an early hour, 
 Harcla and Ward entered the town, the former calling upon 
 Lancaster to submit. The men belonging to the slain Earl 
 of Hereford had fled during the night, and there had also 
 been a large defection among the followers of both Lancaster 
 and Clifford. “ Yield thee, traitor ! yield thee ! ” shouted 
 Harcla ; to which Lancaster replied—“Nay, lords ! traitors 
 are we none, and to you we will never yield while our lives 
 last, but had rather be slain than yield.” Again Harcla 
 requested the rebels to submit: “ Yield now, traitors taken 
 —yield you ! ” adding in a loud voice, “ Beware, sirs, that 
 none of you be hard upon life or limb to injure Thomas of 
 Lancaster.” 
 
 Defeated at all points, with every prospect of escape cut 
 off, yet determined not to surrender, Lancaster, when he 
 heard this last injunction given to the king’s soldiers by 
 Harcla, took refuge in the Chapel at Boroughbridge. Here, 
 in his extremity, he turned to God, and cast himself before 
 
 ■ s Sir Simon Ward was then the repre- higher up the River Ure than Borough- 
 sentative of an old Yorkshire family. bridge, 
 llis home was at Givendale, four miles 
 
46 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 an altar. He gazed awhile on the representation of his 
 crucified Saviour, and cried, “ Good Lord, I render myself to 
 Thee, and put myself into thy mercy.” But sanctuary was 
 of no avail—his pursuers, thirsting for his blood and desiring 
 his downfall, regardless of the sacredness of the place, rushed 
 in, ruthlessly dragged the Earl from the altar steps, and took 
 him prisoner. 
 
 Many of Lancaster’s supporters had contrived to escape, 
 some exchanged their knightly armour for the rags of 
 peasants, while others took refuge where they could, only to 
 fall victims to treachery. 
 
 Those who had remained with Lancaster now fled hither 
 and thither, hotly pursued by Harcla’s men “who shouted 
 and yelled at them ” until they were captured, when those 
 taken were “ robbed, and bound as thieves.” “ And there 
 went out a horse that was red, and power was given to 
 him that sat upon him to take peace from the earth, and 
 that they should kill one another.” 6 
 
 On that dark day vengeance alone prevailed ; no mercy 
 was shown by Harcla ; the worst passions of human nature 
 found a vent; truly indeed “ the residue of the baron’s part 
 were pursued from place to place, and to the cliurch-hold 
 was no reverence given ; the father pursued the son and the 
 son the father.” The horses of the prisoners were allowed 
 to escape, and they themselves deprived of their weapons, 
 and clothed in old worn-out garments, were led away like 
 mendicants. “ 0 wonderful sight! ” writes the monk of 
 Malmesbury, “ to behold men lately clad in purple and fine 
 linen, now walking in ragged vestures, chained by fetters, to 
 be shut up in prison. Amazing success ! assuredly it was 
 by the will of God and His aid alone that such a band (i.e. 
 
 as Harcla’s) should overcome so many knights. 
 
 Why indeed could they not have resisted and struggled 
 bravely for their lives'? Verily the failing heart is always 
 timorous and therefore less able to meet difficulties .... 
 as men not having counsel or even time to deliberate, they 
 fell into the hands of their enemies.” 
 
 Lancaster was stripped of his armour, clad in a “ ray 
 coat or gown,” one of his servant’s liveries, and after this 
 degrading insult he was sent (17th March) by water, to 
 
 s Rev. VI., v. 4. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBRIDGE. 
 
 47 
 
 York. The other prisoners had been taken thither by road. 
 On the Earl’s arrival the citizen’s threw balls of dirt and snow 
 at him, upbraiding him thus—“ 0 sir traitor, ye are not 
 welcome ! Blessed be God ! for now ye shall have the 
 reward ye have deserved.” “ The Earl replied not, but 
 suffered in silence.” 
 
 Edward, on hearing of the victory and Lancaster’s cap¬ 
 ture, had with the Despensers made for Pontefract Castle, 
 which surrendered to him at once, and he sent instructions 
 to his Lords at York that Lancaster should be brought to 
 him. So in company with other prisoners, in the custody of 
 Sir Andrew Harcla, the Earl w r as taken (21st March) to 
 Pontefract. On his entry into that town the elder 
 Despenser heaped many insults on him, and as he passed 
 through the streets the mob, mostly his own vassals, seeing 
 how the tide of popular feeling had turned against their 
 master, taunted him, called him “King Arthur ” (a name he 
 had assumed in his correspondence with the Scotch), and 
 loaded him with reproaches — “yea everywhere he was 
 laughed to scorn.” 
 
 Edward now had his enemy in his power, and the long- 
 cherished opportunity to avenge the death of Gaveston had 
 come at last. Discretion was evidently either forgotten in 
 the royal policy, or, in haste to get rid of Lancaster, was 
 put on one side. Edward ordered him to be lodged in his 
 own castle in a tower “ which he had newly made towards 
 the abbey,” and which the Lord of Pontefract Castle had 
 intended as a prison for the king in case the rising of the 
 barons had been successful. Such was then the popular 
 belief. The building so used has been conjectured to have 
 been the “ Swillington Tower.” Built square, with walls 
 ten feet thick, no entrance save by a trap-door in its roof, 
 no light, any unfortunate man consigned to it might w r ell 
 abandon hope. 
 
 Judges were nominated by the Despensers, and they 
 selected the personal enemies of the Earl for that purpose. 
 Edmund, Earl of Kent ; John, Earl of Richmond ; 
 Adonarius de Valencia, Earl of Pembroke ; John de Warren, 
 Earl of Surrey ; Edmund, Earl of Arundel ; David, Earl 
 of Athol; Robert, Earl of Angus ; Hugh, Earl of Winchester; 
 with other barons and magnates. Over this court, or rather 
 military tribunal, the king presided. On the 22nd March it 
 
48 
 
 BATTLES BOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 met, and Lancaster was arraigned before it, “ bare-headed 
 as a thief—in a fair hall within his own castle,” where, “ in 
 happier days,” he had made feasts both to rich and poor. 
 A long list of offences was laid to his charge. In an 
 arbitrary manner Sir Robert Malmethorpe said, “ Thomas, 
 our lord the king excludeth you of all manner of answer,” 
 and proceeded to declare how Lancaster had “ridden through 
 the land with banners displayed against the king’s peace as 
 a traitor.” In reply, Lancaster said, “Nay, lords, forsooth 
 and by Saint Thomas, I never was a traitor.” He was 
 further accused of robbery and intrigue with the Scots. 
 Then judgment 7 was suddenly pronounced by Sir Hugh 
 Despenser, the father, the Earls of Pembroke and Kent, 
 Sir John de Britayne, and Sir Robert Malmethorpe. Much 
 stress was laid on a counterpart of a treaty, offensive and 
 defensive, that the insurgents had concluded with Robert 
 Bruce, and which had been found on the dead body of the 
 Earl of Hereford. Lancaster was condemned to be “ drawn 
 for his treason, hanged for his robberies, and beheaded for 
 his flight.” The only clemency vouchsafed to him was that 
 in consideration of his kinship to royalty his sentence was 
 commuted to simple decapitation, “ 0 ! what a sight! ” 
 continues the monk of Malmesbury, “to see the Earl of 
 Lancaster, who was lately the terror of the whole country, 
 receiving judgment in his own home.” On hearing his doom 
 Lancaster uttered a protest—“ Shall I die without answer 1 ” 
 and bursting into tears he cried with a loud voice. “ Alas ! 
 Saint Thomas, fair hither ! Alas ! shall I die thus ? Grant 
 me now, blissful God, answer ! ”—but nought availed, he was 
 put hither, and thither, and reviled. “ 0 God most dread¬ 
 ful,” the people cried ; “ here is thine open traitor,” and 
 turning to Lancaster they upbraided him—“ an evil death 
 shalt thou die as thou hast well deserved.” 
 
 The hasty trial ended, it only remained to complete the last 
 sad act. A certain Gascon took him away, placed an old and 
 broken hat on his head, set him on a lean white horse with¬ 
 out bridle, and he was led forth to die—the people making 
 a horrible noise as they followed. A touching prayer 
 went forth from the lips of Lancaster as, leaving his castle, 
 
 i The Judgment is given in the Fcedera, Vol. II., Pt. 1, pp. 478, 479; and also in 
 Trokelowe. It is very lengthy. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBRIDGE. 
 
 49 
 
 he realised his fate. With hands uplifted towards heaven, 
 he exclaimed, “ King of Heaven have mercy on me, for the 
 king of earth hath forsaken me.” Thus he was carried 
 amid taunts and scoffs,—some throwing dirt and snow¬ 
 balls at him,—accompanied by a friar preacher for his 
 confessor, unto whom he disclosed the sins of his life, and 
 holding him fast by his clothes, he besought him, saying— 
 “ Fair father, abide with me until I am dead, for my flesh 
 quaketh for dread of death.” At last a hill outside the 
 town was reached, and Lancaster knelt down towards the 
 east expecting the final blow, but one Hugh de Miiston ad¬ 
 vanced to him and said—-“Sir traitor, turn thee towards the 
 Scots thy foul death to undergo.” So Lancaster at his 
 bidding turned northwards, answering, “ Now, fair lords, I 
 shall have done all you wish.” The friar, weeping bitterly, 
 then left him, and while he was kneeling as if in prayer, 
 Hugh de Miiston, “ a villain of London, after striking twice 
 or thrice, cut off his head.” It was on the morrow of Saint 
 Benedict—22nd March, 1322, when so fell “ one of the 
 mightiest earls in Christendom.” His body was begged 
 from the king by the prior and monks of Pontefract, who 
 buried it in the Priory Church, “ on the right hand of the 
 high altar.” 8 
 
 “ 0 ! Earl of Lancaster,” moralises the monk of Malmes¬ 
 bury—“ where is now thy lordship ! where are thy riches, 
 by which thou trustedst to overcome all, so that none 
 should resist thee. If in the earliest faith thou hadst 
 endured, thou wouldst never have come to desolation. If 
 Sampson had persisted in caution, and Solomon had kept 
 his vows, neither would have lost their wisdom. But the 
 reason was latent, it was not an immediate, but a past deed 
 for which the Earl was punished. He had beheaded 
 Peter Gaveston in days gone by, and now by the king’s 
 command he has lost his own head. So lot for lot, perchance 
 
 s A stone coffin found in a field not 
 far from S. Thomas's Hill, near Ponte¬ 
 fract, in the year 1828 is yet to be seen 
 in the grounds of Lord Houghton at 
 Fryston Hall. The lid was removed in 
 the presence of Mr. P. Wright, Rev. C. 
 Hartshorne, and other members of the 
 British Archaeological Association, and the 
 bones, which were of very large propor¬ 
 tions, taken out and examined. From 
 
 its proximity to the site of the shrine of 
 the “ Martyr of Pontefract," and the 
 position of the skull, which was placed 
 between the thigh-bones, the remains 
 have been considered those of this ill- 
 fated Earl. (From a note appended to 
 a paper on the History of the Earl 
 of Lancaster by Lord Houghton in the 
 Journal of the British Archaeological 
 Association for 1864, pp. 16—18.) 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YOI’KSHIHE. 
 
 not unjustly, the Earl has received his reward as it is 
 written in Sacred Scripture:—‘ With what measure ye 
 mete, it shall be measured to you again.’ ” 9 
 
 His numerous possessions were forfeited to the king. He 
 had held five earldoms—Lancaster, Lincoln, Salisbury, 
 Leicester, Ferrers and Derby ; also the manors of Denby, 
 Lavcock, Higham Ferrers, Bolingbroke, Pontefract, Tutbury, 
 Pickering, Newcastle-under-Lyme, with other ample lands 
 and very many castles in England and Wales. 10 Two days 
 later, 24th March, the estates of Lancaster, and others who 
 had joined him in the rebellion, were divided. So the 
 blood of the favourite was at last avenged, and “ the king 
 rejoiced greatly.” The story is one of a terrible Nemesis. 
 Lancaster’s failure as a leader was complete ; he had 
 attempted greater things than he could achieve, and his 
 character does not seem to have been free from a timidity 
 almost amounting to cowardice. 
 
 To turn to the fate of other actors in this civil tragedy:— 
 Sir John de Eure was beheaded soon after the battle at 
 Bishop Auckland, Sir Henry Tyeys, Sir John de Goldington 
 and two esquires were taken prisoners by Sir Henry Percy. 
 Donald, Earl of Mar, captured Sir Bartholomew de Badles- 
 mere, Sir Hugh Audley the younger, Sir John Giffard, and 
 Sir William Touchet. Badlesmere was taken at “ Stow 
 Park, in the manor of his nephew, the Bishop of Lincoln.” 
 Sir Warren de L’Isle, Sir Roger de Clifford, and many other 
 nobles were taken, while some surrendered to the king, 
 hoping thereby to get better treatment. Clifford, on account 
 of his wounded head, was sent from Boroughbridge “ by 
 water” to York in company with Lancaster. 
 
 The trial of prisoners was speedily brought about, and 
 some thirty knights and barons perished on the scaffold. 
 Executions took place in different parts of the kingdom to 
 strike terror into the public mind. Sir William de L’Isle, 
 Sir William Touchet, Sir Thomas Mauduit, Sir Henry de 
 Bradburn, Sir William Fitzwilliam the son, Sir William 
 Cheney—barons—and John Page, an esquire of Lancaster’s, 
 were put to death before the king at Pontefract, 11 and it is 
 recorded by one historian, that these men were executed in 
 
 9 St. Luke VI., v. 38. 11 Walsingham asserts that they were 
 
 10 He was owner as lord or joint-lord executed at York, 
 
 of 222 manors [Pari. Writs]. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBRIDGE. 
 
 51 
 
 the presence of Lancaster, “for his greater torment,” before 
 the sentence upon himself was carried out. 
 
 At York, Sir Roger de Clifford, Sir John Mowbray, and 
 Sir Jocelyn D’Eyville suffered on the day following their 
 leader’s death. Clifford and Mowbray are said, just before 
 their execution, to have shown great courtesy to each other 
 “that the more worthy of them should first attempt to snatch 
 death.” They were hanged, and their remains continued 
 suspended by iron chains on the gallows for three years, and 
 at last were buried by the Friar Preachers. 
 
 Sir Bartholomew de Badlesmere, and Sir Bartholomew 
 de Ashburnham, suffered at Canterbury. Badlesmere was 
 hanged, 14th April. His body was taken down, and after 
 decapitation, it was again suspended, and as he had been 
 the king’s “Seneschal,” to mark the enormity of his offence, 
 his head was “spiked upon the gate of the city of Canter¬ 
 bury as a warning to others.” His insult to the queen had 
 not been forgotten. 
 
 Sir Thomas Colepepper, at Winchester; Sir John Giffard, 
 and Sir Roger Elmbrugge, at Gloucester ; Sir Henry Tyeys, 
 at London ; Sir William de Fleeming, at Cardiff; and else¬ 
 where, Sir Stephen Baret, Sir Roger de Elmeridge, Sir 
 Edmund Darell, Sir Roger de Esingbridge, Sir Gilbert Talbot, 
 with many others of lesser rank, fell victims to the execu¬ 
 tioners—while the numerous gallows retained their ghastly 
 occupants for months, as “neither the king, nor the De- 
 spensers, would allow them to be delivered up, or buried.” 
 
 Sir Roger D’Amorydied at Tutbury, but not until he had 
 heard the doom which the king had decreed him :—“ that 
 he should be drawn for his treason, hanged for his robberies, 
 and beheaded for his flight.” A respite, however, was 
 coupled with it:—“ But Roger, inasmuch as our Lord the 
 King hath heretofore loved thee much, and thou wast of his 
 suit, and hast married his niece, our Lord the King, out of 
 his mercy and by his prerogative, doth grant a respite of 
 execution at his pleasure.” It was of no avail. Two days 
 after hearing this sentence the soul of the unfortunate 
 warrior had passed away, we would fain trust to where 
 
 “ The wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest.” 
 
 The body of the Earl of Hereford was sent to York, two 
 friars of the order of Preachers being appointed to look 
 
 E 2 
 
52 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 after it, until the king gave leave for its burial. Apparently 
 he had incurred the wrath of the Church by some of his 
 deeds, for, in a commission, dated Cawood, 25th March, 1322, 
 Archbishop Melton instructs the then dean of York to absolve 
 under certain conditions the dead body of Humphrey de 
 Bohun, so that it might be buried. Shortly after his death 
 his children, with their wives and families, were disinherited 
 and imprisoned. Even their relationship to the king did not 
 save them from persecution. Others suffered various fates : 
 some were condemned to death, but escaped execution on 
 payment of fines varying in amount, most likely depen¬ 
 dent on the pecuniary state of each individual. A few 
 were lucky and received pardon, while those who fled to 
 “countries beyond the seas” remained there until it was 
 safe to return. 
 
 Sir Roger Mortimer, of Chirke, along with his nephew, 
 Sir Roger Mortimer, of Wigmore, after their surrender, were 
 committed to the Tower of London, and the sentence of 
 death, subsequently passed upon them, was changed to per¬ 
 petual imprisonment. The uncle lingered on nearly five 
 years in a filthy prison. This, combined with unkind treat¬ 
 ment, caused a wasting disease, and the Lord of Chirke died 
 in 1326, and was buried with his ancestors at Bristol. The 
 Lord of Wigmore was more fortunate. He got Stephen de 
 Seagrave, the Constable of the Tower, into trouble. Hearing 
 that the king intended to consign him to the executioner, he 
 determined to get away if he could, and on “ the Feast of 
 Saint Peter,” which is called “ad Vincula,” by the aid of the 
 constable’s valet—one Gerard de Alspaye—he gave to the 
 officers of the Tower a “ sleeping drink,” which soon took 
 powerful effect on the guard; he escaped, and sailed to 
 France, 1324. In addition to the two Mortimers, Seagrave 
 had in his custody Sir Thomas de Gurnay ; Sir John 
 D’Eyville ; Sir John de Fitz-Simon ; Sir Hugh de Eland ; 
 Sir Edmund Darell; Sir John de Vaux ; Sir Bartholomew 
 de Burghshire ; Sir John de la Beche ; Sir Walter de Selby ; 
 Sir Geoffrey Delamere ; Sir John Knoynt; Sir John Page ; 
 Sir Richard Pershall ; Sir Henry de Ashburn ; Sir John 
 Fitz-john de Mowbray ; and Sir Giles de Badlesmere. 
 
 Sir Philip de la Beche, and Sir Henry de Leyborn, were 
 sent to Scarborough Castle, 20th Juty, 1322. 
 
 Sir Maurice de Berkeley, and Sir Thomas his son, were 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBBIDGE. 
 
 53 
 
 incarcerated at York—though one record says Sir Maurice 
 was put into Wallingford, where he died. Perhaps he was 
 removed thence from York. Sixty-seven knights are said 
 to have been temporarily confined in the castle of that city. 
 
 Sir John de Atton, and Sir John Blaket were committed 
 to Pontefract. Sir John de Wylington saved his life by 
 paying £3,000, and submitting to a perpetual rent-charge on 
 his estate. This was not enough. He had to find six sure¬ 
 ties for another £3,000 before he was let out of prison. Sir 
 Gilbert Talbot was mulcted in a fine of £2,000, and also had 
 to give every year to the king “ one tun of wine price forty 
 shillings.” Sir Philip D’Arcy and Sir Robert de Wauderville 
 received free pardon, as did a few others, but Sir Adam de 
 Swillington had to pay 1,000 marks as ransom money. 
 Thirty other barons and knights had sums to part with 
 varying from £20 to 200 marks. The Audleys were spared 
 —the one who had married Gaveston’s widow was pardoned 
 through her influence, though he was kept in prison at 
 Nottingham until released by the queen in later years. 
 
 For a long time after the “ Battle of Boroughbridge ” 
 Edward was triumphant. Rebellion had been quenched in 
 some of England’s noblest blood ; never since the Battle of 
 Evesham had there been such havoc among the English 
 barons. Yet the policy with regard to the Despensers led 
 to the king’s ruin, and an Act was passed in the first year of 
 the next reign, 1327, remitting the fines, restoring the lands 
 and honours to the adherents of Lancaster ; it was declared 
 by Parliament “ that his quarrel was good,” and all penalties 
 w 7 ere annulled ; the prison doors throughout England were 
 forced open by the populace and those confined in them were 
 set at liberty. 
 
 One name prominent in the battle cannot be passed over 
 unmentioned—Sir Andrew de Harcla. For his bravery he 
 was created Earl of Carlisle, and important military duties 
 were assigned to him. His glory was of short duration, his 
 end ignominious. An army of the Scots, led by Douglas and 
 Randolph, passed into England, and an engagement took 
 place between them and the forces of Edward whereby 
 Englishmen, for lack of IJarcla’s ready help, were vanquished 
 in battle at the Abbey of Byland ” for ‘‘ when the Scots 
 were fighting with the English at Byland, the same Earl 
 Andrew with 2000 foot and horse soldiers, remaining at 
 
54 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Boroughbridge, wasted the country.” For this treachery he 
 was arrested by Sir Anthony Lucy, sheriff of Cumberland, 
 his intimate friend, and justices were appointed to try him, 
 by a writ dated Knaresborough, 27th February, 1323. He 
 was found guilty of collusion with the Scotch, and condemned 
 to be “ degraded both himself and his heirs from the rank 
 of earl, to be ungirt of his sword, his gilded spurs hacked 
 from his heels ”—an example the first of its kind—“ to be 
 hanged, drawn, and beheaded, his heart and entrails torn 
 out and burnt to ashes, and the ashes scattered to the 
 winds ; his carcase to be divided into four quarters, one to 
 hang on the top of the Tower of Carlisle; another, at 
 Newcastle ; the third on the bridge at York ; and the fourth, 
 at Shrewsbury ; while his head was to be spiked on London 
 Bridge.” “You may divide my body as it pleases you,” 
 rejoined Harcla, “ but I give my soul to God.” The awful 
 sentence was carried out on the morrow of Saint Chad, 3rd 
 March, 1323. Thus within the year the prophecy of Lan¬ 
 caster was fulfilled. 
 
 In the meantime, while Edward was engaged in punishing 
 his enemies, a strange movement was taking place at Ponte¬ 
 fract. Shortly after the death of Lancaster the popular 
 frenzy, hitherto so hostile to him, now cried aloud in his 
 favour. His memory was glorified, his tomb and afterwards 
 the hill where he was beheaded became the resort of pilgrims. 
 Miracles had been performed and visions seen—the fame of 
 the shrine of Pontefract spread far and wide. A blind priest 
 had received sight; the dead body of a child, which had 
 been immersed three days and nights in a well, was laid on 
 his tomb and restored to life ; maniacs were brought back to 
 reason ; a man from Gascony with an issue in his side was 
 healed—these were but a few cases among a crowd of 
 miraculous cures. So dangerous was the resort of devotees 
 considered, “ that Baldock the chancellor caused fourteen 
 Gascons well armed to watch the hill a certain time.” It 
 had not the slightest effect ; the tide of popular delusion had 
 set in, and authority quailed before it. Many people, in¬ 
 cluding royal personages, regarded him as a saint. They 
 remembered how he had given alms, honoured religious 
 houses, and fought for liberty unto death ; how his exe¬ 
 cutioners (i.e. judges) had but shortly survived him only to 
 perish by dreadful deaths ; and they beheld in him a martyr. 
 
THE battle of boroughbiudgE. 
 
 55 
 
 Others questioned his right to be considered such, arguing 
 that a man guilty of flagrant infidelity to his noble wife, a 
 harbourer of law-breakers and fugitive monks, a creator of 
 sedition, one who, though fighting for justice, fled weaponless 
 —nay, a very coward, was not entitled to be called holy; and 
 'they further declared that future ages would see the result 
 of the phantom miracles alleged to have been witnessed at 
 the place of his decapitation and elsewhere. Still the popular 
 enthusiasm increased. Edward himself was seized with a 
 fit of repentance. A late servant of Lancaster’s had been 
 arrested for some offence and condemned to death. His 
 life was interceded for, but the king, in great anger, replied : 
 “False and fickle flatterers, for the life of a false knave ye make 
 great pressing, but for Thomas of Lancaster my cousin, who 
 might have lived, and given us good counsel, ye would never 
 speak a word,” and he commanded the man to be exe¬ 
 cuted forthwith. The wave of veneration reached London 
 and was not regarded with comfort in high quarters. A 
 royal proclamation was issued, 27th June, 1323, to Stephen, 
 Bishop of London, respecting “ effigies of Thomas, Earl of 
 Lancaster, our enemy and rebel, which are shewn in the 
 Church of Saint Paul without the authority of the Church of 
 Rome, that they are worshipped and adored, that miracles 
 are asserted to have taken place to the damage of the whole 
 church, to the discredit both of us and yourselves, Avitli 
 manifest danger to the souls of the people, and the pernicious 
 example to others.” Any further adoration was forbidden. 
 
 Archbishop Melton had been troubled, for in a mandate 
 to the official of the Archdeacon of York, dated Cawood, 
 24th August, 1323, he declared that despite his monitions, 
 the worship of Thomas of Lancaster as a saint had continued 
 in the church of Pontefract and elsewhere,—nay, even the 
 homicides and other deaths and great dangers, which have 
 occurred and are likely to be repeated among the crowds 
 who assemble, do not prevent the demonstrations. The 
 document concludes with further prohibitions of the practice. 
 Another mandate to the same official, dated Bishop Monkton, 
 7th October, in the same year, ordered that officer to prevent 
 its continuance, and also pointed out that Lancaster’s right 
 to be deemed a saint had not been sanctioned by the 
 Apostolic See. 
 
 In 1326 Queen Isabella wrote to the Pope extolling the 
 
56 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 virtues and appealing for the canonisation of the late earl. 
 In 1327 Henry, the succeeding Earl of Lancaster, wrote to 
 Archbishop Melton a letter dated 15th February, in which 
 he asked “ Master John de Thoresby to go on our business 
 to the Court of Rome ; ” and this was to bear letters (to be 
 written by the Archbishop to the Pope) to enquire into “ the 
 miracles which God wrought for our dear lord and brother 
 in your diocese.” He is requested “to come to us at 
 London the first week in Lent to sail the next day.” 
 Accordingly, on the 24th of the same month the Arch¬ 
 bishop wrote from Southwell “ to the Most Holy Father 
 Pope John.” The deceased earl was vilified no longer. 
 He had surpassed everyone in manners, honesty, affability, 
 fidelity, and charity, “ Kindled by the love of the divine 
 Name ”—his endeavours had been only for the public good, 
 and the due observance of the laws of the realm. Many 
 other good properties were ascribed to him, which finally led 
 to his martyrdom, and in consequence of the miracles that 
 attracted such numbers to his tomb, the Archbishop prayed 
 that the case might be enquired into with a view to 
 canonisation. 
 
 The next day Edward III. petitioned the Pope for the 
 same object, and recounted his transcendent virtues, adding, 
 “for he ought worthily to be worshipped by men, whom 
 Christ has adorned with so great a glory of holiness.” 
 
 A chantry dedicated to Saint Thomas was built on the 
 spot where he was beheaded, and Robert de Weryngton, 
 clerk and custodian of the work, was granted safe conduct 
 both for himself and his agents, when they travelled about 
 to collect alms for the structure in course of erection; 
 and as some of the collectors had turned out impostors, 
 “ having converted the monies to their own use,” instructions 
 were sent to the authorities of various places to put such 
 defaulters in prison. 
 
 Three years later, 7tli March, 1330, another royal peti¬ 
 tion was sent to Rome. Continued stress was laid upon 
 Lancaster’s excellence-—the matter was deemed of pressing 
 interest both to the Church and the nation at large. Four 
 cardinals were petitioned at the same time, and their aid 
 entreated to hasten the beatification. 
 
 On the 3rd April following two more petitions went, 
 one from Edward to the Pope, the other to nine cardinals. 
 
TIJE BATTLE OP BOROUGHBRtDGE. 
 
 57 
 
 The repeated applications were justified by an appeal to 
 Scripture—“ Knock, and it shall be opened unto you.” An 
 ugly tale had been reported—the story of the attack led by 
 Sir Gilbert de Middleton, when he “spoiled two cardinals” 
 on their way to Durham ; but it was asserted “ before God, 
 to whom all things are open, that he protected them with 
 his whole strength, even at the risk of death, from the hands 
 of their enemies.” Nothing, however, resulted from these 
 renewed entreaties, but in spite of the silence of the Pope, 
 Archbishop Zouche granted a licence, dated Darthington, 
 19th October, 1343, to the Prior and Convent of Pontefract, 
 at the request of Henry, Earl of Derby, “ to allow masses 
 and other divine services to be celebrated in the chapel upon 
 the hill, situated near Pontefract.” 
 
 In 1359 among the events of the year it is recorded “that 
 this year blood ran out of the tomb of Lord Thomas, 
 formerly Earl of Lancaster, at Pontefract.” In 1390 
 Walsingham says he was canonised, though Capgrave refers 
 to it as having taken place in 1389, “and this same year 
 was Thomas of Lancaster canonised, for it was commonly 
 said that he should never be canonised until the time that 
 all the judges that sat upon him were dead and all their 
 issue.” 
 
 A guild was formed in honour of him, as in 1401 William 
 de Northfolk of Pontefract left by will “xijd for the susten- 
 tation of the light of the Guild of the Blessed Thomas of 
 
 Lancaster,.and ten shillings to construct one 
 
 stone cross to be placed where the wooden cross stands 
 towards the hill of the Blessed Thomas of Lancaster.” The 
 monks of Durham cherished the earl’s beads among their 
 relics. 
 
 An office beginning “ Gaude Thoma, ducum decus, lucerna 
 Lancastriae” was evidently written for the use of his followers, 
 but no exact date is affixed to it, and in no calendar, not 
 even in the York Use, is there any day appointed for his 
 festival, which militates as evidence against his canonisa¬ 
 tion. 
 
 A clustered column of freestone was erected to com¬ 
 memorate the Battle. It is eighteen feet in height, formed 
 of shafts banded together, and enriched with foliage— 
 evidently fourteenth-century work. For over 500 years it 
 stood in the market-place of Boroughbridge until 21st April, 
 
58 
 
 battles fought in Yorkshire. 
 
 1852, when this venerable and weather-worn landmark of 
 history was removed to Aldborough, where it now stands. 11 
 
 The wooden bridge had given place in Camden’s time 
 (1582) to a structure “built very high and fair, of stone 
 work.” This still remains, but its whole length was wddened 
 on its western side about 100 years ago, from the designs of 
 Mr. Carr of York. 
 
 In 1792 the river banks were altered a little below the 
 bridge for better protection against floods. Among the 
 earth were found bones, fragments of armour, and arms— 
 silent evidences of the conflict. 12 
 
 The sanctuary to which Lancaster fled has vanished long 
 ago, and the chapel which replaced it, after various vicissi¬ 
 tudes, was pulled down in 1851. During its demolition 
 some carved stones of the Norman structure Avere unex¬ 
 pectedly discovered. They are built into the vestry wall of 
 the present church, which, however, does not occupy the 
 ancient site. Among these relics are two representations of 
 the Crucifixion. The little old church had two chantries, 
 dedicated respectively to Saint Saviour and Saint Agatha. 
 The thought suggests itself that these rude sculptures may 
 have formed the altar-pieces of the shrines before one of 
 which Lancaster knelt in abject despair. 
 
 Beyond the story of the column no local incident or 
 tradition lingers in the neighbourhood. 
 
 Roll op the Battle of Boroughbridge ( 1830 ). 
 
 An old roll in the possession 13 of the Hon. Charles W. W. 
 Wynn contains writs and memoranda bearing on the Battle 
 of Boroughbridge. The writs are nine in number, all addressed 
 to the Sheriff of Northampton, besides transcripts of letters 
 of safe conduct and other records relating to the rebellion 
 
 11 See Frontispiece. 
 
 13 On 13th August, 1881, some work¬ 
 men engaged in excavations preparatory 
 to the erection of new machinery at the 
 corn mill of Messrs. Lofthouse and Ham¬ 
 mond, which is situated ou the south 
 bank of the river and a little west of the 
 bridge, found a pike-head. It is 17 
 inches in length and has been broken off 
 below the haft. When first I came here 
 (ten years ago) several people, then very 
 aged and since dead, told me that they 
 
 remembered certain remnants of armour, 
 helmets, axe-heads and other arms which 
 had been found below the bridge. These 
 relics have been either lost or taken 
 away, as none now remain in the district. 
 A few silver pennies of Edward II. have 
 been found, and one is now in my posses¬ 
 sion. On the obverse is : Edward R. Angl. 
 Dns. Hyb. Reverse : Civitas London. 
 
 13 1830, printed in the Pari. Writs, 
 Vol. II. Pt. II. pp. 194—201. Nos. 171 
 —191 in the Appendix. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGHBR1DGE. 
 
 59 
 
 of the barons. On the back of the roll is a list of 214 
 names of knights and nobles who were engaged in the 
 Battle, and their armorial bearings are recorded. Then 
 follows another list of 138 names—barons and knights who 
 were “ against the King. ’ The dates of the several writs 
 and letters shew that the document was coeval with the 
 Battle—probably of the nature of a bulletin 14 and also to 
 justify the execution of Lancaster. The second list of names 
 is here appended. 
 
 Les nouns des g a untz mortz a Borghbrigge le Marsdy et le Merkedy 
 apres la feste Saint Gregoire lan du regne le lioi Edward fiz an Boi 
 Edward quinzisme “ q’ furent count? le Boy.” 
 
 Le Counte de Hereford. 
 
 Sire William de Suleye. 
 
 Sire Bog 3 de Berefeld. 
 
 Sire Hug 9 Lovel e treis Esquyers. 
 
 Sire Bauf de Elington. 
 
 Sire Bog 9 Dammory fust mort in poy devaunt a “ Tottebury.” 
 
 Baneretz prix a Borghbrigge T aillours “ eu meraes cel temps.” 
 Le Counte de Lancastre fust de “ colee.” 
 
 Iceux furent treynez T pendnz “de Banerez.” 
 
 Sire John de Wylington. 
 Sire Gilht Taillebot. 
 
 Sire Philip Darcy. 
 
 Sire Bobt de Wadeville. 
 Sire Ad de Swillington. 
 Sire Boger de Clifford. 
 Sire Wilt Touchet. 
 
 Sire Hen? Tyeys. 
 
 Sire John Giffard. 
 
 Sire Barth de Badlesmre. 
 Sire John de Mowbray. 
 Sire Waryn del Idle. 
 
 Sire Thom Maudyut. 
 
 Sire Wille fizWille le fiz. 
 
 Bachelers priz a Borghbrigge 
 
 Sire Piers de Lymesy. 
 
 Sire Bichard Talbot le fiz. 
 
 Sire John de Bek. 
 
 Sire Thorn Lovel. 
 
 Sire Thoni Blaunkfrount. 
 
 Sire Howel ap Howel. 
 
 Sire John de Attoh. 
 
 Sire Thom Wyther. 
 
 Sire John Maudyut. 
 
 Sire John Blaket. 
 
 Sire Oges Gacelyn. 
 
 Sire Will fitzWaryn. 
 
 Sire Norman Darcy. 
 
 Sire Hug 9 Daudele le fiz. 
 
 a meme loure q furent cot? le Boy. 
 
 Sire Phelip de la Bech. 
 
 Sire Henry de Leybourue. 
 
 Sire Wilt de Somville. 
 
 Sire Bauf de Bechedoii. 
 
 Sire Bog 9 de Pilketoii. 
 
 Sire Beugou de Bayouse. 
 
 Sire Bobt de Beygate. 
 
 Sire Bobt de Neuborgh. 
 
 Sire John Blaket. 
 
 Sire Edmond de Byvers 
 Sire Bog 9 de la Mare. 
 
 Sire Nicli de Lange ton. 
 
 Sire Bobt de Dalton. 
 
 Sire Walt 9 de Kirkebryde. 
 
 14 Ibid. Vol. II. Pt. I. p. 312. 
 
60 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Sire Ad de Everyngh*m. 
 Sire Hamelyn Byngel. 
 
 Sire Thom Turnay. 
 
 Sire Johan Lest*unge. 
 
 Sire Adam de Wauderville. 
 Sire Hug 9 de Cuyli. 
 
 Sire Richard de Berleye. 
 Sire John Mauveisyn. 
 
 Sire Piers de Lymesy. 
 
 Sire Baldewyu de ffreyville. 
 Sire John de Whetfeld. 
 
 Sire Henr de Boun. 
 
 Sire John de Goldington. 
 Sire Rog 9 de Cheygny. 
 
 Sire John de Ley bourne. 
 Sire Rich de Lymesy. 
 
 Sire Roht de Walton. 
 
 Sire Odinel Heroun. 
 
 Sire Roht Walkefar. 
 
 Sire Thom de Berkeleye. 
 Sire John del Idle. 
 
 Sire John de Bisshopesden. 
 Sire John de Wrokeshale. 
 Sire John Boutetourt. 
 
 Sire Richard Waleys. 
 
 Le Roy Bruant. 
 
 Sire Roht de Shrylande. 
 Sire Walt 9 de Paveley. 
 
 Sire Witt Wyne. 
 
 Sire Oweyn le fiz John. 
 
 Sire John de Clif’. 
 
 Sire Roht. Richard. 
 
 Sire Nichol de Langeford. 
 Sire Edmond de Waudervitt. 
 Sire Nichol de Stapleton. 
 Sire Simon de Bereford. 
 
 Sire Henr de Suchuffe. 
 
 Sire Otes de Baerlingh a m. 
 Sire Ric de Holand. 
 
 Sire Adam de Reiresby. 
 
 Sire Roger Maudyut. 
 
 Sire Witt de ffischeborne. 
 Sire Hugo de Eland. 
 
 Sire Roger de Trompeton. 
 Sire Hug de Stirkeland. 
 
 Sire.de Morton. 
 
 Sire.de Myners. 
 
 Sire Nich. Turbervitt. 
 
 Sire William Wauder. 
 
 Sire Boeg de Knouuift. 
 Sire John de Tuyford. 
 
 Sire Edmond Hachet. 
 
 Sire John de Sapi. 
 
 Sire Loges de Baceus. 
 
 Sire Rog 9 de Percy. 
 
 Sire Hug 9 de Turpelton. 
 Sire Thom de Behingh a m. 
 Sire Piers de Graunsom. 
 Sire Nichol de Clare. 
 
 Iceux furent treynez T penduz “ de Bachelers.” 
 
 Sire William Cheyne. Sire Henr de Bradebournet. 
 
 Sire Berth de Borgwash. Sire William le fflemyng. 
 
 Sire Rog 9 de Elmbrug. Sire Stevene Baret. 
 
 Sire Henry de Wylinton. Sire fPunceys de Aldh a m. 
 
 Sire Thom Colepeper. Sire Gocelyn Deyville. 
 
 Sire Edmond Darel. Sire Henr de Mountfort. 
 
 Sire Witt fiz William le fiz. Sire Rog 9 de Esyngbrigge. 
 
 Iceux se rendirent au Roi. 
 
 Sire “ Hue Daudele. Baneret.” Sire Rog 9 de Mortymer. 
 
 Sire Moriz de Berkelee le p'ere. Sire John de Cherlton. 
 
 Sir Roger de Mortymer. Sire Roht de Holaunde. 
 
 Iceux fuyrent outre mier. 
 
 Sire John Boutetourt. 
 Sire John Mautravers. 
 Sire John de Kyngeston. 
 Sire Nich de Percy. 
 
 Sire Witt Trussel. 
 
 “Sire Simo de Bereford.” 
 
 “ Sire Th Rocelyn.” 
 
 “Sire Th Engayne.” 
 
 Sire John de Euere fust decolee. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BOROUGH BRIDGE. 
 
 61 
 
 The Office of St. Thomas of Lancaster . 15 
 
 MS. Reg. 12. cxij. fol. 1, r° of the end of the reign of Edward II. or beginning of that 
 of Edward III., written as if in prose. 
 
 Antiphon. Gaude Thoma, ducum decus, lucerna Lancastriae, 
 
 Qni per necem imitaris Thomam Cantuariae ; 
 
 Cujus caput conculcatur pacem ob ecclesise, 
 
 Atque tuum detruncatur causa pacis Anglise ; 
 
 Esto nobis pius tutor in ornui discriuiine. 
 
 Oratio. Deus, qui pace et tranquillitate regnicolarum Angliae, 
 beatum Thomam martyrem tuum atque comitem gladio 
 persecutoris occumbere voluisti, concede propitius, ut omnes 
 qui ejus memoriam devote venerantur in terris, praemia 
 condigna cum ipso consequi mereantur in coelis per dominum 
 nostrum. 
 
 Prosa. Sospitati dat segrotos precum Thomae fusio ; 
 
 Comes pius mox languentum adest in pnesidio ; 
 
 Relevantur ab infirmis infirmi suffragio. 
 
 Sancti Thomae quod monstratur signorum indicio, 
 
 Vas regale trucidatur regni pro remedio. 
 
 0 quam probat sanctum ducem morborum curatio ! 
 
 Ergo laudes Thomae sancto canamus cum gaudio; 
 
 Nam devote poscens ilium, statim proculdubio 
 
 sospes regreditur. 
 
 Sequentia. Summum regem honoremus, 
 dulcis pro memoria 
 Martyris, quem collaudemus 
 summa reverentia. 
 
 Thomas comes appellatur, 
 stemmate egregio; 
 
 Sine causa condemnatur, 
 natus thoro regio. 
 
 Qui cum plebem totam cemit 
 labi sub naufragio, 
 
 Non pro jure mori spernit, 
 lethali commercio. 
 
 0 flos militum regalis, 
 tuam hanc familiam 
 Semper conserves a malis, 
 
 perducens ad gloriam ! Amen. 
 
 15 'Wright’s “Political Songs of England Society, Vol. vi., 1840, pp. 268, 269, 270, 
 from Jphn tg Edward II,” Camden 271, 272. 
 
62 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Pange, lingua, gloriosi comitis martyrium, 
 
 Sanguinisque praeciosi Thomae floris militum, 
 Germinisque generosi laudis, lucis comitum. 
 
 De parentis utriusque regali prosapia 
 Prodit Thomas, cnjus pater proles erat regia, 
 
 Matrem atque sublimavit reginam Navarria. 
 
 Dux fidelis suum gregem dum dispersum conspicit, 
 iEmulumque suum regem sibi motum meminit, 
 
 Mox carnalem juxta legem in mirum contremuit. 
 
 Benedicti benedictus capitur virgilia, 
 
 Agonista fit invictus statim die tertia, 
 
 Dine neci est addictus, ob quod luget Anglia. 
 
 Proh dolor ! acephalatur plebis pro juvamine ; 
 Suorumque desolatur militum stipamine, 
 
 Dum dolose descandatur per fugam Hoylondiae. 
 
 Ad sepulcrum cujus fiunt frequenter miracula, 
 
 Caeci, claudi, surdi, muti, membra paralitica, 
 
 Prece sua consequentur optata praesidia. 
 
 Trinitati laus et honor, virtus et potentia 
 Patri, proli, flaminique sacro sit per ssecula, 
 
 Qure nos salvat a peccatis Thomae per suffragia! Amen 
 
 0 jam Christi pietas, 
 
 Atque Thomae caritas 
 palam elucescit ! 
 
 Heu ! nunc languet aequitas 
 Virget et impietas, 
 veritas vilescit! 
 
 Nempe Thomae bonitas, 
 
 Ejus atque sauctitas, 
 indies acrescit; 
 
 Ad cujus tumbam sospitas 
 /Egris datur, ut veritas 
 cunctis non clarescit, 
 
 Copiosae caritatis 
 
 Thoma pugil strenue, 
 
 Qui pro lege libertatis 
 decertasti Angliae, 
 
 Interpella pro peccatis 
 
 nostris patrem gloriae, 
 
 Ut ascribat cum beatis 
 
 nos ccelestis curiae. Amen. 
 
1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 30 
 
 31 
 
 THE BATTLE OF BOROUGH BRIDGE. 
 
 63 
 
 The Calendar for March, 1322. 
 Feast of S. David. 
 
 Feast of S. Chad. (Harcla executed 1323.) 
 
 SjffOlltl Suntuil) in ?icnt. Feast of S. Perpetua. 
 
 At Burton-on-Trent. 
 
 At Burton-ou-Trent. 
 
 At Burton-on-Trent. Lancaster fires the town, and retreats. 
 Feast of S. Gregory the Great. 
 
 Cfjirb J&unbay in Ucnt. 
 
 Deatli of Sir Roger De Amory at Tutbury. 
 
 Battle of Boroughbridge. 
 
 Lancaster taken and sent to York. 
 
 Feast of S. Edward. At York. 
 
 At York. 
 
 Feast of S. Cuthbert. At York. 
 
 jFourtl) jjunbay in Unit.—JrifUfclLent. Feast of S. Benedict. 
 
 Arrives at Pontefract. 
 
 Trial and execution. 
 
 Execution of Clifford, Mowbray, and D’Eyville. 
 
 Partition of the estates of Lancaster and others. 
 
 annunciation of <©ur ILaby. 
 
 jFiftt) Sunbag in ilcnt. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BYLAND ABBEY. 1 
 
 The slaughter at the Battle of Boroughbridge had scarcely 
 been forgotten when Edward II. again called upon his 
 people to prepare for Avar. The repeated inroads of the 
 Scots, and an earnest though tardy desire to regain what 
 had been lost in Scotland, caused him to contemplate the 
 invasion of that country, and if possible retrieve the mis¬ 
 fortunes of Bannockburn. Parliament willingly voted the 
 money, and an army was raised by each village sending one 
 foot soldier, the towns two or more in proportion to their 
 population—whilst their maintenance for forty days fell upon 
 the places which respectively supplied them. To this home 
 force Avas added a large contingent of foreign mercenaries. 
 
 But while this army was being collected, the Scots, led by 
 Robert Bruce and his two generals, Murray and Randolph, 
 entered Cumberland, devastated that county and a portion 
 of Lancashire, returning “ after a sojourn of three Aveeks and 
 three days ” by way of Carlisle into Scotland, laden with 
 spoil, both cattle and goods, and bringing with them many 
 captives. 
 
 Edward advanced toward Scotland about the Feast of S. 
 
 1 Authorities :—* Chronica M onasterii 
 de Melsa—the historical section written 
 by Adam, the 14th Abbot—in Vol. II.; 
 Rolls Series. * Gesta Edward de Car- 
 narvan auctore Canonico Bridlingtoniense; 
 * Vita et Mors Edward II., conscripta a 
 Thoma de la Moor : edited by Rev. AV. 
 Stubbs, D.D. ; Rolls Series. * Chroni- 
 con de Lanercost—edited by Joseph 
 Stephenson ; Edinburgh, 1839. Extracts 
 made by John Leland from * \\ 7 illiam de 
 Pakington, Vol. II.,p. 464 ; out of a Book 
 of Chroniques in Peter College Library, 
 ibid., p. 474 ; Scalse Chronicon, ibid., p. 
 560 ; Ex Historia quam mutuo sumsi a 
 Domino Garteris cujus nomen non 
 comparuit. At manifesta conjectura est 
 autorem vel monachum Eoveshamensem, 
 vel quod verisiinilius Perforanum fuisse. 
 Vol. I., p. 250. Johanis Lelandi Anti- 
 quarii de rebus Britannicis Collectanea; 
 
 an edition in 6 vols.; London, 1774. 
 * Chronica Henrici de Knighton (monk 
 of Leicester); * Chronica Ranulphi de 
 Cistrensis (Roger of Chester), both given 
 in Twysden’s Decern Scriptores; London, 
 1652. Thoma Walsingham Historia 
 Anglicana, Vol. I. ; Rolls Series. The 
 Chronicle of the Londe of Englonde by 
 Gerade de Leew; Antwerp, 1493. Chro¬ 
 nicon Angliae Petriburgiense—edited by 
 J. A. Giles, for the Caxton Society: 
 London, 1845. John de Fordun’s 
 Chronicle of the Scottish Nation (A T ol. IV. 
 of the Historians of Scotland), edited by 
 AVm. F. Skene : Edinburgh, 1872. Fce- 
 dera, Conventioues, Litters, Ac., Vol. II., 
 Part I.; Public Record Series. Casual 
 use has been made of Holinshed’s 
 Chronicles of England, in 6 vols., Vol II. 
 London, 1807. Those marked with an 
 asterisk are contemporary authorities, 
 
THU BATTLE OF BYLAND ABBEY. 
 
 O.j 
 
 Peter ad Vincula, 1st August, 1322, with one hundred thou¬ 
 sand 2 men, having already sent his fleet to the Forth. He 
 entered that kingdom unmolested, and his progress to 
 Edinburgh was not impeded. The Scottish leaders knew 
 what they were doing, and carefully withdrew all then- 
 forces into the mountainous districts beyond the Forth, 
 and also took with them their cattle and all eatables. 
 Edward, who had trusted to get supplies as he pushed 
 on, found the land desolate and bare. Owing to contrary 
 winds his ships could not land, and in a few days his 
 army was left almost without food. He had now a more 
 terrible foe than the Scotch to deal with, for famine and 
 disease fast thinned his ranks. Dysentery killed many of 
 his troops,and others “fell by the way-side,” exhausted from 
 sheer want. 
 
 Fifteen 3 days passed, yet the enemy came not forth to 
 battle,preferring rather that the English invaders should taste 
 the bitter pangs of hunger. “ Then murmur was heard in 
 Edward’s host,” so he retraced his steps. In his retreat the 
 monasteries of Holyrood and Melrose were plundered by his 
 men, the prior of Melrose (Lord William of Peebles), a sick 
 monk, and two lay-brethren were killed, and “many monks 
 were wounded unto death. The Lord’s Body was cast 
 forth upon the high altar, and the pyx wherein it was kept 
 taken away. The monastery of Dry burgh was utterly con¬ 
 sumed with fire, and reduced to dust, and a great many other 
 holy places did the fiery flames consume at the hands of the 
 king’s forces. But God rewarded them therefore,” writes an 
 old Scotch chronicler, 3 “and it did them no good.” 
 
 Edward continued his retreat, some sixteen thousand of 
 his army dying in the fields, towns, and villages before he 
 reached England, “ to the great disgrace of the king and 
 grave detriment of the kingdom,” and, as one old writer 
 adds, they were “ mainly 4 those that had been against 
 Thomas of Lancaster.” He at last halted at Blackhow-moor 
 among the llambleton Hills in the neighbourhood of Byland 
 Abbey, where he rallied his men and waited to receive rein¬ 
 forcements. As he passed through Barnard Castle, he 
 issued a writ, 5 dated 2nd October, to Sir Simon Ward, com- 
 
 5 Melsa gives 60,000. 352, et acq. 
 
 3 Fordun. * Fredera. 
 
 4 Knighton. See Journal , vol. vii., p. 
 
 F 
 
06 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 manding him to collect all the foot and horse-soldiers in the 
 county of York, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, and 
 lead them to the king’s aid at Blackhow-moor against “ our 
 enemies the Scots.” Similar writs 5 were also sent to Oliver 
 de Ingham ; Andrew de Harcla, Earl of Carlisle; John de 
 Sutton; John de ltyther ; John D’Arcy, the nephew ; Wil¬ 
 liam de Dune; John D’Arcy, the Uncle; John de Ros; 
 William de Kyme ; and the Bishop of Durham. 
 
 The district above Byland Abbey is very hilly and wild, 
 woods and rocks abound, steep cliffs and deep ravines pre¬ 
 senting numerous situations which might be easily defended 
 by any well disciplined army. It is very difficult to assign 
 the exact site of this battle, but a ridge of land now known 
 as Old-stead Bank, about half a mile long, and one mile and 
 a half north-west of the Abbey, seems to be the most pro¬ 
 bable scene of action, for at one end of this bank is a piece of 
 land, which bears the name of “ Scots Corner,” and which is 
 now partly covered by a farm-house and buildings. 
 
 No sooner had Edward left Scotland than Robert Bruce 
 followed at his heels with a powerful army of trusty warriors, 
 “marching by night and by secret paths.” On his way he took 
 Norham Castle, wasted the country he traversed, burnt 
 Northallerton and other towns, and hearing from spies “ that 
 for certain King Edward had encamped at Blackhow-moor,” 
 pressed on to give him battle, notwithstanding the almost 
 inaccessible position the latter was occupying. “ Edward wist 
 not of the enemies nearness, and, instead of preparing for 
 the coming fight he spent his time in limiting and other pur¬ 
 suits.” He also expected the Lancashire and Cumberland 
 forces, but they failed him. Harcla had indeed raised 
 thirty thousand 6 men, but he chose to conduct them to 
 the King by western routes, offering as an excuse that he 
 had heard how the Scotch were committing sad havoc in 
 the east. 
 
 “ Fifteen days after Michaelmas,” 7 on Thursday the 14th 
 October, the Scotch discovered the English position and made 
 an attack upon it. A desperate attempt to carry it, by 
 climbing up the steep paths on the hill-side, was successfully 
 resisted by the English, who were commanded by the Earls 
 
 7 Melsa; Bridlington; Win. de Pa* 
 k ugton. 
 
 5 Foedera. 
 
 6 nridlington says 20,000. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BYLAND ABBEY. 
 
 07 
 
 of Pembroke and Richmond. Their archers poured forth 
 volleys thick and strong, and the spearmen engaged them¬ 
 selves in hurling large stones down upon their enemies. 
 Under skilful leadership the English ought to have been far 
 more than a match for them, but a sad lack of forethought 
 left their rear unguarded. The Scottish commander saw 
 this opportunity, and, detaching a number of men, sent them 
 by a circuitous way to scale the hill at another place under 
 the cover of a wood. The English were bravely defending 
 their ground, when suddenly the Scotch detachment ap¬ 
 peared on the higher ground behind, and swooping down 
 upon their rear, caused terrible confusion. Then those who were 
 attacking from below closed up, and the English being now 
 surrounded on all sides were put to flight after a tumultuous 
 struggleand great slaughter. Sir John de Brittain,Earl of Rich¬ 
 mond, Sir Henry de Sully,“ The French envoy,” were captured, 
 and many other nobles who had taken refuge in the Abbey 
 of Rievaulx were speedily followed by the Scotch and taken 
 prisoners. The Despensers saved themselves by flight. 
 Edward had a very narrow escape—“ he would have been 
 taken," says one historian, “ if the pity of Christ had not 
 looked graciously upon him." lie was dining with the Abbot 
 of Byland, 8 when the news of the disastrous defeat of his 
 army reached him. “Always fearful of heart, and unfor¬ 
 tunate in war," he never attempted to rally his men, but 
 being quickly supplied with a swift horse, he rode to 
 York with all speed, and the next day, 15th October, pushed 
 on to Bridlington, accompanied by the Earl of Kent, Hugh 
 Despenser the son, John de Cromwell, and John de Ross, 
 with their secretaries and families. On the morrow he 
 journeyed hastily to Burstwick. 9 The discomfiture of the 
 King, and the fear that the Scotch were nigh at hand, greatly 
 alarmed John de Scardeburg, the Prior of Bridlington, and 
 he, assisted by the canons and monks, removed all their 
 books, valuables, vestments, and relics to the church at 
 Goxhill, in Lincolnshire, for safety. 
 
 s The chroniclers do not :ill agree as to 
 whether Edward was staying at Byland 
 or Rievaulx, but the weight of the evi¬ 
 dence is in favour of Byland. Bridling¬ 
 ton, Chester, "Walsingham, Lanercost, and 
 the fragment of the chronicle in Leland 
 (Vol. I. p. 250) ail give Byland. The 
 
 Peterborough Chronicle, and Seal® Cliro- 
 nicou, say Rievaulx. Chrou. de Melsa 
 says cither Bylaud or Rievaulx. I am 
 of the opiniou that Byland was the 
 place. 
 
 s 3 miles S.E. of Iledon. 
 
 F !> 
 
(>S BATTLES FOUGHT IN' YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Edward in his precipitate retreat, from Byland had left the 
 crown jewels and all his treasures behind him. These all 
 fell into the hands of the Scotch, who entered the abbeys of 
 Byland and Rievaulx, and, “ regardless 10 of compassion, 
 stripped the monks of their garments even to the flesh, took 
 their household goods, the sacred vestments, the chalices, 
 books, and all the ornaments of their holy altars,”—sparing 
 indeed the fabric of the buildings, but leaving their inmates 
 in about as pitiable a plight as could be imagined. The 
 stores of the English camp, and the weapons of warfare were 
 likewise seized by Bruce’s soldiers—a contingent of whom, 
 about five hundred in number, hotly pursued some of the 
 fugitives to the very gates of York, where their captain, 
 Walter Stewart, had the boldness to challenge the citizens, 
 and to halt under their "walls until the evening. The Scotch 
 then spread dismay over the w'olds of Yorkshire as far as 
 Beverley, burning churches, monasteries, and towns, pillaging 
 the country and impoverishing such places as wore able to 
 offer terms by laying them under heavy fines of redemption 
 as the only alternative to consumption by fire. The canons 
 and townsmen of Beverley paid four hundred pounds ransom. 
 Itipon, whose inhabitants suffered many evil deeds, could not 
 pay as, in 1319, they had had to pay a tribute of one 
 thousand marks to the Scotch to prevent their town being 
 burnt. Several of the clergy and collegians and many of 
 the laity were ruthlessly killed, the church and town were 
 fired, and then the invaders, after glutting themselves with 
 spoil, returned with their numerous captives into Scotland, 
 22nd October, “amid great joy and honour.” 
 
 The Earl of Richmond “ enemy to Thomas Lancaster was 
 afterwards delivered up for a great ransoine : he went into 
 France and never returned into England again.” Other 
 nobles were redeemed after a time “ for sums untold.” 
 
 The Earl of Carlisle was very unfortunate,—the troops led 
 by him never reached Edward, but for some reason halted 
 near Boroughbridge and wasted the country. It subse¬ 
 quently transpired that this was a ruse to favour the Scots, 
 with whom he had entered into a secret compact. News of 
 this reached the King’s ears about Christmas ; he at once 
 had Harcla arrested, tried, and executed (3rd March, 1323), 11 
 
 Melsa. 
 
 11 See pp. 53, 54. 
 
THE BATTLE OE BYLAND ABBEY. 
 
 69 
 
 and justly, or unjustly, made him the scapegoat for the 
 defeat at Byland. 
 
 One good thing resulted from the Battle of Byland Abbey. 
 After some differences Edward concluded a truce with the 
 Scots for thirteen years, much to the advantage of both 
 kingdoms, well-nigh worn out with internecine warfare. 
 
 1 cannot trace a single local tradition, and the event 
 itself appears to have faded out of recollection so far as the 
 dwellers in the adjacent villages are concerned—the only 
 reminiscence of the battle being the name of “ Scots Corner,” 
 
THE INSURRECTION AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP 
 SCROPE. 1 
 
 Though Henry IV. had been placed upon the throne of 
 England by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, with 
 the full consent of Parliament, yet the people of the 
 northern counties looked upon the proceedings with jealous 
 eyes, and for many years they regarded the new king as 
 simply usurping the rights of Richard II. The imprison¬ 
 ment and suspicious death of that unfortunate monarch in 
 Pontefract Castle intensified the distrust, which a powerful 
 faction of nobles soon wTOught into open rebellion. Led by 
 the Earl of Northumberland and Thomas Mowbray, earl 
 marshal of England, the standard was reared, and the 
 populace flocked around it. The lords Bardolph, Hastings, 
 Ealconbridge, Sir William Plumpton, with many other 
 knights and gentlemen, all mortal enemies of Henry, 
 joined the movement, and as the spirit of perturbation ever 
 seems to spread, a still more exalted personage became in¬ 
 fected—Richard Scrope, Archbishop of York, and brother 
 to the late Earl of Wiltshire, who had been beheaded at 
 Bristol. He preached a stirring sermon in York Minster in 
 support of the cause, and appealed for help, asking the 
 people to seal it with their blood, promising forgiveness of 
 sins to all who fell in battle, and bestowing upon them his 
 solemn benediction. The sermon made a profound impres- 
 
 1 Authorities :—Chronica et Anuales 
 Eegnantibus Henrico tertio, Edwardo 
 primo, Edwardo Secundo, Ricardo 
 Secundo, et Henrico quarto ; Rolls Series. 
 Thorme Walsingham Historia Anglicana, 
 vol. ii.; Rolls Series. Historians of the 
 Church of York and its Archbishops, 
 vol. ii. ; Rolls Series. Wilhelmi 
 Worcester Annales Rerum Anglicarum, 
 in vol. ii. pt. ii. of Letters and Papers 
 illustrative of the Wars of the English in 
 France during the reign of Henry VI. 
 Rolls Series. An English Chronicle of 
 the reigns of 1 ichard 11., Henry IV., 
 
 Heury V. and Henry VI., edited by the 
 Rev. John S. Davies. Camden Society, 
 1856. Ex paralipomensis sive derelectio 
 ab auctore Eulogii; Peter College 
 Chronique (by a former master); 
 Johannis Lelandi Antiquarii de rebus 
 Britannicis Collectanea, in vol. ii., an 
 edition in 6 vols. ; London, 1774. The 
 Chronicle of the Londe of Englonde by 
 Gerarde de Leew; Antwerp, 1493. 
 Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, in 
 6 vols.; vol. ii. London, 1807. Drake’s 
 Eboracum, London, 1736. Testamenta 
 Eboracensia, vol. i. Surtees Socie'y. 
 
THE INSURRECTION AND DEATH OP ARCHBISHOP SCROPE. 71 
 
 sion and produced the desired effect. A series of nine 
 articles was then drawn up by him, written in English. 
 This manifesto was sent to every church and monastery in 
 Yorkshire to be nailed to the principal doors, and numerous 
 copies found their way into the adjoining counties. Henry’s 
 government was impeached and the king himself accused of 
 treason. What with the offences daily committed against 
 the Church and the State, the confinement of ltichard at 
 Flint, his subsequent removal to London, his being forced to 
 resign his crown in favour of Henry, and Richard’s murder 
 at Pontefract,—surely these were enough to arouse the 
 indignation of the people. But no ! the indictment went 
 further. Plenry was reminded of his perfidy. He had 
 been banished the realm in consequence of a duel between 
 the Duke of Norfolk and himself, and yet he had returned 
 contrary to the oath he had sworn. Royal castles had been 
 seized, laymen and clerics had been arrested without just 
 cause, captured foes were cruelly treated, and gross insults 
 had been offered to the corpses of fallen heroes, and 
 especially to the dead body of Hotspur. Henry was also 
 twitted with his hostility to the see of Rome, and was 
 plainly told that his government of the whole country was 
 wretched. To restore the rightful heir of that king to whom 
 they had so often sworn allegiance, to abolish imposts and 
 establish peace, were their objects ; and if prevented from 
 getting redress in this world, the archbishop with eloquence 
 urged, they would do so in the world to come. 
 
 Vast numbers of people read these notices, and the im¬ 
 port of their contents spread like wildfire. Knights and 
 their men-at-arms, soldiers of every degree, citizens and 
 rustics flocked from all parts of the north, and met at York. 
 The Earl of Northumberland volunteered to bring some 
 Scottish troops, and the other leaders agreed that when he 
 arrived he should be their chief commander, but, as events 
 happened, he and his promised aid never reached York. As 
 for the archbishop, he merely intended to collect men and 
 then return home, but unfortunately other counsels pre¬ 
 vailed, and at the head of twenty thousand men, with his 
 banner bearing “ the five wounds of Christ ” flying aloft, he 
 left York, and marched to Shipton Moor, where he encamped 
 on a plain in the Forest of Galtres. 
 
l-l 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Henry was going to Wales when he heard oi' this for¬ 
 midable rebellion, but he at once altered his plans and 
 proceeded northwards in order to check it. In the mean¬ 
 while Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland; John of 
 Lancaster, the king’s son; the lords Henry Fitzhugh, 
 Ralph Evers, and Robert Umfraville, had combined to raise 
 what help they could enlist to meet the archbishop. Some 
 twenty thousand men answered to their call, and with these 
 Westmoreland marched to where the rebels had encamped, 
 but finding their position difficult to attack, and doubting if 
 he could dislodge them, he pitched his tents on the opposite 
 side of the plain, and forthwith determined to circumvent 
 the archbishop by treachery. A special messenger was 
 dispatched to ask the prelate why he was in arms against 
 the king’s peace, and the reply was that the steps taken 
 were really to preserve the whole realm. With the answer 
 was a scroll containing the articles, which the earl read, 
 and with which he appeared very much pleased, openly 
 praising the archbishop and suggesting a conference, which 
 was soon agreed to, though somewhat against Mowbray’s 
 inclinations. And so the two leaders met midway between 
 the camps, each being provided with an equal number of 
 supporters. The charter of articles was examined, thoroughly 
 discussed, Westmoreland gave his full assent to them all, and 
 to all appearance the result was satisfactory. Hands were 
 heartily shaken, wine Avas called for, and pledges upon 
 pledges freely reciprocated. “ Behold, father and lord,” 
 quoth the earl, “ the end of our labours, since Ave have con¬ 
 sented to your vieAvs Ave will therefore drink, all looking on, 
 that your men may knoAv that Ave agree, and that we are 
 the same in all things.” Then Wmstmoreland suggested 
 to the archbishop that their differences having been ad¬ 
 justed, there was no further need for him to detain his 
 soldiers, many of whom Avere in business and had then- 
 shops to look after, and to further blind the archbishop he 
 declared he Avould dismiss his own men also. But the rebels 
 were uncertain upon the receipt of the order Avhat to do, 
 for owing to some rising ground preventing them from seeing 
 their leader, they were dubious as to his assent. At length 
 they were prevailed upon to return to York, and simul¬ 
 taneously the earl’s troops retired some distance to a pre- 
 
THE INSURRECTION AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP SCROFE. 73 
 
 concerted position, from whence, by a given sign, they could 
 easily be recalled. 
 
 Feasting was now the order of the day, and as more wine 
 was drunk and every one made merry, the fatal signal was 
 given, Westmoreland’s troops re-advanced, surrounded the 
 archbishop, unobserved by him or by any of his party, when 
 suddenly the earl arrested Scrope, Mowbray, and the others, 
 accusing them of high treason and open rebellion, at the 
 same time however promising to save the archbishop’s life. 
 Shakespeare powerfully dramatises the scene : — 
 
 Hastings. My lord, our army is dispersed already : 
 
 Like youthful steers unyoked, they take their courses 
 East, west, north, south; or like a school broke up, 
 Each hurries toward his home, and sporting-place. 
 
 Westmoreland. Good tidings, my lord Hastings ; for the which 
 I do arrest thee, traitor, of high treason :—- 
 And you, lord archbishop, — and you, lord Mowbray, 
 
 Of capital treason I attach you both. 
 
 Mowbray. Is this proceeding just and honourable 1 
 
 Westmoreland. Is your assembly so 1 
 
 Arch. Scrope. Will you thus break your faith? 
 
 Prince John. 1 pawned thee none : 
 
 I promised you redress of these same grievances, 
 Whereof you did complain ; which, by mine honour, 
 
 I will perform with a most Christian care. 
 
 Hut, for you, rebels, look to taste the due 
 Meet for rebellion, and such acts as yours. 
 
 Most shallowly did you these arms commence, 
 
 Fondly brought here, and foolishly sent hence. 
 
 Strike up our drums, pursue the scattered stray ; 
 Heaven, and not we, have safely fought to-day. 
 
 Some guard these traitors to the block of death ; 
 Treason’s true bed, and yielder up of breath. 2 
 
 A strong band of the royalists now set off in pursuit of 
 the rebels, who were on the way to York, and overtaking 
 them, slaughtered a great number, and those who were not 
 killed they robbed of everything they had. 
 
 Scrope, Mowbray, and the rest were taken forthwith to 
 Pontefract, where Henry had stayed on his way to York. 
 The archbishop implored the king for an interview, which 
 was bluntly refused, and as a further insult his pastoral cross 
 was rudely wrested out of his hands and carried to Henrv, 
 
 : Henry IN'., part 2, Act IV.. Scene 2. 
 
n 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE, 
 
 who ordered the prisoners back to York, where they were 
 imprisoned in the Palace at Bishopthorpe, to await the king’s 
 arrival on Monday, the 8th of June, 1405. It is recorded 
 that the Archbishop of Canterbury interceded with the 
 king on behalf of his brother prelate, and addressed him 
 thus :—“ Sire, I am your ghostly father, and the second 
 person of the realm, and you should accept no man’s coun¬ 
 sel sooner than mine if it be good ; I counsel you that if the 
 Archbishop of Y ork has trespassed against you so much as 
 has been said, reserve him to the Pope’s judgment, and he 
 will so ordain that ye shall be pleased ; and if ye will not 
 do so, I counsel you to let him be reserved to the judgment 
 of parliament, and keep your hands undefiled from his 
 blood.” The king’s answer was : “ 1 may not for rumour 
 of the people.” So grieved was His Grace of Canterbury at 
 Henry’s dissimulation that he requested a notary to write 
 down the unsatisfactory reply to be presented to the Pope 
 when it should be required. The trial was a hurried one. 
 Sir William Gascoigne, then Lord Chief Justice of England, 
 was ordered to conduct it, but to his honour and credit he 
 declined, much to the annoyance and vexation of the king— 
 “ Neither you my liege the king, or any liegeman of yours 
 in your name can legally according to the rights of the 
 kingdom, adjudge any bishop to death. ’ His firmness was 
 highly commended, and he is described by contemporaries 
 as “a merciful man, which found favour in the sight of all 
 flesh, whose memory be blessed throughout all ages. Amen.” 
 
 At last a more accommodating person was found—Sir 
 William Fulthorpe, a knight and not a judge, who with Earl 
 Arundel and Lord Thomas Beaufort, formed the court, 
 before which, mounted on a high stage erected in his own 
 hall, the archbishop stood bareheaded. No defence whatever 
 was permitted, and the sentence was soon pronounced : 
 “ We adjudge thee, Richard, traitor to the king, and by his 
 command do order thee to be beheaded.” To which the 
 archbishop replied : “ The just and true God knows that I 
 never designed any ill against the person of the king, now 
 Henry the IV.” ; and turning about him several times, he 
 said, “ Pray that God may not avenge my death on the 
 king or his.” 
 
 llis execution was not long delayed. Seated on a wretched 
 horse not worth forty pence, without saddle, with his 
 
THE INSURRECTION AND DEATH OP ARCHBISHOP SCROPE. 
 
 face turned to the tail, and mockingly clad in a loose blue 
 garment with purple hood, lie declared “ lie never rade a 
 horse lie liked better in all his life.” He also addressed 
 words of consolation to his companion in trouble, the Earl 
 Marshal, who had likewise been condemned to die, and who 
 was much the archbishop’s junior in age. He bade him be 
 of good courage, for he was about to suffer death, not only 
 unjustly, but in the cause of patriotism, and that his soul, 
 scarce delivered from the burden of the flesh, would at once 
 be translated to glory. Like St. Stephen, the venerable 
 prelate prayed for his murderers all along the road until the 
 field was reached ■where his life’s journey was to end. 
 “ Almighty God, I offer up myself, and the cause for which 
 I suffer, and beg pardon and forgiveness of Thee for all I 
 have committed or omitted.” He then laid his gown and 
 hood upon the ground, and turning to Thomas Allman, the 
 executioner, said, “ My son, God forgive thee for my death. 
 I forgive thee, but I beg thou wilt with thy sword give me 
 Jive wounds in my neck, which I desire to bear for the love 
 of my Lord Jesus Christ, who being for us obedient to His 
 Father until death, bore Jive principal wounds in his body.” 
 Kissing the executioner thrice he kneeled down, saying, 
 “ Into thy hands, most sweet Jesu, I commend my spirit.” 
 He crossed his breast, and then giving the signal by 
 stretching out his hand, Thomas Allman gave the strokes he 
 had requested, and at the fifih his head fell to the earth, his 
 body on to its right side, and all was over ! 
 
 This tragedy took place in a field 3 between Bishopthorpe 
 and York, which had been sown with barley. It was much 
 trampled down by the crowd of spectators on foot and horse¬ 
 back, yet in spite of this the crop in the immediate harvest 
 was enormous, and at that time was regarded as a miracle. 
 
 So ended the life of Richard Scrope, on Monday, the 8th 
 of June. 1405, being the feast of St. William the Confessor. 
 He was a man of high and noble character, great learning, 
 benevolence, piety and prayer, a frequent and excellent 
 preacher, greatly beloved by all his people, “whose memory 
 be blessed for ever and ever.” He and his brother William, 
 the Earl of Wiltshire and treasurer of England, were sons of 
 Richard Scrope, knight, who had been Lord Chancellor of 
 
 3 The site of the field is lost, being now covered by houses and streets. 
 
76 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YOBKSHlBE. 
 
 England in Richard IP’s reign, which fact accounts for the 
 archbishop’s opinions. Their father had taken every care 
 that his two sons should have a splendid education. Richard 
 Scrope was a bachelor of arts of Oxford, and a doctor of 
 divinity of Cambridge, and by his own merit was chosen to 
 fill the see of Coventiy and Litchfield, to which he was con¬ 
 secrated by Pope Urban VI., 19 August, 4 1386. He was 
 translated to York in 1398, and installed archbishop by the 
 then precentor, William de Kexby, on the 10th of July in 
 the same year. Yet his eminent position was not regarded 
 by Henry, and even the earnest supplications of his brother 
 archbishop failed to help him, and thus the dire prophecy of 
 the sickly canon of Bridlington came to pass :— 
 
 They shall treat for peace, but shall reap under fraud ; 
 
 For by no price shall that archbishop be saved. 
 
 Besides the archbishop there fell by the axe, at the same 
 time and place, the Earl Marshal who met his death 
 bravely, Sir William Plumpton, Sir John Lamplugh, and 
 many others. 
 
 The features of the slain prelate are said to have been 
 wonderfully calm and wearing a pleasant smile. He was 
 buried in the Minster between two pillars at the very eastern 
 end of the choir, in the Ladye Chapel, and at a later date 
 an altar tomb of freestone covered with a slab of black 
 variegated marble 5 was erected to his memory. 6 It bore 
 no inscription. For a great number of years he was held 
 in great veneration, regarded as a martyr, and often called 
 a saint ; 7 miracles are recorded to have taken place at his 
 grave, and numbers visited it, until they were forbidden by 
 royal mandate to do so, and orders were given that it should 
 be covered over with heavy logs. 8 
 
 4 9th Sunday after Trinity (Anglican 
 Calendar), 10th after Pentecost (Koman 
 Calendar). 
 
 5 In the grouudsof Boroughbridge Hall 
 there is now standing some perpendicular 
 stonework which formerly was part of 
 the parapet work of York Minster, 
 damaged by fire caused by the incendiary 
 Jonathan Martin in 1829. It has been 
 thought to have belonged to Archbishop 
 Scrope’s tomb, but nothing of the kind 
 is shown in Drake’s Eboracum (1736), 
 where there is an engraving of the tomb. 
 
 6 Stephen le Scrop, Archdeacon of 
 
 Kichmoud, wills 24 August, 141S, his 
 
 body to be buried near his Lord Arch¬ 
 bishop of York, from whom he had 
 received many benefits and whose prayers 
 he now desires. Test. Ebor. vol. i. 
 
 7 Test. Ebor. vol. i. (1409). 
 
 8 The third night after his execution 
 the Archbishop appeared to one John 
 Sibson in his house at Roecliffe warning 
 him to do penance for an intended murder. 
 He was to offer a candle at the tomb of 
 the late prelate and to remove the logs 
 laid upon it. These logs seem to have 
 been often removed and as often replaced 
 for some years. 
 
THE INSURRECTION AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP SCROPE. 77 
 
 Earl Mowbray’s body was buried in the Church of the 
 Friar Minors at York ; but his head, fixed on a stake, was 
 placed upon the city walls, though after a time it was taken 
 down and buried with the body. Walsingbam says that it 
 was taken to London. He was likewise looked upon as a 
 martyr, especially hy Yorkshiremen. Sir John Grenecorn- 
 wail was very much overcome at his premature death, and 
 bewailed him for many months, and a cup, left by the earl 
 to Richard Burgh, was again bequeathed 9 by the latter to his 
 family to be kept for ever as an heirloom. 
 
 For policy’s sake reasons justifying the execution of Serope 
 were issued. He had urged Henry to repent of his perjury 
 to Richard ; to restore the rightful heir, and behave pro¬ 
 perly to the Church ; that peers should be judged by their 
 fellow-peers ; proper counsellors should be appointed and 
 sheriffs duly elected ; and above all, to permit free action to 
 rule in parliament—things admitted to be perfectly right in 
 themselves, but not then convenient. 
 
 When the Pope heard of Scrope’s death he was very 
 angry, and cursed and excommunicated all who had aided 
 in slaying him. Henry had to obtain a special pardon, while 
 the ambassadors he sent to Rome were so terrified at their 
 reception by the Pope, that they returned home very much 
 humbled and frightfully dejected. They were commissioned 
 to tell Henry to build three new monasteries, but this he 
 never did, or even offered to do. 
 
 The citizens of York who had sided with the rebels 
 suffered severely. A writ, dated Pontefract, 3rd of June, 
 1405, and directed to the sheriffs, mayor, bailiffs, and other 
 officers, ordered offenders to be arrested and put into prison. 
 On the king’s arrival, though the citizens humiliated them¬ 
 selves before him, coming out to meet him barefooted and 
 bareheaded, ungirt, with halters round their necks, imploring 
 for mercy, he punished and fined all those who had been in 
 arms against him, leaving the inhabitants of York in a state 
 of the utmost consternation. He set off for Durham, and it 
 is recorded that on the day of the executions he was struck 
 with leprosy (?). 10 He passed a night at Green Ilammerton, 
 a village eleven miles from York, where his sufferings were 
 
 9 Will dated 6th Dee. 1467. Test. 
 
 Ebor. vol. i. pp. 347-4S. 
 
 10 The ‘'leprosy” wasmost likely a crop of 
 “ boils ” which would be painful enough. 
 
7S 
 
 CATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 excruciating. George Plumpton, son of the knight of that 
 name who had been beheaded, saw the sores on his face, 
 and Stephen Cotingham (vel Palmer) told a similar story to 
 Dr. Thomas Gascoyne. Henry went on to Ripon, where he 
 stopped seven days, and it was at this place that wiser 
 counsels prevailed. His advisers told him plainly, that, as 
 he was so very unpopular in the North, the fewer enemies he 
 made the better, so he sent writs of free pardon to all the 
 York prisoners. 
 
 On his arrival at Durham he caused the lords Hastings 
 and Falconbridge, Sir John Colville of the Dale, and Sir 
 John Griffiths, to be beheaded forthwith. He then pushed 
 forward to Warkworth in pursuit of the earl of Northumber¬ 
 land, but that noble and Lord Bardolph had fled into Scot¬ 
 land, where David, Lord Fleming, received them, and where 
 for some time they remained, a source of anxiety to the 
 English throne. Henry easily reduced Warkworth, Alnwick, 
 and other castles of the Percys, whilst the lands and office 
 of the late Earl Marshal were given to the Earl of West¬ 
 moreland. 
 
 Drake says that a bowl given by Archbishop Scrope to 
 the Guild of Corpus Christi, York, in 1398, called a “ Mazeur 
 Bowl,” edged about and double gilt with silver, on three feet, 
 with cherubs’ heads, was kept by the Cordwainers’ Company. 
 On the rim of one side runs this legend : “ ivfdjartie aicljc 
 brscijopf snopr grantr on to all ffio tijat bfinfcts of tips rope XlL rE 
 bagts to parti rut.” On the other side: “ Kotarte tliigtsun ISrsrijopc 
 mostn grante In same forme afore saiti .VliA 1 - bagis to partmit. 
 Kofiarte Strensait.” Every feast-day after dinner it was filled 
 with spiced ale, and, according to ancient custom, was handed 
 round for all to drink—in short, a loving-cup. An addi¬ 
 tional silver lining was added in 1669, with the arms of 
 the Compan} r engraved thereon. At the dissolution of the 
 Cordwainers’ Company in 180S it was given by the members 
 to Mr. Sheriff W. Hornby, who soon afterwards presented 
 it to York Minster, where it is still preserved and exhibited 
 in the vestry. 11 
 
 Note.— The room in which the Archbishop was condemned is still 
 intact. It is a spacious apartment under the present dining-room at 
 Bishopthorpe. 
 
 11 A very good description of this Church Plate” in the Journal, vol. viii, 
 ‘‘Mazer” bowl is given in the “York pp. 311-12. 
 
THE BATTLE OF BRAMHAM MOOR 
 
 The next year, 1406, the Earl of Northumberland and Lord 
 Bardolph left Scotland and took refuge in Wales, for they 
 had heard that the Scotch were desirous to surrender them 
 to the English king, so their host urged them to fly, which 
 event getting known the Lord Fleming was slaughtered by 
 some of his own people. But later on these two conspirators 
 again returned to Scotland, and in 140S hatched another 
 plot to dethrone Henry. They entered England with a large 
 body of Scotch, gathering on their march many miscellaneous 
 supporters, spoiling the country and doing much mischief 
 until they reached Thirsk. Here they halted, and issued a 
 proclamation to the effect “ that they had come to comfort 
 the nation, relieve the kingdom, and that all who loved their 
 country should come well armed to assist them.” They 
 enlisted a number of townsmen and rustics, who came in 
 many instances ill prepared for warfare; yet still they persisted 
 and moved southwards. Henry heard of their progress and set 
 off to meet them, but Sir Thoipas Rokeby, then High Sheriff 
 of Yorkshire, had summoned all the soldiers of his county, 
 and had taken possession of the bridge at Knaresborough 
 determined to resist the rebels, who were fast advancing to 
 obtain that very position. But Northumberland, learning 
 that Knaresborough was occupied, turned off in the direction 
 of Wetherby, and thence to Bramham Moor, near Ilazlewood, 
 where he placed his men so that they might be “ready for 
 battle.” He had not to wait long, for Sir Thomas Rokeby, 
 bearing the banner of St. George, was quietly following, and 
 on his way the gentry with many others turned out to swell 
 his ranks. 
 
 The battle commenced as soon as the hostile forces met, 
 and, though not of long duration, it was sharp, furious, and 
 bloody. Both sides fought hard, but the raw and ill-armed 
 troops of the earl soon gave way before the trained yeomanry 
 
 1 Authorities the same as for Scrope's Insurrection. 
 
so 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YOltKSHIUE, 
 
 the High Sheriff commanded. Northumberland was killed. 
 Lord Bardolph was taken prisoner, but so badly was he 
 wounded that he expired on the field. Very many were slain 
 and numbers were captured. The earl’s head, full of silver 
 hoary hairs, was cut off, fixed upon a hedge-stake, and carried 
 with mock processions through various towns to London, 
 where it was set upon the bridge “as a monument of Divine 
 justice.” He had lived to see the Percy family all but 
 extinct, thus fulfilling an ancient evil prediction,—“ Percy’s 
 root shall perish in a complete ruin.” Popular among his 
 own people, they grieved not a little over his death, and as 
 they wept, thought of the song of Lucan : “ But neither the 
 blood, nor the many wounds of our old man affected us so 
 much as his head, all mutilated and fixed upon a spike, when 
 we saw it carried through the city.” Bardolph s head and 
 one of his quarters were also sent to London. Sixteen others 
 were beheaded and quartered, and when Henry arrived at 
 York many more were condemned to death, and many 
 heavily fined. The bishop of Bangor was taken prisoner, 
 but being found without armour or arms he was liberated. 
 Not so fortunate was the abbot of Hailes. He was arrested 
 armed to the hilt, and so got hanged. This battle, which is 
 also known as the Battle of Hazlewood, took place on Sun¬ 
 day, the 19th of February, 1408. The site is three and a 
 half miles from Tadcaster, on the Leeds road, and where it 
 is crossed by the Bramham and Aberford road. Turning- 
 up the Bramham road the traveller w'ill cross Bramham 
 Moor, at one time an unenclosed common. A little further 
 on is Camp Hill, where an entrenchment formerly existed, 
 but of which the plough has destroyed all traces. Bullets 2 
 have been occasionally found here. There is nothing re¬ 
 markable in the position chosen for this battle. All is 
 now a pastoral and peaceful scene, and where the awful 
 clash of arms mingled w r ith the wails of the wounded once 
 prevailed, the passers-by will hear nothing save the lowing 
 of cattle and the cry of the pewit. 
 
 5 Gunpowder was not unknown at the only a surmise of mine that some of the 
 period, and catapults (catapulse, balistse, country gentry may have had firearms. 
 &c., &c.) were in frequent use. It is 
 
THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 
 
 When Henry V. had breathed his last, “ amid all the 
 glorious pomp and circumstance of war,” he left a splendid 
 inheritance to his only son, then an infant nine months old, 
 whose subsequent occupation of the English throne, for a 
 period of nearly forty years, was most disastrous to that grand 
 kingdom, which it had once been the pride of his father to up¬ 
 hold and extend. “ Woe to thee, 0 Land, when thy king is a 
 child,” are words never more applicable to our country’s history 
 than during the reign of Henry VI. ; a time of confusion and 
 misfortune, both at home and abroad, in which we lost 
 France and became embroiled in a civil war. In very truth 
 “ the age was as fierce as a lion.” 
 
 It was during the year 1431, that the inhabitants of the 
 old Normandy town of Rouen witnessed a scene, which even 
 at the present day excites our sympathy. Through its 
 streets, amid the most cruel taunts and insults, that heroine 
 of France, the sainted Joan of Arc, was led to her martyr- 
 
 1 This compilation is collated from the 
 following authorities : —Wilhelmi Wor¬ 
 cester Annales Rerum Anglicarum, in 
 Vol. II. Pt. 2, of Letters and Papers 
 illustrative of the Wars of the English in 
 France during the reign of Henry VI., 
 edited by the Rev. Joseph Stephenson. 
 Rolls Series — Registrum Abbatise Johan- 
 nis Wethamstede, Vol. I., edited by 
 H. T. Riley. Rolls Series —Political 
 Poems and Songs from Edward III. to 
 Richard III., Vol. II. Rolls Series— 
 “ On the Civil Wars,” by John de Wet¬ 
 hamstede of St. Albans. Historic Croy- 
 landis Oontinuatio—in Rerum Angli¬ 
 carum Scriptorum Veterum. Alia His- 
 toria Croylandis Continuatio, ibid, in 
 3 vols. Vol. 1., Gale and Fell, Oxford, 
 1631-87-91. Polydore Vergil’s English 
 History, edited by Sir Henry Ellis, Cam¬ 
 den Society, London, 1844. An English 
 Chronicle from 1377—14G1, edited by the 
 
 Rev. J. S. Davies, Camden Society, Lon¬ 
 don, 1856. The Itinerary of John 
 Leland, in 9 vols., published by Mr. 
 Thomas Hearne, Oxford, 1770, Vol. I. 
 The Peter College Chronitjue in Vol. II. 
 Johannis Lelandi Antiquarii de Rebus 
 Britannicis Collectanea: an edition 
 printed in 8 vols., London, 1774. The 
 Chronicle of the Londe of Englonde, by 
 Gerarde de Leew, Antwerp, 1493. The 
 Paston Letters, edited by James Gaird- 
 ner, in 3 vols., Vols. I. and II., London, 
 1872-4-5. Holingshead’s Chronicles of 
 England, in 6 vols. Vol. III., London, 
 1807. Camden’s Britannia, in 2 vols., 
 edited by Gibson. Vol. II., London, 
 1807. Drake’s Eboracum, London, 
 1736. The introductory part is con¬ 
 densed from Green’s History of the Eng¬ 
 lish People, Smith’s History of England, 
 &c., &c. 
 
 U 
 
82 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 dom. The tide of popularity had turned against the brave 
 Maid of Orleans, and in the market-place of that quaint old 
 city she was burnt as a sorceress. Yet to the very last her 
 faith did not fail her. “ Yes ! my voices were of God, they 
 have never deceived me! ” she exclaimed as the flames 
 reached her, and with the sacred name of “Jesus” on her 
 lips, she yielded up her spirit to Him who gave it. As the 
 crowd of spectators dispersed, an English soldier, unable any 
 longer to control his feelings, was heard to say, “We are 
 lost! we have burned a Saint! ” And so it came to pass. 
 In a few years the splendid possessions won from the French 
 by the martial prowess of Henry V., one by one slipped 
 away in a series of defeats which finally resulted in driving 
 the English out of France. An effort to stem the torrent of 
 misfortunes was made in 1455, when Henry VI., who was 
 then in his twenty-third year, effected a diplomatic marriage 
 with Margaret of Anjou, the beautiful and accomplished 
 daughter of King Rene. But all to no purpose, and 
 Margaret discovered too late that she was tied to a man 
 of weak mind, over whom she was forced into an ascendancy, 
 which she was compelled to maintain throughout the rest of 
 his life. Disappointment and chagrin so embittered her 
 noble and spirited nature, that her actions caused the title 
 “ she-wolf of France,” since bestowed upon her by Shake¬ 
 speare, to be fully merited. 
 
 Dire disgrace abroad ; at home, the fierce persecution of 
 the Lollards, the disfranchisement of the county voter, 
 vexatious interference with the borough elections, a heavy 
 national debt, excessive taxation, the unpopularity of war, 
 combined with the king’s utter incapacity, all these indeed 
 were strong causes to produce, not only disgust, but intense 
 mistrust throughout the kingdom, so that when Richard, 
 Duke of York, set forth his claims to the crown as rightful 
 heir, the people of England were fast veering round to the 
 opinion that the House of Lancaster ought to be dethroned, 
 and the dynasty of York restored in its place. But it was 
 not to be accomplished without a tremendous struggle. Day 
 by day the nation became like a house divided against itself. 
 The strife even entered into the family—the father took part 
 against his son, and brother became estranged from brother. 
 No wonder then that civil war commenced, a horrid war which 
 rent the kingdom for thiity years, delayed freedom and 
 
THE BATTLE OP WAKEFIELD. 
 
 83 
 
 liberty for over a century, in which twelve pitched battles 
 were fought and the old nobility of the realm almost 
 annihilated. 2 Such indeed were the “Wars of the Roses.” 
 That the sweetest and most lovely of England’s flowers 
 should have its name associated with an a«e of hatred and 
 
 O 
 
 malice, bloodshed and ruthless executions, comes from the 
 Yorkists having for their badge the white rose, whilst the 
 Lancastrians chose the red. Shakespeare 3 thus alludes to the 
 choice :— 
 
 Plantagenet. Since you are tongue-tied, and so loath to speak, 
 
 In dumb significants proclaim your thoughts : 
 
 Let him that is a true born gentleman, 
 
 And stands upon the honour of his birth, 
 
 If he suppose that I have pleaded truth 
 From this briar pluck a white rose with me. 
 
 Somerset. Let him that is no coward nor no flatterer. 
 
 But dare maintain the party of the truth 
 Pluck a red rose from off this thorn with me. 
 
 Edward III. had eight sons :—(1) Edward, the Black 
 Prince, who married Joan of Kent and died in 1376, and 
 whose son succeeded his grandfather as Richard II. ; (2) 
 William of Hatfield, who died in youth, 1335 ; (3) Lionel, 
 Duke of Clarence, who died 1368 ; (4) John of Gaunt, Duke 
 of Lancaster, who died 1399 ; (5) Edmund of Langley, 
 Duke of York, who died 1402; (6) Thomas of Woodstock, 
 Duke of Gloucester, who died 1397 ; (7) William of 
 Windsor ; and (8) another son who both died in infancy. 
 He had also five daughters. 
 
 When Richard II. was dethroned in 1399, the claims of 
 the descendants of Lionel, the third son, were ignored, and 
 Henry IV., the son of John of Gaunt, seized the throne, 
 many people strongly holding the opinion that he was a 
 usurper. 
 
 Lionel left a daughter, Philippa, who was married to 
 Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, and their son Roger, who 
 died in 1398, left a son, Edmund, whose right to the crown 
 after Richard was indisputable. There was also a daughter, 
 Ann, through whom the House of York claimed the throne. 
 
 Edmund of Langley, the fifth son of Edward III., died 
 
 ; The wills at York are very scarce estates were either confiscated, or in the 
 
 during the Wars of the Loses. So many hands of widows or young people, 
 
 heads of families were killed, and their 3 Henry VI., Pt. 1.. Act 2, Scene 4. 
 
 G $ 
 
84 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 1402, leaving two sons :—Edward, Duke of York, who died 
 1415, without issue ; and Richard, Duke of Cambridge, who 
 was executed the same year for conspiracy against Henry V. 
 He had married Ann Mortimer, and their son Richard, the now 
 famous Duke of York, thus united in his person the lines of 
 Lionel and Edmund,—the third and fifth sons of Edward III. 
 Heir of the royal houses of Clarence, March, and York, in¬ 
 heriting vast wealth, naturally endowed with great ability 
 and valour, Richard, Duke of York, stood boldly out among 
 the men of his time as a leader, yet he was gentle and 
 prudent. His wife, Cicely, was the daughter of Ralph 
 Neville, Earl of Westmorland, who, with his son the Earl 
 of Shrewsbury, and his grandson the Earl of Warwick— 
 “ the great king-maker,”—were the most influential nobles in 
 England at that period. As governor-general in France, 
 York had won laurels. He was recalled in 1447, but two 
 years later he was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, where 
 his popularity became unbounded. Returning from Ireland 
 in 1451, the following year he took up arms to enforce the 
 dismissal of Somerset, who for some time past had been at 
 the head of affairs, but now no longer retained the confidence 
 of the people. 
 
 On Saturday, the 13th of October, 1453, a son was born 
 to Henry VI., to whom the name of Edward was given, 
 perchance because his natal day was the Feast of the Trans¬ 
 lation of Edward the Confessor, and in the hope that Henry 
 might have better luck, but from that very hour the king’s 
 fortunes waned, “ as the splendour of the sun from noontide 
 of the day recedes before the night.” Henry sickened, 
 Somerset was committed to the Tower of London for treason, 
 and York, whose claim was increasing from day to day in 
 popular opinion, was appointed by parliament “ Protector of 
 the Realm.” The king’s illness was of short duration, and 
 next year York got his dismissal, while Somerset was 
 restored, strongly supported by the queen. Again York 
 was in arms, and with 3000 men advanced upon St. Albans, 
 where he obtained an easy victory over the royal troops on 
 the 23rd May, 1455. Henry was taken prisoner, and Somerset 
 was killed. The White Rose was dyed “ in a bloody red,” 
 and the Red Rose “ looked pale with fear.” 
 
 A parliament met in July, and proclaimed a general 
 pardon. Again the king fell ill, and York was once more 
 
THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 
 
 85 
 
 made Protector. On Henry’s recovery, a brief reconciliation 
 took place between the rival factions, soon to be broken, for 
 York raised his standard at Ludlow, where he was joined by 
 the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick. An engagement at 
 Bloreheath resulted in Salisbury’s favour, but Henry advanced 
 on the insurgents, the Yorkists deserted in wholesale 
 numbers, the Duke himself fled to Ireland, where he was 
 joyously received ; the earls hurried away to France, and a 
 parliament which met at Coventry, 20th November, 1459, 
 attainted them, and all their followers, as guilty of high 
 treason. But the earls, who had been longing to return to 
 their native country, sailed the midsummer following from 
 France, and as they had been informed by Lord Falcon- 
 bridge of the kindly feeling in Kent towards them, they 
 landed at Sandwich, and with about 2000 men proceeded to 
 Canterbury, enlisting numerous recruits on their march, so 
 that when they reached Blackheath their army was over 
 20,000 in number. 4 Amid loud and hearty expressions of 
 welcome they entered London, whose citizens were devotedly 
 attached to the House of York. A terrible battle took 
 place at Northampton on the 10th of July, Henry was 
 defeated and captured, whilst Margaret and her son, the 
 youthful Prince of Wales, fled in haste to take refuge in 
 Scotland. 
 
 On receipt of this news York hastened from Ireland in 
 October, took up his residence in the royal palace, and on 
 his own authority convened both Houses of Parliament. To 
 this assembly he came with five hundred men at his back 
 “as a retinue” ! Over and over again he pressed his own 
 claims to the crown, but Parliament, whilst refusing to 
 dethrone Henry, to whom they had sworn allegiance, and 
 declining to acknowledge fealty to his son Edward, agreed 
 that, when Henry died, York should be appointed king. To 
 terms like these Margaret would not for a moment listen, so 
 Parliament adjourned in December, and ere long open 
 hostilities followed. The great towns and manufacturing 
 districts of the country cast in their lot with the cause of 
 the White Rose, whilst in the north of England was found 
 the stronghold of the Red Rose, and where the influence of 
 the queen was most potent. 
 
 4 40,000, Wetliamstede. 
 
BATTLES FOUGHT IN YOKKSHIRE. 
 
 36 
 
 The Earl of Northumberland, the Lords Clifford, Dacre 
 and Gillesland, and Neville, raised their standard at York 
 and did much damage to the tenantry of both the Duke of 
 York and the Earl of Salisbury, many of whom they put to 
 the sword. From Wales and the western counties the new 
 Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Exeter, and the Earl of 
 Devonshire brought 8,000 men to join Northumberland’s 
 forces. So the army of the Red Rose was completed, and 
 all told numbered some 20,000 fighting men. 
 
 When York was told how his tenants were being harassed 
 and his lands turned into a wilderness, he very soon hasted 
 northward, accompanied by his son, Edmund, Duke of Rut¬ 
 land, and the Earl of Salisbury, with as many soldiers as they 
 could gather quickly while they marched. Their first mis¬ 
 hap was at Worksop, where an advanced guard of the 
 Yorkists was surprised and cut to pieces by some of 
 Somerset’s soldiers. But in nowise daunted York pushed on 
 and reached Wakefield on Sunday the 21st of December, 
 1460, taking up his quarters at Sandal Castle, of which he 
 was both lord and owner, having become possessed of it in 
 1446, on the death of the Countess of Cambridge. It was 
 here that he spent his last Christmas day. His other son 
 Edward, Earl of March (who so soon after became Edward 
 IV.), was a guest in the house of the Friar Preachers at 
 Shrewsbury, King Henry remaining at the Bishop of 
 London’s palace. 
 
 The troops mustered by York at Sandal at the utmost 
 numbered only some 5,000 men, but their leader was a 
 brave and determined man, entirely free from cowardice, and 
 not at all discouraged. 
 
 Of Sandal Castle, once the magnificent home of the proud 
 “ Lords of Wakefield,” only a few traces remain. All 
 vestiges of its ancient splendour have gone but one—its 
 commanding position. A wide tract of country can be 
 viewed from its site. Towards the north the land slopes 
 gently down to the banks of the river Calder, and north¬ 
 west of the castle lies the city of Wakefield. At the time 
 of the battle all this space would be unenclosed, and was 
 called “ Wakefield Green,” being “ the south fields by the 
 bridge.” 
 
 The Lancastrians were posted some eight or nine miles 
 off in the vicinity of Pontefract. Provisions must have run 
 
THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 
 
 87 
 
 short at Sandal, fora foraging party was sent out on Monday, 
 the 2,9th, 5 in quest of fresh supplies, and whilst incautiously 
 scouring the country, they ventured too near the enemy, and 
 being sighted by some Lancastrians, an alarm was raised, 
 and the Yorkists, being hotly chased, were forced to retire 
 within the walls of Sandal. After this episode the main 
 body of Lancastrians advanced upon the castle, and so very 
 carefully did their leaders arrange their troops that the 
 greater portion of them lay in ambush. The castle was 
 therefore completely environed, whilst the duke remained in 
 utter ignorance of his enemies’ tactics, and thus unknowingly 
 was led into a trap. Vexed at want of success on the part 
 of his foragers, and hunger staring him in the face, York 
 decided to give battle to the pursuers. This step was taken 
 against the advice of Sir David Hall, who strongly urged 
 him to await help from the Earl of March. But no ! York 
 would have his own way ! So on Tuesday, the 30th of 
 December, 1460, 6 the gates of Sandal Castle were suddenly 
 thrown wide open, and York, leading his men in good order, 
 passed down the hill on to the level ground, where he at once 
 charged the Lancastrians with terrific force, and a short, 
 very sharp, and decisive battle took place. The Yorkists 
 fought well and hard, when suddenly the ambuscades, which 
 lay behind the castle on both sides, issued simultaneously 
 from the woods that had hidden them—the light horse led 
 by Lord Rosse, and the light-armed foot under the Earl of 
 Wiltshire. Both fell to work with deadly effect on the 
 flanks of the Yorkists, who, after severe and gallant fighting, 
 found they were hemmed in “ like unto fish in a net,” and 
 being overpowered, surrendered. The duke defended him¬ 
 self most valiantly, yet within half an hour of leaving his 
 castle he was slain, Wakefield Green was covered with 
 wounded and dying men and mangled corpses, 7 and the 
 victory remained with the followers of the Red Rose. 
 
 5 Wyrcester. 
 
 6 “ Dec. 30. Bellum Wakefield. ” Ex¬ 
 tract from a Roman Breviary in York 
 Minster Library. Test. Ebor. Vol. IV., 
 p. 90, note. “This yere (1400) the 
 
 Tewisday aftir Chrismas were slayue 
 Richard Duke of Yorke, Richard Erie of 
 Salisbury and Edmond Erie of Rut- 
 clonde.” Extract from “ The Maire of 
 Bristowe is Kalendar.” By Robert 
 
 Ricart, Town Clerk of Bristol, 18 Ed¬ 
 ward IV. (Camden Society, 1872). Ricart 
 was Parish Registrar of Bristol in 14ti7, 
 and became Town Clerk in 1479, and so 
 remained till about 1508. — See also foot¬ 
 note 10. 
 
 1 Variously computed at 2,200—Eng¬ 
 lish Chronicle ; 2,000 — Wyrcester ; 2,8U0 
 — Hall and others. 
 
88 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Sir Thomas Harrington was so severely wounded that he 
 died the next day. Amongst the dead 8 were Sir Thomas 
 Neville (a), son of the Earl of Salisbury ; Sir John Harring¬ 
 ton (a), son of Sir Thomas Harrington ; Sir William Parr (a), 
 Sir Edward Bouchier (a), Sir Jacob Pickering (a), Sir 
 Henry Rathford (a), Sir John Mortimer ( b ), Sir Hugh 
 Mortimer ( b ), Sir David Hall, Sir Hugh Hastings (6), Sir 
 Richard Limbricke (c), Sir John Gedding (c), Sir Eustace 
 Wentworth (c), and the brave captains, James FitzJames (c), 
 Ralph Hastings (c), John Baume (c), and Rowland Digby (c); 
 also Thomas Colt (cl), Sir James Strangeways ( d ), and Sir 
 Thomas Pykeryng ( d ). Richard Neville, the Earl of Salis¬ 
 bury and Lord of Middleham, was taken prisoner at mid¬ 
 night by Sir Andrew Trollope, and John Harrow, a mercer 
 of London, shared a similar fate. They were led by the 
 Duke of Somerset to Pontefract, where they were both be¬ 
 headed. Salisbury’s life was to have been spared provided 
 he paid a very heavy ransom, but “ the common people, 
 which loved him not,” took him by violence out of prison 
 and “ smote off his head.” A knight of the name of Love¬ 
 lace was also captured, yet on swearing an oath, that he 
 would never oppose the Lancastrians again, he saved his 
 life. In the chronicle which bears the name of John 
 Wethamstede, which, however, was not written entirely by 
 him, but was the work of several hands, the Duke of York 
 is stated to have been first taken prisoner, and made to stand 
 upon an ant-hill with a crown of wet grass upon his head, 
 whilst his captors shouted with scorn “ Hail! King, without 
 a kingdom! Hail! King, without estate! Hail! leader and 
 chief, without people or possessions ! ” “ Then they beheaded 
 
 him.” Though there are many instances of cruel treatment 
 of great leaders when they have fallen into the hands of 
 their enemies, I think the evidence points strongly to the 
 fact that York died sword in hand. He was fifty years old 
 when he fell, a worthy man, dearly beloved by his people, 
 and of blameless life. Truly a melancholy end to such a 
 noble career. 
 
 Clifford is said to have cut off the duke’s head with his 
 own hand, and to have borne it, crowned with paper, on a 
 pole to Margaret, saying “ Madam, your war is done ; here 
 
 (a) Wyrcester. ( b ) Holingshead. tc) Polydore Vergil. (d) Paston Letters. 
 
THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 
 
 89 
 
 is your king’s ransom.” It must be remembered that 
 Margaret was in Scotland, and did not return to York until 
 ajter the Battle of Wakefield, so that Clifford’s ghastly 
 present is most likely to have been given her on her entry 
 into that city. 
 
 “ York himself, before his castle gate 
 Mangled with wounds, on his own earth lay dead ; 
 
 Upon whose body Clifford down him sate, 
 
 Stabbing the corpse and cutting off the head, 
 
 Crowned it with paper, and to wreake his teene 
 Presents it so to his victorious queene.” 
 
 There is another story always told in connection with the 
 Battle of Wakefield. As already stated the young Earl of 
 Rutland was at Sandal when the event occurred. He was 
 then in his eighteenth 9 year, and Hall, whose grandfather 
 fell at Wakefield, distinctly tells us that he was “ a fair 
 gentleman and a maiden-like person.” With him was Sir 
 Robert Apsall, his chaplain and tutor. They stood at some 
 distance watching the battle, and the tutor, seeing that the 
 Yorkists were getting worsted, was quietly withdrawing his 
 charge to a place of safety, when the Lord Clifford espied 
 and quickly overtook them. He fiercely demanded to know 
 who the young lad was. “Save him,” cried the anxious and 
 terror-stricken chaplain, falling on his knees, “save him, for 
 he is a king’s son, and peradventure may do you good here- 
 
 9 Richard, Duke of York, married 
 Cicely, daughter of Ralph, Earl of West¬ 
 moreland (born 3 May, 1415). 
 
 The birthdays of their children are 
 
 given by William Wyrcester, who some¬ 
 how has got the week-days wrong. The 
 list has been corrected by the Sunday 
 letter. 
 
 Anna, Countess \ 
 of Exeter, / 
 Henry 
 
 Edward, Earl of 
 March, after¬ 
 wards Ed. IV. 
 Edmund, Earl of ) 
 Rutland / 
 Elizabeth 
 Margaret 
 William 
 John 
 
 George, Duke of \ 
 Clarence J 
 Richard, Duke 1 
 of Gloucester / 
 Ursula 
 
 born at 
 
 Fotheringay between 5 & 6 a.m. Monday, August 10, 1439 
 Hatfield 5 a.m. Friday, February 10, 1441 
 
 Rouen, 2 a.m. Saturday, April 28, 1442 
 
 „ 7 p.m. Friday, May 17, 1443 
 
 ,, 2 a.m. Wednesday, April 22, 1444 
 
 Fotheringay Tuesday, May 3, 1446 
 ,, Friday, July 7, 1447 
 
 Neyte Thursday, November 7, 1148 
 
 in Ireland noon Tuesday, October 21, 1449 
 
 Fotheringay Monday, October 2, 1452 
 ? Sunday, July 20, 1455 
 
90 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 after.” The youth was also on his knees imploring mercy, 
 but Clifford, to whom 
 
 The sight of any of the House of York 
 Was as a fury to torment his soul, 
 
 spurning the lad’s entreaties, with an oath plunged the dagger 
 he held into Rutland’s heart, exclaiming “ By God’s blood thy 
 father slew mine, and so will I do to thee and ail thy kin.” 
 Then in fiendish triumph he bade the distracted tutor go 
 and tell the young earl’s mother what had happened. For 
 this, and “ for the killing of men,” Clifford was called “ The 
 Butcher.” He was still better known as the “ Black-faced 
 Clifford,” and his hatred of the House of York was only 
 excelled by a thirst for human blood but rarely equalled. 
 
 Ruthless lord ! 
 
 Thou didst not shudder when the sword 
 Here on the young its fury spent, 
 
 The helpless and the innocent. 
 
 Leland, who would visit Wakefield about 1544, eighty- 
 four years after the battle, records that the place where 
 young Rutland was slain was “a little above the Barres, 
 beyond the bridge, going up into the town of Wakefield, 
 that standeth full fairly upon a clyning ground,” and he adds 
 that “ the common saying is that the earl would have taken 
 a poor woman’s house for succour, but she shut the door, 
 and straight the earl was killed.” This proves that Rutland 
 did not make very much resistance ; but quailed before 
 Clifford. The site was formerly pointed out as close to an 
 ancient six-gabled house, with three gables in front and 
 three behind, called the “ Six Chimneys,” and yet standing 
 in Kirkgate. It, however, is lower down, near the bottom 
 of Kirkgate and just where Park Street joins it. A cross 
 was set up in memory of the sad event. 
 
 The severed heads of the Earls of Salisbury and Rutland, 
 Sir Richard Limbricke, Sir Ralph Stanley, Sir Thomas 
 Neville, Sir Edward Bouchier, Sir Thomas Harrington of 
 London, Sir William Parr, Sir Jacob Pykeryng, John 
 Harrow, John Hanson, and others, were placed upon the 
 walls of York. Between the heads of Salisbury and Harrow, 
 Margaret ordered that room should be left for the heads of 
 
 O ^ 
 
 the Earls of March and Warwick. The Duke of York’s 
 
THE BATTLE OP WAKEFIELD. 
 
 91 
 
 head, surmounted with a crown of paper in mockery of his 
 royal aspirations, was stuck over Mickle-gate Bar, the face 
 being turned towards the city “ for a spectacle to the people 
 and as a terror to adversaries,” and also 
 
 “ That York may overlook the town of York.’’ 
 
 His body and that of his son were very quietly buried at 
 Pontefract. 
 
 Camden writes “ that on the right hand of the highway 
 leading from Wakefield to Sandal is a small square plot of 
 ground,” hedged in from a close, where a cross in rei 
 memoriam stood which marked the place where the Duke 
 of York fell, and which the owners are obliged by tenure of 
 the land to keep fenced. It is about four hundred yards 
 from the castle, close to the old road from Wakefield to 
 Barnsley, now known as the “ Cock and Bottle Lane.” The 
 cross was demolished during the Civil Wars. A very slight 
 trace of the inclosure still remains (November 8, 1889). 
 Near it for a number of years stood Many-gates Toll Bar, 
 which has now disappeared. A large ring was found near 
 this place, and later on was deposited in Mr. Thoresby’s 
 Museum at Leeds. On it were engraved in effigy the 
 Blessed Virgin with two other saints. Within was the 
 motto “ Pour bon amour.” Three ancient willow-trees, 
 now cut down, formerly flourished near this enclosure, and 
 were held in much veneration, for local tradition says they 
 were there at the time when the battle was fought, and a 
 thorough Yorkshire warning in reference to them existed 
 until very recent times—“Mind th’ Duke o’ York, without 
 his head, doesn’t git hod o’ th’, as th’ gans by th’ willo’ tree.” 
 
 At Wakefield the river Calder is spanned by a handsome 
 bridge of nine arches, erected during the reign of Edward 
 III. On its eastern side is a very unique chapel in the 
 richest style of Gothic architecture, and dedicated to Our 
 Lady, the carved work on the front being both elaborate 
 and beautiful. The structure is ten yards in breadth by six 
 in length. It was founded by William Ferry of Wakefield, 
 and Robert of Heath in 1356-57, who endowed the chantry 
 with two priests. Afterwards Edward IV. has often been 
 said to have further enriched it in memory of his father and 
 brother who were slain so nigh to it, but there is not the 
 slightest evidence left to prove this, and perchance at the 
 
92 
 
 battles bought in Yorkshire. 
 
 most he merely paul for some masses for the repose of their 
 souls. 
 
 Wakefield Green is now enclosed, and some portions 
 are covered with houses. Whilst excavating in several 
 places, bones, broken swords, fragments of armour, spurs, 
 and other relics, have from time to time been found. 
 
 The victory at Wakefield so intoxicated the Lancastrians, 
 that on their march southward to rescue Henry, they gave 
 themselves up to all kinds of misconduct, no persons, lay or 
 cleric, escaping. Sanctuaries were violated, sacred vessels 
 were stolen, the Blessed Sacrament was shaken out of the 
 pyxes—“ yea, they were like unto locusts covering the face 
 of the whole country, even to the walls of London.” But 
 their glory was only short-lived; in less than three months 
 the Yorkists carried all before them on the hard-fought and 
 bloody field of Towton, the young Duke of York ascended 
 the throne as Edward IV., and bills of attainder 10 were 
 passed by parliament, but few indeed escaping their penalties 
 who had been adherents of the Red Rose. 
 
 Edward caused the heads of his father and brother to be 
 
 10 The following extract from the Act 
 of Attainder is useful, as it gives a list of 
 those who took part in the Battle of 
 Wakefield :— 
 
 “For asmoch also as Henry Due of 
 Somerset, purposying, ymaginyng and 
 compassying of extreme and insaciate 
 malice and violence to destroy the right 
 noble and famous Prynce of wurthy 
 memorie Richard late Due of YYirk, Fader 
 to oure Liege and Soverayne Lord Kyng 
 Edward the fourth, and in his lyf verrey 
 Kyng in right of the Keame of Englond, 
 singuler Protectour Lover and Defen- 
 sour of the good governaunee, pollicie, 
 commyn wele, peas and tranquillite 
 thereof; and also Thomas Courteney 
 late Erie of Devonshire, Henry late 
 Eirle of Northumberlond, Thomas Lord 
 Roos, John late Lord Nevill, John Welp- 
 dale late of Lychefeld Clerk, Philip Lowes 
 late of Thouresby in the counte of Lin¬ 
 coln Clerk, Bawdewyn Fufforth Ivnyght, 
 Alexander Hody Knyght, Nicholas Laty- 
 mer Knyght, Thomas Fynderu Knyght, 
 Henry Lewes Knyght, John Heron of 
 the Forde Knyght, Richard Tunstall 
 Knyght, Henry Belyngeham Knyght, 
 Robert Whityughnm Knyght, William 
 Grymmesby late of London late Squier, 
 Thomas Tunstall late of Thurland in the 
 shire of Lancastr’ Squier, Symond 
 
 Hamomes Knyght, Thomas Dalton late of 
 Lilbourne in the counte of Northumber¬ 
 lond Gentilman, James Dalton late of the 
 same Gentilman, George Dalton late of 
 the same Gentilman, John Clapam late of 
 Skipton in Craven in Yorkshire Yoman, 
 Andrew Trollop late of Guysnes Squier, 
 Antony Notehill Knyght, John Botiller 
 late of Howke in the counte of Dorset 
 Squier, Gawen Lampleugh late of Warke- 
 worth in the shire of Northumberlond 
 Gentilman, Edmund Fyesh late of York 
 Taylleour, Thomas Frysell late of the 
 same Smyth, John Smothyng late of the 
 same Yoman, John Cateralllate of Bray- 
 ton in the counte of Y T oik Gentilman, 
 Thomas Barton late of Helmesley in the 
 counte of York Gentilman, William 
 Fyppes late of Southduffield in the counte 
 of Yorke Yoman, Henry Clyff the elder 
 late of Lokyngton in the counte of 
 York Yoman, Robert Tomlynson late of 
 Helagh in the counte of York Y'oman, 
 and Thomas Barton late of Y ork Mason; 
 at Wakefield in the shire of Y'ork on 
 Tywesday the XXX day of Decembr’ 
 last past, with grete despite and cruell 
 violence, horrible and unmanly tyrannye 
 murdered the seid right noble Prynce 
 Due of York.” Rot. Pari. 1st Edward IV. 
 (1461), vol. V. p. 477. 
 
THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 
 
 93 
 
 taken down and brought to Pontefract, where they were 
 placed with their respective bodies. All the remains were 
 then removed with magnificent funeral pomp to the collegiate 
 church of St. Mary and All Saints at Fotheringay, where 
 they were buried on the north side of the high altar amid 
 imposing surroundings, and with the most impressive services 
 that the medieval church could produce. 
 
 Then mass was sung, and prayers were said , 11 
 And solemn requiem for the dead ; 
 
 And bells told out their mighty peal 
 For the departed spirits’ weal; 
 
 And ever in the office close 
 The hymn of intercession rose ; 
 
 And far the echoing aisles prolong 
 The awful burthen of the song— 
 
 Dies iioe, dies ilea 
 
 SoLVET SiECLUM IN FAVILLA; 
 
 Teste David cum Sybilla. 
 
 Pie Jesu Domine, 
 
 Dona eis requiem. 
 
 11 Scott’s Lay of the Last Minstrel, Canto 6, XXX. 
 
THE BATTLE OF TOWTON . 1 
 
 Four miles southward of the ancient town of Tadcaster, 
 and about two miles and a half from the Church Fenton 
 Station on the Leeds and York line of railway, is situate the 
 quiet and picturesque village of Saxton, to the north of 
 which lies the site where the most bloody battle that ever 
 took place on English ground was fought, and which has 
 been justly called “ The Pharsalia of England.” Here was 
 reached the culminating point of that terrible and prolonged 
 struggle between the rival houses of the White Hose and the 
 Red. Here it was that the chief of Lancaster, Henry VL, 
 lost his crown and possessions, and the dynasties of the 
 kingdom were handed over to the House of York. 
 
 England had lung been mad, and scarred herself: 
 
 The brother blindly shed the brother’s blood, 
 
 The father rashly slaughtered his own son, 
 
 The son, compelled, was butcher to the sire ; 
 
 All this divided York and Lancaster. 
 
 After the battle of Wakefield the victorious armies of the 
 Lancastrians, elated with their success and emboldened by 
 the execution of the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury, 
 
 1 Authorities:—Wilhelmi Worcester 
 Annales Rerum Anglicarum, in vol. ii., 
 part 2, of Letters and Papers illustrative 
 of the Wars of the English in France 
 during the reign of Henry VI., edited by 
 the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, Rolls Series. 
 Regis Abbatiae Johaunis Wethamstede, 
 edited by H. T. Riley, vol. i., Rolls 
 Series. Political Poems and Songs from 
 Edward III. to Richard III., vol. ii., 
 Rolls Series. Polydore Vergil's English 
 History, edited by Sir Henry Ellis for 
 the Camden Society, London, 1844. An 
 English Chronicle from 1377—1461, 
 edited by the Rev. J. S. Davies for the 
 Camden Society, London, 1856. Hearne’s 
 Fragment; Chronicies of the White Rose 
 of York, London, 1845. Political Poems, 
 temp. Henry VI. to Edward IV., collected 
 
 by Sir Frederick Madden, and printed in 
 the Arcbseologia, vol. xxix. Historic 
 Croylandis Continuatio in Rerum Angli¬ 
 carum Scriptorum veterum, in 3 vols., 
 vol. i.. Gale and Fell, Oxford, 1684. The 
 Paston Letters, edited by James 
 Gairdner, in 3 vols., London, 1872-4-5, 
 vols. i. and ii. The Itinerary of John 
 Leland, in 9 vols., published by Mr. 
 ’lhomas Hearne, Oxford, 1770, vols. i. 
 and vi. Peter 'College Chronique, in 
 vol. ii. of Lelaud’s Collectanea, an edition 
 printed in 6 vols., London, 1774. The 
 Chronicle of the Londe of Englonde, by 
 Gerarde de Leew, Antwerp, 1493. 
 Camden’s Britannia, edited by Gibson, 
 London, 1722, vol. ii. Holinshed’s 
 Chronicles of England, in 6 vols., vol. ii., 
 London, 1807. Drake’s Eboracum, 
 
THE BATTLE OF TOWTON. 
 
 were joined by the Queen and her son Prince Edward, when 
 at once they proceeded southward with the intention of 
 occupying London. On their way they were met by the 
 Earl of Warwick, who commanded a body of Kentish men, 
 and had King Henry with him as prisoner. A desperate 
 struggle took place at St. Albans, 17th February, 1460-61, 
 in which the Yorkists were worsted and broke away under 
 cover of night. Margaret was able to rescue her husband, 
 but her men, instead of pursuing their retreating enemies, 
 gave themselves up to pillage and riotous living, plundering 
 churches, insulting the priests, and sparing neither age nor 
 sex in their ravages. Margaret greatly deplored their con¬ 
 duct, but was powerless to hinder them. Their cruel excesses 
 injured the royal cause in the south beyond recovery. 
 
 Meanwhile Edward, Earl of March, and now Duke of 
 York, whilst engaged at Gloucester in raising forces, had 
 heard of his father’s fate and the insult of his severed head 
 being placed on Micklegate Bar in York. Determined to 
 avenge his father’s blood, he marched with all haste to 
 Shrewsbury, intending to push further north and give battle 
 to the Queen, but finding that Jasper, Earl of Pembroke 
 (half-brother to Henry), with Owen Tudor his father, had 
 followed in his rear, he returned sharply, and on 2nd 
 February cut his way through a body of Lancastrians at 
 Mortimer’s Cross. He resumed his march, but this time in 
 the direction of London, meeting with the Earl of Warwick 
 at Chipping Norton, where the latter had rallied his men 
 after the mishap of St. Albans. At the head of his forces 
 he entered the city on 28th February. A young man, 
 scarce twenty years of age, handsome and tall in appearance, 
 with affable manners, all classes of the citizens rose up to 
 meet the “ new Duke of York.” A gigantic meeting was 
 held in a field beyond Clerkenwell, where, by the unanimous 
 acclamation of the people, he was chosen their future king. 
 The air was rent with the shouts of “ Long live King 
 Edward ! ” I was present,” says William Wyrcester, 
 “ heard them, and returned with them into the city.” 
 
 London, 1736. Loidis and Elmete, by 
 the Rev. Dr. Whitaker, Leeds, 181b. 
 Extracts from Torre’s MS. Notes from 
 the Harlaean MS., for some of which I 
 have to thank Mr. A. S. Ellis; Extracts 
 
 from Dodsworth’s MS., 160, fol. 18. I 
 have also embodied a number of local 
 traditions, and notes made on the several 
 occasions I have visited the locality. 
 
96 
 
 BATTLES FOTJGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Nobles, powerful barons, gallant knights flocked to his 
 standard, and he soon had a numerous army at his disposal. 
 
 Shortly before this event Margaret and her army had 
 reached Barnet, from whence she sent on to London for 
 provisions, which were refused, the carts stopped and sent 
 back empty. Word also came to her that the Duke of York 
 and the Earl of Warwick were rapidly approaching. Dis¬ 
 appointed at not being able to possess London, which they 
 found was in the keeping of the Yorkists, Margaret and her 
 soldiers, taking Henry with them, retreated back to the 
 north, where their cause was popular, and where all their 
 strength lay. York was their destination, and in and around 
 that city they made their stand. 
 
 On the 5th March the Duke of Norfolk left London for 
 his own neighbourhood to collect his retainers, men-at-arms, 
 and other troops, in order to lead them to the aid of Edward. 
 On the 7th the Earl of Warwick and his soldiers departed 
 northward. On the 11th the King’s foot-men, some Welsh¬ 
 men, and the Kentish men followed. Edward himself set 
 off on the 13th with the rear-guard, and also the nobles and 
 magnates of his party, amongst whom were John Radcliffe, 
 Lord Fitzwalter and William Neville, Lord Falconbridge, 
 uncle to Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick—“the great king¬ 
 maker,” which accounts for him supporting the cause of the 
 White Rose. As Edward proceeded numbers gathered 
 around his standard, so that when his entire army met at 
 Pontefract he found under his command 40,660 men. 
 
 The encampment of the Yorkist army at Pontefract was 
 on a triangular piece of ground close to Bubwith Bridge, 
 through which Pontefract Beck runs. Relics are often found 
 there. 
 
 At that period news travelled but slowly, hence it is in 
 no way surprising to find the Yorkists had marched a long 
 way northward before the Lancastrian leaders were made 
 aware of their approach. No sooner, however, was the fact 
 known than orders were given to get all in readiness to 
 meet the forces of Edward. York was their head-quarters, 
 and in it were left Henry, now feeble and infirm, the Queen 
 and the Prince of Wales. The Lancastrian army, consisting 
 chiefly of men of the north, a few Welsh, and some Scotch, 
 at once left York, marched to Tadcaster, nine miles to the 
 south-west, and, passing through the towiij pitched their 
 
THE BATTLE OF TOWTON. 
 
 97 
 
 tents on Towton Heath, two and a half miles farther south. 
 Here they awaited the advent of their foes. Their army 
 numbered 66,000 fighting men. The Earl of Northumber¬ 
 land and Sir Andrew Trollope (who two years before had 
 deserted the Yorkists) were in charge of the vanguard; the 
 Earl of Somerset, the Duke of Exeter, the Earl of Devon¬ 
 shire, and Lord Dacre divided the right and left wings 
 between them. Lord Clifford was in charge of a body of 
 picked men who bore the name of “ The Flower of Craven.” 
 All these nobles were bitter enemies to the house of York ; 
 many of their forefathers had fallen at the first battle of 
 St. Albans. 
 
 From Pontefract Edward sent forward a body of men in 
 charge of Lord Fitzwaiter to secure the ford at Ferrybridge. 
 This was effected without difficulty or opposition, but the 
 possession of it was very soon disputed. Clifford had heard 
 of the occupation of Ferrybridge, and at once he determined 
 to win that important position. He hurried on with all 
 speed at the head of his stalwart troops, and on Friday 
 27th March, at break of day, swooped suddenly down on the 
 Yorkist soldiers. Fitz waiter awoke from his sleep ; thinking 
 his men were quarrelling among themselves, he jumped out 
 of bed, seized a battle-axe, and boldly sallied forth without 
 armour or other defence to quell the riot. Little dreamt he 
 that his band of soldiers had been conquered and killed, and 
 that the enemy was ready to slay him. When he discovered 
 his plight he struggled bravely, but, overpowered by numbers, 
 he soon fell, and with him the Bastard of Salisbury, brother 
 to the Earl of Warwick—“a valiant young gentleman.” 2 
 
 A chance rider carried the news to Edward, who keenty 
 felt this early defeat, whilst many among his company looked 
 upon it as an evil omen. The Earl of Warwick was sadly 
 troubled and, mounting his horse, sped in haste to Edward’s 
 presence, to whom he exclaimed, “ Sir, I pray God have 
 mercy on their souls, which in the beginning of your enter¬ 
 prise have lost their lives, and because I see no succour in 
 the world but in God, I remit the vengeance to Him our 
 Creator and Redeemer,” With these words he dismounted 
 and, stabbing his horse with his sword, continued, “ Let him 
 
 = In the adjacent fields near to the ford bones, ancient armour and arms were 
 at Ferrybridge, especially about Bro- often found during the early part of this 
 therton Marsh, human skeletons, loose century. 
 
 H 
 
9S 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 flee that will, for surely I will tarry with him that will tarry 
 with me and then, holding up his sword by the blade, he 
 kissed the cross formed by the handle. It was at this 
 juncture Edward made a proclamation, that all who desired 
 to turn back and not fight were to do so forthwith, and 
 those who so withdrew 7 would not be in any way molested. 
 On the other hand, all who remained must continue faithful 
 throughout the campaign, neither deserting nor flying the 
 field under pain of death. All who conducted themselves as 
 brave men should have their due reward and double wages. 
 Such was the loyalty of his supporters, that not a single man 
 left his post, all preferring death to dishonour. 
 
 Edward now made an attempt to dislodge Clifford, but 
 the latter so stoutly defended the ford that it was useless. 
 He then detached a portion of his men and sent them to 
 Castleford, three miles higher up the river. Here they 
 crossed with the intention to surround Clifford, and either 
 overcome him or force him to surrender. They had to 
 deal with a wary soldier, who watched with a keen eye the 
 movements of his opponents, and before they had time to 
 double upon Ferrybridge, Clifford was falling back on the 
 main body of the Lancastrians. But an advanced guard of 
 Yorkists had pushed on to Dintingdale, a mile to the east of 
 Saxton, and on Saturday, 28th March, Clifford fell in with 
 them. A short and sharp skirmish took place. Clifford 
 saw at once he was hemmed in, with no alternative but 
 death or capitulation. Spurning the idea of surrender he 
 determined to sell his life dearly. He and his small body 
 of men fought bravely, “ even to the envy of those who 
 overcame them.” Clifford—“ the butcher,” as he was nick¬ 
 named—was slain, it was said, by a wound in the throat 
 from a headless arrow, and of those fearless men-at-arms 
 who proudly bore the name of “ The Flower of Craven,” 
 only two or three readied the Lancastrian camp to tell 
 their comrades the fatal tidings. Whilst this episode was 
 taking place, the main body of the Yorkists under Lord 
 Falconbridge, Sir Walter Blount, and Sir Robert Horne, 
 had passed the river Aire at Castleford, and were marching 
 from thence to Saxton, where they drew up and encamped. 
 
 The villages of Towton and Saxton are about tw T o miles 
 apart, and lie nearly due north and south. At the back of 
 Saxton is an elevated ridge of land affording an excellent 
 
THE BATTLE OF TOWTON. 
 
 99 
 
 site for a camp, for it rises on all sides from country much 
 lower in level. To the east of Saxton is the village of 
 Scarthingwell, and between them is Dintingdale. West of 
 Saxton there is the Cock-beck valley, in which is situated 
 Lead Hall (with its unique little church dedicated to St. 
 Mary of Lead), and also the Crooked Billet Inn, which a 
 local tradition says was the head-quarters of some of the 
 Yorkist leaders, and as the “crooked billet” is a local 
 pseudonym for a crooked or bent stick, it is most probable 
 that here were the quarters of William Neville, Lord Falcon- 
 bridge, whose shield of arms was—“ gules, a saltire argent, 
 a mullet sable for difference. 3 
 
 The little river Cock flows along the western side of the 
 battlefield, witli a somewhat tortuous course, skirting the 
 edge of the Castle Hill and Wood (formerly called the 
 Mayden Castell), passing through the Hazlewood Ings, and 
 running at the foot of llenshaw Wood to the back of Towton, 
 where it bends just before it passes the site of the old 
 London road, at which place it was formerly crossed by a 
 bridge. Two miles further on it empties itself into the 
 
 Wliarfe, after flowing for some distance through low and 
 
 marshy land. It is nowhere much wider than ten feet, but 
 
 its bed is very muddy and its banks, though low, dip 
 
 sharply. The descent to the river from Towton is very 
 steep, but when it is crossed the country between it and 
 Tadcaster is flat. 
 
 The east side of the battlefield is bounded by the road 
 between York and London, but just after leaving Towton 
 the old London road, now disused, turns suddenly off to the 
 left. The road between Saxton and Towton passes directly 
 over the site, and is known as Towton Lane. 
 
 The land about Towton is also w r ell elevated, and for the 
 most part continues so for nearly a mile in the direction of 
 Saxton. Here there is a depression running across the 
 field from east to west, and terminating in the Hazlewood 
 lugs. This is Towton Dale, where the fighting commenced ; 
 it, also bears the name of the Bloody Vale. Some fields 
 
 3 “ Now, by my father's badge, old 
 Nevil's crest, 
 
 The rampant bear chain'd to the ragged 
 staff, 18 
 
 This day I'll wear aloft my burgonet.” 
 
 lien. VI. Pi. 2, Act V. Scene 2. 
 
 “ Crooked Billet ” may be derived 
 from the crest of a “ bear chained to a 
 ragged staff.” A very ancient badge of 
 the house of Neville. 
 
 H 2 
 
100 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 close by are called the Bloody Meadows. Near this is a 
 pasture extending from Towton Lane to the Castle Hill 
 
 C. Very large Tumulus. G. Dinting Dale Quarry. 
 
 Wood, which, at the present time, is known as “ The Field 
 of the White and the Red Rose.” These are the places 
 where, according to tradition, the greatest slaughter took 
 
THE BATTLE OP TOWTON. 
 
 101 
 
 place, and the soil is remarkable for producing rich rank 
 grass. Past the hollow, and before reaching Saxton, the 
 land is again elevated for some distance, then there is a 
 gentle decline back to Saxton village. At the period when 
 the battle took place the whole of the ground would be 
 unenclosed, chiefly moorland. No entrenchments are known. 
 
 On the ridge of high ground in front, and just behind 
 Towton, was placed the main body of the Lancastrians, the 
 left wing extending towards and beyond the London road, 
 the right reaching to the Renshaw Wood with a strong out¬ 
 post in possession of the Mayden Castle—altogether an 
 excellent position for a fight, hot as events fell out a very 
 bad place for a retreat. 
 
 In and about Saxton was the main body of the Yorkists, 
 their right wing towards Scarthiugwell, their left about 
 Lead Hall, their rear-guard behind Saxton. Falconbridge 
 commanded the advance guard. Sir John Wenlock and Sir 
 John Denham the rear. Edward himself was present, his 
 standard—the Black Bull—being carried by Kalph Ves- 
 tynden. He probably directed one of the wings, leaving the 
 Earl of Warwick in charge of the other. Some writers say 
 that the Duke of Norfolk was sick and could not come, but 
 one historian records that he arrived at noon on the 29th, 
 bringing fresh supplies of men. 
 
 The two armies were drawn up opposite to each other in 
 a line a mile long. An order, terrible to contemplate, pre¬ 
 luded the battle. By mutual agreement no quarter was to 
 be given by either side, and no prisoners were to be taken. 
 Such was the position of affairs when the shades of night 
 closed that solemn Saturday, and, for a few short hours, 
 both camps were wrapt in the stillness of slumber. The 
 morning light of that awful Palm Sunday was dulled by a 
 driving snow-storm from the south or south-east,—in piteous 
 terms one writer relates, “ and all the while it snew.” It 
 seemed as if the wrath of heaven was directed against the 
 forces of the Red Rose. The two armies sighted each other 
 early in the morning, when, by way of derisive greeting, 
 they “rent the air with a mighty shout”—a signal of 
 defiance to mortal combat. Falconbridge pushed forward 
 his archers, and bade them commence the battle. Flight 
 after flight of arrows fell into the ranks of the Lancastrians, 
 who, in reply, failed to reach the Yorkists. “The driving 
 
102 
 
 battles fought in Yorkshire. 
 
 wind and blinding snow was worse to them than even their 
 enemies.” The arrows they discharged dropped full sixty 
 yards short of their intended goal, until at last their quivers 
 were exhausted. Then the Yorkist bowmen pressed on, 
 and, picking up the defaulting shafts, discharged them back 
 into the bosoms of their first owners with deadly effect. 
 The main bodies then closed on each other, and the battle 
 became general, and ere long a hand-to-hand contest began, in 
 which kith fought against kin, father against son, brother 
 against brother, yea, with such fierce vigour was the struggle 
 waged, “ men fought as if this battle was the gate of 
 Paradise.” For hours the issue remained doubtful; now 
 York prevailed, now Lancaster ; and this continued with 
 varying success until the evening shadows fell, when the 
 Lancastrians, in consequence of their large numbers, be¬ 
 coming unwieldy in their movements, got thrown into 
 confusion. Their commanders used every effort to rally 
 them, and many desperate stands w-ere made to cover their 
 retreat to the little bridge over the Cock. Here, on the 
 steep descent, a terrible disaster befell the Lancastrians. 
 Their left wing, coming through Towton, collided with the 
 right wing hastening across the land behind the village ; 
 both being hard pressed by the main bod}'’pouring down the 
 hill, order w T as at an end, their leaders lost control, and 
 what might have been a steady retreat was turned into a 
 complete rout. All made for the bridge, which was hope¬ 
 lessly inadequate for the occasion ; hundreds upon hundreds 
 leaped into the little rivulet. Weighted with armour, unable 
 to scale the opposite bank for depth of mud and want of 
 time, they were soon pressed down, first by their own com¬ 
 rades, and afterwards by the Yorkist forces in pursuit. To 
 add to the difficulty, the little river was swollen with rains. 
 
 Thousands upon thousands crossed by the “ Bridge of 
 Bodies,” as this has been often called. All that night and 
 all the next day the chase of the Lancastrians was 
 hotly continued,-—who “toiled for ten miles towards York 
 with endless slaughter.” They naturally made for that city 
 because it w r as in their hands. Many took refuge in the 
 Renshaw Wood. 
 
 IVenty-eight thousand dead “ numbered by heralds ” were 
 counted on the battle-field itself : besides which it is computed 
 that in addition to those suffocated in the water, and those 
 
THE BATTLE OF TOWTON. 
 
 103 
 
 killed by the roadside, or falling from exhaustion, make a 
 total of 38,000 English slain—“ a sacrifice for their fathers’ 
 transgressions.” 4 Onty one prisoner was taken—the Earl of 
 Devonshire,—and this happened “ when they were weary of 
 killing.” 5 
 
 The battle lasted ten hours, from nine in the morning to 
 seven at night. 6 Edward was present the whole time : by his 
 chivalric behaviour he so inspired his men with courage that 
 none thought of flight or surrender, but only of death or victory. 
 
 Though named after Towton, the battle took place in 
 Saxton parish, a tradition lingering—“whilst the people were 
 at church.” Another local tradition says that the clash of 
 arms was distinctly heard in St. Leonard’s Chapel at Hazle- 
 wood during the time the congregation were at Mass. 
 
 The battle was fought on Palm-Sunday, March 29, 1461— 
 hence its name of Palm-Sunday Field. It has also been called 
 Saxton Field, Towton Field, York Field, and the Battle of 
 Sherburn. The fearful wounds, received by those who fell 
 on the field, stained the snow with human gore, which by- 
 and-bye melting, ran through the ditches into the little 
 rivulet, colouring it with blood, and it is asserted that for 
 three miles below its junction with the Wharfe, that river 
 was stained likewise. 
 
 The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, when they saw how 
 desperate affairs had become, rode with all haste to York to 
 inform Henry of the disastrous defeat. Henry, Margaret, 
 the Prince their son, Somerset, Exeter, and other nobles, fled 
 northward to Newcastle, and after travelling for two days 
 reached Scotland, where Henry bartered away Berwick-on- 
 Tweed as a payment for his maintenance and safe keeping. 
 
 Edward with his chief captains entered York on the 
 Monday hoping to surprise and take prisoner his opponent, 
 but found he was too late. He however was received by the 
 Lord Mayor and Corporation “ with great solemnity and 
 processions.” The city at once transferred its allegiance to 
 the White Rose. Edward’s first act was to order the heads 
 of his father, the Earl of Salisbury, and others, to be taken 
 
 4 38,000 (Croyland Cont.), 33,000 after the actual fighting was over from 
 (Chron. White Hose), 30,000 (Polydore among the fugitive and wounded Lan- 
 Vergil, Peter College Chronique), 36,770 castrians. 
 
 and 35,091 (Harl. MS.). B According to the Chronicle of the 
 
 5 Many prisoners were no doubt taken White Rose the bat'le began at 4 a.m. 
 
104 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 clown from the city gates, and to be buried with their 
 respective bodies. As if by a Nemesis, the beads of the Earl 
 of Devon, Lord Kyme, Sir William Hill and Sir Thomas 
 Fulford, -who by bis mandate bad just been executed, were 
 ordered to be put in the same places. 
 
 Edward stayed for a short time in the north until quiet 
 was restored, when be returned to London, 8th June, 
 reaching it on the 26th, and was crowned in Westminster 
 Abbey, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, on Sunday 28th— 
 “ King of England, amid a blaze of triumph and glory.” 
 
 The Earl of Northumberland, wounded and exhausted, 
 reached York, and died just after his arrival. On the field 7 
 fell John, Lord (a) Neville 8 (the brother of Ralph, Earl 
 of Westmoreland ; Lionel, ( a ) Lord Welles; Ralph, (a) 
 Lord Dacre ; Anthony («) Rivers, Lord Scales ; Lord Henry 
 
 (a) de Bokingham ; Lord (a) Willoughby ; Lord (a) Malley ; 
 Lord (c) Grey ; Lord («) Fitzhugh ; Lord (c) Mollineaux; 
 Lord (cl) Beaumont; Ralph (a) Pigot ; Sir Ralph (a) Gray; 
 Sir Richard ( ct) Jeney ; Sir Henry («) Beckingham ; Sir 
 Andrew (a) Trollope ; Sir John (ct) Stafford ; Sir (a) Robert 
 Horne, of Kent; Sir (b) David Trollope ; Sir John (b) 
 Burton, governor of York ; Sir Richard (b) Percy ; Sir John 
 
 (b) Heron ; Sir Jervase (b) Clifton ; Sir Edmund (b) Hamys; 
 Sir Thomas (b) Crakenthorpe; Sir Walter (b) Havill ; Sir 
 John (b) Ormonde ; Sir Roger (b) Molyne ; Sir Henry (b) 
 Norbohew ; Sir Ralph ( e ) Eure, and many others ; truly 
 “ the flower of English chivalry fell at Towton.” Lord 
 Scroope (a) was badly wounded. 9 
 
 Lord Dacre came to his end in a very singular manner. 
 Heated by the excitement of fighting, he felt faint with his 
 efforts, so unclasping his helmet, be knelt down to drink a 
 cup of wine. A boy, “ hidden in a bur-tree ” (elder-berry), 10 
 recognised him, and saying, “ Thou killed my father and I 
 will kill thee ”—slew him with an arrow before he had time 
 
 ' The lists of the names varies: those 
 marked a are from the l’aston Letters; 
 b from the Harl. MS., 795, Pluto, lxx-i., 
 p. 72 (D. 174 a); c from Drake’s Ebo- 
 racum (which gives most of the Harl. 
 MS.names also); </ from Stow’sChronicle; 
 e from Glover's Visitation. 
 
 s John, Lord Neville, according to one 
 authority, was slain at Dintiugdale. 
 
 9 These names are given in the 
 Harl. MS. :—Earls Northumber, Salop, 
 
 and Devon ; Lords Clifford, Beaumond, 
 Nevill. Willoughby, Welles, Roos, Scales, 
 Gray, Dacres, FitzHugh, Mollens, 
 Beckingham, the two bastards of Exeter’s, 
 Percy, Hurn (?), Clifton, Hamys, two 
 Crackthorp,two Trollops, Harrill,Ormond, 
 Mullin, Pigot, Norboheu, and Burton. 
 
 lu “And (1617) decayed within these 
 two years.” — Harl. MS., as above, p. 52, 
 M. 18a. 
 
THE BATTLE OP TOWTON. 
 
 105 
 
 to collect himself. To this very day the spot where the bush 
 was is still pointed out in the North Acres, the field where the 
 occurrence took place. Hence the couplet, still repeated 
 both in the villages of Saxton and Towton : — 
 
 “ The Lord Dacres 
 Was slain in the North Acres.” 
 
 His body lies buried in the church-yard at Saxton under 
 a “ meane tombe ” on the north side of the church. Until 
 1883 it was in a state of shameful neglect. In the spring of 
 that year it was re-erected on a solid bed. of concrete and 
 surrounded by a curbstone bearing an iron rail. 
 
 East and West Side. 
 
 It is a plain altar tomb of Craven limestone, and on each 
 side there are shields of arms. On the North, Quarterly, 
 1 and 4 chequy, or and gules, (Vaux) ; 2 and 3 Quarterly, 
 1 and 4, gules, three escalops or, (Dacre) ; 2 and 3, harry of 
 eight, argent and gules (Multon); impaling Quarterly, 1 and 4, 
 azure, fretty or, a chief of the second, (Fitzhugh) ; 2 and 3, 
 vair, argent and azure, a fess gules, (Marmion). 
 
 On the South, Quarterly, 1 and 4, Vaux ; 2 and 3, Dacre. 
 
 On the East and West, Quarterly, 1 and 4, Vaux ; 2 and 
 3 Dacre. 
 
106 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YOliKSHIRE. 
 
 The inscription, long a puzzle to the antiquary, has been 
 carefully deciphered by my friend Mr. T. M. Fallow, F.S.A. 
 
 fctc Sam &anulpf)’ ins tJt tiafear ct g[tltf^lan]tl berunttlfS & s'trmuuS 
 tn bfllo pr . . . . fhmrtfo Ylf. . . i© Uni ntccccljrt yyijc Die 
 
 miuft . . . rcti bitd Umta ramtsi palmaru ‘ cu ’ ait p’prict is amt. 
 
 Or fully expanded;—Iiic Jacet Ranulphus dominus de dakar etgilles- 
 land verus miles et strenuus in hello pro rege Henrico VI anno domini 
 X | y MCCCGLXI^die mensis marcii videlicet dominica ramis palmarum cujus 
 animee propicietur dews amen. 
 
 John, Lord Neville, is also buried there, but there is no 
 memorial to him. Sir Roger Clifford’s body is said (accord¬ 
 ing to their family tradition) to have been tumbled into a pit 
 along with many of those who fell at Dintingdale. Lionel, 
 Lord Welles was buried in Methley Church, where there is a 
 monument to his memory. Tradition sa} r s his body was con¬ 
 veyed thither by night, in a sack. The Earl of Northumber¬ 
 land, “him that was slain at Towton,”—was laid in the 
 Church of S. Dyonis (or Dennis), in Walmgate, York, in the 
 north choir under a large blue marble, which had two effigies 
 on it, and an inscription in brass around it ; unfortunately in 
 1736, it was obliterated. This was the parish church of the 
 family, for opposite to it once stood the ancient palace of the 
 earls of Northumberland. 
 
 And what of the great unlettered dead whose ghastly 
 corpses strewed that fatal field \ It is recorded that many 
 were laid in “ certaine deepe trenches overgrown with brushes 
 and briers containinge 19 yards in breadth and 32 yards in 
 length in Towton-field, a bowshot on the left hand in the way 
 betwixt Saxton and Towton, halfe a mile short of Towton.” 11 
 The site of this is still called “ the Graves ” and is situated 
 in the second field from the road between Towton and Saxton 
 opposite Towton Dale quarry. The levelling influence of the 
 plough has destroyed every trace of this raised enclosure. 
 Others were buried in pits in the “ Bloody Yale,” which tra¬ 
 dition localises as the scene of the greatest carnage, and 
 especially in the “ Field of the White and Red Rose,” where 
 fifty years ago many tumuli could be traced, of which now 
 no vestiges are left. Leland mentions “ 5 pittes yet appear- 
 
 11 Harl. MS., as above, M. 101b. 
 
THE BATTLE OF TOWTON. 
 
 107 
 
 ing half a mile by north in Saxton fields,”—three tumuli 
 still remain to be seen in the Ings, near the May den Castell. 
 One of these shows marked evidence of having been explored. 
 A rough unhewn stone near the Hazlewood Ings local tra¬ 
 dition maintains marks the site of a grave. Leland records 
 that a Mr. Hungate collected a great number of bones, and 
 caused them to be buried in Saxton Churchyard. A raised 
 mound two yards wide, and extending from the vestry to the 
 tower still exists on the north side, close by Lord Dacre’s tomb. 
 In digging graves near it from time to time large quantities 
 of bones of a strong type have been come across. 
 
 Many yaars ago Lord Dacre’s tomb-stone was violently 
 wrenched aside to inter beneath it a Mr. Gascoigne, when 
 Lord Dacre’s skeleton was found in a standing position. 12 A 
 tradition, that his horse was buried with him, was verified in 
 1861, when in digging a grave on the south side of Lord 
 Dacre’s, about six feet below the surface the skull of a horse 
 was found, so placed as to show that the vertebra) of the neck 
 extended into Lord Dacre’s tomb. The Dev. S. G. M. Webb, 
 the present vicar of Saxton, has in his possession the right 
 jaw-bone of this skull. It has three molar teeth fixed, besides 
 which there are five loose incisors, and a portion of the nasal 
 bone ; another part of the skull is said to have been presented 
 to some museum. 
 
 Mr. Francis Drake 13 and two gentlemen went to see one 
 of the pits or tumuli opened about 1730. Vast quantities of 
 bones were bared, some arrow heads, and pieces of broken 
 swords ; they also found five fresh-looking groat pieces of 
 Henry IV. Henry V. and Henry VI. all the coins being laid 
 close to a thigh-bone. In 1835 a pit was dug near Dinting- 
 dale, close to the road, and in it were found bones supposed 
 to be the remains of Lord Clifford. 
 
 Beyond bones but few discoveries have been made. This 
 may be accounted for by the coldness of the weather when 
 the battle was fought, which would allow the searchers to 
 proceed at their leisure, and carefully remove every article 
 
 12 This mode of burial is alluded to in 
 Wordsworth’s “White Doe of liylstone,” 
 in Canto I. :— 
 
 Pass, pass who will yon chantry door, 
 And through the chink in the fractured 
 floor 
 
 Look down and see a grisly sight— 
 
 A vault where the bodies are buried 
 upright! 
 
 There face by face, and hand by hand, 
 The Claphams and Mauleverera stand. 
 13 Eboracum, p. 111. This book was 
 written several years before it was 
 printed. 
 
108 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 of value. A silver ring with two hands conjoined was found 
 at Towton, and, in 1786, a gold ring with seal, weighing over 
 an ounce, was dug up. It had no stone, but on the gold was 
 cut a lion passant and this inscription “ nowe. ys. thus.” It 
 is supposed to have belonged to the Earl of Northumberland. 
 
 In 1792 a gilt spur was found with the motto “ En loial 
 amour tout mon coer ” engraven on it. 
 
 A “ great chapel,” founded by Richard III., of which the 
 first stone was laid by Sir John Multon’s father. It was built 
 at Towton “ in token of praier,” and for the souls of “ the men 
 slayn at Palmesunday Field.” 14 Here also many burials took 
 place. Richard intended to have endowed a chantry ; but 
 died before the chapel was complete, which event caused the 
 building to remain unfinished. Its site is preserved in the 
 Chapel Garth, on the rising ground in the field behind 
 Towton Hall. No superstructure exists, but in enlarging the 
 cellarage at the Hall, about a hundred years ago, foundations 
 were discovered with some carved stones, tiles, and human 
 bones. 
 
 Saxton Church is dedicated to All Hallows, and was 
 formerly a parochial chapelry in Sherburn parish. On one 
 of the bells in the tower is this legend :— 
 
 Willeimus Sallay armiger de Saxton me fecit fieri 
 Saucta Margarita ora pro nobis. 15 
 
 The donor of this bell died in 1492. He was lord of the 
 manor of Saxton when this battle occurred. Bred under the 
 
 14 The following extracts are of great 
 interest as regards Towton Chapel:—- 
 
 “ Toughton, 22 Dec l ’ r a.d. 15o2. 
 
 “ Whereas the Chappell of Toughton 
 (in y e pj’sh of Saxton before founded and 
 newly sumptuosly built of stone-work). 
 In w ch Chappell and ground about it very 
 many bodies of men slain in ye time of 
 war lye buried. Now forasmuch as the 
 sd chappell is not so sufficiently endowed 
 w tb possessions and rents as to sustain it 
 and have divine service celebrated there¬ 
 in w th out the charitable alms of Xtian 
 people elsewhere. Whereupon Thomas 
 [Savage] Abp. of\ T oik [1501-7] hereby 
 granted his licence & authority to dhs 
 Robt. Burdet capln to celebrate divine 
 service in ye sd chappell. And to the 
 Inhabitants of ye Town of Toughton to 
 found a Gilde or Fraternity in ye same 
 
 Chappell to the honour of S l Mary y' 
 Virgin, S‘ Anne, and S‘ Thomas y e 
 Martyr.”—Torre’s MS. Peculiars, p. 554. 
 
 “ Dec. 22 lld 1502. Indulgentia40dierum 
 pro capello de Toughton noviter edifi- 
 catur.”—Fabric Rolls of York Minster, 
 Surtees Soc. vol. xxxv., p. 242. 
 
 “July 22 nd , 1546. Indulgentia 40 
 dierum duabis annis ad spaciosam capel- 
 lam in villa de Toughton par Saxton de 
 novo a fuudamentis sumptuose et nobi¬ 
 liter erectain super quodamsolo sen fundo 
 ubi corpora procerum et magnatum ac 
 aliorum hominum multitudine copiosa 
 in quodam bello in campis circumjac- 
 entibus mito interfectorum sepeliuntur.” 
 —Ibid. p. 241. 
 
 15 History of Sherburn and Cawood, 
 by W. Wheater, p. 70. 
 
THE BATTLE OF TOWTON. 
 
 109 
 
 Lacies and adherents of the Red Rose he warmly supported 
 and fought for the cause. Even after defeat his heart was 
 stedfast, which is shown in the touching prayer, that 
 Margaret,—his once fair Queen of England, now alas dead— 
 would pray for them in the time of their tribulation. 
 
 A Bill of Attainder 16 followed Edwards victory atTowton. 
 Twelve nobles, along with knights and squires to the number 
 
 1(5 The following extract from the Act 
 of Attainder is useful as it gives a list of 
 the names of those who took part in the 
 Battle of Towton 
 
 “ And where also Henry, Due of 
 Excestr, Henry, Due of Somerset, Thomas 
 Courteney, late Erie of Devonshire, 
 Henry late Erie of Northumberland, 
 William Yicecount Beaumont, Thomas 
 Lord Roos, John late Lord Clifford, 
 Leo late Lord Welles, John late 
 Lord Nevill, Thomas Gray Knyght, 
 Lord Rugemond Gray, Randolf late Lord 
 Dacre, flumfrey Dacre Knyght, John 
 Morton late Person of Blokesworth in the 
 shire of Dorset Clerk, Rauf Makereli late 
 Person of Ryseby in the shire of Suff’ 
 Clerk, Thomas Mannyng late of New 
 Wyndesore in Berkshire Clerk, John 
 Whelpdale late of Lychefeld in the counte 
 of Stafford Clerk, John Nayler late of 
 Loudon Squier, John Preston late of 
 Wakefield in the shire of York Preest, 
 Philip Wentworth Knyght, John 
 Fortescu Knyght, William Tailboys 
 Knyght, Edmund Moundford Knyght, 
 Thomas Tresham Knyght, William Vans 
 Knyght, Edward Hampden Knyght, 
 Thomas Eyndern Knight, John Cour¬ 
 teney Knyght, Henry Lewes Knyght, 
 Nicholas Latymer Knyght, Waltier Nut- 
 hill late of Ryston in Holderness in the 
 shire of York Squier, John Heron of the 
 Forde Knyght, Richard Tunstall Knyght, 
 Henry Belyngeham Knyght, Robert 
 Whityngham Knyght, John Ormond 
 otherwise called John Botillier Knyght, 
 William Mille Knyght, Symonde Hamtnes 
 Knyght, William Holand Knyght called 
 the Bastard of Excestr, William Josep 
 late of London Squier, Everard Dykby 
 late of Stokedry in the shire of Rutland 
 Squier, John Myrfyn late of Suthwerk in 
 the shire of Surr’ Squier, Thomas Philip 
 late of Dertyngton in Devonshire Squier, 
 Thomas Brampton late of Guysnes 
 Squier, Giles Seyntlowe late of London 
 Squier, Thomas Claymond, the seid 
 Thomas Tunstall Squier, Thomas Craw¬ 
 ford late of Caleys Squier, John Aldeley 
 late of Guysnes Squyer, John Lenche 
 of Wyche in the shire of Worcestre 
 
 Squier, Thomas Ormond otherwise called 
 Thomas Botillier Knyght, Robert 
 Bellyngeham late of Burnalshede in the 
 shire of Westmerloud Squier, Thomas 
 Everyngham late of Newhall in the shire 
 of Leycestre Knyght, John Penycok late 
 of Waybrigge in the counte of Surr’ 
 Squier, William Grymmesby late of 
 Grymmesby in the shire of Lincoln’ 
 Squier, Henry Ross late of Rokyngliam 
 in the shire of Northampton Knyght, 
 Thomas Danyell late of Rysyng in the 
 shire of Norff” Squier, John Doubiggyng 
 late of the same Gentilman, Richard 
 Kirkeby late of Ivirkeby Ireleth in the 
 shire of Lancastr’ Gentilman, William 
 Ackeworth late of Luton in the shire of 
 Bed’ Squier, William Weynsford late of 
 London Squier, Richard Stucley late of 
 Lambeliith in the counte of Surr’ Squier, 
 Thomas Stanley late of Carlile Gentilman, 
 Thomas Litley late of London Grocer, Jolm 
 Maydenwell late of Kirton in Lyudesey in 
 the Counte of Lincoln Gentilman, Edward 
 Ellesmere late of London Squier, John 
 Dawson late of Westmynster in the shire 
 of Midd’ Yoman, Henry Spencer late of 
 the same Yoman, John Smothyng late 
 of York Yoman, John Beaumont late of 
 Goodby in the shire of Leycr’ Gentilman 
 Henry Beaumont late of the same 
 Gentilman, Roger Wharton otherwise 
 called Roger of the Halle late of Burgh 
 in the shire of Westmerlond Grome, 
 John Joskyn late of Branghing in the 
 shire of Hertf Squier, Richard Litester’ 
 the younger late of Wakefeld Yoman, 
 Thomas Carr late of Westmynster 
 Yoman, Robert Bollyng late of Bollyng 
 in the shire of York Gentilman, Robert 
 Hatecale late of Barleburgk in the same 
 shire Yoman, Richard Everyngham late 
 of Pontfreyt in the same shire Squier, 
 Richard Fuluaby of Fulnaby in the shire 
 of Lincoln Gentilman, Laurence Hille 
 late of Moch Wycombe in the counte of 
 Buk’ Yoman, Rauff Chernok late of 
 Thorley in the counte of Lancastr’ 
 Gentilman, Richard Gaitford of Estretford 
 in Cley in the shire of Notyngh’ Gentil¬ 
 man, John Chapman late of Wymbourue 
 Mynster in Dorsetshire Yoman, and 
 
110 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 of one hundred and fifty-three, were stripped of their estates, 
 rendered homeless, thrown from affluence to poverty, whilst 
 all that they had went to replenish the royal purse, or was 
 given to some zealous adherent of the house of York . 17 That 
 ancient seat of the Percys—Spofforth Castle, was dismantled 
 and reduced from a princely palace to a heap of ruins, while 
 their lands were given to the Marquis Montague, a brother 
 of the Earl of Warwick. Sic transit gloria mundi. 
 
 I cannot conclude this stoiy of Towton Field without an 
 allusion to the little dwarf bushes peculiar to the “ Field of 
 the White Rose and the Red.” They are said to have been 
 plentiful at the commencement of this century, but visitors 
 have taken them away in such numbers, that they have 
 become rare. Such Vandalism is simply shameful, for the 
 plants are said to be unique and unable to exist in any other 
 soil . 18 The little roses are white with a red spot in the 
 centre of each of their petals, and, as they grow old, the 
 under surface becomes a dull red colour. 
 
 There is a patch of wild white roses that bloom on a battle-field, 
 
 Where the rival rose of Lancaster blushed redder still to yield. 
 
 Four hundred years have o’er them shed their sunshine and their snow, 
 But, in spite of plough and harrow, every summer there they blow ; 
 Though rudely up to root them with hand profane you toil, 
 
 The faithful flowers still cluster around the sacred soil ; 
 
 Though tenderly transplanted to the nearest garden gay, 
 
 Nor cost, nor care, can tempt them there to live a single day ! 
 
 I ponder o’er their blossoms, and anon my busy brain, 
 
 With bannered hosts and steel-clad knights re-peopled all the plain— 
 
 I seemed to hear the lusty cheer of the bowmen bold of York, 
 
 As they marked how well their cloth-yard shafts had done their bloody 
 work ; 
 
 And steeds with empty saddles came rushing wildly by, 
 
 And wounded warriors staggered past, or only turned to die ; 
 
 And the little sparkling river was cumbered as of yore 
 
 With ghastly corse of man and horse, and ran down red with gore. 
 
 Richard Cokerell late of York Marchaunt; 
 on Sonday called comynly Palme Sonday 
 the XXIX day of Marche .... in a feld 
 bitwene the townes of Shirbourne-in- 
 Elmett, and Tadcastr’ &c. &c. 
 
 Rot. Pari. 1st Edward IV. (1461), 
 Vol. V. pp. 476-77-78. 
 
 ‘7 Ralph Vestynden got an annual 
 pension of £10 for his service as banner- 
 bearer at Touton. Rotuli Pari., vol. vi., 
 
 p. 93. 
 
 ls The plant is the Rosa spinossissima, 
 or burnt rose, which only attains to a 
 foot in height. It certainly grows in 
 many other places besides Towton Field, 
 but its favourite habitat in the inland 
 places of Yorkshire is the magnesian 
 limestone.—(Wheater, in W. Smith’s Old 
 Yorkshire, vol. 5. p. 42.) 
 
THE BATTLE OF TOWTON. 
 
 Ill 
 
 I started as I pondered, for loudly on my ear 
 
 Rose indeed a shout like thunder, a true good English cheer ; 
 
 And the sound of drum and trumpet came rolling up the vale, 
 
 And blazoned banners proudly flung their glories to the gale ; 
 
 But not, oh ! not to battle did those banners beckon now— 
 
 A baron stood beneath them, but not with helmed brow, 
 
 And Yorkshire yeomen round him thronged, but not with bow and lance, 
 And the trumpet only bade them to the banquet and the dance. 
 
 Again my brain was busy : from out those flow’rets fair 
 A breath arose like incense—a voice of praise and prayer ! 
 
 A silver voice that said, “ Rejoice ! and bless the God above 
 Who hath given thee those days to see, of peace, and joy, and love. 
 
 Oh, never more by English hands may English blood be shed, 
 
 Oil! never more be strife between the roses white and red. 
 
 The blessed words the shepherds heard may we remember still, 
 Throughout the world be peace on earth, and towards man good will. 
 The Flowers of Towton Field: a Ballad of Battle Acred 9 
 
 J. R. Planche. 
 
 19 Songs and Poems from 1319-79. 
 

Tomb of Lord Dacre at Saxton. 
 

THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 0 blessed Peace ! 
 
 To thy soft arms through death itself we flee ; 
 
 Battles, and camps, and fields, and victorie 
 
 Are but the rugged steps that lead to thee. (Lovelace.) 
 
 There are but few chapters in our English history which 
 appeal more strongly to the sympathies of the reader than 
 those which cover the epoch known as the Great Civil War. 
 and perchance the reason is, that it is nearer our own times, 
 and also that the thrilling events which then happened have 
 not as yet wholly lost their influence over our present daily 
 habits and customs. 
 
 The long pent-up storm had at last burst, and as it rolled 
 along gathered greater strength, until raging with the fury 
 of a whirl-wind, it swept everything before it. It was indeed 
 a dark and cruel day in the annals of England when Charles 
 I. unfurled his Royal Standard, at Nottingham, on Sunday, 
 the 22nd of August, 1642. It was the commencement of a 
 struggle between himself and, at first, an unwilling Parlia¬ 
 ment and people ; a struggle between regal autocracy and 
 constitutional government, in which a great nation was 
 striving for that priceless treasure—liberty; and yet a 
 struggle fraught with nothing but trouble and disaster to 
 himself and his friends. 
 
 Warfare had been carried on for nearly two years with 
 varied success, when in the April of 1644, a large body of 
 troops commanded by Ferdinando, Lord Fairfax, united 
 with the Scottish army 1 led by Alexander Leslie, Lord 
 Leven, and appeared before the walls of York. That city, 
 however, was very ably garrisoned by Sir Thomas Glemham, 
 the governor, and also by the Marquis of Newcastle, who 
 was possessed of some very powerful regiments of cavalry by 
 
 1 Rushworth gives full particulars of its composition, pp. 604, 5. 
 
 1 
 
118 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 which he was enabled to keep the bridge over the Ouse, so 
 that the invaders could only invest two sides of York, and 
 did not venture to divide their forces. Fairfax and Leven 
 knew that if they did, Newcastle would attack them to their 
 great disadvantage. Feeling their position a difficult one 
 they wrote a pressing letter to the Earl of Manchester, 
 imploring him to come to their aid, to which he promptly 
 replied, and came at the head of a large army of both horse 
 and foot soldiers. So the city was now blockaded on all 
 sides, provisions were getting scarce within its walls, the 
 garrison and citizens were face to face with famine, whilst 
 outside, the country for miles round had been so well 
 foraged, that the besiegers fared very little better than the 
 besieged. 
 
 But on Friday, the 28th of June, a startling message was 
 delivered to the three generals that Prince Rupert, “ the 
 second Nimrod, the mighty Plunderer, the beginning of 
 whose kingdom is confusion/’ was fast advancing with ten 
 thousand horse 2 and eight thousand foot to the relief of 
 York. At once a council was held. It was decided to wait 
 two days longer to allow time for the auxiliaries from 
 Cheshire and the Midland counties to arrive. These troops 
 were led by the Earl of Denbigh and Sir John Meldrum, 
 who wrote to the three generals that they could not possibly 
 reach Wakefield before Thursday, the 4th of July, “where¬ 
 upon conceiving themselves unable to keep the siege and 
 fight him (Rupert) also, and supposing it safest to fight with 
 their whole strength united,” it was agreed that York should 
 be abandoned. 
 
 Orders were at once issued and the greater portion of the 
 Parliamentarian army was drawn off, and marched “ to a 
 moor close by Long Marston.” 3 On Sunday evening, the 
 30th of June, further news came that Rupert was quartered 
 at Boroughbridge, and very early on Monday morning they 
 got word that he was rapidly moving straight towards 
 York, and that he intended to fight the next day, “nay, 
 their Goliath himself is advancing with men not to be 
 numbered, blood-hounds attending them, all more ravenous 
 than wolves, fiercer than tigers thirsting for blood.” “ But,” 
 
 2 Watson says Rupert’s army on Mars- Newcastle’s 6000 would make it 24,000. 
 ton M<>or itself was 25,000 in number. 3 Letter A. 
 
 Stewart gives 20,000. 18,000 added to 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 119 
 
 says Mr. Ash, who. was chaplain to the Earl of Manchester, 
 “our eyes are towards heaven from whence cometh our help, 
 and we will pray and wait upon the God of our salvation 
 and mercies/' So the remaining troops drew away from 
 York, “the enemy making small skirmishes all the while 
 with us, and we with our forlorn hope of horse drawn up for 
 that purpose still repulsing them.” And early on Monday 
 morning the siege of York was raised. “You will easily 
 believe that there was much joy and many manifestations 
 thereof in the city upon removing the forces which had so 
 long begirt it on every side.” 4 The besiegers had finally 
 retired in such haste that when the Marquis of Newcastle 
 with his guards issued from York to enter their camp they 
 found “ mortar pieces, ammunition, war and other carriages, 
 together with four thousand pairs of boots and shoes.” The 
 Parliamentarians united their forces on Marston and Hessay 
 Moors. Here during the afternoon they were drawn up in 
 battle array with the intention of intercepting Rupert, 
 “ having been again assured by their scouts that he would 
 pass that way,” and thus prevent his junction with New¬ 
 castle. But Rupert was more than a match for them. 
 “ The vigilant enemy, like his father the compassing roaring- 
 lion, had knowledge of the besiegers rising, being quickly 
 informed by a way not suspected,” and so got into York ; 
 “and verrie sad they were ” to find they were disappointed 
 of a battle. 
 
 But we must turn to Rupert. He was actively engaged 
 commanding the Royalist forces in Lancashire and Cheshire, 
 where he had achieved a series of brilliant successes. A 
 tall man of four and twenty summers, well proportioned, 
 graceful in bearing, with a noble face, beardless, and not even 
 wearing a moustache, but beautiful and long flowing tresses 
 which fell over his shoulders. Vigorous in mind as well as 
 in body, it was a grand picture to behold him riding at the 
 head of his chosen regiment of cavalry, picked and valorous 
 men who never as yet had known defeat. On the 1st of 
 June he was at Lathom House, at which place he was joined 
 by General Goring with five thousand horse and eight 
 hundred foot. From thence he went to Wigan, reaching 
 that place on the 5th, and Liverpool on the 7th. Soon after 
 
 i 2 
 
 4 Ash. 
 
120 BATTI.ES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 this he received a letter 5 from Sir Thomas Glemham in which 
 he learned the critical situation that the garrison and citizens 
 of York were placed in. Knowing the importance of York 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 to the King, he determined that it must not be lost, if it 
 were possible to save it. Forthwith he marched over the 
 hills into Yorkshire, recruits joining his ranks wherever he 
 went. Coming by way of Skipton, Denton, and Otley, he 
 reached Knaresborough on the 30th of June, from which 
 
 5 Letter B. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 121 
 
 place he sent a flying squadron by way of Allerton and 
 Kirkhammerton to cover Skip Bridge, where it crosses the 
 Nidd. Instead of making direct for York himself, he pushed 
 on to Borough bridge where he stayed a short time, and 
 according to a local tradition used the old church as a store¬ 
 house for arms. Here he crossed the Ure, thence to 
 Thornton Bridge 6 over the Swale, through Brafferton, 
 Helperby, and Tollerton—the district known as the “Forest 
 of Galtres,” and so along the northern bank of the Ouse to 
 Overton, a village opposite Poppleton, where he seized a 
 bridge of boats which had been thrown over the river by 
 Manchester’s men, some of whose dragoons had been left to 
 guard it. But so suddenly did Rupert approach, they were 
 surprised and driven away, and he pressed on to York un¬ 
 molested. His foot, ordnance, and part of his cavalry were 
 left encamped about five miles to the north-west of York, 
 whilst he rode on at the head of 2,000 horse, and three 
 miles from the city he was met by “ persons of quality ” 
 who had been especially sent by the Marquis of Newcastle 
 to attend the Prince, “ and invite him to his presence.” 
 
 Amid the great rejoicing of both garrison and citizens 
 Rupert rode into York. Bonfires were lighted and cannons 
 were fired, while the church bells rung out merry peals for 
 very joy at the prospect of deliverance. 
 
 Several conferences took place in York, 7 but things did 
 not work as smoothly as they ought. The Marquis was a 
 very self-important man, who had worked hard and spent 
 much money in his royal master’s cause, and, having arrived 
 at the age of fifty-two, he scarcely relished the idea of this 
 young German upstart, so much his junior, being placed in 
 superior command, even though he was own nephew to the 
 king he loved. Moreover time was wanted so that Rupert’s 
 forces could be united with the garrison and Newcastle’s 
 army. The Marquis urged Rupert not to fight as he had 
 intelligence (which afterwards turned out to be true), that 
 so much discontent prevailed among their foes, that he fully 
 expected they would quarrel and separate without fighting. 
 Besides he (Newcastle) hourly expected Colonel Clavering 
 with over 3,000 men, and further reinforcements of fully 
 
 6 Knaresborough to Boroughbridge 7 7 Newcastle’s Life, True Relation, ArIi, 
 
 miles, thence to Thornton Bridge 4J More Exact Relation, &c. 
 miles, and from there to York 17 mdes. 
 
122 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 2,000 more from various northern garrisons. At an early 
 hour the next day they met again in council, and the 
 Marquis still advocated delay, but the proud Rupert answered 
 that he had a letter 8 from the Kino- commanding him to 
 give battle, and though he had it in his pocket he did not 
 produce it at the time, nor was it ever seen during Rupert’s 
 life. This was his first mistake. Had he shown the letter 
 and allowed its contents to be thoroughly discussed, time 
 would have been gained, and a different result might have 
 been attained. The Marquis replied “ that he was ready 
 and willing for his part to obey His Highness, no otherwise 
 than if His Majesty was there in person himself.” 9 Several 
 of Newcastle’s friends who were present at this interview 
 tried their utmost to dissuade him, seeing that he had been 
 superseded in command, and it was said that Rupert and 
 he came to very angry words and even blows, but to so 
 bitter a pitch did polemical feeling run on both royalist and 
 parliamentarian sides, that exaggeration and falsehood were 
 not only rife, but seemed to flourish like a green bay-tree. 
 It is hard to believe that at a crisis like this two men of 
 such high rank would forget their position, and I think the 
 Marquis’s final answer completely dispels any such ideas. 
 It was a loyal one and ran thus :—“ That happen what 
 would, he would not shun to fight, for he had no other 
 ambition but to live and die a loyal subject to His Majesty.” 
 To give battle w r as then resolved upon, orders were at once 
 given to marshal all the forces, and the Prince remarked :— 
 “ My Lord, I hope we shall have a glorious day ! ” 
 
 Now let us return to Marston Moor. We left the Parlia¬ 
 mentarians intensely disgusted that they could not engage 
 with their foes, nor was it lessened when they knew that 
 their “watchful enemy Rupert” had entered York. Night 
 was drawing on, so the foot soldiers were marched into Long 
 Marston village, where only a few obtained food or shelter. 
 The horses were turned loose on the moor-land, the cavalry 
 slept in the open air, and all suffered from hunger and 
 intense thirst, the wells were drunk dry, and even the 
 muddy waters of the pools and ditches, “puddle waters ” as 
 Mr. Ash calls them, were freely used. This is how the 
 night between Monday and Tuesday was spent. The 
 
 s Letter C. 
 
 s Newcastle’s Life. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 123 
 
 generals and chief officers, however, met in long and earnest 
 debate. Opinions were divided among them, and even the 
 soldiers were far from being unanimous. How was it 
 possible indeed, when the leaders failed to agree, that the 
 rank and file could \ The English simply hated the Scotch, 
 the Independents disliked the Presbyterians, Cromwell dis¬ 
 trusted Lawrence Crawford, domineered over his leader the 
 Earl of Manchester, and was rude in the extreme to the 
 Earl of Leven, while Sir l)avid Leslie was equally obnoxious 
 and overbearing. To keep such an army of English, Scotch, 
 Presbyterians, Independents, and Zealots together was 
 exceedingly difficult, and in addition financial ways and 
 means were getting most embarrassing. 10 Another fault, 
 which, as we go on, will become more and more apparent— 
 there were too many generals. 
 
 The English contingent of the council wanted to fight at 
 once, for, they said, the Prince’s army was increasing. The 
 Scotch, as well became their national character, were very 
 cautious and favoured retreat in order to gain time and to 
 secure a better vantage ground. The advice of the latter 
 prevailed, and very early on Tuesday morning the position 
 was evacuated, the Parliamentarians setting off’ in full march 
 towards Tadcaster. “ The Scotch led the van, marching in 
 so much haste, as if they meant to march clear away.” 
 They were followed by the English foot and all the artillery, 
 whilst Fairfax, David Leslie, and Cromwell brought up the 
 rear with 3,000 horse and all the dragoons. But as the 
 rear-guard was arranging to start they were surprised to 
 see a body of the Royalist horse ride on to the moor at 
 9 o’clock in the morning, suddenly pull up, face them, and 
 then as sharply wheel round and gallop away out of sight. 
 This puzzled them, and they at once got the idea that it was 
 a stratagem of Rupert’s to cover the march of his main body 
 to Tadcaster, and thence southward to Lincolnshire and the 
 
 10 In a letter from Ferdiuando, Lord 
 Fairfax to the Committee of both King¬ 
 doms, dated “Leaguer before York,” 
 June 18, 4 a.m.: — he asks for a speedy 
 supply of gunpowder, match, and bullets 
 “for my own men and the Scotch armies 
 in very large proportions, otherwise the 
 services of these armies will be very 
 much retarded.” Also for muskets, 
 pistols,and carbines, ‘‘concerning which I 
 
 have often written.” He also presses for 
 money as his men “are like to mutiny,'' 
 and many have run away. Manchester’s 
 army, he complains, were well paid, and 
 the Scotch also. The pay of his army 
 alone came to £15,000 a month, and for 
 four months he was in arrears. “ I 
 beseech you what it is to have an army, 
 and nothing to give them, while joined 
 to other armies that are well paid.” 
 
124. 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Midland counties, to defeat which the Parliamentarians by 
 also going south thought they might fall in with the Earl of 
 Denbigh and Sir John Meldrum, and so prevent Rupert’s 
 intentions. If this could only be accomplished they would 
 then be able to re-establish communication with both sides 
 of the river by means of a bridge of boats to be thrown 
 across near Cawood, and thus hinder provisions being 
 supplied to York. 
 
 The Scotch had proceeded by way of Wighill and Hea- 
 laugh, and were within a mile of Tadcaster, Manchester’s 
 foot were nearly three miles away from Marston, and Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax with his cavalry had only just left the 
 moor, and was crossing the rising ground towards Bilton, 
 when he discovered that the northern part of the moor was 
 rapidly filling with Royalist troops. 
 
 Rupert and Newcastle had evidently got news from some 
 spy that the Parliamentarians intended to retreat, and under 
 cover of the night, a large portion of Rupert’s army had 
 crossed the Ouse at Poppleton by the bridge of boats and 
 by a ford near it. The rest followed in the early morning 
 and between ten and eleven o’clock 5,000 horse and 
 dragoons entered the moor near Marston village, later on 
 came more cavalry, many regiments of foot, and all the 
 artillery, leaving Colonel Bellasis’s regiment, the York City 
 regiment under Sir Henry Slingsby, Sir Thomas Glemham’s 
 garrison, and some of Newcastle’s men in York. 
 
 Fairfax at once saw an attack upon their rear was 
 imminent, and if it happened resistance would be useless, 
 and they -would be routed. Like the able general that he 
 was, he at once despatched messengers on the fleetest horses 
 he could find with the urgent command—“ a very hot alarm,” 
 says Mr. Ash, that they all must return immediately as a 
 battle was impending. 
 
 And where was Rupert to miss this splendid opportunity ? 
 Evidently not on the field ! Had he caught this chance he 
 might have smitten “ his enemies in the hinder part, and 
 put them to a perpetual shame.” 
 
 “ Hope of a battle,” says Mr. Ash, “ moved our soldiers to 
 return merrily, which also administered comfort unto all 
 who belonged to the army.” So they instantly began to 
 retrace their steps, “ and between two and three they had 
 all returned.” 
 
THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 125 
 
 Marston Moor is seven miles from York, and is reached 
 from Marston Station on the York and Knaresborough 
 branch of the North Eastern Railway, from which it is a 
 distance of two miles. It was enclosed about 1767, previous 
 to which, and at the time when this battle was fought, it 
 was a large tract of open moorland, covered with whin- 
 bushes, the soil being part marshy and part sandy. It is 
 bounded on the north by the river Nidd, Wilstrop Moor and 
 Wood,—a thick forest of tall trees then extending over more 
 acres than it does at present. On the south by Bilton, and 
 the village of Long Marston. On the east by Hessay Moor 
 and the Atterwith Lane, which being the road from the 
 station to Marston is now much better known as Station 
 Lane. Just before it enters the village it crosses the centre 
 of the site where the Royalist Left Wing was placed. On the 
 west lies the township of Tockwith with its adjacent Moor. 
 The road leading from Marston to Tockwith is called 
 Marston Lane. It is nearly two miles in length, and crosses 
 the centre of the battle-field. Almost parallel ran “ a great 
 Ditch,” about three to four hundred yards to the north of 
 this Marston Lane. It connected the Syke Beck, which 
 runs by the eastern side of Tockwith, with the Atterwith 
 Dyke, hard by the lane bearing the same name, and which 
 it joined some two hundred and sixty yards to the north of 
 Long Marston. This ditch, long since filled up, seems to 
 have contained very little or no water, and appears to have 
 been of varying depth, as in some places it was for a short 
 time defended, whilst in others it was easily passed. 
 Captain Stewart speaks of this Ditch, but adds, “ only 
 between the Earl of Manchester’s foot and the enemy there 
 was a great plain.” This was a very weak point. On the 
 southern side of the ditch there was one continuous hedge 
 of strong brushwood, which in several places can still be 
 traced, and in my opinion this hedge was a far greater 
 difficulty to the opposing armies than the ditch. Close by 
 Tockwith, and about two hundred yards northward of its 
 eastern end, was a slightly rising ground, called the Rye 
 Hill, and not far from here running north from Marston 
 Lane to Wilstrop Moor is Kendall Lane, which crosses the 
 centre of the ground occupied by the Royalist Right Wing. 
 Also running somewhat to the north-east out of Marston 
 
126 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Lane, about four hundred yards from Marston village, is 
 Moor Lane, to which the entrance when the battle was 
 fought was very narrow, most likely by a rough foot-bridge 
 over the ditch ; and “ on one side of Moor Lane there was 
 a hedge and on the other a ditch.” Three-quarters of a 
 mile down this lane is where the “Four Lanes” meet, and 
 that turning to the left leads directly to the White Syke 
 Close, now a large square pasture-field, where very many of 
 those slain in this great battle were buried, though no 
 vestiges of tumuli or pits are now visible. All that were in 
 existence have long since been destroyed by the ever-level¬ 
 ling plough. Local tradition says that it was to this 
 enclosure that Newcastle’s Whitecoats retired for their 
 historic death-struggle. The lane to the left leads to a 
 plantation bearing the name of “The Worlds End 
 Nursery.” The other lane opposite the end of the Moor 
 Lane leads direct to the Wilstrop Wood, on the western 
 side of which was the bean-field where Rupert hid himself, 
 and on the eastern side close by the end of the wood stood 
 the gate where a girl was killed. Further on are several 
 very old houses, which by their very style and appearance 
 date anterior to 1644. One of them, of which an illustration 
 is given, unless looked to, will soon become a complete ruin. 
 Neither can Moor Lane itself be much altered. It is still a 
 road of very primitive style with many bushes and old 
 gnarled trees along its sides. 
 
 The northern portion of the moor where the Royalists 
 were placed is very flat, but south of the Ditch, right away 
 back to Bilton Bream and Marston Hill, there is a gradual 
 rise. All of this was arable, and went by the name of 
 Marston Fields. It was covered with corn and rye, which, 
 at that period of the year, would be well up. This rising 
 ground was occupied by the Parliamentarian camp, and at 
 the top of Marston Hill there was a clump of trees, the last 
 of which was blown down in 1839. It is still called Clump 
 Hill, and is pointed out by local tradition as the head-quarters 
 of the Parliamentarian leaders, and if so they should never 
 have vacated it. To do so was a serious error, as it was a 
 place from whence every manoeuvre could have been seen. 
 
 Long Marston village does not belie its name. Both it 
 andTockwith are lengthy and somewhat straggling, and many 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 127 
 
 houses are still standing that were in existence when the 
 battle was fought. Marston Hall stands in the middle of 
 its village, and is the house where Cromwell stayed for a 
 portion of the night before the battle. A spacious bedroom 
 where he slept is still shown, and is said to have undergone 
 no material alteration since he reposed in it. At Tockwith, 
 near the east end of the village, there is an ancient timber 
 and plaster cottage, and for nigh two hundred and fifty years 
 the tradition has been handed down from tenant to tenant, 
 that Cromwell retired to this very house to have his wound 
 dressed, and while he was thus absent his Ironsides 
 shattered Rupert’s guards. Cromwell Gap, now filled by a 
 gate, is also pointed out. Local tradition says that after 
 their final defeat, the Royalists rushed through it, hotly 
 pursued by Cromwell, and that nothing would grow there 
 since, no matter how carefully planted. At the northern 
 end of Marston village, a small parcel of land is railed off 
 and filled with trees. Here a cottage formerly stood, which 
 in 1644 was occupied by a farmer, named Gill. On the day 
 when the battle was fought his wife was baking, and a 
 cannon-ball, bursting into the oven, completely demolished 
 the bread. 
 
 Long Marston, Tockwith, and Wilstrop Wood form the 
 three points of a triangle within which the battle took place. 
 In modern warfare they would have been made keys of the 
 position and taken over and over again, but both sides then 
 preferred to face each other, and fight in the open. It is 
 best known as the Battle of Marston Moor. It has also been 
 called the Battle of Mersham, Hessam, Hesham and Hessay 
 Moor ; the Fight in York Field ; Marston Field, and Mars¬ 
 ton Fight. 
 
 So here—where the entire scene is now pastoral, with an 
 ever-reigning air of tranquillity, “ far from the madding 
 crowd ”—is the place where two rival armies stood face to 
 face with each other, angered with all the bitter hostility 
 that ever befalls that frightful scourge to a nation,—civil 
 warfare. 
 
 “ Would’st hear the tale ?—On Marston Heath 
 Met, front to front, the ranks of death ; 
 Flourished the trumpets fierce, and now 
 Fired was each eye, and flushed each brow ; 
 
128 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 On either side loud clamours ring, 
 
 ‘ God and the Cause ! ’ 4 God and the King ! ’ 
 
 Right English all they rushed to blows, 
 
 With naught to win and all to lose.” 11 
 
 “ And the Raven whets his beak o’er the field of Marston Moor.” 12 
 
 Morning and afternoon were spent by both sides in bring¬ 
 ing up their respective troops, and marshalling them into the 
 best positions. The Royalists were otherwise known as 
 Cavaliers, whilst the supporters of the cause of the Parlia¬ 
 ment were nicknamed Round-heads. In the rest of this 
 account I shall speak of the contending parties as Royalists 
 and Puritans. In both there were many good and patriotic 
 men, who earnestly believed they were acting for their 
 country’s weal, and the impartial historian can only regret 
 that here on Tuesday, the 2nd of July, 1644, 13 they met to 
 settle by force of arms difficulties raised by an unteachable 
 King, born of a father who never understood the English 
 temper, and who, by his advocacy of the “ divine right of 
 kings to govern wrong,” had so far divided the nation against 
 itself “ that now the sword must determine that which a 
 hundred years policy and dispute could not do.” 
 
 The disposal of the Royalist army was superintended by 
 Rupert himself. The Right Wing was under his own com¬ 
 mand, 14 and laid towards Tockwith. It consisted of 7200 well- 
 chosen cavalry drawn up in twelve divisions of one hundred 
 troops 15 in each. The Newark horse and the Irish Catholics 
 under Lord Byron. Rupert’s own regiment of cavalry, and 
 his life guards, “ old soldiers all, gentlemen w r ho had seen 
 much service in France and Spain.” Behind these were 
 several regiments of horse led by Lord Grandison. 
 
 The Main Body or centre occupied the Moor, extending 
 from the right wing to a little beyond Moor Lane. It was 
 entirely composed of infantry. In front were the divisions 
 under Major-general Porter and Colonel J. Russell. Behind 
 were the Irish Foot under Major-general Tillyard, and the 
 
 11 Rokeby, Canto I. 12. 
 
 12 Praed. 
 
 13 June 30, 1641, was the 2nd Sunday 
 after Trinity. In the 1st lesson for Even¬ 
 song on July 2, according to the Old 
 Lectionary, occurs this significant verse, 
 Proverbs xiv. 28. “In the multitude of 
 
 people is the king’s honour ; but in the 
 want of people is the destruction of the 
 prince.” 
 
 14 Scout-master Watson, Rupert’s Chap¬ 
 lain, Slingsby, Rushworth, Mr. Hutchin¬ 
 son and others. 
 
 ls Sixty men to a troop. 
 
THE BATTLE OP MAltSTON MOOR. 
 
 129 
 
 regiments of Colonel Bellasis, whilst in the rear was a body 
 of foot in reserve called the Blue Regiment. 
 
 On the right of the centre was Rupert’s foot under Colonel 
 O’Neile. 
 
 On the left of the centre were Newcastle’s favourite Lambs 
 or White-coats, whose nominal commander was Sir Charles 
 Cavendish, the marquis’s brother, a man of insignificant ap¬ 
 pearance and stature. They were a body of infantry 
 numbering 3000 valiant and faithful men, born and bred on 
 the far-off moors of the northern counties, ever ready to die 
 rather than yield. When first enlisted the red cloth for their 
 tunics had run short, so the Marquis had been obliged to use 
 white, asking them to be content with it until he could get 
 it dyed, but they requested that they might be allowed to 
 retain it and dye it for themselves in the blood of their 
 enemies—and hence their name of White-coats. All the 
 centre was placed under the command of Lieutenant-general 
 James King, now Lord Ethyn, or Eytliin. 
 
 The Left Wing rested on some broken ground covered 
 with gorse, on both sides of the Atterwith Lane and near 
 Marston village. It consisted of about 4000 men with 
 reserves. Its right division near the White-coats, and also 
 the central division were made up of Newcastle’s cavalry 
 under Sir Charles Lucas, while 1200 of the King’s Old 
 Horse, led by the renegade Sir John Urry, formed the 
 division on the extreme left. The troopers of this last-named 
 regiment always charged in a body and distrusted every 
 other way. The front ranks were lined with musketeers, 
 while behind were the reserves, and the entire left wing was 
 entrusted to the command of George Goring, 16 the general of 
 Newcastle’s cavalry. 
 
 The hedge of the “ great ditch,” and both the hedge and 
 ditch in Moor Lane were well lined with musketeers ; whilst 
 the ordnance, which consisted of 28 pieces, 17 drakes and 
 demiculverines, 18 was ranged along the ditch and particularly 
 about the wings. 
 
 16 Colonel George Goring was the 
 eldest son of Sir George Goring, who in 
 1632 had been created Baron Goring, and 
 in 1664 was raised to the Earldom of 
 Morwich for services rendered to Charles I. 
 Colonel Goring had seen much service in 
 Spain, and had made a great reputation in 
 the Civil Wars. He was promoted to the 
 
 rank of General, but predeceased his 
 father. 
 
 17 Mercurius Aulicus. 
 
 18 Ancient cannon consisted of field- 
 pieces and siege-pieces. These last were 
 the heavy guns, as field-pieces had to be 
 moved quickly about and often changed 
 in position. They fired shot weighing 
 
130 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 All told the Royalists numbered 14,000 foot and 10,000 
 horse, giving a total of 24,000. But Rupert’s arrangement 
 found no favour in the eyes of Eythin, who was astonished 
 at the ground Rupert had chosen to occupy so near the 
 ditch. He arrived about 4 o’clock 19 with 3000 of Newcastle’s 
 foot. Rupert showed him a sketch of the field, asking him 
 at the same time how he liked it. “ By God, sir,” replied 
 Eythin, “ it is very fine in the paper, but there is no such 
 thing in the field ! ” Rupert was eager to attack, but Eythin 
 said it was too late, and severely criticised the positions of the 
 men so near the enemy. “ They may be drawn to a further 
 distance,” said Rupert. “No, sir,” replied Eythin, “ it is too 
 late.” Perhaps it was Eythin who told Rupert about the 
 trouble Newcastle was having with some of the soldiers re¬ 
 maining behind in York concerning their payment, and 
 if so this would be the time when Rupert rode away to 
 that city, as we shall next hear of him there. The distance 
 is only seven miles, and a fleet horse would soon carry him 
 thither. 
 
 Meanwhile the Puritans were being disposed by their 
 three generals, who hurried from place to place to see that 
 all was in due order. The Earl of Leven was most energetic, 
 “and with unwearied activity and industry, even to the 
 satisfaction of all who beheld him.” The pioneers too 
 
 from 3 to 12 pounds. A list of old ord- fancied resemblances to birds and rep- 
 nance is given. They are named from tiles. 
 
 Cannon Royal or Carthoun 
 
 weighed 90 
 
 cwt., and shot a 40-pounde 
 
 Bastard or Three quarters Carthoun 
 
 79 
 
 99 99 
 
 „ 36 
 
 Half Carthoun 
 
 „ 25 
 
 99 9 9 
 
 24 
 
 Basilisk 
 
 85 
 
 9 9 9 9 
 
 „ 48 
 
 Syren 
 
 81 
 
 9 9 9 9 
 
 .. oo 
 
 Whole Culverine 
 
 „ 50 
 
 99 99 
 
 ,, 18 ,, 
 
 Demi-culverine 
 
 „ 30 
 
 9 9 9 9 
 
 „ 9 ,, 
 
 Falcon 
 
 „ 25 
 
 99 9 9 
 
 ,, 6 ,, 
 
 Sacker or Sacre (a hawk) 
 
 ,, 13, 15, & 18 
 
 99 99 
 
 ,, 5 & 6 ,, 
 
 Serpentine 
 
 „ 8 
 
 9 9 9 9 
 
 ,, 4 ,, 
 
 Aspic 
 
 >) 7 
 
 99 9 9 
 
 „ 2 ,, 
 
 Drake, Draco, or Dragon 
 
 12 
 
 9 9 9 9 
 
 ,, 6 ,, 
 
 Falconet 
 
 ,, 5, 10, & 15 
 
 9 9 99 
 
 „ 1> 2, & 3 „ 
 
 Moyen 
 
 
 
 12 ounces. 
 
 Rabinet 
 
 
 
 16 „ 
 
 The portable fire-arms were the arque- the first time in the April number of the 
 
 bus, musket, short carbine, and pistol. English Historical Review for 1890. Sir 
 
 Other weapons were the long sword, the Hugh drew up this account in 1649, five 
 bandelier, pike, lance and dagger. years after the event(\) and for the benefit 
 
 19 Clarendon MS. The conversation of Clarendon, the historian. It is a 
 
 which took place is taken from Sir Hugh curious account of the battle from a 
 
 Cholmley’s “Memorials touching the Royalist point of view, and not very 
 
 Battle of York.” It has been printed for lucid. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 1S1 
 
 worked hard to extend the ground for their right and left 
 wings, but found the task very difficult. “ Our soldiers,” 
 says Mr. Ash, “ could not assault them without very great 
 prejudice. We were compelled to draw up our army, and to 
 place it in battalia in a large field of rye, where the height of 
 the corn, together with the showers of rain which then fell, 
 proved no small inconvenience to our soldiers,—yet being on 
 a hill we had the double advantage of ground and wind.” 
 
 Their Right Wing was placed near Long Marston, the 
 village being on the right hand, and the soldiers looking 
 towards the east. It was composed of 4800 cavalry, drawn 
 up into eighty troops of sixty men in each. In front the 
 English horse, “ his faithful troops,” led by Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax, and fifty-three troops of raw recruits under Colonel 
 Lambert. Behind these were three regiments of Scotch 
 horse :—the Ayrshire Lancers under the Earl of Eglinton ; 
 another under William, Earl of Dalhousie ; and another led 
 by Lord Balgonie, Leven’s eldest son. On the left of all 
 this cavalry was Lord Fairfax’s English foot, 3000 men 
 enlisted in Yorkshire and other northern counties and com¬ 
 manded by Sir William Fairfax of Steeton, with Colonels 
 John Bright, Needham, and Forbes under him. These were 
 opposed to Newcastle’s White-coats. Behind them was the 
 reserve—two brigades of Scotch foot, the Edinburgh regiment 
 under Colonel James Rae ; and the men of Tweed-dale, led 
 by the Earl of Buccleuch. Lord Ferdinando Fairfax had full 
 charge of the right wing. 
 
 The Main Body, or Centre, was formed of nine regiments 
 of the Earl of Leven’s Scotch foot—each containing twenty 
 companies, in all 9000 men, under the command of his 
 Lieutenant-general John Baillee. The van of the centre was 
 composed of the Fifeshire regiment, which was on the ex¬ 
 treme right under the Earl of Lindesay ; next came the men 
 of Midlothian, under the Earl of Maitland ; then the Kyle 
 and Garrick regiment, under John Kennedy, Earl of Casselis ; 
 and on the extreme left, the men of Niddersdale and Annan- 
 dale with William Douglass, of Kelhead, as their leader. 
 Behind all these was the reserve under General Lumsdaine. 
 The Loudon and Glasgow regiment, under the Earl of 
 Loudon on the right; another Fife regiment, under the Earl 
 of Dunfermline in the centre ; and on the left of this, the men 
 pf Strathearn, under James Elphinstone, Lord of the Abbey 
 
132 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 of Cupar-in-Angus ; and still further back were two brigades 
 of Manchester's foot—the entire centre being in charge of 
 the Earl of Leven himself. 
 
 The Puritan Left Wing was near Tockwith. Its right 
 division was made up of three brigades of Manchester’s foot, 
 3000 men, led by Colonels Russell, Pickering, and Montague, 
 under the superior command of Major-general Lawrence 
 Crawford. Left of these were Manchester’s cavalry, thirty- 
 eight troops of horse,—in all 2280, drawn up in five bodies 
 under Lieutenant-general Cromwell, and comprising his own 
 regiment, better known as “ The Ironsides.” These were 
 armed with head-pieces, breast and back plates, and were a 
 body of men inured to danger, animated by zeal, and con¬ 
 trolled by the most rigid discipline. Supporting them were 
 three regiments of Scottish horse, divided into twenty-four 
 troops, and under Major-General David Leslie. Beyond 
 these on the extreme left, near a cross ditch close upon 
 Tockwith, were eight troops of Scotch dragoons, called the 
 Berwickshire regiment, and led by Colonel Frizeall with 
 whom was associated Lieutenant-colonel Skeldon Crawford. 20 
 Thus the left wing contained 4200 horse, and 3000 foot- 
 soldiers, and was under the general command of the Earl of 
 Manchester. 
 
 Above all on the rising ground towards Marston Whin 
 twenty-five pieces of artillery were placed in charge of Sir 
 Alexander Hamilton, the general of the Scotch ordnance, 
 and better known in his own country as “ Deare Sandie.” 
 Around the clump of trees the waggons, carts, and baggage 
 were drawn up, and so arranged the Puritan hosts awaited 
 battle, and all told numbered about 27,000. They reached 
 from Marston to Tockwith, whilst the Royalists extended 
 somewhat further on both sides, and Marston Moor was 
 occupied close up to the ditch, while Marston Field was 
 also filled with warlike men to within two hundred paces 
 of it. 
 
 An incident occurred during the earlier portion of the 
 day "which must have influenced Rupert. A chance 
 prisoner was brought before him, and when questioned as 
 to who were the leaders on the Puritan side replied :— 
 
 20 Colonel William Crawford of Nether Major of Lord Montgomerie’s horse. He 
 Skeldon in Ayrshire. In 1642 he was died in 1616. 
 
To fact page 132 .] 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 133 
 
 “General Leven, my Lord Fairfax, and Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax ! ” “ Is Cromwell there % ” asked Rupert. 
 “Yes! he is,” was the answer. ‘‘Will they fight ? ” 
 inquired Rupert. “ If they will, they shall have fighting 
 enough ! ” Then he ordered the man to be released. The 
 latter returned to his own army, and related to the three 
 generals all that had passed, and also informed Cromwell 
 that the Prince had asked for him in particular, and had 
 said they should have plenty of fighting. “ And,” exclaimed 
 Cromwell, “ if it please God so shall he ! ” Rupert had 
 heard of the military genius of Cromwell, his power of 
 organization, and likewise of the prowess of his valiant 
 Ironsides, and learning from the captive that Cromwell was 
 in the Puritan left wing, he nobly determined to take 
 charge of the Royalist right wing himself, so that he might 
 measure swords with a foeman worthy of his own steel and 
 courage. 
 
 On the Royalist side there was much cursing and swearing, 
 and many of those manifestations which the free and high¬ 
 born are sadly too apt to bestow upon those whose lot it is 
 to be of plebeian origin. This was well known to Rupert, 
 who was often shocked at the ungodliness of those around 
 him. He remonstrated, but to little use, and by way of 
 rebuke, and to bring the serious aspect of affairs more 
 directly home to them, he ordered his chaplain to preach 
 before himself and the army. The reverend gentleman 
 took for his text Joshua xxii. 22—“ The Lord God of Gods, 
 the Lord God of Gods, he knoweth and Israel shall know; 
 if it be in rebellion, or if in transgression against the Lord 
 (save us not this day).” News about the sermon reaching 
 the ears of the Puritans, they simply regarded it as a hollow 
 mockery on Rupert’s part,—“jingling Machiavelian that he 
 was.” 
 
 The Puritans on the other hand were men of firm 
 determination, Bible readers and Bible students. Scarce a 
 soldier but carried one in lus pocket or wallet. It was 
 indeed in that day the one well-read English book. They 
 found solace for themselves and gave vent to their feelings 
 in the supplications and the uenunciations of the Hebrew 
 Psalms. To them a God of mighty vengeance was about to 
 punish their enemies, and their spirits were aroused by 
 preachers whose fanatic zeal far overcame their discretion 
 
 K 
 
134 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 They prayed and sang,—“Yea, they were known to the 
 King’s cursed and cursing cormorants by singing psalms.” 
 
 But the sky grows dark. Bain had fallen several times 
 during the day, and now a storm of thunder and lightning 
 disturbs the elements. It seemed as if the very heavens 
 were shedding bitter tears because brother had fallen out 
 with brother, father with son, and whole kith with kindred. 
 Yet to the stern and gloomy mind of the Puritan it was 
 “ the voice of God, mighty in operation,” and a harbinger 
 of good fortune. The wrath of God . was turned against 
 these sons of Belial, “ and the Royalists imprecating a 
 curse upon themselves were accordingly answered by the 
 Lord.” 
 
 It was about two o’clock when the last of Rupert’s foot 
 had crossed the Ouse, and were nearing the Moor, but the 
 Royalist forces were not yet complete as will be seen later 
 on. With the Puritans things had fared better, for by this 
 time their arrangements were completed. 
 
 The great ordnance on both sides began to play at three 
 o’clock, but to very little purpose. “ The first shot killed a 
 son of Sir Gilbert Haughton that was a captain in the 
 Prince’s army, but this,” says Sir Henry Slingsby, “ was 
 only a shewing their teeth, for after four shots made they 
 gave over, and, in Marston cornfields, fell to singing psalms.” 
 
 Until four o’clock there was general silence, although the 
 Royalists were in play of their enemies’ cannon. Each 
 seemed to expect the other would make the first charge,— 
 no matter who made it the ditch with its awkward hedo-e 
 
 o 
 
 must be passed. It was a difficult point—hence the hesita¬ 
 tion on both sides. “ How goodly a sight,” writes Mr. Ash, 
 “was this to behold, when two mighty armies, each of 
 which consisted of above 20,000 horse and foot, did, with 
 flying colours prepared for the battle, look each other in the 
 face.” “You cannot imagine,” writes another eye-witness, 
 “ the courage, spirit, and resolution that was taken up on 
 both sides, for we looked, and no doubt they also, upon this 
 fight as the losing or gaining the garland. And, sir, 
 consider the height of difference in spirits ; in their army 
 the cream of all the papists in England; and in ours a 
 collection of all the corners of England and Scotland of such 
 as had the greatest antipathy to popery and tyranny ; these 
 equally thirsting (for) the extirpation of each other 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 135 
 
 “and thus we came against each other with undaunted 
 courage and fury, not inferior to lions.” “ And surely,” 
 says Scout-master Watson, “had two such armies drawn up 
 so close one to the other, being on both wings within 
 musket-shot, departed without fighting, I think it would 
 have been as great a wonder as hath been seen in England.” 
 In order to distinguish the two parties the Royalists had no 
 scarves or bands, and their watchword was “ God, and the 
 King ! ” The Puritans wore a white paper or handker¬ 
 chief in their hats, and their watch-word was “ God with us ! ” 
 
 Meanwhile where was the valiant Rupert \ And where 
 was the Marquis of Newcastle ? Where had they loitered ? 
 Alas! Newcastle was money-bound in York—no uncommon 
 occurrence in those days, and Rupert had hastened thither 
 to help him out of his difficulties. The garrison and some 
 <-f Newcastle’s soldiers were in a raging mutiny for their 
 pay, and openly declared they would not leave the city 
 without it. But Rupert and the Marquis “played the 
 orators” to them, and after many and oft-repeated promises 
 that they should be paid, at last they yielded, and about five 
 o’clock, 21 though “ with much unwillingness ” they marched 
 out of York, Rupert riding in the rear, closely followed by 
 Newcastle in his state coach drawn by six horses. When 
 near the Moor the Marquis asked Rupert if he intended to 
 fight that night, to which the Prince gave answer:—“We 
 will charge them to-morrow morning,” and further informed 
 the Marquis that he might rest. Upon hearing this the 
 latter, who had drawn up his coach a very short distance 
 from the moor, returned to it, lit a pipe and, making himself 
 very comfortable, fell fast asleep. Not so the restless 
 Rupert. No sooner had he returned to the field than a 
 weak place at the Tockwith end of the ditch, “ the Rye-hill,” 
 was suddenly seized by a regiment of Royalist “ red coats 
 and a party of horse,” but a sharp charge of Frizeall’s 
 dragoons drove them quickly back, and Frizeall considering 
 it to be “a place of great advantage” remained in posses¬ 
 sion. 
 
 Then Rupert ordered a battery to be erected opposite the 
 
 11 Arthur Trevor. They would have tween York and Marston, as they 
 
 plenty of time to cover the ground be- horse-soldiers. 
 
 were 
 
136 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Puritan left wing, and it was perhaps a shot from this 
 battery which struck Cromwell’s nephew, Captain Walton, 22 
 breaking his thigh and killing his horse. Cromwell had 
 already lost a son in these wars, and this was his own loved 
 sister’s bo}'’, so that when he either saw or heard of his 
 misfortune it would put him on his mettle. Anyhow he 
 ordered two drakes to be sent forward from off the hill to 
 oppose Rupert’s battery, and two regiments of foot went in 
 front to guard them. These were at once attacked by the 
 Royalist musketeers who fired thick and fast upon them 
 from the ditch. This was the commencement of the real 
 battle. Between six and seven the whole of the Puritan 
 line was advanced some two hundred yards, whilst the 
 ordnance was brought lower down the hill and placed where 
 it could be of most service. Late though it was at half-past 
 seven there was a general engagement all along the line— 
 “but a summer’s evening is as a winter’s clay,”—remarks 
 our old friend Fuller. So the order went forth, and the 
 Puritan left wing charged the Royalist right—“ Cromwell 
 with his five bodies of horse coming off the coney-warren by 
 Bilton Bream.” 23 “ And now,” says Mr. Ash, “ you might 
 
 have seen the bravest sight in the world, for they moved 
 down the hill like so many thick clouds, in brigades of 800, 
 1,000, 1,200, and 1,500 each, whilst each brigade of horse 
 consisted of three and some of four troops.” Some of the 
 pioneers reported that the “ enemy was amazed and daunted 
 at our approach, expecting no fighting until morning.” 
 “ We came down the hill,” says Watson, who was with 
 Cromwell’s horse, “ in bravest ol der and with the greatest 
 resolution that ever was seen. The Earl of Manchester’s 
 foot advanced in running march, and began the charge 
 against some of the bravest of Newcastle's and Rupert’s 
 foot, Colonel Frizeall and his dragoons acting their parts 
 admirably and driving before them the musketeers in the 
 ditch.” 
 
 This sudden attack, after a short firing on both sides, 
 caused the Royalists to abandon the ditch, where they left 
 
 22 Colonel Valentine Walton of Great Sir F. Russell, Bart. Ten years later 
 Staughton, Hunts, was M.P. for Hunts. Henry Cromwell married Frank Russell’s 
 He married Margaret, younger sister daughter, 
 to Oliver Cromwell. Frank Russell, -•* Slingsby. 
 now a colonel, was the eldest son to 
 
THE RATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 137 
 
 behind them four drakes. Lord Byron 24 with the Newark 
 horse dashed furiously over the ditch in hope of retrieving 
 the lost position, but he met with such stubborn resistance 
 that his men were disorganised and immediately driven 
 back. “ The Scotch foot,” under Lawrence Crawford, 
 “ passed the barrier with little opposition.” “ In a moment,” 
 says Watson, “we were passed the ditch on to the moor 
 upon equal terms with the enemy, our men going in a 
 running march. Our front division charged their front, 
 Cromwell’s own division of 300 horse, in which he himself 
 was in 'person, charging the first division of Prince Rupert’s, 
 of which himself teas in person, in which all were gallant 
 men, they (i.e., Rupert’s soldiers) being resolved if they 
 could scatter Cromwell all were their own. The rest of our 
 horse, backed up by Leslie’s three troops, charged other 
 divisions of theirs, and with such admirable valour as to 
 astonish all the old soldiers of the army.” 
 
 But in spite of all this testimony from the Puritan side 
 the right wing of the Royalists made a desperate resistance. 
 It must be remembered that two picked bodies of men were 
 pitted against each other. If the ditch was carried, as yet 
 the moor was not. Cromwell’s own division was hotly 
 charged in front and flank by Rupert’s cavalry and driven 
 back, and, though they returned to the attack, again they 
 were repulsed by Rupert’s own life-guards; but the Iron¬ 
 sides and their fellow-men pressed hard and Rupert’s soldiers 
 were forced apart, when Grandison with his horse appeared 
 in the gap and once more severe fighting ensued. The 
 struggle at this point was simply awful. The troopers on 
 both sides first discharged their pistols, and then flinging 
 them at each other’s heads, fell to it with their swords. 
 Cromwell himself got a wound in the neck which startled 
 his men. “A miss is as good as a mile” he was heard to 
 say, and onwards he rode. It has hitherto been said that he 
 
 =4 Lord Byron in an early poem “On 
 leaving Newstead Abbey,” has the fol¬ 
 lowing verse:— 
 
 “ At Marston with Rupert 'gainst traitors con¬ 
 tending, 
 
 Four brothers enriched with their blood the 
 bleak field ; 
 
 For the rights of a monarch their country de¬ 
 fending, 
 
 Till death their attachment to royalty 
 scaled.” 
 
 Sir Richard and his brother Lord Byron 
 fought on the King's side at Marston 
 Moor, and were very courageous. Sir 
 Philip Byron, a younger brother, was 
 killed during the siege of York on 
 Trinity Sunday, June the 16th, and 
 was buried the day following in the 
 Minster. 
 
138 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 was grazed by a pistol-shot, but it was a sword-wound 
 which he received and it was inflicted by the hand of Mr. 
 Mark Trevor . 25 Though at first Cromwell treated it with 
 contempt, blood began to flow so freely that he fell sick and 
 halted, and some one led him off the field to a house in 
 Tockwith, where the bleeding was stanched and his wound 
 dressed, and where it would seem he rested awhile . 26 While 
 thus absent important events were taking place. He left 
 the contending wings fighting with all their might, standing 
 at the sword’s point and hacking at one another as sharply 
 as they could. This went on for over an hour, when Sir 
 David Leslie attacked the Royalists in their flank with 
 some of his horse, and being thus hemmed in Rupert’s 
 cavalry were at last broken and fled,—“ Cromwell,” triumph¬ 
 antly, says Watson, “scattering them before him like a little 
 dust.” And R-upert fled with them! “ The Prince of 
 
 Plunderers, invincible heretofore, first tasted the steel of 
 Oliver’s Ironsides, and did not in the least like it.” The 
 Irish horse—those papist “sons of Belial” were annihilated, 
 being slain or taken prisoners to a man. The other divisions 
 fared very little better, and those who escaped the sword 
 fled. “ The Royalist right wing is defeated,” and as for 
 those that survive, see “they fly along by Wilstrop Wood- 
 side as thick and fast as could be.” And as they neared 
 the end of the wood, a young girl, looking out of a cottage 
 window, saw’ them coming and hurried out to open a gate, 
 so that they might pass with greater facility. But in the 
 general stampede they neither saw nor heeded her, and 
 before she could retire to a place of safety, she was knocked 
 down and killed, and in a few minutes nothing remained of 
 this rustic lass but a disfigured and horribly mangled corpse. 
 This is perhaps the most touching incident which local 
 tradition has preserved of the battle . 27 Leslie sent a party 
 
 55 This Mark Trevor was of the family 
 of Trevor of Brinkynall, esquires, and 
 he was created by Charles II. Viscount of 
 Dungannon and Baron of Rose Trevor in 
 Ireland, as a reward for his services at 
 the Battle of Marston Moor. Harleian 
 MSS. 4. 181—58 i.—fol. 20. 
 
 26 The local tradition settles a long 
 and much disputed point. Cromwell was 
 not only wounded but left the field. The 
 house would be very convenient for him 
 to retire to, and when his wound was 
 
 dressed, he very probably got an urgent 
 message that his Ironsides were giving 
 way, which caused him to hurry off to 
 find his own wing victorious and the 
 ground vacated. 
 
 27 The tradition about the girl who was 
 killed was told to Mr. John Daniel, St. 
 Paul’s Square, York, who takes a great 
 interest in Marston Moor, and got the 
 story from the Easbys, whom he knew. 
 The family of Easby is no longer re¬ 
 maining at Marston. Some are dead, 
 
Old Cottagr at Wilstrop. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 14] 
 
 in hot pursuit of the retreating Royalists, and in so doing 
 committed an error. They chased the Royalists for fully 
 three miles towards York, whilst he with his weakened 
 remainder came back to the field. 
 
 Manchester’s foot under Crawford were opposed to 
 Rupert’s foot under O’Neil. Between these two bodies 
 “ there was a great plain,” over which Crawford led them, 
 and they attacked the Royalists with great vigour, dispersing 
 them as fast as they charged them and “ cutting them 
 down,”—“ and so,” says Watson, “ we carried the whole of 
 the field before us thinking the victory ours and nothing to 
 
 be done 28 bin to kill and take 
 
 whilst those who survive are seeking their 
 fortunes in America. For a copy of the 
 following affidavit I am indebted to the 
 kindness of Mr. Hangliton, the Librarian 
 of the York Subscription Library. 
 
 I, Richard Easby, of Upper Popple- 
 ton, in the Ainsty of the City of York, 
 farmer, do declare that I am now at the 
 age of sixty-one years and upwards, and 
 am the son of Richard Easby, late of 
 Wilstrop in the same County, farmer, 
 that l have seen the painting in the pos¬ 
 session of Mr. John Daniel of Holgate 
 Lane, in the suburbs of the City of 
 York, gentleman, which is a faithful 
 representation of the Old Cottage at 
 Wilstrop, which upwards of four hundred 
 years ago was in the occupation of my 
 ancestors, and so continued until about 
 one hundred years ago, when a new farm¬ 
 house at present occupied by John Firby 
 was erecti d about two hundred yards off 
 the Did Cottage, and to the south of the 
 said Old Cottage ; and which new farm¬ 
 house was occupied by my family until 
 Lady Day, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
 seven, when my brother George Easby, 
 who was up to his death tenant of the 
 new farm-house, died there. That I 
 have understood from and had told me 
 by my late father and grandfather, who 
 themselves had had the sum- handed dbwn 
 to them from father to son, that a general 
 of cavalry of the Parliamentary army 
 slept in the said Old Cottage on the night 
 preceding the Battle of Marston Moor. 
 And also that there was a gateway about 
 four hundred yards south of the said Old 
 Cottage, and near to the north-east corner 
 of Wilstrop Wood, being about twenty 
 yards east of an old thatched cottage 
 long in the occupation of William Hudson, 
 gamekeeper, and known locally by the 
 name of the gamekeeper's house, and 
 
 prisoners.” The brigades of 
 
 which gateway would then lead from the 
 old inclosure on to the Moor, and then, 
 and at present forms the bridge over the 
 ditch, which is the boundary between the 
 townships of Wilstrop and Moor Monk- 
 ton. A servant girl ran out from the 
 back door of the gamekeeper’s house to 
 open the gate in the said gateway for 
 some troopers forming, it is believed, 
 according to the best authorities, a por¬ 
 tion of the right wing of Rupert’s 
 cavalry flying from the cavalry of the 
 left wing of the Parliamentary Army, 
 the said servant girl, in the head-long 
 haste of the troopers, being run over and 
 there killed. In witness whereof I have 
 hereunto set my hand this sixth day of 
 August, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
 nine. 
 
 Rkhaud Easby. 
 Witness to the signature of\ 
 the said Richard Easby / 
 
 Clifton R. Garwood, 
 
 Solicitor, 
 
 York. 
 
 William Hewick, -who died in 1888, was 
 the last occupant of this old cottage. 
 He well remembered a very old farm¬ 
 house (long since demolished) where he 
 lived servant in his youth. He also re¬ 
 membered his brother digging up some 
 fine teeth when making a drain. He 
 brought them home, but their presence 
 in the house so disturbed the other 
 members of the family that the teeth 
 were thrown out, lest the dead man 
 should come during the night to demand 
 them. 
 
 28 No wonder the Puritan left and the 
 Royalist right wings did not know what 
 their other wings were doing. They were 
 two miles apart and had no“aides-de- 
 campe.” 
 
142 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Colonels Montague, Russell, and Pickering, stood, when 
 charged, “ like a wall of brass, and let fly small shot like 
 hail” amongst their foes, “yet not a man of their brigades 
 was slain.” There was violent fighting all over the field, 
 shooting and shouting, the noise was deafening and the 
 smoke blinding—light only seemed to come from the guns, 
 and “ for a while no quarter was given.” 
 
 Such a shout was there 
 As if men fought on middle earth 
 And fiends in upper air ! 
 
 0 ! life and death were in that shout, 
 
 Recoil and rally, charge and rout, 
 
 And triumph, and despair. 
 
 It was this “ great noise of thunder and shooting ” which 
 awoke the Marquis of Newcastle and gave him notice that 
 the armies were engaged. He at once armed himself and 
 mounted his horse, but no sooner had he accomplished this, 
 than he beheld a dismal sight—“ all the horse and foot of 
 the King’s right wing in full flight.” Though he made them 
 halt for a few minutes, and tried to rally them, they again 
 ran away, and even killed those of their own party who en¬ 
 deavoured to stop them. 
 
 But in every other part of the field the result was very 
 different. Between the Puritan right wing and the Royalist 
 left wing “there was no passage across the ditch except at a 
 narrow lane (Moor Lane) where they could not march above 
 three or four in front, and upon one side of the lane was a 
 ditch and on the other a hedge, both of which were lined 
 with Royalist musketeers.” The whin-bushes too w r ere very 
 numerous, and though at first Sir Thomas Fairfax’s horse suc¬ 
 cessfully beat off the Royalists from the Marston end of the 
 ditch—“ driving them from their cannon, being two drakes 
 and a demiculverine,” yet, in attempting to reach the main 
 body of the Royalist left, they were thrown into great 
 disorder “ by the furzes and ditches hard to pass over.” 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax, however, with 4,000 horse charged the 
 extreme portion of the Royalist horse under Urry w r ith 
 great gallantry, and for a long time the struggle was 
 sharp, the Royalists keeping well together, and defend¬ 
 ing themselves most ably, and to some purpose too, for 
 Fairfax’s troops were unable to dislodge them. “ We were 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. J 43 
 
 a long time engaged with one another,” writes Fairfax 
 himself. In this charge Sir Thomas was unhorsed, and 
 flung to the ground. He received a sword-wound on his 
 head, and another deep cut across the left cheek, the scar of 
 which he carried to his dying day. 29 He would have been 
 killed but was rescued and brought off by one of his own 
 soldiers. His horse was killed, and so was Colonel 
 Lambert’s. Major Fairfax (the major of his regiment) w r as 
 mortally wounded, and his brother, Sir Charles Fairfax, 
 being deserted by his men, was wounded unto death. The 
 troop captain w r as shot in the arm, his cornet had both 
 hands cut off, and Captain Micklethwaite, “ an honest stout 
 gentleman, was slain.” “In this charge,” says Fairfax, 
 “ many of my officers w r ere hurt and slain, as many as in 
 the whole army besides, and there was scarce an officer but 
 received a hurt.” Yet in the heat of the contest he was 
 heard calling out to his officers and soldiers to spare the 
 common men for they had been seduced, hut to show no 
 mercy to the Irish papists, buff-coats, or feathers, for they 
 indeed were the cause of all their present troubles. Sir 
 Thomas was not well on that day, exposure and overwork 
 had worn him out, “ but,” says Mr. Ash, “ his heart con¬ 
 tinued stout and undaunted like the heart of a lion.” 
 
 Sir William Fairfax, who led the Yorkshire foot, drove 
 the Royalists before him as he crossed the ditch, but on 
 entering the Moor Lane he had to pass through a terrible 
 cross-fire, galling to bear, and when the moor itself was 
 reached his men were received with such murderous volleys 
 from Newcastle’s Whitecoats “ they wavered.” In spite of 
 the efforts of Lieutenant-colonel Needham, “ who did man¬ 
 fully in his place ” to rally them, they were furiously driven 
 back, thinned in numbers and completely demoralised. 
 
 Three distinct charges were made by the Puritan horse 
 on the cavalry of the Royalist left wing, and three distinct 
 times did Goring, Lucas and Urry valiantly repel them. 
 Goring himself, an able soldier who had seen much service 
 abroad, though sadly addicted to drunkenness and riot, on 
 that day more than half redeemed his vices by his valour, 
 whilst Sir Charles Lucas was equally brave. 
 
 59 A portrait of Sir Thomas Fairfax is Walker, and showing the scar on the left 
 to be seen at Kewton Kyme, painted by cheek. 
 
144 
 
 battles bought in Yorkshire. 
 
 In one of these charges Sir Thomas Fairfax managed to get 
 together about five troops of horse (400), and made such a 
 furious onslaught upon a portion of the Royalist cavalry 
 that he broke through, routed, and pursued them for some 
 distance towards York. Returning by himself 30 he hastened 
 to lead the rest of his men, but it was too late, the battle on 
 that side had been lost. He then disguised himself and 
 passed through his enemies unhurt. “ I must not forget to 
 remember with thankfulness,” are his own words, “ God’s 
 goodness to me this day, for on returning back I got in 
 among the enemy, wdio stood up and down the field in 
 several bodies of horse. So, taking the signal out of my 
 hat, I passed through them for one of their own commanders, 
 and got to my Lord of Manchester’s horse in the other 
 wing.” 
 
 Whilst Fairfax was absent from the field, Goring and 
 Lucas had seized their opportunit}', and finding that the 
 Puritan horse were getting thrown into confusion, they 
 charged them with great spirit, crying out at the same time, 
 “ See ! they run in the rear ! ” And then with terrific force 
 falling upon the newly-levied regiments in the Puritan van, 
 who were no match for the King’s Old Horse, “veterans of 
 hard service and fame,” they recoiled and wheeled round, 
 throwing into utter confusion the rank and file behind them, 
 and then all this retreating mass colliding with the defeated 
 infantry pouring out of the Moor Lane, produced a state of 
 chaos almost beyond description. Two squadrons of Bal- 
 gonie’s remained firm, and- one, the Ayrshire Lancers, 
 managed to cut through a regiment of the Royalist foot, and 
 joined the Puritan left wing as it was returning from the 
 chase. The other after much trouble rallied and followed, 
 but in achieving this their lieutenant-colonel, Hugh Mont¬ 
 gomery, and their major, Robert Montgomery, got severely 
 wounded. As for the Earl of Eglinton’s regiments they 
 maintained their ground for some time, fighting well but 
 with great loss, including the Earl’s son who was mortally 
 wmunded, but hard pressed by the Royalists at length they 
 Avere SAvept away in the general flight of the Puritan right 
 wing. And in this awful stampede many a soldier was 
 trampled underfoot even by his own comrades. Away went 
 
 30 “ Mvselfe only.” Fairfax’s Short Memorial, 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 14.5 
 
 the Puritan cavalry and infantry hotly pursued by a portion 
 of the Royalist horse, who followed them too far to be 
 recalled,—a fatal mistake. Another portion of the Royalists 
 dashed through the broken masses to the top of the hill, 
 where the carriages, baggage, and two or three of their 
 enemies’ guns were placed. The terrified waggoners and 
 guards were killed, though a few escaped, but here the 
 victors made another mistake, and instead of defending the 
 newly-gained point of vantage by manning the guns, they 
 fell to plundering the waggons. Thus two important matters 
 were overlooked, all through not having on the Royalist side 
 one and only one commander-in-chief, and these two points 
 lost them the battle. 
 
 Goring and Lucas then rallied the rest of the Royalist 
 horse, and fell with deadly effect on the flank of the Puritan 
 main body, attacking the Scotch foot. 
 
 Between the two centres, main bodies, or “ battles,” as 
 they are often called, the struggle had been very fierce, and 
 so far without much result. The van had been able to dis¬ 
 lodge the Royalist musketeers, and some of Crawford’s foot 
 made an attack on the flank of the Royalist centre, and this 
 enabled the Scotch foot to cross the ditch, when “ they gave 
 fire so expertly, it seemed as if the very element itself had 
 been on fire.” But they had yet to reckon with Newcastle’s 
 Whitecoats. 
 
 It was while the struggle was undecided in this quarter, 
 and the confusion was at its height, that the Marquis of 
 Newcastle appeared on the field, accompanied by his brother 
 Sir Charles Cavendish, Major Scott, Captain Mazine, and 
 his page. Naturally he hastened to see how his favourite 
 Whitecoats fared. On his way he met with a troop of 
 gentleman volunteers, who had formerly chosen him for 
 their captain, and to whom he called out :—“ Gentlemen, 
 you have done me the honour to choose me for your captain, 
 and now is the fittest time that I may do you service, 
 wherefore if you will follow me I shall lead you on the best 
 I can, and show you the way to your own honour.” Much 
 pleased with his offer they followed him with the greatest 
 courage, passing between two bodies of foot engaged at less 
 than forty yards distance, and, marvellous to relate, received 
 no hurt in spite of the rapid cross-firing. Then they 
 attacked a regiment of Scotch foot, which they put to the 
 
146 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 rout, the Marquis killing three men with his page’s half- 
 leaden sword, for he had lost his own and point-blank 
 declined to take another though many of his friends proffered 
 theirs. After dashing through this regiment of foot, the 
 whole troop of gentlemen were brought to a stand-still by a 
 resolute pikeman (!), who, though charged by the Marquis 
 himself two or three times, resolutely kept his ground, until 
 over-powered by numbers he was cut down and despatched. 
 And in all these encounters the Marquis received no hurt, 
 though many of his men fell around him.” 30a 
 
 And it was faring badly with the Puritan centre. The 
 Whitecoats, Major-general Porter’s division, and afterwards 
 Tillyard’s men pressed hard upon their van, and now Goring 
 and Lucas were harassing them on their flank. Bravely 
 they resisted for over an hour. Lining their musketeers 
 with pikemen twice did they make the Royalists give ground. 
 Baillee and Lumsdaine observing that Lindesay and Mait¬ 
 land’s soldiers on the right of the centre were being worsted, 
 sent up reserves to their assistance, but the Royalist horse 
 came thundering on in a third charge, the Scotch line was 
 broken, and the men fled in every direction ; Lumsdaine, 
 the Earl of Lindesay, Lieutenant-colonel Pitscottie (colonel of 
 Maitland’s regiment), with a mere handful of troops alone 
 standing their ground. In vain did the Earl of Leven, who 
 fully realised the disastrous situation, in vain did he hasten 
 from one part of the line to the other, endeavouring by 
 words and blows to keep the soldiers in the field :—“ Though 
 you run from your enemies, yet leave not your general ; 
 though } r ou fly from them, yet forsake not me,” but his 
 efforts were futile, and Leven, thinking all was lost, and 
 witnessing every one hurrying away in the direction of 
 Tadcaster and Cawood, was at last persuaded by his own 
 attendants to retire and await better fortune. He did so, 
 and turning sharp to the right towards Wetherby, never 
 drew bridle until lie had reached Leeds, about 20 miles off, 
 having ridden all night with a cloak of “ drctp-de-berne ” 31 
 around him belonging to Sir James Turner, a gentleman 
 then in his retinue. He w r as accompanied by many officers 
 of good quality. 
 
 Manchester also fled but not so far, and by very great 
 
 30a Newcastle’s Life. 
 
 31 A particular kind of cloth. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 147 
 
 exertions having rallied some 500 of the fugitives he 
 returned to the battle-field and remained there. As for old 
 Lord Fairfax he retired to Cawood Castle, giving up all for 
 lost, and as there was neither fire nor candle in the house 
 he very wisely went to bed. 
 
 But at midnight came news of the victory, so he arose, 
 and after some trouble obtained paper, ink and a candle, 
 when he penned letters to Hull, London, and other large 
 towns, informing them of the great success, after which he 
 went to sleep. Thus it fell out that all the three Puritan 
 generals sought safety in flight. 32 The extraordinary 
 appearance of the battle-field at this time is graphically 
 described by Mr. Arthur Trevor, who was riding to York 
 on the day, in a letter to the Marquis of Ormonde :—“ I 
 could not meet the Prince until after the battle was joined ; 
 and in fire, smoke, and confusion of the day, I knew not for 
 my soul whither to incline. The runaways on both sides 
 were so many, so breathless, so speechless, so full of fears, 
 that I should not have taken them for men but by thei 
 motion which still served them very well, not a man of 
 them being able to give me the least hope where the Prince 
 was to be found, both armies being mingled, both horse and 
 foot, no side keeping their own posts. In this terrible dis¬ 
 traction did I scour the country here meeting with a shoal 
 of Scots crying out:—‘ Wae’s us ! wae’s us ! we’re a’ 
 undone! ’ and so full of lamentation and mourning, as if 
 the day of doom had overtaken them, and from which they 
 knew not whither to fly. And, anon, I met with a ragged 
 troop, reduced to four and the cornet ; bye and bye a little 
 foot officer without a hat, band, or anything but feet, and so 
 much tongue as would serve to inquire the way to the next 
 garrison, which, to say truth, were well filled with stragglers 
 on both sides within a few hours, though they lay distant 
 from the place of fight twenty or thirty miles.” 
 
 “ It was a sad sight,” writes Mr. Ash, “ to behold many 
 thousands posting away amazed with panic fears.” Many 
 fled without striking a blow, and multitudes of spectators, 
 who had just come to see what the battle was like, ran 
 away in the greatest fright. Some of the horse fled to 
 Lincoln, some to Hull, others to Halifax and Wakefield, 
 
 32 “All six generals took to their heels contained in a letter to Principal Baillee 
 —this to you alone "—a very true remark dated July 12, 1644. 
 
ns 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 spreading everywhere the news of the utter rout of the 
 Parliament’s army. 
 
 “ And many a bonny Scot aghast, 
 
 Spurring his palfrey northward past, 
 
 Cursing the day when zeal or meed 
 First lured their Lesley o’er the Tweed.” 33 
 
 “ I passing towards Hull-ward for relief of my wearisom- 
 ness,” writes a contemporary correspondent, “ found all the 
 places possest of the noise of the total overthrow of the 
 Parliament’s forces.” At Tickhill, five miles to the south of 
 Doncaster, the Royalist governor had heard of it, and at 
 once had transmitted the news to Newark, whence it was 
 forwarded by an express messenger to Oxford. At both 
 these places and at Banbury bells were rung, bonfires were 
 lighted, and fireworks let off'amid great rejoicings in honour 
 of the victory, whilst the news travelling westward gladdened 
 the hearts of Charles and his friends. “ Our enemies at 
 Oxford are as impudent as the devil, and if possible more 
 so,” wrote the Puritan newsmen, “ they would drown our 
 victories with the hideous noise of ridiculous lying reports, 
 but a lying tongue is but for a moment.” Alas! the 
 joy of the Royalists w r as only transient, for sooner than 
 they expected “ bays were turned into willows,” and “ a 
 day of trouble, and of rebuke, and of blasphemy ” was at 
 hand. 
 
 But we must return to the battle-field. The victorious 
 left wing of the Puritans had been joined by Cromwell as 
 soon as his wound permitted, 34, and having ceased the pur¬ 
 suit of Rupert’s cavalry, made their way to that part of the 
 moor which the Royalist left wing had occupied. There 
 they met with Sir Thomas Fairfax and Colonel Lambert, 
 who told them of the disaster to their own right wing, while 
 from the Earl of Manchester they heard of the mishaps which 
 had befallen their main body. Cromwell united all the 
 
 33 Rokeby, Canto I. 19. 
 
 34 My own idea is that Cromwell rode 
 after his men along Wilstrop Wood until 
 he met some of them returning from the 
 pursuit. Joined by Fairfax and Lam¬ 
 bert, who told their bad news, they 
 would look on the battle from about the 
 Wood-end of the Moor Lane. T his was 
 the time that Ciouiwell took the lead, 
 
 and finding things were getting as bad as 
 they could be, determined to make a 
 final effort to retrieve the fortunes of the 
 day. Had Cromwell not returned Marston 
 Moor would have been a Royalist victory. 
 This action of his alone turned the scale. 
 The Court Mercurie, fcth July, 1044, 
 strongly asserts this. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 149 
 
 forces and with Sir David Leslie made a determined attack 
 on the Royalists that were in the field, and who were in pos¬ 
 session of the Puritan waggons and baggage. Both sides 
 were much chagrined to find the battle had to be renewed. 
 Moreover, the face of this second battle was exactly counter- 
 changed, there being a total reverse of the original positions, 
 but the fighting though sharp was not long. “ And here 
 came the business of the day,” says Watson, “nay almost 
 of the kingdom to be disputed upon this second charge. 
 The enemy seeing us come in such a gallant posture to 
 charge them, left all thoughts of pursuit, and began to think 
 that they must fight again for that victory, which they 
 thought had been already got. They marching down the 
 hill upon us from our carriages, so that they fought upon 
 the same ground that our right wing had before stood to 
 receive their charge, and we stood upon the same ground, 
 and with the same front which they had when they began 
 their charge.” 
 
 The Royalists marched bravely down the hill, and were 
 soon met, says Mr. Ash, “ by ours who were very valorous, 
 for the strength of our God was in them.” “ Our three 
 brigades of foot of the Earl of Manchester’s being upon our 
 right hand on we went with great resolution charging them 
 home, one while their horse and then again their foot, and 
 our foot and horse seconding each other with much valour, 
 with such sound charges that away they fled, not being able 
 to endure the sight of us, so that it was hard to say which 
 did the better, our horse or foot. Major-general Sir David 
 Leslie seeing us thus pluck a victory out of the enemy’s hands 
 could not too much commend us, and professed Plurope had 
 no better soldiers ! ” 
 
 Cromwell and Leslie carried all before them in this second 
 fight, until they came to the Whitecoats, who had retreated 
 into an enclosure, having got “ a small piece of ground 
 ditched in. and not easy of access for a horse, —probably 
 the White Syke Close. From this position they poured a 
 galling fire, and drove Cromwell’s Ironsides stoutly back 
 with their pikes. Not an inch would these gallant White¬ 
 coats yield. The fighting was simply desperate. It was 
 here that the Puritan horse received their greatest loss, and 
 a stop for some time was put to their hoped for victory. 
 When the Whitecoats had expended their ammunition they 
 
 L 
 
150 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 fell to with the butt end of their muskets, and those of them 
 that were wounded and unable to rise gored the horses 
 terribly with their pikes as they attempted to enter the en¬ 
 closure. For fully an hour they kept their foes at bay, yea 
 “ they stood like a wall, but they were mowed down like a 
 meadow.” Frizeall’s dragoons were sent round to attack 
 their flank, and an opening having at last been made in their 
 ranks, an entry was effected. Thirty were taken prisoners, 
 while the rest refusing quarter every man fell in the same 
 order and rank in which he at first stood. Truly enough 
 “ they brought their winding sheets about them into the 
 field.” Captain Camby, a trooper of Cromwell’s and formerly 
 an actor, who was the third or fourth man to enter the en¬ 
 closure, said he never saw such brave fellows or whom he 
 pitied so much. He saved two or three much against their 
 wishes. 
 
 The Whitecoats conquered, and well-nigh annihilated, 
 Cromwell charged a brigade of Greencoats, and cutting down 
 a great number, put the rest to flight. Then he made a 
 furious onslaught upon the King’s Old Horse. Goring lost 
 his horse, got hemmed in, and was taken prisoner. Sir 
 Charles Lucas had his horse killed under him and met with 
 a similar fate, and the last of the great Royalist army fly 
 through “ Cromwell Gap ” knowing well that their lot is 
 utter defeat, and that 
 
 “ Stout Cromwell has redeemed the day.” 
 
 Every party that lingered, whether great or small, was 
 driven off the field, and as the clock struck ten Marston 
 Moor was cleared of Royalist soldiers and the hated sons of 
 Belial . 35 Victory at the finish was for the Parliament, and 
 
 35 In the Monckton Papers is the fol¬ 
 lowing curious extract :—“ At the battle 
 of Hessay Moor I (Sir Philip Monckton) 
 had my horse shot under me as I caracold 
 at the head of the body I commanded, 
 and so near the enemies that I could not 
 be mounted again, but charged on foot 
 and beat Sir Hugh Bethel’s Regiment of 
 Horse, who was wounded and dismounted 
 and my servant brought me his horse. 
 When I was mounted upon him, the 
 wind driving the smoke so as I could not 
 see what became of the body that I com¬ 
 manded which went in pursuit of the 
 
 enemy, I retired over the slow where I 
 saw a body of some 2000 horse that were 
 broken, which I endeavoured to rally. I 
 saw Sir John Hurry come galloping 
 through the slow. I rode to him and 
 told him that there was none in that 
 great body but they knew either himself 
 or me, and that if he would help me to 
 put them in order we might regain the 
 field. He told me broken horse would 
 not fight, and galloped from me towards 
 York. I returned to that body, (but) by 
 this time it was night, and Sir Marmaduke 
 Langdale, having had those bodies he 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 151 
 
 as it had been “really got by a small number,” it was once 
 more a proof that “ the race is not to the swift, nor the battle 
 to the strong.” 36 “ We followed the chase of them,” says 
 
 Watson, “to within a mile of York, cutting them down, so 
 that their bodies lay for three miles in length.”—“the moon 
 with her light helping somewhat the darkness of the night,” 
 and “ we should have gone further but the hedges were lined 
 with musketeers.” And what a scene took place that night 
 at Micklegate Bar and under the walls of York. 0 proud 
 historic city of the north, what startling events have taken 
 place within and without thy hoary walls ! But were ever 
 such heartrending appeals heard as upon that awful July 
 night \ All up the street to the bar was thronged with 
 wounded and lame people who made a pitiful cry,—“ yet 
 none were admitted but those who belonged to York 
 city.” 
 
 Rupert lost his hat and horse during the battle, and would 
 have been taken prisoner, but contrived to hide himself in 
 a bean-field until it was dark, when by good luck he got “ a 
 very swift horse,” and quickly galloped to York. The 
 Marquis of Newcastle, according to his own accout, was the 
 last in the field, and seeing all was lost, and that all the 
 Royalists were escaping as best they could, “ he being more¬ 
 over inquired after by several of his who had all a great 
 love and respect for him,” 37 also fled to York late at night, 
 leaving his coach and papers behind him. He was accom¬ 
 panied by his brother Sir Charles Cavendish, and several of 
 his servants. General King, Lord Eythin also escaped, but 
 seems to have organised such of the fugitives as he came 
 across, and by that means retreated in decent order. So the 
 three Royalist commanders met that night at York. Rupert 
 eagerly inquired how things were, when the marquis informed 
 him “ all was lost, and gone on their side.” Said Rupert, 
 
 “ I am sure my men fought well, and 1 know no reason of 
 our rout but this, because the devil did help his servants.” 
 Said Eythin—“ What will you do ? ”—to which the Prince 
 replied — “ I will rally my men ; ” then turning to the 
 
 commanded broken, came to me and we 
 staid in the fields until 12 at midnight, 
 that Sir John Massey came by order of 
 the Prince to command us to retire to 
 York.” (pp. 17, 18, 19.) Caracole = au 
 oblique tread traced out in semi-rounds. 
 
 Slow = a bog, miry, or marshy place. 
 
 36 Ecclesiasticus, ix. 2. 
 
 3 ' The Earl of Crawfurd gave twenty 
 shillings,“ all that he had in his pocket,” 
 to know if his friend .Newcastle was 
 alive. 
 
 U 4 
 
BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 152 
 
 marquis,—“ Now, you, what will Lord Newcastle do ? ” The 
 marquis answered, “ I will go into Holland, for I look upon 
 all as lost.” Rupert urged him to recruit his forces. “No,” 
 was the rejoinder, “ I will not endure the laughter of the 
 court.” And Eythin said he would go with him. High 
 words passed between Newcastle and Rupert. The prince 
 twitted the marquis and told him he had been of precious 
 little use, mutual recriminations passed, both got into a rage 
 and came to blows, 38 and it is even said that Newcastle 
 attempted to stab Rupert but was prevented, and a recon¬ 
 ciliation took place. The marquis spent the night in York 
 in moody temper, and vexed beyond measure at the defeat. 
 All his men were gone, his ammunition lost, and his money 
 spent. He complained bitterly of treachery in his own army, 
 and said if help had come earlier when he was besieged in 
 York, or if Marston fight had been delayed three days 
 longer, there would have been very different results. And 
 though he was leaving the kingdom at any rate he begged 
 of Rupert to speak well of him to His Majesty, “ that he 
 had behaved himself like an honest man, a gentleman, and a 
 loyal subject,” which the Prince promised he would do. 
 
 Next morning Rupert, who was made of sterner stuff, took 
 all the soldiers who could possibly be spared from York, and 
 rode out by Monk Bar northwards. He fell in with Colonel 
 Clavering’s regiments who joined him, and marching by 
 Thirsk and Richmond, they made their way over the hills 
 into Lancashire with a noble determination to retrieve if pos¬ 
 sible this horrid calamity. 
 
 The courtly Marquis of Newcastle, who was much more at 
 home in a drawing-room than on a battle-field, after having 
 been proclaimed a traitor by Sir Thomas Glemham, also left 
 York escorted by a troop of horse, and another of dragoons, 
 and went to Scarborough “ where revolting Cholmley hath a 
 garrison,” with whom he stayed two days, when he embarked 
 in two ships, one of which had been furnished by Sir Hugh 
 Cholmley, and sailed to Hamburgh which he reached on 
 July the 8th. In one ship was Newcastle himself with his 
 two sons, Charles, Viscount Mansfield, and Lord Henry 
 Cavendish, now Lord of Ogle. Also his brother Sir Charles 
 
 33 “ Rupert when he came into York a whirlwind would take him and his 
 swore like the profanest Devill in hell, company and drive them all to hell ’ ’ 
 and, with fearful execrations, wished that (Scottish Dove.) 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 153 
 
 Cavendish ; Dr. Bramhall, Bishop of Londonderry ; Lord 
 Falconbridge; Lord Widdrington; Sir William Carnaby, 
 who died at Paris ; Mr. Francis Carnaby, his brother, who 
 later on returned home and was slain at Sherburne-in-Elmet; 
 with many of Newcastle’s servants. In the other ship sailed 
 Lord Eythin ; Lord Cornworth ; Colonel Bassett; Captain 
 Mazine ; Sir William Vavasour ; Major-general Sir Francis 
 Mackworth, and about eighty other gentlemen, “royalists of 
 prime quality, who bid ‘ Good-bye to England ’ ”—proving 
 the devotion to a king and cause they said they had at heart 
 by showing the white feather, so that “ henceforward the 
 king’s affairs in the north were in a languishing condition,” 
 and York was left in care of Sir Thomas Glemham to man¬ 
 age as he best could with a much diminished garrison to 
 defend its ancient walls ; and as for Marston Moor, which 
 might easily have been a Royalist victory, it was indeed 
 “the fatal battle of Cannae to the loyal cavaliers.” Had 
 Rupert oidy been content to relieve York without fighting, 
 “ he would have caused his army to increase like the rolling 
 of a snowball.’’ 39 
 
 To return to the Moor. The Puritans were searching the 
 battle-field, when some of them found a hamper or sumpter 
 in a wood with a small picket in charge of it. The guards 
 narrowly escaped capture, and were heard to exclaim, “ God 
 damn them, they had like to have been taken by the Par¬ 
 liament Roundheads ! ” The hamper turned out to have 
 belonged to Rupert. “ The Prince of Plunderland, 40 he that 
 by daylight plundered others, had his rich sumpter plundered 
 by moon-light, for till twelve at night our soldiers had the 
 slaughter of the enemy in woods, lanes, and fields. Our 
 soldiers do not love to tell you what was in it ; only they 
 say some papers with C. R. that he should fight whatever 
 came of it.” 
 
 In the Marquis of Newcastle’s cabinet, which he had left 
 behind him, was found his commission signed Charles Hex, 
 constituting him general of all the forces raised, or to be 
 raised, north of the Trent, and in the seven eastern counties, 
 empowering him to confer knighthood upon those he thought 
 worthy of it, and which he had done, for he had already made 
 
 35 Fuller. 
 
 40 Rupert had been created Duke of Cumberland, 24th January, 1644. 
 
154 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 twelve. He was to coin money whenever he saw fit. Letters 
 were also found from Sir J ohn Hotham “ whereby it is- clearly 
 made known that he intended to betray Hull to the 
 enemy.” These and others were*all carefully transmitted to 
 the Parliament. 
 
 Manchester’s army, we are told by a Royalist authority, 
 satisfied with victory, left others of meaner dispositions to 
 plunder the dead and dying of their conquered enemies. 
 The Earl himself, “a sweet meek man,” says Mr. Ash, 
 “ after the Royalists had been beaten out of the field, about 
 eleven at night did ride about to the soldiers, both horse 
 and foot, giving many of them thanks for the exceeding- 
 good service which they had done for the Kingdom ; and 
 he earnestly exhorted them to give the honour of their 
 victory to God alone. He also further told them that he 
 could not possibly that night make provision for them 
 according to their deserts and necessities, yet he would 
 without fail endeavour their satisfaction in that kind in the 
 morning.” The soldiers unanimously “gave the Lord of 
 Hosts all the glory of this victory and great deliverance, 
 and even some of the prisoners acknowledged the finger and 
 hand of God in it. Moreover they told his Lordship that 
 “ though they had long fasted and were faint, yet they 
 would willingly wait three days longer than give off the 
 service or leave him.” And this was no mere talk, for 
 having drained the wells to the mud, they were obliged to 
 drink the water out of the ditches and stagnant pools, and 
 even the places puddled with the horses’ feet, very few of 
 the common soldiers had eaten above the quantity of a 
 penny loaf from Tuesday evening to the Saturday morning 
 following, nor had they any beer whatever, “ and they were 
 very weary.” 
 
 “ That night they kept the field and the bodies of the 
 dead were stripped. In the morning there was a mortifying 
 object to behold, when the naked bodies of thousands lay 
 upon the ground and many not quite dead,” but groaning 
 and gasping their last. The smooth white skins of many 
 gave reason to think they had been men of gentle birth, and 
 that they might have more honourable burial than the rest, 
 if their friends so pleased, Sir Charles Lucas was desired 
 to view the corpses, and choose those he thought proper, 
 but he could not be induced to recognise one of them, 
 
THU BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 155 
 
 evidently not wishing the great loss the King had sustained 
 should become known. He did, however, single out the 
 body of one gentleman, who had a bracelet of hair about 
 his wrist, which Sir Charles desired might be taken off, as 
 he knew an honourable lady who would be thankful to have 
 it. As he passed along the silent ranks, 
 
 Stark and stiff, and drenched with gore, 
 
 he exclaimed in the presence of those walking with him :— 
 “ Alas ! for King Charles ! Unhappy King Charles ! ” 
 
 The countrymen who were commanded to bury the dead 
 made the greater portion of the graves in and close to the 
 White Syke Close, and along Wilstrop Wood-side. They 
 “ reported that 4,550 dead bodies were buried at Marston 
 Moor,” of whom, they said, 3,000 had belonged to the 
 Royalist army, and of these fully two-thirds were gentlemen. 
 Yes indeed, many a home was darkened that day, many a 
 wife found herself a widow, and many a child fatherless, 
 whilst the bleeding corpses of those they loved were 
 
 “ Reddening Marston’s swarthy breast.” 
 
 Among the slain were Colonel William Evers, nephew 
 to Lord Evers, buried in York Minster, on July 7th ; 
 Lionel, Lord Carey, eldest son to the Earl of Monmouth ; 
 Colonel Roper, brother to Lord Baiting-lass; Sir William 
 Wentworth, brother to the late Earl of Stafford ; Sir 
 Francis Dacres, cousin to Lord Dacres ; Sir William Lamb- 
 ton, of an ancient Durham family ; Colonel Charles Slingsby, 
 son to Sir William Slingsby,—his head and helmet were 
 cleft in twain by the stroke of a battle-axe—he was buried 
 in York Minster, on July 7th ; Sir Marmaduke Louddon ; 
 Sir Thomas Metham, captain of Yorkshire Volunteers; Sir 
 Richard Gledon or Gledhill, who had been knighted by the 
 Marquis of Newcastle,—he was buried at St. Martin’s Church, 
 Micklegate, York, on July 8 ; Master Dewhirst; Lieutenant- 
 colonel Lisle, an officer who had seen much good service in 
 Holland ; Colonel Houghton, son to Sir Gilbert Houghton ; 
 Colonel John Fenwick, eldest son to Sir John Fenwick, and 
 nephew to Sir Henry Slingsby—the Colonel was Member of 
 Parliament for Morpeth—his dead body was never recovered ; 
 Sir Jordan Prideaux ; Colonel Prideaux, son to Dr. John 
 
156 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Prideaux, 41 Bishop of Worcester; Monsieur Saint Paula, a 
 French gentleman ; Lieutenant-colonel Atkins, an officer of 
 Newcastle’s army ; Lieutenant-colonel Stoneywood, a com¬ 
 mander in the late wars in Ireland ; Master Townley, of 
 Townley, in Lancashire, a papist officer; Colonel Sir 
 Charles Fairfax, brother of Sir Thomas Fairfax, was so 
 severely wounded that he “ died that day seven-night/' and 
 was buried at Marston, at the early age of 23 years ; Major 
 Fairfax, “ who received 28 wounds, lies dangerously ill, but 
 yet there are hopes of his recovery ”—he soon after died at 
 York; Captain Pugh ; Captain Roe ; Captain Mickle- 
 tlnvaite, and many others. Colonel Stapleton died of his 
 wounds. Sir William D’Avenant, the poet, who was Lieu¬ 
 tenant-general of Newcastle’s Ordnance, “a loose lived 
 gentleman,’’ was accounted as killed, but he got away in a 
 dexterous manner, and lived to enjoy prosperous days under 
 the Restoration. Sir Marmaduke Langdale was reported 
 missing and “ conceived to be slain,” but he had escaped. 413 
 There was also killed on the Puritan side, a Scotch lord 
 —Baron Didhope, whose body was taken by special licence 
 to Scotland, and there buried in the ancestral vault. When 
 King Charles was told of his death he said “ he hardly 
 remembered that he had such a lord in Scotland,” to which 
 the somewhat sharp retort came, “ that the lord had wholly 
 forgotten that he had such a king in England.” 42 
 
 41 Mr. Prideaux had a diamond buckle 
 in his hat. .He was son to Bishop 
 Prideaux of Worcester (1641-50). His 
 estate was ruined by raising and main¬ 
 taining a regiment at his own charge on 
 behalf of the king. He is said to have 
 killed 14 or 15 of the enemy with his 
 own hand before he bled to death. Sir 
 Jordan was slain whilst commanding a 
 troop of horse. (Stukeley’s Letters.) 
 
 41a See note 3i . 
 
 4 - Bilton Church Registers furnish the 
 following interesting entries :— 1 ‘ On the 
 3rd July, 1644, the day following that on 
 which the battle of Marston Moor was 
 fought, Captain John Carmichael was 
 buried here.” In another hand by the 
 side—“On the King’s side under the 
 Earl of Bedford, 60 Troop of Horse.” 
 [John Carmichael was a lieutenant in the 
 60th Troop of Horse under the command 
 of William, Earl of Bedford. ‘ Round¬ 
 heads and Cavaliers.”] “ Also one Wil¬ 
 liam Shepherd was buried the same day.” 
 
 “ On the 5th J uly Captain David 
 Ashton ’’ “ Miles Ashton was in Lord 
 
 Rochford’s Regiment ” [Miles was a lieu¬ 
 tenant in that regiment and was on the 
 Round-head side. “ Round-heads and cava¬ 
 liers ”]. They were most probably mem¬ 
 bers of the Assheton family of Middleton 
 in Lancashire. 
 
 In the Register of Burials in York 
 Minster are these entries but with no 
 remarks :— 
 
 “Colonel Steward bur. ye second of 
 July, 1644.” 
 
 “ Captaine Stanhope bur. ye third of 
 July, 1644.” 
 
 In the Registers of St. Mary's Church 
 at Beverley there is the remarkable 
 entry :— 
 
 “ Slaine Essausfield 2 July 1644.” 
 
 The Registers at Marston commence in 
 1648, there are a few earlier entries but 
 they are illegible. Marston has other 
 names—it is alias Wannesley, alias Hut¬ 
 ton Waunesley, alias Long Mereston. 
 
 “ Thomas Hinde a souldier was buried 
 Julie 9, 1644. [Aldborough Church 
 Registers. ] 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 157 
 
 Captain Walton, a nephew of Cromwells, had his horse 
 killed under him, and his thigh badly broken by a cannon- 
 shot early in the evening. The poor fellow bore his suffer¬ 
 ings with the greatest fortitude, seeing that he would be 
 without food or water until the battle was over. The 
 damage to his leg necessitated amputation, whereof he died. 
 When laid on the ground he bade them “ open to the right 
 and left that he might see the rogues run,” and greatly 
 regretted “ that God had not suffered him to be any more 
 the executioner of His enemies /’ 43 
 
 Algernon Sidney, the Earl of Leicester’s son, was 
 wounded , 44 “ but none were mortal :—These wounds cured 
 will be scars of honour.” He afterwards went to London to 
 be under the surgeons there. Sir Richard Graham, covered 
 with twenty-six wounds, galloped across the country home 
 to Norton Conyers, where it was said he rode upstairs to 
 bed . 45 Lord Grandison was severely wounded in ten places, 
 and remained in York to get cured. He is said to have 
 remarked :—“ that he had received ten wounds on his body 
 in this battle ; one wound for the breach of every com¬ 
 mandment in the Decalogue.” Some twenty or more sub¬ 
 alterns were wounded, more or less severely. 
 
 And among other discoveries was found the dead body of 
 Prince Rupert’s favourite dog “ Boy,” “ which was killed by 
 
 1644. 
 
 July 3. 
 
 4. 
 
 5. 
 18. 
 18. 
 22 . 
 13. 
 16. 
 31. 
 
 Lenard Thompson, a soldier, was buried at St. Crux’s, York. 
 Captain Menell was buried at St. Cutkbert's, York. 
 
 William Pigs, Boldier under Colonell Goring 
 Sir Richard Dakers, Colonel 
 George Brand, a Surgeon 
 Mr. Randall Femcke 
 
 buried at Holy 
 Trinity, Good- 
 ramgate, York. 
 
 [buried at St. Martin's, Micklegate, York. 
 
 Edmund Dancer 
 Capton Drimdrig / ' 
 
 Captain Heury Chomally (Cholmley) was buried at St. Sampson’s, 
 York. 
 
 For this list of burials at York I am 
 indebted to a paper on ‘‘ Burials of Sol¬ 
 diers at York during the Civil War,” by 
 the Rev. C. B. Norcliffe, M. A., and which 
 is printed in Vol. 3 of the Genealogist, 
 1879, pp. 322-26. It is very probable 
 that some if not all of these were 
 wounded at Marston and came to die in 
 York. 
 
 43 Letter D. 
 
 41 When Colonel Sydney was wounded 
 he fell within the Royalist ranks. One 
 of Cromwell’s regiment immediately 
 went to his rescue, and, at some con¬ 
 siderable risk, brought him off. Crom¬ 
 
 well saw this aud urgently desired to 
 have the name of the man who had be¬ 
 haved so nobly, but the hero would not 
 let it transpire, not wishing for any re¬ 
 ward. 
 
 45 At Norton Conyers Hall there is to 
 be seen in the present staircase a portion 
 of an old step, and on it is the distinct 
 mark of a horse’s shoe, which is said to 
 have been made when Sir Richard rode 
 upstairs to die. He however got quite 
 well and lived until 1653, when he died 
 and was buried at Wath on the 11th of 
 February. 
 
158 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 a valliant (I) soldier, who had skill in necromancy.” The 
 affectionate animal had followed his master on to the fatal 
 field. It was a white poodle-dog, “ more prized,” says Mr. 
 Ash, “ by his master than creatures of much more worth.” 
 And justly so, for it had been the sole companion of Rupert’s 
 solitude, when he was immured in the gloomy castle of 
 Lintz. The fanatical superstition of the period declared this 
 dog to be an imp, a dog-fiend, “ a verie downright devill . . . 
 once by nature a handsome white ladye, but now by art a 
 handsome white dogge.” 46 
 
 Sir Peter Middleton, Sir Henry Slingsby, Sir William 
 Ingilby, Sir Richard Tankard [Tancred], Sir Richard 
 Hutton, and other persons of quality were reported as “ fled 
 to other garrisons.” 
 
 The prisoners taken were numerous, including over a 
 hundred officers. Among them were :—Sir Charles Lucas, 
 Lieutenant-general of the Royal Horse ; Major-general 
 Porter; Major-general Tillyard, “ a very stout and able 
 soldier, who came from Ireland ” ; Sir George Goring; 
 Colonel Lamplough ; Lieutenant-colonel Maude; Lieutenant- 
 colonel Hamond ; Majors Cartwright, Lane, and Wise ; 
 Captains Dawson, Mucklow, Ewbanck, Disney, Burridge, 
 Fowler, Oyle, Henry Wren ; Hodgson, Dikes, Munday, 
 Ogleby, Lodam, Manwaring, Grilles, and Winn ; Lieutenants 
 Washington, Goodwin, Chambers, Poole, Dobson, Suddick, 
 Osborne, Foster, Blackman, Cooles, and Plunckit; Ensigns 
 Wheeler, Hedworth, Foster, and Dykes. Mr. Coule, a 
 servant to the Marquis of Newcastle; and Mr. Edward 
 Errick, Master-gunner to His Majesty ; and from fifteen 
 hundred to two thousand common soldiers. Also all the 
 ordnance, being twenty-eight cannon, forty waggons, twenty 
 carts of cheese, one hundred and thirty barrels of gun¬ 
 powder, three tons of great and small bullets, two waggons 
 filled with carbines and pistols ; about ten thousand arms, 
 chiefly swords, pikes, and bandeliers, and some thousands of 
 pounds in gold and silver money. A number of barrels 
 containing powder had been blown up by the common 
 
 ■* 6 A very scarce tract, printed ill 1644, “ s a( j Cavaliers, Rupert invites you all 
 
 called “ A Dogg's Elegy or Rupert’s Teares That do survive to his Dog's funeral: 
 for his late defeat at Marston Moor,” re- Uos^mourners are the Witch, the Pope, the 
 
 presents poor Boy lying on his back with That much lament your late befallen evil." 
 
 his four legs in the air, and this verse:— 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 159 
 
 soldiers, who had also torn many of the banners into shreds 
 to wear in their hats ere the proclamation was issued that 
 things must be left alone. Over one hundred colours were 
 taken, which, “ had they been white, would have made sur¬ 
 plices for all the cathedrals in England.” “ It is credibly 
 reported,” says a contemporary newspaper, “ that General 
 Cromwell took eighty with his own hands.” Alas ! how 
 many a fair maiden’s fingers had wrought hard to embroider 
 these banners, proudly hoping that they might fly on a field 
 of victory. 
 
 Where is that banner now ?—its pride 
 Lies whelm’d in Ouse’s sullen tide ; 
 
 Where are those warriors? in their gore 
 They cumber Marston’s dismal moor. 
 
 Those that were saved were sent up to the Parliament in 
 care of Captain Stewart. 47 
 
 The following is a list dated “ At the Leaguer at York, 
 July 9, at ten at night.” 
 
 A White Cornet of Dragoons with a blue and white fringe, in the 
 midst whereof is painted a roundhead’s face, and on its top the letter P 
 (which is conceived to signifie a Puritan) with a sword in hand reached 
 from a cloud, with this motto,—Fiat Justitia. 
 
 A Black Cornet, with a black and yellow fringe and a sword reached 
 from a cloud, with this motto,—Terriblis ut acies ordinata. 
 
 A Blue, and on it a crown towards the top with a mitre beneath the 
 crown, and the Parliament painted on one side, and this motto,—Nolite 
 tangere Christos meos—(to wit—the Crown and the Mitre). 
 
 A Black with a black fringe, and in the middle three crowns gilded 
 with this motto,—Quarta perennis erit. 
 
 A Blue with a silver fringe. 
 
 A Willow-green, with the portraiture of a man, holding in one hand 
 a sword, and in the other a knot, with the motto,—This shall untie it. 
 
 A Yellow and in the middle a stooping Lion, at whose breech lyeth 
 snatching a mastiff dog, with this word as it were proceeding from his 
 mouth “ Kimbolton,” aud at his feet several little beagles, before whose 
 mouths were written “ Pvm, Pym, Pym,” with these words proceeding 
 from the lion’s mouth,—Quosque tandem abutere patientia nostra l 
 (That is :—How long will you abuse our patience ?) 
 
 A Blue with a motto that cannot be read. 
 
 Another coloured red, with a face aud this motto :—Aut mors aut vita 
 decora. 
 
 A White with a blue and white fringe, and a red cross in the middle. 
 
 A Bed with a white cross, and this motto,—Pro rege et regno. 
 
 47 Captain William Stewart was one of General Leslie's officers. 
 
160 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 A Black with a black and yellow fringe, and a red and white cross in 
 the middle, and a yellow streamer sloping down from the cross. 
 
 A Red with a red fringe. 
 
 A Red with a silver fringe. 
 
 A Blue with a blue fringe. 
 
 Another of the same. 
 
 A Red with a red and gold fringe. 
 
 A White with a red and white fringe. 
 
 A Red with a black fringe. 
 
 A Black with a black and white fringe. 
 
 A flesh-coloured cornet. 
 
 Some others torn. 
 
 Prince Rupert’s Standard, nearly five yards square, with the arms of 
 the Palatinate, and a red cross in the middle. 
 
 Three Green Ensigns, whereof two have a red cross upon white, and 
 four or five little crosses sloping downwards. 
 
 Six Yellow Ensigns with red crosses, and one with a red cross and 
 three black roses, the rest only yellow. 
 
 Four White Ensigns with red crosses, w T hereof one has five black 
 streamers. 
 
 Eleven Red Ensigns with white crosses. 
 
 A Blue Ensign with a red and white cross. 
 
 One of the Puritan generals, Sir Thomas Fairfax, is 
 worthy of the highest praise for his humane endeavours. 
 It is told of him that after all was over, he rode up and 
 down the field to prevent any of the wounded from being 
 slain out-right, “ Spare the poor deluded countrymen ! ” he 
 cried, “ 0 spare them who are misled and know not what 
 they do ! ” 
 
 An express sent by Sir David Leslie, reached the Earl of 
 Leven at 12 o’clock on the next day. Old Fuller quaintly 
 remarks that “ General Leslie with his Scottish ran more 
 than a Yorkshire mile, and a wee bit,” to Leeds, nigh twenty 
 miles away, “ where he was arrested by the parish con¬ 
 stable.” Anyhow, tired out with the arduous efforts of the 
 day, the worry and the long night journey, on his arrival he 
 had thrown himself upon a bed to rest, and was fast asleep 
 when the messenger entering the room, awoke him. Leven 
 called out:—“ Lieutenant-colonel, what news \ ” “ All is 
 
 safe, may it please your Excellence,” was the answer, “ the 
 Parliament’s army has obtained a great victory,” at the 
 same time handing him a letter. Leven knocked himself 
 reproachfully upon the breast, exclaiming “ I would to God 
 I had died upon the place ! ” He then opened the letter 
 which confirmed the news, bidding him speedily return, 
 which he did the next day, getting “ evil thought of by the 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 161 
 
 English for this day’s service,” in fact all the runaway 
 soldiers were so soundly rated by their respective ministers 
 that “ they were made thoroughly ashamed of themselves,” 
 quoth Mr. Ash. News reached Hull on Wednesday, the 
 3rd of July, whilst the people were assembled in church to 
 keep a day of humiliation for the success of their army, 
 when, during the service, a letter arrived for the Mayor, and 
 he, quickly perusing its contents, handed it to the preacher 
 who read it aloud from the pulpit. 
 
 “2nd July 1644. Mr. Mayor. After a dark cloud it hath pleased God 
 “ to show the sunshine of His glory in victory over his enemies, who fire 
 “ driven into the walls of York, many of their chief officers slain, and all 
 “ their ordnance and ammunition taken with small loss (I praise God) on 
 “ our side. This is all I can now write ; 
 
 Resting Your Assured 
 Ferdinando Fairfax.” 
 
 This letter caused such tears for joy as is not to be 
 believed, if I should express it.” The Mayor at once trans¬ 
 mitted a copy of it to the Commissioners of both kingdoms 
 at London, which reached them on Friday, July 5th. The 
 royalist section of the populace, especially those in prison, 
 swore it was a forgery. 
 
 On Saturday another letter was received, dated Marston, 48 
 July 3rd, from the Earl of Manchester to a great personage, 
 confirming the news,—“ but still the malignants would not 
 believe.” 
 
 Thanks were voted by the Parliament to Leven, Manchester, 
 and Fairfax, and under an order, dated Monday, the 8th of 
 July, 1644, it was proclaimed that Thursday the 18th of July 
 should be the Day of Thanksgiving for the Victory at Mars¬ 
 ton Moor, and that it was to be kept as such in London, 
 Westminster, and other parts of the kingdom. 
 
 Meanwhile the siege of York was resumed on the 4th of 
 July, and was continued until the 16th, when articles of sur¬ 
 render were signed, and Sir Thomas Glemham with the 
 remaining: garrison were allowed to march out with flvin£ 
 colours and all the honours of war in acknowledgment of 
 their bravery, after resisting a siege of thirteen weeks’ dura¬ 
 tion, in which the city had sustained twenty-two assaults 
 upon its walls. After this event the Puritan forces divided, 
 
 48 See Letters E and F, 
 
162 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 and Manchester, Cromwell, and Crawford returned to 
 Lincolnshire. 
 
 Great disputes arose as to the comparative merits of the 
 several divisions who were engaged in this battle. Major 
 Harrison got to London first with the Earl of Manchester’s 
 dispatches, and he told “ with what courage undaunted 
 Cromwell fought and all his honest blades, and what service 
 they had done for the kingdom of England towards the 
 settling of religion and liberties.” Then Captain Stewart 
 arrived next and told the Scotch version of the story, besides 
 which a vast amount of information was also picked up from 
 “ many wearied officers after the hard service.” All admitted 
 with but one exception, 49 that Cromwell fought w r ith un¬ 
 daunted courage, and deserved the highest praise for that 
 day’s work. To Fairfax and David Leslie an equal meed 
 of praise was due, and to both Generals Baillee and Lums- 
 daine much honourable mention, while on the other hand, 
 the Scotch fell under heavy obloquy for the flight of their 
 centre under Leven. 
 
 On Thursday, the 18th of July, the solemn thanksgiving 
 was kept as ordered by Parliament. “ The acknowledge¬ 
 ment, oblation, and due thanks to God for His mercy and 
 goodness to us, was in every parish church and chapel with- 
 
 49 The story of Cromwell's cowardice 
 rests entirely on the authority of Scotch¬ 
 men, and apparently was an afterthought, 
 bred of the mutual jealousies which arose 
 through each of the factions trying to 
 magnify their part of the valour displayed 
 on the day of battle. Baillee's Letters 
 inform us that “ Mr. Ashe is highly 
 lauded, but gives more to Cromwell than 
 
 we are informed is his due.We 
 
 were both grieved and angry that your 
 Independents there should have sent up 
 Major Harrison to trumpett over all the 
 city their own praises, to our prejudice, 
 making all believe, that Cromwell alone 
 with his unspeakably valorous regiments, 
 had done all that service, that most of us 
 
 fled.and those who staved did 
 
 nothing much.and we are vexed 
 
 at the reports. But Lindesay’s Letters 
 and Captain Stuart with his colours will 
 alter their ideas. See by this inclosed if 
 the whole victory both in the right and 
 left wings be not ascribed to Cromwell, 
 and not a word of David Lesley, who in 
 all places that day was his leader. If 
 his reports of Marston be true, you know 
 the flight of some is worse and more 
 
 shameful than death.” 
 
 In another letter, dated 23rd of July, 
 the Independents are spoken of as obsti¬ 
 nate, swaggering about their service at 
 Y ork battle, but it is “ all grounded on 
 false lies.” Then again in a letter, dated 
 10th of August, we are told that the 
 Anabaptists and others were striving to 
 glorify Cromwell, and ascribe the victory 
 of Marston Moor to him, but most un¬ 
 justly, for Lord Humbie (Sir Adam 
 Hepburn, lord of Humbie, Treasurer and 
 Commissioner-general to the Scottish 
 army) “ assures us, that Prince Rupert 
 first charged and falling on him did 
 humble him so. that if David Leslie had 
 not supported him, he had fled. Skeldon 
 Crawford, who had a regiment of dra¬ 
 goons in that wing, on oath assured me, 
 that at the beginning of the fight Crom¬ 
 well got a little wound on his craige (i.e. 
 neck) which made him retire, so that he 
 was not so much as present at. the fight, 
 but his troopers were led on by David 
 Lesley.” And all this because Cromwell 
 was wounded. Two or three years after 
 these statements were confessed to be 
 fabrications. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 163 
 
 in the jurisdiction and power of the Parliament humbly 
 offered ; the minister of every such parish that day serving 
 the cure, relating some certainties (by way of encouragement 
 and stirring up our devotions) of the undoubted victory.” 
 
 Mr. Alexander Henderson, the celebrated Scotch minister, 
 preached before both Houses of Parliament in St. Margaret’s 
 Church, at Westminster. His text was Matthew xiv. 31. 
 “ And immediately Jesus stretched forth his hand, and caught 
 him, and said unto him, 0 thou of little faith, wherefore didst 
 thou doubt ■? ” In the course of an eloquent sermon, he 
 said that the tempest, which tossed the ship about in which 
 the disciples were, was only an emblem of the troubled con¬ 
 dition of the Church in those times. Yet the same Lord, 
 who had calmed the waters, was the same Lord of armies 
 and the God of battles that had now given them deliverance. 
 In the depth of their distress they had cried like the sinking 
 Peter “ Lord save us,” the hand of help had indeed been 
 outstretched, but there was a rebuke with it, “ 0 thou of 
 little faith, wherefore dost thou doubt ? ” The deliverance 
 from the enemy was nothing less than divine, just such 
 another as from the Armada or Powder-treason. It was 
 both opportune and seasonable, for “ the enemy had exalted 
 himself to the top of his pride, and had designed like Bel¬ 
 shazzar and his nobles to make merry with the spoils of the 
 people of God.” Again the hand of God had been mani¬ 
 fested, and the Lord had answered the prayers of his 
 people, but in spite of victory, they must “ take heed to 
 emulation and beware of envy, for it was a monster of many 
 heads, to defeat which true religion should be rightly 
 embraced and the covenant remembered by which they 
 were joined to Jesus Christ. For His was the right sceptre, 
 and He alone was the King of the church, therefore they 
 must not do that which seemed good in their own eyes but 
 obey His voice. Much more might be said,” continued 
 the preacher, but “ I shall only desire that the recent proof 
 of the mercy of God in our deliverance may be added to 
 your calendar of former deliverances to make your experi¬ 
 ence the stronger, that your hope and confidence may be the 
 stronger for all time to come.” 
 
 Mr. Richard Vines, another celebrated divine, “minister 
 of God’s Word at Weddingtoti,” also preached the same day 
 at St, Margaret’s “ before the Right Honourable Lords and 
 
164 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Commons,” taking for his text Isaiah lxiii. 8. “ For he 
 
 said, surely they are my people, children that will not lie : 
 so he was their Saviour.” In comparing the victory to 
 that memorable conquest of Hannibal by Scipio, which 
 closed the second great Punic war, he said, that, like 
 the Romans of old, neither they nor their fathers had 
 seen a greater day. The first summer of the war, the 
 Almighty had written himself their God in great letters 
 at Edge-hill ; the second, in still greater character at 
 Newberry ; but the third, in order that he might be legible 
 to such as hitherto would not see, He had written himself 
 Immanuel in a text letter,—“and Hannibal (Y.e., Rupert) is 
 routed neere the walls of his own Carthage ” (York) .... 
 “ the tying bonfires of the enemy will not blaze long and 
 their lying bells will soon alter their changes,”—in spite of 
 efforts to lead us back to the flesh-pots of Egypt, to induce us 
 to dance before golden calves, truth ever wins at the last, and 
 they would find in all their troubles, that God was their 
 Saviour. He referred with triumph to the captured banners, 
 and drew lessons from their mottoes turning the tables on 
 the vanquished Royalists. In conclusion he appealed to his 
 hearers in common-sense language, to drop the war as soon 
 as the object for which they fought was attained, ever bear¬ 
 ing in mind that “ famous Dictator of Rome that was fetcht 
 from the Plough, routed the enemy, and returned to his 
 Plough again.” 
 
 A vote of thanks was passed by both Houses of Parlia¬ 
 ment on Friday, the 19th of July, and was ordered to be pre¬ 
 sented to Mr. Henderson and Mr. Vines “ for the great pains 
 they took with their sermons.” 
 
 The Rev. Joshua Whitton preached at Kingston-upon- 
 Hull from Ezra ix. 13, 14. “And hast given us such 
 deliverance as this ; Should we again break thy command¬ 
 ments, and join in affinity with the people of these abomina¬ 
 tions, wouldst thou not be angry with us till thou hadst con¬ 
 sumed us, so that there should be no remnant nor escaping ? ” 
 In his address, which is very strongly imbued with the ex¬ 
 treme Puritan polemics of the period, he complains bitterly 
 about the destruction of their homes, the looting of their 
 cattle, and the theft of their very wearing apparel. Above all, 
 whole libraries of their precious books, the very wealth of 
 their callings, had been burnt, torn in pieces, taken to light 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 165 
 
 tobacco-pipes with, and put to other foul uses. Yea, verily, 
 the land has been trampled down and food destroyed. 
 “ Lord ! into what manner of times are we fallen ? ” Surely 
 “ the enemy hath stretched out his hand over all our pleasant 
 things, whilst the furies say, Let us devour it,” but God will 
 be avenged and stop them. Their recent deliverance might 
 be compared to the return of the Israelites with Ezra from 
 Babylon. Their enemies had found Hessam a harder country 
 than they expected, more iron, steel, and smoke, awaited 
 their welcome than they cared for, and God was pleased to 
 give us the honour of the day. Pray what sort of men were 
 their foes ? Did they not rejoice in “ excess of wine, in 
 revelling, banqueting, lasciviousness and lawless lusts \ Have 
 they not ravished women, defiled virgins, and afterwards 
 pistolled them, and then boasted of it ? Are they not 
 papistical idolators, bowing down to graven images and 
 pictures, and praying to saints and angels'?” While as to 
 swearing, it was awful to think about. “ Lord,”—exclaimed 
 the preacher, “ how many oaths have been sworn in one town 
 on a single market day ? Joshua won far more battles with 
 fewer oaths :—to join indeed with such as these God w r ould 
 justly be angry with us, and consume us—so that there 
 should be no remnant nor escaping.” 
 
 Morning service being over, “ from every fort about the 
 cities of London and Westminster was heard the big voice 
 of the cannon echoing in the air ; the bells kept their time 
 and tune as partners in our joy ; and upon Paul’s steeple 
 was seen one of the colours brought from the enemy bravely 
 displayed. The night afforded us the pleasures of bonfires 
 builded by the cost and affection of the lovers of religion 
 and goodness. Thus to the utter disheartening of all the 
 malignant crew, we measured out our time and joy with the 
 truth of the conquest.” For “ the cloud that hath so much 
 obscured the North is now dissipated, and our God hath 
 given his servants a glorious victory over the enemies of 
 their Religion and Liberty.” 50 
 
 Discoveries of relics have been very numerous, but many 
 have been taken away from the locality. Remains too have 
 been disturbed by the plough. Many were found at the 
 bottom of the Atterwith Lane. A large cannon-ball, found 
 
 - u Old Newspaper. 
 
166 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 about sixty years ago in a field near the White Syke Close, 
 was until lately preserved at the Swan Inn at Long Marston. 
 The White Syke Ditch was cleared out about the year 1800, 
 when numbers of old-fashioned horse-shoes, cannon-balls of 
 various sizes, bullets, sword-blades and bones were discovered, 
 some of which are still preserved at the Rectory. Swords, 
 hats, helmets, skulls with bullet-holes in them are to be seen 
 in the Museum of the Philosophical Society at York. At 
 Farnley Hall, near Otley, the sword that Sir Thomas Fair¬ 
 fax used at Marston Moor is kept. It is a straight one with 
 a basket-hilt, inlaid with silver. The hat which Oliver Crom¬ 
 well wore on the day is also to be seen at Farnley. Many 
 other relics of his, such as his saddle, bridle, and holster- 
 pistols, spurs and watch are shown at Newburgh Priory. 
 
 In 1780, numerous trees were felled on one side of Mars¬ 
 ton Moor, which then belonged to the Lord Petre, and 
 when cut up the sawyers found many bullets embedded in 
 them. 
 
 The Rev. Dr. Crigan, rector of Long Marston from the 
 29th of January, 1821, to the 14th of July, 1826, and after¬ 
 wards rector of Escrick, used to relate that, early in this 
 century, a very old barn which stood in the parish of 
 Marston was pulled down. There were loopholes in its 
 walls for the purpose of ventilation. In one not easy to 
 reach was found an old worm-eaten leather bag, containing 
 a number of coins all dating previous to 1644. It had no 
 doubt been placed there for security by some one very much 
 scared at the awful fight so near their home-stead. 51 
 
 At Naburn Hall a solid gold ring is preserved, bearing 
 the crest of the Palmes family :—“ A hand holding a palm 
 branch proper,”—with the motto, “Ut palma justus.” It 
 was ploughed up some years ago by a farmer at Marston 
 Moor, and soon after was restored to the late Mr. Palmes. It 
 must have belonged to some member of the family who was 
 slain at Marston. They were staunch Royalists, and three 
 brothers—Thomas, William, and John, fell at the Battle of 
 Worcester in 1651, whilst fighting for the royal cause. 52 
 
 Local or other traditions are by no means so plentiful as 
 we might expect, seeing the event occurred only two hundred 
 and fifty years ago. In the neighbouring villages but little 
 
 ol Communicated by Mr. T. Carter 52 Communicated by the Rev. James 
 Mitchell, f.s.a., Topcliffe. Palmes, M.A., Rector of Escrick. 
 
TFIB BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 167 
 
 is known, save that “ won’st a graate battle wur fonghten 
 theer.” The Moor Lane is said to be haunted at nights by 
 headless horse-men, and at the beginning of this century the 
 country people could not be induced to traverse it after 
 dark. Marston Moor is within four miles of Bramham Moor, 
 where our great Yorkshire seeress. Mother Shipton, once 
 foretold “ there would be a great battle.” 
 
 A Mr. Acomb was constable of Marston in 1644. His 
 oxen were pressed into service by both sides to drag the 
 cannon. While in the act of pulling a gun into its place, 
 one of the cattle was killed by a passing shot. Those in 
 charge wanted to stop and extricate the dead animal, but 
 the peremptory order came ;■—“ Push forward ! ” 
 
 The following story will illustrate how very little was 
 known of the political situation, especially in remote places. 
 An officer, who had been sent forward to reconnoitre, riding 
 through Marston village, met a labourer, of whom he 
 demanded in stentorian tones :—“ If he had seen any of the 
 King’s soldiers, and whom he was for ?—King or Parlia¬ 
 ment % ” “ Whaat! be them two fall’n out then ! ” was the 
 
 naive and curt reply. 
 
 At Healaugh the church door still bears the marks of 
 bullet shots. Local tradition says that a dragoon hastening 
 to Marston Moor cast a shoe, so he stopped at the village 
 smithy to get another shoe put on, and behaved in a most 
 hectoring manner, saying that if the blacksmith did not 
 make haste “ he would burn his house over his head ” on 
 his return, or otherwise harm him. The smith calmly 
 answered that perhaps he would not have a chance, upon 
 which the blustering soldier discharged the contents of his 
 carbine at the church door . 53 
 
 Sir Robert Hildyard, of Winestead, is said to have shown 
 such bravery in fighting on the lloyalist side, that, 
 when the Restoration came about, he was made a knight- 
 banneret. 
 
 Mr. John Dolben fought as a private on the King’s side 
 at Marston, and was severely wounded in the defence of 
 York. At a later period he was ordained by the Bishop of 
 Chester, became Dean of Westminster, in 1666, was con¬ 
 secrated Bishop of Rochester, and in 1683 was raised to 
 
 53 Communicated by the Rev. R. H. Cooke, B.D., Vicar of Healaugh. 
 
les 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 the See of York, which he held until his death, which took 
 place in 1688. 
 
 Mrs. Alice Thornton in her Diary tells a very interesting 
 story. She describes the times as a period of “ horrid dis¬ 
 tractions and fears of ours, and the church’s enemies.” Her 
 family had removed from Kirklington to York, where her 
 brother, Christopher Wandesford, a boy of sixteen years, in 
 1644, was at a school, not solely for education, but to be 
 near his physician for the cure of epileptic fits. These had 
 been brought on when attending bis father’s funeral at 
 Christ Church, Dublin, and caused by fright “ on hearing 
 the great and dreadful cry the Irish made.” On the 2nd of 
 July, in company wfith other boys, he rode to the Moor 
 “just to see the battle.” His brother George who had 
 arrived at York on that day, went after and rescued him, 
 bringing him into York by a back way, and reaching home 
 at midnight, to the great delight of an anxious mother, who 
 writes that by this stratagem “ they were preserved, blessed 
 be God, and not murdered.” For this kind action the uncle 
 was accused later on of having fought against the Parlia- 
 ment, was publicly proclaimed a traitor in Kirklington 
 church, 54 his estates were forfeited, while he took refuge in 
 the wild parts of Swaledale, disguised as a common 
 labourer, until the time came when a Royalist could hold 
 up his head, and the sun shone on the King’s side of the 
 hedge. 
 
 As further proofs of the disturbed times there was no 
 court held for the Manor of Aldborough from 1643 to 1646 ; 
 the registers at the church of Kirkby-on-the-Moor have a 
 complete gap, whilst from 1654 to 1660 those at Ald¬ 
 borough Church have been supplemented at a later 
 period by the Rev. Edward Morris, “ out of a Register 
 appointed to the church by one of his (Cromwell’s) wise 
 justices.” 
 
 The following stories are personally connected with 
 Cromwell. “ Mary, the daughter of Sir Francis Trappes, 
 married Charles Towmeley, of Towneley, in Lancashire, 
 
 5i Mrs. Thornton in her Diary. Sur¬ 
 tees Society, No. 62, pp. 41-44. Her 
 brother George Wandesford seems to 
 have come from Kirklington quite un¬ 
 aware of any battle, and, seeking for his 
 
 nephew, got mixed up in it, for he re¬ 
 turned to York with his cousin Edward 
 Norton’s troop, and hence his subsequent 
 trouble. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 169 
 
 esquire, who was killed at the battle of Marston Moor. 
 During the engagement she was with her father at Knares- 
 borough, where she heard of her husband s fate, and came 
 upon the field the next morning in order to search for his 
 body, while the attendants of the camp were stripping and 
 burying the dead. Here she was accosted by a general 
 officer to whom she told her melancholy story. He heard 
 her with great tenderness, but earnestly desired her to leave 
 a place, where, besides the distress of witnessing such a 
 scene, she might probably be insulted. She complied and 
 he called a trooper, who took her en croupe. On her way 
 back to Knaresborough she enquired of the man the name 
 of the officer to whose civility she had been indebted, and 
 learned that it was Lieutenant-general Cromwell .” 55 
 
 After Marston Moor Cromwell, returning from the pursuit 
 of a party of Royalists, stopped at Ripley Castle, the seat of 
 Sir William Ingilby, and as he had an officer in his troop, a 
 relation of Sir William’s, he sent him forward to announce 
 his arrival. Lady Ingilby at first boldly refused him 
 admission, declaring that “ she could defend herself and the 
 house against all rebels.” At last, however, she was per¬ 
 suaded to admit him, which she did and received Cromwell 
 at the gate in person, but armed with a pair of loaded 
 pistols stuck in her apron strings, and told Cromwell that 
 lie and his men had better look to themselves and behave 
 properly. So these two extraordinary persons, equally 
 jealous of each other, passed the whole night in the same 
 room, sitting on couches placed on opposite sides of the 
 apartment. Next day after Cromwell and his troopers had 
 gone, she said, had he misbehaved himself in any way he 
 would not have left that house alive. 
 
 The Rev. H. T. Inman, Woolston Rectory, Bucks, kindly 
 sent me the following note about one of his ancestors. He 
 copied it from a manuscript family pedigree. 
 
 “ Michael Inman, of Bowthwaite Grange, in Nidderdale, 
 raised a troop for King Charles and fought at Marston 
 
 66 This lady survived a widow till her cliffe’s Correspondence, by the then re¬ 
 death in 1090, which took place at Town- presentative of the family when he was 
 ley. She was 91 years of age, and was in his 78th year, who said he got it from 
 buried in the family chapel at Burnley. his ancestress Ursula Towneley (a Fermor 
 The above anecdote was told to Dr. of Tusmore), who had often heard it 
 Whitaker, the editor of Sir George Rad- from the lady herself. 
 
170 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YOKKSHIEE. 
 
 Moor; six brothers fought with him ; several were killed in 
 the battle, and the others fled their country. Michael was 
 taken prisoner and carried into Scotland where he was 
 kept upwards of five years, and then released through the 
 petition and interest of Owen Darnbrooke, of Bewerley 
 (near Pateley Bridge), whose daughter and sole heiress, 
 Elizabeth, he married on July 1st, 1656.” 
 
 Dr. Richard Wood, of Driffield, very kindly communicated 
 this family tradition. He says his late father, who was horn 
 at Poppleton in 1794, used to relate that a maternal ancestor, 
 —a Mr. William Prince, watched the progress of the Royalist 
 troops from York, and followed them as far as he deemed it 
 prudent to go. To secure a better view of the proceedings 
 he climbed into an oak tree and from that elevated perch he 
 listened for some time to the firing of guns, heard the tramp 
 of horsemen, and saw many other signs of active warfare. 
 While his attention was almost riveted to the spot, a cannon¬ 
 ball struck off a large branch close to where he was sitting. 
 Not caring to be shot he made a hasty descent, and heat a 
 speedy retreat, probably being of Ealstaff’s opinion that 
 “ the better part of valour is—discretion.” And so he lived 
 to narrate to his friends the particulars of his dangerous 
 adventure. For many years the tree was known as “ Prince’s 
 Oak.” 
 
 Another relative of Dr. Wood, who at one time farmed a 
 portion of Marston Moor, had in bis possession a variety of 
 relics, such as spurs, swords, broken helmets, guns, &c., 
 which he had dug up from time to time. They were 
 arranged over his mantel-piece, and were preserved to the 
 end of his life with pious care. After his death these articles 
 unfortunately got dispersed. 
 
 In the winter of 1858-59 part of Marston Moor was so 
 water-logged that draining operations were undertaken, and 
 certain tumuli then indicated on local maps, and legendary 
 sites of sepulture were cut into. The workmen struck upon 
 huge pits, depositories of innumerable bones, and “ sunnnat 
 at lookd loike silt,”—not slimy, but damp. A cutting- 
 twelve } r ards long and eight in width left one vast sepulchre 
 unexhausted. About four feet deep, corpses were found 
 huddled together in all conceivable positions, one over the 
 other, lying straight, distorted, feet upwards, &c. Many of 
 
THE BATTLE OF MAltSTOtf StOOft. 
 
 171 
 
 the bones crumbled to dust on exposure to the air, and “ a 
 cloud of nauseous vapour burst from the open tomb.” It is 
 not surprising to learn that the men sickened at the horrors 
 of this charnel house, and it was some time before they could 
 be induced to resume work. 66 
 
 Letter A. 
 
 To the Right Honourable, the Earl of Manchester. 
 
 These humbly present. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Our intelligence from divers places, agreeing that the enemy’s 
 foot did advance this day from Otley, and quarter there and the town 
 abouts this night, hath occasioned us to draw all our horse of both 
 nations upon a moor close by Long Marston, within five miles of York, 
 where we now are expecting what further orders we shall receive from 
 your lordship and the other generals. My Lord, I humbly offer these, 
 that exact orders might be sent to my lord Fairfax’s troops that are in 
 general parts of this county to march up either to us or to you, that they 
 may not by their absence be made useless. The Lieutenant-general 
 commanded me to send this express to your lordship, being in expecta¬ 
 tion to hear your lordship’s further resolution. 
 
 My Lord, I am 
 
 Your Lordship’s most humble servant 
 Leon Watson. 
 
 Long Marston, this 30th of June 1644. 
 
 Between one and two in the morning. 
 
 The enemy’s whole body is about 15,000. 
 
 Letter B. 
 
 May it please Your Highness. 
 
 This afternoon about one of the clock, the enemy's van marched 
 from their quarter at Long Marston to Middlethorpe, the rest of their 
 army follows. The three generals have sent a letter directed to me and 
 my Lord Mayor to deliver them up the town in six hours, or else I must 
 expect all extremities of war. I shall not obey their summons, but keep 
 it for the King as long as possibly I can. I thought it my duty to 
 acquaint Your Highness with it, not doubting but Your Highness will 
 take us into your consideration for the relief of 
 
 Your Highness’s most affectionate and humble servant, 
 
 Thomas Glemham. 
 
 York, the 4th of June, 1644, at five in the afternoon. 
 
 56 Leeds Litclligcnccr, February 19, 1859. 
 
172 
 
 BA'ITLES FOIGHT IN YOKK.SH1KE. 
 
 Letter C. 
 
 The King to Prince Rupert. Tickenhall, near Bewdley. 
 
 14th June, 1644. 
 
 Nephueu. 
 
 1st. I must congratulate you for your good successes, assuring 
 you that the things themselves are no more welcome to me than that you 
 are the means. I know the importance of supplying you with powder 
 for which I have taken all possible ways, having sent both to Ireland and 
 Bristol. As for Oxford this bearer is well satisfied that it is impossible 
 to have any at present, but if he tell you that I can spare them from 
 hence, I leave you to judge having but 36 left; But what I can get from 
 Bristol (of which there is not much certainty—it being threatened to be 
 besieged) you shall have. But now I must give you the true state of my 
 affairs which if their condition be such as enforces me to give you more 
 peremptory commands than I willingly would do, you must not take it 
 ill. If York be lost, I shall esteem my crown little else, unless supported 
 by your sudden march to me, and a miraculous conquest in the south 
 before the effects of the northern power can Vie found here. But if York 
 be relieved and you beat the rebel armies of both kingdoms which are 
 before it, then (but not otherwise) I may possibly make a shift (upon the 
 defensive) to spin out time until you come to assist me. Wherefore I 
 command and conjure j r ou by the duty and affection which I know you 
 bear me, that all new enterprises laid aside, you immediately march 
 according to your first intention with all your forces to the relief of York. 
 But if that be either lost or have freed themselves from the besiegers, or 
 that for want of powder you cannot undertake that work, that you imme¬ 
 diately march with your whole strength directly to Worcester to assist 
 me and my army ; without which, or your having relieved York by 
 beating the Scots, all the successes you can afterwards have most infal¬ 
 libly will be useless unto me. You may believe that nothing but au 
 extreme necessity could make me thus write unto you, wherefore in this 
 case I can no ways doubt of your punctual compliance with 
 
 Your loving Uncle and most faithful friend, 
 
 CHARLES R. 
 
 I command this bearer to speak to you concerning Vavasour. 
 
 This letter was written Lord Digby, but signed by the 
 King. Rupert carried it about with him to bis dying day, but 
 he never would show it to anyone during bis lifetime. 
 
 Letter D. 
 
 To my loving Brother Colonel Valentine Walton. These. 
 
 Dear Sir, Leaguer before York, 5th July, 1644. 
 
 It is our duty to sympathise in all mercies, and to praise the 
 Lord together in chastisements or trials, that so we may sorrow together. 
 Truly England and the Church of God hath had a great fever from the Lord 
 in this great victory given unto us, such as the like never was since this 
 war began. It had all the evidences of an absolute victory obtained by 
 the Lord’s blessing upon the Godly Party principally. We never charged 
 
THE BATTLE OF .MALSTON MOOK. 
 
 173 
 
 but we routed the enemy. The Left wing which I commanded being our 
 own horse, saving a few 57 Scots in our rear, beat all the prince’s horse. God 
 made them as stubble to our swords. We charged their regiments of 
 foot with our horse, and routed all we charged. The particulars I can¬ 
 not relate now, but I believe of 20,000, the Prince hath not 4000 left! 
 Give glory, all the glory, to God. Sir, God hath taken away your eldest 
 son by a cannon shot. It brake his leg. We were necessitated to have 
 it cut off, whereof he died. Sir, you know my own trials in this way, 
 but the Lord supported me with this. That the Lord took him into the 
 happiness we all pant for and live for. There is your precious child full 
 of glory, never to know sin or sorrow' any any more. He w T as a gallant 
 young man, exceeding gracious, God give you His comfort. Before his 
 death he was so full of comfort that to Frank Russell and myself he 
 could not express it. “ It was so great above his pain.” This he said to 
 us. Indeed it was admirable. A little after he said one thing lay upon 
 his spirit. I asked him what it was 1 He told me it tvas “ that God 
 had not suffered him to be any more the executioner of Plis enemies.” 
 At his fall, his horse being killed by a bullet and as I was informed three 
 horses more, I am told he bade them open to the right and left that he 
 might see the rogues run. Truly he was exceedingly beloved in the 
 army of all that knew him. But few knew him, for he was a precious 
 young man fit for God. You have cause to bless the Lord. He is a 
 glorious saint in heaven, wherein you ought exceedingly to rejoice. Let 
 this drink up your sorrow seeing these are not feigned words to comfort 
 you, but the thing is so real and undoubted a truth. You may do all 
 things by the strength of Christ. Seek that and you will easily bear 
 your trial. Let this public mercy to the Church of God make you to 
 forget your private sorrow. The Lord be your strength — so prays 
 Your truly faithful and loving Brother, 
 
 Oliver Cromwell. 
 
 Letter E. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 1 know your lordship will be glad to hear the good news of the 
 great victory, which God hath given us over the forces of Prince Rupert; 
 the particulars are drawing up and shall be sent to the Committee. I 
 shall only in general certify your lordship that we beat the Prince, both 
 horse and foot out of the field. He saved himself by the goodness of his 
 horse. AVe took all his ordnance, ammunition and baggage. We took 
 about GOOO arms and I believe there are some thousands left in the 
 w'oods. AA r e have taken great numbers of prisoners, Sir Charles Lucas is 
 taken, also Major-general Porter, Major-general Tillier, many other 
 colonels and officers taken, besides divers persons of quality taken or 
 slain. The number of the dead are about 3(J00. I bless God our loss 
 is very little : divers we have wounded, among whom it much troubleth 
 me to tell you of my cousin Sidney, second son to the Earl of Leicester, 
 but yet he is very hearty. The Prince has left York ; we shall not be 
 wanting to do our duty, we began our fight on Tuesday last, and it w r as 
 very hot for two hours. We have taken colours in great numbers. 
 
 Marston, 3 July, 1644. AIanchester. 
 
 5 ‘ A few Scots, indeed ! 1920 men out of 4200 ! ! ! Not very accurate, Mr. O. C. ? 
 
174 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Letter F. 
 
 For my dear wife the Lady Frances Fairfax at her house near 
 Charingcross—this. 
 
 My dear Hart,— I know when you hear of our great battle with 
 Prince Rupert you will be very fearfull of me ; therefore I write to satisfie 
 thee that God hath allso, at this time, preserved me from any hurt at- 
 all. We have beaten Prince Rupert to some tune, and routed all his 
 army and taken his ordnance. We have killed above a thousand of his 
 men, but whatt prisoners I know nott yet, but there is very many. The 
 battle was fought in Marston Fields, not far from Quinton Ludston’s 
 house, the hour at five o’clock in the afternoon. I cannot stay the 
 messenger, so that you must excuse me to all my friends, and tell them 
 I had not any paper but this, and itt was a piece of a letter. Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax is wounded in the face, but not much worse. Collonell 
 Lambert is very well, but most of his officers killed and hurtt. My ser¬ 
 vice to my Lady Sheffield, and my wife, Lambertt, and all the rest of my 
 friends. Tom Smith is slain, so I rest thy dear husband 
 
 Will Fairfax. 
 
 From Marston the 13th (sic J) of July, 1644. 
 the day after the battle. 
 
 My cousin Charles Fairfax is very sore wounded. 
 
 This letter, which was written on a vacant half-a-sheet of 
 another letter, is probably the only one extant which was 
 written on the field. 
 
 LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 
 
 A True Relation of the late Fight. Published by Authority. London. July 8, 
 1644. 
 
 Another Letter written the Third day after the Fight. July 5th, 1644. 
 
 A Relation of the good successe of the Parliament’s forces.at Hesham- 
 
 Moore on Tuesday, July 2, 1644. Sent by way of a letter from a Captain there 
 present to a friend in London (and signed W. H.). Printed by W. F. 1644. 
 
 A continuation of true Intelligence.from the 16th of June to Wednesday, 
 
 the 10th of July, 1644 .by Sim. Ash, Chaplaine to the Earle of Manchester, 
 
 and one of the Ministers of the Assembly. Allowed of by Authoritie and entered 
 according to order. London. Printed for Thomas Underhill at the Bible in Wood- 
 street. 1644. 
 
 A true Relation of the Fight from Mr. Ash, his own hand-writing. From the 
 Leaguer before York. July 19th, 1644, and signed SYM’ ASH. 
 
 A more exact Relation of the late Battell near York.signed Lion Watson. 
 
 London. Printed by M. Simmons for H. Overton. 1644. 
 
 The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer sent abroad to prevent misinformation; from 
 Tuesday the 2 of Julie to Tuesday the 9 of Julie. 1644. Printed according to 
 order for Robert White. 
 
 The same from Tuesday 9 of July to Tuesday 16 July, 1644. 
 
 The Parliament Scout communicating his Intelligence to the Kingdome; from 
 Thursday the 18 of July to Thursday the 25 July. 1644. Printed according to 
 order for Robert White. 
 
 The same from Thursday the 4 of July to Thursday the 11 of July. 1644. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 175 
 
 Mercurius Britanicus from Monday 1 July to Monday 8 July. 1644. 
 
 The same from Monday 8 July to Monday 15 July. 1644. 
 
 The same from Monday 22 July to Monday 29 July. 1644. 
 
 A Continuation of true Intelligence from the Armies in the North from the 10 
 to the 27 July. 1644. By Sim. Ash. 
 
 A Full Relation of the late Victory.together with a List of the Cornets 
 
 and Ensignes.sent by the three Generals to the Parliament. By Captain 
 
 STEWART. Signed “at the Leaguer neere York, July, at ten at night.” Pub¬ 
 
 lished by Authority. London. Printed by J. F. for L. Blaiklock. July 11. 1644. 
 
 A Petition to the King's Majesty, also a glorious Victory certified in a briefe Re¬ 
 lation, dated July 5. 1644. London. Printed for F. L. July the 6th 1644. 
 
 A Particular List of divers of the Commanders and Officers taken prisoners at 
 
 Marston Moore.also a Relation of some Remarkable Passages in the Fight 
 
 sent iu a letter from Hull, dated 6 July 1644 and signed T. M. London. 
 Printed for Ralph Rounthwaite. 1644. 
 
 A Continuation of certain Special and Remarkable passages.from Wednes¬ 
 
 day the 3 of July till Wednesday the 10 of July. 1644. Printed by F. L. for 
 F. Coles, and are to be sold in the Old Baly. 
 
 The Court Mercurie. From Wednesday the 2 of July to Wednesday the 10. 
 1644. Printed according to Order. Tho. F orest. 
 
 Mercurius Civicus. London’s Intelligencer or Truth impartially related from 
 thence to the whole Kingdome to prevent misinformation. From Thursday July 4 
 to Thursday July 11. 1644. 
 
 The Weekly Account from Wednesday the 4 of July to Wednesday the 11 of 
 the same 1644. London. Printed by'Bernard Alsop. 
 
 The Scottish Dove. Sent out and returning bringing Intelligence from the Armies 
 and makes some Relations of other observable Passages of both Kingdoms for 
 information and instruction. From Friday the 5 of July to Saturday the 13 of 
 July, 1644. It has the figure of a dove with this motto, “ Holy inocency is 
 blessed,” with the following very curious epitome of news. 
 
 “ Rupert and Newcastle wholly routed 
 Rupert and Newcastle’s jarres undoubted ; 
 
 Newcastle fled to Sea, Rupert to the King 
 Give God the glory, heavenly praises sing. 
 
 A day of thanks ; the Parliament hath set. 
 
 Lord Gray with some of Hastings' Troopes hath met. 
 
 From Oswestree Middleton the siege did raise. 
 
 And Barstables defence doth Essex praise. 
 
 The Queen Pendennis Castle liketh best 
 The King uncertaine where to take his rest. 
 
 Be wise as Serpents, innocent as Doves.” 
 
 The contents of another letter, sent from one in the Earle of Manchester’s Army 
 to a friend in London, and signed Robert Grifen. 
 
 Mercurius Aulicus. communicating the Intelligence and affaires of the Court to the 
 rest of the Kingdome. The 28 Weeke ending July 13. 1644. (This was a Royalist 
 paper.) 
 
 All the above are in the British Museum, and are contained in the series called 
 ‘The King’s Pamphlets,” but indexed and better known as •* The Thomason Co lec- 
 ion of Pamphlets.” The two following are fiom the Burney Collection :— 
 
 A Perfect Diurnall, Saturday July 6, 1644. No. 49. 
 
 A Perfect Diurnall of some Passages in Parliament from Munday the 8 of July 
 till Munday the 15 of July. 1644. 
 
 Note. —I have had verbatim transcripts made of all the above so that I might 
 read them carefully and weigh the evidence they contain. Unfortunately they are all 
 Puritan, save one, yet at the same time they give numerous instances of the Royalists’ 
 courage and bravery, and show very plainly that Marston Moor was no easily-attained 
 victory. The following extracts will illustrate this : — “ The Priuce seated himself in 
 a place of advantage, out of which for some time he could not be stirred. During 
 which time gaining of the day seemed very doubtful, and the Rupertainians fought 
 very furiously.” 
 
 “The charge which the enemy gave was so fierce, that everyone of the three 
 generals passed through some difficulty and hazard to their persons.” “They fought 
 with a bravery and courage wonderful to see in so bad a cause.” “In a word we 
 were hardly put to it.” &c., &c. 
 
 The Slingsby Diary, ed. Parsons. London, 1836. 
 
176 
 
 BATTLES FOUGHT IN YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Short Memorials of Thomas, Lord Fairfax. London, 1699. And in Journal 
 Vol. VIII. 
 
 Life of William Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle. Written by Margaret, Duchess of 
 Newcastle. London. 1667. 
 
 Calendar of State Papers. Domestic, 1644. ed. W. D. Hamilton—Public Record 
 Office, 1888. 
 
 Harleian MS. 4181. 
 
 Clarendon MS. 1805. 
 
 Marston Moor. A Latin Poem, by Payne Fisher. London, 1650. 
 
 Historical Collections. John Rushworth. 1692. 
 
 Drake’s Eboracum. London, 1736. 
 
 God’s Arke overtopping the World’s Wares, or The Third Part of the Parliamentary 
 Chronicle. John Vicars. London, 1646. 
 
 The History of the Rebellion, by Edward, Earl of Clarendon. Oxford, 1819. 
 
 Life of Clarendon, in 3 vols. T. H. Lister. London, 1836-38. 
 
 Fairfax Correspondence, in 2 vols. ed. G. W. Johnson. London, 1848. 
 
 Fairfax Correspondence, in 2 vols. ed. Robert Bell. London, 1849. 
 
 Life of James, Duke of Ormonde, by Thomas Carte, in 3 vols. London, 1735-36. 
 Diary of John Evelyn, F.R S., in 4 vols. ed. W. Bray. London, 1854. 
 
 Heath's Chronicle. London, 1676. 
 
 Roundheads and Cavaliers. Edward Peacock, Esq., F.S.A. 
 
 The Monkton Papers, ed. by Edward Peacock, Esq., F.S.A. Privately printed. 
 Cholmley's Memoirs of his Life. Privately printed. 1787. 
 
 Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, Bart. ed. J. 0. 
 Halliwell. London, 1845. 
 
 Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson. London. 1808. 
 
 Memoirs of Edward Ludlow. Esq., in 2 vols. Vivay. Switzerland. 1698. 
 Memoires of the reigne of King Charles I. by Sir Philip Warwick, knight. 
 London, 1701. 
 
 Worthies of England. Thomas Fuller, D.D.. ed. P. A. Nuttall, in 3 vols. 
 London, 1840. 
 
 Memorials of English Affairs. Whitelock. London. 1732. 
 
 Troubles in Scotland. John Spalding. Aberdeen. 1830. 
 
 Oliver Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches, ed. Thomas Carlyle. London, 1845. 
 Sandford’s “Great Rebellion.” London. 1858. 
 
 Letters and Journals of Robert Baillee, in 3 vols., ed. David Laing. Edinburgh. 
 1841. 
 
 Lilly’s “ Life and Times.” Reprinted. London, 1822. 
 
 Life of Captain Hodgson, ed. J. Horsefall Turner. Brighouse. 1882. 
 
 History of Knaresborough. Hargrove, York, 1798. 
 
 The Nicholas Papers. 
 
 Memoirs of Prince Rupert, in 3 vols., by Eliot Warburton. London, 1849. 
 Stukeley’s Letters, ed. Rev. W. C. Lukis, F.S.A. Surtees Society, 1882-87. 
 
 Life of Mrs. Thornton. Surtees Society, 1875. 
 
 Memorie of the Somervilles, being a History of the Baronial House of Somerville, 
 by James, Eleventh Lord Somerville. London, 1815. 
 
 History of the Great Civil War, Vol. I. 1644. S. R. Gardiner, London. 1886. 
 
 Life of Robert Fairfax of Steeton, by Clements R. Markham, F.R.S.,F.S.A. 
 London, 1885. 
 
 Life of the Great Lord Fairfax, by Clements R. Markham, F.R.S., F.S.A. London. 
 A Sermon preached before Parliament at St. Margaret's Church in Westminster 
 upon Thursday, the 18 day of July, 1644. “It being the day of Publick Thanks¬ 
 giving for the great mercie of God in the happie Successe of the Forces of both 
 Kingdoms near York, against the enemies of the King and Parliament.” By 
 Alexander Henderson, minister at Edinburgh. Published by Order of both Houses. 
 London. Printed for Richard Bo3tock, dwelling in Paul's Churchyard at the signe of 
 the King's Head. 1644. 
 
 Magnalia Dei ab Aquilone : set forth in a Sermon Preached before The Right 
 Honourable the Lords and Commons at St. Margaret's, Westminster, upon Thursday 
 July 18, 1644, being the day of publicke Thanksgiving for the great Victory obtained 
 against Prince Rupert and the Earle of Newcastle's Forces neare Yorke. By Richard 
 Vines, Minister of God's Word at Weddington , in the county of Warwick, and a 
 Member of the Assembly of Divines. Published by Order of both Houses. London. 
 Printed by G. M. for Abel Roper at the signe of the Sunne over against S. Dunstan’s 
 Church in Fleat-street. T. 44. 
 
TUB BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 
 
 177 
 
 A Sermon preached at Kiugston-upon-Hull upon the Day of Thaukes-Giving after 
 the Battell, and that marvailous Victory at Hessam Moore near York. By J. VV., 
 B. D. London. Printed by T. Badger for Matthew Walbank, and are to be sold at 
 his shop at Grayes-Inn-Gate. 1644. [This was Joshua Whitton ejected from 
 Thornhill in Yorkshire. He was chaplain to Lord Fairfax.] 
 
 Life of the Duke and Duchess of Newcastle, ed. C. H. Firth, M. A. London. 1886. 
 
 Royalist authorities are few in number, which is not to be wondered at, for they 
 would not care to talk about such a crushing defeat, and the victors would crow, 
 while the vanquished remained silent. 
 
 In addition to these authorities I have collected all the local and family traditions 
 I could, and my best thanks are due to those gentlemen who so kindly replied to my 
 published requests. On three different occasions I have carefully examined the 
 ground to ensure accuracy of topographical details. The Plan illustrates the position 
 of troops just before the battle commenced. There is an old map of Marston Moor 
 extant, made by Sir B. D. Gomme. early in the reign of Charles II. His real title 
 was Baron de Gomez, and he .was chief engineer to Charles I. A copy was very 
 kindly made for me by my friend Mr. J. W. Walker, F.S.A., of Boyucliffe, Wake¬ 
 field, from one then in the possession of the late Mr. Edward Hailstone, F.S.A., 
 Walton Hall, near Wakefield. The evidences of eye-witnesses and records of the 
 battle drawn up directly after the event do not bear out the way Gomme has placed 
 the troops. According to Gomme :—“the front of the Parliament’s and the Scot’s 
 army consisting of about 27,000 men,” was made up as follows ,—“ Right Wing, 
 Lancers, Earl of Eglintou's Regt., Earl of Dalhousie’s ltegt., Sir Thos. Fairfax’s 
 Regt.,” with six other corps not named ; Main Body,—“Earl of Loudon’s Regt., 
 Earl of Lindsay’s Regt., Lord Maitland's Regt., Ivilhead's Regt., Earl of Manchester’s 
 Regt., General Armstrong’s Regt., with ten unnamed corps; Left Wing. Crawford’s 
 Horse, Manchester’s Horse. Cromwell's Ironsides, and Leslie's Cavalry,” with another 
 nameless body of troops,completed the Roundhead forces, between which and the Cava¬ 
 liers was “a descending ground from the hill to the hedge. This hedge was lined with 
 musqueteers, His Majesty’s army consisting of 17,500 Horse and Foot drawn up in 
 this Plain.” Here all the troops are named. “ The Left Wing 11.000 Horse and 500 
 musqueteers. Mr. Porter’s troop, Col. Carnaby 200 Horse, Sir Charles Lucas's 
 Brigade, Col. Ayers’ Regt., Col. Fritzville's Regt,” and behind them “ 800 horse, 
 the Reserve Commanded by Sir Richd. Dacker’s. ” The front of the Main Body was 
 composed of regiments commanded by “ Col. Tillier, Cols. Ernby and Gibson, Col. 
 Broughton, Sir Tho. Tilsty, and Col. Waring;” behind these were—“ Col. Chisnall, 
 Col. Cheater, and 3 divisions of Lord Newcastle’s Regt. of Foot from York ; behind 
 these Sir. Wm. Blakestone’s Brigade ; behind these, 4 divisions of Lord Newcastle’s 
 Regt. of Foot from York,” and still further back, “Sir Edward Wedrington’s Brigade, 
 and Prince Rupert's Troop.’’ “The Right wing 1100 (sic) horse and 800 musqueteers " 
 was made up of regiments commanded by Col. Trevor, Sir Wm. Vaughan, Col. Hurry, 
 and Lord Biron’s Regt. of Horse ” in the front. “ Col. Tucke 200 horse ” at the 
 east end, near Tockwith ; and “ Prince Rupert’s Regt. of Horse ” close to the centre, 
 with “ 800 horse, the Reserve. Commanded by the Lord Molineaux,” and led by 
 “ Col. Leveson, Col. Tilsley, and Lord Molineaux ” himself. Close by the hedge were 
 placed “Lord Biron’s Regt. of Foot, and Prince Rupert’s Regt. of Foot.” At the 
 bottom of the map is written : — “ Order of his Majesty’s Army of 11,000 foot (sic) 
 and 6500 horse (sic) with 16 pieces of Ordinance (sic), as they were drawn into several 
 bodies at the Battle of Marston Moor, the 2nd of July, 1644, commanded by his 
 H ighness Prince Rupert, against the Scots and the Parliament’s army in the relieving 
 of the Siege of the City of York.” I place no reliance on Gomme’s map. and its 
 only value is in preserving the names of loyal men who fought on the King’s side. 
 
INDEX 
 
 A. 
 
 Ackeworth, Wji., 109 re. 
 
 Aoomb, Mr., 167 
 Aelred, 17 re. 
 vEthelfleda, 4 
 Ahitophel, 27 
 Ainsty, The, 141 re. 
 
 Airedale, 29 
 
 Albemarle, Wra., Earl of, 16, 20 ; made 
 Earl of York, 24 
 
 Aldborough, 33 re., 58; Church Registers 
 of, 156 re., 168 ; Manor of, 168 
 Aldeley, John, 109 re. 
 
 Aldham, Sir Francis de, 60 
 
 Allerton, 121 
 
 All Hallows, 108 
 
 Allman, Thomas, 75 
 
 All Saints, 23 
 
 Alnwick, 78 
 
 Alspaye, Gerarde de, 52 
 
 Amory, Sir Roger de, 40, 41, 51, 59, 63 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 2re., 5re, 7n. 
 
 Angus, Robert, Earl of, 47 
 Anna, King of the East Angles, 4 
 Annandale, 18, 131 
 Annunciation of Our Lady, 63 
 Antioch, 19 
 Apulia, 19 
 
 Arderne, The Black Dog of, 34, 36 
 Armada, The, 163 
 Armstrong, Gen., 177 
 Arthur, King, 47 
 
 Arundel, Edmund, Earl of, 34, 36, 43, 47; 
 Earl, 74 
 
 Ascension, Feast of the, 35 
 Ash, Rev. Simeon, 119,122, 124, 131, 134, 
 136, 143, 147, 149, 154, 158, 161, 
 162 «., 174 
 
 Ashburn, Sir Henry de, 52 
 Ashburuham, Sir Bartholomew, 51 
 Asheton, 156 re. 
 
 Ashton, Capt. David, 156 re.; Miles, 156 re. 
 Aspall, Robert, 89 
 Assaline, Galfrid de, 17 
 Athol, David, Earl of, 47 
 Atkins, Lieut.-col., 156 
 Attainder, Act of, 92 re, 109 
 Atterwith Dyke, 125 ; Lane, 125, 129, 
 165 
 
 Atton, Sir John de, 53, 59 
 
 Audeley, Sir Hugh the father, 39, 50, 53 ; 
 
 son, 59, 60 
 Ayers, Col., 177 
 Ayrmin, SirWm.de, 29 
 Ayrshire, 132 re; Lancers, 131, 144 
 
 B. 
 
 Babylon, 165 
 Baceus, Sir Loges de, 60 
 Baddlesmere, Sir Bartholomew de, 39, 50, 
 51, 59 
 
 — Sir Giles, 52 
 Baerlingham, Sir Otes de, 60 
 Baggamoor, Battle of, 23 
 Baillee, Lieut.-genl. John, 131, 146, 162 
 — Principal, 147 re. 
 
 Baldock, Robert, 43, 54 
 Baldwin, Earl of Flanders, 6 
 Balgonie, Lord, 131, 144 
 Baliol, Bernarde de, 16, 18 
 Baltinglass, Lord, 155 
 Banbury, 35, 148 
 Bangor, Bp. of, 80 
 Bannockburn, 37, 64 
 Bardolph, Lord, 70, 78-80 
 Band, Sir Stephen, 51, 60 
 Barleburgh, 109 re. 
 
 Barnard Castle, 65 
 Barnet, 96 
 Barnsley, 91 
 
 Barton, Thomas, 92 re., bis. 
 Barwick-in-Elmet, 4 
 Bassett, Colonel, 153 
 
 Battle Acre, 111; Bridge, 12; Flats, 8, 
 
 11 , 12 
 
 Battle of Baggamoor, 23 
 
 — Boroughbridge, 32-63, 64 ; Roll 
 of, 59, 60 
 
 — Bramham Moor, 79, 80 
 — Byland Abbey, 64-69 
 — Cannae, 153 
 — Cowton Moor, 18, 24 
 — Cuton Moore, 25 
 — Evesham, 53 
 — Fulford, 7, 8, 9 
 — Hazlewood, 80 
 — Heathfield, 1, 2, 3 re. 
 
180 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Battle ofHesham, 127 
 — Hessam, 127 
 — Hessay Moor, 127 
 — Marston Moor, 117-177 ; Plans 
 of, 120, 131-2 
 — Meicen, 2 n. 
 
 — Mersham, 127 
 
 — Myton, 26-31 
 
 — St. Albans, 95, 97 
 — Senlac, 12 
 — Sherburn, 103 
 — Stamford Bridge, 5-13; Plan of, 9 
 — The Standard, 14-25 
 — Towtou, 94-111 ; Plan of, 100 
 — Wakefield, 81-93 
 — Winwoed, 3, 4 
 — Worcester, 166 
 — The White, 29 
 Bautue, John, 88 
 Bayouse, Sir Bengou, 59 
 Beaufort, Lord Thomas, 74 
 Beaumond, Lord, 104 n. 
 
 Beaumont, Lord, 104, 109 it.; Henry, 
 
 109 n. ; John, 109 n. 
 
 Bechedon, Sir Ralph, 59 
 Beche, Sir John de la, 52 
 — Sir Philip de la, 52, 59 
 Beckingham, Sir Henry, 104 
 Bedford, 15, 109 ; Win., Earl of, 156 n. 
 Behingham, Sir Thomas de, 60 
 Bek, Sir John de, 59 
 Bellasis, Colonel, 124, 129 
 Belshazzar, 12 
 
 Belyugeham, Henry, 92 n., 109 n ; Robert, 
 109 7i. 
 
 Bereford, Sir Simon de, 60 
 Berkley, Sir Maurice de, 52, 53, 60 
 — Sir Thomas de, 52, 60 
 Berkshire, 109 n. 
 
 Berleye, Sir Richard de, 60 
 Bernefield, Sir Roger de, 44, 59 
 Berwick-on-Tweed, 29, 38, 103 
 Berwickshire, 132 
 Bethel, Sir Hugh, 150 n. 
 
 Beverley, 12, 18, 68; St. Mary’s Church 
 at, 156 n. 
 
 Bewdley, 172 
 Bewerley Hall, 170 
 
 BiltOQ, 124, 125 ; Bream, 126, 136; 
 Church, 156 n. 
 
 Bishop Auckland, 50 ; Monkton, 55 
 Bishopthorpe, 74, 78 
 Bisshopesden, Sir John de, 60 
 Black Bull, The, Standard of, 101 
 lllackheath, 85 
 Blackhow Moor, 65, 66 
 Blackman, Lieut., 158 
 Blakestone, Sir Wm., 177 
 Blaket, Sir John, 53, 59 
 Blaunkfrount, Sir Thomas, 59 
 Blokesworth, 109 n. 
 
 Bloody Meadows, 100 ; Vale, 99, 106 
 Bloreheatli, 85 
 Blount, Sir Walter, 98 
 Blue Regiment, The, 129 
 
 Bohun, Humphrey de, Earl of Hereford, 
 34, 36, 39, 40, 44, 45, 48, 51, 52, 59 
 1 Bokingham, Lord Henry de, 104 
 Bolingbroke, 50 
 
 Bollyng, 109 7i. ; Robert, 109 n. 
 Borghbrigge, 59 
 
 Borgwash, Sir Bartholomew de, 60 
 Borough bridge, 26, 31 n., 33 n., 42, 45, 
 50, 54, 57, 58; Battle of, 32-63, 64 ; 
 List of Authorities for, 32 ; Chapel at, 
 45 ; Hall, 76 n., 118, 121 
 Bossal Church, 13 
 
 Botillier, vel Ormonde, John, 109 ». 
 Bouchier, Sir Edward, 88, 90 
 Boun, Sir Henry de, 60 
 Boutetourt, Sir John, 60 
 Bowthwaite Grange, 169 
 Boyncliffe, 177 
 
 | Bradburn, Sir Henry de, 50 
 Bradeboui net, Sir Henry, 60 
 ' Brafferton, 121 
 
 Bramball, Dr., Bp. of Londonderry, 153 
 Bramliam Moor, Battle of, 79, 80, 167; 
 
 List of Authorities for, 70 
 Brampton, Thomas, 109 «. 
 
 Brand, George, a surgeon, 157 n. 
 Branghing, 109 n. 
 
 Bridge of Bodies, The, 102 
 Bridlington, 67 ; John Scardeburgh, Prior 
 of, 67 
 
 — Prophecy of Canon of, 76 
 Bright, Colonel, 131 
 
 Bristol, 52, 70, 172 ; Robert Ricart, Town 
 Clerk and Parish Registrar of, 87 n. 
 Bristowe, Maire of, 87 n. 
 
 Britayne, Sir John de, 48 
 Britons, Cadwallon, King of the, 1 
 Brittain, Sir John de, Earl of Richmond, 
 67, 68 
 
 Brompton, 24 
 Brotherton Marsh, 97 n. 
 
 Broughton, Col., 177 
 Bruant, Le Roy, 60 
 
 Bruce, Adam de, 16 ; Robert de, 16, 18, 
 38, 42, 48, 64, 66, 68 
 Bubwith, 96 
 Buccleuch, Earl of, 131 
 Buckinghamshire, 109 »., 169 
 Burgh, Richard, 77 
 
 Burghshire, Sir Bartholomew de, 39, 52 
 Burgh-upon-Sands, 32, 109 n. 
 
 Burnalshede, 109 n. 
 
 Burnley, 169 n. 
 
 Burridge, Captain, 158 
 Burroughbridge, vel Ponteburgh, Stephen 
 de, 31 7t. 
 
 Burton, Sir John, Governor of York, 104 
 | Burton-on-Trent, 40, 42, 63 
 Burton’s Monasticon, 12 n. 
 
 Byland, 53, 67-69 ; Abbey of, 53, 65-69 ; 
 Battle of, 64-69 ; List of Authorities 
 for, 64 
 
 Byngel, Sir Hamelyn, 60 
 Byron, Lord, 128, 137, 177 ; Sir Philip, 
 137 n. ; Sir Richard, 137 it. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 181 
 
 C. 
 
 Cadwallon, King of the Britons, 1 
 Calendar for March, 1322, 03 ; Anglican, 
 76 n. ; Roman, 76 n. 
 
 Caleys, 109 n. 
 
 Cambridge, 76; Countess of, 86 ; Richard, 
 Duke of, 84 
 Camby, Captain, 150 
 Camden, 58, 91; Society, 87 n. 
 
 Camp Hill, 80 
 Cannse, Battle of, 153 
 Cannon, Ancient, 129 n., 130 n. 
 Canterbury, 16, 51, 85: Archbishop of, 70, 
 74, 104 
 Capgrave, 57 
 Cardiff, 51 
 
 Carey, Lord Lionel, 155 
 Carlisle, 23, 37, 53, 54, 64, 109 n. ; 
 Andrew de Harela, Warden, and after¬ 
 wards Earl of, 42-47, 63, 66, 68 ; Henry, 
 Earl of Huntington and, 18, 20, 22 
 Carmichael, Captain John, 156 «. 
 
 Carnaby, Francis, 153, 177 ; Sir William, 
 153, 177 
 
 Carr, Mr. John, of York, 58; Thomas, 
 109 n. 
 
 Carrick, 131 
 
 Carthage, 164 
 
 Cartwright, Major, 158 
 
 Casselis, James Kennedy, Earl of, 131 
 
 Castleford, 29, 98 
 
 Castle Hill, 99, 100 ; Wood, 99, 100 
 Caterall, John, 92 n. 
 
 Cavaliers, 128 
 
 Cavendish, Sir Charles, 129, 145, 151-3 ; 
 
 Lord Henry, of Ogle, 152 
 Cawood, 30, 52, 55, 108 «., 124, 146; 
 
 Castle, 147 
 Chambers, Lieut., 158 
 Chapman, John, 109 n. 
 
 Charles I., 117, 122,129 n., 148,155, 156, 
 169, 171, 172, 177 ; Rex, 153, 
 172 
 
 — II., 138 7i., 177 
 Cheator, Col., 177 
 Cheney, Sir Wm., 50, 60 
 Cherlton, Sir John de, 60 
 Chernok, Ralf, 109 n. 
 
 Cheshire, 119 
 
 Chester, Bishop of, 167 
 
 Cheygny, Sir Roger de, 60 
 
 Chipping Norton, 95 
 
 Chirk, Sir Roger de Mortimer of, 52, 60 
 
 Chisnall, Col., 177 
 
 Cholmley, Sir Hugh, 130 152 
 
 Chomally, Capt. Henry, 157 n. 
 
 Christ, Five Wounds of, 71, 76 
 Church Fenton, 94 
 Cirencester, 40 
 Civil Wars, 91, 129 ?i. 
 
 Clare, Earl of Gloucester, 34, 39 
 — Sir Nicholas de, 60 
 Clarence, George, Duke of, 89 n. : Lionel, 
 Duke of, 83 ; 84 
 
 I Clarendon, 130??. 
 
 Clavering, Col., 121, 152 
 1 Claymond, Thomas, 109 n. 
 
 Clementhorpe, 18 n. 
 
 Clerkenwell, 95 
 
 Clifford, Lord John, 86, 88, 89, 90, 97, 98, 
 104 n., 106, 107: “ The Black¬ 
 faced, ” 90 
 
 - Sir Roger de, 35, 42, 44, 45, 50, 
 51, 59, 63 
 
 Clifton, Sir Jervase, 104 
 Clump Hill, 126 
 Clyff, Henry, 92 ??. 
 
 Cock-beck, Valley of, 99 
 Cock and Bottle Lane, 91 
 Cokerell, Richard, 110??. 
 
 Colepepper, Sir Thomas, 39, 51, 60 
 Colt, Thomas, 88 
 Colville of the Dale, Sir John, 78 
 Cooke, Rev. R. H., 167 n. 
 
 Codes, Lieut., 158 
 Cordwainers’ Company of York, 78 
 Cornwall, Piers Gaveston, Earl of, 33-37, 
 39, 47, 49, 53 
 
 — Margaret, widow of, 39 
 Cornworth, Lord, 153 
 Corpus Christi, Guild of, at York, 78 
 Cotinghatn, vel Palmer, Stephen, 78 
 Coule, Mr., 158 
 Courcey, Richard de, 16 
 Courtenay, Sir John, 109 n. ; Thomas, Earl 
 of Devonshire, 92??., 103, 109 n. 
 Coventry, 40, 76, 85 
 Cowton Moor, 18, 25 
 Crackentborpe, Sir Thomas, 104 
 Craufurd, Earl of, 151 n. 
 
 Craven, 29, 105 ; The Flower of, 97, 98 
 Crawford, Lawrence, 123, 132, 137, 141, 
 145, 162, 177 
 
 Major, 132 n. ; Lieut. Skeldon, 
 132, 162 ?i. 
 
 — Thomas, 109 n. ; Col. Win., 
 132 n. 
 
 Crigan, Rev. Dr., 166 
 Cromwell, Henry, 136 71. ; John de, 67; 
 Margaret, 136 n. ; Oliver, 123, 127, 132, 
 133, 136, 137, 138, 148-50, 157, 162, 
 166, 168, 169, 173, 177 ; Lieutenant- 
 general, 132, 159 ; Gap, 127, 150 
 Crooked Billet Inn, 99 
 Cumberland, 20, 54, 64, 66 ; Duke of, 
 153 n. 
 
 Cumin, William, 23 
 Cupar-in-Angus, Abbey of, 132 
 Cuton Moore, 25 
 Cuyli, Sir Hugh de, 60 
 
 D. 
 
 Dacre and Gillesland, Ralph, Lord, 86, 
 97, 104-7, 109 7?.; His Tomb at Saxton 
 100, 105-107 ; Arms on, 105; In¬ 
 scription on, 106 ; Sir Humfrey, 109 n, 
 
 N 
 
182 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Daeres, Sir Francis, 155 ; Lord, 155 
 Dakers, Sir Richard, 157 n., 177 
 Dalhousie, Win., Earl of, 131, 177 
 Dalton, George, 92 n. ; James, 92 n. ; Sir 
 Robert, 59 ; Thomas, 92 n. 
 
 Dancer, Edmund, 157 n. 
 
 Danes Hills, 12 n.\ Garth, 13 
 Daniel, Mr. John, 138 «., 141 n. 
 
 Danyell, Thomas, 109 n. 
 
 Darcy, John, the nephew, 66 ; John the 
 uncle, 66 
 
 — Sir Norman, 59 ; Sir Philip, 53, 
 59 
 
 Darell, Sir Edmund, 51, 52, 60 
 Darlington, 24 
 
 Darnbrooke, Elizabeth, 170 ; Owen, 170 
 Darthington, 57 
 Dartington, 109 n. 
 
 Davenant, Sir Wm., 156 
 David, King of Scotland, 15, 16, 18, 20, 
 22-24 
 
 Dawson, Captain, 158 ; John, 109 n. 
 Dedington, 35 
 
 Delamere, Sir Geoffrey, 52 ; Sir Roger, 
 59 
 
 Denbigh, Earl of, 118, 124 
 Denby, 50 
 
 Deuham, Sir John, 101 
 Denton, 120 
 
 Derby, 50 ; Henry, Earl of, 57 ; Robert de 
 Ferrars, Earl of, 24 
 Derbyshire, 17 
 
 Despensers, Hugh le, father and son, 39 
 41, 43, 47, 48, 51, 53, 67 
 Devonshire, Thomas Courtenay, Earl of, 
 92 m., 97, 103 
 — 103, 104, 109 7i. 
 
 Dewhirst, Master, 155 
 Didhope, Baron, 156 
 Digby, Lord, 172 ; Rowland, 88 
 Dikes, Capt., 158 
 
 Dintingdale, 98-100, 104 n., 106, 107 
 
 Disney, Capt., 158 
 
 Ditch, The, 125, 129, 136, 137 
 
 Dobson, Lieut., 158 
 
 Dolben, Mr. John, 167-68 
 
 Donald, Earl of Mar, 50 
 
 Doncaster, 2, 40, 148 
 
 Dorsetshire, 92 n., 109 n. 
 
 Douglass, Lord James, 26, 27,53; William, 
 131 
 
 Dover Castle, 41 
 Dowbiggyng, John, 109 n. 
 
 Drake, Mr. Francis, 7 »., 12, 31, 78, 104, 
 107 
 
 Drimdrig, Capton, 157 n. 
 
 Dryburgh, 65 
 
 Dublin, Christ Church at, 163 
 Duffield, South, 92 n. 
 
 Dugdale, 18 n. 
 
 Dune, Wm. de, 66 
 
 Dunewald, 22 
 
 Dunfermline, Earl of, 131 
 
 Dunstanburgh, 41, 42 
 
 Durham, 57, 77, 78, 155 ; Bishop of, 66 
 
 Durham, Geoffrey Rufus, Bp. of, 17 t»., 
 18 7i., 23 
 
 — Lodewick, Bp.-elect of, 38 
 Dykby, Everard, 109 n. 
 
 Dykes, Ensign, 158 
 
 E. 
 
 Easeby, George, 138 n., 141 tj. ; Richard, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Edge-hill, 164 
 
 Edinburgh, 2, 65 ; Regiment, 131 
 Edmund, Duke of Rutland, 86-90 
 
 — Earl of Arundel, 34, 36, 43, 47 
 — Earl of Kent, 41, 47, 48 
 Edward I., 32, 33 
 
 — II., 26, 27, 29, 33-35, 37, 38, 
 41, 42, 47, 53-55, 58 n., 59, 
 61 7i., 64-69 
 
 — III., 56, 61, 83, 84, 91 
 — IV., 86, 89 7r., 91, 92 n., 95-98, 
 101, 103, 104, 109, 110 7i. 
 
 — Earl of March, and after Duke 
 of York, 95 
 
 — The Black Prince, 83 
 — Prince of Wales, 84, 85, 95, 103 
 Edwin, King of Northumbria, 1-4 
 Egfrid, 3 
 
 Eglington, Earl of, 131, 144, 177 
 Egric, 4 
 Egypt, 164 
 
 Eland, Sir Hugh de, 52, 60 
 Elington, Sir Ralph de, 44, 59 
 Elizabeth, 89 n. ; Princess, 34 
 Ellesmere, Edward, 109 ?i. 
 
 Ellis, Mr. A. S., 95 n. 
 
 Elmbrugge, Sir Roger, 51, 60 
 Elmeridge, Sir Roger, 51 
 Elphinstone, James, 131 
 Ely, John de Hotham, Bp. of, 27, 29 
 Emma, 9 n. 
 
 Engayne, Sir Thomas, 60 
 England, 6, 8, 9, 12, 14, 15, 19, 21, 23, 
 26, 27, 29, 38, 43, 50, 53, 65, 70, 79, 
 82, 83, 92 7i., 94, 104, 134, 135, 153, 
 156, 159, 162, 172 
 Ernby, Colonel, 177 
 Drrick, Mr. Edward, 158 
 Eserick, 166 
 
 Esingbridge, Sir Roger de, 51, 60 
 Estretford-in-Cley, 109, n. 
 
 Ethelburga, Queen, 2 
 Ethelhere, 4 
 Ethelwald, 3, 4 
 Ethyn, see Eythin. 
 
 Eure, Sir John de, 50, 60 ; Sir Ralph, 104 
 Evers, Lord Ralph, 72, 155; Col. Wm., 
 155 
 
 Everyngham, Sir A. de, 60 ; Rich. 109 n. ; 
 
 Thomas, 109 ti. 
 
 Evesham, Battle of, 53 
 Ewbanck, Capt., 158 
 Exeter, Anna, Countess of, 89 ti. ; Henry, 
 Duke of, 86, 97, 103, 109 n. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 183 
 
 Exeter, Sir Wm. Holand, the Bastard of, 
 109 n. 
 
 Eythiu, or Ethin, Lieutenant-general James 
 Kiug, Lord, 129, 130, 151-53 
 Eyville, Sir Jocelyn d’, 51, 60, 63 ; Sir 
 John, 52 
 Ezra, 164, 165 
 
 F. 
 
 Fairfax, Sir Charles, 143, 156, 174 
 — Ferdinando, Lord, 117, 118, 
 
 123, 131, 133, 147, 161, 
 162, 171, 177 
 — Lady Francis, 174 
 — Major, 143, 156 
 — Sir Thomas, 124, 131, 133 
 
 142-44, 148, 156, 160-62, 
 166, 174, 177 
 
 — Sir William, 131, 143, 174 
 Falcon bridge, Earl of, 85 
 
 — Lord, 70, 78, 153 
 
 William Neville, Lord, 98, 
 101 
 
 Fallow, Mr. T. M., F.S.A., 106 
 Falstaff, 170 
 Farnley, 166; Hall, 166 
 Fenicke, Mr. Randall, 157 n. 
 
 Fenvvicke, Col., 155 ; Sir John, 155 
 Fermor of Tusmore, 169 n. 
 
 Ferrers, 50; Higharn, 50; Robert de, 17 
 — Made Earl of Derby, 24 
 Ferry, Win., 91 
 Ferrybridge, 97, 9S 
 Ffischeboriie, Sir Wm. de, 60 
 Ffreyville, Sir Baldewyn de, 60 
 Fife, 131 
 Fifeshire, 131 
 
 Fitzbugh, Arms of, 105 ; Lord, 72, 104 
 
 Fitz-James, James, 88 
 
 Fitz-John, Sir Oweyn le, 60 
 
 Fitz-Simou, Sir John de, 52 
 
 Fitz-Walter, John Radcliffe, Lord, 96, 97 
 
 Fitz-Warren, Sir Wm., 59 
 
 Fitz-William, Sir Wm., the son, 50, 59, 60 
 
 Flanders, Baldwin, Earl of, 6 
 
 Fleeming, Sir Wm. de, 51, 60 
 
 Fleming, Lord David, 78, 79 ; Elena, 30 n. 
 
 — Sir Nicholas le, 27, 29, 30 
 Florence of Worcester, 2 
 Forbes, Col., 131 
 Fortescu, Sir John, 109 n. 
 
 Fossard, Wm., 16 
 
 Foster, Ensign, 158; Lieutenant, 158 
 Fotheringay, 89 n. ; Church at, 93 
 Fountains Abbey, 18 n. 
 
 Four Lanes, 126 
 Fowler, Captain, 158 
 
 France, 19, 21, 33, 52, 68, 81, 82, 84, 
 85, 128 
 
 Friar, Black, 41 ; Minors, 77 ; Preachers, 
 51 ; of Shrewsbury, 86 
 Fritzville, Col., 177 
 Fiizeall, Col., 132, 135, 136, 150 
 
 Frysell, Thomas, 92 n. 
 
 Fryston Hall, 49 n. 
 
 Fufforth, Bawdewyn, 92 n. 
 
 Fulford, Battle of, 7, 8, 9 ; Sir Thomas, 
 104 
 
 Fuller, 136, 153 n., 160 
 Fulnaby, 109 n. ; Richard of, 109 n. 
 Fulthurpe, Sir Wm., 74 
 Fyesh, Edmund, 92 n. 
 
 Fyndern, Sir Tlmmas, 92 n., 109 n. 
 Fyppes, Wm., 92 n. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Gacelyn, Sir Oges, 59 
 Gaitford, Richard, 109 n. 
 
 Gale, Roger, 24 
 Galloway, 15 n., 20 
 Gallwegia, 15 m. 
 
 Galtres, Forest of, 71, 121 
 Gant, Walter de, 16 
 Garwood, Clifton R., 141 n. 
 
 Gascogny, 54 
 Gascoigne, Sir Wm., 74 
 Gascoyne, Dr. Thomas. 78 
 Gavestou, Piers, Earl of Cornwall, 33-37, 
 39, 47, 49, 53 
 
 — Margaret, widow of, 39 
 Gedding, Sir John, 88 
 German Ocean, 11 
 Gibson, Col., 177 
 Giffard, Sir John, 50, 59 
 Gilbert, Sir Talbot, 51 
 Gill, Mr., 127 
 Givendale, 45 n. 
 
 Glasgow, 131 
 
 Gledhill, or Gledon, Sir Richard, 155 
 Glembam, Sir Thomas, Governor of York, 
 117, 120, 124, 152, 153, 161, 171 
 Gloucester, 42, 51, 95 ; Clare, Earl of, 
 34, 39 
 
 — Thomas of Woodstock, Duke 
 of, 83 
 
 Glover's Visitation, 104 m. 
 
 God bald, King of the Orkneys, 2 
 Goldington, Sir John de, 50, 60 
 Gomez, Sir B. D. Gome, Baron, his Map 
 of Marstou Moor, 177 
 Goodby, John, 109 n. 
 
 Goodwin, Lieut., 158 
 
 Goring, Baron, 129 n. ; Col., 129 n., 15? 
 
 — Sir George, 129 n. 
 
 — General, 119, 129, 143-45, 150, 
 158 
 
 Goxhill, 67 
 
 Graham, Sir Richard, 157 
 Grandison, Lord, 128, 137, 157 
 Graunson, Sir Piers de, 60 
 Graves, The, 106 
 
 Gray, Sir Ralph, 104 ; Rugemond, 109 n. 
 
 — Sir Thomas, 109 n. 
 
 Great Civil War, 117 
 Greencoats, 150 
 
184 INDEX. 
 
 Green-Hammerton, 77 
 Grenecornwail, Sir John, 77 
 Grey, Lord, 104 
 Griffiths, Sir John, 78 
 Grimsby, 109 n. 
 
 Grines, Captain, 158 n. 
 Grymmesby, Win., 92 n., 109 n. 
 Gunpowder, 80 n. 
 
 Gurnay, Sir Thomas de, 52 
 Guy, Earl of Warwick, 34-36 
 Guysnes, 92 «., 109 n. 
 
 Gybsun, Bishop Robart, 78 
 
 H. 
 
 Hachet, Sir Edmond, 60 
 
 Hailes, Abbot of, 80 
 
 Hailestone, Mr. Edward, F.S.A., 177 
 
 Halifax, 10 n., 147 
 
 Hall, Sir David, 87, 88, 89 
 
 Hambleton Hills, 65 
 
 Hamburgh, 152 
 
 Hamilton, Sir Alex., 132 
 
 Hammes, Symonde, 109 n. 
 
 Hamond, Lieut.-col., 158 
 Hamones, Symond, 92 n. 
 
 Hampden, Sir Edw., 109 n. 
 
 Hamys, Sir Edmund, 104 
 Hannibal, 164 
 Hanson, John, 90 
 
 Harald, Hardrada, King of Norway, 6-11 
 Harcla, Andrew, Earl of Carlisle, 42-47, 
 53, 63, 66, 68 
 
 Harold, King of England, 9-12 
 HarringtoD, Sir John, 88 ; Sir Thomas, 
 88, 90 
 
 Harrison, Major, 162 
 Harrow, John, 88, 90 
 Hartlepool, 4 
 
 Hastings, Sir Hugh, 88 ; Lord, 70, 73, 78 
 — Ralph, 88 
 Hatecale, Richard. 109 n. 
 
 Hatfield, 2 ; Henry of, 89 n.\ William of, 83 
 Haughton, Col ., 155 ; Sir Gilbert, 134,155 
 Mr., of York, 14! n. 
 
 Havill, Sir Walter, 104 
 Hazlewood, Battle of, 79, 80; Ings, 99, 
 100 
 
 — St. Leonard’s Chapel at, 103 
 Ilealaugb (Helagh), 92 n., 124, 167 
 Heath, Robert of, 91 
 
 Heathfield, Battle of, 1, 2; List of Au¬ 
 thorities for, 1 
 Hedon, 67 n. 
 
 Hedworth, Ensign, 158 
 Helmesley, 92 n. 
 
 Helperby, 121 
 
 Henderson, Mr. Alex., 163, 164 
 Henry IV., 70-79, 83, 107 
 — V., 81, 82, 84, 107 
 — VI., 81-5, 92, 94-6, 103, 106, 107 
 — Earl of Northumberland, 92 n., 
 109 n. 
 
 Henry, Duke of Somerset, 83, 84, 86, 88, 
 92 n., 109 n. 
 
 Hepburn, Sir Adam, Lord Humbie, 162 n. 
 Hereford, Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of, 
 34, 36, 39, 40, 44, 51, 52, 59 
 Heron of the Ford, Sir John, 92 n., 104, 
 109 n. 
 
 Heroun, Sir Odinel, 60 
 Hertford, 109 n. 
 
 Hesham, Hessam, Hessay Moor, Battle of, 
 119, 125, 127, 150 n., 165 
 Hewick, fm., 141 n. 
 
 Higham Ferrers, 50 
 Hildyard, Sir Robt., 167 
 Hill, Sir Wm., 104 
 Hille, Laurence, 109 n. 
 
 Hinde, Thomas, 156 n. 
 
 Hodgson, Captain, 158 
 Hody, Alex., 92 n. 
 i Holaud, Wm., 109 n. 
 
 Holgate Lane, 141 n. 
 
 Holland, 155 ; Sir Robert de, 41, 60 
 — Richard de, 60 
 Holyrood, 65 
 Ilonorius, Archbp., 2 
 Horne, Sir Robert, 98 ; of Kent, 104 
 Hotham, John de, Bishop of Ely, 27, 29 
 — Sir John, 154 
 Hotspur, 71 
 
 Houghton, Sir Gilbert, 155 ; Lord, 49 n. 
 Howel, Sir Howel ap, 59 
 Howke (Hook), 92 n. 
 
 Hudson, Wm., 141 n. 
 
 Hull, 147, 148, 161 
 Hungate, Mr., 107 
 
 Huntington, 136 n.; Henry, Earl of Carlisle 
 and, 18, 20, 22 
 — Henry of, 11 n. 
 
 Hutchinson’s Durham, 18 ?i. 
 
 Hutton, Sir Richard, 158; Wannesley 
 156 n. 
 
 I. 
 
 Idle, Sir John del, 60 
 Inge, 36 n. 
 
 Ingham, Oliver de, 66 
 Ingilby, Lady, 169 ; Sir Wm., 158, 169 
 Inman, Michael, 169, 170; Rev. H. T., 
 169 
 
 Insurrection and Death of Archbp. Scrope, 
 70-78 
 
 Ireland, 34, 84, 85, 89 n., 156, 158, 172 
 Ironsides, Cromwell’s, 127, 132, 137, 138, 
 149 
 
 Isabella, 33 ; Queen, 55 
 Isaiah, 164 
 
 Isle, Sir Warren de 1’, 50, 59 
 
 J. 
 
 Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, 95 
 | Jeney, Sir Richard, 104 
 
INDEX. 
 
 185 
 
 Jerusalem, 19 
 Jesus Christ, 18, 82, 163 
 Joan of Arc, Maid of Orleans, 81, 82 
 John, Earl of Richmond, 47 ; The infant 
 Prince, 89 n. 
 
 Josep, Win., 109 n. 
 
 Joshua, 133, 165 
 Joskyn, John, 109 n. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kelhead, 131, 177 
 Kendall Lane, 125 
 Kenilworth, 41 
 
 Kennedy, John, Earl of Casselis, 131 
 Kent, 2, 6, 39, 85, 104; Earl of, 67; 
 Edmund, Earl of, 41, 47, 48; Joan of, 
 83 
 
 Kexby, William de, 76 
 King, Lieut.-gen. James, Lord Eythiu. 
 Sec Eythiu. 
 
 King’s Old Horse, 129, 144, 150 
 — Rudding, 12 m. 
 
 Kingston-upon-Hull, 164 
 Kirkby-on-the-Moor Church, 168 
 Kirkebryde, Sir Walter de, 59 
 Kirkeby Ireleth, 109 n .; Richard, 109 n. 
 Kirkliammerton, 121 
 Kirklington, 168 
 Kirkstall, 4 m. 
 
 Kirtonin-Lindesay, 109 n. 
 
 Knaresborougb, 33 n., 35, 54, 79, 120, 
 121 n., 125, 169 
 Knouuill, Sir Boeg de, 60 
 Knoynt, Sir John, 52 
 Kyle, 131 
 
 Kyme, Lord, 104 ; Wm. de, 66 
 Kyngeston, Sir John de, 60 
 
 L. 
 
 Lact, Gilbert de, 16; Lord Wm., 23 
 Lambert, Col., 131, 143, 148, 174 
 Lambeth, 109 n. 
 
 Lambton, Sir Wm., 155 
 Lampleugh, Gaweu, 92 n. 
 
 Lawplough, Col., 158 
 Lamplugh, Sir John, 76 
 Lancashire, 64, 66, 109 n., 119, 152, 156, 
 168 
 
 Lancaster, 50, 92 n .; Henry, Earl of, 56 
 — House of, 82, 94 ; John of, 
 72, 73 
 
 — John of Gaunt, Duke of, 83 
 — Thomas, Earl of, 34-50, 53- 
 59, 61, 63, 65, 68 
 Land Ravager, The, 8 
 Lane, Major, 158 
 
 Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, 150 n., 156 
 Langeford, Sir Nichol de, 60 
 Langton, Sir Nicholas, 59 
 Latkom House, 119 
 
 Latymer, Nicholas, 92 m., 109 n. 
 
 Laycock, 50 
 
 Lead Hall, 99, 100 ; St. Mary of, 99 
 Leaguer before York, 123 m., 159, 172 
 Leeds, 80, 91, 146, 160 ; Intelligencer, 
 171 n. 
 
 — in Kent, Castle of, 39 
 
 — and York Railway, 94 
 L’Espec, Walter, 17, 20 
 
 Leicester, 50, 109 n. ; Sydney, Earl of, 
 157, 173 
 Leland, 90, 106 
 Lenche, John, 109 n. 
 
 Leprosy, 77 n. 
 
 Leslie, Alex., Lord Leven, 117, 118 
 — Major-General Sir David, 132, 137, 
 138, 149, 160, 162, 177 
 Lestaunge, Sir John, 60 
 Letters, 171-4 
 
 Leven, Alex. Leslie, Lord, 117, 118, 123, 
 130-3, 146, 148, 160-2 
 Leveson, Col., 177 
 Leviticus, 23 
 
 Lewes, Henry, 92 n. ; Sir H., 109 n. 
 Leyborn, Sir Henry de, 52, 59 
 Ley bourne, Sir John de, 60 
 Lilbourne, 92 n. 
 
 Limbricke, Sir Richard, 88, 90 
 Lincoln, 50, 92 m., 109 n., 147 ; Bishop 
 of, 50 ; Earl of, 34 
 Lincolnshire, 6,67, 109 m., 123, 162 
 Lindesay, Earl of, 131, 146, 162 n. t 177 
 Lindsey, 6, 10 n. 
 
 Lings, The, 2 
 Lintz, 15S 
 
 Lionel, Lord Welles, 104, 106, 109 n. 
 
 Lisle, Lieut.-col., 155 
 Litchfield, 76, 92 «., 109 w. 
 
 Litester, Richard, 109 n. 
 
 Litley, Thomas, 109 n. 
 
 Liverpool, 119 
 Lodam, Capt., 15S 
 Lodewick, 38 
 
 Lofthouse and Hammond, Messrs., 58 n. 
 Loidis-in-Elmete, 3, 4 
 Lokyngton, 92 n. 
 
 London, 6, 38, 49, 51, 55, 56, 77, 80, 85, 
 88, 90, 92, 95, 96, 99. 104, 109 n. t 147, 
 157, 161, 162, 165 ; Bishop of, 86 ; 
 Bridge, 54 ; Tower of, 39, 40, 52, 84 
 Londonderry, Dr. Bramhall, Bishop of, 
 153 
 
 Long Marston, 118, 122, 125-7, 131, 171; 
 Mereston, 156 n. ; Swan Inn at, 166; 
 Rectory, 166 
 Lothian, Earl of, 21 
 Louddon, Sir Marmaduke, 155 
 Louden, 131 ; Earl of, 131, 177 
 Lovel, Sir Hugh, 44, 59 ^ Sir Thomas, 59 
 Lovelace, 88 
 Lowes, Philip, 92 «. 
 
 Lucan, Song of, SO 
 
 Lucas, Sir Charles, 129, 143-6, 150, 154, 
 155, 158, 173, 177 
 Lucy, Sir Anthony, 54 
 
186 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Luilston, Quinton, 174 
 Lumsdaine, General, 131, 146, 162 
 Luton, 109 n. 
 
 Lymesy, Sir Piers de, 59, 60 ; Sir Richard 
 de, 60 
 Lysia, 23 
 
 M. 
 
 Maccab-ebs, Judas, 23 
 Mackworth, Sir Francis, 153 
 Maitland, Earl of, 131, 146, 177 
 Makerell, Rauf, 109 n. 
 
 Malefax, 10 n. 
 
 Malise, Earl of Stratherne, 20 
 Malley, Lord, 104 
 
 Malmesbury, Monk of, 27, 37, 46, 48, 49, 
 50 
 
 Malmethorpe, Sir Robert, 48 
 Manchester, Earl of, 118, 119, 121, 123, 
 125, 132, 136, 144, 146-9, 154, 161, 
 162, 171, 173, 177 ; Sheffield, and Lin¬ 
 colnshire Railway, 2 
 Mannyng, Thomas, 109 n. 
 
 Mansfield, Charles, Viscount, 152 
 Manwaring, Capt., 158 
 Many-gates Toll-bar, 91 
 Mar, Donald, Earl of, 50 
 March, Edmund Mortimer, Earl of, 83, 84, 
 90 
 
 — Edward, Earl of, 86, 87, 89 n., 95 
 Margaret of Anjou, Queen to Henry VI., 
 82, 85, 88-90, 95, 96, 103, 
 109 
 
 — Princess, 89 n. 
 
 Market Weigh ton, 12 
 
 Markham, Mr. Clements R., F.S.A., 176 
 
 Marmion, Arms of, 105 
 
 Marston Moor, Rattle of, 117-177 
 
 — Campaign of, 120; Cornfields, 
 134 
 
 — Ditch at, 125, 129, 136, 137 ; 
 Field, 127, 132 
 
 — Fields. 126, 174 ; Fight, 127 
 — Gomme'sMap of. 177 ; Hall, 127 
 Heath, 127; Hill, 126; Lane, 
 125-6 
 
 — Letters dated at, 171-4; List of 
 Authorities, 174-7 
 
 — Moor Lane at, 126, 128, 129, 
 142-4, 148 n. ; Plan of Battle, 
 131-2 
 
 — Station, 125 ; Village, 122, 124, 
 126, 127, 129, 135, 156, 167, 
 173, 174 
 — Whin, 132 
 Martin, Jonathan, 76 n. 
 
 Massey, Sir John, 151 n. 
 
 Matilda, 15 
 
 Maude, Lieut.-col., 158 
 Mauduit, Sir Thomas, 50, 59 
 Maudyut, Sir John, 59 ; Sir Roger, 60 
 Mautravers, Sir John, 60 
 Alauveisyn, Sir John, 60 
 
 Mayden Castell, 99-101, 107 
 Maydenwell, John, 109 n. 
 
 Mazer Bowl in York Minster, aud In¬ 
 scription, 78 
 Mazine, Capt., 145, 153 
 Meaux, Adam, Abbot of, 30 
 Meicen, Battle of, 2 n. 
 
 Meldrum, Sir John, 118, 124 
 Melrose Abbey, 65 ; Lord Wm. Peebles, 
 Prior of, 65 
 
 Melton, Wm. de, Archbp. of York, 27-30, 
 52, 55, 56 
 
 Menell, Capt., 157 n. 
 
 Mercia, Morcar, Earl of, 7 
 Mercians, Penda, King of the, 1-4 
 Mersham, Battle of, 127 
 Metbam, Sir Thomas, 155 
 Methley, 100 
 
 Micklethwaite, Capt., 143, 156 
 Middleham, Lord ol, 88 
 Middlesex, 109 n. 
 
 Middlethorpe, 171 
 
 Middleton, 156 n. ; Sir Gilbert de, 38, 57; 
 
 Sir Peter, 158 
 Mid-lent Sunday, 63 
 Midlothian, 131 
 Mille, Wm., 109 u. 
 
 Mitchell, Mr. T. Carter, F.S.A., 166 n. 
 Mollineaux, Lord, 104, 177 
 Molyne, Sir Roger, 104 ; vel Mollens, vel 
 Mullin, 104 n. 
 
 Monckton Papers, 150 n. ; Sir Philip, ibid. 
 Monmouth, Earl of, 155 
 Montague, Col., 132, 142 ; The Marquis, 
 110 
 
 Montgomerie, Lord, 132 n. 
 
 Montgomery, Lieut.-col. Hugh, 144; Major 
 Robert, 144 
 Moor Monkton, 141 n. 
 
 Morcar, Earl of Mercia, 6, 7 
 Morpeth, 155 
 Morris, Rev. Edward, 168 
 Mortimer, Ann, 84 ; The Cross, 95 ; Ed¬ 
 mund, Earl of March, 83, 84, 90; Ed¬ 
 ward, Earl of March, 86, 87, 89 n., 95 ; 
 Sir Hugh, 88 ; Sir John, 88 ; Sir Roger 
 of Chirke, 52, 60; Sir Roger of Wig- 
 more, 39, 40, 52, 60 
 Morton, John, 109 n. ; Sir — de, 60 
 Moses, 23 
 
 Moundford, Sir Edmund, 109 k. 
 
 Mountfort, Sir Henry de, 60 
 Mowbray, Sir Fitz-John de, 52 ; Sir John. 
 51, 59, 63; Sir Thomas, Earl-Marshal 
 of England, 70, 75-8 ; Sir Roger de, 
 16, 31 n. 
 
 Much Wycombe, 109 w. 
 
 Mucklow, Capt., 158 
 
 Multon, Arms of, 105 ; Sir John, 108 
 
 Munday, Capt., 158 
 
 Murray, Thomas Randolph, Earl of, 26, 
 28, 53, 64 
 
 Muston, Hugo de, 49 
 Myners, Sir — de, 60 
 Myl’fyn, John, lu9 n. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 187 
 
 Myton, Battle of, 2(5-31; bridge at, 31 n. ; I 
 chapter of, 29; church, 31; list of | 
 authorities for, 26 ; tniln at, 31 n. ; 
 pasture, 28 ; “ The White Battle,” 29 
 
 N. 
 
 Nayler, John, 109 n. 
 
 Needham, Col., 131, 143 
 Nennius, 2 n. 
 
 Neuborg, Sir Robert de, 59 
 Neville, Lord John, 92 n., 104, 106,109 n.; 
 Ralph, Earl of Westmorland, 72, 73, 78, 
 84, 86, 89 n., 104 ; Cicely, his daughter, 
 84, 89 n. ; Richard, Earl of Salisbury 
 and Lord of Middlehara, 85-90, 94, 
 103 ; Richard, Earl of Warwick, 95-97 ; 
 Sir Thomas, 88, 90 ; Wm., Lord Fal- 
 conbridge, 99, 101 
 Newark, 128, 148 
 Newburgh Priory, 166 
 Newcastle-under-Lyme, 50 ; on Tyne, 35, 
 54, 103 
 
 Newcastle, Marquis of, 117-19, 121, 122, 
 124, 129-31, 135, 142, 145, 146, 151-3, 
 155, 156, 158, 175-7 
 Newhall, 109 n. 
 
 Newstead Abbey, 137 n. 
 
 Newton Kyme, 143 m. 
 
 New Wyndesore, 109 m. 
 
 Neyte, 89 m. 
 
 Nidderdale, 169 
 Niddersdale, 131 
 Norbohew, Sir Henry, 104 
 Norcliffe, Rev. C. B., 157 m. 
 
 Norfolk, 6, 109 m. ; Duke of, 71, 96, 101 
 Norham Castle, 66 
 
 Normandy, 81 ; Wm., Duke of, 9, 12 
 Northallerton, 18, 66 
 Northampton, 85, 109 m. ; Sheriff of, 58 
 North-Eastern Railway, 4, 12, 24, 125 
 Northfolk, Wm. de, 57 
 Northumberland, 6, 41, 92 n. ; Earl of, 70, 
 71, 78-80, 86, 97, 104, 106, 108; 
 Henry, Earl of, 92 m., 109 m. 
 Northumbria, 5; Edwin, Earl of, 6, 7; 
 King of, 1-4 ; Oswald, King of, 3, 4 ; 
 Oswy, King of, 3, 4 
 
 Norton Conyers, 157; Edward, 168 m. ; 
 Hall, 157 m. 
 
 Norway, 7, 12 m.; Harald Hardrada, King 
 of, 6-11 
 
 Norwich, Earldom of, 129 n. 
 
 Nottingham, 53, 117 
 Nottinghamshire, 17, 109 n. 
 
 Nowell, Ralph, Bishop of the Orkneys, 17, 19 
 Nuthill, Walter, 109 m. 
 
 O. 
 
 Office of St. Thomas of Lancaster, 61-63 
 Offrid, 2 
 
 Ogle, Henry Cavendish, Lord of, 152 
 
 Ogleby, Capt., 158 
 
 Olave, 8, 11 ; Olave’s Lane, 12 n. 
 
 O’Neile, Colonel, 129, 141 
 Ordainers, 34 
 
 Orkneys, Godbald, King of the, 2 ; Isles, 7; 
 Ralph Nowell, Bishop of, 17 ; Paul, 
 Earl of, 8, 11 
 
 Ormonde, Sir John, 104; Marquis of, 147 ; 
 
 vel Botillier, 109 n. 
 
 Osborne, Lieut., 158 
 Oswald, King of Northumbria, 3, 4 
 Oswy, King of Northumbria, 3, 4 
 Otley, 120, 166, 171 
 Overton, 121 
 
 Oxford, 76, 148, 172: Bishop of, 14 m. 
 Oyle, Capt. 158 
 
 P. 
 
 Page, Sir John, 50, 52 
 Pakeham, Sir John de, 29 
 Palmer, vel Cotingham, Stephen, 78 
 Palmes, Rev. James, John, Thomas, Wm., 
 166 
 
 Palm Sunday, 101, 103, 110 m. ; Field, 
 
 103, 108 
 Paradise, 102 
 Paris, 153 
 
 Parliament, 117, 148, 150, 154, 159, 160, 
 162-4, 168 
 
 Parr, Sir Wm.,88, 90 
 Paston Letters, 104 m. 
 
 Pateley Bridge, 170 
 
 Paul, Earl of the Orkneys, 8, 11 
 
 Paulin us, 2 
 
 Paveley, Sir Walter de, 60 
 
 Peacock, Mr. Edward, F. S. A., 156, 157 
 
 Pear Pie Feast, 13 
 
 Peebles, Lord Wm., Prior of Melrose, 65 
 Pembroke, Aymer de Valence, Earl of, 34- 
 36, 47, 48 ; Jasper, Earl of, 95 
 Penda, King of the Mercians, 1-4 
 Penycok, John, 109 n. 
 
 Percy, 78, 80 ; Earl Alan de, 20 ; Lord 
 Henry de, 35, 50 ; Sir Nicholas de, 60, 
 Sir Richard de, 104 ; Sir Roger de, 60 ; 
 Sir Wm. de, 16 
 Pershall, Sir Richard, 52 
 Petre, Lord, 166 
 Pevensey, 12 
 Peverill, Wm. de, 17 
 Pharsalia of England, 94 
 Philip the Fair, 33; Thomas, 109 ». 
 Philippa, dr. to Lionel, Duke of Clarence, 83 
 Pickering, 50 ; Sir Jacob, 88 ; Col., 132, 
 142 
 
 Pigg, Wm., 157 n. 
 
 Pigot, Ralph, 104 
 Pilkington, Sir Roger, 59 
 Pitscottie, Lieut.-col., 146 
 Planche, J. R., 111 
 Plumpton, George, 78 
 Plumpton, Sir Wm., 70, 76 
 I’luuckit, Lieut., 158 
 
188 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Plunderland, Prince of, 153 
 
 Pocklington, 5 n., 10 n. 
 
 Pons Belli, 12 
 
 Ponteburg, Stephen de, now Burrough- 
 bridge, 31 n. 
 
 Pontefract, 29, 41, 42, 49, 50, 53-5, 63, 
 70, 73, 77, 86, 88, 91, 93, 96, 97 ; Beck, 
 96 ; Black Friars of, 41 ; Castle, 47, 
 70 ; Earl of, 38 ; Martyr of, 49 n. ; 
 Prior and Convent of, 57 
 
 Pontfreyt, 109 n. 
 
 Poole, Lieut., 158 
 
 Pope, The, 38, 55-57, 74 ; John, 56, 57 ; 
 Urban VI., 76, 77 
 
 Poppleton, 121, 124, 141 n., 170; Upper, 
 141 n. 
 
 Porter, Major-gen., 128, 146, 158, 173, 
 177 
 
 Powder Treason, 163 
 
 Preston, John, 109 n. 
 
 Prideaux, Col. 155; John, Bp. of Wor¬ 
 cester, 155, 156 n .; Jordan, 155, 
 156 n. 
 
 Prince’s Oak, 170; Mr. Wra. 170 
 
 Pugh, Capt., 156 
 
 Pykeryng, Sir Jacob, 88, 90 
 
 R. 
 
 Radcliffe, Sir George, 169 n .; John, 
 Lord Fitzwalter, 96, 97 
 Rae, Col. James, 131 
 
 Ralph, Lord Dacre and Gillesland, 86, 97, 
 100, 104-7, 109 n. 
 
 Randolph, Thomas, Earl of Murray, 26, 
 28, 53, 64 
 
 Red Hill, 25 ; Rose, 84-7, 92, 94, 100, 
 101 
 
 Reiresby, Sir Adam, 60 
 Rend, King, 82 
 Renshaw Wood, 99-102 
 Reygate, Sir Robert, 59 
 Ricart, Robert, Town Clerk and Parish 
 Register of Bristol, 87 n. 
 
 Riccall, 7-9, 11, 12 n. 
 
 Richard, Duke of York, 82-92 ; Sir 
 Robert, 60 
 
 — II., 70, 71, 76, 77, 83 
 — III., 108 
 
 Richmond, 152; John, Earl of, 47; Sir 
 John de Brittain, Earl of, 67, 68 
 Rievaulx, 17 n. ; Abbey, 67, 68 
 Ripley Castle, 169 
 Ripon, 18, 42, 68, 78 
 River Aire, 4, 29, 98 
 — Calder, 86, 91 
 — Cock, 99, 100, 101 
 — Derwent, 8, 10, 11, 13 
 — Forth, 65 
 — Humber, 6, 7 
 _ Nidd, 121, 125 
 — Ouse, 7, 11, 118, 121, 124, 134 
 — Severn, 40 
 -r- Solway, 26 
 
 River Swale, 26, 28, 29, 30, 121 
 — Trent, 4U-2, 63, 153 
 — Tweed, 148 
 — Tyne, 7 
 
 — Ure, 26, 43, 45 n., 121 
 — Wharfe, 99, 103 
 Rivers, Anthony, Lord Scales, 104 
 Rocelyne, Sir Thomas, 60 
 Rochester, John Dolben, Bp. of. 167 
 Rochford, Lord, 156 n. 
 
 Roe, Capt., 156 
 Roecliffe, 33 n. , 76 n. 
 
 Rokeby, Sir Thomas, High Sheriff of 
 Yorkshire, 79 
 Rokingham, 109 n. 
 
 Roll of the Battle of Boroughbridge, 59, 
 60 
 
 Rome, 55, 56, 71, 77, 164 ; Church of, 
 55 ; Court of, 56 
 Roos, Lord Thomas, 92 n., 109 n. 
 
 Roper, Col., 155 
 Ros, John de, 66 
 
 Rose, Red, 84-87, 92, 94, 100, 101, 109; 
 
 White, 84, 85, 94, 96, 100, 103 
 Ross, Henry, 109 n. 
 
 Rosse, Lord, 87 
 Rouen, 81 
 
 Roundheads, 128, 153 
 
 Rufus, Geoffrev, Bp. of Durham, 17 -19, 
 
 23 
 
 Rupert, Prince, 118-24, 126-32, 134-8, 
 141, 147, 148, 151-3, 158, 162 n, 163, 
 172-7 ; his dog “Boy,” 157-8 
 Russell, Col., 132, 142; Col. J., 128 ; 
 
 Frank, 136, n., 173 ; Sir F., 136 n. 
 Rutland, 109 n. ; Edmund, Duke of, 86-90 
 Rye-Hill, 125, 135 
 Ryseby, 109 n. 
 
 Rysing, 109 n. 
 
 Ryston-in-Holderness, 109 n. 
 
 Ryther, John de, 66 
 Ryvers, Sir Edmund de, 59 
 
 S. 
 
 St. Agatha, 58 
 
 — Albans, 84, 95, 97 
 
 — Anne, 108 n. 
 
 — Benedict, 49, 63 
 
 — Chad, 54, 63 
 
 — Crux, 157 n. 
 
 — Cuthbert, 18, 63, 157 n. 
 
 — David, 63 
 
 — Dennis, 106 
 
 — Edward, 63, 84 
 
 — George, 79 
 
 — Gregory, 2, 63 
 
 — Hilda, 4 
 
 — John of Beverley, 18 
 
 — Leonard, 103 
 
 — Luke, 50 n. 
 
 — Margaret, 108, 163 
 
 — Martin, 38, 155, 157 n. ; Richard de, 
 
 38 
 
INDEX. 
 
 189 
 
 St. Mary, 29-31, 93, 99, 108, 1'6 
 
 — Matthew, 7, 28, 29, 163 
 
 — Paul, 55, 165 ; Monsieur, 156 
 
 — Perpetua, 63 
 
 — Peter, 18 ; Ad Vincula, 52, 65 
 
 — Sampson, 157 n. 
 
 — Saviour, 58 
 
 — Stephen, 75 
 
 — Thomas, 48, 56, 108 n. 
 
 — — of Lancaster, 49 n., 57, 61-3 
 
 — Wilfrid, 18, 30, 31 
 
 — William of York, 75 
 
 Salisbury, 50 ; bastard of, 97 ; Richard 
 Neville, Earl of, 85-90, 94, 103 
 Sallay, Willelmus, 108 
 Sampson, 49 
 
 Sandall, 89, 91 ; Castle, 86, 87 
 Sandwich, 6, 85 
 Sapi, Sir John de, 60 
 
 Saxton, 94, 98-101, 105-8 ; Church, 108 ; 
 Church-yard, 107; Field, 103; Manor 
 of, 108 
 
 Scales, Anthony Rivers, Lord, 104 
 Scarborough, 35, 152 ; Castle, 52 
 Scarthingwell, 99, 101 
 Scholes, 4 
 Scipio, 163 
 
 Scotland, 7, 15, 17 n., 21 n., 24, 27, 29, 
 33, 37, 38, 64, 66, 68, 78, 79, 
 85, 156, 170 
 
 — David, King of, 15, 16, 18, 
 22-4 
 
 Scot’s Corner, 69 ; Pits, 24 ; Pit Lane, 21 
 Scott, Major, 145 
 
 Scrope, Richard, Archbp. of Yoik, Insur¬ 
 rection and Death of, 70—78, 79 n ; List 
 of Authorities for, 70 ; Lord, 104 ; Sir 
 Richard. 75, 76 ; Stephen le, 76 n. 
 Seagrave, Constable of the Tower, 52 
 Sebert, 4 
 
 Selby, Abbot of, 29 ; Sir Walter de, 38, 52 
 Selkirk, 15 n. 
 
 Senlac, Battle of, 12 
 Serlo, 23 
 
 Seyntlowe, Giles, 109 n. 
 
 Shakespeare, 73, 82, 83, 99 
 Sheffield, Lady, 174 
 
 Sherburn, llattleof, 103 ; History of, 108 n. ; 
 in Elmete, 110 ?i.,153 ; Parish of, 10S ; 
 Rural Dean of, 30 
 Shipton Moor, 71 ; Mother, 167 
 Shrewsbury, 54, 95 ; Earl of, 84 ; Friar 
 Preachers of, 86 
 Shropshire, 40 
 
 Shrylande, Sir Robert de, 60 
 Sibson, John, 76 n. 
 
 Sidney, Algernon, Earl of Leicester, 157 ; 
 
 Col., 157 n., 173 
 Siward, 5 
 Six Chimneys, 90 
 Skeldon, Nether, 132 n. 
 
 Skip Bridge, 121 
 
 Skipton in Craven, 92 n., 120 
 
 Skipwith Common, 12 n. 
 
 “ Slaine Essanfield,” 156 n. 
 
 Slay Pits, 2 ; Lane, 2 
 Slingsby, Col. Charles, 155; Sir Henry, 
 124, 128 n., 134, 136 n., 155, 158 ; Sir 
 Win., 155 
 
 Smith, Tom, 174; Mr. Wra., Old York¬ 
 shire by, 110 n. 
 
 Smothyng, John, 92 n., 109 n. 
 
 Solomon, 49 
 
 Somerset, Duke of, 97, 103; Henry, Duke 
 of, 83, 84, 86, 88, 92 n., 109 n. 
 Somerville, Sir Wm. de, 59 
 Sotevagina, vel Sotwain, Hugh de, 18 
 Southwark, 109 n. 
 
 Southwell, 56 
 Spain, 128, 129 n. 
 
 Speed, 4 n. 
 
 Spencer, Henry, 109 n. 
 
 Spigurnel, 36 n. 
 
 Spofforth Castle, 110 
 
 Stafford, 109 n. ; Earl of, 155 ; Sir John, 
 104 
 
 Stainford Bridge, 12 
 Stainforth, 2 
 
 Stamford Bridge, Battle of, 5-13 ; Bridge, 
 8-10, 12 ; List of Authorities for, 5 ; 
 Manor House at, 13 ; Plan of Battle, 9 ; 
 Village of, 8 
 
 Standard, Battle of the, 14-25; Hill, 
 18 7i., 24 ; List of Authorities for, 14 ; 
 Sacred Banners composing the, 18, 
 23, 24 
 
 Standford Bridge, 12 
 Stanhope, Capt., 156 n. 
 
 Stanley, Sir Ralph, 90 ; Thomas, 109 n. 
 Stapleton, Capt., 156 ; Sir Nichol de, 60 
 Station Lane, 125 
 Staughton, Great, 136 n. 
 
 Steeton, 131 
 Steifne, R., 24 
 
 Stephen, Bp. of London, 55; King of 
 England, 15, 16, 18, 24 
 Steward, Col., 156 n. 
 
 Stewart, Capt., 159, 162, 175 ; Walter, 68 
 Stirkeland, Sir Hugh de, 60 
 Stockton, 24 
 Stoked ry, 109 n. 
 
 Stoneford, 12 
 
 Stoneywood, Liout.-col., 156 
 Stow’s Chronicle, 104 n. ; S. Park, 50 
 Strangeways, Sir James, 88 
 Strathearn, 131 
 Stratherne, Malise, Earl of, 20 
 Strensall, Robert, 78 
 Stringfordebrigge, 12 
 Stucley, Richard, 109 n. 
 
 Stukeley, 4 n., 156 n. 
 
 Stuteville, Robert de, 16 
 Suchuffe, Sir Henry de, 60 
 Suddick, Lieut., 158 
 Suffolk, 109 n. 
 
 Sulley, Sir Wm. de, 44, 59 
 Sully, Sir Henry, 67 
 
 Surrey, 109 n.; John de Warren, Earl of, 
 | 34, 38, 41, 47 ; Earl of, 109 n. 
 
 Surtees Society, 18 n., 108 n., 168 n. 
 
 O 
 
190 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sutton, John de, 66 
 Swaledale, 31 n., 168 
 Swillington, Sir Adam de, 53, 59 
 Swillington Tower in Pontefract Castle, 4 7 
 Syke Beck, 125 
 
 T. 
 
 Tadcasteh, 9, SO, 94, 96, 99, 110 n., 
 123, 124, 146 
 Tailboys, Sir Wm., 109 n. 
 
 Talbot, Sir Gilbert, 53, 59 ; Sir Richard 
 the son, 59 
 
 Tankard, Sir Richard, 158 
 Teviot-dale, 15, 20 
 Tbirsk, 18, 24, 79, 152 
 Thompson, Lenard, 157 n. 
 
 Thor, 3 
 
 Thoresby, Master John de, 56 ; Mr. T's 
 Museum at Leeds, 91 
 Thorley, 109 n. 
 
 Thornhill, 177 
 
 Thornton, Mrs. Alice, 168 ; Bridge, 121 
 Thorpe, Manor of, 30 n. 
 
 Thouresby, 92 n. 
 
 Thurland, 92 n. 
 
 Thurstan, Archbp. of York, 15-18, 23 
 Tickenliall, 172 
 Tick-hill, 148 ; Castle, 40 
 Tillyard, Major-General, 128, 146, 158, 
 173, 177 
 Tilsey, Col., 177 
 Tilsty, Col., 177 
 
 Tockwith, 125-8, 132, 135, 138, 177 ; 
 
 Moor, 125 
 Tollerton, 121 
 TomlynsoD, Robert, 92 n. 
 
 Topcliffe, 166 n. 
 
 Torre, 108 n. 
 
 Tostig, 5, 9, 11 
 
 Tottebury, 69 
 
 Touchet, Sir Wm., 50, 59 
 
 Tougbton, Chapel of, Town of, 108 n. 
 
 Touton, 110 n. 
 
 Towneley, 156, 168, 169 n. 
 
 — Charles, 168; Master T. of T., 
 156 ; Ursula, 169 n. 
 
 Towton, Battle of, 94-111 ; Chapel, 108 ; 
 Garth at, 108 ; Guild in, 108 n. ; Bale, j 
 99, 100; Field. 106, 110, 111 ; Field , 
 of the White aud Red Rose at, 100, 
 106, 110; Hall, 108 ; Heath, 97 ; Lane, 
 99, 100; List of Authorities for, 94, 
 95; North Acres at, 105; Plan of 
 Battle, 100 ; Quarry at, 106; Village, 
 92, 97-111 
 
 Trappes, Sir Francis, 168 ; Mary, 168 
 Tresham, Sir Thomas, 109 n. 
 
 Trevor, Mr. Arthur, 135 n., 147 ; Mr. 
 Mark, 138; of Brinkynall, Viscount 
 of Dungannon and Baron of Rose T. 
 138 n. 
 
 Trollope, Sir Andrew, 88, 92 «., 97, 104 
 Trollope, Sir David, 104 
 
 Trompeton, Sir Roger de, 60 
 Trussel, Sir Wm., 60 
 Tueke, Col., 177 
 Tudor, Owen, 95 
 
 Tunstall, Richard, 92 «., 109 n. ; Thomas, 
 ibid. 
 
 Turburville, Sir Nicholas, 60 
 Tnrnay, Sir Thomas, 60 
 Turner, Sir James, 146 
 Turpelton, Sir Hugh de, 60 
 Tusmore, 169 n. 
 
 Tutbury, 41, 50, 51, 63 
 Tweed-dale, 131 
 Tyeys, Sir Henry, 50, 51, 59 
 Tynemouth, 35 
 
 u. 
 
 Ulgekic, 22 
 
 Umfraville, Lord Robert, 72 
 
 Urban, VI., Pope, 76, 77 
 
 Urry, Sir John, 129, 142, 143, 150 n., 177 
 
 Ursula, 89 n. 
 
 V. 
 
 Valence, Aymer de, Earl of Pembroke, 
 34-36, 47, 48 
 Vaughan, Sir Wm., 177 
 Vaux, Arms of, 105 ; Sir John de, 52 ; Sir 
 Wm., 109 n. 
 
 Vavasour, Sir Win., 153, 172 
 Vestynden, Ralph, 101, 110 n. 
 
 Vines, Mr. Richard, 163, 164 
 
 W. 
 
 Wakefield, 109 «., 118, 147, 177 ; 
 Battle of, 81-93, 94; List of Autho¬ 
 rities for, 81 ; Bridge at, 91 ; Chapel on 
 the, 91 ; City, 86, 87, 90-2 ; Green, 
 86, 87, 92 ; Lords of, 86 ; Kirkgate in, 
 90 ; Park St. in, 90 
 
 Wales, 50, 79 ; Edward, Prince of, 84, 85, 
 95, 103 
 
 Waleys, Sir Richard, 60 
 Walkefar, Sir Robert, 60 
 Walker, Mr. J. W., F.S.A., 177; Mr., 
 143 ii. 
 
 Wallingford, 33, 53 
 Walsingham, 29, 50 n„ 57, 77 
 Walton, Capt., 136, 157 ; Col. Valentine, 
 136 n., 172; Hall, 177 ; Sir Robert, 6u 
 Wandesford, Christopher, 168; George, 
 168 
 
 Wannesley, 156 n. ; Hutton, W., 156 ti. 
 Ward, Sir Simon de, 45, 65 
 Waring, Col., 177 
 ! Warkworth, 78, 92 v. 
 
 Warren, John, Earl of Surrey, 34, 38, 41, 
 j 47, 109 ti. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 191 
 
 Wars, Civil, 91, 129 ; of the Roses, 83 
 Warwick, 45 ; Castle, 36 ; Earl of, 84, 85, 
 90, 101, 110 ; Guy, Earl of, 34, 35, 36 ; 
 Richard Neville, Earl of, 95-7 
 Washington, Lieut., 158 
 Wath, 157 n. 
 
 Watson, Scout-master, 128 n., 135-8, 141, 
 149, 151, 171, 174 
 Wauder, Sir Win., 60 
 Wauderville, Sir Adam, 60 ; Sir Edmond, 
 60 ; Sir Robert do, 53, 59 
 Waybrigge, 109 n. 
 
 Webb, Rev. S. G. M., 107 
 Weddington, 163 
 Weddrington, Sir Edward, 177 
 Welbeck, Abbot and Convent of, 30 
 Welles, Lionel, Lord, 104, 106, 109 n. 
 Welpdale, John, 92 n. 
 
 Welsh Marches, 39 ; Western, 42 
 Wenlock, Sir John, 101 
 Wentworth, Sir Eustace, 88 ; Sir Philip, 
 109 n. ; Sir Win., 155 
 Weryugton, Robert de, 56 
 Western Marches, 42 
 
 Westminster, 104, 109 n., 161, 165 ; 
 Dean of, 167 ; St. Margaret’s Church at, 
 163 
 
 Westmoreland, 109 n. ; Ralph Neville, 
 Earl of, 72, 73, 78, 84, 86, 89 n., 104 
 Wethnmstede, John, 88 
 Wetherby, 79, 146 
 Weyusford, Wm., 109 n. 
 
 Wharfedale, 29 
 
 Wharton, Roger, “of the Halle,” 109 n. 
 Wheater, Mr. W., History of Sherbuin 
 and Cawood by, 108 «., 110 n. 
 
 Wheeler, Ensign, 158 
 Whelpdale, John, 109 n. 
 
 Whetfeld, Sir John de, 60 
 Whin-moor, 4 
 Whitaker, Dr., 169 n. 
 
 Whitby, 2, 4 
 
 White-coats, Newcastles, 126, 129, 131, 
 143, 145, 146, 149, 150 
 White Doe of Kylstone, 107 n. 
 
 White Rose, 84, 85, 94, 96, 100, 103 
 White Syke Close, 126, 149, 155, 166 ; 
 Ditch, 166 
 
 Whitton, Rev. Joshua, B.D., 164, 177 
 
 Whityngham, Robert, 92 «., 109 n. 
 
 Wicksteed, Rev. J. H., 5 n., 10 n. 
 
 Widdrington, Lord, 153 
 
 Wigan, 119 
 
 Wighill, 124 
 
 Wight, Isle of, 6 
 
 Wigmore, Sir Roger de Mortimer of, 39, 
 40, 52, 60 
 Wikes, Thomas, 24 
 
 William, Duke of Normandy, 9, 12 ; In¬ 
 fant Prince, 89 n. 
 
 Willoughby, Lord, 104 
 "Wilstrop Moor, 125; Old Cottage at, 140, 
 141 n. ; Wood, 125-7, 138, 141 n., 
 148 n., 155 
 Wilton, 30 
 
 Wiltshire, Wm., Earl of, 70, 75; Earl of, 87 
 Wimbourne Minster, 109 n. 
 
 Winchester, Hugh, Earl of, 47 
 Winn, Captain, 158 
 Winsor, Win. of, 83 
 
 Winwced, Battle of, 3, 4 ; Field, 4 ; List 
 of authorities for, 1 
 Wise, Major, 158 
 Woden, 3 
 
 Wood, Dr. Richard, 170 
 
 Woodhorn, Manor of, 18 
 
 Woolstone Rectory, 169 
 
 Worcester, 109 n , 172; Battle of, 166; 
 
 Dr. John Prideaux, Bp. of, 156 
 Wordsworth, 107 n. 
 
 Worksop, 86 
 
 World’s End Nursery, 126 
 Wren, Capt. Henry, 158 
 Wrokeshall, Sir John de, 60 
 Wyche, 109 n. 
 
 Wygglesdon Moor, 38 
 Wylington, Sir Henry de, 60 ; Sir John de 
 53, 59 
 
 Wyne, Sir Wm., 60 
 Wynn, Hon. Charles W. W., 58 
 Wyrcester, William, 89 n ., 95 
 Wyther, Sir Thomas, 59 
 
 Y. 
 
 York, 2, 7, 9, 12, 17, 18, 23, 24, 27, 
 29-31, 35, 37, 38. 47, 50,51, 
 53, 68, 63, 66-68, 70-78,82-92, 
 94-97, 102-4, 106, 108-10, 117 - 
 25,127,130, 135, 137 n., 138 n., 
 141, 144, 150-53, 155-57, 159, 
 161, 164, 166, 167, 168, 170-77 
 
 — Archbps. of John Dolben, 168 ; 
 
 Wm. de Melton,27-30,52,55,56 ; 
 Richard Scrope, 70-79 ; Thomas 
 Savage, 108 n.; Thurstan, 15-18, 
 23; W. la Zouche, 57; Arch¬ 
 deacon of, 55 ; Battle of, 130 n. ; 
 Blake St., 31 
 
 Churches in : — Holy Trinity, Good- 
 ramgate, 157 n.; St. Cuthbert’s, 
 157 n. ; St. Crux, 157 n. ; St. 
 Dennis in Walmgate, 106; St. 
 Martin’s in Micklegate, 155, 
 157 n. ; Minor Friars, 77 ; St. 
 Sampson’s, 157 n. ; St. Wilfrid’s, 
 31 
 
 — City Regiment, 124 
 
 — Dean of, 29 
 
 — Dukes of : — Edward, 84 ; Edward, 
 
 94-96 ; Edmund of Langley, 83 ; 
 Richard, 82-92 
 
 — Field, 103; Fight, 127 
 
 — Fleming, Sir Nicholas, Lord Mayor 
 
 of, 27, 29, 30 
 
 — Holgate Lane, 141 n. 
 
 — House of, 90, 94 
 
 — Leaguer before, 123 «., 159 
 
192 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 York, Lord Mayor and Corporation of, 
 104 
 
 — Micklegate Bar, 95, 151, 155 
 — Minster,70,76,78,87 n..,137w.,155, 
 156 n., 157 n. ; Church Plate in 
 the, 78 ; Ladye Chapel in, 76 ; 
 Mazer Bowl in, 76; Monk Bar, 
 152; Museum of the Philo¬ 
 sophical Society, 166 ; Siege of, 
 137 n., 161, 162, 177 
 — St. Mary’s Abbey at, 31 n. 
 
 York, St. Paul’s Square, 138 n. 
 
 — Subscription Library, 141 n. 
 Yorkshire, 6, 15, 19, 21, 23, 26, 68, 71, 
 79, 92 n., 110 n., Ill, 120, 131, 143, 
 155, 159, 160, 167; North, 38; Old, 
 110 n. ; Sir Simon Ward, High Sheriff 
 of, 45 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zouche, W. la, Aichbp. of York, 57 
 
 THE END 
 
 BRADBURY, AGNEW, & CO. LIA1D., PRINTERS, WHITE FRIARS.