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ORATION 
 
 DELIVERED IN WALLINGFORD, 
 
 On the I \th of March 1801, 
 
 BEFORE THE 
 
 REPUBLICANS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT, 
 
 AT THEIR GENERAL THANKSGIVING, FOR 
 
 THE ELECTION OF 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON 
 
 To the Presidency 
 
 AND OF 
 
 AARON BURR 
 
 To the Vice Presidency 
 OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 BY ABRAHAM BISHOP. 
 
 " Our Statesmen Jo the Constitution £2? our Clergy to the Bible" 
 
 Portsmouth Celeb, i zth toast, 
 
 NEW HAVEN : 
 Printed by WILLIAM W. MORSE. 
 
 1801. 
 

 PREFACE. 
 
 WHEN a Southern flave breaks his fetters of bondage and 
 declares for liberty, a hue and cry is raifed, the dariDg culprit is appre- 
 hended and death is his portion. When a Northern (lave declares for the 
 emancipation of himfelf and his white brethien, 3ll the mailers are in an 
 uproar, the purfuit is dole, all means are fair and the daring wretch is 
 doomed to all the vengeance of his oppreflbrs. 
 
 But a Southern flave has only one mafter ; a northern one has ma- 
 ny, yes, he has a mafter to every power and faculty, to every thought 
 and opinion and on every fubject. It is not neceffary to the character of 
 a flave that he have a chain about his leg, or a rope about his neck. In- 
 vifible flavery is more dreadful, extenfive and intolerable than vifible (la- 
 very, becaufe in the firft cafe the matters will often deny its exiftence. 
 
 Ye Northern matters, fay to the man, whom you are dragging to 
 unmerited execution, the weather is fine over-head, the landscapes are 
 beautiful. Teil the man, whom you are ftarving, that the country is full 
 of wheat fields and that corn meal brings an high price in foreign markets. 
 Tell the man, whom you have chained in a Jungeon, that the atmosphere 
 is charming and that exercise is conducive to health. Go, prae to your 
 white (laves at the northward, that they are free. Will any of thefe nun 
 be amuled by you ? Is it not a fact, thoroughly known abroad, that 
 ecclefiaftical and civil tyranny have formed a junction in New England, 
 for the exprefs purpofe of enflaving the minds of men on religious and po- 
 litical fubjeds ? Not one reflecting man is ignorant of this fact. I have 
 denominated the members of this junction, the self stiled friends 
 cf order, and have endeavored to defignstc them fo cleaily, that every 
 man may be able to dittinguifli between the mallei and the (hrVev 
 
[ iv. ] 
 
 But why this flavery of the confcience and the opinions ? Is it not 
 enough that my neighbor knows more than I do ? Let him h'.efs God 
 for his fuperiority. His convictions are not mine. The fuperior light of 
 his mind may difcover to him truths wh'ch I am not capable of discern- 
 ing or the great toice of his undci (landing may impel him further into 
 error than my moderate powers can impel me. Of what avail is it to me 
 to believe certain proportions without feeing thetruih of them ; but mere- 
 ly becaufe my powerful neighbor believes them ? perhaps lie believes be- 
 caufe another does and fo an sndlefs chain of faith is formed, like the 
 philofopher's doctrine of infinite lines, excellent, becaufe no man can 
 conceive the end of them. 
 
 Is not God above us, his works about us, the volumes of hiflory 
 before us, and intellect and conference within us ? Why all this flavery 
 of the mind ? It is not merely to get power and money from us ; not 
 meiely for the gratification cf peribnal piide : but bee ufe man, left to 
 think and realon for himfelf, would reafon himfelf into a perception of 
 truth and freedom. Emancipated man would abolifh that flavery, which 
 can exift only in a n"xious atmofphere charged with fnllhood, ignorance 
 and error. If the white (laves, fhould ri(.j in mafs, they would be too 
 much for their matters. It is high time that focieties for the emancipation 
 of while fLves were eitabhihed in New England. 
 
 Our revolution promifed much in favor of t'ae freedom of mind, 
 confcience and opinion ; hut no revolution can compafs this, unlei's the 
 blow is followed : 'the profitable ufe of a victory thews as much general- 
 fhip as the gaining of it. How could we expect fitedom, if, like Han- 
 nibai's army in Capua, we regaled on luxuries and repoled on down j if 
 we committed all the fpoils of our triumphs, our military cheft and wea- 
 pons of warfare to that clafs of men, who know no trealury nor arfenal, 
 except their own ? We tried the ftrange experiment of employing men of 
 gre.t talents and wealth to propofe and effectuate plans which would place 
 talents and wealth on a level with mediocrity — to eftHbliih peace, economy 
 and republicanifm, when thefe very things would annihilate their fuperi- 
 ority and deprive them of the fplendi.i advantages, which men in power 
 may derive from fchemes of extended commerce and national ftrength and 
 glory. We ought to have known that our men are no better than other 
 men. The revolution was not, and will never be accomplilhed, till we adopt 
 and practile the maxims, which the republican wifdom of the world has 
 been treafuring up for ages. This we (hall never be fuft'ered to do, till 
 we feparate church and itate, till our clergy can be perfuaded to adhere to 
 the gofpel and our ftatefmen to the true principles of our government and 
 till the real character of the felf filled friends of order fliall be difclofed. 
 
 In attempting this tafk I have been obliged to fpeak freely of my na- 
 tive ftate, and why not ? If a likenefs is to be taken, ought not the 
 
features to be drawn truly and without flattery ? If we have ferpents in 
 our country, fnall we call them doves ? Shall our weeds he called flow- 
 ers and our bai berry bufhes he nuried and cultivated, left the world fhuuld 
 know that theie is Something in New England which will ol ft our grain ? 
 Shall the canker worm and heilian fly be held Sacred, becaufe they are 
 found in Connecticut ? All the world will agree with me on thele Sub- 
 jects ; yet as Soon as I Alike a Single featuie of hypec ily, all the hypo- 
 crite ciy o\,t, religion is in danger ! as Icon as modem fe.leraliSm is 
 ftruck at, every falie republican crits out, the constitution is in danger ! 
 Now as nothing better can bedonefor a garden, than to extirpate the weeds, 
 fo nothing better can be done for religion than to expoie hypoci ily, which 
 is its deadly enemy and nothing better for republicanism than to expofe 
 that fpirit of ariltpcracy which aims at its ruin. Church and (late can. 
 not be better Served, than by keeping them t'ifiincl and by placing them 
 where they ought to be, above, infiead of beneath, the control of men, 
 who care for no more of either than what they can turn to their perfonal 
 benefit. 
 
 In thefe pages I have Sometimes fpclcn lightly of human glory and 
 the reafon is that I fed very little refpect for it. Men affect to know and 
 feel lb much more than they do, 3nd to be fo much mote Sanctified than 
 they are, that great abatements mult be made fiom their pretentions.— 
 c< Surely every man walketh in a vain fhow." I have not attempted to 
 reafon much ; the country is full of logicians : it is overstocked with 
 major, minor and comequence men. It is too lull of reafoning; and is 
 Juffeiing for want of fails. — Hithettj ftrangers have complained of find- 
 ing every thing here in an unknown tongue. Correct tranflstions of the 
 icoks, profeffions and actions of our people are much wanted and if our 
 friends of order fliouid not like this tranflation they muft mend the text. 
 — If the features of a vain man's portrait, drawn by a faithful hand, do not 
 pleafe him, he can always find lome obfequious parafite to finifh one to 
 his mind. Perhaps the impofibility of giving a true likenefs of the friends 
 of order without offending them has hitnerto prevented the attempt. In 
 choofing my Subject I have volunteered in the task and fliouid the friends 
 of order be vehement (as formerly) in their execrations, I (hall conlider 
 the execution of it not wholly unworthy of notice from thole republican 
 friends, to whofe patronage it is refpectfully addreffed. 
 
 The reader will find many repetitions. Thefe were neceflary for 
 the purpofes of obviating prejudices and of application on diffeient parts 
 of the Subject. As a long rain is neceflary after a long drought, fo a 
 long difciiflion was neceflary in order to produce even a partial impreffion. 
 Of this extenfive and hitherto untried lubject I have been able, in this 
 compafs, to prefent only the elements ; but from its importance we may 
 expect that fome one will purfue it to fuch demonstration, that no ration- 
 al man fhall be left to doubt the truth of this proportion, that the self sti- 
 led friends of order have, in all nations, been the cause of ail the convul- 
 sions and distress t ixbkb have agitated the world. 
 
[ vi. ] 
 
 Suiely a discovery and general conviction, that a great portion of 
 thole who have filled the thrones or this world and led its armies and been 
 yiighty men in their fnheres of aclion have been mortal foes to thofe rights 
 which ought to have been held facred, will be highly important. From 
 great men luch a diicevery could never have been expected. It muft have 
 come jrctn vceak men, from fools, in which clafs the writer of thefe pa- 
 ^es has the honor to hold a high rank. * by the unanimous fuffrage of the 
 friends of order . 
 
 • If any shouhi doubt my rank I would refer t hem to David Daggett t 
 Esq. ncho is clocking about Jny weaknefs in every part of the state, and to 
 j\oab Webster, fun. Esq. nvto las aclually published that 1 am a fool.— 
 In tbeir absence, application may be made to N. II. Esq. an eminent prac*. 
 titioner in that profession, in ivh'uh the tenter oj these paves ivas unable 
 io succeed for want ot fenfe : or otherwise, reference may be had to the re- 
 tailers in detraction, who are supplied from the wholcfale stores of the above 
 taxed dealers. 
 
 The establishment of this rank vuill be found important in the course 
 of these pages and I refer jreely to those gentlemen, nvho have made up 
 and often expressed their opinions on the subjeel, even without my asking 
 the flavor t 
 
A 
 
 ORATION. 
 
 SEASON, ever memorable in the annals of time, 
 prefented a character wholly without a parallel. 
 He lived a heavenly life, exhibited perfect examples, taught 
 a pure fyftem of morals and directed man to a better world. 
 The chief priefts and elders and great men among the Jews, 
 who arrogantly affirmed to be exclufive friends of order and 
 good government, exclaimed, What meaneth this blaf- 
 phemer? he deceiveth the people, he foweth fedition. — 
 When at his voice the eye* of the blind were opened, the 
 ears of the deaf unftopped, the graves gave up their dead, 
 thefe friends of order derided : when he announced his ce- 
 leftial million, they crucified him. 
 
 I have not introduced this hiftorical fact, in order to 
 compare your thankfgiving on this important day of your 
 political redemption, with the acclamations of the angels at 
 the advent of the favior; nor to compare the illuftrious 
 chief, who, once infulted, now prefides over the union, 
 with him who, once infulted, now prefide* over the univerfe ; 
 nor to compare republicanifm, however pure in its princi- 
 ples and excellent in its effects, with that religion, which 
 announces peace on earth and good will to men ; but my ob- 
 jeft is to fhew you, that the characler of the sclf-stiled 
 friends of order and good government, at the beginning of 
 the christian ara, in the successive ages since and at the pre- 
 sent moment, is precisely the same combination of error, self- 
 love, deceit, hostility to the trite interests of man, persecu- 
 tion and cruelty. 
 
( 3 ) 
 
 The great men among the Jews manifeftly expected 
 that the MefRah would appear in fomc royal form to confirm 
 the titles and increafe the power and emoluments of the 
 chief priefts and nobles, and were refolved to recognize no 
 other character as the King of Iirael. To thefe great men 
 his advent was not fir ft announced, but to the humble fhep- 
 herds, and when his miracles had made the evidence of his 
 divine power irrefiftible to the multitude, they ft re wed their 
 garments in the way to do him honor ; but among thefe gar- 
 ments were not found long robes nor the vestments of Aaron. 
 From the voices of his humble followers, not from the chief 
 pfiefts and rulers was heard the fhout of, Hosannab to the 
 son of David. 
 
 It requires ages of impofturc and oppreflion to reduce 
 any people to a degree of poverty, ignorance and humiliation, 
 fo deep and difmal as was that of the body of the Jewifli na- 
 tion at that period : but the Sanhedrim was in high repute, 
 the rulers rich and powerful, the doctors of the jewifli law the 
 infallible interpreters of the will of God, the temple was in 
 all its glory and Jerufalem the ornament of the whole earth. 
 The calm of defpotifm had fettled the minds of men and the 
 language of civil and ecclefiaftical power had attained its fu- 
 premacy of infolence. Church and State had joined together, 
 religion and ancient habits had killed each other. 
 
 When the light of the world appeared, the infallible 
 doctors were found to be blind guides ,• thofe, who claimed 
 to poffefs all truth and all purity, were declared to be a 
 generation of vipers : and to thofe, who affected to ftand high 
 in the favor of heaven and to derive great confequence front 
 their anceftry, it was faid, " Ye are of your father the devil 
 and the works of your father ye will do." The walliers of 
 the outride of the cup and platter, the oftentatious alms-giv- 
 ers, the dealers in long prayers received no refpect from the 
 Savior. The errors of jewifli doctrines were dete<5led, the 
 hypocrify of the fcribes and pharifees proclaimed, life and 
 immortality were preached to the poor defpifed multitude. 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 During all this time the privileged orders of Church 
 and State, who claimed that their* -were the glory and the 
 covenants and the giving of the law and the promifes, were 
 indignant at what they conceived to he outrages on their 
 perfons and dignities and high treafon againft the fyftetn <4f 
 order and good government which they affected to fupport. 
 Though the only queftion for them to decide was, whether 
 this was the Mefliah, they cautioufly avoided this to attack 
 him as a carpenter's fon, as a friend of publicans and finners. 
 Habitually oppofed to any f) ftera of bleihngs, which might 
 be offered equally to the poor and rich, to the jew and gen- 
 tile ; ardent lovers of themfelves, but enemies to the mul- 
 titude, they forged a lift of accufations againft this infinitely 
 dreaded rival, employed a traitor to deliver him up, and to 
 crown their perfecution and cruelty, gave him, as their laft 
 teftimony of vengeance, vinegar to drink. The event is 
 well known, that the perfecuted was exalted, that his per- 
 secutors were fcattered throughout the earth and that the 
 fcene of thefe mighty eveflts has been changed from a popu- 
 lous country to a frightful defart. 
 
 From this ihort view of the friends of order in the 
 Jewifli nation we pafs to a view of the fame characters in 
 the Romifli church, which has continued from the difperfioa 
 of the Jews to the prefent day. This church, perhaps pure 
 humble and examplary in its origin, gained by degrees on 
 the feai's of men, drew on their purfes, availed itfelf of their 
 ignorance and gained power imperceptibly, till it rofe to the 
 fummit of infallibility and cruelty. The Secular arm be- 
 came a convenient auxiliary and to civil tyranny ecclefiafti- 
 cal power was a Sovereign fupport. Tims the kings and 
 emperors of the earth united with the pretended fuccefibr of 
 St. Peter and his Cardinals to bind in fetters of iron the 
 fouls and bodies, liberties and property of men. This com- 
 bination were avowedly the protectors of religion and an- 
 cient habits, and claimed the exclufive rank of * the friends 
 of order and good government.' All diffenters from their 
 
 B 
 
Llll 
 
 claims were deemed heretics or traitors and configned to the 
 cruelleft of tortures — persecution and cruelty marked all 
 their footfteps. 
 
 It was not enough for thefe tyrants, that they enjoyed 
 all the wealth and honors of, the world ; not enough that the 
 people enjoyed no liberty, that they were iubjeels of want 
 and woe, viiStims of long and diitrefling civil and holy wars ; 
 but the conl'ciences and opinions of men muft be enflaved. 
 Hence under Pope Innocent 3d, no lefs than 200,000 Pro- 
 tectants were deftroyed, and in fucceilive maffacres and per- 
 fections more than a million fuflered cruel deaths. In lefs 
 than 30 years 31,000 fuifered the tortures of the Inquifition, 
 and in the fhorfr reign of Queen Mary 2,84 perfons periflied 
 at the ftake. 
 
 The reformation checked the power of this coalition, 
 •and fucccfiive events feem to promife that the day is not far 
 diftant, when the Pope muft take a final leave of the Vati- 
 can, and his conclave of cardinals and nuncios and church 
 "dignitaries ihall be obliged to wander the world like their 
 predeceffors the Jews. 
 
 Kings and Conquerors abounding in power and wealth 
 have, in every age, taken high rank among the ' friends of 
 order 7 . A peaceable king has been but another name for a 
 weak king, and prudent generals have been confidered cow- 
 ards. The murderers of tens of thoufands, thofc, who have 
 made the world groan and the blood of man to flow like 
 rivers, have been, celebrated. Hence we read of Alexander, 
 Peter, Louis and be great. From the numerous 
 
 fa6ls in hiftory, which {hew the hypocrify and cruelty of the 
 1 friends of order', J fliall feleet one, which for a fliort time 
 excited a fort of fenfibility even in the courts of Europe. 
 
 In the year 177 a, the ' friends of order', with his 
 holinefs the emperor of Germany, the right reverend father 
 in God, the king of Pruffia, and that mother of all faints*, 
 the emprefs of KuiTia at their head, followed by heavenly 
 
 * These terms are vscd in allusion to the pompous titles 
 ef ' enropean kings, emperors &?c. 
 
( •» ) 
 
 fcofts of marauders and affaffins, compcfcd " the holy com- 
 munion of the robbers and deitroyers of Poland".' The ele- 
 ments of their-communion were the dead bodies of murdered 
 heroes, their beverage was the blood of the flaih, and the 
 mufic of their folemn fervices, the groans and cries of the 
 furviving. * Honor among thieves' marked the ftandards of 
 the victorious armies, and the partition of Poland was 
 peaceably effected, and the brave Kofciufko, once called 
 the Wafhington of Poland, wandered about the world, 
 fcarred, torn and mutilated from head to foot, the admira- 
 tion of republicans, the derifion of the ' friends of order', a 
 wretched exile from a ruined country, whofe brave patriot- 
 peafants he once triumphantly headed againll the regular 
 armies of delpots and tyrants. 
 
 The courts of London, Paris, Stockholm and Copen- 
 hagen, thofe ballance m afters of Europe, made a feeble re- 
 monftrance ; but the di I'm ember ment of Poland was an a6t 
 too much in character to meet the real difapprobation of the 
 * friends of order'. 
 
 We now come to Great Britain, which may be called, 
 by way of eminence, the mother country of the tories, mon- 
 archists and aristocrats of our country, and here the firfl 
 view prefents a firm vifible union of church and Hate, in the 
 name of order Scattering diforder, convulfions and drftrefs 
 throughout the world. In India, more than fifteen millions 
 of human beings have fallen victims to the Britifh fpirit of 
 order and good government. c ' Often luis the Ganges been 
 *' reddened with the blood of mothers and their infants, and 
 " the river been made to blufli for the honor of the Britifh 
 " name". And exprefsly in the name of order and good 
 government, this country was, for many years, convulfedby 
 a diftreffing war, the events of which ftill live and will live 
 forever in the memories of republicans. The declaration of 
 independence, penned by our beloved prefident, will be a 
 record of them to the lateft generation. 
 
 Thus from the chief priefts and rulers among the Jews 
 we trace the ' friends of order' through the conquerors an d 
 
( iQ 
 
 murderers of man, through the popes and cardinals, through 
 the lords fpiritual and temporal, through the coalitions of 
 tyrants, the mummeries of courts, the hofts of fycophants 
 and parafues, down to the father of the funding system. — 
 He bears about him all the characters of his predeccfTors, 
 and has been in verity the political Peter, holding the keys 
 of the trcafury and the purfes of the people, and furrounded 
 by obiequious cardinals and courtiers, all 4 friends of order* 
 and good government. Hence we trace them, through our 
 federal officers and mcafures, down to the herd of fcribblers 
 and editors and type-fetters, who have united in the caufe 
 of church and ftate. 
 
 Through all thefe grades the means and the end have 
 exhibited the fame eternal druggie for power and wealth at 
 the expence of truth, mercy and principle, and all who have 
 oppofed this combination of evil pafftons have been either the 
 fubjedls of imprifonment, or in fome form, the marked vic- 
 tims of vengeance from the * friends of order'. 
 
 Having laid the bafis of my fubject, I proceed to the 
 double talk of illuftrating the propofed parallel and of prepar- 
 ing your minds to difcern it, and here let me remark to you, 
 that the mind would naturally receive and embrace fuch a 
 truth, were it not that paffion, prejudice and habits prevent 
 it, and that m New England, thefe obftacles operate more 
 forcibly than eliewhere. This ariies from various caufes, as 
 
 First, the old institutions of the country. 
 
 We read in the ad page of our blue laws, under the date 
 of 1639, " That church members only shall be free burgesses,, 
 " and that they only shall choose magistrates and officers 
 " among themselves, to have the power of transacting all the 
 " public and civil affairs of this plantation, of making and 
 " repealing laws, dividing inheritances, deciding of dijfer- 
 " ences and doing all tkjjr.gs of like nature". 
 
 This is the old ftump of church and ftate, and though 
 the viable flock was fevered from it by the union of the two 
 colonies ; yet the {ft^np is ftill undecayed, and innumerable 
 
< *3 ) 
 
 thrifty growths have fprouted from the roots. Church and 
 State ftill twine together. Mofes and Aaron find it profita- 
 ble to walk hand in hand. The clergyman preaches politics, 
 the civilian prates of orthodoxy, and if any man refufes to 
 join the coalition, they endeavor to hunt hiin down to the 
 tune of ' toe church is in danger 1 . The convenience of fuc- 
 ceeding in life, by bowing to thefe earthly potentates, has 
 induced multitudes to join them; and hence when a foreigner 
 enquired of one of our citizens, what was the raoft charac- 
 terise trait of New England, the frank anfv/er was this, 
 We are taught hypocrisy from our cradles: and fuch an anf- 
 wer will be always true, till Moles and Aaron (hall be con- 
 tented to labour feparately in their vocations. The charac- 
 ter of thofe who join this coalition from motives of conven- 
 ience may be we'd imagined. They are hypocrites, and hav- 
 ing no righteouiheis of their own, they affect to trade on the 
 old flock, and are always exclaiming about the piety of our 
 forefathers; but I have never read of any law, by which the 
 piety of the anceftor descended, fo as to be exclufively claim- 
 ed by his heirs. Thofe, who live in the midft of this deceit- 
 ful union, will feel the force of thefe remarks ; thofe, who 
 do not, can but very imperfectly conceive what a barrier it 
 forms to the introduction of any truth, which can diminifh 
 the power, wealth or infallibility of the fraternity. 
 
 The fecond obftacle is, an habitual misconception of the 
 moral character of man. We are told, on every fabbath,- 
 that man is infinitely wicked, that he is prone to evil, as 
 the fparks are to fly upward ; and yet we are in the habit of 
 believing, through the week, that among thefe infinitely 
 wicked beings, fome are fo much more holy and moral than, 
 others, as to be able to dictate infallible modes of faith, and 
 perfect rules of action : — and worfe than this, the mere dif- 
 pofition of features, or walk, or tone, or color of drefs, are 
 allowed to defignate the grades of fpiritual merit. Surely a 
 little reflection on the real character of man would put to 
 flight fuch vifions ; but fo long as they remain, they will ob« 
 ftruct the introduction of truth. 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 The next obftacle is a misconception of the powers of 
 the mind. The plain labouring man, who has only the 
 light of common fenfe, is apt to look up with great awe and 
 reverence to thofe who can chattel" latin and greek and i-e- 
 peat by rote what other men have had the labor of invent- 
 ing, not reflecting that a man may be well verfed in languages 
 and have a moft retentive memory, yet be ignorant as a 
 mule, of all thofe things, which conftitute the focial, moral 
 or political felicity of man. " Angels view Newton and 
 Locke as we view an ape." The faculties of man are ex- 
 tremely limited and their utmoft ftretch is little more than 
 " to know how little can be known." Error perches on 
 the higheft branches of fcience. Let plain men reflect on 
 thefe things and value their common fenfe. It is a kind 
 of fenfe moft capable of receiving and retaining ufeful truths. 
 
 The steady habits of New England prefent the fourth 
 obftacle to the diftufion of truth. The failor nailed the nee- 
 dle of his compafs on the cardinal point and fwore that it 
 mould not be always traverfmg. So does the New England 
 friend of order : but he cautioufly conceals the ppprefhon and 
 impofture, which fuftain thefe habits. Church and State, 
 the cry of morals and fcience ; thefe are the pillars of it. 
 The body of the people are kept in awe. " Touch not the 
 mountain, left ye die," is the practical language. 
 
 This cry of steady habits has a talifmanic effect on the 
 minds of our people ; but nothing can be more hollow, vain 
 and deceitful. Recollect for a moment that every thing 
 valuable in our world has been at one time innovation, illu- 
 minatifm, modern philofophy or atheifm. To the learned 
 greeks the preaching of the crofs was foolimnefs. To the 
 jews the favior was a Humbling block. Chriftianity was 
 illuminatifm and modern philofophy. Paul was a fetter up of 
 ftrange gods : but the hand writing of ordinances, that facred 
 palladium of fteady habits, was nailed to the crofs and by 
 virtue of this very innovation you, the people of New Eng- 
 land, claim to be heirs of the new covenant. To the 
 catholics the reformation was modern philofophy ; fo to the 
 
C *5j> 
 
 Britons, was our revolution. To Conquerors the refift- 
 ance of freemen is innovation and to tyrants the language 
 of truth is illuminatifm. To innovation and modern philo- 
 fophy are you indebted for your religion and your indepen- 
 dence, for the great improvements in fhip building, naviga- 
 tion, aftronomy, chemiftry and in every art and fcience and 
 even for thedifcovery of your own country*. But the 'friends 
 of order' haveclaffed, in the rank of innovators and illumin- 
 atiils,the favior of the world, Copernicus, Newton, Colum- 
 bus and Franklin. From him who redeemed the world down to 
 him " who fnatched the lightning from heaven and the fcep- 
 tre from tyrants" all men, who have made new difcoveries 
 in the natural or moral world have been crucified, perfecuted 
 or denounced. 
 
 With thefe facts before us, what "i6 there in the fleady 
 habits of New England fo very iaci-ed as to arreft the pro- 
 grefs of truth ? Arc the men, who profit by thefe habits fo 
 very learned as to be able to pronounce our ftate of fociety 
 the beft poffible ? Surely the world has before produced their 
 equals. Pontius Pilate was, in his day, thought to be as 
 good as the beft of them, and perhaps his neighbours were as 
 competent to judge oi' his merits as you are to judge of our 
 champions of fteady habits. But fay thefe men, We enjoy 
 great calm and peace and quiet under thefe fteady habits; 
 fo did the jews for many ages before the coming of Chrift; 
 fodid the catholics for 15 centuries before the reformation : 
 but were thofe calms ufeful to the world or defirable ? Cer- 
 tainly a difciple of the proteftant chriftian church would be 
 afhamed to lay this. Thefe calms, like ours, depended on a 
 total dominion over the minds, conferences and opinions of 
 men. Poor fifhermen deftroyed this calm among the jew» 
 and wrought a temped, which merged the chief priefts and 
 elders and fcattered the remnant of the tribes. Luther and 
 
 * These are the sunbeams, which (according to Mr. 
 Daggett's oration) are extracted from cucumbers. These 
 are the naked sheep and the marble pincushions 7 
 
( * ) 
 
 ■99SSSE9S 
 
 Calvin performed the fame folemn fervice upon the catholic 
 church. This calm fpirit always feeks quiet and has finally- 
 found a refting place with us. 
 
 Let us now fee for a moment whether our {ready habits 
 have not calmly aiulmed dominion over the rights of con- 
 fcience and fuffrage. Certainly the trinitarian do6lrinc is 
 eftablifhed by law and the denial of it is placed in the rank 
 of felonies*. Though we have ceafed to tranfport from 
 town to town, quakers, new lights and baptifts ; yet the 
 difienters from our prevailing denomination are, even at this 
 moment, praying for the repeal of thofe laws, which abridge 
 the rights of confidence/]". By virtue of fteady habits, ob- 
 fequioufnefs to <he clergv is accepted, in lieu of refpeel for 
 religion. Our council, who are the life guard of thei'e fteady 
 habits, refufe to be returned to the people in the nomination 
 lift according to their number of votesj and cur members of 
 congrefs, voted for by the ftate at large, are in fact the re- 
 
 * Page 183 st at. Look. 
 
 j* See the certificate ail — also act. for appropriation of se- 
 questered lands and 41st and 4%d paragraphs of an atl provid- 
 ing for the collection of taxes and the 405th page ofstat.&c— 
 
 £ A few years since Mr. Ingersoll had more than 4600 
 votes for nomination to the Council and was higheft in num- 
 ber, Mr. Williams had less than 2,000 votes and was loweft 
 in number ,• yet the laft was reported as firll to the freemen. 
 Thus more than 2,600 votes of freemen were wholly lost and 
 cheating play ("contrary to the old adage J profpered; for 
 Mr. W. was re-ekcled. I do not objetl to Mr. W. personally^ 
 but to this unprincipled abridgement of the right of suffrage. 
 It is no wonder that our members of the council are so fond 
 of iteady habits, since by them they live, move and have a 
 political being. If they imagine that they stand strong in 
 the confidence of the people, let them give up this annual state 
 trick, let them district the state and run the chance of re- 
 election by their own neighbours. They will not do ibis, for 
 they welt know that in such an event, the places, which now 
 
 know them, would know them no more forever. 
 
 It is noticeable that the argument used against this fairness of 
 election, viz, the danger of change, is the very argument as- 
 sumed by the advocates of the measure ; but alas .' steady habits 
 would be endangered, if our council was fairly chosen. 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 -fttefentatives only of fteady habits. Once in office, they 
 may fearlefsly vote, through whole feflions, in direct defi- 
 ance of republicanifin and the wifhes of the people. If 
 they pleafe the * friends of order,' they will be furely re» 
 elected and this iron bound ftate of things has emboldened 
 them to act fo uniformly in favor of meafui-es hoftile to that 
 republicanifm which is odious to the friends of order. Thus 
 though we owe all our bleflings, civil and religious, to the 
 triumphs of new truths over old errors, to the fuccefs of 
 innovation againft fteady habits ; yet the old fpirit is reviv- 
 ed here in the perfons of men, whofe predeceflbrs have in 
 every age oppofed the progrefs of truth and of human hap* 
 pinefs. 
 
 Under the 5th head of obftacles may be prefented, the 
 clannish* character of New England, the confequence of 
 our ahnoft general derivation from one country ; — the fami- 
 ly alliances^, producing patriarchs in opinion and the too 
 general habit of whole towns committing to a few individu- 
 als the power to dictate to them opinions on all fubjects. 
 
 In all thefe obftacles, I have preferved the propofed pa- 
 rallel ; for the fame union of church and ftate, the fame 
 proud boaft of pure morals, fuperior fcience and the fame 
 national pride throughout characterized the Jews, Catholics 
 and all the tyrannies of the earth. 
 
 From thefe various claffes of obftacles it arrives tha€ 
 we hear fo much about our pious anceftors> our fteady habits^ 
 our fuperior morality and knowledge* Hence the cry againft 
 innovation, illuminaiifm and modern philofophy. Hence the 
 frequent queftion, can it be, that the f\ftem of Mr. JciTer- 
 fon and the republicans is right, when our clergy, judges 
 and counfellors arc oppofed to them ? lit re let me aflc, what 
 do thefe men know about republicanifm ? They have read 
 
 * This term is taken from the clans of Seoi'</?id y that 
 New England of the British empire. 
 
 -j- The houses of Tori: and Lancaster arc united in mi t 
 vfour towns* 
 
 C 
 
C .18 ) 
 
 hooks indeed, but did not you contend, through a diflreflTng 
 war, that thefe books contained falfe principles ? They are ac- 
 quainted with old fyftcms andean tell how Greece and Rome 
 blundered through the chapter of accidents and finally came 
 to nothing ; but what can be drawn from thefe old fyftems 
 to aid a government which can never thrive till they are all 
 exploded ? Did ancient writers on government ever hear of 
 16 confederated republics, fituated 3000 miles from european 
 ballances ? Had they any conception of the fovereignty of 
 the people ? No fuch thing ! But thofe writers and their 
 readers here were wife men : they knew enough to govern 
 kingdoms and to fhine m courts. It is not ignorance of the 
 fcience of government, but mortal hostility to republicanism-, 
 which difables thefe great men from hailing with joy the 
 event which we now celebrate. 
 
 Eut thefe enemies of your caufe, whofe opinions feem 
 fo formidable, are not fortified merely by the obftacles, which 
 I have prefented ; they calculate firmly that in the present 
 advanced state of society republican doclrines cannot gain 
 adherents. So did the Jews flatter themfelves, when chrif- 
 tianity was preached ; fo did the catholics, when the refor- 
 mation began ; fo have the depraved miniflers of foreign 
 courts at the opening of every revolution - r and juft fo do 
 bad men in the prefent clay, when any truth, moral, reli- 
 gious or political is preached ; — but will the divine be ref- 
 trained from preaching faith, holinefs and good works, be- 
 eaufe his hearers are prone to be infidel, unholy and immo- 
 ral ? No ! he is more ardent, becaufe the}' are thus inclin- 
 ed and the preacher of republicanifm has the fame induce- 
 ment to ardor and perfeverance and better profpecls of fuc- 
 cefs ; for which he propofes are within reach. 
 
 He will certainly fucceed, if he can once break through the 
 thi< •;■• folds of error and impofture with which the friends of 
 order] it part of mankind encompaffed. 
 
 The body of mankind will purfue their true interefts^ 
 s£ they can difcover them and nothing more abfolutelyfliow© 
 
( i9 ) 
 
 what truth is, than the pointed vengeance, which is ainiei 
 at it by the c friends of order'. Even if a man fays to his 
 neighbors " Of one blood hath God created all nations of 
 men to dwell on the face of the earth", he is denounced aa 
 a jacobin. ' If he fays in the language of our declaration of 
 independence, "that all men are created equal, that they 
 are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, 
 that among thefe are life, liberty and the purfuit of happi- 
 nefs" he is denounced by the modern friends of order as an 
 anarchifl. Thole things were well enough when we contend- 
 ed againft a foreign uiurper ; but dreadfully falfe when wo; 
 contend againft domestic usurpers. The fame language, 
 which was fo true in the days of our revolution, that who- 
 ever oppofed it was configned to the rage of a mob, is now 
 fo falfe, that the man who advances it, is thought deferving 
 of a prifon. 
 
 And why all this difference? Have eternal truths be- 
 come eternal falsehoods ? No ! But the power which was 
 before at St. James' is now here. The enemies of our rev- 
 olution are now high in office. The Eaft Indies offer bril- 
 liant prices for our dollars. Africa tenders rich temptations 
 to avarice. Europe opens to us her (lores ; her courts re- 
 ceive our envoys. The fufferings of the eaftern world bring 
 our produce to an high market. Throughout our extenfive 
 fea-coaft are erecting magnificent materials for the ruins of 
 future Babylons and Palmyras. Banks open a new world of 
 treafure more inexhauftible' and more productive of Haves 
 than the Southern mines. Sources of adventitious wealth, 
 without the medium of induftry, open in every quarter. The 
 weftern territory difcovers new building fpots for empires.. 
 Our canvas whitens in every gale and the American Eagle 
 furveys every fea. And the mighty men, who have pro- 
 jected and foftercd this world of antirepubUcqn wonders, are 
 laughing at the vifionary hopes of thole men, who continue 
 to contemplate the poffibility of an American republic. 
 Thefe arc the reafons why eternal truths have appeared to 
 be eternal falfehoods. 
 
( *> ) 
 
 To whom are you indebted for thefe wonders? To tho 
 adminiftration of the felf ililed * friends of order !' Can 
 you look at thefe things and fay that any one of them will 
 tend to promote equal rights, liberty and the purfuit of 
 happinefs ? Will they promote economy, religion and mor- 
 als ? Is tills the bleffed flute of things, which you wiihed to 
 leave to your children, as a token of your fidelity to God 
 and your country and of your zeal for the caufe of our revo-' 
 lution ? The man, who can patiently look at this (late of 
 things, was either a royalift through our revolution or is 
 worfe than a royalift now. 
 
 The * friends of order' comfort themfelves with the 
 {late of things which I have prefented and from it republic 
 Cans can take no other hope, than from the refemblance it 
 bears to that proud (late of the world, when the Hood came 
 or of the jewifh nation, when the favior appeared or of the 
 catholic church, when the reformation commenced or of 
 Great Britain, at the opening of our revolution^ The fuc» 
 cefs, which truth has had ugainfl error and impoflure, has 
 been generally at the point of time, when thefe lad were at 
 their height of confidence and triumph. ' I calculate much, 
 from the dawnings of this fuccefs in the late prefidential 
 election and equally on the united energy of our people, 
 when they {hall have difcovered the impoftures, which have 
 be. a pracliied on them and the dangers which they have 
 efcaped. 
 
 But in our (late of fociety, the 'friends of order' rely, 
 as a powerful barrier againft the reeftablifhment of repub- 
 licaniiin, on the ardent zeal of the people for wealth and on 
 the covert and artful manner, in which this passion has been, 
 graiijied. It was not enough to bellow honors on the am- 
 bitious, and falaries on the proud leaders ; but. in fome way 
 the affections of the multitude muft be caught and how was 
 this done ? Millions were annually bellowed to encourage 
 commerce by navies, treaties and tribute and what was* the. 
 coi.iViucnce ? Did the favored merchants become republk 
 
( ** } 
 
 cans ? No ! From Georgia to Maine they cotilcfccd to form 
 a commercial ariftocracy. Are wc indebted to the majority 
 ftf merchants in Philadelphia for the election of Governor 
 
 saa? Or to the majority of merchants in New- York 
 
 for i il fuccefs of their election to the State Legif- 
 
 e I Or to the merchant* of Charleilon for the eight 
 
 »ral votes of that State ? Do we look to the merchants 
 pf Norfolk or Providence or Bofton for the fupport of the 
 republican caufe I No ! In all our commercial towns arif- 
 tocracy was forming like a mighty cancer and its fibres were 
 extending into all the interior country. Whereever thefe 
 extended, republlcanifm fuffered. The corn-merchant, the 
 grazier, the rich farmer were all crying out, " We have a 
 blessed government : we are all becoming ric/b , \ 
 
 Bu t is wealth fo very important to a republic ? Do we 
 read of rich republics ? Or that life, liberty and the purfuit 
 of happinefs are neceflarily connecled with national or indi- 
 vidual wealth ? That portion of wealthy which reiultsfrom 
 induftry and moderate gains is healthful to the body politic ; 
 but all meaiures, which tend to create wealthy ariftocracies 
 are ruinous. They draw the nourifliment and fluids into 
 one part of the body and deform the fyilem, an4 when this 
 is the cafe, there is no remedy but to cilabliih a monarchy. 
 Kings are made to preside over monstrous and mis-shapen 
 governments, A flatG of commerce neither ilimulated nor 
 rcftrained is the natural flate for a republic. Commerce 
 was made for man : not man for commerce. Republicans 
 -will need no other fupport of thefe remarks,, than the uni- 
 form and rancorous oppofition, which they meet from the 
 * friends of order'. 
 
 But in our ftate of fociety the * friends of order' calciu 
 late on many other barriers to republicanilm, viz. a majori- 
 ty of the fenate, all the federal judges and moil other officers 
 through the United States on their fide ; the financial, di- 
 plomatic and navy fyilems ; the clergy, the bench, the bar, 
 the fenates, majorities of reprefentativei and federal ptciT«*i 
 
( * ) 
 
 in New-England. Thefc are indeed ferious obftacles. 
 They will retard and embarrafs a fair experiment of a re- 
 publican government ; but when the body of the people 
 fhall difcover, as they certainly willy that their interefts and 
 thofe of the ' friends of order' are wholly at variance, thefe 
 barriers will fall like the walls of Jericho. 
 
 It is impoffible that all the miracles of our revolution 
 and of the late election fhould have been wrought, merely to 
 fubje6l five millions of people, increafing and to increafe in 
 a rapid ratio through a long fucceflion of generations, to the 
 .{bvereign will and pleafure of a few, under the fame fpecies 
 of government, which has difhonored heaven and deiblatcd 
 the earth from the beginning of time.* 
 
 I am aware that this parallel between the ancient and 
 modern friends of order is oppofed to all your partialities 
 for human nature, to all your refpe<5l for great men, to the 
 pride of your rulers, to your fears and to the temper of the 
 day ; but truth muft often fight its way through clofe ranks 
 of well-trained, difciplined, deiperate error. When any 
 imperfection is charged on man, his pride forces him to ex- 
 claim, " 16 thy fervant a dog that he fhould do this" ? But 
 fliall the volumes of facred and profane hiftorybe as a dead 
 letter to us ? We there learn that moft of thofe, who, in 
 every age of the world, have been efteemed as the firft in 
 their feveral nations and fpheres of action,have been the op- 
 preffors of the reft of mankind and in no inftance can the 
 
 * The uniformity of providence in adapting means to 
 ends is a sure guaranty of the republican cause. The ocean 
 is never wrought into a tempest " to waft a feather or to 
 drown a fly" The American and French revolutions were 
 doubtless intended to improve the moral and political condition 
 cf man, by redeeming the body of the people from the"tyran- 
 ny of the friends of order. All our viSlories, all our defeats 
 have been so many pledges for the eventual triumph of the 
 rights of num. 
 
( *3 ) 
 
 ruin of man or of empires be traced to any other clafs of 
 men. We all agree in this pofition as refpects other nations : 
 why then fhall our own be exempt ? Pride, avarice and a 
 luft of tyranny are not yet fatiated : fatan is not yet chain- 
 ed : millions of the human race are yet to be facrinccd. 
 The pari chapters of the hiftory of man have born the fame 
 characters and been filled with nearly the fame contents. 
 That, which opened with our hiftory began favorably ; but 
 without ourfulleft exercife of dilccrnment, clear percep- 
 tion of truth and firmncfs in action will certainly clofe like 
 the reft. 
 
 Most men of fuperior talents and wealth aflbciate to- 
 gether not for the purpofe of rendering thanks for their fu- 
 pcriority nor to devife ways by which to turn their talents 
 and wealth to the benefit of the poor and ignorant ; but to 
 increafe this poverty and to tarn this ignorance to their per- 
 fonal aggrandizement. Every nation exhibits this group of 
 figures, artfully contriving by pretence of zeal for order, 
 rectitude &; religion to draw into their fnares the unwary 
 multitude. This depravity does not ariie from preconcep- 
 tion or reafoning : but from pulfe, pailion and pride. Nor 
 is it univerfal : in moil nations we find fome illuftrious ex- 
 ceptions, and our own country furnifhes its full proportion 
 of men, who, fcorning the impofing rank of mailers, have 
 ach.ocated powerfully the emancipation of (be minds of men. 
 The extenfive lamentation, which fpread through the 
 world for the beheading of Charles ift. and Lewis 16th, 
 (hews in a ftrong point of view, the undue dominion which 
 power and wealth have over the minds of men. Thofe, to 
 whom the exiftence of kings was a curfe, and whofe eyes had 
 been dry at the news of whole armies being mowed down for 
 die fupport of royal power, wept when they heard of the 
 death of thofe kings. At the feafon of thofe events feyf 
 minds were prepared to recognize the juftice and importance 
 of laving, by one blow, the lives of thoufands and the rights 
 of millions. This leflon has now been learnt and it remain© 
 to be inculcated, that the weakjacf* of the multitude muft be 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 their protection. They mult combine and form a balance 
 
 again ft the mighty, who cannot live without them. This 
 ballance properly fuftained is neceflary to a republic. 
 
 You are difpofed to think favorably o men : but 
 
 furely you do not fufficiently credit inf] 
 gardthe human heart as more orltfs than ; above all 
 
 'things and defperately wi( ! :d. The characters of the an- 
 ■cieut 'friends of order' fliew this conclusively, the clergy 
 preach it constantly ; yet asfoon as this truth refpecting all 
 mankind is applied to that political clafs of men, who always 
 have turned, and always will turn, this deceitfulnefs to 
 immenfe account, thefe men fly inftantly to crying out as 
 one did anciently, " I faft twice a week, I give tythes of all 
 •* that I noiVefs," and appeal to the multitude for that inte°-- 
 rity in private life, which has no manner of connection with 
 .political character. 
 
 This laft remark contemplates a powerful obftacle, 
 Which the friends of order have oppofed to the diflufion of 
 republican truth. They fay to the people " fee all our cler* 
 u gy» counfellors, judges and men of influence on our fide i 
 are all thefe men knaves, impoftors and traitors ?" This 
 requires particular explanation* The great body of the 
 4 friends of order' are fair in their private characters, but 
 • their political characters are dangerous : they are working 
 on the old exploded fyftem. They dare not be difhoneft, 
 dare not be bad neighbors ; but they dare unite together, 
 and laying afide private and perfonal refponfibility, to aim at 
 meafures in a phalanx, which individually they would not 
 dare to attempt. Thus committees of focieties, feleclmeri 
 and legiflators will do certain things, officially, which would 
 ruin them as individuals. When we fpeak, therefore, of the 
 ' friends of order', we impute to them paflions and actions, 
 Which few of them exhibit openly, at home and among their 
 neighbours ; but which paflions do operate, in forming their 
 political characters, and are evinced by correfpondent ac- 
 tions* Hence wc have clergymen, lawyers, counfellors &c. 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 Who, in their private fpheres, move with propriety; but who 
 perform dangerous revolutions, when they compofe a part 
 of the great political fphere. 
 
 We once complained bitterly and juflly of the fyftem of 
 the Britifh king, and his minifters, and parliament, and the 
 people attached to their meafure?. We charged them with 
 attempts to opp^fs, plunder and dcftroy us, and with deaf- 
 ncfs to the voice of jufticc and confanguinity^. In thefe 
 charges we implicated much the greateft part of the civil- 
 ians, clergy, merchants and rcfpectable men in that nation; 
 men who were moving with high reputation in their voca- 
 tions. Did we by this intend to charge each of thefe men 
 with a perfonal difpofition to opprefs, plunder and deftroy 
 us ? Surely not I — But we charged to the fyftem, which they 
 fupported, all thefe difpofitions, and dreadful facts proved 
 our charges to be well-founded. 
 
 But the arch impostors and prime movers of that fyf- 
 tem could then have plaufibly faid, " Thefe charges aim at 
 you the pious clergy, at you the ufeful merchant, at you 
 the honeft people. Are they true ? Does any of you wifli 
 to opprefs, plunder and deftroy your American brethren V* 
 Every one would anfwer, No 1 and moft of them would con- 
 clude, that we charged them wantonly, and that our caufe 
 was wrong. The body of the people of England are as ufe- 
 ful and rcfpectable as the people of other civilized countries; 
 but the policy of the government under which they live, and 
 to which their leaders are attached, is tyrannical on th« 
 ocean, vindictive on land. 
 
 Just fo in this cafe, we complain of abufes in our gov- 
 ernment, we point to a variety of meafures, in all of which 
 our members of congrefs joined ; not one of which they 
 would have approbated, if judging at home and alone upon 
 it. Thus the fedition and alien acts, the (lamp act, army 
 
 * See Declaration of Independence. 
 D 
 
( as ) 
 
 srncf maufoleum bills all gained their aflcnt through tne forctf 
 of the great federal wheel, by which they are moved. — 
 Though nearly every man in the country exclaimed againft 
 the enormity of the fum voted for the maufoleum, yet it was 
 manifeft.that the force of the fyftem would carry it. There 
 is a great difference between condemning the fyftem by which 
 thefe things are effected, and denouncing the -men, who ap- 
 prove the fyftem, as knaves, impoftors and traitors. If in 
 trying the new experiment of a form of government, in which 
 morals, economy, virtue and peace fliould be the harbingers 
 of happinefs to millions, we chofe to try it by the agency of 
 a clafs of men, who in all ages and countries have detefted 
 and abhorred republicanifm, we ought not to be aftonifhed 
 that the federal (hip was fleering for port rojal y inftead of 
 port republican. 
 
 But the fubtlety of the argument derived from the pri-> 
 • vate characters of the ' friends of order* is yet unexplored* 
 It is this — If all our great and good men are in favor of the 
 paft adminiftration, muft not the fyftem be right? Aik in 
 the State of Pennsylvania, Virginia and Georgia this ques- 
 tion, If all our great and good men are oppofed to the paft 
 adminiftration, muft not the fyftem be wrong? This fliews 
 that the conclufion, in different ftates, from the fame let of 
 ' premifes, would be wholly eppofite. Our great men are as 
 likely to be wrong, as were the great men among the Jews; 
 at the time of the favior or the great men of England in the 
 feafon of our revolution. 
 
 But every attempt, which I would make to draw you. 
 from the deception of this argument, muft have in view the 
 diftinclion between private and political character. The 
 political character of all our ' friends of order' is abhorrent 
 to republicanil'm, Their attempts under that character, 
 to unite church and ftate, and to make your religion play a' 
 game agair.ft your civil rights ; their attempts to make the 
 object of your revolution appear vifionary and republicanifm 
 •odious; their bitternefs againft you,, their arrows, (though 
 
Lll2 
 
 now pointlefs) and their vengeance (though now impotent) 
 are fo many deteftable traits of their political character. 
 
 I have thus endeavored to explain in what manner a 
 fyftem of politics may be obnoxious, and how far the odium 
 ought to attach to his advocates. Wholly confident with 
 this explanation is an unqualified denunciation of the arts 
 by which the * friends of order' are expofing to hazard and 
 derifion, your principles and rights. Confident with this, 
 I may juftly hold up to your reprobation the leading l friends 
 of order', who under pretence of zeal for religion and ancient 
 habits are deceiving and betraying the real friends of both, 
 and gradually introducing ancient British habits and a mon~ 
 urcbical government. 
 
 Having deliberately noticed fome of the obftacles, op- 
 pofed to your acknowledgment of this parallel, viz. the New 
 England character, the prefent ftate of fociety, your own 
 partialities for great men and their zeal to hide their political 
 behind their private characters, let me fay to you explicitly, 
 that this parallel exifts only between the leaders of paft and 
 prefent periods. The deceivers in every nation are few, 
 compared with the deceived : The rich, learned and pow- 
 erful are few, compared with the poor, ignorant and powcr- 
 lefs. Your prejudices removed and this diftinction obierved, 
 you can look, firmly and without fear, at fome familiar, but 
 characteriftic traits of the parallel. 
 
 The jewifli ' friends of order' never reasoned about the 
 merits of the favior ; but brought railing accufations againft 
 him. The church of Rome never reasoned againft the mar- 
 tyrs. They wrote philippics againft them, iffued bulls of 
 denunciation, prated of infallibility, and burnt them. The 
 conquerors of the earth never reason* They iffue manifes- 
 toes, declare war, denounce the poor victims of their wrath 
 as enemies of God, or enemies of my lord the king, feize on 
 defencelefs villages, plunder innocent inhabitants, depopu- 
 late peaceable countries, deal out curfes and diftrefs, as if 
 they were chofen commifiaries of the ftores of divine wrath. 
 
( a8 ) 
 
 And finally, when they are iatiated with murder and 
 mifery,publifh proclamations of pardon to men, againft whom 
 they have committed irreparable wrongs. 
 
 Britain never reasoned with us. She talked of the 
 imprefcriptive rights of the crown, of her power and our 
 weaknefs, fent powder and ball and fleets in place of argu- 
 ments and brought railing accufations againft all the leaders 
 of our revolution. ■ The federal * friends of order' 
 
 never reason about the merits of republicanifm. They 
 abufe, they attack private character, talk of power and na- 
 tional honor, and gratitude ; of jacobinifm, atheilm and phi- 
 lofophifm. But among all their preachers, orators, poets or 
 other writers, you will find no one ferious attempt to ad> 
 drefs to the body of the people a difpaflionate defence of 
 federal meafures, or any reafons why a republican govern- 
 ment was not attempted to be fypported. 
 
 In appealing to your experience I bottom myfelf on- the 
 moft fubftantial ground for fupport of this trait of the paral- 
 lel, and it muft reft in your minds as a ftrong proof, that the 
 impoftors, of all the characters and periods alluded to, have 
 a kindred nature, and a kindred caufe. 
 
 The Jews reverenced their fanhedrim ; the catholics 
 their conclave; flaves the thrones of their mailers : Not for 
 any good which they difcovered in, or expelled from, them ; 
 but becaufe the doctors of the law, the cardinals and kings 
 
 taught them to reverence. Juft fo you have been taught 
 
 to reverence your K friends of order'. Their bundles of 
 habits have been fet up as your idols. The impoftures of 
 laft year are relied on as precedents for this year. They 
 -.recount to you a long lift of offices which they have held, ' 
 and their role d"* equipage of worthy actions is as long as the 
 titles of a Spanifli ambaffador. All this is exhibited twice 
 a year, in the royal gazette of each county, on the week 
 previous to your femi-annual proxies, interlarded with much 
 about fteady habits and permanent offices and rounded off 
 with a compliment to religion as regularly as ancient procla^ 
 ^nations were clofe4 with * Godfaye the King.' But wh* 
 
( *9 ) 
 
 are the authors of this pageantry? Why the very men, who 
 are candidates for office or their adherents 1* Not one pub- 
 lication has appeared in New England fince its firft fettle- 
 ment, recommending the clerical or political » friends of or- 
 der' to public notice, but what was written by fome one of 
 their own number. They chaunt their own pvaifes and then 
 relv on the reverberating echoes of a deceived multitude as 
 conclufivc proof of their merit. 
 
 In this way New England has been the fport of politic- 
 al and clerical adventurers for more than a century and 
 though wifdom lias fometimes cried aloud, though under- 
 ftanding lias fometimes lifted up her voice in the ftreets, yet 
 the din of thefe 'friends of order has overpowered them 
 and at the prefent moment it can hardly be laid that our re- 
 demption from thefe evils draweth nigh. 
 
 Were tins character and ftate of things the refult of 
 fudden impulfe and of fliort duration, they mightbe foon 
 changed; but thefe impoftures have been of long {landing 3 
 they have gained ftrength by age and no fingle exertion can 
 compafs the emancipation of the minds of our people from 
 the tyranny of the L friends of order :' it will recpiire much 
 time and patient exertion to effect it. The art of enflaving 
 the minds of men is the refult of the experience and cun- 
 ning of all the deceivers in every age of the world. All 
 past improvements in the condition of man have been op- 
 pofed by the ruling powers and have been effected with 
 pangs, not in the calm feafons of peace and reflection ; but 
 in the midft of tumult and convulfion. Hence men have 
 habitually connected with the idea of improvement that of 
 national diftrefs and lie nee " they are more difpofed to fuf- 
 ** fer, while evils are fufFerable, than to right themfelves 
 ** by abolifhing the forms to which they are accuflomed."f 
 
 * 7/ is the case in tbe comities of A r . Haven, Litchfield 
 and Hartford and probably through tbe state, that the men 
 actually in office, and who depend on tbe votes of tbe people 
 for reelection, have been tbe anonomous heralds of their ow» 
 merits. This is very modest and hotiorable in the 'friends 
 of order? They are all, all honorable men ! 1 1 
 
 f See dec, independence. 
 
(jo ) 
 
 We look without prejudice to the eaftern world and fet 
 Bullions bowing to flocks and Hones and adoring idols of 
 mere human invention. We pity their ignorance and yet 
 feidom reflect that all our rights of conscience and opinion, 
 that all our powers and faculties are in a ftate of moft ab- 
 folutc fubordinaiion to meer human inventions. The leaft 
 attempt to think, reafon or act for ourfelves is fedition or 
 treafon againft the privileged orders. We are not 
 what God made us ; but a kind of float wood, toffed about 
 according to wind, tide or current. The plain reafon of 
 this is, that our friends of order are, like their predeceifors, 
 infallible, therefore perfecutors and cruel. In moft of our 
 towns, we have Vaticans and conclaves and our little car-. 
 dinals are moving about with all the mock majefly of their 
 Italian brethren. Dogmas and decretals are iilued on every 
 fubjeeb and nothing remains for heretics but to fight, fly or 
 
 be immolated. Whoever doubts the exiftence of this 
 
 ftate of things needs only to reflect on his perfonal condition 
 in refpect to opinions and on the perfections, which all 
 have met, who have adventured to exercife a right of op in* 
 ion, and his doubts will vanifh. 
 
 • 
 
 But the ancient l friends of order* were impatient of 
 contradiction ; fo are the prefent I and this is the firft mo- 
 ment of time, when our northern ' friends of order' could 
 be contradicted with impunity. The general government 
 has placed them, for once, on the minority and afforded 
 them one opportunity of difcovering, that if error and impof- 
 ture are to be eternal, yet that they are to ruffe r an interreg- 
 num, which feafon, it is hopeful, may lead them to fome 
 reflection on the pail condition of thofe, to whofe places 
 they have fucceeded. 
 
 The Jews and catholics were honefl in their outfet, 
 fincere in their object ; but after a fhort time, pompous 
 ceremonies and oftentatious facrifices fucceeded to honefly 
 and fincerity and the law and the gofpel were forgotten 
 ikvaUil the fplendors of the temple and the cathedral. Jufl 
 
( 3Q 
 
 fo c*ur anceftors were honest chriftians and citizens at their 
 outfet ; but as an old writer obferves " the evil spirit is al- 
 ways close at the heels of new settlers." The temptation to 
 unite church and ftate early became irrefrftible. As the 
 country increafed in numbers, wealth and luxury, this union 
 was ftrengthened and at the prefent day it is manifeftly 
 aiming at a virtual, if not a vifible, eftablifhment in thi» 
 countrv. Our political concerns have for years been under 
 the influence of this union. 
 
 But the Jcwiih * friends of order' were offended ac 
 the inftruments improved for fpreading the gofpel. If 
 Csfar or Herod had condefcended to preach, they might 
 have been heard with attention ; but that the foil of a car- 
 penter and a few fifliermen fliould pretend to teach, was too 
 much for their pride. So the 'friends of order 7 in Europe 
 were offended that the French were improved to iubordin- 
 ate the papal power and to fliake the thrones. So on? 
 ' friends of order' might hear of equal rights and economy, 
 if Adams or Pinckncy were to recommend them ; but that 
 an emigrant from Geneva, left than fix feet high and who 
 can hardly fpeak our language, fliould undertake to talk of 
 republican rights and virtues is too humiliating. It has been 
 truly diftrefiing to the • friends of order' in every age, that 
 the Governor of the world "hath chofeo foolish things to 
 M confound the wife zw&wcak things to confound the mighty, 
 " that no flefli might glory in his prefence."* 
 
 Having prefented a few character iftic parallels, fufE- 
 cient to defignate the men, whorefemble the ancient friends 
 of order, I proceed to the talk of illuftrating the three firffc 
 terms of my proportion, viz. the error, i'clf love and 
 deceit, common to thefe men in every country, by compar- 
 ing their origin, extent of exiftence and modes of operation 
 
 These men in the Jewifh nation did not form into folid 
 columns under their father Jacob in, Canaan, nor under Ja» 
 
 * i Cor. i. 2,7. ao. 
 
( 3* ) 
 
 feph in Egypt nor under Mofes in the wildernefs. A com- 
 munity of fufferingB pre/erved an equality of rights. But 
 in the pofieflion of the promiied land, with the tide of 
 God's chofen people, tl | aflions of the human heart 
 
 drew together the rich, the learned and the artful. Thefe 
 had forgotten the pillar of a cloud by day and the pillar of 
 iire by night and the wonders at the red fea and the rain of* 
 bread from heaven. Self love directed them to the means of 
 peri on al agrandizement. They firft attached to themielves 
 that clafs of men, who hold the middle rank between the 
 great and the body of the people. Then the multitude was 
 called to recollect that Abraham was their father, that 
 their religion was ancient, that they muft hate the 
 gentiles,and that order and good government must be support- 
 ed. Thus the people, amuied, flattered and deceived, were 
 taught to bathe in the pool, where the rulers bathed, to 
 kneel where the rulers kneeled and to follow the great men 
 in all the exteriors of a vain, oftentatious religion. 
 
 These leaders were really attached to order, provided 
 they might be allowed to decide on the forms of it j but 
 when the true religion was preached, they fliewed their 
 hatred of order by every a£l of pointed oppofition. Then 
 their rancorous obftinaey in error difclofed itfelf. They 
 could not bear to refign the fplendid advantages, which 
 they load derived from the blindness of the multitude. They 
 hated the light and were efpecialiy jealous left the people 
 fliould difcover their hypocrify — and thus the bleflings, 
 which were offered to that nation, were turned to the gen- 
 tiles, whom they affected to defpife. 
 
 In the Romifli church thefe 'friends of order' did not 
 form into folid columns, till the kings of the earth began to 
 bring their prefents and to do homage. The affociation of 
 papal thunder with kingly power was mighty enough to fu- 
 bordinate the millions, and thus wealth and dominion were 
 ufurped by the rich, the learned and the artful, the king- 
 doms of this world became the kingdoms of the ghoftly 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 father and each affifted the other in railing up the * friends of 
 order.' Thus every nation in Europe was troubled with 
 this clafs of men — always compofing about one tenth of the 
 people and generally exhibiting themlelves in concert, when- 
 ever that fmall portion of the people could overballance all 
 the reft in wealth and fubtlety. In every nation the pha- 
 lanx was compofed of felecYions from Clergy and Laity. 
 Their uniform cry was for order , becaufe the body of the 
 people loved order ; but they personally hated order and al- 
 ways deflroyed it, when it endangered their fchemes. They 
 affected great regard for the people ; yet never aflociated 
 for their good; yet by their impofturcs and their art of pre- 
 tending to feek for objects, which they abhorred, they have, 
 amufed the people and gradually impoverished and debilitat- 
 ed them ; fo that nothing could redeem the people, but 
 civil war and convullions and when they have been driven 
 to this point, those 'friends of order' have been the marked 
 objects of their vengeance. 
 
 The uniformity of the people in the nations of Europe, 
 afcribing all their diftreffes to thofe elevated men, who falic- 
 ly profefs to be devoting all their exertions to the public 
 good, illuftrates fome features of this portrait-. The origin 
 and progrefs of the French revolution confirm the reft. 
 
 When we fee that this character has been always found- 
 ed in error, always foftered by self-love, always conducted 
 by deceit in former ages and that the body of the people in every 
 nation have been afflicted will it, {hall w« vainly expect that 
 in our country, food mall be offered to hungry ambition, to 
 greedy avarice and infatiable pride and yet that they will 
 not partake of it ; that the bafe paflions of the human heart 
 are to operate good to man £m>, because this is our country J 
 Nothing can be more vain. We fhould be ftupid, did we 
 not early guard ourfelves againft the dominion of the friends 
 of order? The fimffettlement of this country or the fuft 
 
 E 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 tefftury afterwards — or the feafon of our revolution or the 
 few fucceeding years were not occafions for the formation of 
 of our * friends of order' into folid columns. But when the 
 federal government was opening fcenes of wealth and lux- 
 ury and expensively nurfing and foftering thofe pafllons, 
 which always give rife to this formation, we are not to 
 wonder that the 'friends of order were exhibiting themfelves 
 ki every part of the union. The caufesof the concentratnwi 
 of this character in New England have been already pre- 
 sented. The acts, by which they have {hewn their refem- 
 blance to their antient brethren will appear under the political 
 head of this fubjeel. 
 
 One mode of operation marks all thefe men in every 
 country. As loon as they get footing, they feize, like vic- 
 tors in a conquered town, all the moil valuable treafure and 
 claim it as their own without regard to the right owners. 
 Thus thefe i friends of order' among us feize your religion, 
 your ancient and revered habits and exclaim,, Lo ! all thefe 
 are ours. They are extremely fond of imputed righteoufnefs r 
 if they can obtain it by force or fraud. They even hire men to 
 publifh their zeal and to ftun the ears of the populace with 
 their profefhons and in their view any man deferves death, 
 who fays to the people calmly, thefe men are impoftors ; 
 they care not for your i-eligion nor for your ancient habits ; 
 they are worfliippers of the gods of the heathen, filver and- 
 gold. 
 
 Look, my friends, deliberately at thefe things and 
 compare them with the men and the facts within the reach 
 of every one of you ; for thefe 'friends of order' are veiy 
 conveniently fettled in all our towns. Is it true that they' 
 are promoting religion ? Does any thing in the paft admin- 
 t ration look like our ancient habits of order and economy ? 
 Which of your anceftors received 2,40,000 dollars of the pub- 
 lic money,"* added to immenfe influence and the reverfion- 
 
 * Mr* Adams received ioo a ooo dollars as President? 
 
t 35 ) 
 
 ©Fa maufoleum worth 2,00,000 dollars ? Which of your an- 
 ceftors lived in a public difavowal of religion and yet could 
 be daily extolled by ecclefiaftical courtiers as an apoftle ? 
 Which of the holy minifters, who founded churches in the 
 wildeimefs, fpent the greateft part of his time in aflifting one 
 clafs of men to humble, impoverifh, reduce and diftrefs all 
 the reft ? 
 
 No earthly evidence beyond the columns of federal pa- 
 pers exhibits the moft diftant refpect of thefe friends of or- 
 der for religion or ancient habits ; but as goods, plundered in 
 a city, are worth what they will bring in market, fo are re- 
 ligion and ancient habits to thefe men. They cry them 
 conlhmtly, till fome one bids them off. 
 
 Once tell thefe lovers* of religion, * You muft pray 
 ' fervently, live pioufly, conduct charitably, think no evil, 
 4 rejoice in the truth and be examples of patience, meek- 
 * nefs and mercy ;' they would curie your religion rather 
 than practife it. 
 
 Tell thefe lovers of ancienj; habits, you muft be ready 
 to ferve your country, town and fociety in the places to 
 which they may call you, receiving no more than what you 
 fervices are worth, muft be frugal and economical of your 
 own and of the public money, they would ibon fhew a tho- 
 rough practical fcorn of your ancient habits. 
 
 These < friends of order' are willing to ingraft their av- 
 arice, lull of power and fpirit of tyranny on your old deep- 
 rooted ftock of religion and ancient habits, and fo have the 
 friends of order been willing to do in eveiy age and country. 
 
 Does the hungry man feek food, or the tyger his prey, 
 or the fifh and the bird their elements, or the hpufe-breaker 
 the filyer and gold ? Juft as certainly thefe l friends of order* 
 
 40,000 as Vice President and 100,000 in bis previous offices^ 
 a fine proof of tbe ingratitude of republics ! 
 
 * I speak expressly of tbe "friends of order", not of 
 tbe body of tbe people. 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 fpring upon your religion and ancient habits, and you .have 
 no way to diflodge them, bat bv firmly infilling, that if 
 they hold the horns of the altar, they Audi wprfhip de- 
 voutly at the altar, and if they claim ancient habits, they 
 fhall practife them. Your perfonal refpect for the altar 
 fliould teach you, that it is not profane to drive from thence 
 all v-hc do not revere it, and to infift, as your divine mafter 
 did, that that the houfe of prayer fhall not be a den of 
 •thieves. 
 
 The day, which we now celebiate, fumifkes an illuf- 
 tration of thefe remarks. It has been faid, moft of you have 
 heard it, that if JefFerfon fliouldbe elected to the prcfidency, 
 all the mecting-houfes and bibles in the country would be 
 burnt. I do not wait a moment to comment on the bafenefs 
 of this falfehood, but proceed to remark that this church and 
 ftate alarm has been rung by that clafs of the 'friends of or- 
 der,' who are certainly among the moft open and profane 
 infidels in our country. What if fome daring incendiary 
 fhould burn one or more meeting-houfes, the induftry of the 
 friends of public worfhip would ibon rebuild them : — and 
 fuppofe a few bibles fhould be facrilegioufly burnt, they 
 might foon be replaced ; for the induftry of man and the art 
 of printing have placed the deft ruction of houfes of worfhip 
 and of bibles out of the reach of all fires fhort of the final 
 conflagration. Suppofe a few infidels were to publifli their 
 infidelity and to abufe religion, its real friends could not be 
 alarmed ; 
 
 But when thefe pretended friends of religion lead in- 
 fidel lives ; when they carry religion to market and offer it 
 in exchange for luxuries and honors ; when they place it 
 familiarly and conftaritly in the columns of newfpapers, man- 
 ifestly conncdled <toitb electioneering purposes ,and when they 
 a.'e offering it up as a morning and evening facrifice on the 
 altar of perfonal pride or political party — thefe men are 
 placing a fire-brand to every meeting-houfe and applying a 
 torch to every bible. They are doing worfe j by their by- 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 pocrify they are attacking religion in the heart and life, be- 
 traying it and crucifying its author. 
 
 Ttfr.sr. men are crying, infidelity abounds I So the in- 
 cendiary firffc . ries, Fire ! Infidelity does abound and if you 
 will watch tin it; you will fureiy hear it from 
 
 a man, -who is exerting ail hi* might and ftrength to caufe 
 it to abound. As water can alone quench fire, fo true re- 
 ligion can alone e\tiaguifu infidelity. The man, who cries, 
 Fire, Fire, and yet leeks no water, is the incendiary. The 
 man, who cries, Infidelity, Infidel phiiofophy, and yet fecks 
 no chriftian virtues to oppofe it, is the A fch- Infidel. He 
 and his company began and are carrying on all the mffchief. 
 As oar opponents have, in fome intervals of candor, 
 allowed that' there might be, now and then, an honcft de- 
 ceived man in our party, fo in return I am willing to fay, 
 that fome pious good men have been made really to believe, 
 that all the meeting houfes and bibles in the country were 
 to be burnt, and that Jefferfon was to be the High Pricft of 
 Infidelity: But I have no conception that there is or can be 
 one honeft, fincere, heaven-born chriftian among the heads 
 of this department of ' the friends of order'. Their zeal is 
 so uniformly mixed with political c'jecis, tbeir rebukes and 
 reflections so charged with bitterness, their language so full 
 of vengeance, and. tbeir tender mireies so much like cruelty, 
 that if Christianity is rightly defined in the scriptures, it is 
 impossible that these have the spirit ^bovtever imperiously they 
 may claim the name, of christians. 
 
 These heads of the department will feek to fhelter them- 
 felves behind the body of the clergy and the people ; but a clear 
 diftincYion muftbe obferved between the deceiving few and the 
 deceived many. In ail countries thefe clafles are diftinguifli- 
 cd. Throughout hiilory, crimes and cruelties have been 
 imputed to chief priefts, popes, kings, conquerors and court- 
 iers, who have contrived, by every artifice, to compafs their 
 ends. To the body of the people they have never been im-. 
 puted. From the days of the falfe apoftles, decci'ful work- 
 
( 38 ) 
 
 •ers*, transforming themfdves into angels of light, to the* 
 prefent day, every nation has been troubled with this clafs 
 of men, and it is the.higheft wifdom in every people to know 
 them. 
 
 In all nations the multitude have always looked up, 
 with fear and awe, to that clafs of men, who, after their 
 death or ceffation of power, have been generally acknow- 
 ledged to have been the pells of fociety. No imperious 
 pontiff or tyrant can be named, who has not, in the pleni- 
 tude of his power, received this homage. In moft countries, 
 fear and terror have prevented any difclofure of the charac- 
 ters of thefe men. The body of the people have not dared 
 to look difrefpectfully at the feience, artifice, fplendor and 
 power of courts and great men. They have confidered, that 
 all truth and all knowledge muft come from thofe, on whom 
 the riders have believed. Hence it is thought daring to. 
 ipeak truth about the ariftocracies of any country, and 
 truths, however obvious and confirmed by obfervation, will 
 not fuddenly fettle into the mind lb as to produce the nccei^ 
 fary effect. Much prejudice, impofture and terror are to be 
 difpofed of, before convidYion can fully take place. 
 
 Surely a chriftian needs no proof of the error, se/Jtove £5"* 
 deceit which characterized the ancient friends of order; but the 
 impofing circumftances, under which thefe have been fuflain- 
 ed, deferve your notice. It will be readily conceded, that had 
 the pooreft man among the jews called the fcribes and phari- 
 fees hypocrites, it would have been as true as was the fame 
 denunciation from the fearcher of hearts. Had the moft 
 perfecuted of the martyrs called the holy inquifition a fet of 
 cruel impoftors, it would have been as true as if the favior 
 had pronounced it. Had the humbleft of our citizens declared 
 the king of Great Britain a tyrant, unfit to be the ruler of a 
 free people, it would have been as true as was the fame 
 charge in our declaration of independence; yet thefe fenbea 
 and pharifees, the inquifition and the king were fupported 
 
 * 2 Cor. ii, 13. 
 
i_j9 y 
 
 4kt\d accredited by the great body of rich, powerful, learned! 
 and reputable. In all thefe inftances, the men who dared to 
 denounce, would have been called, and treated as infidels and 
 heretics. Thefe great men and their adherents would not 
 have heard a word in juftification of fuch offenders. But the 
 Romifli church is pledged to maintain that total error, hy- 
 pocrify and cruelty, marked the character of the jews. The 
 Englifh nation is pledged to maintain the fame of the Romifli 
 church, and we are pledged, by every tie of religion and fo- 
 ciety, to believe that the jews, catholics and Britons are 
 wholly erroneous, hypocritical and cruel. The union of 
 church and ftate brought the Savior to the crofs, millions of 
 proteftants to torture and our country to the brink of des- 
 truction. 
 
 The fame caufes, which produced thefe feveral unions 
 of church and ftate, ftill exift in the paffions of man, ftill 
 have the fame end in view, and our New England church 
 and Rate union is no better in origin, principle or object, than 
 was the fame union among the jews, catholics and the mo- 
 narchies of Europe. Will any exclaim, " This is an hard 
 faying, who can hear it :" To fuch let me fay, had you liv- 
 ed in the days of Herod, you would have regarded the 
 doctors of the jewifli law as holy men : — had you lived un- 
 der the roman pontiffs, you would have thought them 
 faithful fubjects of the King of Zion — and had you lived m 
 England in the days of our revolution and feen the King and 
 his miniftry, the clergy and other men of feience, lawyers? 
 and merchants j — nearly the whole kingdom united againft 
 our caufe, you would have judged the figners of our decla- 
 ration, of independence tobe traitors and, madmen; but in alt 
 these instances you would have mistaken tbcfacl* Error will 
 be eternal, becaufe men dare not look at the truth ; they 
 k arcely dare look at the known difguifes, which impoftor* 
 afliime for the exprefs purpofe of concealing the truth. 
 ( The late presidential ele&ion has difclofed the faa of the 
 anion of church and ftate here and the « friends of order' who 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 compofe it. We are no longer left to doubt its exiftence. 
 All New England has been agitated with church and fhte 
 alarms and but a few months fince, Mr.Jefferfon was boldly 
 and publicly called a jacobin and an atheiil by men, who 
 will foon affect to have a Sigh refpect for his abilities and 
 character. One of the candidates, oppofed to him, was 
 extolled as &.real christian, though after the election it was 
 difcovered that he was of that clafs, who could fay with 
 fmgular propriety, tl Lord, help my unbelief." For many 
 weeks federalifm and ch'riftiahity were ufed fynonomoufly 
 and all at 1 . ge of political men and meafures 
 
 were regarded as heretii 
 
 Thkn the body of our people were made to believe that 
 thefe federal ' friends of order' were exerting themfelves 
 for the chriftian religion ; bait ibis was far from the truth. 
 They were exerting themfelves to defend a religion, which 
 Mr. Jefferfon and the republicans of this country could and 
 would defeat. This certainly was riot the chriftian religion. 
 It was a religion, made up of mofl earthly, ienfual ingredi- 
 ents, depending as much on the bounties of effice, as new 
 Lt'.lcrs depend on bounty lands. That religion, which is 
 founded on the reck of ages, cannot be fhaken ; but the re- 
 ligion, which thefe men were exclaiming about, was the 
 fame political religion, which great men in all ages have 
 been exclaiming about, audit ought to be lcarce in a free 
 country. Neglect of this reflection drew many real believ- 
 ers into a junction with the falfe apoftlcs, the tares grew 
 with the wheat, infidels borrowed the cloaks of chriftian* 
 and the impcitu re became too plauliblc for fudden detection. 
 Never was a time, when morals and lbcial intercourie re- 
 ceived a more vital (lab. 
 
 Though I have not directly named the northern ' friends 
 of order' yet the traits of the parallel already exhibited 
 
 * Witness the federal sermons, pamphlets and newspa* 
 per essays of last summer and autumn. 
 
LlLl 
 
 will {hew you that I am not fpeaking of imaginary beings, 
 but of men, who really exift in New England. It remains 
 under this head, to {hew the effect of the union of church 
 and ftate upon religion and civil liberty, by exhibiting fome 
 overt acls of our * friends of order' and by presenting fome 
 of their bold and prominent features. 
 
 Church and State always contaminate each other, fo 
 far as their union extends. The clerical politician is an 
 ufelefs preacher ; the political chriftian is a dangerous ftatef- 
 man. We feel daily the dreadful effects of this union. The 
 republican character has, for years, been the object of its 
 vengeance. This vengeance is the fame from, * crucify him, 
 crucify him' down to the writings of Burleigh. The men, 
 who willpublifh that " republicans are fo full of murder, that 
 " they even ftart from their fleep and feize their daggers to 
 u perform the work of death",* would, if they had power, 
 and really believed themfelves, actually crucify the republi- 
 cans. From their pens come, as from the hearts of their 
 brethren of old, hatred, malice, bitternefs, evil fpeaking 
 and blafphemies.-j* 
 
 In the midft of this character they cautioufly conceal 
 their names, leaving their falsehoods to be charged to Lucur- 
 gus, Epaminondas or ConneclicutenfisJ. Such, by reafon 
 of their public zeal for the temple and their private charities 
 to church and ftate papers, may calculate, as their ancient 
 brethren did, on {landing high in the favor of heaven ; bur. 
 the winding up of their characters is feen in the 7 th chap- 
 
 * Extract from u Burleigh" anonymous author of 
 numbers in the Connctlicut Courant. 
 
 -j- Seethe Connecticut Courant, Litchfcld Monitor, &>V. 
 
 \ ConiK'ccicutenfis, This was the signature of a pam- 
 phlet, entitled, " Three letters to Abraham Bishops publi 'sh- 
 ed last October and received with gteat joy and peace in bc- 
 Lievi rig by the friends of order\ d to have 
 
 ual talent at avoiding his subject and the truth (see ap- 
 pendix j. 
 
 F 
 
( 4* > 
 
 fcer of Matthew, where thefe bluftering friends of order arc- 
 heard faying, " Have we not prophefiedin thy name and in 
 thy name done many wonderful works :" « Depart, ve 
 workers of iniquity" will be their fentence and this will not 
 be reverted, even though they IKould add, when thv name 
 and thy caufe were finking, we wrote serious considerations* 
 and voices of warningj and iffued pamphlets and even eftab- 
 
 l miffionary ibcietiesj and palladiums^ to prop and de- 
 fend it. 
 
 Could it be, that thefe friends of order were chrif- 
 tians, their wrath might be more plaufible and tolerable : 
 but the greater! virulence proceeds from thofe who do not 
 publicly profefs religion. Their immediate followers are a 
 clafs, who, though they profefs and talk much about relig- 
 ion, yet have never palled the rubicon, have never poflefled 
 the white ftone, which no man knowethbut he that receiv- 
 eth it. They fecretly regret, that they have undertaken the 
 journey to the promifed land and in heart long to return to 
 the flefli pots of Egypt ; but as they are enlifted, they are 
 
 * Ascribed to the Rev* Dr. Lair, cf New Tori.. 
 
 •}• Ascribed to the Rev. Dr. Mason of New York. 
 
 7 'bese pamphlets were written oftenfibly to defendchris- 
 tianity, really to vilify Mr. Jefferson and to bring into port 
 Pinckney and Adams under convoy of the church and state 
 frigate. 
 
 It may be proper for settled pastors to leave their ^un- 
 converted flocks in order to christianize the heathen in the. 
 state of New Tork ; but I rather doubt it, 
 
 || Palladium. This is the title of a newspaper, lately set 
 ftp it: Baste : religion and steady habits, edited by- 
 
 one Warren Dutton, lately let loose upon 'he world from Tale 
 College. Tit- was, for a few numbers, sustained by 
 
 some decent federal pieces, deficient only in point of truth ; 
 hut it has now become a common sewer for abuse upon repub- 
 and a sink for the dish water of the political clergy. 
 Surely if Christianity and steady habits are to expire with 
 this p ,\;-, $, wv frien is ought to have their mourning suits 
 ,:< : SS. 
 
I 43 > 
 
 refolved to make the moll of it, and hence it is quails and 
 manna for them to join the chief priefts and rulers in al ail- 
 ing the multitude. Whenever real chriftiaris undertake the 
 work of perfecution, they doit as Saul perfecuted the church, 
 verily believing they are doing Godfervice. In the integ- 
 rity of their hearts may fuch be arretted in their career a:.d, 
 with the bleffednefs of Paul, have a bright light finning 
 about them. 
 
 These remarks run counter to the tide of religious 
 profefnons, which nearly inundates thefe northern ftates ; 
 but profefnons are no better than bonds which are not paid 
 by mere figning ; fame duty is to be performed. In certain 
 parts of Germany panes, a bafe kind of coin for more than it 
 is worth, the confequence of which is, that filver and gaty, 
 are nearly driven out of currency. Juft fo here profefiions 
 pafs for more than they are worth. Your neighbor profefies 
 and if you offer to doubt, the world is full-mouthed upon 
 you, " Fray do you know men's hearts ? Can you decide 
 that the man is not a chriftian ?" I anfvver that if the man 
 will keep his heart to himfelf and truft in God for his integ- 
 rity, I have nothing to do with him ; but if he plays his 
 heart and affections againft me and my interefts I fliall be ve- 
 ry likely to judge of him by his fruit. We are not apt, in 
 the ordinary concerns of life and of courts, to take men's 
 teftimony conclufively in their own favor, especially if their 
 conduct renders their profefnons doubtful and if they are to 
 gain immenfely by them ; but in religion it feemsto be a kind 
 of rule, that profefnons mail have full faith and credit, and 
 the reafon of this rule is, that fo many find it neceffary to 
 their perfbnal profit and protection. 
 
 Under this rule fome friends of order in this ftate, 
 whofe whole lives have been one continued violation < 
 
 i, have been admitted into the calendar of vifible faints. 
 The all fanclifyingfalve of wealth or public honors has heal- 
 ed all their backilidings and regeneration has arrived to 
 them through the converting ordinances of jobs audi!.:- 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 ecures.* It was laid to the ancient chriilians, " Bleffed arc 
 ve, when men revile you and hale you and perfecute you and 
 fay all manner of evil againft you falfely, for great is your 
 reward in heaven" ; but the falfe profeffmg faints, whom I 
 have juft named and ivbo arc to a man the friends of church 
 and state union, are wholly unwilling to hold their titles to 
 heaven by fuch liveries of feifin. They confider a bird in 
 the hand worth two in the bum and prefer a fnug fettlement 
 in ilio good graces and honors of this world to the revilings, 
 perfecutions and hatred, which followed the adherents of 
 the ancient church, and to the reverfion of glory to be re- 
 vealed; but in. the actual work of reviling, hating, perfecut- 
 ing and faying all manner of evil falsely about thofe, who 
 differ from them, they are not a whit beliind the chief priefts 
 and pharifees. 
 
 Many ambitious * friends of order' in our country 
 have difcovered, that enlifting under the banners of prieft- 
 craft andprejudice is the fureft road to promotion. Thefe 
 hate that religion, which led to ffcripes, fcoflings, imprifon- 
 ments and death; but love that which leads to offices and 
 honors, and they look with a kind of fcorn and pity on thofe, 
 whom they fuppofe ignorant of the mighty fecret, as the 
 houfe-breaker pities the plodding labourer, who muft em- 
 ploy a month diligently to earn that, which he can fecretly 
 
 gain by the plunder of a nightj : But impoftors, in every 
 
 age, have prac"lifed the fame art. By it the confidence of 
 the weak and the contempt of the difcerning have been al- 
 ways infured. 
 
 Ye double-dealers, though your way be like that of a 
 ferpent on a rock, yet the republican reign, which you have 
 fo much ridiculed and defpiled, will check many of your ob-. 
 
 * The Connecticut reader will knov: that I am not speak- 
 ing of fhadows. 
 
 X I am not confined to any half dozefi originals for this 
 urc* 
 
( 45 ■? 
 
 liquitles. jT^c riding of meeiing-hoitses* is an equeftrian 
 feat, which might have amufed under the ancient order of 
 things, but will be very hazardous to the rider, when reli- 
 gion fhall confift in the worfhip of God and government be 
 devoted to the interests of man, and when wifdom and know- 
 ledge (hail be the {lability of our times. As your ancient 
 brethren the jews, though once they bonded of their fuper- 
 ior rank and pretenfions, are now wandering about the 
 world, the abhorrence of all nations ; fo after the full eftab- 
 ffeiment of the reign of veal order, you will be found thinly 
 fcattered among all. nations, the abhorrence of freemen. 
 
 The fpeaker is aware that fome clerical l friends of or- 
 der' may pervert thefe remarks into evidences of infidelity ; 
 but though the prefent is not a favorable occafion for auricu- 
 lar confeffions, he begs to fubmit to them fome proof of his 
 fincerity. He has long been mortified at the evidences ex- 
 hibited by thoi'e very clergy, that earth and heaven attract 
 them according to their difhmccs, not according to their 
 powers. He has read with concern and difguft fome of their 
 election fermons, in which there is a little of governor, a 
 little of council, a little of congrefs, much of puffing, much 
 of politics and a very little religion — a itrange compoft, like 
 a carrot pve, having fo little of the ingredients of the vegeta- 
 ble, that the cook mtift chriften it. 
 
 It always was and will be proper, on all occafions, to 
 preach the gofpel and to apply its precepts to the duties of 
 men in all the concerns of public and private life. Such in- 
 ftru&ion is wholly unexceptionable on eleaion occafions ; 
 but thefe political % fermons, though no more like gofpel fer- 
 
 _ * Riding of meeting-houfes. this refers to an expres- 
 sion applied to one of our « friends of order", on account of 
 his changing his place of worship often, previous lo his polit- 
 ical promotion, and very aptly expresses the flu fling of legs 
 in divine fervice, to which our Conneclicut politicians are 
 subject, previous to their elevation to council and congress. 
 
 _ % I refer to such sermons as Mr. Backus', the object of 
 which was to expose to ridicule and contempt the republicans 
 of this State, * 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 xnons, than the dinners given to the clergy on thofe days are 
 like the fufts of Nineveh, mult be printed at the expence of 
 the State, and circulated by the representatives into the dif- 
 ferent towns, there to be lent to political faints, as a recog- 
 nition of the unbroken union of church and ftate, and as an 
 apology on the fabbath for the neglect of God and their 
 bibles. 
 
 Surely every chriftian mull fhudder and be alarmed, 
 ■when he finds that meats and drinks are preferred to 
 righteoufnefs and peace, and that the religion of the coun- 
 try is made a stalking horse for political jockies*. 
 
 The remarks under this head will furnifh a key to what 
 ftrangers have called the inscrutable part of the character of 
 New England. There are pious clergymen and real chrif- 
 tians here ; fo there are in every part of the United States ; 
 but it is not true that we excel our neighbours in this i-e- 
 fpect. We have hypocrites in abundance, who make long 
 prayers to be heard of men, and who wear fad countenances 
 that they may appear to be contrite.- Thefe men pro- 
 claim loudly to their maker, " that they are wicked and de- 
 ceitful and unprofitable ; that they love the creature more 
 than the creator; that they cleave unto lying vanities." — 
 I am in the habit of believing that there is much truth in 
 thefe profeflions : But when thefe fame profeffors turn to 
 men and boaft of their fuperior holinefs and love of religion 
 and zeal for the caufe of God, I am very apt to doubt the 
 truth of it. Now if this fhews a want of candor, look 
 round among yourprofefling neighbours, and let the refult 
 of your obfervation corre6l me ; hut your own hearts will 
 bear me witnels that true religion and cisil liberty are daily 
 fuffering by the union of church and ftate. 
 
 * Thanksgivings and fasts have been often improved for 
 political purposes and the miserable gleanings from half a 
 year's ignorance of the true interests of our country have 
 been palmed on the people, by the political clergy, as a pious 
 compliance 'with the governor's very pious proclamations, 
 
(_47 ) 
 
 Having traced the character.:; of error, self-love and 
 deceit in our modern i friends of order', let us diiclofe their 
 hostility to the true interests of man, persecution and cruelty, 
 in their operations on our political concerns. 
 
 After the revolution this country was to be the fceno 
 of the great difplays of divine wifdom and goodnefs. Here 
 liberty and peace and pure and undefiled religion were to 
 flourifh in eternal youth. The leaves of our future hiftory 
 were gilded and the pages left to be filled up with the ac- 
 tions of a long lift of unambitious Csefars. Here the patri- 
 ots of other nations were to find an afylum and the houfelefs 
 ftranger a welcome home. The rights of man were to be 
 refpeeted to the lateft generation. The phantafms, follies 
 and cruelties of European governments were to bedifclaimed 
 and this redeemed continent was to be the grand theatre of 
 the millennial reign. 
 
 Thus publifhed the deceitful courtier ; thus wrote the 
 honeft poet and thus fung the bard: but the whole has 
 hitherto appeared like a vain illufion. 
 
 Ouu firit importation from Europe was a funding jryx- 
 tem, which is as neceflary to the ' friends of order,' as aif 
 is to life. Next followed fyftems of commerce and ways and 
 means, diplomacy, navy, army, &c. England was the beft 
 country for us to trade with. She would give ample credit, 
 and long credit with a vengeance, for the ruinous fyftemsj 
 againft which we had fought. 
 
 Thus came over one curfe after another, as in the vi- 
 rion of St. John, " I faw another dragon and another beaft 
 "and another dragon, a mighty fierce dragon" and in fad 
 nothing remained but the Lion and the Unicorn and they 
 were juft ready to be landed, when the elecYion of Jefferfon 
 and Burr was announced : Our court graced with Ham- 
 monds and Liftons, intimates of our nothern ' friends of order' 
 and our commercial towns filled with Britifh agents, mer- 
 chants and factors, bleffed preachers of political rightccui'- 
 tiefs and equality ! I ! 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 In all this time the people were looking for the freedom, 
 pence, econon jligion which they fought to obtain • 
 
 but had either of theie been fuffered to land, they muft 
 have taken up private lodgings, for they could have 
 gained no admiflion into the federal hotels. In fact, our 
 ends, of order' were copying faithful!}', as a boy copies, 
 his mafter'shand, all the projects of Britifti cabinets and 
 all the abandonments of European monarchical govern- 
 ments,^ defiance of our declaration of independence and of 
 numerous proteftations during a diftreffing war. 
 
 Under this ftrangfi order of things freedom was taught 
 bv the fedition act — patriot foreigners welcomed by the 
 alien law — lectures on peace re^d by Commodores and Gen- 
 erals economy taught by the funding i'vftem religion 
 
 preached by federal editors — morals put out to nurfe on 
 board of our armed {hips, and the lights of man kiln-dryed 
 for exportation in our great commercial towns. Was this, 
 republicans, the government, for which you fought and 
 bled ? Nothing was wanting to complete a government, 
 meriting your total abhorrence, but an hereditary Prefident 
 and a Senate for life and ample preparations were making for 
 this event, as we learn from one of our * friends of order' 
 and extermination, lately reappointed to the Senate by our 
 Governor and Council.* 
 
 No heir, juft arrived to an imrhenfe eflate, ever pro- 
 jected more extravagant plans, than did the federal * friends 
 of order,' after having fecurcd to themfelves all offices and 
 emoluments. The vaft funis of money, paid by the people, 
 
 * / refer to a communication made, by Uriah Tracy, 
 Esq. senator in Congress, to the Rev. Stanly Grlswold at one 
 and to Gen. Skinner at another time, the substance of 
 which was, " that the government was too weak, that the peo- 
 ple were too strong, that we must have a king ; but not to be 
 called a king — and a houfe of lords : but they must not be 
 called such, and a hierarchy under the same precautions, £?V." 
 The federal measures of the four last years have been dread- 
 ful presages of such an intention. 
 
U ) 
 
 were confumed, like the miraculous loaf, one half eating up 
 the other half, that is, one half was confumecl in contriving 
 ways and means to get it and in actually getting it, and the 
 other half was confumed in contriving ways and means to 
 expend it and in actually expending it. 
 
 Hence from the imported dragons came forth young 
 dragons, in the deteftable forms of carriage-taxes and (lamp-j- 
 ails, and the people groaned by reafon of the multitude of 
 their oppreffions. Millions after millions, honeflly earned, 
 have been trifled away and if the lofs of thofe could alone be 
 deplored, it had been better : but they went only to prepare 
 the way for more. The firft cry was fmall and delicate, 
 * let us have a few armed veiTels jufl: to keep off the little 
 pirates, then a few 44's, then a few 74^ ; but the two or 
 three millions, which you annually pay for the honor of 
 fpreading your canvas on the water and preaching peace by 
 broadfides, is but an entering wedge to a navy of immenfe 
 force, which will as certainly deftroy your liberties, as a 
 mofl malignant peftilence will deftroy the lives of men. 
 
 This fhort fyllabus of our paft political fituation point* 
 you clearly to the object; of the * friends of order'. This 
 object was monarchy, and the objecl; gained would have made 
 confident and operative all their previous meafures. Every 
 thing had affumed a monarchical afpect ; eveji the fpeechea 
 of Otis and Harper founded like the fpeeches of Grenville 
 and Dundas, and as the king at the opening of parliament, 
 fo our late prefident, at the opening of congrefs, could talk 
 wifely about the great peace, plenty, profperity and order, 
 which had prevailed under the wife adminiftration of his wise 
 felf and his faithful miniftry ; and the fame ftyle would have- 
 
 •\ Our people are often obliged to ride several miles in. 
 trder to procure stamps. Even in compacl towns ibis tax 
 severely incumbers business. It is an embargo on industry ana 
 if the time or aff'cclions of our people bad been worth feder- 
 al notice^ ibis Britifh stamp acl would never been passed, 
 
 G 
 
( 50 ) 
 
 ■ T ' = — Tt 
 
 been obfervcd here, even if the profufe cxportations of flou? 
 had ftarved one half of our people and the meafures of gov- 
 ernment had reduced the other half to fiavery. 
 
 Nothing could have prevented a monarchy here but 
 the accefuon of Jefferfon and Burr to the prefidency. The 
 4 friends of order' faw this, and marfhalled all their force in 
 favor of their candidates. The event is doubly joyful, be* 
 caufe on this crifis depended the life of liberty, and the fate 
 of republicans. 
 
 From the volumes pf meafures, by which the * friends 
 of Order' have contrived to make the pan: adminiftration de- 
 teftable to you, I {hall felec~l fome for your prefent confider- 
 ation. 
 
 Who firft excited the animofity of our people againft 
 France ? The ' friends of order'' ! The occafion, feized for 
 this excitement, deferves your particular notice. An en- 
 voy of France, taking for granted what was precifely true, 
 that the people and the government did not harmonize, ad- 
 drefled the people in favor of his country. Though we, at 
 the opening of our revolution, addreffed for the fame object, 
 the people of England direclly, and even invited the people 
 of Canada to join us in revolt ; yet the conducl of this envoy 
 was a crime, which we could charge on book as a full ofi"-fet 
 againft all our debt of gratitude to France. But tbt real 
 cause of excitement teas this: The united brethren of church 
 and Hate had juft difcovered, that the French revolution was 
 aiming a deadly blow at their union. The pope of Rome, 
 the real head of this union, was to be depofed. The alarm 
 was fpreacl throughout Chriftendom. 
 
 The 4 friends of order' who, for 18 centuries, had 
 been the only inflicters of diforder and diftrei's throughout 
 the world, teeming to confider themfelves as holding by pof- 
 feffion, from time immemorial, the right to control man- 
 kind, were alarmed. They wrote volumes to prove that}< 
 France had taken up their trade, and the unavoidable con-! 
 
( 5i ) 
 
 vulfions of a diftreffing war were confidered as proofs of the 
 trefpafs. 
 
 It is true that the French people, under the influence 
 of that power, whofe lightnings can "/plit the unwedgeable 
 and gnarled oak", and can as readily make Buonaparte as 
 Cyi'us his arm, were dividing afunder church and ftate, fo 
 that the caufe of God and religion might be on one fide, and 
 the caufe of man and civil government on the qther, to the 
 end that man might be freed from that flavery, which is al- 
 ways induced by a combination of ecclesiastics and civilians. 
 
 This is the true origin of federal vengeance againft the 
 French nation ! 
 
 Who, under the falfe pretence of danger of French in- 
 vafion, raifed an army? Who fcattered about the country 
 the arabian tales of Robifon and Barruel? Who excited 
 the X, Y and Z mania in our country, and introduced the 
 horrors of July 1798? The ' friends of order 1 7 
 
 Through the operations of the Britifh l friends of or- 
 der*, your brethren, on board the Jerfey prifon fliip, were 
 facrificed by thoufands, and under the reign of our ' friends 
 of order' their unburied bones have been whitening in the 
 fun ; and, through a dreadful temper here, one of the moft 
 ardent and intelligent of our brethren* was publicly infulted 
 for exprefiing a wish that they might be covered with earthy 
 and one of our * friends of order^' was laurelled and com- 
 plimented for treating the fuggeftion with contempt,- — 
 
 * Mr. Josiab Meigs lately promoted from the tyranny 
 of the * friends of order"* here to the presidency of a collegi- 
 ate institution in the State of Georgia. 
 
 X Noah Webster y jun. esq. author of l A rod for the 
 fooVs back\ * History of pestilence\ 4 Letters to Priestly 1 y 
 and a number of other equally valuable publications ; alike 
 able to instruct all the physicians in the country, to invent a 
 new theory of tides, to humble Doclor Priestly ami to chastise 
 1 The son of delusion 1 . See appendix. 
 
( 5* ) 
 
 This w as among the horrors of the reign of terror and cock- 
 ades in 1798. 
 
 Who are anonymoufly publishing, in the federal papers, 
 fatires on the objects of our revolution — ridiculing as fools 
 thofe, who believe that a republican government can be iup- 
 ported? Who are feizing on the names of Hampden, Sidney 
 and Washington to cover principles which thofe men would 
 abhor? The ' friends of order''! 
 
 Who have been declaiming that our federal conftitution 
 is like a rope of land? That the union mufl be dififolved, or 
 that the ftate-governments mull be abolifhed? Who have 
 been vilifying all the doclrines advanced in our declaration 
 of independence, decrying the rights of man, treating with 
 fcorn the name of republicanifm, repelling the exertions of 
 men to be free, extolling the coalitions of tyrants, rejoicing 
 at the iuccefs of royal armies, admiring the policy, clemency 
 and magnanimity of Great Britain, and trampling under 
 feet the greateft part of the brave officers and the whole of 
 the invincible foldiery, who with i liberty or death* on their 
 fronts, atchieved our independence ? The federal ' friends 
 of order and good government / 
 
 Who voted 2,00,000 dollars for a maufoleum? The rep- 
 resentatives of the northern * friends of order*. 
 
 Who placed in imminent hazard our conftitution and 
 fedend union, by contefting the election of prefident Jeffer- 
 fon ? Who preferred running the fhip on fhore to being fu- 
 perceded in the command? Who hazarded a civil war in this 
 country, and for feveral days, fpread diforder and diflrefs 
 through ,the States, by refuting to place in the prefidential 
 chair, the man of the peoples' choice ? These were the pre* 
 tended '■friends of order* and good government I 
 
 These detached acls of the 4 friends of order' have 
 been prefented in order to introduce the fyftems by which 
 they have difclofed their hoftility to the true interefts of 
 man, their perfecution and cruelty, 
 
( 53 ) 
 
 Early in our government thefe great men marie a great 
 and dreadful difcovery, viz. that a republican government 
 could not be fupported; that is, we mvfft fund a debt at 
 eight times what it would coil to buy it in market, in order 
 
 to create a nobility muft make random^, fettlements with 
 
 the States to increafe the debt. We muft favor the wealthy 
 and commercial to keep them in temper — muft give fcooe to 
 martial ambition and encourage naval glory — muft multiply 
 offices to a countlefs extent, in order to gratify private am- 
 bition and grant boundlefs falaries to fatiate private avarice, 
 — muft keep an extravagant court to do honor to the proud 
 and rich — muft exchange great men with foreign courts — 
 muft borrow money at 8 per cent, and mortgage the property 
 and induftry of the next generation to pay for it, in order to 
 buy great prices for corn and cattle ; thus to quiet our labor- 
 ing people. In fact every pailxon and propenfuV, hoftile 
 
 to the rights of man, muft be fe't up as an idol, and republic- 
 anifm muft do homage, or be iacrificed at the fhrine of each, 
 and t ben alas ! republicanism cannot be supported, 
 
 A school-boy might have known all this without the 
 coft of experiment. Our ' friends of order' have long known 
 
 | At the close of the war some States had paid more, and 
 sojne less, than their proportion of the general expences. 
 These were called Creditor and Debtor States. There was 
 great haste to settle these accounts. Hence before any adjust- 
 ment could take place, Congress gueffed at this business and 
 in fad funded large sums in favor of Pennsylvania, New 
 Tork, Wc, which were, on settlement, found to be debtor 
 States. '* Thus had the United States waited to assume state 
 tk debts, till the amounts had been finally settled, instead of 
 " assuming at random, before a settlement had taken place, 
 u the accounts of the union with the individual states might 
 tc have been placed in the same relative situation in which 
 *' they now stand. The additional and unnecessary debt^ 
 M created by that fatal meafure, amounts therefore to dolls. 
 " 10,883,628. The whole amount of assumed debt was 
 <( about z% millions of dollars.'''' 
 
 See Gallatin's /kf tch i>f finances, page 107, 
 and ftatement Nu. XV. 
 
( 5+ ) 
 
 it ; but the feafon had not arrived for the full difclofure of it 
 to the body of the people. It would do to whifper in the 
 cars of fome chofen ones, that a monarchy must be establish- 
 ed, that fo long as the people knew fo much and watched fo 
 clofely and were ftronger than the government, the machine 
 could not move. Can any man doubt that a monarchy is the 
 proper government to crown and finifh off the fplendid fyf- 
 tems, which have been exhibited ? But my fubje& demands 
 more than the mecr naming of the fyftems : Their hoftility 
 to republicanism muft be fliewn. We furely fought for fuch 
 a government, and it is our right and our true intereft to en- 
 joy it. Let us look at a few of its violated principles. 
 
 Republicanism contains in itfelf principles, which in- 
 iure to it liability and perpetuity. Its peculiar advantage 
 confifts, in its having offices and emoluments to beftow, far 
 more ^numerous than any other form of government. It 
 tenders to every man the office of a free, independent citi- 
 zen, which is a high rank to thofe who knows how to efti- 
 mate it. It offers equal righu and protection. As the faith- 
 ful hulbandman expels the fly from his gram, fcj fuch a gov- 
 ernment drives from the indoftrious citizen thofe who would 
 deflroy his fubftance. While monarchy delights in taking 
 from the great body of labouring people their rank in being, 
 by making the idle few fo wealthy and powerful, as to fink 
 mediocrity into contempt ; republican government employs 
 no more than are neceflary, and gives no more than enough 
 to fecure their fervices. Hence thofe who would othervvife 
 contribute largely, have their money faved, which operates 
 to them as a falary, fubftantially as would the fame amount 
 paid to them out of the national treafury. 
 
 The man, who loves his country only in proportion to 
 the injufcice, which that country will deal out to others for 
 his benefit, is no republican. He, who calculates that all 
 his own paffions are to be gratified, and that thofe of all his 
 neighbours are to be mortified, is no republican. He, who 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 confiders the rank of a free citizen, end the fecurity of hi* 
 perional labour from pillage as nothing, is no republican. — 
 The idea of fupporting a government by fmecures and ex- 
 treme multiplication of offices and high falaries is wholly 
 anti- republican. If, for trifling fervices, courtiers are re* 
 ceiving princely eftates, the body of the people fink, they 
 are burdened, they will defpond. Republicans demand equal 
 benefits for equal fervices. Is national glory worth purchaf- 
 ing? then divide it among thofewhopay for it. Is national 
 gratitude to be exprefl'ed? let the credit of it be divided 
 among the people, inftead of bellowing it on the movers or 
 advocates of a monument. All which is bought with the 
 people's money, ought to be patted to their credit. 
 
 Rkpublicanism gives aid to religion, morals, economy 
 and peace, encourages agriculture, manufactures and induft- 
 ry, and explodes all their oppofites. It prefents fociety full 
 of blelhngs, the whole community one priviledged order, the 
 labourer worthy of his hire and offers equal benefits to all, 
 who have virtue and fortitude to fupport it. 
 
 This is the form of government, for the fupport of 
 which you once pledged your lives, your fortunes and your 
 facred honor. This is the government, whofe principles 
 have been violated by every leading meafure of the paifc 
 admin ill; ration. 
 
 The firft of thefe meafures was a funding fyftera. At 
 the opening of our government our foreign debt due t<? 
 France, Spain and Holland amounted to nearly iz millions 
 of dollars, our domeftic debt to 40 millions of dollars, to 
 this add the auumed Mate debts anddeduil for fome payments 
 made to foreign officers, &c. and the whole debt exceeded 
 jz millions of dollars on the firft of January .1790. Thefe 
 were the materials of the funding fyftem. By the firft of 
 January 1800 we had paid, of the principal and intereft of 
 the debt, about 48 millions of dollars, of which we had bor- 
 rowed more than a$ millions (partly at eight per cent.) \V© 
 
i 
 
 56 ) 
 
 had received, m thefe ten years, more than 54 millions of 
 dollars by revenue, had collected fonie old debts, fold fome 
 lands and on the whole found ourfelves on the lafl named 
 day 7 millions of dollars deeper in debt than we were at the 
 outlet. This is the firft view of the public debt.* 
 
 Ti-n: domeftic debt confifted of what was due to the 
 army; of fupplies piircnafed on credit ; of loans, and of the 
 remnant of paper money. Two leading reafons exiited for 
 the funding uf this debt in the hands of the actual holders 
 and for funding fuch a monftrous amount, wTien the whole 
 indebted?-, cfs might hfave been puvchafed in with lefs than 15 
 millions of dollars. Tie first reason was to get the price 
 of the induflry of our cfTicers and foldiers into the hands of 
 men, who could be ufeful to the new fyftems to be opened. 
 Doubtlefs men could be found, who would fwear that they 
 were notaries public at Hartford'v or elfewhere and that the 
 officers and foldrera really had the gresteft part of the bene- 
 fits of this fund; but no one, except the Hartford notary, 
 believes a word about it. It is a well known fact, that moft 
 of the arrears of pay, commutation notes and other evidences 
 of debt were purchafed in, by knowing adventurers, at about 
 one eighth of the nominal value and that iiumenfe fortunes 
 were thus created-. 
 
 7be second reason refting on the firft, was, that this 
 was a glorious foundation for fvftems. The meaiure itfelf 
 had attached to the advocates of it an imrnenfe holt of rich 
 fortunate men, who were in fact bound to government in a 
 recognizance to the whole amount of what they had lent. 
 It had driven, from the pretence chamber, thofe faithful 
 fervants, who had nothing but pail fervices to plead, and it 
 had placed in their Head men, who were really indebted to 
 government. " Great men always prefer engaging new 
 
 * See Gallatin's sketch, viz. on the origin* progress 
 4tnd present state of the public debt. 
 
 I See rod for the fooFs back, 
 
(57) 
 
 ** debtors, to paving off old debts to other people, and would 
 ** fooner create frefh dependants by conferring favors, which 
 " will be efteeiftefl obligations, Chan fatisfy the clamours 
 *' of importunate creditors. "f 
 
 Bjt a great "national debt would require ways and 
 means, Thefe, in their operation, would weaken the peo- 
 ple and ftrengtheri the hands of power. Collectors muffc 
 abound. This would increafe patronage. The aifcerning 
 ieyes of the patrons of this fyftem could fee in its details 
 inore glories, than the prophetic eye of Columbus could dif- 
 cern in the future deftinies of this new woidd. There were 
 no morals, no religion nor economy nor manufactures, like 
 mountains, to obftruct their vlfion ; but fair in their view 
 were ftamp acts, land-tax and import— followed by a long 
 train of ingenious exactions; republicans complaining, and 
 a fedition act ; prifo'ns opening and the freedom of the prefs 
 entering ; aliens arTertiiig the principles, which drove then* 
 from their homes, and an alien act ; a great national bank 
 and throughout the country little banks, (like Pindar's far- 
 things, helplefs children of a guinea) operating under the 
 authority of States, which had no right to emit bills of 
 credit/t. 
 
 But the fea-board prefented objects of greater magni- 
 tude, viz. an extended commerce, neceilary to fupport this 
 fyftem ; the importance of fuftaining this commerce, left 
 revenue fhould fail ; the certainty that this commerce would 
 fuffer depredations ; the confequerit importance of fending; 
 but minifters to foreign courts with 9000 dollars outfit and 
 9000 dollars annual i'alary, befide fecretaries and contingent 
 expences ; then add to this, confuls, vice-confuls, agents &c; 
 a handfome addition to patronage ! — It prefented the ex* 
 
 f See Cento's letters, vol. 3. page 105. 
 X Sec Constittttion t art. 1. seel. 10, 
 
 H 
 
nences of treaties, and (thtfe failing) the abfolute neeeflaty 
 of a navy ; then the building of ihips and all the agencies, 
 the purchafes of navy yards and cutting of live oak, and the 
 additional cxpence of annual millions, giving a certain in- 
 creafe to the funding fyftetn and yielding an ac ceilion of itrcngth 
 to government ; for on this fyftem the deeper the debt the 
 greater is the number pledged in fupport of meafures. Be- 
 yond this was a certainty that all thefe meafures, however 
 obnoxious to the body of the people, would be warmly ad- 
 vocated by thofc, who had been firft fecuredas creditors or 
 favorites; and if the arguments of great prices abroad, of 
 national honor and necellity would not render them palata- 
 ble, an army could be railed in the kit refort, — to repel the 
 French I I — and if thiy would not come to fight, that army 
 might, in leifure feafons, be fent out in detachments to read 
 lectures on the freedom of fuiTrage and on the good princi- 
 ples and pure republijan objects of the adminiftration. 
 
 At the further end of the Held, beyond the defined ob- 
 jects of this view, ycu may fee the 4 friends of order' fol- 
 lowing, inproceffion, the hearfe of republicanifm, or returning 
 from its interment, ^ike the mock mourners at a king's fune- 
 ral, to welcome ariftocratic federalism as heir apparent to 
 all the bleflings of our revolution. 
 
 Thus in our revolutionary war was laid the foundation 
 of a fyltein, odious to the ears, and abhorrent to the princi- 
 ples, of republicans. In a conteft for liberty were found the 
 engines of ariftocratic power, and the very labours of our 
 oflicers and foldiers were found to be very convenient ma- 
 terials for this foundation : a broad, deep, ftrong foundation 
 for the fupport of the pondrous edifices of wealth, pride, 
 luxury and power, which in this new empire were hereafter 
 to ftand as monuments, to warn future fons of liberty of the 
 folly of refilling the arts and arms of power. It was not a 
 plain, intelligible fyftem, refulting from the necellities of a 
 grateful people, for the benefit of the living, or the afliftance 
 of the families of flicrinccd, heroes j but a dark, deadly. 
 
( 39.) 
 
 metaphyseal fyftem, made up of 3 pr cent, and deferred 
 Hock, for reafons which were never given, and exprefied in 
 language, which no republican could underftand, (with are- 
 fervation of a finking fund, which was never to operate the 
 diminution of the debt j but as an amufement to the igno- 
 rant and as an apology for annual loans,) — a fit fubjecl of ad- 
 venture for the future bulls and bears* of American change- 
 allies. The debt was not created to be paid oft", whenever 
 means mould prefent ; but to be durable as the government, 
 to be a perpetual rallying point for all the fyftems and a 
 palladium for future meafures. In fact it was a Britifh fund- 
 ing-fyftem, americanised, and like thut was to fupport com- 
 merce and banks, an army and a navy. 
 
 Surely the * friends of order,' who framed that fyftem, 
 had forgotten the ardor of that day, when news of the death 
 of our friends in the battles of the revolution brought with 
 them this confolation, that they had died nobly for their 
 country's freedom. 
 
 Government had now arrived at the opening of that 
 crifis, which my fubjedl has conftantly contemplated. Er- 
 ror had gained an eftablifliment in the funding fvftem. Self- 
 love found its votaries high in office. Deceit had a world 
 of buiinefs on hand. Hoflility to the true interefts of man 
 had a wide fcope for operation. Republicans were the del- 
 tined victims of persecution, and cruelty could contemplate 
 a long reign of terror. \ In fuel the field was extenfive, the 
 harvefl abundant and no lack of labourers. Let us now fee 
 how intelligently the ' friends cf order' acquitted' themfelvcs 
 in this crifis. 
 
 This country, which heaven had nurtured, as it form- 
 erly did the chofen people, and had formed for the pro- 
 
 * Names given to the buyers and sellers of stock in En- 
 gland. 
 
 ■\ This has been called, by way of eminence, the Ham- 
 iltonian system. It is distressing that the i;nme;:se tatents cj 
 the founder had not been better employed* 
 
( 60 
 
 motion of agriculture, and, through the peaceful habits oi 
 that employment, for the eftablifliment of that equal govern- 
 ment, which tyrants and courtiers call vifionary, was i'ud- 
 denly, in a ftate of perfect health, placed under the care :>f 
 
 .? and phyficians. Commerce was appointed nurfe to 
 jigriculture and manufactures— a navy was the nurfe of com- 
 
 e — the funding fyftem was the nurfe of the navy; — and 
 federalifm was the nurfe of all nurfes. Directors of the 
 mint and the banks, attended by hofts of State-empirics, 
 were administering ftimulants and opiates to the body poli- 
 tic. Nature was fet at defiance. The treafury department 
 Was full of noftrums ; — Caucuses eftablifhed forms of pre- 
 fcriptions in all difficult cafes. Firm federalifts throughout 
 the union were extolling the feill of the phyficians and th<? 
 prudence of the nurfes, and the people, who were thus forely 
 vifited and who would have the whole reckoning to pay, 
 were amufed with the idle tale, from year to year, that the 
 patient was in a ftate of convalefcence ; — but from certain 
 appearances of decay, the grand State-Surgeon ' has been 
 lopping off the limbs of republicanifm, as fafl as he could ie- 
 curely fix his tourniquet* upon them. 
 
 Of all thefe fyftems, which arofe out of a national debt, 
 the commercial eftablifhment was the molt formidable, feecaufe. 
 this was a direct appeal to wealth and ambition. Our wife leg- 
 iflators made feveral early difcoveries, viz. that commerce 
 could not regulate itfelf j that though our articles for export 
 were of firft neceffity, and though the profits of the carrying 
 trade were very tempting, yet that other nations would 
 never come to purchafe of us, and that we might be ex- 
 tremely diftreffed, in the midft of plenty, for want of muf- 
 lins, tea, china, wine, fruit and oil, and the other produc- 
 tions of thofe nations ; hence that fpecial care muft be taken 
 {or the encouragement of commerce. Some cabinet reafons 
 
 $ Instrument used by surgeons to compress the llmb y i'& 
 
 ili act of amputation* 
 
( 6i ) 
 
 were ftill more cogent. Thofe nations might a&ually corns 
 and trade with our people. A free trade was a dangerous 
 thir.g to their plans : It would be free from their control.—. 
 If fuccefs fhould attend it, that would not be afcribed to 
 admin hi. ration. Again, what but a national commerce could 
 juitify diplomatic and navy fyftems ? What but this could 
 iha;ie the narrow ideas of economy, eftablifh immenfe for- 
 tu.ies and rear up ariftocracies throughout all the lea ports 
 on the Atlantic coaft? What but this could give aid to. 
 banks, " thofe charming lots, which the pvivikdged orders 
 are allowed to fence offfrom the common field of iociety"? 
 What but this could fuftain a funding fyftem ? Fifteen mil- 
 lions per annum could not be collected from widows mites, 
 nor from the hard earnings of the plough and the hammer. 
 India voyages comported better with the dignity of federal 
 plans and wants. 
 
 Federalists always abound with reafons for mea- 
 iures. So the logical points being fettled, every nerve was 
 ftretched to aid commerce. Our fhipping increafed with 
 unparalleled rapidity — eveiy thing was fet afloat — our young 
 men turned tailors — the ranks were thinned in the corn- 
 fields — fome lives loft! that is the lot of nature — fome (hips 
 funk ! that is the infurers look out — much lofs by bad debts 
 abroad, gales of wind and accidents j thefe are unavoidable. 
 — Some piracies by the Algerines : We muft pay tribute. 
 — Some captures by the BritHh: We muft make a treaty. 
 
 — France is indignant : We muft fend envoys. All this 
 
 was following the policy of Britain. 
 
 In a fliort courfe of years this commercial fyftem in- 
 volved us in immenfe captures of property by the Britifh, 
 and the Britiih treaty — in immenfe difficulties with France, 
 from which we could not be extricated, u beeaufe no repub- 
 lican could be found in this country, honeft enough to treat 
 with France*." This led us into the Algerine treaty ; into 
 
 f! This declaration was mack t>y one of the council of 
 
(JO 
 
 a war between us and France, on the floor of congrefs, 
 though there was none in fact; and into a violent annulling 
 of our treaty with FranceJ. This led us into immenfe na- 
 val expences — into diftreffing diviflons of fentiment — into 
 outrages on unfufpecting veffels at fea— into a maritime 
 treaty with inland Pruflia — and into the midft of the mighty 
 queftion, " Whether free bottoms fliould make free goods." 
 
 Merchants clerks became quite fcientific on the laws 
 of nations ; and boys, who, like barbers blocks, had been 
 kept for years to be pradtifed on by apprentices at the teach- 
 ing trade, could fee the greateft poflible wifdom and pro- 
 foundeft policy in all thefe wild, anti- republican vagaries. 
 
 Maddison's "resolutions, if adopted, would have car. 
 ried our veffels to every quarter of the globe, with moi-e 
 fafety than a convoy of armed flaps. Thefe contemplated 
 feizure and fequeftration of the property of a nation, which 
 refufed to us juftice; they contemplated an extenfive fea- 
 coaft, requiring- more protection than our refources would 
 juilify — a productive country abounding in harbors and navi- 
 gable rivers ; thefe filled with the veffels, fubjects and pro- 
 duce of the nations of the earth, furnifliing the belt of hof- 
 tages for fecurity of our men and property abroad, and that 
 the sea should be to us as free as the soil. This enlarged pol- 
 icy would have been a fubflantial aid to the northern coali- 
 tion in favor of the liberty of the feas, and would have 
 placed our commerce on ground far more productive to the 
 farmers than it now is, on durable principles, inftead of de- 
 pending ou parties in congrefs, on falfe pretences of block- 
 ade, on wild conftructions of treaties and the laws of na- 
 tions ; or on the ever-varying policy of the%naritime powers 
 in Europe. 
 
 this State, to round off a conversation, in which he had called 
 Governors Mc.Kean and Monroe rafcals. 
 
 % Why are treaties ever limited by years, if they are in 
 fact void, whenever cither party chooses to declare them 
 void? 
 
LJ.il 
 
 Instead of faying to all the mercantile nations," Make 
 your own laws refpecYing the entry of our veflels into all 
 your ports, grant privileges and lay reftri&ions as you pleafe, 
 and your rules {hall be ours"; inftead of taking the high 
 ground, which our fituation afforded and which republican- 
 ifm demanded, we adopted a miferable y wavering, funding- 
 fyftem policy — climbed into the windows of European cabin- 
 ets — fent our great men to dance before courtiers — palled a 
 fcene of confulion, capture and adjudication, diplomacy and 
 humiliating treaties, tribute and remonftrance ; — finally, the 
 bufinefs was brought to a crifis. 
 
 In the year 1798, the cabinet informed the people that 
 France had infulted this country, the energies of the union 
 were called into action — every man muft wear a cockade, to 
 fhew his abhorrence of Talleyrand — terror {talked through 
 tKe States — republicanifm and anarchy were coupled toge- 
 ther as kindred nouns. In this ftate of public irritation was 
 flarted the importance of national energy and the foundation 
 of a military fyftem was laid. The ftate of commerce required 
 the immediate care of its appropriate nurfe. A navy, was 
 begun and ardently increafed, the (hips failed very fall, they 
 r.ook fome prizes, carried to Europe fome minifters and en- 
 voys, but could find no enemies on the ocean. The rife, 
 progrefs and decline of army and navy were in rapid fuccef- 
 fion. The firfl vaniihed from before the fplendor of the 
 New York election ; the lafl difappeared five days* before 
 Mr. Jefferfon took his feat as prefident ; and republicans 
 may live in hopes, that military and naval pantomimes will 
 never again be performed, at the expence of many lives, of 
 many millions of dollars and the imminent hazard of repub- 
 licanifm. 
 
 The pretence that this navy was a meer temporary ex- 
 pedient, was as deceitful, as the pretence that the army was 
 
 * At the close of February last the navy was reduced 
 from more than 49 sail to 13, six of which %vere to he laid 
 up in port . 
 
(ft ) 
 
 raifed to repel the French. The infant navy was toafled hi 
 all our commercial town.-,, as the Hercules in his cradle, Eu- 
 
 was to be k>. pt in awe by the ringing of axes in the for- 
 | • . ; and our live oak was, in time, to rival the 
 
 o\ England. 
 
 This clufter of commercial, naval, military and diplo- 
 matic 1\ Hems, in the infancy of our government, all united 
 by the funding fyftem and operated exclufivelyby the federal 
 4 friend's of order would be a fmgular fpe<5lacleto the ardent 
 p -t riots, who died for freedom, could they have iuwived to 
 fee it. They would naturally alk, Is this a republic ? a na" 
 tion of farmers turned merchants ! Government defending 
 commerce at an expence, far exceeding all poffiblc profits ! 
 All the bleiTings of our revolution, whirling round a fund- 
 
 ing- fyftem as its common centre \ The republicans, who 
 
 have lived to fee thefe things have oppofed them day by day j 
 yet all their efforts have been ineffectual, by realbn of the 
 federal arts, which will now be presented* 
 
 These arts have been principally practiced on the paffion 
 of avai ice. Our people have been told that thefe great fyftems 
 were the caufes of great national profperity. But in what 
 does our great profperity confift ? Will any one fay, it 
 confilts in the increafe of religion, morals, economy and the 
 republican virtues ? No ! It confifts in being able to fell 
 our corn and cattle at a high price. This is federal prof- 
 perity and every 4 friend of order' is ready to tell you, that 
 this is all owing to federal meafures. 
 
 I am willing for a moment to confider great prices for 
 our produce as profperity ; but is this worth the lives and 
 liberties of men, which muft be facrificed to obtain them on 
 the paft fcale of meafures ? Is itbeft that men ftiould be 
 offered up by thoufands in the caufe of muffins, filks and 
 china I Is any fanner willing that his own fon fhould die 
 to enhance the value of his farm ? You love the money ; 
 but you abhor the means.— — Again, are we indebted to ad- 
 miniftration for rain from heaven and fruitful feafons? Ha? 
 
LI— 
 
 adminiftration produced wars in Europe, fieges, blockades 
 and famine, and diftreffed half the world? Certainly not; 
 but the fmiles of heaven on us, and its frowns on other na- 
 tions, have been the caufcs of this profperity; yet great 
 pains have been taken to draw the current of your affections 
 from the beftower of your abundance to turn the federal 
 
 wheels. Again, waving all confideration refpecling the 
 
 humanity of drawing the laft farthing from ftarving families, 
 how uncertain muft be a profperity, depending on the con- 
 tingencies of future wars and famines ? 
 
 If adminiftratioi. had been yielding you this profperity, 
 you could certainly name fome fingle meafure, which has had 
 a tendency to do it: But no one has ever been named, it is 
 
 more federal to deal in general allegations. This cry of 
 
 profperity begins in the cabinet, it is heard by the ' friends 
 of order', thefe circulate it, with all the difpatch of tele- 
 graphic news, among the people, multitudes of whom, fee- 
 ing only the tinfelled outfide of things, are apt to fvvallow 
 it ; but it is as hollow and deceitful as the cry of fteady hab- 
 its. Certainly you owe the whole of the national debt. — 
 The man, whole real eilate was valued at £2,000, owes 
 about 12,50 dollars of it, and muft pay intereft on that fum. 
 Certainly the people are indebted to the amount of doubl© 
 the capital in all our banks, elfe the banks will go to ruin, 
 for they live by lending, and muft lend much more than their 
 capitals, in order to make great dividends. From thefe two 
 kinds of indebtednefs alone, " There never was a feafon 
 before this, when the people of this country were fo deeply 
 indebted*". Add to this the very extended credit of the 
 preientday, and the deluge of paper bills. It is true that a 
 great portion of indebtednefs is among ourfclves ; but when, 
 a dollar takes its flight from a man, it matters not in whofe 
 
 * Conneclicntensis has 
 ibis assertion. The readc 
 
 has very ponderously controverted 
 °.r is requested to rejkei on it. 
 
(■«•••) 
 
 pocket or in what country it lights : It will never be his again-, 
 till he earns it, and if it comes hardly, it will be So much 
 more valuable. 
 
 Suppose for a moment that dollars were thick as peb- 
 WleE, fuppofe we were richer than any other nation, fuppofe 
 every man could eat and wear out N ten times as much as a 
 t of any other nation, Should we be more content- 
 ed or moral or republican than we now are ? fliould we be 
 in Sad richer? Our india goods and bank bills look like 
 Ith; but are they Substantial wealth? If your prosperi- 
 ty confift in the famine of others, then if all the world 
 iiiould be SamiShed(e\cept ) ourfelves)you would be Supreme- 
 ly prosperous. If bank bills are wealth, circulate them by 
 the ream — call your halfpence dollars and your dollars 
 guineas, raife the denomination of your currency and the 
 price of all the articles in ule, and you produce exactly the 
 magical weahb, which you are now gaining by great, hazard- 
 ous plant;. 
 
 But fuppofe that all this farce was really wealth, and 
 
 :ii was profperitv, is any point gained towards the 
 ellablifhmcnt of republicanism ? Very rich men are not 
 often good legiflators or ufeful citizens. The world, daz- 
 
 by thefplendor of wealth, arc apt to regard the acqui- 
 sition cf it as refulting from Superior lkill or forefight ; but 
 
 is not true j moll great eftates have been acquired by 
 accident 6t fraud. Subtle politicans underftand the art of 
 addreffing the fordid paiflions: They well know that when 
 the paffion for wealth becomes univcrSal, all forts of impof- 
 fcures arc a currency, the treafury is eafily filled, the foun- 
 
 of Society is corrupted and every ministerial fyftem will 
 be Supported. All rnents, tending to monarchy, will 
 
 pay tribute to wealth; but it is the Sacred duty of a republic- 
 to counteract its influence. 
 
 Trtus 1 have (hewn you how all the paffions, which 
 hav< iproved by monarchg i«, all ages for their fupport*. 
 
( o 7 ) 
 
 have been feized on Siid 'gratified by our paft adminiftration 
 to the utmoft extent of their refources. The origin of fup- 
 port of all thefe antirepublican mcafures may he uniforhl) 
 traced to our northern ' friends of order' and their repre- 
 sentatives, and if thefe f\ (terns were really inconfiftent 
 with republicanifm, ought not thefe men to have inform - 
 ed the people that a republican government could not be 
 fupported? I contend that it was cruel in them to reprefent 
 a republican people and to act. in favor of meafures, 
 which, tbey knew, mull in a fhort time deftroy the re- 
 public. 
 
 These * friends of order' fecmed to have forgottea 
 that they were appointed to adminifter a republic. They 
 had read books and, charmed with the checks, ballances and 
 . ingenious machinery of foreign governments, were failing 
 fairly before the wind fifteen confederate republics, and only 
 lamented the want of confolidation, lo that the great iedc- 
 al fliip might fail, with a fair breeze, down into that ocean, 
 which has overwhelmed all the former governn cuts of the 
 world. You need, nothing more than the meafures, which 
 have hecn adopted, to convince you that the experiment of 
 a republican government was wholly given up and this \. 
 account for the cruel abuie and perfecutionj which the fedei - 
 alifts and federal papers have, for years, heaped on I 
 name of republicanifm, on the rights of man and the caufe 
 of France and on all who called tHemfelve* repubTI 
 The name, as well as the, iubftance, was to be terrine 
 ridiculed out of the country. 
 
 Ui'on thefe pre'mifes I fubmit the three laft ter 
 my proportion, viz. the refemblance betveeen the an 
 and prelent ' friends of order,' in hostility to the true. 
 
 FNTERE8TS OF 2IAN, IN PERSECUTION AND CRUELTY.' 
 
 My republican friends, I have now finifhed th : 
 lines of the propofed parallel and have prefented 
 
 Is for a plain,' interefting je#, 
 
( *8 ) 
 
 On the religious fide of my fubjedt, iuffer me to remark 
 to you, that there is really more hypocrify in New England 
 than in any other equal portion of the globe. Profefhons, 
 coming from men, who are known to have no religion nor 
 fincerity, will bring more in market here than elfewhere ; 
 hence as money always finds its level, where moft is offered 
 for it ; fo hypocrify has found its level here. That calm 
 ipirit, which is always croaking amidft the ruins of truth 
 and freedom, to the tune of steady habits, has taken up its 
 abode here. The world, the flefh and the devil have their 
 farms, as diftinclly bounded out in Connecticut, as in any 
 other State of the Union ; and we fhall be unable to fuftain 
 ourfelves any longer by boafting of our fuperior light and 
 virtue.* 
 
 On the political fide of my fubjedt, my premifes will 
 juftify a declaration, that the difference, between the i friends 
 of order' and the republicans, is not a mere difference of 
 expediency or occafional judgement ; but a difference in fact v 
 in principle, in fyftem. Republicanism can neveY thrive, till 
 these * friends of order* are driven cut of their strong holds. 
 This is the practical ufe, which this fubjec~l affords. 
 
 Republicans, the fermon of this day and the inaugural 
 fpeech of Prefident Jefferfon, juft read to you, inculcate 
 the duties of forgivenefs and moderation. To fuch, as are 
 impreffed with the importance of thefe duties, this fubject 
 
 * Being a very weak man, it is not to be expecled, thai 
 my writings will be regulated by the same rules of discretion, 
 which mark the writings of wise men ; but if the above re- 
 marks need defence, the clerical i friends of order will defend 
 me, not on account of personal friendship, but because they 
 are constantly preaching, that not more than one tenth of our 
 people are really religious,' — Now when we notice how many 
 of our people have made up their faces for Zion, white their 
 hearts are after their covetousness, what an awful proof have 
 we, that hypocrisy does prevail, and that the world, the flesh 
 and the devil have not been stinted in, their locations-} ill this 
 truh federal part of the Union* 
 
C &9 ) 
 
 may be highly ufeful. It points you to the ' friends of or- 
 der,' who are your enemies — for thefe you are to prsv : 
 Thefe have curfed you — you are to blefs them : Thefe have 
 done you evil — you. are to render them good. The occa- 
 fions for rendering this good are before you. Have they 
 impviibned you for expi effing your opinions ? — you are to 
 make no {'edition a els for their. Have they fquandered 
 your money? — you are to ufe theirs with economy. Have 
 they betrayed your confidence? — you are are to deferve 
 theirs. There is abundantly enough in their characters and 
 pad conduct to exc all yoilB powers of forgivenefs ; and 
 certainly to have I . ur enemies, and the acls, by 
 
 which their en 1 uncovered, muft he highly im- 
 
 portant to your .. it exercife of forgivenei's: but 
 
 there is no precept fo? ] 01 c placing confidence in them and 
 intrufting them again with 3 our liberties. Even the favior, 
 though he forgave his enemies, yet he never employed them, 
 while in a ftate of enmity, as preachers of rightcoulnefs and 
 apoftles among the gentiles. 
 
 Moderation is a charming attribute, which will have 
 its full fcope in the prolpect before you. But intelligent 
 firmnefs even in moderation is required of you. Mr. Jef- 
 ferfon has laid that he would do to his enemies all the good 
 in his power. This he can do by yielding them a republican 
 adminifti ation. This is iubllantial good, though they mav 
 defpife it as much as their predeceffors defpifed chriftianity. 
 This is " heaping coals of fire on their heads." But fure- 
 ly, with all his experience, he will not lay, at the feet of 
 
 his enemies, the rights of his country. Mr. Jefferfon 
 
 has faid, " We are all federalifts, we are all republicans." 
 By this hedoubtlefs meant, that the body of the people are 
 attached to the federal union and to a republican administra- 
 tion ; but is any one weak enough to believe, that he meant 
 to declare that Dayton, Rofs, Chace, Hamilton, Harper 
 and the northern 'friends of older' were republicans ? A 
 fuggeftion, that he could mean this, would be an infult upon 
 
( 7Q 
 
 the v 1 ' >f of his life. When our federal men 
 
 that all N federal, they did not mean 
 
 ll ; for there were a few thoufands of defpifed re- 
 
 ; 1 ut they meant ail the men on whom the- 
 
 to depend for fupport. Mr. Jefferson 
 
 ■meant no more. 
 
 Ghristiavs, who have been called atheifts, and re- 
 publicans, who have been called jacobins, may be charmed 
 with the melting founds of forgivenefs and moderation ; but 
 alas! we live in houles of clay, whole foundations are in 
 ift: few indeed have fortitude enough to exercife thefc' 
 (hnflian and republican virl 
 
 To the great hoft of mankind, who work on the max- 
 ims of this world, my fubject may be ui'eful, as it dif- 
 clofes a tlafs of chancers among us, fimilar to the 1'am.c 
 clafs in other countries, who affect to have fupremely at 
 religion, morals, order, economy, good government 
 and peace} yet live and flourifh only in the deftruction of 
 i all. 
 
 But to havcuiiderllood this iubjeel will prove of little 
 •avail, unlci's you puriue and pracYife upon the inftruclion, 
 whielt it affords. Keep your rights, your liberties, confti- 
 tution and laws, clear of thole men, whom I have denomin- 
 ated the 'friends of order.' Amnio not yourfelves with the 
 idea of their changing; all the friends of order, whom I 
 have noticed, have been unchangeable: The oMlinate jew 
 will wander forever in error — the Catholic will be always 
 Hible and cruel — conquerors will always delight in car- 
 l kings will glory in oppreffion. The tories of lait 
 war will be tories ftill and the 'friends of order' will remain 
 inch through life. The character is fixed on them as in- 
 delibly as colour is on the Ethiopian — they will hate equal, 
 rights and economy and repubiicaniim throughout, as long 
 as the Ethiopians (hall be Hack. 
 
 The 'friends of order' here have fet their faces, as a 
 rgint, againft the adminiftration o: ; Mr. Jefferfon. Thev 
 
C 1* ) 
 
 ^ 
 
 fcite republicanifm j no kindnefs, forgivencfs nor facrii 
 
 -will foften them ; they will never be melted down by mo- 
 deration or favors. Look at the jewifh ' friends of order,;' 
 Though the favior forgave them and prayed for them ; tl. 
 he healed their Tick and wrought miracles before them ; and 
 though he opened the eyes of a blind man, in a manner too 
 open and convincing to admit of doubt, yet they evaded the 
 force of the miracle by faying to the multitude, " Give glo- 
 Vj ry to God, we know that thii man is a finner." Though 
 the followers of the favior were buffeted, persecuted and 
 treated as the off-fcouring of the earth ; yet thefe * friends 
 
 der* never relented. The fame was true of thepon- 
 
 tills of the Romifli church, though the blood of martyrs* 
 'flowed in torrents ; — and no inftance has been known on 
 earth, where kings or conquerors have relaxed their fvftem* 
 of cruelty, perfidy and outrage, on account of the diftrefs 
 of the objects of their ambition and vengeance. Neither 
 ^applications nor humiliations can move them. They are all 
 inveterately let againft the rights of man and will never 
 yield, becaufe yielding is death to them j it annihilates all 
 for which the) confider life worth holding. In this particir- 
 lar of character there is no difference between the ancient- 
 and modern * friends of , order,' except that the laft, relying 
 on the example and fuccefs of the fiift, are more covert and 
 artful in their operations, and (if p-ouiblc) more determine 
 ed on their object. 
 
 Though this inflexibility is fixed in the natures, and 
 confirmed by all the habits, of our « friends of order ;' yet 
 they can vary their modes of a£lion. They will now begir» 
 to exhibit a new afpeclj terrorifm will aflume the air of 
 mildnefs ; the vinegar arid gall will appear as milk and ho- 
 ney ; afperity will be changed to civility •, and even Jeffe-N 
 fon, whom they have abufed with all their might 
 ftrength, will be pronounced by them an amiable man and a 
 Ti i! i* Evcnthofe, who have long known him. 
 
 i'ntimately, will profefr to wonder that fchey hsd not before 
 
( n ) 
 
 faiovvn his worth. As the tenorifts in France and violent 
 minifters in England become moderates^ when power has left 
 them, fo will theie men, and with this mafic of moderation they 
 will be more dangerous thanbefore. They will explain away 
 the diftinctions between parties andftrive,by their adroitnefs, 
 to re-gain their loll rank and favor. Federal newfpapers will 
 grow mild by degrees and finally languifh into downright 
 adulation of the new adminiftration. The people will be 
 told that after all, the federalifts are the beft fupporters of 
 adminiltration; tliat JeflTerfon will adminifter upon their 
 plan : Some will even boldly and falfely affert that Jefferfon 
 has promifed to keep the federalifts in office. 
 
 If you, republicans, take this bait readily, the im- 
 pofture will be continued, and you will wonder what has be- 
 come of all the rancour and bitternefs, the terror and arif- 
 tocracy, which ftalked through New England during the 
 
 adminiftration of Mr. Adams. But the next election 
 
 will wake you from this dream. Thefe men will then fhew 
 themfelves hoffile as ever to Mr. Jefferfon and you. The 
 * friends of order' will regain their rank. A navy and an ar- 
 my will be eftablifhcd large enough to keep you under, and 
 they will then avow this to be their objecl, inftead of mean- 
 ly pretending a war with France. Your public debt will be 
 rapidly augmented, and they will then avow the expediency 
 of an irredeemable national debt. Subftantialmeafures will 
 be taken to prevent you from ever reappearing in a republi- 
 can form. 
 
 But if this bait of moderation fhould not take with 
 you ; if your memories fhall retain the paft, and you refolve 
 to watch and diftruft the * friends of order,' whatever fliape 
 they may aflume: Then reft allured, that their bitternefs 
 and wrath will return, and when the Prelident fhall begin, 
 as be certainly will, to drive, from places of truft and profit, 
 thofe whom republicans cannot truft, their bitternefs and 
 wrath will accumulate, and they will threaten publickly, as 
 they have privately, to engage the power of Britain on theu 1 
 
ilil 
 
 fide*. This ftate of things will difclpfe their political char- 
 acters fo truly, that the great body of the people will fee by 
 what falfe and bafe artifices they have been led, and how 
 near to the brink of deftruclion have been their dearly-earned 
 
 rights and privileges. In the event of Rich a crifis, the 
 
 deceived federalifls would join the republicans in mafs, and 
 their deceivers would fland afar off and cry, "Alas! alas! 
 The crown is fallen from our heads, and the hour of the in- 
 dignation of the people is come". 
 
 * This business of removal from office has excited much 
 federal sensibility; but it stands on very fair ground-, as — 
 1st, All the federal arguments on that subject bave no 
 come the property of republicans. — zd, Republicans are en- 
 titled to offices, certainly, in proportion to tbeir number s y 
 which will give them at least tbrec-fifths of the whole. — 3</, 
 Whenever a man is appointed during the pleasure of the presir 
 deM, his term expires, when that pleasure ceases. — 4th, If 
 an officer has, for years, received more than his services are 
 worth, it is time for him to give place to another. — 51b, If 
 be has received less than bis services are worth, then toe pub- 
 lic is getting in debt to him, be should be turned out to pre- 
 vent an increase of debt. Equal honors, profits and burdens 
 are republican terms. — 6tb, Offices indelicately and suddenly 
 created by Mr. Adams, three hours before bis presidency ex- 
 pired, require some balances and will justify some deduction 
 from the two-fifths of removable offices held by federalist:. — 
 yth, States which have set themselves in hostile array against 
 Mr. Jefferson, cannot expeEl much office -nuriing yrow him. 
 — 8tb, Those who bate republicanism, and who bate Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, because he is a republican, and who will improve to*- 
 first opportunity to supercede him on that account, ought :j 
 be very silent on this subject, — gtb, If a republic 
 mar shall (JohnR. Tbroop) was turned out of office for sum- 
 moning five republicans on a grand jury, tinder the reign of, 
 Mr. Adams, it is not perfectly conciliatory for a deputy mart 
 shall tinder the preiidency of Mr, Jefferson to warn eighteen 
 federalists to wait upon the new Circuit Court, — 10:0, If 
 Adams or Pinckney had been president no i\. would 
 
 have held an office: Re-acHon is sometimes proper. — 11 tb 9 
 Mr. Jsfff.rsow will turn them out. The last argu- 
 ment, bottomed on the 1st and %d, will compose much of tls 
 sensibility of our ' friends of order $n this SubjeSk 
 
 K 
 
( 74 ) 
 
 Republicans, the bafis of my fubjeft is laid in £a£te y 
 tvhich will not be controverted: The obftaclcs have been 
 clearly Hated ; a conrfe of familiar parallels has been pre- 
 i'ented j the origin, extent and modes of operation, as well 
 us the ovcrt-acls of our northern * friends of order have 
 been exhibited. I have conducted you through fomc of the 
 leading meafures of our part adminiftration, and have fub- 
 Hiitted to you the occafional inferences, which my premifes 
 furnilhed. The body of the people have been clearly diftin- 
 guilhed from the * friends of order'. Partial as have been 
 the outlines, imperfectly as the fubjc£t may have been man-* 
 uged ; yet, I truft, you will recognize the refemblance which 
 I have attempted to eftablifh, 
 
 In view of the whole, let me fay to yon, that Heaven 
 lias planted much good feed in our world, whieh might have 
 grown up into harvefts of blefhngs ; but that every field has 
 been blaftcd by thefe 'friends of order'. Their pride, theis 
 avarice, their claims to all the money, to all the honors and 
 all the gratitude of the common people, and their infolence 
 in the nridft of indulgence are qualities poifonous to every 
 thing, which they approach. Under pretence of national 
 glory and great nefs, they deftroy freedom and reduce the 
 people to nothing ; under pretence of national danger, they 
 not only endanger, but feek to deftroy, all which is dear 
 to a nation. While their own praifes are forever on their 
 
 ues, they carry daggers to affaflinate thofe who will not 
 do them homage. They work fecrctly, and are conftantly 
 undermining die foundations of fame, truth and competence. 
 The\ r affect to admire all which the multitude admires; but. 
 in fecret, counteract and hate it all. 
 
 In the firft part of this difcuffion, I have prefented the 
 
 formation ;r here: In the fecond part, the 
 
 end and the means. Can it be that the rnoft extenfivc and 
 
 operative of all thefe means, a fyftem of eternal debt, is ac~ 
 
 ble to the body of our people ? Surely a fyftem, founded 
 
 ijuftice, and conducted, through ruinous meafures,- to the* 
 
( IS ) 
 
 certain deftrucYion of republicanifm, cannot be approved. — 
 Our national debt ought to be reduced by payments,and grad- 
 ually funk in oblivion. 
 
 Cak our commercial eftablifhment be acceptable to the 
 people ? Ai'e they willing to pay two or three millions annu- 
 ally to buy great prices abroad?. Have they fallen into a 
 total indifference to every thing but great prices ? Thofe, 
 who are thus fallen, are indeed fallen from all the principle* 
 of our revolution. 
 
 Do our people wifti for a navy? Great merchants arc 
 fully of opinion, that a navy is expedient; but do they, as 
 merchants, ur.derftand the Iheer political queflion, " Whe- 
 ther it is the intereft of the union to proteel commerce by 
 naval force ?" Surely they are the lad clafs of men to be im- 
 pannelled on a queftion, fo momentous to their perfonal in- 
 tereft. Yet their opinions have been relied on, and lb vio- 
 lent has been the zeal on this fubject, that a meer oppcfition 
 to an exelufive carrying trade and forced commerce has been 
 treated as hoftiliiy to commerce itielf*. Certainly, a man 
 who fhould advife againft a confined air, would not be con- 
 fidered as oppofed to men's breathing; or a phyiician, who 
 fhould advil'e againft high feafonedfood, would not be thought 
 hoftile to the ufe of food for fupport of lite; but the leaft 
 fuggeftion againft the nursing of commerce has always raifed 
 an inftant commotion in all our fea-ports ; and if an ignorant 
 fliip-wright could be found, hz was told that all our ports 
 were to be fhut up and that he was to ftarvc. It had been 
 far more candid to have told every uVp-.vright and faifor, 
 that a free trade and free ports would give greater zC 
 to their profeflions than this country has ever afforded 
 and to have told the farmers frankly, ".The commercial ad- 
 " vantages which you fcem to enjoy, are ideal; you re< 
 M more money, it is true, than you did formerly, yet a great 
 
 * See « Rod for thcfooVs back\ in v U: cl> Noab speaketb 
 wifely about commerce, being a i ;antile 
 
 Advertiser ; there/arc very knewng M :^c subjeft. 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 • -• 
 
 i: pact of it j?> mortgaged in the cabinet for the furplus, an J 
 " the remainder will not purchafe for you as much land or 
 " ftock as Formerly ; but a free trade will make your ad- 
 " vantages real and fubflantial. "We merchants are very 
 -' willing that Government fhould exclusively pi-otect our 
 <c property, but Ave really doubt whether, for our benefit, it 
 ct *is i reft to fupport a navy, and foreign minifters, 
 
 " to.»pay tribute and the expence of treaties, efpecially 
 y an unreftrained trade with all nations, you would 
 " get more money without any deduction, and we really be- 
 *' lievc that all nations,with whom we now trade,would rea- 
 *' dily accede to fuch a fyftem n . This would be plain truth 
 and fuch as plain laboring people are entitled to know. 
 
 The war fyftem is fo univerfally adopted by the ' friends 
 of order' and was introduced by that clafs of men here, at a 
 
 m f o highly explanatory of their characters, motives and 
 connection of fy'ftems, that it deferves a particular and 
 pointed application ; for though it is laid by for the present, 
 vet it is only fmothered, like the wrath of Jove, that it may 
 gain ftrength and appear with redoubled effect*. 
 
 In war the great do not fight: They are either in the 
 
 t ov on fovne diilant hill, directing the carnage; but 
 
 the' men, againft whom you, the people, are called to turn 
 
 your arms, are plain men like yourfelves — they are your 
 
 brethren — they are white ilaves, drilled, goaded, threatened 
 
 or impreffed to fight you. Turn your arms to the proud 
 
 Satpaps on the diftant mountains; Carry the war into 
 THE cabinet; let thofe, who are expecting glory, through 
 the fti of your blood, know what glory cofts; let 
 
 . with bayonets at their breafts, prepare to leave help- 
 
 imilies. This commentary on war systems is demanded 
 of republic 
 
 What do you gain by fighting, hut lofs of lives and 
 2 mighty cabinet monfter, like a cyclops, lies 
 
 * ,-'s book of fables. 
 
( 77_J_ 
 
 repofing in his den, and only wakes to receive difpatches, 
 from fome prince, or duke, or my lord, or his excellency, of 
 the number of men who have been facrificed in the field of 
 battle. You fight and drive off your apparent- enemies, 
 or you are defeated, the chance is equal ; but what is 
 the reflection? You have either wantonly flied the blood 
 of your brethren, of thofe who loved life as well as 
 yourfelves ; or you have wantonly hazarded your own 
 and loft the remnant of bleffings, which in peace, you 
 
 might have retained. But you have gained nothing 
 
 at the heft, even if you have robbed the innocent and induf- 
 trious of enough to pay the expences of the war ; you have 
 loft immenfely ; your morals, your induftry, your love of 
 
 liberty r.re gone forever. Ardent for a fword and pair of 
 
 epaulets, you thirft for more blood; you are willing to be a 
 Have a little longer, with a hope of being promoted to a 
 command. The thirft of Tantalus can altfne equal yours 
 for glory j but as foon as the cup is at your lips, it is either 
 fuddenly dafhed in pieces, or the wheel within ceafes to 
 turn round at the ciftern : Either you are fupplanted by 
 fome tinfelled coufm of fome cabinet leadei*, or you die pant- 
 ing for glory. Vain, difappointed men ! The war was 
 
 not made for your good, but for your deftruction. In fea- 
 fons of peace the common people may be impofed on, dif- 
 treffed and humbled, but they cannot be erilavcd. War 
 does the work effectually, and for this reafon great men arc 
 always founding the alarm. 
 
 Carry the war into the cabinet. There are the 
 fyftems of eternal flavery devifed and effected ! There are 
 the archives of the ' friends of order' ! There young court- 
 iers are taught the alphabet of that deceitful language, 
 which they are to fpeak to mankind! There proud boys, 
 who are deftined to be your future tyrants, are firft taught 
 to lifp curfes on republicanifm. There error, felf-love, de- 
 ceit, hoftility to the true interefts of man, perfecutior and 
 cruelty arc at home, feated at feflive boards^ furniflied by 
 
£212 
 
 ihs hard earnings of peaceful induftry! There is the union 
 of Church and State planned! and thence ifTue the fchemes, 
 which humiliate man ani keep the world in eyerlafting com- 
 motion. It is indeed important to you that taxes ihould 
 
 not be qppreflive and that your reprefentatives mould really 
 reprefent you; but what are all the little trai.fgreffions of 
 your two years men, compared with the systems, which arc- 
 laid ioc your ruin ? Three hundred and fifty maufoleums, at 
 200,000 dollars each, would not coft as much as the redemp- 
 tion of your national debt, or a three years war; but you 
 would do far better to erect maufoleums, thick as guide- 
 pofts through the country, than to fupport a funding or 
 war fyftem. 
 
 Carry the war into the cabinet, and inftcad of 
 burning villages, burn the alcoves of books, which teach, 
 that man was born a nave — that he mult always be a flave — 
 that the body of the people have not virtue and fenfe to gov- 
 ern themfelves — that all virtue and fenfe refide among the 
 great and rich — that the perfection of government is at the 
 point, where the poor are completely poor, and where the 
 rich and the great have attained the ultimatum of wealth and 
 
 greatnefs. Burn the books, which teach great men how 
 
 to render flavery perpetual. You will not hazard the burn- 
 ing of republican books, they are never found in the cabinet. 
 
 Marshal Saxe or Suwarrow, or any of our military 
 fatraps would give a different leflon on war ; but are not the 
 millions who have died in the field of battle enough? Are 
 not the centuries in which men have fhughtered each other 
 
 gh to fatiate the appetite of power? Are mankind to be 
 forever led up, in folid columns, to murder each other, with- 
 out any affignable caufe but the orders of men, whom they 
 
 never knew ? 1 have pointed you to one fpecies of war, 
 
 which would put an end to all the reft — to a war of the peo- 
 ple againft thofe who are forging their chains — to a war of 
 principle againft all the depraved paiuons of the heart — to a 
 war of repubiicanifm aguinft an(tocra;ic impofture and op- 
 
{79 ) 
 
 pTferrion. Carry the war into thf. cabinet. The 
 Voice of humanity enforces this application of my fubje<5l. 
 
 But Britain, that darling country of the ' friends of 
 order', that model of governments, has a funding fyftem, an 
 army, navy and extended commerce. Can the body uf out* 
 people fee any glory in a national debt of 600 millions fter-» 
 ling, and an annual revenue of 42 millions (probably a 
 greater fum than all the current coin of the kingdom) ? If 
 this is glory, your ' friends of order' have been paving the 
 way for it. Are our people delighted with thofe commercial 
 advantages which are derived from the labours of millions cf 
 poor, and which never exhibit themfclves in the form of 
 wealth, till the)- arc in the hands of men, who never laboured 
 for them ? Shall the man who guefles that his merchandize will 
 bring a high price in Lifbon, Jamaica or Canton, and by 
 guefling right or wrong, for a few years, blunders into a 
 chariot and fouf, or into bankruptcy and a jail, be preferred 
 by government to that clafs of men, who add to the wealth 
 of the world by honeft labour ? If this is delightful, our paft 
 adminiftration were rapidly advancing this ftate of things, 
 
 Can our people ice any national greatnefs in an army, 
 
 bold as lions when fubjugating the weak tribes of India os 
 the unprotected patriots of Ireland j but flying like timid 
 hares before republican armies, with a flying duke at their 
 head ? If this is greatnefs, we have difbanded the infh uments 
 of it. Is a navy fo very refpe&able, which anfwers no pur- 
 pofe, but to compel other nations to have a navy ? Who 
 would annoy the commerce of Britain, if (he had no navy? 
 All other nations are anxious to have the ocean free an«j 
 were the Britifh navy annihilated, not a hoftile (hip would- 
 be met on the furface of it : But lo ! commerce flouriflics 
 under the protection of a navy* So if a band of men were 
 to arm on land, they might enter defencelefs houfes or rob 
 en the highway, and fell their plunder at the point of the 
 bayonet, and might become rich. Pefperation and plunder, 
 
 lofe not their names or natures by changing elements 
 
 ©rdat Britain perhaps gain* by the widc-fpread fyftem 0? 
 
( So ) 
 
 plunder and terror, which her navy fpreads among the na- 
 lions. 
 
 But the protection of commerce is never the fole in- 
 Juccinent to a navy. The dry earth is not extended enough 
 for a thorough exhibition of pride, courage and revenge, 
 cruelty, dominion and devastation. Men on land cannot be 
 perfuaded, at all hours of the day, to gvt themfelves into a 
 compact body to be fhot at, and it often cofts a long time 
 and tedious marches, before armies can find their devoted 
 victims. — But a naval force obviates all difficulties. Naval 
 bien can be found ready to play the game of life and death 
 in a narrow compafs, and hofliie fleets may fly on the wings 
 of the wind to the monarchical work of deftroying human 
 life. Thus nations are drawn on to the water, governed by 
 a kind of laws, floating as the element on which they fail; 
 and the paffions of man find a longitude and latitude of ac- 
 tion more extenfive than can be found on land. 
 
 Republicans, if it be true that our people care fof 
 nothing but great prices ; if liberty, patriotifm and the 
 rights of man are unmeaning founds ; if our declaration of 
 independence and our revolutionary war were mere farces ; 
 if competence is to be humbled in the prefence of wealth and 
 all our bleffings are to be laid prcftrate at the feet of the 
 great fyilems, which wc once profefied to abhor ; if we are 
 to take the road to ruin, becaufe it is a broad road and be. 
 caufe multitudes of nations have taken it before us : Then 
 let the prefent generation fee the lait act of the drama : 
 Let us have a monarch at once, and a houfe of lords and a 
 hierarchy. Thefe combinations are alone completely able to 
 fubdue and annihilate the people, and to direct the mighty 
 fyftems, which the ' friends of order' are anxious to eftab- 
 
 lifh. Reft allured that an open and intelligent policy, m 
 
 name and in fact monarchical, is incomparably fuperior to 
 the undecided, half covenant policy, by which we have been 
 
 Conducted. If. we are to have a republican government, 
 
 let us have one injaSi^ and if this 13 not to be the cafe, let 
 
U?l2 
 
 t*3 have a monarchy. It is impollible to fuftain, any longer, 
 monarchical meafures under a republican form of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 If wealth, courage, pride, avarice, genius and elo- 
 quence are to be adored; if a combination of the greateflj 
 talents with the bafeft paffions is to be had in reverence 
 then let us all know it, and keep one folemn day of faftin * 
 humiliation and prayer for our mif-improvement of the beft 
 of heaven's beflowments; then let us appoint a km? and 
 bench of bifhops, and houfe of lords, and mailer of the 
 hounds, and chamberlains of the king's old clothes -—let our 
 mechanics place over their doors " The king's filver-fmith" 
 
 « The queen's man-milliner", -and let all the cubs and 
 
 eubbesses of the royal race have their appropriate flaves. 
 
 When the farmer is queftioned, whole load he is driving to 
 market, he mall anfwer, " The king's".-i.Every port, fhip 
 fortrefs and arfenal fhall be the king's, and the poor officers 
 and foldiers,who fought through the war and have been beg- 
 gared by it, fhall be the king's foals, and though they may 
 not have humour and fpirits enough to be droll, yet the very 
 fight of them will create abundant merriment among the 
 
 courtiers of his majefty The authors of our Hartford 
 
 new year's verfes fhall draw lots for the place of poet-lau- 
 reat; and we will foon fill his majefty's court, with as many 
 Haves and fycophants and fools, as are neceffary to grace a 
 court, and to make it respectable in the eyes of Europeans*. 
 Then let us tranfport our forefts on to the water, and launch 
 into all the extravagancies and follies of foreign kingdoms.— 
 This is failing down the ftream ; We had the fatigue of row- 
 ing againft wind and tide; and why may we not hive the 
 pleafure of failing down in it? We bought independence, 
 why may we not fell it ? 
 
 * In those days Philip and Ephraim and the Dishitc 
 mill be safely lodged m bis majesty's tower. (See Cbrvmcks.) 
 
C zi ) 
 
 jSleafures, calculated to bring on fuch a ftate of things;, 
 have followed each other in vapid fucceiiion : they have been 
 introduced and managed with great folemnity, and in the 
 name of * order and good government' millions of money 
 have been drawn from your pockets to iupport them. The 
 abhorrence anddetefhtion of republicans are at the fervice 
 of thefe meafu res^nd the authors of them fhould be placed, 
 in our nomination, as the fitted candidates for private life. 
 
 In ail depraved fyilems of fociety eternal error and de- 
 ceit are improved to fuftain self-love and hostility to the true 
 intercfts of man ; — persecution and cruelty follow in the 
 rear, and to the body of the people " the end of thefe things 
 is death," As all the ancient orders of building are blended 
 and loll in the composite order, fo all the evils of life are ab- 
 sorbed in the artificial evils of bad government. If only the 
 bale pailions of a deceitful heart were improved for the iub- 
 jugation of man, our condition wquld be more tolerable ; 
 but even our hopes and fears refpecVmg a future ftate are 
 drawn into operation and, combined with thefe, the very 
 weaknefs of the human mind. Ignorance is as powerful an 
 engine in the hands of the modern, as in thofe of the ancient, 
 ''friends of order*. Thus weak men and women, who never 
 could have finned againft light and knowledge, are taught 
 that they are very wicked jthen they are learnt mechanical- 
 ly a manual of reformation y then they are hailed as militants 
 of the church : To try their courage the church is declar- 
 ed to be in danger ; they are then told to arm themfelves ;. 
 not with the Cword of the fpirit and the helmet of falvation,, 
 but with the carnal weapons of iiander and malignity : Not 
 under the captain of falvation ; but under Adams or Pinck- 
 ney: Not to combat- fatau and their own evil lufts, which 
 war againft the foul, but to combat Jefferfon and Burr and 
 the principles of a republican adminiftration. — We have 
 lately leen this very combat. The refult of it gives occa»- 
 ion to this joyous feitival. 
 
t 83 > 
 
 "Evert view of.this fubje6t prefents the union or 
 'Church and State, as the grand fortrefs of the 'friends 
 of order and good government. I have examined fome of the 
 out works on this fortrefs ; no pains have been fpared to 
 render it impregnable : But if religion and liberty can never 
 thrive till it is reduced; if far more powerful fortreffes of 
 jthis kind, defended by the fame clafs of men, have in differ- 
 ent ages been reduced, furely republicans will have the cou- 
 :rage and patience to attack it. The practical ufe of this 
 Subject demands that we mark diftin&ly the three claffes of 
 the heads or officers of the union in this Irate. 
 
 1. Nine lawyers in congrefs — a nomination full of law- 
 yers at home — 40 or 50 lawyers, juft mounting the ladder, 
 at the foot of which the fpeaker has the honor to ftand, with 
 a fair profpe6t of promotion to a private ftation* — feveh 
 
 lawyers (except a fide and weak one) voting 200,000 dollars 
 for a maufoleum, in oppofition to the known will of every 
 one of their condiments ! — feven lawyers voting for Mr. 
 Burr to the laft, when they had a fair profpect that their 
 obftinacy would involve the country in all the horrors of a 
 civil war ; yes, voting for Mr. Burr, after he had ingeniouf- 
 iy declared the fenfe of the country and had declined 
 competition. Thefe form the firft clafs of the heads of this 
 union. 
 
 2. The fecond clafs is compofed of the leaders of that 
 profeflion, which (according to Dr. Morfe) forms -aw' aris- 
 tocratic ballance againft the democracy of this ftate ; of 
 clergymen, who pray and preach politics, and who circu- 
 late, among the people, pamphlets and principles hoftile t 
 republicanism 
 
 3. The third clafs is compofed of men,who can fay \v ith 
 great devotion, " I believe in George the third, King of 
 Great Britain and in the Prince of Wales his eldeft fan, 
 aad in William Pitt and Harry Dundas and the houfe of 
 
 * Sec Connc^iicutensisr. 
 
(«4) 
 
 lords, and in the Britifh navy and in the murder of millions 
 for the glory of the King and the wealth of the nation. — I 
 believe in the funding fyftem and in Rutledge and Bayard 
 and Hamilton and Dayton, and in th,e federal capital and 
 the new judiciary hill and the officers appointed under it. — 
 I believe Jeilerfon and Burr, Gallatin and Dearborn, Mad- 
 difon and Samuel Smith to be a fet of weak, wickqdmen. — r 
 I believe that McKean and Dallas and Coxe and Duane de- 
 ferve death, and that all the dates, fouth of Byram-river, 
 will be funk or burnt up,and that New England, with all its 
 piety and honefty and knowledge, will be preferved during 
 all ages, and will finally govern the world." 
 
 These three claffes of the ' friends of order' are firm- 
 ly knit together ; they operate in concert ; " they fpeak 
 with many tongues and deceive much people, and all the 
 world wondereth after the dragon." 
 
 The third elafs will diminifh and difappear, if you can 
 thin the ranks of the other two. — The fureft way to thin the 
 ranks of federal lawyers is, to keep tbem at home. Penn- 
 fylvania does this and fends to congrefs 13 men, who feel, 
 think and a£t like the people. Thefe men know that a dol- 
 lar is equal to 100 cents and that it takes a long time for a 
 labourer to earn 100 dollars ; but federal lawyers, who vote 
 away millions of dollars, know nothing of this. Thole 
 Fenniylvania members have not a conftant loofenefs about 
 their heads, like fome federal fpeakers : Some of them em- 
 ploy even whole feffions in thinking what to say, which is the 
 mcft ufeful attitude for a republican legiflator. Jerfey has 
 followed the example of Pennfylvania and the people here 
 are difpofed to do the fame ; but the difficulty is, a great 
 lawyer at the eastward tells the voters, that a great lawyer 
 at we westward deserves their votes and the compliment is re- 
 turned ; so both the great men are chosen by men who know 
 nothing about them. 
 
 But you are taking thefe men from their profeffions and 
 from your bufinefs, at the very feafon when they are moft c.° 
 
( 85 > 
 
 pable of ferving you at the bar, and you arc increasing the 
 number of them to a degree, which is ctiftreliing and ought 
 to be alarming to the people.* Suppofe that 40 or 50 phy- 
 ficians engroffcd nearly all the votes of the ftate for nomina- 
 tions, andfuppofe the ftate were wholly reprefented by phy. 
 ficians, the confequencc would be, that in a few years the 
 ftate would be overrun with phyficians, one half of whom 
 would be unable to chftinguiih one clifeafe from another. 
 Suppofe they were taken to congrefs, when they were moft 
 wanted by their patients, then thofe patients rauft be left to 
 
 be pracYifcd on by young unikilful ph\ ficians and must die 
 
 There is no occafion to raife lawyers in hotbeds ; the emolu- 
 ments of the profeflion will always raife as many able law- 
 yers as you can fupport. 
 
 Could the people fee the votes of our members on the 
 lifts of yeas and nays, they would need no additional argu- 
 ment to keep them at home. As in the late inftances of the 
 iedition andmauibleum bills and the canvafs of the prefiden- 
 tial election, they voted againft the will of the people, f» 
 have they generally done before on all leading queftions. 
 
 Retaining and term fees and ai-guments about mifno- 
 mers and afiaults are miierable preparations for the duties of 
 the ftatefmanf and, generally fpeaking, the habits of that 
 profeflion are hoftile to the fpirit and principles of republi- 
 canifm, and it requires fuperior virtue and fortitude in men 
 
 * Place the honors and emoluments of government at 
 the head of the taylor's trade and you might see eur ambi- 
 tious men running about with press board and shears, instead 
 of satchel and law books. The greatest abilities will be found 
 in any road, at the end of which you place the temple of fame 
 and the shrine of Plutus. 
 
 f Is the construction of the constitution and the laws 
 safe in the sole discussion of men, whose whole lives are spent 
 in making plausible the two opposite sides of the same propo- 
 sition ? " An indiscriminate defence of right and wrong 
 weakens the mind and perverts the judgement.' 1 * 
 
 Junius' Letters, 
 
C 86 ) 
 
 <5i that profeflion to counteract thofe habits. "To the honor 
 and pride of republicanism, this counterallion has produced 
 some eminent exceptions from the general rule, which t xcef* 
 tions deserve our fullest confidence as virtue deserve our 
 highest praies, when it has retained its purity in the midst 
 ef temptation. 
 
 WE read in a book of high authority*, that " domef- 
 tic usurpation is more dangerous than foreign, becaufe it 
 deals upon the people by degrees and is fixed, before it is 
 apprehended. For one people, undone by foreign invaders, 
 ten have been undone by their own native rogues, who were 
 intruded to defend them ; but inftead of this traiteroufly 
 feized for themfelves the rights which they hadfworn to pre- 
 serve for others." Nothing but the prefent *elec~tion could 
 have faved us from a dreadful commentary on thefe truths, 
 and whether federal lawyers would have been the commen- 
 tators under Adams and Pinckney I leave you to decide. 
 
 But left I Should be fuppofed uncivil to the federal lad- 
 der climbers of the long robe, fuffer me to exprefs my great- 
 eil refpecl for their talents, and a wifh that some of them 
 might be annually fent to the federal city and exhibited, fo 
 that the fouthern members might be made to feel humble at 
 the fight of fuch prodigies of fcience and legislation : but a 
 total reprefentation by lawyers of any clafs is extremely im- 
 politic and if perfifted in will be fataL 
 
 As to thinning the ranks of clerical politicians, this 
 can be done by the people's infifting firmly, that they 
 pnnACH the gospel and that their miniftrations be devoted 
 to this one thing. — Though my fubjec"l is well calculated to 
 prepare me for this clofmg and mod interefting part of the 
 application, yet the preparation of your minds may be as 
 difficult, as it is a neceffary taflc. 
 
 * Cato's Letters, 
 
C ft } 
 
 At the threfhold I find multitudes gathered about the- 
 tler^v, like children at a catechifm, expecting oracular 
 truths and infallible opinions even on fecular fubjects ; hint 
 in what nation has it been otherwife ? The pricfts of all re- 
 ligions have been thus furrounded. — Our conclaves of eccle- 
 fiaftics have been refponding to the calls of an ariftocratic 
 
 cabinet Robifon and Barruel have been circulated by the 
 
 e l er oy — extracts from pious judge Addifon hr.ve iiiued from 
 the defk — thankfgivings, rafts and even fabbaths have been 
 
 devoted to politics Prefident jefierfonhas been called an. 
 
 infidel philofopher j the democrats have been called atheifts : 
 Infidel philofophy has been preached at Jefferlbn and athe- 
 
 ifm at his friends Federalifm has been applauded in the 
 
 fchools of the prophets,and republicanifm has been ridicnled 
 by fchool boys, before they had any conception, that it was 
 a form of government, which coft- much blood and treafurc 
 and which is now facredly guaranteed to each Hate in the 
 onion. — Shall I add that on the laft faft-day, a clergyman 
 from the delk* announced, that among the greateft judg- 
 ments for our fins was that of having Jefferfon and Burr at 
 the head of the union ? Were I to name all the minifterial 
 interferences of our clergy in political concerns, a volume 
 might be eafily filled.. 
 
 But is it a fact, that atheifm prevails? Unfortunately 
 for thefe preachers, there is not one atheift in the United 
 States. It is not conceiveable that any reflecting man can 
 fail to recognize the being of the beftower and prefcrver o*. 
 
 life. Does infidelity prevail ? Few infidel books can be. 
 
 found in New-England j perhaps the political clergy havu 
 them : but I do not recollect to have feen, in four years, an 
 infidel book, unleis the writings of Robifon and Barruel and 
 €he fermons againft infidelity can be called fuch, Thefe dil- 
 clofe arguments againft revelation and inform the people of 
 many diftinguifhed men, who have been infidels. This has 
 
 * At Milton^ Litchfield county. 
 
( 88J 
 
 produced fome doubts ; but in general the people ars well 
 affected to chriftianity and never learnt to call each other 
 infidels or athcifts, on account of politics, till an edict to do 
 fo iffued from the conclave of Church and State. — Indeed 
 no man ever called another an atheill, in modern days, with- 
 out fome abandoned motive to do it : The very act of call- 
 ing our fellow mortals by fuch names is a reflection on God, 
 as having iniufficiently revealed his being and attributes to 
 man. Do our clergy underftand politics ? certainly no other 
 clafs of men is fo indifferently informed on that i'ubject. — 
 Are they, as a body, fupeinor to other profeffions ? No ! — 
 Whence then arifes their right to dictate political opinions ? 
 — Is it becaufe they occupy the pulpit? Aye, tbcrSs tbc 
 rub. — Are they to be witnelfes for or againft you on a fu- 
 ture day ? They tell you fo. — Are they envoys of heaven ? 
 They fay fo. — Have they gained ftrong hold of your hopes 
 and fears ? They have indeed, and your understandings are 
 towed along after all your weaknefs, juft like a forfakeri 
 veffel. 
 
 When Cowper, in poetic virion, faW a pulpit, it in- 
 spired him with folemn awe : It feemed to him filled with 
 " the heralds of the flues, their office facred, their creden- 
 tials clear." He feemed to hear them dealing out the vio- 
 lated law in thunders or from their tongues, " in accents 
 ifwect, as angels ufe, the gofpel whifpering peace." I wifli 
 that Cowper eouid have heard fome of our political clergy 
 thundering out anathemas on Jeffei'fon and whifpering peace 
 to the 4 friends of order', he would have given up office, cre- 
 dentials and his immortal verfe into the bargain. 1 am 
 
 no poet ; my language is plain republican prole : God is to 
 be adored, not the pulpit nor the preacher. We learnt this 
 when we left the Romifli church and its images, to worfhip the 
 unfeenrealities, which they were meant to referable. I am 
 proteftant enough to fee in the pulp't only a convenient ele- 
 vation for the preacher, fo that he may be heard ; and in the 
 
( «o 
 
 preacher I fee a frail mortal like myfelf; one, who after 
 leaving college, concluded to preach, fludied a fhort time and 
 Was licenfed, pra&ifed a Ihort time and was invited to lit- 
 tle ; one, who has no means of fpiritual knowledge more than 
 I have. If he p-eaches according to his bed knowledge and 
 belief, yet perhaps he differs materially from his predeceflbr 
 or from the neighbouring clergy, certainty, from a great 
 number of preachers, profcuTig to believe, and a&ualiy 
 
 knowing, as much as himfelf. Fhough he who runs may 
 
 read, yet we find the readers differing on many material 
 points: Catholics all agree, becaufe the holy church dic- 
 tates; but proteftant preachers have no claim to infallibility. 
 
 But this preacher has entered into the heirfhip of all 
 the influence attached to religion and his profeflion, and has 
 fucceeded to the maftery of all the flavifh paflions, as fully 
 as the heir of a planter fucceeds to the ownerfliip of his fa- 
 ther's flaves. There is a tacit covenant, however, in this 
 bufinefs, " You the pallor mull feed the flock, you mull lead 
 «' a life of humility and mortification, and by a patient con- 
 " tinuance in the ways of well doing, mud conduc~l your peo- 
 44 pie to glory, honor and immortality — then will you earn 
 '* that crown of tore, to which thofe only are entitled, who 
 " turn many unto righteoufaefs. For your profeiiional pub- 
 *' lie fervices we pay you a falary. Our reipeel for you will, 
 w be proportioned to the refemblance of your character to 
 tt that of your humble mailer, who went about doing good," 
 
 Alas ! in the political maneuvres of fome of that pro- 
 feflion, what a falling off from the character of the favior! 
 From the bifhop of Ofnaburgh* down to the humbleft of 
 our clerical 4 friends of order' not one of them loves the re- 
 ligion, which he profeflls. They are all willing to have tha 
 bell of this world and the belt of the other ; but they are 
 wholly unwilling to live the life of the righteous, that their 
 
 * Vulgarly called the duke of York. 
 
 M 
 
LJll 
 
 end may be like his. Look at your bibles and fee what they 
 ought to be, then look at them and fee what they are — thefe 
 two views will produce, clear as any proportion in Euclid, 
 the conclufion which I have exprefled. Thefe men have 
 been ardent for war, wealth and national greatnefs, thofe 
 deadly enemies of religion and morals ; but their favior was 
 the prince of peace, he preached alarms to the rich, and his 
 whole life and religion were calculated to ftain the pride of 
 all human glory. He did not cultivate the favor of the great 
 nor prefs to their banquets ; but he fought for humble peni- 
 tents in the obfcurity of life, ate with publicans and finners, 
 and his banner over the poor believers was love. While the- 
 chief priefts and fupreme council were deriding the mean- 
 nefs of his origin and the poverty of his followers, the poor 
 ftarving multitude waited for bread from his hands, and for 
 heavenly confolations from his lips. Thus in the depths of 
 poverty and fuffering he gained to himfelf a name above 
 every name, and eftablifhed a kingdom of righteoufnefs and 
 truth, which has bid defiance to all the power, wealth and 
 fcience of the world ; a kingdom, which, however defpifed 
 by hierarchs and corn-tiers in all ages, will finally fubdue 
 6 principalities and powers, and the rulers of the darknefs- 
 of this world and fpiritual wickednefs in high places'^. 
 
 Some of this profeffion are, doubtlefs, his fincere fol- 
 lowers : Some have not defiled their garments ; but fome of 
 them have extremely embarraffed our political concerns: — 
 The)- have been perfonally the engines of power, and have 
 perfonally thrown, into the fcale of paft meafures, the hopes 
 and fears of men, and the religion of the country. 
 
 Ask yourfelves for a moment, are not thefe things 
 true ? — Has not the alarm of infidelity been fpread for polit- 
 ical purpofes ? — Have not fermons and newfpapers abounded 
 with itl — Have not fome of the clergy preached againft de- 
 mocracy? — Have they not, in a moft contemptuous and re- 
 /■ 
 t These an the sen plural titles of the '■friends of order?* 
 
_90 
 
 viiing manner, named foine l'epublicans in their pulpits ?— 
 Have they not fafhioned their prayers and fermons, fo as to 
 compliment the l friends of order', and to bring into con- 
 tempt, the republicans ? — Are not printed fcrmons of this 
 kind now in circulation ? — Has not the cry of 4 Steady hab- 
 its' been founded by the clergy, to induce the utter exclullon 
 of any improvement in the condition of men? — Have they 
 not rendered every poffible aid to the * friends of order' in 
 promoting them to office ; and are not feveral, who have re- 
 ceived this aid, known to be infidels ? — Have they not dif- 
 covered great exultation, when the republicans have been 
 abufed in orations and anonymous writings ? — Do they not 
 patronize newfpapers and printers, who thrive on the abufe 
 
 of republicans? Every candid man muft anfwer in the 
 
 affirmative to each of thefc queftions. 
 
 Now if our people are willing that chriftianity fliould 
 lofc ground ; if they are diipofed to accept, from year to 
 year, political inftead of gofpel fermons, and to be told that 
 every man, who will not do homage to the clergy, is an i. .ri- 
 del ; then let them continue to fettle thefe clerical ' friends 
 of order', and intruft the keeping of their fouls to men, 
 whofe grace and integrity are meafured by their hatred of 
 Jefferfon and liberty. 
 
 Ye clerical 4 friends of order', this plain republican 
 Englifh. may not pleafe you: You are not* in the habit of 
 hearing from men,, who attach to you no more re i peel than 
 your knowledge and piety demand. You have talked and 
 preached very freely about republicans : You have abufed 
 them. On this occafion, I am their organ for fpeaking to 
 you, and they take high ground, when they claim of you to 
 preach the gospel. — The God, whofe minifters you pro- 
 fefs to be, is really the God of order and not of confufion. 
 Keep the place in his moral government, for which yon pre- 
 tend to be affigned: Your wandering out of it is confufion. 
 Let infidelity alone, and it will come to nought. Route not 
 Hume, Voltaire or Bolingbroke from their ilumbera : Few 
 
( 9» ) 
 
 of you have read their writings — many of you grofsly mif- 
 quote them, and by gathering parts of fentences from diftant 
 and unconnected fubjefls, you caufe them to fay, what they 
 have never (aid. They were infidels indeed, but they were 
 not fools : Bad as was their caufe, yet the ingenuity of their 
 writings Ihould prevent your calling the attention of your 
 people to them. 
 
 Preach the gospel, and let Robifon and Barruel 
 alone. The people who pay you, do not wifti to be publicly 
 infulted, becaufe a Scotch monarchist and a catholic able 
 wrote books of fables ! Such men were never raifed up to 
 
 teach truth to protcstant republicans. When you are or-r 
 
 dained, we hear you folemnly charged to ftudy the fcrip- 
 tures, that you may difcera the mind and will of God — to 
 be examples to the flock in all patience, meeknefs and long 
 fuffering — and with diligence to preach the gospel. We 
 claim of you no more: — But your lack-a-day-fical fermons, 
 made up of the lazinefs of the week, your fatires on the 
 rights of man, and your wild political effays are poorly cal- 
 culated for this. You impute infidelity to democrats ; but 
 
 you are the men who caufe infidelity to aboundjj — you do 
 not preach the gospel; — you talk, pray, preach and publifli 
 politics (every reader will bear me witnefs). — All the fer- 
 mons for two years raft, aimed often fibly at democratic infi- 
 dels and ii fi lei philoib] hy, were in fact aimed at Mr. Jef- 
 ferfon; thefe things give caufe to the enemy to blaf- 
 
 rie, and fay, " Where is your God"? You charge this 
 ft te of things to democrats ; whereas no clafs of men wifti 
 more ardently for a change. Strike at the true caufe of all 
 this — turn your daggers to the pride of your own hearts, to 
 your love of the world — ceafe to lord it over God's herit- 
 age*— r-fend no more vain oblations to the Palladium and 
 the Connecticut Courant, 
 
 £ I spca'z expressly of the political clergy, 
 
 * Cambridge platform provided expressly for this lord- 
 
ill! 
 
 Is it not enough for you to know from the new tefta- 
 meat, that your Savioi's kingdom was not of this world, 
 that he meddled wiih none of its politics, that his followers 
 vi ;re not political guides, and that the fathers of the church 
 
 minded none of thefe things? 3ut will you be gathering 
 
 1 fcraps of texts to prove your right to be politicians? 
 
 The idbjtcT: of a clerical interference in political concerns 
 has been argued over and ag dn by ambitious, worldly-mind- 
 ed clergy ; but never accredited nor advocated by any other 
 clufs of men, except thofe, whofe improper intereft or aban- 
 doned ambition they were favoring. If you are fo very ufe- 
 ful and capable on this fubjeel, who are your biographers? 
 Are they archbifhop Laud"* ard Sacheverel? 
 
 1 he ijdea of your advocating or oppofing a particular 
 clafs of candidates is ridiculous. Your people abhor it: 
 Chriftianity difavows it — your Savior will reject you if yon 
 p^riift in it. 
 
 A he you really, as you declare, the embaffadors of the. 
 king of kings? Then is it not enough that you enjoy his fa- 
 vor, that men treat you with reipcel as his envoys? that 
 you are the fubjtcts of his grace, chofen from among the 
 millions of the human race, not merely to falvation, but to 
 be kings and priefts and heralds of falvation; not to be pri- 
 vates, but to be officers of high rank in his fervice ? Eith r 
 you do not realize your vocations or you grofsly mil conceive 
 your cilice ; for if you felt your rank and dignity, you would 
 not be running round as the flaves and dupes of a fet of afpir- 
 ing infidel politicians. 
 
 fhip, by giving to the pastor a negative upon the whole of his 
 church; and Saybrooh platjorm provided that, in consocia- 
 tuns, the voti's of any number of delegates, representing 
 whole churches, should be equal to so many blanks. 
 
 * Laud, a persecuting ecclefiaftic under Charles 1st, and 
 predecessor of Sacheverel, who disgraced the clerical profes* 
 si on under Sgueen Anne. 
 
( 94 ) 
 
 If you have engaged to preach the gofpel, why do yon 
 aot preach it I It certainly requires more time to become 
 ignorant in your profeffion, than it does to become learned 
 in any other. " lie that is wife, let him be a fool, that he 
 ntay be wile." This applies to the intellectual, as well as 
 to the moral faculty of man. It will coft you many years 
 to learn the variety of opinions, which Chriftians, equally 
 refpccled for integrity and fcience, have entertained on the 
 leading fubjecls of Chriftianity. It will coft many years to 
 digeft the reafons, which each one has given, of the hope 
 which is in him. After all this, it will coft much time and 
 fmcere reflection to draw from all this the ufeful leffon, that 
 each of thefe men knew as much as yourfelves, was as ar- 
 dent and fincore, as you can be, in the caufe ; had as valu- 
 able a foul as yours to fave, and was full as likely as you to be 
 right. 
 
 Under this leffon humility would fucceed to infallibility, 
 and this humility would teach you, that your beft powers 
 and the devotion of all your time would be but feeble in the 
 fight of your matter, and you would never think that, inftead 
 of coming to your people in the fulnefs of thebleflings of the 
 gofpel of peace and bringing from your treafure things new 
 and old, you had a right to appear with political prayers and 
 political fermons and to fettle the affairs of the nation on days 
 let apart for the worfhip of God and the upbuilding of Zion.#" 
 
 * If any of these remarks should seem severe ; yet that 
 is not my faulty if they are true. Surely -nothing can be 
 more severe than for an ignorant and insincere man to preachy 
 and to improve his profession for the abasement of one half of 
 his hearers. — // will be noticed that I have distinguished gener- 
 ally the ''friends of order'' from the body of the people: the 
 deceitfuly from the body of honesty civilians. My subject de- 
 manded that I should distinguish the political preachers from 
 the body of faithful clergy: For intentional deceivers are 
 comparatively few : the injured honest subjects of their deceit 
 are numerous. I have uniformly spoken of religion and the 
 faithful dispensation of it, with the respeSl which its impor- 
 tance audits real friends have a right to claim. 
 
( 95 J_ 
 
 The united energy of our people can compafs the re- 
 duction of the falfe * friends of order' and the reduction ot 
 
 the leaders would ficatter the ranks of their adherents. ■ 
 
 Since the fun of federallfm is fet, our numbers will increafe : 
 The terrorlfts will never join us ; they will be expecting, for 
 many years, the fecond coming of federalifm : Butthebody 
 cf the people, through the United States, wifh for the fame 
 thing, a good government, extending its bleftings to our 
 towns and firefides : They wJlh for good order, peace, econ- 
 omy and religion. They will fupport a government which 
 confides in them and refpects their rights and opinions. The 
 body of the people have no intereft in deceiving and do not 
 deferve to be deceived. Under the new adminiftration we mall 
 fee a practical explanation of our declaration of independence 
 and of our conftitution. Past measures will serve as beacons to 
 warn the present administration of the rocks on which their 
 predecessors have been wrecked. X\ T c mall have a republican 
 government and our friends, from one end of the continent 
 to the other, will unite in meafures, calculated to perpetuate 
 the rights of man. 
 
 Republicans, the application of my fubject is now* 
 clofed. If I had been expatiating on the charms of monar- 
 chy or the delightful condition of your pofterity preffed on 
 board of a navy, or chained to the oar, or fold to fight the 
 battles of foreign nations, long fince mould your patience 
 have been relieved : — But on fuch an occafion, republicans 
 mould know nowearinefs nor faintnefs*. This day places 
 us on high ground, where we fliould do injuftice to our 
 caufe, did we not look back on the dangers which v/e have 
 efcaped ; around us to fee the fnares by which we are befct. 
 and forward to the profpect of a republican adminiftration. 
 
 The men, whofe acceflion we this day celebrate, have, 
 the higheft poffible teftimony of their worth, in the iWrages 
 
 * Isaiah, 40th chap. 31^* vers?. 
 
C 96 ) 
 
 of a free people. We va : elective frarichife more, 
 
 becaufe it has produced to us thefe bleflings. We valiul 
 thefe blefiings mort I becaufe they have been produ'cea 
 
 by tiiis franchife. Thus our belt friends are connected with 
 our bed rights and both unitedly claim our confidence 
 and fupport. — rhough we have bought experience dearly, 
 yet by prudent management we may yet be reftored. By 
 t|je power of contrail the principles of republicanifm hav0 
 become diftinct, and the talents, called forth by oppofition 
 to them, have marked the path, which a new admiriiftra- 
 tion may take, with a certainty of coinpaffing their own 
 honor and the good of the people. 
 
 Let me congratulate you that the reign of terror, of 
 falfe federalifm, of falfe profeflions of love of order and 
 pood government is at an end. The fame power, which 13 
 giving victory to republican armies and uniting the pow^. s 
 of the north in favor of the liberty of the feas ; which 
 granted us our independence ; which has wrought for us a 
 bloodlefs revolution in favor of the rights of man, at the 
 opening of a new century and has afforded a new birth day to 
 freedom, {till governs the world. u The Lord reigns, let 
 the earth rejoice," fliould be the triumphant exclamation of 
 every republican. 
 
 It cannot be too often repeated, that the reign of 
 Terror is no more. — The fweet founds of " Jefferfon and 
 Liberty*" fucceed to " Hail Columbia." — The cannon 
 from yon eminent refponds to the thundering triumphs of 
 our republican brethren in every quarter of the union. Our 
 eonftitution and our libeities are in the hands of their belt 
 friends. 
 
 The reign of terror is no more, and we are al- 
 lowed, on this feftive day, to render thanks for our eman- 
 cipation. Though every obftacle is placed in the way of 
 
 * Title of the song) performed with astonishing eJeSH 
 on the occasion. 
 
( 97 ) 
 
 ©ui* adminiftrationf ; though all the antirepublican fyftems 
 of the paft are to be combated ; yet the ardor, the union 
 and patience of our brethren will be triumphant. Slaves irt 
 every part of the world are burfting their chains and proving 
 that " man in his foul abhors tyranny." " The truth is out} 
 and all the kings and armies on earth will not be able agaia 
 to confine it;';;." 
 
 The reign o? terror is no moi'e : The alien and 
 fedition acts have expired: Ariftocratic federalifm is fuffer- 
 ing its laft pangs. Now the war worn foklier may expect 
 iome better remuneration than cold neglect or fevere abufe. 
 Now the republican papers will give light to thofe who 
 have been fitting in darknefs. Now the victims of the fe- 
 dition law may expect fome returns for having publifhed 
 bold and neceflary truths and we fhall realize the favorite 
 fentiment, our statesmen to the constitution and 
 
 •UR CLERGY TO THE BIBLE. 
 
 Friends of order and good government ! To you the 
 fubject of this day affords no occafion of joy. You have in- 
 fulted and and abufed the illuftrious officers, whofe acceffion 
 we this day celebrate. Republicans of every rank have 
 met your fevereft reprobation. We now give you full li- 
 cence to continue your falfehoods and bitternefs. You have 
 affirmed to yourfelves, like your ancient brethren, every 
 amiable attribute. Make up your characters as you will, 
 and remember that it is our glory and our pride that we dif- 
 fer precifely from you. 
 
 Have you never read that Nero, who fiddled while Rome 
 was burning, proclaimed himfelf, by found of trumpet, to 
 be the bell poet in his dominions, and that no one dared to 
 contend for the laurel with one, who had fifty legions at his 
 
 f Especially the late appointments to irrenwible offices 
 by Mr. Adams. 
 
 t Barlow. 
 
 N 
 
_C 98 ) 
 
 command? But you, who fiddled at the refult of the late prefix 
 dential election, while the flumes of civil war were kindling 
 in the country, and who have fiddled away twelve years of 
 our national exiftence to the tune of more mone\ , more ener- 
 gv, have not even 12, regiments at command ! — We dare 
 diipute your pretentions and though you are welcome to the 
 name of i friends of order,' we charge on you all the difoi - - 
 der and confufion, which our councils,, our cauie and our 
 country have iuffcred. 
 
 '"Friends of order 1' your claims on the. prefent ad- 
 miniftration muff be truly affecting. You can fay with truth, 
 w For twelve years we have infulted and abufed all your 
 " friends and adherents. During the prefidential conteft 
 M we prayed, preached and wrote againft you. We depre- 
 " cated your accefiion to the chair. When the votes were 
 " announced, we were willing to hazard the lofs of the 
 u conftitution rather than to place you there ; but fince we 
 M have failed in preventing your accefiion, if you will go- 
 u vern according to our ideas, we will not abfolutely revolt 
 " during the four ) ears of your adminiftration, and at the 
 u end of that time we will hurl you from your feat and go- 
 u vern with energy and force forever." 
 
 Friends of good government ! give yourfelvcs no falfe 
 hopes. The adminiflraiion will not govern according to 
 «your ideas: it is in no dread of you. Your church and 
 ftate union, your cry about religion and ancient habits is 
 very little heeded. One third of New England abhor and 
 de'fpife it — one-third understand nothing about it — and the 
 other third, confiding of the royal arch fraternity of order 
 and go eminent, may comfort themfelves with this 
 
 fail, that though fc ieralifm may appear confiderable on paper, 
 yet that the real current coin of it is likely to be very fcarce. 
 The late difclofure of votes prefented about three-fifths of 
 the union on the republican fide, and this in oppofition to- 
 ry obftaeleo. 
 
( 99 ) 
 
 Friends of order and good government I read the Cou- 
 rant, write poetry, repofe yourfelves on the poppy leaves of 
 the Palladium, dream of the ghofts of departed political i'er- 
 mons, cail up in vifion your abortive Schemes, take courage 
 and gain ftrength, for you will have to bear, for a long lea- 
 fon yet to come, to fee your neighbours, your political op- 
 ponents, bleffed with a republican adminiffcration, confident 
 with the revolution, the conftitution and the rights of man. 
 
 Ye felf-ftiled 'friends of order'! pure chriftians ! in- 
 fallible guides! men of whole well-earned fortunes! fail 
 morals! look at your brethren, the ' friends of order' in 
 Europe : See their thrones tottering — fee the grand patri- 
 arch of your order threatened with the lofs of his dominion 
 of the feas — fee Buonaparte, at the head of victorious arm- 
 ies, reading awful lefibns to the ' friends of order' — fee your 
 caufe tumbling, fcales falling from the eyes of thofe, to 
 whom you have been blind guides — fee JeiTerfon and Burr 
 in the presidential chair; and remember that the language 
 of your falling brethren and your dying caufe to you is, 
 
 BE YE ALSO READY. 
 
[The length of this oration, as it was first written, pre-* 
 vented the delivery of the whole of it and some additions have 
 been made under several of the beads, — Mr. Jefferson's in~ 
 augural speech, which was read as a part of the exercises, is- 
 published by request, in the appendix, and previous to it, 
 without request, an address to the reader, which Messrs. 
 Hudson and Goodwin and some other federal printers will 
 republish, if they are willing that the public shall know the 
 cbaratlers of their anonymous auxiliaries, and the base re~ 
 fuges to which federalism has been driven.] 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 TO THE READER. 
 
 THE P. B. K. fociety of Yale college appointed mc 
 their annual orator for September 1S00, — voted that the 
 exercife fhould be in the evening, and named Mr. Winn 
 and myfelf a committee to fee the houfe prepared and light- 
 ed. The choice of fubject has been always left to the ora- 
 tor. The fociety knew that 1 could not write about broken 
 glafs, dried infects, petrifactions or any fuch literary themes. 
 As to Greece and Rome I neither knew nor cared about 
 them, and was wholly fatisfied about the diftance of the hea- 
 venly bodies and the aptitude of all created things to their 
 ufes, without having been very particular about the whys 
 and wherefores. My one talent was to be called into ufe. 
 An ample fubject prefented itfelf in the Commercial and 
 Bank fyftems, which, in addition to great national expence, 
 were fubjecTing us daily to all the evils of a depreciating 
 currency, affording however an appearance of wealth, which 
 attached our people to fyftems of ruinous meafures, project- 
 ed in fome inftances by men, who forfeited their claim to 
 confidence in our revolution, and in all inftances, by men, 
 who appeared to defpife very heartily the caufe of our coun- 
 try. I chofe to write an oration on * political delufion'. 
 
 The work being finifhed in Auguft, was fhewn to the 
 fecretary of the fociety, with a requeft that he would com- 
 municate the contents to the members, and that the appoint- 
 ment might be refcinded, if they were difpofed to do it. He 
 did fo, and the fubject was diicuiTed j but no vote was ob- 
 tained for refunding. Knowing the federal mifreprefenta- 
 tions, to which the oration would be fubject, I procured an 
 impreffion of it previous to the delivery. This did not pre- 
 vent the groffeft perverfions of the obvious meaning of it; 
 but it aniwered ibme purpofe. 
 
On Monday evening, (ilic day before delivery) the 
 c friends of order' in tl , being reinforced b) fome 
 
 of their clerical and lav brethren from the country, and forae 
 members in town, who did not ufually attend, held a con- 
 clave, which they called a regular meeting, and without any 
 .notice to me, (though i was a member and a party concerned 
 in the object of their convention) proceeded to pafs a re- 
 scinding aft, of which 1 was to have a copy immediately. 
 This was firft carried to the printer's late in the night. — 
 
 I bill copies of it were iffued — and were in circulation 
 the next day feveral hours before I was ferved with a copy 
 of their fiat. This act declared, among other enormities, 
 that the fociety had no connection with politics. This is 
 partly true ; but it was originally inftituted folely for politi- 
 cal purpofes, and a diftinguifhed officer in Williamlburgh 
 B perfuaded the members to relinquiih the object; af- 
 ter which it mellowed down to a fort of friendship and learn- 
 ing fociety, with powers to make invidious discriminations 
 in the colleges, but without any definite object. In raft 
 they attended to tilings in general, and under this head, 
 their theme of difcuffion appointed for that very evening, 
 and indeed for the meeting next preceding, was wholly po- 
 litical. Surely no one will claim that I am revealing the 
 secrets of the fociety ; they took pains enough to make thefe 
 things public. This mode cf proceeding fhews exactly what 
 regard this fociety had to friendlhip, and what were their 
 ptions of ufeful learning, regular bufmefs or decency. 
 
 '"'But all this abufe ought to have preceeded the fequel. 
 It was known that the denounced member would deliver the 
 oration on political delufion, and there were fome apprehen- 
 fions that he would have an audience, to prevent which, fev- 
 eral members of the fociety went to houfes in town, made a 
 general attempt to difluade the ladies from attending, and 
 nfed all thofe means which fuch an object demand. The 
 houfe was prepared by the republicans of New Haven. The 
 audience was in number about 1500, among whom were ma- 
 ny ladies (whom I have feen among other ladies,) and cer- 
 tainly eight clergymen. The federal agents in this bufmefs 
 fay there were no ladies and but one clergyman ; this is as 
 near the truth as their object would admit them. — The num- 
 bers in the other houfe might have been eauly counted. 
 
 The orations being immediately iffued; on the fucceed- 
 ing day, Warren Dutton, who during the preceding night 
 had bounded about on his Pegafus from end to beginning oi 
 it, produced, with the help of a friend, fome weak rhymes 
 
( *°3 ) 
 
 upon it — the weaknefs might not be his fault ; for my profer 
 is not eaiily wrought into meafured feet. Thefe rhymes he 
 fpoke, (if fpeaking it could be called) from the collegiate 
 ftage — many wondered how he could {'peak fo — and fome 
 laughed. Unfortunately Mr. Bilhop did not hear him, he, 
 was in a diftant part of the town, not dreaming that he was 
 to be fo early honored with the vengeance of the knights of 
 delufion. Two difcoveries this Mr. L'uttcn did make, ift, 
 That Mr. B. was a very bombaftic writer. 2d, That a 
 Look: read backwards, viz. from end to beginning, appears 
 very different from what it would, if read in the ordinary 
 way. 
 
 But the oration, though acknowledged by all federalifts 
 to be full of weaknefs and felly, might do fome harm : — So 
 Noah Webfter, jun. efq. who is ready to anfwer every body, 
 and whole head is like a vendue mailer's room, fall of other 
 people's goods, undertook to dub himfelf fool-wbipper, and 
 on the fucceeding Sunday afternoon, Slued from a prefs, 
 which fupports religion and fteady habits, a fmall pamphlet 
 entitled lt Rod for the fool's back", really the belt perform- 
 ance of Noah, rather deficient in point of argument and 
 truth, but abounding in his editorial quackery. He con- 
 that he did not understand the oration, therefore we 
 are not to wonder that his attempt to anfwer i+. was feeble 
 indeed ; but his father taught him to fp'eak the truth. What 
 motive could he have to publifh, that being a candidate for 
 the clerrfhip of the fuperior court, and knowing that my he- 
 retical opinions about religion and politics would be an obfta- 
 e!e, I wrote a letter to P . igs, recanting thefe opinions, 
 then fhewed it to him (Mr. W.) and to fome others, i 
 der to gain bis and their influence for the appointment ? This 
 may take rank among the molt malicious of defamatory fali- 
 hoods, for his object was to imprefs the public mind with a 
 1, that I had been guilty of mean evallons for the 
 purpofe of deceiving the court.— -The fact is, that I never 
 thought of religion or Mr. Webftei's influence as connected 
 ith tl ■. i enquired of one of the judges whether 
 
 politics would influence the court. He told me, No. 1 
 
 was appointed in July 1798, attended the court as clerk, and 
 ■ ; after the court-was over, viz. on the 24th of 
 
 Lift 1798, a letter was written to Mr. Meigs and ■■. 
 ered on the evening of that day. On the recmeft of forrie 
 ids, I borrowed the letter*. VEeigS about the ill 
 
 of September ; ft vera! faw it, and about the 14th of Septem- 
 ber, feeing Mr.Wefefter in front of the ftage houfe, I handed 
 i'qto him to read, and hoped it might do hii good* 
 
( *°4 ) 
 
 Mr. Webfter produced another anecdote about a 4th of 
 July oration ; One was written indeed, without any idea, 
 of its being delivered, and it was fent to a friend in Bofton, 
 many months before the 4th of July, and no man ever heard 
 a fuggeftion from me, that I wifhed to be appointed orator. 
 This oration was written to expofe the milk and water of 
 Mr. WebiWs oration, delivered on the natal day of terror- 
 ifin (July 1798) and of the cucumber oration with its hum- 
 ble tender, Mr. Lewis's oration. 
 
 But Mr. W. fays that Mr. B. wifhed to have deliver- 
 ed an eulogium on General Wafliington. This is precifely 
 true : every republican wifhed to pay a tribute of refpect to 
 his 1 leraory ; he has a monument in all their hearts, more 
 valuable than a maufoleum. So Mr. W. has told one truth, 
 as Robifon (according to Profeffor Ebeling) told a little truth 
 to give currency to a great deal offalsbood. As Mr. Web- 
 fter is very apt to give advice to others, I leave him with a 
 word of advice, which is, to profecute, to conviction and 
 fentence of death, the man or men, who ever told him that 
 he had talents as a writer. 
 
 But the orations were circulating through the country 
 and fleady habits might be in danger : So Hudfon and Good- 
 win's paper difcharged, for many months, the black vomit of 
 federalifm in verfes, chronicles, anecdotes and communica- 
 tions, in all which I do not recollect to have feen any en- 
 tire paragraph of truth ; there wa« a little truth upon pious 
 Profeffor Robifon's plan ! 
 
 At length in October ftarted into view the essence of 
 malice andfalsbood under the title of Connecticutenfis. All 
 thefe men work anonymoufly, their names would ruin their 
 works. They all flab at character, afhamed to draw into 
 queftion the abominations of their fyftems of delufion. 
 They always bound about in books, which they wifh to de- 
 cry. They never read and report them like men of truth. 
 They wifh to gain advantage by their writings ; but dread 
 the refponfibility attached to their unfairnefs. Their pre- 
 deceffors didjuft fo in every age and all men, who have at- 
 tempted to improve the condition of man, have been abufed 
 by them. They all love darknefs rather than light. — Con- 
 necticutenfis has followed the track of Robifon and Web- 
 fter. He tells fome truth : He fays that I am a clerk of 
 courts, that is true ; but he fays that I attempted to be a 
 church-prieft ; that is falfe. — He fays that I went feveral 
 times to Hamden in the dead of night and circulated nomi- 
 inations. I went te Hamden once ill the evening : The 
 
*uurt was fitting, which prevented my going in the day- 
 time : I circulated not one nomination. I went by invi- 
 tation of Kamden people and returned feafonably and did not 
 go again. I told them what I knew to be true and what 
 they believed. Why did not Connecticutenfis attack Mr. 
 Edwards for going with ine ? That envenomed arrow is in 
 referve I— —But this writer has difcovered that I was obli- 
 ged to quit the prefidency of the P. B. K. fociety on account 
 of pi'ofanity. A charge was made that I had fpoken very pro- 
 fanely at the hofpital in Saybrook; I requefled a fuipeniion 
 of any opinion on the iubje6t for a week, at the end of which 
 lime I produced the leftimony of Doc~t. Worthington Ely, 
 proving the charge to be unfounded, and that the idea of my 
 tig fpoken the words originated in a mifapprehenfion of 
 fome conversation, held between my accufer and him. This 
 was declared Satisfactory ; but in the courfe of that week the 
 charge, which was only verbally made, had gained form and 
 flibftance in the record book. I claimed that it ought to be 
 erafed — this was oppofed and on this diffention I left the 
 fociety. Were this otherwiie, why have I been twice ap- 
 pointed annual orator of the fociety ? — The rage and ven- 
 geance of Conne6licutenfiS tranfported him fo conftantly, 
 from what ought to have been his Subject, into perioral 
 abufe, that it would be impeilible to follow him on that 
 ground ; The only vifible argument is, O ! thefe pious 
 clergy ! O thefe great merchants I O ! Mr. Bifhop ! but 
 this will not do for me. I am no Have to clergy or mer- 
 chants. If my rights are ever facrificed, I care not to 
 which of them. — But he fays that part of that weak oration 
 was borrowed from neWfpapers and part furniftied by Mr. 
 Gemmil. Is it not enough that Mr. G. fhould be ftabbed by 
 himfelf ; but muft thrufts be aimed at him through me ? 
 If falfehood and calumny would wound him, poifoned Shafts 
 are not wanting. Your quiver, Conne6licirteiifis, is full of 
 f uch arrows ! 
 
 But another writer difcovered, as a chef-tTeuvre of de- 
 mocratic tricks, a miftake of five millions in the third page- 
 of my appendix. There really was fuch a miftake, made in 
 that page, which I corrected with my pen, as foon as it was 
 difcovered and if the reader will infert between the words 
 'Military Eftablifhment' and 'Annuities to Indians' ths 
 following words and figures. " Sinking Fund, intereft &c. 
 4,910,908,69" he will find the footing to be right, and thill 
 mighty miftake, made to ik: prejudice of niy own statement, 
 
( io6 ) 
 
 tvill, after correcled, fhcw that all my eftimates were right 
 and that a degree of bafenefs was attached to this attempt in 
 the Hartford paper, which no man will dare to avow. 
 
 Whether the fuperior court difmifled me from the clerk- 
 fliip in order to aid the torrent of vengeance which has been 
 pouring upon me, or to give importance to thefe anonymous- 
 writings, or to benefit the public, are queftions of mighty 1 lit- 
 tle moment to me. They did right : no man ought to be 
 their clerk, when their pleafure to employ him ceaies ; but 
 any attempt under that to imprefs the public with a belief 
 that I had deceived the court in refpec! to politics w ill be 
 vain. I can prove from the mouth of one of the judges, by 
 invincible teftimony, " that the court knew me to be a de- 
 u mocrat ; but they confidercd me as moderate, and ha > 
 "idea, that I would take any active part on the fubjt£t* M ! 
 
 My Iaft oration fhewed, in very explicit terms, the.de- 
 lufive arts of the 'friends of order'. This {hews as clearly 
 who thefe men are. None have been wounded py either of 
 them, except thofe very men, whofe wounding is the heal- 
 ing of the people. That the people have confidered the 
 fubjecT important, has been fhewn abundantly by .the ample 
 manner, in which they have vindicated me from the attacks 
 of thefe anonymous writers. The people have turned their 
 wrath to my benefit. If my character fliall be conhdered as 
 connected with the politics of the country, flab at it again 
 and keep yourfelvcs in concealment ; but it will notaniwer 
 your purpofe. Nothing will aniwer but explicit proof, that 
 there is no delufion and that there are none of thele falfe 
 * friends of order'. — By being in a rage you throw yourfclves 
 off your centre. The people will read and believe what I 
 have new written. They will know it to be true : They 
 will fufpect you of falfehocd. The federal caufe will be 
 contemptible unlefs better advocates and better means are 
 improv d. our caufe will fink r Lo the feet of thofe, 
 v, ho carried cut others, are at the door 1" 
 
 Let me now ank Meflrs.. Hudfon and Goodwin and all 
 thefe anon) mous wi iters to reflect a moment and decide hew 
 much r they would have had, provided that at fliort 
 
 intervals for ten yea;? they had been anonymoufly attacked, 
 and that anecdotes to their prejudice, without any founda- 
 tion in truth, had gained a circulation, and that no means 
 had ever been furnifhed for checking them. Could they fup- 
 port their families ? Could they keep good company ? Has 
 ike afpeft of the Connecticut Courant, for eight months 
 
( i°7 3 
 
 7paft been honorable to the prefs or the ftate ? Is it well to 
 live in a flate of fociety, where daggers and aflallination are 
 held in honor ? If any man wiflies to write about me let 
 him publifh his name. All the candid public will agree that 
 I am entitled to claim this. 
 
 All thefe * friends of order' agree that I am a very 
 weak man. It is the policy of our party to place the weak 
 in the forefront of the battle. Our heavy artillery will not 
 come to the charge in many months : But in the miclit of 
 weaknefs and lome calamities, not common to men, I have 
 been fuftained thus far. — and to clofe, let me aft:, if I am 
 fo weak, wicked and depraved as I have been represented, 
 why am I not driven from the fociety of men of character ? 
 certainly I do not court the favor of the great ; — Why am I 
 not expelled from the P. 13. K. fociety ? Why not from the 
 academy of arts and fciences? — You will not do me that 
 honor : But from this moment I ceafe to be a member of 
 either of thefe two privileged orders and join rayfelf to the 
 great community of unprivileged men, to whole emancipation 
 from the tyranny of the 'friends of order' and from the arts of 
 political delufion I fhall always chcarfully devote thofe tal- 
 ents, which were never made for literary Societies. 
 
 ABRAHAM BISHOP. 
 
 New-Haven, May 9, i3oi. 
 
 [Certainly the public will not cxpeSc me to reply to the 
 bard names, smaller falsboods, base insinuations and gen 
 effusions of malice, bitterness and vengeance, which have 
 characterised these anonymous writers. — The men, who stab 
 at characler in the dark, woidd stab at life in the dark, could 
 they be sure of escaping the justice of the kw.\ 
 
( io8) 
 PRESIDENT JEFFERSON's 
 
 INAUGURAL SPEECH. 
 
 CALLED upon to undertake the duties of the firft 
 Executive office of our countiy, I avail myfelf of the pre- 
 fence of that portion of my fellow citizens which is here af- 
 fembled to expr'efs my grateful thanks for the favor which 
 they have been pleafed to look towards me, to declare a fin-. 
 cere cenfeioufnefs that the talk is above my talents, and that 
 I approach it with thole anxious and awful prefentiments 
 which the greatnefs of that charge, and the weaknefs of my 
 powers fo juftly infpire. A rifing nation, fpread over a wide 
 
 fruitful land, traverfing all the feas with the rich produc- 
 tions of their induftry, engaged in commerce with nations who 
 feci power and forget right ; advancing rapidly to deftinies 
 beyond the reach of mortal eye ; when I contemplate thefe 
 tranfeendant objects, and fee the honor, the happinefs, and 
 the hope of this beloved country committed to the ilfue and 
 the aufpices of this day, I fhrink from the contemplation 
 umble myiVl:" before the magnitude of the undertaking. 
 Utterly indeed mould I defpair, did not the prefence of ma- 
 ny, whom here I fee, remind me, that in the other high au- 
 thorities provided by our conftitution, I (hall find rcfources 
 of wifdoin, of virtue, and of zeal, on which to rely under all 
 difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with 
 the fovereign function of legillation, and to thofe affociated 
 with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and 
 fupport whi< h n ay enable us to ftcer with fafety, the velfcl 
 
 hich we are all embarked, amidftthe conflicting elements 
 of a troubled world. 
 
 During the conteft of opinion through which we have 
 pafled, the animation of difcuffions and of exertions has fome- 
 times worn an afpect which might impofe on ftrangers, un- 
 ufed to think freely, and to fpenk and to write what they 
 think ; but this being now decidedly the voice of the nation, 
 announced according to the rules of the conftitution, all will 
 of cowrfe, arrange themfelves under the will of the law, and 
 unite in common efforts for the common good. All too will 
 in mind this facred principle, that though the will of 
 ill':' majority is in all cafes to prevail, that will, to be right- 
 ful, muft be reaibnable ; that the minority poflefs their equal 
 rights, which equal laws muft protect, and to violate would 
 be or; r ion. Let us then, fellow citizens, unite with one 
 
 t and one mind, let us rcftore to focial intercourfe, thai 
 
( I0 9 ) 
 
 harmony and affection without which liberty, and even life 
 itfelf, are but dreary things. And let us reflect, that having 
 banifhed from our land that religious intolerance under which 
 mankind fo long bled and Suffered, we have yet gained little, 
 if we countenance a political intolerance, as defpotic, as 
 wicked, and capable of as wicked and bloody perfecutions. 
 During the throes and convulfions of the ancient world, dur- 
 ing the agonizing fpafms of infuriated man, feeking through 
 blood and {laughter, his long loft liberty, it was not wonder- 
 ful that the agitation of the billows Should reach even this 
 difb.nt and peaceful (Lore ; that this mould be more felt and 
 feared by fome, and lefs by others ; and fhould divide opin- 
 ions as to meafures of fafety ; but every difference of opinion 
 is not a difference of principle. We have called by different 
 names brethren of the fame principle. We are all republic- 
 ans; we are all federalists. If there be any among us who 
 would wifti to diifolve this union, or to change its republican 
 form, let them Hand undifiurbed as monuments of the fafety 
 with which error of opinion maybe tolerated, where reafon 
 is left free to combat it. I know indeed that fome honeft 
 men fear that a republican government cannot be Strong ; 
 that this government is not Strong enough. But would the 
 honeft patriot, in the full tide of fuccefslul experiment aban- 
 don a government which has fo far kept us free and firm, on 
 the theoretic and vifionary fear, that this government, the 
 world's bed hope, may, by poffrbility, want energy to pre- 
 serve itfelf? I truft not. I believe this, on the contrary, 
 the ftrongeft government on earth. I believe it the only one 
 where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the 
 Standard of the law, and would meet invalions of the public 
 order as his own perfonal concern. 
 
 Sometimes it is faid that man cannot be trufted with 
 the government of himfelf. Can he then be trufted with 
 the government of others ? Or have we found angels in the 
 form of kings, to govern him? Let hiftory aniVer this quef- 
 tion. 
 
 Let us, then, with courage and confidence, purfue our 
 own federal and republican principles ; our attachment to 
 union and reprefentative government. Kindly Separated by 
 nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one 
 quarter of the globe ; too high-minded to endure the degra- 
 dations of the others, poffefling a chofen country, with room 
 enough for our descendants to the thoufandth and ten thou- 
 sandth generation, entertaining a due ienfe of our equal right: 
 ■\o the ufe of our own induflry, to honor and confidence from 
 
( V-oji 
 
 ear fellow citizens, refulting n - I From our 
 
 actions and their fenfe of them, enlightened b jrj re- 
 
 , profeffed indeed, and pra&ifed in various forms, vet 
 
 them inculcating! truth, temperance, gratitude 
 
 and the love of man, ackno and adoring an i 
 
 ruling Providence, which by all its difpenfations proves that 
 it delights in tho happinefs of man here, and"hi . hap- 
 
 pinefs hereafter ; with all thefe blcffings, what more is necef- 
 fary to make us a happy and profperous people? Still one 
 thing more, fellow citizens, a wife and frugal government, 
 which fh ill reftrain men from injuring one another, fhall leave 
 them otherwife free to regulate their own purfuits of indaf- 
 try and improvement, and lhall not take from the mouth of 
 labour the bread it has earned. This is the fum of good gov- 
 ernment ; and this is neceflary to clofe the circle of our 
 felicities. 
 
 About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercife of du- 
 ties which comprehend every thing dear and valuable to you, 
 it is proper you mould underftand what I deem the effentiai 
 principles of our government, and confequently thofe which 
 ought to fhape its adminiftration. I will comprefs them 
 within the narroweft compafs they will bear, dating the gen- 
 eral principles but not all its limitations : Equal and exact 
 ^uftice to all men, of whatever ftate or perfualion, religious 
 or political — peace, commerce and honelt friendihip with all 
 nations, entangling alliances with none — the fupportof the 
 ftate governments in all their rights as the moll competent 
 adminiftrations for our domeftic concerns, and the fureft bul- 
 warks againft anti-republican tendencies — the prefervation 
 of the general government in its whole couftitutional vigor, 
 as the iheet anchor of our peace at home, and iafety abroad 
 — a jealous care of the right of election by the people — a 
 mild and iafe corrective of abufes which are lopped by the 
 {word of i-evolution where peaceable remedies are unpro- 
 vided ; abfolute acquiefccnce in the decifions of the majority, 
 the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but 
 to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of defpot- 
 ifm — a well diiciplined militia, our bell; reliance in peace, 
 and for the firft moments of war, till regulars may relieve 
 them — the fupremacy of civil over the military authority — 
 economy in the public expence, that labor may be lightly 
 burthened — the honeft payment of our debts and facred pre- 
 fervation of the public faith — encouragement of agriculture, 
 arid of commerce as its handmaid — the difhifion of informa- 
 tion, and arraignment ©f all abufes at the bar of the public 
 
( til-) 
 
 reafon — freedom of religion — efs — and free- 
 
 dom of n virion , under the protection of tb -corpus— 
 
 and trial by juries, impartially Thefd principles 
 
 form the bright conftellation, which has gone before us, and 
 guided H.r fteps through an age of revolution and reforma- 
 tion. '1 lie wifdom of our fages, and blood of our heroes, have 
 been devoted to their at1 t — they mould he the creed 
 
 of our political faith — the text of civic inftruction, the touch- 
 by which to try the fervices of thofe we trull — and 
 fhould we wander from them in moments of error or alarm, 
 let us haften to retrace our fteps, and to regain the road 
 which alone leads to peace, liberty and fa 
 
 I repair then, fellow-citizens, to the poft you have af- 
 figned me. With experience enough in fubordinate offices 
 to ha alties of this greateft of all, I have 
 
 learnt A that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect 
 
 man to retire from this ilation with the reputation and the 
 
 favor which bring him into it. Without pretentions to 
 
 that high confidence you repofed in our firft and greateft rev- 
 olutionary character, whole pre-eminent fervices had enti- 
 tled him to the fifft place of his country's love, and devtined 
 for him the faireft page in the volume of faithful hiftory, I 
 aik fo much confidence only as may give firmnefs and effect 
 to the legal ad'snmiftratioa of your affairs. I ihall often go 
 wfrongthi f judgment. When right I (hall oftea 
 
 be thought wr< i ifc whole pofitions will not command 
 
 a vie whole ground. I aik your indulgence for my 
 
 own error's, which will never be intentional; and your 'flip- 
 port againft the errors of others, who may condemn -what 
 they would not, if feen in all its parts. The approbation 
 implied by your iuffrage, is a great confutation to me for the 
 paft ; and my future folicitude will be, to retain the good 
 opinion of thofe who have bellowed it in advance, to concili- 
 ate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, 
 •jind to be inftrumental to the happinefs and freedom of ail- 
 ing then on the patronage cf your good will, I will 
 advance v. ith obedience to the work, ready to retire from it. 
 whenever you become fenfible how much better choices it is 
 
 in your power to make. And may that infinite power 
 
 which : the rfe, lead our councils to what is bell:, 
 
 and give them a favorable iiTue for your peace and profperity. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 United States, March 4, 1801. 
 

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 books forwarded according to order. 
 
.-'^Kw 
 

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