DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY HISTORY O OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 WITH AI.Ii THE ANECDOTES RELATING TO IT. By J. S. & C. C. “ Libertas, carissima populo!” — Sallust. PHILADELPHIA: Eastern District of Pennsylvania , to toil : BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the eighth day of Decem ber* in the fifty-fifth year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1830, J. S. & C. C. of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit : “ History of the French Revolution of 1830 : with all the Anecdotes relating to it. By J. S. & C. C. “ Libertas, carissima populo !” Sallust. In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, intituled* 44 An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such co- pies, during the times therein mentioned”— and also to the act, enti- tled, “ An act supplementary to an act, entitled, ‘An act for the en- couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,’ and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints.” D. CALDWELL, Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. fyy oL S/// fi TO PETER S. DUPONCEAU, LL.D. PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, AND ATHENjEUM OF PHILADELPHIA, CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, fyc. fyc. THE FOLLOWING PAGES , EMBRACING THE HISTORY OF A MEMORABLE ER A IN THE ANNALS OF HIS COUNTRY, ARE, With great respect and consideration , DEDICATED, BY THE AUTHORS. } ^ ^ 3 -CJL^ 3-rf / i«t(k o, M Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/historyoffrenchr1830swai PREFACE. Among the events that transpired on the eastern continent, during this century, none appear in a political point of view, so preg- nant with interest and importance as those of which we are about to give the minutes. The recent revolution of France has made an axiom of the trite adage, so long des- pised by monarchs, that Editors of the National. Messieurs Guaja, Publisher of the National. Thiers, Mignet, Carrel, Chambolle, Peysse, Stapfer, Dubochet, Rolle, Leroux, Publisher of the Globe. Dejean, De Guizard, Sarrans, Jr. Publisher of the Courier. MoStte, \ Editors of the Courier - Fabre, Chief Editor of the Tribune. Annee, Editors of the Comtitutionel. Editors of the Globe. Gauchois Lemaire, s, j. > J FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 23 Senty, 1 Haussmann, v Editors of the Times. Dussard, J Avenel, Editor of the Courier Frangais. Levasseuk, Editor of the Revolution. Dumoulin, Jussieu, Editor of the Courier F'angais. Chatelain, Publisher of the Courier Fran- gais. Plagnol, Chief Editor of the Revolution. Fazi, Editor of the Revolution. 7 Editors of the Times. BuzoNi, Barbaroux, Chalas, Billiard, Ader, Editor of the Tribune. Larreguy, of the Journal of Commerce. Dupont, of the Courier Frangais. Remusat, of the Globe. De Laperouse, of the Courier Frangais. Boiiain, ? jgigaro # ROQUEPLAN, 3 ° Cosie, > t j ie grimes . Baude,3 Bert, of the Commerce. Pillet, of the Journal of Paris. Vaillant, of the Sylphe. Numerous groups formed anew in the 24 HISTORY OF THE garden of the Palais-Royale; the independent journals were distributed on all sides, and as on the day before, orators mounted on chairs and tables to harangue the people. They adverted to their neglected rights; they preached resistance in the name of the law; and thunders of applause followed in every quarter their courageous harangues. Armed forces, as on the preceding evening, presented themselves to drive the crowd from the gar- den, which were immediately shut. But this time the crowd did not disperse, on the con- trary, it increased every moment, and all the neighbouring streets were soon thronged. The students of law and medicine, almost in a solid mass, occupied Rue St. Honore; citizens of every class assembled, some unarmed, some with clubs. The infantry and cavalry at- tempted to drive back the citizens, and obey- ing too faithfully the orders they had re- ceived, charged on the defenceless people; many fell, women, children, old men were thrown down and trampled under the hoofs of the horses. A cry of indignation resound- ed every where; two cart loads of bricks, des- tined for repairing the Palais-Royale, were seized upon by the people; every thing that FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 25 fell under their hands was converted into an implement of war, and myriads of projec- tiles were hurled against the soldiers. The crowd insensibly increased ; it reached to the cpiays and the boulevards. The gendarmes on their side received reinforcements; charges rapidly succeeded each other, and were an- swered with showers of stones and brickbats by the people. No one retreated, and the air resounded with shouts of huzza for the charter! At eight o’clock the mob was immense; several streets were torn up to stop the charges of cavalry. At this moment the gendarmes commenced a brisk fire on the Rue St. Honore. The first discharge had numerous victims among the youth of the school to the right, who, instead of flying, rallied under the fire of the enemy. Shouts of arms! give us arms! were heard in every place. Presently the people broke into the shops of the gunsmiths and armourers; swords, pistols, daggers, powder, balls, every thing was carried off, and even objects of luxury became instruments of battle. Meanwhile the residents of the streets in which these charges took place, filled their c 26 HISTORY OF THE rooms with tiles, paving stones, and broken bottles, to be projected from the windows; the defence was made with admirable unani- mity; the firing was interrupted, barricades were thrown up; and the young men who could' procure arms, discharged under cover of these hastily constructed entrenchments, a continual volley on the troops. At ten o’clock the discharges of musquet- ry had ceased; the atmosphere was illumi- nated by the glare of the conflagration of the exchange, which had been set on fire by the king’s body guard, and which the people had taken possession of, after having put the military to flight; in the streets, and the boulevards, legions of combatants hastily organized, prepared to resist the most fu- rious attack. The troops felt the impossibility of conti- nuing in the darkness of the night, a conflict which had already been so disastrous to them; they retired, and the firing ceased; but the defenders of liberty could not slum- ber in false security; they passed the rest of the night in providing arms and ammuni- tion, and in preparing to make on the ensu- ing day, a vigorous and heroic* defence. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 27 This evening was decisive, and govern- ment at this juncture, might perceive that the law which it attempted to transgress, would be enforced by the people; the troops of the line gave proof of their reluctance to march against the people; the 50th regi- ment, and the 5th light infantry absolutely refused to fire. As for the gendarmes, used to shedding the blood of defenceless men, the very appearance of the armed students intimidated them, and a great number of them only waited for a pretext to lay down their arms. 28 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER II. The Emblems of Royalty are torn down. — The Posts are attached by the People. — Attack and Capture of the Hotel de Ville, the Louvre, and the Tuileries. 28th and 29th of July. The night was calm, but this calm pre- saged a storm. Preparations for the fight were making in every quarter. The national guards, who had preserved their arms, dis- posed themselves to convert them to a patri- otic use. On the morning of the 28 th, the people acted on the offensive; detachments of trades- men ran through the streets, seizing every where on emblems of royalty, to make bon- fires of them. Towards nine o’clock, almost every post occupied by the gendarmes and soldiers of the line had been carried by force. At ten o’clock, a hundred workmen, some of whom were armed only with rusty sabres and old swords, after having formed them- selves into ranks as regularly as they could, marched towards the Seine; then, falling into ranks before the Pont-au-Change, forced TRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 29 a military post established on the Place-du- Chatelet. The first that penetrated into the ranks of the body guards, armed themselves ■with the muskets and cartridges of the sol- diers, and with cries of huzza for the charter! they set out to march towards the Hotel de Ville, which was occupied by a numerous body of the military, cavalry as well as in- fantry. When these brave fellows arrived at the middle of the Place de Greve, they halted; three or four of them left the ranks, and advanced for the purpose of holding a parley with the soldiers, but were greeted by a brisk fire of musketry; those who had arms returned the salute with vigour, but unhap- pily their scanty supply of ammunition was soon exhausted. The gendarmes, ranged in line of battle, continued the fire; all at once the workmen rushed upon their bayonets, and grappled with them, man to man; the combat was not of long duration; the sol- diers fled in tumultuous disorder, abandoning their arms and their wounded companions. After the lapse of half an hour, the sound of a drum was heard; it proceeded from a de- tachment of the royal guard which was ad- vancing to retake the Hotel. The firing be- c 2 HISTORY OF THE 30 gan; the guard charged, but being driven back, they retreated precipitately towards the quay; but at that moment another band of workmen ranged themselves on the bridge of Notre Dame. The royal guards, sur- rounded on every side, sought to secure a passage by the bayonet. Some only were saved; others plunged into the river, the rest were killed. Marmont, duke of Ragusa, was invested with the command; a choice worthy of the man and of the ministry. Paris was de- clared to be in a state of siege, and the au- thorities displayed an imposing force. New regiments were brought in during the night, the gendarmes, the royal guard, the troops of the line, and the Swiss regiments were all put into motion at once. Two thousand men of these different troops, directed their course towards the Hotel de Ville; they were rallied on the road by one squadron of cuiras- seurs, and another of lancers, with four pieces of cannon. During the firing, the citizens stood their ground undauntedly; a shower of bullets flew whistling in every direction. The citizens on their part hurled down from their windows, tiles, paving stones, and FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 31 broken bottles at the military; others lying in ambuscade behind the corners of the streets, were firing incessantly; the place was soon covered with dead bodies. The enemy’s cannon also made frightful ravages, and did horrible execution among the patri- otic ranks. After an hour of the most bloody fight, the workmen entrenched in the Hotel de Ville, were obliged, for want of car- tridges, to abandon a post they had so valiant- ly defended; they retreated from the back part of the Hotel in good order, and full of enthusiasm to return to the charge. As long as these brave champions of liber- ty were masters of the Hotel, no excess was committed; scarcely had the royal guard taken possession of it, when the apartments of the prefect were ransacked, and the cellar pillaged. The troops of the perjured king did not long enjoy this victory. Taken and retaken three times, the Hotel de Ville was recon- quered, and finally occupied by the brave Parisians, who achieved such prodigies of valour, fighting with an order which one might seek in vain to account for, while it elicits the warmest admiration. 32 HISTORY OF THE The national cause triumphed in other points. The population on the left bank, led on by the pupils of the Polytechnic school, and the schools of law and medicine, appear- ed in arms in the morning. The powder magazine of Ivry soon fell into the hands of the citizens} the military detained at Ab- bayewere liberated, and appointed chiefs, by the people. Liberty was also given to the debtors in the prison of St. Pelagie} among the latter were many officers, who rendered important services to the people. The repository of artillery in the square of St. Thomas of Aquin, became a precious conquest, on account of the quantity of every kind of arms, contained in it. The palace of the chamber of peers was respected. The pupils of the Polytechnic school, during these glorious days, presented themselves in great numbers, at every point of the capital. Groups of armed citizens claimed the hon- our of marching under the command of these intrepid young men, renowned as well for their military talents and acquirements, as for their patriotic devotion to the national cause. The citizen soldiers owed their sue- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 33 cess, in a great measure, to the excellent di- rection of these young leaders. A great part of the royal forces put up in the quarters of St. Denis and St. Martin, and all along the boulevards, from the Ma- deline to the Bastille. At an early hour the people tvere in possession of different posts along the boulevards, whence they were driven by the royal guard, the infantry, cavalry and artillery. Some ramparts were thrown up in the streets of St. Denis and St. Martin, where several bodies of foot and horse were engaged in charging and firing on the people, who were prepared to re- ceive and give battle. Bullets and stones were showered down in torrents from the windows, where the citizens had posted themselves. Musketeers, concealed in pri- vate streets and alleys, harassed the enemy; the citizens, furnished with sabres, swords, clubs, and fantastic arms, taken from the theatres, defended each barricade. The lan- cers, who had rendered themselves conspi- cuous by their ardour for shedding the blood of the people, sustained a considerable loss; the chief officer of the royal guard, having received a serious wound in the Rue St. 34 HISTORY OF THE Denis, was taken up and carried away by the soldiers to the house of the Sisters of Charity, opposite the church of Bonne Nou- velle. As he was carried by the soldiers at night, he could not proceed far; they there- fore returned to the sisterhood. The door was not opened in time; it was necessary to seek for some other asylum; but the roads were all occupied by the combatants; and this unfortunate man, abandoned and trampled under foot, died without the assistance of a single individual. The gate of St. Denis, which commands at once the street and the suburb of St. Denis, and the two boulevards, was a posi- tion whose importance was well known to both parties. The monument, alternately occupied by the citizens and royal soldiers, was the scene of a most desperate engagement which last- ed till eight o’clock in the evening. While the fight was raging in Paris, some citizens hung a tricoloured flag on the towers of Notre Dame. The alarm bells rang at once in several parishes. The battle was conducted with the most astonishing order; the defence was calm and methodical. The FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 35 first detachment of the national guard ap- peared on the quays of the Augustinians, Malaquais and Voltaire; they had mustering points established in these different places, whence they exchanged a brisk volley of musquetry with the Swiss guards of the Louvre and Tuileries. On the boulevards the fight was not less methodically conduct- ed. Some citizens stationed on the gate of St. Martin showered down on the troops sticks, stones, and tiles. In the Rue St. An- toine, they unroofed the houses and flung the tiles at the gendarmes. The general firing ceased in the evening; the disadvantage of the troops was already noticeable; the guard refused to obey orders, and the officers, after reiterated, but ineffec- tual, solicitations to the troops, had often to enforce their commands by blows. From the night of the 28th to the 29th the barricades were completed. The pavements were torn up; carts, hacks, omnibuses, and even stages were overturned, beside barrels filled with stones. Paris in a few hours, free from hostile fire and completely barricaded, was impregnable. The enemy, convinced of this, relinquish- 36 HISTORY OF THE ed the stations they had occupied, reserving 1 only the Louvre, the Tuileries and their en- virons. The Swiss guards ranged them- selves in the upper stories to enjoy the cruel sport of firing on the people, without danger to themselves. But these last efforts were useless. The die was cast. On the 29th, in the morning, the national guard occupied the Hotel de Ville. The tricoloured flag was seen floating every where; the citizens, already in possession of three quarters of the city, had not much diffi- culty in making themselves masters of the fourth. The royal guard stationed, or rather lying, in the place Louis XV., refused to obey orders any longer. “ They may kill us if neces- sary, said they, but we will not perform the odious task to which we have been condemned for the last two days.'” With respect to the troops of the line, they either retired or yielded; they fraternized with the people, embraced one another, and shed tears of joy for having freed their country. Meanwhile the Parisian forces moved to- wards the Louvre, where bodies of the royal guard, French as well as Swiss, lay entrench- ed with cannon, and made a stubborn resist- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 37 ance. The people, having no artillery, could not carry this post without the most ener- getic exertions. They were in possession of the church of St. Germain PAuxerrois, and the pile cf buildings belonging to the Insti- tute, from which points they returned the fire of the Louvre. The front of the palace of the Institute and the portal of St. Ger- main’s church were riddled with bullets. About midday one part of the royal French guards wheeled about towards the Champs Elysees; another part made peace with the citizens; the Swiss who had escaped through the north and west gates, dispersed in differ- ent directions. Several of the latter were taken prisoners by the people, who with an unparalleled moderation, protected and saved them from outrage. At one o’clock the Louvre was taken, but not without the loss of a crowd of brave citi- zens. The doors of the apartments of the Museum were scarcely burst open, when many artists, Deveria, painter, and Lemaire, statuary, armed at the expense of the sol- diers of the guard, placed themselves with M. Cailleux, at the head of the guardians of the Museum, and with cries of “long live D 38 HISTORY OF THE liberty and the charter,” persuaded the peo- pie to evacuate the gallery. Posterity will not regret the loss of these masterpieces of the fine arts. A bullet penetrated the pic- ture of Henry the Fourth’s entry into Paris, in the heat of the first attack; as for the pale picture of Charles the Tenth’s coronation, it was torn into rags. From the Louvre, the armed citizens marched on to the Tuileries. A vigorous battle ensued on the Royal bridge; the cas- tle was forced about 4 o’clock; the people broke some articles of furniture, and drank some bottles of wine, but nothing valuable was injured. They broke the bust of Charles X., though not of Louis XVIII. “He was the author of the charter” cried they. They did not however forget to dress it in mourn- ing with crape. The body-guards who lay in the barrack on the quay of Orsay, surrendered as soon as they had intelligence that the Tuileries were abandoned by the royal guard. The latter, on quitting Paris, took the direction of St. Cloud, by Neuilly; but when they got to the bridge of that village, they found it barricaded, and the peasants discharged FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 39 upon them a pretty brisk volley of muskets. Being compelled to retrace their steps, they threw themselves into the wood of Boulogne, and arrived at St. Cloud, exhausted with fa- tigue, and loudly vituperating their officers, whom they accused of the massacre of their fellow soldiers. On their arrival, the court was in the greatest consternation. Charles X. doubting which Saint to take for his patron, had al- ready received communion twice, and was preparing for the third time; but the arrival of a general officer of the old army, obliged him to defer the execution of this project. The officer requested an audience, which was instantly granted. When he appeared be- fore Charles, the latter profoundly dejected, raised his head with every sign of affliction, and told him that it never was his wish to infringe on the Charter; that the decree of the 25th of July, had no other object than to repair any infraction it had sustained, and to comply with it. “ Comply with it!” ex- claimed the officer; “ your Majesty has been abominably duped; who could believe in France that such was your Majesty’s will, v/hen these acts, and thousands of similar 40 HISTORY OF THE ones, are directly subversive of liberty and national honour?” “ Well,” replied the king, “ since these decrees shocked the nation, it has now cause to be content, for I have re- pealed the obnoxious ordinances by two other decrees I passed yesterday; I have dis- charged my ministers, but unhappily, M. de Mortemart was not able to attend the coun- cil; had he been there, all might have been saved.” “ It is now too late, even the abdi- cation of your Majesty in favour of your son, would not satisfy the nation; he was admit- ted into the council, he was acquainted with its deeds, he has partaken of them, he is an accomplice of them. If your Majesty had been well advised, the Dauphin would have been kept in the opposition. Consequently, by abdicating in his favour, France might have believed in the faith of his words and deeds, but I have the honour of repeating to your Majesty, that it is now too late. They already are speaking at Paris of proclaiming the duke d’Orleans; behold, sir, with what rapidity things have gone on.” Charles X. more and more dejected, replied in these words: “ What would you have me to do?” He arose in order to repair to the chapel. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 41 Scarcely had he entered, when he was ap- prized that despatches, sent by Ragusa, of the most important nature had arrived. “ I will see them after the mass,” replied he, “ the interests of heaven should be preferred to those of this world.” A king capable of making such an answer under such circum- stances, is already judged. Paris deprived of its government, depended upon the depu- ties; they never deceived the brave fellows who shed their blood for the maintenance of the laws. On the 27th, all the deputies pre- sent in Paris, assembled and published the following — “ PROCLAMATION. “ The undersigned, legally elected to the deputation by the college of electors, by virtue of the royal ordinance of the * * * * conformably to the constitutional charter, and the laws upon elections of the * * * * and being actually in Paris, consider them- selves absolutely obliged by their duty and honour, to denounce the measures which the counsellors of the crown have not long since established for the overthrow of the legal d 2 42 HISTORY OF THE system of elections, and the ruin of the li* berty of the press. “The said measures contained in the or- dinances of the * * * * appear to the under- signed, directly reverse to the constitutional rights of the chamber of peers, to the pub- lic rights of the French, to the privileges and decrees of the tribunals; and tending to throw the state into a confusion which endangers equally the peace of the present, and the se- curity of the future. “ In consequence of which, the undersigned inviolably faithful to their oath, denounce unanimously not only the said measures, but all the deeds which may result from them. “ Whereas, on one hand the chamber of deputies not being yet constituted, cannot be legally dissolved; on the other hand, the at- tempt to form another chamber of deputies in a new and arbitrary manner, is a formal contradiction to the constitutional charter, and to the rights acquired by the electors; the undersigned declare that they consider themselves legally elected to the deputation by the departments which they represent, and that they cannot be dissolved, but in virtue of an election made according to the FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 43 principles and the forms required by the laws. “ And if the undersigned do not exercise effectually their rights, and acquit themselves of all the duties by which they are bound by their legal election, it is because they are prevented from doing so by physical force.” The following are the signatures of Messrs. Labbey de Pompiere, Sebastiani, Mechin, Perier (Casimir), Guizot, Audry de Puyra- veau, Andre Gollot, Gaetan de la Rochefou- cauld, Mauguin, Bernard, Voisin de Gar- tempe, Froidefond de Bellisle, Villemain, Didot (Firmin), Daunou, Persil, Villemot, de la Riboisiere, Bondy (comte de), Duris-Du- fresne, Girod de PAin, Laisne de Villeveque, Delessert (Benjamin), Marchal, N aude Cham- plouis, comte de Lobau, baron Louis, Millaux, Estourmel (comte d’), Montguyon (comte de), Levaillant,Tronchon, Gerard (le general), Laffitte (Jacques), Garcias, Dugas-Montbel, Camille Perier, Vassal, Alexandre deLaborde, Jacques Lefebvre, Mathieu Dumas, Eusebe Salverte, de Poulmer, Flernoux, Chardel, Ba- voux, Charles Dupin, Hely d’Hoyssel, Eu- gene d’Harcourt, Baillot, general Lafayette, 44 HISTORY OF THE Georges Lafayette, Jouvencel, Bertin de Vaux, comte de Lameth, Berard, Duchaf- faut, Auguste de Saint-Aignau, Keratry, Ter- naux, Jacques Odier, Benjamin Constant, etc. etc. etc. On the 28th a meeting of deputies, com- posed of general Gerard, count de Lobau, Messrs. Lafitte, Casimir Perier, and Mau- guin,went through the firing to the house of M. le Marechal, duke of Ragusa. M. Lafitte opened the conversation: he represented for- cibly to the marshal, the deplorable state of the capital, the blood flowing from all sides, the firing resounding as in a city taken by assault; and made him personally respon- sible, in the name of the assembled depu- ties of France, for the fatal consequences of so sad an event. The marshal replied: “ military honour consists in obedience.” “ And civil honour,” replied M. Lafitte, “ does not consist in the slaughter of the citizens!” The marshal then said to him, “ Gen- tlemen, what are the conditions you pro- pose?” “ Without relying too much on our influ- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 45 ence, we believe ourselves able to say, that every thing is contained in the following ordinances: to report the ordinances of the 26th July to be illegal; to dismiss the minis- ters and convoke the chambers on the 3d of August.” The marshal confessed, that as a citizen, he could not well disapprove of partaking also the opinions of the deputies; but that as a soldier, he had his orders, and could not but execute them; meanwhile he engaged to place these propositions in half an hour un- der the eyes of the king. “ But, moreover,” added the marshal, “ if you wish to have a conference upon this subject with M. de Polignac, he is here, and I will ask him if he will receive you.” A quarter of an hour passed. The mar- shal returned with his countenance much al- tered, and informed the deputies that M. de Polignac had declared to him that the pro- posed conditions rendered all conference useless. “ Jt is then a civil war!” said M. Lafitte. The marshal bowed, and the deputies re- tired. The next day in the morning, although 46 HISTORY OF THE they continued to fight at the Louvre and Tuileries, the following placard was posted up in Paris. “ PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. “ The present deputies at Paris have met to remedy the great dangers which threaten the security of the people and their property. “ A commission has been appointed to watch over the interests of all during the ab- sence of regular organization. “ Messrs. Audry de Puyraveau, count de Gerard, Jacques Lafitte, count de Lobau, Mauguin, Odier, Casimir Perier, and de Schonen, compose this commission. “ General Lafayette is commander-in-chief of the national guards.” In a word, the hero of the two Worlds accepted the command of the national guard, unprovided as in 1789 5 notwithstanding his great age, he marched on foot through the streets of Paris, clad with his old uniform of three colours, and hastened to address this proclamation to the people. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 47 “ TO THE PARISIANS. “ My dear fellow Citizens and brave Comrades. “ The confidence of the people of Paris, has called me once more to the command of its public force. I have accepted with de- votedness and joy the duties which are trusted to me, and, as in 1789, 1 feel myself invigorated by the approbation of my ho- nourable colleagues, to-day assembled at Paris. I will not make a profession of faith, my sentiments are known. The conduct of the Pai’isian population in these last days of trial, renders me more than ever proud to be at its head. Liberty will triumph, or we will perish together. “ Vive la Liberte ! vive la patrie! “ Lafayette.” On the same day appeared the ordinance, or rather the invitation, which follows — “ The national guard of Paris, is re-esta- blished. “The colonels and other officers are invited to reorganize immediately the service of the national guards. “ The inferior officers and the national 48 HISTORY OF THE guards shall be ready to assemble at the first beat of the drum. “ Provisionally they are invited to unite themselves under the officers and inferior officers of their old companies, and to in- scribe themselves upon the roll. “ It is our business to establish order; and the municipal commission of Paris counts upon the ordinary zeal of the national guards for liberty and public order. “ The colonels, or, in their absence, the chiefs of the batallions are requested to re- pair immediately to the Hotel de Ville to confer upon the first measures to be taken for the interest of the service. “ Given at the Hdtel dc Ville , 29th July , 1830 . “ Lafayette.” This appeal was heard, and thanks to the zeal of the national guard, calm was restored. The night that followed the triumph will al- ways be remembered. Paris was more tran- quil than ever. Triumphant city, mourning for its young heroes, yet illuminated by a long row of fires placed by the citizens on their houses. What security, what a calm after the victory; not FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 49 a disorder nor tumult, although 70,000 men, belonging to all classes, the larger number from the poor class, bore arms in the ca- pital. The love of liberty is prolific in prodigies. 50 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER III. Peace in Paris. — Operations of the Members of the Cham- ber of Deputies . — The Duke of Orleans accepts the of- fice and title of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom. 30th, 31st of July — 1st, 2d Aug. On the 30th, tranquillity continued to reign: the shops were opened and the markets were filled with provisions. They expected the enemy, but did not fear him; the barricades were finished; the dead were buried in the public places, and all the wounded received in the private houses, were carried to the hospitals, where more efficacious aid was procured. The deputies, as on the preceding evening, met at the house of Lafitte, and transacted the business of organizing the provisional government. Aftdr many long discussions, or in other words, after various forms of go- vernment were proposed, and their relative value and appositeness to the present crisis canvassed, the assembly came to the conclu- sion, that the Duke of Orleans was the most proper person to be selected, and it was re- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 51 solved that the lieutenant-generalship of the kingdom should be offered to him. This de- cision was not entirely unanimous. Some members desired that an eternal breach should be made with the house of Bourbon; others reminded the assembly of his emigra- tion: “He is the son-in-law,” said they, “of the king of Naples — of that sovereign who sold the subjects of Austria. Liberty has cost us dear enough; let us preserve it, and think no more of imposing masters on our- selves.” But to these considerations it was answer- ed, that the Duke of Orleans had in his youth frankly adopted the principles of the revolu- tion; it was mentioned that he had fought at Jemappes and Fleurus; they laid a value be- sides on the consideration, that in placing this prince at the head of the government, they would probably avoid a war with fo- reign powers. This opinion prevailed, and a deputation was sent to the prince, who had retired from the beginning of the disturb- ances, to Neuilly, where he still resided. On the same evening the duke returned to the Palais-Royale, and caused the following pro- clamation to be posted the next morning: 52 HISTORY OF THE “ Paris, July 31 . (Noon.) “Inhabitants of Paris! — The Deputies of France, at this moment assembled at Paris, have expressed the desire that I should re- pair to this capital and exercise the func- tions of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. “ I have not hesitated to come and share your dangers, to place myself in the midst of your heroic population, and to exert all my efforts to preserve you from the calamities of civil war, and of anarchy. “ On returning to the city of Paris, I wear with pride those glorious colours which you have resumed, and which I myself long wore. “ The chambers are about to assemble; they will consult upon the means of securing the supremacy of the laws, and the mainte- nance of the rights of the nation. “ The Charter will henceforward be a truth. “Louis Philippe D’Orleans.” At one o’clock the deputies met in the or- dinary place of session. General Sebastiani opened the debate in the name of the committee that presented FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 53 the message to the duke of Orleans on the preceding evening. He commenced thus: “ Gentlemen, — The deputation of which I had the honour of being a member, repaired last evening to the Palais-Royale. His royal highness was absent: we took the liberty of addressing to him a letter, to apprize him of the resolution passed in your assembly. He was eager to return to Paris, and arrived here at eight o’clock yesterday evening. The deputation received intelligence of it this morning, and reassembled at nine o’clock. We were admitted into the presence of the duke: the words we collected from his lips, breathed the spirit of love for order and the laws, an ardent desire to shield France from the scourge of civil and foreign war, and a firm determination to secure the liberties of the country, and as his royal highness says himself, in a proclamation as remarkable for its frankness as its integrity, “ the wish to make a reality of that charter which not long since was a mere illusion.” “ Gentlemen,” said the president, “ it is of importance to examine if, in the present si- tuation of the capital, and to prevent the dis- turbances that may be produced by diversity e 2 54 HISTORY OF THE of opinion, it would not be necessary that some writing, whether it go under the name of address or of proclamation, should ema- nate from this assembly, in order to show and explain to the capital and to all France, what the deputies have deemed it their duty to do for the interest of public affairs, whe- ther in Paris or in the departments. We have been all surprised by events which we could not foresee. We believed ourselves safe under the dominion of the charter: strong in public opinion we awaited the coming of the 3d of August. You know it, our sealed letters were returned to us at the same time with the ordinances of the 26th. These decrees destroyed the charter: civil war was substituted for the reign of the laws. From this source sprung the wonderful deeds and catastrophes of which Paris was the theatre. Do you not deem it incumbent on you to represent to France what you have thought it your duty to do under these so- lemn circumstances? There was no further question of equality for you ; you had no longer to fulfil the ordinary duties of depu- ties; the question was to save the country, to save public and private property.” FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 55 “ I shall not recall to your recollection the measures you embraced; measures which se- cured the salvation of the country; but I think it incumbent on us to give an account of them; to give a plain and accurate expo- sition of our whole conduct. By such an exposition, you will reap for yourselves pub- lic thanks, public benedictions.” This proposition being unanimously adopt- ed, a committee was appointed and the fol- lowing proclamation published at the same moment. “ Frenchmen!— -France is free. Absolute power raised its standard — the heroic popu- lation of Paris has overthrown it. Paris at- tacked, has made the sacred cause to tri- umph by arms which had triumphed in vain in the elections. A power which usurped our rights, and disturbed our repose, threat- ened at once liberty and order. We return to the possession of liberty and order. There is no more fear for acquired rights — no bar- rier between us and the rights which we still demand. A government which may, with- out delay, secure to us these advantages, is now the first want of our country. French- men! Those of your deputies who are al- 56 HISTORY OF THE ready at Paris, have assembled; and, till the chambers can regularly intervene, they have invited the duke of Orleans, a Frenchman, who has never fought but for France, to ex- ercise the functions of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. This is, in their opinions, the surest means promptly to accomplish by peace, the success of the most legitimate defence. “ The duke of Orleans is devoted to the na- tional and constitutional cause. He has al- ways defended its interests, and professed its principles. He will respect our rights, for he will derive his own from us. We shall secure to ourselves by laws strong and dura- ble, all the guarantees necessary to liberty. “It has been necessary to designate for each branch of the public administration, commissioners to replace, provisionally, the administration which has just fallen with the power of Charles X. “ The following are appointed provisional commissioners: “For the department of justice — M. Du- pont de L’Eure. Finances — Baron Louis. War — general Gerard. Maritime affairs — M. de Rigny. Foreign affairs— M. Bignon. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 57 Public instruction — M. Guizot. Interior and public works — M. Casimir Perrier. (Signed) “Lobau, “ Mauguin, “ A. DE PUYRAVEAU, “ De Schonen. “ Paris, H6tel de Ville, July 31.” The reading of this piece was often inter- rupted by unanimous peals of applause, and it was resolved, that this bill of French rights should be carried to the lieutenant-general of the kingdom by all the deputies present. They adjourned at half past two o’clock, and passed through the garden of the Tuile- ries and the adjacent streets, amidst an im- mense population, dressed in the national colours, who made the air resound with shouts of Long live the deputies of the nation! The deputies answered by cries of Long live the heroic people of Paris! They have saved France! Lafitte read the proclamation to the prince; at each passage that contained secu- rities for French liberty, the lieutenant-gene- ral of the kingdom answered with significa- tions of the most cordial assent. On the sentences which bore upon the parliamentary 58 HISTORY OF THE and municipal organization, being commit- ted to the choice of the citizens, he said: — “This is, indeed, liberty.” And when he came to that part, specifying a jury’s being applied to in offences of the press, the prince interrupted him by saying: “ Ah! yes , most certainly When they had finished reading, the duke of Orleans expressed himself at once, with a frankness and a feeling, that produced the most lively enthusiasm. “ Gentlemen,” said he, “ the salutary principles you proclaim, have always been my own. You recal to my recollection the scenes of my youth; my last years will be a continuation of them. I shall exert myself for the happiness of France, through you, and with you; like the good, like the true father of a family. The depu- ties of the nation easily understand me, when I assure them, that I heave many a heart-felt sigh over the deplorable events that oblige me to accept the exalted trust which they confide in me, and which I hope to render myself worthy of.” These words, or rather this cordial and frank acceptance of the great principles of the constitutional government, were received FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 59 by the deputies with the testimonies of the most lively satisfaction. The prince added: “Gentlemen, at the moment of your arrival, I was about going to the Hotel de Villej I would be happy to walk through Paris, amidst the deputies of the nation,” All were eager to follow the lieutenant- general of the kingdom, who was mounted on horseback in the court of the palace, with- out attendant officers, without any guard but the people, without any other retinue than that of the deputies of the country. The prince was dressed like a general officer, carrying no ornament except the riband of the Legion of Honour, and the tricoloured cockade. To paint the enthusiasm of the people would be a task as difficult as to express their heroism on the days of battle. Tu- multuous masses of the population, pressed around them, in such a manner, that the de- puties were obliged to separate, and their progress was the more difficult, as it was impeded by the glorious barricades. At that very moment, the citizens formed the most admirable convoy that ever accompa- 60 HISTORY OF THE nied the deputies of a people, and the chief of a government. They took hands, march- ing diagonally, over the extensive roads of the Palais Royale to the Hotel de Ville, and forming an immense chain; and some were heard to say, “ This is an order that was never established among the gendarmes!” The prince often stopped, hat in hand, sa- luting, by gesture and words, the heroic peo- ple of the noble city; the worthy representa- tives of a great nation. The roads of the Hotel de Ville were covered with national guards; the prince said: “Gentlemen, this is the old national guard, which comes to pay a visit to its old general (Lafayette).” The proclamation was again read in the grand saloon of the Idotel de Ville, by M. Viennet, deputy from Herault. The square of the Hotel de Ville, the quays on either bank of the Seine, the adjacent streets, and all the windows of the houses were crowded with a multitude of citizens, gaudily arrayed in the national colours. At the moment in which the duke of Orleans, and the hero of the two hemispheres, La- fayette, presented themselves under the bal- cony of the Hotel de Ville, waving the tri- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 61 coloured banner, thunders of applause, bra- voes, and shouts of Long live liberty , and the charter! resounded through the skies. On the same evening, Lafayette addressed the inhabitants of Paris in the following terms: — “ The assembly of deputies actually at Paris, has communicated to the general- in-chief, the resolutions which, in the ur- gency of circumstances, has nominated the duke of Orleans, lieutenant-general of the kingdom. “ In three days, the chamber will hold a regular session, conformably to the mandate of its constituents, to transact its patriotic duties, which derive an augmentation of im- portance and extent, from the glorious events that have restored the French people to the plenitude of their imprescriptible rights. Honour to the people of Paris. “ Then will the representatives of the electoral colleges, honoured by the assent of all France, know how to secure the coun- try, previous to other considerations, and se- condary forms of government, to secure the pledges of liberty, equality and public order, which comprise the sovereign nature of our t 62 HISTORY OF THE rights and the firm will of the French peo- ple.” “ Already under a government of foreign origin and foreign influence which has just ceased; thanks to the vigorous, rapid and popular efforts of a just resistance to ag- gression, it was acknowledged that in the sessions, demands for the re-establishment of elective administrations, municipal and pro- vincial, the organization of thenational guards of France on the basis of ’91, the extent and application of juries, the questions relative to electoral law, the liberty of signing, the responsibility of agents of power, and the method necessary to realize that respon- sibility, were to be objects of discussion, previous to any votes of subsidy: with how much more right should these guarantees and all those that liberty and equality can demand, precede the concession of definitive powers which France might think proper to confer! In the meantime, the nation is aware that the lieutenant general of the kingdom, call- ed by the chamber, was one of the young pa- triots of ’89, one of the first generals that reared triumphantly the tricoloured banner. Liberty, equality , and public order have ever been my motto: I shall be faithful to it.” FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 63 On the first of August, the provisional municipal commission of Paris wrote to the duke of Orleans to inform him that it resign- ed to his hands the power with which it had been for five days invested. From that period, the progress of the go- vernment became more easy; order was re- established and the different administrations regained the path of their official labours. The ministers, nominated by the lieutenant- general, entered upon their duties. General Lafayette did not fail on his part, to testify the most indefatigable ardour. He employed himself chiefly in the defence of the territory, under circumstances in which fo- reign powers might form the intention of in- terposing in the debates. A decree of this heroic commander runs thus: “ Art. I. It is resolved to form a movea- ble national guard; it shall consist of twenty regiments, and may be employed out of Paris in the defence of the country. “ Art. 2. All citizens in a condition to bear arms are invited to enrol their names, for this purpose they shall go to their re- spective mayoralties, where the lists are open. 64 HISTORY OF THE “ Art. 3. The moveable national guard shall receive daily a pay which shall be fur- ther determined for the officers and sub-offi- cers; for the soldiers it shall be thirty sous a day. The pay shall last to their disband- ment and fifteen days after: the disbandment will take place as soon as this force ceases to be necessary. u Art. 4. The moveable national guard is placed under the command of general Ge- rard, who already commands the troops of the line; he will do every thing requisite for their formation and organization; as many officers as are deemed necessary will com- bine to effect this purpose. The list of may- oralties and the national guard occupying the Hotel de Ville are places under his con- trol. “ Hdtel de Ville, July 31, 1830.” At the same time, he neglected no oppor- tunity to gain over to the cause of liberty, the soldiers who had the misfortune to fight against it. “ Brave soldiers,” cried he in a proclama- tion to the French army, “ the inhabitants of Paris do not consider you responsible for FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 65 having obeyed your orders; come to us, we will receive you like brothers; come and rank yourselves under one of those brave men who shed his blood, under so many emer- gencies for his country, under general Ge- rard. The cause of the army cannot be long divorced from the cause of liberty and the nation. Is not its glory our dearest patriot- ism? But let it not forget that the defence of our liberty and independence is its first duty. Let us then be friends, since our inte- rests and our rights are the same. General Lafayette declares, in the name of the whole population of Paris, that it bears no senti- ment of animosity, or hostility to the French soldiers; that it is ready to fraternise with such of those as will return to the cause of liberty and their country; and that it tenders all its prayers for the arrival of that moment when the citizens and the soldiers, rallying under one banner, with the same sentiments, shall realize the happiness and the glorious destinies of our beautiful country. “ Vive la France! “ Lafayette.” Scarcely was this proclamation known, f 2 66 HISTORY OF THE when armed soldiers were seen entering Paris, arrayed in the national colours, and ready to shed their blood in the defence of liberty. Yet a few days and the whole army will follow this generous example. Already the tricoloured flag floated upon the princi- pal villages of France ; nearly all the strong places had submitted, and every thing pro- claimed that the regeneration of this beau- tiful country would be soon accomplished. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 67 CHAPTER IV. Opening of the Sessions of the Chamber of Deputies . — Speech of the Duke of Orleans. — Events at St. Cloud and Ramhouillet. — Abdication of Charles X. FROM THE 1ST TO THE 5TH AuG. We have before said, the accession of the duke of Orleans, to the lieutenant-general- ship of the kingdom, rendered the progress of the government easy and more regular; this proceeding did not appear in the same point of view to all parties. The pretensions that the deputies had announced, appeared in general to be too restricted and ill coin- ciding with the sacrifices made by the citi- zens, for the triumph of liberty. Yet they awaited, not without impatience, but with confidence, the arrival of the moment of the session, which the duke of Orleans in per- son, was to open on the 3d of August. This session, formerly called royal session , was held in the palace of the Louvre, and it was chiefly by the courtiers, that these tri- bunals were occupied. Now the court is no 68 HISTORY OF THF, more, and the nation is arrayed in all its strength and majesty. Without, no other soldiers were seen but the national guards on foot, and horse, in brilliant costume, volunteers that patriotism had made soldiers, during the 27th of July; and around them, the people who had so powerfully seconded their victorious efforts. Within, the benches were crowded with la- dies gorgeously apparelled, and citizens of all conditions; the most friendly union and cordiality, reigned in every quarter. Pupils of the Polytechnic school were seen in the mob, and every eye was fixed upon them. Two tribunals only were reserved; in the one destined to form a diplomatic body there were four persons, among whom the minister of the United States was conspicuous; the other was occupied by the duchess of Or- leans and her family. At the office in which the president and secretaries were sitting, was reared a canopy covered with violet velvet, bearing on its top a crown surmounted with a tricoloured banner. Under it was placed a magnificent chair, surrounded by flags of the same kind. Joy sparkled in every eye at the sight of the FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 69 national colours, so long exiled from the country. This assembly consisted of about 300 per- sons; 60 peers, and 240 deputies, all drest in peasant’s garments. About one o’clock, a round of artillery and shouts from without, announced the ar- rival of the lieutenant-general of the king- dom. The deputies and peers immediately took their place, and a profound silence reigned throughout. The duke of Orleans, preceded only by the great deputation and his aide-de- camps, and accompanied by his young son, the duke of Nemours, entered on a firm step, his head uncovered, and clad in the habit of lieutenant-general. He walked up the stairs to the right with his son, and having saluted the assembly, sat down on a stool, before the empty throne. The young duke of Nemours sat on the right of his father. Immediately there resounded from all parts of the hall, unanimous shouts of “ long live the duke of Orleans ! Long live the lieutenant- general of the kingdom! Long live the char- ter /” Amid these acclamations and plau- dits, the duchess of Orleans, and the prin- 70 HISTORY OF THE cesses her daughters, entered the box that had been reserved for them. Meanwhile, this moment of enthusiasm was succeeded by the most silent attention. “ Gentlemen, take your seats,” said the prince, slowly turning his eyes around the assembly. Then with a grave voice, and an accent of deep conviction, he read the fol- lowing : — u ADDRESS* “ Peers and deputies — Paris, troubled in its repose by a deplorable violation of the charter and of the laws, defended them with heroic courage 1 In the midst of this san- guinary struggle, the guarantees of social order no longer subsisted. Persons, proper- ty, rights, every thing that is most valuable and dear to men and to citizens, were ex- posed to the most serious dangers. “ In this absence of all public power, the wishes of my fellow citizens have turned to- wards me; they have judged me worthy to concur with them in the salvation of the country; they have invited me to exercise the functions of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 71 “ This course appeared to me to be just, the dangers increasing, the necessity im- perative, my duty sacred. I hastened into the midst of this valiant people, followed by my family, and wearing those colours which, for the second time, have marked among us the triumph of liberty. “ I have come firmly resolved to devote myself to all that circumstances should re- quire of me, in the situation in which they have placed me, to re-establish the empire of the laws, to save liberty which was threatened, and to render impossible the re- turn of such great evils, by securing for ever the power of that charter, whose name, in- voked during the contest, was also appealed to after the victory. “ In the accomplishment of this noble task, it is for the chambers to guide me. All rights must be solemnly guaranteed; all the institutions necessary to their full and free exercise, must receive the developments which they require. Attached by inclina- tion and conviction to the principles of a free government, I accept, beforehand, all the consequences of it. I think it my duty immediately to call your attention to the or- 72 HISTORY OF THE ganization of the national guards, to the ap- plication of the jury to the crimes of the press, the formation of the departmental and municipal administrations, and, above all, to that 14th article of the charter* which has been so hatefully interpreted. It is with these sentiments, gentlemen, that I come to open this session. “ The past is painful to me. I deplore misfortunes which I could have wished to prevent; but in the midst of this magnani- mous transport of the capital, and of all the other French cities, at the sight of order re- viving with marvellous promptness, after a resistance free from all excesses, a just na- tional pride moves my heart; and I look for- ward with confidence to the future destiny of the country. “ Yes, gentlemen, France, which is so dear to us, will be happy and free; it will * The article of the charter referred to, is as follows : “ The King is the Supreme Head of the State — commands the land and sea forces — declares war — makes treaties of peace, alliance and commerce— no- minates to all offices in the public administration — and makes the regulations and ordinances necessary for the execution of the laws, and the safety of the Slate.” FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 73 show to England, that, solely engaged with its prosperity, it loves peace as well as li- berty, and desires only the happiness and the repose of its neighbours. “ Respect for all rights — care for all inte- rests — good faith to the government — are the best means to disarm parties, and to bring back to people’s minds that confidence . — to the constitution that stability, which are the only certain pledges of the people, and of the strength of states. “ Peers and deputies — As soon as the cham- ber shall be constituted, I shall have laid before you the acts of abdication by his ma- jesty, Charles X. By the same act Louis Antoine de France, also renounces his rights. This act was placed in my hands yesterday, the 2d of August, at eleven o’clock at night. I have, this morning, ordered it to be depo- sited in the archives of the chamber of peers, and caused it to be inserted in the official part of the Moniteur.” Let us now take a glance at the court of the ex-king. While events were succeeding each other with such great rapidity in Paris, Charles X. awaited, outside of the city, the consequences G 74 HISTORY OF THE of a political stroke by which he had just tried to break the constitutional shackles he had so long borne with regret. Convinced that his violent measures would be successful, he confidently expected news from Paris. On the 26 th, the day of the pub- lication of these fatal decrees, the Moniteur announced that the king had gone to hunt in Rambouillet. On the 28 th he returned to St. Cloud. Not till then did he receive in- telligence of the city being in a ferment: al- most at the same instant he was apprized that the civic guard had taken up arms, that the people were running to the defence of their rights. But in this overwhelming catastrophe every action of the king was destined to be marked with the stigma of silliness and im- providence. When they represented to him a picture of the state of the capital, he drily answered: “ Never mind, a few charges of the soldiers will stop that business.” On the same day the Moniteur announced to indignant France that Marmont, duke of Ragusa, was appointed to the command of the first military division. Thus Charles X. burdened the government of Paris with a FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 75 traitor who not long since sold Paris to a stranger. But such faults, or rather such crimes, could not long escape vengeance. On the 29 th, in the afternoon, the wreck of the royal guard, the lancers, and cuiras- siers, arrived at St. Cloud. Men of expe- rience were convinced, that, as to the court, all was lost ; but such was the stubborn stu- pidity of the king, that he looked upon all these events as trifling and unimportant — “ Dont fret yourselves,” said he to the cour- tesans around him, “ it will not last one hun- dred days* this bout.” As for Polignac, he only answered the re- proaches that were showered on him by these words: “ Such was my idea- — Besides, if they are not pleased, they can cut off my head.” Peyronnet was the only one who preserved his presence of mind: “I foresaw it all,” said he, “ even the civil war.” Thus was the court situated when Ragusa appeared. He was very ill received by the dauphin, who told him: “All that has been done is the work of treason. I perceive, too * Alluding to Napoleon's last reign of one hundred days. 76 HISTORY OF THE late, that traitors are incorrigible. You have betrayed us as you did the other.”* He afterwards reproached him with hav- ing transgressed the instructions he had received, in not putting the Parisians in irons; in not arresting the deputies on Wed- nesday, as he was positively ordered to do; finally, in having damped the ardour of the troops, by telling them, that negotiations had been entered into with the rebels. Ragusa attempted to justify his conduct; but the duke of Angouleme flew at him, and inflicted many blows on his breast and throat. The marshal threatening to defened him- self, the indignant prince demanded his sword. The moment the marshal delivered it, the prince seized it so quickly and so awkwardly, that he cut his hands'. He im- mediately called his guards. In an instant a dozen guards were present with fixed bayo- nets, and seeing the prince wounded, were about to pierce the marshal. The duke of Angouleme stopped them: “ He is a traitor,” said he, “ but I would have him live.” This scene was soon known, and Charles X. expe- rienced much trouble in effecting a reconci- * Bonaparte. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 77 liation. The dauphin in the mean time con- sented to pardon him. “ I have also been in the wrong,” said he to Marmont, but I have been well punished for it; look at my hands.” On the 30th, about six in the morning, the duke of Angouleme passed through the alley of St. Cloud, to review about one thousand men, the wreck of the 3d and 6th regiments of royal guards. Some Swiss companies were drawn up in front of the porcelain fac- tory; two pieces of cannon and two covered waggons, with a number of barrels, were thrown up for a battery on the bridge of Sevres. The gait of the prince, the pose of his hat thrown behind, and the smile that played continually on his lips, formed a sin- gular contrast with the grave and medita- tive countenances of these warriors, whose thoughts seemed to be entirely absorbed by the recollection of the events that transpired on the foregoing day, by a foresight of the judgment that would be pronounced against them by their cotemporaries and by poste- rity, and by the infamous treason of which an ill comprehended military duty rendered them the blind instruments. An inhabitant of Sevres, addressing him- g 2 78 HISTORY OF THE self to a sergeant, said, — “ Do you know, sir, against whom you have been fighting?”— “Alas, yes! it is against the men who are defending our rights; but what would you have us do? We are soldiers: they com- mand: we must obey.” The sergeant rejoin- ed his corps with a slow pace, and with the air of a man whose conscience, rather than reason, condemned this horrible doctrine, which made an inhuman monster of an hon- est man. This review was such, that during the day, Charles X., not counting any longer on as- sistance from the troops of the line, sent to the colonel of the 50th regiment, to inform him, that he had no more need of his ser- vices. After this declaration, the colonel, accompanied by the sharp shooters of the 2d battalion, repaired to St. Cloud to deliver up his flag. Afterwards, the whole regi- ment, both officers and soldiers, dispersed. On the same day, the division of Borde- soulle, which had left Versailles to march to Paris, retraced their steps, and presented themselves at the gate of the avenue of Paris, asking permission to enter Versailles, in order to return to their quarters; but the FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 79 sentinel of the national guards, charged with the defence of this barrier, signified to gene- ral Bordesoulle that the troops could not enter the village, without delivering up their arms, as all the other soldiers who presented themselves at the gate, had done before; and that if they had recourse to force, they would be repelled by force. General Bordesoulle not daring to attack it, his regiment was obliged to pass the night on the road. The next morning a parley took place. The mayor of Versailles, accompanied by M. Benoit and another citizen, both in uniform, repaired to the rendezvous, after reciprocal explanation, a commander of the royal guards accompanied them, and declared to the in- habitants of Versailles, that all was pacified: that all the French were friends, and would fight no more. Immediately afterwards the entire division entered, amid shouts of Vive la chart e! This division was composed of a batallion of royal guards on foot, and of the gendarmes of Paris, as many foot as horse; of a regi- ment of grenadiers, on horseback; a compa- 80 HISTORY OF THE ny of artillery, on horseback, and a regiment of cuirassiers. On the night of the 30th and 3 1 st, the court departed for Trianon, and soon after arrived at Rambouillet, leaving to the Swiss and the royal guards the defence of St. Cloud, which was soon attacked, and taken by fifty citizens led on by three pupils of the Polytechnic school. But these brave people being attacked in their turn, two hours after by the lancers, were forced to retreat. This triumph of the royal troops was of short duration, for the lancers had scarcely time to enter the courts, before a strong detachment of Parisians, on a quick march, arranged themselves for battle, and commenced a tremendous fire; they fought furiously, and after a conflict of two hours, the lancers retreated in disorder, leaving the court of the Chateau covered with the dead, and bearing off their colonel, the duke of Timar$ou, mortally wounded. On the news of this reverse, the king departed for Ram- bouillet, where he arrived on the 1st of August. Two days after, the lieutenant-general, as he had announced to the chambers, published FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 81 the following piece, addressed to him by- Charles X. “ ABDICATION. “ Cousin — I am too profoundly grieved by the evils which afflict or might threaten my people, not to have sought a means of preventing them. I have, therefore, taken the resolution to abdicate the crown in fa- vour of my grandson, the duke de Bordeaux. “The dauphin, who partakes my senti- ments, also renounces his rights in favour of his nephew. “ You must, then, in your quality of lieu- tenant-general of the kingdom, cause the ascension of Henry V. to the crown to be proclaimed. You will take, besides, all the measures which concern you to regulate the form of the government during the minority of the new king. Here I confine myself to making known these dispositions: it is the means of avoiding many evils. “ You will communicate my intentions to the diplomatic body; and you will acquaint me as soon as possible with the proclamation by which my grandson shall have been re- 82 HISTORY OF THE cognised king of France, under the name of Henry V. “ I charge lieutenant-general Viscount de Foissac Latour to deliver this letter to you. He has orders to settle with you the arrange- ments to be made in favour of the persons who have accompanied me, as well as the ar- rangements necessary for what concerns me and the rest of my family. “We will afterwards regulate the other measures which will be the consequence of the change of the reign. “ I repeat to you, my cousin, the assurance of the sentiments with which I am your af- fectionate cousin, “ Charles, “ Louis Antoine. “ Ramhouillet, August 2d, 1830 .” The reading of this letter produced a burst of indignation and pity: “What!” cried they, from all quarters; “ what! Charles the Tenth: had he the audacity to say, ‘by the evils which afflict, or which threaten his people !' Who then has caused these evils? Who has made the soldiers fire at, and mas- sacre the heroic population of Paris? ‘ His people!' thanks to heaven, the French people FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 83 belong to no one. What excess of impu- dence! Charles the Tenth, in speaking of the French nation, says again: ‘his people !’ And ‘his people ’ he bequeaths, like a vile flock, to this child, whose origin was a mys- tery; to this child, so unfortunately born; to this child, who is to be pitied, because he is not guilty; to this child, who, if he were the grandchild of Charles the Tenth, would be marked with universal reproach! “You abdicate! We reject your abdica- tion, — you have fallen, legitimately fallen; France discarded you, your son, and your pretended grandson. She will have nothing more to do with you, — begone, lest your presence sully the soil of France. You have surpassed Charles IX.; and posterity will be just when it shall say, ‘ Charles the per- jured!’ ” This act of abdication, Charles accompa- nied with a letter, in which he requested a safe conduct for himself, his family, and his retinue; lastly to stipulate the conditions of the exile to which he was condemned. His retinue was as soon as possible named, and set off for Rambouillet. But a new piece of folly was committed by the king, 84 HISTORY OF THE who, at the conclusion of the mass, sent post haste to Paris the following note, remarka- ble only for its stupidity: “ The king wishing to put an end to the troubles that exist in the capital, and in a part of France, relying besides upon the sincere at- tachment of his cousin, the duke of Orleans, he appoints him lieutenant-general of the kingdom. “ The king, having thought it convenient to repeal his ordinances of the 25th July, sanctions the meeting of the chambers on the 3d of August, and hopes that they will re-establish the tranquillity of France. “ The king will remain here till the return of the person charged with the delivery of this declaration. If any attempt be made against the life or liberty of the king or his family, he will defend himself to the last drop of his blood. “ Given at Rambouillet, August 2d, 1830. “ Charles.” The king was in the same mood when the commissaries arrived at Rambouillet One of them, the duke of Coigny, was alone intro- duced to the ex-king, who asked him who ac- companied him? — FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 85 The duke answered that his companions were the duke of Tarento, Schonen and Odil- lon Barot. “ That’s a smart piece of business,” said the king. “ It were to be wished, Sire,” returned the other, “ that it was more so, I could then an- swer more assuredly for the life of your ma- jesty.” “We are not come to that pass yet, sir; and I tell you plainly, I will not receive your col- leagues. I have expedited new decrees to Paris; I will await an answer to them.” The duke of Coigny having retired, communicated to his colleagues the substance of the discourse he had had with the ex-king and all four re- turned as soon as possible to Paris. As soon as this affair came to be known every one ran to arms. Hackney coaches, stages, and omnibuses were put into a state of requisition; and ten thousand men, com- manded by general Pajol, set off by post. But when they arrived at Rambouillet the court had resigned: Charles had restored the diamonds of the crown, and accompanied by his retinue, took the route of Cherbourg. H 86 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER IV. The Throne declared vacant. — Discussion of the Question of Government. — Speech of Chateaubriand. — Offer of the Crown to the Duke of Orleans , who accepts it . — Accusation of the Ex-ministers. — Coronation of Louis Philip. — Discontent of the People. — Law for the relief of the Families of the killed and wounded in the Revo- lution. On Monday, August the 7th, the lieute- tenant-general nominated as members of the provisional government, M. Guizot, Minister of the Interior. Baron Louis, Minister of Finance. M. Dupont de l’Eure, Minister of Jus- tice. General Gerard, Minister of War. Count Reinhart, Minister of Foreign Affairs. M. Girod de L’Ain, Minister of the Prefecture of the Police. On the same evening, the Marquis de la Roche Jacqueline arrived fiom Rambouillet, with the act of abdication. The dauphin also absolved the military FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 87 from their oath of allegiance to him. The jewels of the crown were put in the hands of General Pajol, to be carried to Paris. The new? was communicated in the following despatch: “ Ravibouillet, August 3 d, (evening.) u Monseigneur, “ It is with joy that we announce the suc- cess of our mission. The king has consented to depart with his family. We shall inform your highness of every incident of our jour- ney with the greatest precision. May it have a happy termination! “ We take the road to Cherbourg. The troops have been ordered to Epernon. To- morrow morning we shall know definitively, who is to accompany the king. With the utmost respect, &c. “De Schonen. “ Marshal Maison. “ Odillon Barot.” On Friday, August the 6th, the chamber of deputies declared the throne vacant, and proposed a change in certain articles of the charter. On the succeeding day, it was de- clared, that the general and pressing inte- 88 HISTORY OF THE rests of the French nation, call to the throne his royal highness, Louis Philippe d’Orleans lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and his descendants for ever, from male to male, in order of primogeniture, to the perpetual ex- clusion of females and their descendants. Consequently, that his royal highness be in- vited to fulfil the above clauses and engage- ments, the observances of the constitutional charter, and the modifications pointed out; and having done so, to assume the title of king of the French. This question was warmly discussed in the house of deputies. M. de Conny called upon them to pause, reminding them that force did not constitute right; and implored them at that terrible moment, not to suffer themselves to be sub- jugated by the cries heard from without; but to remember their oaths, and to acknow- ledge the sacred rights of the duke of Bor- deaux. M. B. Constant declared that no alarm need be excited by the agitation without — that a prince was required of a different character from the last, whose acts had been so dreadful and deplorable — that legitimacy FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 89 was no longer to be invoked, and should be abjured, since it had stained the streets with blood. M. Hyde de Neuville declared, that for himself, he had done all a Frenchman could do to prevent the calamities which had fallen on the nation — that he had not betrayed that family, whom false friends had precipitated into an abyss. He advised them to delibe- rate, and not to trust the fate of the country to the impressions of a moment. “ With my hand on my heart,” said he “ I must re- pel the dangerous sovereignty which you propose.” M. Alex, de Laborde advocated the cause of the duke of Orleans warmly, whom the acknowledgment of the duke of Bordeaux would compel to bow before an infant, recall- ing by his presence nothing but crimes and misfortunes; besides, he declared the former to be descended more directly, if historical legitimacy be in question, than the latter, from that king whose memory they all vene- rated. M. Peton pronounced legitimacy as over- whelmed by seas of blood. M. Berryer would not admit that the h 2 90 HISTORY OF THE throne was vacant — and denied the right of the chamber to pronounce it so. M. Villemain summoned the chamber to proclaim its independence, by an act offering the throne to the duke of Orleans, and stipu- lating guaranties for the stability of order. M. Podenas proposed that £ the throne should be declared vacant, in consequence of the violation of the charter, and of the laws.’ In support of this, he drew a picture of the events which had led to the fall of the ex- king, who, he said, ‘ was the worthy heir to the ferocity of Charles IX., and had not the courage to show himself in the hour of danger.’ M. de Martignac, cautiously attempted to interest the feelings of the members in fa- vour of the king; of whom he declared his conviction that he was any thing but fero- cious, and had only been deceived; that he himself had known him long and well, and was sure that the love of his country was up- permost in his feelings. M. Berard could not, ‘ with sang-froid , hear it stated that the heart of Charles glowed with the sacred fire of love of coun- try. The sceptre was in his hands the sym- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 91 bol of protection, he had broken it upon his people*’ M. Alexis de Noailles defended the king, and like the others of his party, threw all the blame upon the ministers. The proposed alterations in the charter were then discussed and put to vote sepa- rately, and afterwards on the whole; special provisions were also made for annulling the peerages created by Charles X., for reform- ing the peerage and judiciary, and for other matters. Two days afterwards, the house of peers sat to deliberate on the declaration received from the chamber of deputies. Chateau- briand opposed it, and stood forth as the champion of the young duke of Bordeaux, in a speech more distinguishable for its elo- quence, than for its liberalism. We give it at full length. “ Gentlemen: — The declaration which has been brought before this chamber, ap- pears to me far less confused, than it does to those peers who profess to differ with me in opinion. There is one feature in this de- claration, which is primary to, or rather 92 HISTORY OF THE tends to destroy, every other. If we were in a state of perfect civil order, I should with- out doubt carefully consider those changes which, it is now pretended, are made in our charter. Many of these changes have been proposed by myself. I am only astonished that this chamber can for one moment dis- cuss the expediency of a reaction on the peers created by Charles X. I am not by any means an advocate for them as a body, and you know that I have been the object of their threats; but to appoint ourselves the judges of our colleagues, and to erase from the number of peers, whomsoever we may at any time wish, appear to me too much bor- dering on proscription. Is it intended to de- stroy the peerage? It were better to lose our lives than to seek for it. “ I have already taken up too much of your time on a subject which, though of great im- portance, yet must give way to the greatness of the present events. France is without any firm government, and I shall now take up your attention with considering how much it would be necessary to add to, or take from, the masts of a vessel, which has already lost its helm. In my discussion on FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 93 the declaration of the chamber, I shall waive all secondary considerations, and confine my- self solely to the real or pretended vacancy of the throne. “ A question ought previously to be consi- dered; if the throne is vacant, are we free to choose our form of government? Before of- fering the crown to any individual, it would be well to determine what is to be the form of our civil government, whether that of a republic or monarchy. “ Does either a republic or a newly modell- ed monarchy offer to France any securities that its strength and peace shall be secured? A republic would carry with it recollections of our former republic. Those recollections have not yet been forgotten. The people still remember the time when liberty and equality were but made the pretexts for mur- der. If anarchy should again stalk over our land, shall we be able to arouse from his rock the slumbering Hercules, who alone could crush the monster? There have not been more than five or six such men recorded in the page of history, and can you expect to see another Napoleon? “ Besides, our own habits and our relations 94 HISTORY OF THE with neighbouring powers make the forma- tion of a republic perfectly impracticable. The first obstacle would be the difficulty of creating a unanimity among the French themselves. What right has Paris to im- pose on Marseilles or any other city a repub- lican government? Shall there be but one republic, or twenty or thirty? Shall they be federal or independent? Plowever, waiving these objections, let us suppose one united republic. Do you believe, while conscious of the enthusiasm of the French character, that any president, however resolute or ta- lented he may be, could remain more than one year at the head of the administration? Neither defended by the laws nor by past re- collections, insulted continually by secret ri- vals and by promoters of disturbance, he could not inspire that confidence so neces- sary to commerce, nor be possessed of that dignity suitable in transactions with foreign nations, nor could he command the power requisite for the maintenance of order at home. If he were to use revolutionary mea- sures, the republic would attach odium on itself; and the rest of Europe, profiting from our divisions, would foment our quarrels, FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 95 until we should find ourselves plunged anew into frightful struggles. “ A representative republic will perhaps hereafter constitute the government of all countries, but the time for such a state of things has not yet arrived. “ I now proceed to the consideration of monarchy. A monarch, whose appointment is to depend on the selection of the chambers or people, will always be a novelty. But I suppose that the victory which the people have lately so gloriously gained, has for its object the attainment of their liberty, parti- cularly the freedom of the press. But will not every monarchy, sooner or later, be obliged to destroy this very liberty? Even the ta- lents and power of a Napoleon were not suffi- cient to permit its existence. Gained by our misfortunes, and perpetually a victim to our glory, the liberty of the press will alone find security in the stability of a well founded go- vernment. Would not a monarchy, the reeking bastard of a night of blood , ( batarde d’une nuit sanglante ) be obliged to recoil from the opinions of independent men? If some advocate a republican form, others a differ- ent system, do you not fear that you will be 96 HISTORY OF THE obliged to resort to the laws of exception , notwithstanding the suppression of the 8th word (Art. VIII of the charter). Then, ye friends of organized liberty, what will you have gained by the change which is now proposed? You will inevitably be ingulfed in republicanism or legalised servitude. Mo- narchy will be borne and swept down the tide by the torrent of democratic legislation, or the monarch himself will be swallowed up in the vortex of faction. In the glow of success we picture to ourselves that every thing is feasible — we anticipate a remedy for our wants — the attainment of our prosperity. Each one flatters himself that the rest will divest themselves of vanity and interest} it is believed that the superior talents and wis- dom of the government will surmount every barrier} but after the lapse of a few months, practice will give the lie to theory. “You have before you, gentlemen, but a few of the inconveniences ancillary to the formation of a republic, or newly modelled monarchy. If either be perilous, there is an alternative, and it is incumbent on me to say a few words on this point. “ The splendour of the diadem has been FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 97 sullied by the treachery of its ministers, who have attempted to seal the violation of their faith, with the blood of our citizens, and have gambled away their oaths, sworn before earth and heaven. “ Strangers, you who twice have entered Paris without resistance, learn now the cause of your success. You imagine you have the shield of the laws to screen your violations. If to-day you were to lend your aid to tyran- ny, think you that the gates of the capital of the civilized world would open thus easily to your approach? The French race has be- come colossal, since your departure, under the laws of the constitution. Our boys of fourteen have assumed the. bearing of giants —our conscripts of Algiers, our scholars at Paris, have awakened to enterprise the sons of the victors of Austerlitz, Marengo, and Jena — sons emblazoned with all the splen- dour that liberty can add to glory. “ Never was there a more just or heroic opposition to despotism than that made by the people of Paris. They have not risen to violate, but vindicate the laws; while our rulers revered the social compact, the peo- ple were peaceable; they have brooked in- i 98 HISTORY OF THE suit, provocation and menace, without com- plaint; they have lavished their money and their blood in exchange for the charter: but, after having deceived us to the last hour, the ministers have proclaimed our slavery. When the combination of servility and hypo- crisy flashed upon us — when the terror of the castle, organized by eunuchs, thought itself able to impose upon us the horrors of a repub- lic and the iron yoke of an empire, then did the people put on the armour of intelligence and courage — our very shopkeepers manned the cannon, and proved that it required more than four soldiers and a corporal to enforce obedience. A century could not more have ripened the destinies of a people, than the last three suns that have shone upon France. A great crime has been committed; it has produced the energetic explosion of our feel- ing. Should this crime, and the moral and political triumph which has now been achieved, be added as a pretext for the abo- lition of established order? Let us see. “ Charles X. and his son have lost their thrones, or if you will, have abdicated; but, is the throne therefore to be declared vacant? There is yet an infant child, and is he to be FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 99 the innocent victim to the crimes of his an- cestors? What blood has yet stained his hands? Can you say that it is that which has been shed by his father? This orphan, educated in our colleges, with a love for a constitutional government, and with a pre- possession for the ideas of the present age, could be modelled into a sovereign, whose government should accord with future events. It is the guardian of this ward who ought to answer to the declaration on which you are now going to vote. When arrived at man- hood, this young monarch would again re- new his oaths. The present king, who is now actually our sovereign, would have been willing to appoint the duke d’Orleans as re- gent to his grandson, a prince who has lived among the people, and who knows, that a monarchy, in order to insure support, must be directed by the will of the people and by reason. This natural connexion has appear- ed to me a great means to promote concilia- tion, and would perhaps have saved France from those calamities which are ever conse- quent on violent changes in a state. “ Is it not preposterous to declare, that this child, separated from his former masters, 100 HISTORY OF THE would not cease to forget them? or is it to be supposed, that, after a long education among the people, and after the dreadful warning of the dethronement of two kings in two nights, he would still cling to those dog- matical principles, imbued in his early in- fancy? “ I do not mean to contend, that the blood of Louis IX., flowing in the veins of young Henry, would instil nobler sentiments into the youthful prince. I believe not in the di- vine right of kings; but I believe in the power of revelation and facts. I bring not even the charter to my support; I draw my ideas from a higher source; I deduce them from those considerations which will influence me, when I am about to die. Influenced by these sentiments, I propose the duke of Bourdeaux, as our future sovereign; believ- ing that such a measure would be productive of more advantage than any other. “ I know that in the dethronement of this child, it is thought that the sovereignty of the people will be established. How mis- taken is such a notion; the foolish idea of the old school, which tends but to prove that our old democrats have not made more pro- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 101 gress than the ancient supporters of royalty. Liberty does not flow from political rights, as was supposed in the eighteenth century; it comes from our natural rights, which exist under every form of government. A monar- chy may be as free, or perhaps more free, than a republic; but this is not the time to lay down any course of policy. I shall only remark, that in disposing of thrones, the peo- ple have often involved the loss of their own liberty. The principle of hereditary monar- chy, however absurd it may appear, has been sanctioned by custom, as being preferable to elective. The reasons are so evident, that I shall not now dwell on them. You may elect a king to-day, but who is to prevent you from displacing him by another to-mor- row? The law, you will perhaps say. The law! But who are they that have made the laws? You assert the sovereignty of your physical strength, but beware of this strength; for if it escapes you, you will have just rea- son to rue it. Such is human nature. The most intelligent and just minds are not al- ways superior to the effects of success. These are ever foremost in asserting their rights against violence, and in supporting i 2 102 HISTORY OF THE those rights with all their talents; but at the very moment that the justice of their cause is proved by the basest tyranny, and by the ruin of that tyranny, they seize upon that strength, which they were instrumental in destroying — miserable stumps that unprofit- ably wound their own hands. “ I have transported my argument to the ground of my adversaries. I am not going to bivouac on the past, beneath the old ban- ner of the dead; a banner which, though not inglorious, flags along its staff, for no breath of life plays around it. Should I stir up the dustof thirty-five Capets, I could not there dis- cover an argument which would be listened to. The idolatry of a name is abolished; monarchy is no more a religion, it is a poli- tical form, preferable at this moment to every other, because it introduces at once order and liberty. u Useless as Cassandra, I have already fa- tigued the throne and the nation with my dis- dained prophecies; it only remains for me to lay myself down on a fragment of that wreck which I have so often predicted. I recog- nise with regret, every kind of power, except that of unbinding me from my oath of fideli- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 103 | ' W, 8!M p. . ‘f % - l ty. I should also render my life uniform, after all that I have done, said and written for the Bourbons, I would be the basest of all wretches, were I to flinch, when for the third and last time, they stood on the verge of exile. I leave fear to those generous roy- alists, who have never sacrificed a farthing or a post to their loyalty; to those cham- pions of the altar and the throne, who treated me as a renegade, an apostate, and a revolu- tionist. Pious libellists, the renegade calls you; now breathe but a word of regret, a single word with him, for the unfortunate master that has loaded you with presents and whom you have for ever lost. Ye that provoked the scourges of the state; preach- ers of constituent power, where are you? You shrink into that mire from the bottom of which you formerly raised your heads to calumniate the true friends of the king: Your silence to-day, is worthy your language yesterday. It is natural that all these brava- does, whose projected exploits have chased the descendants of Henry IV. with pitch- forks, now tremble and duck before the tri- coloured cockade. The noble colours with which they plume themselves, will protect 104 HISTORY OF THE their persons, but can never screen their cow- ardice. Moreover, in expressing myself thus frankly to this tribunal, I do not conceive that I am performing an act of heroism. We are not living in that age, when an opi- nion costs a man his head: were such the case, I would speak a hundred times louder. The best shield is a breast that fears not to uncover itself to an enemy. No, gentlemen, we have to dread neither a people whose rea- son equals its courage, nor the generous youth whom I admire, with whom all the fa- culties of my soul sympathize, and to whom I wish, as well as my country, honour, glory, liberty. “ Far from me be the thought of strewing the seeds of division through France; and on this account have I divested my discourse of the accents of passion. Were I intimately convinced that a child should be left in ob- scure rank and happy in life, to insure the repose of thirty-three millions of men, I would have regarded as a crime every word uttered in contradiction to the necessity of the times; but I have no such conviction. Had I the disposal of the crown, I would cheerfully lay it at the feet of the duke of Or- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 105 leans. But all that I can see vacant is the royal vault at St Denis, not the throne. “ Whatever destiny awaits the lieutenant- general of the kingdom, I shall never be his enemy, if he advance the prosperity of my country. I only ask for the preservation of the liberty of my conscience, and the right of laying myself down to die wherever I can find repose and independence. “ I vote against the projected declaration.” The whole declaration was adopted, with the exception of the clause annulling the peerages created by Charles X. Paris appeared, from early in the next morning, as a festival. Multitudes moved towards the chamber of deputies, but none were admitted without tickets. A tribune was prepared, and kept vacant for the Or- leans family, and one for the diplomatic corps, and but few other places were re- served. The doors were opened at noon, when persons supplied with tickets were ad- mitted, most of those in the tribunes were la- dies. At about one o’clock, the deputies were called into the committee room, to cast lots for the grand deputation to receive the lieutenant-general. 106 HISTORY OF THE At that moment, the peers arrived in great numbers. The two ranges on the right had been reserved. There were pre- sent, Talleyrand, d’Ambrugeac, Marquis d’Aligre, duke de la Trimouille, Baron Mont- morency, count Castellane, duke de Broglie, count de Ponticoulant, duke de Castries, Portal, Roy, Chaptal, Mollien, Montebello, Simeon, Portalis, Claparede, Chollet, Mon- talivet, St. Aulaire, Belliarn, Boissel de Mon- ville, and count de Soules. The duke of Montebello had his arm in a sling, having- been wounded in fighting three days for the revolution. A large chair, raised on one step, and placed under a canopy of decorated crimson velvet, and shaded with tricoloured flags, &c. Two tables, covered with frieze velvet, stood a little in advance, on one of which was a writing desk with papers, and on the other the crown, sceptre, sword and hand of jus- tice. In a corresponding style of simplicity was the dress of the deputies and peers, which was that of citizens. Opposite the throne, was the place of the reporters, and on gilt seats were placed nu- merous ladies. An English officer was pre- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 107 in le ■) ’) ) ► i sent, and several persons believed to be American diplomatists. Princess Bagra- tion, and a Spanish lady, were remarked. One of the tribunes, in an angle on the right of the throne, being reserved for the Orleans family, was occupied at a quarter past two, by the duchess of Orleans, Mile. d’Orleans, her daughter, the young duchesses de Valois and de Beaujolais, the duke de Joinville, and the duke d’Aumale — the last about eight years old. Mile. d’Orleans, sister of the duke, was also present. The duke approached on horseback, with his two sons, the -dukes de Chartres, and de Nemours. They were announced by artillery. He was attended by a very small staff, which general Gerard joined. The “ Reveil du Peuple,” and the “ Mar- seillaise,” being heard, the deputies and peers took their seats. The duke entered, but without military guard or courtiers. The committees took their seats with their colleagues, and there were then about 90 peers present, and 300 deputies. The duke was received with cries of ‘ Vive le Roi,’ ‘ Vive leDuc d’Orleans,’ to which he replied by saluting the assembly three times, and 108 HISTORY OF THE then seated himself with Oudinot and Mor- tier, (in the place of Marmont) on the right, and Macdonald and Molitore, (in place of Victor) on the left. Five paces in the rear was Marshal Jourdan, commissioner of fo- reign affairs — general Gerard and M. Du- pont, on the right, and Messrs. Guizot, Big- non, and Louis, on the left. All these, except general Gerard, were in citizens’ dresses. The duke of Orleans requested the mem- bers to be seated; and then addressed Ca- simir Perrier, president of the chamber as follows: — ‘ Mr. president of the chamber of deputies, please to read the declaration of the chamber.’ He accordingly read it while the assembly kept the most attentive silence. Mr. C. Perrier, in reading the name of the duke, said — ‘ Call to the throne his royal highness Philip of Orleans, duke of Orleans.’ — the lieutenant-general interrupting him, said ‘ Louis Philip,’ and the reader, correct- ing himself, proceeded; and on the conclu- sion of the charter, placed it in the hands of the duke, who handed it to the commis- sioner of the interior. He then addressed the president of the peers — ‘ Mr. president FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 109 of the chamber of peers, please to add the act of adhesion of the chamber of peers to the declaration of the chamber of deputies. This being done, the lieutenant-general made the following declaration: “ Gentlemen, Peers and Deputies, — “ I have read with great attention the de- claration of the deputies, and the act of ad- hesion of the chamber of peers; I have con- sidered and weighed all the expressions. “ I accept, without restriction or reserve, the clauses and engagements which this de- claration contains, and the title of king of the French, which it confers on me, and am ready to swear to observe it.” Mr. Dupont de l’Eure, performing the function of keeper of the seals, then ap- proached his majesty, and gave him the form of the oath. The king, standing uncovered, with his right hand raised, pronounced slow- ly, and with a firm voice, the following oath which might be heard without, the assembly were profoundly silent. “ In the presence of God, I swear faith- fully to observe the constitutional charter, with the modifications expressed in the de- claration; to govern only by the laws and ac- K HISTORY OF THE 1 10 cording to the laws; to render good and strict justice to every one according to his right, and to act, in every thing, with a sole wish for the interest, the happiness, and the glory of the French people.” He was immediately proclaimed by the title of Louis Philip the First, king of the French; and thus were all the laurels which the people had so perilously and gloriously accumulated in the struggle of three days, thrown at the feet of a man, whose family had ever been distinguished for its antipa- thy to France, to liberty, and to the rights of the people. In order to bias the citizens in favour of the duke of Orleans, and prepare them for his dynasty, it was carefully trumpeted that he was the most liberal minded man of the family; that in the preceding revolution he had shed his blood* for liberty — that his fa- ther had died for it. That the interests of the nation and the reconcilement of foreign powers, required one of the Bourbons to * This is a figure of speech which wants no other grace of idea but truth. It is singular that the plain Lafayette should deal in tropes. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. Ill preside over the French. These arguments, if they deserve the name, are not even spe- cious, and the development of the revolution is not such as liberal men would have wished it. Had the duke, when the crown was pre- sented to him, disdained to accept of it, and acted in imitation of Washington, the world would have resounded with his eulogies, and proclaimed him the father of his country. A paper was presented to the chambers by Salverte, accusing the ministers of the ex- king with high treason. It was read, thus: “ I accuse of high treason the ex-ministers, who were authors of the report to the king; and who countersigned the ordinances of the 26th of July. “ Eusele Salverte.” It was received with acclamations and re- ferred to the bureaux. On Monday, the 9th, Louis Philip w r as crowned king of the French, without any ecclesiastical intervention. The regalia were delivered by four marshals of France: Macdonald, duke of Tarento; Mortier, duke of Treviso; Oudinot, duke of Reggio, and count Molitor. HISTORY OF THE 1 12 The king then ascended the throne and addressed the assembly as follows: “ Gentlemen, Peers and Deputies, — I have just consummated a great act. I am deeply sensible of the extent of the duties which it imposes upon me. My conscience tells me that I will fulfil them. It is with a full con- viction that I have accepted the treaty of al- liance which was proposed to me. “ I should greatly have desired never to occupy the throne to which the national wish has just called me; but France, attacked in her liberties, saw the public order in dan- ger. The violation of the charter had shaken every thing; it was necessary to re-establish the action of the laws, and the power of doing it was vested in the chamber of deputies. You have done it, gentlemen; the modifica- tions which we have just made in the char- ter, guaranty security for the future. France will, I trust, be happy at home, respected abroad, and the peace of Europe more firmly established.” After this address, he shook hands with the principal peers and deputies, and mount- ing his horse, rode off to the Palais-Royale. To return to Charles X. He and his suite FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 113 left Rambouillet for Cherbourg. The mi- nutes of their journey are published in a pamphlet, entitled — “ The Royal Progress;” on which, as the subject is interesting and curious, we will draw for a few particulars. August 4. — The troops of the guard had followed the movement towards Maintenon. They remained in this town; the king could only retain his four companies of body guards, and two pieces of cannon. At nine o’clock in the morning, they set out towards Dreux; the king found all the troops of the guard drawn up in order; they lined the way, and offered him the last honours which it was in their power to bestow. The adieu of these brave soldiers was affecting; several officers were observed to break their swords; they surrounded the king’s carriage, and swore never to serve any but him. The colonels resigned their colours, and that fine guard ceased to exist. The royal family frequently alighted from their carriages; the king and the dauphin mounted on horseback, the princesses and the children went on foot. That day the dauphiness, accompanied by madame de K 2 HISTORY OF THE 1 14 Saint-Maure, walked at least two leagues along with the column, talking to the gardes du corps, and commending their enthusiasm and admirable discipline; they also con- versed with the country people, who were far from recognising the daughter of a line of kings in a female simply dressed, covered with dust, and who asked for a glass of water to quench her thirst. In this manner the princess passed through two villages, in which but a few hours previously trees of liberty had been planted. — These objects must have excited sorrowful recollections; but the great soul of the heroine of misfor- tune was not cast down, and upon her noble forehead could only be read resignation to the decrees of the Almighty. They arrived at Mellerant, a considerable town: three companies of guards bivouacked in the or- chards, which would have been preferable to being in doors, if torrents of rain, which fell during the night, had not caused them to envy the humblest hut. The king lodged at Millerant with M. de Laroque, an old garde du corps. The house was too small to accommodate all the royal family. The duchess de Berri being very FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 115 inconveniently lodged, passed several hours at the bivouac with mademoiselle; and these two princesses, seated upon the grass, em- ployed themselves in making articles of dress of which they stood in need, not having pro- vided themselves with them on their hasty departure from St. Cloud. They arrived at St. Lo, after a long jour- ney, passing by Thorigny, where are to be seen the ruins of a fine chateau, belonging to the prince de Monaco. His majesty went to lodge at the prefecture, the honours of which were done in a manner the most affecting, by M. d’Estourmel, the prefect, who had al- ready bid adieu to his department. The royal family was commodiously lodged in this house, but what heart-rending recollec- tions must have oppressed the hearts of the dauphin and dauphiness, who had both made a journey to Cherbourg in 1828 and 1829. Then the crowd filled the air with shouts of joy and benediction; delight and happiness were depicted on the countenances of all, and the white flag waved every where. Now the same multitude, eager but silent, with eyes disdainful or menacing, exhibiting an anxious curiosity which even great misfor- HISTORY OF THE i 16 tune did not always restrain within proper limits. Some cries, (few it is true,) were heard, which strengthened the contrast; but the prudence of the well-intentioned inhabi- tants, and of the authorities, repressed them. The dauphiness repeatedly exclaimed, “ Ah, mon dieul qu'elle difference !” — Tears started from her eyes, which she presently raised to heaven. They proceeded to Montebourg, a consi- derable village a little distance from the sea; the inhabitants were franker, or they felt more attachment to the royal family, than those of other villages on the route. Their curiosity was kind and respectful; they sur- rounded the carriage of the duke de Bor- deaux, offering up prayers for his safely, and begging to be permitted to kiss his hands; and several individuals exclaimed with tears, ‘We have been forbidden to display any marks of interest towards you: but no mat- ter: — long live the duke de Bordeaux, and may he return speedily.’ The king, on his arrival at Valognes, lodged with M. Dumenildot, a Norman gen- tleman, whose ancestors received king James in their chateau of Quenne Ville, near La i FRENCH REVOLUTION O'F 1830. 1 17 Hogue, whence that monarch, standing upon the top of a tower^ beheld the issue of a com- bat on which his crown depended. It was there that, observing the obstinacy of the battle, he exclaimed, ‘ Comme ils se battent bien, mes braves Anglais l' When the result of the battle of Waterloo was announced to the duke de Berri at Alost, he cried with an air of interest, ‘ Lcs Fran - cais se sont ils bien battus, au moinsl’ So powerful in a generous bosom is the love of country. The king determined to rest at Cher- bourg on the 16th. Repose was necessary to the men and horses, they profited by the opportunity to make those repairs which were most urgent in their boots and clothes, for, departing as they did in haste from St. Cloud, each had with him only what covered him. The 15th. — This day of old, so solemn by reason of the vow of Louis XIII. — this day on which the king went in procession to Notre Dame with all the pomp of his court, he passed shut up in a little town in Nor- mandy, abandoned by his subjects, with only 118 HISTORY OF THE a small number of faithful servants around him, and the following day was to behold him quitting for a third time the land of his birth. The companies of gardes-du-corps had retained their standards. The king declared he would resume them. All the officers, and the twenty-four oldest gardes-du-corps, form- ing a squadron, marching four deep, the trumpeters at their head, the four standards in the same line, proceeded in silence, sorrow depicted on their countenances, towards the king’s lodging. That prince was surround- ed by the royal family whose faces displayed the liveliest sorrow, which, however, was no doubt differently experienced. The king was deeply affected; the dauphiness dis- solved in tears; the dauphin appeared re- signed; the duchess of Berri was calm, as if she penetrated the future; the duke de Bor- deaux and mademoiselle were concerned for those whom they regarded. The king took the standards, embraced the officers who bore them, and said with the utmost emotion, ‘ I take back your standards, they are unstained; my grandson will restore them to you. I thank you for your devotion, FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 1 19 for your fidelity, and your prudence. I shall never forget the proofs of attachment which you have exhibited to me and to my family. Adieu! — May you be happy.’ He presented them his hand to kiss} the dauphiness and madame followed his example; and this af- fecting scene was prolonged until the last adieu uttered by the king. The chosen gendarmerie, a corps as fine and well disciplined, as it is devoted, also received the adieus of the king. Afterwards, the unattached officers were admitted to the presence of his majesty, whose heart must have been rent in twain by emotions so deep and long continued. The royal family alighted from their car- riages, and passing along a plank covered with blue cloth, went aboard the packet boat Great Britain. The king embarked first; the dauphin took the duke of Bordeaux by the hand; Madame de Gontant conducted mademoiselle; the duchess of Berri gave her arm to M. de Charette, and the dauphiness to M. de Larochejaquelin. The prefect presented to his majesty cap- tain Dumont Durville, the commander of 120 HISTORY OF THE the vessel. He told the king he would carry him wherever he desired. This he repeated several times. The king said he wished to go first to Spithead — to the Isle of Wight, opposite Portsmouth. After having made the last adieus to some officers who had gone aboard, the royal family entered a cabin pre- pared for them. Aboard the Great Britain were the whole of the royal family, the duke de Luxembourg, captain of the gardes-de- service, the duke of Ragusa, the governor, sub-governor, and sub-preceptor of the duke of Bordeaux, the duchess of Constant, and the private attendants of the royal family. In the Charles Carroll , which carried a part of the supplies, were Messrs. O’Higgerty, sen. and jun., Madame de Bouille and her son, a sub-governor of the duke de Bor- deaux, Messrs, de Choiseul, de Charette, and Larochejaquelin. During the embarcation and preparations for departure, a crowd of curious per- sons lined the mole; they were orderly, and no exclamation was heard. Messrs, the commissioners took leave of the king, and subsequently remained on the pier till the FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 121 vessel, unfurling her sails, got under weigh, and cleared the port towed by a steam-boat. It was then a quarter past two. During this time, seven squadrons of gardes-du-corps were drawn up in order opposite the ships. When they had got out of the harbour, the troops faced about, entered the town, passed through it, and retired to Valognes. The multitude, which, no doubt, had been hither- to restrained by the respect which great mis- fortune always inspires, and by the sight of an unhappy family compelled to abandon its country, became noisy and tumultuous. From some groups, consisting principally of cabin-boys and youths, of from twelve to fourteen years of age, were heard shouts of ‘ Vive la liberte!’ ‘ Vive la charte!’ ‘Abas la cocarde blanche!’ The inhabitants took no part in these exclamations, which being de- spised by every body, called for no reply. The 12th and 16th regiments of infantry, in gar- rison in the town, were under orders. The soldiers were observed at all the windows of the barrack, which is in the interior of tim- ber-yards; only a few outposts skirted the route; their attitude was very favourable' — L 122 HISTORY OF THE the officers were extremely polite. These troops presented arms to the gardes-du-corps, who returned the salute. No doubt orders had been given on the subject, for it is im- possible that the circumstance could have been accidental. In scarcely any of the towns through which we passed were mili- tary honors afforded either to the king or the troops that accompanied him. On their re- turn to Valognes, the following order was given to each garde-du-corps on the part of king Charles: — “ ORDER OF THE DAY. “In quitting the soil of France, the king would wish to have it in his power to present to each of his garde-du-corps, and to each of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, who have accompanied him to his ship, a mark of his attachment and remem- brance, but the circumstances that afflict the king do not afford him the means of gratify- ing the wish of his heart. Destitute of the means of rewarding a fidelity so exemplary, his majesty is compelled to testify his re- gard only by this tribute. “ The companies of the gardes-du-corps as FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 123 well as those of the rank of general officers, superior officers, and others; also of the non- commissioned officers and soldiers who have followed him: their names preserved by the duke of Bordeaux, shall remain inscribed in the archives of the royal family, to attest for ever the misfortunes of the king, and the consolation which he has found in a devotion so disinterested. “ Charles.” Thence, he embarked in the ship Charles Carroll , to the Isle of Wight, where William IV. happened at that time to be; and after- wards he proceeded to Lulworth castle, where he took up his abode. In the mean time Louis Philip neglected nothing that could give stability to his throne and recommend him to the people. He projected a law to relieve the families of the killed and wounded in the conflict of July. M. Guizot, who introduced the proposal, stated their numbers to be more than 900 orphans and 300 widows; 300 fathers de- prived of their sons; 301 men maimed for life, and 3961 wounded, but likely to re- cover. The law was couched in the follow- ing terms: 124 HISTORY OF THE “Art. 1 . The widows of citizens who perished on the 27th, 28th and 29th July, or in consequence of wounds then received, shall receive from the state a pension of 500 francs each, to commence on the 1st of Jan- uary, 1831. “Art. 2. France adopts the orphans of such citizens. An annual sum of 250 francs is allowed to each child under seven years of age; the child to be under the care of the mother, or where need is, of some relative or friend chosen by the family. From seven to eighteen, these children shall be brought up in special institutions, where they shall re- ceive an education fitted to their sex and enable them to gain a livelihood. “ Art. 3. Parents infirm, or over 60 years of age, and in destitute circumstances, who may have lost their children in those days, shall receive an annual pension of 300 francs, with the right of survivorship. “ Art. 4. Frenchmen wounded during those days, so as to lose a limb or the use of one; shall either be admitted among the in- valids, or receive at home a proportionate pension. “ Art. 5. Citizens wounded, but not inca- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 125 pacitated for labour, shall receive an indem- nity, of which the amount shall be deter- mined by the committee on national recom- penses. “ Art. 6. An indemnity shall in like man- ner be paid to citizens who, though not wounded, were during those days prevented from attending to their families. The in- demnity to be regulated by the same com- mittee. “ Art. 7. Provides that for the above ob- jects a credit of seven millions of francs be granted to the minister of the interior. “ Art. 8. Those men shall be appointed sub- lieutenants in the army, who, having espe- cially distinguished themselves in those days, shall by a report of a committee be judged worthy of that honour. “ Art. 9. The medal ordered by the law of the 30th August, shall be distributed to all citizens designated by the committee. “ Art. 10.. A particular decoration shall be granted to all citizens who distinguished themselves on those days. A list of persons entitled thereto shall be made out by the committee and submitted to the king. Mili- l 2 126 HISTORY OF THE tary honour shall be paid to it, as to that of the Leg-ion of Honour. “ Paris, 9th October. “ By the king. “ Louis Philip. “ The minister of the interior, Guizot.” His Majesty was singularly attentive to Lafayette and very lavish of his eulogies on the national guard, in order to secure their attachment to his dynasty. His speeches teemed with an affectation of sensibility and tender emotions. The stratagem succeeded, and the French people were thus whined out, of the honourable principles which stimu- lated them to achieve the revolution. But many expressed loud indignation at the con- duct of the deputies; one party shouted out for the duke of Bordeaux, another for Napo- leon II., and a third for a republican form of government. Mobs collected in several parts to give vent to their dissatisfaction. Gene- ral Dubourg who had been first put at the head of the national guard, when about to deliver something officially to the people, was greeted by the crowd with shouts of “ No king!” “ No Orleans!” The officer broke off in his discourse, and bluntly in- formed them, he was of the same mind with themselves. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 127 CHAPTER V. The Charter of Louis XVIII. m odified. — Its present form . — Special Provisions adopted. — Arrest of Polignac and the Ex-ministers . — Their Crime. — Report to the King. — Proposition for the abolition of Capital Punishments. General Lafayette delivered in the cham- ber of deputies an animated speech opposing; hereditary peerage. Had he included here- ditary monarchs, the speech might deserve to be copied into a republican book; since he has not done so, we omit it. Every friend of equal rights, however, must rejoice that this feudal custom was suppressed in France most probably through the medium of Lafayette, who is undoubtedly the most influential man in the kingdom. The charter underwent such material mo- difications that it may be said to have been remodelled. This great palladium of the rights of the people was drawn up by Louis XVIII.; we insert it here at full length, with the changes made by the deputies on the 7th of August. Wherever any article has been modified or annulled, we place it in Italics , 128 HISTORY OF THE and the present one immediately follows it with the sign gCT". The preamble which has been suppressed, as it is curious, we give as follows: “ PREAMBLE. “Louis, by the grace of God, king of France and Navarre, to all whom these presents may reach. “ Divine Providence in recalling us to our estates after so long an absence, has imposed on us most serious obligations. Peace was the first want of our subjects, and we have been unceasingly occupied in procuring it; this peace, so necessary to France and the rest of Europe, has been signed. A consti- tutional charter is solicited by the actual state of the kingdom; we have promised, and we now publish it. We have considered that, although the whole authority in France resides in the person of the king, yet our pre- decessors have not hesitated to modify its ex- ercise according to the changes of the times; thus the commons were affranchised by Louis the Fat, and received extensions of their rights from St. Louis, and Philip the Handsome; thus was the judiciary established, and deve- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 129 loped by the laws of Louis XI. Henry III. and Charles IX.; thus finally did Louis XIV. regulate nearly every branch of the public administration, by various ordinances which for wisdom, have not hitherto been sur- passed. “Like our predecessors, we have appreci- ated the effects of the increasing progress of knowledge, of the new relations thus intro- duced into society, of the direction given to mind for the last half century, and of the im- portant alterations which have been the re- sult. We recognise the expression of a real want, in the wishes of our subjects for a con- stitutional charter; but in yielding to these v/ishes, we have taken every precaution to render such charter worthy of ourselves, and of the people over whom we are proud of being placed. Men of wisdom chosen from among the principal bodies of the state, have been united with our own commissioners in the labour of preparing this important docu- ment. “ While we thus acknowledge that a libe- ral and constitutional monarchy is required by the present enlightened state of Europe, tve still bear in mind, that our first duty to 130 HISTORY OF THE our people, is to preserve for their own in-! rf terests, the rights and prerogatives of our fo crown. Our hope is, that instructed by ex- an perience, they will be convinced that the su- lit preme authority can alone give to the insti- ' tutions which it establishes, the strength, the permanence, and the majesty with which it- ! self is clothed ; and that when the wisdom of the king, thus accords freely with the wishes ! of the people, a constitutional charter may i be of long endurance; but that when conces- I sions are extorted by violence, from the weak- ness of the government, the public liberties are as much endangered as the throne itself. We have sought for the principles of a con- stitutional charter, in the character of the French and in the venerable monuments of past ages. In the renewal of the peerage for example, we have in view a truly national institution, which should unite the recollec- tions of the past, with the hopes of the future, and thus bring ancient and modern times more nearly together. “ We have replaced, by the chamber of de- puties, those old assemblies, of the Champ de Mars, and the Champ de Mai, and those chambers of the Tiers-Etat, which have so FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 131 in- >ur :x- su- 4 llie it- of often given at the same time, proofs of zeal for the interests of the people, and of fidelity and respect, for the authority of the king. In endeavouring thus to renew the link which has been so fatally broken, we have effaced from our memory, as we could wish them effaced from the pages of history, all the evils which have afflicted the country during our absence. Happy at finding ourselves again in the bosom of the great family, we have no other means of reply to the numer- ous testimonies of affection which we receive, than in pronouncing the words of peace and consolation. The wish most near to our heart is, that the French may hereafter live like brethren, and that no bitter reflections may ever again trouble that security which should ensue from the solemn Act which we this day accord. “ Certain of our own intentions, and con- scientiously persuaded of their propriety, we engage ourselves before this assembly, to be faitnful to this constitutional charter; reserv- ing to ourselves the right of swearing so- lemnly to maintain it, before the altar of Him who weighs in the same balance, both kings and nations. 132 HISTORY OF THE “ For which reasons, we have voluntarily,, and by the free exercise of our royal authori- ty granted, and do grant, concede, and octroie, to our subjects, as well for ourselves as for our successors, and for ever, the following “ CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER. “ PUBLIC RIGHTS OF THE FRENCH. “Art. 1. All Frenchmen are equal before the law, whatever otherwise be their rank or title. “ 2. They contribute, without distinction, in proportion to their fortune, to the support of the public expenses. “ 3. They are all alike admissible to civil and military employments. “ 4. Individual liberty is equally guaran- tied to all : no one can be either pursued or arrested, except in cases provided for by the law, and in the forms in which it prescribes. “ 5. Every one is at liberty to profess his own religion; and the same protection is as- sured to each form of worship. “ 6 . Nevertheless , the Catholic , Apostolical and Roman religion , is the religion of the State. “ 7 . Ministers of the Catholic , Apostolical and Roman religion , and that of other Chris- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 133 ! tian denominations , alone receive salaries from I the Royal Treasury. “ ICP Ministers of the Catholic, Apostoli- cal and Roman religion, and those of other i! Christian denominations, alone receive sala- ries from the royal treasury. “ 8 . Frenchmen have the right to publish and print their opinions , so that they conform to the laws for regulating the abuse of this liberty. Frenchmen have the right of pub- lishing and printing their opinions, so that they conform to the laws. The censorship can never be re-established. “9. All property is inviolable, without any exception of that called national , the law not acknowledging any distinction between them. “ 10. The state may exact the sacrifice of any particular piece of property, if the pub- lic interest duly established shall require it; but only on a previous indemnification. “11. All scrutiny as to votes or opinions uttered previous to the restoration, is forbid- den. A like oblivion is prescribed both to tribunals and citizens. “ 12. The conscription is abolished; the mode of recruiting the sea and land forces is determined by law. M 134 HISTORY OF THE u form of the king’s GOVERNMENT. “ 13. The person of the king is inviolable and sacred. His ministers are responsible. To the king alone belongs the executive power. “ 14. The king is the supreme head of the state— commands the army and navy — declares war — makes treaties of peace, alliance and com- merce — appoints to office — and makes the rules and ordinances necessary for the execution of the laws and the safety of the state. “iC7 3> The king is the supreme head of the state — commands the army and navy — de- clares war' — makes treaties of peace, alliance and commerce — appoints to all the offices of public administration — and makes all the re- gulations and ordinances necessary for the execution of the laws; without having the power to suspend the laws themselves, or dispense with their execution. No foreign troops can ever be admitted into the service of the state, without an express law. “ 15. The legislative power is vested col- lectively in the king, the house of peers, and the house of deputies of departments. “ 16. The king proposes all laws. “ 17. The proposal of a law is made at the FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 135 pleasure of the king, to the- house of peers , or that of deputies, except laws for laying and col- lecting taxes, which must be first addressed to the house of deputies. “ IC7” The proposition of all laws belongs to the king, the chamber of peers, and the chamber of deputies. Nevertheless, all laws on taxes, must first be voted by the chamber of deputies. “ 18. Every law is to be freely discussed and voted by a majority of each chamber. “ 19. The chambers have the faculty of sup- plicating the king to propose laws upon any given subject, and to point out what it appears to them fitting, that such laws should contain. “ 20. Such a request may be made by either of the chambers, after having been discussed in secret committee: it can only be sent to the other chamber by that proposing it, after an in- terval of ten days. “21. If the proposition is adopted by the other chamber, it shall be submitted to the king: if it is rejected, it cannot be reproduced in the same session. “ 22. The king alone sanctions and pro- mulgates the laws. “ 23, The civil list is fixed for the whole 136 HISTORY OF THE reign by the first legislature assembled after the accession of the king. “ OF THE HOUSE OF TEERS. “ 24. The house of peers is an essential part of the legislative power. “25. It is convened by the king at the same time with the house of deputies. The session of each begins and finishes at the same time. “26. Any meeting of the house of peers held at anytime when the deputies are notin session , or which should not he ordered by the king , is unlawful and void. “ | O' 3 Any assembly of the chamber of peers, which should be held at a time which is not that of the session of the chamber of deputies, is illicit and nullj except in the single case, in which it is assembled as a court of justice, and then it can only exercise judicial functions. “ 27. The nomination of peers of France belongs to the king. Their number is unli- mited. He may vary their dignities, name them for life, or make them hereditary ac- cording to his pleasure. “ 28. Peers are entitled to their seats at twenty-five, but cannot vote before thirty. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 137 “ 29. The house of peers has for presiding officer the Chancellor of France, and in his absence, some peer named by the king. 30. The members of the royal family and princes of the blood , are peers in right of their birth. They take rank immediately after the President, but have no vote till twenty-five. “ %CT° The princes of the blood are peers by right of birth; they take their seats im- mediately after the president. “31. The princes can only take their seats by an order of the king, expressed at each ses- sion by a message, under pain of nullity to every thing transacted during their presence. “ 32. The deliberations of the peers are all secret. “ | CT' The sittings of the chamber of peers are public, like those of the chamber of de- puties. “ 33. The house of peers takes cognizance of the crime of high treason arid attempts against the safety of the State, as they shall be defined by laiv. “ | CT“ The chamber of peers takes cogni- zance of crimes against the safety of the state, and of high treason, which shall be defined by law. 138 HISTORY OF THE “ 34. No peer can be arrested except by the authority of the house, and it judges its mem- bers in all criminal matters. “ OF THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES OF DEPART- MENTS. “ 35. The chamber shall be composed of deputies elected by the electoral colleges. The organization of them shall he deter- mined by law. “ 36. Each department shall have the same number of deputies it has had till now.* “ 37. The deputies shall be elected for five years , and in such manner that the chamber shall be renewed by one-fifth annually. “38. No one can be admitted as a deputy , who is not forty years old , and does not pay a direct tax of one thousand francs. “I CT" No deputy can be admitted into the chamber, unless he is thirty years of age, and * The chamber thus constituted had two hundred and fifty-eight members; but in 1820 a law was passed, increasing the number to 430. By this law, article 37 was also rendered void, as the elections from all the de- partments, were ordered to take place at the same time, and the period for which the deputies were chosen was increased to seven years. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 139 unless he possesses the other qualification prescribed by law. “ 39. In case , however, that there should not be in a department fifty persons of the requisite age, and paying the prescribed tax, that num- ber shall be made up out of those paying the nearest to one thousand francs, and the person thus selected shall be (dike eligible with the others. “ 40. Electors of deputies must pay a direct tax of three hundred francs, and have attained thirty years of age. CT° No one is an elector if he is under twenty-five years of age, and if he does not possess the other qualifications prescribed by law. “41. Presidents of electoral colleges are named by the king, and become, of right, members of the colleges. “ IdP The presidents of the electoral col- leges, are nominated by the electors. “ 42. One half, at least, of the deputies, must be chosen from among those whose political domicile is in the department. “ 43. The president of the chamber of depu- ties is designated by the king from a list of five members presented by the chamber. 140 HISTORY OF THE “ICT* The president of the chamber of de- puties is elected by the chamber. He is elected for the whole duration of the legis- lature. “ 44. The sessions of the chamber are pub- lic, but upon the demand of five members, the doors may be closed. “ 45. The chamber will divide itself into committees ( bureaux ) to discuss the projects of laws presented by the king. “ 46. No amendment can be made to a law , unless proposed or consented to by the king , nor until it has been referred and discussed in com- mittees. “47. The chamber of deputies receives all propositions respecting taxes; and it is only when such propositions have been adopted by the chamber , that they can be sent to the peers. “ 48. No tax can be imposed nor collected, unless consented to by the chambers, and sanctioned by the king. “ 49. The land tax is only voted for one year; the indirect taxes may be voted for se- veral years. “ 50. The king convenes the two chambers every year; he prorogues them, and may dis- solve the chamber of deputies; but, in this FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 141 case, he must convene a new one in the space of three months. “51. No member can be imprisoned dur- ing the session, nor during the six weeks pre- ceding and following it. “ 52. No member can, during the session, be prosecuted, nor arrested on any criminal charge, except when taken flagrante delictu , without the permission of the chamber. “ 53. Petitions to either house can only be made and presented in writing; the law for- bids any one from bringing a petition in per- son to the bar. “ OF MINISTERS. “ 54. Ministers may be members of either house; they have, moreover, the right of en- try to each house, and are to be heard when they require. “ 55. The chamber of deputies has the right of accusing ministers, and of arraign- ing them before the house of peers, who alone have the right of judging them. “ 56. They can alone he accused of treason or peculation. Special laws will particularize the nature of these offences , and will determine how they are to be prosecuted. 142 HISTORY OF THE “of THE JUDICIARY. “ 57. All justice is derived from the king, and is administered in his name, by judges ■whom he appoints. “ 58. The judges appointed by the king are not removable. “ 59. The courts and ordinary tribunals now existing are maintained. Nothing shall be changed with respect to them but by vir- tue of a law. “ 60. The existing institution of judges of commerce is preserved. “ 61 . That of justices of the peace, is in like manner preserved. Justices of the peace, though appointed by the king, may be re- moved. “ 62. No one can be withdrawn from his natural judges. “ 63. Consequently no commissioners nor ex- traordinary tribunals can be created. Prevotal courts , if their re-establishment is deemed neces- sary , are not included in this prohibition. “ IdpNo extraordinary commissioners can be created under any denomination whatever. “ 64. The discussions in criminal proceed- ings shall be public, except when such pub- licity may be dangerous to order and good FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 143 morals; in which case the court shall so pro- nounce. “ 65. The institution of the jury is pre- served. Such changes as experience may suggest can only be made in virtue of a law. “ 66. The confiscation of property as a pu- nishment is abolished, and cannot be re-esta- blished. “67. The king has the right to pardon, and to commute punishments. “ 68. The civil code and laws now in use, which are not contrary to the present char- ter, shall remain in force until legally altered or repealed. “ PRIVATE RIGHTS GUARANTIED BY THE STATE. “ 69. The military in actual service, offi- cers and soldiers on half pay, officers’ widows and soldiers pensioned, shall preserve their grades, honours, and pensions. “70. The public debt is guarantied. Every engagement of the state with its creditors is inviolable. “71. The old nobility resumes its titles, the new preserves its. The king creates no- bles at pleasure; but he only grants them rank and honour, without any exemption 144 HISTORY OF THE from the burdens or duties as members of society. “ 72. The legion of honour is preserved. The king will determine its regulations and decorations. “73. The colonies shall be governed by special laws and regulations. “74. The king and his successors shall swear in the solemnity of their consecration, faithfully to observe the -present constitutional charter. “ | CP The king and his successors shall swear, at their accession, to observe faithfully the present constitutional charter. “ | dT The present charter, and the rights it consecrates, shall be entrusted to the pa- triotism and courage of the national guards, and of all the citizens. “ gCT” France resumes her colours. In fu- ture, no other cockade but the tricoloured shall be worn. “ gCT 3 All anterior laws and ordinances, so far as they are contrary to the reform of the charter, are null and void.” Thus have we given an accurate tran- script of the French charter as it originally was, and with its present modifications. Whether the object of the latter be liberty, FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 145 licentiousness or the promotion of self inte- rest on the part of the modifiers we leave it to the reader to judge, and to futurity to de- cide. On the same day the following special pro- visions were adopted: “ I. All the creations of peers during the reign of Charles Tenth, are declared null and void. “ II. Article 27th of the charter shall be the subject of a fresh examination in the ses- sion of 1831. “ III. The chamber of deputies declares, finally, that it is necessary to provide, by suc- cessive and separate laws, and with the short- est delay possible, — 1st. For the extension of the trial by jury for misdemeanors, particu- larly those of the press, and for political of- fences. 2d. For the responsibility of mini- sters and secondary agents of government. 3d. For re-election in case of deputies ap- pointed to public functions. 4th. For the annual voting of the army estimates. 5th. For the organization of the national guards, and for their electing their own officers. 6th. For a military code, insuring in a legal man- ner the situation of officers of all ranks. 7th. N 146 HISTORY OF THE For the departmental and municipal admini- strations, with the intervention of the citi- zens in their nominations. 8lh. For public instruction and the freedom of tuition. 9th. For the abolition of the double vote, and for fixing the qualifications for electors and de- puties.” Some time posterior to this the ex-mini- sters were arrested in trying to make their escape, and lodged in the prison, or as it is called, the Chateau of Vincennes. Polig- nac was seized while travelling in the suite of a lady, who took out a passport for herself and a domestic. Polignac personated the character of the domestic, but his awkward representation of it, gave birth to the suspi- cion, on which he was arrested. An imme- diate confession on his part, cut short fur- ther investigation, and he was escorted to the capital to be incarcerated with his fellow mi- nisters. Their principal crime consisted in having signed their names to the following report to the king! “ Sire — “ Your ministers would be unworthy of the confidence with which your Majesty honours them, if they delayed any longer in laying before your eyes a view of our intft; FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 147 rior situation, and in pointing out to your high wisdom the dangers of the periodical press. “At no period within these fifteen years, has this situation been more serious and afflict- ing. Notwithstanding a course of prosperi- ty, unparalleled in our annals, signs of disor- ganization and symptoms of anarchy are de- veloping themselves in every part of the kingdom. “ The successive causes that have concurred to paralyse the resources of monarchical go- vernment, are now tending to modify and change its nature: deprived of its moral force, authority, whether in the capital or in the departments, never struggles against factions but with disadvantage; pernicious and subversive doctrines, loudly professed, are spreading and propagating themselves through every class of society; disturbances too generally diffused, agitate and torment the minds of the people. On every side, they demand for the present, pledges of security for the future. “ An active, ardent and indefatigable, but malicious vigilance, exerts itself to raze every foundation of order, and to wrest from France 148 HISTORY OF THE the happiness she enjoys under the sceptre of her kings. Skilled in engendering discon- tents, and exciting animosities, it foments, among the people, a spirit of defiance and hostility towards the government, and scat- ters the seeds of dissention and civil war. “ And already, Sire, recent events have proved that the political passions entertain- ed by the higher branches of society begin to disseminate themselves through the lower, and to affect the mass of the people. They have also proved that this popular excite- ment would not be always without danger, even to the men who are striving to snatch the people from the bosom of peace. “ A multitude of facts, collected in the course of electoral operations, confirm this position, and would afford us a too certain presage of new commotions, were it not in the power of your majesty to avert the evil. “There exists every where, if attentively observed, a want of order, of power and of permanence; and the agitations which ap- pear the most contrary to it, are in reality only the expression and testimony of it. “ It is necessary to observe this well: these agitations which cannot be increased with- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 149 out great danger, are almost exclusively pro- duced and excited by the liberty of the press. A law of the elections, not less fruitful in dis- orders, has without doubt concurred in pro- ducing them: But it would be denying evi- dence not to see that the Journals are the hot-beds of a corruption whose progress is daily more sensible, and the primary source of the calamities which threaten the king- dom. “ Experience, Sire, speaks more authorita- tively than theory. Some enlightened men, whose fidelity otherwise cannot be suspected, led by the bad example of a neighbouring country, have believed that the benefits de- rived from the periodical press would coun- terbalance its disadvantages, and that its ex- cesses would be neutralized by contrary ex- cesses. But the event has not verified the hypothesis, the proof is decisive, and the question is now determined in the public mind. “ The periodical press has never been so; it is not in the nature of an instrument of se- dition and disorder to be so. “ What numerous and irrefragable proofs militate in the establishment of this truth! N 2 150 HISTORY OK THE It is on the principle of the violent and unin- terrupted action of the press, that the too sudden and frequent variations of our inte- rior politics may be explained. It has not permitted the establishment of a regular and permanent form of government, nor has it suffered to be introduced into the branches of public administration, the meliorations of which they are susceptible. All the minis- ters from 1814, although created under dif- ferent influences, and often directly opposed to each other, have still had in view the same track, the same attacks, and the same object of unbridling the passions. Sacrifices of every kind, concessions of power, formations of party, nothing has been able to divert them from this common object. “ This reproach alone, so fertile in reflec- tions, should suffice to assign to the press its true, its invariable character. It exerts it- self with persevering efforts, every day re- peated, to unbind the ties of obedience and subordination, to abuse the resources of pub- lic authority, to prostrate it, to revile it in the opinion of the people, and to create for it, in every quarter, resistance and embar- rassments. TRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 151 “ Its art consists not in substituting for a too easy submission of mind, a wise freedom of examination, but in reducing to a problem, the most positive truths; not to provoke a frank and useful controversy on political questions, but to exhibit them in a false light, and resolve them by sophisms. “ The press has thus cast disorder into the most correct intelligences, shaken the firm- est convictions, and kindled in the bosom of society, a confusion of principles which en- courages the most dangerous attempts. Its anarchy of doctrines, is but a prelude to anarchy in the state. “ It is worthy of remark, Sire, that the pe- riodical press has not even fulfilled its most essential condition, that of publicity. What is strange, but at the same time true, is, that there is no such thing as publicity in France, when this word is taken in its most just and rigorous acceptation. In its representation of the state of things, articles, when they are not entirely false, never come to the knowledge of readers, unless garbled, disfi- gured, and mutilated in the most odious manner. A thick cloud, raised by the jour- nals, obscures the truth and intercepts the 152 HISTORY OF THE light between the government and the peo- ple. “ The kings, your predecessors, Sire, have always loved to communicate with their sub- jects; it is a satisfaction that the press has not wished your Majesty to enjoy. “ Its unbounded licentiousness pays no respect, even on the most solemn occasions, either to the express will of the king, or to the orders emanating from the throne. The one is misrepresented and denaturalized, the other is the object of perfidious commenta- ries, or pungent derision. Thus the last act of royal power, the proclamation, was dis- credited by the public, even before it was known to the electors. “ This is not all. The press aims at no less than the subjugation of sovereignty, and the invasion of the powers of the state. A pretended organ of public opinion, it as- pires to direct the debates of the two cham- bers, and it is incontestable that it carries thdre a weight of influence, no less baneful than decisive. This domination has as- sumed, particularly in the last two or three years, a manifest character of oppression and tyranny. In this interval of time, the jour- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 15S nals persecuted with insult and outrage, the members whose votes appeared to them un- certain or suspected. Too often, Sire, the de- liberations in this chamber have yielded to the redoubled attacks of the press. “We cannot mention in less severe terms, the conduct of the journals on the opposition in more recent circumstances. After having themselves provoked an address derogatory to the prerogatives of the throne, they did not hesitate to promote the re-election of 221 deputies — which proceeding was the consequence of their address. Your Majesty repulsed this address as offensive; you bore public blame for refusing to concur in the sentiments therein expressed; you announced your immutable resolution to defend the rights of your crown, so manifestly compro- mised. The public papers laid no stress on your determination; on the contrary, they exerted themselves to renew, to perpetuate, and to aggravate the offence. Your Majesty will decide whether this last attack is to re- main long unpunished. “ But of all the excesses of the press, the most serious perhaps remains for us to spe- cify, From the first moment of the expedi- 154 HISTORY OF THE tion, the glory of which reflects so pure and so durable a lustre on the noble crown of France, the press criticised with unprece- dented severity, its causes, its objects, its means, its preparatives, its chances of suc- cess. Insensible to national honour, it was not their fault that our banner was not tar- nished by the barbarian. Indifferent to the great interests of humanity, it was not their fault that Europe did not remain subject to an oppressive vassalage and dishonouring tribute. “ Nor was this enough: by a species of treason, of which our laws could have taken cognizance, the press sedulously published all the secrets of the expedition, conveyed to the enemy the knowledge of the state of our forces, the number of our troops, that of our vessels, the indication of our points of sta- tion, the means to be employed to contravene the variableness of the winds, and to get on shore. Every thing, even the spot of their disembarkment was divulged, as if for the purpose of instructing the enemy to make a more certain defence. And what is without a parallel among a civilized people, the press, by giving false and alarming accounts of the FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 155 dangers to be encountered, has not scrupled to damp the courage of the army, and direct- ing its hatred against the very commander of the enterprise, it has, to use the expression, excited the soldiers to raise against him the standard of revolt, or to desert their colours. Such are the daring deeds of the organs of a party that pretends to be national. “ Every day, in the interior of the king- dom, it dares no less than to disturb the ele- ments of public peace, to dissolve the links of society, and to speak plainly, to make the earth tremble under our feet. Let us not be afraid to reveal here the whole extent of our evils, in order to appreciate more justly the extent of our resources. A systematic defa- mation, organized on a large scale and di- rected with an unprecedented perseverance, persecutes far and near, even the humblest agents of power. No one of your subjects, Sire, is shielded from outrage, if he receive from his sovereign the slightest mark of con- fidence, or of satisfaction. A vast net, spread over France, enmeshes all the public func- tionaries; placed continually in a situation of disrespect, they appear to be in some measure cut off' from civil society; they only 156 HISTORY OF THE are spared, whose fidelity is wavering; those only are praised whose fidelity succumbs; others are noted to he more slowly immo- lated to popular vengeance. “ The periodical press has equally perse- cuted, with envenomed darts, religion and the priesthood. It wishes, and will ever wish, to root out from the hearts of the peo- ple, even the last seed of religious senti- ments. Do not doubt, Sire, that it will ac- complish this, in attacking the foundations of faith, in altering the sources of public morality, and in producing abundantly deri- sion and contempt for the ministers of the altar. “ No force, we must own, is capable of re- sisting such an energetic violator as the press. In every period, when it was let loose, it made an irruption, an invasion into the state. One cannot but be singularly struck with the similitude of its effects these last fifteen years, notwithstanding the diver- sity of circumstances and the change of men who moved on the political stage. Its object is, in a word, to recommence the revolution, whose principles it loudly proclaims. Placed and replaced, at different times, under the FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 157 yoke of censure, whenever it obtained liberty it resumed its favourite employment. To continue this work with more success, it has found an active auxiliary in the departmental press, which, exciting jealousies and local animosities, shedding dread on the hearts of the timid, and harassing authority by inces- sant intermeddlings, has exercised an almost decisive influence on the elections. “ These last effects, Sire, are transient, but more durable effects are to be remarked in the manners and character of the nation. Ardent misrepresentations and impassioned contro- versies, schools of scandal and licentiousness, produce in these, serious changes and deep alterations; it gives a false direction to the mind, fills it with prepossessions and preju- dices, diverts it from serious studies, injures the progress of the arts and sciences, excites discord among us, introduces baneful dis- sentions even into the bosom of families, and tends to reduce us gradually to barbarism. “ It would be superfluous to investigate the causes for adopting the mistaken lenity which has hitherto left the power of repres- sion a useless weapon in the hands of power. “ Judiciary acts cannot easily be brought o 158 HISTORY OF THE to repress it efficaciously. This truth, glean- ed from observation, was long since remark- ed by well intentioned men; it has recently acquired a more distinctive character of evi- dence. Imperious necessity required that the repression should have been prompt and strong; it has remained slow and weak, and gradually dwindled into nothing. It never interferes before the fault is commit- ted, and then the punishment only causes the scandal of debate. “Juridical prosecution becomes tired; the seditious press never tires. The former ceases, because it has too many to handle roughly; the latter multiplies its forces by multiplying its offences. “ Under different circumstances, power has had its periods of activity and relaxa- tion: but 'whether the public ministry be zealous or lukewarm it matters nothing to the press. It seeks, by redoubling its excesses to guaranty its impunity. It is time, more than time, to stop its ravages. “ Hearken, Sire, to that prolonged cry of indignation and dread that resounds from every point of your kingdom. The lovers of peace, the men of integrity, the friends of FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 159 order, lift up their suppliant hands to your Majesty. All request you to preserve them from a return of those evils which their fathers and themselves had so keenly to de- plore. These alarms are too real not to be listened to; these prayers are too legitimate not to be received. “ There is but one method of performing what they ask; it is to act up to the charter. If the terms of the 8 th article are ambiguous, its spirit is evident. It is certain that the charter does not grant liberty to journals and periodical writings. The right of publish- ing one’s own opinions does not surely imply the right of publishing the opinions of others. One is the use of a faculty which the law may have left free or subject to restrictions; the other is a speculation of industry, which, like all others, supposes the superintendence of public authority. “ The intention of the charter, on this sub- ject, is explained with exactness in the law of the 21st of October, 1814, which is in some measure an appendix to it: it cannot be doubted that this law was presented to the chambers on the 5th of July, that is to 1 60 HISTORY OF THE say, a month after the promulgation of the charter. “In 1819, at the very period when a con- trary system prevailed in the chambers, it was loudly proclaimed that the periodical press was not regulated by the disposition of article 8. This truth is further attested by the very laws that have imposed on journals the condition of giving security. “At present, Sire, nothing remains but to ask how this return to the charter and the law of the 2 1 st of October, 1814, are to be ac- complished? The serious state of the pre- sent juncture resolves this question. “ It is needless to trifle. We are no longer in the ordinary condition of a representative government. The principles on which it was established could not weather the storm in the midst of political vicissitudes. A turbu- lent democracy, which has wormed itself into our laws, aims at substituting itself for legitimate power. “ It disposes of the majority of elections through the medium of its journals, and the concourse of numberless adoptions. It has paralysed, as much as it could, the regular exercise of the most essential prerogative of FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 161 the crown, that of dissolving the electoral chamber. By this, the constitution of the state is shaken; your Majesty alone has the power of re-establishing it on its basis. “ The right, as much as the duty of main- taining it, is the inseparable attribute of sovereignty. No government upon earth could stand, if it had not the right of taking measures for its own safety. This power existed before the laws, because it is in the nature of things. These, Sire, are maxims sanctioned by the opinions of all the public characters of Europe. “ But these maxims are still more posi- tively sanctioned by the charter itself. The 14th article invests your Majesty with a power sufficient, not to change our institu- tions, but to consolidate them and render them more immutable. “ Imperious necessity forbids the exercise of this supreme power to be any longer de- ferred. It is now the time to have recourse to measures which accord with the spirit of the charter, but which are out of its legal order; all other resources have been in vain exhausted. “ These measures, Sire, your ministers who o 2 162 HISTORY OF THE assure you of success, do not hesitate to pro- pose to you, convinced that force will remain on the side of justice. “We are with the most profound respect, Sire, Your Majesty’s most humble and very faithful subjects, Prince de Polignac, President of the Council of Ministers. Chantelauze, Keeper of the Seals of France , Minister of Justice. Raron D’Hausez, Minister Secretary of State of the Marine and the Colonies. Count de Peyronnet, Minister Secretary of State of the Interior. Montbel, Minister Secretary of the State of Finances. Count de Guernon Ranville, Minister Secretary of the State of Ecclesi- astical Jiff airs and of Public Instruction. Baron Capelle, Minister Secretary of the State of Public Works.” FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 163 CHAPTER VI. Anecdotes characterizing the gallant conduct of the French, during the three memorable days. It would be impossible to relate all the excellent traits of these three glorious days; we will relate a few of them, to illustrate the value of the pure patriotism, devotedness, and disinterestedness of the people, in their glory and in their dangers. Benoit, a gig-driver, without any other weapon than a sword, was the first in seiz- ing a piece of cannon that had been firing in Richelieu street. This brave fellow was carried astride the piece of cannon he had taken, amidst the shouts of his companions in arms, as far as the Exchange. An officer of the national guards ordered a labourer to prevent any person from carry- ing any thing away from the castle of the Tuileries: — “Do not fear, captain; we have changed our government, but not our con- sciences.” A boy of sixteen years, armed with a double 164 HISTORY OF THE barrelled gun, and two pistols, was the first who opened the gates of the Louvre to the people. This gallant young man was riddled with wounds; they carried him to the church of St. Germain l’Auxerrois, and from thence to the Hotel-Dieu, with the Swiss and other soldiers of the royal guards. We regret that we are not able to give his name. At one of the battles against the royal guards, the latter, being repulsed by the citi- zens, abandoned a piece of their cannon, which was left in an open field; but, at the same time, it was very dangerous to ap- proach it, on account of the firing. ' A pupil of the Polytechnic school, who was at the head of the citizens, ran and seized the piece in his arms. “ This is ours,” cried he, “ I will keep it: I will die upon it, sooner than surrender it.” Some person behind cried out to him: — “The brave are dear to us; you will be killed; come back to us.” The young man would not listen to them, but embraced the piece more closely, not- withstanding a shower of balls that rained around him. At last the royal guards were forced to fall back, by the fire of the citizens, FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 165 who advanced upon the ground, arrived at the piece, and saved the brave boy who had seized it. V The attack on the Louvre, made in front by the patriotic band, advancing from the faubourg St. Germain, was greatly assisted by another division, that fired from the op- posite side of the river, from the bridge of Arts to the royal bridge, against the Swiss, who retreated on the castle of the Tuileries. This division, after arriving at the royal bridge, sustaining for more than half an hour the fire of the castle and guard house, and surmounting, finally, every obstacle, penetrated into the Tuileries, continuing to fire at those who were in full retreat. We cannot praise too much the conduct of M. Joubert, who bore the tricoloured flag in the van of the band, and who planted it at the entrance of the bridge, under a hot and tremendous cannonade. This was the same flag that had been hoisted on the top of the belfrey by these brave defenders — viz: Messrs. Thomas, Guinard and Gauja. Every witness of this action also praises the conduct of Messrs. Picard (a veteran), 166 HISTORY OF THE Bomvilliers, Bastide, Levasseur, Cavaignac, Dupont, Drolling. There were 600 wounded, carried to the hospital of Beaujon. The post of the Swiss des Ecuries, con- sisting of about sixty men, was reduced at three o’clock to twenty-eight. Twenty brave fellows attacked it without relaxation, from eight o’clock in the morning. The French soldiers would not be execu- tioners. In the reign of Charles IX. the viscount d’Orthes did not thus find the troops under his command. So have a great number of the officers of the guard thought, during the first days of the glorious struggle. These brave fellows know better the true point of honour, than the executors of ministerial works. Many of them, after having at first imprudently yielded to the usual passive obedience, nobly sent in their resignation the next day, against the atro- cious and infamous orders that had been ad- dressed to them and summed up, by M. de Polignac, in these ferocious and surprising words:— “ Fire where you will and where you can.” One of them, Count Raoul de la Tour du FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 . 1 6 7 " Pin, sent with his resignation, the following letter, addressed to Polignac. This letter will remain as a monument of the true senti- ments with which it will never be permitted to a worthy soldier to abjure the empire. “ My Lord, “ After a day of massacre and disaster, un- dertaken against all divine and human laws, I have not taken a part in it without re- proaching myself; my conscience imperious- ly.forbids my obeying a moment longer. “I have given during my life, a sufficient number of proofs of my attachment to the king, for him to permit me, without having my intentions slandered, to distinguish that which comes from him, from the atrocities committed in his name. I have the honour to request you my lord to lay my resignation of the office of captain of the guards, under the eyes of his Majesty. “ I have the honour to be, sir, your excel- lency’s most humble and obedient servant, Signed, “ The Count Raoul de Latour du Pin. “ July 28 th. 1830 .” M. de Chateaubriand, was walking on the 168 HISTORY OF THE 30th, from the street du Coq-saint-Honol’£, to the chamber of Peers. He was recog- nised. Immediately the mob collected around him, crying, “ Vive Chateaubriand! Vive le defenseur de la liberte de lapresse!” In a mo- ment Chateaubriand was borne in triumph, and carried to the gates of the chamber of Peers. M. Mole, who entered the chamber at the same time with Chateaubriand, was sa- luted with the most lively acclamations. It was remarked that strangers, Russians, English, and Germans, gave all the assist- ance in their power, to the defenders of the charter. They received them in their own houses when they were wounded; they brought them refreshments and food; in fact, all Europe took some part in the me- morable day of the 29th of July. M. Bavoux, prefect of the police, being informed on the 29th, that the victors, too generous to dishonour their victory, had thrown with indignation into the Seine, the vessels of gold and silver which they found in the Archbishop’s palace, gave orders to the mariners to rake the bottom of the river. This was immediately done, and all FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 169 the things were on the same day at the po- lice office. The Archbishop of Paris was arrested on the 30th, at the moment he was about to fly; carrying with him a great quantity of jewels, and five hundred thousand francs in gold, in his coach. One would have thought that the zeal of the French youth for the study of the sci- ences, letters and laws, might have given them some confidence in the success of the abominable projects which were defeated by the heroism of the Parisians. But the young men set the most glorious examples of pa- triotism and courage. Honour to the pupils of the Polytechnic school! These were the young heroes who captured from the royal troops the first pieces of cannon, on the left bank of the Seine. They achieved their vic- tory with as much skill as intrepidity. There is opposite the Louvre, under the colonnade, and opposite the church of St. Germain l’Auxerrois, a plain surrounded by a simple barricade of wood; in a corner.- 'of this place, and on the side towards the Seine, were buried on the morning of the 30th, the p 170 HISTORY OF THE remains of the heroic citizens, who, on the days of the 28th and 29th, lost their lives in the attack of the Louvre. Two large ditches were dug, in which about eighty dead bodies were inhumated be- tween two layers of quick-lime; the dead were carried in large waggons, and buried one after another. The military conferred upon them all the honours due to soldiers and to Christians; they fired a round over this vast sepulchre, and called a priest of the church of St. Germain l’Auxerrois, to per- form the funeral service. This was the abbe Paravey, who came in his sacerdotal gar- ments, and blessed the soil of the dead; the national guard accompanied him home to his door. The next day on this bed of glo- rious slumber, was erected a large cross of wood, to which was appended this concise funeral inscription: “ To the French who died for Liberty .” Parisians and strangers often visit this modest tomb with tenderness, and strew it with garlands, wreathed with evergreens and laurels. The court, confident of success and despis- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 171 ing the opinions about popular courage, could not preserve for even two clays a firm and de- termined attitude. On the 30th, the duke of Mortemar presented himself at the Hotel-de- Ville as bearer of a despatch from Charles X. to general Lafayette, at 5 in the afternoon. The general took the letter smiling and said: “ I presume there will be no indiscretion in reading this aloud.” The duke made an humble bow, and the general read the royal message. Charles X, in this letter, appoint- ed Casimir Perrier, minister of finances, ge- neral Gerard for affairs of war, and Dupin for those of justice. Lafayette was himself held in the generalship of the national guard; the Bourbons accepted besides many conse- quences of the revolution. The general mere- ly replied that he was commissioned to watch over the public safety, of which duty he would acquit himself, but that he was not commissioned to have any dealings with Charles X. On the 29th, as soon as the detachment of the line that occupied the station of the Ab- baye had surrendered their arms to the na- tional guards of the eleventh legion, Mr. Su- berbie, one of them, gave them refreshments 172 HISTORY OF THE at the house of M. Dumas, a wine merchant at the corner of Rue de Boucheries, as he also did to two deserters who were set at li- berty, and whom he incorporated in one of the detachments of the eleventh legion which was marching to the attack of the Tuileries. An Englishman who witnessed the general energy said to him: “ Sir, the valour that the French display to regain their liberty, will be the admiration of all people.” — Yes, answered the guard, “ and our provident wis- dom after the victory will merit the respect of kings.” A tradesman whose apparel did not be- speak easy circumstances, and who on the 28th, had co-operated, from 5 o’clock in the morning in seizing several posts, had not eaten a morsel at three in the evening. A young man offered him 100 sous. — ■“ Sir,” answered the tradesman, “ I do not fight for money; but I thankfully accept of 10 sous to buy myself a morsel of bread.” It was a doleful spectacle, on the 30th, to see, a large boat covered with a black pavil- lion, floating below the Morgue, whence they let down on handbarrows, the dead who filled the halls of that mournful edifice. Some FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 173 were in loosely nailed coffins, which the slightest shock would burst open, others were all naked| they were ranged in piles, covered with straw and sprinkled over with quicklime, to neutralize the effects of putre- faction. The crowd on the breastwork of the Seine, in contemplating’ this funeral em- barcation, appeared congealed with horror. Violent imprecations of the people occasion- ally interrupted the solemn silence. The mo- thers of the dead shed tears, others more happy embraced their children whose tender age had prevented them from bearing arms in this sanguinary combat. At some paces further on, a convoy of the wounded was car- ried by. They were surrounded by specta- tors who shouted out “ long live liberty and our country They put back the crowd from around them, in order to let them breathe more freely, and those who passed respectfully took off their hats. At the taking of the Castle, a schoolboy, who was at the head of some armed citizens, went up to the iron gate, when a superior officer advanced. “ Open the gate,” cried the beardless chieftain, “ unless you want to be all exterminated: liberty and strength de- p 2 174 HISTORY OF THE clare for the people.” The officer refused to open, and drew out his pistol; it missed fire. The boy, in possession of all his pre- sence of mind, instantly seized the officer by the breast, and pointing his sword at him, exclaimed: “Now, sir, your life is in my hand; I could at this moment pierce your heart, but I have no thirst after blood.” The officer, affected by this act of generosity tore off the military ornaments he wore and pre- sented them to his noble enemy, exclaiming, “ Bravo, my gallant boy, no one is more worthy than you to carry these emblems of honour; receive them from my hand; as a superior officer, I enjoyed the credit of my rank up to this moment, and I am sure it will be continued to you.” On the 30th day, at the Exchange, two men of the working class, were posted as guards on the Swiss and royal guards who had been taken prisoners, whose life had been gene- rously granted. “ We have not eaten a mor- sel these twelve hours,” said the workmen. Immediately M. Darmaing, chief editor of the Gazettedes Tribunaux, who happened to be present, gave them 5 francs, saying “ friends, go eat something, and I will take your place FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 175 till you return.” They seemed to hesitate. “ Take it, (said he) for among us every thing is in common.” The workmen then accept- ed it, went off, and returning in a quarter of an hour, gave him back 55 sous in change with many thanks. Charles X. wished to distribute crosses of honour among the royal guards who had re- turned to St. Cloud, on the 29th, after having massacred their brethren. The soldiers, to whom he offered them, refused to receive them, being ashamed to accept a reward so badly merited. The last act of Charles X. was a decree for the dissolution of the Polytechnic school. Napoleon once said: — “ The Polytechnic school is my hen that lays golden eggs.” To-day the nation realizes this expression, so spiritually true. A very characteristic episode of the popu- lar heroism of the revolution, happened on the morning of the 28th, in St. Honore street; a woman of thirty or thirty-five was shot dead by a bullet, in the middle of her fore- head. A baker’s boy with legs and arms naked, a man of colossal stature and of Her- culean muscle, was struck with horror at this 176 HISTORY OF THF. sight. He took tip the dead body and carry- ing it on his head, brought it to the Place de Victoire, shouting as he went along, — re- venge! revenge! There, after having laid it on the ground at the pedestal of the statue of Louis XIV. he harangued the multitude with an energy that electrified every heart. Then taking up the corpse again, he carried it away to the station of the body guard, at the bank near the Place de Victoire, and on his approaching the soldiers at the gate, he threw down his bleeding burden before them, exclaiming: — “ See how your comrades treat our women! will you do the like?” “ No,” cried one of the soldiers, passionately grip- ping his hand, “ but come with arms!” The other soldiers turned pale, and big tears start- ed in the eyes of the officers. A few mo- ments after, as they were complaining to an officer of the number of citizens killed by the royal guard, he was heard to say these words, in a significant tone, — “ Kill me, kill me: death is preferable to a situation like mine.” Polignac’s wife arrived at Versailles on Monday morning, at eleven o’clock, August 2d, from her house at Millemont. Her car- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 177 riage was stopped, and a workman, going up to the door of it, told her with sadness, show- ing her the people in arms:— See what a state your husband has reduced us toj but go on, we will not avenge ourselves on wo- men.” The carriage proceeded without fur- ther obstacle. An Englishman, Mr. Knight, who put up at the Hotel-Meurice, had constantly fought on the side of the people during the days of the 28th and 29th. His valour and enthu- siasm animated the citizens so much, that they chose him, unanimously, for their cap- tain. This gallant stranger conducted them to the fire with an unparalleled ardour, and never gave up the command he so well de- served, till tranquillity was entirely restored. Such acts do honour at once to both na- tions, and show how much the conduct of the French inspires strangers with confi- dence. Suche, a stove maker, was watching over the tranquillity of his own district, when it was told to him that two of his brothers were killed in Rue St. Honorej in- stantly seizing his gun, he flew to the place, 178 HISTORY OF THE and fought desperately from morning till night. Justice ought to be done to the conduct of general de Wals, ex-commandant of the Place de Paris. He ordered the line not to fire upon the citizens, but when they should be attacked, to fire in the air. The officers of the 53d gave the same orders. The gallant conduct of the people of Chail- lot, deserves notice. Seventy-five of these brave men, led on by Suche and Villemain, after having disarmed three posts, stood the fire of five regiments of the guard who want- ed to force a retreat through the barrier of Passy. More than eighty prisoners fell into their hands. It is well known at present, who was the man that hoisted the first national flag on the towers of Notre Dame; he carried it the whole morning in a scarf. His name is Petit Jean (little John), No. 30, Rue de l’Echiquier; it was thought he belonged to the bar of Paris. He rallied under his com- mand, a little troop of valiant citizens, and the tocsin he caused to be rung, gathered in a few moments 300 men, among whom he distributed 500 cartridges. At the head of FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 179 this little army, which he harangued with all the eloquence of patriotism, this intrepid chief went through every spot where the battle was bloodiest, especially at the Place la Greve and the quays, where the royal guard were letting off tremendous fires. He had the misfortune to see great numbers of his friends fall around him; but by his per- severing resistance, he contributed power- fully to the success of the national cause on the bloody day of the 28th. The compa- nions of his glory and of his dangers are anxious to pay a tribute to his conduct on that bloody day. A workman while fighting in the suburb of Montmartre, under a burning sun, was thus addressed by Dr. Samuel who had established his rounds under the gate: — “ Come, my brave fellow, take some refreshments.” — ■“ No, sir,” said the labourer, “ my brother was killed yesterday, and I have sworn to eat but bread and drink but water, till his death be avenged.” ^ They quote a good saying of a veteran of Rue Notre-dame-des-Victoires. “ You have then surrendered your arms,” said a neighbour— “ surrendered my arms!” 180 HISTORY OF THE cried ihe brave man — “ No, I only lent them.” A brazier’s boy, named Richard, and Dubois, an old blacksmith, fought on the 31st of July, between Sevres and Versailles against twenty cuirassiers of the royal guard; they dismounted two soldiers and returned to Paris upon their horses. In the affair of the 28th July, at the time when the resistance was not well organized, in the square of the Hotel de Ville, a young man who bore a standard on the head of his lance, thinking he perceived some hesitation among the Parisian troops, advanced within ten paces of the royal guard, saying to his comrades: “I will teach you how to die!” He fell in an instant pierced with numbers of balls. On the same day, a youth of 15 years ad- vanced, in the midst of a fire of grape shot and musketry, very near one of the officers of the cavalry that protected the cannon, and discharging a pistol at him fractured his skull. A volley was instantly poured upon him; but the youth foreseeing what would happen, fell prostrate, and afterwards arising escaped safe and sound. Perceiving that he FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 181 had left his cap behind, he returned to the post without hesitation and came back with- out receiving any injury, q On the 30th July, tranquillity was perfect- ly established; and Paris after three glorious days of contest for the liberty of France, pre- sented the most admirable spectacle; it was at the same time a camp and a city, a siege and a festival. Some were constructing and repairing barracks, others sung and revel- led; every thing was calm and smiling, every thing was grave and therefore solemn; large guns were seen in the hands of young men of 20 years, who used them like old soldiers; soldiers were formerly met with, but now are seen honest labourers, who, apparelled in brilliant cuirasses and gilded helmets, march around the city as conquerors, but without abusing their triumph. Each body of guards belonged to the national guard; it was every where. Watchmen patrolled the streets, which freed from the enemy’s fire, were illumi- nated during the night; no disorder broke out. In the Tuileries nothing was disturb- ed. From the Archbishop’s palace they took nothing but some linen to be carried to the Q 182 HISTORY OF THE Hotel Dieu. At the Museum the mob tore only the scriptural paintings; all the others were respected. The citizens were in the streets or at their windows; every one gaily passed the night; the men reading the jour- nals; the women preparing lint on their thresholds, or administering comfort to the wounded in their houses, proud and consoled by the idea of having saved their country. The art of war was not forgotten in this great circumstance; all the hospitals without exception were open for the wounded, and the surgeons of these establishments emu- lated each other in zeal and devotedness in giving immediate succour to the victims of the bloody struggle between liberty and op- pressive power. Medical ambulances were established in every quarter where there was a battle, and the house of every physician be- came a place of succour for the wounded. In this general emulation for doing good, the Hotel Dieu was particularly distinguished. Situated in the centre of Paris and in the neighbourhood of the most sanguinary af- fray, it afforded succour to more than 1000 wounded, and took in more than 500 . Every thing appeared to have been pre- FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 183 pared, as if by enchantment, for a vast medi- cal ambulance. The young surgeons follow- ing the litters, removed the wounded out of the reach of the musket fire; they who had received only slight wounds, were dressed under the vestibule by the care of Messrs. Legros and Jobert, assistants in the clini- cal department; they who were more seri- ously wounded, and proper subjects for the hospital, were carried to chambers, where they received the best care from numerous surgeons; among whom were Messrs, Du- puytren, Breschet, and Samson, chief, and Messrs. Meniere, Moux, Guerin, Robert, &c. &c. secondary, surgeons of the hospi- tal. All the succours were prepared by the care of Mr. Dupuytren, who remained with his fellow-labourers, during three days and nights, at this post of honour and duty. It was a sight truly interesting, to behold our fellow citizens who were occupied the day before in peaceful affairs, suddenly trans- formed into heroes. We should not forget to mention Mr. Des- porte, manager of Hotel Dieu, who seemed to be in every place where his presence might be necessary at the same moment. 184 HISTORY OF THE These three great days presented some mov- ing episodes. Brothers recognised their brothers in the opposite ranks; a soldier killed his father; the soldiers and the Swiss, were generously saved; the women and children took part in the combats; young men isolated from the rest, placed themselves in ambush behind the corners of the streets, and fired upon whole regiments; a pupil of the Polytechnic school took a can- non upon the place de Greve, under which he lay down until his comrades came to his aid. One of these brave fellows fell asleep on a matrass destined for the wounded; his sleep was so profound, that he did not awake till they carried him into the Hotel de Ville; the people took of their hats as he passed, as was customary when a corse passed by. It was an afflicting sight to see wheelbar- rows loaded with the dead, who were covered with large wounds. Old men, and such as were young in 93 , were astonished at the three days which ori- ginated in the provocation of the ministry, and terminated in the triumph of the people. “ Never,” said they, “ have we viewed such a combat.” The most furious combats of the people in the revolution of 89 , did not FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 185 last more than one day. After this, how trifling appeared the struggles of ’89 and ’93, when compared with those of the 27th and 29th of July! In this latter period there were no proscriptions, no murders, no usurp- ed power, no profaned temples; and to cele- brate the victory, funerals without pomp and a cross of wood, opposite the colonnade of the Louvre, of which the Parisians were so proud, that the Swiss guards were ordered to mutilate it, on account of which action the former have cause to be prouder than ever of it. At the sight of so many wonderful opera- tions, so unanimous and with so few efforts, one would be tempted to say “ It was writ- ten ! ” Might it not be said, that France is placed under the spell of a happy and power- ful fatality, which wrests her spontaneously from all despotism, and which, when she is in want of its aid either to raise or break down thrones, invariably and justly never re- fuses her assistance. The provisional government decided that a pension of 500 francs should be granted to the widows and children of the brave fellows who perished in the defence of liberty, and Q 2 186 HISTORY OF THE that a pension of 300 francs should be grant- ed to the wounded. One of the national guards, named Jeanis- son, proprietor of the baths of St Guillaume, took the street of Richelieu, from the coffee- house of Minerva, where he established a battery. On the 31st, the court despatched some royal troops to arrest the duke of Orleans at Neuilly, where they learned that he had de- parted for Paris, during the night; the king immediately issued an ordinance declaring the prince an outlaw , and ordering all his subjects to fall upon him. Two lieutenant-generals by the name of Gerard, distinguished themselves in the great national movement. One, the count Gerard, general of the infantry, deputy and minister of war; the other, baron Gerard, inspector-general of the cavalry, and one of our best officers of the light cavalry. The revolution of July, 1830, was signal- ized by every trait of devotedness and noble- ness. The conduct of the duke of Choiseul in the moment of danger, and after the vic- tory, will remain as a model of patriotism and self denial. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 187 “ To the Inhabitants of the City of Paris. K Messieurs, “A proclamation signed by the generals Lafayette, Gerard, and the duke of Choiseul, under the title of members of the provisional government, and having accepted this office , this was placarded on the 28 th of July, and the days following, on the walls of Paris. “ The result was then uncertain; the strug- gle commenced; the signers were in immi- nent danger in case of the royal army being victorious; our punishment would have fol- lowed the victory. “ My name undoubtedly appeared useful; my consent was not even asked. I was a nothing, I commanded nothing; the only risk was for myself; I was silent: I should have thought myself a coward to tell the truth, since there was question of nothing but my head; and I felicitated myself, that the benevolence, with which I was honoured by the Parisian guard, and my fellow-citizens, might have been of some service. “ Now that the victory is no longer doubt- ful, I am bound in conscience to declare, that 188 HISTORY OF THE I never took any part in the provisional go- vernment, and that such a proposition was never made to me. I risked in silence, every danger in the hour of battle, I owe a tribute to truth in the hour of victory. “ The Duke of Choiseul, degree. °f the French, son Charles X., ) of the preceding. Louis Authony, duke "| of Angouleme, son | of Charles X. ( 8th Charles Ferdi - f degree hand, duke of | Berry. J Henry, duke of Bor- 9th deaux, son of the degree. duke of Berry. * Louis XVII., son of Louis XVI., who died a child, does not augment the number of degrees of relation- ship. 1 Date Due m 2- a 48 * CALL NUMBER / $bk,Q6 S1X1H Vol. Date ( for periodical) 944. 06 S111H 223324 ■ t‘W-