Duke University Libraries Messages of Jos Conf Pam 12mo #231 DTTDfl3bb20 M ESSAGES OP JOSEPH E. BROWN, GOVERNOR OF GEORaiA, TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, RETURNING WITHOUT HIS APPROVAL THE BILL TO REDUCE THE SALARIES OF THE JUDGES. AND THE BILL FIXING THE PAY OF MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE; ALSO, HIS TO THE GENERAL. ASSEMBLY, RELATIVE TO THE TRANSFER OF THE STATE TROOPS TO THE CONFEDERATE SERVICE. Coiuiuuiiicnlod nt tbc Scmmioii of INOf . ^^-^^^^ ''3' S*^ /■^X'^Nr*- MILLEDGEVILLE : BOUGIITON, NISBET & BARNES, STATE PRINTERS. 1861. Veto of the Bill to Reduce the Salaries of the Judges. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, > MtLLEDGEViLLE, Ga., Nov. 27th, 1861. ) To the Home of Rcjrrcsentatives : I return herewith the Bill entitled "An Act to fix the sal- aries and compensation of certain officers mentioned therein, and for other purposes," without my sanction. Prior to the Act passed by the Legislature of 1857, the salary of the Governor of this State was three thousand dollars per annum ; of the Judges of the Supreme Court, twenty-five hundred dollars each ; of the Judges of the Superior Courts, eighteen hundred dollars each ; the State House officers, sixteen hundred dolhirs each ; and themcTU- bers of the Legislature, each five dollars per day, and four dollars for every twenty miles travel in going to, and re- turning from the Capitol. By an Act of 1S57, the salary of the Governor was raised to four thousand dollars ; the Judges of the Supreme Court to thirty-five hundred dollars each ; the Judges of the Su- perior Courts, to twenty-five hundred dollars each ; and the members of the Legislature, to six dollars per day, be- sides mileage. A Bill passed by the present General Assembly, and pre'sent- ed for my signature with this Bill, with a view to the reduc- tion of salaries, fixes the pay of members of the General Assembly at five dollars per day, and mileage, which was the old rate prior to 1857. The bill now under considera- tion, fixes the salary of the Governor at S3, 000 per annum, which was, also, the old rate ; and while it imposes addi- tional duties upon one of the three State House officers, it makes no reduction in the salary of either of the three, be low the old rate ; but it reduces the salary of each Judge of the Supreme Court to S2, 000, which is a reduction of SI, 500, or $500 per annum below the old rate. The Judges have, in my opinion, received less compen- sation in proportion to the labor performed by them, thau PS2892 almost any public functionaries of the State. Upon what principle of justice or propriety this heavy discrimination is made against them, I am wholly unable to determine. If it is proper to lix the salaries of the Judges at a sum far below that which existed prior to lS-57, is it not equally proper that the salaries of the Governor and members of the Lrgislature, who are, together, the law-making power, be cut down in like proportion? It is idle to suppose that we can command the best talent ot the State, otj eitlier bench, at the jwices fixed by this Hill : and there is certain- ly neither wise statesmanship nor just economy in that, leg- islation which drives the ablest men of the State irom these important positions, by withholding reasonahh^ and just comjiensation for their services. ]\Ien can doubtless be found who will undertake to till tlu se places iur hall the compensation proposed by the Bill ; but they are not men whose abilities or qualifications entitle them, as public of- ficers, to the respect or confidence of the people. It may be said, that this leduction of salaries of the Judges, is only intended to a[»j)ly during the war, when their labors are less onerous than in times of peace. The Bill contains no such limitation. If, however, this is the object, tli(^ Bill wholly fails to meet the case. If the new Constitution does not vacate the oflic<'s of all the Judges, (and the opinion of many of our al)lest Lawyers is, that it does not.) each is entitled to serve till the end of the term for which he was conmiissioned, and the Constitution de- nies to the Legislature the j)ower to diminish the salary of either during his continuance in ofKce. We have three Judges of the Supreme, and sixteen Judges of the Superior Courts. Of this number, the conmiission of only one Su- preme Judge and four Superior Judges, expires during the ensuing year, or during the probable duration of the war. If this r>ill b(H:omes a law, the; result will be, that twelve of the ^udgi's of the Superior Court will each continue to receive a salary of S2500 per annum, while four of them, performing the like labor, will (>ach receive only SI 500 per annum; and two of the Supreme Judges will receive each $;3-5UU per annum while the other who sits with lliem on the same bench and does the same labor, will receive oidy $2,000 per annum. So far as the purposes of economy, as a war measure, are concerned, the Bill oidy reduces the salaries of five out of the nineteen Judges, leaving the other fourteen as heretofore; while it nud\es the most unjust dis- crimination between those who are, and those who are not affected by its provisions. The whole saving for the ensu- ing year, would only be the difference between the present salary and the proposed salary of five Judges, which would not, probably, retuva to the Trcasmy as much money as the General Assembly will take from it in payment for the time spent by them in the consideration of this question. 1 am not, therefore, able to sec either the economy of the measure, or its ultimate beneiits to the people. I am aware that it is the opinion of many persons, that the people are always on the side of the lowest salaries. My own observation has. been, that the i:>eople are generally governed by principles, by justice, and common sense ; that they are always willing to pay just compensation to those who render them valuable services; and that they stand most firmly by him who stands most inflexibly by the right, whether it appears popular at the time or not. In conclusion, it nniy not be out of place for me to re- mark, that I have not the slightest personal interest in this Bill, as my own salary, for the time for which I have been elected, is fixed by law, and cannot, under the Constitution, be increased or diminished by any action of the General As- sembly. The same was true in ISo7, when the salary was raised to $4,000 per annum, and I served two years after the passage of the Act, at the old rate of S3, 000 per an- num. I would not have withheld my sanction from a Bill which placed the Governor, memluM-s of the Legislature, Judges, and State House otticers, each upon the old salary allowed prior to 18-57, or which reduced each in like proportion be- low that ; but I cannot consent to yield my sanction to wdiat I consider the unjust discrimination made against the Judges by this Bill. Let us do justice alike to those who have a voice here, and to those who cannot be heard. JOSEPH E. BROWN. Vet* of a Bill to fix the Pay of Members of the Gen- eral Assembly, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, ) MiLLEDGEViLLE, Ga., November 29th, ISGLJ To the House of Reprcscjitadvcs : The Constitution of this State declares that the Govern- or shall have "the revision of all bills passed by both Houses before the same shall become laws." If the framers of the Constitution had intended that the Governor should siirn PR2Sn5» eacli and every bill passed by the G'cneral Assembly, with- out the exercise of his judtrinent upon the question of the propriety of the passiiffe of the bill, they would no doubt so declared. AVhen they made it his duty to nrisc a bill, they rertaiidy intiiuird that it should niet.'t his ap[)roval be- fore it received his simiaturr. The history of the past has, I think, abundantly shown, that much more injury has been ilone by injudicious and im- proper h'frishUion, than by the failure of the legislative pow- er to enact necessary laws. The ])eoplt! of the .^tate, act- ing, no doubt, ujjon this view, have in their sovereiirn ca- pacity, determined that no bill shall become a law till it has met the ai>proval of the House of Kepresentatives, the Senate, and the (Governor; or, haviiiLr been disapj>roved by the Governor, has recoived the approval of two-thirds of the House and two-thirds of the fc^enate. The duty of the Governor therefore, under the Constitution, is not merely that of a Clerk, to sign whatever may be presented to him V)y tlie General Assembly: but he is made responsible to the people, with the Geneial Assembly, fur each law that passes; and ii is his duty to rrvisr each bill; and if he approves, to sign it, if not, to return it to the House in whicJi it origina- ted. While therefore he has no power to originate a meas- ure, h(^ has the power, and it is his duty to interpose his ve- to in tli(^ way of the passage of such laws as his j udgnient cannot api)rove. If he fails to do this when the Conslitu- tion n)akes it his duty, he does not, in the language of his official oath, "faithfully execute the office of Governor." It naturally follows tliat he is no more guilty of disrespect or of user})at!on of power when he returns a bill which he does not ai)i>rove, than the Iloure is guilty of disrespect when it refuses to concur in a measure passed by the Senate. Acting upon this view of the constitutional obligations which rest upon me as part of the law-making power, I feel it my duty to r«!turn to the (Jeueral Assembly, and invite them to reconsider, and if they still approve to jiass in more solemn form such measures passed by them as do not com- mand the approval of my judgment. In discharging this duty, I see no reason why any conllict or unkind feeling should arise between the dilferent de])artments of the Gov- ernment, or why either should be ollended at the other, for exercising its constitutional ])owers, or for discharging its constitutional duties. The difference is simply one of opin- ion between co-ordinate branches of the Government, to be decided iu the manner pointed out by the Constitution, and is not one of personal strife. In giving my reason for with- holding my assent from such measures as I do not approve, my habit is to use plain language. But entertaining as I do the most profound respect for each co-ordinate branch of the Government, nothing is more foreign to my purpose than to give offence to any. With these remarks upon what I consider the duty of the Governor in connection with the legislation of the State, I herewith return to the House in which it originated, a bill entitled "an act to fix the amount ot comjiensation the members and officers of the General Assembly shall receive for their services, and for other purposes therein mentioned." This bill fixes the paj^ of the members of the General Assembly, at five dollars each per day, and four dollars for every twenty miles travel by each going to and returning from the Capitol. This is as high as the highest per diem compensation and milage ever received, so far as 1 am informed, by any General As- sembly prior to JSo7, and was prior to that time the com- pensation of members in time of peace and general pros- perity. The General Assembly has already determined by a vote of two-thirds in each house, that the present emergencies require greater economy and lower fees than those which existed prior to lS-57, and have reduced the salaries of Judges of the Superior Courts, from twenty-five hundred, down to fifteen hundred dollars. If this action be correct, and it has received the sanction of the law making power in the most deliberate and solemn form known to our Con- stitution, it is certainly proper that the compensation of the members and officers of the General Assembly be reduced in like proportion. The reduction of the salary of a Judge of the Supreme Court from thirty five hundred to two thousand dollars, is a reduction of tliree-sevenths of the whole amount of his compensatiou. The compensation of a member of the General Assembly for the last three years has been six dol- lars per day. Three-sevenths of this would be S2 57 cents and a fraction of a cent per day, if I have made no mistake in the calculation. Take this from six dollars, and it leaves S3 43 per day, which would be the proper compensation of a member of the General Assembly should they apply the same rule of reduction and economy to their own salaries or compensation, which they apply to the Judges. This would be a reduction of one dollar and fifty-seven cents per day on the wages of each member, more than is made by the bill under consii cation. There are 213 members of the General Assembly. This would be an additional reduc- tion of S334 41 per day, or ,^13,370 40, in a session of for- ty days. The whole amount saved to the Treasury by the reduction of the sahiries of the Judges for the ensuing year, would be only S5,500. As there will be but one of the Supreme, .■ind four of the Superior Judges who can be affected by the reduction. This is much h-ss than lialf the amount which will be saved by a proportionate reduction of the waxes of the menibersof the (ieiieral Assembly. Upon the principal oi' reduction solemnly declared in case of tlie Judges, the people have, in my opinion, a right to expect that the members of the legislature will make this reduc- tion in their own wages, and thereby save to the Treasury this sum of sl."J,37G 40, together with three-sevenths of the mileage, which would he an additional saving of about .S:5,0l>0 00. Believing that it is the duty of the General Assenddy to apply the same rule of reduction to their own wages which they apply to the wages of the Judges. I re- spectfully invite a reconsideration of the bill. JOiEril E. BROWN. Special Message to the General Assembly relative to the transfer of the State troops to the Confederate Service. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, } ]\IiLLi:i)GEViLi.i:, Ga., Dec. 5th, ISO I. 5 To the (i( ncntl Asscmhbj : The correspondence between the Secretary of War and myself which has been laid before you, shows that I did all in my power to induce the Government of the Confederate States to increase the force upon our coast, and to make the necessary preparation for our defence, prior to the organiza- tion by me of the military forces now in the service of the State. In making this statement, I do not wish to be un- derstood that I reflect upon that Government for a wilful negle(;t of duty. I believe it is the wish and intention of those in authority, to use the forces and nieansat their com- mand, in such numner, and at stich places as will best pro- mote the general good. But viewing the field frou) the stand point which they occupy, they have been of opinion, as their action has shown, that there was greater necessity for the troops and tlx' resources at their connnaud, at other points. Hence, they failed to make the necessary prepara- tion for our defence. Appreci'iting the difficulties with which the Confederate Government had to contend, and hoping that they might make the necessary preparations for the defence of the State, I delayed action on State account as long as I could possibly do so, consistently with the public safety. Almost every newspaper received from the North in the months of Au- gust and September, contained statements of the strength of the lieet which was being fitted out by the enemy, and of the intention to send it with an invading force against our coast as soon as the season v^^ould permit. In the formation of the Constitution of the Confederate States, each State reserved to itself the sovereign right to engage in War when "actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay." The statute of our own State authorized me to accept the services of ten thousand volunteers, of different arms, ift such proportions as the ex- igencies of the service might recpiire. The people of the coast continually called on me for protection. The gener- al voice of the people of the State was, that they were en- titled to it, and that the safety of the whole State depended, in a great degree, upon the successful defence of the coast. The Constitution gave me the right, and the statue made it my duty, to act. I did so; but not until the latest day when I could have time to organize and prepare the troops for service, before the invasion. The organization has been conducted in strict conformity to the requirements of the statute, and the Generals have been appointed to command the troops, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate now in session. Suppose I had made a calculation, and determined it would cost too much for the State to assist in her own defence, and had re- fused to call out the troops, and had met the General Assem- bly and informed you I had made no preparation for the defence of the State, for the reason that it must cost a large sum of money ; and that I had again and again asked the Secretary of VVar to defend us, and that I relied on the three or four thousand Confederate troops then on our coast, to protect the city of Savannah, and the whole coast against the powerful force sent for our subjugation ; what would have been the verdict passed upon my conduct by the Gen- eral Assembly, and every intelligent patriot in Georgia? — Would it not have been one of universal and just condem- nation V Results have shown that I was not mistaken when I de- cided that the danger was imminent, and commenced active preparation to meet it. The invader's troops are on our soil, and his flag now waves over our territor}^ and insults the dignity and sover- eignty of our State, Thus menaced with subjugatioii and degradation, is it 10 possible that wo, as the representatives of the people, and ;i8 co-onliiiato branches of the governnient, can spend our time in discussions about the cost of our defence ; or wheth- er the State or Confederate Goveriunent shall for the pres- ent, assmne the burden and make the expenditure; or that oui action can be influenced by jiarty (-onsidi'ration, or by personal hatred or personal I'avoritisni ; or that we can stop to consider whether our action will tend to sustain, or to advance the political fortunes of one man, or to injure those of another? Surely we have graver duties than these to peifonn, and weightier responsibilities to meet. We have now beeti over lour weeks in session. Our troops in the field have been in need of supplies, and we have made an appropriation of only one hundred thousand dollars. This is not more than half th(^ necessary expense of our military operations since the conmiencement of the session, and is but little over double the sum necessary to pay the expense whicii the General Assembly has cost the State for the same length of time. T mention these things in no spirit of fault-finding, but in the hope that dissensions and jealousies, if they exist, may be banished from our midst, and that we may unite as one man, and promptly provide the necessary means to defend the State, and drive the invader from her soil. The organization of the State troops is becoming a \eiy efficient one, which will soon make them terrible to the in- vader. At this important period, in the face of the enemy ; when organization and harmony are of the utmost importance, a proposition is made that we pause and count the cost of our defence, and that v.e transfer our army to the Confederacy, by regiments, battalions or companies; and if they arc not received, that we disband the troops and thus get rid of the expense. Let us examine this question of expense for a moment. — Suppose we dismiss from our breasts every feeling of patri- otism and every generous inij)ulse, with every desire for liberty or independence, and consider the question as one of sordid gain, of mere dollars and cents. What reasonable nnm, having an estate of seven hundred millions of dollars, and finding it in litigation, and the title in a precarious con- dition, would hesitate a moment to give able counsel five millions to defend and secure the title? The property of the people of Georgia is worth seven hundred millions of dollars — the State is now invaded, and every dollar of it hangs upon the result. If we are conquered, all is lost. Is it possible in this state of the case, that we can refuse to give five millions for the support of our gallant troops who 11 are now in the field, ready to spill the last drop of their blood to de'enii and secure our title? Strong as the case thus presented may be, this is a narrow, contracted view of the subject. All the property and all the money in the State is as nothing compared with the principles involved, and the consequences to us and our posterity. But do we get rid of the expense by the proposed trans- fer ? I maintain that it does not in any view of the ques- tion save to the State one dollar. If the troops are trans- ferred, the Confederacy will pay their expenses, and Geor- gia, as a member of the Confederacy, will have to meet her part of it. If she retains them, at the end of the war the Confederacy will assume the expense of the Georgia troops as well as of the troops of the otlier States, and Georgia will only have to pay her part. If the Confederacy does not receive the troops, and they are disbanded, the city of Sa- vannah, and the whole sea coast, and the southern part of the State, must fall into the hands of the enemy, and the de- struction of property will cost us ten times as much as the highest appropriation any one would ask to support the troops. There is not, therefore, one dollar of economy or of saving to the State in the proposition. Virginia, Teimessee, North and South Carolina, Louisi- ana, and probably other States, are calling, and have called into the Held, large numbers of State troops, to repel the in- vasion and protect their property. At the end of the war, the expense incurred by each of these States, will be as- sumed by the Confederacy, and Georgia will have to pay her part of it. If, while they defend themselves, she per- mits her coast to fall into the hands of the enemy and her citizens to be plundered rather than incur the expense nec- essary to the protection of her people, the other States of the Confederacy may be saved their part of the expense which was nc^cessary to her defence. But instead of saving expense, is she not the loser? Tennessee expended five millions of dollars in less than six months, and no complaint is heard from her Legislators, or her people, that they cannot afford to incur the expense of self-defence. Two other grave questions, in this connection, demand our careful consideration. Have we the power to transfer the troops to the Confederacy, without their consent ? And has the President the power to acci";)tthem even with their consent? Neither is true. First, as to our power to transfer them : the troops in re- sponse to the call of the Executive of the State, have vol- unteered to serve the State as Slofc (mops ; and have been mustered into the service of the State, and not into the ser- 12 vice of the Confedoracy. It was no part of the contract be- tween tlie troops and the State, that they sliould be trans- ferred to the service of the Conlederiicy ; and the State has no rii;ht to make the transfer witliout their consent. They are not cattle to be boni^ht and sold in the market. They are brave, gcnerons, hiirh-toned freemen, who iia\e left their homes at the rail of their State, and are now nnderiioinu; all the faligut's and hardships of camp lile for her ilefenee. — "While they are brave enongh to defend their riffhts, tliey are intelliirent enoJigli to understand them ; and we are greatly mistaken if we suppose they will submit to a change of their present organization, or to an act oi' injustice to those who have their conlidence, and who have been legally appointed to command them. They are, as our statute which was passed to meet this very emergency, required, organiztnl into companies, battalions, regiments, brigades, and a Division. If we disband the division and turn over the l)rigades, we are, in my o[>inion, guilty oi gross injus- tice to the gallant and chivalrous son of Georgia, whom we have just called from an honorable command in Virginia, where he has rendered distinguished service, and have invi- ted to t!ie com n lud of the troo[>^ of his uaCive Srate. lu respo!ise to the call made upon hifn by the Governor with the advice and consent of the Senate, he has resigned his comm;ind in the Confederate service, and is on his way to Georgia; and it is now proposed, wMien he reaches the State, to inform him that he has been deceived ; that we have ciianged our policy, and that liis services are not needed. If we disband the brigades, we do injustice to the Briga- dier Generals, who have been caihMl from important pur- suits, and invited by the highest appointing [tower in the State, to the commands which they now hold. Among this number is the gallant Walker, whose glorious deeds have sh'^d lustre upon the character of the State, while his blood has stained almost every batth'-lield where his country's rights have been vindicated for the last (piarter of a century. If we disband the regiments, we do injustice to the Col- onels, who have been legally elected to con)mand th(;m ; and if we disband the battalions and tender the triiops by companies, we do like injustice to the Lieutenant Colonels and Majors. In any, or either of these cases, we must ex- pect tliat the gallant men under their connnand, will make the cause of their ollicers common cause, and refuse to sub- mit to such injustice. We have not, therefore, the power to transfer the troops without their consent; audi feel quite sure they will never give their consent unless the whole organization is transferred in its t ola I i(y, retaining every of- 13 ficer, from the Major General down to the lowest grade in his position, with liis rank and command. Second, As to the power of the President to accept the troops — the hivv passed by Congress authorises the Presi- dent to accept them by companies, battalions or regiments, but gives him no authority to acciept a brigade or division. The law also defines the number of which a company shall consist, and gives him no power to accept a company with less than sixty-four, nor more tlian one hundred privates. — It will be borne in mind that the Statute uses the termp/?- vatcs. Add to th(>se the four counnissioned and eight non- commissioned oflicers, and two musicians, and the minimum number of a company which the law authorizes the Presi- dent to accept is seventy-eight, wliile the maximum number is one hundred and fourteen. The President has no more right under tlie Statute, to accept a company with less than sixty-four privates, and a proper number of officers, than he has to accept a brigade or division. If the one is illegal the other is equally so. The Statute of our own State declares that a company of infantry shall consist of not less than fifty, nor more than eighty rank and file. This term includes non-commis- sioned officers and musicians as well as privates. Add the four commissioned officers, and o\\\' minimum unmhoY is fifty- four, and the maximvm number eighty-four. A company must, therefore, approximate very near our largest num- ber before it reaches the smallest number with which it can be received into the Confederate service. It I had had plen- ty of arms with which to arm the State troops, I might have refused to accept companies with less than the smallest Con- federate or largest State number. But I was compelled to appeal to the companius to bring good country arms with them, and as the number of these arms which could be made efficient within the reach of a company was generally limited, I was frecpiently obliged to accept companies with little more than the smallest number allowed by the Stat- ute, or to reject them and permit them to disband. While therefore, each and every company is organized in confor- mity to our own Statute, and has a legal number, probably each one of two thirds of the companies, has less than the smallest number authorized by the Confederate Statute, and could not be accepted by the President or mustered into the service of the Confederacy. If we could be supposed to be capable of the injustice to the Generals, Colonels, Lieuten- ant Colonels and Majors which would result from a disband- ing of the State organization, and should tender the troops by companies, it is very clear that over two thirds of them could not be accepted, and must, therefore, be disbanded 14 and sent home. Xo one who carefully investigates this question can fail to see that an ap{uopriation of money for the support of the troops, which lias a cotulitictn annexed to it, making the appropriation dependent upon the tender of the troops to, and their acceptance by the Confederacy, is equivalent to a refusal to vote supplies for their support, and an (jrder to disband them in tlie face of the enemy. — But it may be said that Congress could passu law athoriz- ing the President, in this particular case, to receive tiie com- panies with their present organization consisting of less than sixty-four privat«'s. This is true; and it is equally true that Congress could pass a law authorizing the President to accept them as organized, by divisions and brigades. The troops might consent to the transfer on the latter supposition, as this would do justice to their officers, and maintain their organization as it was formed by the State; but it is very certain, in my opinion, that they will not con- sent to the transfer upon any other terms. If we disband these troops because \\v. fail to stand by our State organi- zation and protect their rights, or because we refuse to make the necessary appropriation to maintain them in the field, we disband an organization of as noble (ieorgians as ever assembled, with arms in their hands ready and willing, if they can do so with honor, to detend their State, and if need be to sacrifice their lives a willing offering upon her altar. Do this, and what encouragenu'ut do we olfer to others to step forwyrd and take their places? I deny that such action Would be just to our brave Gen- erals on the one hand, or to the companies in the condition above described, on the other; or indeed to any company, which at the call of the State, lias organized in conformy to her laws, and been accepted into service for her defence. I deny that it is just to th«' city of Savannah, or the sea- cost, by this extraordinary legislation to drive from the field nearly ten thousand of Georgia's most gallant sons, and leave these exposed points at the mercy of the enemy. And 1 deny that such legislation would reflect the will of the no- ble constituency who sent us here, and committed to our keeping their honor and their safety. They will never con- sent to see Georgia's proud escutcheon tarnished, or her flag trailing in the dust before her enemies because it must cost her a few dollars to maintain her noble sons in the field for her defence. The adoption of any policy looking to a transfer of the State troops, which may result in their dis- organization, at a time when their services are so much needed by the State, would be, in my opinion, not only un- wise but suicidal, and must result in the most disastrous consequences to the State. 15 If this filial policy should be determined upon by the Gen- eral Assembly, I will be responsible for none of the conse- quences growing out of it; and, in the name of the people of Georgia, I now, in advance, enter my solemn protest against it. If the State troops are disbanded, or the appro- priations to maintain them are made upon the condition that they be transferred or disbanded, which is equivalent to an order to disband them, it will become my duty, as the Ex- ecutive of the State, to proclaim to her people, that, while the enemy is thundering at her gates, her representatives have left me powerless for her defence, by withholding the necessary means, and even taking from me those already at ray command. If J have used strong language, I mean no disrespect. — When all that is dear to a people is at stake, the occasion requires the utmost frankness and candor. JOSEPH E. BROWN. Hollinger pH8.5 Mill Run F3-1955