Emancipation ; • • • DUKE I UNIVERSITY EMANCIPATION; ITS NECESSITY, AND MEANS OF ACCOMPLISHMENT : CALMLY SUBMITTED TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES. Sg Jfatljan Banga, JD. JH. rV If ye oppress not the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow, and shed not innocent blood in this place, neither walk after other gods to your hurt ; then will I cause you to dwell in this place, in the land that I gave to your fathers, forever and ever^ Jeremiah vii, 6, 7. P.UBLISHED BY LANE & SCOTT, 200 Mulberry-street. JOSEPH LONGKING, PBIMTBB. 1849. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/emancipationitsnOObang PREFACE. The following c!iapters on Emancipation were writ- ten in 1846, and published in Zion's Herald and Wes- leyan Journal, w^ere republished in the Western Chris- tian Advocate, and were favourably noticed by seve- ral papers in different parts of the country, in some of which copious extracts were printed. Since their pub- lication, some eminent individuals, ministers and states- men, have written and published similar views ; though not exactly adopting my plan of emancipation, yet agreeing with me in the main particulars. The '' Na- tional Era," a periodical published in the city of Wash- ington, and other papers of a political character, and more especially one published in Louisville, Kentucky, are pleading the cause of emancipation manfully, and, I believe, with encouraging success. These things augur well for our country. I have been also requested, by several individuals of high standing, to embody the pieces in a book, that they might be preserved in a more permanent form ; and one gentleman in Virginia says, in a letter ad- dressed to the Editor of the Christian Advocate and Journal, in which a part of the chapters appeared not long since, '' that they ought to be published in every respectable journal in the land ;" though he at the same time stated some objections to the doctrines ad- vanced. Several obstacles prevented me from complying with the above requests, and w^ith my own convictions of duty, at an earlier period. These obstacles are now happily removed ; and I have revised them, and send them forth substantially the same as they were when first published, without making any allusion to more recent events. These events, however, — such as the liberation of the slaves in her colonies by the French government, the agitation of the subject in the Ameri- can Congress, by w^hich a firm determination has been manifested against the extension of slavery in the newly-acquired territories ; as well as the disposition expressed by the inhabitants of California, in opposi- tion to its introduction into that territory, — all exhibit an enlightened public sentiment upon this interesting subject ; and they lead to the conclusion, that slavery is doomed to destruction in our country at no distant period. For the consummation of an event so devoutly wished by every pious heart, and every patriotic states- man, I wish to contribute my mite, and for this pur- pose I dedicate the following pages. New-York, April 7, 1849. N. Bangs. CONTENTS. •CHAPTER PAGE ^ I. — Introductory Remarks 3 II. — Prevalence of Slavery 6 III. — Introduction of Slavery into this Country . . 10 IV. — Plan of Emancipation — Congress must offer a ^ Remuneration — How to get the Means . . 14 V. — Objection Answered — All bound to do Some- thing, because all are implicated in the Evils ^ of Slavery 19 VI. — Another Objection answered — The Slowness of THE Process considered 26 VII. — Motives to Emancipation — Duties of Slave-hold- ers 32 VIII. — Motives to Emancipation — Danger of Slavery to THE Peace of the White Population. ... 36 IX. — Motives to Emancipation — Comparison between Free and Slave Labour 41 X. — Motives to Emancipation — State of Things in the West Indies 46 XI. — Motives to Emancipation — Unproductiveness of Slave-labour — Tendency of the Domestic Slave-trade 50 XII. — Motives to Emancipation — Incompatibility of Slavery with our Civil Institutions ... 55 XIII. — Motives to Emancipation — The Duty devolves on Statesmen 59 XIV. — Motives to Emancipation — Duty of Ministers . 65 XV. — Motives to Emancipation — The Evils of the Do- mestic Slave-trade 70 XVI. — Motives to Emancipation — Slavery Deprecated by many Eminent Men 77 XVII. — It is a National work — The Expense .... 85 XVIII. — Further Objections considered — If not Justice, yet the Genius of Christianity, enjoins the Duty of Aiding in this Work 91 XIX. — The Means to carry the Plan into Effect . . 9(5 EMANCIPATION; ITS NECESSITY, AND MEANS OF ACCOMPLISHMENT. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. I HAVE long reflected upon the system of slavery as it exists in our country, and have resisted the convic- tion that it was my duty to write my thoughts respect- ing it, until I dare resist no longer. Life is fast ebbing out with me, and I shall soon be called to " give an account of my stewardship," so that whatever I would say or do must be said or done soon, or not at all. It is not my intention, however, so much to dwell on"" the evils of slavery, (which indeed are such as to be perceptible to the most superficial observer,) as on the methods to be adopted and pursued for their removal. Though the evils of slavery are so apparent as to be perceived by every attentive observer, yet their re- moval is of most difficult achievement ; so difficult, indeed, that all attempts to accomplish it in our coun- try have failed, except in a few individual cases. The reasons are obvious. Slavery is interwoven^ in many of the States of our confederacy, in their very constitu- tions, gives a colouring to their law^s, enters into all their domestic arrangements, and hence it tinges the earliest thoughts of their youth, and Wases^ the judg- ment and guides the conduct of every man, woman, and child, in the community where slavery exists. It will be perceived, therefore, that it is an evil strongly rooted in the very groundwork of society ; ramifying itself throughout every limb and fibre of the body po- litic ; infesting the domestic circle by the fireside, and thence diffusing itself among all orders and ranks of society, from the hardy plebeian who handles the spade and the plough, to the highest magistrate upon the bench of justice. The seat of this evil is therefore deeply bedded in the foundation of the social system. Hence he who w^ould attempt its eradication must be careful how he touch it, lest, while endeavouring to remove it, he tear up the foundations of the social fab- ric, so that while he may succeed in eradicating the evil, he will destroy the good also ; or, in the language of sacred Scripture, " While he gather up the tares, he -root up the wheat also with them." But before I come to propose a remedy for this deeply-seated disease, perhaps a few remarks upon the history of slavery in our world, and more especially on the manner of its introduction into our country, may be useful, that we may have a just appreciation of its hateful character, of its influence on society, as w^ell as the means which have been, or may be, adopted for its destruction. " Slavery and the slave-trade," says Bancroft, " are older thantlie^retjords of human society ; they are found to have existed wherever the savage hunter be- gan to assume the habits of pastoral or agricultural life ; and, with the exception of Australasia, they have extended to every portion of the globe. They per- vaded every nation of civilized antiquity. The earli- est glimpses of Egyptian history exhibit pictures of bondage ; the oldest monuments of human labour on the Egyptian soil are evidently the results of slave-la- bour. The founder of the Jewish nation whs a slave-holder, and a purchaser of slaves. Every patri- arch was lord in his own household." — Vol. i, p. 159. (See Gen. xii, 16; xvii, 12; xxxvii, 28.) That slavery existed among the Hebrews after their settlement in Palestine, none will dispute who is ac- quainted with their history, as recorded in the Old Testament ; laws were enacted to regulate the conduct of masters and slaves, to limit the time of servitude, and to mitigate its severity, and soften the rigour of its services. Nor does the servitude exemplified among the Hebrews afford any just precedent for the modern slave-trade, or for a justification of American slavery, as we shall more fully see in the prosecution of our subject. Slavery originated from the wickedness of mankind ; from a disposition in the stronger to oppress the weaker ; in the rich to trespass upon the rights of the poor ; and from the lordly disposition of the victor to tyrannize over the vanquished. Hence captives taken in war, among all the nations of antiquity, were either kept by the conqueror as his slaves, or sold to the highest bid- der, to gratify his avarice, or to pamper his appetite for pomp and splendour. And no enlightened Christian will set up the plea of justification for an evil which originated from such a source, and is productive of such results ; and therefore any lawful and practicable means that may be devised to root out the evil from human society, must be hailed with delightful avidity by every lover of his species. In the next chapter I shall present some further his- torical sketches of this enormous evil under which our country groans. CHAPTER II. PREVALENCE OF SLA-VERY. That slavery existed among all the nations of anti- quity, is a truth which stands on the records of their history. Who does not know that the Trojan war originated from the captivity of a Greek princess, and that the wrath of Achilles was kindled on the altar of slavery? The Greeks and Romans not only made slaves of the captives taken in war, but they enslaved their own countrymen ; the father sold his children, the creditor his insolvent debtor, and the warrior his help- less captive. And no doubt the wide diffusion of slavery in the Roman Empire — for it pervaded all ranks of society — and the severity of her laws toward the slave, hastened the fall of the Roman Common- wealth. ^ Nor did the coming of the Christian religion do away this prevalent evil ; though, so far as its mild and benignant principles entered into the hearts of man- kind, and became a regulator of their consciences, the severity of the laws sanctioning and regulating slavery were relaxed and modified ; so that the master was bound to treat his slave with justice and kindness, and the slave was bound to serve his master with fidelity, "not with eye-service, but with singleness of heart." Yet it existed in the Christian Church, as an evil which could not be immediately and wholly exter- minated. It is true that the voice of Christianity pro- claimed a war against it, as a corrupter of human society, as inconsistent with the peace and purity of the Church; but it continued and prevailed neverthe- less, and no doubt contributed, among other things, to bring on that dark cloud which finally enveloped the Church for so many ages. But passing over the long list of outrages w^hich vi^ere committed upon the rights of mankind, by that horrid cupidity which led them to gratify their avarice or revenge at the expense of the principles of humanity, and in violation of the law which requires us to do as we would be done by, and which disgraced all the nations of Europe, as well as of Asia and Africa — Germans, Russians, Anglo-Saxons, Irish, French, Italians, and Sicilians — I say, without dwelling upon those enormities which stood out prominently on the face of all these nations, in consequence of the cor- rupting influences of slavery and the slave-trade, I will now notice the manner of its introduction into our own country. It seems, indeed, that it had been so long and so generally practised, that no one dreamed even that it was wrang, or that it was in any way incom- patible with those laws of social intercourse which ought to regulate our conduct one toward another, as fellow-beings and fellow-citizens. Every one looked simply '' for his gain from his quarter," and therefore sought by the traffic in human beings to gratify his avarice, his love of luxurious indolence, his pride and pomposity, however much he might trespass upon the rights or invade the possessions of his fellow-men. Preparatory to the introduction of negro slaves into the newly discovered cbTohies of America, the love of gain had familiarized the traffic in human beings to most of the nations of Europe ; so much so that they seemed to vie with each other for the conquest of the barbarous nations of Africa. No sooner, therefore, were the islands of the West Indies discovered, than the natives were reduced to slavery ; and even Columbus himself has left a blot upon his otherwise fair fame, by sending five hundred of the natives of America to Spain, to be sold for slaves. And though the generous natui^ of Isabella led her to liberate those thus trans- ported as slaves to her dominions, yet she sanctioned the enslavement of the Moors and the negro race, and reserved to herself and Ferdinand a fourth part of the slaves which the newly discovered kingdoms might contain. So general was the passion for the conquest of the natives, with thje view to enslave them, that *' the articles of the early New-England confederacy class persons among the spoils of war;" and the ex- cellent Winthrop, the Governor of Connecticut, " enu- merates Indians among his bequests." In New^-Hamp- shire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Virginia, and the Carolinas, the natives were held as slaves for a long time after their settlement by Europeans. But all these instances of slavery were small and in- significant in comparison to the negro slavery which w^as soon introduced, attended with all the horrors of the African slave-trade, into all the colonies of North and South America. Spanish slave-holders emigrated with their negro slaves ; and such were the numbers of enslaved Africans in Hispaniola, within two years after its settlement, that Ovando, the governor of the island, entreated that the importation might be stopped. To disguise the real motive for this nefarious practice, the Spanish government interposed its authority to prevent the continuance of the traflSc of those who had been bred in Moorish families, under the pretence of allow- ing those only who had been instructed in Christianity to be imported, that they might assist in converting in- fidels ! This hypocritical conduct could not cover up the avaricious designs of those rapacious Spaniard!^, who soon found the benefits resulting from slave-labour, in cultivating sugar and in working the mines. Hence, King Ferdinand lent his royal influence to rivet slavery in his newly acquired dominions ; and even Las Casas, the benevolent missionary, while he pleaded the cause of humanity against the enslavement of the feeble natives, on account of the unprofitableness of their labour, gave his sanction to the employment of African slaves, and thus contributed to perpetuate the system of negro bondage. Other nations, now greedy to share in the glory of colonizing the New World, were no less eager to parti- cipate in the profits of the slave-trade and slave-labour Hence, England, France, and Germany joined with the Spaniards, not only in sending colonists to people America, but also in purchasing or decoying away the sons and daughters of Africa, and selling them into perpetual bondage, or employing them in cultivating sugar and rice, and digging in the gold and silver mines of America. It was in vain that the colonists remon- strated against the horrid practice, as being inconsistent with the principles of Christianity and the laws of humanity. The royal governments, actuated by that cupidity resulting from avarice, were determined to force slavery upon their colonies, even at the expense of justice, mercy, and all the kindlier feelings excited by Christian love and the reciprocal duties of human society."^ Hence the slave-trade w^ent on and increased in extent and cruelty in an exact proportion to the in- creasing demand of slave-labour, until almost the entire continent of America, so far as European settlements had extended, was infested by the pestiferous atmos- *Sec Bancroft, vol. i, pp. 165-174, from whom most of the above facts are takeiv 2 10 phere created by the love of slavery. To purify this foul atmosphere, by removing its cause, will require wise and cautious measures. Nor need we expect that an evil of such magnitude, introduced by such slow- degrees, spread so extensively among the people, and of such long continuance, can be eradicated by a word, a look, or even a touch ; but it requires the efforts of a nation to throw off the mighty incubus under which we have so long groaned. Before, however, I come to the remedy I propose, I must give some further details respecting its introduc- tion into the several States of the Union, and the efforts that were made to resist it. In the mean time let us pray God so to enlighten our understandings, and guide our consciences, that we may speak and do right in all thino^s. CHAPTER III. INTRODUCTION OF SLAVERY INTO THIS COUNTRY. That we may see clearly how slavery became so generally estabhshed in our country, we must trace its origin, and notice the manner of its introduction a little more particularly. It^was in^I620 that a Dutch man- of-war entered James River, and offered twenty negroes for sale. This was the beginning oTHegro slavery in Virginia ; and though its progress was slow, owing to the disgust with which the blacks were viewed, yet it gradually increased, as the people found that slave- labour was profitable in the cultivation of the soil, until laws were finally enacted declaring that ''all servants, not being Christians, imported into the country by ship- 11 ping, shall be slaves," and also that the '' conversion to the Christian faith doth not make free." From this beginning, negro slavery gradually ex- tended itself through all the colonies, north and south, not excepting eyen-, those settled by the Puritans themselves. It is true that it was strongly resisted at first by the colonists, as inconsistent with their rights, and contrary to the laws of God. In Massachusetts espectaTry, the men who introduced the negroes for sale, were considered as malefactors and murderers, and the negroes were ordered to be restored at the public charge to their native country, with a letter ex- pressing the indignation of the General Court at their wrongs ; and though they always manifested an oppo- sition to slavery, yet their extreme repugnance was very much weakened by the overpowering influence of the English government, who found their profits in prosecuting the African slave-trade. Through the same influence, Rhode Island, the land of religious liberty and freedom of conscience, planted by the re- nowned Roger Williams, became infected wqth the same slave mania, though at first strongly protested against. Nor did Connecticut wholly escape the evil. New-York participated largely in the profits of the traffic ; nor did Pennsylvania, though settled under the auspices of the immortal Penn, wholly escape the plague-spot — for it is said that Penn himself died a slave-holder. Whatever reluctance might have been manifested in either or all the colonies to the system of negro slavery, the monopoly of the slave-trade, which was finally seized by England, about the close of the seventeenth century, bore down all opposition, and in a manner compelled them to adopt the practice, until finally, finding the profits of slave-labour a compensa- 12 tioii for the sacrifice, they willinglyyielded to it, as an evil ^rowing out of their relation to the mother coun- try. And though the excellent Oglethorpe, in the settlement of his colony in Georgia, protested against the introduction of slavery, yet the cupidity of the set- tlers, faUing in with the avarice of the English govern- ment, led to its establishment even in that colony, which was begun especially for the benefit of the poor and the needy. New- Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland, each in its turn, yielded to the general impulse, and went headlong into the gulf which swallowed up so many hapless Africans, and doomed them to all the horrors of slavery. ^ Thus we see that the establishment of slavery in this country w^s ow^ng more to the_predominant influr^ ence of the English government, with a view to derive profits from the abominable slave-trade, than to the de- sire of the colonies to avail themselves of the benefits of .slave-labour. Having, however, experienced the tempo- ral benefits resulting from the system, the passion once excited in their breasts for living upon the labour of others grew stronger and stronger, until many of the citizens in our Union now plead for its continuance. It was, however, to the glory of the first American Congress, that assembled in 1776, to prohibit, by a so- lemn decree, the slave-trade from being carried on by American citizens. It is not necessary, I apprehend, to recite the horrors of this trade, as it has been carried on from year to year by different nations of Europe, as its recital would only tend to shock the feelings of humanity, and offend the eye of delicacy, by reading its barbarities. The number of Africans who have been torn from their homes and kindred by man-stealers, kidnappers. 13 and those who have decoyed them away for mere trifles, that they might enrich themselves by selling them into perpetual bondage, would seem almost in- credible, were they not recorded in authentic history. It is estimated by Bancroft, after a careful examination of the subject, that '' the number imported by the Eng- lish into the Spanish, French, and English West In- dies, as well as the English continental colonies, has been, collectively, nearly three millions ; to which are to be added more than a quarter of a million purchased in Africa, and thrown into the Atlantic on the passage ;" and when it is considered that not more than one-half of those exported from Africa to America were carried in English ships, it will appear that about seven mil- lions of human beings were taken from Africa, to be sold in perpetual slavery, before the memorable era of 1776, when the American Congress passed its nota- ble decr^e^__Wx),uld.,that it had been obeyed ! Since the American Revolution, the principles of civil and religious liberty having been deeply imbedded in the American heart, all the States north of Mary- land have emancipated their slaves ; while the new States of Vermont, Maine, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, and Indiana, have prohibited slavery within their borders. Now the question arises, whether anything can be** done to induce the slave States to proclaim freedom to their slaves ? I think there can. It is manifest, how- ever, that the Cong^ss of the United States has no jurisdiction over this subject, except in the District of Columbia, and even here it is doubted by many whe- ther it can exercise its powder for the extirpation of slavery, without the consent of the States which ceded the territory to the Union. With this exception, if indeed it be an exception, slavery is exclusively 14 within the jurisdiction of the several States where it exists, and, therefore, if it be ever done away, it must /be effected by the respective State Legislatures. The plan by which this is to be effected will be de- veloped in the next chapter. CHAPTER IV. PLAN OF EMANCIPATION — CONGRESS MUST OFFER A REMUNERATION HOW TO GET THE MEANS. As stated in the last chapter, the Congress of the Uni- ted States can exercise no jurisdiction over slavery as it exists in the several States. If, therefore, anything be done to remove this evil, it must be done by the State Legislatures themselves. ^ Now the plan I propose is simply this : That the Congress make a proyositioir^ to the several slave States, that so much per head shall he allowed for every slave that shall he emancipated,^ leaving it to the State Legis- latures respectively to adopt their ow^n measures for effecting the object — for fixing the time, the age at, and the circumstances under which, emancipation shall ^ take place. In respect to the aged and infirm, it would be unjust, if not indeed inhuman, to set them free without provision being made for their support and comfort ; and the young and helpless infant ought to be provided for by some adequate means. * It may be contended by some, that Congress have no constitutional right to make such a proposition. Allowing that they have not — and I will not contend on this point — the right can be given to them in the way the constitution prescribes in Article V. of that instrument. t A portion of this may be given to the emancipated slave, to enable him to be- gin business, or to set up for himself in any way he may choose. 15 But how shall the Congress get the means to ap"^ propriate the amount necessary to remunerate the citi- zens of the slave States for emancipating their slaves? I answer, let all who feel an mterest in this subject, aboli- tionists, anti-slavery men, as well as the slave-holders themselves, unite in a petition to the general govern- ment, praying them to levy a tax, or set apart the avails of the public lands, for this very purpose. Ei- ther of these ways would be just and equitable ; for, let slavery be a curse or a blessing, all parts of our country have become implicated, less or more, in it, and are therefore alike participant in its blessings or curses : and hence all are under the like obligations to contribute, by every lawful means in their power, toj remove it from the land and nation. Wqhave already seen, that slavery at one time spread itself in every col ojiy. in the Union, so that at the Revolution every State was infected, some more and some less, with this plague-spot upon our national character paffd^vhile those States w^hich shared in the"^ means of transporting the negroes from Africa to America, and therefore partook the most largely in the profits of the trade, have since freed themselves from the burden, the Southern States are left to groan un- der the curse of slave-labour, to suffer their lands to become sterile under their toil, and are doomed to all the horrors which slavery unavoidably entails upon those who uphold it. And if any pecuniary profit re- sulted from the slave-trade and slavery, those States w^hich furnished the shipping and men, and the capital to carry it on, and thus to sanction it, shared the most largely in its benefits, and hence ought to contribute in. proportion to do it away. Perhaps there is not a city, village, town, or farm, in the Northern and Middle 16 states, but that enjoys, either directly or indirectly^ the benefits resulting from slavery; for our fathers all participated in it some way — either by engaging in it personally, by the employment of capital, or sanction- inp- the traffic. They are, therefore, as much bound as are the slave-holders themselves to contribute of their substance, as well as by word, to wipe this foul stain from our national character. If, then, the citizens of the country should all, east, west, north, and south, unite together in petitioning Congress to levy a tax upon themselves, in proportion to their property, for the purpose of enabling the gen- eral government to present to the slave-holding States this motive to liberate their slaves, the expense would fall equally upon all. The slave-holders themselves would have to bear an equal share of the burden. And what a sublime spectacle would this present to the world ! A nation of freemen, all exerting them- selves, consenting to sacrifice a portion of their pro- perty to rid themselves of the weight of slavery ! Surely, methinks, God, and angels, and every good man throughout the wide world, would look with de- light on such a Christian, such a philanthropic, such a ^_Godlike enterprise. And whose heart does not thrill with inexpressible pleasure, even while anticipating an event pregnant with so many untold blessings, which would flow in upon master and slave the moment uni- versal emancipation should be proclaimed? ^ It may be asked. What shall be done with these numerous slaves>^hen s^-^ree ? To this I answer, that after providing for "tlie aged and infirm, and those too young to take care of themselves, the rest, who are able to labour, could be hired by their masters at a sti- pulated price, or their masters might let them cultivate 17 the land upon shares, or the emancipated slave might be at liberty, if he chose, to transport himself to Libe- ria ; or Congress might allow so much new land to^ every negro that would agree to cultivate it. There are ways enough by which the liberated slave could be provided for, without any danger or detriment to him- self or master, provided only that suitable measures should be adopted for his liberation. For myself, I would not advise that immediate and unconditional emancipation should take place. Laws could be so framed and enacted, as to provide for a gradual emancipation ; say, all at such an age should be free, from time to time, until finally an era would be fixed when slavery should cease to exist in such a State, and then another, until all should proclaim free^ dom to their slaves. And what a glorious era would this be to the State that should thus propose liberty to its slaves ! In the mean time, preparations could be made for^ emancipation. The slaves should be instructed into the nature, principles, duties, and privileges of free- men ; and more especially the duties they owe to God and man, the duties and privileges of the Christian re- ligion, those precepts which forbid all acts of violence, revenge, and rebellion, and which require the dis- charge of those reciprocal obligations which originata*. from the social relations of human society. Thus iil- structed, by which their minds would be duly impressed with these obligations, they would be prepared to re- ceive their freedom as a precious boon from heaven, and then to enjoy and improve their social state, and to discharge the duties of free citizens of this then thrice happy republic, in peace and prosperity. This method, by preparing the slaves to receive and 3 18 eiijoy their freedom, would avoid that convulsion which would be likely to result from an immediate, uncondi- tional, and indiscriminate emancipation. The slave would be thus prepared to appreciate his privileges as a free citizen, qualified to discharge the duties result- ing from his new relation, and could intelligibly enter into those enjoyments of social life as a husband, a father, a son ; and the female could also appreciate the felicities of a free wife, mother, or daughter ; and so, by honest industry and good economy, procure a comfortable living, entitled to all the common blessings of free men and women. I can hardly allow myself to express, even m anti- cipation, the blessings which must inevitably result from such a mode of emancipation. To behold 4,000,- 000 human beings ultimately set free from the shackles of slavery, instructed into the knowledge of their duty to God and man, in the enjoyment of the blessings of freemen ; many of them, as they now are, happy in the love of God — O, this is " a consummation " not only "to be devoutly wished," but to be laboured for heartily, perseveringly, and prayerfully, by every lover of his species, in every part of the world. In the next chapter, I shall consider some of the ob- jections to this plan of emancipation. CHAPTER V. OBJECTION ANSWERED ALL BOUND TO DO SOMETHING, BECAUSE ALL ARE IMPLICATED IN THE EVILS OF SLAVERY. To the proposition, that a certain sum should be allowed the slave-holder, to induce him to liberate his slave, it will doubtless be objected by some, that it would be an acknowledgment of the right of property in the slave, and therefore they could not conscientiously submit to it. I allow that it would be recognizing such a right— but what then? If the view I have before taken of this subject be correct, as I fully believe it is, namely, that all the States — those now free, as well as those yet involved in the evils of slavery — participated in the pecuniary profits of the slave-trade, then it fol- lows that they all share in holding the property derived from the traffic ; and I do not know but the injustice is as glaring in the one case as in the other, with only this difference — the one holds his property free of the encumbrance of slavery, and the other has the evil entailed upon him and his posterity. Yet, even allow- ing that those w^ho now hold slaves have no moral right to them, is it not far better to yield to their pre- judices in this respect, than to suffer them to go on in the commission of this moral wrong, from one gene- ration to another ? But the fact is, we are all, if not equally guilty, yet guilty, in this matter ; and if one is guilty of moral wTong, so is the other — and we must make amends for the wrong in tlie best way we can, which is, as far as I can conceive, to forsake the evil, and then to show the genuineness of our repentance 20 by making, as far as in us lies, restitution. Hence we are all bound to do something to extirpate this evil from among us ; and we are bound to do something besides simply declaiming against it. It is indeed the easiest thing in the world to decry an evil, to expose and con- demn it ; but it requires a mighty effort, it requires a sacrifice of time and money, to remove it; and more especially such a gigantic evil as slavery is acknow- ledged to be in our country. But allovvmg that the slave-trade was an enormous moral wrong, an offence against the laws of God and man, as it undoubtedly was, and that those who came originally into the possession of slave property, came into its possession in violation of the principles of justice and mercy — still, most of those who now hold slaves in our country, inherited them from their ancestors, and therefore are not responsible for the manner in which they were acquired. They found themselves in pos- session of this sort of property, independently of their own choice or act, and, in many instances, contrary to their wishes. Surely, if these can be aided in their desire for emancipation, hy abolishing those State laws which forbid the masters from freeing their slaves, even though it require a contribution of a portion of our sub- stance for that purpose, should it not be done ? Allowing, as I believe we must, that some slave- holders treat their slaves with cruelty ; overwork, and even maltreat them in a variety of ways ; sell them into perpetual bondage, without any regard to the endearing relations of husband and wife, parents and children ; and that they love slavery on account of its gains ; yet it must be also allowed that there are many others who groan under it as a burden they bear very reluctantly ; who treat their slaves humanely, with justice and 21 Christian kindness, and strive to mitigate the severity of their bondage as far as they consistently can, and who would throw off the incubus if they could. These, therefore, w^ll gladly accept of any feasible plan to rid themselves of the burden. Let us aid them by om' prayers, by our counsel, and by our money, even though, while helping them, we are compelled to help those less deserving of our^ attention, that they may no longer have it in their power to inflict this wrong upon the hapless race of African slaves. Do not those who refuse their pecuniary aid for the purpose of effecting emancipation, evince the same love of money as the slave-holders do in exacting the labour of the slave, without a fair compensation ? And if they pertinaciously withhold this sort of aid, when they may afford it, are they not alike guilty with the slave-holder himself, of contributing to perpetuate the system? These are questions which should come home to every man's bosom ; and though they make their appeal to his purse, they must at the same time affect his conscience, and cause him to tremble under a fearful sense of his high responsibility to his God and his country. Now, as we are all guilty, less or more, of the evil of slavery, having partaken of its wrong, either directly or indirectly, we are all bound to contribute our quota to remove it out of the way. Besides, there is no part of this country, nor even of Europe, and more especially of England, but what par- takes, more or less, of the fruits of slave-labour. Every inch of cotton that is worn, or used as an article of merchandise ; most of the sugar sold and bought for domestic purposes ; the rice that is eaten, as well as other articles of daily consumption, are produced by the labour and sweat of the negro slave. And will our 22 consciences allow us to use tliese things without scruple, and to conduct large cotton manufactories, in which thousands of hands are employed, and many capitalists are every year growing richer and richer; and yet are our consciences so tender and scrupulous, that they will not permit us to contribute a mite toward liberating the poor wretches who are the instruments of our wealth and luxury ? Away with all such empty and heartless excuses ! It is to be feared that they have their foun- dation in selfishness rather than in philanthropy — that the love of gain, rather than the love of justice, is the spring of action in this matter. Do you say, that if slavery be done away, the cotton could not be successfully cultivated, the rice could not be raised, nor the sugar manufactured ? Well, suppose this w^ere even so ; w^ould it not be far preferable to deny ourselves of these luxuries, to dry up this source of wealth, to take to our Indian meal, to our flaxen shirts, as formerly prepared by our hardy mothers, and sub- stitute Indian pudding, the good old food of New- England, for rice pudding, rather than to contribute to the perpetuation of slavery in this country ? This ob- jection is also founded in selfishness, and derives all its strength from avarice and luxury. But in fact it has no foundation in truth. The cotton- fields, the sugar and rice plantations, could be as suc- cessfully cultivated by hired negro servants, or by farming out the plantations on equitable shares, as they now are, if not indeed with less expense, and far more profit to the land-holders. As to slave-labour, it is ac- knowledged on all hands, I believe, to be the most unproductive of any. The chief motive which propels the slave to his toil is the fear of punishment ; so that the whip of the merciless overseer supplies the lack of 23 internal motive, and this makes the slave a thousand times more the drudge of his master, than he otherwise would be : whereas, let him be taught, as mv gradual process of emancipation supposes he must be, the nature of freedom, the necessity of industry and economy ; and then let him be equitably compensated for his labour, either by paying him a stipulated price, or allowing him a specified task, all over vv^hich shall be his own, or else farming out the land to him on shares ; and you supply him with a motive, such a strong and propelling motive as the God that made us intended should actuate us, to labour on from the hope of receiving a suitable reward. Double the work would be done, more crops would be reaped, and thus the landholder and his workmen would be mutually bene- fited, and all would be a thousand times more contented and happy. This objection, therefore, has no foundation in truth ; and, even if it had, it ought not to militate against the proposed plan of emancipation, inasmuch as the sacri- fice, were it required, ought to be made, to secure the incalculable benefits which would inevitably result to the human race from universal freedom. The Abolitionists, as w^ell as all others who plead the cause of emancipation, appeal to England as an example worthy of our imitation. And how did Eng- land effect the freedom of her slaves in her West Indian possessions ? Was it not by paying a price to the co- lonial slaveholders? Did she not appropriate twenty millions of pounds sterling to remunerate them for their losses ? And I confess that this act of the British Par- liament at first suggested the plan of American eman- , cipation for which I now plead, though it is not analo- I gous in all respects to that. There is this difiference 24 ill the jurisdiction which England exercises over her colonial possessions, and the jurisdiction which the general government of our country possesses over the individual States. The government ■ of Great Britain exercises an absolute sway over her colonies, and therefore it has but to speak the word, and the work is done. But even the British government saw the in- justice of compelling the planters in the West Indies to liberate their slaves without a compensation, and hence appropriated twenty millions of pounds sterling as a reward for their sacrifices. The American Con- gress possesses no jurisdiction over the State Legisla- tures in respect to slavery, but it is left entirely under the control of the individual States, and hence the Congress can only act upon them indirectly, by pre- senting them motives as inducements to adopt such measures as they may see fit for the liberation of their slaves. Great Britain has done well to set an example to other nations, in proclaiming liberty to her slaves. She owed it to herself thus to atone for her past trans- gressions ; for she partook more largely than any other nation of Europe in the oppressive and demoralizing slave-trade, monopolizing, at one time, nearly the whole of it to herself; and so enamoured w^as she of the de- lectable traffic, that even the virgin Queen Elizabeth became a partner in the monopolizing company, that she might share in the profits, and finally issued de- crees to oblige the American colonists, — with a view to open a market for the slaves, in order that she might thereby accumulate the profits of their sale, — to admit the imported Africans, that they might cultivate their lands. I say, therefore, that England did well to take the lead in this grand enterprise of justice and benevo- 26 lelice, that thereby she might, as far as possible, wipef the foul stain of slavery, with which it had been blotted for more than a century, from her national escutcheon. Her merchants and her statesmen had long defiled themselves with the blood of the African, had enriched themselves by deeds of robbery and carnage, and had clothed their sons and daughters with " scarlet and fine linen," by the profits arising from kidnapping the sons and daughters of Africa, and selhnEg them into perpetual bondage ; and, therefore, the least that they could do to repair the wTongs they had inflicted upon bleeding Africa, and the curse they had entailed upon America, was to proclaim liberty to the captives. This they have done, and done it nobly. Let us forget their wrong doings, and imitate their example of justice and benevolence. And thoug-h our Cong-ress cannot con- stitutionally interfere directly, by any act of legislation, with slavery as it exists in the several States, with a view to compel them to free their slaves, yet this highest judicatory of the nation may be moved by the voice of the people — the people, rising in their majesty, and coming forward under the influence of Christian justice and the sympathies of humanity, generously pledging their " free-will oflferings," to enable the Con- gress to redeem the character of the country, without requiring the entire sacrifice of individual property — to offer such inducements to the individual slave States as shall lead them to proclaim emancipation to their slaves, on the principles of justice and humanity. I have much more to say on this subject, and there- fore entreat my readers to hear me patiently, and not condemn me before they have heard me through. I shall then leave them to act in the premises, according to the dictates of a calm and deliberate judgment. 4 CHAPTER VI ANOTHER OBJECTION ANSWERED — THE SLOWNESS OF THE PROCESS CONSIDERED. It may be objected by others, that this plan of eman- cipation will be too slow, — that it will require years for its completion, — whereas it is the duty of the slave- holder to set his slaves free immediately, without any delay. Allowing this to be so, I w^ould ask, — Has it been done ? or is it likely to be done ? Have the means that have been used to induce him to do it, produced the desired result ? or is there any likelihood that the appli- cation of similar means will produce this result ? Before this can be done, a great change must come over the public mind. It must become enlightened ; motives, strong and commanding, must be presented to the slave-holder, to induce him to liberate his slaves ; and all this implies the gradual process for which I am pleading. Besides, I very much doubt the expediency, even were it practicable, of setting all the slaves free, imme- diately and unconditionally, before they are prepared by instruction, by teaching them habits of industry and economy ; thus gradually fitting them for self-govern- ment, the manner of providing for their own wants, and taking care of themselves and their families, that they may thus be prepared for the enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. In addition to its endangering the peace of society, by letting loose a mass of igno- rant, and, for the most part, a vicious population, it would throw upon the community a vast multitude of idle, improvident beings, who would neither work for 27 their employers nor provide for themselves, but would, in all probability, loiter away their time in indolence : neglectful of the present, and regardless of the future, they would thus frustrate the designs of those who proclaimed their emancipation. It is true that in the West Indies immediate eman- cipation produced favourable results, more especially for the first five or six years, so that the planters were highly gratified with the experiment. They were aided, however, by the instructions of the missionaries, and by the vigorous arm of the law, enforced by a despotic government. Nevertheless, with all these advantages, they have had their difficulties ; in many instances the liberated slaves have manifested an unwil- lingness to work, so that labourers have been imported from the East Indies, to supply the lack of service in the cultivation of the soil. Yet, whatever defects there may be in the system, according to the report of Mr. Gurney, a respectable minister belonging to the Society of Friends, the free- dom of the slaves has worked much to the advantage of all concerned ; both landholder and labourer reaping mutual and reciprocal benefit from the change. How much better it might have worked had emancipation been more gradual, ushered in with more preparation, we cannot tell. If the slave States shall think that immediate is preferable to a gradual emancipation, let it be done, in God's name, so that it be done in a way which will secure the safety and better the condition of all parties. However this may be, it is manifest that those who think that such a great work can be accomplished in a day, a month, or a year, have very much mistaken the principles of human nature, and calculated too 28 largely on the pliability of mankind to yield to the de- mands of justice and truth. Nothing short of a pow- erful application of religious truth to the heart, co-ope- ratino- with the lights of civilization, can break down its opposition to the requirements of justice and mercy, and lead to the discharge of those duties which origin- ate from our social relations as fellow-beings and fellow-citizens. If we look into the history of God's providential dealino-s with mankind, we shall find that his methods of developing his designs of mercy or of judgment were matured by degrees, until ripe for execution; when, indeed, they were suddenly executed, and often in a way w^hich, and at a time w^hen, men least ex- pected it. So the emancipation of the Israelites was effected, after four hundred years of hard bondage ; and even thongh He led them from the land of Egypt by a strong hand — accompanied by those miraculous wonders which made the surrounding nations tremble for their own safety — confounded the machinations of Pharaoh, and finally overthrew him and his host in the Red Sea ; yet they were doomed to wander forty years in the wilderness, and it was a long time after their entrance into the promised land before they were settled in peace and prosperity. And so of many other events recorded in sacred and profane history. How long was the Messiah promised before he came ? And how long after his resurrection before the Gospel was preached to all nations ? No one can doubt but that it is the duty of sinners to repent without delay. But do they do it? We know they do not; and what mighty preparations must be made, and labour bestowed, and how lons" it will be before the *' knov^^ledge of the Lord shall cover 29 the earth as the waters do the great deep," who can tell ? The Christian Church has been labouring for above eighteen centuries for the attainment of this very object, but it is not yet accomplished ; and w^hen it will be, God only knows. Yet sinners are urged to believe and repent as an indispensable and immedi- ate duty. So, also, allowing that it is the duty of slave-holders to emancipate their slaves without delay, they do not feel the pressure of this obligation, nor will they, until their minds are more fully enlightened, and their hearts more thoroughly convinced of the duty ; and even then, they will, doubtless, perceive the necessity of having their manumitted slaves provided for in some way that shall be hkely to secure their well-being. As before said, a mode of instruction must be insti- tuted, not only as regards moral and religious subjects, and the knowledge of agriculture, but also in mechan- ical pursuits, that they may know how to provide for themselves and their households, whenever they shall be exalted to the rank of citizens of this free country ; they will then know how^ to appreciate and enjoy its immunities and privileges. Let this great work, then, be begun immediately ; for the sooner it is be- gun, the sooner it will be completed. How long w^as it after the celebrated Clarkson com- menced his energetic labours against the slave-trade, before he succeeded in procuring its abolishment ! And how long had the nations of Europe groaned under it, before even he waked up to see its enormities ! This horrid traffic had, to the disgrace of civilized Europe, been carried on from the time the Portuguese began it, in 1481, for upward of three centuries, when Clark- son, in 1785, wrote his prize '' Essay on the Slavery 30 5ind Commerce of Human Species, particularly the Africans," and thereby shed a ray of light into the minds of British statesmen, philanthropists, and Chris- tians, by which they were moved to take this subject into consideration. From this auspicious beginning, Clarkson, Wilberforce, and other intelhgent statesmen, laboured on, in the midst of the most violent and formi- dable opposition, for about twenty-five years, before they succeeded in getting the bill through the two Houses of Parliament, prohibiting the slave-trade ; and from 1807, when this famous bill was passed, until 1828, when the act was passed making an appropria- tion for the liberation of the slaves in the West Indies, slavery existed in the British dominions, when it was finally abolished by a solemn act of legislation, as magnanimous as it was Christian and Godlike ! Here, then, w^as an example of the slow process by which the human mind is enlightened, so as to receive and act upon the principles of justice and humanity. Though Clarkson, aided as he was by the powerful influence and eloquence of Wilberforce, of Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, and other eminent statesmen in the British Parliament, who brouo^ht the w^hole weio^ht of their talents to bear on the side of truth and right, yet he and they met with defeat after defeat, enough to dis- courage no ordinary minds, until, finally, by indefati- gable labours and steady perseverance, they overcame all opposition, carried the majority of the nation with them, won for themselves a deathless fame, by record- ing upon the statute-book of Great Britain that slavery should no longer disgrace the pages of her history ! Let this noble example stimulate us to like exertions for the accomplishment of a similar object. But let the w^ork be gradual or instantaneous, it must be done, if done at all, by the nation. It is a 31 work in which the xA.merican nation have a deep and an abiding interest. It is a work, indeed, in which every individual capable of understanding and acting is bound to take a part, because every such individual is more or less implicated in the evils of slavery. It will not do, therefore^ for any one to sit down in su- pineness, fold his hands, and say, '' It does not con- cern me ; I am no slave-holder, and therefore I am not responsible for the evil." Indeed you are ! You are ''verily guilty of your brother's blood." You have contributed, either personally or by your ancestors, or are a partaker, either by sharing the profits, or eating and wearing the fruit of slave-labour. You are, there- fore, bound in honour and conscience by the laws of God — the God of impartial justice, who '' visits the in- iquities of the fathers upon the children, unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate him ;" that is, those children who walk in the steps of their fathers, who manifested their hatred to God by violating hi& precepts ; — I say you are bound in honour and con- science to do all in your power to remove this great evil from among ns. You are not only bound to re- pent, to humble yourself before God and man, but also, as far as in you lies, " to restore that which you took violently away, or the thing which you have de- ceitfully gotten," Leviticus vi, 4, 5 ; and thus ta make restitution, to those you have injured, whether wittingly or unwittingly, by contributing of your sub- stance, and aiding by your influence, to accomplish this grand object. O that the American nation might aivalit up to the importance of this subject ! In my next I shall endeavour to present some mo- tives to the slave-holder himself, to induce him to set about the work of emancipation. CHAPTER VII MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION DUTIES OF SLAVE-HOLDERS. I APPREHEND the greatest difficulty we shall have to encounter, will be found in the slave-holders them- selves ; — not indeed in all of them, for I know that there are many who groan under slavery as an evil from which they would gladly rid themselves, if they could. As yet, however, they have seen no way of escape from this irksome burden. From all such, then, I an- ticipate a hearty response to my proposition for eman- cipation, and a cordial co-operation in any plan that will be likely to accomplish the desired object. And I speak with the more confidence to such, because I know, from personal acquaintance and friendly inter- course, that they do not regard me as an enemy ; and neither do I regard them as enemies to God and man, as merciless tyrants over their slaves, nor as sanction- ing any act of wickedness, either among the slaves themselves, or among those who rule over them. On the contrary, they wish to treat their slaves w^ith justice and humanity ; to regulate their intercourse with them by the law^s of Christian kindness ; to provide for their w^ants, and in all things to do by them as they would wish to be done by in like circumstances. Now, to such I would say, — Will you not help to free the land from the great evil of slavery ? Will you not lend the weight of your character, your influence, your purse, your counsel, and prayers, to induce your neighbours, your friends, your fellow-citizens, and your fellow-Christians, to come into any measures, to adopt any feasible plan, with a view to effect the emancipa- 33 tion of your slaves ? If you are convinced, as 1 verily believe you are, of the evils of slavery, will you not speak to your acquaintance, in the spirit of frankness and kindness, on the subject ; propose to them some plan for their removal ; confer v^ith them as brethren— if not as members of the same Chm'ch, yet as members of the same human family, as possessing a community of interests with them, as having a common property in the welfare of the human species, and particularly in the peace and prosperity of your beloved country ? Confer with them, I say, on the most likely means of meliorating the condition of the slave, and preparing the vray finally for effecting his emancipation. If you do not approve of the plan by which I propose to ac- complish this object, propose a better one, and you shall have my hearty co-operation, and, I doubt not, also the co-operation of every friend to humanity. I have given you my light, and if you have a clearer one, hold it up, that we may see and follow it ; for I am by no means so tenacious of my own plans and views as to think there can be no others, though they are the best that I am able to devise. But I have given you merely the outlines, leaving the plan to be filled up by those to whom it more pro- perly belongs, namely, the legislators of our country ; the details can be carried out in due time by those who shall take it up and act upon it. If you have any im- -provements to make, propose them, that others may examine them calmly and deliberately ; for I desire that this momentous subject should be weighed most maturely, in the fear of God, as such a subject, in- volving the fate of so many millions of immortal beings, imperatively demands. I would not, indeed, say a word, or wTite a sentence, 5 34 which should justly h'ritate the passions, stir up ill-will, or provoke hatred or animosity in the breast of any man, whether he be pro-slavery or anti-slavery. I would, if possible, avoid all harsh and contemptuous epithets, calling hard names, all needless censures of the past, or reproaches for the present, and look at the subject with the utmost calmness, as those who must give an account in the great day, and whose sayings and actions are to be scanned by their contemporaries in both hemispheres, and reviewed by their posterity. In the light of all these facts, I would ask, whether slavery be not an evil to be deprecated by all good men, good Christians, and good patriots ? If so, as I believe it must be, is it not the imperative duty of all such men to use their utmost influence, their most in- defatigable endeavours, to do it away ? And allowing the truth of this, can any man remain guiltless in the sight of God, and not put forth his utmost efforts in this grand enterprise ? And let it be remembered, that no one knows what he can do until he makes the trial. In God's name, therefore, let us step forth. In his name let us seize hold of the pillars of the temple of slavery, and bear them away upon the shoulders of faith and prayer — and even should we die in the at- tempt, we shall slay a thousand times more evils in our death, than we had done in all our lives before. I hope it is not too late to begin the work, although I confess that I have delayed to utter my thoughts upon it, until I dare not delay any longer, lest I sin against the generation of my fathers. It has long occupied my mind, and some of my confidential friends, to whom I have occasionally suggested my plan, urged me to write, and publish my thoughts upon it. To these I replied, No ; the time has not yet come ; the public 35 mind is too much excited — this was in the midst of the aboHtion excitement — to listen calmly to reason and argument. Give it time to cool down, and then it will hearken to sober counsel. That time, I think, has come. The public mind is now calm ; the war of words has measurably subsided ; the Oregon question is settled, and the brush with Mexico ended — and though some little ripples disturb the surface of society, by the disputes between Northern and Southern Me- thodists, yet I do not consider them of such a nature as to interrupt for any length of time, or to any con- siderable extent, the flow of brotherly love — at any rate, not of sufficient magnitude to prevent the inter- change of friendly thought on a subject of such im- portance as is involved in the one under consideration. But whether I have hit on the most proper time or not, I have at length yielded to the dictates of my con- science, and have thus thrown myself upon the indul- gence of my readers, in the hope that I may be instru- mental of awakening attention to this, to me, all- absorbing subject. Forgive this apparent egotism. I thought it due to myself to give this piece of information in relation to my own private thoughts, as well to apologize for myself as to assure my readers that I have not obtruded myself upon their attention without having calmly con- sidered the subject, nor rushed heedlessly upon it with- out what appeared to me good and justifiable reasons. And if I should succeed in drawing public attention to it, so as to set the ball in motion which shall finally roll off the burden of slavery from my beloved country, I shall think that I have not lived in vain, nor ^' spent my strength for naught." Nay, having done thus much, though so little as only to have commenced the work, 36 with even the smallest prospect of its ultimate success, I think I should not only die in greater peace, but shout victory to God and the Lamb with more holy triumph in the hour of dissolution. CHAPTER VIII. MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION — DANGER OF SLAVERY TO THE PEACE OF THE WHITE POPULATION. No CONSIDERATE man can, I think, look upon slavery in our country v^^ith indifference, especially when he views it in connexion with the permanence of our institutions, and the continuance of our national pros- perity. The history of the world wdll develop the many fearful examples in which those who had long groaned in slavery at last arose against their oppressors, burst their bonds asunder, and finally asserted their liberties, and then became in turn the tyrannical rulers of their former masters. This is according to the general order of God's providence. Without going back to the ages of antiquity for a proof and illustration of this remark, we need but glance at St. Domingo, in the West Indies, and at many of the South American States. In the former, the black slaves rose against their white mas- ters, and massacred them with blood-thirsty fury, and finally succeeded in taking the government of the island into their ow^n hands. In the latter, the old Spanish tyranny has given place to the rule of the Creoles of the country,^ many of whom are a mixture * According to the statistics of Mexico, lately published, it contains a popula- tion of 7,00G,000, of whom 4,000,000 are Indians, 2,000,000 niulattoes, 6,000 37 of Spanish, Indian, and negro blood, formerly slaves, who had been doomed, by Spanish avarice and mer- cantile cupidity, to cultivate the soil, or to v^ork the gold and silver mines of the country. And if the time does not soon come when the emancipated slaves of the West Indies will create a civi] insurrection, and take forcible possession of the government, it will be merely because military despotism is stronger to enforce obedience, than the love of freedom is to burst the shackles which fetter them ; for as to their freedom, it is but imperfectly enjoyed ; they still feel themselves degraded from the dignity of rational beings, by the very manner in which they are governed, and their services, in some sort, extorted from them. It is not in the nature of things, that the few should continue forever to enslave and oppress the many. In addition to its being contrary to the laws of God, which say, " Ye shall not oppress the hireling in his wages," there are reasons to be assig-ned, arisinor out of the natural course of things, why this relation should not continue to exist forever. The masters and the land- holders are brought up in luxurious indolence ; they contract a spirit of effeminacy, and, of course, are un- accustomed to labour and hardships, w^hile their slaves are inured to hard toil, to poverty, and privations, and therefore can endure the sufferings and perils of servile war far better than their masters, whose mode of life has unfitted them for the fatigues of a campaign, or the privations incident to the vicissitudes of an uncer- tain state of existence. These vicissitudes will natu- blacks, and 1,000,000 only are whites ; that is, only one-seventh part of the popu- lation are whites 1 And perhaps about the same proportion prevails throughout the South American States ; and the successive revolutions show the unsettled habits of the people generally, as well as the unfitness of the ignorant population to govern themselves. 38 rally and necessarily arise out of this unequal state of human society. The slaves may groan on for a sea- son, until at length they will perceive their strength, will consider their burdens no longer bearable, and will therefore resolve to throw them off at any sacri- fice, even to the shedding of their own, and the blood of their masters ; for they will consider it better to die, than to live on in such a state of vassalage, while the faint hope of bettering their condition will impel them on to deeds of blood and slaughter, in the expectation of regaining their lost liberties. I do not wish to be a prophet of evil to the southern slave-holders, — to sound an unnecessary alarm in their ears, — much less to speak so as to be heard by their slaves, to excite them to a civil insurrection. God for- bid ! My object is to avert the apprehended evil, by persuading, if possible, the slave-holders to adopt those measures for emancipation, which will accomplish the object in a peaceful, and, therefore, in a safe way. Yet we cannot be blind to the history of events. We can- not but be admonished by the lessons derived from the history of the past, and from an impartial survey of the principles of human nature. And the same causes, operating under the same circumstances, will always produce the same effects. The truth of this maxim has been tested by a thousand experiments, both in the physical and moral world, and its truth holds good, let the application be made to whatever subject it may. And do not our southern slave-holders feel its truth ? Do they not often tremble for their own safety ? Do not the many local insurrections which have arisen among their slaves, attended, as they sometimes have been, with the most cruel massacres, admonish them 39 that there is a spirit at work that will sooner or later vent itself, unless timely prevented by more just and mild measures, with irresistible fury, and bear away everything before it? Hence, do they not feel as if they were living upon a volcano, which they fear will one day explode with destructive fury, and pour forth such streams of burning lava, as to consume every green thing ? However much we may affect to despise these things as the idle dreams of a heated imagination^ I verily believe that these fears very often disturb their midnight slumbers, and occupy many of their most sober waking thoughts. May they never be realized ! That they may not, let us set about the work of emancipation, and in such a way as shall secure the rights of all concerned, the master and the slave ; and while the latter is set free, he may be attached both to the soil and to his former master. Those who doubt the possibility of this, have not accurately studied human nature, nor duly estimated the stronger ties by which gratitude binds human beings together, than do oppression and tyranny. We may fear the tyrant, and hate the oppressor ; but we cannot love the one, nor admire the other. A reluctant service may be extorted from those who are under the dominion of the tyrant, while he who unwil- lingly yields his services, will inwardly curse the hand that extorts it, and use all possible means to free him- self from the restraints of his oppressor. This is human nature. But convince a man, by acts of justice and kindness, that you seek his welfare, and thus bind him to your interest by friendship, and if he have a spark of humanity, he will love you in return ; he will defend you against all your foes, whether secret or open, and he will serve you to the utmost of his ability. This is. 40 also human nature, and a thousand examples might be quoted to prove its truth. Let, then, the slaves be set at liberty in such a way, as to convince them that you seek their vi^elfare ; v^^hile you secure your own safety, make it their interest to serve you, by allowing them an equitable compensation for their labour, and let them know that their earnings are their own, and you will secure their gratitude and friendship, and they will, moreover, be convinced that while they are serving you, they are benefiting them- selves ; and while they are vindicating your rights, they will at the same time defend their own. I cannot doubt that this will effectually secure the peace and the safety of the country, and thereby prevent such a horrible catastrophe, as would inevitably follow an insurrectionary war. For let the struggle terminate whichever way it might, whether in the extermination of the blacks, or the subjugation of the whites, — and the probability is, that one or the other of these events will happen, — the consequences would be alike dis- astrous. These dreadful alternatives are not to be thought upon but with dismay and horror! Now I cannot but think that any plan which would be likely to avert evils of such a dismal character, and to secure blessings so invaluable, should be hailed with delight and avidity by every lover of his spec es. Nor can I believe that any danger to either master or slave would attend the general plan of emancipation I have proposed, but that lasting blessings would accrue to both. Why not, then, make the trial ? Let the experiment be made in one State first, say in Maryland or Virginia, and see how it will work ; and if it should succeed, pass on to another, and so onward, till all shall proclaim freedom to their slaves. Indeed, 41 we have already had the experiment tried in the State of New- York, and in other States of the Union ; and though the slaves were by no means as numerous here as they are in the present slave States, and therefore cannot form just data for us to draw our conclusions from, yet the experiment has been productive of such happy results, as to warrant the conclusion that it might be made with equal safety and the like results, even in those States where the slaves are much more numerous ; for their labours there would become more necessary than they have been here, and, therefore, they would be more likely to be happy and contented in their condition, while under the protection of equal laws, and in the enjoyment of equal privileges. I have still other motives to present, for they accu- mulate as I proceed, and seem to acquire a tenfold force the more I consider them. CHAPTER IX. MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION COMPARISON BETWEEN FREE AND SLAVE LABOUR. Were it a matter of mere calculation of dollars and cents, emancipation would be desirable. It must, in- deed, be manifest to every attentive observer, that slave-labour is the most expensive and the least pro- ductive of all other. We need go no farther, to be convinced of this, than to make a comparison between the slave and the free States of our own country. Let us take for a comparison, two of the oldest and largest States in the Union, namely, Virginia and New- York. The former has an area of 64,000 square 6 42- miles; the latter, 46,000. Virginia has a population of 1,255,000 souls; New-York has a population of 2,750,000. So that, with a less territory, New-York more than doubles the number of inhabitants of Vir- ginia. How^ is this great diiference to be accounted for, but upon the vast difference between slave-labour and free ? Let us also look at the value of exports of these two States. New-York exported, in the year 1844, to the value of $32,861,540 ; Virginia, in the same year, ex- ported $2,942,272. It may be said that this great dif- ference in the value of exports, arises chiefly from the facilities w^hich New-York possesses over Virginia for trade. But I would ask whether these facilities are natural, or whether they do not arise more from those created by the enterprise of her citizens, and the spring given to industry by the freedom of her population, by which every man is prompted to labour for himself, and to reap the reward of his energy and enterprise ? Her arts, her agriculture, her shipping, and her numerous cities and villages, are the results of the industry and economy of her citizens, favoured, indeed, by her central position, by the fertility of her soil, and the salubrity of her climate. Surely, Virginia is as favourably situated on the ocean, has convenient and safe harbours, is cut with as noble rivers, and indented with as spacious bays, and has as productive a soil, naturally, as New- York. Yet while the latter is flourishing in all the freshness and vigour of youth, the former exhibits the decrepi- tude of old age ; much of her land is thrown out to waste, merely because it is so impoverished that it will produce nothing. Whatever natural advantages New- York may possess, the vast difference in population, 43 ^nd the value of her exports, between her and Vir- ginia, cannot be satisfactorily accounted for, only on the different results of slave and free labour. To see this still more clarly, let us take two States in which the natural advantages are evidently in fa- vour of the slave State ; I mean Ohio and South Caro- lina. The latter contains 30,080 square miles, and the former 39,000 ; while the population of Ohio, in 1844, was 1,850,000, and that of South Carohna, 605,000; considerably less than one-half Ohio is an interior State, — has no other access to the ocean than through her lakes, rivers, and canals, — while South Carolina lies on the Atlantic, and possesses every natural facility for trade with foreign countries, as well as with her sister States. In the value of exports. South Carolina does indeed exceed Ohio ; the former being, in 1844, $7,433,282, the latter, $543,856; but this may be ac- counted for, from the interior situation of Ohio. The strength of a State, however, is to be estimated more from its population, than from the mere value of its ex- ports, as hereby is demonstrated its capability to sustain human life, and the means of cultivating the soil, as well as the improvement in mechanical arts. In this respect, Ohio far outstrips South Carolina. But compare Kentucky with Ohio, which is similarly situated in relation to the sea-board. The comparison will be more equal, — from the fact that they are of equal extent, each containing 39,000 square miles, — and the contrast will be still more striking. Ohio has, as we have before seen, a population of 1,850,000, while Kentucky has but 820,000— not quite half that of Ohio ; and while the latter exports to the value of $543,856, Kentucky exports nothing ! Here is a fact that speaks volumes in favour of free labour. And when we take 44 into consideration, that when South Carohna had, in 1800, a population of 345,591, Ohio had only 45,365, havino" but just commenced her settlements, — when the former had been settled for 130 years, and Kentucky had at the same time a population of 220,955, — the ar- crument in favour of free labour acquires ten-fold force. Now these are all facts, derived from authentic sources, and therefore cannot be gainsaid, nor the con- clusion drawn from them resisted. While the slave States are deteriorating, the land becoming impoverish- ed under the tillage of the slave, its substance ex- hausted by the culture of tobacco, &c., the free States are going forward, thriving under the hand of the free labourer; the arts are flourishing, manufactories are multiplying, and everything looks fresh and green un- der the skilful management and the industrious hand of the educated freeman. See how the little State of Connecticut, where the people were early taught to support themselves with the labour of their own hands ; where education, eco- nomy, and religion, united their three-fold cord to bind a happy community together, that its members might mutually sustain and comfort each other ; see how her teeming population have emigrated to almost every new State and territory in the country, and thus aided to extfend the branches of the tree of liberty into the far West, under the umbrageous foliage of which thousands are now reposing with contentment and happiness ! See, also, how the cities and villages of this little State are thriving with the labour of her industrious me- chanics, her manufacturers and merchants ; while her lands yield their wonted increase under the culture of her humble farmers, though not with that profusion which enriches the fruitful fields of some other portions :; 45 of our country, yet with such fruits as are congenial to her soil and climate. The same remarks will apply, with equal truth, to most of our northern States. Think you that these things would be seen, if the country had been left to be managed by slave-holders, and the fields to be cultivated by their slaves ? O no ! most surely not! Allow that the climate is not congenial to the consti- tution of the blacks, and that the produce of the land is not suited to their labour : what then ? The southern climate and the southern productions are. Have these States prospered under this management like the free States ? We know that they have not. This, indeed, is the very thing we assert, and it proves, to a demon- stration, that slave-labour is the most expensive and the least productive of all other. Hence, if our southern friends were actuated merely from motives of gain, they would be induced to ex- change their slave for free labour, with all practicable despatch. We know, indeed, it cannot be done at once. But the good work can be commenced without delay ; and it can be steadily and perseveringly prose- cuted ; obstacles may be removed, and opposition over- come, until it shall be consummated. When this is done, the fields of the South will again smile with fruit- fulness, under the tiller's hand ; the mechanics' shops will hum and buzz with the busy artisan ; the merchant will rejoice in the revival of his trade ; the statesman will realize his hopes, in beholding the happy labourer and the peaceful citizen sitting together under their own vine and fig-tree, in peace and security, all alike protected by equal and just laws ; and the minister of religion will hail with delight the arrival of that day, when he can '' proclaim liberty to the captives, and ' 46 the opening of the prison doors to them that are bound." Now, is any sacrifice too great to be made for the accomplishment of an object so grand, so magnificent, so beneficent, promising such untold blessings to the present and future generations of men ? Surely, every generous heart will beat with pulsations of joy at such a prospect. How much more the one that shall live to see its attainment ! CHAPTER X. MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION — STATE OF THINGS IN THE WEST INDIES. I HAVE before alluded to the effects of emancipation in the West Indies. The more closely and impartially this subject is considered, the more shall we be con- vinced, that though the value of the exports has consi- derably increased since 1841, it has been owing more to the introduction of a foreign population from the East Indies, than it has to the increased facihties of la- bour and living among the emancipated slaves. This has increased the number of labourers, while it has diminished the price of labour, and thus tended very much to injure the emancipated slaves. Whatever may be the motive for this importation of coolies, whether it be to deprive the native population of the benefits of free labour for a fair compensation, or to bring discredit upon the system of emancipation, by showing the inadequacy of the free negroes to do the required work, it evidently shows that there has been some capital defect in the manner by which emancipa- 47 tion was brought about, as well as the impolicy of the measures since pursued. Had the slave-holders been thoroughly convinced of the propriety, as well as the justice and humanity, of setting their slaves free, instead of its being forced upon them, contrary to their wishes ; and had the slaves been previously instructed into a knowledge of their duty as free citizens, they would have been much better prepared to receive, appreciate, and enjoy their liberty; and their masters, instead of endeavouring to thwart the designs of the legislators in providing for emancipation, would have co-operated with them, and striven to make it set as easy as possible on all con- cerned. As it now is, rigorous laws are enacted to enforce obedience from the manumitted slaves : mams- trates are appointed with powers to inflict summary punishment upon supposed delinquents, evidently with a view to render emancipation as irksome and odious as possible. In addition to this, an expensive system of importing numerous coolies from the East Indies, for the purpose of supplying the land-holders with la- bourers, has so diminished the price of labour as to reduce the liberated slaves to almost the same state of dependence as that in which they were while held in slavery. It is stated in the last Anti-slavery Reporter, that the number of coolies imported into the West In- dies from the year 1834 to 1844, was 71,482, most of whom were males, and of an age suitable for hard labour. This shows the reason why the amount of exports has of late very considerably increased. From the same source of information, it appears that in 1841 there were exported 121,295 hogsheads of sugar ; in 1845, 157,200 hogsheads, making an increase in five 48 years of 35,905 hogsheads. This is prima facie evi- dence of a more prosperous state of things, and the more so from the fact, that the hberated slaves them- selves create a greater demand for home consump- tion, by using a much greater proportion than they did while in a state of slavery. It shows also what may be effected by a just, hberal, and impartial mode of emancipation, by which both land-holder and labourer shall have their respective rights secured, and all move on under the influence of those motives which are prompted by a regard to one's own happiness, in the enjoyment of temporal, intellectual, and spiritual blessings. These remarks apply more particularly to the state of things in the island of Jamaica, where it appears that the planters were more generally opposed to emancipation. In consequence of this, they have en- deavoured to defeat its object, by treating the negroes with greater severity, charging them high prices for rent, paying them little for their work, exacting from them an undue proportion of labour, and punishing them with unjust severity for any supposed delinquen- cies. According to the statements of Mr. Gurney, who travelled through the West India islands in the winter of 1839 and '40, and whose observations appear to be the result of a careful inspection of the state of things, and whose candour is apparent in all he has said, in Dominica, Tortola, St. Christopher's, and Anitgua, where the land-holders have rented the houses and lands to the liberated slaves at a fair valuation, and have in some instances assigned them job-labour, or otherwise paid them just wages for their work, things have gone on much more prosperously, all parties feel- 49 ing the genial effects of emancipation, and being mutu- ally contented and happy in their condition. In all cases where the land-holders adopt those rigorous measures which seem to compel the services of the labourers, they do not succeed so well, as the latter manifest an lanwillingness to perform service without a fair compensation. On the other hand, where they are exalted to the dignity of free human beings, treated with justice and lenity, and are drawn forward by those motives arising from a hope of a re- ward for their diligence, labour is performed with ap- parent cheerfulness, the fields smile under their culture, they appear decently clad, their houses are conve- niently furnished, their tables spread with plenty, and they appear to be contented, cheerful, and happy — more especially those of them who are religious, as many of them truly are. It appears, therefore, that under all the disadvan- tages of their situation, their freedom has been made a blessing to themselves and their former masters. How much more eligible their situation would have been had they been suitably prepared for their freedom, and had their emancipation been effected by the hearty consent and active co-operation of the owners of the soil, who can tell? We may, however, form some estimate of this, by a comparison of those islands where the land-holders have fallen in with the views of the liberators of the slaves, where the local legisla- tures have passed those laws which are calculated to meliorate the condition of the liberated slave, and pur- sued those measures which secured to him his rights and privileges as a freeman, with those where the op- posite course has been pursued, and the contrary feel- ings predominate. And it is to be hoped that if ever 7 60 freedom is proclaimed to the slaves of our country, it will be done with the hearty consent of the slave- holders themselves, and that the future relations of the parties, and the duties resulting from them, will be prescribed and regulated by those just and merciful laws which will protect all in the enjoyment of equal rights and privileges ; and, surely, if the minds of our southern statesmen should ever become so imbued with Christian philanthropy and enlightened patriot- ism as to induce them to set their slaves free, we may well confide to them the adoption of those measures which will secure the greatest possible benefit, both temporal and spiritual, to all concerned. Even a re- gard to their own interests would induce them to do this. How much more, then, when the happiness of millions of their fellow-beings is involved in the result? And let it be remembered, that we cannot do good to others, without reaping a proportionate benefit our- selves. This is according to the immutable law of the God of the universe. CHAPTER XL MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION UNPRODUCTIVENESS OF SLAVE-LABOUR TENDENCY OF THE DOMESTIC SLAVE- TRADE. I HAVE already alluded to the impoverished state of those lands which have long been under the culture of slave-labour. Many of the land-holders have been, and are now, compelled to sell a portion of their slaves every year, in order to procure subsistence for those they retain. I cannot express myself more appropriately on this 61 subject, than by transcribing the words of Mr. Gur- ney, already referred to, and whose letters to Hon. Henry Clay are well worthy a serious perusal by every friend of human freedom. He says :— "I confess I feel much compassion for the slave- holder of Virginia, who, seated in his old and gentle- manlike mansion, surveys the wide demesnes which have descended to him from his ancestors. His lands, long since exhausted by slave-labour, present to his eye a brown and dreary aspect, except w^here they have become overgrown by a miserable forest of pine. His black people have multiplied around him, and he scarcely knows how to feed them. His family neces- sities are perpetually calling for money. The slave- jobber is prowling about the neighbourhood, with his tempting offers of five hundred dollars for a lad or girl, or one thousand dollars for an adult person. The temptation soon becomes irresistible, and slave after slave supplies the Southern market. By degrees he discovers that by far the most profitable article which his estate produces is the slave ; and instead of the old- fashioned cultivator of the soil, he becomes, by slow de- grees, and almost insensibly to himself, a slave-breeder. But whether this be or be not the true trade and pro- fession of the slave-holder, it is all one to the slave. He is sold to the merchant, torn from his wife and family, lodged in some negro jail at Baltimore, Win- chester, or Washington, and finally driven, as one of a hand-cuffed gang, to Alabama or Louisiana, — there to be sold, with an enormous profit for the jobber, to the planter of cotton, coffee, or sugar." This shows most conclusively the enormous draw- back which slave-labour exacts from the slave-holder, as a tax upon his commodity. And, indeed, it is truly 52 melancholy, to the traveller in Virginia, to behold the old estates of Washington, and others of a like character, ' once so proliiic and flourishing, now thrown out to waste, merely because the soil is so exhausted that it will not repay the tiller for his toil, nor even yield a sufficient increase to support the slaves by v^hom it is cultivated. And if Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and other new States do not exhibit a similar sterility, it is merely because their virgin soil has not been cul- tivated a sufficient length of time to exhaust its ferti- lity. Let things go on here in the track of the older States for a length of time, and doubtless similar symptoms of decay and exhaustion will become ap- parent, and they in their turn will have to transport their slaves to another region. But where will they go for a market? To Texas ? But Texas will soon be filled up. And it is greatly to be feared that if things are suffered to go on at this rate, and no effectual efforts are made for a peaceful emancipation, on the princi- ples of justice and mercy, the time will come when a tremendous reaction will take place — the slaves will burst their bonds — they will throw off the yoke of ser- vitude — assert their freedom — in all likelihood, at the expense of the blood of their masters ; for it is not to be supposed that the many, and these strong, able- bodied men, will forever continue under the rule and servitude of a few, and these few enervated by idleness and luxury, and become effeminate for want of physi- cal and mental action. Nay, have we not reason to apprehend, from the facts of the history of God's pro- vidence, that he himself will one day plead the cause of the oppressed — that he will '' hear their groaning and come down to deliver them ?" And who can with- stand the working of Omnipotence ? 53 Here then is a strong propelling motive which should induce every friend to his country, every friend to his species, every friend to humanity, every parent and guardian, to awake to this subject, and to exert themselves to bring about the result herein contem- plated. Does the friend of his country wish its happiness and prosperity continued and perpetuated? I know he does. Let him, then, lend his influence to disen- thral it from the bondage of slavery. Does the friend of his species wish them to partici- pate with him in the same blessings which he enjoys ? He certainly does. Let him then use his best endea- vours to raise them to the rank of free human beings, and no longer consider and treat them as mere beasts of burden, or as an article of merchandise, to be reared, bought and sold, at the pleasure of those who choose to sell and buy them. If he cannot arrest the horrid African slave-trade, he can certainly use his influence to prevent the continuance of a similar traflic in his own country. Does the friend of humanity desire the enfranchise- ment of his fellow-men from the most cruel and de- grading bondage, that they may enjoy the rights and privileges of freemen ? Most assuredly he does. Let him not then contribute any longer to entail upon them that deprivation of the attributes of an accountable be- ing ; namely, freedom of thought and action. Does the parent wish the blessings to descend to his posterity which he himself enjoys ? Who will answer in the negative? Not one. Then let him hasten to snatch his children from that awful precipice on which he and they stand, while contributing to bind the fetters of slavery on thousands of his fellow-beings. 54 Let him make all possible haste to avert the just judg- ments of Almighty God from himself and his offspring, which so ominously threaten to burst upon him or them with woful vengeance. Though he himself naay escape, and be '' saved so as by fire," yet the judg- ment of God " slumbereth not," but will sooner or later awake in terrible wrath, and spend its fury upon his posterity, for he '' visiteth the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate him." I cannot but tremble for my country, when I review its history, in connexion with the horrid traffic in African slaves, by which it has be- come enthralled in the meshes of slavery. Indeed, the withering curse of God seems to rest upon those portions of it which are yet doomed to bear its burdens. Instead of its producing its wonted in- crease, " blasting and mildew" are visible upon its face. I say, therefore, that a regard to his own temporal in- terests should induce the slave-holder to use all prudent means to set his slaves free. When this is done, he may look up to God for his blessing upon the labour of his hands. He may pray in faith for the temporal and spiritual prosperity of his freedmen, as w^ell as for himself and his offspring, and may possibly live to rejoice over the returning prosperity of his country. Indeed, I give those of them credit who already see and deplore the evils of their country ; and who strive to meliorate the condition of their slaves all they possi- bly can, by using them kindly, leading them to the knowledge of God by faith in Christ, providing for their necessities, nursing them in sickness, and commi- serating the infirmities of age and decrepitude. Let them now add to these acts of justice and mercy the further endeavours to remove those obstacles out of the 65 way which prevent emancipation, and thus contribute to restore these hapless beings to the rank and privi- leges of free citizens of this republic. In so doing they will call down the blessing of God upon themselves and their country, meet the approvals of a good conscience, and secure the co-operation and approbation of every friend to humanity. CHAPTER XII. MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION INCOMPATIBILITY OF SLA- VERY WITH OUR CIVIL INSTITUTIONS. The motives to this good work accumulate as we proceed. Indeed, the more I reflect upon this subject, which must be deeply interesting to every lover of freedom, the more weighty do those considerations ap- pear which should impress the mind with the impera- tive duty of using our utmost exertions to effect the emancipation of the slaves. I am an American. I was born and educated here ; and though converted to God, and called to the Chris- tian ministry, in Upper Canada, have spent most of my days in the United States of America — the land of free- dom, of equal rights and privileges. Here, more than in any other portion of God's earth, with the sad ex- ception of those hapless beings who are doomed to slavery, is the largest measure of freedom. Here, with the above melancholy exception, every man is pro- tected in all the rights and privileges of a free citizen ; and enjoys the liberty of thought and action in every respect, so long as he does not disWb the peace of so- ciety, by indulging in any acts of civil or political hcen- tiousness. This country I love. I love its institutions,. 56 civil and religious ; and cannot but wish it prosperity, the continuance of its liberties, and of its unrivalled advantages. In looking at the Declaration of Independence, in which our ancestors so nobly asserted their right to self-government, I find the following words at the com- mencement of that immortal instrument : — " We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government be- comes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and hap- piness." No one, I presume to say, and surely no enlightened American, will question the truth of the above declara- tion. It is, however, to be understood as a general rule which admits of exceptions. Its exceptions are those who have forfeited their freedom by improper or wicked conduct, such as traitors, thieves, robbers, mur- derers, &c., who have thrown themselves beyond the protection of law, by rebelling against the order of society. Formerly, by the code of war, those who were taken captive were considered by their captors as law- ful prizes, and might therefore be kept and used as their slaves ; and hence the introduction and perpetu- ation of slavery among all the nations of antiquity. Now, if any man can prove that the Africans have 5t fallen under the malediction of God, so as to have for- ever forfeited the rights of freemen, he may present a justification of their enslavement, and furnish a Reason foi* their penal sufferings. And though the tribes of Africa are doubtless wicked, ignorant idolaters, given up to all manner of folly, yet, upon comparing them with many of the natives of Asia and Europe, they do not appeaf to be more inhuman, or more deeply in- volved in idolatry, or more immersed in the pleasures of sin, than those other nations are or have been. In- deed, when the inhabitants along the Grain and Ivory, Gold and Slave Coasts, were first visited by Europeans, they were found to be remarkably sincere and in- offensive, observirig the principles of justice in their intercourse one with the other, and of humanity toward strangers, being of a mild temper and affable carriage. It was not, therefore, until they were corrupted by the example of civihzed Europeans, that they exhibited those ferocious passions by which they are now so generally distinguished. The only assignable reason, therefore, for their enslavement, is because of their divided state among themselves, by which they have been led to make war upon each other ; and this horrid passion of war has been excited to action with tenfold fury by the tempting offers made to them by monsters in human shape, irl hope of a pecuniary recompense for the captives which may have fallen into the hands of the cruel victors. But this involves a problem beyond the power of the human mind to solve. Into this depth of the divine government we cannot petietrate, much less safely de- termine who have, and who have not, forfeited their tights as freemen, any further than it is demonstrated by their conduct. We must, therefore, dismiss this 68 question, as too recondite for finite minds to investigate, and attend to those subjects with which we can more easily grapple. The principal object in quoting the above paragraph from the Declaration of Independence, was to show the utter incompatibility of the doctrine therein laid down, and the system and practice of slavery in our country. Instead of all men being " born equal," thou- sands are born every year, under the aegis of our con- stitution, who are, by the laws of the States in which they are born, disfranchised, in the moment of their birth until the day of their death, of all the rights and privileges of freemen ; neither their " life, liberty," nor " the pursuit of happiness" is in their own power — " the government is not instituted by their con- sent," nor does it '' secure their rights " — nay, they are reared in such total ignorance, that they know but little more of the laws which govern mankind than the beasts of the field — and all this exists in repubhcan America, where our fathers fought and bled for free- dom, and where we claim an enfranchisement from European and Asiatic despotism. In this instance, then, the fundamental principles on which the fabric of our government is founded, are contravened by those individual States which not only tolerate slavery, but prevent emancipation, by those stringent regulations which bind the slave to his master, put him completely in his power to dispose of as he may please, and which deny the validity of his oath in all courts of justice where his master is a party. This is a blot upon our national escutcheon which I am most anxious should be w^iped off, that every State in the Union may present a harmonious conformity to the constitutional compact which binds us together, and 59 under the protection of which every citizen may enjoy the rights and privileges of a freeman ; that the de- spotic governments of the old world may no longer have any just cause to reproach us for our inconsistency between profession and practice — that while we pro- fess a love of freedom, we continue to bind the slave in perpetual vassalage — that w^hile we profess to hate tyranny, we exhibit the attributes of the tyrant in our conduct toward the slaves. This view of the subject addresses itself to us as American patriots. While it protests against all those acts of violence which brought the African to our shores, in spite of his own and the remonstrances of the colonists, it pleads, with all the force and eloquence of political consistency, for an abrogation of those State laws which make the con- dition of the slave so irksome and hopeless ; — that our constitutional compact may appear consistent through- out every part of our confederated republic, and that every citizen, whether black or white, may have it in his power to say, — I am free ! / am a free-horn citizen of the United States of America ! CHAPTER XIII. MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION. THE DUTY DEVOLVES ON STATESMEN. It is manifest, if ever emancipation is effected in our country, it must be effected by the simultaneous action of its citizens and statesmen. And it would seem to me that motives sufficiently numerous and strong have been presented, to call forth the exertions of every Christian philanthropist, of every well-wisher to his 60 country's welfare, and more especially of every pa- triotic statesman, in order to bring about this work of justice and benevolence. Let us but glance at the good which must inevitably result from this work of emancipation. Consider the influence it would have upon our character as indi- viduals, and as a nation. It would convince all the world that we are sincere in our professed love of freedom — that we value it above silver and gold, inas- much as we are willing to sacrifice a portion of our individual property, in order to secure the blessings of freedom to those who are now deprived of them. It would evince to all the world, that Christian prin- ciple has a firmer hold upon our conscience than the love of w^orldly gain, inasmuch as it leads us to forego the latter for the sake of carrying the former into full effect, by obtaining the greater good for our fellow- men, — that we are actuated by the golden rule, ''Do as you would be done by." Thus our character, as individuals, would be rescued from that reproach which now attaches to it, by our approval of the practices of slavery. And then our national character would be relieved from that inconsistency, which now stands out so pro- minently between the doctrines set forth in our De- claration of Independence, all our national celebrations to commemorate our emancipation from colonial thral- dom, our patriotic speeches, in which we boast of our freedom, and our system and practice of slavery — a slavery which keeps upwards of 4,000,000 of our fel- low-beings in the most degrading bondage. One would suppose that this consideration should commend the subject with irresistible force to every patriotic statesman in the land, whether he live North or South, 61 East or West. Methinks that all such^ whenever they stand up in the halls of legislation, whether of the State or of the nation, must feel those compunctions which arise from a consciousness of the glaring incon- sistency between profession and practice ; that the words liberty, equality, free citizens of these United States, would freeze upon their lips, whenever they think that millions who have been born in this land of equal rights, never yet breathed the atmosphere of freedom, but have been, and are, doomed to all the horrors of slavery. How can such statesmen lie quietly upon their beds, con over the blessings of their country, and then sleep and dream over its destinies, without being disturbed with the visions coming up from that land of dreariness and darkness, where the enslaved African dwells ? Is the thought too woful to ruminate upon ? Do they start back from it as from a spectral vision? Can these statesmen think seriously upon this inconsistency, and not blush with shame at the wrong they are inflicting upon the hapless sons and daughters of Africa ? Can they cast their eyes along through the vista of time, without anticipating the miseries that must come upon their country, and, of course, must alight upon their posterity, — without shuddering at the clouds of blackness and darkness which they must see rising up in the political horizon, and whose threaten- ing aspect denotes the approach of those storms of divine indignation, which will one day burst upon their devoted country ? Can they do this, and put forth no effort to free their land from the evils of slavery ? Alas for them, if they can 1 They must, indeed, be insen- sible to the true state of things. They must have learned but little from the lessons of history. Let them read its pages, and there see the rise and fall of em~ 62 pires — the fall of many of which has been precipitated by incorporating slavery into their civil and political regulations. But why go back l Look at Spain, which took the lead in negro slavery, and in enslaving the natives in America. Is not that once powerful and flourishing kingdom now among the weakest and most despicable of European nations ? Look at Portugal, which long has been, and is now, the chief mart of African slavery, shut up in its narrow limits, torn to pieces by its inter- nal convulsions, stripped of all its colonial possessions, and thus going fast back to poverty and disgrace. Look at Brazil, the daughter of Portugal, though na- turally among the most fertile of American provinces, abounding in gold and silver mines, and every way calculated, from its natural resources, its climate and position, to become one of the richest and most power- ful kingdoms, now declining in every respect ; a great portion of its soil remains uncultivated; the masters of the land becoming enervated — here slavery has ex- isted from its first settlement by Europeans, and is still kept up with all the horrors of the African slave-trade — her landholders contriving every method which cunning intrigue and mercantile cupidity can invent, to elude the vigilance of British and American ships of war, which are employed to detect and seize the vessels which are employed to carry on the abominable traffic. Do these facts afford no lessons of instruction for American statesmen, — no admonition to the lovers and abettors of slavery, — no warning to the considerate statesman, who looks forward and calculates what may ^be from what has been, and from what he may see daily enacted before his eyes ? 63 O ye statesmen of America ! Turn not a deaf ear to these warnings — to these admonitions — to these instructive lessons, which appear upon the page of history ! Though these expostulations come from an humble, obscure individual, who has no other claim upon your attention than what the sincerity of his heart demands, or than a love of country, kindled, as he humbly trusts it is, by the love of God and man ; yet he beseeches you to listen to his words, with calmness and delibera- tion. Weigh them with that solemn attention which the importance of the subject demands, without any regard to the character of the individual who addresses you. We all have an equal interest at stake. I humbly trust that we are all Americans at heart — that we love our country, and cannot but wish well to its institutions, civil and religious. I will not reproach any man with a want of this love — with being deficient in true pa- triotism ; and, therefore, all feel for its character, desire its prosperity, are ready to labour for a continuance of those institutions under which we have lived and do live, and under the influence of which we have grown to a comparatively great nation. Let us, then, show our love to this country, by using our best endeavours to free it from the evils of slavery. Why should we not ? We welcome to our shores, Irish, Germans, Dutch, Swedes, Italians, and any and every other nation of Europe or Asia, and in due time admit them to all the privileges of free citizens ; the right of suffrage, and all other rights of our country, are guaranteed unto them. I do not complain of this. It may be the truest policy, for aught I know. But why should these privileges be granted to foreigners,. 64 who migrate here merely to beilefit themselves, and the same be denied to those born among us, reared upon our soil, who have laboured, and are still labour- ing, for our exclusive benefit? Is it merely because they differ from us in colour? Surely, this circum- stance, for which they are not accountable, should not forever debar them from the rights of freemen. O no ! This cannot be the true reason. It must be the pecu- niary benefits which we promise ourselves will be de- rived from slavery. And here we come again to that same selfish principle that has so often met us in our path. This principle of human nature, so universal in its existence, so interwoven into the v^eh of our very constitution, so powerful in its operation, and so in- dicative of our degenerate state, must be met, must be fought, must be conquered, or otherwise so moulded and directed, as to make it subserve our true interests, and then it may help us in achieving the emancipation of those in thraldom. And I verily believe that we mistake the means of its gratification, even in temporal enjoyments, by exact- ing the labour of the slaves without due compensation. I think we have already seen, that slave-labour is the least productive of all others ; so that free labour, equi- tably compensated, is the most profitable, as well as the most easy and safe, for both the land-holder and his labourers. But leaving this out of the question, patriotism, a love of country, and, above all, a love of consistency, ought to dictate to every statesman the propriety and the indispensable duty of using his influence to free the land of his birth, the land of equal rights and pri-^ vileges, the land of American freedom, from the curse of slavery. CHAPTER XiV. MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION — DUTY OF MINISTERS. In the preceding chapter, I addressed myself more particularly to statesmen, believing that on them de- volves, more than on any others, the duty of devising ways and means for meliorating the condition of the slave population of our country. And surely every consideration of expediency, of duty, of interest, and of patriotism, presses with solemn weight upon the judgment and conscience of American statesmen, to induce them to engage in this good and great work. Indeed, the man that shall first embark in this enter- prise of justice and mercy, from the pure spirit of pa- triotism, will deserve, and doubtless will receive, that award of praise which is due to the author of one of the iiK)St philanthropic Works in which the human mind can possibly engage, even the emancipation of millions of his fellow-beings. There is another class of men, however, particularly fitted, from their habits of thinking, their high and holy calling, and the benign religion which they profess, and, I would hope, possess and teach, to advance this godlike work of emancipation ;-^-I mean the ministers of religion. They occupy responsible stations, and exert, as they ought, a commanding influence in com- munity. This influence they may use with powerful effect, if they do but use it with Christian prudence and sound discretion, in favour of the cause of free- dom. I do not wish them to lift up their voice in bold, 9 66 dogmatical denunciations against slavery and the slave- holder ; nor to spend their strength in mere boisterous declamation on the evils of the system, sending all to hell, indiscriminately, who either hold slaves, or apolo- gize for those that do ; bestowing offensive epithets, with unmeaning profusion, upon all who may dissent from them in their views. It is, indeed, the easiest thing in the world to generalize on any exceptionable practice, to denounce it as an offence against God and man, and thus make it appear odious in the estimation of all good men. All this, I say, may be done with but little effort. But it requires much patient thought, and critical investigation, to detect the secret springs of evil, — to characterize it as it deserves, in becoming language, and with a wise foresight to propose and apply the remedy for its removal : — and that minister of Christ who is qualified to unite firmness of purpose w4th meekness of wisdom ; to meet and obviate ob- jections with Christian patience ; to persevere in his labours of love in the midst of opposition ; to speak the truth in love, without that harshness which naturally tends to irritate the passions— so to speak as to en- lighten the judgment, and win the heart — he who can do this, under the direction of that discernment which will enable him to trace the inseparable connexion between causes and effects, may exert a most hallowed influence in favour of this holy cause. Let but the minister of the Gospel, by his spirit and manner, by his words and actions, convince the slave- holder that he is a friend to both him and the slave, — that he seeks their good, temporal and spiritual, — and the slave-holder will listen to what he has to say, will take his propositions into consideration ; and though he may not immediately enter into his views and adopt 67 his plans, he may be induced so to meditate upon them, that afterwards he may see the propriety and the fea- sibihty of carrying them into eifect. But do not ap- proach him in the character of a lordly dictator, making all you say a sine qua non, to which he must submit, or suffer the pains of eternal damnation. Do not call him a thief, a robber, a murderer, and then proceed to pronounce sentence of condemnation upon him, as though you were the commissioned messenger of Jehovah, sent expressly to denounce his awful judg- ments upon such guilty violators of his law. This course will but irritate the passions, excite angry feelings, beget a spirit of hostility, and provoke a determined opposition to any attempt you may make to unloose the grasp which he may have upon his slave. '' A soft answer turneth away wrath," says Solomon, and the truth of this maxim has been proved times without number ; while its opposite has been equally tested — "Angry words stir up strife." And our Saviour has sanctioned the same spirit in [his directions to his apostles, in these well-known words, "Be ye wise as serpents, and harmless as doves." With these words before us, it is very difficult to reconcile that rough, uncouth conduct, exhibited by some inexperienced ministers of the Gospel, and that denunciatory lan- guage spoken by others, with the meekness and gen- tleness of spirit, and harmlessness of deportment, which ought to actuate and characterize every minister of the Lord Jesus Christ. This spirit* and this conduct are more especially necessary, when we are about to assault an evil of long standing, and, in the estimation of many, of doubt- ful character in respect to its morality, as is the case 68 with slavery ; as some good men m our country are not yet convinced of its unlavi^fulness, and they are verily persuaded that it is their duty, now^ that they have them, to keep the slaves in their ow^n pos- session, because they think they can provide for them better than they can for themselves. Allow that this is prejudice — that it arises from erroneous views of the subject — what then ? Shall we come down upon them in all the ponderosity of our high commission, and pronounce wo and wrath upon them, if they do not instantly " let the oppressed go free ?" Will this method be the most likely to effect the object ? It may gratify our hatred to the system of slavery thus to pour out the vials of indignation upon its abettors : but will it enlighten their judgment, and soften their heart, and so induce them to unite with us in emancipating their slaves ? This is the grand question to be solved. But allowing that the minister of Christ is possessed of a Christian spirit, and that consequently he is actu- ated by a pure motive, then I say he may do much toward effecting emancipation. Let him go to the slave-holder in the spirit of his divine Master ; let love dwell in his heart and actuate his tongue ; let him ex- pose to his view the evils of the system ; impress upon his mind the vast interests which are involved in the subject; convince him, if possible, that in setting his slaves free, he will confer blessings on himself, his slaves, his country, and that he will contribute most effectually to promote the present and eternal happi- ness of millions now alive, and many more millions yet to live, of immortal beings. Urge these considera- tions upon his understanding and conscience, with all the earnestness which sincerity inspires, and with all the eloquene© which truth will enkindle. 69 If he objects, listen to his objections with patience^ answer them with all calmness and firmness, and then? renew your arguments with all perseverance, evincing, in the mean time, by your spirit and manner, that you seek his good, and the good of those intrusted to his care. I do not mean to say that the minister may not set before the slave-holder the dangers that hang over his head, and that they threaten his country with direful effects. All this he may do ; nay, he must do it, in order to relieve himself of his high responsibility to God and man. But while he does this, let it be done in a spirit and style that will evince a feeling heart, a heart that commiserates the unhappy condition of his fellow-men, and that he is ready to do what he can, by sacrificing his temporal substance, in order to rid the country of the burden of slavery. In this way, the minister of Jesus Christ may use his high commission and exert his powerful influence to set his country free. He may enlighten the public mind, by presenting those strong arguments which are calculated to show the evils of slavery, and the blessings of freedom ; and surely no class of men are more deeply interested in this work, than ministers of the Gospel. They are sent expressly to '' proclaim liberty to thie captives, and to open the prison doors to them that are bound ;" to recommend a religion which teaches naught but good-will to men, and that prescribes those duties which grow out of the relations of human society ; and, above all, to teach mankind to do as they would be done by in similar circumstances ; and, while they sustain the true character of Christian ministers, they will refrain from everything that would tend to disturb the peace of society, and use those weapons only which ; 70 are compatible with their character 'as ministers of love and good-will. As such, they cannot countenance rebellion among the slaves, any more than they can cruelty among the masters ; so that while they are urging upon the latter the duty and benefits of eman- cipation, they will enjoin upon the former obedience to their masters, until the time comes for their freedom, when they may ''choose it, rather" than their present state of servitude. Hence they will discountenance all attempts among the slaves to rise against their masters, as well as all attempts among the professed lovers of freedom to " steal a man," or to induce the slaves to free themselves in a clandestine manner. These things he knows are forbidden alike by the laws of God, the laws of humanity, or those laws which regulate human society. Now let the minister of Christ deport himself in this manner, and he may exert a tremendous influence for good on all concerned, and contribute most powerfully to bring about the emancipation for which we plead. CHAPTER XV. MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION — THE EVILS OF THE DO- MESTIC SLAVE-TRADE. The moral good that would be effected by emanci- pation is incalculable, as it would remove many of the moral evils which are consequent upon a state of sla- very as it exists in our country. These evils, indeed, are numerous, as will appear from undeniable facts. I know, indeed, that some masters treat their slaves with justice and humanity, instruct them in the know- 71 ledge of religion and morals, and that quite a number of the slaves are truly religious ; though it must be allowed that many who profess religion are extremely lax in their moral principles and conduct, owning, no doubt, to their extreme ignorance, and the false notion that they have a right to cheat their masters by occa- sionally stealing their property. But even allowing all that charity would claim for religious masters and slaves, that is, that they live up to the requisitions of Christianity, it is well known that, among others, the moral precepts are daily violated, that licentiousness abounds, and that with whatever abhorrence we may think and speak of amalgamation, it prevails to an alarming extent in all the slave States. These facts I believe are incontrovertible. These, however, are not the worst of the evils, though it must be revolting to every sound moralist, and much more to every sincere Christian, to behold their demoralizing effects. The domestic slave-trade is carried on, if not with all the horrors of that abomi- nable traffic which first brought the blacks to our shores, yet it is attended with circumstances sufficiently shock- ing to harrow up the feelings of every Christian phi- lanthropist. Slave-markets are kept in Baltimore, in Washington, in Richmond, in Charleston, and how many more places I know not, where the dealers in slaves resort for the purpose of selling and buying their fellow-beings, with as much nonchalance as a drover and butcher would sell and buy cattle. In conse- quence of this domestic traffic, husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters, are separated from each other, and sold into perpetual bondage ; and, in many instances, even fathers sell their own sons and daughters to the slave-driver. This horrid prac- 72 tice not only severs the ties which bind relatives to- gether, but compels to a violation of the express com- mands of God, by rendering it impossible for husbands to provide for, and protect their v^ives ; for wives to love •and obey their husbands ; for parents to provide for their children ; and for children to honour and obey their parents. Hence, the marriage contract is violated, and the reciprocal duties arising from conjugal, paren- tal, and filial relations, cannot be discharged. All this arises unavoidably out of the state of slavery as it is sanctioned in our country. I do not say that it necessarily originates from slavery, for it is possible to avoid it, were those who hold slaves to set their faces against such manifest abuses of it. It is possible, I be- lieve, so to regulate slavery as to prohibit this promis- cuous intercourse of the sexes, this cruel severing of relatives one from the other ; but it is not so regulated in our country, and, however possible it may be, we know that these things exist ; that the most e idt aring of all ties are severed ; and that all the evils conse- quent upon the separation of husbands from their wives, and of parents from their children, are coming to pass daily, and that with an increasing frequency. I cannot think and write upon this subject without feeling all those emotions stirred within me which arise from conjugal and parental aflfection ; and it is extremely difficult so to restrain them, as to prevent them from producing that deep indignation which would lead to the strongest expressions of disapproba- tion of the terrible results of the domestic slave^rade. But I must check this overflowing of passion, and pro- ceed to say, that a system which almost necessarily results in such breaches of the moral law, must be stamped with infamy ; it must be condemned as un- 78 lawful, as inhuman, as unnatural, and, therefore, con- trary to every dictate of reason, of religion, of human- ity, and, of course, to every principle of true patriotism. Now the emancipation for which I plead puts an end to these evils. Let the slaves be set free, and the master will no longer have it in his power to sell them to the highest bidder into perpetual bondage. He will no longer have it in his power to separate hus- band and wife, parent and child, and thus sever all the ties that bind mankind together, by selling them to the slave-dealers. Instead of beholding that heart- rending anguish which is felt and expressed by these husbands and wives, these parents and children, when thus compelled, by the cruel acts of these inhuman masters, to bid adieu to all that they hold most dear to them in this worlds we should see happy families, dweUing together in the unity of conjugal and parental affection; labouring for each other's benefit, and pro- pelled in their work by the hope of a reward for their toil. Is this a small benefit? Is this a weak motive? What greater earthly benefit can a human being enjoy, than to be assured that naught but death, or some avoid- able crime, shall separate him from those he loves above every other finite being ? What stronger motive, this side of heaven, can be presented to a rational mind, than to be assured that he shall reap the reward of his own labour ; that while he labours for his employer, he is providing for himself and his own household? He that can say the evils I have enumerated are light and trivial, must have a mind darkened by the thickest cloud of ignorance, and a heart hardened by a long course of iniquity. What ! Is it a trifling thing to be compelkd to violate the principles of God's law? 10 n Is it a trivial evil to drive man into si"n, as with the whip of a scorpion? Those who think so must cer- tainly have thrown off all fear of God. Nay, they must be heartless atheists. They must have persuaded themselves that there is no such God as the Bible re- veals, who takes cognizance of the thoughts and ac- tions of men, and who will assuredly punish the unre- pentant violators of his law. But I will not multiply arguments upon this point. It is too evident to need proof, that a system which leads to such infractions of the eternal rule of right, must be founded in injustice, and must, therefore, be abandoned, in order to secure the blessings of Almighty God, and, of course, to secure the happiness and pros- perity of our country. Now, I ask, will not every American patriot, every Christian philanthropist, and, above all, every Christian minister, lend their influence to effect a different state of things in our beloved country ? Do they not wish the perpetuation of our civil and religious institutions ? Let them use their influence to rid the country of this enormous clog, which, if not removed, will sooner or later stop the wheels of government from revolving. Let those who live in the slave States, who see and deprecate the evils I have enumerated, if they would, rescue themselves from condemnation, for indulging in a spirit of indifference to the fate of their country, ex- ert themselves to check their progress, and finally to remove them out of the way, by striking a death-blow at their cause. If they disapprove, as I believe they must, of these infractions of the social rights of man- kind, they cannot be clear before God, nor be justified by an enlightened community, without using their highest exertions to eradicate these evils from their 75 midst. Let those statesmen, therefore, into whose hands the destinies of their country are committed, look at the subject calmly, and deliberate upon the best means to rid the land of slavery. Let those min- isters of the Gospel, to whom are committed, in the or-^ der of God, the destinies of immortal souls, co-operate with every enlightened statesman, and with every pa- triotic Christian, in urging on the work of emancipation. Let them not excuse themselves by saying, that the evils of licentiousness, and other acts of wickedness, prevail in free countries. I know they do, to an alarm- ing extent. But to these evils are not superadded the selling each other into perpetual bondage, and thus legalizing those acts of immorality which separate husband and wife, parent and child, and, by so doing, compel mankind to violate an express command of Al- mighty God ; or, which amounts to the same thing, not allow of any legal marriage among the slaves, and thus prevent the conjugal and parental relations from having any legal existence. These are the consequences of the domestic slave- trade. And to say they must be tolerated, is to say that God must be insulted to his face ; that his laws must be contemned, set at naught, openly violated with impunity, and his whole moral government annihilated at a stroke. Alas for my country, that these evils should be tolerated — should be winked at — should pass unrebuked ! O that the Christian part of the com- munity might wake up to the importance of this sub- ject! Now if these considerations do not present one of the strongest motives to induce all the slave-holders, as well as all others interested in the welfare of our coun- try, to exert themselves in this holy cause, I know not 76 what possibly can. He who can listen to the cries of injured innocence; to the groans of husbands and wives — so called, at least ; to the bitter anguish of parents and children, of mothers and daughters, separated from each other by the cruel hand of their masters, and not feel the spirit of commiseration stirred within him, must be callous to the tender sympathies of human nature, and more especially dead to the holy feelings of Christi- anity. He who can look on all this with the nonchalance of the stoic, and not be moved to put forth an effort to stop the raging disease, to apply a remedy, if such remedy be at all within his reach, must be proof against all the tender feelings of Christian sympathy, and deaf to the calls of the deep distress of his fellow-beings. I conclude this chapter by offering a fervent petition to Almighty God, that he may shed a ray of light upon this subject ; that he may bless the words that I write ; that h3 may enlighten the understandings, and soften the hearts of American slaveholders; that he may guide x\merican statesmen, ministers, and Christians of all orders, that they may be induced to put forth a combined and simultaneous effort to free their country from the curse of the domestic slave-trade, and help to proclaim liberty to the numerous captives who are now in our land. Amen and amen ! 77 CHAPTER XVI. MOTIVES TO EMANCIPATION — SLAVERY DEPRECATED BY MANY EMINENT MEN. I HAVE assumed it as a truth, that there are many in the slave-holding States who see and deprecate the evils of slavery. That there have been, and are now such, is manifest. Washington, whose name is a pass- port for liberty, for virtuous patriotism, for bravery and love of country, throughout the civilized world, by his last will and testament liberated all his slaves, making such provision for them as he thought necessary and advisable. Jefferson, the author of the Declara- tion of Independence, said, that in a struggle of the slaves for liberty, he knew of no attribute of the Al- mighty which would allow him to take part with their masters. And even John Randolph, with all his ec- centricities, emancipated his slaves by his last will and testament. These enlightened statesmen, with many others that might be mentioned, declared, by their words and acts, that they considered slavery incompatible with the rights and privileges of their fellow-men. And how many are there in Virginia, and other slave States, who every year liberate their slaves, and furnish them with means to emigrate to Liberia! Why do they do this ? They must do it either because they find slave-labour unproductive, and, therefore, wish to rid themselves of it, from a principle of selfishness ; or they are convinced of the injustice of the system, and, therefore, wish to free themselves from the responsi^ bility of its practical continuance : and either case establishes the principl© for which I pleatj. 7S Look also at the strenuous efforts that have been made by Cassius M. Clay, in behalf of freedom in the State of Kentucky ; and it is a cause of deep regret that he was compelled, by mob violence, to desist from pub- lishing his paper in Lexington, where his voice could be heard with powerful effect by the citizens of his na- tive State. The sentiments which he uttered, how- ever, will find an echo in the heart of many lovers of freedom in Kentucky, and they will yet rise up in their strength, and battle manfully in the cause of emanci- pation. In the mean time, other voices are raised in behalf of the cause in Virginia and Maryland, and I am glad to find, in a recent publication, that an author who styles himself " a Virginian," has advocated sen- timents similar to those which I have presented in these chapters. To show the state of feeling among some of the citi- zens of the slave States, I give the following extracts from the writings of two eminent citizens of the State of Maryland ; — the first is from Dr. R. S. Stewart, of Dodon, Anne Arundel County, addressed to Mr. Carey, in March, 1845. Dr. Stewart, it seems, had heard that Mr. Carey, if elected to the Maryland legislature, in- tended to devote much of his time to the subject of the black population of the State, and to promote, if pos- sible, measures for their gradual emancipation. In this letter he say : — '' It gave me, a slave-holder and citizen of Maryland, infinite pleasure to hear it ; and it was with the deep- est regret I learned, soon after, that you were not re- turned to the House. If I have been correctly informed, I beg leave to say to you, I honour you for your sen- timent ; and I hope you will not allow so good a reso- lution to die, but will kindle it anew, and seek some 79 other equally practical means of bringing this subject fully and fairly before the public. It is one that has long occupied much of my thoughts; and I have watched anxiously for some one to show his hand in this cause. At this moment my attention has been more distinctly called to it, by the manly, high-minded letter of Mr. C. M. Clay, addressed to the people of Kentucky. There is not a sentiment or a political principle expressed by him to his fellow-citizens, that does not, with equal force, apply to our noble little State ; and every prediction applies to us as forcibly as it does to them. The time has come, there can be no doubt of it, to take the needful steps : slave- holders themselves are anxious for it, and will not be displeased to see the subject/azV/j' taken into consider- ation. I have been a planter for five years, and have had an opportunity of discussing these points with slave-holders of all parties, and I do not remember a single instance in which objection was made to the principle of emancipation : some difference, it is true, exists as to the manner and time, but none as to the necessity. Heretofore, this w^hole subject has been wrapped in a mystery, as imposing as the secrets of free-masonry ; and no one, not a member of the order of slave-holders, has been allowed to open his mouth and say anything about it. It is a dangerous question ; it is an exciting subject ; it is a matter that belongs to slave-holders themselves, — have been the usual and repeated injunctions laid upon all who honestly and humanely have desired to inquire into the merits and demerits of this cause. Is this as it should be ? Is it the course that should be pursued by an educated peo- ple, who have at command the means to defend the truth, and expose error? Certainly not. If our State $0 is labouring under an evil, let the cause and nature of the malady be investigated, and then let us apply the remedy. If, on the contrary, none can be shown to exist, at least agitution will receive a check that will be grateful to all lovers of peace and order. Firmly convinced that such a course will be displeasing but to few, and it may promote the general welfare of Mary- land, I beg leave to propose to you the establishment of a paper, devoted to the cause of emancipation in our State, on the principles of pohcy, humanity, and self-interest." Mr. Carey, instead of adopting the proposition of his friend for the establishment of a paper, published his thoughts in a pamphlet. In the course of his in- vestigation, he has the following pithy and appropriate Remarks :- — " For years past, our cotton-growing States have been exporting their soil ; and with that improvidence \vhich slavery generates, that love of present indul- gence, careless of what may follow, the South has re- ceived in return the means of enjoyment only, — nothing wherewith to renovate the outras^ed o^round. Such a process, long continued, must, in the end, ruin the finest lands in the world. Its effects are apparent in the Atlantic States, and rich lands in the South- West, operating irresistibly to draw the planters of Carolina and Georgia from their worn-out fields. " The same general observations will apply to our slave-holding sections in Maryland, and to many parts of Eastern Virginia, too, if it were necessary to pur- sue the investigation there. Emigration to the West has kept pace with the impoverishment of our lands. Large tracts have come into the hands of a few pro- prielors,j-^too large to be* improved, aod too' much ex- m hausted to be productive. But this is not the worst. The traveller, as he journeys through these districts, smitten w^ith premature barrenness as with a curse, beholds fields, once enclosed and subject to tillage, now abandoned and waste, and covered with straggling pines, or scrubby thickets, which are fast overgrowing the waning vestiges of former cultivation. From swamps and undrained morasses malaria exhales, and, like a pestilence, infests the country. The inhabit- ants become a sallow race ; the current of life stag- nates ; energy fails ; the spirits droop. Over the whole region a melancholy aspect broods. There are every- where signs of dilapidation, from the mansion of the planter, with its windows half glazed, its doors half hinged, its lawn trampled by domestic animals, that have ingress and egress through the broken enclosures, to the ragged road-side house, where thriftless poverty finds its abode. No neat cottages, with gardens and flowers, giving life to the landscape ; no beautiful vil- lages, where cultivated taste blends with rustic sim- plicity, enriching and beautifying ; no flourishing towns alive with the bustle of industry : none of these are seen : no, nor any diversified succession of well-culti- vated farms, with their substantial homesteads and ca- pacious barns ; no well-constructed bridges ; no well- conditioned roads. Neglect, the harbinger of decay, has stamped her impress everywhere. Slavery, bring- ing with it from its African home its characteristic accompaniments, seems to have breathed over its resting-place here the same desolating breath which made Sahara a desert." These testimonies are the more valuable, because they come from slave-holders themselves, who are eye- witnesses of the desolating effects of slavery, and they 11 82 fully confirm all that I have heretofore said respecting' its deteriorative results upon the physical condition of the slave-holding States. These gentlemen, fully im- pressed vrith the impoverishing nature of slave-labour, were impelled to express themselves in this strong language, with the hope of exciting their fellow-citi- zens to adopt measures for a gradual emancipation, merely from considerations of self-preservation. If we add to these the demoralizing influence of slavery, as depicted in the preceding chapter, the mo- tive for emancipation acquires a force as far above the one presented in those extracts, as heaven is higher than the earth. This influence is seen and felt upon all classes of society — upon the master and his slave ; and it renders both unfit for the enjoyments of social life, for domestic happiness, for civil and political pros- perity. I might strengthen these remarks from letters which have been published respecting the state of things in the West Indies. From these it appears that, notwith- standing all the fears of the land-proprietors of the sad effects of emancipation, and notwithstanding that they did for a while suffer for the want of more labour, lat- terly the freed slaves have entered upon their work with renewed courage and cheerfulness, either tilling their own ground, which they have purchased, or la- bouring for their former masters for a stipulated price ; so that things now present a greater state of prosperity. These facts, which have come to my knowledge since I wrote my former remarks upon this subject, oblige me to modify a little what I have before asserted, so far, at least, as to say that their freedom is becoming more highly appreciated, and that all classes are be- coming much better satisfied with their condition ; so 83 much so^ that it may be reasonably anticipated that this grand experiment, under all the disadvantages in which it was made, will prove to all to have been well conceived and happily executed. Shall the slave States of America be the last to abolish the slave-trade ? — I mean the domestic slave- trade ! It appears, by an extract from the '' Franklin Journal," that even Germany has resolved to punish those engaged in the African slave-trade as pirates, or otherwise to punish them for the crime of " rape." The following is the extract, taken from the protocol of the 21st sitting of the Germanic Diet, dated June the 19th, 1845:— '' Fully appreciating the sentiments and principles of Christian charity, which have induced the courts of Great Britain and Austria, of Prussia and Russia, to conclude the convention for the suppression of the slave-trade, dated the 20th of December, 1841 ; and animated with a desire to contribute, as far as in their power, towards the entire abolition of this criminal traffic, all the Germanic powers agree to prohibit the trade in slaves. In consequence whereof, in all the States in which there are no laws for the punishment of this traffic, it shall be punished as piracy ; and in the States whose laws make no special mention of piracy, it shall be punished in the same manner as rape, or in a manner not less severe." Now, though the African slave-trade has been pro- nounced a piracy by the American Congress, and long since prohibited, yet, so long as the domestic slave- trade is allowed among the several slave States, at- tended as it is w^ith all the cruelties I have enumerated, they must be considered as sanctioning, in some mea- sure at least, the horrid practice ; and hence are in- 84 volved ill the guilt and consequent shame of the slave-trade. Let these States, then, thus implicated, arise in the majesty of their strength, and, with a Adrtuous indigna- tion, roll this reproach from their shoulders. Let those virtuous and Christian citizens in these slave States, who see and deplore this abominable practice, proclaim war against it, and use their influence to have it done away. How else can they be guiltless ? Can they look on with cold indifference, and see their fellow- beings torn from each other, — husbands, wives, and children, separated forever by dealers in human flesh and blood, and not lift their voices against it? If they can and do, surely the blood of those injured persons will cry out against them. They must, therefore — absolutely must — if they would escape the curse pro- nounced upon the willing participators in other men's sins, lift up their voice, and put forth their energies to arrest the onward progress of this enormous evil. ^^ Haste, then, ye virtuous patriots, to stop the pro- gress of this devouring scourge ! Go to your states- men, to your governors, to the judges of your courts, to the members of your legislatures, and tell them in the language of love, but of plainness and firmness, of the danger which hangs over their heads. Expostu- late with them on the iniquity of continuing in the practice of buying and selling men, and women, and -children, and reducing them to hopeless bondage. Point to their barren fields, to their dilapidated houses, to the emaciated and poverty-stricken negroes, and beseech them to listen to the bitter cries of anguish, wrung from the hearts, and dropping from the lips, of wives and daughters severed from their husbands and mothers, — and then ask them to look at these marks of 86 desolation, and these signs of human distress ; and, finally, urge upon them, with all the earnestness which truth and sincerity can inspire, the importance, the ab- solute necessity, for their present and future well-being, of their doing something to rid their country of this desolating scourge. CHAPTER XVII. IT IS A NATIONAL WORK— THE EXPENSE. I THINK I have said enough upon the necessity and the motives of emancipation. If the considerations which have been presented will not induce Christian patriots to exert themselves in this grand enterprise, I know not what can. It is, however, a national work. It does not belong to- the church, as such; to any one, or to all the de- nominations of Christians in our country. They have, in fact, no jurisdiction over it, any further than to exer- cise disciphne over their individual members ; they cannot act in their church capacity with any efficiency, only so far as they may express their opinions, or declare their sentiments, and use their influence upon the ru- lers of the nation, to induce them to exert themselves for the abrogation of their laws against emancipation, and thus to prepare the way for freedom. But the nation, the people of this nation, must be aroused to the importance of this subject. Theij must rally — must come to the rescue of the slave, by speaking in a voice which will be heard in their primary assemblies, at the ballot-boxes, and let their rulers know that it is their sovereign will and pleasure that the country shall 86 no longer groan under the burden of slavery — that the slaves must, that they shall be set free. There must be one simultaneous movement among the people of this land in favour of emancipation. It cannot, indeed, be expected that this work will be done at once, without using the means necessary to enlighten the people, to convince them of its neces- sity and practicability, and then to present such mo- tives as will move them to action. It will be done, if done at all, probably by slow degrees ; much opposi- tion must be anticipated, met, and overcome ; apathy must be removed, avarice must be assaulted, and a thousand nameless enemies must be fought and con- quered. But the work must be begun, prosecuted with vigour, and persevered in, until it is accomplished. There may be different opinions in respect to the methods by which this is to be done ; but I shall pro- pose a way, before I conclude these chapters, by which I think it may be effected, leaving it to others to adopt it, or devise another which may be more feasible. At any rate, let it be remembered that this is a work in which every individual in this nation has a deep and an abiding interest, and therefore it is, most emphati- cally, a national work. In the mean time let us listen to an objection which, doubtless, some will make to the plan I have proposed, of raising, by taxation, an amount sufficient to remu- nerate those citizens who will consent to liberate their slaves. To this it may be objected, that it would in- volve the country in an expense which the people will not bear. Let us examine the strength of this ob- jection. I take it for granted that the slave-holders would not be so unreasonable as to exact the full price for each 87 slave, such as might be demanded for a full-grown^ sound, and healthy man, say from $500 to $1000 s head. This would be preposterous. Among the 4,000,000, there are many old, others infirm, and oth- ers too young for labour, who therefore would be worth little or nothing. But take them all together, old and young, men, women, and children, we will sup- pose there might be paid, on an average, $100 apiece, and I presume the slave-holders would think them- selves amply remunerated to receive thus much. This would amount to $400,000,000, which, were it demanded all at once, would be very considerable, and more than the nation could well pay. But my gradual plan of emancipation will obviate this diffi- culty ; and allowing that it will require twenty years to effect it, 200,000 only a year would be liberated ; and these would demand the annual payment, at $100 a head, of $20,000,000. To raise this amount from a population of twenty miUions, the present number of inhabitants in the United States, a tax of one dollar a head would have to be levied. This sum, divided among the several families, in proportion to their property^ would, it is true, be considerable to the more wealthy part of the community to pay, while it would be com- paratively light among the middling class, and nothing at all among the poor. Now, although those wha love their gold better than they do their fellow-beings, may complain of this as an intolerable burden, yet those who are actuated by philanthropic feelings and views, will rejoice at an opportunity for contributing a portion of their sub- stance to liberate a multitude of immortal beings from- the thraldom of slavery. By so doing, instead of im- poverishing themselves or their country, both would 88 become enriched, the lands would be better cultivated, the now sterile fields would soon be reclaimed, labour would be performed more cheerfully, and much more advantageously to both master and slave, and, of course, the products of the soil would be proportiona- bly augmented ; and hence the farmer, the mechanic, the merchant, and every class and profession, would reap the benefit of the happy change ; and, as an in- evitable consequence, the country, the nation, would be enriched and strengthened in her natural, political, and artificial resources ; and thus all, individually and collectively, would very soon be doubly repaid for all the sacrifices they have made, beside the happiness we shall have conferred upon millions of our fellow-men, temporal and intellectual ; and then add the blessings, moral and religious, which would accrue to society, by removing the temptations to idleness and luxury on the one hand, the miseries of servile labour on the other, together with all those abominations which ori- ginate from the domestic slave-trade, as heretofore enumerated, and you have some of the numerous benefits of the emancipation herein contemplated, as a reward for the pecuniary sacrifice for which I plead. But, after all, what is the amount of expense here called for, in comparison to the sums paid for the de- struction of human life by the waging of cruel wars ? an expense too enormous to be accurately estimated. In addition to the amount raised by other means and expended, the debt of Great Britain, from the year 1689 to 1812, had accumulated to the enormous sum of about $2,611,000,000, and the most of this has been expended in war — a debt, one would think, sufficiently large to sink a nation ! And even in the United States, at the conclusion of the Revolutionary war, in 1783, 89 we were m debt about $80,000,000, and at the close of the war, in 1815, the government owed upwards of $108,000,000. This was the result of the first and second wars with Great Britain.^ How much more was actually expended, I cannot tell ; but I believe we may safely estimate the expense of the late war with Mexico at not less than $150,000,000, which would be sufficient to liberate 1,500,000 slaves, at one hundred dollars each. Look at that, and then at this, and tell me whether the American nation be not able to throw off the burden of slavery from its shoulders. Whatever complaints might have been made against the government for contracting this heavy debt, instead of uttering useless groans under it, the nation devised and executed plans for its liquidation, so that in a few years it was entirely swept away, and she arose like a giant from the combat, shook herself from the load of debt which had accumulated, and presented herself to the world as able both to assert and maintain her rights, and honestly to discharge her pecuniary obliga- tions to her own citizens, and to her foreign creditors, and then go on in her career of national prosperity, enlarging her borders, increasing her population, and multiplying her resources of individual and national wealth. Now let her put ijorth her energies to free herself from the mighty incubus of slavery, and she will prove herself worthy of the name she bears — the Republic of the United States — a nation oi freemen ! What is the payment of 20,000,000 of dollars annu- ally, for such a nation—for such an object ? It is but a drop from the bucket. But even though her citizens were compelled to abridge themselves of some of the luxuries of life — See Edinburgh Enc, vol. 7 — Arf. Debt. 12 90 tViough her u ealthy sons and daughters were to deny themselves the privilege of wearing costly broadcloths and silks, of drinking wine, of chewing and smoking tobacco, riding in coaches, and spending their time and money in parties of pleasure, that they might be instru- mental of raising millions of their fellow--beings from the degradation of slavery, to the exalted privileges of freemen ; though, I say, they were called upon to make these sacrifices, to deliver those who are now doomed to hard and unrequited labour, to scanty fare, deprived of all the luxuries, and many of the necessa- ries of life, they would be well w^orth making, and would, by every benevolent person, be made with the utmost cheerfulness. Yet this need not be done. No man need abridge himself of a single luxury, much less necessary of life ; he need not sleep an hour less, work harder or longer in a day, or deny himself of his daily food, by contributing his proportion to this grand object. Nay, the moment he enters into it heartily, he will labour with greater cheerfulness, will transact his business with a livelier activity, eat his daily allowance with sweeter zest, sleep on his pillow with a more quiet re- pose, and enjoy the happiness of social life with a more exquisite delight than he ever did before, or than he otherwise could. In so far as he does this, " hear- tily as unto God," moving forward under a conscious- ness of solemn duty, he will satisfy the demands of an enlightened judgment, and, if he add his other indis- pensable duties which he owes to God and man, he will doubtless, in after days, reflect with peculiar satisfac- tion upon his past conduct, "rejoicing in the testimony of a good conscience, that in godly simplicity and sin- cerity he has had his conversation in the world." CHAPTER XVIII. FURTHER OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED — IF NOT JUSTICE, YET THE GENIUS OF CHRISTIANITY, ENJOINS THE DUTY OF AIDING IN THIS WORK. I KNOW not that my general plan will be favourably or unfavourably received. I anticipate, however, much opposition, and that from different quarters, originating from a variety of causes. Those in the free States may object that they are under no obligation to con- tribute to this object, because this would be unjust, inasmuch as they have already sacrificed their slaves upon the altar of freedom, and therefore they have done their part toward effecting emancipation. Allowing this to be even so, it does not follow that they have done all that Christianity requires at their hands. This requires of its disciples, not only that they should do justly, but also that they should love mercy- Nor does it limit its requirements to those who are friends^ but it includes our enemies within the circle of our benevolence. While the priest and Le- vite looked on with cold indifference upon the wounded traveller from Jerusalem to Jericho, helpless, and wel- tering in his blood, the good Samaritan has compassion upon him, binds up his wounds, puts him upon his own beast, and commits him to the innkeeper, with the promise of ample remuneration for all his expense and trouble. Christianity, in dealing out its precepts, does not stop nicely to balance the claims of justice between man and man, but it calls upon its disciples rather to imitate its adorable Author, who, though he thought it not robbery to be equal with God, emptied himself, took 92 the form of a servant, and became poor, that we^ through his poverty, might be made rich. Hence its followers are called upon to imitate Him who mani- fested his compassion to our fallen world, by that stu- pendous love which led him to give himself a sacrifice for us, that he might deliver us from the cruel thral- dom of sin, and restore us to the purity and dignity of free men and women in Christ Jesus. Allowing, therefore, that Southern slaveholders have no claim upon the citizens of the free States, on the principles of justice, still we cannot deny them, without abjuring the peculiarities of our holy Christianity, a claim upon our compassion, upon our mercy, upon our benevolence. If, by extending this act of Christian generosity toward them, we may be instru- mental in persuading them to liberate their slaves, does not our Christianity demand the sacrifice at our hands ? Can we, then, exempt ourselves from con- demnation, if we withhold it? Shall we puzzle our minds to find out how much, exactly, we owe, and then how much they owe, and thus balance our accounts, before we move a step in this grand enterprise ? This minute calculation might suit the avarice of the unbe- liever in Christianity, who makes all his actions qua- drate with the rules of strict justice in his intercourse with his fellow-men, and never means to step over its bounds in any of his dealings ; but surely it can hardly suit that enlarged benevolence which Christianity in- spires in the breast of every man who has an experi- mental and practical acquaintance with its doctrines and precepts ; these teach him to do good to his ene- mies, to show mercy to the unthankful, and to extend the hand of charity to those who are ready to perish, and thus to snatch them, if possible, from their impend- 93 Will any man contend that our Southern slave-hold- ers " are sinners above all," — that they should be left to perish without an effort to save them from their sinful delusion? Admitting that they are as bad as many suppose them to be, — that they are man-stealers, inhu- man tyrants, and even murderers, — they are not beyond the circle of God's mercy^ and therefore without the sphere of Christian philanthropy. They form a part of our country, and therefore are, from family relation- ship, entitled to a share in our sympathy, and we should, then, extend to them the hand of brotherly love. But, indeed, the objection is founded in error, and therefore can have no solid foundation. Though the States which are now free, proclaimed freedom to their slaves without any compensation to those citizens who set them free, yet their number was comparatively few, and the sacrifice was proportionably small and insigni- ficant, while the pecuniary benefits resulting from the slave-trade were reaped chiefly here at the North and East, where the slave-ships were owned, and the capi- tal and men employed. And after reaping all this benefit, and then freeing the few slaves who were found in our borders, the sacrifice was almost nothing, in comparison to the profits derived from the slave- trade. This being the true state of the case, it follows, even on the principles of justice, as nearly as we can balance the accounts, that we are under obligation to assist the South in freeing their slaves. This appears to be a just view of the subject, from every calculation which we are able to make. But throwing this all out of the question, a mere love of country, the principles of humanity, and more espe- cially the genius of Christianity, would prompt us to 94 use all reasonable, all lawful, all Christian endeavours, to release the land from the burden of slavery. If, then, we are sincere in our professions of hatred to slavery, if we love the souls and the bodies of slave-hold- ers, if we really wish well to their temporal aud eternal interests, if we heartily commiserate the condition of the slave, and desire his elevation to the rights and privileges of a freeman, we shall be ready to do some- thing more than merely to declaim against slavery, to denounce its abettors as thieves and murderers, and to pass empty resolutions of our abhorrence of the system and its effects. O, yes ! we shall be willing to offer a sacrifice of something that will cost us more than mere words ; these are easily spoken ; but when we are re- quired to put our hands in our pockets, we are ready enough to frame excuses, and to say — '' O no ! We are not indebted to the South ; they have reaped all the profits of slavery, and therefore they are bound to sur- render up their slaves without fee or rew^ard." This is the language of penuriousness, of selfish- ness, of avarice ; and, as I have already proved, di- rectly opposite to the whole genius and spirit of that Christianity which we all profess to love and admire. This answer takes for granted that the last objec- tion is founded in truth. But it is not, as I have be- fore sufficiently demonstrated. Truly, we are debtors to the South. In addition to the original profits of the slave-trade, our merchants and manufacturers are daily reaping the benefits resulting from slave-labour, and that much more, in proportion, than do the slave-hold- ers themselves ; for while the plantations of the South are becoming impoverished under the tillage of slaves, and many of the planters are hardly able to realize enough to meet their annual demands, our manufactu- 95 rers and merchants are becoming rich under the opera- tions of the trade, and barter for the exchange of manufactured cloth for the raw material. Say, if you please, that this results from the difference between free and slave labour ; it amounts to the same thing, and shows that the balance is in our favour, and, therefore, we ought to exert ourselves to the utmost of our ability to free the land from this intolerable burden. Do you say that the Southerners will not accept of our offer — that they will reject our interference in their affairs, and spurn our seeming charity ? Be it so. It is no less our duty to offer it to them, in the same spirit of sincerity that the Lord Jesus Christ of- fers salvation to sinners who reject and spurn it. But I persuade myself that they will not, at least a great proportion of them., contemptuously view our offers of friendship, nor turn a deaf ear to the counsels of wis- dom. If they should, the responsibility will rest with them; we have discharged a solemn duty; and, hav- ing put forth our be&t efforts to do them good, as well as to exonerate ourselves from the responsibility w^hich rested upon US', from the relation we held to slavery, we can confidently look up to our God for his blessing,, and appeal to our countrymen for the sincerity of our hearts, and for the purity of our intentions, in thus striving to liberate the 4,000,000 of slaves which now inhabit our borders. With these views and feelings, we can calmly com- mit our cause to that God '' who maketh his sun ta rise upon the evil and the good, and sendeth rain upon the just and the unjust ;" praying that he may give success to our efforts, and smile upon the land of our birth, — and quietly leave our sentiments for the calm 96 consideration of our contemporaries, and for the review of our posterity. In the next chapter I shall present the means that are to be employed to carry my plan more effectually into practical operation. CHAPTER XIX. THE MEANS TO CARRY THE PLAN INTO EFFECT. In respect to these, I will simply propose those which I consider the most judicious, leaving it to others either to adopt them, or to propose such as may be better adapted to the end. In the first place, then, let it be recollected that one individual can accomplish but little. It is true, some one must set the idea afloat, and if others accord with it, they may take it up, deliberate upon it, and adopt or modify it, as they may see fit ; but if it attract no attention, so that no one esteems it worthy of consider- ation, it must die, of course. And hence, if all I have said should enlist no one in favour of my general plan, why then I have lost all my labour, and slavery must continue to exist, — unless, indeed, some other person shall be so happy as to devise a more feasible plan, and succeed in carrying it into execution. If, on the other hand, my general plan should be so far viewed favourably as to attract attention, and be considered worthy of a trial, let a number of individu- als be called together ; let them form a society in the usual way ; mature and adopt their plans of operation ; send out an Address to the citizens of the United States, appealing more especially to statesmen, asking their co-operation in this grand enterprise of justice and be- 97 nevolence. If, indeed, a few only were enlisted at first, if intelligent and virtuous, and hearty in the cause, they would make an impression upon others,-— and thus their numbers, and of course their strength, would be gradually increased; and, by continually enlarging the circle of their influence, the nation would finally be aroused to the importance of the subject. I think the work should commence in the North. Here let agents be appointed to travel through the country, to lecture the people on the necessity and feasibility of effecting emancipation. Let these agents visit the most prominent men in the States, such as governors, judges, senators, members of assemblies, mayors of cities, and ministers of the Gospel, and ex- plain to them the plan, and solicit them, by every ar- gument derived from moral, religious, political, and civil considerations, as well as from the temporal and eternal benefits resulting from freedom, to yield their hearty co-operation. Let the subject be presented to the State legislatures, and all prudent measures used to induce them to take it into serious consideration. In this wB.y the public mind v^ill become enlightened, and the bias be gradually formed in favour of the plan. For, as I have before said, if the v^ork be ever ac- complished, the NATION must engage in it — the people must speak and act; they must declare that it is THEIR WILL that slavery shall cease to exist in their country, — that they will no longer suffer this dire disease to prey upon the body politic ; — and in order ' to this, their rulers must devise ways and means for its removal. Now, that this mighty movement may be made, some one must begin it. Who will step forward and call a meeting of the friends of the slave — of the friends of 13 98 their country's freedom — that they may consult toge- ther on the best means for the accomplishment of this end? Whoever he may be, let him speak, and I dare pledge myself he will be heard. After thus beginning the work here, let a corre- spondence be opened with philanthropic gentlemen in the South, with a view to engage their co-operation; and if a few shall be found favourable to the plan, let a society be formed there, agents appointed to travel through the Southern States to deliver lectures, and make application to the leading statesmen of the South, to the governors, judges, senators, and ministers of the Gospel, and press upon them the importance of attend- ing to this subject. If the co-operation of benevolent slave-holders at the South can be secured, the work will be done. But everything depends upon the manner of begin- ning and carrying on the work. Let no rash step be taken, no angry vituperation be indulged in against slave-holders indiscriminately, no high-toned declama- tion against those who may oppose the measures to be adopted and pursued ; but let everything be said and done soberly, discreetly, and in the fear of God, with a single view to benefit the slave, and to save our country trom the reproach and the burden which the system has brought upon it. Much will depend upon the character of the agents to be employed. They should be men of suitable age, of wisdom derived from experience, of sound discre- tion, and of indomitable perseverance ; men who can brook opposition with calmness, — who can answer ob- jections with meekness and wisdom — can bear re- proach with patience — and who are willing to sacrifice much for the qrood of their country. 99 Rather than employ hot-headed, raw, and inexpe- rienced men in this work, who would spend their strength in empty declamation on the evils of slavery^ and in dogmatical denunciations indiscriminately hurl- ed against slave-holders, instead of presenting sober, cenclusive arguments, which are calculated to convince the judgment, and gain the consent of the will, w^e had better do nothing ; for I am persuaded that such men would defeat the object, and throw the cause back for years. We must engage in this work like men that are sincere and hearty in it, — that are willing to sacri- fice self — to bear up under opposition — to suffer re- proach, if need be — and are determined to persevere at all hazards, through good and evil report, until the work is accomplished. If little, petty spirits snarl at us, bear it in silence ; if petulant minds reproach us, accuse us of inconsistency, answer them not, but go straightforward to the mark with all diligence ; but if any meet us with sober objections, answer them with the meekness of wisdom. If any throw obstacles in the way, through malice or ignorance, patiently re- move them, and then march on in the name of the Lord, and he will go before us, and make our way prosperous. I have thus presented my plan, and proposed the means for its accomplishment ; and I beg that it may be considered with all the calmness and deliberation that its importance demands. If, however, the "proposition for remunerating those who may consent to set their slaves free should not be received, I would then advise the slave-holders to go to work and devise plans for emancipating their slaves on their own account ; for I verily believe, from all the facts which I have been able to collect, from the ex- 100 perinients which have been heretofore made, that they would be immense gamers, ultimately, by substituting free for slave labour. Indeed, if I am rightly in- formed, some of the slave-holders in Maryland and Virginia have already made the experiment with en- couraging success ; and this test of its beneficial conse- quences is a sufficient warrant to induce others to follow the example, under the firm expectation that similar results will follow. Let, then, the work go on, until slavery shall cease to exist in all the States of the confederacy. If there be any truth in the facts which have been spread before the community in proof of the unpro- ductiveness of slave-labour, its natural tendency to im- poverish the soil, and, of course, to diminish the value of their property, then it follows, most conclusively, that the slave States would find it vastly beneficial to themselves to liberate their slaves, in such a way, in- deed, as to secure their voluntary services, while they would subject themselves to those wholesome laws which are necessary to the due regulation of human society. The slave-holders would, therefore, run no risk in assuming the responsibility of setting their slaves free on their own account, w^ithout any regard to an immediate pecuniary recompense. But I am persuaded, that if the Southern States will consent to repeal those laws which forbid emancipa- tion, the other States will concur in the measure I have recommended, and that Congress will be induced to adopt the means necessary to carry it into full effect. At any rate, let us make the trial, and if it fail, we shall have discharged a solemn obligation ; but if it succeed, we shall have the happiness of reflecting on an act of our lives productive of the most blessed results to our- 101 selves, to our country, to millions of our fellow-beings now held in bondage, as well as to thousands of slave- holders who are desirous of being relieved of the incu- bus entailed upon them. Such a result cannot be contemplated without in- spiring feelings of indescribable pleasure, — pleasure unmixed with any merely selfish considerations, — but pleasure originating from a consciousness of having discharged an imperative duty, and from anticipating the high and honourable ground which the American nation shall take among the civilized nations of the earth, from having proclaimed freedom to 4,000,000 of her population. These are the considerations which I leave with the reader, hoping and praying that some one of such influence and standing in society as will command attention, may second my views, and step forward in the work with that enlightened zeal and Christian patriotism which will give weight to his ef- forts, and contribute to enlist others, of a like spirit, in this holy enterprise. I have done. I think I have done a duty. I there- fore calmly commit the cause to that God '' who rules in the armies of heaven, and commands among the inhabitants of the earth." 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