Mil jffc ^ JR jBS w'KII- & » mm ft ■ 1 m 9 P 8 }*. ft mfgj&SK'jjm DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Duke University Libraries https://archive.org/details/lifepublicservic01 nort_0 > Qj 'S' t MRS. BENJAMIN HARRISON. TO THE LOYAL REPUBLICAN YOTERS OF THE UNITED STfiTES OF SMERICS, Whose gallant fight at the polls in November, 1888, placed at th head of our Government a self-made man and noble patriot, This Volume is Dedicated, In the hope and with the earnest conviction that in November 1892, they will again storm the enemy’s works, and mounting the ramparts, shout for HARRISON, REID AND VICTORY! INTERIOR ViEW OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION HALL, MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. ONLY AUTHORIZED AND OFFICIAL EDITION. As a Man, the Noblest and Purest of his Times. As a Citizen, the Grandest of his Nation. As a Statesman, the Idol of Millions of People. THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Benjamin Harrison, THE GREAT AMERICAN STATESMAN. EMBRACING A Pull Account of kis Early Life ; his Ambition as a Student ; his Early Political Career and Rapid Advancement ; his Able and Patriotic Record as a Soldier ; his Honorable Career as a U. S. Senator, Preside). t, etc., etc. BY HENRY DAVENPORT NORTHROP, D.D., Azithor of u Crown Jewels “ Earth , Sea and Skyf etc. TO WHICH IS ADDED THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HON. WHITELAW REID. The work also contains an account of the election and administration of every President from Washington to the present time, and fine portraits of all of them, with a history of the Republican Party, from its birth, andalarge amount of valuable statistical matter, giving the returns of the votes cast at all our Pre-idential elections. Embellished with Numerous Fine Engravings and Portraits. W. H. Ferguson Company, CINCINNATI. OHIO. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1 89. , by J. R. JONES, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. Q? rv J PREFACE. A Convention remarkable for its cool and patient de- liberation, which has never been surpassed in its declara- tion of Republican principles, has nominated as the Republican candidate for a second term, President Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. General Harrison has exhibited rare qualities and at- tained marked success as a lawyer, as an orator, as a soldier and as a statesman. He had achieved notable success as a lawyer before the Civil War began. He laid aside a lucrative practice to serve the Union as a soldier, raised and commanded a regiment which marched with Sherman to the sea, distinguished himself at Resaca and Atlanta, and won from General Hooker glowing praise in an official letter, by his bravery, fidelity and efficiency as a commander. Returning to the law, he was elected by the people reporter of the decisions of the Indiana Su- preme Court. Entering with zeal into political labors for the party which had suppressed rebellion, he quickly estab- lished a most honorable reputation as an eloquent, able and convincing orator, whose sincerity and unswerving fidelity to truth and justice made his arguments peculiarly impressive. In 1881 the Republicans of Indiana, who sought a man worthy to fill the seat so long and honorably filled by Senator Morton, elected General Harrison to the United States Senate. In that body he soon took his place in the front rank as a statesman of marked ability, large in' (iii) iv PREFACE. formation, sterling Republicanism and unblemished char- acter. A pure man, a strong man, a devoted patriot, he well deserves the confidence of the nation. In his whole career as soldier and statesman Benja- min Harrison has displa) r ed a sound judgment, a well- balanced mind, and a character of the highest merit. He has led no faction, gained no step by denying to any the honors they had earned, relied not at all upon the arts of the demagogue and sought no preferment save through the triumph of genuine Republican principles. Not by sudden or sensational surprises, not by startling brilliancy of achievements or false professions of zeal for reform, but by steady force of intellectual and moral superiority, he has won the profound regard of the people. In private life he is the sort of person reputable people would be glad to see in the White House. A gentleman in the best sense, pure in personal character, spotless in conduct, high and honorable in aims, he is a fitting repre- sentative of Republican principles. It has been said repeatedly that the coming contest would turn less upon the personal merits of candidates than upon the great principles involved. Yet it will be found to the Republican cause a distinct advantage that it is to be represented by one who is personally strong in those elements of character which command public confi- dence. Nor is it a disadvantage that the doubtful State of Indiana, in which the two great parties are very evenly divided, and concerning which there is an element of great uncertainty, now has opportunity to elect the most popular citizen of the State. In his public life General Harrison has been an un- swerving and earnest Republican from the first, and al- ways on the side of the best and worthiest elements in the Republican party. Devoted to the cause of the Union, he has been no less devoted to the protection of American rights and industries. It was Senator Harrison’s strong PREFACE. V plea for Dakota which first roused the country to realize the injustice done to a great body of honest settlers by the partisan exclusion of that Territory from Statehood. It was his crushing report on the condition of the civil ser- vice in Indiana which, more than any other array of facts, convinced sincere believers in civil service reform that Presi- dent Cleveland’s pretences were fraudulent. With a man so strong and worthy the Republican party has a right to look for a popular uprising. The needs of the nation will be felt in the coming struggle far more than the personality of caudidates ; threatened industries, the robbery of the people’s right in the South and in Indiana, the de- bauchery of the public service, should make the Republican cause irresistible. The nomination of the Hon. Whitelaw Reid for Vice- President gives especial satisfaction to business men of his State, who know well his merits. True to the policy which has led it to select candidates with peculiar regard to their strength in the doubtful States, the Convention was not able to concede the first place to the choice of New York, but accepted for the second place the candidate named by this State, remembering how creditably he had acquitted himself in public service at home and abroad, in journalism and as Minister to France. Nor was the choice of the delegation unreasonable, for it emphasizes the unity of feeling and effort which makes this year memorable. The delegation unanimously supported Mr. Reid. The fact that all elements of the party can heartily unite upon him is at once evidence of his honorable position and of the unity which prevails. Mr. Reid, it need not be added, is a sound Republican, whose zeal for honest money and protection of home industries has been amply shown. With these honored names on its ticket, the Republican party goes into the campaign with strong hopes of success. There is a large element in the country that may be classed h srbuhjL VI PREFACE. as independent. Men are not lashed with iron cables to party ; they can break away if their individual interests and those of the nation require that they should. There will be a readjustment of party lines, as Napoleon came and made a new map of Europe. It is cause for congratulation that the Republican candi- dates are conspicuous for personal worth. Added to this, sound sense, wise foresight, experience in affairs, and that sturdy integrity which cannot be bought nor bribed, complete the highest requirements for our nation’s chief executives. The stirring scenes at the great Republican Convention in Minneapolis will now be transferred to the country at large. The campaign will show any weak points the candidates may have, and it is seldom that the Republican party has gone before the country with names upon its banner which are so bright and illustrious. The issue will be awaited with calm confidence. LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OR HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON, CHAPTER I BIRTH AND ANCESTRY. The Republican Convention at Chicago— Harrison Nomi- nated on the Eighth Ballot — The Choice Hailed With Universal Satisfaction — Differences Among Delegates Harmonized — Mr. Harrison’s Life an Instructive Lesson to Young Men — Favorite of Indiana — Illustrious An- cestry — Emigration of the Harrison Family to Amer- ica — A Thrilling History — Old President William Henry Harrison— Boyhood and Youth of Benjamin Harrison — Education — Marriage — Anecdote of Boy- hood — A Strong Character and Destined to Success — Our Country’s Noble Men — Harrison’s Great Loss— His Mother’s Influence on his Character. The great Republican Convention held at Chi- cago from the 19th tc the 25th of June, 1888 nominated the Hon. Benjamin Harrison of In diana for the office of President. Previous to the assembling of the Convention, and even during its early sessions, Mr. Harrison was not so prominently named for the nomination 2 ( 17 ) 18 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF as several others. Sherman, of Ohio; Gresham, of Illinois; Alger, of Michigan, and that dis- tinguished leader of the Republican party, James G. Blaine, had their respective, enthusiastic fol- lowing. The nomination was given to Mr. Har- rison after a long and patient effort to secure the best man for the high honor of leading the Re- publican hosts. When the Convention, on the 8th ballot, de- clared in favor of Harrison, the decision was hailed with universal delight. Although the friends of other candidates had worked with great seal to secure the prize for their favorites, there was a hearty acquiescence in the final decision, the choice was made unanimous, the building shook with hearty plaudits, great waves of excitement swept over the vast audience, and the scene was one never to be forgotten by those who witnessed it. At once all differences among the delegates were harmonized, and they prepared to push the can- vass with vigor up to the day of decision in No- vember. The country at large gave cordial welcome to Mr. Harrison’s nomination, and it was seen at once that wise counsels had prevailed at Chicago, and the nominee would receive the full party vote. The life of Mr. Harrison repeats those instruc- tive and inspiring lessons which have so frequently been given to the young men of America. He comes from an illustrious ancestry. Yet he has HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. ^9 made his own way, and has reached the proud position he occupies to-day by hard labor, patient perseverance, strict integrity and manly independ- ence. Such qualities rendered it inevitable that he would, sooner or later, take high rank among the leading men of the nation. His success was in himself. Given a man, a sturdy soul, a grand type of manhood, and all the rest follows. He cannot remain in obscurity, nor lead a useless life. The world calls him. He is able to answer, and you are sure to hear from him. THE FAVORITE OF HIS OWN STATE. The Republicans of the State of Indiana had selected this grandson of the ninth President of the United States as their candidate for the chief nomination, and the more widely he became known the stronger he grew in the favor of the public. While his distinguished ancestry was known to all Americans who are proud of their country’s history, he had won his own fame — first as a soldier of the Union army, and then as a member of the higher legislative chamber of the nation. There have been three generals in the Harrison family. Of these the first was hanged, the second was the President of the greatest Republic of the world’s history, and the third will fill the position held by the second, unless Grover Cleveland’s luck prevails over all the considerations that belong to national patriotism and nrosperitv. 20 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF But the first General Harrison, the man who was hanged, was a man of whose execution any descendant may be justly proud. lie died a martyr to the cause of constitutional liberty as opposed to the prerogative of kings. The igno- miny of his execution has become illumined with the progress of civilized institutions until it shines as a pillar of fire. HANGED FOR PRINCIPLE. The first General Harrison was one of Crom- well’s trusted lieutenants. He was hanged for no felony, but for a service that forwarded England’s history and consequently our own. . He was appointed one of the Board of Commissioners who tried King Charles I. for treason to Parliament, and with loyalty to the great Protector and faith- fulness to the Presbyterian Church he signed the King’s death-warrant. Perhaps he may have felt a premonition of the reaction in politics that was to result in his own death, when he witnessed the royal execution. He paid the penalty of his steadfastness to his principles by being hanged by order of Charles II. on October 13, 1G60, and Pepys says that he looked cheerful as could be ex- pected under the circumstances. The Harrison family, under the reign - of the Stuarts, it may be imagined, found little comfort or prosperity in England. Certain it is that they emigrated to America as Virginia colonists. Once HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. more blood told, and they soon were heard froiw on this side of the water. Benjamin Harrison, of Virginia, was a typical patriot of the Revolution. A member of the Virginia House of Burgesses, he undoubtedly heard Patrick Henry make his his toric speech in the little church that still crowns one of the hills of Richmond, exclaiming, “ Give me liberty or give me death,” and he took his life in his hands when, with his fellow-leaders of American patriots, he signed the Declaration of Independence. Three times was this Benjamin Harrison elected Governor of Virginia, and he was a member of the State Convention that ratified the Constitution of the United States. His son, renowned both as soldier and statesman, was the ninth President of the United States. A THRILLING HISTORY. Thus we see that the history of Benjamin Harrison and his ancestors is full of action and in- terest. The General Harrison already mentioned is further described in the following entry mad.' by Samuel Pepys in his diary under date of October 13, 1660: “ I went out to Charing Cross to sei Major-General Harrison hanged, drawn and quar- tered : which was done there, he looking as cheer-, ful as any man could do in that condition. He was presently cut down, and his head and heart shown to the people, at which there were great shouts of joy. It is said that he said that he was oo LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 0 ¥ sure to come shortly at the right hand of Christ to judge them that now had judged him; and that his wife do expect his coming again. Thus it was my chance to see the King beheaded at Whitehall, and to see the first blood shed in revenge for the King at Charing Cross.” General Harrison had been appointed by Crom well to convey Charles I. from Windsor to Whitehall for his trial, and he signed the warrant for the beheading of the King. When, the King Avas in General Harrison’s custody, he was struck with his soldierly appearance, and he told him he had been informed that he (Har- rison) would assassinate him. Harrison ansAvered that Parliament Avould not strike the King se- cretly. The descendants of the patriot of the Com- monwealth came to America soon after the hang- ing at Charing Cross, but the family did not come prominently into vieAv until just before the Revo- lutionary War. GRANDSON OF A PRESIDENT. Senator Harrison’s great-grandfather, Benjamin Harrison, of Virginia, Avas one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and aauvs prominent in public affairs from 1774 until his death in 1791, being for four years a member of Congress and three times Governor of Virginia. He entered upon his public career in 1774, soon after reaching his majority, as a delegate to the Williamsburg HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 23 Convention. General William Henry Harrison, his son, served his country almost continuously from 1791 to 1841, both in military and civil positions. He fought the battle of Tippecanoe in 1811, was a member of Congress, a United States Senator from Ohio, Minister to the Republic of Colombia, and for one month (March 4 to April 4, 1841, when he died) President of the United States. His son, John Scott Harrison, who was a member of Congress from 1853 to 1857, died in 1879 or 1880, at his home in Cincinnati. BOYHOOD AND YOUTH. But honorable and distinguished as his English and Virginia ancestry may be, it is not their merits that alone shed lustre about the career, the character and the present position of the presi- dential candidate. His grandfather was one of the early settlers of Ohio, and in a humble house at North Bend, 0., on August 2o, 1833, young Benjamin’s eyes first met the light. He was a lad of slender but wiry physique, and he inherited an intellect that matured early. His father, John Scott Harrison, had himself served as Governor of the Northwestern Territory and in Congress, but had retired to till the farm at North Bend, only a few miles below Cincinnati. It may not be generally known that Benjamin Harrison’s father, the son of the Whig President, twice voted in Congress against the expulsion of 24 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Brooks, who caned Charles Sumner. Murat Hal- stead and young Ben Harrison were boys together at Miami University, and there submitted their compositions to Prof. John W. Scott, who had a pretty and charming daughter. Harrison married the young lady afterward, and she proved to be a queen in the home. Few ladies have graced the White House more becomingly than Mrs. Harri- son. She commands universal respect, and is every way fitted for the high social position she has been called to occupy. ANECDOTE OF BOYHOOD. Benjamin Harrison was born in the house of William Henry Harrison, at North Bend. He was just seven years old when his grandfather was elected President in the “ hard-cider-and-log-cabin ” campaign. The President-elect took the lad on a visit to Cincinnati, his first experience in a city. The country boy saw a familiar object in the apples on a street stand, delightedly filled his pockets with them, and went on his rural way. He was greatly surprised when the President-elect had to pay for them. Nobody charged for a pocketful of apples at North Bend. In spite of the softening influences of “ Old Rosin the Bow,” a tune immortally wed to the memory of old “ Tip- pecanoe and Tyler too,” young Ben grew up rather an austere youth. The boy was sent to a district school, where he NATIONAL CONVENTION BUILDING, MINNEAPOLIS, HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 25 made such rapid progress that, at sixteen, he en- tered the Miami University, at Oxford, Ohio, where he continued to forge ahead so rapidly that he was graduated at eighteen. His teachers and class- mates have borne testimony to the ease with which he held his own in all college contests, and his early promise of future success. Professor David Swing says that Harrison while at Oxford, though very young, was a studious scholar, and early gave evidences of being foremost in whatever he might undertake. He there acquired the habits of study and mental discipline which have characterized him through life, enabling him to grapple with any subject on short notice, to concentrate his intellectual forces and give his mental energies that sort of direct and effective operation that in- dicates the trained and disciplined mind. At the University with Harrieon were the Hon. Milton Saylor, of Cincinnati; the Rev. Dr. James Brooks, of St. Louis; the late Senator Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, and the Hon. W. P. Fishback, but not all of them were classmates. His preparation for college was received at home, under a private tutor, and subsequently at Cary’s Academy, on Walnut Hills, a suburb of Cincin- nati, where he remained two years. During this period he showed that painstaking, studious spirit which has since won him the highest distinction at the bar of his adopted State. 26 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF WHAT BRINGS SUCCESS IN LIFE. The race is not always to the swift. There is a patient plodding that has a good deal to do with a man’s successes. It is so in all kinds of business ; it is so in every profession. There is a slow climb- ing which, if pursued long enough, and with a per- sistence that is bound never to give up, will finally reach the top round of the ladder. Our country is richer in her great men, her. statesmen, patriots, orators, heroes, richer far in her sons who have given fame to her legislative halls, wisdom to her laws, and stability to her in- stitutions, than she is in her broad territories and those resources which have been the wonder of the world. Men are better than gold, if they are the right kind of men; and it is the proudest boast of our land that she has had so many of the right kind. One of this number is Benjamin Harrison. A GREAT LOSS. We must not omit one sorrowful incident in Mr. Harrison’s early life which deeply affected him. His mother, a woman good and true, who had all a mother’s natural fondness for her boy, died the year after he left the academy. He was now seventeen years old, and had just reached the age when a young man begins to understand and appreciate parental love. His impressible nature was shadowed by his be- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 27 reavement. Yet this very loss appeared to develop all the manly, independent traits of his character. He was thrown back upon himself. His vigilant counsellor had been taken away. It was a crisis in his history; he could easily have taken the wrong course. He felt that much depended upon himself, and he resolved to acquit himself well. While his life was desolate, he yet cherished the memory of the one who had been taken from him, her prayers, her advice, her aims with respect to him, and the motherly hopes she had built upon her son. He determined not to go contrary to her teachings, which were now sacred and hallowed by death. CHAPTER IX STARTING A SUCCESSFUL CAREER. Two Years in a Cincinnati Law-Office — Marriage — Re- moval to Indianapolis— Partnership with Governor Wallace — Pen Picture of “Tow-Head Harrison” — Suc- cessful Lawyer — Drifting into Politics — Meeting Mr. Hendricks on the Stump — Sudden Surprise — Beginning at the Foot of the Ladder — Attracting Immediate Notice — Gaining the Favor of Older Men — Fifth-Rate Law- yers — No Luck Except in the Man — Patient Labor- Rigid Honesty — Careful Preparation — Growing Respect and Popularity — Climbing One Round at a Time — Irre- proachable Character — No Campaign of Mud This Time — Mr. Harrison Elected to Public Office. A surprising number of Presidents have begun their lives as country lawyers. They generally moved to some big town as soon as convenient. For two years “ Ben ” Harrison studied law in the office of Bellamy Storer, in Cincinnati. Before he was twenty-one he had married and been admitted to the bar. He was a good student. In March, 1854, Mr. Harrison settled in Indianapolis, with the small fortune of $800 inherited from the estate of a deceased aunt, Mrs. General Findlay, of Cin- cinnati. He first entered the office of John H. Rea, Clerk of the District Court of the United States, and ( 28 ) HON. BENJAMIN 1IAKRJSON. 29 while engaged there was invited by Major Jona- than W. Gordon to assist in the prosecution of the celebrated “ Point Lookout ” burglary case, being pitted against Governor Wallace, who represented the defence. Governor Wallace was impressed with his perseverance and energy, and invited him to a partnership. Those qualities have led him to BEN HARRISON’S FIRST HOME IN INDIANAPOLIS. success at the. bar, where other more brilliant, magnetic, and eloquent men have failed of his financial reward. Not frothy, not given to “gush,” plain, solid and strong, his step could be felt and the grip of his hand on any question was like that of a Samson. This calm judgment is especially needed in every man who has anything to do with public affairs. He must be calm, clear in vision, firm and unyielding. Mr. Harrison is this type of man. A friendly pen writes of him in those early days : His was not an imposing figure at that 30 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES Or time. A little, slender fellow, with a smooth face, a big, tow-white head, no neck to speak of, and only the rather incredible fact that he had a wife saved him from being mistaken for a schoolboy. He was poor, too, and for a long time lived in three rooms in a little old house still standing in Vermont street, near Alabama. Yet he was suc- cessful almost from the start. One of his earliest employments was by the Democratic Governor, Joseph A. Wright, in a legislative investigation, wherein he displayed much ability. Then he was so fortunate as to be selected for assistant prose- cutor in the case of a woman charged with poison- ing a man at the old Ray House, a case which excited a great deal of public interest. His success in that brought him clients, and of them he ha* since had no lack. Indeed, he has for ten or fif- teen years been o:;c A’ the foremost lawyers in the State, and, now that the Hendricks firm is broken up and ex-Senator McDowald largely out of the law, lie may be said, with the possible exception of John M. Butler, to stand at the head of the profession in Indiana. CONSPICUOUS ABILITIES. In this connection lawyers will be interested in the carefully expressed estimate of General Harri- son’s former partner, Hon. W. P. Fishback, who says : “ He possesses all the qualities of a great lawyer in rare combination. He prepares a case with consummate skill ; his written pleadings are HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 31 models of clearness and brevity ; he is peerless in Indiana as an examiner of witnesses ; he discusses a legal question in a written brief or in oral argu- ment with convincing logic, and as an advocate it may be said of him that when he has finished an address to the jury nothing remains to be said on that side of the case. I have often heard able lawyers in Indiana and elsewhere say that he was the hardest man to follow they had ever met. No lawyer who ever met General Harrison in a legal encounter has afterward placed a small estimate upon his ability.” Mr. Harrison drifted into politics just as the Republican party was forming, and like all the brainy young men of his time who were not soaked in the Democratic subserviency to the slave power of the South, he became a Republican. He was a strong and impressive talker, and he soon became known as one of the best young Republican speak- ers in the State. PUBLIC CONTEST WITH MR. HENDRICKS. In the memorable Lincoln campaign of 1860 he and Mr. Hendricks happened to have appoint- ments to speak in the same town on the same day. It was arranged that they should divide time, and Mr. Hendricks expected to amuse himself by de- vouring the white-haired young man who thus un- expectedly became his prey. He did not do it. The result of the meeting was a surprise to both sides. Democrats admitted that Mr. Hendricks 32 LIFE A NO PUBLIC SERVICES OF had met his match and Republicans thought he Avas badly worsted. The chairman of the meeting afterwards said : “ I have heard a good many political debates in my day, but I never heard a man skin an opponent as quickly as Ben Harrison did Hendricks that day.” The story told of this encounter is worth re- peating. Hendricks’ friends challenged young Harrison to the national combat, and to their sur- prise the challenge was accepted. “ What a head- long fool he must be,” thought Hendricks’ friends. “ I’ll give the young man a chance,” said Hend« ricks. “ He shall have the opening and the clos- ing speech.” After the Avordy battle, Hendricks is reported as saying: “Well, that taught me a les- son. I’ll never give away any advantage again.” harrison’s first office. Mr. Harrison was himself a candidate for office during this year, having been nominated for reporter of the Supreme Court. It was a position that he needed for its salary as well as desired for its honor. He shared the success of his great chieftain, Lincoln, and while one went to Wash- ington the other was elected to the humble office to which his fellow-members of the bar considered him amply entitled. It is evident that Mr. Harrison’s famous ances- try had not made him rich, for great names and great bank accounts are not always associated. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 33 The Harrison family in this country has furnished no millionaires. Yet the subject of this biography was not dependent on inherited wealth. His future was before him ; no place had been made for him ; his youth was against him ; his personal appearance was not a recommendation. And he would have remained in obscurity except for that conspicuous ability which he at once displayed. This ability, it will be seen, impressed the lead- ing men of Indiana, and while at first they might have been kindly and sympathetically disposed toward the young man on account of his poverty, his good intentions and worthy character, they soon yielded him the respect and honor which were his by right. He was not an object of com- miseration and charity. He was a noble, manly young lawyer, who gave promise of high rank in his profession, useful service in every gocd cause, and honorable distinction in the community. WHAT OLDER MEN CAN - DO «FOR A YOUNG MAN. He began his life-work in very humble fashion. Yet, as the condition for a higher place and wider field always consists in doing nobly where you are, so Mr. Harrison was not long in rising above his unpretentious surroundings. In every pursuit the chief difficulty is to get the. start. The train will run well when it is set in motion and the run has commenced. A manufac- turer who had made a round $500,000 said he had 3 84 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF more trouble to get the first thousand than all the rest. In every walk of life there are men who seem never to have gotten the start; they are T5aste timber. If they have ability in other re- spects, they lack that practical push which gets ahead and wins. Even with his rare endowments Mr. Harrison might have been long in securing a commanding position in his profession if kind hands had not aided him. Governor Wallace did a graceful thing and showed his appreciation of solid worth and ability when he ir /ited Mr. Harrison to a partnership in his law office. If there had been any objection to the young man, either on account of character or habits, such an alliance would not have been sought. Young men should note this. REASONS WHY SOME MEN FAIL. It is sadly true that in the law profession men of good ability live and die in obscurity because of low companionships, habits of dissipation, and lack of character and ambition. They lead air aimless, good-for-nothing life. If there is not some indulgent old father, uncle or aunt to take pity on diem and supply them with cash, they would *ither have to go into some other business or fetcl) up at the poor-house. There is no luck in life. Honesty, push, char- acter, highmindedness, sturdy independence — here is the luck ! All this young Ti'^.nw/a possessed. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 35 ami the shrewd governor saw it. The partnership offered was not to be a partnership with vulgarity, idleness, or merely a fine ancestral name. The young lawyer had not achieved success, but the man was there and that was enough. If you have the right kind of steel in your blade, it will do the hewing when the time comes and the battle is at hand. PATIENT TOIL. For a number of years we find Mr. Harrison fully occupied with his daily pursuits. He had no ambition but to do well what fell to his lot. His mind was becoming more vigorous and better informed every day. He was laying broad foun- dations. The superstructure would appear in due time. It is safe to say that the persevering labors of those few years prior to 1860 had a close con- nection with Mr. Harrison’s later successes. Every law case was thoroughly studied and pre- pared. Some one has said that perhaps other men could have spoken as well as Daniel Webster did if they had prepared themselves as carefully. Never at the bar, on the rostrum, or in the Senate, where he moved with such majestic step, did he attempt any public performance without the most thorough marshalling of all his mental forces and all the arguments and appeals of the_case. The same may be said of Mr. Harrison in his professional pursuits. Others had equal genius, tact, oratori- cal power. He won his successes by main force j 36 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF lie took hold and did not let go ; it was not the jump of genius, but the sure and steady step which finally reaches the conclusion. He planned a siege, moved forward a foot at a time, and worked his way to victory. GROWING FAME AND POPULARITY. The road to renown is often long and rugged. Do not travel in that direction unless you have good staying power. You cannot be carried. Stand up, man, and do your own climbing! The way is not down hill ; sweat, muscle, nerve, pluck that never knows defeat — unless you are ready for the cost, clear the track, get out of the way, die and be forgotten ! Look at our men who have started at zero. Take Lincoln, Grant, Garfield, Harry Clay, a thousand others. They came with nothing ; they held a heavy account against the world when they died. Babes that were never wrapped in silk are the ones that finally put on the robes of state. But men grow to this. Mr. Harrison gradually rose to prominence while he toiled and bravely struggled. The men who surrounded him and knew him best were the ones who spoke most highly of him. He was always at his post. He was moral and upright. His word was an assur- ance of truth. He meant what he said, and people learned to trust him. Slowly, yet inevitably, he gained esteem and confidence. He stuck to his HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 37 business, and there was no allurement that could charm him away from daily toil and duty. This disposition brought its reward. He was a good lawyer; he wag an honorable opponent; he was a patriotic citizen ; he was a generous friend ; he did not fleece his clients; he was not always playing the game of grab ; he deserved to have a host of friends, and he had them. A CHARACTER ABOVE SUSPICION OR REPROACH. Since Mr. Harrison’s nomination it has been the testimony of journals of every political shade that his private character cannot be assailed. In those early years when his emoluments were small and his circumstances were very humble, he yielded to no temptation. He could afford to be poor, but not dishonorable. This campaign is not to be one of scandal. There is no occasion for calumny. The nominee of the great Republican party is not a trickster. That he will not be assailed by scurvy politicians who would lose their occupation unless assailing somebody, is too much to hope. The shafts will strike an armor that has no loosened joints, and will fell broken at his feet. FIRST PUBLIC OFFICE. The esteem in which Mr. Harrison was held was shown by his election in 1860 to the office of reporter of the Supreme Court of the State of Indiana. It was not a wonderful promotion, but 38 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. the position required a thorough knowledge of law, good executive ability, promptness in the perform- ance of duty, and patient fidelity in dealing with details. The right man was chosen for the place, as subsequent events fully proved. General Harrison was glad to get a salary con- nected with the office. “My father had a farm,” said he to a correspondent, “about five miles from that of my grandfather. He signed some worth- less notes and died poor, leaving his family noth- ing. I married young, when I was only twenty years of age, and came to Indianapolis, which was then a place of only 14,000 or 15,000 inhabitants. My wife and I took as our dwelling a little house of only three rooms, on Vermont street. I remem- ber we had six knives and six two-pronged forks, six plates and a similarly slim equipment all around. My wife did her own work, and we have both said since we were never happier in our lives. “Lawyers do not make much money, or at least they do not usually have much more when they lie than the roof over their heads. I own this house and the lot on which it rests, but I have no other real estate except fifteen acres of my grand- father’s farm at North Bend. I bought that for sentimental reasons. It is a part of the farm of a sister of mine. I have no income beyond my professional one as a lawyer, except about $1000 from a certain investment.” CHAPTER III. A GALLANT UNION SOLDIER. '.’-T3PPING TO THE FRONT — COMMISSIONED TO RAISE A Regi- ment — In the Fight at Resaca— General Grant’s Plan of Campaign — Sherman’s Army — Pushing for Atlanta — Description of the Situation — Strategic Movement — An Advance Repelled — Kilpatrick Wounded — Ready for the Fray — Beginning of the Fight — Terrible Charge — McPherson’s Tactics — Colonel Harrison’s Conspicuous Bravery — Capturing the only Guns Tarty in the Campaign — General Hooker’s Promise on the Field to Make the Indiana Colonel a General — The Enemy in Retreat — Pushing Forward — Worrying the Confederates — Harrison’s Dash and Courage — Per- sonal Appearance of the Young Soldier. When the civil war broke out Mr. Harrison held himself ready for his country’s call. He was a soldier who won every commission that he re- ceived. It was in July, 1862, that Governor Oliver P. Morton said to him : “ Ben, I want you to raise a regiment.” He accepted the request as a command. He raised a company, was commis- sioned a second lieutenant, then a captain, and then colonel of the TOth Indiana Regiment. Gov- ernor Morton at this time suggested to the young lawyer who was not yet thirty, and whose family still needed his constant care, that it was hardly ( 39 ) 40 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF fair to ask him to give up the civil office to which he had been elected, and offered to send some one else in his place to the field. Harrison’s reply was characteristic : “ I have recruited this regiment and I would ask no man to go where I would not go myself.” It was in this soldierly spirit that he began his military service. For a time Colonel Harrison had little but garri- son duty to perform in Kentucky and Tennessee, but an opportunity soon came to prove the stuff he was made of. His gallantry became conspicuous from the first, but especially near the close of the war he found opportunity to prove his soldierly qualities. At the battles of Resaca and Peach Tree Creek he distinguished himself no less than his famous grandfather did at the battle of Tippecanoe. We present here a detailed account of that part of Sherman’s campaign in which Harrison bore a courageous part. TWO GREAT ARMIES. General Grant’s battle-plan contemplated the dealing of two deadly blows — one on Richmond, the other on Atlanta. To effect this double pur- pose he had concentrated at two separate points two powerful armies. The one was on the north- ern bank of the Rapidan, its right at Culpepper Court-House, and was under the immediate direc- tion of General Meade. The other was in the HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 41 neighborhood of Chattanooga, and was intrusted to the care of General Sherman. The total force under Sherman was over 98,000 men of all arms, with 254 guns. It was composed of three separate organizations : the army of the Cumberland, Major-General Thomas ; the army of the Tennessee, Major-General McPherson ; and the army of the Ohio, Major-General Schofield. The army of the Cumberland comprised the Fourth corps, Howard; the Fourteenth corps, Palmer; and the Twentieth corps, Hooker — in all 60,773, including 3828 cavalry. The army of the Tennessee comprised the Fif- teenth corps, Logan ; the Sixteenth corps, Dodge ; and afterwards the Seventeenth corps, Blair — in all 24,465 men, including 624 cavalry. The army of the Ohio consisted of the Twenty-third corps ; in all 13,559, including 1,679 cavalry. As soon as Grant had crossed the Rapidan, he telegraphed Sherman to advance from Chattanooga. On the morning of the 6th of May, and when about to move, the position of the three armies was as follows: the army of the Cumberland was at Ringgold, on the Western and Atlantic Rail- road, twenty -three miles southeast of Chattanooga; the army of the Tennessee was at Gordon’s Mill, on the Chickamauga, eight miles west of Ring- gold ; and the army of the Ohio near Red Clay., about ten miles northeast of Ringgold. 42 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERYICES OF THE OPPOSING FORCE. The Confederate army, commanded by Lieu- tenant-General Joseph E. Johnston, lay in and about Dalton, fifteen miles south of Ringgold, on the railroad, his advance at Tunnel Hill, about midway between Ringgold and Dalton. The force under Johnston, consisting mostly of veteran troops, comprised the corps of Generals Hardee, Hood, and Polk, and General Wheeler’s division of about 10,000 cavalry, numbering in all not more than 60,000 men. In some respects the campaign before General Sherman resembled that of General Grant from the Rapidan against Richmond. Its objective point was Atlanta, the possession of which it was believed was hardly of less importance to the Con- federacy than the capital of Virginia. Atlanta had been before the war an important centre of railroad communication for the Western, Atlantic, and Gulf States, and a principal manufacturing town of the South, with a population of about 15,- 000. Laid out in a circle two miles in diameter, in its centre was the passenger depot of four rail- roads, radiating to Chattanooga, Augusta, Macon and Montgomery. AIMING FOR ATLANTA. Here also were railroad machine shops, an ex- tensive rolling mill, foundries, manufactories of gun-carriages, pistols, tents, caps, cartridges, shot HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 43 and shell, shoes, clothing, and other military sup- plies, under the direction of the Confederate gov- ernment. The population had risen during the war, by the accession of persons employed under the government and the arrival of refugees, to not less than 20,000. It was supposed that the cap- ture of Atlanta, with its vast military stores and costly machinery, would be a blow to the re- sources of the Confederacy hardly less fatal than the capture of Richmond. The utmost efforts were put forth by the Con- federate authorities to make Atlanta secure. The line of approach was made as difficult for Sherman as the nature of the country — in itself easy of defense — and the resources of Johnson would admit. Should Sherman succeed in making his way over the mountain region and in crossing the rivers, both of which afforded many strong de- fensible positions for Johnston’s army, he would still have his hardest task before him in the for- midable works around Atlanta, with an army depleted by many battles and the necessity for leaving garrisons at various points. HOW THE GROUND LAID. Sherman’s line of communication would, at the same time, be lengthened and exposed, while Johnston in falling back upon Atlanta would be approaching his base and his supplies. A reconnoissance of General Johnston’s position 44 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF at Dalton satisfied General Sherman that it could not be carried by an attack in front, even should the enemy abandon his works at Tunnel Hill. Immediately south of Tunnel Hill is a valley about three miles long and about three-quarters of a mile wide, bounded by Rocky Face Ridge, a thickly wooded, steep, and rugged mountain, which com- mands the railroad and other approaches to Dalton, and extends southward many miles on the west side of the railroad and of the Oostanaula. A narrow mountain pass called Buzzard Roost, about midway between Tunnel Hill and Dalton, is the outlet to the valley, and through this pass runs the railroad to Dalton. By means of abatis , formidable batteries, and a line of rifle-pits at its northern entrance, this pass had been rendered impregnable, so that Dalton was absolutely secure against attack from the northwest; on its north- east side the town was protected by strong works on Mile Creek. AN IMPORTANT MOVEMENT. General McPherson was therefore directed to move rapidly southward with the army of the Tennessee from his position at Gordon’s Mill, by way of Ship’s Gap, Yillanow, and through Snake Creek Gap — a pass in Rocky Face Ridge further south — upon Resaca, a station about eighteen miles south of Dalton, where the railroad from that place crosses the Oostanaula. The object of HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 45 this movement was to compel General Johnston to evacuate his position at Dalton, when McPherson would be in a position to harass his flank, while the main body of the National army pushed him southward. While McPherson’s flanking move- ment was in progress, General Thomas v T as to make a show of attacking in force in front of Buz- zard Roost, and Schofield with the army of the Ohio was to close up wdth Thomas’ left. FORWARD AND BACK. Accordingly on the 7th, General Thomas ad- vanced from Ringgold to Tunnel Hill, which was easily carried by the Fourteenth corps under Gen- eral Palmer, the enemy retiring to his stronger position at Buzzard Roost. The same evening the National line was established about a mile south of Tunnel Hill. A demonstration in force was made on the 8 th against Rocky Face Ridge and Buzzard Roost. The Fourth corps under Howard succeeded in carrying the ridge, but its crest was found too narrow to permit of an attack being made from it on the pass with any prospect of suc- cess. General Schofield in the mean time brought up the army of the Ohio and closed wdth the left of Thomas, which was held by How r ard. On the same day McPherson succeeded in pass- ing through Snake Creek Gap, surprising a force of Confederate cavalry there, and approached Within a mile of Resaca, which, however, proved 46 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF too strong to be carried by assault. He therefore fell back to a strong position at the west end of Snake Creek Gap. General Sherman finding that McPherson’s flank demonstration had failed of its intended effect, set the whole of his army in motion for Snake Creek Gap, with the exception of two divisions of Howard’s corps and some cavalry, left to threaten the front of Buzzard Roost. The National loss on the 8th and 9th was about 750 killed, wounded, and missing, the greater number being only slightly wounded. Resaca is situated on a peninsula formed by the junction of the Conasauga with the Oostanaula, across which, from river to river, the Confederates had constructed a continuous line of rifle-pits with strong field-works, their flanks being protected by the two rivers. A line of retreat southward was left open across the Oostanaula. A BRAVE GENERAL WOUNDED. On the 13th of May the army of General Sher- man passed through Snake Creek Gap and got into position in Sugar Valley, a tract on the east side of the ridge much broken by hills covered with a dense undergrowth. In covering the movement, while pressing the enemy toward Resaca, General Kilpatrick received a flesh-wound, which unfitted him for active duty for several months. The National lines were advanced during the day toward Resaca, so that the right, under HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 47 McPherson, rested on the Oostanaula about two miles below the town, and extended north to the centre under Thomas — the left, under Schofield, extending from Thomas’ left to the Conasagua, near Tilton, a railroad station about midway between Resaca and Dalton. In the mean time General Johnston had observed Sherman’s movement and detected its object; and considering his position at Dalton no longer tenable, he had moved southward on the 12th, and having the shorter line of march, reached Resaca with his entire force before the army of Sherman had got through Snake Creek Gap. MAKING READY FOR THE ATTACK. Dalton was immediately occupied by the divi- sions of Howard’s corps left before Buzzard Roost, which following in the rear of Johnston joined the National left on the 14 th near Tilton. Sherman, in thus compelling Johnston to evacuate a position of such extraordinary strength as that of Dalton, demonstrated his ability to make his way to Atlanta, between which and Dalton no position was likely to be held by the Confederates which might not be as easily turned. On the morning of the 14th the Confederates were in complete readiness to receive an attack, having spent the previous night in strengthening their already formidable earth-works. General Hardee held their right, General Hood their 48 Ll/F U'-TD PUBLIC SERVICES OF centre, and General Polk their left. At an early hour skirmishing commenced. A body of infantry with cavalry was sent across the Oostanaula to threaten Calhoun in the rear, further south on the railroad, by which movement General Sherman hoped to turn Johnston’s left, and thus cut off his retreat, but this the nature of the ground rendered impossibl THE BATTLE OPENS. At noon there was heavy firing along the whole line. About one o’clock an attempt was made by Palmer’s corps from the left centre to break the enemy’s line and force him from an elevated posi- tion in the immediate front. To reach the point aimed at, it was necessary to descend the slope of a hill commanded by the enemy’s artillery, to ford a stream bordered with a thick growth of bushes and vines, and then to cross a space intersected by ditches and otherwise obstructed. Under a mur- derous fire of musketry and artillery the hill was descended and the stream crossed ; but the troops becoming confused among the ditches and obstruc- tions, and finding no shelter from which the plunging fire of the enemy might be returned, were forced to retire, after losing 1000 of their number. Further to the left, about the same time, Gen- eral Judah’s division of the Twenty-third corps and Newton’s division of the Fourth, drove the enemy from an important position on their outer line. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 4 9 Ry thi? means, although the position taken was not heir*, the National line was advanced. Artil- lery was also got into position, which prevented the enemy from occupying the works. At both extremities of the line heavy skirmishing took place, the density of the woods and undergrowth preventing the use of artillery. FURIOUS CONFEDERATE CHARGE. About three in* the afternoon General Johnstou massed a heavy force on the road to Tilton, with the view of turning the National left flank, held by Stanley’s division of the Fourth corps. The attack was made with overwhelming numbers, who rushed on with loud yells, and with such impetuosity that Stanley’s troops were forced in confusion from the hill on which they were posted. The movement ordered by Johnston had been detected early enough to permit of Hooker’s corps being moved from the centre to reinforce the National left. The enemy’s advance was soon checked ; and Stanley’s troops having been rallied, the Confederates were, about dusk, driven back to their lines with severe loss. While this movement was going on, General McPherson sent the Fifteenth corps with a portion of the Sixteenth across Camp Creek, to carry a hill and rifle-pits on the enemy’s left in front of Resaca. This was effected, and with little loss. As this position commanded the works, the railroad, and 4 50 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES Of Ihe trestle bridges across the Oostanaula, desperate efforts were made by the enemy after dark to re- take it, but in vain. Heavy columns with fixed bayonets moved up to the very crest of the hill, but were compelled to retire in confusion before the steady fire of the National troops. At ten o’clock fighting was over for the day. THE INDIANA COLONEL AT THE FRONT. During all this terrible business Colonel Harrison was at his post, bravely commanding his regiment. His men were willing to go where he went, but he was not willing they should go where he did not. He had already shown what kind of stuff he was made of, and his heroism - at Resaca was so con- spicuous that it could not be overlooked. His regiment was where the bullets flew thick- est in the charge at Resaca, and the colonel was with his men. When they struck the guns and captured them — the only guns that were captured in that campaign — Harrison was there, and, grab- bing a Confederate gunner by the hair, he threw him clear over the caisson, yelling : “ Come out of there, you rebel ! ” PROMOTED FOR GALLANT CONDUCT, it was after this charge that General Hooker rode up to the young colonel, and said to him : “ Ben Harrison, I’ll make you a brigadier for this day’s work,” and soon after Harrison was, indeed, breveted a brigadier-general. Later on, for his HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 51 gallantry at Peach Tree Creek, where he led his command through the enemy and back again, he was made a brigadier in full commission. Colonel Harrison, it will thus be seen, bore an important part in the thrilling scenes of that day’s %ht. Both armies strengthened their positions during the night; and on the morning of the 15th, under cover of severe skirmishing, preparations were made by General Sherman for an assault upon two fortified hills on the enemy’s extreme right, the key of the whole position. General Hooker’s corps was moved to the extreme left, Howard’s, Scho- field’s, and Palmer’s to the right. Soon after one o’clock Hooker sent Butterfield’s division forward as the assaulting column, supported by the divis- ions of Geary and Williams. After several attacks the Confederates were driven from a portion of their lines, and a lodg- ment was secured under the projecting works of a lunette mounting four guns. Further advance, however, was found impossible, owing to a severe fire from neighboring rifle-pits, and the troops seek- ing such shelter as was available, contented them- selves with holding the position gained. Towards the close of the afternoon General Hood’s corps made an unavailing effort to dislodge them. Later, under cover of night, and in spite of a sharp fire from the Confederates, the ends were dug out of the works and the guns hauled out with ropes. As 52 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF soon as a breach was made the troops rushed in, and after a fierce struggle made themselves masters of the lunette. THE ENEMY IN RETREAT. General Johnston abandoned his position during the night, leaving behind another four-gun battery and a quantity of stores, and retreated toward Kingston, thirty-two miles south of Resaca on the railroad. Resaca was immediately occupied by the troops of General Thomas, who succeeded in sav- ing the wagon road bridge. The railroad bridge, however, had been burnt. Johnston’s army owed its escape from Sherman at Resaca to the imprac- ticable nature of the valley between the town and Snake Creek Gap, which greatly retarded the passage of troops, and afforded the Confederate army time to march from Dalton by comparatively good roads, which Johnston with wise foresight had kept in order. Had the National army arrived first at Resaca, nothing could have saved the army of the Con- federates. Once in their strong position at Resaca, it cost much severe fighting to make them abandon it. The total National loss in the two days’ fighting was not less than 4,000 killed and wounded, while that of the Confederates probably did not exceed 2,500, as they fought for the most part behind earth-works. The Confederate loss included about 1,000 prisoners. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 53 PUSHING THE CAMPAIGN. The whole army started in pursuit of Johnston, General Thomas, directly on his lear, crossing the Oostanaula at Resaca, General McPherson at Lay’s Perry, a few miles to the southwest, while Gen- eral Schofield, making a wide detour to the left of Thomas, marched by obscure roads across the Conasauga and Coosawattee rivers, which unite near Resaca to form the Oostanaula. On the 17th the march was continued southward by as many roads as could be found, in a direction parallel with the railroad, but no enemy was seen till within the vicinitv of Adairsville. thirteen miles %/ ' south-southwest of Resaca, between the railroad and the Oostanaula. There, about sunset, the advance division under General Newton had a sharp skirmish with the enemy's rear-guard. Next morning the Confederates had disappeared, but were found again in force four miles beyond Kingston, on ground comparatively open and well adapted for a grand battle. They held strong works at Cassville, five miles east of Kingston, and on the 19th dispositions were made for a gen- eral engagement. While, however, Sherman was converging on the Confederate position, Johnston retreated in the night across the Etowah, burning the bridges at Cartersville, thus leaving the country north of the Etowah in the possession of General Sherman. 54 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF CONFEDERATES TRYING TO ESCAPE. It had, however, been completely stripped of supplies. Sherman now gave his troops a few days’ rest, the army of Thomas lying near Cass- ville, McPherson’s about Kingston, and Schofield’s at Cassville depot and toward the Etowah bridge. In the meantime the railroad, which had received but little injury, was restored to running order. Trains laden with supplies arrived at Kingston on the 20th, and the wounded were sent back to Chattanooga, with which place telegraphic com- munication also was kept up as the army ad- vanced. General Jefferson C. Davis had on the 17th marched towards Rome, at the confluence of the Oostanaula and Etowah, fifteen miles west of Kingston. After a sharp fight on the 19th he got possession of the town, several forts, eight or ten large guns, and large quantities of stores, as well as valuable mills and foundries. Sherman’s tactics. General Johnston retired upon Allatoona Pass, an almost impregnable position on the railroad, about five miles south of the Etowah River. Gen- eral Sherman determined not even to attempt the pass in front, but to turn it. Accordingly, on the 23d, leaving garrisons at Rome and Kingston, and carrying with him in wagons supplies for twenty days, he put the army in motion for Dallas, a MAP OF THE COUNTRY AROUND RESACA, ( 55 ) HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 57 he had learned what his rights were, and, in his quiet way, he insisted upon having them, and invariably succeeded.’’ Another old soldier, Mr. Ramsdell, speaking of the battle of Resaca, says : “ I shall never forget the scene. Beyond a ravine on the crest of an ascent, facing us, was the rebel position. The order to advance was given. We moved down that slope like clockwork. Har- rison was riding his horse behind our line, and I remember looking over my shoulder at him and wondering whether I should ever see him again. Just as we got to the ravine the order came to charge. We dashed through the ravine and went pell-mell up the slope beyond. Well, the noise and confusion and horror of it all was fearful, but just as I was running forward with all my might, I heard Harrison yelling, ‘Come on, boys! Come on.’ There he was on his horse away in front of the line. He had on his full regimentals and he was a shining mark. How he lived for a minute in that hailstorm of bullets I don’t know. His voice was still in my ears, and I was almost at the rebel works when I felt a sharp pain in my wrist as if it had been hit smartly with a stick. ‘ Look out, Dan ! ’ a friend of mine cried, e you’ll bleed to death.’ I stopped the bleeding by press- ure and went back to the hospital, but as I turned to walk back I saw Harrison right among the guns of that battery.” CHAPTER IV. MADE A BRIGADIER-GENERAL. Sherman’s Army on the March — Disposing the Forces — “When G-reek Meets Greek, then Comes the Tug op War’’ — Deadly Fire from National Troops — Hooker’s Corps Terribly Exposed — Four Hours of "ighting — Harrison Leading his Men — Sherman Feeling for the Enemy — Renewing the Contest — Death of General McPherson — Terrific Assaults — H ow the Indiana Troops Won Glory — Graphic Battle-scenes — Harrison’s Bravery Rewarded — Receiving Commission as Brigadier- General — H is Name Written high Among the Nation’s Patriots. The whole of General Sherman’s army crossed the Chattahoochee on the 17th of July, with the exception of Davis’ division of the Fourteenth corps, left to watch the railroad bridge and protect the rear, and preparations were made to move upon Atlanta. The army of the Cumberland, now occupying the right and right centre, rested on the river just above the railroad bridge. The left centre was occupied by the army of the Ohio, the left by the army of the Tennessee. The line thus formed made a grand right-wheel march, of which the army of the Cumberland was the pivot; and on the evening of the 17th came into a position along the Old Peach Tree road, (581 HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 59 about northeast of the railroad bridge. On the 18th, the left wing, swinging round rapidly, struck the Georgia Railroad about two miles west of Stone Mountain, a huge mass of granite fifteen miles northeast of Atlanta. General McPherson, with the aid of Garrard’s cavalry, which moved on his flank, broke up about four miles of this road, while General Schofield occupied Decatur, six miles east of Atlanta, and General Thomas moved his troops up towards Peach Tree Creek, a small stream flowing south- westward to the Chattahoochee, a little above the railroad bridge. THE GAME OF WAR. The Confederates believing that their left was the real point of attack, and that Sherman would approach Atlanta from the southwest, opposed these movements with an inadequate force of in- fantry and a few cavalry. Thus McPherson and Schofield were able on the 19 th to pass eastward of Decatur within the naturally strong defensive lines of Nance’s and Peach Tree Creeks; and on the same day Thomas, moving more directly from the north, though meeting with more opposition, succeeded in crossing Peach Tree Creek in front of the enemy’s intrenched lines. The National armies then lay in a curve line north and north- east of Atlanta, extending from the railroad which runs between Atlanta and the river to the Georgia Railroad and some distance south of it. 60 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Oil the 20th the National lines moved still nearer Atlanta; but as a gap existed -between the lines of Schofield and Thomas, two divisions of Howard's corps of Thomas’ army were moved to the left to connect with Schofield. By this move- ment Newton’s division of Howard’s corps was left alone to hold an important position on the road leading from Atlanta to Buckliead. General Hood soor. detected the weak point, and was not slow in taking advantage of the opportunity thus af- forded him. He was soon, therefore, in a posi- tion in which he was ready to strike a blow which might go far towards retrieving many disas- ters, .PREPARING FOR THE ONSLAUGHT. General Sherman had, h6wever, sent orders to Newton and the rest of the army of the Cumber- land to close up rapidly towards the left. New- ton accordingly moved to a prominent ridge, where his troops stacked arms and made a temporary halt, but, beyond throwing up logs and rails, made no defensive preparations, no attack being appre- hended, prisoners just brought in having reported that there was no considerable force of the enemy within a mile and a half. Hood had m the mean- time been massing his forces in the woods immedi- ately in front of the position of General Newton and of General Hooker’s force, which was approach- ing from the right, hoping to fall upon his adver- saries while in motion and cut the National army IION. ’BENJAMIN HARRISON. 61 in two. At four o’clock in the afternoon lie ad- vanced suddenly from the woods, without skir- mishers, directly on the position of Newton. HOT FIRE FROM BREASTWORKS. His appearance was altogether unexpected ; nevertheless the National troops instantly sprang to arms, and from behind their log and rail breast- works poured a deadly fire into the dense masses of the enemy. Well-served batteries also, which Newton had posted on his flanks, aided to. keep the Confederates in check. General Hooker’s whole corps was uncovered, and it had to fight on comparatively open ground. Geary’s division was thrown back in some confu- sion. Rallying quickly it recovered its ground and kept the enemy in check till Ward’s division came up. Ward met the enemy’s charge by a counter-charge, and after a brief but fierce struggle drove him back. The division of Williams, further to the right and next to that of Geary, though desperately attacked, repulsed every onset with heavy loss. The battle had lasted four hours, when Hood drew his forces rapidly back to their intrenchments, leaving on the .field 600 dead, and 1,000 severely wounded, a number of prisoners, and seven regi- mental flags — his total loss being estimated by General Sherman at not less than 5,000. The National loss was 1,900, sustained principally by 62 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF the corps of General Hooker, upon which fell the brunt of the battle. HARRISON AT PEACH TREE CREEK. In this corps Colonel Harrison was accounted one of the best officers. His gallantry in the battle was no less marked than at Resaca. The Confederates kept within their intrenched position during the 21st, their right beyond the Georgia railroad and their left extended towards Turner’s Ferry, at a general distance of four miles from Atlanta. In the course of the day a strongly fortified hill in front of the extreme National left, which completely commanded Atlanta and the two principal roads leading north and south from the city, was carried by General Leggett’s division of the Seventeenth corps, though with a loss of 750 men. Two desperate but unsuccessful attempts to regain this position were made by the Confed- erates, who, when they finally retired, left their dead and wounded on the slope of the hill. SHERMAN FINDS THE ENEMY. On the morning of the 22d, the whole of the 'advanced line of the enemy was found abandoned, 'which led Sherman to suppose that Hood was about to give up Atlanta without further contest. He was, however, only preparing to repeat on a larger scale the experiment of the 20th. Pretend- ing to be falling back upon the city, he hoped to decoy General Sherman into a rapid advance, and HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 63 then suddenly, with all his force, strike the Na- tional army, while in motion, at such weak points as should offer. Unsuspectingly Sherman pushed his troops beyond the abandoned works. He found the enemy occupying a line of finished redoubts completely covering the approaches to the city, and actively engaged in connecting these redoubts with curtains strengthened by rifle trenches. Satisfied that Hood meant to fight, Sherman immediately resumed the dispositions for pressing towards the city on its east and northeast fronts. The National line by these movements became so contracted, that the Sixteenth corps, under Gen- eral Dodge, which formed the right of the Army of the Tennessee, was crowded out of its position, and was directed to march to the extreme left of the line, to aid in the defense of the hill which had been carried by the Seventeenth corps the day before, and which was still held by Leggett’s division. LAYING FUTURE FLANS. At ten in the morning, and about the time the movement was commenced, General Sherman, in company with General Schofield, was examining the enemy’s lines, when he was joined by General McPherson, who described the condition of things on his flank and the disposition of his troops. Sherman explained to him that if serious resist- ance were met in Atlanta, as seemed probable, he should extend to the right, and did not want 64 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF much distance gained on the left. McPherson then described the hill occupied by Leggett’s di- vision as essential to the occupation of any ground to the east and south of the Augusta Railroad. Sherman therefore ratified McPherson’s disposition of his troops, and modified a previous order sent him in writing to employ Dodge’s corps in break- ing up the railroad, and sanctioned its going, as already ordered by McPherson, to his left, to hold and fortify the position there. McPherson re- mained with General Sherman till noon, when reports arrived indicating a movement of the enemy towards the left flank. He then mounted his horse and rode away with his staff. DEATH OF THE GALLANT M’PHERSON. Soon after the departure of McPherson sounds of musketry to the left and rear, rapidly growing into volume and accompanied by the roar of artil- lery, were heard, and about the same time the reports of guns in the direction of Decatur. There could be no doubt now as to what the enemy was about. Hood was throwing a superior force on the National left flank while he held the National forces with his forts in front, the only question being as to the amount of force at his disposal. Orders were immediately sent to all parts of the right and left centre to give full employment to the enemy along the whole line, and for Schofield to hold as large a force as possible in reserve await- ing developments. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 65 Not more than half an hour had elapsed after McPherson had parted from Sherman, when his adjutant-general, Colonel Clarke, rode up, and re- ported him killed or a prisoner. He had ridden to General Dodge’s column, moving as before described, and had sent off nearly all his staff and orderlies on various errands, and taken a narrow road that led through the woods to the left and rear of General Giles A. Smith’s division, which was on General Blair’s extreme left. A few min- utes after he had entered the woods a sharp volley was heard from the direction in which he had gone, and his horse had come out riderless, with two wounds. Sherman immediately despatched a staff officer to General Lcgan, commanding the Fifteenth corps, directing him to assume command of the Army of the Tennessee, and hold the ground already chosen, especially the hill occupied by General Leggett’s division. DESPERATE ONSETS REPULSED. Already the whole line was engaged in battle. McPherson upon reaching the left had found the Sixteenth corps going into position to prolong the flank, and at that time facing to the left in a direc- tion perpendicular to the main line. Between the right of the Sixteenth corps and the left of the Seventeenth was a wooded space of about half a mile. Shortly after twelve o’clock the enemy emerged from the woods in front of these corps in 5 66 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF three columns, and attacked the Sixteenth corps Three desperate assaults were repulsed by Dodge, in the last of which the enemy suffered severely from the National batteries. It was during the lull in the battle which now occurred that Mc- Pherson had attempted to ride through the woods to G. A. Smith’s division on the left of the Seven teen tli corps, it having been reported that the enemy was about attempting to push a force through the gap above mentioned between the two corps. After sending the only remaining member of his staff with orders to obtain a brigade from Logan’s command and throw it across the gap, with a single orderly he struck into the road before mentioned The enemy’s skirmish line, however, had already advanced close up to the road, and before he was aware he was within fifty feet of it. A volley brought him to the ground, mortally wounded. SPIRIT OF THE INDIANA TROOPS. Harrison’s men covered themselves with glory in this terrible battle. Undaunted by the desper- ation of the foe, unwearied by long marches and rough exposures, undismayed by danger and death, they followed their intrepid leader into the thick- est of the carnage. If “ Old Tippecanoe ” could have seen the hero- ism of his grandson on this occasion he would have been proud of the “ young tow-head.” HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 67 What happened subsequently to McPherson’s death can be told in few words. A pause in the battle occurred about four o’clock. Hood was massing troops for an attack on the Fifteenth corps, now commanded by General M. L. Smith, which, immediately adjoining the Sev- enteenth corps, held the right of the Army of the Tennessee, behind strong breastworks. At half- past four, while the attention of the extreme left was occupied by a pretended attack, a heavy force of the enemy, two lines deep, marched directly on the left of the Fifteenth corps, driving in two regi- ments of skirmishers and capturing two guns. HEROIC STRUGGLE FOR VICTORY. Lightburn’s brigade, which held this part of the line protected by breastworks, kept the enemy at bay by well-directed discharges of twenty-pounder Parrott guns. Presently a second strong column of the enemy appeared, and rapidly and steadily approached, heedless of the fearful furrows made in its ranks by well-directed artillery. The attack had now become sufficiently formidable ; but when a third column of the Confederates was seen pour- ing in on the rear through a deep cut in the Geor- gia railroad, Lightburn’s troops, to avoid certain capture, retired in confusion to the second line of breastworks 500 yards from the main line ; and the abandoned works with two batteries fell into the hands of the enemy. 68 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF The position lost was one of the utmost impor- tance, and Sherman sent orders to Schofield — which, however, he had anticipated — to make the Fifteenth corps regain its ground at any cost. To aid the movement, batteries from Schofield’s corps were so posted that by means of them the enemy and his works beyond might be shelled, and the approach of reinforcements prevented. The Con- federates were on the point of turning the captured Parrott guns upon the inner National line, Avhen the Fifteenth corps, supported by some of Scho- field’s troops, advanced with loud cheers to the attack. After a fierce struggle, in which the fight was sometimes hand to hand across the narrow parapet, the enemy was driven out of the works and the guns retaken. Repeated discharges of grape and canister into the retreating masses caused fearful carnage. FRIGHTFUL LOSSES. Thus ended the battle, by far the bloodiest that had yet been fought in Georgia. The Confeder- ates were defeated at all points. Their dead left in front of the National lines numbered 2,200 from actual count, of which 800 were delivered to them under flag of truce. Their total loss in killed was computed by General Logan at 3,240 ; in addition to which they lost 3,000 prisoners, including 1,000 wounded and many commissioned officers. Owing to the closeness and desperation of the HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 69 conflict, the proportion of killed was unusually large. Hood could ill afford these heavy losses, as his force was originally smaller than Sherman’s. The total National loss was 3,722, the greater part being killed and wounded. Sherman’s army, how- ever, had sustained an irreparable loss in the death of General McPherson. “He was,” said Sherman, “ a noble youth, of striking personal appearance, of the highest professional capacity, and with a heart abounding in kindness that drew to him the affections of all men.” His body was recovered, and carried in the heat of battle to General Sher- man, who sent it, in charge of his personal staff, back to Marietta, on its way to its Northern home. harrison’s heroism rewarded. The joung Indiana officer bore the same heroic part in this bloody battle that had already given him fame in the closing scenes of the war. He could be depended upon in a crisis. His blood had iron in it. His nerves were spun from steel. His face was always to the foe. His front was not behind. As already stated, General Hooker had assured him at the battle of Resaca that his name would be sent up for promotion. More than this, he had been brevetted a Brigadier-General. After his gallant services at Peach Tree Creek he received his full commission. On that famous march of Sherman to the sea, General Harrison loomed up as one of the grand figures of the war. 70 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP Happily he did not have long to serve after his promotion. The last strokes of the red battle-axe were falling. The din of conflict was dying. The fight had been won. The unknown heroes had stepped forth from the ranks, and honors strewed their paths. Those who had been obscure now stood in the eye of the nation. And of the great band of heroes and patriots who faced the hot hail of battle and stood for national unity and freedom, few names are more worthy to be written high on fame’s immortal scroll than that of General Benjamin Harrison. OFFICIAL RECORD. Brigadier-General Harrison’s war record is offi- cially given as follows : “ He was commissioned in July, 1862, as Second Lieutenant of Indiana Volunteers; raised Com- pany A of the Seventieth Indiana Volunteer In- fantry, was commissioned Captain, and on the organization of the regiment was commissioned Colonel ; in August went with the regiment to Kentucky and served until mustered out in June, 1865; was brevetted Brigadier General in Feb- ruary, 1865; in October, 1864, while in the field, was re-elected Reporter of the Supreme Court.” It is said that he came to enlist in this interest- ing way. In July, 1862, just after a repeated proclamation for troops was issued by President Lincoln, Mr. Harrison felt that the call was a per- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 71 sonal appeal, and it occasioned a strong conflict in his breast as to what course he should take. He had just obtained a fair start in life; he was the holder of a comfortable civil office — Reporter for the Supreme Court — the husband of a young wife and father of two little children, and the owner of a small cottage not more than half paid for. HOW THE DECISION WAS FORMED. His course was decided by the following in- cident recorded in ids own words : “ I went one day to see Gov. Morton with Mr. Wallace, to seek an appointment as lieutenant for a young man in the north part of the State. After getting through with this business Gov. Morton invited me into an inner room. He there spoke of the call and of no response being made thereto. The Governor seemed quite discouraged at the apathy of the people, mid, pointing over towards the Gallup Block, where men were dressing stone, remarked that men were interested in their own business more than in the safety of the nation. I said right there : ‘ Governor, if I can be of service to my country I am ready to go.’ He said: ‘You can ; you can raise a regiment in this district.’ lie went on to say : ‘You have a good office, and it would be too much to ask you to give it up; but you get up the regiment and we can find some one else to take it to the field.’ I said : ‘ No, if I make a recruiting speech and ask any man to em 72 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF list, I propose to go with him and stay as long as he does if I live so long.’ ‘ Well,’ said the Gov- ernor, ‘ yon can command the regiment.’ I said : ‘ I don’t know that I shall want to. I have no military experience ; we can see about that.’ ” After this conversation Mr. Harrison proceeded up the street with Mr. Wallace and bought a military cap; they got out handbills for a war meeting at Masonic Hall, hired a drum and fife and hung a flag out of his office window. Mr. Harrison took out a Second Lieutenant’s recruiting commission and raised and took the first company of the Seventieth Regiment into camp, and in less than thirty days from the date of the first re- cruiting commission he was in Kentucky with 1,010 men. This was the first regiment in the field under that call. HE WAS WITH THE BOYS UNDER FIRE. General Harrison was not wounded, but, says one of his men, “ in the charge at Resaca his regi- ment held the post of honor, where the bullets were thickest,” “ Our Colonel was right with us, too,” says an old soldier, who was wounded in that charge. “ He came right up behind us when we captured the four guns there — the only guns, I believe, that were taken in the Atlanta campaign. We had to withstand a murderous cross-fire, and as the gunners discharged their pieces we fell to the ground and allowed the shot to pass over us. JOHN SHERMAN. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. • 73 Then we rushed up, scaled the works and took possession of the guns.” GENERAL HARRISON IN BATTLE. One does not find anv outward indication in %/ General Harrison’s house that he is a veteran of the war of the Rebellion. No picture adorns the w T alls of his parlor or his library depicting a war scene. There are no crossed swords over the mantlepiece. No musket stands in a corner. For all that the callers would know, Benjamin Harri- son, like Grover Cleveland, might have sent a substitute to the war. It was with some difficulty that Mrs. Harrison found for a correspondent of the Tribune the battle sword of her husband. After some hunting about, she discovered it stand- ing behind a large chair in a dark corner of the library. The old sword has many indications that it has been through a campaign. It is a straight officer’s sword, with a steel blade and a handle of brass and pearl. Its guard is of brass and its handle is surmounted with a brass representation of the head and cap of a soldier, the soldier wearing the cap of 1860. The scabbard was of silver and had pearls set in it at certain intervals, but the rough usage of .campaign and battle have rubbed them out of their setting, and now there are only holes in the scabbard where the pearls once were. The brass of the sword is discolored and dim with 74 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF age, and all in all it presents a shabby appearance compared with the beautiful weapon the citizens of Indianapolis presented to Colonel Harrison as he rode away to the war in 1862, but it is worth more than it was then. LOYAL TO THE VETERANS. At the battle of Resaca there were two private soldiers of Colonel Harrison’s regiment, Moses McLain and Daniel H. Ramsdell, who both were shot in the right arm and both afterward had to have that arm amputated. On returning from the war, General Harrison led a movement to elect Ramsdell clerk of the county of Marion, in which this city is situated. Harrison nominated Ramsdell for the office in the Republican County Convention and succeeded in having him nominated and then elected. Ramsdell held the office, which is a lucrative one, for eight years. Harrison then went before the Republican County Convention and advocated the nomination of the other crippled veteran, Moses McLain, for the place, and he also was nominated and elected. Both McLain and Ramsdell naturally think the world of their old commander. McLain said : “ I never saw a braver man than General Har- rison. The battle of Resaca was fought on a bright spring day, May 15, 1864.* Our brigade, which was commanded .by Colonel Harrison, owing to the wounding of Brigadier-General Ward, had to charge across an open field and up a steep ridge HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 75 at the enemy. Harrison led the way, waving his sword and his revolver. The rebels poured a most destructive fire into us as we crossed the open field and killed many of our men. At the foot of the ridge there were little trees. We struggled through these and then dashed at the entrench- ments of the rebels on the ridge above. In front of their works they had four cannon which blazed away at us as we climbed the ridge. They had time to load again before we could reach them, but we were so close to them that one of our men was knocked down with a cannon rammer by a rebel. BOLD DASH AT THE ENEMY. “ f Drop down,’ said Harrison, as he saw the rebels were about to fire the cannon again, but he, himself, was the last man to drop. The rebels fired over us, and we dashed over their works and captured the cannon. They were the only cannon taken in the campaign. Harrison captured one of the cannoneers himself, dragging him from beneath the cannon. I was shot by a rebel in- fantryman just before the cannon.” Daniel M. Ramsdell, the other one-armed vet- eran referred to, said : “ As an officer, General Harrison was noted as a disciplinarian. Many of his men who had been unused to restraint thought him at first tyrannical and exacting, but when the regiment got into active service they all saw the im- mense benefit resultingfrom his strict discipline, and 76 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF whatever they thought of it at first, forgave him for it afterward. Remarkably cool under fire, no one ever saw him manifest the slightest indication of fear. He shrank from no duty, however dan- gerous it might be, nor did he ever shirk the slightest responsibility. Conscientious and faith- ful to the last degree, he threw his whole heart and soul into the service. No officer was more beloved by his men than was General Harrison. The privates of his regiment would have died for him to a man. His call to them was always ‘ Come on, boys,’ and never ‘ Go on, boys.’ His motto was (I know, at least, his conduct showed it) : 4 1 will never ask my men to do anything that I would not do myself,’ and of course the boys had a deep respect and affection for such an officer. We went into the fight at Resaca with 600 men and lost 257 killed and wounded. General Harri- son was in the thickest of the fight, and never flinched once. COOLNESS IN DANGER. “ I remember a charge on a battery in one of the battles where we had to cross a ravine and charge up a hill on the rebels. A whole corps was sup- porting that battery. We ran up the hill, fell down on our breasts, loaded and sprang up again, and so on until we got within a few paces of the enemy. I remember seeing General Harrison standing up there right in front of the rebels, waving his sword in one hand and brandishing a HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 77 revolver in the other. I tell you there was no discount on him as a soldier. He was as good as the best, as every man that saw him in the war will tell you. We were on garrison duty for some time after we went out, and I know it was a great dissatisfaction to General Harrison to be kept at that kind of warfare. He chafed under it and wanted to get to the front, and when he got there he rendered valued service. He was peculiarly kind to his men. I have seen him give up his horse on a long march to a weary soldier, and shoulder the private’s gun and march along with the regiment. I remember once he did me that kindness. I have alwavs loved him and admired him, and I might say I have always insisted that he would one day be President of these United States.” WHAT AN OLD SOLDIER THINKS.- William H. Bryant, of Bryantsville, Indiana, is one of the substantial men of Lawrence county. After faithful service in the Union army, until the close of the war, he settled down to the duties of civil life and has the victories of peace. Mr. Bryant was a member of the 39th Indiana Regiment, of which General Harrison went out as Colonel. When the name of his old commander was mentioned, his face lighted up and his eyes fairly flashed. It was apparent that a chord had been touched in the veteran’s heart which awoke the memories of the struggle for the Union. When 78 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF asked what he had to say of Ben Harrison as a presidential candidate he entered upon such a eulogy as only an old soldier, prompted by love and pride and gratitude, can bestow upon a chief- tain who led him amid the trials and glories of war. He dwelt with most satisfaction and greatest length upon the uniform kindness with which all the soldiers were treated by General Harrison. He said that considerations of rank never seemed to weigh with the General, so far as solicitude for the safety and comfort of those under his command was concerned ; that, therefore, instead of standing in awe of him as their commander, they held him in universal love and esteem. As Mr. Bryant ex- pressed it, “ We felt that, instead of a proud gen- eral with shoulder-straps, and all that, we had a comrade in command of us. Any man who has been a soldier will know what I mean ; and he will know, too, that it is not often you find in the army a man wearing a general’s straps who knows that there is any such thing as a private soldier, except when there’s fighting to do. General Har- rison never forgot us — and we will never forget him. NOT AN ARISTOCRAT. “ I’ll tell you an incident in my experience,” said he, “which will help to show how General Harrison treated his soldiers. I have heard it said, that he is stuck up— a sort of kid-glove fel- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 79 low ; let me tell you that’s false. If shoulder- straps couldn’t turn a man’s head, couldn’t lift his eyes above the head of a common soldier, you may rely on it that the man don’t belong to the kid- glove stock. But I must tell you my experience. It is a small matter; it wouldn’t be of enough importance to relate if it were not for the fact that it is just that kind of things — small matters — that show what a man is made of, in the army, and because what General Harrison did at the time I speak of was unusual for an officer of high rank, and shows the real character of the man better even than some grand deed might have done. “ You see I went out as a member of the 27th Indiana. In September, 1863, my regiment was consolidated with the 39th, General Harrison be- coming my Colonel. One day shortly after the consolidation, while I was on detail at Nashville, I got an order to report to Colonel Harrison. When I arrived at his headquarters and told him who I was and what regiment I had belonged to, he turned to some officers present and said : ‘ The 27th Indiana was one of the best regiments from the State; that was my reason for wanting it con- solidated with mine.’ “ His manner of saying this was such as to make it evident that he wanted to put me at ease by praising my old regiment — his remarks seemed to be intended to break down the barrier of rank be- tween me and the rest of those present. It was a 80 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. kind way to greet me, and my love for Ben Har- rison began right there at that first meeting. “In December, 1864, just before the battle at Nashville, I was in charge of some guards at Gen- eral Harrison’s headquarters. It was very cold, disagreeable weather, such weather as made life a burden to a soldier on guard. About 9 o’clock an orderly came and said the General wanted to see me. When I reported he asked me if we had a good fire out there ; said there was plenty of Avood out there; that he wanted us to take all Ave needed to keep warm. As I have said, these things Avould not be worth mentioning if they w r ere done here at home, but I tell you it made a soldier feel good to knoAV that his commanding officer thought of his comfort. And what I have related are only some of the thousand tokens of Harrison’s kind- ness— of the constant care of his troops, which made them love him. “ I tell you,” he added, “ if the Republicans want to make the men who served under General Harrison happy let them nominate him for Presi- dent.” CHAPTER V. IN POLITICAL LIFE AGAIN. Active Public Man since 1856 — Hard Worker — “Decor- ated with Censure” — Not Anxious for Office — Nomi- nated for Governor — Two Thousand Votes ahead of his Ticket — Made United States Senator — Congratulated by ms Rival — High Rank in the Senate — Memorable Speeches — Chinese Question — Denouncing Contract La- bor — Tilt in the Senate with his Indiana Colleague — Views of Civil Service — Speech on Educational Bill — Favoring Honest Money— Famous Campaign— Return to the Bar — Personal Characteristics — Joining the Repub- lican Party — Polished Utterances. Me. Harrison has been in political life ever since 1856, when he took the stump for Fremont. In 1860 he did the same thing for Lincoln. In the fall of 1860 Mr. Harrison got his first office, that of reporter of the Supreme Court of Indiana. During his term of office he got out two volumes of reports, fifteenth and sixteenth, and had nearly completed the seventeenth when he entered the military service. He has made a study of political organization until there is none in Indiana more adept at the work than he, whether it be the carrying of a Legislature or of a ward in Indianapolis. In the same way in the army he sat up late at night studying the tactics* 6 ( 81 ) 82 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF and was up early in the morning perfecting him- self in the drill exercises and in familiarity with military details. Every Union soldier and Republican leader in Indiana enjoyed the distinguished honor of the virulent hatred of the copperhead Democracy that under the teachings of Jesse D. Bright, Thomas A. Hendricks and Daniel W. Yoorhees were the most treacherous foes the Republic was compelled to en- counter. General Harrison was decorated with the extremist censure of these gentlemen and with that of the treasonable organization known as the Knights of the Golden Circle. While he was absent in the field in 1863 the Democratic Supreme Court declared his office of reporter vacant and the place was filled by another. From the time of leaving Indiana with his regi- ment in 1862 until the fall of 1864, after the capture of Atlanta, General Harrison had no leave of absence. But the Indiana Republicans in 1864 renominated him for the office from which a Dem- ocratic court had ousted him, and under the orders of the War Department he at once reported to Governor Morton for duty on a thirty-days’ leave. He at once made a brilliant canvass of the State and was triumphantly elected for another term. Then he rejoined the army and served with Sher- man until the surrender of Joe Johnston in North Carolina, and was with his command at the final grand review of the Union forces at Washington at the close of the war. HON. BENJAMIN IIARRISON. 83 DECLINING OFFICE. He served out his term as reporter of the Supreme Court, and was pressed to become a candidate for re-election. He declined because it was necessary that he should devote himself to assiduous labor for the welfare of his family. For eight succeed- ing years he was only known in public life as a Republican whom the party might always call upon for services in its campaigns. Outside of this occasional duty upon the hustings he was a busy lawyer, who was forging his way to the front rank of his profession. In 1876 the party called on him to lead a for- lorn hope as the candidate for governor under cir- cumstances that would have frightened a man of less heroic mould. That it was the Tilden and Hendricks year was alone a discouragement. But, worse than that, he became a substitute for a can- didate withdrawn under the enemy’s fire. Godlove Orth had been nominated for governor. A scandal concerning his service in Congress had been broached and he withdrew from the ticket. Harrison had declined the nomination in ad-, vance of the meeting of the Convention, but when the State Central Committee settled upon him as the only man who could fill the vacancy he plunged into the breach. He threw himself into the cam- paign with his usual energy. He canvassed the entire State, addressed immense audiences, was everywhere received with the utmost enthusiasm. 84 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF but he was not elected. He polled nearly 2,000 votes more than the general average of his ticket, and after the October election he was in great demand as a speaker in the campaigns in other States in the East, where he strengthened the good impression already formed of him. ELECTED UNITED STATES SENATOR. Again in 1880 he took a leading part in the campaign, and when it was found that the Repub- licans had carried the Legislature he became at once the leading candidate for United States Sen- ator. The voice of the party was unanimous in favor of the man who had been fighting its battles so long and who had been a leading figure in history since 1856. His nomination was fore- shadowed, and when the caucus met no other name was presented. His election gave the live- liest satisfaction to Republicans throughout the State. He was elected to succeed Joseph E. McDonald (Democrat). When the contest for the senatorship opened late in December, 1880, there were three leading candidates besides General Harrison. They were Will Cumback, Godlove S. Orth and Walter Q. Gresham. Judge Gresham was the first to withdraw ; Mr. Orth virtually retired soon after, but did not withdraw his name. On January 10, 1881, Mr. Cumback withdrew from the canvass, having convinced himself that a majority of the HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 85 Republicans in the legislature favored the nomina- tion of General Harrison and would vote for him in caucus. In announcing his decision to General Harrison, he wrote as follows : “ Believing it pos- sible for a disappointed candidate to render to a successful rival sincere and hearty congratulations, I know you will accept mine.” General Harrison received the caucus nomination, and on January 18th he received the full Republican vote in each house of the legislature. The election was com- pleted on the following day in the joint Conven- tion. RECORD IN THE SENATE. His term of six years as Senator of the United States established General Harrison’s reputation as a sound and enlightened statesman and a ready, finished and powerful debater. The more his record in the Senate is studied, the clearer appears his claim to a high place among law-makers. His Dakota report and speeches, his speech on the Edmunds resolution concerning civil service reform, his speech condemning the wholesale immigration of contract labor, and his speeches against alien ownership of large tracts of the national domain indicate the broad lines along which his activities manifested themselves. His record on the Chinese question needs noth- ing more than this simple statement + o show the folly of those who once distrusted him on that score : When the first Chinese bill was before the 80 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Senate he opposed certain features of it because he thought they were in conflict with the pro- visions of existing treaties; but he moved to amend those portions of the bill so that they might be in accord with his view of the treaties men- tioned. Those who were in favor of • the bill steadily voted the amendments down, and in order to maintain his consistency General Harrison was thus obliged to vote against the bill, which finally passed over the President’s veto. THE CHINESE QUESTION. When the next Chinese bill was before the Sen- ate General Harrison was absent and did not get a chance to vote upon it. When the next bill came before the Senate — the one commonly called the Page bill — it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, of which he was then a mem- ber. That committee unanimously voted to report the bill favorably, General Harrison voting with the other members of the committee. When it came before the Senate it was passed, General Harrison voting for it. Mr. Fair said in the Sen- ate that “ this was by all means the best Chinese bill which had been proposed,” and otherwise spoke in high terms of the bill. Thus General Harrison was from first to last in favor of the principle underlying the Chinese legislation. The issue is now nothing more than a reminis- cence, for the policy of barring the doors against HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 87 Mongolian immigration has been so determined that the utterance of the Chicago Convention endorses the stand which the party has taken ; but it remains to be said that in the earliest attempts at anti-Chinese legislation Mr. Harrison simply shared in the conviction of nearly all the other able lawyers of the Senate, that while it was desirable to shut out these undesirable people the object must be accomplished without the violation of existing treaties with China. When, therefore, in the Forty-ninth Congress, Mr. Fair introduced his bill to restrict Chinese immigration and the Committee on Foreign Affairs amended it so as to conform with treaty stipulations, Mr. Harrison voted for its passage both in the committee and in the Senate. Mr. Mitchell, of Oregon, was a chief promoter of this legislation and he was constrained to say of the bill : “ I have no kind of doubt that it is as strong a bill as could be drawn, and, at the same time, have kept within the provisions of our treaty. It is one of the best bills ever reported by any committee on the subject.” It is only needful to add to this that the bill which Mr. Mitchell praised most effectively put up the barriers against the Chinese. CONTRACT LABOR. On the bill to prevent the importation of con- tract labor Senator Harrison made an argument in favor of keeping out immigrants brought to this 88 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF country under stipulations to work for lower wages than those prevailing here. This was his comment on the subject : “ If I understand the evil sought to be guarded against by this bill it is that men living in foreign countries where the rate of wages and the condi- tions of labor are so different from what they are in this country, shall not there, under the strain that is upon them, make a contract which, of course, is governed by rates of wages there that put them in the power of the person furnishing the money when they come to this country, and have a tendency to import the rates of foreign labor and establish them here. I see nothing to prevent any person who is benevolently disposed, who has no personal interest in an individual, from aiding any one to come here, provided only he does not attempt to secure the money he advances by a mortgage on that man’s labor.” A FAITHFUL SENATOR. Senator Harrison took his seat in the Senate on the day upon which General Garfield was inaugu- rated. The session was an extra one for executive business only, and he simply attended and voted when occasion arose. When the Senate reassem- bled in the following December, at the beginning of the Forty-seventh Congress, and opportunity offered, he assumed his share of the duties of the body. He did not force himself forward as a GEN. RUSSELL A. ALGER. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 89 speaker. When he did speak he commanded attention. He was the warm friend of the soldier, and he spoke cordially in his behalf. Service on the Mississippi River Commission prepared him to discuss familiarly all propositions brought forward for the improvement of the navigation of that stream. CROSSING SWORDS WITH AN OPPONENT. One day in July, 1882, the Senate heard him at his best. His colleague, Senator Yoorhees, in dis- cussing a revenue reduction bill, had made a charac- teristically loose and reckless oration, laying stress upon some phrases in which he had ridiculed the Republicans for taking the tax off perfumery and cosmetics. Senator Harrison had waited for just this speech. When Senator Voorhees concluded, Senator Harrison began, and stepping down into the arena in front of the desks and approaching the Democratic side, he went on, without notes, to belabor his colleague most vigorously and unmer- cifully for nearly an hour. It was the most bril- liant speech delivered by Mr. Harrison during his term in the Senate. Senator Yoorhees never sought occasion again to provoke him to answer. In the second session of the Forty-seventh Con- gress Senator Harrison’s principal speeches were made upon the civil service, the Blair educational bill, and on the Mississippi river scheme of im- provement. 90 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF A GRAND SPEECH. While he favored the general purpose of the civil service law then under consideration, and afterward voted for it, he contended for the perfect freedom of the government employe to contribute for political purposes. On February 12, 1884, he expressed himself very pointedly on this subject. “ I should regard myself,” he said, “ as little less than a slave if, as an American citizen, I believed, let me say for illustration, in the doctrine of pro- tection, in which my colleague also takes an inter- est, and was the head of a bureau here, receiving a salary of $3,000 a year, I was not allowed to contribute to the purchase of documents or the distribution of speeches that were calculated to impress upon the public mind the views I held.” He voted for the civil service bill, and later on, after President Cleveland became the appointing power, he vigorously criticised instances of alleged departure of the administration from the letter and spirit of the law. INDEPENDENCE SHOULD BE CULTIVATED. During the first session of the Forty-eighth Con- gress General Harrison was heard in many speeches on the Blair educational bill, to which he made many serious objections. In one speech on this subject he said : “ There is a giving that pauper- izes ; there is a giving that enfeebles. It is against that sort of giving that I protest. The wisest HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 91 managers of benevolence in these late years have come to the conclusion that giving should always be so regulated as to save self-respect and awaken in the mind of a recipient the lost faith in his ability to take care of himself. We should care- fully avoid that giving which creates a disposition to lean and to expect, which takes the stamina and strength and self-dependence out of men. That principle will, I think, apply to the giving which is proposed by this bill.” ALWAYS FAITHFUL TO THE CAUSE OF HONEST MONEY. One of General Harrison’s strongest titles to public respect and admiration is found in the fact that when the inflation craze spread over the country and swept from their moorings many whc have since lived to regret their infatuation, he never wavered in his fidelity to the cause of honest money. His position on the question of civil ser- vice reform is indicated by the following sentences from the speech with which he opened the Indiana campaign of 1882 : “I want to assure you to-night that I am an advocate of civil service reform. My brief experience at Washington has led me often to utter the wish with an emphasis I do not often use that I might be forever relieved of any con- nection with the distribution of public patronage. I covet for myself the free and unpurchased sup- port of my fellow-citizens, and long to be able to give my time and energy solely to those public 92 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF affairs that legitimately relate to the honorable trust which you have committed to me.” In the course of the same speech, in replying to Senator Voorhees’ claim to be “the soldier’s friend,” General Harrison gave utterance to these earnest words, which seem to apply as well to his com- petitor in the present campaign : “ The man who lived through the war of the Rebellion and did not make some sacrifice for the success of the Union armies — who did not say one brave word, or do one brave thing, when, with bare and bleeding breasts, our soldiers looked into the face of hell for their country — can never be enshrined as the sol- dier’s friend.” A FAMOUS CAMPAIGN. General Harrison’s term in the Senate expired March 4, 1887, and the Legislature to choose his successor was to be elected in the fall of 1886. “ The history of that campaign,” says the Indian- apolis Journal, u is still fresh in the minds of the people. It was in a large degree General Har- rison’s campaign. Though others were good seconds and able assistants, he was foremost in the fight. When others wavered he advanced, when they lost heart he expressed confidence. He was almost the only prominent Republican in Indiana who felt confident of carrying the State, or who thought it worth while even to attempt to carry the Legis- lature. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 93 “ This is no disparagement of other Republican leaders, who did yeoman service in the campaign, but it is a fact. The result attested General Har- rison’s wisdom and his work. The Republicans carried the State, and came within a hair’s breadth of carrying the Legislature, though the apportion- ment had been gerrymandered so as to give the Democrats at least forty-six majority on joint ballot, and Senator Voorhees said he should feel personally disgraced if that was not the result.” A POPULAR CANDIDATE. Harrison made a campaign that had never been surpassed in Indiana. The Democrats had carried the State in 1882 by nearly 11,000, and in 1884 by nearly 7,000 majority. Against these odds, and with the most shameless perversion of the civil service, with President Cleveland’s permission, to the uses of party, General Harrison carried every Republican legislative district and twenty- two Democratic districts, and had it not been for the advantage the Democrats had in the State Senators holding over he, instead of Mr. Turpie, would now be in the United States Senate. As it was, the aggregate Republican majority on the legislative ticket was over 10,000, and the polling of it has been distinctively recognized as Harrison’s victory. The Democratic majority on joint ballot in the Legislature was but two, but it was suffi- cient to elect Turpie. Upon his retirement from public life last year 94 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF General Harrison once more devoted himself heart and soul to the laborious but congenial duties of his profession. Of General Harrison as a lawyer in the full maturity of his powers, his old partner, the Hon. W. P. Fishback, says: “He possesses all the qualities of a great lawyer in rare combination. He prepares a case with consummate skill; his written pleadings are models of clearness and brevity ; he is peerless in Indiana as an examiner of witnesses, he discusses a legal question in a written brief or in oral argument with convincing logic, and as an advocate it may be said of him that when he has finished an address to a jury nothing remains to be said on that side of the case. I have often heard able lawyers in Indiana and elsewhere say that he was the hardest man to follow they had ever met. No lawyer who ever met General Harrison in a legal encounter has afterward placed a small estimate upon his ability.” In a case at law he brings a moral force to bear upon any crooked work or concealment that is as powerful as any skill in handling it. His scorn and sarcasm has an “ ugly honesty ” in its expres- sion that will skin or scalp the victim, according to the degree of his culpability. In speaking he has a high, shrill voice, unpleasant to the ear for the first few moments, but a great clearness of enunciation soon absorbs the sense in the subject. His manner is very earnest, and at any proper HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 95 point sweeps on like a cavalry charge. He has an aggressive streak in his nature, as his square, firm jaw and the “clench” with which he shuts his mouth indicate. He has abundant pluck in the use of it, and with an aroused conscience is no respecter of persons. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. In reply to the charge of coldness, General Harrison’s friends say: “Well, Marlborough, Fred- erick the Great, George Washington were ‘cold men,’ but it is to be observed that it was £ a cold day when they got left.’ ” He is at present a stocky, bearded man, with a large head and a very short neck; is five feet seven inches tall, and weighs 190 pounds. When you go into his office the stocky, bearded man does not open his mouth until you have finished stating your business. He drops his work, pays close attention to what you have to say, grasps the matter readily, analyzes it quickly, decides promptly, and in a few terse sentences replies to your proposition or interrog' atory. He is said to have cultivated more magnetism of late years, and is an effective speaker. His greatest successes have been at the bar. Of late .years he has cultivated the quality of entertaining as well as convincing. He possesses a remarkable faculty of turning his mind quickly. “Often,” says his law partner, Mr. Elam, “ he has taken the 96 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF transcript of a case on the evening of his arrival from Washington and studied it that night, then going into court next morning master of all the de- tails, and able to make a powerful argument. It 'has been the same way with his campaigns. He leaves the arduous work of stumping and takes up his office work without a moment of rest or inter- mission, and goes along, even when defeated, just as if nothing had happened. In the Senate he was noted for his application and faithfulness in the committee-room rather than for brilliancy on the floor, and his reports were models of thorough- ness and painstaking.’ A PLAIN MAN. It is said of him that he has never had any op- portunity to cultivate social graces. Political and professional engagements have always pressed upon him. He does not care to shake men’s hands, and has such a poor memory for names and faces that stories are told of prominent men in his State being introduced to him three times in one day. He is without sentiment, though by no means un- generous. He respects the rights of every man without having time to gush about it. General Harrison is not rich. His law practice is large, but he appears disinclined to set his fees high enough to meet the modern standard. He owns a handsome house in Indianapolis, where his wife receives much company. They have a mar- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 97 ried daughter, and a son, Russell, who is prominent in the politics of Montana Territory. General Harrison is a member of the Indianapolis Literary Club, and occasionally takes part in its debates and exercises. HOW HE WENT INTO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. To a group of friends General Harrison once re- lated the circumstances attending his first speech in the Fremont campaign, and his entering the Republican party. “It was right after Fremont was nominated,” he said, “and while I was practising law with Mr. Wallace. We were in our office in an upstairs room, where the News building now stands, when Mr. Roberts, who used to keep a drug-store here, and another man, whose name I forget, came run- ning in and told us that Fremont was nominated ; that they were going to have a ratification meeting right away, and that I must come down and ad- dress it. I said I couldn’t think of such a thing ; that I had nothing to say, and was not prepared. They insisted that I could make a good enough speech without any preparation, and that I must come. I said that I wasn’t sure about this Fre- mont business, anyhow, and refused point blank to go. They simply grabbed me, lifted me off my feet, and started away with me. They carried me bodily downstairs, out into the street, and, without ever letting my feet touch the ground, took me over 98 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. to where the meeting was to be heid, and sat me up on a packing-box before a crowd of three or four hundred persons. Of course, I had to talk then. That was my initiation into the Republican party.” If the General was as ready with his tongue then as he is now there is no reason to suppose that he was embarrassed by the situation when he found himself chucked almost head over heels into the then infant party. All his speeches, he says, are extemporaneous, except those in the Senate. “ They have a custom there of reading composi- tions,” he said, “but I never liked it much.” After the Convention at Chicago delegations called to congratulate Mr. Harrison. The public man, the able speaker at once appeared, for the brief speeches in which he returned his thanks to the Vermont and California delegations, although extemporaneous, were as polished and discreet as though carefully written out beforehand. CHAPTER VI. GENERAL HARRISON AT HOME. Most Popular w he re Best Known — Harrison’s Daily Lire — Familiarly Called “Ben” — Immense Personal Power — Description of his Law Office — A Man with an Open Hand — An Attractive Home — -Mrs. Harrison — -A Model Woman — Handsome Face and Graceful Manners — A Model Hostess— Engaged in Christian Work— That Wonderful Baby — A Very Young Pet — Poverty of Early Life — First Eesidence — First Fee for Law Ser- vices — Anecdotes from the Grand Army — A Man who Keeps his W ord — Cool and Level-Headed — N ot a “ Boss ’ ’ — Not Excited when all Others Are— A Presidential Candidate — Labor Accomplishes All Things — Large In- come and Free Charities. The Republican nominee is most popular where he is best known. General Harrison is loved and honored by the people of his State because he has risen from poverty to eminence among them and because his life has been thoroughly democratic in its simplicity, thoroughly American in its purity and industry and wholly noble in its success. Added to this is the personal friendship and ad- miration the people of Indianapolis feel for General Harrison, which will induce many of them to cut party ties and cast their votes for their old friend and neighbor Republican. With his name now ( 90 ) 100 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF on every man’s lips, Harrison’s personality becomes a figure of national interest. To know his daily life as he lives at home in his office, at the bar, to see his personal character as his neighbors view it, to understand his tastes, his likes, his dislikes, his methods of work, his favorite relaxations — all that is to have in some more vivid degree an idea of the person as his every-day inti- mates know him. Though commonly known among the people here as “ Ben ” Harrison, the ex-senator is not given to rude familiarity. He is intensely popular, yet he has about him a manly dignity that inspires respect, while it does not repel liking. It would hardly be possible to find a man in Indianapolis who does not know him, at least by sight, and yet the General was never known to enter a saloon in the city. His public prominence has no back passages leading to it that start in the slums and wind through the devious ways of ward politics. SECRET OF PERSONAL POWER. As his personal character has been of singularly even growth, the result of an upright nature full of generous traits, governed by an even tempera- ment and subjected to an iron will, so his popu- larity and his influence over men are the natural result of a clear, simple, commanding mental and spiritual stature. His manner is frank and cordial; his greeting HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 101 warm ; his whole bearing attractive. He has a singular faculty of making friends. He has all the courtesy of good will to others. Not only are his friends legion, but they have the warmest attach- ment to him, as he has to them. He is a some- what reticent man as to his own affairs, and does not impart inmost confidences to a stranger. His long legal training has made him deliberate and cautious in that respect, and he is not effusive. But he is a friendly, sociable, unassuming Ameri- can gentleman. A BATTERED TIN SIGN. He is as approachable as any man in the world. From the sidewalk of Market Street a short flight of iron steps leads to the hallway of a brick build- ing, and on a tin sign on the wall, with the black sand half rubbed off, and battered enough to testify to many years of usefulness, the visitor may read the simple inscription “ B. Harrison.” That is all, but it is the plain business announcement of the greatest lawyer in Indiana to-day. Walk on up the stairs, turn to the right, and a few steps will bring you to his office door. It opens into the middle one of three rooms. In the front room, overlooking the street, there stands a plain, wal- nut desk, and sitting in front of it, in a leather cushioned chair, bent over a brief or reading a reference, General Harrison will almost certainly be found. Idle moments in business hours are 102 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. unknown to him. It is a characteristic of the man that whatever he does he does with all his might. He puts all his mind and energy upon his toil, and when that is over he drops it as completely as though it had no existence. A MAN EASILY APPROACHED. The visitor to this lawyer does not reach him through the medium of an office-boy, after an interval of heel-cooling in an ante-room. He is received at once with a kindly grasp of the hand and a proffered seat. But it is when the burdens of professional cares are thrown aside that one sees General Harrison in the most attractive and kindly light. He is an early riser, and spends a short time before break fast in the open air, looking over his grapevines and his strawberry bed in the rear of his house. After family prayers and breakfast, he walks to his office, which is perhaps half a mile or more from his home. At noon he drops his work, glances over a newspaper and then rides home to lunch, usually in a street car. Sometimes he rides up with his partner, Mr. Miller, whose carriage always comes to the office for him at noon, a very convenient arrangement, as their houses are almost directly opposite each other, on Delaware street. A DELIGHTFUL HOME. A visit to General Harrison gives one charming glimpses of a household which must be called the ( 103 ) GENERAL HARRISON’S HOME IN INDIANAPOLIS. 104 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF ideal of refined and gentle domesticity. The ap- proach to this home is pleasant, for Delaware street is paved with cedar blocks and lined with trees that cast a grateful shade over green lawns. The Harrison house is a brick structure, of sub- stantial design, with ample roof and a pleasant porch overshadowing the front door. A carriage- way at the side gives access to the modest building in the rear, where is stabled the one horse of the family, a big sorrel, which Mrs. Harrison drives more than any one else. A spacious lawn spreads its green expanse at the front and side of the house, and is walled at the rear by the broad leaves of a trellised grapevine, which hide from the street the strawberry bed. THE MISTRESS OF THE HOUSE. Mrs. Harrison is a model hostess and has th« fame among her social friends here as a marvelous housekeeper. She is the same age as her hus- band. Her father, Dr. Scott, was professor of chemistry in Miami University, Ohio, where young Ben Harrison was graduated and where he won a greater prize than his degree in a bride who has always been a true and helpful companion. Dr. Scott is still living in Washington, and is a hale and hearty gentleman, though his snow-white hair and beard bear testimony to his age of 88. Mrs. Harrison, matronly of look, vivacious brown eyes, dark hair without a line of gray, THOMAS B. REED. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 105 comely features and lips that smile and yet are firm, has the happy gift of making a guest feel at once at home. She moves much in society here and, of course, the society which welcomes her is of the best. She is a great favorite among other women, and has a faculty of making them her warm friends. It is a common saying among her Indianapolis associates that she would make as charming a mistress of the White House as she is the delightful matron of a quieter home. As her girlhood was passed in a collegiate atmosphere, both by opportunity and inclination she is of intellectual tastes. She is a prominent and active member of a ladies’ literary society here, and her reading is wide and varied. While fond of classical literature, she is always fully informed as to the writings of contemporary authors. But she is especially devoted to art. A picture gallery has more charms for her than fic- tion or the drama. She is skilled in painting on china, as the decorated pieces which fill her side- board and adorn her parlor attest, and she has also done some admirable work in water-colors. She is active in charitable work, and is especially devoted to the interests of the Indianapolis Or- phans’ Home. Like her husband, she is also active in church work, and both are constant attendants at the First Presbyterian Church of Indianapolis. 106 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF A CHURCH WORKER. General Harrison for many years taught the Bible class and Mrs. Harrison the infant class in the Sunday-school of this church ; but when the General was elected United States Senator and took his family to Washington, this work was necessarily given into other hands. The visitor to General Harrison’s house will scarcely have crossed the threshold before he dis- covers another trait of his character. As the ostensible master of the house walks through the hall the real king of the establishment appears — Benjamin McKee, the General’s grandson, whose experience of this life spans only fifteen months. The baby crows when he sees his grandfather, and every trace of the busy lawyer and dignified states- man disappears in an instant as the child is lifted in his welcoming arms. Then there is a romp with the baby for half an hour. The General’s fondness for children is not lim- ited to his own descendant. Every boy and girl in the neighborhood knows him and loves him, as he knows and loves them all. There is something in the sweet innocence and unconscious trust of childhood that has a peculiar charm for this hus- band and father. There is something in his kindly way and protecting manner that must have a peculiar charm for childhood. Mrs. McKee, the young mother of this petted grandson, is a tall, slender, graceful lady, with dark hair and eyes HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 107 and a social charm that it would be difficult to describe. HIS HONORABLE POVERTY. The fact that General Harrison is not rich, with his leadership of the Indiana bar and consequent large and lucrative practice, has been explained to me in but one way by a dozen people. He was early hampered in the race for wealth by the war. Just as he was beginning to win clients he was called to his country’s service and he promptly responded. Since that time his career has been interrupted several times by politics, and notably his six years’ term in the Senate. But beside all this, his friends say that General Harrison’s gen- erosity to others knows no stint. He seems to find more happiness in giving than in receiving. And yet he is as reserved and quiet about his phi- lanthropy as he is about his religion. Though a man of strong religious convictions and deep piety, he is silent upon sacred subjects, and in charity he lets not his right hand know the deeds of his left. Says a visitor : General Harrison himself told me an interesting anecdote during an afternoon drive that serves to illustrate the sharp poverty of his earliest days of professional struggle. THAT LITTLE OLD HOUSE. It was proposed that the carriage pass by the house where the General lived with his young 108 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF bride when he first came to Indianapolis from Ohio. The carriage presently drew up before this early home. It stands to-day just as it stood then, only in those days it was in the outskirts of Indianapolis, while now houses stretch many blocks beyond it. The house is a little one-story frame structure, containing but three rooms, but the lawyer and his bride when they settled there in 1854 were as happy as youthful hope and love could make them. As we sat in the carriage looking at this humble abode General Harrison was moved to tell a story, which I shall repeat as nearly as may be in his own words : “ Right in front of that door,” he said, “ I re- ceived my first lawyer’s fee. It was the first Sun- day in our new home, and I had walked out on the sidewalk in the afternoon, and was standing there looking with some pride at the front of the house, when a man clattered up on horseback. He quickly made known his errand. A man had been arrested at Clermont, about eight miles from here, on the charge of obtaining money under false pre- tences. The rider wished me to appear before the justice of the peace there for the prosecution. I agreed to do so, and he handed me a five-dollar gold piece. It was not an enormous fee, but I was glad to have it. The sum was hardly large enough to warrant a buggy, so the next morning I rode to Clermont on the back of a pony that I hired at a HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 109 %table. I came back home that night pretty well shafed, but I had succeeded in what I went for.” PRESENT RESIDENCE. The parlors of General Harrison’s house are tastefully but not ornately furnished. Handsome Hungarian vases adorn the mantelpieces. On the wall at the back part of the parlor hangs an oil portrait of President William Henry Harrison, the hero of the battle of Tippecanoe. On the wall of the library is a portrait of Benjamin Harrison, who was Governor of Virginia in the colonial period. This Governor Harrison was the great-grandfather of the present Benjamin Harrison. The library vdso contains a fac-simile of the warrant for the execution of King Charles I. of England. ANECDOTES FROM THE ARMY. General Harrison is, of course, a member of the Grand Army of the Republic and of the Loyal Legion. There are hundreds of old soldiers in Indianapolis and scattered through the State who fought in his brigade, and who remember well his bravery, his care for his men, and his unselfish patriotism. If one meets a one-armed veteran in the street here the simplest question will call out a eulogy of Harrison. The old soldiers remember him vividly for his tenacious care for their rights. When he was a colonel he saw to it that his regb ment received all the allowances of every kind to which it was entitled, and when he led a brigade 110 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP every individual soldier felt that he had a friend in his commander, strict disciplinarian though he was, and always insisting upon obedience to orders. An old soldier relates this anecdote : “ In the battle of Peach Tree Creek, one of the fights before Atlanta, the surgeon of Harrison’s brigade was lost. No one knew where he was, but he. had disap- peared My recollection is, that in the rapidly changing movements the surgeon and his assistants had become tangled with another brigade, and were so overwhelmed with duty there that they couldn’t get back to their own command. However that may be, when the fight was over our field-hospital was full of wounded, and there was no one to attend them. “ The General just threw off his coat, tore his own tent into strips, and went about bandaging wounds. He even tore his shirt off his back and used it up in bandaging the boys’ wounds. When surgical help arrived I remember what a sight the General was. Both his arms were bare, and they were covered with hlood from shoulders to finger- tips. He was the friend of the soldier.” ALWAYS KEEPING HIS WORD. “ The men most fond of the General are the men who know him best.” That is the pithy sentence in which one of his oldest friends sums up his opinion of General Harrison’s personal character. Another characteristic of the General, on which HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. Ill his friends like to dwell, is that his word is as good as his bond. He never made a promise that he did not keep. It goes without saying, in this con- nection, that he is not an easy man to obtain promises from. Every one knows that there are many public men, of high and low degree, of whom this is not true. In all that has been written about General Har- rison but scant tribute lias been paid to his quali- ties as a lawyer. He is regarded by his fellow- members of the Indiana bar, irrespective of party, as a judicious counsellor, an able advocate, a keen cross-examiner, and a man of indefatigable industry. He is full of resource. He never says anything imprudent himself, but he is quick as lightning to catch at the imprudence of an opponent. Yet, with all his skill, he has never been accused of un- fairness. Said ex-Governor Porter, once his part- ner : •“ He is in every respect a complete lawyer.” The most complete analysis of his legal ability and acquirements is given by his present partner, Mr. Miller, who said of him: General Harrison is always cool and level-headed. He never loses his balance. He is always, under the most trying cir- cumstances, self-possessed and of unshaken poise. He is most thorough in his preparation, always making himself complete master of a case. He is a most searching and efficient cross-examiner, and yet he is always as quiet and pleasant as if in ordinary conversation. He never bulldozes, and I 112 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF have never heard of a witness who called him discourteous.” HOW THE NOMINATION CAME. For six weeks before the Chicago Convention the General had been trying an important will case in another county of this State. His duties there prevented his attending the recent session of the Presbyterian General Assembly in Philadelphia, to which he was a delegate. His enthusiasm in his work is shown by his remark on his return to Indianapolis soon after the long case was over. He met in the street William Wallace, a brother of General Lew Wallace, and his partner when he first began practice. Seizing Wallace by both hands, he exclaimed: “We won the case, Will, and I’m as proud and happy as when we were boys together.” General Harrison is plain and neat in his dress, as becomes a professional gentleman. His clothing is always of dark hue, his linen spotless and devoid of jewelry. AN IDEAL POLITICIAN. As a politician he has always been the furthest from a boss. When, as Senator from Indiana, he influenced not a little federal patronage, the only fault found with him was that he was not partial enough to his personal friends. He always recom- mended men who were good Republicans and fit for office, but these recommendations did not always HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 113 fall to those most zealous in his personal interest. He believes with Sir Thomas More, who first uttered in “Utopia” the saying which Grover Cleveland has plagiarized, that “ public office is a public trust.” With the possibility of a Presidential nomination imminent, one might expect that some signs of per- turbation could be detected in the daily movements and current speech of this captain of Indiana Re- publicanism, but General Harrison was unruffled and serene. He fulfils the every-day duties of home, office, and society as tranquilly as though there were no chance of their interruption. It was remarked to him that, however equable his tem- perament, it was hardly possible that he could think of his nomination for the Presidency by the Republicans of the United States with entire calm- ness. He replied at once : “ I have not allowed it to disturb me in the least. I have seen too much of the uncertainties of political life, in the first place; and in the next place, I have seen not a little of the cares, anxie- ties, responsibilities, and worries that surround the Presidency.” The General went on to speak of how he had observed and appreciated the wearing cares that clouded Garfield’s brow, and added : “ I have never spoken or written, directly or indirectly, to any living man a word about this matter. As I have often told my friends, there was never but one political office that I wanted, and I wanted that 8 114 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF because I needed it. That was when I was a poor young lawyer, just before the war, with a family. I really wanted then the position of Reporter of the Supreme Court. Since then, I can truthfully say that I have never sought for myself public place.” A PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE. For more than a year the Indiana Republicans have been practically unanimous in their choice of General Harrison as a presidential candidate. He took no part in their movement, remaining quietly at his home in Indianapolis and attending to his law practice. His principal public appearance in the fifteen months that elapsed since he quitted the Senate was made at the Marquette Club ban- quet in Chicago, on March 20, 1888, when he de- livered an address ringing with the best Republi- can doctrine, one especially pregnant paragraph on the Free-trade question being that in which he said : “ I believe that it is true to-day that we have many things in this country that are too cheap, because, whenever it is proved that the man or woman who produces any article cannot get a decent living out of it, then it is too cheap.” General Harrison is not called an orator, al- though he is a most effective and forcible speaker. His greatest successes have been at the bar, and have been won by learning and logic. He has a remarkable faculty of turning his mind quickly HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 115 from one matter to another. While in the Senate he used to come from his work in Washington, drive straight from the train to the law office and almost with his first words inquire of his partner what there was he could do. “ Often,” says his law partner, Mr. Elam, “ he has taken the tran- script of a case on the evening of his arrival from Washington and studied it that night, then going into court next morning master of all the details and able to make a powerful argument. “ It has been the same way with his campaigns. He leaves the arduous work of stumping and takes up his office work without a moment of rest or in- termission, and goes along, even when defeated, just as if nothing had happened. In the Senate he was noted for his application and faithfulness in the committee room rather than for brilliancy on the floor, and his reports were models of thor- oughness and painstaking.” WHAT WORK CAN DO. Application has counted tremendously with Gen- eral Harrison. His readiness of retort in debate issues from his habit of mastering thoroughly whatever he undertakes. He equips himself thoroughly, and this is shown in nothing better than in his knowledge of Indiana politics. He has made a study of the party organization in that State, until there is no one better acquainted than he with the character of every voting precinct. 116 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. Whether it be the carrying of a Legislature or of a ward in Indianapolis, he can seize every feature of the situation in an instant. One of his characteristics is a peculiar one for a public man. He does not care to shake hands, and he has a poor memory for names and faces. In spite of the large income which General Harrison has for many years received from his practice, his friends assert that he is not a man of wealth, or even of anything beyond a modest com- petence. He is a liberal giver, it is explained, and has a large family of relatives that look to him constantly, and not in vain, for assistance. He has paid for the education, it is said, of several nephews and nieces. He also gives liberally to his church, the First Presbyterian. In this church General Harrison has been for many years an elder. It is also said that the General is a con- sistent as well as a liberal Christian. He is not a Prohibitionist in principle, but is nearly a total abstainer in practice. He does not have wine on his table. CHAPTER VII. GENERAL HARRISON’S RECORD ON THE LABOR QUESTION. Prompt Attack by the Opposing Party — Devotion to Lav and Order — True Story of the Stormy Scenes of 1 877 — Harrison’s Part in the Great Railroad Strike — Mob Violence — A Cm 7 at the Mercy of the Crowd— Stirring Proclamation by the Mayor — Large Public Meeting — Friend of the Workingman— General Harrison's Views of the Situation— The Governor’s Proclamation — Gen- eral Harrison Asked to Command the Troops — Reasons for Declining to Lead the Military — Characteristic Saying— “I Don’t Propose to Shoot Down my Neigh- bors'’ — Stories Told by the General. The enthusiasm over Harrison’s nomination swept so many men into open allegiance to the Republican ticket that desperate efforts have been made to stay the tide. Deprived of all chance to assail General Harrison’s private character, the local Democratic organ in Indianapolis opened its columns to an attack upon Harrison’s record in labor matters. The basis of the attack is his ac- tion and his utterances during the great railroad strikes of 1877. Instead of harming General Harrison, the attack helped him, and at the same time it offended Democrats, because by implication it was also an attack upon such time-honored (117) 118 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF names in their party as ex- Senator Joe McDonald and ex-Governor “ Blue Jeans” Williams. So far as it concerned Harrison the article only served to bring into prominence one of the brightest chapters of his history, and to show in one breath his devotion to the cause of law and order and his earnest readiness to aid the workingman to obtain the highest possible reward for his labor. In brief, General Harrison was arraigned for doing his duty as a citizen by responding to a call by the Democratic Governor Williams, who had been elected the previous year over Harrison, for volun- teer militia to protect property from the violence of the strikers. The story of General Harrison’s conduct at this time sheds added lustre on his career, and shows the true nature of the man. THE TRUE STORY OF 1877. The great railroad strike of 1877 had swept westward from Maryland into Pennsylvania and Ohio. The mob of strikers in Pittsburg had burned $4, 000, 000 worth of property on Sunday, July 22, and on Monday, July 23, the strike spread to the Vandalia route and the St. Louis and Indianapolis Railroad. On July 24 no trains left Indianapolis, the Union Station was in the hands of the strikers and Mayor Caven Avas helpless. In the city was a United States armory containing 300,000 stand of arms, large supplies of ammuni- tion and several batteries of cannon. There were only twenty soldiers to protect these HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 119 supplies, which were scattered through several buildings. If the mob, which hourly grew more threatening, should attack the armory there was practically nothing to prevent the strikers from forming themselves into a force that could destroy more millions of property and that would require an army to put it down. LOUD CALL FROM THE MAYOR. The situation was perilous, and the Mayor, on the 24th, issued the following proclamation : To the law-abiding citizens of Indianapolis : You are requested to meet en masse in front of the New Court-House, on Washington street, this evening at 7.30 to consult as to measures for pub- lic safety. Let your numbers be so large and the addresses of such a character that it will be demonstrated that the people of this city are largely on the side of law and order. Measures for organization for the protection of life and prop- erty will also be adopted. The attendance at this meeting included nearly every citizen of influence in Indianapolis. A committee of public safety, composed of one mem- ber from each ward, was the practical result of the assemblage. Democrats and Republicans alike joined in the movement, and the committee wms composed of men of both parties. One of its members was the Democratic United States Sena-* tor McDonald. Senator McDonald, at a meeting of the committee held immediately after the mass 120 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF meeting, declared “ this city must be protected from mob violence by thorough organization.” IN THE WORKINGMEN’S INTEREST. But the mass meeting in front of the court- house took action looking not only to the protec- tion of property, but to the settlement of the strike. On motion of Franklin Landers, who was afterward the unsuccessful Democratic candidate for Governor against Albert G. Porter, a committee of ten was appointed “of the most prudent men that could be selected to confer with the committee of the strikers in a friendly spirit and ascertain just what their demands are and what they pro- pose to do; also to consult with officials of the various railroads and see what their determination is.” The purpose of this committee was to see whether concessions might not be made on both sides and the strike peaceably settled. When the Committee of Mediation met on the next day the railway employees were represented by W. H. Sayre, Grand Secretary of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. Here is an extract from the report of the meeting published at the time in the Indianapolis Journal: General Harrison counseled obedience to the law, but at the same time very strongly expressed the opinion that the wages were too low and de- sired very much that they should be raised. He was willing to use his influence with those in authority in favor of this desired increase. WM. B. ALLISON. nON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 121 Meantime all railroad traffic continued to be blocked. The merchants of the city could do no trade, and there were daily scenes of violence at the Union Station. The fear of destruction of property was growing. With this terror upon the city a meeting of leading citizens was held on July 26, in the United States Court-room, in the posh office building, to take immediate action. PROMPT ACTION DEMANDED. General Coburn, who presided, declared that a reign of terror prevailed; that there was the greatest apprehension of danger to property and personal safety, and that riots must be prevented. Remarks in like strain were made by Judge New- comb, Judge Gresham, Major Gordon and others, and on the motion of Judge Gresham a committee was appointed to confer with the committee ap- pointed by the public mass meeting. The result of this conference was the appointment of the following Committee of Public Safety : Joseph E. McDonald, General Benjamin Harrison, Hon. Con- rad Baker, General John Love, General T. A. Mor- ris, General Daniel Macauley and General W. Q. Gresham. Nearly every one of those present at the first meeting of this committee enrolled their names as volunteer militiamen in response to Governor Wil- liams’ proclamation, which had just been issued. '1 he •• Blue Jeans” Governor had been a thorough 122 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF demagogue when a candidate for office in the previous year, and he had been very dilatory in taking any action to suppress the rioting in the capital, but at last the threatening situation com- pelled him to move. A RINGING PROCLAMATION. The proclamation itself shows the peril of the hour. It follows : f The State of Indiana, [ Executive Department. A proclamation by the Governor relative to certain disturbances of the peace by striking employees of railroad companies. To the People of Indiana. — Many disaffected employees of railroad companies doing business in this State have renounced their employments be- cause of alleged grievances and have conspired to enforce their demands by detaining trains of their late employers, seizing and controlling their prop- erty, intimidating the managers, prohibiting by violence their attempts to conduct their business and driving away passengers and freight offered for transportation. The peace of the community is seriously disturbed by these lawless acts. Every class of society is made to suffer. The com- fort and happiness of many families not parties to the grievances are sacrificed. A controversy, which belongs to our courts or to the province of peaceful arbitration or negotiation, is made the ex- cuse for an obstruction of trade and travel over the chartered commercial highways of our State, the commerce of the entire country is interfered with and the reputation of our community is threatened HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 123 with dishonor among our neighbors. This disre- gard of law and the rights and privileges of our citizens and those of sister States cannot be toler- ated. The machinery provided bj' law for the ad- justment of private grievances must be used, as the only resort against debtors, individual or cor- porate, the process of the courts is deemed suffi- cient for the enforcement of civil remedies as well as the penalties of the criminal code, and must be executed equally in each case. To the end that the existing combination be dissolved and destroyed in its lawless form, I in- voke the aid of all the law-abiding citizens of our State. I ask that they denounce and condemn this infraction of public order and endeavor to dis- suade those offenders against the peace and dignity of our State from further acts of lawlessness. To the judiciary I appeal for the prompt and rigid ad- ministration of justice in proceedings of this nature. To the sheriffs of the several counties I command a careful study of the duties imposed upon them by statute, which they have sworn to discharge. I admonish each to use the full power of his county in the preservation of order and the suppression of breaches of the peace, assuring them of my hearty co-operation and the power of the State at my command when satisfied that the occasion re- quires its exercite. To those who have arrayed themselves against the Government and are subvertino; law and order and the best interests of societj^ by the waste and destruction of property, the derangement of trains and the ruin of all classes of labor, I appeal for an immediate abandonment of their unwise and un- lawful confederation. I convey to them the voice 124 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF of the law, which they cannot afford to disregard. I trust that this admonition may be so promptly heeded that a resort to extreme measures will be unnecessary, and that the authority of the law and the dignity of the State, against which they have so grievously offended, may be restored and duly respected hereafter. HARRISON ASKED TO COMMAND. After issuing this proclamation Governor Wil- liams decided to appoint a commander of the volunteer militia, and at the suggestion of the Committee of Public Safety selected General Benjamin Harrison, the present Republican candi- date for President, as that commander. The fol- lowing letter was accordingly sent to General Harrison : State of Indiana, Executive Department. Indianapolis, July 26, 1877. Dear Sir : I have to request that you will assume command of all the military forces organized and to be organized at the capital for the preservation of order and the protection of life and property during the existing emergency. James D. Williams, Governor. # In reply General Harrison declined the commis- sion with thanks, as he was already a captain of the volunteer militia companies, organized to pre- vent rioting. He recommended, however, the appointment of General Daniel Macauley to com- mand the militia, he to serve under Macauley. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 125 Governor Williams adopted General Harrison’s suggestion and issued a commission to Macauley, which points vividly the emergency which Generals Harrison and Gresham had to meet when they volunteered to lead the partly organized militia forces under General Macauley. Several com- panies of volunteers were at once formed. General Harrison commanded Company A, and General Gresham another. General Harrison’s company, which, like the other, was organized under a proclamation by General Macauley de- claring that “ every man who fails to answer such a call is unworthy the citizenship of the Republic,” was assigned to protect the armory. It was the key to the situation. There alone could the rioters obtain arms, and it must be defended at all hazards. Preparations were at once commenced. A BOLD REPLY. General Harrison at once put the buildings, which were scattered over several acres of ground on the outskirts of the city, in a complete state of defense. While thus engaged in military duty, he did not cease exerting all his influence to bring about peace. He was urged to attack the strikers and compel them to disperse. His reply, prompt and stern, has been preserved in its very words. It was : “I don’t propose to go out and shoot down my NEIGHBORS UNLESS IT IS POSITIVELY NECESSARY TO DO SO IN ORDER TO UPHOLD THE LAW.” 126 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Not many days afterward the strike was over. Two hundred of the strikers had been arrested by order of Judge Drummond, of the United States Court, for interfering with the operations of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad, then in the hands of receivers. These misguided men were all sent to prison for ninety days. Thereupon General Har- rison voluntarily made a plea in their behalf. He represented to Judge Drummond that the object of their prosecution had been accomplished ; they had been taught that they were, like all other citi- zens, subject to the law, and General Harrison ex- pressed his belief that they would heed the lesson if released. Judge Drummond granted the plea, and as the prisoners filed out to freedom many of them grasped General Harrison’s hand and thanked him for his interference in their behalf. That is the whole tale of General Harrison’s conduct during the railroad strikes of ’77. TWO OF THE GENERAL’S STORIES. General Harrison himself has nothing to say about that stormy time, but he told the following story to a circle of friends that serves to show his disposition to lighten serious recollections with humor. “ We had some curious experiences,” he said, “ during our stay at the arsenal. The first evening we were there I remember the good wife of one of our men drove up in a carriage. She was dreadfully worried about her husband’s sup- posed danger and hardships, and she had brought HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 127 out to him a pillow, a night shirt and a few other luxuries of house life. As she began to take these articles out of the carriage he hurriedly checked her. 4 For goodness sake, woman,’ he exclaimed, 4 don’t let anybody see those things, or I shall be the laughing-stock of the town.’ 44 It was the same evening,” continued the Gen- eral, 44 when I had posted a guard at a certain point on the grounds. It was raining in torrents and the guard took his stand under a tree. Presently a patrol approached of two of the United States troops stationed at the arsenal. They wanted to know what the man was doing there. He ex- plained that he was on guard. They asked him who placed him there and he told them I had. 4 Well, we don’t know anything about General Harrison,’ said the regular patrol ; 4 you’ll have to go back.’ The man said he was afraid to do so because I had ordered him to stay there. The patrol insisted that he couldn’t stay there. He must go to the guard-house. 4 Well,’ said the vol- unteer guard, 4 1 don’t propose to enter into any serious argument with you gentlemen about stand- ing under this tree in the rain. I’ll surrender very willingly.’ ” RECORD IN THE SENATE. Every attempt to prove that General Harrison is not the friend of labor and of laboring men will recoil on its authors as this has done. The cause of honest labor and the interests of American 128 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF workingmen have no better friend than he. His record in the Senate of the United States shows that he never omitted an opportunity to do them a service. We cite some instances taken from the Congressional Record : March 8, 1886. — Mr. Harrison said : “I present a resolution adopted by the Fair-play Assembly of Knights of Labor, of Goshen, Ind., not formally addressed to the Senate, but evidently intended for its consideration, in relation to Chinese immigration and other bills pending in Congress affecting the laboring classes. I ask that the paper be received and referred to the committee on foreign rela- tions.” — Rec., p. 2982. March 31, 1886. — Mr. Harrison presented a memorial of Knights of Labor of Wabash, Ind., remonstrating against the passage of the free-ship bill, which was referred to the committee on com- merce. — Rec., p. 2,900. April 1, 1886. — Mr. Harrison presented a me- morial of Knights of Labor of Andrews, Ind., re- monstrating against the passage of the free-ship bill, which was referred to the committee on com- merce, and said : “ I present certain resolutions, certified by the recording secretary and under the seal of the assembly of Wabash Assembly, No. 2281, of the Knights of Labor, of Terre Haute, Ind., praying Congress to pass a law prohibiting aliens or their agents from securing vast tracts of the public domain. I believe this subject is under HOX. REXJAMIX HARRISON. 129 consideration by tire committee on public lands at this time, and I will ask tlie reference of the reso- lutions to that committee.” Mr. Dolph. — A bill on the subject has been re- ported. Mr. Harrison. — I am advised by the Senator from Oregon that the bill has been reported. I ask leave to say at this time that I know of few measures of greater importance than this. I noticed recently in one of the Chicago papers the results of some inquiry upon this subject, and it seemed to indicate that vast tracts of our domain, not simply the public domain on the frontier, but in some of our newer States, are passing into the hands of wealthy foreigners. It seems that the land reforms in Ireland, and the movement in England in favor of the reduction of large estates and the distribution of the lands among persons who will cultivate them for their own use, are dis- turbing the investments of some Englishmen, and that some of them are looking to this country for the acquisition of vast tracts of land which may be held by them and let out to tenants, out of the rents of which they may live abroad. I think this evil requires early attention, and that Congress should, by law, restrain the acquisition of such tracts of land by aliens. Our policy should be small farms, worked by the men who own them. As the bill has been reported, I move that the resolutions lie on the table. — Rec., p. 2982. 9 130 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF April 6, 1886. — Mr. Harrison jiresented memo- rials of Knights of Labor, of Elkhart, Jefferson- ville and Carbon, in the State of Indiana, remon- strating against the passage of the free-ship bill, which were referred to the committee on com- merce. He also presented a petition of Knights of Labor of Jeffersonville, Ind., praying that liberal appro- priations be made for works of internal improve- ment, and especially for the construction of the Hennepin canal, which was referred to the com- mittee on commerce. He also presented a petition of Knights of Labor of Carbon, Ind., praying that liberal appropriations be made for public works, and especially for the construction of a harbor of refuge at Sandy bay, Rockport, Mass., which was referred to the com- mittee on commerce. He also presented a memorial of Knights of Labor at Carbon, Ind. — Rec., p. 3136. April 7, 1886. — Mr. Harrison presented memo- rials of Knights of Labor of Frankfort and South Bend, in the State of Indiana, remonstrating against the passage of the free-ship bill, which were referred to the committee on commerce. — Rec., p. 3175. April 10, 1886. — Mr. Harrison presented a me- morial of Knights of Labor of Cardonia, Ind., re- monstrating against the passage of the free-ship bill, which was referred to the committee on com- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 131 merce. He said : “ I present also the petition of C. Id. Buthenbender and ten other officers and members of the three local assemblies of Knights of Labor at Fort Wayne, Ind., praying for the speedy passage of the bill providing for the arbi- tration of all labor disputes. The House hill on this subject, I understand, lias been reported favorably by our committee on education and labor and is now upon the calendar. The petition will, therefore, under the rules, lie upon the table.” Mr. Cullom. — There is another bill on the same subject which was referred to the select committee on interstate commerce, and has not yet been reported ; but probably the petition may as well lie on the table. Mr. Harrison. — As the petition relates especially to the House bill I have referred to, I suggest that it lie upon the table. I do not desire to anticipate the discussion of that measure, which will soon come before the Senate, but the startling occur- rences of which we have accounts from day to day in the newspapers are turning the attention of all lovers of good order and of the prosperity of the country to the necessity of providing some method of harmonizing the interests of the working classes and of the employers of labor. Arbitration is the only method that seems to be open for the peaceful, and speedy, and just settlement of such disputes. Arbitration, of course, must precede strikes. It implies calmness, and that is not to be found when 132 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF tlie contest is once inaugurated and passions are aroused. I think so far as we can contribute by any congressional legislation to securing the just settlement by arbitration of all labor troubles, we shall contribute greatly to the peace and happiness of the country. — Rec., p. 3349. April 15, 1886. — Mr. Harrison presented me- morials of Knights of Labor of Fort Wayne and Muncie, in the State of Indiana, remonstrating against the free-ship bill, which were referred to the committee on commerce. He also presented a memorial of Knights of Labor of Muncie, Ind., remonstrating against the employment of prison contract labor ; which was referred to the committee on education and - more than twice as large as the State of Indiana, having a popula- tion of nearly a half-million of souls at this time, kept out of the Union of States ; was kept out in 1884, will be kept out and not allowed to cast an electoral vote in 1888. Why? Simply because a majority of the people in that Territory are Republicans. That, and nothing more. For the 142 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF whole period of my term in tlie Senate, as a mem- ber of tlie Committee on Territories, I fought with such ability as I could ; I pleaded with such power as I could, with these Democratic Southern sen- ators and members to allow these free people of Dakota the common rights of American citizen- ship. In 1884, to placate, if I could, their oppo- sition to the admission of that State, I put a clause in the bill that the Constitutional Convention should not assemble until after the presidential election of that year. But now four years more have gone around ; again a President is to be elected, and still that young State, peopled with the best blood of all the States, full of the veterans of the late war, loyal to the Government and the Constitution, ready to share the perils and burdens of our national life, is being, will be, kept out of the Union, will be denied any right to cast an electoral vote for President by the Democratic House of Representatives at Washington, solely because a majority of her people hold the political sentiments which we hold. — [Speech at Danville, Ind., November 26, 1887.] soldiers’ pensions. The veto messages of Mr. Cleveland sent in during the last Congress were, many of them, tipped with poisoned arrows. He vetoed what is called the Dependent Pension bill. I believe that the first bill introduced in Congress embodying the principle of that bill was introduced by me. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 143 It was prepared in view of the fact that Congress was being overwhelmed with private pension bills for men now disabled and unable to maintain themselves, who could not, by proof, connect their disability with their army service. I said, let us make the limitation of the pension law wider, and instead of taking m these men one at a time, let us take the whole class in at once, and hence this bill. Some men sneered at it ; said I was simply trying a buncombe game with the soldiersr But, gentlemen, the general principles of that bill have cnne to stay. It has, with slight modifications, received now the vote, almost unanimous, of the Grand Army of the Republic. That will be laid before Congress at its approaching session. What is the principle of it ? Why, it is something like the old rule we had in the army ; as long as a. man was able he marched and carried his own gun and knapsack, but when he got hurt or sick and fell out, we had an ambulance to put him in, and that is the principle embodied in this bill that we, the survivors of the late war, as long as God wives us strength and health, will march in this column of civil life, making our own living and carrying our own burden ; but here is a comrade falling by the way, sickness, casualty — not his own fault — and he has to fall out ; we want, the great national ambulance to take him up. — [Speech at Danville, Ind., November 26, 1887.] _ 144 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES CF WHAT TO DO WITH TIIE SURPLUS. Ill connection with this surplus of about one hundred millions a year there is danger ; there are dangers of profligacy of expenditure, and others that require us to address ourselves promptly and intelligently to the question of a reduction of our revenue. I have said before, as your resolutions say, I would like to have that work done with reference to some great questions connected with the use of revenue, about which I cannot trust my Democratic friends. I would like to have our coast defenses made secure ; I would like to have our navy made respectable, so that an American naval officer, as he trod the deck of the ship bear- ing the starry banner at its head in any port throughout the world and looked about upon her equipment and armament, might feel that she was a match for the proudest ship that walked the sea under any other flag. I would like to feel that no third-rate power, aye, no first-rate power could sail into our defenseless harbors and lay our great cities under tribute. I would like to feel that the just claims of the survivors of the Union army of the war were made secure and safe. Therefore, I have a strong preference that this work of the reduction of our revenue, internal and external, shall be conducted by Republicans. — [Speech at Indianapolis, December 20, 1887.] PLAIN TALK ON LIVING QUESTIONS. The Marquette Club, of Chicago, is a Republi- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 145 can organization less than two years old. It con- sists of about 100 young men, and it occupies a rented house in the residence district of the North Side. In order to make the club known to the public they decided to give a big banquet and invite some well-known Republican and possible presidential candidate as the chief guest and speaker of the evening. The club was fortunate. Senator Ben Harrison was chosen and invited. The invitation was accepted. The banquet was on March 20th, and Senator Harrison delivered a carefully prepared political oration. He gave a glowing history of the Republican party, and added : What questions are we to grapple with ? What unfinished work remains to be done ? It seems to me that the work that is unfinished is to make that constitutional grant of citizenship, the franchise to the colored men of the South, a prac- tical and living reality. The condition of things is such in this country — a government by consti- tutional majority — that whenever the people be- come convinced that an administration or a law does not represent the will of the majority of our qualified electors, then that administration ceases to challenge the respect of our people, and the law ceases to command their willing obedience. This is a republican government, a government by majority, the majority to be ascertained by a fair count, and each elector expressing his will at the ballot-box. I know of no reason why any law should yield respect to any executive officer 10 146 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF whose title is not based upon a majority vote of the qualified electors of this country. What is the condition of things in the Southern States to-day ? ROBBING MEN OF THEIR SUFFRAGE. The Republican vote is absolutely suppressed. Elections in many of those States have become a farce. In the last Congressional election in the State of Alabama there were several Congressional districts where the entire vote for members of Congress did not reach 2,000, whereas in most of the districts of the North the vote cast at our Con- gressional elections goes from 30,000 to 50,000. I had occasion to say a day or two ago that in a single Congressional district in the State of Ne- braska there were more votes cast to elect one Congressman than were cast in the State of Ala- bama at the same election to elect their whole delegation. Out of what does this come? The suppression of the Republican vote ; the under- standing among our Democratic friends that it is not necessary that they should vote because their opponents are not allowed to vote. But some one will suggest : “ Is there a remedy for this ? ” I do not know, my fellow-citizens, how far there is a legal remedy under our Constitution, but it does not seem to me to be an adequate an- swer. It does not seem to me to be conclusive against the agitation of this question even if we should be compelled to respond to the arrogant question that is asked us : “ What are you going to do about it ? ” Even if we should be compelled to answer : “We can do nothing but protest,” is it not worth while here, and in relation to this HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 147 American question, that we should at least lift up our protest, that we should at least denounce the wrong, that we should at least deprive the perpe- trators of what we used to call the usufructs of the crime ? AN INDIGNANT PROTEST. If you cannot prevent a burglar from breaking into your house, you will do a great deal toward discouraging burglary if you prevent him from carrying oft’ anything, and so it seems to me that if we can, upon this question, arouse the indig- nant protest of the North and unite our efforts in a determination that those who perpetrate these wrongs against popular suffrage shall not by means of those wrongs seat a President at Washington to secure the Federal patronage in a State, we shall have done much to bring this wrong to an end. But at least while we are protesting by represent- atives from our State Department at Washington against wrongs perpetrated in Russia against the Jew, and in popular assemblies here against the wrongs which England has inflicted upon Ireland, shall we not at least in reference to this gigantic and intolerable wrong in our own country, as a party, lift up a stalwart and determined protest against it ? But some of these independent journalists, about which our friend Macmillan taught, call this the “ bloody shirt.” They say we are trying to re- vive the strife of the war, to rake over the extinct embers, to kindle the fire again. I want it under- stood that for one I have no quarrel with the South for what took place between 1861 and 1865. I am willing to forget that they were rebels, at least as soon as they are willing to forget it themselves, 148 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF and that time does not seem to have come yet to them. But our complaint is against what was done in 1884, not against what was done during the war. Our complaint is against what will be done this year, not what was done between 1861 and 1865. No bloody shirt — though that cry never had any terror for me. I believe we greatly underestimate the importance of bringing the issue to the front, and with that ofttime Republican courage and outspoken fidelity to truth denouncing it the land over. If we cannot do anything else, we can either make these people ashamed of this outrage against the ballot or make the world ashamed of them. SOUND VIEWS ON AMERICAN INDUSTRIES. There is another question to which the Re- publican party has committed itself, and on the line of which it has accomplished, as I believe, much for the prosperity of the country. I believe the Republican party is pledged and ought to be pledged to the doctrine of the protection to Ameri- can industries and American labor. I believe that in so far as our native inventive genius — which seems to have no limit — our productive forces can supply the American market, ive ought to keep it for ourselves. And yet this new captain on the bridge seems to congratulate himself on the fact that the voyage is still prosperous notwithstanding the change of commanders; who seems to forget that the reason that the voyage is still prosperous is because the course of the ship was marked out before he went on the bridge and the rudder tied down. He has attempted to take a new direction since he has been in command with a view of HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON._‘ 149 changing the sailing course of the old craft, but it has seemed to me that he has made the error of mistaking the flash glare of some British light- house for the light of day. I do not intend here to-night, in this presence, to discuss this tariff question in any detail. I only want. to say that in the passage of what is now so flippantly called the war tariff, to raise revenue to carry on the war out of the protective duties which were then levied, there has come to this country a prosperity and development which would have been impossible without it, and that a re- versal of this policy now, at the suggestion of Mr. Cleveland, according to the line of the blind states- man from Texas (Mills), would be to stay and in- terrupt this march of prosperity on which we have entered. I am one of those uninstructed political economists that have an impression that some things may be too cheap ; and I cannot find my- self in full sympathy with this demand for cheaper coats, which seem to me necessarily to i ji, mlve a cheaper man and woman under the coat CHAPTER IX. GENERAL HARRISON’S NOMINATION IN THE CONVEN- TION OF 1888. Governor Porter, op Indiana, Takes the Platform — A State Ready for the Struggle — Republican Masses Aroused — Sketch of Harrison’s Life — A Sourer of Distinction — Rewards for Faithful Service — Orator- ical Triumphs— A Long Line of Illustrious Statesmen — A Historic Ancestry — Harrison’s Name Received with Plaudits — Terrill, of Texas, Seconds the Nomination — Leader of the Indiana Bar — Unquestioned Ability — Winning Qualities — New Hampshire’s Indorsement — Il- lustrious Names — Harrison’s Record— Serious Ques- tions Involved in the Great Political Contest — New England Greets the Hooker State— Rousing Demon- stration when Harrison was Nominated. The delegation from Indiana to the Republican Convention at Chicago had no trouble in deciding whose name to present as their choice for the pres- idential nomination. There was cordial unanimity on Mr. Harrison. When the secretary of the Convention called “ Indiana,” ex-Governor Porter passed to the plat- form, accompanied by the cheers of many of his delegates and most of the audience. He addressed the Convention as follows : Gentlemen of the Convention : When, in 1880, ( 150 } HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 151 Roscoe Conkling visited Indiana to take part in the memorable campaign of that year, he was asked on every hand, “ How will New York go at the presidential election ? ” “ Tell me,” replied the great orator, “ how Indiana will go in October, and then I can tell you how New York will go in No- vember.” In October Indiana’s majority of nearly 7,000 for the Republican candidate for Governor- informed the country how she would go, and in November New York and the nation echoed her October vote. Indiana is no longer an October State, yet in 1880, as now in 1888, she seemed largely to hold the key of the position. She is always regarded as being a close State, but when the Republican party is thoroughly organized ; when it has the preliminary work of the canvass done, and when its spirit is kindled into flame, In- diana seldom fails to elect the Republican candi- dates. INDIANA EQUIPPED AND READY. She has never been better organized for a suc- cessful Republican contest than now ; the prepara- tory work has never been more complete and thorough ; and the Republican masses seem never to have been more highly roused and eager for the struggle. Give General Benjamin Harrison your commission to lead them and they will immedi- ately fall into line and press forward with enthu- siastic confidence to victory. The Convention that lately met at St. Louis disappointed the Democracy of Indiana by refusing to place an Indiana candidate on their ticket. There is a tide in the affairs of parties, as well as of men, which taken at the flood leads on to for- tune. The present condition of Indiana is the 152 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Republican party’s opportunity. Why risk ship- wreck on any shallows when the full and welcom- ing sea invites your sails ? BENJAMIN HARRISON came to Indiana in 1854, at the age of twenty-one. He came poor in purse, but rich in resolution. No one ever heard him make a reference to his ances- tors. Self-reliant, he mounted the back of pros- perity without the aid of a stirrup. The hospi- tality of his ancestors had given their property to those whom they had served. The core had gone to the people, the rind only to them and their families. He received, indeed, something from their talents, their integrity, their fitness for public trusts. And — what to some persons would have seemed a misfortune, but to a heart so stout as his was, the highest good fortune — he received from them the inestimable legacy of penury. Upon his arrival in the State he entered at once upon the practice of law, and immediately achieved success. Amplitude of preparation, a large view of questions, a mind marvelously prompt in yielding up its stores and so exhaustive in its power of reasoning that no argument that would help his cause was ever found to have been omitted — these gave him rank at once in his profession. In union with these was found a fairness that sought no mean advantage, and an integrity that never could be shaken. The young lawyer leaned on nobody’s arm for help. Modest, but self-confident, his manner seemed to say : “ I am an honest tub, standing on its own bottom.” It was perceived from the start that in web and woof he was of heroic stuff. While he was engaged in the practice of the law, and was rapidly rising to CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 153 distinction, the great rebellion raised its hand to strike down the Union. Relinquishing his pro- fession — its emoluments and the fame to which it was beckoning him — he yielded to the imperative demand of duty, RAISING A REGIMENT, and receiving from Morton the commission of a Colonel. He marched with Sherman to the sea. He was in the thick of the fight at Resaca and Atlanta, and his gallantry and the efficiency of his well-disciplined command were so conspicuous on those fields as to draw from the heroic Hooker, in a letter to the Secretary of War, the highest pos- sible commendation of his industry as a discipli- narian, and skill and intrepidity as a soldier. He was not unknown to the people of Indiana before he entered the army. At a State election i hey had chosen him to the office of Reporter of the decisions of the Supreme Court. His opponents took the office from him while he was serving as a soldier in the field. The people, while he was yet in the field, re-elected him, and on returning home on the disbandment of Sherman’s forces he received his commission. PUBLIC SERVICES IN THE NATION’S CAUSE. On account of his eloquence as a speaker and his extraordinary power as a debater, General Har- rison was called upon at an uncommonly early age to take part in the public discussion of the mighty questions that had begun to agitate the country, and he was early matched against some of the most eminent speakers of the Democratic party. None who ever felt the point of his blade desired to en- gage with him igain. Possessing oratorical powers 154 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF of a high order, he has never spoken for mere rhetorical effect. He seems to have remembered the saying of the great Irish orator and patriot, O’Connell, that a good speech is a good thing, but that the verdict is the thing. Pie therefore pierced the core of every question he discussed, and fought to win in every contest in which he engaged. He has taken part, as a public speaker, in every Pres- idential campaign since he came into Indiana, except the one that occurred during his service in the army, and he threw his sword into that. In recognition of his services in the ardent and prolonged struggles of the Republican party for the rights of man and for the restoration and INTEGRITY OF THE UNION the Republicans in the Legislature of 1881 chose him to be a Senator of the United States. I have not time to enter into any detailed narration of his services in the Senate. His rank was among the highest. The delegates from Dakota will bear witness to the unremitting energy of his efforts to have the Territory admitted as a State into the Union when, for the crime of being faithful to Re- publican principles, the Democratic party resolved to keep it out. Everybody will recall his complete exposure of the civil service reform sham in In- diana under the present administration. He pos- sesses all that you should desire in a President — soundness in Republican doctrine, a comprehensive grasp of mind, a calm judgment, firm principles, unquailing courage and a pure character. The eloquent gentleman from Illinois has com- mended to your favor another distinguished citizen of Indiana. A State’s place in civilization is de- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 155 noted by the manner in which she treats those who have served her faithfully. I have always hon- ored old historic Massachusetts for the manner in which she cherishes the fame of those who, in whatever department of service, have reflected honor upon the commonwealth ; how she calls the roll with pride ; how impatient she becomes when their names are unjustly aspersed or disparaged. I have not come here to disparage that honorable gentleman, brave and just judge and heroic soldier whom the gentleman from Illinois has commended. ONE OF AN ARMY OF HEROES. If the roll of all of Indiana’s sons were called who led in the battle or carried the knapsack she would bid me honor them all. There is no need that I should strive tc dwarf others in order that General Benjamin Harrison may stand conspicuous. He stands breast to breast with the foremost of Indiana’s soldiers; distinguished also in civic trusts; heroically faithful tc public duty ; skilful in mar- shaling men, to the sound of whose bugle they quickly rally and fall intc ranks ; whom they have followed in tierce canvasses more than once to the desperate charge crowned with victory. Standing here on behalf of a man who, disdain- ing all adventitious helps, has risen to distinction by the force of his own merits, I should regard myself unchivalric did I not recall, at least in brief review, some of the worthy public achieve- ments of his ancestors. Whatever tends to show that a life which has been strong and useful has a foundation in traits that have long clung to the stock from which the man sprung is in the nature of a guaranty that he may be trusted under all 156 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF trials. It is something that the public, who are interested in being faithfully served, are entitled to know. AN HONORED NAME. We stand here to-day in the imperial city of the Northwest. The name of no family has ever been more identified with the Northwest than the family of General Benjamin Harrison. It is woven into the very fabric of the history of her people. I need only give a passing reference to that sturdy Ben Harrison from whom he takes his name — a signer of the Declaration of Independence. He was Governor of Virginia when the possessions of Virginia embraced the whole of the Northwest. When the Northwest was formed by Congress into a Territory William Henry Harrison was first its Secretary and afterward its delegate to Con- gress. When the Indiana Territory was formed, embracing all the territory of the Northwest, ex- cept Ohio and part of Michigan, he was appointed its first Governor. He held commissions as Gover- nor successively from Adams, Jefferson and Madi- son. He was a man of deeds. While a delegate in Congress he obtained the passage of a law re- quiring the sales of the public lands to be made in smaller sub-divisions than had ever been allowed before, so that for the first time a man of humble means might now buy from the government a home. The historian, McMaster, in his admirable his- tory of the people of the United States, has said with reference to this measure that it did far more for the good of the country than even his great victory over the Prophet at Tippecanoe, or his de- feat of Tecumseh at the battle of the Thames. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 157 He negotiated treaties with the Indians while Governor, by which their title to 70.000,000 acres of land was extinguished and the land was thus opened for settlement. In a single one of these treaties the Indians relinquished lands which em- brace a third of Illinois and a vast region in Southern Wisconsin. He fought the BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE and, defeating the plans of the great statesman and warrior, Tecumseh, kept the portals of the West open for the admission of the immigrant. And what, though less shining, was not less welcome to the settlers of the Territory, scanty in means and struggling with difficulties, he procured the passage of laws that made the burden of taxes lighter upon the poor. The tongue of the farm and the prac- tice of hospitality were native to him. After the battle of Tippecanoe, when parting with a regi- ment of his soldiers, he said : “ If you ever come to Vincennes you will find a plate and a knife and fork at my table, and I assure you that you will never find my door shut and the string of the latch pulled in.” And what he promised he faith- fully lived up to. We hear of civil service reform as if it were some quite new suggestion. But President Harrison, in the single month that he held office, directed the heads of the several de- partments to give information to all their officers and agents that partisan interference by them in the popular elections, whether of State officers or of officers of the Federal government, or the pay- ment of any contributions or assessment on salaries of official compensation for party election pur- poses, would be regarded by him as cause for re- moval. 158 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF THE SOLDIER-STATESMAN. The old war Governor, the hero of Tippecanoe, having left Indiana in 1813 to enter a larger field of activity, the people did not forget the inestim- able services he had given them, and when, twenty- seven years afterward, he was a candidate for President of the United States, Indiana, though a Democratic State, gave him a majority of nearly 14,000 votes. He died in a month after he entered upon his great office, but not the memory of his services, which will ever remain fresh and imper- ishable. And now to-day in Indiana, among a people es- timating highly the character and services of Gen- eral Benjamin Harrison, and holding in affection the memory of “old Tippecanoe,” the latch-strings of the people are hospitably out to you, and their doors are waiting to fly open at your touch to let in the joyful air that shall bear upon its wings the message that Benjamin Harrison, their soldier statesman, has been nominated for President of the United States. During Governor Porter’s speech he was liberally applauded with loud cheering, the Indiana and California delegations being especially demonstra- tive. The Chair again called for seconds to the nom- ination of General Harrison, and Mr. Terrill, of Texas, stepped to the platform and addressed the Convention as follows : TERRILL SPEAKS FOR HARRISON. As one of the members of the Texas delegation, HOF. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 159 supporting the candidacy of General Harrison [ap- plause], the high distinction has been accorded me of briefly seconding his nomination. Indiana is the great pivotal State in the coming contest, and the supreme importance of her fifteen electoral votes must not be ignored by this Convention. The dis- tinguished soldier and statesman named here by the Indiana delegation as the choice of their peo- ple, and as the man who of all others can abso- lutely secure the support of that State in the ap- proaching campaign, is one whose past career has been an honor and a glory to the illustrious name which he bears. [Applause.] The acknowledged leader of the Indiana bar, he has adorned it by his learning and eloquence and honored it by its noble character. A full term in the United States Senate has given him a grasp of public issues and fitted him for the highest duties of statesmanship. On the great political and eco- nomic questions now under discussion his views are clear and comprehensive and in full accord with the principles which have been enunciated by this Convention. Strong in debate, forcible in ex- pression, incisive in logic, fearless in his convic- tions, his voice has been heard in every political contest for thirty years. [Applause.] A SUCCESSFUL LEADER. Time and again has he demonstrated the highest qualities of leadership, and the firm regard in which he is held by the people of Indiana, the great State that gave Garfield a plurality of 60,000, will cause that State to honor her own illustrious citizen with a majority twice as large. [Applause.] In the prime and vigor of manhood, free from the 160 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF entanglements of faction, he voted for the inter- ests and principles of his party.. Of unquestioned ability, untiring industry and inflexible moral courage, he stands the peer of any man mentioned for the high office of President. [Applause.] He will receive the enthusiastic support of his party in every State of the Union. Mr. President and gentlemen of the Conven- tion, General Benjamin Harrison is a man that any delegation in this hall may feel proud to support. Bearing a name that has been honorably identified with the civil and military history of the Govern- ment from its very first, conspicuous in his own gallant record as a soldier, combining intellectual force with moral integrity, eminent at the bar, ex- perienced in constructive statesmanship, and ac- complished in the art of government, harmonious in his relations with the elements of the party, and, moreover, possessing exceptional popular strength in the State whose support is absolutely essential to success, it seems to me, fellow Republi- cans, that the hand of destiny has pointed him out as the man to lead us on to victory. [Applause.] Republicans whose party zeal has been true as tempered steel, and whose hard-earned victory in the past has shed lustre and renown on the Re- publican party, ask that he be made the choice of this Convention. Responding to my own deep sentiments I beg to join in that request, and most heartily indorse and second the nomination of General Harrison. [Great applause.] NEW HAMPSHIRE INDORSES THE NOMINATION. Mr. Gallinger, of New Hampshire : Mr. President, after the fitting and eloquent HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 161 words of the distinguished ex-Governor of Indiana, in advocacy of the candidate of my choice before this convention, it is not necessary that I should detain you very long. I will say this, that I shall deserve, whether I receive it or not, the plaudits of the galleries by endeavoring to observe the time-honored five- minute rule of the House of Representatives. [Applause.] We are here, gen- tlemen, in friendly rivalry to nominate not only the candidates for Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States, but to nominate the next President and Vice-President of the United States. [Great applause.] We are here, so far I know, with no acrimonious feelings, with no word of un- kindness toward any of the distinguished men whose names will be presented to this Convention. We are here in. a spirit of harmony, of good feel- ing and of determination to carry the banner of the Republican party to a glorious victory in No- vember next. [Applause.] Gentlemen, the little State which I in part represent was one of the original States of this Union. New Hampshire has no favored son to present to this Convention. A LITTLE STATE RICH IN GREAT MEN. True, New Hampshire has a score of men who, in point of public experience, in point of the cul- ture and the strength that education gives, would make an infinitely better President than the man who occupies the executive chair to-day. [Cheers.] New Hampshire is content to let her past speak for itself. She recalls before this magnificent presence the fact that she gave to this nation of ours a Levi Woodbury, a John Stark, a Daniel Webster [cheers], a Salmon P. Chase, a Horace 11 162 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Greeley, a John P. Hale, a William Pitt Fessen- den, a John Dix, a Nathaniel Baker, and a Zach- ariah Chandler [cheers] ; and although, gentlemen, Massachusetts claimed in his later years the peerless Webster as her own son, although the great State of Ohio took to her arms that magnificent Secre- tary of the Treasury, a native of New Hampshire (S. P. Chase), although New York claimed Horace Greeley, although Iowa bid honor to Baker of illustrious memory [cheers], and although the great imperial State of Michigan claimed that magnificent man who led the Republican hosts to victory on many a hard-fought battle-field, Zach- ariah Chandler [cheers], yet the little State of New Hampshire feels that she has the right, before the assembled intelligence of the Republican party of this country, to point with pride to the fact that the little rock-ribbed State gave to the nation the peerless men whose names I haVe mentioned at this moment. [Loud applause.] ALWAYS A REPUBLICAN STATE. New Hampshire gave her electoral vote in 1856, in common with all the other New England States, to that grand man and intrepid leader whose voice you have heard from this platform a few days ago — General John C. Fremont. [Loud applause.] And in every quadrennial contest since, when the fate of the Republican party and the fate of the United States has trembled in the balance, New Hampshire has been true to the principles and policies of the Republican party. We come here to-day to join hands with you men representing other States, to select from among the illustrious nen whose names are presented to this Convention HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 163 n. standard-bearer for the campaign of 1888. [Loud applause.] And I say to you here now, that no matter who is nominated by this Convention, that every Re- publican in the little State of New Hampshire, true to the party, and true to the principles of justice and equality and of liberty, will rally to the polls to help elect that man President of the United States. [Loud applause.] But, gentle- men, New Hampshire is a close and a doubtful State. The vote of the little State stands trem- bling in the balance to-day, with the whole power of the Federal administration and with the whole power of the patronage of that administration used against the Republican party in that State, and its margin so small that it can scarcely be estimated ; with two United States Senators to be elected by the legislature that is to be elected in November — you must not wonder that I stand here to-day and say to you that it is your duty, so far as that little State of mine is concerned, to give to the country the strongest man that can possibly be presented for the suffrage of the people. [Loud applause.] Just one word more. Projecting myself into the future, I see in November next the battle of the ballots in the country. As silently as the snowflakes fall in New England on a winter’s day, so silently will you find the ballots deposited for us in the ballot-box in a few months if you give us that grand man that Indiana has presented; if you give us that grand leader on the field of battle, that man who has done credit to himself and his State and his country in the halls of the Con- gress ; that man whose public and private life is 164 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF unspotted and without blemish — General Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana [applause] — we promise to the Republican party of this nation the electoral vote of that State in the far North. GRAVE ISSUES IN THE CAMPAIGN. Now, gentlemen, I have but a word more, and I say this is a contest unparalleled, in my judg- ment, in the history of this country. We are face to face with our ancient foe, the Democratic party. We have to fight corruption, we have to fight, every possible species of bad politics at the ballot- box in November next; and I say to you that if we are true to the principles of our party, if we are true to the spirit that animated the Republican party when it nominated Fremont in 1856 and Lincoln in 1860, we will not fail to achieve a magnificent triumph in November next. Why, look at this grand party of ours. Look at its magnificent leaders. Look at the men who have carried it to victory in the past — the party of Fremont, of Lincoln, of Grant, of Sherman, of Sheridan ; the party of Sumner, of Phillips, of Garfield ; the party of equality, of justice, of pro- tection, of liberty, and of law ; the party that res- cued our government from bankruptcy in 1860, the party that beat back that gigantic rebellion, the party that lifted up its strong arms and placed them under four million of slaves, and lifted them up to the plane of manhood and citizenship. Tell me that that party can be defeated in the coming contest? I answer you, no; and when the ver- dict is rendered at the polls in November, it will be found that my prophecy has not been without truth. HON. BENJAMIN HAERISON. 165 I say to you Iiere to-day to give us tliat grand man that Indiana presents ; give to us General Benjamin Harrison as our standard-bearer [cheers from the Indiana delegation], and the Republican hosts who never have flinched in battle before, will go forward with a determination, with an energy, with a zeal that will carry everything before them. [Prolonged cheers.] THE PLATFORM OF 1888. After music by the band, Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, stepped forward to read the platform. The cheers were deafening, but in a moment, from all over the hall, came the sound, “ Sh, sh,” which speedily quieted the demonstration, every one being anxious to catch every word uttered by Mr. McKinley, and in a loud tone of voice the dis- tinguished protectionist from Ohio read the follow- ing declaration of principles : The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their delegates in National Convention, pause on the threshold of their proceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal champion of liberty and the rights of the people — Abraham Lincoln ; and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and gratitude the heroic names of our later leaders who have more recently been called away from our councils — Grant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, Conkling. May their memories be faithfully cherished. We who I 66 THE CONVENTION OF 1888. recall with our greetings, and with prayer for his recovery, the name of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in the history both of Republicans and of the Republic — the name of that noble soldier and favorite child of victory, Philip H. Sheridan. In the spirit of those great leaders, and of our own devotion to human liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of despotism and oppression which is the fundamental idea of the Republican party, we send fraternal congratulations to our fel- low-Americans of Brazil upon their great act of emancipation, which completed the abolition of slavery throughout the two American continents. We earnestly hope that we may soon congratulate our fellow-citizens of Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of home rule for Ireland. FREE SUFFRAGE. We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the Ua- tional Constitution and to the indissoluble union of the States ; to the autonomy reserved to the States under the Constitution ; to the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the States and Territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citi- zen, rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that ballot duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just and equal representation of all the people to be the foundation of our Republican Government, and demand effective legislation to secure the in- tegrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of all public authority. We charge that the present Administration and the Democratic THE CONVENTION OF 1888. 1 67 majority in Congress owe their existence to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullifica- tion of the Constitution and laws of the United States. PROTECTION TO AMERICAN INDUSTRIES. We are uncompromisingly in favor of the Amer- ican system of protection; we protest against its destruction as proposed by the President and his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we will support the interests of America. We accept the issue and confidently appeal to the people for their judgment. The protective system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been followed by general disaster to all interests except those of the usurer and the sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the general busi- ness, the labor and the farming interests of the country, and we heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic action of the Republican Represent- atives in Congress in opposing its passage. OPPOSED TO FREE WOOL. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate pro- tection to that industry. REDUCE INTERNAL REVENUE. The Republican party would effect all needed reduction of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits list'd in the arts and for mechanical purposes, and hy (such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to 1 68 THE CONVENTION OF 1888. check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employ- ment to our labor, and release from import duties those articles of foreign production (except lux- uries) the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the Government, we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system at the joint behests of the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufactures. FOREIGN CONTRACT LABOR. We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of foreign contract labor and of Chi- nese labor, alien to our civilization and our Con- stitution, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the existing laws against it, and favor such im- mediate legislation as will exclude such labor from our shores. TRUSTS CONDEMNED. We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, organized in trusts or otherwise, to con- trol arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens; and we recommend to Congress and the State legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the trans- portation of their products to market. We ap- prove the legislation by Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair discriminations between the States. HOMES FOR THE PEOPLE. We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the THE CAPITOL AT WASHINGTON. THE CONVENTION OF 1888. 1 69 public lands of the United States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers, not aliens, which the Republican party established in 1862, against the persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which has brought our great Western domain into such magnificent develop- ment. The restoration of unearned railroad land grants to the public domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under the administra- tion of President Arthur, should be continued. We deny that the Democratic party has ever restored one acre to the people, but declare that by the joint action of the Republicans and Demo- crats about 50,000,000 of acres of unearned lands originally granted for the construction of railroads have been restored to the public domain, in pursu- ance of the conditions inserted by the Republican party in the original grants. We charge the Dem- ocratic administration with failure to execute the laws securing to settlers titles to their homesteads, and with using appropriations made for that pur- pose to harass innocent settlers with spies and prosecutions under the false pretence of exposing frauds and vindicating the law. HOME RULE IN TERRITORIES. The government by Congress of the Territories is based upon necessity only, to the end that they may become States in the Union ; therefore, when- ever the conditions of population, material re- sources, public intelligence and morality are such as to insure a stable local government therein, the people of such Territories should be permitted, as a right inherent in them, the right to form for themselves constitutions and State governments 170 the contention of 1888 . and be admitted into the Union. Pending the preparation for Statehood, all officers thereof should be selected from the bona-fide residents and cit- izens of the Territory wherein they are to serve. ADMIT SOUTH DAKOTA. South Dakota should of right be immediately ad- mitted as a State into the Union, under the consti- tution framed and adopted by her people, and we heartily indorse the action of the Republican Senate in twice passing bills for her admission. The re- fusal of the Democratic House of Representatives, for partisan purposes, to favorably consider these bills, is a wilful, violation of the sacred American principle of local self-government, and merits the condemnation of all just men. The pending bills in the Senate for acts to enable Hie people of Washington, North Dakota and Montana Terri- tories to form constitutions and establish State governments, should be passed without unneces- sary delay. The Republican party pledges itself to do all in its power to facilitate the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Wyoming, Idaho and Arizona to the enjoyment of self-gov- ernment as States, such of them as are now qual- ified, as soon as possible, and the others as soon as they may become so. MORMONISM. The political power of the Mormon Church in fhe Territories, as exercised in the past, is a men- ace to free institutions, a danger no longer to be suffered. Therefore we pledge the Republican party to appropriate legislation asserting the sov- ereignty of the nation in all Territories where the THE CONVENTION OF 1888. I7 1 same is questioned, and in furtherance of that end to place upon the statute books legislation stringent enough to divorce the political from the ecclesias- tical power, and thus stamp out the attendant wickedness of polygamy . BI-METALLISM. The Kepublican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as money and condemns the policy of the Democratic administration in its efforts to demonetize silver. We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per ounce. In a republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign and the official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of the people, it is important that the .sovereign — the people — should possess intelligence. The free school is the promoter of that intelligence which is to preserve us a free nation ; therefore the State or nation, or both combined, should support free institutions of learning sufficient to afford to every child growing up in the land the opportunity of a good common-school education. ARMY, NAVY AND FORTIFICATIONS. We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Congress in the enactment of such legis- lation as will best secure the rehabilitation of our American merchant marine, and we protest against the passage by Congress of a free-ship bill, as cal- culated to work injustice to labor by lessening the wages of those engaged in preparing materials as well as those directly employed in our shipyards. We demand appropriations for the early rebuilding 172 THE CONVENTION OF 1888 . of our navy ; for the construction of coast fortifi- cations and modern ordnance and other approved modern means of defence for the protection of our defenceless harbors and cities ; for the payment of just pensions to our soldiers; for the necessary works of national importance in the improvement of harbors and the channels of internal, coastwise and foreign commerce ; for the encouragement of the shipping interests of the Atlantic, Gulf and Pacific States, as well as for the payment of the maturing public debt. This policy will give em- ployment to our labor, activity to our various industries, increase the security of our country, promote trade, open new and direct markets for our produce and cheapen the cost of transporta- tion. We affirm this to be far better for our coun- try than the Democratic policy of loaning the Government’s money without interest to “ pet banks.” THE MONROE DOCTRINE. The conduct of foreign affairs by the present Administration has been distinguished by its inefficiency and its cowardice. Having withdrawn from the Senate all pending treaties effected by Republican Administrations for the removal of foreign burdens and restrictions upon our com- merce and for its extension into better markets, it has neither effected nor proposed any others in their stead. Professing adherence to the Monroe doctrine, it has seen with idle complacency the extension of foreign influence in Central America and of foreign trade everywhere among our neigh- bors. It has refused to charter, sanction, or en- courage any American organization for construct- ing the Nicaragua Canal, a work of vital impor- THE CONTENTION OF 1888. J 73 tance to the maintenance of the Monroe doctrine, and of our national influence in Central and South America; and necessary for the development of trade with our Pacific territory, with South Amer- ica, and with the islands and farther coasts of the Pacific Ocean. THE PROTECTION OF OUR FISHERIES. We arraign the present Democratic Aininistra- tion for its weak and unpatriotic treatment of the fisheries question, and its pusillanimous surrender of the essential privileges to which our fishing vessels are entitled in Canadian ports under the treaty of 1818, the reciprocal maritime legislation of 1830 and the comity of nations, and which Cana- dian fishing vessels receive in the ports of the United States. We condemn the policy of the present Administration and the Democratic ma- jority in Congress towards our fisheries as un- friendly and conspicuously unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valuable National industry and an indispensable resource of defence against a foreign enemy. The name of American applies alike to all citi- zens of the Republic and imposes upon all alike the same obligation of obedience to the laws. At the same time that citizenship is and must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it, and protects him, whether high or low, rich or poor, in all his civil rights. It should and must afford him protection at home, and follow and protect him abroad in whatever land he may be on a lawful errand. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. The men who abandoned the Republican party in 1884 and continue to adhere to the Democratic 174 THE CONVENTION OF 1888. party have deserted not only the cause of honest government, of sound finance, of freedom, of purity of the ballot, but especially have deserted the cause of reform in the Civil Service. We will not fail to keep our pledges because they have broken theirs or because their candidate has broken his. We therefore repeat our declaration of 1884, to wit : “ The reform of the Civil Service, auspi- ciously begun under the Republican Administra- tion, should be completed by the further extension of the reform system already established by law to all the grades of the service to which it is ap- plicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all Executive appointments, and all laws at variance with the object of exist- ing reform legislation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and effectually avoided. PENSIONS FOR THE SOLDIERS. The gratitude of the Nation to the defenders of the Union cannot be measured by laws. The leg- islation of Congress should conform to the pledge made by a loyal people, and be so enlarged and extended as to provide against the possibility that any man who honorably wore the Federal uniform should become the inmate of an almshouse, or de- pendent upon private charity. In the presence of an overflowing Treasury it would be a public scandal to do less for those whose valorous service preserved the Government. We denounce the hostile spirit of President Cleveland in his numer- ous vetoes of measures for pension relief, and the action of the Democratic House of Representatives THE CONVENTION OF 1888. 175 in refusing even a consideration of general pension legislation. In support of the principles herewith enunci- ated, we invite the co-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and especially of all workingmen, whose prosperity is seriously threatened by the free-trade policy of the present Administration. The following table shows how the vote stood on the various ballots for Presidential nominee : 1st 2d 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th ' Nominees. Ballot. Ballot. Ballot. Ballot. Ballot. Ballot. Ballot. Ballot. Blaine 35 33 35 42 48 40 15 5 Harrison 80 91 94 217 213 231 278 544 Sherman 229 249 244 235 224 244 231 118 Depew S9 99 91 Gresham 111 108 123 98 87 91 91 59 Alger 84 116 122 135 142 137 120 100 Allison 72 75 88 88 99 73 76 Hawley 13 Phelps 25 18 5 Busk 25 20 16 Fitter 24 Lincoln 3 2 2 1 2 Ingalls 28 16 McKinley 2 2 8 11 14 12 16 4 Miller Foraker 2 1 1 1 Douglass F. D. Grant 1 1 C. Haymond 1 On the eighth ballot' there was a great break for Harrison, and immediately upon the announce- ment the Convention made the nomination unani- mous, amidst great excitement and cheering. CHAPTER X. PRESS COMMENTS ON PRESIDENT HARRISON’S NOMINATION. Brains Tell — A Self-Made Man — Determined to Have an Education — The Best Reward — A Democratic Paper on the Domination— Winning Ticket— Eulogy on Harrison — Graphic Biographical Sketch — Comments from Many Journals — A Proud Position — Curiosities of the Cam- paign-Specimen Songs— One reason why Mr. Harrison’s nomination has been so cordially received is found in the fact that he is a self-made man. This country honors man- hood. It makes little account of birth or patri- mony. It takes a man for what he is in himself. We adore brains. We throw up our hats for the plucky man who shows there is something in him, and who makes himself felt. We have no place for nonentities or weaklings ; we laugh at dunces, dudes and Dundrearies, even though well dressed. In nominating Benjamin Harrison the Repub- lican party again bestowed its highest honors upon a man ivho has worked his way unaided from the foot of the ladder to the top. In so doing it has been true to the precedent established in the. early years of its history. 1 76 HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 1 77 Fremont had been a poor boy ; Lincoln, Grant and Garfield were born in log-cabins, and lived until manhood in the primitive simplicity and amid the privations which accompany log-cabin life. One began his career to fame by toiling as a rail-splitter, one was a tanner’s apprentice, one a canal-boy. Harrison, like the others, was a poor man’s son, and was compelled to make his own way. There were no nights of study by the light of pine-knots in his case, perhaps, but there was the struggle for education such as few boys know in these days of free high-schools, but which was then the lot of all ambitious youths whose thirst for knowledge outran the length of their own and their parents’ purses. A farm boy until sixteen years of age, he led the laborious life that all sons of hard-working farmers know, and with few of the pleasures which are within the reach of the poorest in the community in these days. Buoyed up with the hope that is the salvation of youth, and with the determination of his earnest nature, he fixed his mind upon an education, and with his little savings entered college and there spent two years, leaving it when he was not eighteen. EARLY STRUGGLES. After that he “taught” himself through a legal course, and that completed began his professional career without a dollar from outside sources to aid him. Since that time his life has been one of hard work and close attention to business. Through it 12 i/8 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERYICES OF all he has been animated by the highest principles of honor, honesty and integrity. Unmoved by hope of gain or other temptation, he has pursued the course that seemed to him right and best. The pecuniary reward of these thirty years of honest toil and unswerving rectitude is not great. A REWARD GREATER THAN RICHES. He has not accumulated enough wealth upon which to retire and live in comfort for the rest of his days, should he wish to do so. A greater re- ward, however, is the honor bestowed upon him by the people. Those who were nearest him knew him best, and aided him into prominence. Every place which he was called upon to fill in public life he occupied with credit, and those who were confident that his ability would prove equal to demands in minor positions are equally sure that he will fulfil all the requirements in the highest office the American people can bestow. The chosen standard-bearer of the Republican party has always occupied a proud position, and one of the greatest glories of it is that it is an honor attainable by one who has risen from the ranks. It is a condition of affairs which cannot exist in any other country in the world. General Harrison’s case is another of the many known to history, showing the United States to be the home of all others for the poor boy. We append representative comments by the press, showing the drift of public sentiment. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. I 79 THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE. The long struggle at Chicago resulted yesterday in the nomination of a candidate whose capacity cannot be denied and whose public record is free from reproach. Ex-Senator Benjamin Harrison has neither the positive political strength nor the positive political weakness of either Blaine or Sherman ; but this may prove to be in his favor rather than to his disadvantage in the present con- test. It will be said of Mr. Harrison that he is nomi- nated for his name; that if his grandfather had not been President of the United States and his great-grandfather a signer of the Declaration of In- dependence he would not have been the candidate. But this is idle talk. Mr. Harrison is available without reference to the honorable positions occu- pied by his ancestors. In the first place, he is a prominent citizen of a doubtful State and he had the support of its delegates all but unanimously. He has a good soldier record, having gone into the war a Second Lieutenant of volunteers and having come out of it a brevet Brigadier-General. He is a thoroughly equipped lawyer and he has experi- ence as a statesman, having served creditably for six years in the United States Senate. He has always acted as a straight party man, and his honesty has never been questioned. Moreover, he has always been a practical Civil-Service Beformer and an ex- treme Protectionist, and when in Congress he favored tax reduction by the abolition of internal- revenue duties. With these qualifications on his side it is evi- dent that Mr. Harrison did not owe his nomina- i8o LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF tion entirely to his name, and while his success may have been due to the anger of the Blaine dele- gates at the obstinate refusal of Mr. Sherman to retire in favor of their chosen candidate, he is cer- tainly as available as any other person named in the Convention. It is in his favor that he is not much known among the politicians and that he has succeeded in harmonizing the local jealousies in his own State. Mr. Harrison’s nomination has excited no en- thusiasm. It was received with remarkable in- difference, if not with absolute disappointment, among the Republican politicians of this city. Yet it is one which all the warring Republican factions in New York can support without heart- burning. There are two reasons why his can- didacy is fortunate. It leaves the issue of extreme Protection against Tariff Revision clear-cut and distinct, and it removes all danger of personalities in the campaign. Mr. Harrison has been all his life a High Protectionist, and there is no room for personal attacks on his character. He has associ- ated with him upon the ticket Mr. Levi P. Morton, an eminent New York financier, who is personally unobjectionable and who has long been recognized as a faithful follower of the Protection banner. — New York World. A GREAT TICKET AND A WINNER. We congratulate the Republican party. We congratulate the country. We congratulate Mr. Blaine, and we overflow with congratulation to Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, and Levi P. Mor- ton, of New York. It is a great ticket and a winner. No better HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. l8l men could have been nominated, no better com- bination made. It pins the four doubtful States to the Republican column. It secures Indiana and makes New York secure. It unites every wing and every interest of the Republican party, and rallies to its ranks every man who seeks good gov- ernment and the highest good of a great country, however he may have differed from the party in the past. There is politics in it and of the best. There is principle in it and of the highest. It is a soldiers’ ticket and a business ticket. It means enthusiasm in the ranks and support from the leaders. It will poll the soldiers’ last vote and call out all the support organized industry can give. It will summon labor and capital to the support of Protection and unite both in the advo- cacy of a ticket of self-made leaders of men. The past speaks in the ticket, and the present and future are known in it. Politically it is a great ticket and personally a greater, and greatest of all for the principles it supports and speaks for. We repeat — we congratulate the party and the country, we wish both exceeding great joy and a sure return to Republican rule. And the cause of Protection, on which hangs the wage of labor and the schooling of children, the prosperity of to- day and the happiness of the future — it, also, we congratulate, for it stands secure and will mightily prevail with its great leader, Blaine, in the fore-front of the battle for American industry. — Philadelphia Press. BENJAMIN HARRISON. The Republican National Convention has done more than nominate the Republican candidate for 182 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF the presidency, it has named the next American President. This lay in its power, if it acted well and wisely in its selection, and it has acted wisely and well in placing Benjamin Harrison at the head of the Republican ticket. With the best of the party to choose from, the Convention has chosen the best candidate named before it ; with many political paths to follow it has selected the safest. Politically, the Convention has made Indiana secure by picking its candidate from a State neg- lected by the Democratic party. It has forced the battle at the weakest point of the enemy’s line. It begins the great campaign for the presidency by laying hold of the fifteen electoral votes of Indi- ana, and it clinches this achievement by placing on the ticket Levi P. Morton and contesting the Empire State. Nominated in 1876 to lead a for- lorn hope, Benjamin Harrison carried his party to the very threshold of victory. His brilliant lead- ership swept the State in 1880, elected Garfield and placed himself in the Senate. In 1886 he carried the State again on the popular vote, and lost the Legislature only when the continuing fraud of a gerrymander was supplemented by a corrupt election and the reckless and illegal vio- lence of a Democratic Senate. He enters another canvass with this injustice to avenge. His nomi- nation places at the head of the Republican cam- paign in Indiana the successor of Morton, the best political organizer of the State and its most dis- tinguished citizen. It gives the Republican canvass the enormous and preponderating advantage of a candidate identified and in harmony with the political machinery, which in a closely contested HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. ^3 State decides the battle by polling the last doubt- ful vote. Personally, the National Republican Convention has placed before the country a man of clean life and high ambition, a brave soldier and an able senator who has been right on every public ques- tion because he has brought principle to bear on every public issue. His life as a man is stainless in all its relations from his youth up ; his career as a soldier owed its every promotion to brave and honorable service ; his position as a lawyer places him in the forefront of the bar of his State, and his record as a public man and a senator shows an equal attention to the practical work of politics and to the painstaking and sedulous discharge of public duties. Benjamin Harrison is no discovery of a day, no invention of a campaign. He is neither the product of a caucus nor the offspring of a machine. Nor has he stood among those useless men who share the advantages of a free Government with- out discharging its duties, and whose sole political activity is shown in criticising the work of those who do discharge them. He is a politician in the best sense of the word. He understands the busi- ness of politics as a part of the business of govern- ment, and the business of government he has learned in the best of schools — the United States Senate. He has been lifted to the front on no chance tidal wave of sentimental reform and he owes nothing to the accidents of politics and is under no obligations to the poverty or the despair of his party. There are no accidents in his life. There are no surprises in his career. Both are the fit fruits and sure results of industry, ability, 182 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF the presidency, it has named the next American President. This lay in its power, if it acted well and wisely in its selection, and it has acted wisely and well in placing Benjamin Harrison at the head of the Republican ticket. With the best of the party to choose from, the Convention has chosen the best candidate named before it ; with many political paths to follow it has selected the safest. Politically, the Convention has made Indiana secure by picking its candidate from a State neg- lected by the Democratic party. It has forced the battle at the weakest point of the enemy’s line. It begins the great campaign for the presidency by laying hold of the fifteen electoral votes of Indi- ana, and it clinches this achievement by placing on the ticket Levi P. Morton and contesting the Empire State. Nominated in 1876 to lead a for- lorn hope, Benjamin Harrison carried his party to the very threshold of victory. His brilliant lead- ership swept the State in 1880, elected Garfield and placed himself in the Senate. In 1886 he carried the State again on the popular vote, and lost the Legislature only when the continuing fraud of a gerrymander was supplemented by a corrupt election and the reckless and illegal vio- lence of a Democratic Senate. He enters another canvass with this injustice to avenge. His nomi- nation places at the head of the Republican cam- paign in Indiana the successor of Morton, the best political organizer of the State and its most dis- tinguished citizen. It gives the Republican canvass the enormous and preponderating advantage of a candidate identified and in harmony with the political machinery, which in a closely contested HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. ^3 State decides the battle by polling the last doubt- ful vote. Personally, the National Republican Convention has placed before the country a man of clean life and high ambition, a brave soldier and an able senator who has been right on every public ques- tion because he has brought principle to bear on every public issue. His life as a man is stainless in all its relations from bis youth up ; his career as a soldier owed its every promotion to brave and honorable service ; his position as a lawyer places him in the forefront of the bar of his State, and his record as a public man and a senator shows an equal attention to the practical work of politics and to the painstaking and sedulous discharge of public duties. Benjamin Harrison is no discovery of a day, no invention of a campaign. He is neither the product of a caucus nor the offspring of a machine. Nor has he stood among those useless men who share the advantages of a free Government with- out discharging its duties, and whose sole political activity is shown in criticising the work of those who do discharge them. He is a politician in the best sense of the word. He understands the busi- ness of politics as a part of the business of govern- ment, and the business of government he has learned in the best of schools — the United States Senate. He has been lifted to the front on no chance tidal wave of sentimental reform and he owes nothing to the accidents of politics and is under no obligations to the poverty or the despair of his party. There are no accidents in his life. There are no surprises in his career. Both are the fit fruits and sure results of industry, ability, i86 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF tection and all that protection means. He stands squarely on the great platform of the party, and he strengthens it by standing there. With Harri- son and Morton the party moves on to assured victory. — Philadelphia Press. In Benjamin Harrison the Republicans have a leader whom they can rely upon as growing stronger the more his record is scrutinized, and there will not be the opportunity for mud-throw- ing which recent campaigns have been noted for. Harrison will grow in favor day by day until elected. — Providence, It. Z, Dispatch. The country is to be congratulated that we have escaped another personal canvass, and this leaves the way measurably open for a return to their old party allegiance of such Republican independents as are convinced that they can do nothing in the Democratic party for the cause of civil-service reform they hold so dear. — Boston Transcript (Mug.) The Republican position is no longer one of de- fense. They have lost possession of the works. They must regain control of the government. They must act on the aggressive. They need a captain who can lead a charge with boldness and success. General Harrison has been doing just that sort of thing for years in Indiana, and he is not likely to fail now.- — Minneapolis Journal. Although there is plenty of chance for sentiment, music, poetry and romance in the approaching campaign for “ Young Tippecanoe and Morton too,” the real strength of the whole ticket is that General Harrison and Mr. Morton are both men with well and worthily won national reputations, who command the confidence of all classes, whose r HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 1 87 abilities have stood many tests and been proved equal to every emergency, and whose characters inspire universal respect . — New York Mail and Express . The party accepts General Harrison’s leader- ship, and will give him its united and loyal sup- port. There is that in his candidacy which is calculated to heal any past differences, and that in his character which will certainly win the con- fidence of voters of conscience, intelligence and genuine independence. The Republican party enters this campaign not underestimating its difficulties, but strong, harmonious and courageous, confident in its cause and the justice of its princi- ples, and hoping and expecting success . — Boston Journal. The nomination of Benjamin Harrison is per- fectly satisfactory. He will be a splendid candi- date, not vaunting himself, not disturbed. He will be the leader of the canvass, as he has led the Republicans of Indiana in many a hard fight to their entire satisfaction. That he will carry his own State is apparently beyond dispute, and that he will harmonize all differences elsewhere we believe to be sure. With no apologies, no evasions, 110 hesitations, General Harrison will step to the fron t . — Bos ton Advertiser. The Republican party and the people of the nation no less are to be congratulated on the fortunate outcome of the hotly contested fight at Chicago. It has resulted as all thoughtful and patriotic men believed it would — in the selection of a presidential candidate who is so armored in purity that even Democratic mud can make no stain upon him, and when he shall enter the White 1 88 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP House as successor to the present incumbent, the nation will start anew upon an era of substantial prosperity and growth which we believe will con- tinue indefinitely . — Minneapolis Tribune. Harrison will be elected for what he is in him- self. He will be elected for the sake of the issue of American protection he is to represent. He will be elected because the business and political interests of the country need a Republican triumph. In the ticket, “ Harrison and Morton,” the winners have been named. The convention has done well. It has done the best possible. Let each Republi- can who believes this confirm his belief by his vote, and there need be no anxiety as to the out- come of the struggle in November . — Evening Wis- consin. The Republican convention has nominated for President a man whose honorable, historic name has never been sullied, whose record of public service is creditable if not conspicuous, who has the cordial good-will of the peojfie of his own State, and whose personal qualities, so far as they are yet known, promise no derogation from the dignity of the presidential office should he be chosen to fill it. He has never shown as much statesmanlike ability as Sherman or Allison, nor the conspicuous independence and strength of Gresham. But in view of the possibilities before the convention, we think the country may well be congratulated upon the result. In a party sense the nomination is probably the shrewdest that could have been made. — Springfield Republican (Mugwump.) There was something more than good conscience, and that wisdom born of it, dictating this nomina- tion— -there was rare shrewdness in it. It is an HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 189 expedient nomination, as it is one which must bring back into the party’s ranks all those many thousand sincere Republicans who went out from them in 1884, for no other reason than that they could not, with respect to their sense of duty to themselves, their party or country, elevate their party’s candidate to the office of chief magistrate. In a campaign led by General Harrison there can be no independent Republicans, no mugwumps, no dissidents, as the cause which created them no longer exists. Republicans and Democrats, pro- tectionists and free-traders, there will be ; but no honest, loyal Republican of another name having another candidate. Every Republican who is so in fact and deed will loyally work and vote in 1888 for the candidate his party has given him. — Philadelphia Telegraph. AN HONORABLE POSITION. The Eagle is opposed to the party and to the principles which General Harrison believes in, and intends by honorable argument to do what it can to prevent his election and to make President Cleveland his own successor, but it is a pleasure at the outset to recognize the usefulness and sincerity of the life of the Republican candidate, and to stake the fight squarely upon the issues which his nomination and that of Mr. Cleveland bring to the front-— the issue of revenue reform for all as opposed to protection for the sake of the protected few. Not only is this a pleasure, but it is a duty to warn Democrats that “they must fight if they would reign.” General Harrison is not an imme- diately strong candidate, but he is likely to become 19 ° life and public services of one. There is no reason why Republicans should bolt him. There is no reason to suppose they will not unite on him. There is nothing to be gained by urging that he is unfit or incompetent, for that would be a defeating and a dastardly lie. The inud-slinger in this canvass will be the enemy of the side he affects to serve, and General Harrison is likely to be hurt by slingers of Republican mud at Cleveland and Thurman, just as they are likely to be hurt by Democrats who sling mud at their opponents. There is to be no excuse for vilifica- tion in 1888. It will be due to the dirtiness of human nature and to the swirl of political passion and prejudice and interest if it occurs. It will not be justified by anything in the careers and character of the candidates .— Brooklyn Eagle. A GRAND CANDIDATE. A splendid candidate has been selected. He stands upon a sound platform. He has a clear, good record on every public issue. He has the prestige of victory in a State where the Democracy is strong . — Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. A CHANCE FOR SENTIMENT AND SENSE. Although there is plenty of chance for senti- ment, music, poetry and romance in the approach- ing campaign for “ Young Tippecanoe and Morton too,” the real strength of the whole ticket is that General Harrison and Mr. Morton are both men with well and worthily won national reputations, who command the confidence of all classes. — New York Mail and Express. A FORTUNATE COMBINATION. There is an unprecedented combination of for- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 19 1 tunate incidents in the Republican ticket that will consolidate the convictions and impulses of Repub- licans into a supreme endeavor to sustain these admirable nominations by a solid array if every State in this Union has a full vote and a fair count . — Boston Traveller. DEMOCRATS CAN FIND NO FLAWS. The candidate for President is a man of fair talents, excellent character and austere manners. The candidate for Vice-President is a citizen of high business standing, has been a diligent mem- ber of Congress and was an acceptable minister to France . — Brooklyn Eagle. PROTECTION WILL WIN. The national tickets are now before the people. The platforms speak for themselves. As the rep- resentative of the principle of American Protec- tion, the Republican party has nothing to fear in the coming campaign. — Columbus, 0., Journal. A DEMOCRATIC TRIBUTE. It is doubtful whether the Republican party, from the material before the Chicago Convention, could have made a stronger nomination, and it is certain that it might have made one much weaker than that of Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. — Buffalo Courier. A CANDIDATE TO BE PROUD OF. Harrison is a candidate of which the party and the country may well be proud, and of exceptional strength in the doubtful States, as amply proved by the decided drift of those States to his support in the Convention . — Hartford Post. 192 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF COULD NOT HAVE BEEN BETTER. Harrison and Morton ! — Indiana and New York ! — the two very men to carry the party safely through the two very doubtful States ! How, on the whole, could the Chicago Convention have named a better ticket ? — Buffalo Express. THE PROTECTION ISSUE MADE CLEAR. The nominations of the Chicago Convention, like the platform upon which the candidates stand, make strong and clear the issue upon which the campaign is to be contested. — Springfield (Mass.) Union. TWO HONORED NAMES. Harrison and Morton — it is a splendid and aus- picious conjunction of names, than which there are few more honored in the annals of the republic. — Brooklyn Times. A CANDIDATE FOR THE VETERANS. Harrison will sweep through the country with resistless popularity. He will command the de- voted and loyal support of all Union veterans. — Troy Times. FOR PATRIOTS AND BUSINESS MEN. The ticket, as a whole, stands for the patriotic sentiment and the business interests of the United States. — Wilmington (Del.) News. A PATRIOT, A SOLDIER AND A STATESMAN. Benjamin Harrison is one of the ablest men of the West, a patriot, a soldier and a statesman. — Rochester Democrat. CLEAN, ABLE AND POPULAR. Every Republican can work and vote for Har- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 19 3 rison. He is clean, able and popular. — Cleveland Leader. THE PARTY UNITED IN ITS SUPPORT. It is a nomination that unites all sincere Repub- licans . — Newark Advertiser. Among the conceits of the campaign, of which we always have so many, we give the following as a specimen. It is a communication from a cor- respondent to one of our leading journals. Sir : — Benjamin Harrison will be the next President. The States that were loyal to the Union during the dark days of rebellion will prove themselves still true next November to the cause of protection and prosperity and will unite in driving this present retrogressive administration from the power it obtained through fraud in 1884. Their united electoral votes are more than enough to elect the nominees of the Chicago Convention. Their verdict will be hailed with joy by all good Republicans. NeBraska . . . OrEgon KaNsas New Jersey MassAchusetts. New HaMpshire . . Illinois MaiNe 5 3 9 9 14 4 22 6 MicHigan 13 NevAda 3 CalifoBnia 8 ColoRado 3 Connecticut 6 WisconSin 11 YermOnt 4 Minnesota 7 13 194 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 13 6 4 30 36 23 15 254 A crop of campaign songs has been harvested, and the indications are that in this respect the old Tippecanoe campaign will be re-enacted. The first song on the list was published in the New York Tribune the next day after" General Harrison’s nomination. HIP, HIP, HURRAH, HARRISON Oh, Cleveland, you must face defeat — Put up that old bandanna, You cannot , cannot, CANNOT beat This man from Indiana, That flies the Union banner ; With Harrison we’ll win the day As sure as comes election. Down with the wipe that’s stamped Free Trade— We’ll give it no protection ! CHORUS. Put up the old bandanna, Put up the red bandanna, They cannot , Cannot, CANNOT beat Brave Ben of Indiana ! When treason reared her horrid head And tried to trail our banner, Then, by his love of country led, This man from Indiana Fought for — no red bandanna ; He fought to keep the starry flag IoWa West Virginia . Rhode IsLand . . PennsyL vania. . NeW York. Ohio IndiaNa HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 195 Proud poised the Union over, With dauntless heart he did his part, But where, 0 where, was Grover ? CHORUS. While Ben to keep the starry flag Proud poised the Union over Fought valiantly on many a field, Pray where, 0 where, was Grover ? The West shall grandly rally round Brave Ben of Indiana, 'The East as loyal shall he found Beneath his starry banner That shames that old bandanna ; Then forward march ! we’ll win the day As sure as comes election, Down with the wipe that’s stamped Free Trade— We’ll give it no protection ! CHORUS. Put up the old bandanna, Put up the red bandanna, They cannot, CANNOT, CANNOT beat Brave Ben of Indiana. Later the same journal published another spirited cong, which will be interesting to the reader. “there’s no use o’ knocking at the door.” Air, “Maryland, My Maryland.” Free trade is knocking at thy door, Uncle Sam ! She never knocked so hard before, ' Uncle Sam ! And flies above her saucy head The sign by which her steps are led An old bandanna, bloody red, Uncle Sam ! My Uncle Sam f 0 h, it would be a shame and sin, Uncle Sam ! To ope the door and let her in. Uncle Sam ! \ LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. From East far on to Western shore The hosts of labor loud implore Thou wilt keep shut the free trade door, Uncle Sam ! My Uncle Sam ! John Bull emits a fearful groan, Uncle Sam ! Protection he will ne’er condone, Uncle Sam ! He loathes protection tire and hub, It pains his pocket, there’s the rub— Go interview the Cobden Club, Uncle Sam ! My Uncle Sam ! When cunning Bourbon leaders claim, Uncle Sam ! Free trade is really not their aim, Uncle Sam ! Just whisper soft to Grover C. , Small difference is discerned by thee ’Twixt tweedledum and tweedledee, Uncle Sam ! My Uncle Sam ! Well thou wilt guard the country’s well Uncle Sam ! Her foes shall lie beneath thy heel, Uncle Sam ! Fierce let the Bourbons rage and roar, While England cries, “Encore, encore,” Thou wilt not ope the free trade door, Uncle Sam ! My Uncle Sam ! As a specimen of the humors of the campaign the following is worth preserving : THE FATE OF THE RED BANDANNA. The red bandanna As the Democratic bannah Will be hailed until November with vociferous hosanna Then in some mysterious mannah The bearer of that bannah Will step on a banana And on will sweep the standard of the man from Indiana. CHAPTER XI. TWO VIEWS OF HARRISON. Religiously Educated — First Church of Indianapolis — Notable Congregation of Public Men — N o Proud Humil- ity— Sunday-school Teacher — Mrs. Harrison’s Active Service — General Harrison as a Soldier — An Old Com- rade’s Testimony — Always at the Front — Hard Fighter — Sticking Until the Close of the War — Undaunted Bravery*— Care for his Men — Vivid Recollections of a Veteran— Who Won the Battle of Peach Tree Creek ? The hearty good will with which General Harri- son’s nomination has been received is what might have been expected from the estimate placed upon him as a citizen and soldier by those who best knew him. Of course, since his name has gone out to the American people, everything of interest in regard to the man and his record is eagerly caught up. We therefore take pleasure in showing the reader Mr. Harrison as a devout leader in the church he at- tends, and we will also see the sterling qualities he exhibits at home made conspicuous in his army life, which forms so bright a page in his biography. A, newspaper correspondent writing from Indian- apolis soon after the close of the Chicago Conven- tion furnishes the following sketch : 197 198 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF The interest of a nation, not to say the curios- ity of the world, has invaded this city ever since last Monday noon. For six days the home of the Harrison family has been open to political pilgrims from near and from far, and for six nights its plain brick walls and its framework of trees and grass have been flooded with the glare of electricity. But on Sunday, I venture to predict, the Harri- son abode will be as quiet as any private home in the land. The General and his wife will, as they have done for years, walk quietly to church, not as a mere form, but as part of a service to a higher power, which they recognize in one way or an- other on every one of the seven days of the week. A FAMOUS CHURCH. Our readers will like to learn something of the churchly side of the next President. The First Presbyterian Church of Indianapolis, in which General Harrison has been an elder since 1866, stands on Pennsylvania Street, overlooking an open square, shaded by trees and covered with green sod. University Square this open space is called, and the land is itself a portion of the grant given by the General Government to the State for the founding of educational institutions. The church is a large but plain structure of brick, with Gothic entrances and windows, about which ivy clings. There are many Presbyterians in Indiana, and the denomination is one of the strongest in the State. A CHAT WITH THE PASTOR. Rev. Dr. M. L. Haines, the pastor of this church, has filled its pulpit for a little more than three HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. I99 years. His own residence is on Pennsylvania Street a few squares north of the church, and faces the open grounds surrounding the State Blind Asylum. Dr. Haines either does not receive an enormous salary or he devotes much of his income to his calling, for his home is a very modest one, though furnished with quiet taste and complete- ness. When he came down from his study to his parlor to-day he showed traces of the exultation which had carried him away for the past few days in common with all the members of his flock, as well as with all the other ministers in the city. Dr. Haines is a man of medium height, clad like a preacher, in black, and the aggressiveness of his red beard is tempered by the kindly expression of his eyes. PIETY THAT DOESN’T BLOW A HORN. “ I hardly know what to say to you,” he began, * about General Harrison as a church member. You must remember that the General is not only a very modest man about wmrldly things, but that he is especially conservative about spiritual mat- ters. He is known so well and loved so heartily by all of us that we can know no limit in our praise ; but he certainly would not care to have his customs as to religious matters and his beliefs as to theology paraded before the public.” The First Presbyterian Church is known in Indianapolis as including in its membership many ex-judges and lawyers of more than local repute. The cause of its having so many retired members of the bench is that judicial duties bring them to the State capital, and when their terms expire most of them remain here in active legal practice. They 200 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF are both Republican and Democratic, but most of them are enthusiastic for the election to the presi- dency of their old associate. They have found him a practical Christian and an honorable gentle- man on every day in the week as well as on Sun- day, and they all know that the Harrison religion is not a matter of holy days, but of every day. PROMINENT LAWYERS WHO ATTEND. The attendance at this church also includes many of the leading members of the Indianapolis bar. Among them are William Henderson, brother- in-law of the deceased Vice-President Hendricks. Mr. Henderson displayed the righteous results of his good Presbyterian training in that he was the only Democrat of prominence who stood out here against the outrageous Democratic tally-sheet frauds which made so great a sensation at the time. Other lawyer members of the church are Congressman Bynum, the present national representative from this district, an ardent Democrat, but none the less a respecter of General Harrison’s personal integ- rity and political weight ; General William J. El- liot and General R. S. Foster, both of them Re- publicans of prominence in the State.; John A. Finch, ex-mayor, James L. Mitchell and D. B. Jameson.. General Harrison is a faithful and constant attendant upon the services of his church. He is always in his family pew both Sunday morning and evening. He is punctilious about this and even makes it a special point, when professional engagements call him away, to return to Indianap- olis on Saturday afternoon or evening so as to be in. ample time to enjoy his quiet Sabbath at home. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 201 Even in hot political campaigns he has persistently refused to address meetings on Saturday night on account of this feeling that he must be at his own home and with his own family on Sunday. When he has been pressed to address one of these Satur- day night meetings he has always replied : “I am entirely willing to speak to you on Saturday night if you will have a locomotive ready to carry me to Indianapolis before midnight.” A SKILFUL TEACHER. This insistence upon the performance of his moral duties becomes especially clear in his devo- tion to his Bible-class. Even before he entered the army he was superintendent of the Sunday- school, and after the war was ended and he returned to his law-office he took charge of a class of young men, students and clerks. His method of Bible- class teaching was so alive with interest that the class speedily swelled in numbers and its ranks were always full. His skill in cross-examining witnesses in the court-room was turned to good purpose in the Bible-class, where his method of instruction was what is styled catechetical, con- sisting rather of questions so directed as to draw out the knowledge of the pupils than of didactic lectures, meant to drive facts or theories into their heads. Some of the shelves of General Harrison’s law library even now contain rows of books bound in green, blue, gold and the other colors to which such things are prone, presented to him at various Christmas-tides by members of his Bible-class. mrs. harrison’s work. Mrs. Harrison not only taught the infant depart- 202 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF ment of this Sunday-school during several succes- sive years, but she has been active in caring for the welfare of the Indianapolis Home. She is a leading member of the Ladies' Missionary Society of the Presbyterian Church, and there is no doubt that many a dollar which, were she worldly minded, would be spent for lace and bonnets goes to further the objects of that society. Her interest in the civilization of the Indians and her practical knowl- edge of the best methods of aiding them are already widely known. But it will be of interest to every church woman to learn that Mrs. Harrison is a contributor as a member of this society to the support of a missionary at Tabriz, Persia, who happens to be Miss Grette Hollaway, sister of the editor of the Indianapolis News ; of two native pupils on the West coast of Africa; of a girl pupil in Lebanon, Syria, and of another pupil near Naples. The Harrisons would not be true to the tradi- tions of their aneestry were they not Presby- terians. The family has held to that Church ever since the days of General Thomas Harrison, who signed the death-warrant of King Charles I., and who was afterward hanged, drawn and quartered to satisfy the vengeance of Charles II. But though thus tied to the Church of Calvin by bonds of blood and of family associations, General Harrison is no narrow sectarian. His religion is not a matter of creed but is broad and practical humani- tarianism. HARRISON AS A SOLDIER. What was said of “ Stonewall” Jackson in the Southern army, namely, that he was the hardest HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 203 “prayer” and the hardest fighter on the field, could with equal truth be said of General Harrison. And so we turn from peaceful church matters to reminiscences of the war, and will recount the recollections of one of the soldiers who served with him. Colonel Samuel Morrill, of Indianapolis, who was the lieutenant-colonel of the regiment which General Harrison commanded during the war, was naturally very much pleased to hear of the honor that had come to his old commander. He con- sented to tell some things about the personal char- acter and army record of the nominee, which will be very interesting as coming from a man who has known him since he first set foot in Indianapolis, and who served next to him in rank in the army, and who, therefore, speaks from what may be almost termed a lifelong acquaintance. The Col- onel said : General Harrison came to Indianapolis just after he had finished the study of law, when he was quite young — he could not have been twenty-five years of age — and has been a growing attorney ever since. He has of late years always been pitted against the strongest men in the State, such as Senator Joe McDonald and the late Vice-Presi- dent T. A. Hendricks, and all men of both parties have admitted that Harrison was their superior as a lawyer. He came to Indianapolis a poor man, entirely dependent upon his earnings as an at- torney, and he is a comparatively poor man to-day. 204 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF There are a large number of persons that he has been looking after in a benevolent way, and al- though his earnings have been very large, yet, as his partner once remarked to me, he has given away a fortune every year to those who have relied upon him for support, and remains a poor man himself. A MAN IN DEMAND. When the war broke out he had the most lu- crative office in the State. He was Reporter of the State Supreme Court, to which office he was elected by the popular vote. He was always in demand as a stump speaker ; everybody delighted to hear him, for while he looked so boyish, there was no one in the State who was his equal as a speaker, and he was in politics, as in law, pitted against men of twice his age — the prominent men on the other side. He was nominated for the office of Reporter by the State Convention and was elected for a term of four years. That was, I think, in 1860, although he did not take the office until 1861. When McClellan was driven back from Rich- mond there was a call for more troops, and it being a time when married men went into the service, Colonel Harrison raised the first company there under that call, and he was appointed Col- onel of the Seventieth Indiana Regiment, which was a regiment of 1,050 men. It left for the front and was in Kentucky in less than a month from the time that Harrison was appointed Second Lieutenant and commenced recruiting. We first marched to Bowling Green. Just after this Buell’s army passed us there, falling back to Louisville and its neighborhood. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 205 CONDUCT ON THE FIELD. You will remember, perhaps, that there was a dash made by Bragg on Louisville. The regi- ment took part in no battle, although there was skirmishing on foot with Morgan’s cavalry. We had some skirmishes and killed some of his men, but did nothing that was of any importance at all in the way of fighting until we marched for At- lanta. We had been with Thomas, but Sherman took command there. We were in the Twentieth Corps, under Howard. The troops were drawn from the East and brought into our command just after the battle of Chickamauga. The first real battle that we were in, where we lost largely, was at Resaca on Sunday, the 15th of May, 1864. Har- rison had command of the whole thing, you might say; that is, he led the charge on foot, but there was what was called a charge by the regiment en masse. He was at the head of the division massed by regiments. The Seventieth Indiana was in the battle line, and the rest all massed right be- hind it, in an attempt to take a fort on the hill. HARRISON LEADS THE CHARGE. It was quite a heavy fight ; we fought there all the afternoon, finally taking the *fort and cap- turing two of the guns — two brass pieces, which were the only guns that were captured from the enemy in all that campaign. Harrison led the charge himself, in front of the regiment, and was, of course, in front of the division behind it. There must have been twelve regiments rushing to bat- tle one after the other. We drove things right before us and, as I say, took the fort. Harrison was promoted there, I believe, or at least bre- 206 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF vetted there as Brigadier-General. That charge broke the line and the snemy fell back that night; they would have been driven into the river if they had not fallen back. He went through to Atlanta and took part in the fighting of that campaign. We had other battles and lost a great many men, of course, before this, but the great fight was on the 20th of July, when Hood was put in com- mand and came out of the works to attack our forces as they were crossing Peach Tree Creek. He commanded the brigade there, and it was the first opportunity that we had had to meet the enemy outside of their works. Hood was foolish enough to think that the proper thing to do was to come out and whip us, and, although they outnumbered us five to one, our men just threw up their hats, and with the cry, “ My God, boys, they are out of the works!” they charged them. There was a charge on their part, and a return charge on our part, and we drove them from the field. FIGHTING TO THE LAST; After the battle of Atlanta, when the time for the Presidential election arrived, General Harri- son, like a gopd many other officers, went home to vote, and on his return found that Sherman’s army had divided from Thomas’s, Sherman push- ing on to the sea, and Thomas remaining behind at Nashville, to fight Hood, and there he joined Thomas’s army, was put in command of one of his brigades, and took part in the battle of Nashville. After the defeat of Hood he hastened to North Carolina, and was in command of his own brigade when Johnston surrendered. In the army he was indefatigable in his care for HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 207 the health of his men, and took pains to see that they were clothed and that they were not imposed upon ; his men all honored him greatly. Although they did not like his discipline they liked him as a brigade commander in a fight. In regard to his discipline he would be spoken of as a strict dis- ciplinarian. He exercised great care to see that his men were supplied with clothing and food and that sanitary laws were observed. While other States had influence at Washington and were pushing their officers ahead for high po- sitions, the State of Indiana, having fewer general officers in proportion to the number of privates than any other State in the Union, did not push her officers into prominence, and the result was that, although General Harrison was as capable of com- manding a corps as any of the corps commanders, his modesty and unwillingness to ask for anything for himself kept him from taking the high position to which he was entitled and for which he was fitted. General Harrison is a member of George H. Thomas Post, of the Grand Army of the Re- public. He is very popular among the soldiers of his own State, and he has never pushed himself forward in the Grand Army any more than he did in the field, but has left to others the seeking of official position. BRAVE, CONSIDERATE AND MERCIFUL. Although General Harrison’s regiment was marched right into the heart of rebeldom its most dangerous enemies were at home ; traitor sympa- thizers, who wrote letters to the soldiers en- couraging disobedience and desertion. It took a strong man to overcome this spirit of insubordina- 208 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF tion and mould the battalion into willing subinis- siveness. This was so effectually accomplished that in times of danger every soldier was delighted to know that General Harrison was in command. As time progressed this feeling deepened until no officer stood higher in the estimation of his men, and there was no commander into whose hands his soldiers would more willingly commit their honor and their lives. In one of the battles in sight of Atlanta, when General Sherman sent word to the corps engaged that if they would hold their ground he would take the city before night, General Harrison, in- stead of sending the command by his aide, rode along the line among the flying bullets, and him- self conveyed the order to the regimental com- manders. The ground was held, but it was several nights before Atlanta was taken. In the march he was merciful, protesting against unnecessary haste. Frequently he would take the guns and accoutrements of some poor worn- out fellows and carry them before him on the sad- dle. Often he was seen to dismount and walk while a sick soldier occupied his place on the horse. Those who were ill in the field hospital testify that they were not forgotten by their kind commander, but that he was deeply interested in their recovery, constantly making inquiries as to their welfare and suggestions for their comfort. LOOKING OUT FOE HIS- MEN. . He protected the private soldier from imposition by those in authority, as a father would his own children. Once when his men had been cut off from supplies for a long time they became so rag- SON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 209 ged that it was pitiful to see them. At last a partial stock was received by the quartermaster. Some of the officers appropriated the pantaloons to their own use. As soon as this was known Gen- eral Harrison compelled these lordly fellows to strip, and turn this clothing over to the rightful owners. If at any time he felt that he had wronged one, his sense of justice gave him no rest until he had repaired the injury. He did not have a code of morals to be observed at home and neglected abroad, but there was the same purity of conduct and conversation while a soldier in the field as when a citizen going through his daily round of duties, with all the sweet re- straints of family and friends. RECOLLECTIONS OF A SOLDIER COMRADE. Captain H. A. Ford said : General Harrison was a brigade commander in our division of the Twentieth Army Corps, and I came to know him well. Indeed, I was indebted to his kind offices for the most interesting military association I had as adjutant and chief-of-staff to the celebrated Irish refugee, General Thomas Francis Meagher. Harrison was a thoroughly kind and good man, very popular with his com- mand and a large army acquaintance. He was an able and courageous officer, and I have no doubt that his prompt, well-directed action saved the day at Peach Tree Creek at a critical moment of the Atlanta campaign. But for him I think our army on that field would have been cut in two and at least one wing of it rolled up and badly shattered. 14 210 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF When Wood delivered his savage attack the Colonel happened to be away from his brigade at an advanced position a little to the right held by Eastern troops. General Ward had been returned to the head of the division, and with his staff, upon which I was then serving, was resting, unex- pectant, upon a knoll in the rear. The first onset fell where Harrison was, and he, divining at once the character of the attack and the need of imme- diate resistance, came dashing down the hill on his splendid charger, riding down bodily a partly barred gate as he flew, and without an instant’s hesitancy for orders moved his brigade to the top of a short but sharp slope, at whose foot it had been halted, and forward until the enemy was met, as he was almost at once. Other troops con- nected speedily on the right and left, and here the impetuous rebel advance was stayed once for all. But I have always felt that if it had had the ad- vantage of a charge down that slope upon our un- prepared lines they would have been driven in hopeless disorder into and across the deep stream in our rear, and the battle would, in all probability, have been lost. WINNING A BATTLE. Harrison was the hero of Peach Tree Creek, which made him a brigadier. He was the senior field officer in the brigade at the previous battle of Resaca, bore himself gallantly in one of the most desperate and deadly charges , of history, that which captured the redoubt and four guns, and took command of the force after General Ward had been wounded and retired from the field. His service throughout was honorable and efficient, and would have advanced him to a more prominent po- HON". BENJAMIN HARRISON. 21 1 sition had he been an older man. I am sure no one met him in those days who did not feel his mental and moral power and expect of him great things in the coming days. His brief speeches at spontaneous assemblies of the troops, as in front of Raleigh when news of the death of Lincoln was received, were remarkably well put and often rose to eloquence. I have heard him since in political speeches to throngs of Hoosiers, whose popular idol he is, and thus have personal evidence that he has nobly answered the promise of his earlier man- hood. He is a thoroughly good and true man of old Presbyterian stock, to whose traditions he has been faithful. He was the only general officer I knew or heard of at whose headquarters family prayers were regularly held. The first camp of my regiment in active ser- vice was made near his boyhood’s home, the farm- house of his father, John Scott Harrison, in the point between the Great Miami and the Ohio, some miles from North Bend, where his President grand- sire lived and is buried. I am reminded by this of the filial duty which prompted the younger Harrison to may be the strongest, certainly the most heartfelt and indignant, work of his life. About ten years ago, making a search through the medical colleges of Cincinnati with a friend and client of his, who had lost the remains of a father by the hands of body-snatchers, he was unspeak- ably horrified to find at the end of a rope drawn from a vat or well under one of the institutions the venerated features of his own father, whose form had been similarly robbed from a new-made grave. The manner in which the General dealt with the indifferent or insolent officers of that cob 212 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. lege is most memorable in bis history, and is not the least among many creditable incidents of his public and private career. He is every way a strong, pure man, of the best record and noblest ambitions, and his administration of the chief magistrate’s office will be one of the grandest in American annals CHAPTER XII. QUALIFICATIONS FOR THE OFFICE OF PRESIDENT. Vast Powers of the Chief Executive — Dignity of the Office — Elements of Character Requisite — A Broad Man Wanted — Mr. Harrison Fitted for the High Sta tion. From the masterly pen of Henry Worthington Smith, Esq., the distinguished member of the Philadelphia bar, we present a statement of the essential requisites for a successful President. It will be seen that Mr. Smith has a high estimate of the Republican nominee : The dignity and importance of the office of President of the United States are worthy of care- ful consideration. To its occupant are committed large and important powers. He is commander- in-chief of the army and navy ; he may grant par- dons and reprieves for all offenses against the United States, save impeachment. With the con- currence of the Senate he may make treaties and appoint ambassadors, consuls, and judges of the supreme and subordinate courts. He may approve or veto all bills passed by Congress ; he receives all ambassadors and public ministers; he should give Congress from time to time information re- specting the state of the Union, and recommend 213 214 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF such measures as he shall deem necessary or expe- dient ; he may adjourn the Houses of Congress in case of a disagreement between them in regard to an adjournment; he shall decide between rival claimants to a State government; he shall com- mission officers of the United States ; and finally, he is bound to see that the laws are faithfully executed. When the magnitude of these powers is con- sidered in connection with the extent of this country and its diverse and conflicting interests, it will be apparent that he who can “rule wisely and well,” who can harmonize contending forces, and insure tranquility and prosperity to the entire nation, must not only be wise and far-seeing, but he must also possess rare talents for administra- tion, for command, and if need be for controversy. The President of the' United States should be more than a mere politician ; he should sink the partisan in the patriot. He should be a man of affairs in the largest sense of the term. He should possess that knowledge of the needs of the country which can only come from an intimate acquaint- ance with industrial, commercial, and financial affairs, and the bearing which every branch of each has upon the prosperity of the whole nation. He should be able to discern that law of harmony which should exist between agricultural and man- ufacturing interests. He should clearly under- stand to what the prosperity of each particular section is due, in order that he may formulate and recommend a policy which, without creating undue disturbance, shall protect the largest proportion of the interests involved. He should have a full comprehension of those laws of political economy HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 215 which are at the foundation of all national wealth and greatness. To a great extent the President and his advisers will shape the monetary policy of the nation. To proceed intelligently he should have a clear com- prehension of the principles of finance. He should be able to determine at what times and under what circumstances the government should come/ to the relief of the business interests of the coun- try. He should understand the character of the impost tax, and its bearings upon the manufactur- ers of the country. He should be able to advise intelligently not only in regard to the amount of revenue needed, but also in respect to the propor- tion which should be set aside for the payment of the public debt and the interest thereon, for in- ternal improvements, for military and naval pro- tection, and for the expenses of conducting the government. He should endeavor to so adjust the impost that, while it furnishes ample revenue for the public need, it will not be burdensome to the great mass of the people or to individual or cor- porate industries. The chief-executive of the nation should not only be well versed in the common and statute law, but he should have that breadth of view and that “great sense of justice” which will enable him to rise above technical rules to a full comprehen- sion of the principles upon which they are founded. He will then be able not only to direct the admin- istration of existing laws so as to produce the most exact justice between individuals, but also to sug- gest such legislation as will best conduce to the prosperity of the entire country. It desirable that the head of the nation should 2l6 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF have a good knowledge not only of international law, but of the character of our relations to foreign powers, in order that he may be able to suggest from time to time such changes therein as may be needful or expedient. He should also be able to formulate a broad and wise foreign policy. As commander-in-chief of our army and navy the President should know something of military affairs. If he has been a soldier he will have learned both to command and obey. He will also know something of the needs of the military estab- lishment. In case of hostilities between the United States and any foreign power this practical information may be of inestimable value to the nation. In times of peace he will be better abl« to compass and crush any attempt on the part of officers or contractors at financial imposition. The experience of the past has shown that, all other things being equal, a man who has some knowledge of the science of war will always make a better ruler than the one whose attention was always given to those arts which best flourish in times of peace. The head of our nation should be a man of posi- tive and decided character. He should at all times have “ the courage of his convictions.” He will constantly be surrounded by men who are seeking to use him for the conservation of selfish purposes. He must set a high standard of right and duty, and must -never permit himself to be swerved there- from. Of all men, he who vacillates commands the least respect. Under the blaze of a multitude of brilliant lights it is not possible for the Presi- dent to conceal his purposes or actions. The peo- nle not only know what he does but also gain a HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 2i; pretty clear notion in regard to the motives by which he is actuated. They admire the adoption of a determinate policy and a close adherence thereto, even if they condemn it. Whenever he permits himself to halt or waver, without good cause, in the execution of his avowed purposes, he trails his standard in the dust. The great mass of the citizens insist that the government shall be conscientiously administered. In no one thing is there a more settled purpose. The public officer who is detected in the peculation of public funds meets with swift and certain pop- ular condemnation. The question of integrity goes further than this. Every act by which the interest of an individual is advanced at the ex- pense of the state is dishonest. The doctrine that “ to the victors belong the spoils ” has become in- wrought into our political system. This practice becomes dishonest the instant the public service thereby has become inefficient. The President of the United States is bound to see the laws faith- fully executed at the smallest practicable cost. Whenever he permits personal friendship, party spirit, or ambitious desires to put any additional burden upon the people of the country, he becomes fairly liable to public censure. If he poses as a reformer, and uses his power of appointment to secure a personal following and the public time and the public servants to advance his own selfish purposes and those of his confederates, he cannot be said to be dealing with the community in that broad spirit of common honesty which demands that “ public office shall be a public trust.” The chief magistrate of this nation should be a man who is well versed in public affairs. There 2lS LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF is a practical knowledge which comes from an in- timate acquaintance with the machinery of govern- ment. A man who is ignorant in this regard, however able or upright he may be, is tolerably certain to be inefficient as an administrator of public affairs. To succeed, a knowledge of men who lead the party and of the party purposes and methods is essential. A President without a Con- gressional following cannot serve his country to good advantage. That has been repeatedly shown within the last generation. Practical politics is the art of controlling the great mass of the voters so as to secure the adoption of desirable measures. It also consists in managing representative men so as to secure the same end. Hence it is important that the standard-bearer of a great party should at some time in the course of his life have been a successful conductor of political issues. When the English-speaking people came to these shores they early separated the church from the state. The experience of centuries had shown that the association of the religious with the civil arm gave rise to persecutions which were as cruel as they were unjust. Hence it is that, while the religious element permeates our entire republic, no man can become liable to condemnation or punish- ment bn account of his belief. Yet the feeling among our most thoughtful people is that our rulers should be God-fearing men. While there is no disposition to draw denominational lines, the pop- ular conscience demands that the President of the United States should be a firm believer in the inspiration of the Scriptures and a consistent adherent of some evangelical church. No infidel, ftthei^t or pronounced scoffer, if his belief is HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 219 known, could ever hope to receive the popular vote. The underlying thought in the popular heart is that the broad and trustful spirit which led Washington, in times of doubt and distress, to bow down before Almighty God and seek his guidance, should pre-eminently characterize the men who are to rule over us. In the foregoing chapters an epitome of the life and public services of Benjamin Harrison, the stand- ard-bearer of the Republican party, has been given. He appears to possess in a high degree the honesty of purpose, the breadth of view, the knowledge of the law, the information in regard to the prac- tical needs of the whole country and the under- standing of the principles of finance and political economy which unquestionably place him in a front rank among the statesmen of this generation. Mr. Harrison is a typical American. He be- longs to a race which more than once in times past has been prominent in public affairs. He is said to have inherited many of its leading charac- teristics, among which may be named the martial spirit and an intense love of constitutional liberty. Educated as a lawyer, his industry, his ability to grasp legal principles, his integrity, the careful preparation of his case, his clearness of statement, won for him warm words of commendation from both court and bar. This reputation he has main- tained, and he is considered at the present time to be one of the broadest and soundest lawyers in the country. He has had an experience in military affairs which will give him that clear insight which is desirable in the chief magistrate of the nation. When the contention arose between the Northern ?20 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF and the Southern sections of the country, he deter- mined to throw the weight of his influence and example in favor of the maintenance of the Fed- eral Government. Enlisting as a second-lieuten- ant he was soon after commissioned to raise a company, after which he was appointed as colonel, and before the close of the war he was commis- sioned as brigadier-general. In these years he builded better than he knew, for he was fitting himself for leadership. His experience as a politician began in 1876, when he became Republican candidate for gover- nor and was -beaten in a doubtful State after a bit- ter fight. So well did he conduct this contest, so great ability did he display as a manager, and so large comprehension did he show of the vital issues at stake that in 1881 the leaders of the Republican party nominated and the legislature elected him as United States Senator. In this position his knowledge, not only of national affairs, but also of political methods and needs, was broadened. The studious habits which he gained as a lawyer followed him as a Senator. The six years at Washington were well spent and did much towards fitting him for the high position to which the almost unanimous voice of his party has called him. He was during this period recog- nized as a faithful public servant, one who knew the merits of every question brought before the Senate and could always be counted on to vote intelligently and conscientiously. Here, as else- where, he had the best interests of the people at heart. An element in his character which commends him to the better class of voters is his sturdy hon- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 221 esty. He has an enlightened conscience and he permits it to guide him. He believes that right is superior to partisan dictation and that the largest benefits which the government can bestow upon the whole country should take the precedence over both the party to which he belongs and the politicians with whom he is associated. Our candidate is a broad man. His views are not narrowed by his immediate surroundings. He has the ability to take in the whole situation and to give to each factor its proper position, thus giv- ing to his utterances a weight which is almost judicial. The value of this characteristic in the chief magistrate of the nation would be almost beyond computation, as it would materially aid in the administration of exact justice and in the de- termination as to what legislation would best en- hance the public welfare. There ia another rare quality which is very apparent in his character. It is his comprehensive knowledge of human nature. “ He can read men like a book.” He knows the motives by which individuals or masses can be stirred to action or moved to quietude. This ability will be invalua- ble to the one who is to be responsible for the faithful execution of the laws, for by the wise and judicious selection of subordinates and in the com- pelling of a strict accountability he will be ena- bled to do much toward giving the whole people a wise, judicious and economical administration. Mr. Harrison believes that Americans should rule America and that the blessing of national protection should follow our citizen wherever he goes, and that the national ensign should be re- spected in every land and on every sea. The cry- 222 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF ing need is for more ample protection. Under the present administration Americans have been com- pelled in foreign ports, owing to the inefficiency of our national representative, to seek aid and protection of the English consuls, which, to the honor of the mother country, be it said, has always been promptly and courteously accorded. The broad policy which compels the respect of other nations will receive the hearty support of all who have the best interest of our country at heart. This subject naturally suggests our foreign rela- tions. On this question Mr. Harrison’s views are in accord with the Monroe doctrine. On the sub- ject of the fisheries and of the interests of our citizens therein, both the Republican party and its leader believe in aggressive resentment to im- pertinent interference. This will be one of the matters which will receive definite attention as soon as the party which redeemed the country comes into power again. Of course the interchanges which grow out of trade and commerce should be encouraged, as they are mutually advantageous to all the interested parties. Our diplomatic relations should be conducted by men of dignity and ability, and the position assigned to our representatives in foreign courts should be commensurate with the rank which the United States holds among the nations of the earth, otherwise our representatives should be withdrawn. Mr. Harrison works six days and rests on the seventh. His attention is divided between his family, his church and the suitable observances of the day. On this matter he is very strenuous. The whirl of business and the excitement of pol- itics must all give way on the approach of the HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 223 Lord’s day. Such has been his rule of life. Can the sons of the Puritans do better than to stake their hope of a good government and a wise and conscientious administration of its affairs upon one who has so high a regard for the commands of the Supreme Ruler of us all ? It must be apparent upon reflection that in all those characteristics which make up the leader, in those endowments which constitute the statesman, and in that love for God and his neighbor which constitutes the Christian gentleman Benjamin Harrison stands in the front rank. One might well think that, at the Convention in Chicago, notwithstanding the strife of partizans, the diplo- macy of leaders, and the clamor of the multitude, a providential hand was guiding the delegates to the wisest possible choice. Our hope is that Mr. Harrison, should he be called to the administration of public affairs, may display the same grandeur and nobility of character and the same regard for God and the right for which he has hitherto bees so pre-eminent. CHAPTER XIII. ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HARRISON. Inaugural Address — Protection to American Industries — Anti-Trust Legislation — Our Foreign Relations — The New Cabinet — Centennial Celebration of Washington’s Inauguration — President Harrison’s Speech — The Presi- dent’s First Message — Revision of the Tariff — Legisla- tion Against Lotteries — Increase of the Navy — Original Packages— The World’s Fair— The McKinley Tariff Bill. At the election in November, 1888, Harrison received 5,439,853 of the popular vote, and Cleve- land 5,540,329. Of the electoral vote Harrison received 233 and Cleveland 168. There was an imposing demonstration at Wash- ington on the occasion of President Harrison’s inauguration, March 4, 1889. A vast concourse of people assembled from all parts of the country, and the civic and military display surpassed all pagean- tries ever before witnessed at the capital. Presi- dent Harrison’s inaugural address, while recom- mending some important measures, was regarded as conservative in its tone, and served to inspire con- fidence in the new administration. The address traced the necessary growth of tariff legislation. This legislation was adopted in the early history of the nation. “ Societies for the promotion of home manufac- 224 HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 225 tures and for encouraging the use of domestics in the dress of the people were organized in many of the States. The revival at the end of the century of the same patriotic interest in the preservation and development of domestic industries, and the defense of our working people against injurious for- eign competition, is an incident worthy of attention. It is not a departure, but a return that we have witnessed. The protective policy had then its oppo- nents. The argument was made, as now, that its benefits inured to particular classes or sections.” PROTECTION RECOMMENDED. Continuing, the President said : “ I look hope- fully to the continuance of our protective system and to the consequent development of manufactur- ing and mining enterprises in the States hitherto wholly given to agriculture, 'as a potent influence in the perfect unification of our people. The men who have invested their capital in these enterprises, the farmers who have felt the benefit of their neigh- borhood, and the men who work in shop or field will not fail to find and to defend a community of interest.” The President gave some timely suggestions re- specting the formation of trusts and the evils which are likelv to attend them. Among other things he said : “ The evil example of permitting individuals, corporations, or communities to nullify the laws be- cause they cross some selfish or local interest or prejudices i« AH of danger, not ordv to the Nation 15 226 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF at large, blit much, more to those who use this per- nicious expedient to escape their just obligations or to obtain an unjust advantage over others. They will presently themselves be compelled to appeal tc the law for protection and those who would use the law as a defense must not deny that use of it to others. VIOLATION OF POPULAR RIGHTS. “ If our great corporations would more scrupu- lously observe their legal limitations and duties,, they would have less cause to complain of the un- lawful limitations of their rights or of violent inter- ference with their operations. The community that by concert, open 'or secret, among its citizens denies to a portion of its members their plain rights under the law, has severed the only safe bond of social order and prosperity. ' The evil works, from a bad centre, both ways. It demoralizes those who practice it and destroys the faith of those who suf- fer by it in the efficiency of the law as a safe pro- tector. The man in whose breast that faith has been darkened is naturally the subject of dangerous and uncanny suggestions. Those ivlio use unlaw- ful methods, if moved by no higher motive than the selfishness that prompted them, may well stop and inquire what is to be the end of this.” The President also recommended that our natu- ralization laws be so amended as to exclude the worst class of immigrants. “We should not cease to be hospitable to immigration, but we should cease to be careless as to the character of it HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 227 EUROPEAN AFFAIRS. The address recommended that care be exercised to maintain friendly relations with the other na- tions of the globe, but not at the expense of our own interests. A strong navy for the protection of the United States was urged as a prime consideration, with ■such appropriations as would be needed to build and equip a fleet of war- vessels capable of defend- ing our coasts and upholding the dignity of our flag. The reform of the civil service, the admission of new States, the freedom of the ballot, and the safe- guards needed to give efficacy to our election laws, were topics discussed by the address in a timely, patriotic manner. THE PRESIDENT’S CABINET. The new cabinet was constituted as follows .- Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, of Maine ; Postmaster- General, John Wanamaker, of Penn- sylvania; Secretary of the Treasury, William Windom, of Minnesota ; Secretary of the Navy, Benjamin F. Tracy, of New York ; Secretary of War, Bed field Proctor, of Vermont; Secretary ol >the Interior, John W. Noble, of Missouri ; Secre- tary of Agriculture, Jeremiah M. Rusk, of Wis- consin ; Attorney-General W. H. H. Miller, ol Indiana. On the 30th of April, 1889, the Centennial An- niversary of Washington’s Inauguration was cele- 228 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF bratecl in New York city. On the morning of tlie 29th, President Harrison was received in New York harbor with a naval parade, which comprised ships of the navy, steamboats, and a large number of vessels belonging to the merchant marine. On the 30th, religious and literary exercises were held, and these were followed by a fine military parade comprising regiments from the regular army, and militia from a number of States. On a stand erected at Madison Square, President Harrison and several cabinet officers reviewed the parade. The religious exercises comprised a prayer by Rev. R. S. Storrs, D.T)., LL. D., and a sermon by Bishop Potter, of -New York. The literary ex- ercises comprised a poem written for the occasion by John Greenleaf Whittier, and an oration by Hon. Chauncey M. Depew. ADDRESS AT THE BANQUET. • At a banquet in the evening, President Harrison spoke as follows : . “ The occasion and all its incidents will be mem- orable, not only in the history of your city, but in the history of our country. New York did not succeed in retaining the seat of national govern- Nnent here, though she made liberal provision for the assembling of the first Congress in the expecta- tion that Congress might find its permanent home here. But though you lost that which you coveted, I think the representatives here of all the States will agree that it was fortunate that the first inau- HON. UENJAMIN HARRISON. O0 r ) W J-i guratioil of Washington took place in the State and city of New York. “For where in our country could the centennial of the event have been so worthily celebrated as here? What seaboard offered so magnificent a bay, on which to display our merchant and naval marine ? What city offered tlioroughfares so mag- nificent or a people so great or so generous as New York has poured out to-day to celebrate that event ? “ I congratulate you to-day, as one of the in- structive and interesting features of this occasion, that these great thoroughfares dedicated to trade have elosefi their doors and covered up the insignia of commerce; that your great exchanges have closed and your citizens given themselves up to the observance of the celebration in which we are par- ticipating. THE AMERICAN IDEA. “ I believe that patriotism has been intensified in many hearts by what we have witnessed to-day. I believe that patriotism has been placed into a higher and holier fane in many hearts. The bunting with which you have covered your walls, these patriotic inscriptions, must go down, and the wage and trade be resumed again. “ Here may I not ask you to carry those inscrip- tions that now hang on the walls into your homes, into the schools of your city, into all your great institutions where children are gathered, and teach 230 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF them that the eye of the young and old should look upon that flag as one of the familiar glories of every American. “ Have we not learned that no stocks and bonds nor land is our country ? It is a spiritual thought that is in our minds ; it is the fireside and the home ; it is the flag and what it stands for ; it is the thoughts that are in our hearts ; born of the in- spiration which comes with the story of the flag of martyrs to liberty. It is the graveyard into which a common country has gathered the unconscious deeds of those who died that the thing might live which we love and call our country, rather than any thing that can be touched or seen.” ADMISSION OF NEW STATES. On the 22d of February, 1889, an act was passed by Congress admitting the following Territories into the Union as States : North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana,- and Washington. President Harrison issued his proclamations by which the admission of these Territories took effect during the same year, that of the two Dakotas on Novem- ber 2, that of Montana on November 8, and that of AVashington on November 11. The addition of so - many States in one year was styled by the President “ an event as unexampled as it is inter- esting.” The message of the President, sent to the Fifty- first Congress at the beginning of its first session, made reference to the conference held during the HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 231 year of tlie representatives of all the independent States of North and South America for the pur- pose of perpetuating and expanding the relations of mutual interest and friendliness existing among them. While it was hoped commercial re- sults would follow, the crowning benefit would he found in the better securities that would he de- vised for the maiutenance of peace among all American nations, and the settlement of all con- tentions by the methods of Christian civilization. REGULATIONS FOR VESSELS AT SEA. The message also called attention to the inter- national conference at Washington to adopt a uni- form system of marine signals and to amend the rules and regulations governing vessels at sea. The foregoing conferences brought together the ac- credited representatives of 33 nations. The President then discussed the question of Chinese immigration. After calling attention to the fact that previous legislation had failed, he continued : “ While our supreme interests demand the exclusion of a laboring element which experi- ence has shown to be incompatible with our social life, all steps to compass this imperative need should be accompanied with a recognition of the claim of those strangers now lawfully among us to humane and just treatment.” REVISION OF THE TARIFF. The message took strong ground upon the ques- tion of protection to American industries. A new 232 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF schedule of customs duties was recommended. “ The inequalities of the law should be adjusted, but the protective principle should be maintained and fairly applied to the products of our farms as well as of our shops.” Other subjects discussed in the message were sil- ver coinage, provision for our coast cities against foreign attack, the improvement of rivers and har- bors, how far “ trusts ” should be brought under Federal jurisdiction, the revision of our naturaliza- tion laws, the allotment of lands to the Indians and such legislation as was required for the protection of these wards of the' nation in their lawful rights and of the white settlers on our frontiers. The message dealt largely with the subject of pensions for our ex-soldiers, and urged that, with due regard to the public treasury, Congress should meet every just claim on the part of those who made heroic sacrifices in the hour of the nation’s peril. The foregoing were the most important subjects treated by the President, all of which were discussed with marked ability and with a breadth of view which impressed the country with his statesmanlike sagacity. - ANTI-LOTTERY LEGISLATION. For many years the Louisiana State Lottery car-* ried on its operations in defiance of the moral sen- timent of the country. Both Houses of Congress finally passed, without a division, an act forbidding the use of the United States mails by any person or THE WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON, D. C. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 233 c'ompany engaged in conducting any lottery, gift enterprise, or any scheme for obtaining money by false and fraudulent pretenses. The passage of this act resulted in the suppression of the Louisiana Lottery. An act was also nassed declaring to bo illegal every contract, combination in the form of trust or conspiracy in restraint of trade or commerce among the several States, or with foreign nations. This act passed both Houses of Congress without a di- vision. Its aim is to check the growing evils of trusts and all combinations of capital whereby a re- striction is put upon the manufacture and sale of commodities which constitute the necessaries of life. INCREASE OF THE NAVY. President Harrison’s administration was also signalized Ip" important legislation affecting the Navy. Provision was made for the construction of three sea-going coast-line battle ships, to carry the heaviest armor and ordnance, the cost not to exceed $4,000,000 each ; one protected cruiser, to have a maximum speed of 21 knots, and to cost not more than $2,750,000 ; one swift torpedo cruiser, to have a maximum speed of not less than 23 knots ; and one torpedo boat. Acts were passed admitting the Territories of Idaho and Wyoming as States into the Union. “ORIGINAL PACKAGE” LEGISLATION. By a vote of 29 to 5 in the Senate, and a vote of 119 to 93 in the House of Representatives, Con- 234 lAFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF gress passed an act providing tliat “All fermented, distilled, or other intoxicating liquors or liquids transported into any State or Territory remaining therein for use, consumption, sale, or storage there- in, shall, upon arrival in such State or Territory, be subject to the operation and effect of the laws of such State or Territory enacted in the exercise of its police powers, to the same extent and in the same manner as though such liquids or liquors had been produced in such State or Territory, and shall not be exempt therefrom by reason of being introduced therein in original packages or other- wise.” The act was approved August 8, 1890, and was occasioned by a decision of the United States Supreme Court (three judges dissenting) that brewers in Illinois had the right to import into Iowa beer, and to sell it in original packages without regard to the law of Iowa. Congress took up the matter promptly and provided ample legis- lation for the enforcement by the various States of their laws relating to the traffic in liquors. WORLD’S FAIR* The act provides for an exhibition of arts, in- dustries, manufactures, products of the soil, mine, • and sea in 1893 in Chicago, 111., in celebration of the feui hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus. A commis- sion of two persons from each State and Territory * An act was passed by Oongreso relating to the Columbian World’s Fair. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 235 is to be appointed by the President on the nomi- nation of the Governors, and of eight commis- sioners at laro-e and two from the District of O Columbia, to be appointed by the President, in all which there shall be one from each of the two leading political parties — with alternates — shall be the World’s Columbian Commission, with power to accept the site, etc., on condition of their being satisfied that $10,000,000 are secured for the com- plete preparation for said Exposition. The Com- mission is required to appoint a board of lady managers, who may appoint one or more members of all committees authorized to award prizes for exhibits which may be produced in whole or part by female labor. A naval review is directed to be held in New York Harbor in April, 1893, and the President is authorized to extend to foreim nations O an invitation to send ships of war to join the U. S. Navy in rendezvous at Hampton Roads and pro- ceed thence to said review. The buildings shall be dedicated October 12, 1892, and the Exposition open not later than May 1, 1893, and closed not later than October 30, 1893. The Commission shall exist no longer than January 1, 1898. A Government building for $400,000 shall be erected, to contain the Government exhibits. The United States shall not in any manner, nor under any cir- cumstances, be liable for any of the acts, doings, proceedings, or'representations of the said corpora- tion organized under the laws of the State of 236 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Illinois, its officers, agents, servants, or employees, or any of them, or for the service, salaries, labor, or wages of said officers, agents, servants, or em- ployees, or any of them, or for any subscriptions to the capital stock, or for any certificates of stock, bonds, mortgages, or obligations of any kind issued by said corporation, or for any debts, liabilities, or expenses of any kind whatever attending such corporation or accruing by reason of the same. IMMIGRATION LEGISLATION. The act of March 3, 1891, provides that the fol- lowing, besides Chinese laborers, shall be excluded from admission into the United States, in accordance with the existing acts regulating immigration : “ All idiots, insane persons, paupers, or persons likely to become a public charge, persons suffering from a loathsome disease or a dangerous contagious disease, persons who have ' been convicted of a felony or other infamous crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpitude, polygamists, and also any person whose ticket or passage is paid for with the money of. another or who is assisted by others to come, unless' it is affirmatively and satisfactorily shown on special inquiry that such person does not belong to one. of the foregoing excluded classes, or to the class of contract laborers excluded by the act of February 26, 1885, but this section shall not be held to exclude persons living in the United States from sending: for a relative or friend who is not of the excluded classes under such regulations as the HOIST. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 237 Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe : Pro- vided, That nothing in this act shall be construed to apply to or exclude persons convicted of a political offense, notwithstanding said political offense may be designated as a felony, crime, in- famous crime, or misdemeanor, involving moral turpitude, by the laws of the land whence he came ov by the court convicting.” IMPORTANT EVENTS. On December 15, 1890, Sitting Bull, a noted Sioux chief, ivas killed while resisting arrest by the Indian police near Standing Rock, Dakota. On December 22, his band of warriors surren- dered to United States troops. On December 24, 1890, President Harrison is- sued a proclamation inviting the nations of the earth to take part in the Chicago Exposition of 1893. On March 14, 1891, eleven Italians, who had been accused of conspiracy and the murder of Chief of Police Hennessy, were lynched in New Orleans by an enormous mob who broke open the jail. The Italian government made a protest and demanded satisfaction from the United States. Dissatisfied with Mr. Blame’s reply, the Italian minister to the United States was recalled. Our government finally paid indemnity for the lives lost at New Orleans, and referred all judicial action to the State courts of Louisiana, thereby restoring peaceful relations with Italy. 238 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF The steamer “ Itata,” loading at Sail Diego, Cali- fornia, with arms and ammunition for the Chilean insurgents, was seized on May 6, 1891, by the United States government. She sailed the follow- ing day with the U. S. deputy marshal on board. The war-ship “ Charleston ” was sent in pursuit, and the “ Itata ” was finally turned over to the United States officers in the harbor of Iquique, June 4. On October 26, 1891, the United States de- manded of Chile an explanation and reparation for the attack in the streets of Valparaiso on American seamen on the 16tli instant, and the subsequent action of the Chilean police. The affair caused much excitement throughout the country, and also indignation at ivliat was considered a wanton act of cruelty and an insult to the American flag. Presi- dent Harrison and his Cabinet took prompt action, a special message detailing the outrage was sent to Congress, and soon a satisfactory explanation and apology by Chile ended the unfortunate affair. The most important measure enacted during President Harrison’s administration was the Mc- Kinley Tariff Bill. This was a Republican meas- ure, the party being pledged to the principle of protection. The bill went into effect October 1, 1890, and has proved to be a beneficent measure. CHAPTER XIV. THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1892. Great Gathering at Minneapolis — The Resignation of Sec- retary Blaine From the Cabinet — The Convention Organ- ized-Ovation to Ex-Speaker Reed— Governor McKinley the Permanent Chairman — Speech of Governor McKinley — Report of Committee on Credentials— Test Vote Be- tween Harrison and Blaine Forces — Platform of 1892 — Speech of Mrs. Ellen J. Foster — Nomination of Candi- dates— Scenes of Wild Enthusiasm — The Vote Gives Har- rison the Nomination on First Ballot- -Nomination of Whitelaw Reid for the Vice-Presidency. An extraordinary interest was felt throughout the country in the great Republican Convention at Minneapolis. In addition to the appointed dele-- gates the Convention was attended by a large num- ber of celebrities from nearly all the States, and men prominent in both local and national politics were early on the ground. Political clubs, many cf them from distant localities, came by special trains, and with bands of music, badges, banners, and loud huzzahs signified their {^references for one or other of the prominent candidates. The excitement was fanned to fever heat by the resignation of Secretary Blaine from President Harrison’s Cabinet on Saturday, June 4. This was almost universally believed to indicate that Mr. (239) 240 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Blaine would allow his name to go before the Con- vention, notwithstanding his letter of February to the Chairman of the Republican National Com- mittee in which he stated that he would not consent to be a candidate. Prominent leaders who were opposed to the renomination of President Harrison at once made use of Mr. Blaine’s name, and exerted themselves to secure the nomination of the “ Plumed Knight.” The forces of the two leading candidates were quite evenly divided, and for sev- eral days before the assembling of the Convention the most persistent efforts were made by both sides to grasp the prize. The usual scenes attending Rational Conventions were re-enacted, and with in- tense interest the country awaited the result. ASSEMBLING OF THE CONVENTION. On Tuesday morning, June 7, the delegates met in the spacious Convention Hall, which was thronged to its utmost capacity. It was estimated that not less than 12,000 persons were present. The patriotic airs of “ Columbia,” “ My Country, ’Tis of Thee,” and the “ Star Spangled Banner ” were the prelude to the opening, and scarcely had the last echo of these inspiring medleys died away when Chairman Clarkson, of the Nationol Com- mittee, rapped the tenth Republican National Convention to order. Prayer was . offered by the Rev. William Bush, Chancellor of the University of Dakota. M. H. De Young, of California, one of the sec- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 241 retaries of the National Committee, read the offi- cial call of the Convention, and five minutes were consumed in the somewhat monotonous proceedings “ Gentlemen of the Convention,” said Chairman Clarkson, “ I am instructed by the National Com- 16 242 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF mittee to nominate for your temporary Chairman, the Hon. J. Sloat Fassett, of New York.” No one was placed in nomination in opposition to Mr. Fassett, and when the question was submit- ted there was not an opposing vote to his election. “ Your temporary Chairman, gentlemen,” was the introduction with which Mr. Clarkson pre- sented Chairman Fassett to the Convention. When Mr. Fassett advanced to the front, one prolonged cheer resounded through the hall and galleries. SPEECH OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Chairman Fassett’s speech was received with en- thusiasm. His allusions to reciprocity and the declaration that all good Republicans agreed that the party was greater than any one man, that the loyal decree of all was party success, provoked demonstrations of approval. The promise that the preliminary arrangements of the Convention should be in the right way and the right spirit was well received, but the height of the enthusiasm was reached when he said that, when the Conven- tion was over, all rivalry would be ended; when the nomination should be made there would be but one choice, and he would be the nominee of this Convention ; but one purpose, and that his election. “ All our candidates are strong men,” said he. “Some men are stronger than others [laughter], but our duty is to select the strongest.” [Applause.] “Our party has furnished Lincoln [applause], Seward, Grant. Those men are great ; those men HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 243 will always remain great because of their growth in the line of devotion to the Republican doctrine and Republican principles. Garfield [applause], Harrison, and Blaine are all great Republicans.” At the mention of the two latter names there was a scene of wild enthusiasm which lasted several minutes. EX-SPEAKER REED CALLED FORWARD. Another scene came when Chairman Fassett praised the work of the Fifty-first Congress “ un- der the iron will and strong administration of Thomas B Reed.” Almost equal to the preced- ing demonstration was the enthusiasm inspired by this reference to the great Republican parliament- arian. The ex-Speaker was seated far in the rear in the speakers’ stand, and was invisible to most of the audience. Some one started the cry of “ Reed, Reed !” and it was instantly taken up by the delegates and the' gallery. The building rang with the popular demand for the appearance of the man from Maine. Bat Mr. Reed displayed all his customary modesty, and it was not until the Chairman of the Convention turned and beckoned commandingly to him that he finally arose from bis seat. At the first sight of the distinguished son of Maine, every delegate and every auditor arose to do him homage. Taking advantage of the incident, Chairman Fassett said : “Your reception to that name shows that peerless, aggressive Republicanism appeals to 244 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF every Republican. His strong arm drew order out of chaos and established the doctrine that Rep- resentatives in Congress are there to do business, and that the Fifty-first Congress accomplished more affirmative constructive legislation in the 14 months of their session than our Democratic friends had accomplished in the preceding 14 years.” [Applause.] SPEECH OF THOMAS B. REED. Mr. Reed, when the cheering had subsided, spoke as follows: “Mr. President and Fellow- Citizens : I want to express, in the presence of this vast audience, my confidence in the future of the Republican party. [Applause.] Its past needs no indorsement of any man that has the indorse- ment of its history, for the deeds of the Republi- can party are history itself. [Applause.] And while we are prevented from pointing with pride to the achievements of our party on account of our tenderness for the Democratic party [laughter and applause], nevertheless, we sit here to-day rejoicing that our past history shows that, from our birth until now, our character has been such that it is a guarantee of the magnificent future which we are sure to have. [Applause.] It is true we have done great things, but it is equally true that we have no right to rest upon them. Our past is glorious, but our future ought to be more so. It is true that we have given to this country a wonder- ful reciprocal prosperity. It is true that wealth INTERIOR OF CONVENTION HALL, MINNEAPOLIS. ( 245 ) 246 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF lias been poured into the laps of all our people by the great system which we believe in and which we have carried out, but I say to you to-day that there is a nobler future even than securing pros- perity to a country before the Republican party. [Applause.] And that future is to give every citi- zen oi the United States liberty of thought and action. [Cheers and applause.] Wealth and prosperity are noble, but human liberty is magnifi- cent.’' [Great applause.] Of course, the speech of the Republican leader of the National House of Representatives was well received. His allusions to the sensitiveness of the Democratic party particularly excited the Conven- tion, and uproarious applause punctuated nearly every sentence of his eloquent speech. The temporary offices were then filled, and the Convention adjourned to 11 o’clock Wednesday morning. THE SECOND DAY. Forty -seven minutes after 11 was reached be- fore Chairman Fassett’s gavel fell and the Conven- tion and spectators settled down into comparative quiet. Prayer was offered by Bishop H. B. Whipple, of the diocese of Minnesota. The Chairman of the Committee on Organiza- tion announced that Governor William McKinley, of Ohio, had been selected as permanent chairman of the Convention. The announcement was re- ceived with uproarious applause. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 247 Governor McKinley was in liis seat with the Ohio delegation, and there was a slight hush as the committee approached him and formally apprised him of his election. With a bow, the Governor of the Buckeye State arose, and arm in arm with the Chairman of the Notification Committee, marched up to the platform. No occasion could have been more fitting to demonstrate the popularity of the great American protectionist, and his admirers were not slow to catch the inspiration. It was nearly a minute before the deafening cheers ceased reverberating through the halls and corridors, and when silence was finally restored Chairman McKinley was introduced by his predecessor as follows : “ Gentlemen of the Convention : Before pre- senting to you our permanent Chairman, the Chair desires to thank you most heartily for the kind forbearance which you have extended to him. [Applause.] I now have the honor and distin- guished pleasure to introduce the Hon. William McKinley, of Ohio.” [Applause.] governor McKinleys speech. The temporary Chairman then retired amid great applause, and after prolonged and renewed cheers and waving of banners, Governor McKinley spoke as follows : “ Gentlemen of the Convention ” [cries of “ Three cheers for McKinley.” The vast audience arose and shook the building with cheers for 248 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Ohio’s Governor.] “ I thank you for the honor of presiding over the tenth Convention of the Re- publican party. [Applause.] Republican Con- ventions mean something. They have always meant something. [Applause.] Republican Con- ventions say what they mean, and mean what they say. [Applause.] They declare principles and policies and purposes, and when intrusted Avitli power execute and enforce them. [Applause.] The first National Convention of the Republican party was held thirty -six years ago in the city of Philadelphia. The platform of that great Conven- tion reads to-day more like inspiration than the affirmation of a political party. [Great applause.] Every provision of that great instrument made by the fathers of our party is on the public statutes of our country to-day. [Applause.] Every one of them has been embodied into public law ; and that cannot be said of the platform of any other political organization in this . or any other country of the Avorld. [Cheers.] Whenever there is anything to be done in this country and by this country and for this country, the Republican party is called upon tc dc it. There is one thing that can be said about our organization that cannot be said of any other. It can look backward without shame or humiliation, and it can look forward with cheer and exultation. [Great applause.] That cannot be said of any political organization other than ours in the United States.” HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 249 THE PLATFORM AND TICKET. “ Thus, gentlemen of the Convention, we are here to-day to make a platform, and a ticket that will commend themselves to the conscience and intelli- gence and judgment of the American people [pro- longed applause] ; and we will do it. [Cheers.] Whatever is done by this Convention either as to platform or as to ticket will receive the approval of the American people in November of this year. [Great applause.] “ We have already heard some of the notes of victory, for this is a Republican year. Rhode Island has spoken. [Applause.] Only yesterday Oregon spoke, electing three Representatives — three Republican Representatives to the Congress of the United States; and when we get through with this Convention its conclusions will be the law of Republican victory. [Applause.] FOR PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. “We are for a protective tariff and for recipro- city. [Great applause.] We propose to take no backward step upon either one of these great Re- publican principles. [Applause.] We stand for a jn'otective tariff because it represents the Ameri- can home, the American fireside, the American family, the American girl, the American boy, and the highest possibilities of American citizenship. [Applause.] We propose to raise our money for public expenses by taxing the products of other na- tions rather than by taxing the products of our 250 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF own. [Applause.] The Democratic party believes in direct taxation, that is in taxing ourselves, but we do not believe in that principle so long as we can find anybody else to tax. “Our jirotective tariff not only does everything which a revenue tariff is doing, raising all needed revenues, but a protective tariff does more. A pro- tective tariff encourages and stimulates American industries and gives the widest possibilities to Ame- rican genius and American effort. Does anybody know what tariff reform is ? [‘ No, no !’ and laugh- ter]. And that is to be the platform of our politi- cal opponents this. year. What does it mean ? You may study President Cleveland’s utterances from the first one he made in New York when he said he did not know anything about the tariff [laughter], until his last one in Rhode Island, and you come away ignorant and uninformed as to what tariff reform means. REFORM- BILLS SINCE THE WAR. “ Since the war there have been three tariff re- form bills proposed by Democratic leaders, none of them alike, neither of them with the same free list, neither of them with the same tariff list, neither of them with the same rates of duty, but all made by the Democratic party upon the same principle to symbolize and represent tariff reform. You may go to Mills, you may go to Springer, and you will find that they differ totally, but you may go to the House of Representatives at Washington, HON. BENJAMIN HARRTSON. 251 which was elected distinctively upon what they call a tariff reform issue, with two-thirds majority in the House, and what do you find ? They pass three bills. “ Let me name them : First, free tin-plate, leav- ing- sheet steel, from which it is made, tariffed. That is, the finished product free and the raw ma- terial bearing a duty. Second, free wool to the manufacturer and tariffed cloth to the customer. Third, free cotton ties to the cotton States, and tariffed hoop iron to all the rest of the States. That is their idea of tariff reform. Gentlemen of the Convention, how do you like it ? TRUE AMERICANISM IN EVERY LINE. “ This contest that we enter upon is for the maintenance of protection and reciprocity [ap- plause], and I want to say here that there is not a line in that tariff bill that is not American; there is not a passage that is not patriotic ; there is not a page that does not represent true Americanism and the highest possibilities of American citizen- ship. [Great applause,] “ We are to declare ourselves upon other ques- tions here to-day. We are to declare ourselves on other questions of a free ballot and a fair count. [Applause.] No platform should ever be made that does not reiterate that great constitutional guarantee ; no Republican speech should ever be made that docs not insist firmly and resolutely that that great constitutional guarantee shall be a 252 LIFE AND PULLfC SERVICES OF living birthright, not a cold formality of constitu- tional enactment, but a living thing which the poorest and humblest may confidently enjoy and which the richest and most powerful dare not deny. [Applause.] “ We can well leave to the Committee on Resolu- tions the duty of making a platform that shall rep- resent the best thoughts and the best ideas and the best wisdom of the Republican party. When we go out of this Convention upon a true Republican platform, we go out marching to victory, no matter what man may carry the banner.” [Great ap- plause.] After theadoption of rules. for governing the Con- vention, the names of the new National Republican Committee Tvere read, and the Convention ad- journed till 11 o’clock Thursday morning. THIRD DAY OF THE CONVENTION. At 11.27, Chairman McKinley, with a few vig- orous raps of his .gavel, called for order, but a couple of minutes or more were occupied by the great mass of people in rustling into comparative silence. The Rev. William B. Rush, Chancellor of the University of South Dakota, opened the pro- ceedings with prayer. The Chairman then called for the report of the Committee on Credentials. General Cogswell, the chairman of that Committee, stated that they were not ready to report, but hoped to be able to make a full report by 8 o’clock in the evening. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 253 Senator Cullorn, of Illinois, offered tlie following resolution : Resolved, That the World’s Columbian Exposi- tion, to be inaugurated in the city of Chicago, in 1893, is rightfully considered by all classes of our citizens, regardless of their political affiliation, as a “ great National undertaking,” and that, in recog- nition of its character and importance, Congress ought promptly to provide, by appropriate legisla- tion, such reasonable appropriation in aid thereof as will enable the Government fully to discharge its express and implied obligations incident there- to, and as will insure the attainment of such re- sults therefrom as will be commensurate with the dignity, progress, culture, and development of a free and enlightened people. [Great applause.] The Chairman — “ The resolution, under the rules, will go to the Committee on Resolutions without debate.” The Convention then adjourned until 8 o’clock in the evening. EVENING SESSION. Chairman McKinley took his seat in the chair of the presiding officer shortly after 8 o’clock. Back of him the seats allotted to invited and dis- tinguished guests were all filled. Ex-Speaker Reed, who was absent from the morning session, was early in his place. So were others whose names have appeared in the list of those com- posing the group in this section. The music was inspiring, and as the changes were made 254 LIFE AND PULBIC SERVICES OF from one familiar national air to the other, the spectators occasionally broke out with applause. This was especially noticeable when “ Dixie ” was reached and the roar of applause for a few min- utes completely drowned the sounds of the brazen throats in the suspended platform. With the bringing down of the gavel Mr. Depew rose to a question of privilege, and announcing felicitously that to-day was the 83d birthday of the venerable ex-Secretary of the Navy, Diehard W. Thompson, moved that the congratulations of the Convention be extended to the leader of the Indiana delegation, who has been for so many years a delegate to Republican National Conventions. The motion was adopted by a unanimous vote, and amid great applause Mr. Thompson was escorted to the platform. Standing alongside the Chair- man he delivered thanks to the Convention for the high jiersonal' compliment just paid to him. His coupling of the names of Henry Clay and Major McKinley toward the end of his speech raised such a tumult of applause that all the electric lights in the building flickered, and the current ran so low that the big hall was in semi-darkness. Colonel Thompson continued speaking till the lamps brightened again. MAJORITY REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON CRE- DENTIALS. At 8 o’clock the Committee on Credentials finished their labors, and Chairman Cogswell was HOX. BENJAMTX HARRTSOX. 235 instructed, by a vote of 26 to 23, to proceed at once to the Convention and present a verbal statement of the conclusions which the Committee had reached. He was authorized to say that he pro- ceeded in that manner because of the fact that no time remained, if a report was to be presented to- night, to prepare a written one. Mr. Wallace, representing the minority, gave notice that he would ask the Convention for time in which to pre- sent the views of himself and his associates on the Committee in cases from Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi. j» The gist of the majority report was that twelve Harrison delegates in Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana be seated in place of the same number of Blaine men who got places on the temporary roll ; and the minority recommended that the twelve Blaine men on the temporary roll be placed on the permaneut roll. The report of the Committee as to the contests in Texas, Kentucky, Maryland, South Carolina, and North Carolina, and the District of Columbia had no political signifi- cance, and the report was unanimous on these cases. The total vote was, yeas, 422 i (Blaine) ; nays, 463 2 (Harrison). This was the first test vote in the Convention between the Harrison and Blaine forces. The re- sult was received by the Harrison delegates with the wildest demonstrations of delight. LTFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OI- PLATFORM OF 1892. The following platform was then presented and was unanimously adopted : The representatives of the Republicans of th« United States, assembled in general convention on the shores of the Mississippi River, the everlasting bond of an indestructible Republic, whose most glorious chapter of history is the record of the Re- publican party, congratulate their countrymen on the majestic march of the nation under the banners inscribed with the principles of our platform of 1888, vindicated by victory at the polls and pros- perity in our fields, workshops, and mines, and make the following declaration of principles : PROSPERITY DUE TO PROTECTION. We reaffirm the American doctrine of protec- tion. We call attention to its growth abroad. We maintain that the prosperous condition of our coun- try is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of the Republican Congress. We believe that all articles which cannot be pro- duced in the United States, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competition with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home. We assert that the prices of manufactured arti- cles of general consumption have been reduced under the operations of the tariff act of 1890. HON. BENJAMTN HARRISON. 257 We denounce tlie efforts of tlie Democratic ma- jority of tlie House of Rejiresentatives to destroy our tariff laws jiiecemeal as is manifested by their attacks upon wool, lead, and lead ores, tlie chief products of a number of States, and we ask the people for tlieir judgment thereon. SUCCESS OF RECIPROCITY. We point to the success of the Republican policy of reciprocity under which our export trade has vastly increased, and new and enlarged mar- kets have been opened for the products of our farms and workshops. We remind the people of the bitter opposition of the Democratic party to this practical business measure, and claim that, executed by a Republican administration, our present laws will eventually give us control of the trade of the world. THE SILVER PLANK. The American people, from tradition and inter- est, favor bimetallism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and silver as stand- ard money, with such restrictions and under such provisions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure the maintenance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt- paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times equal. The interests of the producers of the country, its farmers and its workingmen, demand that every dollar, pajier 17 258 LIFE AWD PUBLIC SERVICES OF or coin, issued by the government shall be as good as any other. We commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by our government to secure an international conference to adopt such measures as will insure a . parity of value between gold and silver for use as money throughout the world. A FREE BALLOT AND FAIR COUNT. We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to cast one free and unre- stricted ballot in all public elections, and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast ; that such laws shall be enacted and enforced as will se- cure to every citizen, be he rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, this sovereign right guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest popular ballot, the just and equal representation of all the people, as well as their .just and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation of our Republican institutions, and the party will never relax its efforts until the in- tegrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be fully guaranteed and protected in every State. SOUTHERN OUTRAGES. We denounce the continued inhuman outrages perpetrated upon American citizens for political reasons in certain Southern States of the Union. FOREIGN RELATIONS. We favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the restoration of our mercantile marine by home- HOST. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 259 built sliips and the creation of a navy for the pro- tection of our national interests and the honor of our flag ; the maintenance of the most friendly relations with all foreign powers, entangling alli- ance with none, and the protection of the rights of our fishermen. We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe Doc- trine and believe in the achievement of the mani- fest destiny of the Republic in its broadest sense. We favor the enactment of more stringent laws and regulations for the restriction of criminal, pauper, and contract immigration. MISCELLANEOUS. We favor efficient legislation by Congress to protect the life and limbs of employees of trans- portation companies engaged in carrying on inter- state commerce, and recommend legislation by the respective States that will protect employees en- gaged in State commerce, in mining, and in manu- facturing. The Republican party has always been the cham- pion of the oppressed, and recognizes the dignity of manhood, irrespective of faith, color, or na- tionality ; it sympathizes with the cause of Home Rule in Ireland, and protests against the persecu- tion of the Jews in Russia. The ultimate reliance of free popular govern- ment is the intelligence of the people and the maintenance of freedom among men. We there- fore declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought 260 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF and conscience, of speecli and press, and approve all agencies and instrumentalities which contribute to the education of the children of the land ; but, while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious liberty, we, are opposed to any union of Church and State. We reaffirm our opposition, declared in the Re- publican platform of 1888, to all combinations of capital, organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citi- zens. We heartily indorse the action already taken upon this subject, and ask for such further legislation as may be required to remedy any de- fects in existing laws, and to render their enforce- ment more complete and effective. We approve the policy of extending fo towns, villages, and rural communities the advantages of the free-delivery service now enjoyed by the larger cities of the country, and reaffirm the declaration contained in the Republican platform of 1888, pledging the reduction of letter postage to one cent at the earliest possible moment consistent with the maintenance of the Post-Office Department and the highest class of postal service. CIVIL SERVICE. We commend the spirit and evidence of reform in the Civil Service, and the wise and consistent enforcement by the Republican party of the laws regulating the same. ' HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 261 NICARAGUA CANAL. The construction of the Nicaragua Canal is of the highest importance to the American people, both as a measure of National defense and to build up and maintain American commerce, and it should be controlled by the United States Government. TERRITORIES. We favor the admission of the remaining Terri- tories at the earliest practical date, having due re- gard to the interests of the people of the Terri- tories and of the United States. All the Federal officers appointed for the Territories should be se- lected from bona fide residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be accorded as far o o as practicable. ARID LANDS. We favor cession, subject to the homestead laivs, of the arid public lands to the States and Terri- tories in which they lie, under such Congressional restrictions as to disposition, reclamation, and oc- cupancy by settlers as will secure the maximum benefits to the people. COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. The World’s Columbian Exposition is a great National undertaking, and Congress should promptly enact such reasonable legislation in aid thereof as will insure a discharge of the expenses and obligations incident thereto, and the attain- ment of results commensurate with the dignity and progress of the Nation. 262 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF In temperance we sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. PENSIONS. Ever mindful of the services and sacrifices of the men who saved the life of the Nation, we pledge anew to the veteran soldiers of the Republic a watchful care and recognition of their just claims upon a grateful people. HARRISON’S ADMINISTRATION. We commend the able, patriotic, and thoroughly American administration of President Harrison. Under it the country has enjoyed remarkable prosperity, and the dignity and honor of the Na- tion, at home and abroad, „ have been faithfully maintained, and we offer the record of pledges kept as a guarantee of faithful performance in the future. FOURTH, DAY OF THE CONVENTION. It was past 11.30 when the Convention got to work. Rev. Way land Hoyt, D. D., of Minneapo- lis, opened the session with prayer. The first business was the announcement by Senator Quay that David Martin had been selected as Pennsylvania’s member of the National Commit- tee. Other dilatory States reported their members, and Mr. Quay stated that the opposition to the majority report of the Committee on Credentials would make no further fight. The majority re- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 263 port was then adopted amid cheers from the Harri- son slionters. The galleries were packed by this time, and the heat seemed to grow into intensity until the fluttering of fans transformed the crowd into what looked like a wheat field moved by a summer breeze. DOWN TO BUSINESS. The announcement that nominations were in order was then made and Chairman McKinley de- clared that speeches must be limited to fifteen min- utes. Mrs. J. Ellen Foster was granted the privilege of the platform, and made an address in behalf of the Women’s Republican Association of the United States, receiving quite an ovation when she concluded. The following is Mrs. Foster’s address : “ Mr. Chairman, gentlemen, and ladies : I thank you. This is no mean honor, and I congratulate myself that I am to-day the chosen representative of many thousand Republican women and may speak for them in this magnificent presence. Gen- tlemen and ladies, representatives of the Republi- can party, I have more reason to be proud as your comrade in the American march of progress out of Old World barbarisms into twentieth century civ- ilization than has any queen of her hereditary crown. [Applause.] The tests of civilization are the changed ideals toward which its people aspire. A free church and a free state are America’s at- tainment of its noblest ideals. [Applause.] It is 264 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF not strange tliat a woman who loves lier country should love the grand old party, which is, all scof- fers to the contrary notwithstanding, the party of great moral ideas. [Applause.] “Women are by nature heroic. [Applause.] American women are by hereditary environment patriotic; their patriotism finds noble expression in service to the Republican party, and their so- cial, educational, and political influence is more and more at its command. “HERE TO STAY.” “ Gentlemen and ladies, the Women’s Republi- can Association has prepared plans of work, with suggestions of details, which will be presented to every delegate and alternate of the various State headquarters. We are with you to help, and we are here to stay. We do not seek recognition in the party in the interests of any one of the moral reforms in which, as individuals, we have a part ; we believe moral reforms should be carried on outside of party lines in the wider domain of humanitarian, of philanthropic, and of Christian effort. Not every one who cries reform is a reformer. When a would-be reformer declares that he will inaug- urate political chaos or help enthrone political wrong in order to bring individual opinions or even convictions into greater prominence, that man or woman follows neither the teachings of phil- osophy or the commands of Scripture. A man who fails to vote or who ignores the present harm HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 265 which his vote may do, can find no warrant for Ills course in reason or in morals. [Applause.] “ He who does not stand far the greatest jmesent attainable good is a helper of the bad. Righteous- ness in government comes by evolution sooner than by revolution. Revolution is the gate through which a people emerge to a larger liberty ; the gate is opened by the assaults of the bad, not by the hands of the good. John Brown’s methods failed, and in the nature of things had to fail ; John Brown’s soul is marching on. [Applause.] The aggressions of slavery brought on the war ; in its crimson chariot the African slave was carried to liberty. [Applause.] Therefore, let women weave their laurels and sing their glories to the robust political action of the Republican party, which accepts the present as it is found, but out of it builds great boulevards of human progress. THE WOMEN ARE LOYAL. “ Gentlemen, in your services as Rejmblicans we know no personal preferences or factional strife ; we wear upon our breasts the name of none of the honorable men who may be your choice ; but in our hearts are carried and from prayerful lips will soon be uttered the names of your nominees. We love our States and we love the Nation. Not Csesar less, but Rome more. I love my native State. Massachusetts is a great State ; from the sands and rocks of her Atlantic coast consecrated by Plymouth’s Pilgrim band ; through the gardens 266 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF of lier river valleys to the borders of the Empire State she is full of greatness ; great in ideas which are the only real forces in civilization ; great in power to apply those ideas in the common walks of life ; in trade, in commerce, in industries, in economies, in reforms, and in the science of gov- ernment. [Applause.] Iowa, my adopted State, thou art the beloved daughter of New England’s Queen and thou dost honor thy royalty. Iowa was quick to respond to the Nation’s call in time of civil strife ; she was first to respond to the cry of starving Russia ; the sight of her corn made glad the hearts of dying men and women and little children ; she even sent seven of her good women along to set the table. [Applause.] THE LAST NEW STATE. “ Iowa’s corn will feed millions, but by constitu- tional law her people -have decreed that no one kernel shall be made into poison. [Applause.] Massachusetts is great ; Iowa is the flower of her greatness. But there sit upon this floor the repre- sentatives of a greater State, the State of rocks and rivers ; of plains and mountains — a State peer of any other in natural resources and in power of development, but peerless in the crown its civiliza- tion wears; peerless in free men and free women — Wyoming thou art the land of promise. [Applause.] Women of Wyoming, who gave you the lead ? I heard you answer the free men of your house- holds, who thought it not robbery to themselves to HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 267 make you their equals before the law. [Applause.] Who placed your star in the proud flag of the world, the most beautiful emblem that the sun shines on-except the cross of the world’s Redeemer. [Applause.] By whose votes was Wyoming made a State ? Current history answers. History — sacred and profane — will never forget. By the votes of Republicans in the Fifty-first Congress Wyoming came into the Union. [Applause.] The Republican party in the Congress was prac- tically solid for the admission of this first free State. [Applause.] The Democratic party was practically against it. [Hisses.] God bless the Republicar party in the Fifty-first Congress. [Applause.] Gentlemen, the Republican party is nothing if not progressive. It is a party of action ; its breath is progress ; its speech is the language of the world ; its dialect is the rhetoric of the home, the farm, the shop. Its shibboleth might be written on the white walls of any church. It holds within its ranks the armies of all reform; the con- stituencies are the living, moving, vital elements of American life. [Applause.] Why should not women rally to the support of such a party? Gentlemen, we have come ! we are yours for service. May God keep us all wise and true, and strong and brave.” [Applause.] When the roll-call was made for the presenta- tion of candidates the States all passed until Col- 268 LIFE AXD PUBLIC SERVICES OF oraclo was reached. Then Senator Wolcott claimed the floor. He at once jumped into his subject by declaring that the choice of the Western Republi- cans was Blaine. The magnetic name caught the galleries like wildfire. Women stood up and cheered, while the men fairly shouted and the air was thick with waving hats, parasols, handker- chiefs, and small flags. When he could talk he de- clared Blaine was the grandest statesman of the age and said his defeat eight years ago was the result of factional troubles. “ Our candidate,” he said, “ has never been President, but he will be.” THERE FOR A PURPOSE. This brought out another demonstration and it became evident that the galleries had been packed with Blaine shouters instructed to try and infuse some enthusiasm into the delegation by yelling and cheering at every mention of reciprocity or the Maine statesman’s name. The ovation looked like as much a personal compliment to the brilliant and handsome Coloradian as to the candidate he named. Indiana was the next State to respond to the call, and venerable old Dick Thompson ascended the platform amid a storm of genuine cheers that were not confined to the galleries. He nominated Ben- jamin Harrison as the wisest statesman of his day, and his short speech was the signal for a demon- stration in comparison to which the Blaine demon- stration paled into insignificance. The delegates did HOIST. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 269 it, and for several minutes a scene tliat beggars de- scription was enacted. Fully as many women joined in tlie cheering as were participants in the Blaine shouting. A LADY LEADS THE CHEERS. When Michigan was reached a voice from the gallery shouted : “ What’s the matter with Alger ?” To this the Michigan delegates, who in caucus de- cided not to present the name of their favorite, shouted in unison : “ He’s all right, hut he is not in it !” Minnesota seconded the nomination of Blaine, hut the sliouters had been abashed by the volume of Harrison cheers and responded but feebly even to the mention of reciprocity, which was the burden of the speech by Mr. Eustis, of the Minne- apolis delegation. When he sat down, a magnificent-looking woman in the rear of the speaker’s stand waved aloft a white parasol and proposed three cheers for Blaine. Her loose sleeves fell back from her splendid arms, exposing them tc the sliouters as she waved them in the air and the great audience actually rose to her, and under her daring leadership the greatest demonstration of the Convention was made to keep up until from sheer exhaustion she was forced to fall back into her chair. It was a wonderful sight, and old Convention-goers say the like of it has never been before witnessed in a Convention hall. For fully thirty minutes it kept up and the Harrison men joined in the great tribute to a handsome woman’s daring but graceful action. 270 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF THE BAND PLAYED “ANNIE LAURTE.” Three times McKinley ordered the hand to play, bnt the noise completely drowned the music, and the Convention had to wait until the yelling and the perspiring crowd had tired of shguting in the air: “Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine !” The woman who started the demonstration was the wife of Carson Lake, a bright, intelligent, and winsome lady, herself an ardent Blaine woman, and she was prompted by ex-Speaker Reed, who from his seat immediately behind her was the first to start the Blaine air. A fine negro delegate, introduced as Mollison, of Mississippi, seconded Blaine’s nomi* nation. DEPEW’S SPLENDID SPEECH. When New York was called, Chauncey M. Depew advanced to the platform amid great cheer- ing. It was understood that Mr. Depew was to second the nomination of President Harrison, and the Harrison men saluted him with vociferous yells and other demonstrations of approval. When quiet was restored Mr. Depew proceeded as fol- lows “ Mr. President, and. Gentlemen of the Conven- tion : It is the peculiarity of Republican National Conventions that each one of them has a distinct and interesting history. We are here to meet con- ditions and solve problems which make this gathering not only an exception to the rule but substantially a new departure. That there should TTON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 271 be strong convictions and their earnest expression as to preference and politics is characteristic of the right of individual judgment, which is the funda- mental principle of Republicanism. [Applause.] There have been occasions when the result was so sure that the delegates could freely indulge in the charming privilege of favoritism and of friendship. But the situation which now confronts us demands the exercise of dispassionate judgment and our best thought and experience. We cannot venture on uncertain ground or encounter obstacles placed in the pathway of success by ourselves. [Applause.] “ The Democratic party is now divided, but the hope of the possession of power once more will make it in the final battle more aggressive, deter- mined, and unscrupulous than ever. It starts with 15 States secure, without an effort, by processes which are a travesty upon popular government, and, if continued long enough, will paralyze insti- tutions founded upon popular suffrage. It has to win four more States in a fair fight, States which in the vocabulary of politics are denominated doubt- ful. The Republican party must appeal to the conscience and the judgment of the individual voter in every State in the Union. This is in accord- ance with the principles upon which it was founded, and the objects for which it contends. [Applause.] It has accepted this issue before and fought it out with an extraordinary continuance of success. 272 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF PRINCIPLES OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. “ The conditions of Republican victory from 1860 to 1880 were created by Abraliam Lincoln and U. S. Grant. [Cheers.] They were created that tke saved Republic should be run by its saviors — the emancipation of the slaves ; the reconstruction of the States ; the reception of those who had fought to destroy the Republic back into the fold, without penalties or punishments, and to an equal share with those who had fought and saved the Nation in the solemn obligation and inestimable privileges of American citizenship. They were the embodi- ment into the Constitution of the principles for which two millions of men had fought and a half million had died. They were the restoration of public credit, the resumption of specie payments, and the prosperous condition of solvent business for 25 years. They were names with which to conjure and events fresh in the public mind which were eloquent with popular enthusiasm. It needed little else than a recital of the glorious story of its heroes and statement of the achievements of the Re- publican party to retain the confidence of the people. “ But from the desire for a change, which is characteristic of free government, there came a re - versal ; there came a check to the progress of the Republican party and four years of Democratic administration. Those four years largely relegated to the realm of history past issues, and brought us HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. Ii73 facts face to face with what Democracy, its perver- sions and its practices mean. “ The great names which have adorned the roll of the Republican statesmen and soldiers are po- tent and popular. [Applause.] The great meas- ures of the Republican party are still the best part of the history of the century. [Applause.] The unequalled and unexampled story of Republican- ism in its progress and its achievements stands unique in the record of parties in governments which are free. WHAT WILL WIN THE FIGHT. “ But we live in practical times, facing practical issues which affect the business, the wages, the labor, and the prosperity of to-day. The cam- paign will be won or lost, not upon the bad record of James K. Polk, or of Franklin Pierce, or of James Buchanan — not upon the good record of Lincoln or Grant, or of Arthur, or of Hayes, or of Garfield. [Applause.] It will be won or lost upon the policy, foreign and domestic, the indus- trial measures and the administrative acts of the administration of Benjamin Harrison. [Tremen- dous cheering.] Whoever receives the nomination of this Convention will run upon the judgment of tne people as to whether they have been more pros-, perous and more happy, whether the country has been in a better condition at home and stood more honorably abroad under these last four years of Harrison and Republican administration than dur- 18 274 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF ing the preceding four years of Cleveland and Democratic government. [Cheers.] “ Not since Thomas Jefferson has any adminis- tration been called upon to face and solve so many or such difficult problems as those which have been exigent in our conditions. No administration since the organization of the government has ever met difficulties better or more to the satisfaction of the American people. [Great applause.] Chile has been taught that, no matter how small the antago- nist, no community can with safety insult the flag or murder American sailors. [Cheers.] Germany and England have learned in Samoa that the United States has become one of the powers of the world, and no matter how mighty the adversary, at every sacrifice American honor will be main- tained. [Applause.] ACTS OF THE ADMINISTRATION. “ The Behring sea question, which was the in- surmountable obstacle in the diplomacy of Cleve- land and of Bayard, has been settled upon a basis which sustains the American position until arbitra- tion shall have determined our right. [Applause.] The dollar of the country has been placed and kept on the standard of commercial nations, and a convention has been agreed upon with foreign governments which by making bimetallism the policy of all nations may successfully solve all our financial problems. [Applause.] The tariff, tin- kered with and trifled with to the serious disturb- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 275 ance of trade and disaster to business since the days of Washington, has been courageously em- bodied into a code which has preserved the prin- ciple of the protection of American industries. [Great cheering.] To it has been added a benefi- cent policy, supplemented by beneficial treaties and wise diplomacy, which has opened to our farmers and manufacturers the markets of other countries. [Applause.] The navy has been budded upon lines which will protect . American citizens and American interests, and the American flag all over the world. [Cheers.] The public debt has been reduced, the maturing bonds have been paid off. The public credit has been maintained. The bur- dens of taxation have been lightened. Two hun- dred millions of currency have been added to the people’s money without disturbance of the ex- changes. Unexampled prosperity has crowned wise laws and their wise administration. “WHO’S BEEN PRESIDENT, ANYHOW?'’ “ The main question which divides us is, to whom does the credit of all this belong. Orators may stand upon this platform, more able and eloquent than I, who will paint in more brilliant colors, but they cannot put in more earnest thought the affec- tion and admiration of the Republicans for our distinguished Secretary of State. [Prolonged cheering.] I yield to no Republican, no matter from what State he hails, in admiration and respect for John Sherman, for Governor McKinley, for 276 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Thomas B. Beed, for Iowa’s great son, for the favorites of Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan, but when I am told that the credit for the brilliant diplomacy of this administration belongs exclu- sively to the Secretary of State, for the administra- tion of its finances to the Secretary of the Treas- ury, for the construction of its ships to the Secre- tary of the Navy, for the introduction of Ameri- can pork in Europe to the Secretary of Agricul- ture, for the settlement, so far as it is settled, of the currency question to Senator John Sherman, for the formulation of the tariff laws to Governor McKinley, for the removal of the restrictions placed by foreign nations upon the introduction of American pork to our Ministers at Paris and Ber- lin, I am tempted seriously to inquire who, during the last four years, has been President of the United States, anyhow ? [Loud and long con- tinued cheering and applause.] “ Csesar, when he wrote those Commentaries which were the history of the conquests of Europe under his leadership, modestly took the position of Aeneas when he said : ‘ They are the narrative of events, the whole of which I saw and the part of which I was.’ General Thomas, as the rock of Chickamauga, occupies a place in our history with Leonidas among the Greeks, except that he suc- ceeded where Leonidas failed. [Applause.] The fight of Joe Hooker above the clouds was the poetry of battle. [Applause.] The resistless rush HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 277 of Sheridan and his steed down the V alley of the Shenandoah is the epic of our Civil War. [Ap- plause.] The march of Sherman from Atlanta to the sea is the supreme triumph of gallantry and strategy. [Applause and cheers.] It detracts nothing from the splendor or the merits of the deeds of his lieutenants to say that, having se- lected them with marvelous sagacity and discre- tion, Grant still remained the supreme commander of the National Army. [Great cheering.] HARRISON WAS AT THE HELM. “All the proposed acts of any administration, before they are formulated, are passed upon in Cabinet council, and the measures and suggestions of the ablest Secretaries would have failed with a lesser President ; but, for the great good of the country and the benefit of the Republican party, they have succeeded because of the suggestive mind, the indomitable courage, the intelligent ap- preciation of situation and the grand magnanimity of Benjamin Harrison. [Tumultuous cheering.] “ ’Tis an undisputed fact that . during the few months when both the Secretary of State and Sec- retary of the Treasury were ill, the President jier- sonally assumed the duties of the State Depart- ment and of the Treasury Department, and both with equal success. [Applause.] The Secretary of State, in accepting his portfolio under President Garfied, wrote: ‘Your administration must be made brilliantly successful and strong in the con- 278 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF fidence and pride of the people, not at all diverting its energies for re-election and yet compelling that result by the logic of events and by the imperious necessities of the situation.’ Garfield fell before the bullet of the assassin, and Mr. Blaine retired to private life. General Harrison invited him to take up that unfinished diplomatic career where the thread had been so tragically broken. He en- tered the Cabinet. He resumed his work and won a higher place in our history. [Cheers.] The prophecy he made for Garfield has been superbly fulfilled by President Harrison. In the language of Mr. Blaine, ‘ the President has compelled a re- election by the logic of events and the imperious necessities of the situation.’ [Long-continued cheers.] THE PAST AS A GUIDE FOR THE FUTURE. “ The man who is nominated to-day, to win, must carry a certain number of the well-known doubtful States. Patrick Henry, in the conven- tion which started rolling the ball of the inde- pendence of the" Colonies from Great Britain, said : ‘ I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past.’ New York was carried in 1880 by Garfield, and in every important election since that time we have done our best. We have put forward our ablest, our most popular, our most brilliant leaders, for governor and State officers, to suffer constant de- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 279 feat. The only light which illumines with the sun of hope the dark record of those 12 years is the fact that, in 1888, the State of New York was triumphantly carried by President Harrison. [Cheering, long continued.] He carried it then as a gallant soldier, a wise Senator and statesman, who inspired confidence by his public utterances in daily speech from the beginning of the canvass to its close. He still has all these claims, and, in addition, an administration beyond criticism and rich with the elements of popularity with which to carry New York again. [Cheers.] THE YOUNGER PITT OF AMERICA. “ Ancestry helps in the Old World, and handi- caps in the New. There is but one distinguished example of a son first overcoming the limitations imposed by the pre-eminent fame of his father, and then rising above it — and that was when the younger Pitt became greater than Chatham. With an ancestor a signer of the Declaration of Inde- pendence and another who saved the Northwest from savagery and gave it to civilization and empire, and who was also President of the United States, a poor and unknown lawyer of Indiana has risen by his unaided efforts to such distinction as lawyer, orator, soldier, statesman, and President that he reflects more credit on his ancestors than they have devolved upon him, and presents in American history the parallel of the younger Pitt, [Great applause.] 280 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF “ By the grand record of a wise and popular administration, by the strength gained in frequent contact of the people in wonderfully versatile and felicitous speech, by the claims of a pure life in public and in the simplicity of atypical American home — I nominate Benjamin Harrison.” [Tre- mendous cheering, renewed again and again.] TUMULTOUS CHEERS FOR THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Depew’s words : “ In the name of the pur- est of representatives, in the name of the simplicity of a typical American home, I second the nomina- tion of Benjamin Harrison,” seemed to electrify the vast multitude who shook the great building with applause and cheers. A portrait of President Har- rison which was carried on to the platform was greeted with thunders of applause, which continued for five minutes. When the Marquette Club of Chicago marched down the centre aisle bearing aloft the Janies G. Blaine banner and placed it alongside that of the President on the platform, the cheering continued for two minutes more and then the portrait of President Harrison was car- ried down the centre aisle and held aloft over the Indiana delegation. Deafening applause greeted this manoeuvre. A man at the extreme right of the audience lifted aloft a life-sized photograph of McKinley, and the friends and admirers of the popular chair- man shouted a yell of their own. McKinley, upon catching*sight of his portrait, shook his gavel in a HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 281 menacing way at the enthusiastic hearer of the same. After the tumult had continued for nine- THE HARRISON BADGE. THE BLAINE BADGE. teen minutes the chairman endeavored to restore order, hut the effort was futile, and again the wave 282 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF of sound broke forth in cheer upon cheer and the vast hall refused to be still. This continued for about two minutes longer, when the chairman, by vigorously plying his gavel, finally succeeded in restoring order. The clerk proceeded to call North Carolina, when Warner Miller sprang to his feet and said : “ Mr. Chairman, New York is yet to be heard from.” Mr. Miller then in an eloquent speech ad- vocated the claims of President Harrison, and another wave of enthusiasm swept over the im- mense audience. Other speeches were made by jirominent dele- gates for their respective candidates. By this time the crowd had wearied of the flow of oratory, and a long-haired man from Wyoming was accorded scant courtesy when he launched out into a burning eulogy of Blaine. The anti-Harri- son leaders wanted to keep up the speaking after the call of States had been completed, but Sewell, of New Jersey, moved that the Convention proceed to a ballot and his motion prevailed. The workers at once began to hustle, and for twenty minutes the Convention hall was trans- formed into a bee-liive. The anti-Harrison lead- ers circulated among the delegates, trying to attract them by offers of enough votes to nominate McKinley on the second ballot. The Harrison men took a last look around and settled back into their seats as if they did not fear a show of hands. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 283 VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, ... 535 1-6 James G. Blaine, of Maine, . . . 183 1-6 William McKinley, of Ohio, 183 Thomas B. Heed, of Maine 4 Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois, 1 FOLLOWING IS THE VOTE. FOLLOWING IS THE VOTE. Harrison. Blaine. McKinley. Reed. Lincoln. Alabama 15 0 7 0 0 Arkansas, 15 0 i 0 0 California 8 9 i 0 0 Colorado, 0 8 0 0 0 Connecticut, • . . 4 0 8 0 0 Delaware 4 1 1 0 0 Florida, ". 8 0 0 0 0 Georgia, 26 0 0 0 0 Idaho, 0 6 0 0 0 Illinois, 84 14 0 0 0 Indiana, 30 0 0 0 0 Iowa 20 5 1 0 0 Kansas, 11 0 9 0 0 Kentucky, 22 2 1 0 0 Louisiana S 8 0 0 0 Maine 0 12 0 0 0 Maryland, 14 0 2 0 0 Massachusetts 18 1 11 0 0 Michigan 7 2 19 0 0 Minnesota, 8 9 1 0 0 Mississippi 13 54 0 0 0 Missouri, 28 4 2 0 0 Montana, 5 1 0 0 0 Nebraska 15 0 1 0 0 Nevada, 0 6 0 0 0 New Hampshire, 4 2 0 1 1 New Jersey, 18 2 0 0 0 New York, 27 35 10 0 0 North Carolina, 17% 2% 1 0 0 North Dakota, 2 4 0 0 0 Ohio i 0 45 0 0 Oregon i 0 7 0 0 Pennsylvania, 19 3 42 0 0 Rhode' Island, 5 1 1 1 0 South Carolina, 13 3 2 0 0 South Dakota, 8 0 0 0 0 Tennessee, 17 4 3 0 0 Texas 22 6 0 2 0 Vermont 8 0 0 0 0 Virginia 9 13 2 0 0 Washington . 1 6 1 0 0 West Virginia 12 0 0 0 0 Wisconsin 19 2 3 0 0 Wyoming 4 2 0 0 0 Arizona 1 1 0 0 0 District of Columbia, 0 2 0 0 0 New Mexico, 6 0 0 0 0 Oklahoma, 2 0 0 0 0 Utah 2 0 0 0 0 Alaska, 2 . 0 0 0 0 Indian Territory 1 1 0 0 0 Total 535 1 -6 1821-6 182 4 1 Kentucky 1 absent. 284 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Every nerve was strung up to the highest tension by the time the call of States was begun. The Pennsylvania delegation left the main hall in a body and caucused in an inner room, with Senatoi Quay’s assistance. They were out until Ohio was reached on the call and McKinley had left the chair in charge of a vice-president while he joined his delegation and voted for Harrison. Chairman McKinley took the floor when the poll of the States had been finished, and moved that the nomination be made unanimous. The resolution went through with a rush, and the Con- vention, amid a noise that paralyzed the nerves of hearing, adjourned until 8 o’clock. WHITELAW REID FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. The interest after the afternoon adjournment centered in the nomination of a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, and caused this subject to be a most engrossing topic between the hours of the afternoon and evening session. As this Conven- tion had been pre-eminently a Convention confer- ence, so the wiseacres of the party attempted to select the Vice-Presidential candidate in a series of hasty conferences held between 4 and 8 o’clock. But when the Convention opened it was not appar- ent that these councils had attained any greater result than to precipitate the discussion of three or four very available gentlemen, all of whom lived in Eastern States, and most of whom were residents of the Empire State of New York; and so when HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 285 the hour of the evening session arrived the names of Whitelaw Reid, Levi P. Morton, and Warner Miller, of New York, and Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, were a few of the names that could be heard discussed on every side. The prevailing opinion seemed to be that the New York delegation would name the candidate, and the delegation of that State appeared to be unanimous for Whitelaw Reid. . The session began with these words by Governor McKinley : “ The order of business is the pres- entation of candidates for Vice-President of the United States. The secretary will call the roll of States and Territories.” Before the roll-call began, on motion of Baird, of Illinois, the vacant seats in the galleries were thrown open to the crowds outside having no tick- ets. They rushed into every square foot of space. The secretary then proceeded with the call of the roll until New York was reached. THE SITUATION AGCEPTED. Senator O’Connor, of New York — “ Mr. Chair- man, at a meeting of the New York delegation regularly called, in the absence of Senator Miller, I was designated as chairman, and instructed by the unanimous voice of the delegation to present a name of a distinguished citizen of the State of New York in nomination for Vice-President. “As you all know the great majority of delega- tion since the opening of this Convention has been working very strenuously for the nomination of a 286 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF candidate that the Convention in its wisdom did not see fit to sanction ; but I want to notify the Re- publican delegates from every part of the United States that that large majority subordinates their personal views and acquiesces in the wisdom of the Convention. [Applause.] We want to assure you that, in our opposition to the nomination of the successful candidate there was nothing of a personal nature, and we now recognize the duty of every Republican to bow loyally to the judgment of this Convention. [Applause.] We believe, however, that New York State ought to be aided in the great struggle it will have to make to land that State in the Republican column, and I believe the gentle- man whom I shall name will aid us materially in accomplishing that purpose. GENERAL PORTER’S SPEECH. “ I will not detain this Convention, as General Horace Porter, of the city of New York, will tell this Convention the distinguished claims of the gen- tleman he shall nominate, and I therefore will con- clude my labors in behalf of the New York dele- gation by placing in nomination for the Vice- Presidency of the United States, the Hon. White- law Reid.” [Great applause.] The Chairman — “ I have the pleasure of pre- senting to the Convention the Hon. Horace Porter, of New York.” [Applause.] “ Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven- tion : I rise on behalf of the New York delegation HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 287 to commend to you the distinguished gentleman whose name has just been pronounced as a candi- date for the Vice-Presidency by the chairman of that delegation. This gentleman, by his private work and public services, has well commended himself not only to the people of the Empire State, but the people of all States throughout the Union. [Applause.] “ His name and character and services will give an assurance that he will carry out the policy of the party ; that he will stand strong in the affec- tions of his fellow-citizens ; that he will command the unqualified respect of all the civilized globe. [Applause.] He is prominently to-day New York’s favorite. In our side of politics we have not been as prolific in favorite sons as the Democ- racy. [Laughter.] New York has given birth to two favorite sons. There we have twins [laugh- ter], but, unlike other twins, even the parents who begot them cannot trace any marked resemblance between them. [Applause.] SUCCESSOR TO HORACE GREELEY. “ Mr. Reed began his career and continued his service in the broad and instructive field of Ameri- can journalism. He became the legitimate and worthy successor to that great creator of modern journalism, Horace Greeley. [Applause.] So broad was Mr. Reid’s views, so thoroughly was he informed in everything pertaining to the country’s success that the people demanded, and, in recog- 288 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF nition of their wish, the appointing powers selected him as Minister to France, with a very important crisis in the diplomatic relations of the two coun- tries, We were glad to see him serve as Minister from the oldest republic of the New World to the newest republic of the Old World. [Applause.] “Scarcely was he installed in office when there fell upon him for solution the most complicated, the most intricate questions that had ever risen in diplomacy between the two countries. That he solved them successfully and met them boldly is a matter of inexpressible pride to every one who honors the American flag. In the exhibits at the French Exposition he brought order out of chaos. He negotiated a most important extradition treaty. He succeeded in securing France as the first na- tion to accept our Nation’s invitation to the Inter- national Columbian Fair. He negotiated there an important reciprocity treaty, and last, he achieved his greatest triumph in that warfare of intellectual giants in securing the repeal of the prohibitory duties put upon American pork. “ He showed himself the master of modern di- plomacy throughout these complicated transactions, he retained the absolute confidence of his own Government, and secured the respect of the French Government, to which he was accredited. His duty was done, he resigned the office, which he never sought, and made manifest his feelings that the post of honor is the private station. When he HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 289 returned to our shores, all the honors in the land were heaped upon him. He was made an honor- ary member of the Chamber of Commerce an,d of many important societies. He was everywhere given banquets in his honor. A NAME WITHOUT REPROACH. “ His name is one which stands without re- proach. There is no blot in his escutcheon. He has not had to learn that reproach is a concomi- tant to greatness. He is an eminently practical man. He has always tried to perform, not what he knows, but what he can do. He has been a loyal party man. [Applause.] He has always placed loyalty to party next only to loyalty to his Nation. He believes as you, Mr. Chairman, and as every delegate, I think, on this floor, in the necessity of party ; believes that disloyalty to party is the origin of faction ; the abandonment of party is the beginning of anarchy. “ It is said that Mr. Reid has had difficulties with the Typographical Union. That has all been amicably settled. We have that statement from the president of that organization, who was here present to-day, and has placed it in writing. Give us Mr. Reid, and his name and his services will do more than those of any other in assisting in the campaign there. Give us him and we will give you a victory next November.” [Prolonged ap- plause.] A speech seconding the nomination was made 19 290 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. by Governor Bulkeley, of Connecticut, who pledged the support of that State to Harrison and Reid. A member of the Tennessee delegation presented the name of Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, but upon the statement of the Maine delegation that Mr. Reed would not accept, his name was withdrawn, and the nomination of Whitelaw Reid was made unanimous. CHAPTER XV. HOW THE NOMINATIONS WERE RECEIVED. CrENERAL SATISFACTION THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY — Mlt. Blaine Indorses the Ticket — President Harrison’s Speech on Hearing the News — McKinley and Sherman on the Nominations — What Western Newspapers Say — Sentiment in New England — New York Journals on the Situation — Opinions of the Philadelphia Press — A Typical Ameri- can — President Harrison’s Great Ability and Magnifi- cent Administration. The news of President Harrison’s nomination was received with general satisfaction in all parts of the country. By his wise, efficient, and manly administration he had won the confidence of all classes of people, and it was felt that his renomina- tion for the highest office in the gift of the nation was only a deserved tribute to his conservative policy, his enlightened statesmanship, and his vig- orous dealing with great public questions. During the progress of the Convention Mr. Blaine remained in Boston on his way to Bar Har- bor. He instantly acquiesced in the choice of the Convention, and before leaving Boston he gave this communication to the press : “ The resolu- tion, energy, and persistence which marked the proceedings of the Convention at Minneapolis will, if turned against the common foe, win the election in November. All minor differences should be C291) 292 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF merged in tlie duty of every Republican to do all in his power to elect the ticket this day nominated by the National Republican Convention.” PRESIDENT HARRISON HEARS THE NEWS. It was half past five o’clock when President Harrison learned that the Republican Convention had indorsed his administration by nominating him for a second term. He was sitting in his office at the time, chatting in the most composed manner with several members, of his Cabinet in regard to the work of the Convention and was probably the least excited man of the group. The arrangements at the White House for the reception of news from the Convention were ad- mirable — a special wire, with supreme right of way, establishing free and uninterrupted commu- nication between the Convention hall and the White House. When the news of his. nomination reached ths private part of the house Mrs. McKee, Mrs. Dim- mick, and Mrs. Parker hastened to the President’s side. He received their congratulations in a most affectionate manner. One of the members of the Cabinet suggested that the President say a few words, to the newspaper men who Avere present, re- marking that they were extremely anxious to hear from him. The President hesitated a few miuutes- and then made a short address. He stood behind his desk and the Cabinet officers, ladies, and news- paper men formed a semicircle in front of him. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 293 While his manner was calm, he showed deep feel- ing in his remarks. THE PRESIDENT’S SPEECH. He said : “ Well, gentlemen, I have had a good deal of intercourse with newspaper men. It has been mostly at arm’s length, except on a few occa- sions of this kind ; and yet some of you know that; while I am very averse to interviews, my door has always been open to a friendly call from any of you, and any information about public business has been at your disposal. “ I can only say with reference to this event that has brought you here that the first thought that fills my mind is one of gratitude and thanks to the great multitude of friends who have in this way, and divers other ways, expressed approval of very conscientious, though possibly now and then mis- taken, attempts to serve the country upon Repub- lican lines. I claim no other credit than that of having attempted, without sparing myself as to lsbor, to discharge these public duties conscien- tiously. I cannot expect my Democratic friends to think I have been on right lines always, and yet it has been very gratifying to me to know that many things have secured the approval of my political opponents. I have been filled with the thought that this country was coming to an epoch when the flag and those things that it symbolizes will be upon a still higher plane than now, and when our influ- ence among the powers of the earth will be enlarged 294 LIFE AND PUBLIC SEEYICES OF wisely and yet energetically. I have a sincere love for all our people. I exclude no section. I take into my affection and respect all the States and all our people. In entering upon this campaign I shall do so without malice toward any one. NO PERSONAL LINES. “ I think I have sometimes been suspected of being very little of a politician, from the fact that I have never drawn, inside my party, personal lines. I have tried to treat every one with that respect to which his station entitled him, and I have never in any case suggested, much less demanded, personal loyalty from anybody. I have asked of all public officers a faithful performance of their. duty. I have felt great regret that I was unable to find a suitable place for every deserving friend, but I have insisted that I did not disparage those I could not appoint to place. As I have had light and strength, I have tried to discharge my duties for the public good. I thank you all for very many evidences of your kindness. I wish also to express my thanks with a heart that overflows with grati- tude to the faithful body of friends who have been so zealous in my behalf, and, more than that, to that great body of well-disposed, order-loving, pa- triotic Americans who have always and everywhere received me kindly.” Secretary Foster came in while the President was delivering his speech, and was hardly able to restrain his enthusiasm until it was concluded. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 295 Wnen tlie President had finished speaking, the ser- vants of the mansion pressed forward with their congratulations, and to one of them, a colored man from Virginia, he said jocularly, “ Now, Jerry, you must be sure to find a possum for me as soon as the frost falls.” major McKinley delighted. Chairman McKinley rode back from the Con- vention Hall to the West Hotel alone in an open carriage after the afternoon adjournment. There was a crowd at the ladies’ entrance of the hotel. When the carriage drove up they crowded around and cheered and seized the Governor’s hand. There were cries of “ Speech.” The Chairman hurried into the hotel corridor as quickly as possible and started up the stairs. The shouts for a speech con- tinued. Half way up the stairs Mr. McKinley turned and said : “ Friends, I haven’t got much voice left, but what I have shall be used for President Harrison, and with it goes my heart.” Later the Chairman was seen in his room. “ I think the nomination is a strong one,” he said. “ President Harrison’s administration has been so strong and wise that it has attracted to the Chief Executive the attention 'and admiration of the thoughtful men of the country and there can be no doubt of his success.” “ Do you think the bitter feeling displayed dur- ing the fight is of a lasting nature ?” was asked. 296 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF “ The Convention adjourned without any bitter feeling. The spirit of the Convention was as good as I ever witnessed.” SHERMAN SAYS IT IS A GOOD TICKET. In an interview Senator Sherman said : “ The nomination is one I expected to be made in the natural order of things. The attempt to bring out a dark horse against two persons evenly matched or supposed to be so is an extremely difficult feat,, because any break from one of the leaders would naturally carry a portion of his following to the other leader. Therefore the nomination of Harri- son seemed to be the natural sequence as soon as it appeared that he had a majority over Blaine, which I think was apparent from the very beginning. I think that the nomination being made, all will acquiesce in it and try to elect the ticket. There was far more discontent four years ago than there is now. Then there were rapid changes made that were to be accounted for only by agreements and compacts made among leading delegates, but that was impossible in this case because the Convention was divided between two prominent candidates. I think the Republicans in every State will cheer- fully acquiesce in the result, and I hope and ex- pect that we can elect the ticket.” EX-GOVERNOR BEAVER’S OPINION. In speaking about the President’s nomination, ex-Governor Beaver said that it was better than any other nomination that could have been made. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 297 Mi*. Harrison will command a large vote. People who were enthusiastic for Blaine and did all they could for him will assist the party when the work is to be done. Governor Beaver said in conclusion that he would take the stump for Harrison with a great deal of satisfaction and with more confidence than ever could ask for a verdict for the candidate than for any other person that could have been nominated. OHIO IS ALL RIGHT. Secretary Foster said that the result of the Re- publican Convention was just what he predicted and what lie exjiected. “ Ohio,” said he, “ will be found in the Republican column in November with one of its old-time majorities.” THE WESTERN WELCOME. [St. Louis Globe-Democrat, Rep.l The victory may properly be classed with the great events in our political history. It was achieved under circumstances of unprecedented complica- tion, and is a triumph that pays the highest tribute to the character and services of the successful con- testant. The Convention’s action has put an end to an epileptic statesmanship in this country. Prom- inence in the party will hereafter have to be at- tained by substantial service instead of picturesque sensational proceedings. Harrison’s administrative record is sufficient argument for the continuance of Republican rule of this country. 298 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF [Omaha Bee, Rep.] The renomination of President Harrison means a splendid victory for the Republican party next November. Standing on a platform which everv true Republican will approve, he will unite and harmonize the party as no other leader could have done. Without disparaging the eminent statesman who was put forward to contest the nomination, whose name all Republicans honor, and whose fame every American citizen should be proud of, he would not have commanded as a candidate the support that will he given President Harrison. The reasons are so obvious that it would be superfluous to state them. From every point of view the choice of the Convention was the wisest that could have been made. WATTERSON’S VIEWS. In the Louisville .Courier- Journal, Mr. Watterson says : “ Beyond any cpiestion the President is the strongest candidate the Republicans could have put in the field. If anybody has a doubt upon that point let them read the masterly and decisive nominating speech , of Chauncey M. Depew, which lays out the Avhole Republican plan of campaign as embodied by the candidacy of its subject. If anything had been wanting to the nomination of Mr. Harrison this speech would have supplied it, and it will at once take rank as a solid and superb piece of Con- vention oratory by the side of the famous speeches of Ingersoll, Garfield, and Conkling. It shows us HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 299 upon the threshold of the campaign just what we shall have to go against, whilst every indication points to a party hack of it quite as united and harmonious as parties are wont to be.” Of Mr. Reid, Mr. Watterson said: “With Mr. Harrison at the head of their forces, the Republi- cans unite Mr. Whitelaw Reid. He will strengthen the ticket in more ways than one. He is a man of large wealth, which he knows how to spend. He is the chief of a great journal in the city of New York, which is a power by itself. He is a Repub- lican of the most orthodox kind and an editor of national celebrity. He has served the country with distinction in a great diplomatic office ; has been abroad long enough to have escaped the inter- necine struggles which have divided his party in the Empire State and is a fresh man as a candidate. The effect of his nomination will be to heal, not to widen, the New York breaches.” [Detroit Tribune, Rep.] President Benjamin Harrison was renominated by the Republican National Convention at Minne- apolis under circumstances which insure a united party, a vigorous campaign, and a sweeping victory, in November. His nomination was made by a clear and decisive majority, not as a result of im- pulsive enthusiasm on the part of his jiersonal friends and admirers, but of the deliberate judg- ment of the party expressed through its loyal rep- resentatives in the National Convention. As to 300 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Mr. Blaine, it need only be said that the idol of his party was not nominated because he was not a can- didate for the nomination. There will be no ques- tion of the party’s enthusiastic ratification of this judgment. NEW ENGLAND SENTIMENT. [Springfield Republican, Ind.] President Harrison’s victory is a signal one. He had opposed to him perhaps the most powerful and unscrupulous combination of politicians ever formed in American politics. Mr. Beid should be a good Vice-President ; he can entertain in the finest manner, and he can de- liver elegant speeches whenever it shall seem de- sirable. Moreover, he has a wide political acquaint- ance and connection, and not a little influence among public men of his party, and there is no question but that if untoward events should make him President he is vastly more fitted for the place than the estimable plutocrat whom he will succeed. [Providence Journal, Ind.] After five days of more or less bitter contesting the conservative element in the Bepublican party has won, and a defensive position lias been taken in which to await the assault of the common enemy. This is probably an indication of the future course of the party. As time goes on it will grow more and more the conservative party of the United States, while if the Democratic party should ever be fortunate enough to procure competent leader- HON. BENJAMIN" HARRISON. 301 ship it will have to take the radical seed of jioliti- cal dissensions. WHAT NEW YORK THINKS. [New York Tribune, Rep.] Merit wins. The people recognize and gladly reward faithful and effective service. In 60 years no President excepting Lincoln and Grant has ren- dered by wise administration such exceptional ser- vice to the people as to secure re-election. All the efforts of zealous friends would have been of no avail had not the Republican millions believed that President Harrison, by really rare sagacity, fidelity, and firmness had deserved at their hands excep- tional confidence and honor. Under no other Pres- ident has American commerce, American industry, and the prosperity of the American people made such progress, and the nation rightly judges that triumphs in peace are no less worthy of laurels than triumphs in war. The President has given to the country a clean administration, and the people care more for that than for the satisfaction of political aspirants or managers. Under his safe leadership financial dif- ficulties of the gravest kind have been surmounted, so that the nation’s credit stands higher than ever at the moment when his critics have predicted that its Treasury would be bankrupt. American indus- try has never received such protection, nor Amer- ican labor such recompense as under President Harrison, and a just people, notwithstanding full 302 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF credit from Congress or from liis great Secretary of State, honors the President for timely and effective work for protection and reciprocity. No other President lias stood more firmly for purity and freedom of the suffrage, and millions of American citizens begin to realize that with Governors like Hill in Neiv York and Abbett in New Jersey the citizen will need national protection in his most sacred rights. Before President Harrison was renominated the Republican National Convention had unanimously adopted a magnificent platform. It was but a translation of the work which the President has done, or has helped or labored to do, for the wel- fare of the nation. Cold and callous he may be to the demands of self-interest, but he has spared no effort to defend American honor, to elevate Amer- ican industry, or to exalt American citizenship. A straightforward, just, and fearless man, he must have made enemies, but the result proves that he has made friends. The nomination of Mr. Wliitelaw Reid for Vice- President completed the work of the Convention. On this subject it becomes the Tribune to speak briefly and simply. The distinction was not sought and cannot insure a more zealous and loyal sup- port of the Republican ticket by the Tribune than it would have given to any candidates whom this Convention could have chosen. The nomination of Mr. Reid does, however, impose upon this jour- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 303 nal special obligations of courtesy and fairness and patriotism, which it will endeavor so to dis- charge as to deserve the approval of friends and the respect of opponents. [New York Times, Dem.] President Harrison deserved a renomination at the hands of his party. He is an upright and self-respecting man. He has been a good Presi- dent. If not entirely free from those official scan- dals that watchful political foes delight to expose and exploit, his administration has, at any rate, been sufficiently pure and dignified to command the confidence of the country. Personally the President is beyond all reproach, save that which all Presidents before him, Mr. Cleveland not ex- # cepted, have incurred of using the power of ap- pointment and removal with a view to personal or party advantage before election. Mr. Harrison has dealt conscientiously with the great trust committed to him — save only in respect to the dispensing of patronage, and in that respect, though censurable, he has not gone beyond what the public opinion unfortunately still tolerates. Many of his more important appointments, and nearly all his judicial appointments, have been most commendable. He has not been deficient either in judgment of men or for the most part in the management of large public affairs. He has compelled the American people to recognize the fact that he is an able man — a circumstance that, 304 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF through want of attention on their part or lack of opportunity on his, had escaped general notice. If there be any virtue in the rule or tradition that a successful President must be renominated by his party, then beyond question it had to be applied in the case of Benjamin Harrison. We have already expressed our appreciation of the courage and skill shown in the management of Mr. Harrison’s forces in the Minneapolis contest. But we are convinced that if the gentlemen to whom the duty of getting him nominated was in- trusted would frankly reveal the determining cause of their success, they would without hesitation de- clare it to be the general demand for Harrison’s renomination from the Republicans of every State and the whole country. [New York World, Dem.] Mr. Harrison is nominated on the first ballot. This result is quite as it should be. Mr. Harrison is in every way representative of his party as it is in these latter years. He is in hearty sympathy with its policy, its traditions, and its purposes. He has stopped at nothing to promote its ideas. Mr. Harrison is a man of large intelligence, larger than anybody thought when he was elected. [New York Sun, Dem,] It would be folly for Democrats to underesti- mate an antagonist who has manifested such con- summate political ability and steadfastness in the campaign just ended, and who can and will pro- HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 305 mote his re-election by a masterly use of the same agencies as have been employed in the preliminary contest for a renomination. WHAT PHILADELPHIA HAS TO SAY. [Philadelphia Ledger, Ind. Rep.] In addition to President Harrison’s conspicuous fitness, ability, purity of character, and public use- fulness, as they have been demonstrated by his administration, there was an additional and a most powerful reason offered in the National Republican platform of the Convention which nominated him why he should have been nominated. It is to be found in the silver plank of the platform, which is one liable to be differently, and widely differently, interpreted, according to the financial opinions of ' the interpreter. It is not the direct emphatic dec- laration in favor of a safe, honest currency which .t should be. It seems to palter in a double and a doubtful sense with the subject of it. But with Mr. Harrison his party’s candidate and elected President, the silver plank will, can have but one meaning and that, honest, safe currency, based solidly as the rock upon the only true standard of value, gold. [Philadelphia Record, Dem.] The nomination of President Harrison will en- force the obligation of the coming Chicago Con- vention to meet it with a candidate possessing in a greater degree the confidence of the masses of the country. So far as the Republican party is con- 306 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF cerned, the free siher factor has been eliminated from the present political equation by the choice of Harrison. The public will look from the pre- varicating platform to the positive candidate. On the Democratic side of the equation the free silver question would be eliminated also by the nomina- tion of Cleveland. Thus the question of tariff re- form, incarnated in Cleveland and Harrison, would remain in its legitimate place as the paramount issue of the campaign. Harrison’s renomination seems to have made the choice of Cleveland a logi- cal necessity of the political crisis. With these two candidates, the campaign would be one of principles and policies, and not of partisan person- alities. [Philadelphia Inquirer, Rep.] The Inquirer has had. a warm feeling for Mr. Blaine, and has felt that it would be a just tribute to his abilities and public service to nominate him. Mr. Blaine, however, by his letter to Chairman Clarkson, made his nomination impossible, and, of course, Mr. Harrison was given the well-earned honor. Of his election there is no reasonable doubt. First, because he has made a record that cannot be attacked in any way. Second, because he represents the Republican party, with its ad- vanced ideas, that are sure to win, and third, because the Democracy is hopelessly divided. Those who feel any disappointment over the re- sult should forget the past and turn in manfully for HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 307 the ticket. The President is worthy of every man’s admiration and respect, no matter how much he may have preferred another candidate. [Philadelphia North American, Rep.] The Republican party can well afford to stake its fortunes upon the creditable history of President Harrison’s administration. At this moment every Republican community and almost every Republi- can voter are prejudiced by some sentiment of per- sonal sympathy or of individual fealty. But these are not the issues upon which the fate of govern- ment is decided ; and it is quite certain that the labor and the duty of all Republicans will bend to the common purpose of electing Harrison and Reid in November, whether they are of those who have held these gentlemen as first objects of their choice, or whether they may be numbered in the ranks of those who hoped for the selection of other leaders. [Philadelphia Press, Rep.] President Harrison has made a public record on which his party can rest their campaign with entire confidence. Has the country been well served by him, its laws enforced, its credit sustained, its citi- zens protected, and its interests promoted abroad, and its affairs conducted with efficiency and success at home — has his administration been free from gross scandal and won the hearty respect and con- fidence of the people ? Then he should be retained in the place where he served the people so well. This is the judgment pronounced by the plain people. 308 LIFE AND PUELIC SERVICES OF The administration of President Harrison dur- ing the past three and one- half years lias been clean, efficient, and thoroughly American. The principles of the Republican party have been sus- tained to the uttermost, and its past record upon the tariff, silver, and other legislations has been splendidly sustained. When he first entered upon the duties of his office President Harrison found himself confronted with the humiliating dispute with Germany over the Samoan question. Under his wise management the question was in a few months settled to the entire satisfaction of the people and to the honor of the United States. The next great question which attracted the attention of the country to the con- duct of its affairs by the Harrison administration was the financial issue of 1890. During the latter part of that year the country was threatened with financial disaster, which, had it not been for the efforts of the administration, might have resulted in commercial depression and business losses equal to those which followed the panic of 1873. The most recent act of President Harrison, and one which won for him the unstinted praise and universal admiration of every true American, was his conduct of the recent affair with Chile. His prompt demand for redress, his staunch uphold- ing of the rights of American sailors and citizens, and his refusal to allow the offending nation to take the matter in its own hands received the heartiest HON. BENJAMIN HARRTSON. 309 commendation from men both North and South without regard to party lines. His declaration that : “ If the dignity as well as the prestige and influence of the United States are not to be wholly sacrificed we must protect those who, in foreign ports, dis- play the flag or wear the colors of this Govern- ment against insult, brutality, and death,” won for him, and justly, the title of “ Defender of the Na- tion’s dignity.” Every department of the public service has in- creased its efficiency during President Harrison’s administration. The victory of the Post-Office De- partment over the lotteries, the reorganization of the Agricultural Department, the upbuilding of the Navy, the wonderful improvement of the army, and the splendid work of the State Department are monuments to the success and efficiency of the ad- ministration and the Republican party. The re- sults which have attended the reciprocity policy of the administration and Secretary Blaine have been the most conspicuous and flattering successes of the past four years. [Philadelphia Times, Dem.] If there are any who assume that President Har- rison will be a weak candidate in the great national battle of 1892 and that his defeat will be of easy accomplishment they are greatly in error. True, there is more bitterness exhibited against Harri- son within his party than was developed against any past Republican candidate for President ; but 310 LTFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF it is only tlie boisterous but perishable disappoint- ments of tlie hour, and they will fade away before half tlie battle shall have been fougdit. [Daily Telegraph, Inch] The Republican party has once more shown the stuff of which it is made. The Minneapolis Con- vention represented in its very intensity the fibrous material which constitutes the great political or- ganization which for 40 years has been the chief exponent of the dominant ideas of the American people. There was a great struggle, to be sure. Why not? Has there ever been a Republican Convention in which this has not been the case ? The Republican party is a party of ideas ; it rep- resents thought, vigorous and earnest, as well as action. Nine hundred of its chosen representa- tives could not come together upon such an occa- sion and for the purposes called without a conflict. But no heads were smashed. No bones were broken. Nobody’^ political life was taken. For three or four days leaders and followers, delegates and sliouters, had a time of it. Then came the final act in the drama, and there is presented for the support of the organization a national ticket that every man believing in Republican principles can earnestly, honestly, and conscientiously sup- port. The country has on more than one occasion been profoundly convinced that the Executive Chair, with all its great responsibilities, was in safe hands. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 311 This means much. In a great national contest it is of immense advantage. The Republican party can point to the record which President Harrison lias made with entire satisfaction. If the country ivants four years more of the same kind it will he at liberty to say so. If it thinks a change of policy desirable, it can so decide. But there can be no campaign against the President of a per- sonal nature, such as will cause any American citi- zen to blush. This is a great thing in these days of political obliquity. The President has unques- tionably grown in the estimation of all classes. There is room to believe that he has not yet ex- hausted his possibilities in this direction. For three years he has successfully stood in the full glare of national publicity. The opposition will be compelled to fight its battle, therefore, along political lines wholly. For this every one should be profoundly thankful. The coming Democratic National Convention has been served with square notice that unless it nomi- nates for the Presidency a man of the very high- est character, recognized ability, experience, and statesmanship, and of sound principles, well known, it might as Avell not meet at all. Let our friends, the enemy, understand this. The Republican party has taken its position. It is intrenched in what many of the wisest political advisers of the times believe to be an impregnable position ; at all events, it is ready for the fray. It may now calmly 312 LIFE AND PULBIC SERVICES OF await the coming assault. To be sure, much needs to be done in the way of final preparation for the campaign battle, but all this will be attended to in due time. The army of practical politicians who inarched up the hill at Minneapolis and then inarched down again know full well what is ex- pected and demanded of them. They are not the men to sulk or strike in the back. They have had a fair fight, been fairly beaten, and now will be looked for in their accustomed places. A REPRESENTATIVE AMERICAN. It will be seen from the foregoing extracts from O o the leading journals that President Harrison’s renomination was well received by the country. Thousands of Republicans who feared the influ- ences at work on the Convention breathed freer because those influences did not prevail to the great injury of the party morale and the detriment of its prospects. Those who speak for the Democratic party freely admitted the advantageous position now occupied by the Republicans. The President’s ability, once challenged by many who spoke without knowledge of the man, is no longer disputed by anybody. It has been proved, by acts and utterances which have arrested public attention again and again, to be of the highest or- der. It has been equal to every emergency that has arisen in the administration of his high office. The people have discovered that they have in Harrison a President who is not only a good, but a great WIIITELAW REID, HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 313 man, and they are content to keep him where he is. This is recognized and acknowledged by the Democratic press, which with one accord is warn- ing its party that it will have to put forward its very strongest man to make even a respectable struggle against a candidate so deservedly strong as President Harrison. “A COLD MAN.” resident Harrison’s intellectual strength, integ- rity of purpose, high character and earnest patriot- ism are no longer called iu question by his most virulent enemies. The single count in the indict- ment to which they still adhere is that he is a cold man. We suspect that the President is at times a little chilly to the innumerable applicants for offices and their friends who beset him at all available op- portunities. There are 100,000 Federal offices, and for each there are often ten applicants, and each ap- plicant will have on the average not less than ten active backers. To this army besetting him like a swarm of locusts we would not be surprised if the President at times forgot to be genial, and even failed to conceal his sense of irritation at the ceaseless importunities of office-seekers and office-brokers. This is a fault, perhaps. The constitutional dis- penser of patronage should be as suave, perhaps, as the dispenser of groceries, and should oblige all applicants as far as possible, and see them to the door, with a “ come-again ” smile upon his coun- tenance. But the general public cares nothing 314 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF for this. They look to see what the President does, what influence he exerts on public affairs, the character of his appointments, and what he has to say to the country in his messages and public ad- dresses. The result of their observation on all these lines is favorable to the President. Delega- tions who go to Washington to see him obtain al- ways a speedy and patient hearing and a courteous reply. Individual citizens find the President ac- cessible on all proper occasions, and see nothing to complain of in their reception by the Chief Magis- trate of the Nation. “NOT A GUSHER.” The President is not a gusher. He makes no pretense of welcoming strangers as though they were favored members of his own immediate family whose absence had made a void in his life. He is a serious-minded man, accustomed to grave cares and weighty responsibilities, the pressing present sense of which at times may, perhaps, make him a little regardless of the finer amenities of life. When bored or annoyed, he does not pretend to be pleased. There is no humbug about him ; but it is not true that he is lacking in common cour- tesy, or that he is cold and distant to those with whom acquaintanceship and confidence warrants warmth and frankness. He is in many respects a typical American, in whose eyes substance is of more value than form, and morals of more conse- quence than manners. HON. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 315 The average American sees in Harrison the em- bodiment of all the virtues he is accustomed to look for in a President. He has filled the meas- ure of high requirement for the office in a manner which leaves even his enemies scarcely any room for criticism. The country has thrived under his administration, the people have been contented, the laws enforced, foreign nations have been com- pelled to respect our wishes, and every department of the Government has been well managed. We believe the sober business sense of the country will say let — not well enough merely, but — excellent alone, and continue an administration which has established its capacity and fitness by proofs so in- contestable and conclusive. LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HON. WHITELAW REID. CHAPTER XVI. CAREER OF THE NOMINEE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY. Birth and Ancestry— College Education — A Country Editor — On the Stump for Fremont — Newspaper Correspondent — Letters During the War— Experiences as a Southern Planter— 1 Trying to Raise Cotton— Joins the Staff of the “New York Tribune” — Successor to Horace Greeley — De- clining Office— Strong Indorsement of the Nomination — Bushels of Telegrams — Services as Minister to France — Popularity in Paris — Successful Negotiator of Treaties — A Valued Public Servant. Whitelaw Reid, the Republican nominee for the office of Vice-President, was born in Xenia, Ohio, in October, 1837. His father, Robert Charl- ton Reid, had married Marian Whitelaw Ronalds, a-descendant in direct line from the Clan Ronald of the Highlands of Scotland. His paternal grandfather, also of Scottish blood, emigrated to this country toward the close of the last century, and, as one of its earliest pioneers, settled in Ken- tucky ; but in 1800 he crossed the river and bar- • gained for land upon the present site of Cincin- 316 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 3*7 nati. But lie was a stern old Covenanter, and found his conscience uneasy, owing to a condition of the sale which required him to run a ferry every day of the week across the Ohio River. Sooner than violate the Sabbath, he gave up his bargain, and removing to Greene County, he became one of the earliest settlers in the township of Xenia. An uncle, Hugh McMillan, D. D., a Scotch Covenan- ter and conscientious man, took the task upon him- self for fitting Whitelaw for college. ENTERS COLLEGE. Under his instruction, his nephew was so well drilled in Latin that at the age of 15 years he entered Miami as a sophomore, with a Latinist rank equal to that of scholars in the upper classes. This was in 1853, and in 1856 he was graduated with the scientific honors, the classical honors having by his owiUrequest been yielded to a class- mate. Just after graduation he was made princi- pal of the graded schools in South Charleston, Ohio, his immediate pupils being generally older than himself. Here he taught French, Latin, and the higher mathematics. During this period he repaid his father the expenses of his senior year in college, and, returning home at the age of 20, he bought the Xenia News and for two years led the life of a country editor. AN ORIGINAL REPUBLICAN. Directly after leaving college Mr. Reid had iden- tified himself with the then new Republican party 3 : 8 HON. WHITELAW REID. and took the stump for John C. Fremont. He was a constant reader of the New York Tribune, and his own paper, the News, edited with vigor and such success as to double its circulation during his control of its columns, was conducted by him, as much as possible, after the model of that great hu- manitarian journalist he was destined to succeed. In 1860, notwithstanding his personal admiration of Mr. Chase, he advocated the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, the News being the first Western news- paper, outside of Illinois, to do so ; and its influ- ence caused the election of a Lincoln delegate to the Republican Convention from the Xenia district, thus strengthening the break in the Ohio column which Governor Chase at the time so bitterly re- sented. After Mr. Lincoln’s famous speech at the Cooper Institute in New York, and his return to the West, Mr. Reid went to Columbus to meet him, formed one of his escort to Xenia, and introduced him at the railroad station to the citizens. BRILLIANT WORK AS A JOURNALIST. Subsequently he entered ardently into the busi- ness of the campaign, making speeches and acting as secretary of the Greene County Republican Com- mittee. His exertions were too much for his health, and he was compelled to withdraw from the polit- ical arena and take a vacation. He traveled through the Northwest, visiting the extreme head- waters of the Mississippi and St. Louis rivers, and returned across the site of the present town of Du- LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 3 1 9 luth. The following winter he spent in Columbus as a legislative correspondent on an engagement with the Cincinnati Times. His letters from the Northwest in the Cincinnati Gazette, during the summer of 1860, were favorably received, and, after a few weeks of his engagement with the Times had elapsed, he obtained an offer at a higher figure from the Cleveland Herald, to be followed by a yet better offer from the Cincin- nati Gazette. Mr. Reid undertook all three en- gagements, and by them was put in receipt of a good income for a journalist in those days, some $38 a week ; but the task of writing daily three letters, distinct in tone, upon- the same dreary leg- islative themes was a species of drudgery which severely tried even his versatility and courage. Such discipline, however, rendered his later jour- nalistic labors comparatively light and attractive. SERVICES AS A WAR CORRESPONDENT. At the close of that session of the Ohio Legisla- ture the Gazette offered him the post of city editor, and this position, so full of varied training, he accepted until, at the beginning of the Civil War, McClellan, then a captain in the Regular Army, and stationed at Cincinnati, Avas sent to West Virginia. With this movement, Mr. Reid, by the order of the Gazette Company, took the position of its war correspondent. General Mor- ris had command of the advance, and Mr. Reid, as representative of the then foremost journal in Ohio, 320 HON. WHITELAW REID. was assigned to duty as volunteer aide-de-camp, with the rank of captain. Then over the signature of “ Agate,” began a series of letters which attracted general attention, and largely increased the demand for the Gazette. After the West Virginia cam- paign terminated in the victory over Garnet’s army and the death of General Garnet himself, at Car- rick’s Fork, on Cheat River, Mr. Reid returned to the Gazette office, and for a time wrote editorial leaders. He was sent back to West Virginia, and given a position on the staff of General Rosecrans. He served through the second campaign that termina- ted with the battles of Carnifex Ferry and Gauley Bridge. These battles he wrote an account of, and then returning to the Gazette office resumed his editorial duties, and helped organize the staff of correspondents the publishers of that journal had found it necessary to employ. GRAPHIC ACCOUNT OF A GREAT BATTLE. Fairly established as a journalist of much promise, only brief mention can be made of the brilliant service which marked his subsequent career in the West. In 1861-62 he went to Fort Donelson, recorded the Tennessee canqiaign. ar- rived at Pittsburgh Landing weeks in advance of the battle fought there, and, leaving a sick bed, was the only correspondent who witnessed the fight from its beginning to its close. It was his account of this battle, one of the most important LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 321 of the war, that stamped him as a newspaper cor- respondent of the first class. Those ten columns of the Gazette were widely copied and published in extras by St. Louis and Chicago papers, and their writer was complimented by an advance in in his already liberal salary. At the siege of Corinth, Mr. Reid was appointed chairman of a committee of the correspondents to interview General Halleck upon the occasion of the latter’s difficulty with “ the gentlemen of the press,” which ended in their dignified withdrawal from the military lines. EXPERIENCES AS A WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENT AND AS A PLANTER. Mr. Reid went to Washington in the spring of 1862, where he was offered the management of a leading St. Louis newspaper. On hearing -of this offer the proprietors of the Gazette offered to sell him a handsome interest in their establishment at a fair price. This he accepted, and his share of the profits for the first year amounted to two-thirds of the cost and laid the foundation of his fortune. As the correspondent of the Gazette at the na- tional capital he soon distinguished himself and attracted by his literary and executive ability the notice of Horace Greeley, who from that time became his highly appreciative and unswerving friend. A visit to the South in 1865, as the com- panion of Chief Justice Chase on the trip made by the latter at the request of President Johnson, 21 3 22 HON. WHITELAW REID. resulted in tlie production of Mr. Reid’s first con- tribution to literature in the form of a book en- titled, After the War; A Southern Tour. This book is a fair reflex of its author’s independent and healthful mind and practical experience of men and things, and an excellent record of the affairs of the South during the years immediately following the war. GROWING COTTON. During this tour the business of cotton-planting appeared so remunerative that in partnership with General Francis J. Herron, Mr. Reid engaged in it in the spring of 1866 .; but when the crop looked most promising the army worm destroyed three-fourths of it. Even what remained, how- ever, prevented the loss of their investment, and induced Mr. Reid to try his fortune subsequently in the same business in Alabama ; but after two years, though not a loser, his gain was principally in business experience. During these years, how- ever, he was otherwise engaged than in growing cotton. His Ohio in the War, two large volumes of more than 1,000 pages each, was produced dur- ing the years when cotton-planting was his osten- sible business. This work is a monument of in- dustry and a model for every other State work of the kind. After the publication of this work Mr. Reid, in 1868, resumed the duties of a leader- writer on the Gazette. On the impeachment of President Johnson lm HON. WHITELAW RETD. 323 went to Washington and reported carefully that transaction. That summer Mr. Greeley renewed an invitation, two or three times make before, to Mr. Reid, to connect himself with the jrolitical staff of the Tribune. Mr. Reid finally accepted and took the post of leading editorial writer, with a salary next in amount to that of Mr. Greeley and responsible directly to him. He wrote many of the leaders throughout the campaign that ended in the first election of Grant. Shortly afterward a difficulty between the managing editor and the publishers resulted in the withdrawal of the former, and Mr. Reid was installed in the manag- ing editor’s chair. In this advancement he retained the affection and unbounded confidence of his venerated chief, who since the withdrawal of Mr Dana to make his venture in Chicago and then to get the Sun, had not failed to observe the uncer- tainties and dangers attending this most arduous of journalistic positions. a bold expenditure in 1870, Mr. Reid surpassed all rivals at home and - abroad in reports of the Franco-Prussian war, and from that time, with full power to do so, gradually reorganized and strengthened the staff of the Tribune. ASSUMING THE EDITORSHIP OF THE “TRIBUNE.” After the nomination of Mr. Greeley for Presi- dent in 1872 Mr. Reid was made editor-in-chief of ' the Tribune — an office accepted by him with genu- ine reluctance, but with courage and determination. 324 LIFE AND PUiiLIC SERVICES OF Untrammeled by tradition, he made the Tribune the exponent of abroad and catholic Americanism. In this he failed not to rally to his support schol- arly and sagacious veterans of the Tribune estab- lishment. After the disastrous close of the cam- paign of 1872, that which astonished friend and foe alike was the enormous amount of resources Mr. Reid’s conduct gained for him in the shape of cap- ital freely and confidently placed at his disposal. He Avas thus enabled to obtain entire control of the Tribune. Mr. Reid’s public services as a journalist led his friends repeatedly to urge him to enter other de- partments of public life. President Hayes and President Garfield offered him the position of Amer- ican Minister to Germany, but on both occasions he declined it. In 1878. the New York Legisla- ture elected him for life a Regent of the State Uni- versity. Finally, in March, 1889, he was prevailed upon to accept from President Harrison the ap- pointment of Minister to France, and thereupon resigned the editorship of the Tribune. After se- curing the repeal of the French decree prohibiting the importation of American meats and negotiating reciprocity and extradition treaties, he resigned office and came home in April, 1892. On his re- turn he Avas honored Avith dinners by the Chamber of Commerce, the Ohio Society and the Lotos Club. In 1881 Mr. Reid married the daughter of D. O. Mills, and they have tAvo children. HOIST. WHITELAW EEID. MR. REID’S NOMINATION AT MINNEAPOLIS. Commenting on Mr. Reid’s nomination the New York Herald said : “ As long ago as the middle of February, when reviewing the Republican situa- tion, we took occasion to refer to Mr. Whitelaw Reid as the strongest candidate for second place on the party’s ticket. “ He had performed the onerous duties of Min- ister to France with such diplomatic tact and skill, had made for himself so enviable a record by dil- igence and executive ability that we felt justified in urging his claims to recognition as a leader in the approaching contest. “ In doing this the Herald accentuated its polit- ical independence and its interest in the people rather than in this or that organization, its desire being to have the highest offices filled by the best men, whether they are Democrats or Republicans. Mr. Reid had done good service, and we therefore asked for his nomination. “ The Minneapolis Convention accepted our sug- gestion, and the ticket is Harrison and Reid.” MR. REID RECEIVES THE NEWS. Mr. Reid received the news of his naming for Vice-President at his summer home, Ophir Farm, three miles from White Plains, and he was up until long after midnight receiving the congratula- tions of his New York friends. When seen in the morning, Mr. Reid showed that he was somewhat fatigued by loss of sleep. 326 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Replying to the reporter’s questions as to whether his nomination was a surprise or not, Mr. Reid said : “ I assure you that I had no expectation of being nominated. When I was apprised of the fact last night it was very much of a surprise. I should like to say just here that as I occupy a secondary position on the ticket it therefore becomes me to take a secondary position in the matter of inter- views.” “What, in your opinion, will be Mr. Blaine’s attitude in the coming campaign ?” “ Oh ! Blaine is all right ! Mr. Blaine is a Re- publican, and as such his attitude will be one of cordial support to the Republican ticket.” “ Who will be the Republican leader in New York ?” “ There you have me. I knoAV absolutely noth- ing concerning that.” “ How about Mr. Platt ?” “ I never knew of any real difference between Mr. Platt and the administration, and as Mr. Platt is a Republican bred in the bone, I think my an- swer concerning Mr. Blaine’s loyalty applies to Mr. Platt’s case.” “ Did you not have in mind your possible nomi- nation when the Tribune's difficulties witli Typo- graphical Union No. 6 were adjusted several days ago ?” “ No. that was merely a coincidence. I have HON. WHITELAW REID. 327 known nothing of the trouble between the Union and the Tribune since last fall, when I was in Paris. I understood then from the correspondence I had with the president of the Union that the differences would he adjusted very easily, and I am now told that everything is satisfactory be- tween the Union and the Tribune.” “ Shall you enter actively into this campaign, Mr. Reid?” “ No, I shall not go into the campaign to any great extent, hut will confine myself to work in New York. My throat troubles me, and on that account it will be impossible for me to do very much speaking. My voice gives out very easily.” All this time Mr. Reid was busy receiving con- gratulatory messages over the telephone and open- ing numerous telegrams of the same nature. In bidding the reporter good-bye, Mr. Reid said : “ It is not an easy task we have before us, but we shall make honest and I hope successful en- deavors to win.” GREETINGS TO THE NOMINEE. White Plains is a Democratic stronghold, yet there was not a man in the village who did not feel proud that the distinguished owner of Ophir Farm had been honored with the nomination for the Yice-Presidency and who hope that he would be elected. Mr. Reid spent Sunday quietly with his family enjoying the delicious breezes of Ophir Farm — 328 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF that is, as quietly as can be expected by a man kept busy nearly all day receiving and answering bushels of telegrams and messages of congratula- tion and whose neighbors keep coming in to see him and express their good wishes. In the morning Mr. Reid drove to church down In the village with Mrs. Reid and Colonel and Mrs. John Hay, their guests. On their return the party was surprised to find a half-dozen camera fiends on the lawn taking snap shots at the mam slon and at everything within- sight. Mr. Reid laughed good-naturedly and gave the amateurs free range. In the afternoon Mr. Reid took a horseback ride with his little son, but the rest of the day was spent in recemmg callers and reading # and answer- ing telegrams. Mr. Reid came to the city next morning to attend the funeral of his late friend, Sidney Dillon. TO DOFF THE EDITORIAL HARNESS. I asked Mr. Reid if lie would continue to direct the Tribune in his old place in the editor’s chair. “ No,” he replied. “ I doubt if the position o ( a candidate for high office would be compatible with the editorship of a daily journal. As a mat* ter of fact I have not yet taken hold since my return from Paris. I have been in the office only twc days to give attention to office ivork. One of them, by an odd coincidence, was Friday, when the nomi- nations were made. I had gone down to decide HON. WHITELAW REID. 329 upon some proposed changes in the mechanical departments of the office.” Here are some of the many telegrams and mes- sages which Mr. Reid received : Minneapolis, June 11, 1892. Cordial congratulations. The ticket is growing in favor among those who opposed it. The others are enthusiastic. Chauncey M. Depew. New York, June 11, 1892. The Republicans of your old Assembly district, the Eighteenth, take great pleasure in congratulat- ing you on your unanimous nomination for the Vice- Presidency. We will do our level best to see that the action of the Convention is ratified at the polls. Bernard Biglin. New York, June 12, 1892. The Republican League of the State of New York congratulates you, the party, and the Nation on the nominations made at Minneapolis, and pledges its most energetic support. It will labor earnestly and continuously to secure Republican success in the approaching contest, believing that the Nation’s best interests are subserved by con- tinuing the Republican party in power. E. A. McAlpin. Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, Mr. Reid’s suc- cessor, as Minister to Paris, cabled : Paris, June 11. I take much pleasure in congratulating you upon the deserved compliment paid you by the 330 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Republican party. Messrs. Yignau d’Jay an.d the attaches join with me in good wishes. GRATIFYING MESSAGES. Governor McKinley stopped over on his way home from Minneapolis to send a cordial and enthusiastic greeting. Rev. Marion R. Vincent, of the Union Theo- logical Seminary, and formerly pastor of the Church of the Covenant, where Mr. Reid used to attend, wrote a glowing letter, and so did the Rev. Daniel G. Wylie, of the Central Presbyterian Church. V. H. P. Joubert, a French gentleman, now an American citizen, wrote an enthusiastic letter in his native tongue. Robert Bonner wrote : It must be most gratifying to all newspaper men to have one of their own number nominated to one of the two highest offices in the gift of the people. Accordingly I congratulate you on having now, unsolicited, this distinguished honor. Greetings of similar tenor were received from hundreds of prominent Republicans, newspaper men, and personal friends, among the last men- tioned class being Archbishop Corrigan. R. T. Wilson, the father of Mrs. Ogden Goelet, and a Democrat, telegraphed : Newport, R. I., June 11, 1892. Your many friends, without regard to political differences, appreciate this recognition of your services to our country. HON. WHITELAW REID. 331 Mrs. George W. Allen, whose husband is the son of one of Ohio’s most famous Democrats, sent an enthusiastic message. She has named her Demo- cratic baby boy after Whitelaw Reid. John King, president of the Erie Railway Com- pany, wired that he would certainly support the Republican national ticket. MR. REID’S SERVICE AS MINISTER TO FRANCE. The absence of a trained diplomatic service, representing the United States abroad, is often deplored by people who are familiar with the history of every country but their own, and are unaware how much better the United States is served under its present system than it would be by men who had lived so long abroad that they had ceased to know or appreciate the interests of their own country. It is of more serious conse- quence that the important and valuable services rendered by our ministers are too frequently over- looked by the public and forgotten by the coun- try. This is always true of those who are in the diplomatic service of countries with representative institutions. It is only strictly in monarchies that the representative of the crown abroad becomes prime minister abroad, as Metternich and Gort- cliakoff did in a past, and Bismarck and Cavour in the present day. Mr. Whitelaw Reid’s nomination as Vice-Presi- dent is a happy proof that the attention drawn to our foreign relations by the reciprocity clauses. 332 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF of the McKinley tariff and the vigorous policy of the present administration has directed public attention and party action to a recognition of the value of successful diplomatic service. Mr. Reid has been long in public life as the editor of a great newspaper ; but the first public position of import- ance which he has held was the French mission, which he originally accepted — as such posts are apt to be accepted by busy Americans — with the expectation of holding it for a comparatively brief period. PERSONAL TACT. Fortunately for the country and for Mr. Reid, he found the American legation at Paris charged with more important business than has fallen to its lot in many years, and at a time when it was of es- pecial importance that the United States should be adequately represented. The French Exposition of 1889, celebrating as it did the birth of the French Republic,, was accompanied by a thinly disguised international boycott of France by the leading European powers, who sent no official exhibit and whose ambassadors ostentatiously absented them- selves from Paris. The office and function of the representative of the great Republic of the West was raised into prominence by these circumstances. Mr. Reid by his personal tact and by assuming the scale of living associated in Paris and the eyes of the French public with the adequate represen- tation of a great power at a friendly capital, made an impression on the public, the press, and the Gov- HON. WHITELAW REID. 333 ernment of France whose great value is as little to be measured in precise terms as its record is to be found in blue-books and dispatches. REPEAL OF RESTRICTIONS ON AMERICAN MEAT. The result of the impressions which Mr. Reid had in this way made as a man and the influence he had secured as a minister became apparent as soon as he was called, in the face of the embittered public opinion created by industrious English com- ment on the McKinley tariff to obtain the repeal of the restrictions on the imports of American pork and concessions for other American products. In both Mr. Reid was altogether successful, and this success extended to a large variety of lesser diplo- matic questions. Services like these would have often passed with- out adequate recognition from the press and still less from a party convention. But, as we have already pointed out, this is a period when public interest in diplomatic questions is thoroughly awake. The discussion of Mr. Reid’s public services during the campaign must all draw attention to the success- ful foreign policy of the administration, and adds to the strength of the ticket as a whole. Mr. Reid’s long and successful conduct of a great daily news- paper renders it unnecessary to enlarge upon his ability as a man ; but it ought not to be overlooked that his present selection is a recognition of special services which every nation must reward and en- courage if its interests are to be ably represented and successfully served abroad. Hon. JAMES G. BLAINE AND Hon. Wm. McKINLEY ON Protection and Reciprocity. The following is a full statement of the views of Hon. James G. Blaine on the leading questions of the day : “Almost the first act of the Republicans, when they came into power in 1861, was the establish- ment of the principle of protection to American labor and to American capital. This principle the Republican party has ever since steadily main- tained, while, on the other hand, the Democratic party in Congress has for 60 years persistently warred upon it. Twice within that period our opponents have destroyed tariffs arranged for pro- tection, and since the close of the Civil War, when- ever they have controlled the House of Repre- sentatives, hostile legislation has been attempted. THE TARIFF QUESTION. “ Revenue laws are in their very nature subject to frequent revision in order that they may be ( 334 ) PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 335 adapted to changes and modifications of trade. The Republican party is not contending for the permanency of any particular statute. The issue between the two parties does not have reference to a specific law. It is far broader and far deeper. It involves a principle of wide application and beneficent influence against a theory which we be- lieve to be unsound in conception and inevitably hurtful in practice. In the many tariff revisions which have been necessary for the past 30 years, or which may hereafter become necessary, the Re- publican party has maintained and will maintain the jiolicy of protection to American industry, while our opponents insist upon a revision which practically destroys that policy. “The issue is thus distinct, well-defined, and unavoidable. The pending election may deter- mine the fate of protection for a generation. The overthrow of the policy means a large and perma- nent reduction in the wages of the American la- borer, besides involving the loss of vast amounts of American capital invested in manufacturing enterprises. The value of the present revenue sys- tem to the people of the United States is not a matter of theory, and I shall submit no argument to sustain it. I only invite attention to certain facts of official record which seem to constitute a demonstration. - “ In the census of 1850 an effort was made, for the first time iu our history, to obtain a valua- 336 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. tion of all the property in the United States. The attempt was in large degree unsuccessful. Partly from lack of time, partly from prejudice among many who thought the inquiries foreshadowed a new scheme of taxation, the returns were incom- plete and unsatisfactory. Little more was done than to consolidate the local valuation used in the States for purposes of assessment and that, as every one knows, differs widely from a complete exhibit, of all the property. THE COUNTRY’S WEALTH. “ In the census of 1860, however, the work was done with great thoroughness, the distinction be- tween ‘ assessed ’ value and ‘ true ’ value being carefully observed. The grand result was that the ‘ true value ’ of all the property in the States and Territories (excluding slaves) amounted to fourteen thousand millions of dollars ($14,000,000,000). This aggregate was the net result of the labor and the savings of all the people within the area of the United States from the time the first British colon- ist landed in 1607 down to the year 1860. It rep- resented the fruit of the toil of 250 years. “After 1860 the business of the country was en- couraged and developed by a protective tariff. At the end of 30 years the total property of the United States, as returned by the census of 1890, amounted to the enormous aggregate of forty-seven billions four hundred and seventy-five millions of dollars ($47,475,000,000). This great result was attained, PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 337 nothwithstanding the fact that countless millions had in the interval been wasted in the progress of a bloody war. UNPARALLELED PROGRESS. “ These results are regarded by the older nations of the world as phenomenal. That our country should surmount the peril and the cost of a gigan- tic war, and for an entire period of 30 years make an average gain to its wealth of $125,000,000 per month surpasses the experience of all other na- tions, ancient or modern. Even the opponents of the present revenue system do not pretend that in the whole history of civilization any parallel can be found to the material progress of the United States since the accession of the Republican party to power. “ The period between 1860 and to-day has not been one of material prosperity only. At no time in the history of the United States has there been such progress in the moral and philanthropic field. Religious and charitable institutions, schools, sem- inaries, and colleges have been founded and endowed far more generously than at any previous time in our history. Greater and more varied relief has been extended to human suffering, and the entire progress of the country in wealth has been accom- panied and dignified' by a broadening and elevation of our national character as a people. “ Our opponents find fault that our revenue sys- tem produces a surplus. But they should not for- 22 338 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. get that the law has given a specific purpose to which all of the surplus is profitably and honor- ably applied — the reduction of the public debt and the consequent relief of the burden of taxation. No dollar has been wasted, and the only extrava- gance with which the party stands charged is the generous pensioning of soldiers, sailors, and their families, an extravagance which embodies the high- est form of justice in recognition and payment of a sacred debt. When reduction of taxation is to be made the Republican party can be trusted to ac- complish it in such form as will most effectively aid the industries of the nation. OUR FOREIGN COMMERCE. “A frequent accusation of our opponents is that the foreign commerce of the country has steadily decayed under the influence of the protective tariff. In this way they seek to array the importing in- terest against the Republican party. It is a com- mon and yet . ra-dical error to confound the com- merce of the country with its carrying trade — an error often committed innocently and sometimes designedly — but an error so gross that it does not distinguish between the ship and the cargo. Foreign commerce represents the exports and imports of a country regardless of the nationality of the vessel that may carry the commodities of exchange. Our carrying trade has from obvious causes suffered many discouragements since 1860, but our foreign commerce has in the same period steadily and pro- PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 339 digiously increased — increased, indeed, at a rate and to an amount which absolutely dwarf all pre- vious developments of our trade beyond the sea. The balance in this vast commerce inclined in our favor, but it would have been much larger if our trade with the countries of America, elsewhere re- ferred to, had been more wisely adjusted. “ It is difficult even to appreciate the magnitude of our export trade since 1860. Evidently a pro- tective tariff has not injured our export trade, when, under its influence, we exported in 30 years 50 per cent, more than the total amount that had been exported in the entire previous history of American commerce. All the details, when ana- lyzed, correspond with this gigantic result. The commercial cities of the Union never had such growth as they have enjoyed since 1860. Our chief emporium, the city of New York, with its dependencies, has within that period doubled her population and increased her wealth five-fold. During the same period the imports and exports which have entered and left her harbor are more than double in bulk and value the whole amount imported and exported by her between the settle- ment of the first Dutch colony on the island of Manhattan and the outbreak of the civil war in 1860. AGRICULTURE AND THE TARIFF. “ The agricultural interest is by far the largest in the nation, and is entitled in every adjustment 340 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. of revenue laws to the first consideration. Any policy hostile to the fullest development of agricul- ture in the United States must be abandoned. Realizing this fact, the opponents of the present system of revenue have labored very earnestly to persuade the farmers of the United States that they are robbed by a protective tariff, and the effort is thus made to consolidate their vast influ- ence in favor of free trade. But happily the farmers of America are intelligent, and cannot be misled by sophistry when conclusive facts are be- fore them. They see plainly that during the past 30 years wealth has not been acquired in one sec- tion or by one interest at the expense of another section or another interest. They see that the agricultural States have made even more rapid progress than the manufacturing States. “ In these extraordinary developments the farmers see the helpful impulse of a home market, and they see that the financial and revenue system, enacted since the Republican party came into power, has established and constantly expanded the home market. They see that even in case of wheat, which is our chief cereal export, they have sold, in the average of the years since the close of the war, three bushels at home to one they have sold abroad, and that in the case of corn, the only other cereal which we export to any extent, 100 bushels have been used at home to three and a half bushels exported. In some years the disparity has been PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 341 so great that for every peck of corn exported 100 bushels have been consumed in the home market. The farmers see that in the increasing competition from the grain fields of Russia and from the distant plains of India, the growth of the home market becomes daily of greater concern to them, and that its impairment would depreciate the value of every acre of tillable land in the Union. OUR INTERNAL COMMERCE. “ Such facts as these, touching the growth and consumption of cereals at home, give us some slight conception of the vastness of the internal commerce of the United States. They suggest also that in addition to the advantages which the American people enjoy from protection against foreign com- petition, they enjoy the advantages of absolute free trade over a larger area and with a greater population than any other nation. The internal commerce of our forty-four States and three Terri- tories is carried on without let or hindrance, with- out tax, detention or governmental interference of any kind whatever. “ It spreads freely over an area of 3,500,000 square miles — almost equal in extent to the whole continent of Europe. Its profits are enjoyed to-day by 62,000,000 of American freemen, and from this enjoyment no monopoly is created. According to Alexander Hamilton, when he dis- cussed the same subject in 1790, ‘the internal com- petition which takes place does away with every- 342 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. thing like monopoly, and by degrees reduces the prices of articles to the minimum of a reasonable profit on the capital employed.’ It is impossible to point to a single monopoly in the United States that has been created or fostered by the industrial system which is upheld by the Republican party. OUR HOME TRADE. “ Compared with our foreign commerce these do- mestic exchanges are inconceivably great in amount — requiring, merely as one instrumentality, as large a mileage of railway as exists to-day in all the other nations of the world combined. These inter- nal exchanges are estimated by the Statistical Bu- reau of the Treasury Department to be annually twenty times as great in amount as our foreign commerce. It is into this vast field of home trade — at once the creation and the heritage of the American people — that foreign nations are striving by every device to enter. It is into this field that the opponents of 'our present revenue system would freely admit the countries of Europe — countries into whose internal trade we could not reciprocally enter ; countries to which we should be surrender- ing every advantage of trade, from which we should be gaining nothing in return. EFFECT UPON THE MECHANIC AND THE LABORER. “ A policy of this kind would be disastrous to fhe mechanics and workingmen of the United States. Wages are unjustly reduced when an indus- trious man is not able by his earnings to live in PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 343 comfort, educate liis children, and lay by a suffi- cient amount for the necessities of age. The reduc- tion of wages inevitably consequent upon throwing our home market open to the world would deprive them of the power to do this. It would prove a great calamity to our country. It would produce a conflict between the poor and the rich, and in the sorrowful degradation of labor would plant the seeds of public danger. “ The Republican party has steadily aimed to maintain just relations between labor and capital, guarding with care the rights of each. A conflict between the two has always led in the past and will always lead in the future to the injury of both. Labor is indispensable to the creation and profit- able use of capital, and capital increases the effi- ciency and value of labor. Whoever arrays the one against the other is an enemy of both. That policy is wisest and best which harmonizes the two on the basis of absolute justice. “ The Rejiublican party has protected the free labor of America so that its compensation is larger than is realized in any other country. It has guarded our people against the unfair competition of contract labor from China, and may be called upon to prohibit the growth of a similar evil from Europe. It is obviously unfair to permit capital- ists to make contracts for cheap labor in foreign countries to the hurt and disparagement of the labor of American citizens. 344 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. AN INJURY TO ALL PARTIES. “ Such a policy (like that which would leave the time and other conditions of home labor exclusively in the control of the employer) is injurious to all parties — not the least so to the unhappy persons who are made the subjects of the contract. The institutions of the United States rest upon the in- telligence and virtue of all the people. Suffrage is made universal as a just weapon- of self-protection to every citizen. It is not the interest of the Re- public that any economic system should be adopted which involves the reduction of wages to the hard standard prevailing elsewhere. The Republican party aims to elevate and dignify labor — not to de- grade it. “ As a substitute for the industrial system which under Republican administrations has developed such extraordinary prosperity, our opponents offer a policy which is but a system of experiments upon our system of revenue — a policy whose end must be harm to our manufactures and greater harm to our labor. Experiment in the industrial and finan- cial system is the country’s greatest dread, as sta- bility is. its greatest boon. Even the uncertainty resulting from the recent tariff agitation in Con- gress has hurtfully affected the business of the entire country. Who can measure the harm to our shops and our homes, to our farms, and our commerce, if the uncertainty of perpetual tariff agi- tation is to be inflicted upon the country ? We are PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 345 in the midst of an abundant harvest ; we are on the eve of a revival of general prosperity. Nothing stands in our way but the dread of a change in the industrial system which has wrought such wonders in the last thirty years, and which, with the power of increased capital, will work still greater marvels of prosperity in the years to come. OUR FOREIGN POLICY. “ Our foreign relations favor our domestic devel- opment. We are at peace with the world — at peace upon a sound basis, with no unsettled ques- tions of sufficient magnitude to embarrass or dis- tract us. Happily removed by our geographical position from participation or interest in those questions of dynasty or boundary which so fre- quently disturb the peace of Europe, we are left to cultivate friendly relations with all and are free from possible entanglements in the quarrels of any. The United States has no cause and no desire to engage in conflict with any power on earth, and we may rest in assured confidence that no power desires to attack the United States. “ With the nations of the Western Hemisphere we should cultivate closer relations, and for our common prosperity and advancement we should invite them all to join with us in an agreement that, for the future, all international troubles in North of South America shall be adjusted by im- partial arbitration and not by arms. This project was part of the fixed policy of President Garfield’s 346 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. administration, and it should, in my judgment, be renewed. Its accomplishment on this continent would favorably affect the nations beyond the sea, and thus powerfully contribute at no distant day to the universal acceptance of the philanthropic and Christian principles of arbitration. SPANISH AMERICA. “ The effect even of suggesting it for the Spanisli- American States has been most happy and has in- creased the confidence of those people in our friendly disposition. It fell to my lot, as Secretary of State, in June, 1881, to quiet apprehension in the Republic of Mexico, by giving the assurance in an official dispatch that ‘ there is not the faintest desire in the United States for territorial extension south of the Rio Grande. The boundaries of the two republics have been established in conformity with the best jurisdictional interests of both. The line of demarkation is not merely conventional. It is more. It sejiarates a Spanish-American people from a Saxon-American people. It divides one great nation from another with distinct and nat- ural finality.’ “ We seek the conquests of peace. We desire to extend our commerce and in an especial degree with' our friends and neighbors on this continent. We have not improved our relations with Spanish - America as wisely and as persistently as we might have done. For more than a generation the sym- pathy of those countries has been allowed to drift PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 347 away from us. We should now make every effort to gain their friendship. Our trade with them is already large. To those who may be disposed to underrate the value of our trade with the countries of North and South America, it may be well to state that their population is nearly or quite 50,000,- 000, and that, in proportion to aggregate num- bers, we import nearly double as much from them as we do from Europe. But the result of the whole American trade is in a high degree unsatisfactory. We send large sums to Europe in coin or its equiva- lent to pay European manufacturers for the goods which they send to Spanish- America. We are but paymasters for this enormous amount annually to European factors — an amount which is a serious draft, in every financial depression, upon our re- sources of specie. THE NAME OF “AMERICAN.” “ Cannot this condition of trade in great part be changed ? Cannot the market for our products be greatly enlarged ? We have made a beginning in our effort to improve our trade relations with Mexico, and we should not be content until similar and mutually advantageous arrangements have been successfully made with every nation of North and South America. While the great powers of Europe are steadily enlarging their colonial domi- nation in Asia and Africa it is the especial province of this country to improve and expand its trade with the nations of America. No field promises 3 ±8 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. so much. No field has been cultivated so little. Our foreign policy should be an American policy in its broadest and most comprehensive sense — a policy of peace, of friendship, of commercial en- largement. “ The name of ‘American,’ which belongs to us in our national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism. Citizenship of the republic must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it. The American citizen, rich or poor, na- tive or naturalized, white or colored, must every- where walk secure in his personal and civil rights. The republic should never accept a lesser duty, it can never assume a nobler one than the protection of the humblest man who owes it loyalty — protec- tion at home and protection which shall follow him abroad into whatever land he may go upon a law- ful errand.” THE HON. WILLIAM McKINLEY’S RE- PLY TO THE HON. GROVER CLEVELAND. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Ohio Republi- can League : It is worth something in the discussion of eco- nomic questions to have an avowal from our politi- cal opponents of the real meaning and effect of their economic theories. It is always well in jio- litical controversy to understand one another. It was, therefore, gratifying to the friends of jn'otec- tion to have that eminent Democratic leader from the State of New York, on a recent occasion in the capital city of our State, make open confession of the 23ui’2ioses which he and his party associates aim to accomplish by a free trade tariff. Assigned to respond to the inspiring sentiment, “American Citizenship,” he made “ cheapness ” the theme of his discourse and counted it amon«- o the highest aspirations of American life. His avowal is only that which protectionists have always claimed to he the inevitable tendency of his tariff policy, which exalts chea}} goods from abroad above good wages at home. The tariff reformer gravely asks why we want (349) '350 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. manufacturing establishments in the United S.tates when we can buy our goods in other countries as cheap as we can manufacture them at home, if not cheaper. Why maintain defensive tariffs at all ? Why not permit foreign goods to come in unfet- tered by any customs-house restraints ? Why not admit competing foreign products free or at a low revenue duty ? MANUFACTORIES DESTROYED. The best answer, the most conclusive one, is written in our own experience under the last free trade tariff regime of the Democratic party, when cheap foreign goods, invited by the low tariff of that period, destroyed our manufactories, checked our mining, suspended our public works and pri- vate enterprises, sent our workingmen from work to idleness or to the already overcrowded field of agriculture, from remunerative to starvation wages or to no wasps at all, surrendered our markets to the foreigner, giving work to his shops and his men by taking it from our shops and our men, and diminished domestic production and domestic em- ployment, thereby increasing those of other coun- tries and other peoples. This was an era of “ cheapness ” and of “ poverty,” to which the great Democratic leader and his fraction of the party want us to return and which they have “conse- crated ” themselves to secure. The masses of the people are in no temper for such a suggestion, and they will never consent to PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 351 the inauguration of a policy which will scale down their wages and render it harder to obtain the necessaries of life. The “ cheap coats ” to which the gentleman is so much attached do not tempt them, for many remember that in previous free trade eras of our history they were too poor to buy them at any price. EFFECT OF REDUCED WAGES. No matter how low the nominal sum exacted for the merchandise, it was beyond their power to buy, for it was made cheap at the expense of their earn- ings and labor, the price of the merchandise never diminishing in proportion to the reduced wages which labor was forced to take. It is to maintain this character of “ cheapness ” that the Demo- cratic leader raises his voice and offers his services once more to his countrymen. Hearken to his words : “ And when they [the laboring men] are borne down with burdens greater than they can bear, and are made the objects of scorn by hard taskmasters, we will not leave their side.” Can any man familiar witlr the history of his own country believe that such utterance was made in soberness and good faith by a leader of the Democratic party — a party which has imposed the only involuntary tasks and burdens ever borne by American citizens ; which for nearly three-quar- ters of a century kept the labor of almost one-half of our great country in slavery, bought and sold as chattels, and which repeatedly, by the enact- 352 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. nient of free trade tariffs, undertook to place in industrial slavery tlie other half ; which strove by every possible means to dedicate our vast public domain, not to free labor, but to slave labor ; and which now offensively denies to labor in one sec- tion of the country the use of the ballot, which is the freeman’s defense against wrong and oppres- sion ? THE POOR LABORER. “ However much,’ says this disciple of Cobden, “ others may mock and deride' cheapness and the poor, we will stand forth in their defense. ” Strange words to those acquainted with Democratic history and Democratic practices ; strange in the light of existing Democratic purpose, which openly advo- cates a revenue tariff policy to make the poor poorer, and which offers to them in old age, when no longer able to work, the refuge of an almshouse as their hope and home ! They defend American labor, whose overwhelming and controlling ma- jority has not now and never has had any regard for it ; who proposed in 1888, and again propose, if invested with power, to tear down the tariff bar- riers which alone stand between our labor and the cheap and less-rewarded labor of the Old World ! Their professed defense is a delusion and a snare — the kind of defense which destroys and degrades the dignity and character of American labor and forces it down to the level of the poorest paid labor of Europe. What think you of this policy to exalt PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 353 tlie American home, the foundation and corner- stone of its citizenship, by degrading its head ? This cry of “ cheapness ” is not new. It rung through England nearly 50 years ago. It was the voice and philosophy of Cobden ; it was the false and alluring appeal urged for the reversal of Great Britain’s industrial policy from Protection to Free Trade. It was the hypocritical cant against which the beloved Kingsley thundered his hold denuncia- tions— that dear and revered churchman, whose memory is cherished wherever the English tongue is spoken. Here is his characterization of it : KINGSLEY ON FREE TRADE. “ Xext you have the Manchester school, from which Heaven defend us ! For all narrow, con- ceited, hypocritical, and anarchic schemes of the universe the Cobden and Bright one is exactly the worst. To pretend to be the workman’s friends by keeping down the price of bread when all they want thereby is to keep down wages and increase profits, and in the meantime to widen the gulf be- tween the workingman and all that is time-hon- ored and chivalrous in English society, that they may make the men their divided slaves — that is, perhaps, half unconsciously, for there are excellent men among them, the game of the Manchester school.” I am charitable enough to believe that many of our tariff reformers, blind followers of Cobden, are wholly unconscious of the end, the ultimate and 23 354 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. disastrous end, of their doctrine and policy. Is American manhood to he degraded that merchan- dise may be cheap ? Are cheap goods at such a cost worthy of our high purpose and destiny, and can we believe that he who would advocate them at such a sacrifice is the true friend of his country- men, however loud his professions ? CHEAP LABOR AND CHEAP MEN. Cheap coats at any price, at any sacrifice, even to the robbey of labor, are not the chief objects of American civilization, and to make them so is neither praiseworthy nor patriotic, nor does such a sentiment represent a noble aim in American life. We scorn cheap coats upon any such terms or con- ditions. They are “ nasty ” at such a price. Our philosophy includes the grower of the wool, the weaver of the fabric, the seamstress, and the tailor. Our tariff reformers have no thought of these toilers. They can bear their hard tasks in pinching poverty -for the sake of cheap coats, which prove by far the dearest when measured by sweat and toil. Our tariff reformers concern themselves only about cheap coats and cheap shoes. We do not overlook the comfort of those who make the coats and make the shoes, and who pro- vide the wool and the cloth, the hides and the leather. I gracefully commend to the new leader of the Democracy the patriotic utterances of its old leader, Thomas Jefferson. I quote from one of his PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 355 letters to Jean Baptiste Say : “ The prohibiting duties Aye lay on all articles of foreign manufac- ture, Avliicli prudence requires us to establish at home with the patriotic determination of every good citizen to use no foreign article which can be made within ourselves, without regard to difference of price, secures us against a relapse into foreign dependency.” ENCOURAGING HOME INDUSTRIES. Also the following from his letter to Benjamin Austin : “We must now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. Experience has taught me that manufacturers are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort, and if those Avho quote me as of a different opinion will beep pace Avith me in purchasing nothing foreign, where an equivalent of domestic fabric can be obtained, without regard to difference in price, it Avill not be our fault if we do not soon have a supply at home equal to our demand.” Jefferson was solicitous that the people should buy nothing abroad Avhich could be had at home. He set the example of buying the domestic goods instead of the foreign goods, even though the for- mer cost more than the latter. He did not have that depth of sympathy for cheap foreign goods which the new leader of the Democratic party boastfully confesses dwells in his breast. Jefferson was for the home product and the home producer, and his exalted patriotism is commended to those : >66 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. ivlio are leading the party from its ancient moor- ings- THE TRUE TEST OF COST. It is of very little consequence to men who have no means of payment who are on half pay and half time that foreign products are nominally cheap. The true test of cost, whether high or low, is not the nominal price but the comparative ease or difficulty of payment. Does the return which we receive for our labor and the products of our labor and land make them cheap or make them dear ? This is the question — the real ques- tion. Those things of necessity or comfort are the dearest which are the most difficult to buy and the hardest to secure by the fruits of human labor. I readily grant that persons living on money already accumulated— whose chief employment is the cutting of their coupons ; who have fixed in- comes and inherited wealth, dedicated to selfishness and withdrawn from the channels of trade ; who never earned the price of the “ cheapest ” and “ nastiest ” coat by their own exertions or labor — might be benefited for a time at least by cheap foreign .goods ; but why should they of all others be singled out for the considerate care of the tariff reformers ? They can get on under any system of tariffs or taxation. As a rule they manage to escape many of the burdens of local taxation from which their poorer fellow-citizens cannot flee. I have not PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 357 failed to observe, nor have you, that the men who have their money unemployed in productive enter- prises complain most of taxation and usually pay the least. Their capital is not in active business. It is secure from panics and the financial distress which now and then sweep over the country. When lands go down their loans go up. The de- pression of prices and wages only serves to in- crease the value of their money and mortgages. OUR NATION’S POLICY. “ Theirs is the capital,” as Cardinal Manning puts it, “ which pays no taxes and gives no charity ; laid up in secret and barren of all good to the owner or his neighbor.” The fiscal policy of our nation is not fashioned for such as these. It is broader, more national, and more humane. The poor and also the enterprising must have some care and consideration. To them we must look for our prosperity ; upon their intelligence and welfare rest the permanence and purity of our institutions. They are the strength and pillars of the Republic. Professor Huxley, the British scientist, says, and speaks truthfully : “A population whose labor is insufficiently remunerated must become physic- ally and morally unhealthy and socially unstable, and though it may succeed for a while in indus- trial competition by reason of the cheapness of its produce, it must in the end fall through hideous misery and degradation to utter ruin.” Our popu- 358 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. lation must be saved from such a fate. Our future must not rest upon such a citizenship. If “ buying where you can buy the cheajiest ” narrows the field of employment at home it will be the very dearest of all buying, the most expen- sive of all trading, the most unprofitable of all ex- change. The more demands there are for labor, the more avenues inviting employment and enter- prise, and the more opportunities for the capitalist to invest his money the better each will be off, the better each will be remunerated, the wider the general prosperity ; and here is the connection be- tween varied industries, fair wages, and fair profits. FAIR RETURNS FOR TOIL. There must be something for the American citi- zen more than cheap clothes. There must be some higher incentive than a cheap coat and a bare sub- sistence. The farmer’s products must bring him fair returns for his toil and investment. The work- ingman’s wages must be governed by his work and worth, and not by what he can barely live upon. He must have wages that bring hope and heart and ambition, which give promise of a future brighter and better than the past, which shall promote his comfort and independence, and which shall stimu- late him to a higher and better and more intelli- gent citizenship. This was what Lincoln and Garfield taught. These Avere the principles with Avhich they inspired the people. It was not the coats they wore, but PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 359 the great ideas they stood for which the people loved and still love. The great emancipator illus- trated his aversion to cheap men when he made them free and gave them their own earnings and labor, and the beloved Garfield showed his sym- pathy with God’s poor when he voted to make them citizens. The gentleman who is now so insistent for cheap necessaries of life while in office and clothed with authority was unwilling that sugar, an article of prime necessity to every household, should come untaxed to the American people when it was known that it was an annual burden upon them of $60,- 000,000. He stood then as the uncompromising friend of dear sugar for the masses. During all of his years at the head of the Government he was dishonoring one of our precious metals, one of our own great products, discrediting silver and enhanc- ing the juice of gold. SILVER COINAGE. He endeavored even before his inauguration to office to stop the coinage of silver dollars, and after- ward and to the end of his administration per- sistently used his power to that end. He was de- termined to contract the circulating medium and demonetize one of the coins of commerce, limit the volume of money among the people, make money scarce and therefore dear. He would have in- creased the value of money and diminished the value of everything else — money the master, every- 360 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. thing else its servant. He was not thinking of “ the poor ” then. He had left “ their side.” He was not “ standing forth in their defense.” Cheap coats, cheap labor, and dear money ; the sponsor and promoter of these professing to stand guard over the welfare of the poor and lowly ! Was there ever more glaring inconsistency or reckless assump- tion ? The tariff reformer has at last, in his wild ecstasy over a so-called victory, been betrayed into an avowal of his real design. ITe- believes that pov- erty is a blessing to be promoted and encouraged, and that a shrinkage in the value of everything but money is a national benediction. He no longer conceals his love for cheap merchandise, even though it entails the beating down of the price of labor and curtails the comforts and opportunities of the masses. He has uncovered at last. He would make the cheapest articles of comfort and necessity dearer to the poor, for he would diminish the rewards of their labor. The Democratic victory has had still further uses. It has established beyond dispute or contro- versy the partnership between the Democratic Free Trade leaders of the United States and the states- men and ruling classes of Great Britain. It is a powerful alliance — a resolute and aggressive com- bination. If you have any doubt of it I beg you will read the English press and the Democratic press of the United States just before and since PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY, 361 the elections, and yon will be convinced that they are fighting in the same unpatriotic cause, engaged in the same crusade against our industries. WARFARE AGAINST AMERICAN LABOR. They rejoice together over the same victory. Theirs is a joint warfare against American labor and American wages, a plot against the industrial life of the nation, a blow at the American Common- wealth. Is it any wonder that the chief of Demo- - cratic tariff reformers, the Hon. David A. Wells, of Connecticut, should have felt constrained to ad- vise his co-partners across the Atlantic that they were retarding the cause they wished to promote by too open a demonstration ? In a letter in September last to the Right Hon- orable A. J. Mundella, M. P., whom Mr. Wells addresses as “ My Dear Mundella,” he says : “ If it is the desire of the British people to induce the people of this country [the United States] to main- tain and extend their existing policy of imposing- high or prohibitive duties on imports I can con- ceive of no more effective way of achieving such results than the holding of a series of popular meetings, like that at Sheffield, for the purpose of denouncing the McKinley tariff bill and favoring retaliatory legislation on the part of the Govern- ment of Great Britain. “ Such action on the part of any considerable num- ber of the people of Great Britain is suggestive of a desire to intermeddle with our internal affairs. 362 PROTECTION AND PECIPROCITY. There is nothing which the people of the United States will quicker resent than even a suspicion of such purpose. The high-tariff advocates in this country have been quick to see the opportunity afforded them by the Sheffield meeting, and have tried to make capital for their cause by using the above ideas to create popular prejudice against the policy of tariff reform.” He admonishes them to be less demonstrative and more diplomatic, and leave to the members of the firm in the United States the open management of the crusade against our Protective tariff and industrial independence. LOW PRICES AND LOW WAGES. Mr. President, that country is the least prosper- ous where low prices are secured through low wages. Cheap foreign goods, free or practically free, in competition with domestic goods involve cheap labor at home or dependence upon foreign manufacturers. Those who advocate duties solely for revenue see only as a result cheaper prices, which are but temporary at best, and do not see the other side, that of lower wages, cheaper labor, agricultural depression, and general distress. The Protective system, -by encouraging capital to engage in productive enterprises, lias accorded to labor, skill, and genius higher opportunities and greater rewards than could otherwise be secured, defending them against ruinous foreign competi- tion while promoting home competition, and giving the American consumer better products at lower PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 363 prices and the former a better market than was ever enjoyed under the Free Trade tariffs of the Democratic party. England is the only country which imposes a tariff exclusively for revenue. This has been her policy for nearly half a century. It has therefore been tried, and under the most favorable circum- stances. Does her condition present a picture inviting to Americans ? Is the condition, of the great*Dody of her people encouraging or hopeful or assuring ? Listen, to the words of Cardinal Man- ning, written in December, 1890, and published in the Nineteenth Century , an English magazine. No one will question their sincerity and truth : CARDINAL MANNING’S VIEWS. “ There is no doubt that Free Trade, freedom of contract, buying in the cheapest market and sell- ing in the dearest, are axioms of commercial pru- dence. They are hardly worthy of being called a science. Nevertheless this freedom of trade has immensely multiplied all branches of commerce and developed the energies of all our industrial population. But it has created two things — the irresponsible wealth . which stagnates, and the starvation wages of the labor market. This cheapest market is the market of the lacklands, penniless, and helpless. In four of our western counties wages are so low that men come to London by thousands every year, and, being here, crowd the dock-gates and underbid the permanent work- 364 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. ingmen, wlio have already reason not to be content with their hire. “ We have these two worlds always and openly face to face — the world of wealth and the world of want ; the world of wealth saying in its heart, ‘ I sit as queen over all toilers and traders,’ and the world of want not knowing what may be on the morrow. Every city and town has its unemployed. Millions are in poverty. Agriculture languishes ; land is going out of cultivation ; trades are going, down ; mills and furnaces are working half time ; strikes are running through every industry. Is there a blight upon our mountainous wealth ? At this day we have 3,000,000 of poor who in the course of the year are relieved in some way by the poor laws.” WE WANT NO OLD COUNTRY MISERY. Does this plain statement from this great Chris- tian teacher and philanthropist, who speaks from knowledge, incline Americans to adopt a policy which has made these things possible and true ? Do the conditions he describes offer anything to the agriculturist of this country better than he has already, or so good ; or to the laborer a hope or an inspiration which does not make the heart sick ; or to our countrymen generally, whatever may be their occupation, a wish to transplant the want and misery here? God forbid! We want none of it. Our hearts go out in sympathy for the sufferers beyond the sea, and we shall contest PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 365 every inch of the ground which points that way for our industrial people. Mr. President, we find nothing in history or in our own experience to justify the reversal of our protective system or a change in our protective laws. We have nothing to take hack, nothing to apologize for. A low tariff has always increased the importation of foreign goods until our money runs out ; multiplied our foreign obligations ; pro- duced a balance of trade against the country ; supplanted the domestic producer and manufac- turer ; impaired the farmer’s home market without improving his market abroad ; undermined do- mestic prosperity ; decreased the industries of the nation ; diminished the value of nearly all our property and investments, and robbed labor of its just rewards. The lower the tariff the more wide- spread and aggravated have been these conditions which paralyze our progress and industries. This is the verdict of history. EVILS OF LOW TARIFFS. Industry and property were excessively de- pressed from 1784 to 1790, and again from 1818 to 1824, under the low tariffs then in operation. Also from 1837 to the end of 1842, under the compromise act of 1833 ; and again from 1846 to 1861, under the free trade tariffs of 1846 and 1857. The depression which prevailed during all of these periods was felt in every individual pur- suit and national industry. On the contrary, the 366 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. industries and energies of the nation revived as if by magic from 1825 to 1834, under the protective tariffs of 1824 and 1828 ; and also from 1843 to the end of 1846 under the protective tariff of 1842. Our progress in industrial development and prosperity from 1861 to the present time, under the Morrill tariff and its supplements, finds no parallel in the world’s history. Labor was never better rewarded than it is now. Mr. Edward Atkinson, a careful student and himself a tariff reformer, recently wrote : “ The share of the annual product which is now falling to workmen, in the strictest sense, is a bigger share of a bigger product than workmen have ever at- tained before in this or any other country.” Invention, improved machinery, and new pro- cesses, stimulated by our industrial conditions, made possible by our protective laws, have im- proved the products of our workshops and have brought articles of comfort and necessity within the easy reach of the masses with no diminution of the rewards of their labor. WHAT PROTECTION HAS DONE FOR US. Thirty years of protection have brought us from the lowest to the highest rank of industrial prog- ress ;• have lifted up our labor to that high plane so necessary to American citizenship and equal suffrage ; have given to agriculture a home market unrivaled on the globe ; have given to the Na- tion’s promises a name without a financial stain ; PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 367 liave raised our national credit from dishonor to honor ; our national obligations from a discount to a premium. Every American must have a feel- ing of pride in such a record. If we have cheap garments, they are woven here ; the wool was grown here ; the labor was employed here ; the machinery made here ; the wages paid here ; and the purchase-price kept here, all promoting the general good — all tending to the welfare and pros- perity. of the people. Shall we turn away from this ? The weight of the nations is overwhelmingly on our side. Which is right '? The British Government, whose colonies and dependencies, with two exceptions, have protec- tive tariffs (applicable not alone to other nations, hut operative against England itself), or all the civilized world ? Call the roll of the nations ; which are for protection? Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Mexico, Canada, South America, Portugal, Denmark, most of Australasia, Switzer- land, Austria and Hungary, Russia, Sweden and Norway, and the United States of America. Which are against protection ? England, New South Wales, and New Zealand. HOW THE JURY STANDS. It will he noted that “ tariff for revenue only ” or “ tariff reform ” is almost exclusively an English decoration. But how stand the people of the world on this question ? At least 430,000,000 people in favor of' protection ; 38,000,000 of 368 PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. Britains against it, to whom must be added those Americans whose numbers are not known, who, while living under our flag, seem to follow another. That is how the jury stands. We have no controversy with Great Britain or her fiscal system. She is free to adopt the one which her statesmen believe will best subserve tier welfare and that of her people. Each nation must settle its own domestic policy ; each is supreme in that sphere and should brook no interference from the outside. We exercise that undoubted funda- mental right ourselves and for ourselves. PROTECTION VINDICATED. Time and experience have vindicated the great system ; time and truth will vindicate the new law which was founded upon it. False witnesses will be confounded by the unimpeachable testimony of trade and experience.' Their portents have already been impeached. False prophecy must fall before good, times and abounding prosperity. Campaign prices have already been convicted as campaign lies. New industries are being founded ; others now established are enlarging their capacity. Idle mills are being started. The only menace to our advancement and prosperity, to our ^vage- earning and farming interests, is the party which is pledged to the repeal of the new law and the substitution of the British system in its place. Free and full discussion will avert the danger. Nothing else will. interesting Facts about all our Presidents. ADMINISTRATION OF WASHINGTON. 1789-1797. The 4th of March, 1789' was the time appointee for the Government of the United States to go into operation under its new organization ; but several weeks elapsed before quorums of both Houses of Congress were assembled. The city of New York was the place where Congress then met. On the 6th of April the electoral votes were counted. At that time, and until 1805, each elec- tor voted by ballot for two persons. If a majority of all the votes were cast for any person, he who received the greatest number of votes became President, and he who received the next greatest number became Vice-President. When the votes were counted they were found to be for George Washington, of Virginia, 69 (all of the electors having voted for him), John Adams, of Massachu- setts received 34 votes, and 35 votes were cast for various other candidates. Charles Thompson, the oldest secretary of Con- gress, was sent to Mount Vernon to notify Wash- ington of his election. Washington promptly sig- nified his acceptance of the office, and, two days later, started for New York. He was desirous of 2 C17) 18 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. travelling as quietly and unostentatiously as possi- ble, but the people of the States through which he passed would not permit him to do so. His jour- ney was a constant ovation. Crowds greeted him at every town with the most enthusiastic demon- strations of affection and confidence ; triumphal GEORGE WASHINGTON. erches were erected, and his way was strewn with dowers by young girls; and maidens and mothers greeted him with songs composed in his honor. In consequence of these demonstrations his pro- gress was so much retarded that he did not reach New York until the latter part of April. On the 30th of April Washington appeared on FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 19 the balcony of Federal Hall, New York, on the site of which the United States Treasury now stands, and took the oath of office in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, and a large crowd of citizens assembled in the streets below. He then repaired to the Senate chamber, and there delivered an address to both Houses of Congress. The plan of the new government being now completed, Congress proceeded to its or- ganization through the departments of the judi- ciary, of state, of the treasury, of war, and of attorney-general. President Washington appointed Thomas Jeffer- son, of Virginia, Secretary of State, Alexander Ham- ilton, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury, and General Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War. John Jay, of New York, was made Chief- Justice of the United States, and Edmund Ran- dolph, of Virginia, Attorney-General. Frederick A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, was chosen Speaker of the House ; but his election was not a party triumph, for parties were still in a state of utter confusion. Between the extreme Anti-Federalists, who considered the Constitution a long step toward a despotism, and the extreme Federalists, who desired a monarchy modeled on that of England — there were all varieties of polit- ical opinion. Washington, through the universal confidence in his integrity and good judgment, had the ability to hold together the conservative men 20 FACTS ABOTjT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. of all parties for a time, and prevent party contest upon the interpretation of Federal powers until the Constitution should be tested and its value de- monstrated to the people. In 1792 the second Presidential election took place. Washington was anxious to retire, but yielded to the wishes of the people, and was again chosen President by the unanimous vote of the electoral colleges of the several States. The electoral votes were counted in February, 1793, and found to be for George Washington 132 (all the electors having voted for him), for John Adams 77, for George Clinton 50, for Thomas Jefferson 4, and for Aaron Burr 1. Washington was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1793. At the close of his term of office Washington withdrew to his home at Mount Vernon, to enjoy the repose he had so well earned, and which was so grateful to him. His administration had been eminently successful. When he entered upon the duties of the Presidency the government was new and untried, and its best friends doubted its ability to exist long ; the finances were in confusion, and the country was burdened with debt ; the disputes with Great Britain threatened to involve the country in a new war ; and the authority of the general government was uncertain and scarcely recognized. When he left office the state of affairs was changed. The government had been severely tested, and had been found equal to any demand FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. M upon it. The disputes with England had been ar- ranged, and the country, no longer threatened with war, but was free to devote its energies to its im- provement. Industry and commerce were growing rapidly. ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS. 4th of March, 1797 — 4th of March, 1801. At the elections held in the fall of 1796 the Federalists put forward John Adams, of Massa- chusetts, as their candidate, while the Republicans or Democrats supported Thomas Jefferson, of Vir- ginia. The contest was very bitter, and resulted in the election of Mr. Adams. Mr. Jefferson, receiv- ing the next highest number of votes, was de- clared Vice-President, in accordance with the law as it then stood. The electoral vote was counted in February and was as follows : For John Adams 71, for Thomas Jefferson 68, for Thomas Pinckney 59, for Aaron Burr 30, and the rest scattering. On the 4th of March, 1797, Mr. Adams, the second President of the United States, was inau- gurated at Philadelphia, in the presence of both Houses of Congress, and Thomas Jefferson was in- augurated as Vice-President. Mr. Adams was dressed in a full suit of pearl-colored broadcloth, and wore his hair powdered. He was in the sixty- second year of his age, and in the full vigor of health and intellect. the severest test, and was to be triumphantly vin- dicated by the trial. Mr. Adams began his official career with the declaration of his “ determination to maintain peace and inviolate faith with all nations, and neutrality and impartiality with the belligerent powers of Europe.” JOHN ADAMS. 22 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Mr. Adams made no changes in the cabinet left by President Washington, and the policy of his administration corresponded throughout with thar of his great predecessor. He came into office at a time when this policy was to be subjected to FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 23 During the summer of the year 1800 the seat of the general government was removed from Phila- delphia to the new federal city of Washington, in the District of Columbia. On the 22d of Novem- ber, the session of Congress was opened in the un- finished capitol of Washington. THOMAS JEFFERSON. ADMINISTRATION OF JEFFERSON. 4th of March, 1801 — 4th of March, 1809. The elections for President and Vice-President Were held in the autumn of 1800. John Adams 24 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. was the Federalist candidate for the Presidency, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney the candidate of that party for Vice-President. The Republican or Democratic party nominated Thomas Jefferson for the Presidency, and Colonel Aaron Burr, of. New York, for the Vice-Presidency. The alien and sedition laws had rendered the Federalist party so unpopular that the electors chosen at the polls failed to make a choice, and the election was thrown upon the House of Representatives, ac- cording to the terms of the Constitution. The votes of the electoral college were for Jefferson, 73; Burr, 73; Adams, 65; Pinckney, 64; and John Jay, 1. The States that cast the electoral votes of their colleges for Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr were nine ; to wit, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, South Carolina, and Georgia. Those that cast the electoral votes of their colleges for Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney were seven; to wit, New Hampshire, Massachu- setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, and Delaware. Rhode Island cast one vote for Mr. Jay, to prevent that equality of votes on the Federal ticket, which, for the want of a like precaution, resulted on the Republican side, and which caused so much excitement and confu- sion. Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr having re- ceived an equal number of votes, there was no election by the colleges, as the Constitution then FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 25 stood. It then devolved upon the House of Rep- resentatives, voting by States, to choose for Presi- dent and Vice-President between Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr. On the 17th of February, 1801, after thirty-six ballots, the House elected Thomas Jefferson Presi- dent, and Aaron Burr Vice-President of the United States, for a term of four years from and after the 4th of March, 1801. Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States, was inaugurated at the new capitol, in the city of Washington, on the 4th of March, 1801. He was in his fifty-eighth year, and had long been regarded as one of the most illustrious men in America. He was the author of the Dec- laration of Independence, had represented the country as minister to France, had served in the cabinet of General Washington as Secretary of State, and had filled the high office of Vice-Presi- dent during the administration of Mr. Adams. He was the founder of the Democratic party, and was regarded by it with an enthusiastic devotion which could see no flaw in his character. By the Federalists he was denounced with intense bitter, ness as a Jacobin, and an enemy of organized gov eminent. He was unquestionably a believer in the largest freedom possible to man ; but he was too deeply versed in the lessons of statesmanship, and was too pure a patriot to entertain for a me^ ment the levelling principles with which his ene- 26 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. mies charged him. Under him the government of the republic suffered no diminution of strength, but his administration was a gain to the country. Mr. Jefferson began his administration by seek- ing to undo as far as possible the evil effects of the sedition act of 1798. A number of persons were in prison in consequence of sentences under this act at the time of his inauguration. These were at once pardoned by the President and re- leased from prison. At the meeting of the seventh Congress, in December, 1801, President Jefferson, in pursuance of an announcement made some time before, in- augurated the custom which has since prevailed of sending a written message to each House of Congress, giving his views on public affairs and the situation of the country. Previous to this the President had always met the two Houses upon their assembling, and had addressed them in person. In the fall of 1804 the fifth Presidential election was held. The Republicans, or Democrats, voted for Mr. Jefferson for the office of President; this time Mr. Burr was dropped by his party, who nomi- nated George Clinton, of New York, for Vice-Presi- dent in his place. The Federals supported Charles Cotesworth Pinckney for President, and Rufus King for Vice-President. The result was one hundred and sixty-two electoral votes for Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Clinton, and fourteen only for FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 2? Mr. Pinckney and Mr. King. By States the vote stood : fifteen for the Democratic or Republican ticket, and only two States for the Federal. These two were Connecticut and Delaware. So popular was Mr. Jefferson’s Administration, that the cen- tralizing party, styling itself “ Federal,” had be- come almost extinct. He was inaugurated for a second term on the 4th of March, 1805. Aaron Burr had at last experienced the reward of his insincerity : both parties had come to dis- trust him. After his defeat for the Vice-Presidency he had been nominated by his party as their can- didate for governor of New York. He was warmly opposed by Alexander Hamilton, who was mainly instrumental in bringing about his defeat. Burr never forgave Hamilton for 'his course in this election, and took advantage of the first opportu- nity to challenge him to a duel. They met at Weehawken, on the banks of the Hudson opposite New York, on the 11th of July, 1804. Hamilton, who had accepted the challenge in opposition to his better judgment, and who had expressed his intention not to fire at Burr, was mortally wounded, and died within twenty-four hours. In him per- ished one of the brightest intellects and most earnest patriots of the republic. His loss was regarded as second only to that of Washington, and the sad news of his death was received in all parts of the country with profound and unaffected sorrow. 28 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. The murder of Hamilton, for it was nothing else, closed Burr’s political career. His remaining years were passed in restless intrigue. ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MADISON. 4th of March, 1809 — 4th of March, 1817. In the election of 1808 Mr. Jefferson, following the example of President Washington, declined to be a candidate for a third term, and the Democratic or administration party supported James Madison for the Presidency, and George Clinton for the Vice- Presidency. The Federal party again nominated Charles Cotesworth Pinckney for President, and Rufus King for Vice-President. The result of the election was, 122 electoral votes for Madison and 47 for Pinckney, for President, and 113 for Clinton and 47 for King for Vice-President. By States the vote stood : 12 for the Democratic ticket, and 5 for the Federal. These five were New Hamp- shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Delaware. James Madison, the fourth President of the United States, was inaugurated at Washington on the 4th of March, 1809. He was in the fifty-eighth year of his age, and had long been one of the most prominent men in the Union. He had borne a distinguished part in the convention of 1787, and was the author of the Virginia resolutions of 1786, which brought about the assembling of this con* FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 29 vention. He had entered the convention as one of the most prominent leaders of the national party, which favored the consolidation of the States into one distinct and supreme nation, and had acted with Randolph, Hamilton, Wilson, Morris, and King, in seeking to bring about such a result. When it was found impossible to carry out this plan Mr. Madison gave bis cordial support to the system which was finally adopted by the convention; and while the constitution was under discussion by the States, he united with Hamilton and Jay in earnestly recommending the adoption of the constitution by the States, in a series of able articles, to which the general title of the “ Feder- alist” was given. After the organization of the government Mr. Madison was a member of the House of Representatives, and was regarded as one of the leaders of the Federalist party, and gave to Hamilton his cordial support in the finance measures of that minister. Towards the close of Washington’s administration, however, Mr. Madi- son’s political views underwent a great change. He was a near neighbor and warm friend of Mr. Jefferson, and was greatly influenced by the opin- ions and the strong personal character of that great statesman. As the political controversies of the time deepened, he became more and more inclined towards the Republican or “ Strict Construction ” party, and in Mr. Adams’ administration took his position as one of the leaders of that party. At 'AMES MADISON. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 31 the time of his election to the Presidency, Mr. Jefferson having withdrawn from public life, Mr. Madison was the recognized leader of the Demo- cratic party, as the Republican party had come to be called. In 1812 Mr. Madison was again nominated foir President by the Democratic party, and Elbridge Gerry, of Connecticut, for Vice-President. De Witt Clinton, of New York, was supported by the anti-administration or old Federal party for Presi- dent, and Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President. Mr. Madison received 128 elec- toral votes for President, and Mr. Clinton 89. Mr Gerry received 131 for Vice-President, and Mr. Ingersoll 86. By States, the vote stood : For the regular Democratic candidates, 11 ; and for tin Opposition candidates, 7. The eleven States that voted for Mr. Madison were : Vermont, Pennsyl- vania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, and Louisiana; and the seven that voted for Mr. Clin- ton were : New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Delaware. Mr. Madison was inaugurated President for a second time, on the 4th of March, 1813. The most distinguishing feature of his administration was the war with Great Britain. Whatever may be thought of the wisdom or the policy of that war, or of its general conduct, the result unques= 32 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. tionably added greatly to the public character of the United States in the estimation of foreign powers. The price at which this had been pur- chased was in round numbers about one hundred million dollars in public expenditures, and the loss of about thirty thousand men, including those who fell in battle as well as those who died of disease contracted in the service. At the close of his term Mr. Madison retired from office, leaving the country at peace with the world, and rapidly re- covering from the injurious effects of the late war. He returned to his home at Montpelier, Virginia, where he enjoyed the society of his friends and the general esteem of his countrymen. ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MONROE. 4th of March, 1817 — 4th of March, 1825. The eighth presidential election took place in the fall of 1816. Mr. Madison having declined to be a candidate for a third term, the Democratic party nominated James Monroe, of Virginia, for Presi- dent ; Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, for Vice-President, and elected them by large majori- ties over the Federal candidates, who were : For President, Rufus King, of New York ; for Vice- President, John Howard, of Maryland. The re- sult of the vote of the Electoral Colleges was 183 for Mr. Monroe, and 34 for Mr. King, for President ; 183 for Mr. Tompkins, and 22 for Mr. Howard, for Vice-President. The vote by States at this election JAMES MONROE. 3 im 34 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. stood : 16 for the Democratic, and 3 for the Federal candidates. The 16 States that voted for Mr. Monroe and Mr. Tompkins were : New Hamp- shire, Rhode Island, Vermont,. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Ten- nessee, Ohio, Louisiana, and Indiana. The 3 that voted for Mr. King were : Massachusetts, Connec- ticut, and Delaware. James Monroe, the fifth President of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1817, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. His in- augural address gave general satisfaction to all parties. His cabinet were : John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, Secretary of State ; William H. Crawford, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Secretary of War; William Wirt, of Virginia, Attorney-General; Smith Thompson, of New York, Secretary of the Navy. These were all men of distinguished ability, and thoroughly identified with the Demo- cratic party at the time. In the fall of 1820 Mr. Monroe and Governor Tompkins were re-elected President and Vice- President of the United States. Mr. Monroe re- ceived at the polls a majority of the votes of every State in the Union, and every electoral vote but one. The electoral college of New Hampshire cast one vote for John Quincy Adams. The 4th of March this year coming on Sunday, FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 35 Mr. Monroe was inaugurated for the second term on the succeeding day, Monday, the 5th of that month. Monroe’s election had been so nearly unanimous, and party divisions had nominally so far disap- peared, that his administration is commonly called the era of good feeling. In reality there was as much bad feeling between the Strict Construc- tionists and the Loose Constructionists of his party as could have existed between two opposing parties. The want of regularly organized parties had only the effect of making the next Presidential election a personal instead of a party contest, the worst form a political struggle can take. ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 4th of March, 1825 — 4th of March, 1829. In the fall of 1824 the presidential election was held amid great political excitement. The “era of good feeling ” was at an end, and party spirit ran high. There were four candidates in the field, Mr. Monroe having declined a third term ; Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, William H. Craw- ford, and Henry Clay. None of these received a popular majority, and the election was thrown into the House of Representatives in Congress, and re- sulted in the choice of John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, as President of the United States. 36 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. The result of the electoral vote was 99 for Andrew Jackson, 84 for John Quincy Adams, 41 for William IJ. Crawford, and 37 for Henry Clay, for President ; and 182 for John C. Calhoun for Vice-President, with some scattering votes for others. The States that voted for Gen. Jackson were : New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, and Alabama — eleven in all. Those which voted for John Quincy Adams were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New York — seven in all. Those that voted for Mr. Crawford were : Delaware, Virginia, and Georgia. While those that voted for Mr. Clay were : Ken- tucky, Ohio, and Missouri. Mr. Calhoun, having received a large majority of the electoral votes, was duly declared elected Vice-President ; but neither of the candidates for President having received a majority of the votes of the Electoral Colleges, the choice, under the Constitution, devolved upon the House of Repre- sentatives, voting by States. This choice was made on the 9th of February, 1825 ; when, upon counting the ballots, it was found that John Quincy Adams received the votes of thirteen States, Andrew Jackson the votes of seven States, and Mr. Crawford the votes of four States. Mr. Adams having received the votes of a majority of the States was declared elected to succeed Mr. Monroe. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 37 This election produced great discontent through- out the country, and most seriously affected the popularity of Mr. Clay, as the election of Mr. Adams was attributed mainly to his agency, which had been exerted, as was supposed by many, with a view to defeat the election of Gen. Jackson, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. who by the returns of the electoral vote seemed to stand highest in the popular favor. On the 4th of March, 1825, John Quincy Adams was inaugurated President of the United States. He was the son of John Adams, the second Presi- dent of the republic, and was in his fifty-eighth 58 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. year. He was a man of great natural ability, of strong personal character, and of unbending integ- rity. He had been carefully educated, and was one of the most learned men in the Union. Apart from his general education he had received a special training in statesmanship. He had served as min- ister to the Netherlands, and in the same capacity at the courts of Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and England, where he had maintained a high reputa- tion. He had represented the State of Massachu- setts in the Federal Senate, and had been secretary of state, in the cabinet of Mr. Monroe, during the last administration. He was, therefore, thoroughly qualified for the duties of the high office upon which he now entered. He called to his cabinet men of marked ability, at the head of which was Henry Clay, who became secretary of state. The administration of Mr. Adams was one of remark- able prosperity. The country was growing wealthier by the rapid increase of its agriculture, manufactures, and commerce ; and abroad it com- manded the respect of the world. Still party spirit raged with great violence during the whole of this period. During Mr. Adams’ administration the tariff question again engaged the attention of the country. The manufacturing interests were still struggling against foreign competition, and it was the opinion of the Eastern and Middle States that the general government should protect them by the imposition FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 39 of high duties upon products of foreign countries imported into the Union. The South was almost a unit in its opposition to a high tariff. Being, as we have said, an agricultural section, its interests demanded a free market, and it wished to avail itself of the privilege of purchasing where it could buy cheapest. The South and the West were the markets of the East, and the interests of that sec- tion demanded the exclusion of foreign competition in supplying these markets. In July, 1827, a convention of manufacturers was held at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and a me- morial was adopted praying Congress to increase the duties on foreign goods to an extent which would protect American industry. When Congress met in December, 1827, the protective policy was the most important topic of the day. It was warmly discussed in Congress and throughout the country. The interests of New England were championed by the matchless eloquence of Daniel Webster, who claimed that as the adoption of the protective policy by the government had forced New England to turn her energies to manufac- tures, the government was bound to protect her against competition. The Southern representatives argued that a protective tariff was unconstitutional, and was injurious in its operations to the interests of the people of the Southern States, who, being producers of staples for export, ought to have liberty to purchase such articles as they needed 40 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. wherever they could find them cheapest. They declared that duties under the protective policy were not only bounties to manufacturers, but a heavy tax levied upon their constituents and a great majority of the consumers in all the States, which never went into the public treasury. The tariff bill was passed by the House on the 15th of April, 1828, and was approved by the President a little later. It was termed by its opponents the “ Bill of Abominations.” In the midst of this excitement the presidential election occurred. Mr. Adams was a candidate for re-election. The contest between the two parties, the Administration and Opposition, over the powers and limitations of the Federal Govern- ment, became almost as hot and fierce as it was in 1800, between the Federalists and Republicans of that day. General Jackson, without any caucus nomination, was supported by the Opposition every- where for President, and Mr. Calhoun for Vice- President. The friends of the Administration put forth the utmost of their exertions for the re-elec- tion of Mr. Adams to the office of President, and Richard Rush to the office of Vice-President. The result of the vote of the Electoral Colleges was, 178 for Jackson, and 83 for Adams; 171 for Mr. Calhoun, and 83 for Mr. Rush. The vote for President by States stood : 15 for Jackson and 9 for Adams. The 15 States that voted for Jackson were : New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 41 Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Ten- nessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Mississippi, Illi- nois, Alabama, and Missouri ; the 9 that voted for Mr. Adams were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON. March 4th, 1829 — March 4th, 1837. Andrew Jackson, the seventh President of the United States, was inaugurated at Washington, on the 4th of March, 1829. President Jackson was in many respects one of the most remarkable men of his day. He pos- sessed a combination of qualities seldom met with in any one person. Education had done but little for him ; but by nature he was fitted for the gov- ernment of men both in the field and in the Cabi- net. During the Administration of the elder Adams he had occupied a seat in the United States Senate from Tennessee, and gave a most cordial support to the principles of Mr. Jefferson. Resign- ing his place in that body, he was afterwards elected one of the judges of the Supreme Court of his State. His military achievements in the wars against the Creek and Seminole Indians, and his victory over the British at New Orleans, have been fWly recorded. The election of General Jackson to the Presi* fJW ANDREW JACKSON PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 43 dency was regarded with some anxiety, for though his merits as a soldier were conceded, it was feared by many that his known imperiousness of will and his inflexibility of purpose would seriously dis- qualify him for the delicate duties of the Presi- dency. Nature had made him a ruler, however, and his administration was marked by the fearless energy that characterized every act of his life, and was on the whole successful and satisfactory to the great majority of his countrymen. General Jackson began his administration by appointing a new cabinet, at the head of which he placed Martin Van Buren, of New York, as Secre- tary of State. Until now the postmaster-general had not been regarded as a cabinet officer. General Jackson invited that officer to a seat in his cabinet and a share in its deliberations, and his course has been pursued by all of his successors. Early in 1831, the question of the Presidential succession was agitated. The Legislature of Penn- sylvania put General Jackson in nomination for re-election, he having consented to be a candidate. The election took place in the fall of 1832. General Jackson was supported for the Presidency by the Democratic party, and Mr; Clay by the Whig party. The contest was marked by intense bitterness, for Jackson’s veto of the charter of the Bank of the United States, his other vetoes of public improvement bills, and his attitude in the “Nullification” controversy between the United 44 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. States and South Carolina, had created a strong opposition to him in all parts of the country. In spite of this opposition he was re-elected by a tri- umphant majority, and Martin Van Buren, of New York, the Democratic nominee, was chosen Vice-President. The following electoral votes were cast for the respective candidates : for Jackson, 219 ; for Clay, 49 ; and for Wirt, the Anti-Masonic candidate, 7 votes. For Vice-President, the electoral votes stood : for Martin Van Buren, 189 ; for John Sergeant, 49 ; for Anlos Ellmaker, 7: The vote by States for the candidates for the Presidency stood: 16 for Jackson; 6 for Clay; and 1 for Wirt. The 16 States that voted for Jackson were: Maine, New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, and Missouri ; the 6 States that voted for Mr. Clay were : Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, and Kentucky ; the State that voted for Mr. Wirt was: Vermont; South Carolina cast her vote for John Floyd, of Virginia, for President, and Henry Lee, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. President Jackson was inaugurated for his second term on the 4th of March, 1833. In the meantime serious trouble had arisen be- tween the general government and the State of South Carolina. During the year 1832 the tariff FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 45 was revised by Congress, and that body, instead of diminishing the duties, increased many of them. This action gave great offence to the Southern States, which regarded the denial of free trade as a great wrong to them. They were willing to sub- mit to a tariff sufficient for a revenue, but were utterly opposed to a protective tariff for the reasons we have already stated. The State of South Carolina resolved to “ nul- lify ” the law within its own limits. A convention of the people of the State was held, which adopted a measure known as the “ Nullification Ordinance.” This ordinance declared that the tariff act of 1832, being based upon the principle of protection, and not upon the principle of raising revenue, was un- constitutional, and was therefore null and void. This ordinance was to take effect on the 12th of February, 1833, unless in the meantime the general government should abandon its policy of protection and return to a tariff for revenue only. The country at large was utterly opposed to the course of South Carolina, and denied its right to nullify a law of Congress, or to withdraw from the Union in support of this right. Intense excitement prevailed, and the course of the President was watched with the gravest anxiety. He was known to be opposed to the protective policy ; but it was generally believed that he was firm in his intention to enforce the laws, however he might disapprove of them. 46 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS, President Jackson took measures promptly to enforce the law. He ordered a large body of troops to assemble at Charleston, under General Scott, and a ship of war was sent to that port to assist the federal officers in collecting the duties on im- ports. Civil war seemed for a time inevitable. The President was firmly resolved to compel the submission of South Carolina, and the issue of such a conflict could not be doubtful. Fortunately a peaceful settlement of the trouble was effected. Mr. Verplanck, of New York, a sup- porter of the administration, introduced a bill into Congress for a reduction of the tariff, and the State of Virginia sent Benjamin Watkins Leigh, a dis- tinguished citizen, as commissioner to South Caro- lina, to urge her to suspend the execution of her ordinance until March 4th, as there was a proba- bility that a peaceful settlement of the difficulty would be arranged before that time. South Caro- lina consented to be guided by this appeal. Henry Clay, with his usual patriotic self-sacrifice, now came forward in the Senate with a compromise which he hoped would put an end to the trouble. He introduced a bill providing for the gradual re- duction in ten years of all duties then above the revenue standard. “ One-tenth of one-half of all the duties for protection above that standard was to be taken off annually for ten years, at the end of which period the whole of the other half was to be taken off, and thereafter all duties were to be FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 47 levied mainly with a view to revenue and not for protection.” This measure with some modifica- tions was adopted by both Houses of Congress, and was approved by the President on the 2d of March, 1833. The people of South Carolina rescinded their “ Nullification Ordinance,” and the trouble was fortunately brought to an end. The Administration of Gen. Jackson was distin- guished for many acts of foreign as well as domes- tic policy which cannot be embraced in this brief sketch. Taken all together, it made a deep and lasting impression upon the policy and history of the States. On his retirement, following the ex- ample of Washington, he issued a Farewell Address* in which he evinced the most ardent patriotism and the most earnest devotion to the cause of constitu- tional liberty. The presidential election was held in the fall of 1836. General Jackson having declined to be a candidate for a third term, the Democratic party supported Martin Yan Buren for President, and Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, for Vice-Presi- dent. Mr. Yan Buren was elected; but the electors having failed to make a choice of a candi- date for Vice-President, that task devolved upon the Senate, which elected Colonel Richard M. Johnson by a majority of seventeen votes. The electoral votes cast for the several can- didates for President were as follows: 170 for Martin Yan Buren, 14 for Daniel Webster, 73 for 4.8 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. William Henry Harrison, 11 for W. P. Mangiim, of N. C., and 26 for H. L. White, of Tennessee. Mr. Van Buren, having received a majority, was duly declared President for the next term. The vote by States in this election was : 15 for Mr. Van Buren, 7 for General Harrison, 2 for Mr. White, and 1 for Mr. Webster. The 15 States that voted for Mr. Van Buren were: Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Louisiana, Mississippi, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan; the 7 that voted for General Har- rison were: Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, and Indiana; the 2 that voted for Mr. White were : Georgia and Ten- nessee ; the one State that voted for Mr. Webster was Massachusetts. The votes of the Electoral Colleges for Vice- President were : 147 for Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky ; 77 for Francis Granger, of New York; 47 for John Tyler, of Virginia; and 23 for Wil- liam Smith, of Alabama. Neither of the candi- dates for Vice-President having received a majority of the votes, the choice of that officer devolved upon the Senate, and that body elected Col. Johnson by a vote of 33, against 16 for Mr. Granger. ADMINISTRATION OF VAN BUREN. 4th of March, 1837 — 4th of March, 1841. Martin Van Buren, the eighth President of the FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 49 United States, was inaugurated on the 4 tli of March, 1837, in the 55th year of his age. “At high noon the President elect took his seat, with his venerable predecessor, General Jackson, in a car- riage, made from the wood of the frigate Con- stitution , presented to General Jackson by the Democracy of the city of New York. In this from the White House they proceeded to the Capitol. After reaching the Senate Chamber Mr. Van Buren, attended by the ex-President, and the members of the Senate, led the w r ay to the rostrum, where the Inaugural Address was delivered in clear and im- pressive tones. At the close of the Address the oath of office was administered by Chief- Justice Taney.” In the Address Mr. Van Buren indicated his purpose, on all matters of public policy, to follow in the “ footsteps of his illustrious predecessor.” A distinguished writer, in speaking of Mr. Van Buren’s Administration, as a whole, says : “ The great event of General J ackson’s Admin- istration was the contest with the Bank of the United States, and its destruction as a Federal institution — that of Madison’s was the war — while Jefferson’s was a general revolution of the anti- Democratic spirit and policy of the preceding Administration. The great event of Mr. Van Buren’s Administration, by which it will hereafter be known and designated, is, the divorce of Bank and State in the fiscal affairs of the Federal Gov- 4 MARTIN VAN BUREN fscn FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 51 eminent, and the return, after half a century of deviation, to the original design of the Constitu- tion.” In the fall of 1840 another Presidential election was held. Mr. Van Buren and Vice-President Johnson were nominated for re-election by the Democratic party, and the Whigs supported Gen- eral William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, for Presi- dent, and John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-Presi- dent. The financial distress of the country which had been very great since 1837, was generally attributed bj 7 the people to the interference of the government with the currency. This feeling made the Democratic nominees exceedingly unpopular, and the political campaign was one of the most exciting ever conducted in this country. The principal issues in this contest were the sub-treasury system, extravagant appropriations, defalcations, and profligacy of numerous subordi- nate officers. The “gold spoons” furnished the Executive Mansion figured prominently in the canvass. All the opposing elements united under the Whig banner. This party held a general con- vention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the 4 th of December, 1839, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-President. It was generally supposed that Mr. Clay would re- ceive the nomination of this body for President. But his course on the Tariff Compromise of 1833 had greatly weakened him with the Protectionists. 52 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. When he adopted that course he was told it would lose him the Presidency. His reply at the time was, “ I would rather be right than be President.” The Democratic party held their general conven- tion in Baltimore on the 5th of May, 1840. Log- cabins and hard cider, which were supposed to be typical of Harrison’s frontier life, became very popular with the Whigs. The result of the elec- tion, after a heated canvass, was 234 electoral votes for Harrison for President, and 234 for John Tyler for Vice-President. Mr. Van Buren re- ceived 60 electoral votes for President; Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, received 48 for Vice- President; Littleton W. Tazewell, of Virginia, 11, and James K. Polk, of Tennessee, 1. The vote for President by States stood 19 for General Har- rison and 7 for Mr. Van Buren. The seven States that voted for Mr.. Van Buren were : New Hamp- shire, Virginia, South Carolina, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, and Arkansas. ADMINISTRATIONS OF HARRISON AND TYLER. 4th of March, 1841 — 4th of March, 1845. William Henry Harrison, the ninth President of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1841, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. The city of Washington was thronged with people, many of whom were from the most distant States FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 53 of the Union. A procession was formed from his hotel quarters to the capitol. The President-elect was mounted upon a white charger, accompanied by several personal friends, but his immediate escort were the officers and soldiers who had fought under him. The inaugural address was delivered on a WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. platform erected over the front steps of the portico of the east front of the capitol. The oath of office was administered by Chief- Justice Taney, before an audience estimated at 60,000 people. He was a man of pure life and earnest character, and the certainty of a change of policy in the measures of the federal government had caused 54 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. the people of the country to look forward to his administration with hope and confidence. He began by calling to seats in his cabinet men of prominence and ability. At the head of the cab- inet he placed Daniel Webster as Secretary of State. The President was not destined to fulfil the hopes of his friends. He was suddenly at- tacked with pneumonia, and died on the 4 th of April — -just one month after his inauguration. It was the first time that a President of the United States had died in office,, and a gloom was cast over the nation by the sad event. The mourn- ing of the people was sincere, for in General Har- rison the nation lost a faithful, upright, and able leader. He had spent forty j’ears in prominent public positions, and had discharged every duty confided to him with ability and integrity, and went to his grave a poor man. The office of President now, for the first time, de- volved upon the Vice-President, John Tyler, who, by the death Of General Harrison, became the tenth President of the United States. He was not in the City of Washington at the time of the death of his predecessor, but repaired to that city without loss of time, upon being notified of the death of General Harrison, and on the 6th of April took the oath of office before Judge Cranch, Chief- Justice of the Dis- trict of Columbia. Mr. Tyler was in his fifty-second year, and had served as governor of Virginia, and as representative and senator in Congress from FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 55 that State. On the 9th of April President Tyler issued an address to the people of the United States, in which there was no indication of a departure from the policy announced in the inaugural of Gen- eral Harrison. He retained the cabinet ministers of his predecessors in their respective positions. The last years of Mr. Tyler’s administration were devoted to the effort to secure the annexation JOHN TYLER. of the republic of Texas to the United States. The territory embraced within the limits of Texas con- stituted a part of the Spanish-American possessions, and was generally regarded as a part of Mexico. In April, 1844, Texas formally applied for ad- mission into the United States, and a treaty for that purpose was negotiated with her by the gov- 56 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. ernment of this country. It was rejected by the Senate. In the fall of 1844 the presidential election took place. The leading political question of the day was the annexation of Texas. It was advocated by the administration of President Tyler and by the Democratic party. This party also made the claim of the United States to Oregon one of the leading issues of the campaign. Its candidates were James K. Polk, of Tennessee, and George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania. The Whig party sup- ported Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, and opposed the annexation of Texas. During this campaign, which was one of unusual excitement, the Anti-slavery party made its appear- ance for the first time as a distinct political organ- ization, and nominated James G. Birney as its candidate for the Presidency. The result of the campaign was a decisive vic- tory for the DemocratSi This success was gen- erally regarded as an emphatic expression of the pop- ular will respecting the Texas and Oregon questions. The result of the election by the colleges was: 170 electoral votes for James K. Polk, for Presi- dent, and 170 for George M. Dallas, for Vice-Presi- dent ; 105 for Henry Clay, for President, and 105 for Theodore Frelinghuysen, for Vice-President. By States the vote stood: 15 for the Democratic ticket, and 11 for the Whig ticket. Mr. Birney FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 57 received no electoral vote ; but local returns showed that, out of the popular vote of upwards of two and a half millions, there were polled for him only 64,653. The fifteen States that voted for Mr. Polk were : Maine, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan ; the eleven that voted for Mr. Clay were : Massachu- setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ken- tucky, Tennessee, and Ohio. After the expiration of his term of office, Mr. Tyler retired from the seat of Government to his residence in Virginia. His administration was a stormy one, but signalized by many important events. It was during this period that the electro- telegraphic system was established by Morse. A room was furnished him at the Capitol for his ex- perimental operations in extending his wires to Baltimore ; and among the first messages ever transmitted over them was the announcement of the nomination of Mr. Polk for the Presidency. ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK. 4th of March, 1845 — 4th of March, 1849. James K. Polk, the eleventh President of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1845, in the 50th year of his age. The oath of office was administered by Chief- Justice 58 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Taney, in the presence of a large assemblage . of citizens. In his inaugural, the new President spoke favorably of the late action of Congress in relation to Texas, and asserted that the title of the United States to the whole of Oregon was clear and indisputable, and intimated his intention to maintain it by force if necessary. JAMES K. POLK. The new cabinet consisted of James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of State; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Treasury ; William L. Marcy, of New York, Secretary of War; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, Secre- tary of the Navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 59 Postmaster-General; and John Y. Mason, of Vir- ginia, Attorney-General. President Polk had served the country as gov- ernor of the State of Tennessee, and for fourteen years had been a member of Congress from that State, and had been chosen speaker of that body. Two important questions presented themselves to the new administration for settlement : the troubles with Mexico growing out of the annexation of Texas, and the arrangement of the northwestern boundary of the United States. During the Presidential campaign of 1844 the Democratic party adopted as its watchword, “ all of Oregon or none,” and the excitement upon the question ran high. The election of Mr. Polk showed that the American people were resolved to insist upon their claim to Oregon, and when the new President in his inaugural address took the bold ground that the American title to “ Oregon territory ” “ was clear and indisputable,” and de- clared his intention to maintain it at the cost of war with England, the matter assumed a serious aspect, and for a while it seemed that party pas- sion would involve the two countries in hostilities. President Polk, upon a calmer consideration of the subject, caused the secretary of state to reopen the negotiations by proposing to Great Britain the forty-ninth parallel of latitude as a boundary, and that was finally agreed upon. During the fall of 1848 another Presidential 60 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. election came off. The combined elements . of opposition to the administration, in the main, continued to bear the name of Whigs, though the anti-slavery element now formed a distinct organi- zation known as “ Free-Soilers.” The Democratic party held their General Convention at Baltimore, on the 2‘2d of May, and put in nomination for the Presidency General Lewis Cass, of Michigan, and for the Yice-Presidency General William 0. Butler, of Kentucky. The Whigs held their Convention at Philadelphia on the 1st of June, and put in nomination for the Presidency General Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, and for the Yice-Presidency Millard Fillmore, of New York. The Free-Soilers held their Convention at Buffalo, N. Y., on the 8th of August, and put in nomination for the Presidency Martin Yan Buren, of New York, and for the Yice-Presidency Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, The result of the election was 163 electoral votes for the Whig ticket and 127 for the Demo- cratic. The Free-Soil ticket received no electoral vote ; but local returns showed that out of a popu- lar vote of nearly 3,000,000, there were polled for it nearly 300,000 votes. The vote for Taylor and Fillmore by States stood 15; and for Cass and Butler 15 also. The 15 States that voted for Taylor and Fillmore were Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, North FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 61 Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Florida ; the 15 that voted for Cass and Butler were Maine, New Hampshire, Virginia, South Carolina, Ohio, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Ala- bama, Missouri, Arkansas, Michigan, Texas, Iowa, and Wisconsin. Taylor and Fillmore, having received a majority of the electoral votes, were declared elected to the offices of President and Vice-President. On the 4th of March, 1849, Mr. Polk retired to his home in Tennessee. His administration had been a stormy one. It will, however, always be distinguished in history by its eminently wise financial and revenue policy, the settlement of the Oregon question with England, and the immense acquisition of territory from Mexico. During its period also, great lustre was added to the military renown of the United States. ADMINISTRATIONS OF TAYLOR AND FILLMORE. 4th of March, 1849 — 4th of March, 1853 The 4th of March, 1849, coming on Sunday General Taylor was duly inaugurated as the twelfth President of the United States on the next day, Monday, the 5th of that month, in the 65th year of his age. The oath of office was adminis- tered by Chief- Justice Taney, in the presence of an immense concourse of people. The new President was a native of Virginia, ( 62 ) ZAtn'UKY TAYLOR, FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 63 but had removed with his parents to Kentucky at an early age, and had grown up to manhood on the frontiers of that State. In 1808, at the age of twenty-four, he was commissioned a lieutenant in the army by President Jefferson, and had spent forty years in the military service of the country. His exploits in the Florida war and brilliant vic- tories in Mexico had made him the most popular man in the United States, and had won him the high office of the Presidency at the hands of his grateful fellow-citizens. He was without political experience, but he was a man of pure and stain- less integrity, of great firmness, a sincere patriot, and possessed of strong good sense. He had re- ceived a majority of the electoral votes of both the Northern and Southern States, and was free from party or sectional ties of any kind. His inaugural address was brief, and was confined to a statement of general principles. His cabinet was composed of the leaders of the Whig party, with John M. Clayton, of Delaware, as Secretary of State. The last Congress had created a new executive depart- ment — that of the interior — to relieve the secre- tary of the treasury of a part of his duties, and President Taylor was called upon to appoint the first secretary of the interior, which he did in the person of Thomas Ewing, of Ohio. The new de- partment was charged with the management of the public lands, the Indian tribes, and the issuing of patents to inventors. 64 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Since the announcement of the Wilmot Proviso, the agitation of the slavery question had been in- cessant, and had increased instead of diminishing with each succeeding year. It was one of the chief topics of discussion in the newspaper press of the country, and entered largely into every political controversy, however local or insignificant in its nature. The opponents of slavery regarded the annexation of Texas and the Mexican war as efforts to extend that institution, and were resolved to put an end to its existence at any cost. The advocates of slavery claimed that the Southern States had an equal right to the common property of the States, and were entitled to protection for their slaves in any of the Territories then owned by the States or that might afterwards be acquired by them. The Missouri Compromise forbade the existence of slavery north of the line of 36° 3(y north latitude, and left the inhabitants south of that line free to decide upon their own institutions. The Anti-slavery party was resolved that slavery should be excluded from the territory acquired from Mexico, and in the Wilmot Proviso struck their first blow for the accomplishment of this pur- pose. Upon the organization of the House President Taylor sent in his first and only message. He re- cognized the danger with which the sectional con- troversy threatened the country, expressed his views of the situation in moderate terms, and inti- MILLARD FILLMORE. ( 65 ) S 66 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. mated that he should faithfully discharge, his duties to the whole country. About the last of June, 1850, President Taylor was stricken down with a fever, which soon ter- minated fatally. He died on the 9 th of July amid the grief of the whole country, which felt that it had lost a faithful and upright chief magistrate. Though the successful candidate of one political party, his administration had received the earnest support of the best men of the country without regard to party, and his death was a national calamity. He had held office only sixteen months, but had shown himself equal to his difficult and delicate position. By the terms of the Constitution the office of President devolved upon Millard Fillmore, Vice- President of the United States. On the 10th of July he took the oath of office, and at once entered upon the duties of his new position. Mr. Fillmore was a native of New York, and was born in that State in the year 1800. He had served his State in Congress, and as governor, and was personally one of the most popular of the Presidents. The cabinet of General Taylor re- signed their offices immediately after his death, and the new President filled their places by ap- pointing a new cabinet with Daniel Webster at its head as Secretary of State. On the 4th of July, 1851, the corner-stone of the two new wings of the capitol was laid. Mr. TACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 67 Webster delivered a speech on the occasion which was considered one of the greatest of his life. It was delivered to an immense audience, on a plat- form erected on the east side of the capitol. In it, among other things, he said : “If it shall hereafter be the will of God that this structure shall fall from its base— that its foundations shall be upturned, and the deposit be- neath this stone be brought to the eyes of men — be it then known that on this day the Union of the United States of America stands firm, that this Constitution still exists unimpaired, and, with all its usefulness and glory, is growing every day stronger in the affections of the great body of the American people, and attracting more and more the admiration of the world.” During the fall of this year (1852) another Presidential election took place. The Democratic party nominated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, and Wil- liam R. King, of Alabama, for Vice-President. The Whig party nominated General Winfield Scott for President, and William A. Graham, of North Carolina, for Vice-President. The Anti-slavery party put in nomination John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and George W. Julian, of Indiana. The election resulted in the choice of the candi- dates of the Democratic party by an overwhelming majority. Mr. King, the Vice-President elect, did not long 68 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. survive his triumph. His health had been deli- cate for many years, and he was obliged to pass the winter succeeding the election in Cuba. Being unable to return home, he took the oath of office before the American consul, at Havana, on the 4th of March. He then returned to the United States, and died at his home in Alabama on the 18th of April, 1853. The result of the election was : 251 electoral votes for Pierce and King ; and 42 for Scott and Graham ; by States, 27 for Pierce and King, and 4 for Scott and Graham. The States which voted for General Scott were : Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee. . The anti-slavery ticket received no electoral vote, but out of the popular vote of nearly 3,500,000, it polled 155,825 indi- vidual votes, being little over half of what it polled at the previous election. - In October, 1852, the whole country was again thrown into mourning by the announcement of the death of Mr. Webster, the last survivor of the great senatorial “trio,” Clay, Calhoun and Webster. They were regarded as the three greatest states- men of the country in their day. They were all men of very great ability, of very different charac- ters of mind, as well as styles of oratory. They differed also widely on many questions of public policy. But they were all true patriots in the highest sense of that term. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 69 ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE. 4th of March, 1853— 4th of March, 1857. On the 4th of March, 1853, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, the fourteenth President of the United States, was duly inaugurated in the 49th FRANKLIN PIERCE. year of his age. The oath of office was adminis- tered by Chief-Justice Taney. General Pierce was an accomplished orator, and his inaugural address was delivered in his happiest style, in a tone of voice that was distinctly heard at a great distance. It was responded to by shouts from the surrounding multitudes. 70 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. The most important measure of Mr. Pierce’s ad- ministration was the bill to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. The region embraced in these Territories formed a part of the Louisiana purchase, and extended from the borders of Mis- souri, Iowa, and Minnesota to the summit of the Rocky mountains, and from the parallel of 36° 30' north latitude to the border of British America. This whole region by the terms of the Missouri Compromise had been secured to free labor by the exclusion of slavery. The people engaged warmly in the discussion aroused by the reopening of the question of slavery in the Territories. The North resented the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in the South a large and respectable party sincerely regretted the repeal of that settlement. By the passage of the Kansas- Nebraska bill the Thirty-third Congress assumed a grave responsibility, and opened the door to a bloody and bitter conflict in the Territories between slavery and free labor. The troubles in Kansas which followed gave rise to a new party which called itself Republican, and which was based upon an avowed hostility to the extension of slavery. A third party, called the American, or Know Nothing, also took part in the Presidential campaign of 1856, and was based upon the doctrine that the political offices of the country should be held only by persons of American birth. The Democratic party nominated James Buchanan, of FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 71 Pennsylvania, for the Presidency, and John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for the Vice-Presidency. The Republican nominee for the Presidency was John C. Fremont, of California; for the Vice- Presidency William L. Dayton, of New Jersey. The American or Know Nothing party supported Millard Fillmore, of New York, for the Presidency, and Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee, for the Vice-Presidency. The Whig party had been broken to pieces by its defeat in 1852, and had now entirely disappeared. The canvass was unusually excited. Slavery was the principal question in dispute. Party ties had little influence upon men. The sentiment of the nation at large had been outraged by the re- peal of the Missouri Compromise, and thousands of Democrats, desiring to rebuke their party for its course in bringing about this repeal, united with the Republican party, which declared as its lead- ing principle that it was “both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism — polygamy and slavery.” The elections resulted in the triumph of James Buchanan, the candidate of the Democratic party. Mr. Buchanan received 174 electoral votes ; Gen- eral Fremont 114, and Fillmore 8. The vote by States was : 19 for the Democratic ticket; 11 for the Republican, and 1 for the American. The nineteen States that voted for Mr. Buchanan were: 72 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Ken- tucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, Florida, Texas, and California. The eleven that voted for Fremont were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin. The one that voted for Fillmore was Maryland. ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES BUCHANAN. March 4th, 1857— March 4th, 1861. James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, the fifteenth President of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1857, in the 66th year of his age, and was a statesman of ripe experience. The oath of office was administered by Chief- Justice Taney. His inaugural was conciliatory, and approbatory of the principles of the Kansas and Nebraska bill upon which he had been elected. He was born in Pennsylvania, in 1791, and was by profession a lawyer. He had served his State in Congress as a representative and a senator, had been minister to Russia under President Jackson, and had been a member of the Cabinet of Presi- dent Polk, as Secretary of State. During the four years previous to his election to the Presidency, he had resided abroad as the Minister of the United States to Great Britain, and in that capaty JAMES BUCHANAN. 74 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. it y had greatly added to his reputation as a states- man. The intense sectional feeling which the dis- cussion of the slavery question had aroused had alarmed patriotic men in all parts of the Union, and it was earnestly hoped that Mr. Buchanan’s administration would be able to effect a peaceful settlement of the quarrel. Mr. Buchanan selected his Cabinet from the leading men of the Democratic party. Lewis Cass, of Michigan, was appointed Secretary of State ; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Sec- retary of the Treasury ; John B. Floyd, of Vir- ginia, Secretary of War; Isaac Toucey, of Connec- ticut, Secretary of the Navy; Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of Interior; Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, Postmaster-General, and Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General. The two leading subjects which immediately engaged the attention of the new administration were the state of affairs in Utah on the one hand, and Kansas on the other. On the night of the 16th of October, 1859, John Brown, who had acquired a considerable notoriety as the leader of a Free Soil company during the war in Kansas, entered the State of Virginia, at Harper’s Ferry, with a party of twenty-one men, and seized the United States arsenal at that place. He then sent out parties to induce the negro slaves to join him, his avowed object being to put an end to slavery in Virginia by exciting an insurrection of the slaves. Several citizens were kidnapped by FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 75 these parties, but the slaves refused to join Brown, or to take any part in the insurrection. The effect of Brown’s attempt upon the South- ern people was most unfortunate. They regarded it as unanswerable evidence of the intention of the people of the North to make war upon them under the cover of the Union. The John Brown raid was the most powerful argument that had ever been placed in the hands of the disunionists, and in the alarm and excitement produced by that event, the Southern people lost sight of the fact that the great mass of the Northern people sin- cerely deplored and condemned the action of Brown and his supporters. While the excitement was at its height the Presidential campaign opened in the spring of 1860. The slavery question was the chief issue in this struggle. The Convention of the Democra- tic party met at Charleston, in April, but being unable to effect an organization, adjourned to Bal- timore, and reassembled in that city in June. The extreme Southern delegates were resolved that the convention should be committed to the protection of slavery in the Territories by Congress, and fail- ing to control it withdrew from it in a body, and organized a separate convention, which they de- clared represented the Democratic party, but which, in reality, as the vote subsequently proved, repre- sented but a minority of that party. The original convention, after the withdrawal 76 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. of these delegates, nominated for the Presidency Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, and for the Vice- Presidency Herschell V. Johnson, of Georgia. It then proceeded to adopt the platform put forward by the entire party four years before, at Cincinnati, upon the nomination of Mr. Buchanan, with this additional declaration : “ That as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Con- gress under the Constitution of the United States over the institution of slavery within the Territo- ries, . . . the party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of constitutional law.” The “ Seceders’ Convention,” as it was commonly called, also adopted the Cincinnati platform, and pledged themselves to non-interference by Congress with slavery in the Territories or in the District of Columbia. This' party held to the doctrine that the Constitution recognized slavery as existing in the Territories, and sanctioned and protected it there, and that neither Congress nor the people of the Territories could frame any law against slavery until the admission of such Territories into the Union as States. The “ Seceders’ Con- vention ” put forward as its candidate for the Pres- idency John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and for the Vice-Presidency Joseph Lane, of Oregon. The Republican party took issue with both wings FACTS ABOUT' ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 77 of the Democratic party. Its convention was held at Chicago, Illinois, and its candidates were, for President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, and for Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. The platform of principles adopted by the Republican Convention declared that “ the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- pendence and embodied in the federal Constitution is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions. . . . That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- tain inalienable rights.” A fourth party, known as the “American or Constitutional Union Party,” proclaimed as its platform the following vague sentence : “ The con- stitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws.” The convention of this party met at Baltimore, and nominated for the Presidency John Bell, of Tennessee, and for the Vice-Presidency Edward Everett, of Massachu- setts. The contest between these parties was bitter beyond all precedent, and resulted as follows : Popular vote for Lincoln, . 1,866,452 “ “ Douglas, . 1,375,157 “ “ Breckinridge, 847,953 “ “ Bell, . . 590,631 The electoral vote stood as follows: For Lincoln, 180; for Breckinridge, 72; for Bell, 39; for Douglas, 12. 78 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Mr. Lincoln was thus elected by a plurality oi the popular vote, which secured for him the elec- toral votes of eighteen States. These States were entirely north of the sectional line, and he received not a single electoral vote from a Southern State. The States which cast their electoral votes for Breckinridge, Bell, and Douglas, were entirely slaveholding. The division thus made was alarm- ing. It was the first time in the history of the republic that a President had been elected by the votes of a single section of the Union. The eighteen States that voted for Mr. Lincoln, under the plurality count of the popular vote, were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, California, Minnesota, and Oregon. The eleven that voted for Mr. Breckinridge were : Delaware, Maryland; North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mis- sissippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, and Texas. The three that so voted for Mr. Bell were : Vir- ginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee; and the one that so voted for Mr. Douglas was Missouri. Mr. Lin- coln did not receive the majority of the popular vote in but sixteen of the thirty-three States then constituting the Union ; so he had been constitu- tionally elected, without having received a majority of the popular vote of the States or of the people. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. n ADMINISTRATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. March 4th, 1861 — April 15th, 1865. Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President of the United States, was inaugurated at Washington on the 4th of March, 1861. As it was feared that an attempt would be made to prevent the in- auguration, the city was held by a strong body of regular troops, under General Scott, and the Presi- dent elect was escorted from his hotel to the capito! by a military force. No effort was made to inter- fere with the ceremonies, and the inauguration passed off quietly. The new President was in his fifty-third year, and was a native of Kentucky. When he was but eight years old his father removed to Indiana, and the boyhood of the future President was spent in hard labor upon the farm. Until he reached man- hood he continued to lead this life, and during this entire period attended school for only a year. At the age of twenty-one he removed to Illinois, where he began life as a storekeeper. Being anx ious to rise above his humble position, he deter- mined to study law. He was too poor to buy the necessary books, and so borrowed them from a neighboring lawyer, read them at night, and re- turned them in the morning. His genial character, great good nature, and love of humor, won him 80 FACTS ABOUT ALL fttfSSIDENTS. the friendship of the people among whom he re- sided, and they elected him to the lawer house of the legislature of Illinois. He now abandoned his mercantile pursuits, and began the practice of the law, and was subsequently elected a representative to Congress from the Springfield district. He took an active part in the politics of his State, and in 1858 was the candidate of the Republican party for United States senator. In this capacity he en- gaged in a series of debates in various parts of the FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 81 State with Senator Douglas, the Democratic can- didate for re-election to the same position. This debate was remarkable for its brilliancy and intel- lectual vigor, and brought him prominently before the whole country, and opened the way to his nomination for the Presidency. In person he was tall and ungainly, and in manner he was rough and awkward, little versed in the refinements of so- ciety. He was a man, however, of great natural vigor of intellect, and was possessed of a fund of strong common sense, which enabled him to see at a glance through the shams by which he was sur- rounded, and to pursue his own aims with single- ness of heart and directness of purpose. He had sprung from the ranks of the people, and he was never false to them. He was a simple, unaffected, kind-hearted man ; anxious to do his dutj’ to the whole country ; domestic in his tastes and habits ; and incorruptible in every relation of life. He was fond of humor, and overflowed with it ; find- ing in his “little stories” the only relaxation he ever sought from the heavy cares of the trying position upon which he was now entering. He selected his cabinet from the leading men of the Republican party, and placed William H. Seward, of New York, as Secretary of State ; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the 6 82 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Interior; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Post master-General ; and Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney-G e neral . The Great Civil "War was the all-important event of Mr. Lincoln’s administration. In 1864 the next Presidential election was held. The Republican National Convention met at Bal- timore, June 7, and adopted a platform declaring war upon slavery, and demanding that no terms but unconditional surrender should be given to the rebellious States. It nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, for President, and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. The latter was a United States Senator when his State allied itself to the Confederacy. He, however, continued to hold his seat, and was the only Senator from any of the States, who did so after the withdrawal of their States from the Federal Union. The Democratic Convention met at Chicago Au- gust 29, and nominated for the Presidency General George B. McClellan, of the Federal army, and for the Vice-Presidency, George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. The result was Messrs. Lincoln and John- son carried the electoral votes of every State ex- cept three, to wit : New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky ; of the popular vote the Democratic ticket received 1,802,237, against 2,213,665 cast for Lincoln and Johnson. Abraham Lincoln having been duly elected was FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 89 inaugurated for his second term on the 4th of March, 1865. On the night of April 14th, Presi dent Lincoln was assassinated at Ford’s Theatre in Washington City, by John Wilkes Booth. ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JOHNSON. 15th of April, 1865 — 4th of March, 1869. Upon the death of Mr. Lincoln, Andrew John- son, the Vice-President, by the terms of the Con- stitution, became President of the United States. He took the oath of office on the 15th of April, and at once entered upon the discharge of his duties. His first act was to retain all the mem- bers of the Cabinet appointed by Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Johnson was a native of North Carolina, having been born in Raleigh, on the 29th of De- cember, 1808. At the age of ten he was bound as an apprentice to a tailor of that city. He" was at this time unable to read or write. Some years later, being determined to acquire an education, he learned the alphabet from a fellow-workman, and a friend taught him spelling. He was soon able to read, and pursued his studies steadily, working ten or twelve, hours a day at his trade, and studying two or three more. In 1826 he re- moved to Greenville, Tennessee. He was subse- quently chosen alderman of his town, and with this election entered upon his political career. Studying law he abandoned tailoring, and devoted himself to legal pursuits and politics. He was ANDREW JOHNSON. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 85 successively chosen Mayor, Member of the Legisla- ture, Presidential elector, and State Senator. He was twice elected Governor of Tennessee, and three times a Senator of the United States from that State. Upon the secession of Tennessee from the Union, he refused to relinquish his seat in the Senate, and remained faithful to the cause of the Union throughout the war, winning considerable reputation during the struggle by his services in behalf of the national cause. He was an earnest, honest-hearted man, who sincerely desired to do his duty to the country. His mistakes were due to his temperament, and proceeded from no desire to serve his own interests or those of any party. In his public life he was incorruptible. A man of ardent nature, strong convictions, and indomitable will, it was not possible that he should avoid errors, or fail to stir up a warm and determined opposition to his policy. The first duty devolving upon the new adminis- tration was the disbanding of the army, which at the close of the war numbered over a million of men. It was prophesied by foreign nations and feared by many persons at home, that the sudden return of such a large body of men to the pursuits of civil life would be attended with serious evils, but both the Union and the Confederate soldiers went back quietly and readily to their old avoca- tions. Thus did these citizen-soldiers give to the world a splendid exhibition of the triumph of law SO FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. find order in a free country, and a proof of the stability of our institutions. The restoration of the Southern States to their places in the Union was the most important work of Mr. Johnson’s administration. In the fall of 1868 another Presidential election was held. The Republican party nominated Gen- eral Ulysses S. Grant for the Presidency, and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, for the Vice-Presi- dency. The Democratic party nominated Horatio Seymour, of New York, for the Presidency, and Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, for the Vice-Presi- dency. The election resulted in the choice of General Grant by a popular vote of 2,985,031 to 2,648,830 votes cast for Mr. Seymour. In the electoral college Grant received 217 votes and Seymour 77. The States of Virginia, Mississippi and Texas were not allowed to take part in this election, being still out of the Union. ADMINISTRATION OF ULYSSES S. GRANT. 4th of March, 1869 — 4th of March, 1877, Ulysses S. Grant, the eighteenth President of the United States, was inaugurated at Washington with imposing ceremonies on the 4th of March, 1869. He was born at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, on the 27th of April, 1822. His father was a tanner, and wished him to follow his trade, but the boy had more ambitious hopes, and at the age of seven- FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 87 teen a friend secured for him an appointment as a cadet at West Point, where he was educated. Upon graduating he entered the army. Two years later he was sent to Mexico, and served through the war with that country with distinc- tion. He was specially noticed by his comman- ders, and was promoted for gallant conduct. Soon after the close of the war he resigned his commis- sion, and remained in civil life and obscurity until the breaking out of the civil war, when he volun- 88 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. teered his services, and was commissioned V Governor Yates Colonel of the Twenty-first Illi- nois regiment. He was soon made a Brigadier- General, and fought his first battle at Belmont. His subsequent career has been related in all his- tories of the Great Civil War. He selected the members of his Cabinet more because of his per- sonal friendship for them than for their weight and influence in the party that had elected him. General Grant was the fifth President whose military achievements had contributed more to his election to this high office than any services ren- dered in the civil departments of the government. His inaugural, delivered before an immense crowd of enthusiastic admirers, on the east portico of the capitol, was brief and pointed. He was no orator, and his address on this occasion was rehearsed from a manuscript before him. It might be char- acterized as a good specimen of the “ multum in pawo.” He said “ he should have no policy of his own, except to carry out the will of the people, as expressed by the legislative department, and ex- pounded by the judiciary. Laws,” said he, “are to govern all alike, those opposed, as well as those who favor them. I know of no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution.” The oath of office was administered by Chief- Justice Chase. His cabinet consisted at first of Elihu B. Wash- burne, of Illinois, Secretary of State; Alexander FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 89 T. Stewart, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury; John D. Rawlins, of Illinois, who had been his chief of staff from the beginning of the great war until its termination, Secretary of War; Adolph E. Borie, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Navy; Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, Secretary of the Interior ; John A. J. Cresswell, of Maryland, Postmaster-General ; and Ebenezer R. Hoar, of Massachusetts, Attorney-General. Several changes in the cabinet were afterwards made, the most notable of which were George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Treasury, instead of Alexander T. Stewart, the famous merchant of New York. Soon after the confirmation of the latter by the Senate, it was ascertained that he was ineligible under the law, because of his being engaged in commerce. Mr. Washburne also gave up his place to accept the position of Minister to France, and the vacant Secretaryship of the State Department was given to Hamilton Fish of New York. The President on the 20th of March, 1870, issued a proclamation announcing that the Fifteenth Amendment had been duly ratified by a sufficient number of States, and therefore declared it to be part of the Constitution of the United States. In the fall of 1872, another presidential election occurred. The canvass was marked by the most intense partisan bitterness. The Republican party renominated General Grant for the presidency, and 90 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. supported Henry Wilson for the vice-presidency. The measures of the administration had arrayed a large number of Republicans against it. These now organized themselves as the Liberal Republican party, and nominated Horace Greeley of New York for the presidency, and B. Gratz Brown of Missouri for the vice-presidency. The Democratic party made no nominations, and its convention indorsed the candidates of the Liberal Republican party. The election resulted in the triumph of the Republican candidates by overwhelming majorities. The elections were scarcely over when the country was saddened by the death of Horace Greeley. He had been one of the founders of the Republican party, and had been closely identified with the political history of the country for over thirty years. He was the “Founder of the New York Tribune ,” and had done good service with his journal in behalf of the cause he believed to be founded in right. He was a man of simple and childlike character, utterly unaffected, and generous to a fault. In his manner and dress he was eccen- tric, but nature had made him a true gentleman at heart. His intellectual ability was conceded by all. His experience in public life and his natural dis- position induced him to favor a policy of concilia- tion in the settlement of the reconstruction ques- tion, and, influenced by these convictions, he signed the bail-bond of Jefferson Davis and secured the release of the fallen leader of the South from his FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 91 imprisonment. This act cost him a large part of his popularity in the North. He accepted the presidential nomination of the Liberal party in the belief that his election would aid in bringing about a better state of feeling between the North and the South. He was attacked by his political opponents with a bitterness which caused him much suffering, and many of his old friends deserted him and joined in the warfare upon him. Just before the close of the canvass, his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, died, and his grief for her and the excitement caused by the political contest broke him down and unsettled his mind. He was conveyed by his friends to a private asylum, where he died on the 29th of November, 1872, in the sixty-second year of his age. The result of the election by States was 286 electoral votes for Grant, for President, 286 for Wilson, for Vice-President, and 47 for B. Gratz Brown, for Vice-President. Mr. Greeley having died soon after the election, and before the meeting of the Electoral Colleges, the electoral votes that he carried at the popular election (only 65) were cast in the colleges for a number of persons whose names had never been connected with Lie office. The votes by States for Grant were Alabama, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Minnesota, Nebraska, Ne- vada, North Carolina. New Hampshire, New 92 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, West Virginia, Vir- ginia, Vermont, Wisconsin — 29. Those casting electoral votes against Grant were Maryland, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and Texas — 6. The electoral votes of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana were not counted. On the 4th day of July, 1876, the United States of America completed the one hundredth year of their existence as an independent nation. The day was celebrated with imposing ceremonies and with the most patriotic enthusiasm in all parts of the Union. The celebrations began on the night of the 3d of July, and were kept up until midnight on the 4th. Each of the great cities of the Union vied with the others in the splendor and complete- ness of its rejoicings; but the most interesting of all the celebrations was naturally that which was held at Philadelphia, in which city the Declaration of Independence was adopted. In the summer of 1876 the various political par- ties met in their respective conventions to nomi- nate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presi- dency of the United States, which officers were to be chosen at the general election in November. The Republican Convention assembled at Cincin- nati, Ohio, on the 14th of June, and resulted in the nomination of Governor Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, for President of the United States, and of William A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice- FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 93 President. The Democratic Convention was held at St. Louis on the 27th of June, and nominated Governor Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for the Presidency, and Governor Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for the Vice-Presidency. A third Conven- tion, representing the Independent Greenback party, met at Indianapolis on the 18th of May, and nomi- nated Peter Cooper, of New York, for President, and Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, for Vice-President. The campaign which followed these nominations was one of intense bitterness, and was in many respects the most remarkable the country has ever witnessed. The election was held on the 7th of November. The popular vote was as follows : For Samuel .J. Tilden 4,284,265 “ Ttutherford B. Hayes 4,033,295 “ Peter Cooper 81,737 Tilden thus received a popular majority of 250,970 votes over Hayes, and a majority of 169,- 233 votes over both Hayes and Cooper. Both sides claimed the success of their tickets, in several of the States there were two returns- Three hundred and sixty-nine was the aggregate number of votes of the electoral college. It re- quired 185 to elect. The advocates of Tilden and Hendricks maintained that by right they were en- titled to the electoral votes of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, which would give them an 94 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. aggregate of 203 votes ; but that if the votes of these three States, amounting to 19, were given to Hayes and Wheeler, Tilden and Hendricks would still have 184 undisputed votes, and that they were clearly entitled to one vote from Oregon, which would give them 185 — the requisite majority. Meantime the Republican leaders maintained that upon a right count of the vote of the four States in dispute Hayes and Wheeler had the majority. Leading Republicans in Congress maintained that the presiding officer of the Senate had a right to count the votes as sent up from the several States, and to decide questions of dispute between differ- ent returning boards. The Democrats proposed that the matter should be settled and adjusted under the previously existing joint rule of the two Houses on the subject of counting the electoral votes. This the Republicans refused to do. The condition of affairs was assuming a threatening aspect, when a proposition was made to provide by law for a Joint High Commission to whom the whole subject should be referred. This was to consist of five members of the House, five of the Senate, and five of the Supreme Court. The five Judges of the Supreme Court were Clifford, Miller, Field, -Strong, and Bradley ; the Senators were Edmunds, Morton, Frelinghuysen, Bayard, and Thurman ; the members of the House were Payne, Hunton, Abbott, Garfield, and Hoar. To the commission thus constituted, the whole subject was referred by special act of Congress. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 95 The two Houses of Congress met in joint con- vention on the 1st of February, 1877, and began the counting of the electoral vote. When the vote of Florida was reached, three certificates were presented and were referred to the Electoral Com- mission. This body, upon hearing the arguments of the counsel of the Democratic and Republican parties, decided that it had no power to go behind the action of the Return Board, and that the cer tificate of that body giving the vote of that State to Hayes must be accepted by the two Houses of Congress. The vote by which this decision was reached stood eight (all Republicans) in favor of it, and seven (all Democrats) against it. A similar conclusion was come to in the case of Louisiana. Objections were made to the reception of the votes of Oregon and South Carolina. In the Oregon case the decision was unanimously in favor of counting the votes of the Hayes electors. In the South Carolina case the commission decided that the Democratic electors were not lawfully chosen ; but on the motion to give the State to Hayes the vote stood 8 yeas to 7 nays. So South Carolina was counted for Hayes. Objection was made on the ground of ineligibility to certain electors from Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Wisconsin, but the objections were not sustained by the two Houses. This Commission made its final report on all the cases submitted to them, on the 2d day of March, 96 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. and according to their decision, Hayes and Wheeler received 185 votes, and Tilden and Hendricks 184 votes. The States that voted for Hayes and Wheeler were California, Colorado, Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, Pennsyl- vania, South Carolina, Vermont and Wisconsin; and those which voted for Tilden and Hendricks were Alabama, Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia. General Grant, on the expiration of his second term, retired from office, but remained in Wash- ington City, receiving marked demonstrations of the admiration of his friends for some months, before starting upon an extensive travel through Europe and around the world. ADMINISTRATION OF RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 4th of March, 1877 — 4th of March, 1881. Rutherford B. Hayes, the nineteenth President of the United States, was inaugurated at Washington on Monday, March 5th, 1877. As the 4th of March fell on Sunday, the President-elect simply took the bath of office on that day. The inaugural ceremonies were carried out on the 5th at the ®s§ 98 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. capitol with the usual pomp and parade, and in the presence of an enormous multitude of citizens and visiting military organizations from all parts of the country. After the customary reception by the Senate, the new President was escorted to the eastern portico of the capitol, where he delivered his inaugural address to the assembled multitude, after which the oath of office was publicly adminis- tered to him by Chief-Justice Waite. The new President was a native of Ohio, having been born at Delaware, in that State, on the 4th of October, 1822. He graduated at Kenyon Col- lege, Ohio, and obtained his professional education at the law school, Cambridge, Mass. He began the practice of law at Cincinnati in 1856. Soon after the opening of the war he enlisted in the Twenty- third Ohio Volunteers, with which regiment he served as major, lieutenant-colonel and colonel. He led his regiment, which formed a part of General Reno’s division, at the battle of South Mountain, in September, 1862, and was severely wounded in the arm in that engagement. In the. fall of 1862 he was made colonel of the regiment, and in 1864 was promoted to the rank of brigadier- general of volunteers, and was. bre vetted major- general, “for gallant and distinguished services during the campaigns of 1864 in West Virginia, and particularly in the battles of Fisher’s Hill and Cedar Creek.” At the time of this last promotion he was in command of a division. He served FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 99 until the close of the war, receiving four wounds and having five horses shot under him during his military career. In the fall of 1864 he was elected to Congress, and was returned a second time in 1866. In 1867, before the expiration of his Con- gressional term, he was elected Governor of Ohio, and was re-elected to that office in 1869, being each time the candidate of the Republican party. In 1870 General Hayes was again elected to Con- gress, and in 1874 was nominated for a third term as Governor of Ohio. His opponent was Governor William Allen, one of the most popular of the Democratic leaders of Ohio. General Hayes was elected by a handsome majority. He resigned this office in March, 1877, to enter upon his new duties as President of the United States. President Hayes selected as his cabinet William M. Evarts, of New York, Secretary of State ; John Sherman, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; George W. McCrary, of Iowa, Secretary of War; Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, Secretary of the Navy; Carl Schurz, of Missouri, Secretary of the Interior; David M. Key, of Tennessee, Post/ master-General ; and Charles E. Devens, of Massa- chusetts, Attorney-General. The cabinet was of a composite character and generally regarded as a very conservative one. Mr. Hayes, early in his admin- istration, adopted several reforms in the civil service, one of which was not to allow Federal office- holders to take active part in elections. 100 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Few Presidents were ever so embarrassed upon entering on the duties of the office as he was. At this time the States of South Carolina and Lou- isiana were in a quasi civil war. Two Governors in each were claiming to be entitled to the execu- tive chair. Two legislatures in each were also claiming to be rightfully entitled to the law-making power. Mr. Haves displayed the most consummate skill in the conduct and settlement of these most em- barrassing questions. In the summer of 1880 the various political parties of the country met in Con- vention to nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States. The Republican Convention met in Chicago on the 2d of June, and nominated James A. Garfield, of Ohio, for President, and Chester A. Arthur, of New York, for Vice-President. (The platform and all the ballots of this convention will be found in another part of this work.) The Democratic Con- vention met in Cincinnati, on the 22d of June, and nominated Winfield Scott Hancock, of Pennsyl- vania, for President, and William H. English, of Indiana, for Vice-President. The Greenback Con- vention met at Chicago, on the 9th of June, and nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for Presi- dent, and B. J. Chambers, of Texas, for Vice- President. The election was held on the 2d of November, and resulted in the choice of General James A. PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 101 Garfield, who received 214 electoral votes to 155 electoral votes cast for General Hancock. The States that voted for Garfield and Arthur were : Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Ver- mont, Wisconsin ; and those that voted for Han- cock and English were : Alabama, Arkansas, Del- aware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, New Jersey, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, West Virginia. The State of California was divided. She cast one vote for Garfield and Arthur, and five for Hancock and English. The last days of Mr. Hayes’ administration were the happiest he spent in the White House. At the close of his term, he retired to his residence at Fremont, Ohio, followed by the good will of mil- lions of his fellow-citizens. ADMINISTRATION OF GARFIELD. 4th of March, 1881 — 19th of September, 1881. On Friday, March 4th, 1881, the inauguration ceremonies took place upon a scale of unusual mag nificence, and were participated in by numerouy military and civic organizations, and by thousands of citizens from all parts of the country. After tin an able and eloquent inaugural address, and took the oath of office at the hands of Chief- Justice Waite. The new President had been long and favorably JAMES A. GARFIELD. 102 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. new Vice-President had taken the oath of office, President-elect Garfield was formally received by the Senate, and escorted to the eastern portico of the capitol, where, in the presence of an immense multitude of citizens and soldiery, he delivered FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 103 known to his countrymen. He was in his fiftieth year, and in vigorous health. A man of command- ing presence, he was dignified and courteous in his demeanor, accessible to the humblest citizen, and deservedly popular with men of all parties. Born a poor boy, without influential friends, he had by his own efforts secured a thorough collegiate edu- cation, and had carefully fitted himself for the arduous duties he was now called upon to dis- charge. Entering the army at the outbreak of the civil war, he had won a brilliant reputation as a soldier, and been promoted to the rank of Major- General of volunteers. Elected to Congress from Ohio, in 1862, he had entered the House of Repre- sentatives in December, 1863, and had seen almost eighteen years of constant service in that body, in which he had long ranked as one of the most bril- liant and trusted leaders of the Republican party. Early in 1880 be had been chosen a United States Senator from Ohio, but had been prevented from taking his seat in the Senate by his election to the Presidency. Immediately after his inauguration the names * of the new cabinet were sent to the Senate, and were confirmed without opposition. James G. Blaine, of Maine, was Secretary of State ; William Windom, of Minnesota, was Secretary of the Treasury ; Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois, son of ex-Fresident Abraham Lincoln, was Secretary of War; William H. Hunt, of Louisiana, was Secretary of the Navy ; Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa, w r as Sec- 104 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. retary of the Interior ; Thomas L. James, of New York, was Postmaster-General, and Wayne Me Yeagh, of Pennsylvania, was Attorney-General. The Cabinet was regarded, generally, as one very judiciously selected, being all men of marked ability, though of somewhat different shades of opinion in the Republican party. As the time wore on, President Garfield gained steadily in the esteem of his countrymen. His purpose to give to the nation a fair and just ad- . ministration of the government was every day more apparent, and his high and noble qualities became more conspicuous. Men began to feel for the first time in many years that the Executive chair was occupied by a President capable of con- ceiving a pure and noble standard of duty, and possessed of the firmness and strength of will necessary to carry it into execution. The country was prosperous, and there was every reason to ex- pect a continuance of the general happiness. On the morning of July 2d, President Garfield, accompanied by a distinguished party, including several members of the Cabinet, preceeded to the Baltimore and Potomac depot, in Washington, to take the cars for Long Branch. The President arrived in company with Secretary Blaine. They left the President’s carriage together, and walked arm-in-arm into the depot. In passing through the ladies’ waiting-room, the President was fired at twice by a man named Charles J. Guiteau. The FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 105 first shot inflicted a slight wound in the President’s right arm, and the second a terrible wound in the right side of his back, between the hip and the kidney. The President fell heavily to the floor, and the assassin was secured as he was seeking to make his escape from the building. The whole city was thrown into the greatest consternation and agitation when swift-winged rumor bore the news through every street and avenue, that the President had been assassinated ! The wires carried the same consternation through- out the length and breadth of the Union, as well as to foreign nations. In the meantime, the suffering President re- ceived every attention that could be given. He was borne as soon as possible to the Executive mansion, where many eminent surgeons of the country were soon summoned to his bedside ; but no permanent relief was given. The ball was not found, and he continued to suffer and languish for weeks. His physicians thought it best to remove him to Long Branch. Suitable and comfortable ar- rangements were made for his travel from the White House to Francklyn Cottage, at Elberon, at that place, and his journey was successfully per- formed on the 6 th of September. Here he continued to languish, with intervals of hopeful improvement until he suddenly grew worse on the 18th, and finally expired quietly at 10.35 p. m., on the 19 th of September. 106 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. His remains were taken to Washington arid lay in state in the rotunda of the capitol, after which they were conveyed to Cleveland, Ohio, and there interred with the most solemn and impressive cer- emonies. Never before was there such universal and unfeigned sorrow over the death of any public official. On the night of the death of the President at Elberon, the members of the Cabinet present joined in sending the following telegram to Mr. Arthur, the Vice-President, who was at that time in the city of New York : , “ It becomes our painful duty to inform you of the death of President Garfield, and to advise you to take the oath of office without delay.” Mr. Arthur, as advised by Mr. Garfield’s Cabi- net, immediatelv took the oath of office before Judge Brady, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of the State of New York. On the 22d of September President Arthur again took the oath of office, this time at the hands of the Chief-Justice of the United States, and was quietly inaugurated in the Vice-President’s room, in the Capitol at Washington, delivering upon this occasion a brief inaugural address. President Arthur entered quietly upon the duties of his administration, and his first acts were sat- isfactory to a majority of his countrymen. As he had been the leader of “ the Stalwart ” section of the Republican party, it was felt by the mem FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 107 bers of the Cabinet of the late President that he should be free to choose his own advisers. There- fore, immediately upon his accession to the Execu- tive chair, Mr. Blaine and his colleagues tendered CHESTER A. ARTHUR. him their resignations. They were requested, however, by the new President to retain their offices until he could find suitable successors to 108 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. them. To this they agreed, but before the year was out several important changes had been made in the Cabinet. The principal of these were the sub- stitution of Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, for Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, and the appointment of Judge Charles J. Folger, of Ohio, to the Treasury Department. One of the first acts of the new administration was to cause the indictment of Charles J. Guiteau for the murder of President Garfield. After some delay the trial of the assassin began on the 14th of November. It ended on the 25th of January, 1882, in the conviction of Guiteau for the murder of the late President. The execution took place in the District jail on the 30th of June, 1882, and was witnessed by about 200 people, many of whom were represen- tatives of the press. The administration of President Arthur resulted in the prosperity of the whole country, and was satisfactory to the mass of the people. ADMINISTRATION OF GROVER CLEVELAND. The twenty-second President of the United States was Grover Cleveland. Mr, Cleveland was a native of New Jersey, and was born in Caldwell, Essex Co., March 18, 1837. He came from sturdy New England stock, many of his ancestors having held honorable positions in their respective locali- ties Some of them were ministers, of which PRESIDENT GROVER CLEVELAND. ao9) 110 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. number was President Cleveland’s father. The training in the family was such as to make the boys, of whom there were several, upright, self- reliant, acquainted with public affairs, and quali- fied for useful life. President Cleveland, after teaching two or three years, studied law in Buffalo, was admitted to the bar, became sheriff of the county, and, having re- ceived the nomination for Governor of New York, was elected by a large majority. This was fol- lowed by his nomination in the Democratic Con- vention of 1884 and his election in the following November. With very imposing ceremonies Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated at Washington on the 4th of March, 1885. His inaugural address was .a clear, manly and forcible presentation of the duties be- longing to his high office, with some suggestions concerning the vital questions of the hour. President- Cleveland’s administration was char- acterized by a conservative policy, a desire to pu- rify official life, a bold and vigorous dealing with the tariff question, and a careful guarding of the public treasury. At the close of the third year of his administration the Democratic party naturally looked to him to be their standard-bearer during the ensuing campaign. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS, 111 ADMINISTRATION OF BENJAMIN HARRISON. Benjamin Harrison was born at North Bend, Ohio, August 2oth, 1833. John Scott Harrison, BENJAMIN HARRISON. father of Benjamin, served as a Governor of the Northwestern Territory, and in this position as 112 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. well as in that of member of Congress, rendered good service. He ivas a farmer by occupation, and entered public life only at the call of his constituents. His illustrious son graduated at Miami University, Ohio, in 1851, and on October 20th, 1853, married Miss Caroline Lavinia Scott, of Oxford, Ohio. Mr. Harrison was inaugurated March 4th, 1889. His administration was such as to inspire con- fidence in his ability, honesty of purpose, and statesmanlike wisdom. With James G. Blaine for Secretary of State, matters at issue between our Government and Great Britain and Italy were handled in a conservative manner, and at the same time in a way so positive that no charge of weakness or unpatriotic hesitation could be brought against him. Mr. Harrison approved the tariff legislation, which had for its object protection to American industries. He took decided ground in the dispute with England concerning the Bering Sea fisheries. He approved the legislation upon the Chinese question, and was an ardent advocate of reciprocity with the Republics of South America. On public occasions he showed the same felicity of speech which characterized him during the campaign preceding his election, and his course during his term of office was such as to enhance his popularity and gather to his support the substantial, controlling elements of his party. History of the Republican Party. CHAPTER I. BIRTH OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. To trace out the causes leading to the birth of a principle it is necessary to study the reasons for a remote cause leading to an ultimate cause. When it becomes necessary to learn why the scion of a noble house is entitled to the honors bestowed upon his ancestors, the conscientious investigator must needs learn something of the history of those an- cestors. Thus it is that to know why a great political power came into existence we must of necessity begin with its very conception. The Republican party in the United States is a reformation and continuation of the political asso- ciation which exalted Thomas Jefferson to the pres- idency at the commencement of the present cen- tury. It originated in a high public necessity, which became manifest during the administrations of Washington and the elder Adams. Its primary object was the defense of unsurrendered rights against the monocratic doctrines and measures of the Federalists. It was subsequently required to de' fend, as well, our whole Republican system of gov' eminent, including free speech, of the press, of 1 2 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. religion, and of the person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and the right of trials by juries impartially selected. It is now resisting usurpations which have resulted from the substi- tution by the political party temporarily admin- istering the Federal Government, of the Calhoun policy, so called, for that of the author of the Declaration of Independence, under which our Re- publican system was inaugurated, and insisting upon a return to, and a resumption of, the policy from which both the executive and legislative de- partments have unwisely departed. After the martial forces employed in the Ameri- can revolution had sundered the bonds which held the colonies in allegiance to a foreign government, Thomas Jefferson and his compeers entered upon ihe more difficult task of devising, constructing, and setting in motion, another and better political establishment. For although all the illustrious men, whom we revere as patriots of the Revolu- tion, were very unanimous respecting the necessity of colonial independence, they were greatly divided in regard to the form and composition of the struc- ture to be erected in place of the government re- pudiated. Some of them were unprepared for any change whatever, and therefore urged the creation of a limited monarchy, after the British model. Some had advanced with the age so far as to be willing to adopt the form of the Helvetic and Bata- vian confederacies; whilst others, among whom HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 3 was Jefferson, who confided less in the strength and solidity of any particular system, than in the moral force of the voluntary principle, preferred a Republic. This preference ultimately obtained with the people, and our federal constitution is the result. These questions were succeeded by others respecting the details and alleged defects of the constitution. The larger States apprehended that, according to the extent of the sovereign power which it lodged in the Federal Government, would their own local importance and influence with their sister commonwealths be injuriously dimin- ished. The smaller ones, by an opposite course of reasoning, foreboded for themselves an equally dis- astrous result. They were apprehensive, also, of being overslaughed by the larger States, through combinations of interest or ambition. Some appre- hended danger from the gradual usurpations of the executive ; others were jealous of the absorbing power vested in Congress. Some regarded the intermixture of legislative, executive, and judicial functions in the Senate as a mischievous departure from all former ideas of government ; others con- sidered the non-participation by the House of Representatives in the same functions as highly objectionable. Some considered equality of repre- sentation in the Senate improper ; others com- plained of inequality of representation in the House. Some disliked the compromise of sovereignty be- 4 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. tween the Union and the several States. Others were opposed to the compromises of liberty by the clause admitting representation in Congress for slaves. Some objected to the power to levy direct taxes ; others disliked the power to levy them in- directly. Some feared the powers of the judiciary were too extensive ; others professed to believe the power to keep up a standing army the precursor of military despotism ; and in the States of Pennsyl- vania and Virginia it was asserted in published manifestoes, “that there was power enough lodged in Congress and the Executive to enable them to convert the government into an absolute despotism.” James Madison was indicated by the Republican party as Mr. Jefferson’s successor. George Clinton was desired to continue in the office of vice-presi- dent. They were unanimously elected at a caucus held by ninety-four members of both Houses of Congress, on the 19th of January, 1808, at which the former received eighty-three, and the latter all the votes given at the informal ballot. They were supported in the canvass against Charles C. Pinck- ney, and Rufus King, the candidates of the Federalists, and confirmed in the colleges of that year by one hundred and twenty-two against forty- seven electoral votes. Mr. Madison was deeply read in all .the history, philosophy and logic that appertained to institutions for human government. He was habitually solemn and contemplative. Until now his position had HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 5 been less conspicuous than that of his predecessor, and it had never required of him the exercise of higli executive talent ; yet he considered well all the issues which had been made with the British gov- ernment, all the principles and interest which had been involved in that controversy, and all the pledges and guarantees which had been made by the Con- tinental Congress, and by the constitutional con- vention, to the people of this country, in respect to their, rights and immunities under the new svstem, and he had contributed liberally with his voice and pen toward the upholding and vindicating of the American cause. He had drafted the memorable address of the Federal Congress to the people of the United States, issued by that body on the 18th of April, 1783, which defined the rights, for which the colonies contended with Great Britain, to be the rights of human nature. He had been promi- nent in the convention which framed the constitu- tion, where the word “ slave ” was stricken from the draft on his motion, because he would not con- sent to acknowledge the “ right of property in man.” He had expounded and commended that instrument to the favor of the several States by a series of arguments alike patriotic and convincing ; and he had been Secretary of State under Mr. Jef- ferson for eight years, in which position he had conducted the foreign correspondence with great ability, and identified himself with the Republican policy which that statesman had inaugurated. G HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. THE PARTY NAME CHANGED. The Republican party of the United States kept its faith and name until after the defeat of Henry Clay and John Sargeantin the presidential election of 1832, when it relinquished the title for one more agreeable to Anti-Masons, who then dis- banded as a party, and entered its ranks. It then assumed to be the Whig party in the country, with republican principles. It claimed a high antiquity, reaching back to protests against crown prerog- atives under the reign of James the Second of Eng- land, and extending through an unbroken series of political struggles down to the American revolu- tion. It claimed inheritance of the principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, as they were subsequently expounded by the author of that manifesto, and .administered by himself and all his Republican successors. It set John Quincy Adams, the last Republican President; Henry Clay, his Secretary of State ; William Wirt, his Attorney-General ; Richard Rush, his Secretary of the Treasury ; John McLean, his Postmaster- General ; Samuel L. Southard, his Secretary of War, and Daniel Webster, who about that time distinguished himself by a masterly argument against nullification, in the front rank of its forces as distinguishing representatives of its principles. And it put itself at issue with the Jackson polity respecting the proceeds of the public lands, the power and duty of the general government to irn* HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 7 prove the interior of the country, the rechartering of the Bank of the United States, the removal from that institution of the government deposits, the payment of the government dues in specie, and the exposure of domestic industry to ruinous com- petitions from English workshops. For the sake of Mr. Clay, who had been persuaded into a compromise with nullification, it withheld censure against the President for signing that bill. In the State of New York the new party sig- nalized its advent by the nomination, in 1834, of 'William H. Seward, the intimate friend and ad- mirer, and since, the eulogist and biographer of one of the Republican Presidents, for governor. This gave a complexion to its subsequent character in the Northern Stat3s, down to the period when it fell, with General Scott, under the enormous weight of compromises with the slave power, with which its national platform of 1852 was burthened. It was inaugurated in the faith of the apostles of civil liberty, and undertook to resist both the allurements and encroachments of southern des- potism. It pledged itself as well to all constitu- tional measures for ameliorating and improving the social condition of the people, as to others re- lating merely to their pecuniary interests and po- litical rights ; and it committed itself particularly to the policy of universal education, universal suffrage, and unrestricted freedom of religion, of speech, and of the press. It avowed fidelity to 8 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. the Constitution of the United States, including its reservations and compromises; but it dissented from all attempts to construe the former into licenses for State rebellion, or the latter into war- rants for federal usurpations. It maintained the general right of every man to personal freedom, unless forfeited by crime, but disclaimed the right of Congress, or of the Legislature, or the people of non-slave-holding States to interfere with slavery where it existed under the protection of the local law. From this time forward, to 1840, the growth of the Whig party was rapid and healthy. It re- ceived large accessions from conservative Demo- crats, who broke with Van Buren on account of his measures and meddling with the currency. Nathaniel P. Tallmadge, William C. Rives, Hugh S. Lagare and John C, Clark were of the number. It attracted into its ranks the young men of the country who relied for support on the rewards of their own industry, which were greatly diminished by the monetary pressure which the currency measures of Van Buren occasioned. And it held an incentive no less influential than this — the reasonable certainty of success at the next Presi- dential election. On the 4th of December, 1839, the Whig party held a national convention at Harrisburg, Penn- sylvania, where, after twenty-four ballotings in grand committee of delegates, who were divided BISTORT OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 9 in choice between the nominees, Henry Clay and General Scott, General William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, the leading candidate four years before, was unanimously nominated for President ; and John Tyler, of Virginia (after the nomination had been offered to Nathaniel P. Tallmadge, by the delegations from Ohio, Virginia, and North Caro- lina, and by him declined), was designated for Vice-President. This convention was composed of men who were sagacious enough to adjourn after they had performed their delegated work, without incumbering themselves and their nominees with useless resolutions. It was the administration which they opposed — not the Whig party, which at that time had public measures to defend. The convention formally declared no principles; it only authorized its presiding officer, Governor Barbour, of Virginia, to announce that it flung the broad flag of liberty to the breeze, inscribed : “One presidential term ; the integrity of public servants; the safety of public money, and the general good of the people.” Nor were the masses of the party less sagacious in the management of the canvass which ensued. They resolved to waste neither time nor money in defending their candidates against any charges or aspersions which might be made against them by the Democrats. Whatever epithets or sobriquets the adverse party applied to General Harrison, and they were numerous as well as ludicrous, they 10 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. readily and pleasantly adopted as their own; and thus reserved all their energies for “ rolling the ball ” directly on, against the forces of the adverse party. Their movements were all aggressive, not defensive ; and the result of the election vindicated the policy. HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 11 CHAPTER II. THE PUBLIC LANDS BILL. After the passage of the bill in July, 1842, which continued the distribution of the proceeds of public lands, it was sent to the Senate for con- currence, where it passed by a vote of twenty-five against twenty-three. All who voted for the bill were Whigs, except one, and all the Whigs in the Senate voted for it except Messrs. Rives, Graham and Preston. This bill was then sent up for execu- tive approval, and met another “ veto,” called in the parlance of the day “ veto ditto.” Mr. Adams then took the message in hand, and moved to raise a committee of thirteen to consider it, which prevailed. He prepared the report of that committee, which reviewed the whole question and the President’s extraordinary treatment of the representatives of the people, who had high duties to fulfil, by enacting laws to relieve them from the distresses under which they were suffering, and alleged that, under the circumstances relating to the veto of the law in question, he had usurped the whole legislative power of the nation. It concluded with a proposition to amend the Constitution, so that a majority of the whole num- ber of the members of Congress might pass a bill, notwithstanding an executive veto. 12 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Congress then succumbed to executive dictation. The House concluded to omit the distribution clause, and pass the balance of the bill separately. This was done by a vote of one hundred and five against one hundred and three, and afterwards concurred in by the Senate by a vote of twenty-four against twenty-three, Mr. Wright, of New York, voting in the affirmative, as he said, under the con viction that some such measure was imperatively required by revenue. This bill received the Pres- ident’s signature on the 30th of August, 1842. Congress then enacted a separate law, which re- pealed the proviso to the distribution act, so as to allow distribution to be made, notwithstanding the increase of duties by the new tariff bill ; but this was done only for the purpose of casting upon the President the responsibility of its defeat. As the issue had already been fully and completely made, the President had only to permit it to expire in his hands. During the debate in the House of Representa- tives upon the second veto, Mr. Richard Barnwell Rhett revived the story of nullification of 1833, and acknowledged the gratitude of the people of his State for the President’s vote against the “ force bill ” on that occasion. “ The President,” said Mr. Rhett, “ is himself a party to that compromise. His faith and character are committed to it ; and the party which sup- ported him for the Vice-Presidency ought to have HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 13 known, if they did not, the historical fact. He ia a Virginian, a name never coupled with dishonor. He is now at the head of the government, and being in favor of the institutions of the South, he might rest assured of an earnest and substantial support.” Mr. Calhoun, as usual, found in the provision for continuing distribution a violation of the constitu- tion, and a tendency toward a dissolution of the Union. “ Distribute,” said he, “the revenue of the Union, and you distribute the powers of the Union ; and in distributing the powers of the Union to States whose interests do not harmonize with others, the breach is widened between them.” He understood the object of the measure very well. Two motives had contributed to its conception and consummation. It would not have been thought of, if there was no desire to raise the tariff to a protective standard, and the States were not in debt. It is a project to lay on high duties, whatever may be the declarations to the contrary. Their actions do not disprove it. He could suppose a con- dition of things in which the people would submit to taxation; a condition in which the government having reformed and retrenched till the most economical administration of the proper functions of government had proved that the public business could not get along without the aid of additional taxation. But no such circumstance as this bad 14 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. shown that a higher tariff was now necessary-. On the contrary, a fund which is properly a source of revenue is taken from the treasury — a fund insisted on as no tax at all ; and the deficit its ab- straction occasions is to be made up by putting an onerous burden on that portion of the community ■which has no right whatever to bear it.” During this session of Congress the subject of the right of petition was conspicuous. Immense numbers of petitions, with almost all conceivable prayers, went up and were presented, most of them relating to the slavery question, by Mr. Adams and Mr. Giddings in the House, which provoked great resistance. On one occasion Mr. Adams pre- sented one which purported to be from inhabitants of Georgia, praying for his removal from the office of chairman of the committee of foreign relations, and moved its reference' to the committee having them in charge. This, being objected to by a mem- ber from Georgia, was laid on the table, but called up the next day as privileged ; when Mr. Adams said that the entire slaveholding representation in the House, with one exception, were against him. He then read a letter from a late senator from Ala- bama to his constituents, which disclosed the fact (here Mr. Smith, of Virginia, said the House had consented only that he might defend himself from monomania) that a coalition had been formed be- tween Southern Whig leaders and Northern Feder- alists, not less for the safety of the South than for HISTORY OF TnE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 15 the prosperity of the Union, and contained pre- cisely the same charges against those whom it termed abolitionists in the North, which the peti- tion set forth against him. But before he had finished his comments upon this letter, the House adjourned. 1G HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, CHAPTER III. OPPOSITION TO MR. ADAMS. The period at length arrived for a signal demon- stration. Among the petitions presented by Mr. Adams, to bring the subject to a head, was one signed by forty-six inhabitants of Haverhill, Massa- chusetts, praying for the adoption of measures peaceably to dissolve the Union, assigning as one of the reasons the inequality of benefits conferred upon the different sections, one section being annu- ally drained to sustain the views and course of an- other, without adequate return, which he moved tc a select committee, with, instructions to report an answer, showing reasons why the prayer should not be granted. Notwithstanding the nature of the instructions, the chivalry, including Mr. Wise, appeared to think it a favorable opportunity tc retaliate upon Mr. Adams, and if possible to inflict punishment upon him for persisting in his deter- mined course. Mr. Gilmore, of Virginia, particu- larly, was sagacious enough to exhibit his indigna- tion at the sage of Quincy. He introduced a resolution declaring that, in presenting a petition for the dissolution of the Union, Mr. Adams had justly incurred the censure of the House. But Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, -wished to subject him to severer discipline. He offered as a substitute HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, 17 two resolutions, one declaring Mr. Adams guilty of an offense involving in its consequence high treason ; and the other declaring him deserving of expulsion, but as an act of “ grace and mercy,” their severest censures only were to be inflicted. In the debate on these resolutions which ensued, it became evident that the representatives of the local despotism in Congress were indulging in new* born hopes of a speedy annexation of Texas, under that administration, in consequence of the stand which the President had taken in regard to the tariff question. They appeared to feel assured that the President was now their convenient man for the approaching emergency ; and that they had only to surround him with leading advisers, and to invest the proposition with partisan importance, in order to precipitate it to a result. Hence in debat- ing Mr. Gilmer’s resolution, they alleged that there were combinations of philanthropists in Great Britain, who were meditating the overthrow of Southern institutions, and that defensive measures, among them the speedy annexation of Texas, were rendered necessary. Mr. Wise insisted that the Hon. Seth M. Gates, then a member of the House of Representatives, was an agent of the incendi- aries, as he termed them, who stood ready with his torch to fire the magazine, and blow the Union into fragments. In relation to Mr. Adams, whom it was proposed to censure, Mr. Wise remarked that he was time- BB 38 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. honored and hoary, but not with wisdom ; that ht had the power of age, station, fame, and eloquence: and that all were greatly mistaken who thought him mad. Mr. Adams, thought Mr. Wise, might truly say, “ I am not mad, most noble Festus,” even if he did not speak the words of truth and sober- ness; that for himself he did not believe him mad, but thought him more wicked than weak, and the agent of persons who meditated a dissolution of the Union. He was astute in design, obstinate and zealous in power, and terrible in action; and therefore well adapted to accomplish his treason- able purposes. To this Mr. Adams very complacently replied that the resolutions of Mr. Marshall accused him of crimes over which the House had no jurisdiction, and, therefore, they would probably find it conve- nient to confine themselves to a “ contempt ” under Mr. Gilmer’s resolution ; that it might be profitable to advert to precedents, and, perhaps, to the trial in the House four or five years before, when a man (Mr. Wise) came into it with his hands and face dripping with the blood of murder, the blotches of which were yet hanging on to him; and that, when the question was put in that case, it was decided, myself voting in the affirmative, that the accused should be sent where he could have an impartial trial ; that it was very probable that he saved the blood-stained man at that time. (Mr. Wise in- quired whether his character and conduct were in- HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 19 volved in the issue, and whether a man who defended him then would be permitted to now charge him with murder?) “ I did not defend him,” said Mr. Adams, “ on the merits of the case, for I never believed that he was not guilty, nor that the man who pulled the trigger against Cilley was not an instrument in his hands ; but I contended that the House had not the power to try him. It was not then an impar- tial tribunal.” This illusion to the Cilley affair was unlooked for by Mr. Wise ; it was a surprise upon him, as he had not estimated correctly the power of the states- man he had undertaken to demolish. He had carefully watched for an opportunity to assail Mr. Adams, under circumstances where his missile® would not be likely to recoil. He had selected this opportunity as one which appeared adventi- tious ; but when he found himself confronted with the ghost of the murdered Cilley, he perceived his fatal mistake. His friends anxiously interposed to remove him from the field which he had selected for the fight. Mr. Adams, commiserating his situation, mercifully forbore to punish him further. “ I came from a soil,” said Mr. Adams, in con- tinuation, “ that bears not a slave. I represent here the descendants of Winslow, Carver, Alden and Bedford, the first who alighted on the rock of Plymouth ; and representing these men, the free people of Massachusetts, I am come here to be 20 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. tried for high treason, because I presented a pe^ tition which gentlemen suspect contain anti- slavery sentiments, but, as a matter of mercy and grace, not to be expelled, but subjected to the severest censure, and to have this decided by a tribunal which contains one hundred slaveholders. Are such men impartial ? Do they even consider themselves impartial and competent to adjudicate in a case where they have such sordid interests at stake ? On this question, slaveholders cannot be impartial.” Mr. Underwood, of Kentucky, said that, as a slaveholder, he differed with his brethren in their endeavor to suppress petitions. He was opposed to all gag rules and said, Away with them. As to this proceeding against Mr. Adams, it was to punish him for an imputed, not a declared motive. As he had not announced himself to be in favor of the prayer of the petition presented by him, how could the House judge of his motive? He had been guilty of no offence, nor had he violated any rules. He had presented a petition, and they were endeavoring to punish him for the manner in which he represented his constituents. Gentle- men should beware how they put it in the power of the gentleman from Massachusetts to inform his constituents that he had become a martyr to the right of petition. Mr. Botts did not think this a very consistent employment for those who favored the secession of HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 21 South Carolina. He noticed among the instigators of the movement one (Mr. Khett) who had him- self on several occasions undertaken to raise a committee to take into consideration the propriety of dissolving the Union. As to Mr. Adams, he did not approve of all he said on that floor, yet he would not on any account wound his feelings. It is very likely that, under the weight of years, he had said many things which his subsequent reflec- tion condemned. But of what is he charged ? He has presented a petition here for a purpose, against which he desired a committee to remonstrate and expostulate with them, for the folly of their course. He had not undertaken, as had other gentlemen on that floor, to dissolve the Union. Mr. Rhett denied that he could be really ac- cused of desiring a dissolution of the Union, and assured his friends, who had so understood him, that they had misapprehended his motives. He had, three or four years before, proposed as an amendment to a motion to refer, with instructions, a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, something of that import, but that was designed only to place before Congress and the country the vital question he supposed at issue. It was merely a motion to go upon the table, with the matter to which it was attached. “ It was,” said Mr. Botts, “ not only the doc- trine of that gentleman, but of the majority of his State, where the right of secession was in- 22 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. flexibly maintained. It was in vain for the' gen- tlemen to ignore the fact — one that had gone into history, and was read of all men throughout the Union. South Carolina and her representative statesman are committed to the doctrine of seces- sion, which applies as well to one State as to another. It was maintained by others. The Sec- retary of the Navy, the last time he conversed with me, was an open, avowed advocate of the imme- diate dissolution of the Union. (Mr. Wise inter- rupting, denied it.) I repeat the statement and will prove it whenever the Secretary himself denies. If there were to be trials for high treason, he de- sired the Secretary to be respectfully noticed.” Mr. Saltonstall, of Massachusetts, on obtaining the floor, gave a succinct history of threats of a forcible dissolution of the Union, and demonstrated that they all proceeded from the South, and had arisen out of the subject of slavery ; that if they were mere pretences, as he supposed they were, their frequent repetition had rendered them dis- gusting, and if they were earnest intentions, as they affected to be, they were at the head of the crimi- nal calendar, where trials should proceed in order. Whilst he regretted that the petition in question came from his State, he felt that it was in safe hands, when controlled by his venerable colleague, who so far from being in favor of granting its prayer was disposed to convince the petitioners, and the people generally, that in the union of HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 23 States rested their greatest safety. Bat gentlemen might rest assured that the State of Massachusetts would never surrender the right of petition. Mr. Arnold, of Tennessee, was disgusted with a miserable outcry respecting the dissolution of the Union. He said it was obvious to any one who Avould perceive the truth, that the gentleman from Massachusetts would, with permission, crown a long and illustrious life, by sending forth in these times of confusion and degeneracy, a luminous and convincing report in favor of the American Union; and yet, for presenting a petition from his constitu- ents, it is gravely proposed to punish him with the censure of the house. What a singular spectacle would a consummation of such purposes present — • the arrest and arraignment at the bar of that ven- erable statesman with his palsied hand, his bare head, and whitened locks, to be rebuked by the speaker, comparatively a boy, after having been visited by the vituperation of others, boys in com- parison. Such a proceeding would shock the sen- sibilities of the nation, and so far from helping the cause of the South, it would kindle a blaze of in- dignation that would reach the heavens. The debate was continued by others, until no more of his accusers desired to speak, when Mr. Adams entered upon his defense, which was a mas- terly exposition of all the combinations and coali- tions of the slave power against the liberty of speech, and of the press, and the right of the peo- 24 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. pie to invoke the national Legislature upon' any subject appertaining to the institutions, of the country, and of the right of every man accused of crime to an impartial trial. He administered a withering rebuke to the nullifiers for seeking to punish him for presenting a petition from forty- five of his constituents, whose views of the subject involved accorded with their own. But after oc- cupying the floor for several days, without seem ing to approach the end of his speech, his assail- ants, to drop the tedious discussion, moved to table the subject, which was carried by a vote of 106 against 93. The reception of the petition was then refused by 106 against 40. On the 21st of March, Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, offered a resolution, suggested by the affair of the brig “ Creole,” which had just transpired, to the effect that the slave laws of the State did not extend on the high seas, beyond the State jurisdic tion, and that the slaves on board the “ Creole,” in asserting their right to liberty, violated no law of the United States ; whereupon Mr. Botts, of Virginia, introduced a resolution declaring his con- duct deserving of the condemnation of the people and the House. An exciting and confused debate ensued, when without affording the accused an opportunity of defense, the resolution of censure was passed by a vote of 129 against 69. Mr. Gid- dings then resigned, returned home, and was sent back by his constituents with a vote of 3,500 over the opposing candidate. HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 25 Mr. Webster remained in Tyler’s cabinet for the principal reason of negotiating a treaty with Lord Ashburton, for the settlement of the northeast boundary question ; and there is authority for as- serting that he assured his friends that the belief that he could avert a war with Great Britain, which was certain to occur if he left the adminis- tration to itself, was the only reason why he con- sented to remain there. In this Mr. Webster was successful. He concluded a treaty which not only adjusted the disputed boundary, but arranged for tbe united and final suppression of the slave trade, and the mutual extradition of fugitives from justice. After the same was ratified by both governments, he resigned his office of Secretary of State in May, 1843. HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 20 CHAPTER IV. LOCAL DESPOTISM IN THE ASCENDENCY. We have now reached a point in the history of the United States where the local despotism, under the lead of Mr. Calhoun, attained complete ascen- dency in the government. The vetoes of the tariff hill by President Tyler were taken by the nulli- fiers as sufficient indications that he was their con- venient man for the consummation of their schemes; they set themselves immediately to work to pre- pare a case for him, which might seem to justify the employment of the forces of the government in its fulfilment. The great desideratum was the speedy annexation of Texas to the United States. Daring the summer and autumn of 1843 they held the President’s ear. They impressed him with the idea that the pending war between Texas and Mexico was exhausting the physical energies of both, and exposing them to the designs of foreign governments, particularly that of Great Britain ; that Texas was negotiating loans and commercial arrangements with the latter government, which were likely to be consummated only upon the con- dition of the abolition of slavery in that State ; and that in case no such treaty were concluded and loans only were effected, it would result in a mone- tary vassalage of Texas to Great Britain, which HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ‘27 would subject it to the sway of influences adverse to the profitable continuation of slavery. They also persuaded him that then was the opportune occasion for augmenting the slave power to such an extent as to render it invulnerable against public sentiment in the North. This argument prevailed. On the 4th of December, 1843, the President laid the matter before Congress, in his annual mes- sage, in which he dilated at great length upon the exhausting effects of the existing war between Texas and Mexico, and the exposure of both gov- ernments to foreign interference which resulted from its continuance. About the time of the delivery of this message, it was stated in a newspaper published in Texas, that authentic information had been received by that government that the President of the United States had concluded to favor the project of an- nexation, and would break ground on the subject in his message to Congress ; that the Texan Legis- lature had taken action on the subject, and author- ized the President of that Republic to open negotia- tions which, it was said, Mr. Upshur, the American Secretary of State, had proposed to commence. It is known that secret despatches were sent to the Department of State, touching that subject ; and a correspondence opened between the Secretary of State and a Mr. Murphy, our charge d’affaires in Texas, in which the latter pretended to have infor- 28 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. mation from a mysterious Texan named Andrews ; that a project was on foot in England to raise money with which to purchase slaves in Texas, and that lands were to be taken in payment. That information which was undoubtedly manufactured for the occasion had the influence desired, and elicited a letter from the secretary in reply stating that “ a movement of this sort cannot be contem- plated in silence,” as it was doubtless part of a plan “ to seek to abolish slavery throughout the entire continent and islands of America.” The secretary further said that Great Britain desired the abolition of slavery in order to open in this country a better market for the production of her East and West India colonies; and that if Texas were free, it would afford a refuge for fugitive slaves. Mr. Murphy replied that he had learned that both Mexico and Texas were negotiating in Eng- land, and under the control of British emissaries, and there existed an imminent danger to the domestic institutions of the Southern States, which required prompt and energetic action on the part of our government. Mr. Upshur reassured Mr. Murphy that the President felt the deepest con- cern on the subject, and would do all that lay in his power to avert the impending disaster, and urged him to diligence in watching all further movements in that direction. He also wrote Mr. Everett confidentially in England, what informa- HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 29 tion the department possessed on that subject, in which he urged the necessity of slave labor in the production of cotton, sugar and rice, and declared that the slaves themselves would be damaged by emancipation. Mr. Everett heard nothing of the matter in England, but, on the receipt of the letter of Mr. Upshur, called on Lord Aberdeen for information, and was assured by his lordship that the suggestion that England had made or intended to make the abolition of slavery the condition of any treaty ar- rangement with Texas was wholly without founda- tion, and thereupon communicated that assurance to Mr. Upshur. This was corroborated by Mr. Packen- ham, the British Minister at Washington, who en- closed a letter, received by him from Lord Aber- deen, stating that as much as the British Govern- ment might wish to see slaveholding States placed on the solid footing only obtained by general freedom, it had never in its treatments with them made any distinction between slave States and free ones. Hence it will be perceived that the pretence of Mr. Murphy was utterly false in fact. But the administration was committed to the measure, and it had been vaguely indicated to Con- gress in the message. Texas formally made her application, and numerous Southern State Legisla- tures sent up resolutions and memorials urging speedy annexation. At length Mr. Edward J. Black, a representative from Georgia, on the 15th 30 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. of January, 1844, gave notice in the House of Representatives of his intention to move as an amendment to the Oregon bill then reported, a sec- tion providing for the provisional annexation of Texas. This brought the subject distinctly before Congress. The next link in the chain of circumstances was the sudden death of the Secretary of State, on the 28th of February, 1844, by the explosion of the “ peace-maker,” and the immediate appointment of Mr. Calhoun to his place. This raised the great nullifier to the place which he coveted, and placed in his hands all the wires of the plot. He was the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, in charge of that correspondence, and invested with the discretion to conclude a treaty of annexation whenever he should judge such a contract necessary. HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 31 CHAPTER V. CALHOUN IN POWER. The Jupiter- Ammon of the Palmetto State was now invested with high authority. In his hands the nominal President was plastic clay. The South was now to be aroused, and the deed ex- ecuted, and no man lived, who knew so well as he how to strike a chord that would vibrate all through the precincts of slavery. He advised the Presi- dent to take an open stand in favor of the im- mediate annexation of Texas ; to insist upon it as a Democratic measure ; and to force the Democratic nominating convention, which was advertised to be held at Baltimore on the 27th of May following, to adopt it. His words were implicitly heeded. The views of the administration were immediately announced in the newspapers of Washington, and they electrified the entire oligarchy. It was a magnificent scheme, not only to exalt and en- throne the slave power, but to augment largely the value of existing slaves, and the profits of slave- breeding. He signified to the Texan government that he was prepared to negotiate a treaty of annexation with it at Washington, whenever ministers with plenipotential powers were ready to meet him. Messrs. Isaac Van Zant and J. Pinckney Hender- HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. son were duly commissioned on the part of Texas to treat with him. After suitable preliminaries, he concluded a treaty of annexation with them on the 12th day of April, 1844, which was immedi- ately transmitted to the Senate for approval. The time for the meeting of the Democratic convention being near, the premier advised speedy measures for controlling its action, and for menac- ing its nominee with defeat, in case it refused to indorse the measure. To that end he convened a deputation of officeholders from all the States, at Baltimore, contemporaneously with the delegated convention, which secretly nominated President Tyler, and resolved to support him to the damage of any Democratic nominee who should fail to give satisfactory pledges respecting Texas. This done, the deputies repaired to the Democratic con- vention, where they succeeded not only in produc- ing a schism, but in procuring the adoption of a two-third rule, by which Martin Van Buren, who was the choice of a majority of the delegates, was defeated, and James K. Polk, of Tennessee, foisted upon the ticket instead. The nullifier was now greatly elated. He saw that he was making rapid progress. He perceived that the influence of his great name, and the pe- cuniary interests which invested it, had raised the Texas proposition to the dignity of a cardinal prin- ciple, and one that outweighed all other questions involved in the pending canvass. He had only to HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 33 I convince Colonel Polk that without his aid he could not have been nominated, and could not be elected to insure the conquest. Holding up before the colonel, as a menace, the secret nomination of Tyler, he procured a ready acknowledgment of his power, and a complete acquiescence in his favor- ite measure. Thus the Democratic party, the party of Jackson and Van Buren, was surrendered to the nullifier by the chosen bearer of its stan- dard. But this surrender of Colonel Polk was carefully withheld from the people of the North during the presidential canvass. To them he appeared in the mantle of General Jackson, which was yet attrac- tive. Privileged classes in the South only were intrusted with the secret. Under the double guise of Jackson-man and nullifier, he was tri- umphantly elected. He then laid aside the gar- ment borrowed from the Hermitage, and disclosed, even to the dying hero himself, that his protegd was in solemn league with his most implacable enemy. The Senate, after debating the Calhoun treaty from day to day in secret session, until the 8th of June, then rejected it by a vote of thirty -five, sixteen voting in the affirmative. The injunction of secrecy was then removed. It should be re- marked in this connection, that the project had not, at the time when the treaty was under considera- tion in the Senate, fully ripened ; it had not be- cc £4 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN- PARTY. come a party measure; hence, senators of the Democratic party felt at liberty to characterize the treaty as a miserable intrigue for political and per- sonal ends. Colonel Benton, in particular, who was decidedly in favor of annexation as a public measure, with the assent of Texas and Mexico, denounced it as a proceeding got up for election- eering purposes, which would end in the disgrace of its authors. Atchinson, his colleague, was in the confidence of Mr. Calhoun, and supported the treaty. Two days after the rejection of the treaty, Colonel Benton, whom the Calhounites sought to place in a false position before the country, intro- duced a bill into the Senate, conferring authority on the President to open negotiations with Mexico and Texas for the adjustment of boundaries and the annexation of the latter to the United States, the assent of Mexico to be obtained by treaty, that of Texas by an act of her legislature, and after erecting out of Texas a State not exceeding the size of the largest State in the Union, slavery to be excluded from the northern half of the re- mainder, which was ordered to be printed. The subject then went over to the ensuing session. In his annual message of December 3d, to the second session of the same Congress, the President recommended annexation especially, and without reservations or conditions, and averred that which had not been generally understood in the North, HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 35 (hat in the election of his successor, the people of ihe United States had pronounced in favor of an- nexation. The inode suggested by the President was a joint resolution or act to be perfected and made binding upon the two governments when adopted, in like manner, by the government of Texas ; but when the Democratic members of both Houses of Congress from the North reached Wash- ington to attend this session of Congress, some of them, and among others Senators Dix, of New York, and Niles, of Connecticut, and Representa- tives Preston King, George Rathbun, Horace Wheeten, and Amasa Dana, were surprised by in- formation of a discovery that the President-elect, Mr. Polk, had been in collusion with President Tyler and the nullifier from about the time of the Baltimore convention ; that prior to the election he had committed himself secretly but in writing to certain confidential friends of Mr. Calhoun to depose, in the event of his election, Francis P. Blaii from his position as the editor of the National Demo- cratic organ ; and yet had, after so committing himself in writing through his particular friends in Tennessee, drawn upon Messrs. Blair &nd Rives for several thousand dollars for use in promoting his election, which drafts had been accepted and paid ; that after having thus obtained for election- eering purposes heavy sums of money from those gentlemen, whilst he was under a secret contract to establish a new organ to their great political and 32 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. and fishes of the coming administration.’ I hope gentlemen will not be alarmed at the crack of the Virginia lash. Practice submission in time. For my own part I believe that Mr. Polk is an honest man: if he is not he is greatly belied; and if he would object to our insisting upon what we believe to be honest and fair and just, all I shall say here is, he is not the kind of man we supposed. We voted for him under the firm belief that he was a man whose sentiments and feelings w r ere exalted far above, and we still believe him incapable of, any such intention. “ If he shall attempt to deprive the North of the right of acting in accordance with our honest opin- ions, we shall be sadly disappointed in him. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Bayly) told us that the people had settled the question. I ask him, How ? When ? Where ? Does he take the vote of New York, without which we should have been beaten, as a settlement of the question ? If he does, then Texas must not be annexed, for in that State there was a majority of ten thousand on the popular vote against us. “ What is it the South asks from New York? Must she commit suicide on this floor? Must she yield her sentiments, her feelings, and her inde- pendence to the dictation of the South, and that dictation to be enforced by threats of punishment? No; we shall judge, from the circumstance, how far we can go in compliance with public opinion in HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 53 our own State, and beyond that we shall not be driven. I call the attention of Northern Demo- crats to the histoty of the past as a beacon light to them on the present occasion. This is no new question. The case is precisely like the Missouri question. In that ever-inemorable struggle several Northern men voted in favor of allowing slavery t(f exist in Missouri. I call upon every Northern man to remember their fate. I am not condemn, ing the vote they gave ; I wish the gentlemen to look at the consequence. Some of them, it is true, were appointed to offices by the government; but when the term of their office expired, they ex- pired with them. They have been politically dead ever since. Let their fate be a warning to the North. They were denounced as traitors to their country, and condemned by their constituents. New York desires Texas if it can be had without slavery; and a large number, and perhaps the majority of her people, are willing to consent to a fair compromise on that subject. But throughout the whole of that large State there can be drummed up scarcely a corporal’s guard, unless it be composed of men looking for office, who go for annexation without some just and fair division of the territory.” 54 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER IX. THE PITTSBURG CONVENTION. It was remarked at the commencement of this kistory that the Republican party in the United States originated in a high public necessity , which manifested itself during the administrations of Washington and the elder Adams; that it kept its organization, faith, and name until 1833, when it was dissolved ; that after a lapse of twenty-three years it was reformed again, for the same principal objects — for the defense of freedom of the person, of speech, and of the press, and for resistance to usurpations resulting from the substitution, by the political party temporarily administering the gov- ernment, of the Calhoun policy, so called, for that of the author of our Declaration of Independence, and for insisting upon a return to, and resumption of, the policy from which both the executive and legislative departments have unwisely departed. It lias been the object of these chapters to demon- strate that the Calhoun policy was prompted by a local despotism, existing in the country inside the Republic, as the embodiment of the slave power, and to indicate when, where, and how that despot- ism arose, from time to time, and by consecutive steps, until it finally attained complete ascendency in the government. It will now be our more HISTORT OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. pleasant duty to chronicle a general uprising of the people of the non-slaveholding States on that ac- count, and the reformation of the Republican party for the purpose of unseating that power from its throne at Washington. On the 22d of February, 1856, a large conven- tion of delegates from all the non-slaveholding and some of the slaveholding States was held in the city of Pittsburg, in the State of Pennsylvania, to consider, in view of the imminency of the public danger, what means should be adopted to restore the government to its true republican condition, and, after mature deliberation, it issued the follow- ing address : “To the People of the United States. “ Having met in convention in the city of Pitts- burg, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 22d day of February, 1856, as the representatives of the people in various sections of the Union, to consult apon the political evils by which the country is menaced, and the political action by which those evils may be averted, we address to you this declaration of our principles, and of the purposes which we seek to promote. “ We declare, in the first place, our fixed and unalterable devotion to the Constitution of the United States, to the ends for wRich it was estab- lished, and to the means which it provided for their attainment. We accept the solemn protesta- tion of the people of the United States, that they ordained it 4 in order to form a more perfect Union, 56 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, pro- vide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity.’ We believe that the powers which it confers upon the government of the United States are ample for the accomplish- ment of these objects ; and that if these powers are exercised in the spirit of the Constitution itself, they cannot lead to any other result. We respect those great rights which the Constitution declares to be inviolable — freedom of speech and of the press; the free exercise of religious belief, and the right of the people peaceably to assemble and peti- tion the government for a redress of grievances. We would preserve those great safeguards of civil freedom, the habeas corpus, the right of trial by jury, and the right of personal liberty, unless de- prived thereof for crime by due process of the law. We declare our purpose to obey, in all things, the requirements of the Constitution, and of all laws enacted in pursuance thereof. We cherish a pro- found reverence for the wise and patriotic men by whom it was framed, and a lively sense of the blessings it has conferred upon our country, and upon mankind, throughout the world. In every crisis of difficulty and of danger we shall invoke its- spirit, and proclaim the supremacy of its authority. “ In the next place, we declare our ardent and unshaken attachment to this Union of the Ameri- can States, which the Constitution created, and has thus far preserved. We revere it as the purchase of the blood of our forefathers, as the condition of our national renown, and as the guardian and guarantee of that liberty which the Constitution was designed to secure. We will defend and pro- HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. tect it against all its enemies. We will recognize no geographical divisions, no local interests, no narrow or sectional prejudices in our endeavor to preserve the Union of these States against foreign aggression and domestic strife. What we claim for ourselves we claim for all. The rights, privi- leges, and liberties which we demand as our in- heritance, we concede as their inheritance to all the citizens of this Republic. “ Holding these opinions, and animated by these sentiments, we declare our conviction that the gov- ernment of the United States is not administered in accordance with the Constitution or for the pre- servation and prosperity of the American Union; but that its powers are systematically wielded for the promotion and extension of the interests of slavery, in direct hostility to the letter and spirit of the Constitution, in flagrant disregard of other great interests of the country, and in open con- tempt of the public sentiment of the American peo- ple and of the Christian world. We proclaim our belief that the policy which has for years past been adopted in the administration of the general gov- ernment, tends to the utter subversion of each of the great ends for which the Constitution was established — and that, unless it shall be arrested by the prompt interposition of the people, the hold of the Union upon their loyalty and aflection will be relaxed — the domestic tranquility will be dis- turbed, and all constitutional securities for the v blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity will be destroyed. The slaveholding interest can- not be made permanently paramount in the gen- eral government, without involving consequences fatal to free institutions. We acknowledge that it oS HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN TARTY. is large and powerful ; that in the States where it exists it is entitled, under the Constitution, like all other local interests, to immunity from the inter- ference of the general government; and that it must necessarily exercise through its representa- tives a considerable share of political power. But there is nothing in its position, as there is cer- tainly nothing in its character, to sustain the supremacy which it seeks to establish. u There is not a State in the Union in which the i slaveholders number one-tenth of the free white population — nor in the aggregate do they number one-fiftieth part of the white population of the United States. The annual productions of the other classes in the Union far exceed the total value of all the slaves. To say nothing, therefore, of the questions of natural justice and of political economy which slavery involves, neither its magni- tude nor the numbers of those by whom it is repre- sented, entitle it to one-tenth part of the political powers conferred upon the Federal Government by the Constitution. Yet we see it seeking, and at this moment wielding, all the functions of the gov- ernment, executive, judicial, and legislative — and using them for the augmentation of its powers, and the establishment of its ascendency. “ From this ascendency the principles of the Constitution, the rights of the several States, the safety of the Union, and the welfare of the people of the United States, demand that it should be dis- lodged.” THE GATHERING IN PHILADELPHIA. The Pittsburgh Convention foreshadowed the proceedings of the great gathering held in Phila- HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 50 delphia on June 17th of the same year. It was then that the heralds of the “ grand old party sounded the trumpet that freed tens of thousands of slaves.” It was fit that the Convention should have been held in the birthplace of liberty where the old bell rang out “ liberty throughout all the land, and to all the inhabitants thereof.” It was a meeting of representative men who were as earnest in their desire to rid their beloved country of the curse of slavery as were their forefathers to throw off the British yoke of tyranny. The Convention was in session two days. On the first ballot John C. Fremont, of California, received 359 votes, to 196 cast for John McLean, of Ohio. William L. Day- ton, of New Jersey, was nominated for Vice-Presi- dent. The Democratic Convention of 1856 was held in Cincinnati, on the 2d of June, which action marked the decline of Baltimore as a distinctive convention city. On the first ballot James Bu- chanan had 135 votes; Franklin Pierce, 122; Stephen A. Douglas, 33, and Lewis Cass, 5. On the fifteenth ballot Pierce’s strength was transferred to Douglas, but in spite of this Buchanan was nominated on the seventeenth and John C. Breck- inridge, of Kentucky, was placed on the ticket with him. The Native American or Know Nothing party had absorbed much of the old Whig strength in some sections and was numerous enough to hold a Convention in Philadelphia, February 22d, with representatives from every State except four. It 00 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. nominated Millard Fillmore, of New York, for President, and Andrew Donelson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. Buchanan and Breckinridge had 174 electoral votes; Fremont and Dayton, 114, and Fillmore and Donelson, 8— those of Mary- land. The Democrats were first in the field in 1860. Their Convention met in Charleston, S. C., on the 23d of April. Feeling ran high and it was the second day before an organization was effected, with Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, as president. After a protracted and bitter debate, the sixth day the Douglas platform was adopted by a vote of 165 to 138, when the delegations from South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and Florida withdrew. The bolters organized in a separate convention, in which the following twelve States were represented : Delaware, Vir- ginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Texas, Arkansas, Missouri, and New York. There were afterwards splits in the dele- gations from other States. On the fifty-seventh ballot the vote stood : Douglas, 1511 ; Guthrie, 61; Lane, 16; Hunter, 16; Dickinson, 6; Jeff Davis, 1. Jeff Davis had received one vote on every ballot, which was cast by General Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts. The Douglas men feared that their candidate would be abandoned by New York, and adjourned to meet at Baltimore, June 18th, by a vote of 195 to 55. The bolters adopted HISTORY OF TnE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 61 the platform which had been rejected by the regular Convention, and also adjourned to meet at Richmond, June 11th, without selecting a Presi- dential candidate. The Convention reassembled at Baltimore on the 18th of June, and on the second ballot Stephen A. Douglas was nominated. Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, who was selected for Vice-President, declined, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, was substituted. The delegates who had seceded at Charleston again went out and held a convention on the 28th of June, at which they nominated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, as their candidates. The Constitutional Union or American party held its convention at Baltimore on the 9th of May, and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, as its candi- dates. The Republican convention was held at Chicago, and the platform prepared by Horace Greeley and John A. Kasson. Delegates were present from all the free States and from six slave States and three Territories. Mr. Evarts put Mr. Seward in nomination : Norman B. Judd, of Illinois, nomi- nated Mr. Lincoln; Judge Cartter, of Ohio — present Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia — nominated Mr. Chase; while Mr. Sumner, of Ohio, presented Judge McLean. Mr. Schurz seconded the nomination of Mr. Seward 62 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Lincoln was second in strength on the first .two ballots. On the third the vote stood : Lincoln, 231 1 ; Seward, 180 ; Chase, 241 ; Bates, 22 ; scat- ering, 5. There was a general changing of votes, which resulted in giving Lincoln 354 votes and nominating him. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was the candidate for Vice-President. Lincoln and Hamlin received 180 votes ; Breck- inridge and Lane, 72 ; Bell and Everett, 39, and Douglas and Johnson, 12. Of the popular vote Lincoln had 1,866,352; Breckinridge, 845,763; Bell, 589,581; Douglas, 1,375,157. In 1864 the Republicans met at Baltimore on the 7th of June, renominated Lincoln and chose Andrew Johnson for Vice-President on the first ballot. The Democrats held their convention at Chicago on the 20th of August, with Horatio Sey- mour as President. George B. McClellan was selected as its candidate for President on the first ballot, with George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice- President. The “Radical Democracy” were dis- satisfied with Lincoln’s conservative conduct of the war, met at Cleveland on the 1st of June and nominated John C. Fremont for President and John Cochrane, of New York, for Vice-President, but the ticket was withdrawn before the election. Lincoln and Johnson had 212 electoral votes to 21 for McClellan and Pendleton, with 81 vacancies in the Southern States. HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Go THE CONVENTION OF 1868. When the Republican Convention of 1868 met at Chicago, on the 21st of May, there was no con- test for the Presidential nomination. Of the 610 votes cast every one was in favor of U. S. Grant. On the fifth ballot Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, was selected as the candidate for Vice-President. The Democrats met at New York on the 4th of July, and after along and exciting convention nominated Horatio Seymour, the President of the convention, who, “vowing he would ne’er consent, consented.” General Frank P. Blair was chosen for Vice-Presi- dent by a unanimous vote. The Republican can- didates received 214 votes to 80 cast for the Demo- cratic candidates and 23 vacancies still remaining in the unreconstructed States of the South. The dissatisfaction with General Grant’s first administration was so strong in 1872 as to produce a party division calling themselves liberal Republi- cans, who inaugurated the campaign by holding a convention at Cincinnati on the 1st of May, On the sixth ballot Horace Greeley was declared the nominee, while B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, was made his associate on the second ballot. The Democrats held their convention at Baltimore on the 9th of July and indorsed the Liberal ticket and platform. The Republicans met in Phila- delphia on the 5tli of June, renominated President Grant by acclamation, and chose Henry Wilson over Schuyler Colfax on the second ballot. O’Conor 04 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. and Adams were the candidates of the straight-out Democracy. The Republican ticket received 286 votes to 80 for the Democratic-Liberal ticket, the latter of which were cast for a number of candi- dates after the death of Greeley in December. In 1876 the Republicans met at Cincinnati on the 15th of June after an exciting preliminary canvass. On the first ballot James G. Blaine had 285 votes; Oliver P. Morton, 125 ; Benjamin H. Bristow, 113; Roscoe Conkling, 99; R. B. Hayes, 61; John F. Ilartranft, 58; 'Marshall Jewell, 11 ; William A. Wheeler, 3. On the seventh and final ballot Blaine had 351 ; Bristow, 21, and Hayes, 384, or five more than a majority. William A. Wheeler was nominated for Vice-President on the first ballot On the 27th of June the Democrats met at St. Louis. The first ballot showed the following result ; Tilden, 403s ; Hendricks, 1331 ; Allen, 56 ; Hancock, 75; Parker, 18; Bayard, 27. On the second ballot Tilden had 508 votes, more than the necessary two-thirds, and was nominated. Hendricks was chosen on the first ballot for Vice- President. The Greenbackers held a convention at Indianapolis May 17th, and nominated Peter Cooper, of New York, and Newton Booth, of Cali- fornia, and the Prohibitionists held a similar con- vention May 16th at Cleveland, and put Green Clay Smith, of Kentucky, and G. S. Stewart, of Ohio, in the field. The result was fixed up by the Electoral Commission, and Hayes declared elected fol four years. HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 65 THE CONVENTIONS OF 1880. The Republicans, as the majority party, opened the canvass of 1880. For the first time in the history of the country a serious effort was made to nominate a Presidential candidate for a third term. The contests in the State Conventions of New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, whereby the delegations were instructed to cast a solid vote for Grant, and the overthrow of the unit rule by the convention, are matters of too recent history to require elaboration. The convention met at Chicago on Wednesday, June 2. Senator George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts, was both temporary and permanent chairman. The first ballot, taken on Monday, June 7, disclosed the following result: Grant, 304 ; Blaine, 284 ; Sherman, 93 ; Edmunds, 34; Washburne, 30; Windom, 10. On the third ballot one vote was cast for James A. Garfield, which was continued until the thirty-fifth ballot, with the exception of from the fourteenth to the eighteenth inclusive. On some ballots this was reinforced by an additional vote. No decided change took place until the thirty-fourth ballot, which stood : Grant, 312 ; Blaine, 257 ; Sherman, 99 ; Edmunds, 11 ; Washburne, 30 ; Windom, 4 ; Garfield, 17. This accession to Grant’s strength, which had been going on for several ballots, led to a stampede to Garfield, who had 50 votes on the next ballot. The thirty-sixth ballot stood : Grant, 306; Blaine, 42; Sherman, 3; Washburne, 5; EE G6 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Garfield, 399, and the latter was declared the nom- inee. On the first ballot Chester A. Arthur was nominated for Vice-President, receiving 468 votes to 193 for Washburne, 44 for Jewell, and 30 for Horace Maynard. Marshal Jewell was chairman of the national committee and S. W. Dorsey sec- retary. The Democratic National Convention met in Cincinnati on Tuesday, June 22, 1880, and was in session three days. On the first ballot the vote stood as follows: Bayard, 1534; Hancock, 171; Payne, 81 ; Thurman, 684; Field, 65; Morrison, 62 ; Hendricks, 504 : Tilden, 38, with scattering votes for eleven other candidates. On the next ballot a movement in favor of General Hancock manifested itself. Before the ballot was concluded so many delegations manifested a desire to change to Hancock that it was voted to begin anew and take it over. The result was: Hancock, 705; Hendricks, 30 ; Tilden, 1. William H. English, of Indiana, was nominated for Vice-President by acclamation. William H. Barnum, of Connec- ticut ? was chairman, and F. O. Prince, of Massa- chusettSj secretary of the national committee. The Greenbackers held a convention at Chicago, June- 9, and nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for President, and B. J. Chambers, of Texas, for Vice-President. The Prohibition candidates were Neal Dow, of Maine, and H. A. Thompson, of Ohio, while the HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. C7 Anti-Secret Societ} 7 people named J. W. Phelps, of Vermont, and S. C. Pomeroy, of Kansas. Garfield and Arthur received 4,449,053 votes to 4,442,035 cast for Hancock and English, 307,306 for Weaver and Chambers, and 12,576 scattering. Garfield had 214 electoral votes and Hancock 155. The National Republican Convention of 1884 met in Chicago on June 3d, and nominated James G. Blaine for President on the fourth ballot. It also nominated General John A. Logan for Vice- President. Both parties held their Conventions in the hall of the Exposition Building, which was fitted up to accommodate about 9,000 people. Each Con- vention was composed of two delegates for each Senator, Representative, and Territorial delegate, making 820 men in each Convention. On the 19th of June, 1888, the National Repub- lican Convention met again in Chicago. The Democratic Convention had already been held in St. Louis on the 5th of June, and had renominated Grover Cleveland for the office of President and Allen G. Thurman for Vice-President. Great in- terest centred in Chicago, as it was understood that an earnest effort would be made by the Con- vention to nominate a man whose name and repu- tation would give strong assurance of success at the polls in November. The ablest men of the party were there, and the oratorical ability of the Convention was above the average. 6S HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. There were rumors of cliques and combinations, and it was prophesied that favoritism and not wise counsels would prevail. A number of States had names to present, and there was a throng of “fa- vorite sons.” The work of organization was slow and deliberate, but once organized, the Convention grappled manfully with the responsible task to be performed. It was animated by a strong determi- nation to secure a platform that would best ad- vance the interests of the whole nation and secure the best men to be placed upon the ticket. Sherman of Ohio, Depew of New York, Gresh- am of Illinois, Harrison of Indiana, Allison of Iowa, and Alger of Michigan, were strong com- petitors for the nomination. Each had his warm supporters. On the eighth ballot, and after the Convention had been six days in session, the Hon. Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, was nominated without a dissenting voice. It was felt, after a careful survey of the situation, that the very best selection had been made. The nomination for the Vice-Presidency was given to the Hon. Levi P. Morton, of New York. At once the Republican party cordially received the platform and nominations, and entered zeal< ously upon the cam aign of 1888 . HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 69 At tlie election in November the popular vote for Harrison was 5,439,853 ; the popular vote for Cleveland was 5,540,329. Of the electoral vote, Harrison received 233 and Cleveland 168. On the7th of June, 1892, the Republican Conven- tion met at Minneapolis. The nomination of Presi- dent Harrison had been considered a foregone con- clusion up to June 4 when the country was startled hv the news that Secretary Blaine had resigned from President Harrison’s Cabinet. A letter written by Mr. Blaine in the preceding February announced that under no consideration would he consent to be a candidate for the Presidency. This letter was very generally accepted in good faith, and there was a general conviction that Mr. Blaine was en- tirely out of the race. It was known, however, that for some time before the Convention assembled persistent efforts had been made by enemies of the administration to induce Mr. Blaine to recon- sider his letter of February, and allow his name to be used at Minneapolis, and when he suddenly re- signed from the Cabinet by a curt letter, and his resignation was accepted by President Harrison in a letter equally brief and barren of all compli- mentary expressions, it was commonly believed that the “ Plumed Knight ” had decided to seek the nomination. There was consequently great excitement preced- ing the organization of the Convention and during its progress. It became evident at once that there would be a hard contest between the two leadin 70 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. candidates. The States at their Conventions had strongly indorsed the administration of President Harrison, and many of the delegates had been in- structed to vote for his renomination in the Na- tional Convention. His friends, after they re- covered from the first shock which followed the announcement of Mr. Blaine’s resignation, rallied bravely, and remained firm to the end. Minneapolis was the scene of animated discus- sions and unique popular demonstrations. The loud huzzalis for Blaine showed that he had a strong hold upon the popular heart, but the thought- ful mass of delegates who were to decide the ques- tion remained true to the President, and worked diligently and wisely to secure his nomination. The brilliant eloquence , of Chauncey M. Depew, of New York, awakened an unparalleled scene of enthusiasm as he placed Mr. Harrison in nomina- tion before the Convention. Mr. Blaine was nominated by Senator Wolcott, of Colorado. When the vote was taken it was found to be as follows : . Harrison, 53 5i ; Blaine, 182ir ; McKin- ley, 182 ; Reed, of Maine, 4 ; Robert Lincoln, of Illinois, 1. On motion of Governor McKinley, of Ohio, who was Chairman of the Convention, the nomination was made unanimous. The platform which was adopted by the Conven- tion was highly commended as a sound exposition of the great principles of the Republican party. WHAT IT COSTS THE PRESIDENT TO LIVE. The official salary of the President is lixed by law at fifty thousand dollars per annum, or two hundred thousand dollars for his term of four years. At the beginning of each term Congress makes an appropriation for refurnishing the Executive Mansion. The kitchen and pantry are supplied to a consid- erable extent by the same body. Congress pays all the employees about the house, from the private secretary to the humblest boot- black; it provides fuel and lights; keeps up the stables; and furnishes a corps of gar- deners and a garden to supply the Presiden- tial board with fruits, flowers, and vegetables. Many persons suppose that these allowances ought to be enough to enable him to live comfortably. They are mistaken, however The President is required by public opinion to live in a style consistent with the dignity of his position and the honor of the country, and such a mode of life imposes upon him many very heavy expenses. Besides this, he is expected to be liberal and charitable towards persons and meritorious causes seek- ing his aid, and “their name is legion.” He cannot give as a private individual; his do- nation must be large. The expense of en- tertaining the various officers of the Govern- ment, members of Congress, and Foreign 2 THE WHITE HOUSE. Ministers, is enormous. One hundred thou sand dollars per annum would not be too much to allow him. THE PRESIDENT’S VISITORS. Access to the President may be easily had by any person having legitimate business with him, or wishing to pay his respects to the Chief Magistrate of the Union, but, as His Excellency’s time is valuable and much occupied, interviews are limited to the short- est possible duration. Visitors, upon such occasions, repair to the reception-room ad- joining the President’s private office, send in their cards, and await His Excellency’s pleasure. Besides granting these private interviews, rhe President holds public receptions or levees at stated, times during the sessions of Congress. His official title is “Mr. President,” but courtesy has added that of “His Excellency.” It is worthy of remark that none of the Ex- ecutive officers of the States of the Union, except the Governor of Massachusetts, have any legal claim to the titles “His Excel- lency” and “Tour Excellency.” All sorts of people come to see the Presi- dent, on all sorts of business. His immense patronage makes him the object of the efforts of many unprincipled men. His in- THE WHITE HOUSE. 3 tegrity is subjected to the severest trials and if he come out of office poor, as happily all of our Presidents have donu, he must in- deed be an honest man. His position is not a bed of roses, for he cannot hope to please all parties. His friends exaggerate his good qualities, and often make him appear ridicu- lous, while his enemies magnify his faults and errors, and slander and persecute him in every imaginable way. Pitfalls are set for him along every step of his path, and he must be wary indeed if he would not fall into them. The late President Buchanan once said that there were at least two per- sons in the world who could not echo the wish experienced by each American mother, that her son might one day be President, and that they were the retiring and the in- coming Presidents, the first of whom was worn and weary with the burden he was lay- ing down, and the other for the first time fully alive to the magnitude of the task he had undertaken. CABINET MEETINGS. The Cabinet Ministers in our Government are the Secretaries placed at the heads of the various Departments. They are the constitutional advisers of the President, but he is not obliged to be governed by their advice. It is customary, however, to lay all 4 THE WHITE HOUSE. important matters before them for their opinions thereupon, which are submitted in writing at the request of the President, and for this purpose regular meetings of the Cabinet are held at stated times in a room in the Executive Mansion, provided for that purpose. It is located on the second floor of the mansion, and is plainly but comfortably furnished. The relations existing between the Presi- dent and his Cabinet are, or ought to be, of the most friendly and confidential nature. They are well set forth in the attitude main- tained upon this point by Mr. Lincoln. Says Mr. Raymond, his biographer: “He always maintained that the proper duty of each Secretary was to direct the details of every- thing done within his own Department, and to tender such suggestions, information, and advice to the President as he might solicit at his hands. But the duty and responsi- bility of deciding what line of policy should be pursued, or what steps should be taken in any specific case, in his judgment, be- longed exclusively to the President ; and he was always willing and ready to assume it.” THE WHITE HOUSE. The Executive Mansion is situated on Pennsylvania Avenue, near the western end THE WHITE HOUSE. 5 of the city, and is surrounded by the Treas- ury, State, War, and Navy Departments. The grounds in front are handsomely orna- mented, and in the rear a fine park stretches away to the river. The location is attractive, and commands a magnificent view of the Potomac, but it is not healthy. Ague and fever prevails in the Spring and Fall, and renders it anything but a desirable place of residence. The building is constructed of freestone painted white — hence its most common name, the “White House.” It was designed by Janies Hoban, and was modeled after the palace of the duke of Leinster. The corner-stone was laid on the 13th of October, 1792, and the house was ready for occupancy in the Summer of 1800. It was partially destroyed by the British in 1814. It has a front of one hundred and seventy feet, and a depth of eighty-six feet. It con- tains two lofty stories of rooms, and the roof is surrounded with a handsome balustrade. The exterior walls are ornamented with fine Ionic pilasters. On the north front is a handsome portico, with four Ionic columns in front, and a projecting screen with three columns. The space between these two rows of pillars is a covered carriage way. The main entrance to the house is from this por- tico through a massive doorway, which opens into the main hall. The garden front has a THE WHITE HOUSE. rusticated basement, which gives a third story to the house on this side, and by a semi-circular projecting colonnade of six columns, with two flights of steps, leading from the ground to the level of the principal story. THE INTERIOR OF THE WHITE HOUSE. Entering by the main door, the visitor finds himself in a handsome hall, divided midway by a row of imitation marble pil- lars, and ornamented with portraits of former Presidents. Passing to the left, you enter the magnificent banqueting hall, or, as it is 3ommonly called, THE EAST ROOM, which occupies the entire eastern side of the house. It is a beautiful apartment, and is handsomely furnished. It is used during the levees and upon great State occasions. The President sometimes receives here the congratulations and respects of his fellow- citizens, and is subjected to the torture ol having his hand squeezed out of shape by his enthusiastic friends. It’s a great pity that some one of our Chief Magistrates has not the moral courage to put a stop to this ridiculous practice of hand-shaking. The East Room is eighty-six feet long, forty feet wide, and twenty-eight feet high. It has four THE WHITE HOUSE. fire-places, and is not an easy room to warm, Adjoining the East Eoom are three others, smaller in size, the whole constituting one ol the handsomest suites in the country. The first, adjoining the East Eoom, is the Green Room , the next the Blue Room , and the third the Red Room. Each is handsomely furnished, the prevailing color of the apart- ment giving the name. THE RED ROOM is elliptical in foim having a bow in rear, and is one of the handsomest in the house. It is used by the President as a general re- ception-room. He receives here the official visits of the dignitaries of the Eepublic, and of foreign ministers. Previous to the com- pletion of the East Eoom, this apartment was used for all occasions of public cere mony. The building contains thirty-one rooms ol considerable size. West of the Eed Eoom is the large dining-room used upon State occa- sions, and adjoining that is the small dining- room ordinarily used by the President and his family. The stairs to the upper story are on the left of the main entrance, and are always in charge of the door-keeper and his assistants, whose business it is to see that no improper characters find access to the private portion of the house. 8 THE WHITE HOUSE. The north front has six rooms, which are used as chambers by the family of the Presi- dent, and the south front has seven rooms — the ante-chamber, audience-room, cabinet- room, private office of the President, the ladies’ parlor, and two others, used for vari- ous purposes. THE LADIES’ PARLOR is situated immediately over the Red Room, and is of the same size and shape. It is for the private use of the ladies of the Pres- ident’s family, and is the handsomest and most tastefully furnished apartment in the house. There are eleven rooms in the basement, which are used as kitchens, pantries, but- ler’s room, &c. The house is built in the old style, and has an air of elegance and comfort extremely pleasing to the eye. FIRST MISTRESS OF THE WHITE HOUSE. Mrs. John Adams came to Washington with her husband in November, 1800, and at once took possession of the Executive Mansion. Her impressions of it are thus described by herself in a letter to her daughter, written soon after her arrival. She says : “The house is upon a grand and superb scale, requiring about thirty servants to THE WHITE HOUSE. 9 attend and keep the apartments in propei order, and perform the ordinary business of the house and stables — an establishment very well proportioned to the President’s salary. The lighting the apartments, from the kitchen to parlors and chambers, is a tax indeed, and the fires we are obliged to keep to secure us from daily agues is an- other very cheering comfort. To assist us in this great castle, and render less attend- ance necessary, bells are wholly wanting, not one single one being hung through the whole house, and promises are all you can obtain. This is so great an inconvenience, that I know not what to do or how to do. The ladies from Georgetown and in the city have many of them visited me. Yes- terday I returned fifteen visits. But such a place as Georgetown appears ! Why, our Milton is beautiful. But no comparisons; if they put me up bells, and let me have wood enough to keep fires, I design to be 'pleased. But, surrounded with forests, can you believe that wood is not to be had, be- cause people cannot be found to cut and cart it? . . . We have indeed, come into a new country. “ The house is made habitable, but there is not a single apartment finished, and all within-side, except the plastering, has been done since B. came. We have not the least 9 10 THE WHITE HOUSE. fence, yard, or convenience ivithout, and the great unfinished audience-room I make a drying-room of, to hang up the clothes in. ... If the twelve years, in which this place has been considered as the future seat of government, had been improved, as they would have been in New England, very many of the present inconveniences would have been removed. It is a beautiful spot, capable of any improvement, and the more I view it, the more I am delighted with it.” OLD TIMES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. Mr. Cooper thus describes a dinner at the White House, to which he was invited, during its occupancy by Mr. Monroe : “ On this occasion, we were honored with the presence of Mrs. Monroe, and two or three of her female relatives. Crossing the hall, we were admitted to a drawing-room, in which most of the company were already assembled. The hour was six. By far the greater part of the guests were men, and perhaps two- thirds were members of Con- gress. . . . There was very great gravity of mien in most of the company, and neither any very marked exhibition, nor any posi- tively striking want of grace of manner. The conversation was commonplace, and a It. tie sombre, though two or three men of the world got around the ladies, where the bat- THE WHITE HOUSE. 11 tie of words was maintained with sufficient spirit. ... To me the entertainment had rather a cold than a formal air. When dinner was announced, the oldest Senator present (there were two, and seniority of service is meant) took Mrs. Monroe, and led her to the table. The rest of the party followed without much order. The President took a lady, as usual, and preceded the rest, of the guests. “ The drawing-room was an apartment of good size, and of just proportions. It might have been about as large as the better sort Df Paris salon in a private hotel. It was furnished in a mixed style, partly English and partly French. ... It was neat, sufficiently rich, without being at all mag- nificent, and, on the whole, was very much like a similar apartment in the house of a man of rank and fortune in Europe. The dining-room was in a better taste than is common here, being quite simple, and but little furnished. The table was large and rather handsome. The service was in china, as is uniformly the case, plate being ex- ceedingly rare, if at all used. There was, however, a rich plateau, and a great abun- dance of the smaller articles of table-plate. The cloth, napkins, &c., &c., were fine and beautiful. “The dinner was served in the French 12 THE WHITE HOUSE. style, a little Americanized. The dishes were handed round, though some of the guests, appearing to prefer their own cus- toms, coolly helped themselves to what they found at hand. Of attendants there were a good many. They were neatly dressed, out of livery, and sufficient. To conclude, the whole entertainment might have passed for a better sort of European dinner-party, at which the guests were too numerous for general or very agreeable discourse,, and some of them too new to be entirely at their ease. Mrs. Monroe arose, at the end of the dessert, and withdrew, attended by two or three of the most gallant of the company. No sooner was his wife’s back turned, than the President reseated himself, inviting his guests to imitate the action. After allowing his guests sufficient time to renew, in a few glasses, the recollections of similar enjoy- ments of their own, he arose himself, giving the hint to his company, that it was time to rejoin the ladies. In the drawing-room, coffee was served, and everybody left the house before nine.” AN OLD-TIME LEVEE. “On the succeeding Wednesday, Mrs Monroe opened her doors to all the world. No invitation was necessary, it being the usage for the w r ife of the President to receive THE WHITE HOUSE. 13 company once a fortnight during the session, without distinction of persons. •‘We reached the White House at nine. The court (or rather the grounds) was filled with carriages, and the company was arriv- ing in great numbers. On this occasion two or three additional drawing-rooms were opened, though the frugality of Congress has prevented them from finishing the principal reception-room of the building. I will ac- knowledge the same sort of surprise I felt at the Castle Garden fete, at finding the assem- blage so respectable in air, dress and de- portment. “The evening at the White House, or drawing-room, as it is sometimes pleasantly called, is, in fact, a collection of all classes of people, who choose to go to the trouble and expense of appearing in dresses suited to an ordinary evening party. I am not sure that even dress is much regarded ; for I cer- tainly saw a good many there in boots. The females were all neatly and properly attired, though few were ornamented with jewelry. Of course, the poor and laboring classes ol the community would find little or no pleas- ure in such a scene. They consequently stay away. The infamous, if known, would not be admitted ; for it is a peculiar consequence of the high tone of morals in this country, that grave and notorious offenders rarely 14 THE WHITE HOUSE. presume to violate the public feeling by in- vading society.* “ Squeezing through the crowd, we achieved a passage to a part of the room where Mrs. Monroe was standing, surrounded by a bevy of female friends. After making our bow here, we sought the President. The latter had posted himself at the top of the room, where he remained most of the evening, shaking hands with all who approached. Near him stood all the Secretaries and a great number of the most distinguished men of the nation. Individuals of importance from all parts of the Union were also here, and were employed in the manner usual to such scenes. “Besides these, one meets here a great variety of people in other conditions of life. I have known a cartman to leave his horse in the street, and go into the reception-room to shake hands with the President. He offended the good taste of all present, be- cause it was not thought decent that a laborer should come in a dirty dress on such an occasion ; but while he made a trifling mistake in this particular, he proved how well he understood the difference between government and society. He knew the levee was a sort of homage paid to political equal- ity in the person of the first magistrate, but * This was over sixty years ago.— Author. THE WHITE HOUSE. 15 he would not have presumed to enter the house of the same person as a private indi- vidual, without being invited, or without a reasonable excuse in the way of business. “There are, no doubt, individuals who mis- take the character of these assemblies, but the great majority do not. They are a sim- ple, periodical acknowledgment that there is no legal barrier to the advancement of any one to the first association in the Union. You perceive, there are no masters of cere- monies, no ushers, no announcings, nor, in- deed, any let or hindrance to the ingress of all who please to come; and yet how. few, in comparison to the whole number who might enter, do actually appear. If there is any man in Washington so dull as to suppose equality means a right to thrust himself into any company he pleases, it is probable he satisfies himself by boasting that he can go to the White House once a fortnight as well as a governor or anybody else.” ETIQUETTE. The social observances of the White House are prescribed with the utmost exactness. At the commencement of Washington’s ad- ministration, the question of how to regulate such matters was discussed with great earn- estness. It was agreed that the exclusive rules by which European courts were gov- 16 THE WHITE HOUSE. erned would not entirely suit the new Re- public, as there were no titled personages in America, and as the society of our country was organized on a professed basis of equal- ity. Washington caused the following arti- cles to be drawn up : “ In order to bring the members of society together in the first instance, the custom of the country has established that residents shall pay the first visit to strangers, and, among strangers, first comers to later comers, foreign and domestic ; the character of stran- ger ceasing after the first visit. To this rule there is a single exception. Foreign minis- ters, from the necessity of making them- selves known, pay the first visit to the [cabinet] ministers of the nation, which is returned. “When brought together in society, all are perfectly equal, whether foreign or domestic, titled or untitled, in or out of office. “All other observances are but exempli- fications of these two principles. “The families of foreign ministers, arriving at the seat of government, receive the first visit from those of the national ministers, as from all other residents. “Members of the legislature and of the judiciary, independent of their offices, have a right, as strangers, to receive the first visit. THE WHITE HOUSE. 17 “No title being admitted here, those of foreigners give no precedence. “ Differences of grade among the diplo- matic members give no precedence. “At public ceremonies to which the gov- ernment invites the presence of foreign min- isters and their families, a convenient seat or station will be provided for them, with any other strangers invited, and the families of the national ministers, each taking place as they arrive, and without any precedence. “ To maintain the principle of equality, or of pele mete, and prevent the growth of pre- cedence out of courtesy, the members of the executive will practise at their own houses and recommend an adherence to the ancient usage of the country, of gentlemen in mass giving precedence to the ladies in mass, in passing from one apartment where they arc assembled into another.” These rules were too arbitrary and exact- ing to give satisfaction, and society was not disposed to acknowledge so genuine an equality amongst its members. For some years, disputes and quarrels were frequent and bitter. In the winter of 1819, John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State, ad- dressed a letter to Daniel D. Tompkins, the Vice-President, stating that he had been informed that the members of the Senate had agreed amongst themselves to pay no 18 TIL U WHITE HOUSE. first visits to any person except toe Pres- ident of the United States. He declared that he repudiated the claim on the part of the Senators, and that he would pay no first calls himself as being due from him or his family. Mr. Adams was severely criticised for his aristocratic views, and the contro- versy went on as warmly as before. The result, a few years later, was, that all parties interested agreed upon a code, which is now in force, and which may be stated as follows, as far as the White House is con- cerned : THE CODE. The title of the Executive is Mr. Pres- ident. It is not proper to address him in conversation as Your Excellency, The President receives calls upon matters of business at any hour, if lie is unengaged. He prefers that such visits should be made in the morning. Stated times are appointed for receiving persons who wish to pay their respects to him. One morning and one evening in each week are usually set apart fin* this purpose. During the winter season, a public recep- tion, or levee, is held once a week, at which guests are expected to appear in full dress. They are presented by the Usher on such occasions, and have the honor of shaking THE WHITE HOUSE. 19 hands with the President, These receptions last from eight until ten o’clock. On the 1st of January of each year, the President holds a public reception, at which the Foreign Ministers present in the city appear in full court dress, and the otlicers of the Army and Navy in full uniform. The Heads of Departments, Governors of States, and Members of Congress are received first, then the Diplomatic Corps, then the otlicers of the Army and Navy, and then the doors are thrown open to the public generally for the space of two hours. The President, as such, must not be in- vited to dinner by any one, and accepts no such invitations, and pays no calls or visits of ceremony. He may visit in his private capacity, however, at pleasure. An invitation to dine at the White House takes precedence of all others, and a lire vious engagement must not be pleaded as an excuse for declining it. Such an invita- tion must be promptly accepted in writing, THE PRESIDENT’S RECEPTIONS. The levees held by the President differ in nothing from those of Mr. Monroe’s time, described a few pages back, except that the East Doom is now finished, and the whole magnificent suite of apartments is used. The elite of the land are present, but the THE WHITE HOUSE. infamous arc also there in the persons of those who live by plundering the public treasury. The President stands in one of the smaller parlors, generally in the Red or Blue Room. He is surrounded by his Cabinet, and the most distinguished men in the land. Near him stands his wife, daughter, or some relative representing the mistress of the mansion. Visitors enter from the hall, and are presented to the President by the Usher, who first asks their names, residences, and avocations. The President shakes each one by the hand cordially, utters a few pleasant words in reply to the greeting of his guest, and the visitor passes on into the next room, to make way for those behind him. Before doing so, however, he is presented to the lady of the house, to whom he pays his re- spects also. This regular routine goes on for the space . of two hours, when it is brought to an end, the President devoutly thanking Heaven that it does not last all night. These levees are no doubt very interesting to the guests, but they are the bugbears of the President and his family. The former is obliged by custom to shake hands with every man presented to him, and when the levee is over, his right hand is often bruised and swollen. It is said that some of the THE WHITE HOUSE. 21 ■ {’residents have suffeled severely from this species of torture, and that General Har- rison’s death was *to sonic degree hastened by it. President Arthur being a widower, and having no grown-up daughter, his sister, Mrs. McElroy, acted as lady of the White House, and her amiable way of making everybody at home, even at the receptions of the Diplomatic Corps and distinguished foreigners, will be gratefully remembered by all who have been honored by an invi- tation. The semi-annual receptions of the Pres- ident — New Year’s Day and the Fourth of July — are brilliant affairs. At a little before eleven o’clock in the morning, the ap- proaches to the Executive Mansion are thronged with the spendid equipages of the various Cabinet officers and Foreign Minis- i — / ters. The entrance at such times is by the main door, and the exit through one of the large north windows of the East Koom, in front of which a temporary platform is erected. The customs upon such occasions vary slightly with each administration. In the description given here, the order ob- served at the reception of the President, January 1, 1884, is followed. The East Room and the other parlors are handsomely decorated with flowers and 22 THE WHITE HOUSE. other ornaments, the full Marine Band is in attendance to furnish music for the promenaders in the East Boom, and a strong police force is present to preserve order when the people are admitted cn masse. At a few minutes before eleven o’clock, the President and the ladies of the White House, in full dress, take their places in the Blue Boom, the President standing near l lie door leading into the Bed Boom, and the ladies in the centre of the Blue Boom, the President is attended by either the Commissioner of Public Buildings, or the Marshal of the District of Columbia, whose duty it is to present the guests to him. A gentleman is also appointed to attend the ladies for the purpose of presenting the guests to them. Precisely at eleven o’clock the doors are thrown open, and the reception begins. The Cabinet Ministers and their families are ad united first, and after they have passed on into the East Boom, through the Green Par- lor. the Secretary of State remains and pre- sents the Foreign Ministers and their fami- lies. They are followed by the Justices of the Supreme Court and their families. Then come the Senators and Representatives in Congress and their families. The next in order are the officers of the Army, then the THE WHITE HOUSE. 23 officers of tlie Navy and Marine Corps, in full uniform, and then the officials of the District of Columbia. These personages generally occupy the first hour. The doors are then opened to the public, and the next two hours are devoted to receiving them. Several thousand persons are presented during this period. They say a few pleas- ant words to the President, receive a brief reply, and pass on. The promenaders in tlie East Room often linger in that apartment during the whole reception. The scene is brilliant, the toi- lettes are magnificent, the uniforms and court dresses attractive, and the music line. At a little after two o’clock the parlors are de- serted, and the gay throng has sought other attractions. Besides these public levees, the ladies of the White House hold receptions at stated periods, to which invitations are regularly issued. The President sometimes appears upon these occasions, but is under no obli- gation to do so. During the first two years of the adminis- tration of Mr. Lincoln, he always selected a lady to join the promenade with him at his evening receptions, thus leaving his wife free to choose an escort from the distinguished throng which always surrounded her on such occasions. This custom did not please Mrs 24 THE WHITE HOUSE. Lincoln, who resolved to put a stop to it She declared the practice absurd. “On such occasions,” said she, “our guests recognize the position of the President as first of all : consequently he takes the lead in every- thing; well, now, if they recognize his posi- tion, they should also recognize mine. 1 am his wife, and should lead with him. And yet he offers his arm to any other lady in the room, making her first with him, and placing me second. The custom is an absurd one, and I mean to abolish it. The dignity that I owe to my position, as Mrs. President, de- mands that I should not hesitate any longer to act.” The spirited lady kept her word. Ever after this, she either led the promenade with the President, or that dignitary walked alone or in company with some gentleman. It has long been the custom for the Presi- dent to give a series of State dinners during the session of Congress, to which the various members of that body, the higher Govern- ment officials, and the Diplomatic Corps are invited. In order to be able to entertain each one of these celebrities it is necessary to give about two dinners per week. The custom was not much observed during Mr. Lincoln’s administration, though it has been revived by his successor. THE WHITE HOUSE. 25 IMPERTINENT GOSSIP. The President and his famil) are much annoyed by the impertinent curiosity of which they are the objects. There are '’cores of persons in Washington, some of whom are doubtless well-meaning people, who are so ignorant of the common decencies of society, as to seek to lay bare before the public every incident of the private life of the family at the White House. The whole city rings with gossip upon this topic, much of which finds its way into the columns of the newspaper press in various parts of the land, to the great annoyance of its victims. There are people who can tell you how the President gets out of bed in the morning, how he dresses, breakfasts, picks his teeth, what lie talks about in the privacy of his family, and a thousand and one other such private de- tails, until you turn from your informant with the most intense disgust. It is said that much of this comes from the servants employed in the Executive Mansion, who seem to think it adds to their importance to retail such scandal. Every year this goes on, and every new occupant of the White House is subjected to such persecution. 10 • THE NEW DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. Appendix B. Figures a'v said to be dry, but figures some* times have a barge meaning. They are the skele- ton, and no body would be good for much without the skeleton. It is all a question of figures as to whether a man is a millionaire or a pauper, whether he is elected to the highest office in the gift of the people or suffers inglorious defeat. Figures are mighty; they tell thrilling tales; they rule the world. The next morning after an exciting election every one wishes to know what figures have to say. The following pages will be no less interesting as records of history. Ton will find it profitable to study the contests of party and the results of the great campaigns as expressed in these tables. They present the cold, hard facts; they have the force that always goes with statistics. The reader will see that the two great political parties are very evenly matched ; neither has an overwhelming advantage over the other in the popular vote. 1 2 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 1860. State*. Lincolu, R. Douglas, D. Breckinridge, D. BeU. U. Alabama, 13651 48831 27875 Arkansas, 5227 23732 20094 California, 39173 38516 34334 6817 Colorado, Connecticut, 43792 15522 14641 3291 Delaware, 3815 1023 7337 3864 Florida, Georgia, 367 8543 5437 11590 51889 42886 Illinois, Indiana, 172161 160215 2404 4913 139033 115509 12295 5306 Iowa, 70409 55111 1048 1763 Kansas, Kentucky, 1364 25651 53143 66058 Louisiana, 7625 22681 20204 Maine, 62811 26693 6368 2046 Maryland, 2294 5966 42482 41760 Massachusetts, 106533 34372 5939 22331 Michigan, 88480 65057 805 405 Minnesota, 22069 11920 748 62 Mississippi, 3288 40797 25040 Missouri, 17028 ■ 58081 31317 58372 Nebraska, Nevada, 5801 New Hampshire, 37519 22811 2212 441 New Jersey, ' 58324 62500 New York, 362646 312731 North Carolina, 48539 44990 Ohio, 231610 18822 11403 12194 Oregon, , 5270 3951 5006 183 Pennsylvania, 268030 16765 178871 12776 Rhode Island, 12244 7707 South Carolina, Tennessee, Electors chosen by Legislature. 11350 64709 69274 Texas, 47548 15438 Vermont, 33808 6849 218 1969 Virginia, 1929 16290 74323 74681 West Virginia, 161 Wisconsin, 86110 65021 888 Totals, 1866452 1375157 847953 590631 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 1864. 1368. Lincoln, States. R - Alabama, Arkansas, California, 62134 Colorado, Connecticut, 44691 Delaware, 8155 Florida, Georgia, Illinois, 189996 Indiana, 150422 Iowa, 89075 Kansas, 16441 Kentucky, 27786 Louisiana, Maine, 6814 Maryland, 40158 Massachusetts, 1 267 42 Michigan, 91521 Minnesota, 21060 Mississippi, Missouri, 72750 Nebraska, Nevada, 9826 New Hampshire, 36400 New Jersey, 60723 New York, 368732 North Carolina, Ohio, 265154 Oregon, 9888 Pennsylvania, 296391 Rhode Island, 14349 South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont, 42419 firginia, West Virginia, 23152 Wisconsin, 83458 Totals, 2223035 McClellan, Grant, Seymour, D. R. D. 76366 72086 22152 10078 43841 54592 54078 42285 50996 47951 8767 7623 10980 57134 102822 158730 256293 199143 130233 176552 166980 40596 120399 74040 3691 31047 14019 64301 39569 115889 33263 80225 46992 70426 42396 32739 30438 62357 4874( 136477 59408 74604 128550 97009 17375 43542 28072 31678 85671 59788 9729 5439 6594 6480 5218 32871 38191 31224 68024 80121 83001 361986 410883 429883 96226 84090 205568 280128 237800 8457 10961 11125 276316 342280 313382 8718 12903 6548 62301 45237 56757 26311 13321 44167 12045 10438 29025 20306 65884 108857 84710 811754 3013188 2703600 4 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. *1876. f!880. States. Alabama, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, NewHampshir New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Hayes, Tilden Garfield Hancock Weaver, Dow, R. D. R. D. G. p. 68,708 102,989 56,221 91,185 4,642 . . . . . „ 38,669 58,071 42,436 60,775 4,079 79,279 76,468 80,348 80.426 3,392 By Leg islature. 27,450 24,647 1,435 59,034 61,934 67,071 64,415 868 409 10,752 13,381 14,133 15,275 120 23,849 22,927 23,654 27,964 50,446 130,088 54,086 102,470 969 278,232 258,601 318,037 277,321 26,358 443 208,01 1 213,526 232,164 225,522 12,986 171,326 112,121 183,927 105,845 32,701 592 78,322 37,902 121,549 59,801 19,851 25 97,156 159,696 106,306 149,068 11,499 258 75,315 70,508 38,637 65,067 439 66,300 49,917 74,039 65,171 4,408 93 71,981 91,780 78,515 93,706 818 150,063 108,777 165,205 111,960 4,548 682 166,534 141,095 185,341 131,597 34,895 942 72,962 48,799 93,903 53,315 3,267 286 52,605 112,173 34,854 75,750 5,797 145,029 203,077 153,567 208,609 35,135 31,916 17,554 54,979 28,523 3,950 10,383 9,308 8,732 9,613 i 41,539 38,509 44,852 40,794 528 180 103,517 115,962 •120,555 122,565 2,617 191 489,207 521,949 555,544 534,511 12,373 1,517 108,417 125,427 115,874 124,208 1,126 330,698 323,182 375,048 340,821 6,456 2,616 15,206 14,149 20,619 19,948 249 384,184 366,204 444,704 407,428 20,668 1,939 15,787 10,712 18,195 10,779 236 20 91,870 90,896 58,071 112,312 566 89,566 133,166 107,677 128.191 5,917 43 44,803 104,803 57,893 156,428 27,405 44,428 20,350 45,567 18,316 1,215 95,558 139,670 84,020 128,586 42,046 56,495 46,243 57,391 9,079 130,070 123,926 144,400 114,649 7,986 69 4,033,768 4,285,992 4,454,416 4,444,952 308,578 10,305 145,911 £9,464 Total, Maj. over all, *1876 — Greenback, 81,737; Prohibition, 9,522 ; American, 539 ; imper- fect and scattering, 14,715. f 1880 — Greenback, 308,578; Prohibition, 10,305 ; American, 707 ; imperfect and scattering, 989. | Plurality. AL, over Garfield, 311,115. POPULAR YOTE FOR PRESIDENT, 5 *1884. Blaine, Cleveland, Butler, St. John, States. R. D. G. P. Alabama, 59,591 93.951 873 612 Arkansas, 50,895 72,927 1,847 California, 102,416 89,288 2,017 2,920 Colorado, 36,290 27,723 1,958 761 Connecticut, 65,923 67,199 1,688 2,305 Delaware, 12,951 16,964 6 55 Florida, 28,031 31,766 72 Georgia, 48,603 94,667 145 195 Illinois, 337,474 312,355 10,910 12,074 Indiana, 238,463 244,990 8,293 3,028 Iowa, 197,089 177,316 1,472 Kansas, 154,406 90,132 16,341 4,495 Kentucky, 118,122 152,961 1,691 3,139 Louisiana, 46,347 62,540 Maine, 72,209 52,140 3,953 2,160 Maryland, 85,699 96,932 531 2,794 Massachusetts, 146,724 122,481 24,433 10,026 Michigan, 192,669 149,835 42,243 18,403 Minnesota, 111,923 70,144 3,583 4,684 Mississippi, 43,509 76,510 Missouri, 202.929 235.988 2,153 Nebraska, 76,912 54,391 2,899 Nevada, 7,193 5,578 26 New Hampshire, 43,249 39,183 552 1,571 JN ew J ersey, 123,440 127,798 3,496 6,159 New fork, 562,005 563. 1 54 16,994 25,016 North Carolina, 125,068 142,952 454 Ohio, 400,082 368,280 5,179 11,069 Oregon, 26,860 24,604 726 492 Pennsylvania, 473,804 392,785 16,992 15,283 iihode Island, 19,030 12.391 422 928 South Carolina, 21,733 69,890 Tennessee, 124,078 133,258 957 1,131 Texas, 93,141 225,309 3,321 3,534 Vermont, 39,514 17,331 785 1,752 Virginia, 139,356 145,497 138 West Virginia, 63,096 67,317 810 939 W isconsin, 161,157 146,459 4,598 7,656 Total, Plurality, 4,851,981 23,005 4,874,986 175,370 150,369 *1884 — Blank, defective and scattering, 14,904. In consequence of tbe uncertainties in the count resulting from the “fusions” formed, the plu- rality shown for Cleveland must be considered an approximation to the actual result — not. a definite result. All, over Cleveland, 317,638. 6 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 18SS. Cleveland. Harrison. Fisk. Streeter. States. Dem. Rep. Pro. U. Labor. Alabama . 117,320 56,197 583 Arkansas . 85,962 58,752 641 10,613 California . 117,729 124,816 5,761 Colorado . 37,567 50,774 2,191 1,266 Connecticut . 74,920 74,584 4,234 240 Delaware . 16,414 12,973 400 Florida . 39,561 26,657 423 Georgia . 100,499 40,496 1,808 136 Illinois . 348,278 370.473 21,695- 7,090 Indiana . 261,013 263,361 9,881 2,694 Iowa . 179,887 211,598 3,550 9,105 Kansas . 103,744 182,934 6,768 37,726 Kentucky . 183,800 155,134 5,225 622 Louisiana . 85,032 30,484 160 39 Maine . 50,481 73,734 2,691 1,344 Maryland . 106,168 99,986 4,767 Massachusetts.. .. . 151,855 183,892 8,701 Michigan . 213.459 236,370 . 20,942 4,542 Minnesota . 104,385 142,492 15,311 1,094 Mississippi . 85,471 30,096 218 22 Missouri . 261,974 236,257 4,539 18,632 Nebraska . 80,552 108,425 9,429 4,226 Nevada . 5,362 7,229 41 New Hampshire. . 43,456 45,728 1,593 13 New Jersev . 151,493 144,344 7,904 New York . .635,757 6-18,759 30,231 626 North Carolina... . 147,902 134,784 2,787 32 Ohio . 396,455 416,054 24,356 3,496 Oregon . 26,522 33,291 1,677 363 Pennsylvania . 446,633 526,091 20,947 3,873 Rhode Island . 17,530 21,968 1,250 18 South Carolina... . 65,825 13,736 Tennessee . 158,779 138,988 5,969 48 Texas . 534,883 ■ 88,422 4,749 29,451 Vermont . 16,788 45,192 1,460 Virginia — . 151,977 150,438 1,678 West Virginia. ... Wisconsin . 79,664 77,791 669 1,064 . 155,232 176,553 14,277 8,552 Total .5,540,329 5,439,853 249,506 146,935 Cleveland’s majority on popular vote over Harrison was 100,476. Electoral vote : Harrison, 233; Cleveland, 168. APPENDIX 7 V/i iLiAK 0. Whitney, of New York, Secretary of the Navy, salary, $8,000, William M. Yilas, of Wisconsin, Secretary of the Interior , sal- ary, $8,000. Principal Departmental Officers. [The figures after each name indicate the year of appointment or assignment.] STATE DEPARTMENT. Assistant Secretary^- G-eorge L. Rives (1887), New York ; salary, £4,500. Second Assistant Secretary — Alvey A. Adee (1882), New York, $3,500. Third Assistant Secretwy — John B. Moore (1886), Delaware, $3,500. TREASURY DEPARTMENT. Assistant Secretaries — Isaac H. Maynard (1887), New York, $4,500; Hugh S. Thompson (1886), South Carolina, $4,500. Bureau of Engraving and Printing — Edward O. Graves (1885), New York, $4,500. Supervising Architect — William A. Ereret (1887), Louisiana, $4,500. First Comptroller — Milton J. Durham (1885), Kentucky, $5,000. Second Comptroller — Sigourney Butler (1887), Massachusetts, $5,000. Commissioner of Customs — John S. McCalmont (1885), Pennsyl- vania, 4,000. First Auditor — James Q. Chenoweth (1885), Texas, $3,600. Second Auditor — William A. Day (1885), Illinois, $3,600. Third Auditor — John S. Williams (1885), Indiana, $3,600. Fourth Auditor — Charles M. Shelley (1885), Alabama, $3,600. Fifth A udito r— An thony Eickhoff (1885), New York, $3,600. Sixth Auditor — Daniel McConville (1885), Ohio, $3,600. Treasurer U. S.— James W. Hyatt (1887), Connecticut, $6,000. Register of the Treasury — William S. Rosecrans (1885), Califor- nia, $4,000. Comptroller of the Currency — William L, Trenholm (1886), South Carolina, $5,000. Commissioner of Internal Revenue — Joseph S. Miller (1885), West Virginia, $6,000. 8 APPENDIX Commissioner of Navigation — Charles B. Morton (1886), Maine, $3,600. Solicitor of Internal Revenue — Charles Chesley (1871), New Hampshire, $4,500. Director of the Mint — James P. Kimball (1885), Pennsylvania, $4,500. Chief of the Secret Service Division — James J. Brooks (1876), Pennsylvania, $3,500. Supervising Surgeon- General of the Marine Hospital Service — • John B. Hamilton (1879), Illinois, $4,000. Supervismg Inspector- General of Steam Vessels — James A. Du- mont (1876), New York, $3,500. Solicitoi — Alexander McCue (1885), New York, $4,500. Superintendent of Life-Saving Service — Sumner I. Kimball (1876), Maine, $4,000. Bureau of Statistics — William P. Switzler (1885), Missouri, $3,000. WAR DEPARTMENT. Adjutant- General — Richard C. Drum (1880), Pennsylvania.* Inspector- General — Absalom Baird (1885), Pennsylvania.* Quartermaster- General — Samuel B. Holabird (1883), Connecti- cut.* Commissary- General — Robert Macfeely (1875), Pennsylvania.* Surgeon- General — John Moore (1886), Indiana.* Paymaster- General- 1 - William B. Rochester (1882), New York.* Chief of Engineers — James C. Duane (1880), New York.* Chief of Ordnance— Stephen B. BenOt (1874), Florida.* Acting Judge- Advocate- General — Guido N. Lieber (1885), New Fork.f Chief Signal Officei — Adolphus W. Greely (1887), Louisiana.* NAVY DEPARTMENT. Bureau of Yards and Docks — David B. Harmony (1885), Penn- sylvania. Bureau of Navigation — John G. Walker (1881), Iowa. Bureau of Ordnance — Montgomery Sicard (1881), District of Columbia. Bureau of Provisions and Clothing — James Fulton (1887), Ten- nessee. *Pay and allowances of a Brigadier-General. tPay and allowances of a Colonel. APPENDIX 9 Bureau of Medicine and Surgery — Francis M. Gunnell (1884), District of Columbia. Bureau of Construction and Repair — Theodore D. Wilson (1886), New York. Bureau of Equipment and Recruiting — Winfield S. Schley (1884), Maryland. Bureau of Steam Engineering — George W. Melville (1887), N. Y. Judge- Advocate- General — William B. Remey, U. S. Marine Corps (1878), Iowa, $3,500. Commandant of Marine Corps — Charles G. McCawley (1876), Pennsylvania. POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT. First Assistant Postmaster- General — Adlai E. Stevenson (1885), Illinois, $4,000. Second Assistant Postmaster- General — A. Leo Knott (1885), Maryland, $4,000. Third Assistant Postmaster- General — Henry R. Harris (1887), Georgia, $4,000. Assistant Attorney- General — Edwin E. Bryant (1885), Wiscon- sin, $4,000. Superintendent of Foreign Mails — Nicholas M. Bell (1886), Mis- souri, $3,000. Superintendent of Moiiey Order System — Charles F. Macdonald (1864), Massachusetts, $3,500. General Superintendent of Railway Mail Service — Thomas E. Nash (1887), Wisconsin, $3,500. Superintendent of Dead Letter Office — John B. Baird (1885), Georgia, $2,250. Chief Post Office Inspectoi — Wm. H. West (1886), Miss., $3,000. INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. First Assistant Secretary — H. L. Muldrow (1885), Miss., 4 4,500. Assistant Secretary — David L. Hawkins (1886), Missouri, $4,000. Assistant Attorney- General — Zachariah Montgomery (1885), Cab ifornia, $5,000. Commissioner of Pensions — John C. Black (1885), 111., $5,000. Commissioner of Indian Affairs — John D. C. Atkins (1885), Ten. nessee, $4,000. Commissioner of the Patent Office — Benton J. Hall (1887), Iowa $5,000, 10 APPENDIX Commissioner of Railroads — Joseph E. Johnston (1885),' Vir- ginia, $4,500. Commissioner of Education — Nathaniel A. H. Dawson (1880), Alabama, $3,000. Director of Geological Survey — J. W. Powell (1881), 111., $6,000. Commissioner of Labor — Carroll D. Wright (1885), Mass., $3,000. Architect of the Capitol — Edward Clark (1865), Penn., $4,500. DEPARTMENT OP JUSTICE. Solicitor- General — George A. Jenks(1886), Pennsylvania, $7,000. Assistant Attorneys- General — Robert A. Howard, Arkansas; William A. Maury, District of Columbia, $5,000 each. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. Public Printer — Thomas E. Benedict (1886), New York, $4,500. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. Commissioner — Norman J. Colman (1885), Missouri, $4,500. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. Librarian — Ainsworth R. Spofford (1865), Ohio, $4,000. GOVERNMENT DIRECTORS IN THE UNION PACIFIC R. R. COMPANY. Frederic R. Coudert, N. Y. ; Franklin McVeagh, 111. ; Marcus A. Hanna, Ohio ; Alexander C. Haskell, South Carolina; James W. Savage, Nebraska. CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSIONERS. Alfred P. Edgerton, Indiana; John H. Oberly, Illinois; Charles Lyman, Connecticut, $3,500 each. Justices of the Supreme Court* Chief- Justice — Melville W. Fuller, Illinois. Appointed in 1888. JUSTICE. NO. OF CIRCUIT. WHEN APPOINTED. Samuel F. Miller, of Iowa 8 1862 Stephen J. Field, of California 9 1863 Joseph P. Bradley, of New Jersey 3 1870 John M-. Harlan, of Kentucky 7 1877 Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi 5 1888 Stanley Matthews, of Ohio 6 1881 Horace Gray, of Massachusetts 1 1881 * Samuel Blatchford, of New York 2 1882 Retired Justice — William Strong, Pennsylvania, $10,000 a year. * Salary of the Chief-Justice, $10,500 ; of each Justice. $10,000. APPENDIX C. RESULT OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN EACH STATE OF THE UNION. The reader will find iD the following pages the names of the candidates for President that each State has voted for at every Presidential election. Taking the Federalist party as the root of the Republican party, it is traced through the Loose Constructionist, National Republican and Whig parties to 185G, when the present Republican party presented Fremont, its first Presidential candidate. Taking the Republican party, as organized by Jefferson, as the root of the Democratic party, it is traced through the Strict Con- structionist party to 1828, when the present Democratic party presented Jackson, its first Presidential can- didate. Alabama . — First Presidential election, 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Jackson, Strict Construc- tionist (Derm). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jack- son, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1S4S, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, under military rule, no election. 1863, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1S80, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleve- land, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Arkansas . — First Presidential election, 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, (l) 2 APPENDIX C. Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. I860, Breck- inridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleve- land- Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. California . — First Presidential election, 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Colorado . — First Presidential election, 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Connecticut . — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.). 1792, Washing- ton, Federalist (Rep.). 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.). 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep.). 1804, Pinckney, Fed- eralist (Rep.). 1808, Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.). 1812, De Witt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.). 1816, King, Federalist (Rep.); 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, J. Q. Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.). 1828, J. Q. Adams, National Republican (Rep.). 1832, Henry Clay, National Republican (Rep.). 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Henry Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. APPENDIX C. 3 Delaware . — One of the original States. 1789, Wash- ington, Federalist (Rep.). 1792, Washington, Federal- ist (Rep.). 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.). 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep.). 1804, 1808, Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.). 1812, De Witt Clyiton, Federalist (Rep.). 1816, King, Federalist (Rep.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Crawford, Strict Construc- tionist (Dem.) ; Adams received one of the three elec- toral votes of the State. 1828, J. Q. Adams, National Republican (Rep.). 1832, Clay, National Republican (Rep.). 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1840, Harri- son, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, McClellan, Democrat. 1868, Seymour, Democrat. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1SS0, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Florida . — First Presidential election, 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, no election. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican (Electoral Commission de- cision). 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Georgia . — One of the original States. 1789, Wash- ington, Federalist (Rep.). 1792, Washington, Feder- alist (Rep.). 1796, Jefferson, Republican, (Dem.) 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1804, Jefferson, Repub- lican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Repub- 4 APPENDIX C. lican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Crawford, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, White, Anti-Van Buren Democrat. 1840, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckenridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, Seymour, Democrat. 1872, Greeley, Democrat. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Illinois . — First Presidential election, 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Jackson, Strict Construc- tionist (Dem.), J. Q. Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), receiving one of the three electoral votes of the State. 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Gar- field, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Indiana . — First Presidential election, 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Plarrison, Whig (Rep.). 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, APPENDIX C. 5 Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Iowa . — First Presidential election, 184S, Cass, Demo- crat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Re- publican. I860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, ^Republican. 186S, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Kansas . — First Presidential election, 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Gar- field, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Kentucky . — First Presidential election, 1792, WaJh- ington, Federalist (Rep.). 1796, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Repub- lican (Dem.), one electoral vote not cast. 1812, Madi- son, Republican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Clay, Loose Constructionist (Rep.). 1828, Jackson, Democrat (Dem.). 1832, Clay, National Republican (Rep.). 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1S40, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 3844, Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Scott, Whig (Rep.). 1856, Bu- chanan, Democrat. I860, Bell, Constitutional Union. 1S64, McClellan, Democrat. 3 868, Seymour. Democrat. 1872, Greeley, Democrat. At the meeting of the elec- 6 APPENDIX C. toral college, Mr. Greeley haying died meantime, the electoral vote of the State was cast; eight for Hendricks and four for Brown. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1SS4, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Louisiana . — First Presidential election, 1S12, Madi- son, Republican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Republican (Deni.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), received two of the five electoral votes of the State. 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1852, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Jackson, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckenridge, Democrat, 1864, no election. 1868, Seymour, Democrat. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican — de- cision electoral commission. 1880, Plancock, Democrat 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Maine . — First Presidential election, 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Adams, Loose Construc- tionist (Rep.). 1828, Adams, National Republican (Rep.). Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), re- ceived one of the eight electoral votes of the State. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. APPENDIX C. 7 Maryland . — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.), received six of the eight electoral votes of the State, two not cast. 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.). 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.). 1800, the ten electoral votes of the State were divided equally between Jefferson and Burr, both Republicans (Dems.). 1804, Jefferson, Republi- can (Dem.). Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.), received two of the eleven electoral votes of the State. 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.). Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.), again received two of the eleven electoral votes of the State. 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.). De Witt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.), received five of the eleven electoral votes of the State, 1S16, Monroe, Republican (Dem.); three votes were not cast, Monroe receiving eight of the eleven. 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), received seven; Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), three, and Craw- ford, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), one of the electoral votes of the State. 1828, Adams, National Republican (Rep.), received six of the electoral votes of the State, and Jackson, Democrat, five. 1832, Clay, Loose Con- structionist (Rep.), received five of the electoral votes of the State, and Jackson, Democrat, three. 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fillmore, Know Noth- ing. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Seymour, Democrat. 1872, Greeley, Democrat. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Massachusetts . — First Presidential election, 1816, APPENDIX C. b King, Federalist (Rep.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), 1828, Adams, National Republican (Rep.). 1832, Clay. National Republican (Rep.). 1S3G, Webster, Whig (Rep.). 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Scott, Whig (Rep.). 1856, Fremont, Republican. I860, Lin- coln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison Republican. Michigan . — First Presidential election, 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lin- coln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 18S0, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Minnesota . — First Presidential election, 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Rupublican. Mississippi . — First Presidential election, 1820, Mon- roe, Republican (Dem.), one electoral vote not cast, 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848,. Cass, Democrat. 1852, APPENDIX C. 9 Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, no election. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1SS0, Hancock, Democrat. 1SS4, Cleve- land, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Missouri . — First Presidential election, 1820, Monroe, Republican (Derm). 1824, Clay, Loose Constructionist (Rep.). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Douglas, Democrat. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 186S, Grant, Republican. 1S72, Greeley, Democrat. In the electoral college the vote of the Sate was cast: for Hendricks, 9; Brown, 8; David Davis, 1. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1S80, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Nebraska . — First Presidential election, 1868, Giant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1S8 4, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Nevada . — First Presidential election, 1S64, Lincoln, Republican ; one of the three votes not cast. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 18S8, Harrison, Republican. New Hampshire. One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep). 1792, Wash- ington, Federalist (Rep). 1796, Adams, Federalist 10 APPENDIX C. (Rep). 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep). ■ 304, Jeffer- son, Republican (Dem). 1808, Pinckney, Federalist (Rep). 1812, DeWitt, Clinton, Federalist (Rep). 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem). 1820, Monroe, Repub- lican (Dem). J. Q. Adams, Loose Constructionist, received one of the eight electoral votes of the State. 1824, Adams, Loose Constructionist. 1828, Adams, National Republican (Rep). 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Dem- ocrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Repub- lican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Re- publican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Har- rison, Republican. New Jersey . — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep). 1792, Wash- ington, Federalist (Rep). ' 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep). 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep). 1804, Jeffer- son, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1812, DeWitt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.). 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem). 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). 1825, J, Q. Adams, National Republican, (Rep.). 1832, Jackson Democrat. 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1840, Harrison, AVhig (Rep.). 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep). 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Lincoln, Repub- lican, received four of the electoral votes of the State, and Douglas, Democrat, three; the latter had a ma- jority of 4,477 on the popular vote of the State. 1864. APPENDIX C. 11 McClellan, Democrat. 186S, Seymour, Democrat. 1S72, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. New York . — First Presidential election, 1792, Wash- ington, Federalist (Rep.). 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.). 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Derm). 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Repub- lican (Dem.). George Clinton, Republican (Dem.), received six of the nineteen electoral votes of the State. 1812, DeWitt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.). 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Repub- lican (Dem.). 1S24, J. Q. Adams, Loose Construc- tionist (Rep.), received sixteen of the twenty-six elec- toral votes of the State; Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), received one ; Crawford, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), received five, and Clay, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), four; 1828, Jackson, Democrat, received twenty, and J. Q. Adams, National Republican (Rep.), six- teen electoral votes. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1830, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.), 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1S60, Lincoln, Republican. 1S64, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Seymour, Democrat. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1S76, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1SS4, Cleveland, Democrat. 1SS8, Plarrison, Repub- lican. North Carolina . — First Presidential election, 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.). 1796, Jefferson, Re- publican (Dem.). Adams, Federalist (Rep.), received one of the twelve electoral votes. 1800, Jefferson, 12 APPENDIX C. Republican (Dem.); Adams, Federalist (Rep.), received four of the twelve electoral votes. 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.); Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.), received three of the four- teen votes. 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1810, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Repub- lican (Dem.). 1824. Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Har- rison, Whig (Rep.). 1844. Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1848, Taylor, Whig (Hep.). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1850, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1S68, Grant, Republican. 1S72, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Ohio . — First Presidential election, 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1812, one vote not cast, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Re- publican (Dem.). 1824, Clay, Loose Constructionist (Rep.). 1S28, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1840, Har- rison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1858, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fre- mont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, -Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Oregon . — First Presidential election, 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, APPENDIX C. 13 Seymour, Democrat. 1S72, Grant, Republican. 187G, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Pennsylvania . — One of the thirteen original States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.). 1792, Washing- ton, Federalist (Rep.). 1796, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) ; Adams, Federalist (Rep.), received one vote. 1S00, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.), received eight of the fifteen electoral votes of the State, and Adams seven. 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Madison Republican (Dem.). 1812, Madison, Republi- can (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) ; one vote not cast. 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1S76, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Rhode Island . — First Presidential election, 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep). 1796, Adams, Feder- alist, (Rep.). 1800, Adams, Federalist, (Rep.). 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Pinckney, Fed> eralist (Rep.). 1812, De Witt Clinton, Republican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe,. Republican, (Dem). 1820, Monroe, Republican, (Dem.). 1824, J. Q. Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.). 1828, J. Q. Adams, National Republican (Rep.). 1832, Plenry Clay, Na- tional Republican (Rep.). 1836, Van Buren, (Dem- 14 APPENDIX C. ocrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1 852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lin- coln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. South Carolina . — One of the original thirteen states. Presidential electors elected by State Legislature until 1868. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.). 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.). 1796, Jefferson, Re- publican (Dem.). 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Republican, (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, John Floyd, Democrat. 1836, Mangum, Dem- ocrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce Demo- crat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, . 1864, no election. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1S84, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Tennessee. — First Presidential election 1796, Jef- ferson/ Republican (Dem.). 1800, Jefferson, Re- publican (Dem.). 1804, Jefferson, Republican, (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.), one vote not cast. 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.). 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). 1828, APPENDIX C. 15 Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson Democrat. 1836, Hugh L. White, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep). 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep). 1852, Scott, Whig (Rep). 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Bell, Constitutional Union. 1864, no election. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1S72, Greeley, Democrat. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1SS0, Hancock, Democrat. 1S84, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Texas. — First Presidential election, 1848, Cass, Demo- crat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Demo- crat. 1S60, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, no election. 1872, Greeley, Democrat. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Dem. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Ve r nnont . — First Presidential election, 1792, Wash- ington, Federalist (Rep.) one vote not cast. 1796, Adams, Federalist, (Rep.). 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep.). 1S04, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1812, Madison, Repub- lican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Republican, (Dem.). 1824, J. Q. Adams, Loose Constructionist. 1828, J. Q. Adams, National Republican. 1832, William Wirt, Anti-Masonic. 1S36, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1S40, Harrison, Whig (Rep.). 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.). 1S4S, Taylor, Whig (Rep.). 1852, Scott, Whig (Rep.). 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republi- can. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Repub- lican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Repub- lican. 18S0, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Re- publican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. 16 APPENDIX C. Virginia . — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.), two votes not cast. 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep ). 1796, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.); Adams, Federalist, received one of the twenty-two electoral votes of the State. 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.). 1804, Jefferson, Repub- lican (Dem.). 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.). 1816, Monroe, Re- publican (Dem.). 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.), 1824, Crawford, Strict Constructionist (Dem.). 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1830, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Bell, Constitutional Union. 1864, no election. 1868, no election. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleve- land, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. West Virginia . — First Presidential election, 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat, 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 1888, Cleveland, Democrat. Wisconsin . — First Presidential election, 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lin- coln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. 1888, Harrison, Republican. Appendix D. THE PRESIDENTS AND THEIR CABINETS. The Postmaster-General was not recognized as « cabinet officer until 1829. Those preceding this date are, however, included in the cabinets to show when they were appointed. First Administration — Washington , 1789-1793. President, George Washington, of Virginia; Vice- /resident, John Adams, of Massachusetts; Secre- tary of State, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Secre^ tary of the Treasury, Alex. Hamilton, of New York; Secretary of War, Henry Knox, of Massachusetts; Attorney-General, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia; Postmaster-General, Timothy Pickering, of Penn- sylvania. Second Administration — Washington , 1 793- 1 79 7. President, George Washington, of Virginia; Vice' President, John Adams, of Massachusetts; Secre- tary of State, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, to January, 1794, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, to December, 1795, Timothy Pickering, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander (1) 2 APPENDIX D. Hamilton, of New York, to February, 1795, Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut; Secretary of War, Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, to January, 1795, Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, to January, 1796, James McHenry, of Maryland; Attorney-General, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, to January, 1794, William Bradford, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1795, Charles Lee, of Virginia; Postmaster-General, Joseph Habersham, of Georgia. Third Administration — Adams, 1797 - 1801 . President, John Adams, of Massachusetts; Vice, President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Secretary of State, Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, to May, 1800, John Marshall, of Virginia ; Secretary of the Treasury, Oliver Wolcott, of Massachusetts, to January, 1801; Secretary of War, James Mc- Henry, of Maryland, to May, 1800, Roger Gris- wold, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Navy, George Cabot, of Massachusetts, to March, 1798, Benj. Stoddert, of Maryland; Attorney-General, Charles Lee, of Virginia, to February, 1801, Theo Parsons, of Massachusetts; Postmaster-General, Gideon Granger, of Connecticut. Fourth Administration — Jefferson, 1801 - 1805 . President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Vice- President, Aaron Burr, of New York ; Secretary of State, James Madison, of Virginia; Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ; APPENDIX D. 3 Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Navy, Robert Smith, of Maryland ; Attorney-General, Levi Lincoln, of Massachusetts. Fifth Administration — Jefferson, 1805 - 1809 . President, Thomas Jelferson, of Virginia; Vice- President, George Clinton, of New York ; Secretary of State, James Madison, of Virginia; Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Navy, Jacob Crownin- shield, of Massachusetts ; Attorney-General, Robert Smith, of Maryland, to August, 1805, John Breck- inridge, of Kentucky, to January, 1807, Csesar A. Rodney, of Pennsylvania. Sixth Administration — Madison, 1 809 - 1813 . President, James Madison, of Virginia; Vice- President, George Clinton, of New York ; Secre- tary of State, Robert Smith, of Maryland, to April, 1811, James Monroe, of Virginia; Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ; Secre- tary of War, William Eustis, of Massachusetts, to January, 1813, John Armstrong, of New York ; Secretary of the Navy, Paul Hamilton, of South Carolina, to January, 1813, William Jones, of Pennsylvania ; Attorney-General, Csesar A. Rod- ney, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1811, William Pinckney, of Maryland. 4 APPENDIX D. Seventh Administration — Madison, 1813 - 1817 .. President, James Madison, of Virginia; Vice- President, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts ; Secre- tary of State, James Monroe, of Virginia ; Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, to February, 1814, George W. Campbell, of Ten- nessee, to October, 1814, Alex. James Dallas, of Pennsylvania, to October, 1816, William H. Craw- ford, of Georgia; Secretary of War, James Monroe, to August, 1815, William H. Crawford, of Georgia; Secretary of the Navy, William P. Jones, of Penn- sylvania, to December, 1814, B. W. Crowninshield, of Massachusetts; Attorney - General, William Pinckney, of Maryland, to February, 1814, Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania ; Postmaster-General, Return J. Meigs, of Ohio. Eighth Administration— Monroe , 1817 - 1821 . President, James Monroe, of Virginia; Vice- President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York ; Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, William H. Crawford, of Georgia; Secretary of War, Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, to April, 1817, George Graham, of Virginia, to October, 1817, John C. Cal- houn, of South Carolina; Secretary of the Navy, B. W. Crowninshield, of Massachusetts, to Novem- ber, 1818, Smith Thompson, of New York; Attor- ney-General, Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, to November, 1817, Wm. Wirt, of Virginia. APPENDIX D. 5 Ninth Administration — Monroe , 1821 - 1825 . President, James Monroe, of Virginia; Vice- President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York ; Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, of Massa- chusetts ; Secretary of the Treasury, William H. Crawford, of Georgia; "Secretary of War, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina ; Secretary of the Navy, Smith Thompson, of New York, to September, 1823, Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey ; Attor- ney-General, William Wirt, of Virginia; Post- master-General, John McLean, of Ohio. Tenth Administration — J. Q. Adams, 1825 - 1829 . President, John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts; Vice-President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Secretary of State, Henry Clay, of Kentucky; Secretary of the Treasury, Richard Rush, of Penn- sylvania; Secretary of War, James Barbour, of Virginia, to May, 1828, Peter B. Porter, of New York ; Secretary of the Navy, Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey ; Attorney-General, William Wirt, of Virginia. Eleventh Administration — Jackson, 1 829 - 1833 . President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee ; Vice- President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, to May, 1881, Edward Livingston, of Louisiana; Secretary of the Treasury, Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsyl- vania, to August, 1831, Louis McLane, of Dela- 6 APPENDIX D. ware; Secretary of War, John H. Eaton, of Ten- nessee, to August, 1831, Lewis Cass, of Ohio; Secretary of the Navy, John Branch, of North Carolina, to May, 1831, Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire; Attorney-General, John M. Berrien, of Georgia, to July, 1831, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland ; Postmaster-General, William T. Barry, of Kentucky. Twelfth Administration — Jackson , 1833 - 1837 . President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee; Vice- President, Martin Van Buren, of New York; Sec- retary of State, Louis McLane, of Delaware, to June, 1834; Secretary of the Treasury, William J. Duane, of Pennsylvania, to September, 1833, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, to June, 1834, Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire; Secretary of War, Lewis Cass, of Ohio; Secretary of the Navy, Louis Woodbury, of New Hampshire, to June, 1834, Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey ; Postmaster- General, William T. Barry, of Kentucky, to May, 1835, Amos Kendall, of Kentucky; Attorney- General, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, to Novem- ber, 1833, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York. Thirteenth Administration — Van Buren , 1837 - 1841 . President, Martin Van Buren, of New York; Vice-President, Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky ; Secretary of State, John Forsyth, of Georgia; Secretary cf the Treasury, Levi Woodbury, of APPENDIX D. 7 New Hampshire; Secretary of War, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, to March, 1837, Joel K. Poinsett, of South Carolina; Secretary of the Navy, Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, to June, 1838, James K. Paulding, of New Jersey; Post- master-General. Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, to May, 1810, John M. Niles, of Connecticut; At- torney-General, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, to July, 1838, Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, to January, 1840, Henry D. Gilpin, of Pennsylvania. Fourteenth Administration — Harrison, Tyler, 1841 - 1845 . President, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio ; Vice-President, John Tyler, of Virginia; Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to May, 1843, Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, to July, 1843, Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, to March, 1844, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Secre- tary of the Treasury, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to September, 1841, John C. Spencer, of New York, to June, 1844, George M. Bibb, of Kentucky; Secretary of War, John Bell, of Tennessee, to September, 1841, John C. Spencer, of New York, to March, 1843, James M. Porter, of Pennsylvania, to February, 1844, then William Wilkens, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of the Navy, George E. Badger, of North Carolina, to September, 1841 ; Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, to July, 1S43, Daniel Henshaw, of Massachusetts, to February, 1844, Thomas W. Gilmer, of Virginia, to March, 1844, 8 APPENDIX D. then John Y. Mason, of Virginia; Postmaster- General, Francis Granger, of New York, to Sep- tember, 1841, then Charles A. Wickliffe, of Ken- tucky; Attorney-General, John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, to September, 1841, Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, to July, 1843, then John Nel- son, of Maryland. Fifteenth Administration — Polk, 1845 - 1849 . President, James K. Polk, of Tennessee; Vice- President, George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of State, James Buchanan, of Pennsyl- vania; Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi; Secretary of War, William L. Marcy, of New York ; Secretary of the Navy, George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, to September, 1846, then John Y. . Mason, of Virginia; Post- master-General, Cave Johnson, of Tennessee ; At- torney-General, John Y. Mason, of Virginia, to October, 1846, Nathan Clifford, of Maine, to June, 1848, then Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut. Sixteenth ■ Administration — Taylor, Fillmore, 1849 - 1853 . President, Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana; Vice- President, Millard Fillmore, of New York; Secre- tary of State, John M. Clayton, of Delaware, to July, 1850, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to December, 1852, then Edward Everett, of Massa- chusetts ; Secretary of the Treasury, William M. Meredith, to July, 1850, then Thomas Corwin, of APPENDIX D. 9 Ohio; Secretary of War, George W. Crawford, of Georgia, to July 20, 1850, Edward Bates, of Mis- souri, to July 23, 1850, Winfield Scott, of Vir- ginia, to August, 1850, then Charles M. Conrad, of Louisiana; Secretary of the Navy, William B. Preston, of Virginia, to July, 1850, William A, Graham, of North Carolina, to July, 1852, then John P. Kennedy, of Maryland ; Secretary of the Interior, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to July, 1850, James A. Pierce, of Maryland, to August, 1850, Thomas M. T. McKennan, of Pennsylvania, to September, 18*0, then Alexander H. H. Stuart, of Virginia; Postmaster-General, Jacob Collamer, of Vermont, to July, 1850, Nathan K. Hall, of New York, to August, 1852, then Samuel D. Hubbard, of Connecticut; Attorney-General, Reverdy John- son, of Maryland, to July, 1850, then John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky. Seventeenth Administration — Pierce , 1853 - 1857 . President, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire; Vice-President, William R. King, of Alabama; Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, of New York ; Secretary of the Treasury, James Guthrie, of Kentucky ; Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi ; Secretary of the Navy, James C. Dobbin, of North Carolina ; Secretary of the In- terior, Robert McClelland, of Michigan ; Post- master-General, James Campbell, of Pennsylvania; Attorney-General, Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts. 10 APPENDIX D. Eighteenth Administration — Buchanan , 1857 - 1861 . President, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania*, Vice-President, John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky; Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, to March, 1857, then Jeremiah Black, of Pennsylva- nia ; Secretary of the Treasury, Howell Cobb, of Georgia, to December, 1860, Phillip F. Thomas, of Maryland, to January, 1861, then John A. Dix, of New York; Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, of Virginia, to January, 1861, then Joseph Holt, of Kentucky ; Secretary of the Navy, Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut ; Secretary of the Interior, Jacob Thompson; Postmaster-General, Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, to March, 1859, Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, to February, 1861, then Hora- tio King, of Maine; Attorney-General, Jeremiah S- Black, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1860, then Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania. Nineteenth Administration — Lincoln, 1861 - 1865 . President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois ; Vice- President, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine ; Secretary of State, William H. Seward, of New York; Sec- retary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, to July, 1864, then William Pitt Fessenden, of Maine; Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, to January, 1862, then Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, to January, APPENDIX D. 11 LS63, then John P. Usher, of Indiana; Postmaster- General, Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, to Sep- tember, 1864, then William Dennison, of Ohio; Attorney-General, Edward Bates, of Missouri, to June, 1863, T. J. Coffey, of Pennsylvania, to De- cember, 1864, then James Speed, of Kentucky. Twentieth Administration — Lincoln , Johnson, 1865 - 1869 . President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; Vice- President, Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee; Secre- tary of State, William H. Seward, of New York: Secretary of the Treasury, Hugh McCulloch, of Indiana; Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania, to August, 1867, U. S. Grant, of Illinois, to February, 1868, Lorenzo Thomas, of Delaware, to May, 1868, then John M. Schofield, of Illinois; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, John P. Usher, of Indiana, to May, 1865, James Harlan, of Iowa, to July, 1866, then 0. H. Browning, of Illinois; Postmaster-General, William Dennison, of Ohio, to July, 1866, then Alexander W. Ran- dall, of Wisconsin ; Attorney-General, James Speed, of Kentucky, to July, 1866, Henry Stanberry, of Ohio, to July, 1868, then William M. Evarts, of New York. Twenty-first Administration — Grant, 1 869 - 1873 . President, U. S. Grant, of Illinois; Vice-Presi- dent, Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana; Secretary of 12 APPENDIX D. State, E. B. Washburne, of Illinois, to March, 1869, then Hamilton Fish, of New York; Secre- tary of the Treasury, George S. Boutwell, of Mas- sachusetts; Secretary of War, John A. Rawlins, of Illinois, to September, 1869, then William T. Sherman, of Ohio, to October, 1869, then William W. Belknap, of Iowa; Secretary of the Navy, Adolph E. Borie, of Pennsylvania, to June, 1869, then George M. Robeson, of New Jersey; Secre- tary of the Interior, Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, to No- vember, 1870, then Columbus Delano, of Ohio; Postmaster-General, John A. J. Creswell, of Mary- land ; Attorney-General, E. Rockwood Iloar, of Massachusetts, to June, 1870, Amos T. Akerman, of Georgia, to December, 1861, then George H. Williams, of Oregon. Tiventy-second Administration — Grant, 1873 - 1877 . President, U, S. Grant, of Illinois; Vice-Presi- dent, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts; Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, of New York; Secretary of the Treasury, William A. Richardson, of’Mas- sachusetts, to June, 1874, Benjamin F. Bristow, of Kentucky, to June, 1876, then Lot M. Morrill, of Maine; Secretary of War, William W. Belknap, of Iowa, to March, 1876, Alphonso Taft, of Ohio, to May, 1876, then Donald Cameron, of Pennsyl- vania; Secretary of the Navy, George M. Robe- son, of New Jersey; Secretary of the Interior, Columbus Delano, of Ohio, to October, 1875, then APPENDIX D. 13 Zachariah Chandler, of Michigan; Postmaster- General, John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, to August, 1874, Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut, tc July, 1876, then James M. Tyner, of Indiana; Attorney-General, George H. Williams, of Oregon, to April, 1875, Edward Pierrepont, of New York, to May, 18-76, then Alphonso Taft, of Ohio. Twenty-third A dministration — Hayes, 1 8 7 7 - 1 8 8 1 . President, Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio; Vice- President, William A. Wheeler, of New York; Secretary of State, William M. Evarts, of New York; Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman, of Ohio; Secretary of War, George W. McCrary, of Iowa, to December, 1879, then Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota; Secretary of the Navy, Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, to January, 1881, then Nathan Goff, of West Virginia; Secre- tary of the Interior, Carl Schurz, of Missouri ; Postmaster-General, David McKey, of Tennessee, to August, 1880, then Horace Maynard, of Tennes- see; Attorney-General, Charles Devens, of Massa- chusetts. Twenty-fourth Administration — Garfield , Arthur, 1881 - 1885 . President, James A. Garfield, of Ohio; Vice- President, Chester A. Arthur, of New York; Sec- retary of State, James G. Blaine, of Maine, to September, 1881, then Frederick Frelinghuysen, 14 APPENDIX D. of New Jersey; Secretary of the Treasury, Wil- liam Windom, of Minnesota, to September, 1881, then Charles Folger, of New York; Secretary of War, Robert Lincoln, of Illinois; Secretary of the Navy, William L. Hunt, of Louisiana, to April, 1882, then William Chandler, of New Hampshire ; Secretary of the Interior, Samuel J Kirkwood, of Iowa, to April, 1882, then Henry F. Teller, of Colorado; Postmaster-General, Thomas L. Janies, of New York, to October, 1881, Timothy 0. Howe, of Wisconsin, to October, 1883, then Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana; Attorney-General, Wayne McVeagh, of Pennsylvania, to September, 1881, then Benjamin H. Brewster, of Pennsyl- vania. Twenty -fifth Administration — Cleveland, Hendricks, 1885-1888. President, Grover Cleveland, of New York; (the Vice-Presidency is vacant, by reason of the death of Mr. Hendricks;) Secretary of State, Thomas Francis Bayard, of Delaware ; Secretary of the Treasury, Charles S. Fairchild, of New York ; Sec- retary of War, William C. Endicott, of Massachu- setts ; Postmaster-General, William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin ; Attorney-General, Augustus H. Gar- land, of Arkansas ; Secretary of the Navy, William C. Whitney, of New York ; Secretary of the In- terior, Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. Mr. Fairchild succeeded Daniel H. Manning as Secre- tary of the Treasury. Don. M. Dickinson, of Mich- igan, succeeded Mr. Vilas as Postmaster-General. Mr. Vilas succeeded Mr. Lamar as Secretary of the Interior. Mr. Lamar was elevated to the Supreme Court. APPENDIX D. 15 Twenty-sixth Administration — Harrison, Morton, 1889 - 1893 . President, Benjamin Harrison, Indiana; Vice- President, Levi P. Morton, New York; Secretar} 1 of State, James G. Blaine, Maine ; Secretary of the Treasury, William Windom, Minnesota (de- ceased), succeeded by Charles Foster, Ohio; Sec- retary of War, Redfield Proctor, Vermont (re- signed), succeeded by Stephen B. Elkins, West Virginia ; Secretary of the Navy, Benjamin F. Tracy, New York ; Secretary of the Interior, John W. Noble, Missouri ; Postmaster-General, John Wanamaker, Pennsylvania; Secretary of Agriculture, Jeremiah M. Busk, Wisconsin ; Attorney-General, William H. H. Miller. In- diana. Appendix E. THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. The Presidential election will take place on Tuesday, November 8, 1892. The Constitution prescribes that each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in Congress. For the election this year, the electors by States will be as follows : States. Electoral Vote-. States. Electoral Vote. Alabama ll Nebraska .... 8 Arkansas... 8 Nevada .... 3 California 9 New Hampshire.... .... 4 Colorado 4 New Jersey .... 10 Connecticut 6 New York .... 36 Delaware 3. North Carolina .... 11 Florida 4 North Dakota .... 3 Georgia 13 ' Ohio .... 23 Idaho ..' 3 Oregon ... 4 Illinois 24 Pennsylvania .... 32 Indiana 15 Rhode Island .... 4 Iowa........ 13 South Carolina .... 9 Kansas 10 South Dakota ... 4 Kentucky 13 Tennessee ... 12 Louisiana 8 Texas .... 15 Maine... y 6 Vermont .... 4 Maryland; 8 Virginia .... 12 Massachusetts.... 15 Washington ... 4 Michigan 14 West Virginia ... 6 Minnesota 9 Wisconsin .... 12 Mississippi 9 Wyoming .... 3 Missouri 17 — . Montana 3 Total, ,...444 Necessary to a choice, 223. APPENDIX E. No Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of profit or trust under the United States, shall be an elector. In all the States, the laws thereof direct that the people shall choose the elec- tors. The Constitution requires that the day when electors are chosen shall be the same throughout the United States. The electors shall meet in their respective States on the first Wednesday in Decem- ber, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-Presi- dent, one of whom at least shall not be an inhab- itant of the same State with themselves. They shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make dis- tinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each; which lists they shall sign and certify and transmit, sealed, to Washington, directed to the President of the Sen- ate, before the first Wednesday in January. On the second Wednesday in February, the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certifi- cates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes for Presi- dent shall be the President, if such number shall be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such a majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not ex- ceeding three, on the list of those voted for as APPENDIX E. President, the House of Representatives' shall choose, immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the vote shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President when- ever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in case of the death or other constitutional disa- bility. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. No person, except a natural-born citizen or a citU zen of the United States at the time of the adop- tion of the Constitution, shall be eligible to the office, of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years.. The qualifications for Vice-President are the same- Appendix F. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. We the People of the United States, in order t. form a more perfect Union, establish justice, in- sure domestic Tranquility, provide for the com- mon defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. Article I. Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Sec. 2. 1 The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the Elec- tors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 2 No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. CD 2 APPENDIX 3 Representatives and direct Taxes shall be ap< portioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their re- spective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, includ- ing those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The Number of Repre- sentatives shall not exceed one for every 30,000, but each State shall have at least one Represen- tative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three; Massachusetts, eight; Rhode Island and Providence Plantation, one; Connecticut, five , New York, six ; New Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, eight ; Delaware, one ; Maryland, six ; Virginia, ten; North Carolina, five ; South Carolina, five; and Georgia, three. 4 When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 5 The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Sec. 3. 1 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each State, APPENDIX 3 chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years : and each senator shall have one vote. 2 Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 3 No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 4 The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 5 The Senateshall choose their other officers, and also a President pro-tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 6 The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the 4 APPENDIX President of the United States is tried, the chief j ustice shall preside : And no person shall be con- victed without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7 Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and dis- qualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punish- ment, according to law. Sec. 4. 1 The times, places and manner of hokh ing elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators. 2 The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Sec. 5. 1 Each House shall be the judge of the election, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each House may provide. 2 Each House may determine the rules of its APPENDIX 5 proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. 3 Each House shall keep a journal of its pro- ceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4 Neither House during the session of Congress, shall, -without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. /See. 6. 1 The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and return- ing from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. 2 No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he vms elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. 6 APPENDIX Sec. 7. 1 All bills for raising revenue' shall originate in the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. 2 Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it. If after such recon- sideration two-thirds of that House shall aemee to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two- thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sunda} r s excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 3 Every order, resolution or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives may be necessary (except a question of APPENDIX 7 adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall he approved bj him, or being dis- approved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate and blouse of Representatives, ac- cording to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Sec. 8. The Congress shall have power 1 To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the com- mon defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. 2 To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 3 To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; 4 To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States: 5 To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures ; 6 To provide for the punishment of counterfeit- ing the securities and current coin of the United States ; 7 To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 8 To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and 8 APPENDIX inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries ; 9 To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; 10 To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations ; 11 To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water; 12 To raise and support armies, but no appro- priation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; 13 To provide and maintain a navy; 14 To make rules for the government and regu- lation of the land and naval forces ; 15 To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec- tions and repel invasions ; 16 To provide for organizing, arming, and dis- ciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress ; 17 To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the APPENDIX 9 seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings; and 18 To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the fore- going powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution, in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. Sec. 9. 1 The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be im- posed on such importation, not exceeding ten dol- lars for each person. 2 The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 3 No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 4 No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumera- tion herein before directed to be taken. 5 No tax or duty shall be laid on articles ex- ported from any State. 6 No preference shall be given by any regula- tion of commerce or revenue to the ports of one 10 APPENDIX State over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to, or from one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 7 No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made bylaw; and a regular statement and account of the re- ceipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 8 No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them., shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- ment, office or title,' of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State. Sec. 10. 1 No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold, and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 2 No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net pro- duce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. APPENDIX 11 3 No State shall, without the consent of Con- gress, la} 7 any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agree- ment or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. Article II. Sec. 1. 1 The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected, as follows : 2 Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives, to which the State may be entitled in the Congress : but no senator or repre- sentative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector. [*The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the govern- * This clause within brackets has been superseded and annulled by the twelfLli amendment. 12 APPENDIX ment of the United States, directed to the -Presi- dent of the Senate. The President of the Senate, shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representa- tives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person have a ma- jority, then from the five highest on the list the said House shall, in like manner, choose the Presi- dent. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this pur- pose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the elec- tors, shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot, the Vice-President.] 3 The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the United States. APPENDIX 13 4 No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. 5 In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to dis- charge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring Avhat officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 6 The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 7 Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : “ I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.” 14 APPENDIX Sec. 2. 1 The President shall be commander* in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive depart- ments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the. United States, except in cases of impeachment. 2 He shall have power by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, pro- vided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambas- sadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- lished bylaw ; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3 The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. Sec. 3. He shall from time to time give the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as APPENDIX 15 he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjourn- ment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commis- sion all the officers of the United States. Sec. 4. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and mis- demeanors. Article III. Sec. 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their service a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Sec. 2. 1 The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Consti- tution, the laws of the United States and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public min- 16 APPENDIX isters and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controver- sies between two or more States; between a State and citizens of another State, between citizens of different States, between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. 2 In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 3 The trial of all crimes, except in cases of im- peachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. Sec. 3. 1 Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 2 The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason APPENDIX 17 shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted. Article IV. Sec. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And- the Con- gress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Sec. 2. 1 The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 2 A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 3 No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an- other, shall, in consequence of any law or regula- tion therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. Sec. 3. 1 New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junc- tion of two or more States, or parts of States, with- 18 APPENDIX out the consent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. 2 The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respect- ing the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitu- tion shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence. Article V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the appli- cation of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the sev- eral States, shall call a Convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Consti- tution; when ratified by the Legislatures of three- fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 1808 shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of APPENDIX 19 the first article ; and that no State, without its «x>nsent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. Article YI. 1 All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 2 This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything ir the Constitution or laws of any State to the con- trary notwithstanding. 3 The Senators and Representatives before men- tioned, and the members of the several State Legis- latures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. Article YII. The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. 20 APPENDIX Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States present the 17th day of Septem- ber in the year of our Lord 1787, and of the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. Geo. Washington, President and deputy from Virginia . New Hampshire. John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. Massachusetts. Nathaniel Gorham* Rufus King, Connecticut. Wm. Sami. Johnson, Roger Sherman. New York. Alexander Hamilton. New Jersey. Wil. Livingston, David Brearley, William Paterson, Jonathan Dayton, Pennsylvania. B. Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsiinons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouverneur Morris. Delaware. George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun’r ? John Dickinson, Richard Bassett. Jacob Broom, APPENDIX 21 Maryland. James M’Henry, Dan. of St. Thos. Jenifer. Daniel Carroll, Virginia. John Blair, James Madison, Jr. North Carolina. William Biount, Richard Dobbs Spaight. Hugh Williamson, South Carolina. J. Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler. William Few, Attest : Georgia. Abr. Baldwin. William Jackson, Secretary. Articles in Addition to, and Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America. Proposed by Congress and ratified by the Legisla- tures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth article of the original Constitution. Article I. Congress shall make no law respecting an estab- lishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a re- dress of grievances. 22 APPENDIX Article II. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. Article III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. Article IV. The right of the people to be secure in their per- sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreason- able searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particu- larly describing the place to be searched, and the person or things to be seized. Article V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a present- ment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any crimi- nal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due APPENDIX 23 process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. Article VI. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the ac- cusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtain- ing witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. Article VII. In suits at common law, where the value in con troversv shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. Article VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces- sive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punish- ments inflicted. Article IX. The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 24 APPENDIX Article X. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the State, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. Article XI. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. Article XII. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves? they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as Presi- dent, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall APPENDIX 25 be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immedi- ately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-Presi- dent shall act -as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-Presi- dent, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-Presi- dent ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally in- eligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. TillC UHITJED STATES TiiEASUKY. t fri l- sly; ; ?. t - 2- 0 i&vyswciZss y <2*~ l - ‘^■cA'ic^y b~ JA / (p Jl- / . is^ns^s Duke University Libraries D00719120K Benjamin Harrison H318N 923.173 H318N Northrop 579091 { « <■ \ x lii . « ^ ^ is \ ^>W |j| ■ •• S C,\ ; ^ p| || . ^Y,^\ x > >^-^ •« .» ,’ A' \ • • . ^\ "■ V v ^V^^\ — ^ ' V N' •■' >'•'<' >■ \ A - ''\\" ' ^ - i^/' v vvjfi ' '■ . V-' :k>%