a&Vti &T\tok3. 
 TRINITY COLLEGE 
 LIBRARY 
 
 DURHAM, NORTH CAROLINA 
 
 Rec’d 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2017 with funding from 
 Duke University Libraries 
 
 ttps://archive.org/details/lifeofalexanderh01nort 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 FROM MARSHALL’S CELEBRATED ENGRAVING 
 (See note following Title Page.) 
 
 i 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 By FRANK H. NORTON. 
 
 AUTHOR OF 
 
 “THE LIFE OF MAJ. GEN. WINFIELD S. HANCOCK,” ETC. 
 
 
 (Copyright 1883, by John B. Alden.) 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 JOHN B. ALDEN, Publisher, 
 1883. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Chapter I. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Birth and parentage. — Early Life and Education. — 
 Entrance upon a Legislative Career 1 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Election to Congress. — Condition of Politics. — The 
 “ Georgia Platform.” — Speech on the Mexican 
 Treaty Question r -. 9 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 3 ersonal Characteristics and Style of Oratory. — 
 
 “ Know-nothingism ” in Georgia. — Opinion of 
 Mr. Stephens by a Georgia Historian. — The 
 Assault on Him by Judge Cone. — He is attacked 
 while unarmed, and nearly cut to pieces 19 
 
 ' Chapter IV. 
 
 The Political Campaign of 1860. — Address at 
 Augusta, Ga., in 1859. — A Remarkable Predic- 
 tion. — Important Address delivered before the 
 Legislature at Milledgeville, Ga.. 30 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 'he South Carolina Secession Ordinance, and Con- 
 ventions in six other Southern States. — The 
 Georgia Convention. — Mr. Stephens’ Views on 
 Secession. — He is elected a member of the 
 Georgia Convention, and votes against Secession. 
 
 — Elected Vice-President of the Confederacy... 41 
 
Chapter VI. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 The “Corner-Stone” Speech at Savannah. — Mr. 
 Stephens’ Views Concerning Slavery. — Special 
 Confederate Commissioner to Virginia. — Ad- 
 dress at Richmond before the Convention 49 
 
 Chapter VII. 
 
 Northern Impressions of Mr. Stephens. — Chagrin 
 at his acceptance of Secession. — The real “ con- 
 sistency” of his action. — His Advice and Coun- 
 sel to the South. — His Opinion of the import- 
 ance of Cotton as a “commercial king.” — His 
 difference with the Confederate Government.. 60 
 
 Chapter VIII. 
 
 Mr. Stephens’ ill health. — “Liberty Hall;” de- 
 scription of his residence at Crawfordsville. — 
 Home Life and Hospitalities. — Personal Appear- 
 ance, as described by Rev. W. H. Milburn 68 
 
 Chapter IX. 
 
 Mr. Stephens’ Generosity. — Aid to Struggling Talent. 
 
 — His Appearance in the House of Represen- 
 tatives. — Address before the Georgia Assembly 
 in 1864. — The Hampton Roads Conference. — 
 Arrest and Imprisonment of Mr. Stephens. — He 
 is released, and devotes himself to Authorship. 
 
 — His Death, and the Impressive Ceremonies of 
 his Funeral. 76 
 
ALEXANDER B. STEPHENS. 
 
 3 
 
 of “promise,” bi. of performance. An industrious 
 babit, a spirit of lerseverance seldom seen in one so 
 young, and a r&her ambitious turn of character — 
 these elements bd begun, dimly, but significantly, 
 to suggest the n ture of the boy who was to become 
 ■ the most distingiished personage in the State. 
 
 , There would tpP ear to have been a good deal of kind- 
 ly feeling prev.lent in the locality where Alexander 
 Stephens had be good fortune to be born. In his in- 
 stance it tookthe direction of a recognition of qualities 
 ,above the avrage, and a generous determination to 
 afforaWoK-pOssessor all the advantages which it was 
 practicable to gain from them. 
 
 A perfectly unintended and innocent misunderstand- 
 ing at this point, helped forward, curiously enough, 
 the designs of the friends of young Stephens and his 
 own necessities. 
 
 Probably on account of his constant weakness and 
 frequent ill health, the boy’s disposition had seemingly 
 become, to a certain extent, morbid; a state, indeed, in 
 which it remained at intervals all through his life. At 
 this period, not unnaturally, he was somewhat de- 
 spondent; and, as is frequently the case in sensitive 
 chil £0n, this phase displayed itself for the time being, 
 
 1 'fis- a. religious tendency. In the Sunday School which 
 he at ‘tended, he became noticed for the seriousness of 
 his cMtemeanor, and his apparent sympathy with holy 
 thiiHigs. Attention being thus directed towards him, 
 sonaHe gentlemen and ladies in the neighborhood inter- 
 ested?! themselves in his welfare, and intervened to 
 pro. bcurc him a better education than was open to him 
 in /..OB ho locr.l school. An arrangement was accordingly 
 pdmlle, (but only, and because of his own fixed deter- 
 /iation as to that, on the understanding that the 
 
THE LIFE ok 
 
 (und 
 
 by the 
 V 
 
 school 
 
 to 
 
 ill 
 
 expenses incurred were to be funded 
 boy,) and he was sent to the Aoemy in Wash- 
 ington, Georgia, at that time auassical 
 in high repute. This academy was \der the super- , 
 intendence of Rev. Alexander Hatton Webster, 
 as to whom, and concerning his afteiinfluence over 
 his pupil, it is sufficient to say that thelatter adopte 
 the second name of Mr, Webster as h\ own, young 
 Stephens having only been christened AlKander. Wr. 
 Webster was, in fact, greatly pleased wit 1 ' the lad, an 
 as he had in charge the Presbyterian chinch in Wash^j 
 ington, he lost no time in inducting theAicHiUo church 
 membership. Indeed, ^hftr^eirerai design which at this 
 time surrounded Stephens, and directed his life, would 
 appear to have originated in what he termed a mis 
 understanding — the supposition that he could be in 
 duced to enter' the ministry. It is certain that to thii 
 design the young man himself was not a party, anc 
 that he felt deep chagrin when he discovered, toward M 
 the close of his educational period, that it had existed 
 No one who considers the interest of the State of Georgu 
 or of the country at large, can fail to recognize that sucl 
 a determination as that of Alexander H. Stephens t< 
 the pulpit — while it would have certainly been#a gaii « 
 to the latter — would have been a state and natio: 
 and grievance. 
 
 As illustrative of the rapidity with which the 
 man acquired knowledge, it may be observed th; 
 completed his studies at Washington preparato: 
 entering college, in nine months, taking his place 
 freshman class of the State University at Ati 
 known as Franklin College, in August, 1828. 
 graduated in 1832, borrowed enough money 
 bis elder brother to discharge his indebtedness fo: 
 
 ;;ob; 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 5 
 
 education, and at once sought a position as a teacher. 
 He found little difficulty in obtaining what he desired 
 in this direction, and both as a public teacher and as 
 private tutor, displayed such marked abilities, and was 
 so successful in training and educating the young, that 
 he had no difficulty in earning a fair support. In the 
 Spring of 1834, he began the study of law in Crawfords- 
 ville, where also he took a small position in the Sheriff’s 
 office On the 22nd day of July of the same year, he 
 - was admitted to the Bar, being complimented on the 
 examination for having presented a more than usually 
 successful appearance. Refusing a good offer of a 
 ; partnership in Columbus, Georgia, Mr. Stephens settled 
 y down to such law practice as he could obtain in Craw- 
 fords ville and vicinity, living “ on six dollars a month, 
 x making his own fires, blacking his own boots, and 
 ■_[ earning four hundred dollars the first year.” 
 
 J The period immediately succeeding his admission to 
 the Bar, or for the next few years, was, to the young 
 .[lawyer, one of sore straits and great doubt as to the 
 .probabilities of success. He was poor, sickly, without 
 .influential backing, having, as it would appear, nothing 
 in his favor, save a determination to persevere, and un- 
 bounded industry; that behind all this, awakening and 
 btmi'clling these faculties, lay the great dominant force 
 l|ie atitive genius, was at this time as little appreciated 
 ijiis cAJexander H. Stephens as it was by the towns- 
 jthipple and surrounding planters, who so often scoffed 
 | loads puny figure and laughed at his disproportionate 
 2 isteoition. This was the fact, however, and in try- 
 1 bro his very first case of importance, Stephens displayed 
 4 n/ombination of qualities which at once awakened the 
 I Ifilmiration of those who witnessed the exhibition. 
 
6 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 The case was one which involved the possession and 
 legal guardianship of a chill, the rival claimants being 
 the mother and the paternal grandfather. This situation ' 
 gave Stephens his first opportunity for displaying his 
 wonderful powers in addressing a jury, and his skill 
 in turning circumstances and conditions to the advan- 
 tage of his case. It is needless to say that he won the 
 latter, having moreover produced the most profound 
 impression ever known in that circuit in connection, 
 with so young a lawyer. 
 
 The Bar of the northern circuit of Georgia con- 
 tained at this time a dozen men whose peers it would 
 have been difficult to have found in any state in the 
 Union. Robert Toombs, Francis H. Cone, Joseph H. 
 Lumpkin, and William C. Dawson, had national repu- 
 tations. With these men Stephens was brought into im- 
 mediate rivalry, and within two years was considered 
 the equal of any one of them. During this period he 1 
 was fortunate also in having exceptionally good health, 
 although in 1836 his weight was only ninety-six pounds, j 
 this being, however, more than he had ever weighed 
 before. 
 
 In the year last named, Stephens was nominated for 
 the lower house of the General Assembly of the State, 
 and elected in spite of serious opposition. Although 
 only twenty-four years of age, he had made hims^ tf 
 obnoxious to a certain class of the community by his prd. 4 
 nounced stand against certain favorite political and 
 social dogmas. He was the open enemy of nullification; 1 j 
 this doctrine was specially favored in that county, 
 and it required no little courage to oppose it Sim- i 
 ilar was the case with regard to the treatment; 
 of “ abolitionists ” who ventured into the district for 
 the purpose of circulating incendiary documents among 
 
ALEXANDER E. STEPHENS. 
 
 7 
 
 - 
 
 the slaves. Several counties in Georgia had formed 
 :: vigilance committees for the purpose of the arrest and 
 : summary punishment of these invaders, and a similar 
 organization was now proposed for the county of Tal- 
 13 liaferro. Against this proposition Stephens flung him- 
 self almost single-handed in the debates which occurred 
 3 : in regai’d to it, at the public meetings which were held 
 :: for the purpose of indorsing and following the course 
 ] . of the other counties. Public feeling ran very high on 
 | this question, as would be supposed, and it required a 
 :■ vast amount of moral courage to face it; but Stephens 
 placed himself firmly on the supremacy of the law, and 
 from this position nothing could move him. In the 
 course of the debates, he signally manifested the powers 
 which, later on in life, were to become of such grave 
 importance in a broader field and larger arena. 
 Persuasion and stern injunction, by turns, sustained 
 by an extraordinary accumulation of legal lore and 
 illustration — extraordinary for one so young and inex- 
 perienced — the adroit use of these weapons resulted in 
 the success of the brilliant young orator; the resolutions 
 in favor of the vigilance committee were defeated by a 
 large majority. The result of this incident, as we have 
 signified, was to awaken a widespread spirit of opposi- 
 tion, when Mr. Stephens appeared before the county 
 as a candidate for the Assembly. Despite this, how- 
 ever, and though he was seized just at the time of the 
 election with a serious attack of illness, he defeated his 
 antagonist by nearly two to one. 
 
 During the first session which he attended at Mlli- 
 edgeville, the state capitol, Stephens was sick most of 
 the time, but even under such adverse circumstances, 
 and in a body of men distinguished for ability, suc- 
 ceeded in gaining for himself a high reputation both for 
 
8 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 his forensic ability and for his good judgment and 
 general accuracy. The style of Mr. Stephens’ oratory 
 may be best indicated by the following quotation from 
 a letter written by him during this, his first legislative 
 experience. 
 
 “ I have, since I came here, come to the conclusion 
 that words are — if you please — moral instruments capa- 
 ble of effecting much, when properly applied and 
 directed. And it is altogether useless, at any and all 
 times to talk, without having in view some object to 
 effect. In legislating in Georgia, it is waste of breath 
 for a man to talk about Greece and Rome, Scipio and 
 Hannibal, Tyre and Carthage, or any of that learned 
 sort of lore. If one indulges much in it. he is soon 
 looked upon as a fool, speaking in an ‘ unknown 
 tongue,’ and very properly so too. Eloquence, true 
 eloquence, is certainly in some degree an art; but in 
 nothing more than in selecting and fitting the matter to 
 the time, place, and circumstances. The whole generation 
 of our young orators, instead of reading Blair for rules, 
 Scott and Addison for figures, and Byron and Shake- 
 speare for quotations, had better be studying their sub- 
 ject, and thinking to whom they are going to present 
 it, and how they will most probably engage attention, 
 and produce conviction in the minds of those to whom 
 it is presented. Success in producing conviction is the 
 object of oratory.” 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 ELECTION TO CONGRESS — CONDITION OP POLITICS — 
 THE “GEORGIA PLATFORM ’’—SPEECH ON THE 
 MEXICAN TREATY QUESTION. 
 
 Mr. Stephens was re-elected to the assembly con- 
 tinuously until 1841, when he positively declined re- 
 election, the persistency with which ill-health had 
 followed him having rendered it necessary that he 
 should take a period of rest. In 1842, however, he was 
 elected to the State Senate, which he left in the follow- 
 ing year to enter Congress. 
 
 By this time Mr. Stephens was considered one of the 
 ablest lawyers in the state. He was also not unknown 
 through the nation, having made a sea voyage as far 
 as Boston, and also traveled over-land, visiting Sara- 
 toga Springs, New York, Baltimore and Washington, 
 and making the acquaintance of public men wherever 
 he found himself. 
 
 Politics throughout the country was nearing the 
 transition period. In the interval between the down- 
 fall of the old Whig party and the birth of the Repub- 
 lican party, there was to be a general divergence of 
 party lines, and a shaking up of party affiliations. 
 
10 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Entering Congress as a Whig, Mr. Stephens continued 
 to vote and work with that party until the period of its 
 dissolution, at which time his opinions tending towards 
 opposition to the strengthening abolition tendency of 
 the North, he became identified with the “resistance 
 party,” as it was called, which, in the South was the 
 inception of the pro-slavery and state rights Democracy 
 of the future. 
 
 Even to Washington City, Alexander H. Stephens’ 
 customary misfortune as regarded health, followed him 
 with unfailing pertinacity. Immediately upon his arriv- 
 al, after his election to Congress, he was stricken down, 
 and was near dying. On entering, his right to his seat be- 
 came the subject of contest, on account of an electional 
 question existing between Congress and the States, but he 
 gained his cause. Mr. Stephens voted for Harrison in 
 1840, and for Clay, in opposition to Mr. Polk, in 1844. He 
 favored the acquisition of Texas, but opposed the Mexi - 
 can War, on constitutional principles. The admission 
 of California into the Union in 1850, awakened a seces- 
 sion movement in the South, to which Mr. Stephens 
 was opposed. During the Autumn of that year, he 
 traveled through his state, making speeches in every 
 part of it, in behalf of the Union under the Constitu- 
 tion. The “Georgia Platform,” of 1850, becomes at 
 this date an interesting document, signifying as it did, 
 the awakened sensitiveness of the South on the subject 
 of slavery. This platform contained five sections. 
 The first set forth that the American Union was 
 “secondary in importance only to the rights and prin- 
 ciples it was designed to perpetuate.” Second, that if the 
 thirteen original parties to the compact found compro- 
 mise necessary, the thirty-one in existence in 1850 might 
 yield somewhat to preserve the integrity of the Union. 
 
ALEXANDER E. STEPHENS. 
 
 11 
 
 Third, that the State of Georgia, while not approving, 
 consented to abide by the action of Congress in regard 
 to the admission of California; tbs suppression of the 
 slave trade in the District of Columbia ; the extradition 
 of fugitive slaves, etc. Fourth, that the State of 
 Georgia would and ought to resist, even to the point of 
 severing its connection with the Union, “any future 
 Act of Congress abolishing slavery in the District of 
 Columbia, without the consent and petition of the 
 slave holders thereof, or any Act abolishing slavery in 
 places within the slaveholding states purchased by the 
 United States for the erection of forts, magazines, 
 arsenals, dock-yards, navy-yards, and other like 
 purposes, or in any act suppressing the slave trade 
 between slaveholding states, or in any refusal to 
 admit as a state any territory applying, because of 
 the existence of slavery therein, or in any act pro- 
 hibiting the introduction of slaves into the terri- 
 tories of Utah and New Mexico, or in any act repealing 
 or materially modifying the laws now in force for the 
 recovery of fugitive slaves.” Fifth, “ that it is the de- 
 liberate opinion of this Convention that, upon the 
 faithful execution of the fugitive slave bill by the 
 proper authorities depends the preservation of our much 
 loved Union.” Ten years later, in a speech which he 
 made in Atlanta, Georgia, Hon. Stephen A. Douglas 
 said of these five propositions that “each of them was 
 just and right of itself. I stand by each of them to-day. 
 I have stood by them from the time I entered public life 
 
 down to this hour Iam told that some of 
 
 those opposed to me are in the habit of saying that I 
 construe the Georgia Platform differently from what 
 they do. I never construed it at all. It is so plain that 
 it does not admit of any two constructions. It con- 
 
12 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 strues itself ; but if there is any doubt, any possible 
 ambiguity upon that point, I will take Georgia’s own 
 construction of it. The Georgia Platform was predi- 
 cated upon the principles incorporated in the com- 
 promise measures of 1850.” 
 
 It has been deemed desirable to quote to this extent 
 from the current political history of the period in ques- 
 tion, with the view of indicating the nativity and 
 growth of the opinions which from that time forward 
 dictated the important acts of Alexander H. Stephens. 
 Upon the foundation afforded by the Platform whose 
 propositions we have enumerated was based the consti- 
 tutional Union party. It is a remarkable fact in the 
 political history of this country, that this party would 
 have supported Daniel Webster, had that immortal 
 statesman not closed his earthly career just before the 
 election. It is stated as a fact that many persons in 
 Georgia, and including Robert Toombs and Alexander 
 H. Stephens, showed their respect for the great Ex- 
 pounder of the Constitution by voting for him after he 
 was dead. 
 
 To recapitulate: In 1840 Mr. Stephens, as a state 
 rights man, supported Harrison, in 1844 he supported 
 Mr. Clay; in 1845 he was united with the Democratic 
 party on the admission of Texas; but in 1846 and 1847 
 he was with Mr. Calhoun and the Whig party on the 
 Mexican war. In pursuance of this policy, Mr. 
 Stephens supported General Taylor for election in 1848, 
 and his administration until 1850, when he disapproved 
 of it. In 1854, he defended the principles of the 
 Kansas-Nebraska Act, which was claimed by him and 
 by Judge Douglas to conform exactly to the principles 
 affirmed by the compromise measures of 1850, 
 
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 
 
 13 
 
 The careful reader will have observed the.pxact_con- 
 siste aev with which Mr. Stephens' political conclusions 
 had agreed with, himself— despite their not infrequent 
 disagreement with party tenets; in fact, Alexander H. 
 Stephens was in no sense a partisan. Throughout his 
 life, he subordinated party fealty to principle, holding 
 abstract justice highest in his esteem, and after that the 
 good and policy of his country. Meanwhile, he did 
 not permit his relations with men to be disturbed, or 
 his regard for them to be alienated on account of polit- 
 ical differences. Whenever any such incident occurred 
 it was occasioned either by the parties themselves, or 
 through the instrumentality of injudicious friends. 
 While he refused to support General Scott for the 
 Presidency in 1852, this was on account of the 
 general’s failure to endorse the principles of the 
 compromise measures of 1850. So far was Mr. Stephens 
 from not appreciating the general's military worth and 
 his great public services, that it was mainly through 
 his personal effort that the chieftain had conferred upon 
 him the rank of Lieutenant General. Mr. Stephens’ 
 political life for this time concluded with the election 
 of Jlr. Buchanan, whom he had opposed. The quarrel 
 between the latter and Judge Douglas he viewed with 
 great disapproval, considering it not only unwise and 
 impolitic, but unjust. Foreseeing the disruption of the 
 Democratic party at the Charleston Convention, he re- 
 tired to private life, fitly characterizing his own action 
 by one of his quaint and original expressions : — ‘ ‘ When 
 I see the engineer is reckless, and expect a smash-up 
 ahead, I always get off at the first station.” 
 
 As still further illustrating the peculiar nature of Mr. 
 Stephens’ mind, the firmness of his convictions, the 
 fixedness of his purpose, and his remarkable prescience 
 
14 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 in the consideration of affairs, we may quote from a 
 -speech made by him oa the 12th of February, 1847, in 
 the House of Representatives, on the question of the 
 appropriation of three millions of dollars to enable the 
 President to conclude a treaty with Mexico, he said: 
 
 “Mr. Chairman: It is useless to attempt to disguise 
 the fact or to affect to he blind to the truth that this 
 country is now surrounded by difficulties of no ordinary 
 magnitude, and fast approaching others which threaten 
 to be far greater and more perilous than any which have 
 ever been encountered since the foundation of the 
 government. 
 
 “ It is true, the declaration was made the other day by 
 a distinguished Senator in his place, that hesaw no dan. 
 gers about, he espied nothing in the prospect to cause 
 alarm or apprehension, and that ini. u opinion, ‘the sen. 
 tinel upon his watch-tower might sing upon his post.’ 
 Sir, whether this sentiment was expressed by authority, 
 and is to be taken as the exponent of the feelings of those 
 who are now wielding so recklessly the destinies of the 
 nation, I know not; but to me it seems somewhat 
 kindred to, if not the legitimate offspring of that spirit 
 which prompted Hero to indulge in music and dancing 
 when Rome was in flames.” 
 
 After denouncing the attempt of the administration 
 to prevent free speech concerning its acts, Mr. Stephens 
 went on to speak of the unfair means used in the elec 
 tion of Mr. Polk : 
 
 “But if, in the inscrutable ways of Providence, he 
 who has been thus fraudulently elevated to power 
 should be the ill-fated instrument of our chastisement, 
 the punishment may be just, but he will take no honor 
 
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 
 
 15 
 
 in its execution. If the result of his mischievous 
 counsels should in any way prove disastrous to our in- 
 stitutions — the stability, harmony and permanency of 
 the Government — which there is now abundant cause 
 seriously to apprehend, he will certainly have no place 
 in the grateful remembrance of mankind. Fame he 
 will have; but it will be of the character of that which 
 perpetuates the name of Erostratus. And the more deeply 
 blackened than even his, as the stately structure of this 
 government, the temple of our liberties, is grander and 
 more majestic than the far-famed magnificence of the 
 Ephesian dome.” 
 
 “ The crisis, sir, requires not only firmness of prin- 
 ciple, but boldness of speech. As the immortal Tully 
 said, in the days of Cataline, when Rome was threat- 
 ened with the most imminent dangers, the time has 
 come when the opinion of men should not be uttered by 
 their voices only, but ‘ inscriptum sit in fronte unius 
 cujusque quid de respublica sentit ’ — it should even be writ- 
 ten upon the forehead of each one what he thinks of th 
 republic — there should be no concealment. In what 
 have to say, therefore, I shall use that character o' 
 speech which I think befitting the time and occasion. ” 
 
 Speaking of the Wilmot proviso and the resolution 
 of the Legislatures of the States of New York, Pennsyi 
 vania and Ohio, he said : 
 
 “ They show a fixed determination, on the part o 
 the North, which is in a majority in this House, ana 
 ever will be hereafter, that if territory is acquired 
 the institutions of the South shall be forever excluded 
 from its limits. This is to be the condition attached to 
 the bill upon your table ! What is to be the result of 
 this matter? Will the South submit to this restriction? 
 
16 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 Will the North ultimately yield, or shall these two great 
 sections of the Union be arrayed against each other? 
 When the elements of discord are fully aroused, who 
 shall direct the storm? Who does not know how this 
 country was shaken to its very centre by the Missouri 
 agitation? 
 
 “ Should another such a scene occur, who shall be 
 mighty enough to prevent the most disastrous conse- 
 quences? The master spirit of that day is no longer in 
 your councils. Shall another equally great and patri- 
 otic ever he found? Let not gentlemen quiet their 
 apprehensions by staving off this question. It has to 
 be met, and better now than at a future day. It had 
 better be decided now than after more blood and treas- 
 ure have been spent in the pursuit of that which may 
 ultimately be our ruin. 
 
 “Upon the subject of slavery, about which so much has 
 been said in this debate, I shall say but little. I do not 
 think it necessary te enter into a defence of the charac 
 cer of the people of my section of the Union against 
 the arguments of those who have been pleased to de- 
 nounce that institution as wicked and sinful. It is 
 sufficient for me and for them that the morality of that 
 institution stands upon a basis as firm as the Bible; 
 and by that code of morals we are content to abide 
 until a better be furnished. Until Christianity be over- 
 thrown, and some other system of ethics be substituted, 
 the relation of master and slave can never be regarded 
 as an offence against the divine laws. The character of 
 our people speaks for itself, and a more generous, more 
 liberal, more charitable, more benevolent, more phil- 
 anthropic, and a more magnanimous people, I venture 
 to say, are not to be found in any part of this or any 
 other country. As to their piety, it is true, they have 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 17 
 
 ‘ none to boast of, ’ but they are free from that Pharisa- 
 ical sin of self-righteousness, which is so often displayed 
 elsewhere, of forever thanking the Lord that they are 
 not as other men are. . . But if bad counsels prevail, if 
 all the solemn admonitions of the present and the past 
 are disregarded — if the policy of the administration is 
 to be carried out — if Mexico, ‘ the forbidden fruit,’ is to 
 be seized at every hazard, I very much fear that those 
 who control public affairs, in their eager pursuit after 
 the unenviable distinction of despoiling a neisrhb 
 republic, will have the still less env'-’-'ie sU 
 ing back upon the shattered and b 
 their own confederacy. And inster 
 halls of Montezuma,’ of gloating O' 
 ancient cities of the Aztecs, they ir 
 turn and behold in their rear anoth 
 pect of desolation, carnage and bio 
 
 ‘ ‘ Mr. Chairman, it was asked by 
 man never spake, ‘ What shall a m 
 gain the whole world and lose his 
 may I not, with reverence, ask w 
 profited as a nation if we gain any pa me 
 
 whole of Mexico, and lose the Union, the <>out of our 
 political existence? The Union is not only the life but 
 the soul of these states. It is this that gives them ani- 
 mation, vigor, power, prosperity, greatness and renown; 
 and from this alone springs our hopes of immortality as 
 a common people. ” 
 
 This was, in many respects, a very remarkable 
 speech. Stephens was, at this time, thirty-five years 
 old, and the promise of his youth for ill health had, 
 if anything, been exceeded by the peformance of 
 his more mature years. At no moment was he well; 
 
18 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 usually his state was one of extreme feebleness and 
 debility, changing occasionally to fits of alarming and 
 serious illness. Such a condition must necessarily have 
 preyed on his mind, and made efforts which to men 
 in sound bodily condition, would have been compara- 
 tively easy, to be with him, matters of extreme diffi- 
 culty and struggle. It might have been expected that 
 such a state would have aroused in him a degree of 
 riorvous irritability, which, in the excited condition of 
 would have kept him embroiled in party and 
 ~ tr ' instead of which, his judgment 
 ve been biased, his sense of justice 
 al vision obscured; the consequence 
 T as serene and unperturbed, and he 
 into any contest, no matter how 
 i plane higher than most of his com- 
 lently in a more certain approxi- 
 than they. In this speech we see 
 assionate, yet eloquent. His intel- 
 j-edged sword, through the past and 
 future, and recognizes possible conclu- 
 ,sent action, which not even the wisest, 
 other u mmself, could venture to predict. We have 
 here his opinion with regard to slavery, concerning the 
 nature and value of the Union, and in relation to the 
 important subjects of the acquisition of territory 
 through the processes of war and conquest. As to each 
 of these grave and important subjects, we see him 
 rising to their own dignity and looking down upon the 
 petty and selfish judgments of local politicians, in a spirit 
 of grave displeasure and solemn -warning. Viewed in 
 this wise, this remarkable speech may be taken as, in 
 very much, an index to the character of Alexander H. 
 Stephens. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS AND STYLE OF ORATORY 
 — “ KNOW-NOTHINGISM ” IN GEORGIA— OPINION OF 
 MR. STEPHENS BY A GEORGIA HISTORIAN — THE 
 ASSAULT ON HIM BY JUDGE CONE — HE IS AT- 
 TACKED WHILE UNARMED, AND NEARLY CUT TO 
 PIECES. 
 
 As we have said, the great Georgian retired from 
 public life in 1859, uncertain, doubtless, himself, as to 
 how long that retirement might last. A writer at this 
 time describing the prominent scenes and personages 
 of Washington, alluded thus to the subject of our 
 sketch ■ 
 
 »“Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, one of the oldest mem- 
 bers of the House of Representatives, is the most prom- 
 inent man intellectually, and the most remarkable man 
 physically, of the few remaining celebrities. From his 
 infancy he has been an invalid, and the fearful effect 
 of suffering is shown in his singularly delicate frame, 
 in his pale, attenuated face, and in his feeble walk. A 
 first introduction to Mr. Stephens fairly startles you, 
 and it is utterly impossible to realize that there stands 
 before you a man deservedly famous for his triumphs 
 alike at the bar and the forum ; that one so frail could, 
 
 13 
 
20 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 by his mental ability, give character to the legislation 
 of a great people; but a few moments’ conversation, 
 however, only, are necessary to impress you with the 
 feeling that you are in the presence of a remarkable 
 man. There is the simplicity of a child in hi sman- 
 ner, yet his rich and varied experience crowds upon 
 you in anecdote and incident, in the statement of broad 
 principles and philosophic reflections, and carries 
 you away with the gentleness and the power of a 
 deep and irresistible stream. His reminiscences of 
 great men are charming beyond expression, and he 
 seems particularly fond of dwelling upon the mental 
 characteristics of such men as Crawford, Clay, Webster 
 and their compeers, analyzing with singular perception 
 their peculiarities, and by happy flashes of illustra- 
 tion giving you a key to their characters — crystallizing 
 them, indeed, until you could see through and through 
 them and understand them as if you had a new sense 
 
 of mental perception When Mr. Stephens 
 
 rises to speak, there is a sort of electric communication 
 among the audience, as if something was about to be 
 uttered that was worth listening to. The loungers take 
 their seats, and the talkers become silent, thus paying 
 an involuntary compliment to Mr. Stephens’ talents and 
 high claims as a gentleman. At first his voice is 
 scarcely distinguishable; but in a few moments you 
 are surprised at its volume, and you are soon convinced 
 that his lungs are in perfect order; and as his ideas flow, 
 you are not surprised at the rapt attention he com- 
 mands. His style of speaking is singularly polished; 
 but he conceals his art, and appears, to the superficial 
 observer, to be eloquent by inspiration. The leading 
 characteristic of his mind is great practical good sense, 
 for his arguments are always of the most solid and 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 21 
 
 logical kind ; hence his permanent influence as a states- 
 man, while his bright scintillation of wit and profuse 
 adornment secure him a constant popularity as an 
 orator. Possessed of a mind too great to be restrained 
 by mere partisan influence, he has therefore the widest 
 possible field of action — at one time heading a forlorn 
 hope, and leading it to victory; at another giving grace 
 and character to a triumphant majority. Common as 
 it is to impugn the motives of many of our public 
 servants, and charge them directly with corruption, 
 Mr. Stephens has escaped without even the taint of 
 suspicion; an inflexible honesty of purpose on his part, 
 as a governing principle, is awarded to him by his 
 veriest political foe.” 
 
 An important period in Mr. Stephens’ political life, 
 was one to which we have hitherto only indirectly 
 alluded, but as to which something more definite should 
 be said. This was the period of ‘‘ Know-nothingism,” 
 concerning which, in its relation to the State of Georgia, 
 Col. I. W. Avery writes as follows: 
 
 ‘‘Crushed in the national contest, and hopelessly 
 riven in the Southern States, the Whig party found a 
 temporary refuge in this new-fangled American party. 
 It had a large following in Georgia for a while, and a 
 respectable one too. It was bitterly fought. Ex-Gov. 
 McDonald, Howell Cobb, Alex. H. Stephens, Eobert 
 Toombs, and Hiram Warner wrote strong letters against 
 it, while Mr. Stephens made some of the ablest speeches 
 of his career on this subject. The term of Mr. Stephens 
 in Congress was out. He was uncertain of running 
 again. He wrote a letter against “Know-nothingism,” 
 in response for a request for his views. He was vigor- 
 ously assailed and declared to have made his political 
 
22 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 shroud, when with that defiant audacity that has 
 marked his life, he announced his candidacy, and pro- 
 ceeded to test the issue of his “ political shroud.” His 
 speeches were masterpieces, and he converted the 
 shroud into a wreath of political laurels, returning to 
 Congress by a majority of over two thousand.” 
 
 It was characteristic of the conservatism of Mr. 
 Stephens’ nature, that he should have opposed 
 the doctrines of “ Know-nothingism,” a leading 
 element in which was the proscription of the for- 
 eign-horn portion of the population on that ground 
 alone, and without regard to other points of qual- 
 ification. Inasmuch as we have quoted from Col- 
 onel Avery, the brilliant author of the “ History of 
 the State of Georgia, from 1850 to 1881,” we will give 
 here this gentleman’s summary of his opinion of Mr. 
 Stephens, an opinion which, at the time it was written 
 — 1880— had become that of the better class of mind, 
 not in Georgia alone, but in the whole South, and in 
 the North as well, wherever the character of the raan 
 was understood. Col. Avery wrote of him as follows: 
 
 “ Another vital personality was that remarkable man, 
 Alexander H. Stephens. He, too, was a Union man. It 
 is hard to write about Alec Stephens. He has been all 
 his life a human miracle. His advent into public life, 
 nearly half a century ago, was, and his career ever 
 since has continued to be, a wonder. Antithesis has 
 been exhausted in describing the man, and yet there is 
 no adequate portraiture of him. For forty years and 
 more, Mr. Stephens has held a foremost place in the 
 affairs of the State and Nation, and his name and 
 speeches, overleaping the bounds of the continent, 
 reached the old world, rendering him famous, and illus- 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 23 
 
 trating Georgia. His purity of life, public spirit, stain- 
 less integrity, devotion to principle, love of truth, sim- 
 plicity of character, munificenf charity, lofty patriotism, 
 independence of popular prejudice, sincerity of con- 
 viction, indomitable courage, magnetic eloquence aDd 
 vigorous statesmanship, have all been continuously dis- 
 played in his long, useful and brilliant public career, 
 and form a noble example for the imitation of our 
 ambitious young men. 
 
 “That a mind so powerful and a spirit so knightly 
 should inhabit a body so diseased and frail, has 
 been the miracle of his conspicuous life. At 
 any time during his laborious and honored existence, 
 his death could not have surprised; yet his physical 
 frailty never impaired his public usefulness. Nearly 
 seventy years of age, he is still at his post of duty, fill- 
 ing in his own unequaled way the place in which he 
 has won his proudest triumphs and most lasting fame — 
 a congressman from Georgia, a representative of the 
 people and chosen by the people — Georgia’s great Com- 
 moner, the people that he has loved so well and the 
 state that he has so faithfully served and resplendently 
 illustrated, delight to honor him, and hold his solid 
 fame as one of her most precious heritages. 
 
 “ Mr. Stephens, too, was one of the strong Union men, 
 and to the very last his potential voice was heard elo- 
 quently protesting and unanswerably arguing against 
 secession. Mr. Stephens has been a statesman and an 
 orator, but the quality that more than all others has 
 tended to give him his vast public influence, has been 
 his wonderful moral intrepidity. It is a rare quality, 
 heaven-born and God-like — such moral courage as he has 
 shown all his life long. No adverse public opinion has 
 had any terrors for this fearless statesman. Majorities 
 
zA 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 have been utterly powerless to sway him. No unpopu- 
 larity, no prejudice, no popular frenzy has ever moved 
 his firm soul one hair’s-breadth from any conviction, or 
 prevented any utterance he deemed the truth. This is 
 remarkable praise, but it is due to the man. But even 
 the miraculous Stephens was unable to stem the revolu- 
 tion. The storm was coming, and Toombs was its 
 genius.” 
 
 This is indeed “ remarkable praise,” the more re- 
 markable from being at the hands of a prominent Con- 
 federate cavalry officer, who illustrates in his character- 
 ization of Mr. Stephens, the general sense of justice 
 which usually prevailed among the more intelligent 
 Southern men, and also the profound impression which 
 had been made by Mr. Stephens’ extraordinary moral 
 and mental endowments. 
 
 And here, although the date of its occurrence was 
 long before the period we have reached, 1860, we 
 may relate a story illustrating the physical courage of 
 Mr. Stephens, that of his rencontre with Judge Cone, 
 which took place in 1848; we quote the report of this 
 occurrence from a description of it given by a corre- 
 spondent of the Cincinnati Commercial : 
 
 “During Mr. Stephens’ congressional service, and 
 pending the campaign of 1848, he returned from Wash- 
 ington to Georgia. He was fresh from the great debates 
 on the acquisition of California and New Mexico as 
 United States territories, and for having taken, against 
 the wishes of a majority of the Southern members, a 
 most prominent part in opposition to such acquisition, 
 he was met with much adverse criticism. Judge Cone, 
 who was at the time one of the leading politicians of 
 Georgia, was particularly severe in his comments on 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 25 
 
 Mr. Stephens’ action, and was reported as having 
 publicly denounced him as a traitor to the South. 
 
 “ Hardly had Mr. Stephens reached his home when 
 these and similar reports were conveyed to him. At 
 first he did not credit them, but as one kind friend 
 after another informed him that Cone had called him 
 a traitor, and advised, in the true Southern spirit, that 
 he owed it to himself to demand what is called ‘ satis- 
 faction,’ the fires of pugnacity in his nature, which are 
 always smouldering, hissed up, and he declared that if 
 Judge Cone would admit having called him a traitor to 
 the South he would ‘ slap his face.’ Not long after this 
 he met the Judge at a numerously attended Whig 
 gathering, and going up to him quietly said: 
 
 “ ‘ Judge Cone, I have been told that you, for reasons 
 of your own, have denounced me as a traitor to the 
 South, and I take this opportunity of asking you if such 
 reports are true. ' 
 
 “ ‘No, sir,’ was Cone's reply, ‘they are not true. ’ 
 
 “‘I am very glad to hear you say so,’ said Mr. 
 Stephens, cordially; and in the same friendly tone con- 
 continued: ‘ Of course I do not desire to be in any way 
 offensive to you, Judge Cone, but in order that we may 
 have no further misunderstanding through the misrep- 
 resentation of others, I think it right to tell you that I 
 have said I would slap your face if you admitted having 
 used the language attributed to you.’ 
 
 “ Upon this the judge again disowned having spoken 
 disrespectfully of Mr. Stephens, and so for the time the 
 affair ended. It was the subject of discussion all over 
 the State, however, and the general verdict was that 
 Judge Cone, a very powerful man by the way, had 
 shown the white feather to ‘Little Aleck Stephens.’ 
 In such a community no public man resting under such 
 
26 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a charge could hope either for political preferment or 
 popular respect. Cone, of course, knew this, and, very 
 much heated and annoyed by the comments which were 
 being made upon him, wrote to Mr. Stephens demand- 
 ing immediate and public retraction of the threat. In 
 reply Mr. Stephens wrote that the threat of slapping the 
 judge’s face had been made contingent upon the truth 
 of reports regarding which he (Mr. Cone) had pro- 
 nounced to'be untrue, and that such being the case there 
 could be no cause for offence or angry feeling on 
 either side. Unfortunately this letter was never re- 
 ceived by Judge Cone. Three or four days after it 
 was written, however, he met Mr. Stephens on the 
 piazza of a hotel in Atlanta, and, disregarding that 
 gentleman’s friendly greeting, said in a very offensive 
 tone: 
 
 “ ‘Mr. Stephens, I demand that you make an imme- 
 diate retraction of your threats regarding me.’ 
 
 “Sick and weak though he was, Alexander H. 
 Stephens could allow no one to speak to him in the 
 fashion described. Judge Cone was a very giant in size 
 and muscular development, yet the frail man whom he 
 addressed, with aggravating politeness, and without 
 hesitating a moment, replied: ‘ Pardon me, sir, I have 
 already written to you on that subject. I must decline 
 to discuss it further.’ 
 
 “ ‘ Am I to take this for your answer? ’ asked Cone, 
 excitedly. 
 
 “ ‘ It is the only answer I have to give you,’ was the 
 calm reply. 
 
 “ ‘ Then I denounce you as a miserable little traitor,’ 
 cried Cone, mad with excitement. The last words had 
 hardly left his lips when a light cane, wielded by the 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 27 
 
 quick hand of the man he had insulted, left its red scar 
 across his cheek. 
 
 “Wild with pain and passion, without uttering a 
 word, he drew a keen-pointed dirk knife and made 
 one furious thrust at his weak little adversary’s 
 heart. Instantly as he did so, however, Ste- 
 phens, seizing a stout umbrella which he held 
 in his left hand, interposed it as a defence, and was 
 able for a moment to hold him at arm’s length. 
 The knife fell short of its mark. Once more 
 it was thrust at Stephens, cutting a deep gash in his 
 arm, but reaching no vital point; eighteen times it cut 
 deep into his breast, arms and body, but still he did 
 not fall. Then he could hold out no longer. No cour- 
 age, no spirit,’ however firm and unyielding, could long 
 withstand such an attack. Cone was determined to 
 finish his work. He threw all his great weight against 
 the umbrella which held him away from the man he 
 intended to kill. It broke ; Stephens, half fainting, fell 
 upon his back. The giant Cone was at his throat in a 
 moment; his head, by a grip of iron, was held against 
 the cruel floor; the keen and blood-dripping knife was 
 held aloft before him ready for the last fatal thrust, but 
 still the poor, pale face of the little hero was set and 
 defiant — his black eyes still flashed undauntedly. 
 
 “ ‘Retract, or I’ll cut your cursed throat!’ hissed 
 Cone. 
 
 “ 1 Cut! I’ll never retract! ’ gasped the almost lifeless 
 Stephens.” 
 
 Like a flash the knife came down. With an almost 
 superhuman efEort the prostrate man caught it in his 
 right hand. Clean through the muscles, tendons and 
 bones of the hand it cut, then stuck fast and reached no 
 
28 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 vital part. With desperate strength Cone tried to 
 wrench it free. With a grasp almost of death the hor- 
 ribly mangled and mutilated hand still held it fast. In 
 the struggle Stephens was once more dragged to his feet. 
 The blood was rushing in streams from his many 
 wounds. His hold upon the knife which sought his 
 brave heart began to relax. He was dying. But even 
 when he believed the next moment would be his last 
 strong men came to his relief. The madman Cone was 
 secured and held fast. 
 
 “Then quickly the wounds which Mr. Stephens had 
 received were examined. It was found that one of 
 them had penetrated to within a sixteenth of an inch 
 of his heart. An intercostal artery had bpen cut. The 
 doctors declared that he would surely die. Happily 
 their predictions were not verified. His life was saved 
 by the unremitting care of a surgeon, his devoted 
 friend, who, as. good fortune would have it, happened 
 to be in Atlanta at the time. When he recovered with 
 magnanimity of which few men are capable even of 
 understanding, he refused to prosecute Cone, and that 
 person, instead of getting his deserts in the dark cell of 
 a state prison, was fined £1 000, and, with his honor 
 ‘vindicated,’ was allowed to go free. To the day of 
 his death Mr. Stephens spoke of him in terms of con- 
 sideration and forgiveness. Not long ago, referring to 
 the terrible struggle I have attempted to describe, and 
 showing me the great hole in his mangled hand, he 
 said, with a quiet and far-away look in his deep dark 
 eyes: ‘Poor Cone! I’m sure he’d be sorry if he knew 
 what trouble I have to write with these stiff fingers of 
 mine.’ ” 
 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 29 
 
 This anecdote of Mr. Stephens’ career has been pre- 
 served, and is still told with considerable emphasis in 
 Georgia, as illustrative of a state of society which has 
 been materially changed since. The present writer 
 heard the incident impressively related during a recent 
 visit to Atlanta, and came to the conclusion that it was 
 the most sanguinary story in connection with common- 
 place republican politics in the nineteenth century, that 
 had ever come to his hearing. It properly fills a place 
 in this sketch as significant of one feature of the poli- 
 tics of the period in the South, and also as showing amid 
 what social difficulties the rise of Alexander H. 
 Stephens to pre-eminence was effected. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OP 1860 — ADDRESS AT AU- 
 GUSTA, GA., IN 1859 — A REMARKABLE PREDICTION 
 — IMPORTANT ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE TnE 
 LEGISLATURE AT MILLEDGEVILLE, GA. 
 
 In the Autumn of 1859, the name of Mr. Stephens was 
 prominently mentioned as a candidate for the presi- 
 dency. One of the leading statesmen of the South 
 gave the following grounds for his nomination: 
 
 1. “ He is the undoubted choice of a large majority 
 of the people of Georgia. 
 
 2. “He is a true man and an enlightened practical 
 statesman, who would administer the government with 
 ability and economy, in strict accordance with the 
 principles observed in the early and better days of the 
 republic. 
 
 3. “ Because he is an available man for a candidate, 
 the man for the times, enjoying the confidence and re- 
 spect of the true friends of constitutional government 
 throughout the Union. 
 
 4. “ Because he has not sought the office, directly or 
 indirectly, either by intriguing for the nomination or 
 suffering himself to be made the instrument of any 
 particular clique or faction; consequently, if nomi- 
 nated and elected would have no friends to reward or 
 
 30 
 
ALEXANDER E. STEPHENS. 
 
 31 
 
 enemies to punish, hut will faithfully guard and pro- 
 tect the interests of the whole country, and every 
 section of it, in obedience to the Constitution and the 
 laws of the land.” 
 
 The relations of Mr. Stephens to the memorable cam- 
 paign which resulted in the election of Abraham Lincoln 
 to the presidency, and the downfall of African slavery 
 in the South, were peculiar and impressive. As we 
 have already shown, he had long foreseen the possibility 
 of such a division of opinion between the two sections 
 as should bring about antagonism certainly, possibly 
 disunion. 
 
 In the earlier part of the canvass, although frequently 
 solicited to speak, he refused, partly frqm a sense of 
 its probable inutility, and partly on account of the con- 
 dition of his health, which was at this time very feeble. 
 He was, however, induced to appear at a public meet- 
 ing in Augusta, September 1, 1859, and to deliver an 
 address, during which he was compelled to sit down 
 from exhaustion. A considerable portion of this speech 
 was devoted to an examination of the political position 
 of Judge Douglas, one of the two Democratic candi. 
 dates, and was practically a recommendation to his 
 hearers to vote for that gentleman. Proceeding, he 
 made the following emphatic reference to the condition 
 of affairs : 
 
 “ I do not feel, fellow citizens, as if in justice to my- 
 self I ought to attempt to say more to-night; but there 
 is no cause in which I would more willingly die thau in 
 the cause of my country, and I would just as soon falj 
 here, at this time, in the advocacy of those principles 
 upon which its past gim, has been achieved, its present 
 prosperity and its future nopes depend, as anywhere 
 
32 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 else, or on any other occasion. I told you at the out- 
 set that the signs of the times portend evil. I gave you 
 this as my deliberate judgment; the future must make 
 its own disclosures. But you must not he surprised 
 to see these states, now so peaceful, contented, 
 prosperous and happy, embroiled in civil war, in less 
 than twelve months. There are occasions too grave for 
 excitement or any appeal to the passions.’ Believe me, 
 I mean all I say ; the most terrific tornadoes, those which 
 demolish cities, destroy whole fleets and sweep every- 
 thing before them, come most unexpectedly; so do the 
 most violent revolutions amongst men. The human 
 passions are the same everywhere. They are danger- 
 ous elements for public men, politicians, and party 
 leaders to deal with. The condition of the country 
 threatens the most violent conflict of sectional feeling, 
 antipathy and animosity at no distant day. Should 
 an outbreak occur, where is the power that can con- 
 trol it? A ball may be put in motion by one who 
 cannot stop it ; a fire may be kindled by hands that can- 
 not quench it; those who begin revolutions seldom 
 end them.” 
 
 During the progress of the campaign, Mr. Stephens 
 made two or three other speeches, which were not re- 
 ported. “ His speech in Columbus, Georgia,” says Mr. 
 Cleveland, “was one of the grandest efforts of his life, 
 and of most wonderful effect upon his audience. In 
 the midst of his impressive appeal to ‘ stand by the Con. 
 stitutionin any and every event,’ the vast crowd arose to 
 their feet as one man ; and while venerable ministers of 
 the gospel and dignified statesmen and citizens seemed 
 to vie with each other in enthusi^m, the prolonged 
 Shouts of applause stopped for a while the utterance of 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 the orator.” In his speech at Dalton, Georgia, say 
 the same writer, “ he arose with a borrowed expi 
 of sad but sublime pity for the delusions and 
 sions of his countrymen. 1 Oh Jerusalem, Jer 
 thou that killest the prophets and stonest the? 
 are sent unto thee, how often would I have 
 thy children together even as a hen gath 
 chickens under her wings, but ye would r 
 whole effort was to rouse the people to a se 
 impending danger, to impress upon them th 
 portance of adhering to their old established L 
 and of sustaining throughout the common 
 those men who were standing by those princ. 
 the only means of maintain ing_ the Constitution a 
 Union under it.” 
 
 Shortly after, Judge Doug&g made a speech 
 Atlanta, in which, while expressBtafe.his own views in 
 regard to the serious condition of the times, his re- 
 marks significantly sustained the position occupied by 
 Mr/ Stephens. "Mr. Douglas said, “ I hold that there is 
 no grievance of which we complain, for which disunion 
 would afford an adequate remedy. I believe there can 
 be no grievance in this country for which the Constitu- 
 tion and laws will not afford ample remedy within the 
 Union. All that is necessary is that each and every 
 clause of the Constitution shall be carried into effect in 
 good faith. Every right guaranteed by that instrument, 
 every duty imposed by it, must be carefully protected 
 and faithfully performed. So long as we live under a 
 Constitution which is the supreme law of all the states, 
 it must be executed in such a manner as to afford equal 
 rights and equal protection to the citizens of all the 
 states of this confederacy.” 
 
 2 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 election of Mr. Lincoln, which roused the South 
 sition as one man, brought Mr. Stephens to 
 front of battle, where, for a brief space he 
 j most marked and emphatic figure of the 
 is agitation which was then beginning — 
 ipressive and majestic, the bulwark of 
 i against the fierce surges of secession 
 ition, which now threatened to over- 
 )n November 14, 1860, he went to Milledge- 
 the Legislature was in session, and before 
 delivered and address which has become 
 e and a part of the history of the period, 
 .s important address we desire to quote at some 
 since, although it exerted no perceptible influ- 
 over the course of events, it furnishes material 
 uence both as to the character of Mr. Stephens and 
 jncerning his political convictions on the great ques- 
 tions at issue. After a few words of introduction, Mr. 
 Stephens continued as follows : 
 
 “My object is not to stir up strife, but to allay it; not 
 to appeal to your passions, but to your reason. Good 
 government can never be built up or sustained by the 
 impulse of passion. I wish to address myself to your 
 good sense, to your good judgment, and if, after hear- 
 ing, you disagree, let us agree to disagree, and part as 
 we met, friends. We all have the same object, tbe 
 same interest. That people should disagree in repub- 
 lican governments upon questions of public policy is 
 natural. That men should disagree upon all matters 
 connected with human investigation, whether relating 
 to science or human conduct, is natural. Hence, in 
 free governments parties will arise. But a free people 
 should express their different opinions with liberality 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 35 
 
 and charity, with no acrimony toward those of their 
 fellows, when honestly and sincerely given. These are 
 my feelings to-night. 
 
 “Let us, therefore, reason together. It is not my 
 purpose to say aught to wound the feelings of any in- 
 dividual who maybe present; and if in the ardency 
 with which I shall express my opinions, I shall say any- 
 thing which may he deemed too strong, let it be set 
 down to the zeal with which I advocate my own con- 
 victions. There is with me no intention to irritate or 
 offend. 
 
 “Fellow-citizens, we are all launched in the same 
 bark ; we are all in the same craft in the wide political 
 ocean — the same destiny awaits us all for weal or for 
 woe. We have been launched in the good old ship that 
 has been upon the waves for three quarter 0 r. centmy, 
 which has been in many tempests and storms, has 
 many times been in peril, and patriots have often feared 
 that they should have to give it up, j-ea, have at times 
 almost given it up; but still the gallant ship is afloat. 
 Though new storms now howl around us, and the 
 tempest beats heavily against us, I say to you, don’t 
 give up the ship; don’t abandon her yet. If she can 
 possibly be preserved, and our rights, interests, and 
 security be maintained, the object is worth the efforts. 
 Let us not, on account of disappointment and chagrin 
 at the reverse of an election, give up all as lost. But 
 let us see what can be done to prevent a wreck. . . 
 
 “ The first question that presents itself is, shall the 
 people of the South secede from the Union in con- 
 sequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presi- 
 dency of the United States? My countrymen, I tell 
 you frankly, candidly and earnestly, that I do not 
 think that they ought. In my judgment, the election 
 
36 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high office, 
 is sufficient cause for any State to separate from 
 the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in 
 maintaining the Constitution of the country. To make 
 a point of resistance to the government, to withdraw 
 from it because a man has been constitutionally elected, 
 puts us in the wrong. We are pledged to maintain the 
 Constitution. Many of us have sworn to support it. 
 Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a man to 
 the presidency, and that, too, in accordance with the 
 prescribed forms of the Constitution, make a point of 
 resistance to the government, without becoming the 
 breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves, by with- 
 drawing ourselves from it? Would we not be in the 
 wrong? Whatever fate is to befall this country, let it 
 never ut; ru id the charge of the people of the South, 
 
 and especially to the people of Georgia, that we were 
 untrue to our national engagements. Let the fault and 
 the wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes are to be 
 blasted, if the Republic is to go down, let us be found 
 to the last moment standing on the deck with the Con 
 stitution of the United States waving over our heads. 
 (Applause). Let the fanatics of the North break the 
 Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the re- 
 sponsibility be upon them. I shall speak, presently, 
 more of their acts; but let not the South, let us not be 
 the ones to commit the aggression. We went into the 
 election with this people. The result was diiferent from 
 what we wished ; but the election has been constitu- 
 tionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to 
 the government and go out of the Union on that account, 
 the record would be made up hereafter -against us. , . 
 
 “ My countrymen, I am not of those who believe this 
 Union has been a curse up to this time. True men, 
 
ALEXANDER U STEPHENS. 
 
 37 
 
 men of integrity, entertain different views from me on 
 this subject. I do not question their right to do so; I 
 would not impugn their motives in so doing. Nor will 
 I undertake to say that this government of our fathers 
 is perfect. There is nothing, perfect in this world of 
 human origin; nothing connected with human nature, 
 from man himself to any of his works. You may select 
 the wisest and best men for your judges, and yet how 
 many defects are there in the administration of justice? 
 You may select the wisest and best men for your legis- 
 lators, and yet how many defects are apparent in your 
 laws? And it is so in our government. But that this 
 government of our fa' hers, with all its defects, comes 
 nearer the objects of all good governments than any 
 other on the face of the earth, is my settled convic- 
 tion 
 
 “ It may be that we are all that we are in ‘spite of 
 the general government,’ but it may be that without 
 it we should have been far different from what we 
 are now. It is true there is no equal part of the 
 earth with natural resources superior, perhaps, to 
 ours. That portion of this country known as 
 the Southern States, stretching from the Chesa- 
 peake to the Rio Grande, is fully equal to 
 the picture drawn by the honorable and elo- 
 quent senator last night, in all natural capacities. 
 But how many ages, centuries, passed before these 
 capacities were developed, to reach this advanced 
 stage of civilization? There, these same hills, rich in 
 ore, same rivers, same valleys and plains, are as they 
 have been since they came from the hand of the 
 Creator. Uneducated and uncivilized men roamed 
 over them, for how long no history informs us. 
 
38 
 
 1HE LIFE OF 
 
 “ It is only under our institutions that they could be 
 developed. Their development is the result of the 
 enterprise of our people under operations of the govern- 
 ment and institutions under which we have lived. 
 Even our people, without these, never would have 
 done it. The organization of society has much to do 
 with the development of the natural resources of any 
 country or any land. The institutions of a people, 
 political and moral, are the matrix in which the germ of 
 their organic structure quickens into life, takes root, 
 and develops in form, nature and character. Our insti- 
 tutions constitute the basis, the matrix, from whence 
 spring all our characteristics of development and great- 
 ness. Look at Greece ! There is the same fertile soil, 
 the same blue sky, the same inlets and harbors, the 
 same .Egean, the same Olympus— there is the same 
 land where Homer sung, where Pericles spoke— it is in 
 nature the same old Greece; but it is living Greece no 
 more. (Applause.) J 
 
 “ Descendants of the same people inhabit the coun- 
 try; yet what is the reason of this mighty differ- 
 ence? In the midst of present degradation we see 
 the glorious fragments of ancient works of art 
 — temples with ornaments and inscriptions that 
 excite wonder and admiration, the remains of a 
 once high order of civilization, which have outlived the 
 language they spoke. Upon them all, Ichabod is 
 written — their glory has departed. Why is this so? I 
 answer, their institutions have been destroyed. These 
 were but the fruits of their forms of government, the 
 matrix from which their grand development sprung; 
 and when once the institutions of our people shall have 
 been destroyed, there is no earthly power that can 
 bring back the Promethean spark to kindle them here 
 
ALEXANDER E. STEPHENS. 
 
 39 
 
 again any more than in that ancient land of eloquence, 
 poetry and song. (Applause.) The same may he said 
 of Italy. Where is Rome, once the mistress of the 
 world? There are the same seven hills now, the same 
 soil, the same natural resources; nature is the same; 
 hut what a ruin of human greatness meets the eye of 
 the traveler throughout the length and breadth of that 
 most down-trodden land! Why have not the people of 
 that heaven-favored clime the spirit that animated their 
 fathers? Why this sad difference? It is the destruc- 
 tion of her institutions that has caused it. And, my 
 countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly pull 
 down and destroy those institutions which the patriotic 
 hand of our fathers labored so long and so hard to 
 build up, and which have done so much for us and for 
 the world, who can venture the prediction that similar 
 results will not ensue? Let us avoid them if we 
 can. I trust that the spirit is amongst us that will 
 enable us to do it. Let us not rashly try the experiment 
 of change, of pulling down and destroying, for, as 
 in Greece and Italy and the South American republics, 
 and in every other place, whenever our liberty is once 
 lost, it may never be restored to us again. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 “ When I look around and see our prosperity in every- 
 thing — agriculture, commerce, art, science, and every 
 department of progress, physical, mental, and moral — 
 certainly, in the face of such an exhibition, if we can, 
 without the loss of power or any essential right or in- 
 terest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to ourselves 
 and to posterity to do so. Let us not unwisely yield to 
 this temptation. Our first parents, the first progeni- 
 tors of the human race, were not without a like temp- 
 tation when in the Garden of Eden. They were led to 
 
40 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 believe that their condition would he bettered — that 
 their eyes would he opened — and that they would be- 
 come as gods. They in an evil hour yielded; instead of 
 becoming gods, they only saw their own nakedness. 
 
 “ I look upon this country with our institutions, as 
 the Eden of the world, the Paradise of the universe. 
 It may be that out of it we may become greater and 
 more prosperous; but I am candid and sincere in tell- 
 ing you that I fear if we yield to passion, and without 
 sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of be- 
 coming greater ormore peaceful, prosperous, andhappy 
 — instead of becoming gods, we will become demons, 
 and at no distant day commence cutting one another’s 
 throats. This is my apprehension. Let us, therefore, 
 whatever we do, meet these difficulties, great as they 
 are, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in 
 the light of all consequences which may attend our 
 actions. Let us see first clearly where the path of duty 
 leads, and then we may not fear to tread therein.” 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE SOtJTH CAROLINA SECESSION ORDINANCE, AND CON- 
 VENTIONS IN SIX OTHER SOUTHERN STATES — THE 
 GEORGIA CONVENTION — MR. STEPHENS’ VIEWS ON 
 SECESSION — HE IS ELECTED A MEMBER OF THE 
 GEORGIA CONVENTION, AND VOTES AGAINST SECES- 
 SION — ELECTED VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE CONFEDER- 
 ACY. 
 
 On December 20, 1860, the South Corolina conven- 
 tion of the people passed ah Ordinance of " Secession, 
 repealing the ordinance which ratified the Constitution 
 of 1788, and thus restoring South Carolina to the posi- 
 tion of a separate and independent sovereign State. 
 The six States of Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Geor- 
 gia, Louisiana and Texas followed the example of 
 South Carolina, and called conventions. That of Geor- 
 gia was called to meet at Milledgeville, on January 
 16 th, 1861. In a letter to his brother, Linton Stephens, 
 written at about this time, Alexander H. Stephens ex- 
 pressed his views concerning such action as had already 
 taken place, or was impending on the part of the 
 Southern States. In this letter he wrote as follows: 
 
 “I have read the address put forth by the convention 
 at Charleston to the Southern States. It has not im- 
 
 41 
 
42 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 pressed me favorably. In it South Carolina clearly 
 shows that it is not her intention to he satisfied with 
 any redress of grievances. Indeed, she hardly deigns 
 to specify any. The slavery question is almost entirely 
 ignored. Her greatest complaint seems to he the tariff, 
 though there is hut little intelligent or intelligible 
 thought on that subject. Perhaps the less she said 
 about it the better. For the present tariff, on which she 
 secedes, is just what her own senators and members 
 in Congress made it. There are general and vague 
 ■Charges about consolidation, despotism &c., and the 
 South having, under the operation of the general 
 government, been reduced to a minority incapable of 
 protecting itself, etc. This complaint I do not think 
 well founded. It arises more from a spirit of peevish- 
 ness, or restless fretfulness, than from calm deliberate 
 judgment. The truth is, the South, almost in mass, 
 has voted, I think, for every measure of general legis- 
 lation that has passed both houses and become law, for 
 the last ten years. Indeed, with but few exceptions, 
 the South has controlled the government in its every 
 important action, from the beginning. The protective 
 policy was once, for a time, carried against the South ; 
 but that was subsequently completely changed. Our 
 policy ultimately prevailed. The South put in power 
 — or joined a united country in putting in power and 
 sustaining the administration of Washington, for eight 
 years. She put in and sustained Jefferson eight years, 
 Madison eight years, Jackson eight years, Yan Buren 
 four years, Tyler four years, Polk four years, Pierce 
 four years, and Buchanan four years. That is, they 
 have aided in making and sustaining the administration 
 for sixty years out of the seventy-two of the govern- 
 ment’s existence. Does this look like we were or are 
 
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 
 
 43 
 
 in an abject minority, at the mercy of a despotic 
 northern majority rapacious to rob and plunder us? It 
 is true, we are in a minority, and bare been a long 
 time. It is true also that the party at the North 
 advocate principles which would lead to a despotism, 
 and they would rob us if they had the power — I 
 have no doubt of that. But by the prudent and wise 
 counsels of southern statesmen, this party has been 
 kept in the minority in the past, and by the same pru- 
 dent and wise statesmanship on our part I can but hope 
 and think it can be so for many long years to come. 
 Sound constitutional men enough at the North have 
 been found to unite with the South to keep that danger- 
 ous and mischievous faction in the minority, and though 
 Lincoln has been elected, it ought to be recollected that 
 he ha9 succeeded by a minority vote, and even this was 
 the result of a dissension in the ranks of the conserva- 
 tives or constitutional men north and south, a most un- 
 fortunate and lamentable event, and the more so from 
 the fact that it was designedly effected by men who 
 wished to use it for ulterior ends and objects. 
 
 “Now we have real causes of complaint against the 
 North, — or at least against certain States of the North, 
 — causes which, if not redressed, would justify the ex- 
 treme course, the ultimi ratio, on the part of the South. 
 These, however, are barely glanced at in the South 
 Carolina address. These causes are the ‘Personal 
 Liberty Acts,’ as they are called, in several of the 
 Northern States, and other acts of their Legislatures 
 which openly and avowedly refuse obedience to, or 
 compliance with, their constitutional obligation to 
 return lugitive slaves. These acts are in flagrant 
 violation of constitutional obligations; and they con- 
 
44 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 stitute the only cause, in my opinion, which can 
 justify secession. All other complaints are fouuded on 
 threatened dangers which may never come and which 
 I feel very sure could be averted if the South would 
 pursue a judicious and wise course. Whether we ought 
 to secede in consequence of the faithlessness of those 
 Northern States alluded to is simply a question c\ 
 policy. It is one on which able men and true mao 
 differ. One thing is certain: the South would be just. : 
 fled in doing it. For nothing is better settled by all law, 
 recognized by savage as well as by civilized people, than 
 that a compact broken by one party to it is not binding 
 on the other. But if we secede, I should like to see it put 
 on the right ground; and while I think the ground 
 would fully justify the act, yet I do not think it would 
 at present be wise to resort to that remedy. For I feel 
 confident that, if we should adopt the right course, 
 those states would recede and repeal their obnoxious 
 statutes. Hence I am mortified and grieved when I 
 read such papers as the South Carolina manifesto. It 
 is not on the right line. 
 
 “ But I am grieved at almost everything I see and hear 
 every day. The times are fearfully distempered. I am 
 fully persuaded of one thing, and that is, there is no 
 power on earth that can bring any good out of the 
 present state of things. The progress of events cannot 
 be arrested. . . . 
 
 “ I must confess in the darkness and gloom that hang 
 upon the future I see no prospect and but little hope 
 for good government ever again in this country, North 
 or South. The mischievous faction at the North will 
 bear sway there. Constitutional liberty they never 
 understood, or did not like, if they did. How it will 
 he with us at the South time must disclose ; but 
 
win 
 circi 
 rule i 
 to ruiu 
 ently v 
 abandon 
 will not i 
 and has b 
 is beyond i 
 
 Mr. Stepi 
 with the Coi 
 having inforn. 
 have allowed 1 
 hut that the lat 
 to accept his eh 
 the convention t* 
 January. Mr. St 
 posing the policj 
 belief and the rea> 
 
 South, as well as t 
 reconciliation, and ti 
 remain united under 
 ful performance by ei 
 tions.” He closed in t 
 
 “ My judgment, as 
 policy of immediate 
 causes. It cannot rece ; 
 but if the judgment 
 tion, embodying as it 
 be against mine; if a 
 convention shall, by 
 pact of union whicl 
 with her Confederate ! 
 
UCll 
 
 pies 
 on to 
 
 ,scd the 
 is voting 
 .ncluding 
 , six, who 
 purpose to 
 of the State. 
 ,o the Provi 
 h against his 
 ther or not to 
 ice conditional 
 wo resolutions 
 a of the Provis- 
 nt formation of 
 .tions were passed 
 mg as follows. 
 
 i he likewise author- 
 re delegates from the 
 agree upon a plan of 
 States, upon the prin- 
 ion of the United States 
 or Constitution of per- 
 be binding or obligatory 
 unle. s submitted to, ap- 
 ntion.” 
 
 the convention on the 
 Ihe constitution for a 
 eputation as a parlia- 
 t fell to his duty to 
 
ALEXANDER E. STEPHENS. 
 
 47 
 
 draw up the rules for the Southern Congress. After 
 the formation of the Constitution, Alexander H. 
 Stephens was unanimously elected Vice-President of 
 the- Confederate States of America. In returning 
 thanks, on the occasion of the serenade, on the even- 
 ing of his election, Mr. Stephens said: 
 
 “ Sufficient to say that'this day a new republic has 
 been born — the Confederate States of Ameri ca has been 
 ushered into existence to take its place amongst the 
 nations of the earth — under a temporary or provisional 
 government, it is true, but soon to be followed by one 
 of a permanent character, which, while it surrenders 
 none of our ancient rights and liberties, will secure 
 more perfectly, we trust, the peace, security and 
 domestic tranquility that should be the objects of all 
 governments. 
 
 “ What is to be the future of this new government — 
 the fate of this new republic — will depend upon our- 
 selves. Six States only, at present, constitute it— but 
 six stars, as yet, appear in our constellation — more, we 
 trust, will soon be added. By the time of the adoption 
 of the constitution of the permanent government, we 
 may have a greater number than the original thirteen— 
 of the original Union, and with more than three times 
 their population, wealth and power. With such a 
 beginning, the prospect of the future presents strong 
 hopes to the patriot’s heart, for a bright and prosper- 
 ous career. But what that future shall be, depends, I 
 say, upon ourselves and those who shall come after us. 
 Ours is a republic. And all republics, to be permanent 
 and prosperous, must be supported by the virtue, intel- 
 ligence, integrity, and patriotism of the people. These 
 are the corner-stones upon which the temple of popular 
 
48 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 liberty must be constructed, to stand securely and per- 
 manently. Resting ours upon these, we need fear 
 nothing from without or from within. With a climate 
 unsurpassed by any on earth ; with staples and produc- 
 tions which control the commerce of the world; with 
 institutions, so far as regards our organic and social 
 policy, in strict conformity to nature and the laws of 
 the Creator, whether read in the Book of Inspiration, 
 or in the great book of manifestations around us, we 
 have all the natural elements essential to the attainment 
 of the highest degree of honor, glory and renown. 
 
 “ These institutions have been much assailed. It is 
 our mission to vindicate the great truths on which they 
 rest, and with them to exhibit the highest type of civil- 
 ization which it is possible for human society to reach. 
 In doing this, our policy should be marked by a desire 
 to preserve and maintain peace with all other states and 
 peoples. If this cannot be done, let not the fault lie at 
 our door. While we should make aggressions on none, 
 we should be prepared to repel them if made by others, 
 let it come from whatever quarter it may. We ask of 
 all others simply to be let alone, and to be permitted to 
 work after our own safety, security, and happiness, in 
 our own way, without molesting or giving offence to 
 any other people. 
 
 “ Let then peace, fraternity, and liberal commercial re- 
 lations with all the world, be our motto. With these 
 principles, without any envy toward other states in the 
 line of policy they may mark out for themselves, we 
 will rather invite them to a generous rivalship in all 
 that develops the highest qualities of our nature.” 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE “ CORNER-STONE ” SPEECH AT SAVANNAH — MR. 
 STEPHENS’ VIEWS CONCERNING SLAVERY — SPECIAL 
 CONFEDERATE COMMISSIONER TO VIRGINIA — AD- 
 DRESS AT RICHMOND BEFORE THE CONVENTION. 
 
 On March 21, 1861, Mr. Stephens delivered at Savan- 
 nah, what has since been known as “The Corner-stone 
 Speech,” this title being based upon his assertion of 
 his opinion of the policy of the Southern States in 
 regard to slavery, which he recognized as the “ corner- 
 stone” of the new government. In setting forth l' ; « 
 views as to this question, Mr. Stephens made ’’ 
 following language : 
 
 “ But not to he tedious in enumerating tl 
 changes for the better, allow me to allude 
 — though last, not least. The new constit 
 at rest, forever, all the agitating question 
 our peculiar institution — African slavery 
 amongst us— the proper status of the negrc 
 of civilization. This was the immediate 
 late rupture and present revolution, 
 forecast, had anticipated this, as th 
 the old Union would split.’ H ( ’ 
 conjecture with him, is no 
 
 49 
 
50 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 whether he fully comprehended the great truth 
 upon which that rock stood and stands, may be 
 doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him 
 and most of the leading statesmen at the time of 
 the formation of the old constitution, were that the en- 
 slavement of the African was in violation of the laws of 
 nature; that it was wrong i n principle, socially, morally, 
 and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how 
 to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that 
 day was that, somehow or other in the order of Provi- 
 dence, the institution would be evanescent and pass 
 away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Consti- 
 tution, was the prevailing idea at that time. The Consti- 
 tution it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the 
 institution while it should last, and hence no argument 
 can be justly urged against the constitutional guarantees 
 thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the 
 day. These ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong; 
 they rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. 
 This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the 
 'men'; built upon it fell when the ‘ storm came 
 d blew. 
 
 r government is founded upon exactly the 
 ; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone 
 ? great truth that the negro is not equal to 
 an ; that slavery— subordination to the 
 —is his natural aud normal condition, 
 new government is the first in the history 
 id based upon this great physical, 
 and moral truth. This truth has 
 • process of its development, like 
 a the various departments of 
 even so amongst us. Many 
 recollect well that this truth 
 
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 
 
 51 
 
 was not generally admitted, even within their day. 
 The errors of the past generation still clung to many as 
 late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who 
 still cling to these errors with a zeal above knowledge, 
 we justly denominate fanatics. All fanaticism springs 
 from an aberration of the mind — from a defect in rea- 
 soning. It is a species of insanity. One of the most 
 striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, 
 is forming correct conclusions from fancied or erro- 
 neous premises. So with the anti-slavery fanatics. 
 Their conclusions are right if their premises were. 
 They assume that the negro is equal, and hence con- 
 clude that he is entitled to equal privileges and rights 
 with the white man. If their premises were correct, 
 their conclusions would be logical and just — but their 
 premises being w^ong, their whole argument fails. I 
 recollect once of having heard a gentleman from one 
 of the Northern States, of great power and ability, an- 
 nounce in the House of Representatives, with imposing 
 effect, that we of the South would be compelled ulti- 
 mately to yield upon this subject of slavery, that it was 
 as impossible to war successfully against a principle in 
 politics, as it was in physics, or mechanics. That the 
 principle would ultimately prevail. That we, in main- 
 taining slavery as it exists with us, were warring 
 against a principle, a principle founded in nature, 
 the principle of the equality of men. The reply I made 
 him was, that upon his own grounds, we should, 
 ultimately succeed, and that he and his associ- 
 ates, in this crusade against our institutions, would 
 ultimately fail. The truth announced, that it was 
 as impossible to war successfully against a prin- 
 ciple in politics as it was in physics and mechanics, I 
 admitted; but told him that it was be, and those acting 
 
52 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 with him, who were warring against a principle. They 
 were attempting to make things equal which the 
 Creator had made unequal. 
 
 ‘ ‘ In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side, 
 complete throughout the length and breadth of the Con- 
 federate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our 
 social fabric is firmly planted; and I cannot permit my- 
 self to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition 
 of this principle throughout the civilized and enlight- 
 ened world. 
 
 “ As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be 
 slow in development, as all truths are and ever have 
 been, in the various branches of science. It was so 
 with the principles announced by Galileo — it was so 
 with Adam Smith and his principles of political econ- 
 omy. It was so with Harvey, and his theory of the cir- 
 culation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one 
 of the medical profession, living at the time of the an- 
 nouncement of the truths made by him, admitted them. 
 Now, they are universally acknowledged. May we 
 not, therefore, look with confidence to the ultimate 
 universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which 
 our system rests? It is the first government ever 
 instituted upon the principles in strict con- 
 formity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in 
 furnishing the materials of human society. Many gov- 
 ernments have been founded upon the principle of the 
 subordination and serfdom of certain classes of the 
 same race; such were and are in violation of the laws of 
 nature. Our system commits no such violation of 
 nature’s laws. With us, all of the white race, however 
 high or low, rich or poor, are equal in the eye of the 
 law. Not so with the negro. Subordination is his 
 place. He, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 53 
 
 is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our 
 system. The architect in the construction of builings, 
 lays the foundation with the proper material — the 
 granite; then comes the brick or the marble. The sub- 
 stratum of our society is made of the material fitted by 
 nature for it, and by experience we know, that it is 
 best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior 
 race, that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity 
 with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to 
 inquire into the wisdom of his ordinances, or to ques- 
 tion them. For his own purposes, he has made one 
 race to differ from another, as he has made ‘ one star 
 to differ from another star in glory.’ 
 
 “The great objects of humanity are best attained 
 when there is conformity to his laws and decrees, in 
 the formation of governments as well as in all things 
 else. Our confederacy is founded upon principles in 
 strict conformity with these laws. This stone which 
 was rejected by the first builders ‘ is become the chief 
 of the corner’ — the real ‘ corner-stone ’ — in our new 
 edifice.” 
 
 On April 23, 1861, Mr. Stephens appeared before the 
 Virginia Secession Convention, at Richmond, as a 
 special commissioner from the newly formed Confeder- 
 ate States, to the government of Virginia, to invite that 
 State to a representation in the Confederate councils. 
 In the course of his address, Mr. Stephens spoke as 
 follows : 
 
 “ Under the latitudinarian construction of the Con- 
 stitution which prevails at the North, the general idea 
 is maintained that the will of the majority is supreme; 
 and as to constitutional checks or restraints, they have 
 no just conception of them. The Constitution was, at 
 
64 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 first, mainly the work of Southern men, and Virginia 
 men at that. The government under it lasted only so 
 long as it was kept in its proper sphere with due re- 
 gard to its limitations, checks and balances. This, 
 from the origin of the government, was effected main- 
 ly by Southern statesmen. It was only when all further 
 effort seemed to be hopeless to keep the federal govern- 
 ment within its proper sphere of delegated powers, 
 that the Confederate States, each for itself, resumed 
 those powers and looked out for new safeguards for 
 their rights and domestic tranquility. These are found 
 not in abandoning the Constitution, but in adhering 
 only to those who will faithfully sustain it. 
 
 “We have rescued the Constitution from utter anni- 
 hilation. This is our conviction, and we believe history 
 will so record the fact. You have seen what we have 
 done. Our Constitution has been published. Perhaps 
 most of you have read it. If not I have a copy here, 
 which is at the service of any who may wish to examine 
 it. It is the old Constitution, with all its essentials, and 
 some changes, of which I may speak presently. 
 
 “It is upon this basis we are looking to your union 
 with us; first, by the adoption of the provisional Consti- 
 tution, and then of the permanent one, in such a way 
 as you may consider best, under the limitations of your 
 powers. This I may be pardoned for pressing upon 
 the convention, and expressing the hope that they may 
 do it, utterly ignoring all past differences of opinion. 
 
 “ In all bodies of men, differences of opinion may be 
 expected; hut the disagreements and differences with 
 you, as was the case with us, will perhaps be found to 
 relate more as to the mode of action, than to the pro- 
 priety and necessity of action of some sort. As to differ- 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 55 
 
 ences in the past, on the subject of union and secession, 
 let them be buried and forgotten forever. 
 
 “ My position and views upon these questions in the 
 past may be known to you. If not, it may be proper 
 to state, and I feel no reluctance in declaring, in your 
 presence here in the capitol of the old commonwealth 
 of Virginia, that there never breathed a human spirit 
 on the soil of America more strongly and devoutedly 
 attached to the Union of our fathers than I. I was, how- 
 ever, in favor of no Union that did not secure perfect 
 equality and protection of all rights guaranteed under 
 the Constitution. I was not insensible of the fact that 
 several of the Northern States had openly repudiated 
 their constitutional obligations, and that if the prin- 
 ciples of the present dominant party should be carrried 
 out, ultimate separation was inevitable. But still, I 
 did trust that there was wisdom and patriotism enough 
 at the North, when aroused, to correct the evils, to 
 right the wrongs and to do us justice. I trusted even 
 to the last, for some hopeful reaction in the popular 
 sentiment at the North. 
 
 “ I was attached to the Union, however, not on ac. 
 count of the Union per se, but I was attached to it for 
 what was its soul, its vitality and spirit; those were 
 the living embodiments of the great principles of self- 
 government, springing from the great truth, that the 
 just powers of all governments are derived from the 
 consent of the governed, as it was transmitted to us by 
 our fathers. This is the foundation on which alone all 
 constitutional liberty is and must be based — and to 
 these principles I am to-day attached just as ardently as 
 I ever was before, and I no w announce to you my solemn 
 conviction that the only hope you have for the preser- 
 vation of these principles, is by your alliance with 
 
56 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 those who have rescued, restored and re-established 
 them in the Constitution of the Confederate States — 
 there is no hope in the States North. 
 
 “ The disagreements that existed in our State 
 as to the course that we should pursue, before 
 the last resort of secession was adopted, were 
 more as to the mode and manner of redress, 
 than as to the cause of the grievance or the griev- 
 ance requiring redress. I take this occasion, in 
 passing, to state to you, that in our convention there 
 was considerable difference of opinion on this view of 
 the subject. It may not be known to you that on that 
 occasion, I disagreed with the majority on the course 
 adopted. My vote was recorded against the secession 
 ordinance in our State. I was for making one more 
 effort, and for getting the whole South united if possi- 
 ble in that effort for redress. 
 
 ‘•But when the State in her sovereign capacity deter- 
 mined otherwise, my judgment was yielded to hers. 
 My allegiance was due to her. My fortunes were 
 linked with hers; her cause was my cause; and 
 her destiny was my destiny. A large minority in 
 that convention voted as I did. But after secession 
 was determined on by the majority, a resolution 
 was drawn up to the effect, that whereas the lack of 
 unanimity on the passage of the ordinance, was owing 
 more to a disagreement as to the proper mode at the 
 time for a redress of existing wrongs and threatened 
 wrongs, than as to the fact of the existence of such 
 wrongs as required redress, therefore, after the mode 
 and manner was adopted by a majority of the conven- 
 tion, that all of us, as an evidence of our determina- 
 tion to maintain the State in her chosen remedy, should 
 sign the ordinance; and with that determination under 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS 
 
 57 
 
 that resolution, every member of the convention 
 except six, signed it. Those six also declared upon 
 record a like determination on their part. So our 
 Slate became a unit upon the measure, when it was 
 resolved upon. All anterior differences amongst 
 us were dropped. The cause of Georgia was the cause 
 of us all; and so I trust it will be in Virginia. Let all 
 past differences be forgotten. Whether, if some other 
 course had been adopted, our rights could have ulti- 
 mately been secured in the old Union, is a problem now 
 that can never be solved. I am free to confess, as I 
 frankly do, that the late indications afford strong evi- 
 dence that the majority at the North w T ere bent upon 
 our destruction at every cost and every hazard. At all 
 events, we know that our only hope now is in our own 
 strong arms and stout hearts, with unity among our- 
 selves. Our course is adopted. We can take no steps 
 backward. The time for compromise, if it ever existed, 
 is past. . . . 
 
 “One good and wise feature in our new or revised 
 constitution is, that we have put to rest the vexed 
 question of slavery forever, so far as the confederate 
 legislative halls are concerned. On this subject, from 
 which sprung the immediate cause of our late troubles 
 and threatened dangers, you will indulge me in a few 
 remarks as not irrelevant to the occasion. The con- 
 dition of the negro race amongst us presents a peculiar 
 phase of republican civilization and constitutional 
 liberty. To some, the problem seems hard to under- 
 stand. The difficulty is in theory, not in practical 
 demonstration; that works well enough — theories in 
 government, as in all things else, must yield to facts. 
 No truth is clearer than that the best form or system 
 of government for any people or society is that which ' 
 
58 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 secures the greatest amount of happiness, not to the 
 greatest number, but to all the constituent elements 
 of that society, community or State. If our system 
 does not accomplish this; if it is not best for the negro 
 as well as for the white man; for the inferior as well as 
 the superior race, it is wrong in principle. But if it 
 does, or is capable of doing this, then it is right, and 
 can never be successfully assailed by reason or logic. 
 That the negroes with us, under masters who care for, 
 provide for and protect them, are better off, and enjoy 
 more of the blessings of good government than their 
 race does in any other part of the world, statistics 
 abundantly prove. As a race, the African is inferior 
 to the white man. Subordination to the white man is 
 his normal condition. He is not his equal by nature, 
 and cannot be made so by human laws or human insti- 
 tutions. Our system, therefore, so far as regards this 
 inferior race, rests upon this great immutable law of 
 nature. It is founded not upon wrong or injustice, but 
 upon the eternal fitness of things. Hence its harmoni- 
 ous working for the benefit and advantage of both. 
 Why one race was made inferior to another is not for 
 us to inquire. The statesman and the Christian, as 
 w T ell as the philosopher, must take things as they find 
 them, and do the best he can with them as he finds 
 them. 
 
 1 ‘ The great truth, I repeat, upon which our system 
 rests, is the inferiority of the African. The enemies of 
 
 our institutions ignore this truth 
 
 We have heard much of the higher law. I believe my- 
 self in the higher law. We stand upon that higher 
 law. I would defend and support no constitution that 
 is against the higher law. I mean by that the law of 
 nature and of God, Human constitutions and human 
 
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 
 
 59 
 
 laws that are made against the law of Nature or of God, 
 ought to be overturned ; and if Seward was right, the 
 Constitution which he was sworn to support, and is 
 now requiring others to swear to support, ought to 
 have been overthrown long ago. It ought never to 
 have been made. But in point of fact it is he and his 
 associates in this crusade against us, who are warring 
 against the higher law — we stand upon the laws of the 
 Creator, upon the highest of all laws. It is the fanatics 
 of the North, who are warring against the decrees of 
 God Almighty, in their attempts to make things equal 
 which he has made unequal. My assurance of ultimate 
 success in this controversy is strong from the convic- 
 tion that we stand upon the right. . . . No human 
 
 efforts or human laws can change the leopard's spots or 
 the Ethiopian’s skin. These are the works of Provi- 
 dence — in whose hands are the fortunes of men as well 
 as the destiny of nations and the distinctions of races. ” 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 NORTHERN IMPRESSIONS OP MR. STEPHENS — CHAGRIN 
 AT HIS ACCEPTANCE OP SECESSION — THE REAL 
 “CONSISTENCY” OF HIS ACTION — HIS ADVICE AND 
 COUNSEL TO THE SOUTH — HIS OPINION OF THE IM- 
 PORTANCE OP COTTON AS A “COMMERCIAL KING ” — 
 HIS DIFFERENCE WITH THE CONFEDERATE GOVERN- 
 MENT. 
 
 These quotations from Mr. Stephens’ utterances in 
 the few months which elapsed between his address 
 before the Legislature at Milledgeville, after the elec- 
 tion of Lincoln, and his speech at Savannah, have 
 been given at length, on account of the light which 
 they throw upon the nature of the man, indomitable 
 and unswerving from the convictions which had 
 once taken possession of his mind — yet subordinating 
 his actions and even his opinions to constituted author- 
 ity, when this had once legitimately declared itself. 
 
 The people of the North had learned with mingled 
 surprise and delight of the position taken by Mr. 
 Stephens in his speech of the 14th of November. So 
 important was it deemed that Mr. Lincoln himself 
 wrote an authograph note to Mr. Stephens, dated 
 Springfield, November 30, 1860, asking him for a re- 
 vised copy of the speech. It was indeed assumed — 
 
 60 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 61 
 
 so thoroughly recognized was Mr. Stephens’ powerful 
 influence — that in the face of his opposition, no ordi- 
 nance of secession would he passed by the State of 
 Georgia. 
 
 That this was a grave error, and a thorough misun- 
 standing of the determination of all the Southern peo- 
 ple, was soon shown by the passage of the Act in ques- 
 tion. Mr. Stephens, however, continued to be re- 
 garded as so much a friend of the Union, that his 
 personal adherence to secession was deemed not only 
 inconsistent with his speech before the Legislature, but 
 incompatible with his known Union sentiments T he 
 astonishment and chagrin of the North was thereto 
 universal, when he accepted the Yice-Presidency of th 
 Confederacy, and to these sentiments were added a 
 feeling of positive anger and almost contempt when he 
 completed his seeming recantation by the terrible “cor 
 ner-stone” speech at Savannah. From this period until 
 the close of the war, the great “Georgia Commoner ” was 
 looked upon by his Northern critics as one who had de- 
 scended from the lofty pinnacle to which he alone, of all 
 the Southern statesmen, had reached, and who, either 
 from personal interest, or because of moral cowardice, 
 had surrendered his convictions, and with them his 
 claim to an imperishable and honored memory. 
 
 But the reader will have, we hope, long before this, 
 perceived the entire consistency of Mr. Stephens’ later 
 position with his former, and with the principles of his 
 entire political life. 
 
 No influence is more domineering or tyrannical than 
 the element which we term consistency. Fettered by 
 this, the human mind is not permitted either to learn 
 by the experience of the past or to form conclusions by 
 forecasting the future; and those; who most cry out and 
 
62 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 insist upon consistency in others, mean, by the term, 
 agreement with their own opinions, rather than with 
 that which is just or right. In every instance in Mr. 
 Stephens’ political life where a question was finally de- 
 cided by legislative or other authority, it had been the 
 habit of his mind and his act to submit, not only grace- 
 fully hut logically. With him, once a subject was con- 
 cluded, there should he no more discussion or resistance 
 In the matter in hand: 1. He had been a logical and 
 consistent supporter of the Union all his life; he still 
 held to his opinions in that regard. 2. He had believed 
 
 rim institution of slavery as divinely ordained, from 
 
 e time when he could first distinguish the difference 
 ictween slavery and freedom. 3. He believed in the 
 right of a state to secede, under certain circum- 
 stances, which he frequently enumerated. In the case 
 of the present secession movement, he opposed it on the 
 ground, first, that no occasion for it had justly arisen 
 within the Union, and which could not and probably 
 would not he rectified within the Union: and, second, 
 because he believed the movement to be impolitic, un- 
 likely to succeed, and certain to result in disaster to the 
 South if it failed to succeed. 
 
 Consistently with these views, he opposed secession 
 until it had become a fixed fact. Consistently with the 
 same view's, he announced slavery to be the corner- 
 stone of the new government, of which he became the 
 second executive officer. 
 
 Mr. Stephens’ theory of citizenship in the republic 
 was a peculiar one, and on this he based his action in 
 going out wuth his state. He simply did not believe 
 that any man could be a citizen of the United States, 
 or that the United States, as such, could create or ac- 
 cept citizens. He recognized only citizenship as belong- 
 
LEX AND ER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 63 
 
 mg to states in their individual capacity; these states 
 being confederated, to be sure, but without, by this fact, 
 having the political status of any individual member 
 of the population altered or created. 
 
 It will thus be seen that, holding the opinions which 
 he did, Mr. Stephens could not honestly have taken any 
 different action from that which resulted from his con- 
 victions, and which was certainly both logically sound 
 and sincere. 
 
 During the Summer of 1861, Mr. Stephens was very 
 active in his interest in affairs, and though for a time 
 prostrated with sickness at his home in Crawfordsville, 
 was even there visited by public men, with whom he 
 advised freely and at length concerning the important 
 measures which were now a topic of general concern. 
 
 Naturally, the first great need of the South, as it was 
 in the North, was money. As Mr. Stephens put it in one 
 of his letters to his brother Linton, about this time, 
 “ Independence and liberty will require money as well 
 as blood. The people must meet both with promptness 
 and firmness.” As to this, he believed in a special tax, 
 but also in the value of cotton for this purpose. “ ‘ Cot- 
 ton was King ’men said; hut they should remember 
 that it was not a political but a commercial king.” 
 
 The matter of raising a navy was at this time one 
 which had awakened general interest, and this subject 
 came before Mr. Stephens, and regarding it he made 
 the following suggestion : 
 
 “ If the government would now buy one million of 
 bales, for which they might afford to give ten cents a 
 pound, which is two cents more than the market price, 
 with these they could raise a navy that could compete 
 successfully with the North. It is vain to expect relief 
 from the blockade from foreign powers. We alone 
 
64 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 could relieve ourselves of that; and our cotton, unless 
 it was put to the use suggested, would be of little im- 
 portance to us.” 
 
 But in his opinion on this subject, and as very soon 
 appeared on many others, Mr. Stephens differed widely 
 from the prevailing theories of the other members of 
 the Confederate government. The tone of public 
 opinion in the South was represented by such men as 
 Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs; men whose im- 
 pressions and hopes were based rather on their wishes 
 and an enthusiastic confidence in the resources of the 
 South, — which of course did them no discredit — than 
 on sound judgment and a statesmanlike recognition of 
 facts and conditions as they actually existed. But the 
 whole South was now swept by a mad passion of ex- 
 cited self-confidence, in the face of which the calm 
 and dispassionate reasoning to logical conclusions from 
 wise premises which characterized Mr. Stephens, ap- 
 peared nothing short of treason to the dominant South- 
 ern idea. 
 
 For, although Mr Stephens had accepted the situation 
 and gone with his State, he could not be considered in 
 accord with the leaders of opinion in the Confederacy, 
 and as a matter of fact he opposed the policy of con- 
 scription, the suspension of the privilege of habeas 
 corpus, the appointment of military governors in cities, 
 and generally the subordination of the civil to military 
 power. On these questions and others, he naturally 
 clashed with the government. Moreover, he had but 
 little confidence in the capacity of the men who repre- 
 sented the South in the Confederate Congress. To 
 give his own language, “ This is a very poor Congress. 
 There are few men of ability in the House, in the 
 Senate not more than two or three. Tom Semmes is 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 65 
 
 the ablest; the next are Barnwell, Hunter and Clay.” 
 He objected to the introduction of the West Point 
 policy into the South, and as to this, he spoke as 
 follows : 
 
 “If the West Point policy should prevail fully we 
 shall he beaten. If the Southern volunteer should 
 come to forget that he is a gentleman (and that is what 
 the West Point men say he must do), then it will he 
 merely a struggle between matter and matter, and the 
 biggest and heaviest body will break the other. We 
 have less matter , and to have equal momentum we must 
 have greater velocity than our enemies, — so to call our 
 spirit and the consciousness of being gentlemen.” 
 
 On one occasion, in reply to a remark that the 
 government had been acting with more energy lately, 
 Hr. Stephens said: “ The energy I discover now seems 
 to me like that of a turtle after fire has been put upon 
 his back.” 
 
 Asked when he expected to go back to Richmond, 
 he replied: “ Not very soon; I can do no good there. 
 The policy of the government is far against my judg- 
 ment, and I am frequently embarrassed on account of 
 this difference.” 
 
 The wisdom which Hr. Stephens displayed in re- 
 gard to the affairs of his own section, and which has 
 since been generally acknowledged, was strangely at 
 fault when applied to consideration of the state of the 
 North and its promise for the future. Doubtless, like 
 many wise judges on both sides, he was misled by 
 wrong informatiou. A glimpse of his error in this re- 
 gard may be had from the following paragraph of a 
 letter written to his brother Linton, in the Summer of 
 1862: — “It requires no statesmanship to see that the 
 3 
 
66 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 North is already a despotism complete and fearful. 
 The powers of it are daily becoming more widely dis- 
 played and more intensely felt. Its march is onward. 
 Blood will soon flow there as it did in France under 
 the Directory. There will never, I apprehend, he any- 
 thing like constitutional liberty in that country again. ” 
 
 In one of his many conversations, Mr. Stephens gave 
 utterance to sentiments concerning the working of self- 
 government by the people, and specially having relation 
 to the success or failure of the system of the United 
 States, utterances which were substantially sound and 
 which the conclusions of many reasoning men all over 
 the country will to-day sustain. 
 
 “ There was no fault in the Government of the 
 United States. The difficulty was mainly with those 
 in power and in the administration of it. The ma- 
 chinery was good and sound; it was from the bad work- 
 ing of it that the miseries came.” 
 
 “But,” it was insisted, “it was a failure. And if 
 from that cause the failure is more certain and more 
 melancholy, might we not as well give up the ques- 
 tion?” 
 
 “ By no means. I shall never be willing to give up 
 constitutional liberty, or the doctrine that the people 
 can easily and safely govern themselves upon the 
 principles upon which our institutions rest. In 
 our system, these principles rest upon the rights 
 and sovereignty of the States. For their support are 
 requisite virtue, intelligence, patriotism, and con- 
 stancy on the part of the great body of the people. 
 When I see the apparent indifference of so many among 
 us on the questions involving these essential principles 
 of our liberties, and the success of our system, I must 
 
ALEXANDER 11. STEPHENS. 
 
 67 
 
 confess I have fears for the future. Still, I am far 
 from giving it up. I think the system at the North is 
 a failure. But our people are different. We have 
 more virtue, and by far more political intelligence in the 
 masses' of our people than they have. The great body 
 of our people here are honest, industrious, frugal, pure, 
 and not disposed to look to Government for anything 
 hut wise and equal laws. In other words, they look to 
 Government for nothing but justice. At the North the 
 great mass look to Government as a means for a living 
 by their wits in some way. Government with them is 
 a license to rob and plunder in some way or other; and 
 to get control of Government for these purposes is the 
 highest object of their ambition. The people there, as 
 well as their rulers, have been corrupted for years, — at 
 least a large portion of them, if not the majority. The 
 same thing is true of a portion of our people, and we 
 have some corrupt leaders. But the great majority are 
 not so. They understand their rights, and all they 
 want of rulers is to give them good government. So 
 long as this shall predominate I shall never despair of 
 the principles of self-government with our people.” 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 ME. STEPHENS’ ILL HEALTH — “LIBERTY HALL” — DE- 
 SCRIPTION OF HIS RESIDENCE AT CRAWFORDSVILLE 
 — HOME LIFE AND HOSPITALITIES — PERSONAL AP- 
 PEARANCE, AS DESCRIBED BY REV. W. H. MILBURN. 
 
 From all that has been written, it will have been seen 
 that Mr. Stephens was, to use his own mode of expres- 
 sion, oft repeated, “of hut little use to the Confederate 
 Government.” During the years of the war also, he 
 was not exempt from the tortures and miseries of ill- 
 health, which had so persisently remained with him 
 through life. An extraordinary patience and serene sub- 
 mission to pain, which had always characterized him, 
 enabled him however, to distract his mind from himself, 
 in great measure, and to devote his thoughts and much 
 of his time to the all-engrossing events of the period. 
 As we have said, his home at Crawfordsville was fre- 
 quently sought by public men with whom he conversed 
 freely. He also wrote voluminously to his friends and 
 specially to his brother Linton, giving frank expression 
 of his opinions on public questions as they arose. Din- 
 ing the Winter of 1863-64, his sufferings were extreme. 
 New developments of disease, accompanied by excru- 
 ciating suffering, strained his extraordinary constitution 
 to the utmost. Notwithstanding this, a remarkable 
 
LIBERTY HALL, MR. STEPHEN’S RESIDENCE. 
 
 a" 
 
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 
 
 69 
 
 feature of this period of his life, and indeed which had 
 characterized it for the preceding twenty years, was 
 the unflagging hospitality which was dispensed at 
 “ Liberty Hall,” the well-known name of Mr. Stephens’ 
 residence at Crawfordsville. 
 
 This residence was purchased by Mr. Stephens in 
 1845, and then received from him the title which it 
 ever afterwards retained. The town of Craw- 
 fordsville, sixty-four miles from the city of Augusta, 
 stands on a slope of the Alleghenies, between the Chat- 
 tahoochee and Savannah Rivers, and at an elevation of 
 about six hundred feet above the level of the sea. For 
 many years it has been a rather forgotten place, the 
 Georgia Railroad running through it serving rather to 
 mark its decline than to awaken it to new animation or 
 prosperity. It may be doubted, however, if there be any 
 spot in the State of Georgia more dear to its people. 
 On an elevation just outside of the town, near an old 
 church and graveyard, stands the unpretending struct- 
 ure, seen at intervals as one approaches, through a 
 magnificent grove of oaks, in the midst of which it 
 stands. It contains eight rooms; four of these on the 
 upper floor being always, during the lifetime of the 
 owner, prepared for the reception of the guests who 
 almost constantly occupied them. In the rear of the 
 building were the library and bedroom of Mr. Stephens, 
 and, strangely and pathetically enough, the only orna- 
 ment, so to speak, in the library of Alexander H. Ste- 
 phens, was the bust of Daniel Webster. Concerning the 
 nature of Mr, Stephens’ home life, one of his biograph- 
 ers writes as follows : 
 
 “ There was probably no home in Georgia where the 
 old-fashioned virtue of hospitality was — and still is— 
 
70 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 practiced on a more liberal scale than at Liberty Hall. 
 For many years it has been Mr. Stephens’ practice, 
 during court week, to entertain all the lawyers in attend- 
 ance from other counties. As he lived on the line of 
 the railroad, every one who passed between Augusta 
 and Atlanta, whether previously acquainted with him 
 or not, felt entirely free to favor Mr. Stephens with a 
 brief call — a visit of a day or two, or a stay of several 
 weeks, as they might feel inclined. Some came out 
 of respect, some from curiosity, some to ask pecuniary 
 assistance, and many from the feeling that his house 
 was open to everybody. As for the people of Talia- 
 ferro County, there was not a man, woman, or 
 child there who did not feel as much at home in Mr. 
 Stephens’ house as in their own, which they were 
 free to enter at any time and stay as long as they 
 pleased. So it can be easily surmised that, although 
 his personal manner of living has always been of the 
 simplest kind, his domestic expenses have been exceed- 
 ingly heavy 
 
 “ Rarely does a chance visitor call at Liberty Hall at 
 dinner-time, that he does not find other guests, some of 
 whom were as little expected as himself. Mr. Johnston 
 has often seen a plain countryman walk into Mr. 
 Stephens’ office, where the latter was writing, and after 
 an exchange of greetings not a word has been spoken 
 until dinner was announced. Immediately after dinner 
 the guest has departed with as little ceremony as graced 
 his entry ; very frequently first asking and receiving an 
 order on the village store for groceries, or a pair of 
 shoes, or a frock for his wife. It may be thought that 
 this practice does not tend to improve the independ- 
 ence and self-respect of the stalwart yeomen of Talia- 
 ferro; but they seem to feel that they stand in a dif- 
 
ALEXANDER B. STEPHENS. 
 
 71 
 
 ferent and closer relation to Mr. Stephens than to the 
 rest of their more affluent neighbors. 
 
 “ Mr. Stephens, however, never allows himself to he 
 incommoded by these visitations. If he is occupied, 
 he welcomes his guests and then continues what he has 
 in hand, leaving them to entertain themselves. His 
 dinner-hour is never postponed; and whether his guests 
 he few or many, they must content themselves with 
 what is already prepared or can he got ready without 
 delay.” 
 
 And in connection with the residence of Mr. Ste- 
 phens, the following description of his appearance at 
 home will not he out of place. It was written by a 
 special correspondent of the New York Herald , com- 
 missioned to visit the statesman, shortly before the 
 Presidential election of 1860. 
 
 “ The first object that met our view was that of a 
 person, apparently a slightly formed youth, walking 
 thoughtfully through a wide passage-way that extended 
 from one side of the dwelling to the other, and open to 
 the air and sunshine at either end. On approaching 
 this slight, apparently fragile personage, we discov- 
 ered at once, from his deeply marked and careworn 
 features, his broad forehead, his intelligent and elo- 
 quent black eye, it was no youth who stood before us, 
 but Mr. Stephens himself. He now weighs ninety-two 
 pounds, and weighed but eighty-four when he com- 
 menced law practice in Crawfordsville 
 
 “Besides his home residence in Crawfordsville, 
 which covers about thirty acres of land, including a 
 fine peach and apple orchard, a garden in which the 
 pomegranates are now bursting with their luscious 
 sweets, fig-trees overshadow the ground, and roses of 
 
72 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 the finest varieties are in full bloom, Mr. Stephens has 
 a plantation about two miles distant, embracing a 
 thousand acres of land. A portion of this plantation 
 belonged to his parents. His grand-father died 
 and was buried on the spot; his father and mother 
 lived and died there, and the property falling into 
 other hands, it was not until the expiration of many 
 years that Mr. Stephens was enabled to achieve 
 the proudest object of his life’s ambition, the 
 redemption of his patrimonial estate. He has since 
 added considerably to its proportions, and by improv- 
 ing its culture rendered it one of the finest plantations 
 in the county. 
 
 ********* 
 
 “During the ride through his plantation, Mr. Stephens 
 pointed out his vineyard, comprising four acres of land. 
 The vines are of the Catawba vareity, in healthful con- 
 dition, and produce, Mr. Stephens calculates, several 
 hundred gallons of wine. He has also near his resi- 
 dence about an acre of land in which he has planted 
 what he intends shall be a model vineyard, and from 
 its fine situation, the thriftiness of the first year’s 
 growth, and other significant reasons, there is no doubt 
 his expectations will be realized. Mr. Stephens devotes 
 considerable of his time to his plantation, and a day 
 or two since might have been seen sowing rye in one of 
 his fields. ” 
 
 The personal appearance of Mr. Stephens always 
 surprised those who were brought in contact with him. 
 Perhaps the best description of him as he appeared 
 when in the prime of his ability and at the height of 
 his personal popularity, was given by Rev. William 
 Henry Milburn, well-known as the “Blind Preacher,” 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 7S 
 
 and who was at one time Chaplain of Congress. He 
 says: 
 
 “ Alexander Hamilton Stephens is the most powerful 
 orator-in Congress, and that with all the odds against 
 him. When standing he is a man of medium height, 
 hut when seated he looks like a boy, for his trunk is 
 remarkably short, and his face exceeding youthful. 
 Careless of his personal appearance, his hair falling in 
 masses over his fine brow; his black, brown, or any 
 other colored cravat (he seems not to know which) tied 
 in a sailor’s knot; his clothes fitting well, if he has been 
 fortunate in his tailor (rarely the case); an immense 
 gold chain, terminated by a heavy seal, falling from his 
 watch fob, he presents an unpromising, not to say an 
 out re appearance. When in repose, his face does not 
 promise much more; pale, with a slightly sallow tinge, 
 sometimes with a hectic flush upon his cheek, it seems 
 to belong to a beardless boy. His arms and legs are 
 very long, and his whole frame, not compactly knit, 
 appears loose and awkward, and the victim of life-long 
 disease. How nearly disease and genius may be associ- 
 ated, is a question which I leave for physiologists and 
 psychologists to settle. But I feel sure that sleepless 
 nights and days of pain and fever have had much to do 
 with the brilliant intellect of this remarkable man. 
 His voice, too, in common talk, gives as little token 
 of his power as his other features, for it is thin, 
 high-pitched, and inclining to the falsetto. Trained as 
 a lawyer at the Georgia bar, a wonderful school for 
 the development of popular eloquence (for the jury 
 system is pushed there to its remotest limits), he early 
 displayed those gifts which have made his name so 
 famous; a sharp incisive intellect, broad in its com- 
 
74 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 prehension, firm in its grasp, as keen in its percep- 
 tions, coupled with an emotional nature, delicate as it is 
 strong, giving him an invincible hold upon the interest 
 and sympathy of his hearers. Returned to the House 
 of Representatives when scarcely thirty years of age, 
 he had, by the time I first saw him, already gained the 
 undivided ear of the House. When he stood up to 
 speak, there was no lunching, chatting or apathy in 
 the Hall, which seemed divided between the silence 
 and his voice. The almost feminine squeak of opening 
 soon became a consistent ringing tone, penetrating every 
 corner of the spacious apartment; and judging of his 
 effect upon the ear, I can well believe what I have so 
 often heard, that the impression of his presence upon 
 the eye almost amounted to transformation. 
 
 “In defence of his position he is at once logical and 
 persuasive, setting his argument before you in a clear, 
 light and striking attitude, insomuch that the remark 
 of Mr. Horace Greely is justified, ‘ that you forget that 
 you are listening to the most eloquent man in Wash- 
 ington, and only feel that he is right.’ 
 
 “Hi3 manner is rapid, sometimes vehement, always 
 collected. Having in an instant gained your absorbed 
 attention, he w’ins your confidence by his apparent fair- 
 ness of reasoning, until at length you submit yourself 
 to his control without compunction, or the dread of his 
 being overcome. The most brilliant, albeit the most 
 satisfying part of his oratory, is seen when he turns 
 upon his opponents. His powers of satire, ridicule, 
 sarcasm aud invective, are fearful, and yet the 
 man of good breeding never forgets himself nor is 
 hurried away into truculent abuse. Many a man has 
 smarted or even withered under Mr. Stephens’ irony 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 75 
 
 or denunciation; but I question if any has ever had 
 cause to say that he was not a gentleman . 
 
 “I fancy that there are several points of apparent 
 resemblance between Mr. Stephens, and John Randolph 
 of Roanoke; but there must be more of real difference. 
 Both have been the victims of disease whose origin 
 dates far back in life, and each has consequently been 
 the owner of a body, -which, however equisitely it may 
 have been strung, had been perilously sensitive. Both 
 have exercised almost unequal sway upon the floor of 
 Congress ; and both have been noted as masters in the 
 art of offensive parliamentary warfare. Both have been 
 admitted to be unimpeachably honest and fearless 
 statesmen, shunning no danger, and braving every peril 
 in maintenance of their peculiar and cherished convic- 
 tions. But Mr. Randolph had scarcely a friend. Mr. 
 Stephens has hardly an enemy. Bodily infirmity, if it 
 did not master Mr, Randolph’s will, soured his temper, 
 and gave to his perfect diction the poison of wormwood, 
 and to his spirit the gall of bitterness that verged upon 
 misanthropy. Mr. Stephens has conquered suffering, 
 and made himself strong and noble by entering heartily 
 into the sweet charities of life.” 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 MR. STEPHENS’ GENEROSITY — AID TO STRUGGLING TAL- 
 ENT — HIS APPEARANCE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRE- 
 SENTATIVES ADDRESS BEFORE THE GEORGIA AS- 
 
 SEMBLY IN 1864 — THE HAMPTON ROADS CONFER- 
 ENCE — ARREST AND IMPRISONMENT OF MR. 
 STEPHENS — HE IS RELEASED, AND DEVOTES HIMSELF 
 TO AUTHORSHIP — HIS DEATH, AND THE IMPRESSIVE 
 CEREMONIES OF HIS FUNERAL. 
 
 ✓ 
 
 There would be no completeness to a sketch of Mr. 
 Stephens which did not make emphatic reference to the 
 kindliness and generosity of his nature. From the 
 time when he first began to accumulate anything like a 
 competence, it was his custom to devote a certain part 
 of his income, as opportunity offered, to ameliorating 
 the condition of young men ambitious of obtaining an 
 education and incapacitated therefrom by poverty. Yet 
 this was not done in the form of charity, or in any way 
 calculated to hurt the sense of a proper personal pride 
 which might, under different circumstances, have suf- 
 fered ; and it is pleasant to know, from Mr. Stephens’ 
 own statement, that in thirty such cases in which he 
 had afforded assistance, only three failed to reimburse 
 him therefor. In his relations to the people of his own 
 
ALEXANDER II, STEPHENS 
 
 77 
 
 town and his own country, the liberal kindness of Mr. 
 Stephens was peculiarly evident. 
 
 In the Southern States, people are known by 
 their county residence more especially than in any other 
 way. It comes about, therefore, that there is an in- 
 timacy of association among the inhabitants of a 
 county, and so to speak, a sentiment of clanship, 
 which does not in the least obtain in the North. It 
 may readily be understood, therefore, that Mr. 
 Stephens’ well-known generous hospitality and his 
 habit of keeping open house at “Liberty Hall” brought 
 him into especialy friendly association with the people 
 of Taliaferro County. 
 
 But it was not alone in dispensing kindly aid to 
 those less fortunate than himself that Mr. Stephens 
 showed the tenderness of his nature. During the war, 
 — and while, because of the blindness existing among 
 the authorities who controlled the destinies of the Con- 
 federate States, his wise counsel was unsought where 
 it would have been of the most service — he passed much 
 of his time in visiting the hospitals and in doing all that 
 lay in his power to relieve the necessities and lessen 
 the pains of the sick and wounded. Such gentle at- 
 tributes are surely not to be counted least in summing 
 up the character of him who could, at the same time, 
 occupy the position of a wise and great statesman and 
 of a kind-hearted, tender and considerate man. 
 
 Still another description of Mr. Stephens, as he ap- 
 peared, while occupying his seat in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives in Washington: 
 
 “ Near the bar of the House, to the right of the main 
 isle, facing the speaker, sits a man whose singular ap- 
 pearance always arrests the attention of the stranger. 
 
78 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 You should note him well, for he is one of the marked 
 characters of the House. 
 
 ********* 
 
 “ It is Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia. And do 
 you call that curious-looking creature one of the marked 
 characters of the House? Yes, every word of it. True, 
 there is no mark of extraordinary intellectuality in his 
 countenance; hut draw him out in debate, do anything 
 to set at work that powerful intellectual battery within, 
 and that poor, sickly, emaciated frame, which looks as 
 if it must sink under the slightest physical exertion, at 
 once grows instinct with a galvanic vitality which 
 quickens every nerve with the energy of a new life, 
 imparts to every feature a high, intellectual expression, 
 makes the languid eyes glow like living coals, and dif- 
 fuses a glow of reviving animation over the palid 
 countenance. 
 
 “A new spirit seems to be awakened within him 
 which transforms the whole man into a new creature in 
 appearance. You cease to be annoyed by that voice 
 which pierces the ear with its shrill and discordant 
 tones, and the awkward gestures seem awkward no 
 longer, for they are evidently prompted by nature. No 
 wonder that nature has slighted the outward man, 
 since she has lavished her rarest gifts upon the inward 
 with unsparing profusion. The intellectual power of 
 the man seems so to transfigure the outward appear- 
 ance, so to transfer its quickening and transforming 
 spirit into the physical nature, that the emaciated 
 figure before you looks as much like intellect incarnate, 
 as can well be imagined. 
 
 ‘ ‘ He hurries through the exordium, announces the 
 subject, lays down his propositions, and advances at 
 pnce to the argument, which he follows out with log- 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 79 
 
 cal exactness, weaving into the thread of it such facts 
 as are proper for illustrations, and drawing out conclu- 
 sions which the most subtle ingenuity cannot avert. 
 Xow he advances to the arguments of the other side, 
 dissects them with admirable delicacy, exposes a fallacy 
 here and a misstatement of facts there; here a non 
 sequiter, and there a petitio principii ; now some insidious 
 reflection upon the South touches his sensitive feelings 
 on that subject, and forth there issues a flame of 
 withering invective, which, made doubly hot by his 
 envenomed sarcasm, scathes its victim as with the 
 blasting touch of lightning; now he is all on fire with 
 interest in his subject, and seems to catch the inspiration 
 of eloquence, as, with more than mortal power, he 
 summons forth the feelings of the audience, and sways 
 them in alternate emotions of anger, indignation, pity, 
 love, and all the passions of the human breast. 
 
 “A death-like silence reigns over the vast Hall, 
 broken only by the reverberating tones of the speaker’s 
 voice. Senators have deserted the other wing of the 
 Capitol, and, side by side with members, are sitting as 
 under a spell, which they cannot break; Mr. Speaker 
 has thrown down his hammer, which generally knows 
 no rest, and has forgotten to keep an eye upon the clock 
 that the member on the floor may not break through 
 the ‘ hour rule; ’ pages have almost lost their power of 
 perpetual motion, and are now subdued into a stillness 
 like unto death; reporters look like ‘mediums’ with 
 the spell upon them, inditing revelations from the 
 spirit world; while from the overhanging galleries, 
 graced with a brilliant array of beauty and fashion, 
 a thousand eyes are riveted on the speaker as on a 
 ‘ charmer,’ with an air of bewildered amazement, nor 
 dare they turn to each other for a moment, for an inter- 
 
80 
 
 TEE LIFE OF 
 
 change of those sympathetic glances, which bring so 
 much relief to the human heart when swayed by such 
 emotions.” 
 
 In the Spring of 1864, when it was beginning to be 
 discerned by the Southern leaders and the Southern 
 people that their cause was hopeless, Mr. Stephens ad- 
 dressed the General Assembly of the State of Georgia, 
 reviewing those executive and Congressional errors 
 which had in his opinion, wrecked and destroyed the 
 Confederate government. In closing his address he used 
 the following impressive language: 
 
 “ What fate or fortune awaits you or me, in the con- 
 tingencies of the times,. is known to us all. We may meet 
 again, or we may not. But as a parting remembrance, 
 a lasting memento, to be engraven on your memories 
 and your hearts, I warn you against that most insidi- 
 ous enemy which approaches with her syren song, 1 in- 
 dependence first, and liberty afterward.’ It is a fatal 
 delusion. Liberty is the animating spirit, the soul of 
 our system of government; and like the soil of man, 
 when once lost it is lost forever. There is for it no 
 redemption, except through blood. Never for a 
 moment permit yourselves to look upon liberty, that 
 constitutional liberty which you inherited as a birth- 
 right, as subordinate to independence. The .one was 
 resorted to to secure the other. Let them ever be held 
 and cherished as objects co ordinate, co-existent, co- 
 equal, co-eval, and forever inseparable. Let them 
 stand together ‘through weal and through woe,’ and if 
 such be our fate, let them and us all go down together 
 in a common ruin. Without liberty, I would not turn 
 upon my heel for independence. I scorn all independ- 
 ence which does not secure liberty! I warn you also 
 
ALEXANDER IT. STEPHENS. 
 
 Si 
 
 against another fatal delusion, commonly dressed Up j a 
 the fascinating language of, ‘ if we are to have a mf 3 t er 
 who would not prefer to ha ve a Southern one to a N 0 rth- 
 ernone?’ Use no such language. Countenance no ne 
 such. Evil communications are as corrupting in p 0 ii_ 
 tics as in morals. 
 
 “ ‘ Vice is a monster of such hideous mien. 
 
 That to be hated, needs but to be seen. 
 
 But seen too oft, familiar with her face, 
 
 We first endure, then pity, then embrace.’ 
 
 “ I would not turn upon my heel to choose between 
 masters. I was not horn to acknowledge a master from 
 either the North or South. I shall never choose be- 
 tween candidates for that office. 1 shall never degrade 
 the right of suffrage in such an election. I have no 
 wish or desire to live after the degradation of my coun- 
 try, and have no intention to survive its liberties, if 
 life be the necessary sacrifice of their maintenance, to 
 the utmost of my ability to the bitter end. As for my- 
 self, give me liberty as secured in the constitution with 
 all its guarantees, amongst which is the sovereignty of 
 Georgia, or give me death. This is my motto while 
 living, and I want no better epitaph when I am dead. 
 
 “ Senators and Representatives, the honor, the rights, 
 the dignity, the glory of Georgia, are in your hands. 
 See to it as faithful sentinels on the watch-tower, that 
 no harm or detriment come to any of those high and 
 sacred trusts while committed to your charge.” 
 
 For the sentiments expressed in this speech, Mr. 
 Stephens was savagely attacked by the organs of the 
 Richmond government. Necessarily, there were small 
 minds in the South, as there would have been elsewhere 
 under similar circumstances, minds incapable of recog- 
 
82 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 nizij'g the grandeur of soul which had, in the early 
 days of the -conflict, impelled the Great Commoner to 
 souno' the note of warning; and which now, at the 
 close, S ave the right to offer them such advice 
 and c tuasel as to him seemed good. Calm and dig- 
 nified* as a Roman Senator, he did not hesitate to 
 u ttc ' unpalatable truths, not because they were truths, 
 anc ] not because they were unpalatable, but because 
 ■■ at there seemed to him to be some merit in them 
 nrough which there might be saved from the wreck 
 cf his country, that liberty which he prized and for 
 which, as he did not hesitate to declare, he would will- 
 ingly have died. One Georgia journal, the Southern 
 Confederacy published in Atlanta, recognized the 
 nobility of character which dictated the wise recom- 
 mendations of Mr. Stephens, and thus referred to them, 
 conceding moreover, to the statesman the exact value 
 of his earlier suggestions: referring to current news- 
 paper attacks, this journal spoke as follows: 
 
 “ He is a person, in the first place, of an enlightened 
 understanding. He adds to a fine intellect by nature, 
 the cultivation of earnest inquiry and long experience. 
 He has been a brilliant actor in public affairs, as well as 
 a close student in his own library. His perceptions 
 are clear; his vision far-sighted; his disposition tem- 
 perate. Ho man but a fool can doubt the loyalty of 
 his nature to fixed principles, for as a citizen and a 
 statesman he is a man of integrity. He seems to have 
 made the science of government a system of profound 
 research, the good of his people his chief purpose; and, 
 since the advent of the revolution, the success of our 
 cause the aim of his existence. Had his counsels pre- 
 vailed, we would have had peace this day. There is 
 
ALEXANDER TT. STEPHENS. 
 
 83 
 
 no sort of question of it; for they would have given us 
 an army at the start, and a financial and diplomatic 
 system throughout the war. The modest bearing, the 
 earnest truths, the calm good sense, the sagacious 
 hints, the eloquent pictures and appeals which 
 gleam among the sturdy issues presented in his late 
 speech, cannot fail to find the heart of all who read 
 them ; and he who rises from the perusal of that docu- 
 ment, and has the bigotry to prate about what is called 
 the ‘Georgia Platform,’ proclaims himself as unfit to 
 enjoy a free country as he is to talk politics.” 
 
 In January, 1865, the arrangement for what has 
 passed into history as the Hampton Roads Conference, 
 was entered into between Jefferson Davis and Francis 
 P. Blair, Sr., resulting in the meeting on February 3rd, 
 between President Lincoln and Secretary Seward on 
 the part of the United States, and Messrs. Stephens, 
 Hunter and Campbell on the part of the Confederate 
 States. This conference was originally devised for the 
 purpose of bringing about such an agreement between 
 the belligerents as to effect a suspension of hostilities 
 and some combination through which the Monroe Doc- 
 trine should be maintained as the united policy of both 
 parties, and thus the establishment of the projected 
 empire in Mexico by France be prevented. The con- 
 ference took place on beard a steamer anchored near 
 Fortress Monroe, and which had arrived, having on 
 board Mr. Lincoln, on the previous night, Mr. Seward 
 having preceded him by a couple of days. The con- 
 ference was informal and resulted in nothing, President 
 Lincoln refusing to entertain any proposition whatever 
 without the laying down of arms on the part of the 
 South, as an act to precede all negotiations. After a 
 
84 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 desultory conversation, and some slight arrangement 
 being made in regard to the exchange of prisoners, the 
 conference terminated. The Confederate commissioners 
 returned to Richmond and reported to Mr. Davis, and 
 on the 9th of February, Mr. Stephens returned to his 
 home in Crawfordsville, where he remained until the 
 11th of May. 
 
 On that day he was arrested at his house by the 
 Federal Major-general Upton, and conveyed under 
 guard to Atlanta, where he was taken charge of by 
 Colonel Pritchard, who had already in his custody Mr. 
 Davis and those captured with him. Mr. Stephens 
 was transferred to Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, May 
 25th, and remained there until released on parole 
 October 12th. During the greater portion of the period 
 of his incarceration, he was permitted to have the 
 society of his brother Linton, and apart from the 
 burden of confinement, his stay was made as comfort- 
 able and convenient as possible. Early in the following 
 year, Mr. Stephens testified before the Reconstruction 
 Committee of Congress, and at this time he began writ- 
 ing a work in two volumes,, entitled 1 ‘ A Constitutional 
 Review of the Late War Between the States; Its Causes, 
 Character, Conduct and Results, presented in a series 
 of colloquies at Liberty Hall.” This work met with a 
 large sale. In 1870, he first contemplated writing a 
 school history of the United States, which he after- 
 wards completed. The following year he bought an 
 interest in the Atlanta Sun, and for which he wrote 
 political editorials, while also dictating its general 
 policy as a Democratic newspaper. He was chosen a 
 member of the Forty-third Congress, and though pre- 
 vented by ill-health from taking a very prominent part 
 in the debates, continued to hold his seat through four 
 
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 85 
 
 congresses, and until a short time before his election as 
 Governor of the State of Georgia, on the retirement of 
 Alfred H. Colquitt, at the close of 1882. 
 
 ********* 
 
 A succinct expression of the best Northern judgment 
 concerning the ability and career of Alexander H. 
 Stephens, is presented, possibly, in the following quo- 
 tation from an editorial in Harper's Weekly, which 
 appeared immediately after his death: 
 
 ‘ ‘ His gifts were unquestionable. Especially in earlier 
 life his eloquence was fervent, persuasive and sympa- 
 thetic, while he developed marked skill in debate. His 
 energy was exhaustless, his knowledge of human 
 nature varied and extensive, and his mastery of parlia- 
 mentary tactics almost unequaled. At the same time, 
 his grasp of constitutional law, his capacity for plausible 
 reasoning, his ingenious mode of presenting his argu- 
 ments, and his promptness in accepting accomplished 
 facts, made him easily a leader of the party with which 
 he cast in his fortunes. Had he been unhampered by 
 the conditions, political and moral, which surrounded 
 him, there is little room for doubt that he would have 
 won great distinction; but it was his misfortune to be 
 in servitude, unconscious but complete, to the terrible 
 institution which determined the political career of 
 every public man in the South, and which interposed a 
 barrier that none succeeded in overthrowing or pass- 
 ing.” 
 
 Mr. Stephens never married. Possibly one of the 
 elements which went to make up his life, most emphas- 
 ized by its claim on the consideration and tenderness 
 of his countrymen, is to be found in the determination 
 never to marry, imposed on him by his frail organiza- 
 
86 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 tion and constant illness. While there is no doubt that 
 Mr. Stephens was one to •whom marriage would have 
 fulfilled its best ends if wisely undertaken, and while 
 few men more needed the social atmosphere of the 
 family, it is certain that he, early in life, discarded all 
 hopes of ever reaching such a conclusion, and purely 
 from a sense of his utter dependence, and with an 
 unselfish disregard of his own feelings, certainly most 
 honorable and most unusual. 
 
 It is a part of his early history, that when exercising 
 the functions of a teacher, his heart was deeply touched 
 and his mind impressed with regard for a young lady, 
 a pupil, who was herself not disinclined to him. It 
 is related to have been one of the most serious shocks of 
 his life when he resisted and broke down all his impulses 
 and wishes in this direction, and literally fled from the 
 scene of his enchantment. 
 
 Another romance is related of him, the other party to 
 which is still living at Atlanta, an unmarried lady 
 highly esteemed by all who knew her. The period was 
 about 1840, and the lady at the time not more than 
 sixteen or seventeen years of age. They met and be- 
 came interested in each other, and nearly ten years 
 later, the acquaintance being renewed, their attach- 
 ment became more serious, their relation amounting to 
 an engagement. Occurrences of a private nature, de- 
 lays and disappointments intervened and prevented 
 their marriage, but both continued strong in their 
 attachment and remained single each for the other’s 
 sake. In this instance also, Mr. Stephens’ ill health 
 had much to do with the result, and in considering him 
 in every relation, it is to be remembered that he never 
 knew a well day in his life. He used to say that he 
 
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 
 
 87 
 
 made it the rule of his life to live each day as if it were 
 to he his last. 
 
 We have already presented several descriptions of 
 Mr. Stephens’ personal appearance. During his last 
 terms in Congress he occupied a wheeled chair, in 
 which his worn face and emaciated figure, shrouded in 
 a great cloak, made him an object of scrutiny and re- 
 mark with all who visited the legislative chamber. 
 
 Of all the portraits of him that have been made, the 
 most satisfactory in all respects is that from the line 
 engraving on steel by the distinguished artist, William 
 Edgar Marshall, of which a very fine copy adorns 
 this volume. A peculiar charm in this picture con- 
 sists in the marvelous skill by which the artist has 
 managed to include in his representation of the face 
 one and all of the idiosyncracies and specially personal 
 characteristics of this remarkable man. There never 
 has been an artist who has succeeded in line engraving 
 applied to portraiture in producing the vivid and 
 powerful effects of Mr. Marshall. By his wonderful 
 handling of light and shade, he succeeds in giving re- 
 sults of tone, color and atmosphere, which, in simple 
 black and white, are unusual and very striking. 
 
 Alexander H. Stephens died at his home at Craw- 
 fordsville, Georgia, at midnight on March 3rd, 1883, 
 having just entered upon his seventy-second year. 
 
 He had been on a visit to Savannah, and being ex- 
 posed to sudden and violent changes of temperature, 
 became seriously ill. His condition rapidly grew -worse 
 as he traveled homeward, and on his arrival he took to 
 his bed, from which he never rose again. During the last 
 week of his life, he became impressed with the serious 
 nature of his condition, and while those about him, 
 who had often seen him recover from apparently severer 
 
88 
 
 THE . LIFE OF 
 
 attacks, were very hopeful, he remarked several times 
 that he was certain he was going to die. 
 
 “ I know exactly how much strength I have,” he 
 said, “ and I believe I am going to die.” 
 
 Again he remarked, “The time will come at last 
 when I will not have strength to rally, and this may be 
 the time.” At about half past ten, on the Saturday 
 night of his death, Mr. Stephens sank into a deep 
 stupor, from which he never rallied. His remains were 
 taken to Atlanta and laid in state in the Executive 
 Mansion, until the 8th, when the funeral took place, 
 amid the most imposing cei'emonies and in the presence 
 of the most eminent men of Georgia — men with whom 
 the life of the deceased had been intimately connected, 
 socially and politically, during one of the most impres- 
 sive and important periods of the world’s history. The 
 funeral ceremonies took place in Representatives’ Hall, 
 which was elaborately draped in mourning, Governor 
 Colquitt presiding, and Governor Boynton, Generals 
 Gordon and Toombs, Judge Crawford, Senator Brown, 
 Ex-Governor Bullock, General Jackson, and many 
 other prominent personages being present. Rev. Dr. 
 De Witt Talmage, of Brooklyn, an old friend of the 
 deceased, was present by invitation, and offered the 
 closing prayer. 
 
 Throughout the Southern States, and in various parts 
 of the country, the day of the funeral was observed 
 with appropriate ceremonies; and not the least impres- 
 sive recognition of the event occurred in the Metropol- 
 itan City of New York, whose City Hall displayed the 
 State and National colors, in honor and memory of 
 him who had once been Vice-President of the Confed- 
 erate States of America. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
, I 
 
 * /S y a ' 
 
 i 
 
 W'