COL. GEORGE WASHINGTON FLOWERS MEMORIAL COLLECTION DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY DURHAM, N. C. PRESENTED BY W. W. FLOWERS THE SPEECHES \ OF. FHIOF A. BOLLING. (OF BUCKINGHAM) IN THE ON THE FOL.ICY OF THE STATE IN RELATION TO HER COI.OME» POPULATION % Delivered on the llth and 2bth of January, 1832. It is due to Mr. Boiling to state that his speeches have been published in the present form, at the request of a numbej- of his constituents. RICHMOND: Thomas W. White, Printer. 1S32. "SVEDNESD AY, January 11, 1832- TvTr. Goooe of Mecklenburg, rose to move the foliowing resoiuiion. EtKohed, That the select comniittce raised on the subjecu of slaves, free negroes, and ihe melancholy occurrences growing out of the tragical massacre in Sou<^hamp(on, be discharged from the consideration of all petitions, memorials and resolutions, which have for their ob- ject, the maauaiission of persons held in servitude under the exisiing lav* 6 of ih'.s conimon- wealth, and that it is not expedient to legislate on the subject.' Mr. Randolph moved the foilov/ing substitute, to be inserted afl.er the word " Southamp- ton:" " be instructed to mquire into the expediency of submitting to the vote c;f the qnaiified v Mers ia tIk^ several t-rsvns, cities, boroughs, and counties of this common'.vealth, t^ie p.-->pi-iery (;f p-rnvidine: by law, that ihe childi-en of all female slaves, v,-ho may !je born i.i ;. - i "11 i- .lie kh d;iy of Jaiy, 1^:10, shall i'Ccomc ihe property of the coai-^ ivi ; I'i'- .if t.be ;« of t'-veuiy-orM; years, and f 'lniles ai. the «gf of ei^.hteen, if detained ny their owners within the limits of Virginia, until fhey shall respectively arrive at the ages atoresaid, to be hired out until the aett sum arismg therefrom, shah be saiiicient to defray the expen.3e of their removal, beyond tiie limits of the United fcialcs, and il^ixi said committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise." TUESDAY, January 11, 1832. MR. BOLLING rose and addres.^cd the house. He regret'ied that the^subject had been forced upon the house by the introduction of the resolution of the gentleman from Mecklenburg. Tlie coniaiittee had had the subject under consideration, and a report was expected from it in a few days. Those who are friendly to acting upon the wliole subject, had hoped that the committee would have been allowed to report: but gentlemen had thought fit to pursue a different course ; and had prematurely forced the discussion of the subject upon us; riO alternative was left to him but argument — and he felt imperiously bound to adopt it, and he would do so. In doing so, however, he did not deem it necessary or proper to enter into an argument upon every point urged by those who had preceded iiim in debate. The course pursued by llie gentleman from Rockbridge he could noi approve — no, he could not. The question of abstract right is not a question now at all proper to be mooted — for the system of slavery, now enisling in this com- monwealth, is not a worli of our hands, but a curse entailed upon us by our ancestors. The position he should take in the discussion of this question, was one of policy — nay, sir, of self-preservation. The advocates of slavery — while drujik with prejudice, exclaim — we are sober. It has too long been the pleasure of those who are wedded to a system of slavery, to brand all its opponents with opprobrious epi- thets. To represent them as enemies to good order; as persons de- sirous of teariiig up the foundations of society by the roots — thereby endeavoring to render them odious — to brand them with infamy — to avert from them the public ear, that their voices may be lost in air, as tHe voice of one crying aloud in the wilderness." This, of itself, is an inconiestible proof that they are conscious of the weakness of their cause. No man, who is firmly convinced that he is sustained by reason and justice, liesitates to confront his adversary. He, and he alone, wiio stands self convicted shrinks from scrutiny ; therefore he acts unwisely, in n)y humble judgment, who, avoiding a dispassionate consideration of a subject, seeks to entrench himself behind tlie false opinions and prejudices of society. Sir, it is a tacit admission that reason and justice are against him, and that he *' w ants none of their reproof." This, sir, is a grave and important subject — one that ought to be, and will be considered. Its importance demands that it should be considered and debated here; and not, as some gentlemen think, a reason that it should be passed in silence, and acted upon in secret. No, sir, our action should be calm atid dispassionate — but open, bold and manly. Sir, that it is an evil — a great and an appalling evil — he dared believe no sane man would or could deny. Nor, sir, can it be denied that it deprives us of many of those advantages, facilities, and blessings which we should enjoy, had we a more dense white population. Tiiat it is a blighting, withering curse upon this land — is clearly de- monstrated by this very discussion itself. For gentlemen have told us it had created a morbid excitement throughout this whole common- wealih — which it was of the utmost importance to allay. We have been told, also, sir, that the action of this house had in- duced Louisiana to pass laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves into that state. Surely gentlemen cannot be serious in urging that proposition, when every gentleman must be aware of the fact, that that law passed before this subject had been agitated here at all. It is evident that the law of Louisiana had grown out of the tragic oc- currences of the last summer. The bame observation will apply to the excitement amongst our own citizens, of which so much had been said in this debate. If he thought that any remarks of his would add aught to the ex- citement now existing throughout Virginia, he would not utter one word — no, sir, not one; but permit the question to pass by silently. He believed that the excitement was already abroad— -had been long abroad, and had its origin in occurrences anterior to the actions of this house, in any way whatever. The feeling of security, so abso- lutely necessary to the repose of society, was gone-— forever destroyed. The confidence of the people was utterly lost. Nor, sir, can this house by refusing to act, in some wyy or other, ever restore to society that feeling of security —that confidence which it once enjoyed — and without which it can have no tolerahU existence. Nor does this want of confidence and feeling of insecurity, result from any craven fear. - No, sir, it results from the noblest feelings of the human lieart, and it is no partial feeling, but is felt by all. Who, that has a mother, wife, sister, or child, that has not felt, when seriously rejecting upon this subject, pangs little short of death ? Yes, sir, many a brave man who would face, without shrinking, the terrible array of battle, and with a fearless heart, spur upon the can- non's mouth, has felt his blood, in icy currents, flow back upon its source from the chilling, the fearful thought, that when he should re- 4 turn to the home he had left surrounded by ail those domestic bles- suigs which make life so dear, he should be greeted— not with the smile of joy and of v/elcome—bni by the mangled corses of his hutch" ered family. Shall we say, then, that there is nothing to fear, when such feelings as those, but yesterday agitated the bravest of us? It is true, that we are told to be at ease—for, say gentlemen, the very breath of the nostrils of the slave, is in the hands of the master. That the late deep tragedy, had been the work of fanatics only. True, I)ut have gentlemen any philosophical principles by which to graduate fanaticism f Have they miy arithmetical rule, by which to calculate the time, the place, the force, when and where, and how violently it will burst forth? No, sir, they have not. Fanaticism, of all the lior- rid passions with which man is cursed, is the most wild and ungovern- able in its character, and is the peculiar child of ignorance. Igno- rance is the necessary consequence of slavery ; and we all know, sir, that our slaves are not only extremely ignorant, but extremely fanati- cal; and, therefore, always dangerous. These are truths ; truths that force themselves upon us, and forces off our most valued and valuable citizens. Yes, sir, it drives into reluctant exile, the good, the wise, the generous, and the brave, who value the rich enjoyments of domes- tic happiness, which entwine themselves about their liearts, with a force more powerful than the iron grasp with which the child of ava- rice clings to the unfortunate slave. Yes, sir, it is such citizens who are driven from this commonwealth — men wlio would be Virginia's ornament in peace, and her shield in war. There is yet anot'oer evil growing out of our present system of sla- very. It drives from us the laboring man — the honest, industrious poor. For, sir, the slave-holder, whether he reaps a profit or sustains a loss by the employment of his slave, must support him. He must provide for him " food and raiment," and a shelter from the weather — furnish him with medical aid in sickness — in short, he must do all things necessary for his comfort, alike in sickness and in health. To enable him to do so, he must have his slaves taught various trades— they must be coopers, carpenters, millers, blacksmiths, ditchers, &tc. which necessarily excludes the laboring white man from all of them, to a great extent, and deprives him of those means which he would otherwise enjoy, for the support of himself and family — so that he too, must seek a more favored land. The small freeliolders are driven off also. They are men, generally, who own small portions of land, a part of what their fathers once owned, and who had exhausted it by the miserable cultivation generally attendant upon slave labor — and these men, unable to support a growing family, from the meagre pro- duct of their lands, they find all other occupations filled by slaves, and the road to elevation thereby closed against them. The hard strug- gle they have to make for the bare necessaries of life — to say nothing of its luxuries — puts an effectual extinguisher upon all the humble as- pirations of their ambition. The sparseness of the white population, opposes almost an insurmountable obstacle in the way of the educa- tion of their children. [This, sir, is no ideal evil ; for I have seen many men of twenty — nay, forty and fifty years of age, who could not write their names: and, sir, I will almost hazard my veracity, that 5 no such case can be found In the eastern states, unless the individual be a natural fool, or a wilful truant.] Thus goaded by misfortune, with an aching heart, they leave the land of their fathers, and their place is supplied — not by free white men, but by a slave— who is use- less in war, and dangerous in peace. If we turn our eyes to that part of our country which lies below the mountains, and particularly below the falls of our rivers, it seems as if some judgment from heaven had passed over it and seared it ; fields once cultivated, are now waste and desolate — the eye is no longer cheered by the rich verdure that decked it in other days. No, sir, but fatigued by an interminable wilderness of worn-out, gullied, piny old fields. So exhausted is our soil, so depressed our markets, and so dear is slave labor, that it is as much as the master can do to clothe and feed his slaves — nay, sir, often more than he can do; for, if you will go into the credit stores and pop-shops, (with which the whole country is thronged) you will find that, with very few exceptions, the slave-holder has there become very deeply entangled — the embarrassment mainly incurred to clothe and feed his slaves. The slave is clothed and fed, that he may labor for victuals and clothes— a beautiful operation! — Thus, sir, the master of the slave absolutely belongs to the merchant, and has to labor — and labor hard — for their benefit. He is literally their bondsman. Finally, when they have extracted from him all they can, his account is put into the lawyer's hand for collection, and he has to raise the money or go to jail. Then steps forward the paper- shaver, (another fungus of our present condition) and kindly profiers the money at ihiriy-tfiree and a third per cent. Thus the poor devil of a master is finally stripped of all he has, to swell the importance of these gentry. The very fact, sir, that we see such cattle daily spring- ing into importance from the dregs of society — he did not mean by dregs of society, the poor, but honest man — no, but he meant men lost to honor, virtue, and to common honesty. This, he said, was a proof of the necessity of a change in our condition. We have been taught from our infancy to chime the stale tune of "Yankee tricks;" but he did not believe such a character was to be tbund in the eastern states. Gentlemen had said that those who advocated the examination of this subject, proposed forthwith, to abolish slavery; but they were mis- taken—they only desire that this house may take it into serious con- sideration, and endeavor to digest some plan for the gradual riddance of the state, from its present unfortunate condition. From the course the gentleman from Mecklenburg had adopted, and the tenor of his remarks, he had every moment expected him to cry out " gentlemen, you are standing on slipjDery rocks, while fiery billows roll below." Sir, the terrible picture drawn by that gentleman, of our condition, if correctly drawn, is a strong, very strong argument that we ought to act, and that speedily. But why multiply words — there is no point to which we can turn, that, this great evil does not stare us in the face — it disturbs us on all sides— it is a bone of contention between eastern and western Virginia— between the slave-holding and the non-slave- holding states. It is entirely vain for gentlemen to urge that the discussion of it 6 will endanger the value of the property — will violate the private right in that property. He reckoned such arguments very feeble against the great argu- ment of dire necessity, which is pressing itself upon us. He said property was secured by the laws of society, and that the same society which secured property, had a natural right to destroy it, whenever it should become a dangerous nuisance to that society. Yes, sir, they have a right to abate any and every nuisance. MONDAY, January 16, 1832. Mr. Bi-odnax, from the committee on the colored population, presented the following re- port : The select committee, to whom was referred certain memorials, pra)^'ng the passage of some law providing for the gradual abolition of slavery in the commonwealth, have, accord- ing to order, had the same under consideration, and have come to the following resolution thereupon: Resolved as the opinion of this committee, That it is inexpedient for the present legislature to make any legislative enactment for the abolition of slavery. Mr. Preston moved that the resolution reported from the committee, be amended, by strik- ing out the word "inexpedient," and inserting the word "expedient." TUESDAY, January 25, 1832. ' MR. BOLLING rose and said: — He regretted much the necessity which rendered it his duty to intrude upon the attention of the house, at so late a stage of the debate ; and that too, after the disinclination manifest on the part of the house, to hear more upon the subject under discussion. However, as he had moved the adjournment the day before, and was therefore expected to address the house- — and from a sense of duiy to himself, and those he had the honor to repre- sent — he would proceed. Those reasons, and those only, induced him to proceed; for there was no palm left — no laurels for him to gain: every palm had been borne off — every laurel won — by those who had so ably, and sd elo- quently preceded him. Constrained, however, by a sense of duty to his country, he should go througii what he had undertaken, though his words should be "like smoke to th^^eyes, and vinegar to the teeth,'* after the rich eloquence and profound reasoning which had alike de- lighted and instructed the house. The debate had been, indeed, a feast of the soul. It had risen as it had progressed, until it seemed to " stoop to touch the loftiest thought." It had flowed on "like some river of vast and unfailing source," and had borne the mind along with it. To return to this subject. It 7 would be remembered, when he before addressed the house, the subject was presented in a different form from the one it assumed at present. — * At that time, the committee had not made their report. They have now reported it " inexpedient" to act upon the subject — and it is pro- posed to amend that report, by striking out the word "inexpedient." and inserting the word ''expedient." Believing that it is expedient that " something should be done" — that some legislative action should be commenced; not that improvident and fanatical action that had been charged upon the friends' of reform, but a wise, prudent, pro- gressive, yet efficient action. He was for action — but in a way that, like tlie mild dews of heaven, which carries moisture and freshness to the withering rose, should gradually overcome the evil which now presses upon us, and promises still to increase^ until final ruin shall overtake us, unless we are aroused — and quickly, from the deep sleep in which we have already too long indulged. Believing that such a course of action was desirable, he had, on a former occasion, indulged in a few remarks upon the subject of slavery, and he now purposed going somewhat more at length in the investigation of that subject. He was no fanatic in his views of the subject. His opinions were formed from what he had seen around him; and he had attempted, in his former remarks, to give a common-sense statement of those opin- ions. Plain and simple as he had thought them, gentlemen had, nev- ertheless, thought fit to style them "a dirge." He did not propo&e to bandy hard names with gentlemen — he would not retort the epithet ; but he would say, when reasons fail, one is apt to resort to such epi- thets to prop a failing cause. He had said, and he dared repeat, that slavery was a blighting, withering curse, that robs Virginia soil of its rich verdure, and is dry- ing up the very lifeblood of her national wealth, honor and prosperity. He had seen the baleful consequences, and from what he had seen, he had been induced to act. He had always understood it to be the true policy of all govern- ments to pursue a policy calculated to keep their citizens from emi- grating — so long as supplies were abundant, and their labor could be profitably employjgd. Such, sir, is the true policy of all governments, and of none more than of Virginia. Is the refiipal to adopt measures calculated to mitigate now, and finally to arrest the evils of slavery — a course of policy calculated to prevent, or in nny way lessen the emi- gration of our citizens.^ No such result can be expected from so un- wise a course. He had before said, and it had been repeatedly urged, and was most unquestionably true, that, unless some measures shall be adopted to bring about a change in our condition, for the better, that man>', very many of our most valuable citizens will leave the state. For having urged this upon the attention of the house upon a former occasion, he had been charged with saying " that slaverj^ made our citizens cowards." He was glad the charge had been withdrawn, for he had said no such thing. He neither wished to plunge the commonwealth into any rash mea- sure ; nor to sneak on to his purpose under covert of any pretended avefsion to abolition — both his judgment and his feelings were with 8 the cause; but he was by no means disposed to produce a disruption of the ties which bind society together. He believed it was now time to begin "while the evil days come not, before the cistern is broken at the well, and before the grinding is low." It was now time to begin, by laying a foundation upon which to rear the future superstructure. The time will come, and it may be sooner than many are willing to believe, when this oppressed and degraded race can not be held as they now are : when a change will be effected by means abhorrent, Mr. Speaker, to you, and to the feelings of every good man. The wounded adder will recoil, and sting the foot that tramples upon it. The day is fast approaching when those who oppose all action upon this sub- ject, and, instead of aiding- in devising some feasible plan for freeing their country from an acknowledged curse, cry "impossible" to every plan suggested, will curse their perverseness, and lament their folly. Those gentlemen who hug slavery to their bosoms, "and roll it as a sweet morsel under the tongue," have been very lavish in their denun- ciations of all who are for stirring one inch on this subject. They had not hesitated to class all the friends of reform, without any sort of discrimination, with Garrison and Loydd. What sort of resemblance is there between the free and manly discussion of a subject, by free- men, the representatives of freemen, addressed to freemen, and the un- der-handed attempts of incendiary cut-throats, to sharpen the dagger in the hand of the midnight assassin.^ Are the representatives of Vir- ginia, for daring to attempt to point out the evils and impolicy of slavery, to be coupled with Loydd and Walker.^^ Was he, for discharg- ing what he conscientiously believed to be his duty to his country, to be branded with infamy.^ \Vas he, for that, to be classed with incendia- ries, wlio would gladly light the torch to burn our dwellings over the heads of our women and children ? Could such imputations result from any thing but a strong sense, on the part of those who indulged in them, that they were in error; and because reasons for their persist- ing in it having failed, their only refuge was abuse and detraction. For his part, he wanted no belter evidence of the power of deep- rooted prejudice over the mind of man — no better proof of the obli- quity of human reason, than was to be gathered frqm such denuncia- tions. ^ There is, sir, a " still small voice," which speaks to the heart of man in a tone too clear and distinct to be disregarded. It tells him that every system of slavery is based upon injustice and oppression. If gentlemen disregard it now, and lull their consciences to sleep, they may be aroused to a sense of their danger, when it is too late to re- pair their error. He thought it right for him to say thus much to re- pel the imputations of gentlemen. So far as he was personally con- cerned, he had done with them. He would occupy the attention of the house with a few remarks upon the course that western gentlemen had pursued upon the question under consideration. They had been roundly assailed. They had been charged with a desire to rob the east; and the comparison had been made between their course and that of a felon who should attempt to rob the Speaker of his watch. Had western gentlemen manifested any desire to rob the east.^ No--he thought not. It was true that he thought they had indulged impro- perly in the discussion of abstract right and abstract principles, and pushed their views beyond a practical point; but they had not, he thought, expressed the hostile sentiments which have been attributed to them. Eastern gentlemen have declared this a sectional question. They have said the west had no interest in, and should take no part in it; but should stand aloof and silently witness the progress of an evil which is bringing ruin upon this commonwealth. Such an idea seemed to him absurd. If we are all Virginians, we are all interested in this question; for, unless it is arrested, its curse must be common to the whole state. The west is, then, interested in the question — deeply interested in devising some preventive measure — some measure that will rescue the west from this mildew. Western gentlemen are called upon by every consideration of prudence and philanthropy, to avert from their children this heavy curse, which mars the fortunes of their eastern brethren. He was happy to see that those gentlemen were true to themselves and to Virginia. Although he was compelled to condemn much they had said, he tendered them his thanks for the aid they had given upon this occasion to the friends of reform. He looked upon them before as his brethren, and he greeted them now as doubly his brethren. He placed them before high in the scale of hu- nianity — he now ranked them still higher. They have contributed their share to emancipate Virginia from the fetters whicli have so long bound her; and they deserve the thanks of every lover of his country. But, to return to the question in debate. Gentlemen have told us, that we have no need for action — for, say they, Virginia is increasing in population, fertility and wealth. He denied that Virginia had in- creased in population, fertility, or wealth as she ought to have done — as her facilities would have enabled her to do, if she had not been trammelled by slavery. Her increase had not been like that of the miser, who continually adds dollar after dollar to his hoard— nor yet like the regular increase of the careful and prudent man ; but, on the contrarj^ like the spendthrift, she had neglected her true interest, and wasted those riches which nature has so bountifully lavished upon her. She has not taken that tide at the flood which has led many of her sis- ter states on to fortune. All that is necessary to establish the truth of this position, is to compare Virginia with those states. If slavery be not the cause of her lagging behind, Vi'hy is it tliat all the slave-holding states are depressed, and all the non-slave-hoiding slates prospering be- yond all historic parallel ? The ready answer that gentlemen give is, "tlie tariff." Why, then, let me ask, does the tariff benefit the non- slave states, and depress the slave states? Why, sir, just because one is free from the curse of slavery, and because the other is not. He was no advocate of the tariff; but these plain reasons pressed upon him — and he would give them. Gentlemen manifest a great want of obser- vation and very little knowledge of human chc^-acter, when they say, that they would resort to arms before they would submit to any mea- sure to free the state of slavery. Who would gentlemen fight? Why they would be reduced to the awkward necessity of fighting themselves. Should they, in the hour of their wrath, fly to arms, like the famous Knight of La Mancha, they would strike at their own cost. Should the wine-bags be severed by a random thrust, it would be at their own 2 10 expense — for no such step could fail to bring certain ruin upon them. Notwithstanding eastern gentlemen have waxed so warm, Mr. Speaker, there are man}^ very many, in eastern Virginia, who had rather resign their slaves gratuitously than submit to the ills of slavery : many who had rather turn them loose, and leave them behind, while they should seek a happier clime— a land alike a stranger to slaves and to slavery. He might be told that the law would not allow individuals to emanci- pate their slaves, and leave them here ; but what difference does it make whether they are liberated or soldf If the negroes are left here, and the whites go away, certainly the proportion of the negro popula- tion is comparatively increased, and that of the whites lessened— con- sequently the evil augmented. There had been a singular idea advanced by the gentleman from Halifax (Mr. Bruce.) He stated that " ihe negroes of Virginia were the only capital of Virginia, and if they were sent away we should have nothing left." The gentleman then values the land of Virginia at nothing. A rare idea. Suppose you remove the land — what w^ould our negroes be worth? Such an argument needs no answer. An idea had been suggested to the house, which had con- siderable weight from its plausibility, and had startled from its magni- tude. He alluded to the statement made by the gentleman from Pe- tersburg (Mr. Brown), that any xneasure that could be devised for re- moving the slaves from Virginia, would result in a positive loss to the state of one hundred and fifteen millions of dollars. Mr. Speaker, it will take a wise man to prove that estimate true, and he thought a man must be very far gone in prejudice, or of very obtuse faculties, who could not see the fallacy of such an estimate. Why did he think so? Because, if it should once be known that it was the policy of Vir- ginia to get clear of the negro population, a multitude, which no man could number, would be sold and sent off; and every female sent away, and they would be sent off in the greatest numbers, would diminish the increase; and because of a multitude of causes, which he thought it needless to enumerate, as the two first he had stated proved all such numerical calculations necessarily incorrect, and that was enough for his purpose — for any calculation which carried the proof of error along with it, can have but little influence upon a reasonable man. So far was he from agreeing to the position, that it would be a po- sitive loss to Virginia of one hundred and fifteen millions of dollars, to get rid of her black population, he thought it would result to her pecuniary interest to an amount beyond the power of calculation — -be- vond any thing that the mind of man could estimate. Who could es- timate it? Its beneficial results would be co-equal with all time to come. Years would glide by, generation after generation would pass away — ages themselves would be forgotten — and still the beneficial re- sults of such a course would be felt — this act would be but in the spring-time of its glory. Is Virginia prepared to weigh the meagre results of numerical calculations — against so honorable, so noble, so glorious a result. Will she pause, like the sordid miser who, half dead with hunger, takes his rusty coin from his fob, and turning from side to side the precious metal, restores it to his greedy purse again, and turns from the food that would relieve the sufferings of a hungry sto- mach? Will Virginia, I say, thus weigh her gold against her true in- i 11 terests ? No, Sir, when the people come to understand this question, she will not. But it has been so often admitted, in and out of the house, that slave labor was the dearest labor in the world (which was literally a sur- render of the question) that he had not expected to hear such calcula- tions submitted for the serious consideration of the house, or the public. If it is true that slave-labor is the dearest labor in the world — and true that the cheapness of labor adds to the nett profit of the pro- (jucer — and these are truths that no man (who knows what he is talk- ing about) can deny — then it follows, as a consequence, that it is to the true interest of Virginia to exchange her slave-labor for white la- bor, which, by admission, and in fact, is the cheapest labor. It might seem a needless waste of time for him to point out some of the causes whicli rendered slave-labor dearer than the labor of a free white man — after the fact had been so fully admitted; notwithstanding he would do so. Why. sir, is slave-labor more expensive, and conse- quently less profitable than the labor of the white man? The answer is to be found in the operation of moral causes. They have no immediate self-interest to act upon them — and you, Mr. Spea- ker, know something of self-interest. You would not mount your horse and ride twenty miles, to profit another as many dollars ; but, sir, you would do so to profit yourself ten shillings. Self'is the great spring of human action — the great lever that operates on man. This great, this all-powerful motive of action is wanting to stirnulate the slave to labor. It fails to operate upon him for good, because he knows his master is bound to provide for him, whether he labors much or little, and whether his master makes little or much. Therefore he is idle and wasteful. He knows, too, that the fetters which shackle him, are only to be struck oflf by death— he knows that his labor is for life — and that day after day is to bring him the same toil— whether it be on the barren hill, or fertile plain, it is to him the same. He loses no- thing by his exertions being wasted upon stingy sterility — he gains no- thing, if a generous harvest crowns his labors. He, therefore, can have no motive for improving the soil. He knows that his master is bound to provide him with lodging, clothing, food, and medicine. He has no dependant wife or children-^ to call forth the energies of his mind — or nerve his arm. Therefore it is that the slave is supine and improvident, utterly regardless of econo- my. He understands not, or — if he understands — he does not prac- tice those little savings, which, especially in agricultural pursuits, make the larger portion of tiie profits, and result in the prosperity of the agriculturist; and, indeed, of society. Besides this — self-interest ope- rates powerfully to induce the slave to pursue a different course. He feels that all he can filch from his master, is just so much clear gain to himself ; he regards all that his master gets as an unjust appropriation, by another, of his labor. He reasons thus, sir; it is a common doctrine amongst the slaves — and, sir, it is the reasoning of nature — man's unaided reason teaches it to him— and the heart of unprejudiced man owns its justness. It is otherwise with the white man. Self-in^ terest operates fully upon his mind — calls all its energies into action, and makes him intelligent, industrious, and economical. He knows 12 that he is dependant upon his own personal exertions for support. His own exertion is to procure him a home, and " food and raiment." It is to him, and him alone, if he has a wife and children, that ihey are to look for a shelter against the pitiless storms of Heaven — to him they are to look fs)r a shield against the biting frosts of autumn, and the keen blasts of winter— upon him they depend for their daily bread. He has, then, besides immediate self-interest, all the tender sympathies of the human heart to prompt him to action. Such causes are lost up- on the slave, because he has a master to provide for him. From t!ie same cause, the white man desires to reap the greatest possible advan- tage from his labor — and he knows that an equal amount of labor bestowed upon rich land, will yield a greater profit than the same amount bestowed upon poor land— therefore he uses all his exertions to improve the quality of the soil. Hence he concluded — and to his mind, it was a self-evident proposition (even though experience had not so abundantly proved the fact) that the labor of a white man, who had a direct and imme- diate self-interest in the product of his labor, whose whole earnings are entirely applied to his own personal advancement, is far better calculated to promote the comfort, prosperity, and true interest of a county, than the labor of a slave who had no such self-interest; but, on the contrary, whose self-interest is at war with the self-interest of his master. Hence, also, he concluded that no labor, induced alone by fear, could be permanently efficient — calcidated to advance the happi- ness and prosperity ot any societ}^ If this conclusion is true, it fol- lows necessarily that the employment of it must bring misery and ruin upon any country that would persist in it. There is, Mr. Speaker, another very important conclusion deduce- able from these facts. It is this — that any and every policy which de- grades a large proportion of society, in an intellectual point of view, and impairs or destroys the effect of moral causes upon their hearts, is unwise and ruinous in its consequences. Slavery has that effect, as he had before shown. Let us look into this matter. Let us see to what an extent it operates. At the last census, our population stood thus: — whites, 694,445 — slaves, 469,724 — free negroes, 47,103 — total number of blacks, 516,827 — total population of the whole state, 1,211,272. So that nearly one half of the population of Virginia are blacks. The whole intelligence and moral susceptibilities, are possessed by the whole of its inhabitants. Now, if one half of those inhabitants are slaves, one half of the mind, and moral susceptibili- ties of that society, is lost to all useful purposes, which is the case in Virginia — which he esteemed a greater loss to the state than any amount of money could well be. Half a million of freemen exerting all their industry and enterprise — exerting to the utmost, their mental and physical energies, to increase the value of their possessions, and to advance the interest of society, would be to add incalculably to the wealth, prosperity, and happiness of the good old commonwealth. The removal of the slaves, would cause their places to be supplied by such a population. If so, can those who are opposed to their re- aioval, harbor a doubt that such a change would be vastly beneficial ? If any man doubts still whether the removal of the slaves would be 13 beneficial, let him turn to the history of man. Through every page he will find proofs of the advantages of freedom over slavery. Let him contrast the darker ages of Europe, when all, except the great and noble, were s.laves, with its present condition, when all men are comparatively free. U he still doubts, let him contrast the condition of Europe, with our own free America, and see how far our happy freemen are, before the comparatively enslaved Europeans, if he wants another example, let him compare the non-slave-holding with the slave-holding states. He will find the non-slave-holding states en- joying a prosperity unequalled in the annals of the world, while the slave-holding states are comparatively depressed and unprosperous. Let him turn to the trust-deed books, and the saddlebags of the paper- shaver, and he would there learn the fate of but too many who em- ploy slave labor; Most of the slave-owners, sir, are perfectly content, (to use a familiar phrase) if they can make the " tongue and buckle" meet at the end of each year; but very many of them fail in this humble desire. He had not been indulging in fiction ; he was ex- perimentally acquainted with slave-labor ; he had been reared where it was almost the oidy labor; he had stated nothing .in relation toil, he had not gathered from experience and observation. Notwithstand- iiig these facts are known to gentlemen — who oppose all reform — we are told that our present system is a good one — a prosperous one — that it needs no cliange. The gentleman from Mecklenburg (Mr. Goode), has told us — with an air of confidence, and atone of triumph — that Virginia is literally the ''^ mother of nations.''^ That she has peopled the western states; that she had given life and activity to the great valley of the Missis- sippi.''^ The gentleman represented Virginia as a fruitful and fond mother, surrounded by a train of blooming daughters. Aye — but like such a mother, the rose which blooms upon her daughters cheeks, has robbed her own of its youthful freshness, and given her in return that palid hue — too sure a presage of premature decline, feebleness, and decrepitude. Jt may be flattering to the pride of Virginians, to think that a large proportion of the population of the western states are Virginians, or their descendants; but, sir, it creates painful emotions in those who reflect upon that fact as statesmen should reflect. It afibrds " con- firmation strong as proofs of hol}^ writ," that all is not right — that there is something wrong — sometiiing " rc)tten in the state of Den- mark." When civil discord shall shake this vast empire to its centre — when the black war-cloud shall lower, and its thunderings be heard from boundary to boundary, and the fierce flash of contest shall play fearfully around us, where, in this dread day of our destiny, in this dark hour of peril, will be Virginia's boasted daughters.^ Where, then, will be the western states.^ Where the "great valley of the Mississippi.''" They may, perchance, be ranged against her. Yes, sir, they may be her enemies. They may be returning — not to greet her with filial aflfdction, but to wreak a bloody vengeance upon her. What then, would be the value of gentlemen's idle boasting .^^ They would dissipate into "thin air." They would be what they now are, and what all boastings always are, an impotent regiment of high sounds 14 ing words, not worth the paper necessary to write them on. Why have our citizens fled from the commonwealth in such numbers ? Why have they severed those ties which binds the heart of man to the land of their fathers ? Why have her daughters left the tombs of their mothers undewed by their tears, to be possessed by the wild briar and thistle? Her sons are not wanting in patriotism- — her daugliters are not wanting in those tender sympathies which do honor to the sex, and to mankind. It is owing to the deep, the damning curse of slavery. The employment of slave-labor has impoverished our lands, cramped our resources, and driven off our population. The rich have gone in search of a belter field for profitable enterprise, the industrious poor in search of employment; and some, because they did not wish to leave their children in a land that affords so poor a pledge for future secu- rity. If one, who was totally ignorant of what a slave was, had heard the gentleman from Brunswick (Mr. Gholson), he would have inevitably concluded that the gentleman and his constituents, eat slaves ! Strange as it may sound, he would have thought right; for they do eat them ! Yes, sir, eat them.. Although it is not literally true, because they do not consume them blood and bones, yet, according to the laws of po- litical economy, they do eat them. The slave is sold ; ^the money, or price, then represents the slave; that money is laid out with the drover for beef and pork — the beef and pork is eaten — and thus, indirecty, the slave is consumed. This is the case, not only in Brunswick, but through the whole slave-holding country. However ihe employment of slave labor might be defended, gentle- men would not, could not justify the traffic in human beings. High- minded men ought to disdain to hold their fellow creatures as articles of traffic — disregarding all the ties of blood and affection — tearing assunder all those sympathies dear to man — dividing husbands and wives, parents and children, as they would cut asunder a piece of cot- ton cloth. They have hearts and feelings like other men. How many a broken heart — -how many a Raclrel mourns because her house is left unto her desolate. The time has come when these feelings could not be suppressed — the day would come wlien they could not be resisted. Slavery was, and had long been offensive to the moral feelings of a large proportion of the community. Tiieir lips had been sealed; but their minds had been unfettered — many liad thought, and thought deeply on the subject. Tliis, sir, is a christian community. They read in their Bibles " do unto all men as you would have them do unto you" — and this golden rule and slavery are hard to reconcile. Gentlemen may, perhaps, curl the lip of scorn at such considerations; but such a feeling existed in Virginia—some might call ihem preju- dices — but whether they were just feelings or false prejudices — they would operate— and operate powerfully; and wise and prudent men would give them due consideration in any decision they should come to, as to the policy or impolicy of acting upon this subject. There was one thing he had omitted.— It has been said, that it was a libel against the stale to say that slavery was injurious to the morals of a community. He did not mean to say, that the population of Virginia was generally characterized by immorality-— far from it; but he would 15 ay, that slavery always had, and always must produce a great amount )f idleness and vice. Where labor is confined principally to slaves, false odium is attached to it — many, who would otiierwise be industri- ous, and laborious, were indisposed to labor — for fear it would bring them down to the level of the slave. He knew that such an idea was a mistaken one, yet it had its effect. If a man had a few slaves, it was hard to get his children to work. They see the son of a neighbor (who, perhaps, owns fifty or an hun- dred slaves, while their father might not have more than two or three) playing the gentleman, and taking his pleasure, they desire to do so too--thus a disinclination to labor arises, and indolence and profligacy,' too often finish the picture. From all these reasons he thought every consideration of policy and humanity, called upon Virginia to act. To take some efficient measures to drain off this filthy stream, which otherwise will become stagnant, by the closing up of its accustomed out-lets, and spread lep- rosy and death throughout the whole land. jflis object was not to adopt a rash course,-— not to pursue a course, as had been supposed by some who opposed abolition, that would in- volve a disruption of the good order of society. He did not propose to adopt a system of general emancipation. He only desired to lay the foundation, by disposing of those whom their masters should volun- tarily give up, for the total eradication of odious slavery from the good Old Dominion. For such a refuge and home could be found in Liberia. But gen- tlemen have said that Liberia could not contain the black population of Virginia. How many, Mr. Speaker, would Jamestown have con- tained when it was first settled by our hardy ancestors? Let gentle- men compare that "day of small things" with the present time — and they might answer their own objections. As that colony increased in numbers, it would increase in resources—its limits would be extended, and territory enough and to spare would be obtained. Gentlemen had argued as if they supposed we desire to lift up the blacks en masse, and set them down in Liberia. Such a course of argument was unfair, and if he did not believe the gentlemen incapable of such a course, he should say they were purely ad captandum vulgus—'miendQd to mislead the public mind, and artfully to arouse the prejudices of society, so that odium might attach to all who desired an alteration in our affairs. Such was the efiect, if they produced any effect, that their arguments were calculated to produce. He felt warranted in the belief, from what he knew of the moral feeling of the community, and from information he had upon the subject, that if an appropriation of money were made to send off such as would be given up, it would be promptly met. He thought it was the duty of the legislature to do thus much — to take this first step in the great and good cause; and announce to the world the determination of Virginia to eradicate the evils of slavery within her' borders. A gentleman from Norfolk — a man of high character, and intelli- gence, an agent of the Colonization Society (without fee or reward, other than that of an approving consciencej who was fully informed upon the subject, had informed him that there were a great many men ,16 in Virginia, who were willing and anxious to surrender their slaves as soon as funds could be had for their removal. That gentleman had told him that tiiat disposition had increased rapidly, and was rapidly increasing. Mr. Speaker-^-let us commence the work — let us provide the funds, and candidates for deportation will be found flowing in, in greaters numbers than those funds would remove. This disposition to surren-l der the slaves would increase so fast as to supersede the necessity of] any otlier law^ — than an appropriation law. This was as far as he was^ willing to go— not that he was not thoroughly a friend of abolition— "but because to attempt any thing further, would be injurious to^the blacks and to us. He owed, also, to his constituents to act cautiously. Many of them thougl)t differently from him ; but his heart was with the cause, and he had rather decline public service, than to be in lhat service, and be obliged to act contrary to the dictates of his conscience. He felt it a duty he owed his God, to act according to the dictates of his conscience ; and he valued the approbation of liis God more than the approbation of man. Mr. Speaker, it is vain for gentlemen to deny the fact— the feelings of society are fast becoming adverse to slavery. The moral causes whicli produce that feeling are on the march, and will on until the groans of slavery are heard no more in this else happy country. Look over this world's wide page— .see the rapid progress of liberal feelings- see the shackles falling from nations who have long writhed under the galling yoke of slavery. Liberty is going over the whole earth — hand in hand with Christianity. The ancient temples of slavery, ren- dered venerable alone by their antiquit}', are crumbling into dust. Ancient prejudices are flying before the light of truth — are dissipated by its rays, as the idle vapour by the bright sun. The noble sentiment "Come let us pray, that come it may " As come it Vv-ill, for all tliat, "That man to- man, o'er all the world, ■ "May brother be, for ail that" — is rapidly spreading. The day-star of human liberty has risen above the dark horizon of slavery, and will continue its bright careerj until it smiles alike on all men. Sir, liberal feelings and principles cannot be long impeded — it is im- possible to arrest, and it is not desirable to arrest them. It is, then, the part of wisdom to lend them a prudent aid — the part of wickedness and folly to war against them. He had omitted to say some things he h-ad intended— the protracted debate, and fatigued patience of the house, admonished him to say no more. He felt grateful for the kind and polite attention which had been accorded him — and hoped he had said nothing to wound the feel- ings of any.