DUKE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 Mt.B .Jhtuytau. 
 
 .soi.d by 
 GEO. HAKDIN'I 
 Gup.at Kusshi.i. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2018 with funding from 
 Duke University Libraries 
 
 https://archive.org/details/gleaningsfrommun01cott 
 
GLEANINGS 
 
 r 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 AND 
 
 (Eitjj of 
 
 By W. COTTON, Esq., F.S.A., 
 
 AND 
 
 The Venerable HENRY WOOLLCOMBE, 
 
 Archdeacon of Barnstaple. 
 
 Exeter : 
 
 James Townsend, Gandy Street. 
 1877. 
 
“ There be some who slight and despise this sort of learning, and 
 represent it to be a dry, barren, monkish study : but I dare assure any 
 ■wise and sober man that Historical Antiquities do deserve and 
 will reward the pains of any English student. I wish the excellent 
 parts of many other writers were not spent upon more frivolous arguments, 
 where by subtleties, and cavils, and controverting quibbles, they serve only to 
 weaken Christianity, and (what otherwise were pardonable) to expose one 
 another — Bishop Kennett’s History of Kidlington, 1695. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Part I. — i. Sir Henry Ralegh de Ralegh, Knight . 5 
 
 11. The Wars of the Roses . . . .11 
 
 hi. Perkin Warbeck ...... 19 
 
 iv. The Siege of Exeter, 1549 ... 47 
 
 v. Exeter During the Great Rebellion 
 
 Part I. .73 
 
 „ II.1 13 
 
 „ III. . . . . • .141 
 
 vi. Original Documents ..... 185 
 
 vii. Acts of Parliament, Proclamations, &c. 199 
 
 Part II.—1. On some of the Ancient MSS. and 
 Charters in the custody of the Dean 
 and Chapter of Exeter . . . i 
 
 11. On the “ Exeter Domesday ” . 17 
 
CORRIGENDA. 
 
 Part I., p g, . 7 for . 
 
 ‘' crossed-legged 
 
 . read 
 
 “ cross-legged. 
 
 12, 21 ,, 
 
 “ our present" 
 
 • 
 
 “ the then.' 
 
 52, 33 insert . 
 
 “of” 
 
 . after . 
 
 “ made.” 
 
 67, 33 for . 
 
 “gnns” 
 
 read 
 
 “ guns.” 
 
 85, 20 insert . 
 
 “ which " 
 
 . before . 
 
 “ threatened.' 
 
 g5, 10 for 
 
 “ councils " 
 
 . read 
 
 “ counsels.” 
 
 iog, 8 insert . 
 
 “ being ” 
 
 . after . 
 
 “ which.” 
 
 Part II., p. g, note “ £22 4s. gd.," to this must be added “ £11 6s. 6d.,” 
 making the total expended £33 ns. 3d., i.t., about /100 at the present 
 value of money. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PART I. 
 
SIR HENRY RALEGH DE RALEGH, KNIGHT. 
 (A Fragment.) 
 
 In the choir of the south aisle of the Cathedral Church of 
 Exeter, in recesses in the wall, are the recumbent effigies of two 
 knights, cross-legged and armed cap-a-pie, their feet resting on 
 lions. The one lying farthest eastward was doubtless erected by 
 the second Countess of Devon to the memory of her father, 
 Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, and the 
 Cathedral being the burying place of the Courtenays, its presence 
 here is intelligible. With this monument we have no particular 
 concern, although it has an interesting history of its own. The 
 other I propose to identify as being connected with an old story, 
 the main features of which are still preserved to us, notwithstand¬ 
 ing the great lapse of time. Britton in his ‘Cathedral Antiquities’ 
 says that this effigy commemorates a knight of the Chichester 
 family, called Sir Arthur, the Bishop’s brother. Mr. King in his 
 hand-book to the Cathedral, assigns it to a knight of the 
 Chichester family. Jenkins writes that it was, according to 
 tradition, erected to the memory of Ralegh de Ralegh; and 
 Meyrick remarks, with an authority which cannot be questioned, 
 that the effigy is of the time of Edward the First, and, further, 
 that the flattened coiffe is said to have borne on the shield the 
 arms of Ralegh, viz:—Gules a bend vaire, between six crosslets, or. 
 Before all trace was obliterated these arms were seen and noted, 
 and because they are borne by the Chichesters it was thought 
 that the buried knight must have belonged to that family. The 
 
 c 
 
6 
 
 arms are those of the old family of Ralegh, of Ralegh, in the 
 parish of Pilton. The manor lies in the midst of a very 
 picturesque country, to the north of the town of Barnstaple, but 
 the mansion, commanding a charming prospect of the valley, 
 through which runs the river Yeo, has long been used as a 
 woollen mill. The family became extinct in the male line, and 
 the estate passed to the female—the heiress marrying a Chichester, 
 who adopted the arms of the Raleghs. I have not been able to 
 discover the exact date when this took place, but it was long 
 subsequent to the time, as fixed by Meyrick, when the monument 
 was set up, for we find that in 1347 there was a John de Ralegh, 
 named as a surety for the good behaviour of a youthful knight 
 who had been getting rid of his superfluous energy in a murder¬ 
 ing and burning raid on the Manor of Tawton, the property of the 
 Church. It follows, therefore, that the Chichesters, not having 
 adopted the arms of Ralegh until some considerable time after 
 the effigy had been placed in the choir, and the arms on the 
 monument having been identified with those which appear on the 
 Chichester escutcheon as derived from Ralegh, that the recumbent 
 figure commemorates a knight of the house of Ralegh, and not of 
 Chichester. The question arises, how came this solitary Ralegh 
 to be buried in the Cathedral ? None of his family lie there, not 
 even his connexions, so far as can be ascertained. The family 
 vault would naturally be in Pilton Church or in the Chapel ‘ Sti 
 Leonardi,’ then on the Manor of Ralegh, where a perpetual 
 chantry existed for the souls of William de Ralegh, knight, his 
 progenitors and successors. It was, however, not unusual in the 
 13th century for persons of distinction to leave directions by will 
 how and where they desired to be buried ; but it is not likely that 
 a man would direct his body to be interred in the Cathedral, a 
 piece of presumption which the Dean and Chapter would not fail 
 to resent by a decided refusal to listen to such a request. It is 
 more than probable that this Ralegh was a crusader, and had 
 fought against the Saracens under the banner of Prince Edward 
 —a knight of the order of Templars or Hospitallers, a wanderer, 
 holding his life in his hand, and familiar with the religious houses, 
 in whatsoever country he might find himself, what more natural than 
 
7 
 
 to express by will that wherever his body might fall, it should be 
 buried in the church of the nearest monastery? The body of Hum¬ 
 phrey de Bohun, represented by the fellow effigy, was so buried in the 
 Dominican Convent at York, though the family place of sepulture 
 was elsewhere—and the remains of this Ralegh finally found a 
 similar resting place. I identify him as Sir Henry Ralegh of 
 Ralegh, and his monument appears in the Cathedral as the result 
 of a peculiar and exceptional circumstance. In the early part of 
 the 13th century, the invasion of England by the Friars created a 
 religious revolution. When their mission was understood, they 
 were warmly welcomed by the people, to whom, for the first time, 
 religion became a reality and a comfort, instead of, as it had 
 hitherto appeared to them, at the hands of the ignorant clergy 
 and the Mass-priest, a mystery clouded in gorgeous ceremonies 
 and incomprehensible masses; the fees extorted for these being the 
 only thing brought home clearly to the popular understanding. 
 The Franciscan and Dominican Friars were soon established in 
 Exeter. The former, known as the order of Grey Friars, had at 
 first a house in Friernhay, but afterwards removed to 
 the Friary, beyond the South Gate. The brethren of this 
 order devoted themselves chiefly to visiting the sick and 
 administering relief and religious consolation, especially in times 
 of severe epidemics. The followers of Dominic were known as 
 the Black Friars or the Preachers; their mission was to teach 
 theology, and to preach the Gospel far and wide, in the street, at 
 the fair, and in the market-place. The monastery and grounds 
 occupied the site on which Bedford-circus is built, and the whole 
 premises were surrounded by a wall. Close to the monastery was 
 the Conventual Church, which Bishop Bronescombe dedicated on 
 26th November, 1259, and at the same time his lordship 
 discovered the merits of the water, and the friars, as a personal 
 favour, conveyed into his palace a continuous supply from the 
 convent. The well-water in the Circus, to this day, maintains 
 its reputation. In this church of the Black Friars, the dead body 
 of Sir Henry Ralegh was laid out on a certain day, in the year 
 1301, awaiting interment; the brethren being of opinion that, 
 whatever was necessary in the way of “ post-mortem ” religious 
 c 2 
 
8 
 
 services could be properly and efficiently done by themselves. 
 Not so, however, thought the Cathedral authorities. Whether it 
 was jealousy of the popularity of the Friars, or only a question 
 of fees, the capitular body angrily demanded that the body should 
 be laid out in the Cathedral and masses said over it. The lawless 
 and degraded state of the clergy in those days may be inferred 
 from the circumstances attending the murder of the Precentor of 
 the Cathedral, Walter Lochlade, who was, a few years previously, 
 stabbed to death in the yard, as he was returning from mattins, 
 in broad daylight. Four of the clergy, namely, John Pycot, 
 a priest ; John de Christener, Vicar of Heavitree ; one Lucas, a 
 priest of St. Leonard’s; and John de Wolringto'n, Vicar of 
 Ottery St. Mary, were, amongst others, suspected, and suspended 
 from their several offices; admitting the homicide, they con¬ 
 trived to purge themselves of the crime, though it by no means 
 follows that they were innocent of it. The Cathedral-yard at 
 this time was a confused, irregular mass of soil, dotted over with 
 mounds of dank, grass-grown graves—here the refuse and 
 filth of the town were deposited, and, being the rendezvous of all 
 the bad characters of the place, murders, brawls, and robberies 
 were frequent. But when the body of Ralegh was lying in the 
 convent church, a great improvement was apparent. The King, 
 Edward the First, had visited Exeter, and, seeing the disgraceful 
 state of the yard, granted a concession to the Dean and Chapter, 
 by virtue of which they enclosed the ground within a high wall, 
 having seven gates, which were closed at the tolling of the curfew 
 bell. The names of some of these gates are preserved to this 
 day, viz., Broad-gate, Palace-gate, Bear-gate, Little-stile, St. 
 Martin’s, and one which closed a passage through the church, 
 (now disused) known as St. Petrock’s-gate. There was also 
 Erceneske or Bickleigh-gate, afterwards St. Catherine’s-gate, 
 which led into what is now known as Egypt-lane, and immediately 
 opposite this gate was the door in the wall surrounding the 
 premises of the Dominican Monastery. Finding that the friars 
 declined to yield up the body of Sir Henry Ralegh—-who, in his 
 last will, desired that he should be buried in their church—the 
 Dean and Chapter caused this door to be broken down, the body 
 
9 
 
 forcibly extracted from the church, and conveyed to the Cathedral, 
 where the usual ceremonies were performed over it. But when 
 the body was taken back for the purpose of interment in the 
 Convent Church, the friars barricaded the door, and refused to 
 receive it, whereupon it was re-conveyed to the Cathedral, and 
 there buried in the aisle of the south choir. The effigy of the 
 crossed-legged knight marks the spot, and perpetuates the 
 memory of the deceased, but his remains found but a temporary 
 resting place there. The friars were not disposed to sit down 
 quietly under the affront which they had received, and indicted 
 the Dean and Chapter for the robbery of the body and other 
 goods. It was usual, in those days, even in cases of felony, to 
 hold an inquest, with a jury, and accordingly the case was 
 so enquired into, and the verdict is preserved amongst the 
 municipal records—Mayor’s Court Roll, 29-30, Edward I. “ The 
 Prior and brethren of the friars’ preachers allege that ceftain 
 malefactors, unknown, broke the gate of the said prior, and 
 carried away the body of Sir Henry de Ralegh, Knight, 
 deceased, and other goods being in their church, to the value of 
 £\o, and they demand that inquiry shall be made concerning 
 these matters. The jurors say that they know of no one who 
 broke their door open, but that it has always been the custom, 
 and also is arranged by special convention between the said friars 
 and the Dean and Chapter, that when any layman shall die and 
 shall have in his will chosen his sepulture at the said Priory, his 
 body should be first carried to the Cathedral, and mass be there 
 celebrated for his soul; and that when the body of the said 
 Sir Henry de Ralegh lay at the church of the said Priory, in the 
 custody of his executors, at the request of his friends it was 
 taken, not by force and arms, but amicably, and, for the good of 
 peace, to the Cathedral, with a cloth commonly called a 
 “ bandekyn ” and a bier belonging to the said friars, which had 
 been lent to the executors. The friars protested against the 
 proceeding, and on the return from the Cathedral shut the gate 
 of the Priory and would not permit the body to be buried in their 
 Church, so that the executors were forced to take it back and 
 bring it to the Cathedral, and would not receive back the cloth 
 
IO 
 
 and bier, but left them at the gate.” From this verdict the 
 friars appealed to the Pope, but in the meantime the body lay 
 buried in the Cathedral, until, about two years afterwards a 
 compromise was effected, and it was restored to the Conventual 
 Church, and there found a final-resting place. Subsequent writers 
 have mentioned this Church as the burying-place of the Raleghs, 
 and other old families, and the information must have been 
 derived from monumental records, so that it is not unlikely that a 
 similar effigy to that in the Cathedral was therein erected to the 
 memory of Sir Henry Ralegh. 
 
 In the Chapter Archives are the following documents 
 
 A.D. 1301.—Notarial Instrument setting forth the settlement of 
 the dispute between the Friars’ Preachers, of Exeter, and the 
 Dean and Chapter concerning the funeral of Sir H. de Ralegh, 
 Knt., and the custom of bringing all bodies into the Cathedral to 
 the Mass, before they were buried elsewhere. 
 
 A.D. 1302-3.—Agreement between the Dean and Chapter and 
 the Friars’ Preachers, that the latter may remove the body of 
 Sir H. de Ralegh. (2 seals.) 
 
 A.D. 1305.—Proceedings in a dispute between the Dean and 
 Chapter and the Friars’ Preachers, of Exeter, respecting the 
 rights of sepulture and the burial of the body of Sir Henry de 
 Ralegh, A.D. 1305. Seal defaced. 
 
THE WARS OF THE ROSES. 
 
 Under the fifth Henry the men of Devonshire fitted out a 
 powerful squadron to aid the King’s fleet sent against the 
 hereditary foes of the nation—the French—who were endeavour¬ 
 ing to raise the siege of Harfleur. The Devonshire squadron led 
 the van under Lords Courtenay and Carew, and the result of the 
 battle was the total destruction of the French fleet. The loyalty 
 and devotion displayed on this occasion was, with the character¬ 
 istic constancy of the city, continued to the son, for when the 
 sixth Henry sent his royal mandate at the time of the Jack Cade 
 rebellion, the citizens flew to arms, repaired their walls, scoured 
 their ditches, and stood ready to hold the city, for their King, 
 against all comers. The following year Henry visited his capital 
 of the West, and for eight days was entertained with great mag¬ 
 nificence by the joint efforts of the Cathedral and the City 
 authorities, taking up his residence at the Palace with his old 
 friend Bishop Lacy. Less than ten years after this visit the 
 decisive battle of Towton field was fought, and Henry lost his 
 crown. The accession of Edward IV. to the throne of England 
 brought about a state of things, in the politics of the latter half 
 of the fifteenth century, perplexing in their inconsistencies. A 
 most trustworthy source of information in regard to local history 
 is to be found in the Receiver's Accounts. They merely furnish 
 a record of money payments, the details sometimes .scant and 
 petty, yet they indicate much to guide the student in history and 
 give the stamp of accuracy to his deductions. Almost the first 
 entry in the Receiver’s Account at the commencement of Edward’s 
 reign is “ four gallons of wine sent to Lord Stafford at the 
 
12 
 
 ‘ Newynne,’ 3s. 4d.” The Corporation at the same time gratified 
 an evident weakness for apples. Fitzwarren, Dynham, and others, 
 adherents of the Lancastrian cause, were also presented with 
 wine at divers times. Lord Stafford resided at Shute, he was 
 erroneously relied upon as one of the trustworthy followers 
 of Edward, who made him Earl of Devon, the title having been 
 denied to the Courtenays, and in abeyance since the death 
 of the seventh Earl, who suffered in the cause of Henry, after 
 the disastrous battle of Towton. A tun of wine was presented 
 to the new Earl “primo tempore quo fuit Comes Devon,” at a cost of 
 86s. 8d., and 2s. more for conveying it to the Friars Preachers’ 
 house, where doubtless it was speedily consumed. Immediately 
 after there is an entry for 51 yards of red cloth given to 30 
 soldiers riding with Humphrey, Earl of Devon, on 5th July, 
 towards the King—27^ yards at 13d.—29s. g-J-d. ; 23^ yards at 
 I4d.=27s. 5d. Thirty tall men, Hoker tells us, well furnished, 
 were provided for him by the city, to go to the north and fight 
 against Henry, whose cause the city favoured, and before the Earl 
 departed he was “very honorablye interteyned.” This'seems 
 somewhat inconsistent, and is only explainable by assuming that 
 our present municipal authorities were acquainted with, and con¬ 
 nived at the treachery which followed. This Earl of Devon, with 
 a fine company of 800 archers, joined the Earl of Pembroke at 
 Banbury, and scarcely had the battle of Edgerow commenced, 
 when, at a critical moment, he, with all his men, fled from the 
 field, threw the army into confusion, and was thus the cause 
 of the defeat of his supposed party, the Yorkists. Holinshed 
 attributes the defection to a dispute with Lord Pembroke about a 
 “damoselbe that as it may, this spurious Lord Devon never 
 raised an arm for his King, and the Royalist party hunted the traitor 
 down, and beheaded him at Taunton. It has been assumed that 
 because the city and the Earls of Devon were always at variance 
 on local matters, there would exist a difference of opinion 
 in respect of the claims to the throne. Taking the opportunity 
 of the Earldom being in abeyance and held by the King, the 
 Corporation in 1462 petition for a restitution of their rights and 
 jurisdiction in the suburb without West-gate, which had been 
 
*3 
 
 withheld from them by the Earls of Devon. “ And whereas the 
 water of the Exe from Exmouth to Cowley Bridge ought to be 
 common to the inhabitants of the said city to fish in, and to have 
 course and recourse with their boates, vessells, shyppes, and 
 marchandise,” they pray for an inquiry into their claims. 
 
 However sore may have been the local disputes, produced by 
 the divided authority of the Earls of Devon and the city, in 
 national questions there is abundaut evidence to shew that there 
 was no antagonism. 
 
 Another local worthy, the Duke of Exeter, was a prominent 
 and unwavering supporter of the Lancastrian faction, and 
 perished miserably in its cause. His Duchess comes in for her 
 share of the good things, being on the right side. She has 
 presented to her three gallons of red and white wine, at 8d.=2s.; 
 a gallon of Tyre, i6d.; a salmon, 3s. 4d. ; eels, 2s.; crabbys, i6d. 
 “ Item in Bunnys pro eadem Domina cum vino et saffryn pro 
 eisdem Bunnys laciendo, i7d.” 
 
 Six marks worth of wine is also given to George Nevil, who 
 was Bishop of Exeter before he was twenty years of age, Lord 
 Chancellor of England five years later, and Archbishop of York 
 before he was thirty. 
 
 It would appear that Margaret, Queen of Henry VI., came to 
 Exeter when the conspiracy of the Earl of Warwick to dethrone 
 Edward was being concocted. There is an entry “ for two 
 bottles of wine given to John Fortescue before the coming of 
 Margaret, formerly Queen, and “ xls ex dono.” In connexion 
 with this conspiracy Hugh Courtenay had two gallons of wine 
 when the letter of the King and Clarence was sent to find armed 
 men against the rebels with the Earl of Warwick, and another 
 two gallons when, in reply, Courtenay wrote a letter to the 
 King’s Chamberlain asking that the city might be excused. 
 Clarence shortly after turned round and joined the Earl of 
 Warwick, and raised the standard of insurrection, but they 
 soon had to fly and took refuge in the city of Exeter. The 
 Duchess of Clarence came first, and was lodged in the Bishop’s 
 Palace. She was accompanied by Lords Fitzwarren and Denham, 
 and Baron Carew and a thousand fighting men. Poor Bishop 
 
H 
 
 Booth was so scared that he fled to a quiet retreat in Hampshire, 
 and never returned to his Diocese. The Duchess at once 
 received the attentions of the Corporation—one bottle of 
 Malmsey at her coming—a delicate attention to the well-known 
 taste of her husband. She also had, at different times during her 
 stay, two gallons of must, 2od.; two gallons of wine, i6d.; fish 
 given her by order of the Mayor and his fellows, 3s. gd. ; a gallon 
 of Tyre, i6d.; two gallons of red wine, i6d.; two gallons of 
 white wine, i6d. ; apples, iod. ; a gallon of Tyre, i6d.; a potell 
 of Malmesey, 8d.; and two gallons of red wine, i6d. “ Sir Hugh, 
 rather Sir William Courtenay,” Hooker says, apparently 
 scandalized at the irregular proceedings of this fusion of 
 partisans from either faction, demanded the keys of the city 
 on behalf of King Edward, but the Mayor preferred to keep 
 them himself, and refused to give them up to either party. Sir 
 Hugh then laid siege to the city, but he could not have been 
 much in earnest, for he was easily persuaded to abandon it and 
 leave the party at the Palace in peace. It was nearly three 
 weeks before the Duke of Clarence and Earl Warwick arrived, 
 and they had to wait some days until shipping could be got 
 ready at Dartmouth, “ which assone as it was yu readynes they 
 and their wyffes and whole company roade to Dartmouth, and 
 there imbarqued themselves for Calys.” 
 
 The feeling of the people in these parts is indicated by 
 the circumstance of their escape being facilitated. It was no 
 light undertaking in those days to get ready shipping to convey 
 a thousand persons at a few days notice. And not a moment too 
 soon, for ten days after the arrival of Clarence came Edward 
 with forty thousand men, “ but the byrdes were flown and gone 
 away.” 
 
 The King being here, he would see the city, and the Mayor 
 made great preparation, ordering every citizen and freeman 
 “ being of habilitie ” to prepare himself a “ gowne of the citie’s 
 liverie ” (then red), and meet the King. Four hundred citizens 
 obeyed the order, and without the Southgate His Majesty was 
 received. Mr. Dowrish, the Recorder, made an oration, the keys 
 of the city and the maces were given up and a purse containing 
 
i5 
 
 one hundred marks was presented to the King, and not refused. 
 Next day being Sunday, Royalty paraded itself in the Cathedral 
 Yard to the edification of the people. It must not be inferred 
 from this demonstration that there was any sympathy for the 
 White Rose party ; the Mayor knew well enough that the King 
 could not be blind to recent events, and there were forty thousand 
 reasons outside the city why his worship should be exceedingly 
 civil. All this occurred in the spring of 1470, and in the follow¬ 
 ing September Warwick and Clarence, with all their retinue, 
 returned from France and landed, some at Plymouth, some at 
 Dartmouth, and some at Exmouth, “ but all mett at this citie, 
 and from hense they all departed and marched towards London,” 
 proclaiming Henry King in every town. 
 
 Hooker in his MSS. has the following“ I fynde it written yn 
 an old and an anncient annuall of this citie that this yere ther 
 was one John an Erie of Devon, who or what he was it doth not 
 appere; but a comyssion was dyrected and sent from the Kinge 
 to the Mayer and Comaltie yn the behalff of the Erie * * * 
 
 but the wryter is mystaken in the name, for if it be ment of the 
 Erie of Devon, then hys name at this tyme was Thomas: but if 
 it be ment of John then it was Holland, Duke of Exeter, whose 
 name was John, and he abyding and dwelling yn Devon.” 
 
 For once Hooker is wrong—it was John, a young scion of the 
 House of Courtenay, who was restored to the Earldom of Devon 
 immediately on the accession of Henry. Thomas perished at 
 Towton ten years before, and there had been no Earl of Devon 
 created in the interval, except Humphrey Stafford, the traitor. 
 To confirm this there is an entry in the accounts at this date of 
 four bottles of wine and one of Tyre given “ Comiti Devon in 
 present principis, 3s. 4d.; et eidem Comiti apud Blackfreres, 3s. 4d.” 
 
 The result of Warwick’s invasion was that Edward fled, and 
 Henry was taken out of prison and once more set on the throne. 
 “ King Edwarde,” Hooker tells us, “ by sounde of Trumpett was 
 proclaymed usurper : but this contynewedd a very short time. 
 In theise troblesome tymes the Mayer and his brethren, doubting 
 the sequel thereof to be order for the saeff kepinge of the citie, 
 and therefore dyd apoynte a garde by the daye and a watche by 
 
i6 
 
 the night of men well apoynted for keping of the gates. And 
 continually they had always espyals abroade yn every coaste and 
 quarter for understandinge and knowinge how all things happened. 
 And before this they were dryven to geve goode contenans and 
 interteynements to bothe parties comying severally to this citie 
 so now that King Henry was restored It was ordered that for 
 the keping of his favor and good will that Richard Clarke, the 
 Receiver, should defraye xxl. in golde and present the same unto 
 the Queene and to the Prince, her sonne.” It does not, however, 
 look quite so impartial of the authorities when we find an entry 
 showing that considerable expense was incurred for red cloth and 
 black trimmings and furniture for twenty soldiers to go to 
 Exmouth, doubtless to meet Queen Margaret, who was expected 
 to land there. And why the anxiety in sending Thomas Bond, 
 “ versus Dartmouth,” to find out as to the expected arrival of the 
 Duchess of Clarence ? ” There are entries, at this feverish time, 
 constantly occurring of charges for men exploring in different 
 directions, even as far as Leicester. 
 
 The poor Queen was not permitted to be with her husband in 
 his prosperity. Baffled by contrary winds, she could not land at 
 Weymouth until after Edward had returned to England and 
 regained his position at the battle of Barnet. On the morrow of 
 that fatal day Margaret came to Exeter, and with undaunted 
 courage sought by one supreme effort to retrieve the fortunes of 
 her husband. The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, the Earl of 
 Devon, and all the chief men of the county gathered together 
 “ a goodlye arraye of lustie and good soyldiers,” and with all the 
 power and strength of the country “ marched forth, and yn the 
 ende they came to Tewkesbury, where they encountered and 
 waxed the battell by Kinge Edwarde, and lost the feelde.” This 
 was the final blow to the Lancastrian party, and the interest in 
 the contest felt by the city appears in numerous entries, clearly 
 showing on which side lay the sympathies of the citizens. 
 Thomas Bray was sent on horseback to Tewkesbury to find out 
 who were about the King, at a cost of ios. On the return from 
 the fight Henry Bodringan has four bottles of wine “ post 
 campum Tewkesbury.” Richard Edgecomb “ ex dono lxsJ’ 
 
17 
 
 One bottle of Malmesey and one bottle of Tyre are given to 
 Peter Courtenay “ quando revenit domi et eidem ex dono vi. 
 marca,” and at the same time two bottles of wine to Lady 
 Elizabeth Courtenay, and “ ex dono xls.” 
 
 The Duke of Clarence, it will be remembered, saved his head 
 by deserting the cause of Henry, and going over, with 12,000 men, 
 at the battle of Barnet, to the other side. A born conspirator, 
 he was utterly untrustworthy, and perhaps it was not wholly 
 unjustifiable of Edward to require him, as Hooker says, to make 
 “ hys buriall yn a butt of Malmesey.” He was down at Tiverton 
 the following year in the company of such staunch Lancastrians 
 as Lord Dynham, Fitzwaryn, Master Peter Courtenay, Philip 
 Courtenay, and Henry Bodringam and his wife, hatching con¬ 
 spiracies, doubtless, at the Castle where Earl Devon resided. We 
 find the authorities of Exeter again flirting with treason. A man on 
 horseback is despatched to Tiverton to enquire of the “ Senescallus 
 Hospicii” of the Duke of Clarence, whether it will better please 
 his grace to have a gift of wine sent to Tiverton, or to receive it 
 at Exon. Then a tun of wine is forwarded for the use of the 
 party at Tiverton, the cost, £\ 13s. 4d. Two oxen are also sent 
 to Tiverton to the Duke, their value being 51s. 8d ; the expense 
 of sending them, 26d. ; and the hay for feeding them, 2d. ; and 
 there is a charge for a messenger twice to the Recorder, Thomas 
 Dowrysh, to ask his advice concerning a letter received by the 
 Mayor from the Duke of Clarence. It was about this time that 
 Henry “ dyed or, as some wryte, was murdered in the Tower.” 
 A year or two subsequently Clarence was again in Exeter with 
 the Lancastrian Duchess of Exeter, and wine was sent to both, 
 but this was his last visit, for not long afterwards he was drowned, 
 as we know, in a butt of Malmesey wine. 
 
 King Edward’s feeling towards the city, when he had made 
 himself secure of the throne, is shown in an extract from 
 Hooker’s MSS. :—“ The King having gotten the victory over all 
 his enemies bethincketh hymself nowe upon suche as were 
 adversaries or had succored and taken pte with theym and being 
 advertyzed both of succors and of monyes geven and contributed 
 unto them out of this citie waxed verie angrye, and was of the 
 
i8 
 
 mynde to have benne revenged thereof untill he was advertyzed 
 and pacyfied.” 
 
 With the exception of the demonstration at the time of 
 Edward’s visit, out of fear rather than favour, there is nothing 
 whatever to show the least partiality for the cause of York. On 
 the contrary there is much that leads us to conclude that Exeter 
 and the West were in favour of the Lancastrian claims and 
 supported the cause of the Red Rose faction. 
 
PERKIN WARBECIC. 
 
 Towards the close of the 15th century, this country, having 
 enjoyed a period of comparative tranquility and contentment 
 alter the distracting Wars of the Roses, was disturbed by the 
 appearance of a claimant of no common magnitude, for he 
 claimed nothing less than the throne of England. 
 
 Perkin Warbeck is connected with Exeter by circumstances of 
 considerable interest. It was the first place to which he laid 
 siege, and although he failed, he subsequently did come to 
 Exeter, an unwilling captive, and here was brought about the 
 climax of his adventurous career. 
 
 It is necessary, in order to make our story complete, to go back 
 to the time when occurred that remarkable and tragic incident 
 which stands out conspicuously in the pages of English history, 
 a tragedy which has enlisted the sympathies of generations, and 
 which is known wherever the English language is spoken—the 
 murder of the Princes in the tower. 
 
 The spasm of horror which shot through the heart of England 
 when the news was spread abroad that the boy-King Edward V. 
 and his little brother, Richard of York, had been sacrificed to 
 strengthen the usurper uncle’s position, seems to have left its 
 trace indelibly impressed upon all succeeding generations, and 
 the sad tale is inextricably interwoven with our national history. 
 
 There is a completeness, too, about the story, which adds to its 
 pathetic interest, and its truth and accuracy remain, after four 
 centuries, unchallenged ; not even the most ardent apologist for 
 Richard of Gloucester having been able to explain away one 
 single incident in the tragic drama. 
 
20 
 
 Impostors appeared during the subsequent reign, pretending 
 that the Princes had been secretly conveyed away and still 
 survived, and there were not those wanting in high places, who, 
 from political or personal motives, lent support to these preten¬ 
 sions ; but the impostures were in every case completely exposed, 
 and their effect, to some extent, was to confirm the original story. 
 
 Richard III. was crowned King of England on 6th July, 1483. 
 He represented the House of York, and was supported by the 
 faction of the White Rose. Henry, Earl of Richmond, was the 
 acknowledged head of the House of Lancaster and the Red Rose 
 party. In the pride of his nature, Richard compelled many of 
 the leading Lancastrians to take part in the coronation ceremony 
 —Margaret the mother of Henry was mortified at being compelled 
 to support the train of the usurper’s Queen, and Peter Courtenay, 
 Bishop of Exeter was there, an unwilling spectator. The 
 Courtenays were conspicuous adherents of the Red Rose, and, 
 notably, two successive Earls of Devon had fallen in the cause 
 of Lancaster, on the fields of Towtonand Losecoat, respectively. 
 
 Two months later, Richard had the ceremony of his coronation 
 repeated at York, and whilst there, news reached him of a 
 formidable confederacy which had been organized in the Western 
 parts, and of which the Marquis of Dorset and the Courtenays 
 were prominent members. On the 18th October, Henry, the 
 young Earl of Richmond, was proclaimed King in this city. 
 The influence of the Courtenays, at this time, was such that the 
 inhabitants of Devon and Cornwall flocked to their standard at 
 the first call. The danger was great, and Richard hastened with 
 a strong force from York to encounter the rising. Arriving at 
 Salisbury, the Duke of Buckingham, his former intimate, was 
 betrayed into his hands, and beheaded in the market-place. 
 Proceeding westward, he found on his approach to Exeter that 
 the confederacy, hastily formed and prematurely exposed, had 
 melted away, and that the Courtenays and other leaders had fled 
 across the channel, to the friendly shelter of France. 
 
 It is probable that the Corporation and Citizens of Exeter 
 would not unwillingly have seen the abortive attempt to supersede 
 Richard carried to a successful issue, and it is certain that many 
 
21 
 
 were implicated in the conspiracy. How far Mr. John Atwill, the 
 Mayor, and his brethren had committed themselves, we are not 
 in a position to determine, but judging from the wonderful 
 preparations they made to receive a King who could not be 
 otherwise than detested, it is to be inferred that they were 
 troubled with qualms of conscience, not to say apprehension. 
 
 The first of the royal party to approach the city was the 
 messenger who brought the commission of the King, and he, we 
 find by the Receiver’s Accounts, was presented with the sum of 5s., 
 a man being sent on with the commission to Sir Thomas 
 Bodregan, High Sheriff of Cornwall, at a cost, to the city, of 4od. 
 Then came the Bishop of York, and his lordship was regaled with 
 twenty-pennyworth of wine. The next arrival was Lord Scrope, 
 the Commander of the Forces, whose dinner cost the city 
 13s. 4d. At length the coming of Richard was announced, and 
 Mr. Recorder Hext putting on his new gown, purchased for the 
 occasion at a cost of £7 2s., proceeded with the Corporation, 
 escorted by six dozen soldiers, clothed in red and black, to 
 some little distance beyond the East-gate, and there, with what 
 feelings we may imagine, they first beheld the cold lean 
 countenance of the King, and met the glance of his cruel 
 eyes. 
 
 An original portrait of * Richard III. is still extant, and 
 whether it is the association of the man, in one’s mind, 
 with deeds of violence, or its own repulsive expression, it is 
 a face calculated to create an impression not easily shaken off. 
 
 The position of the Corporation was all the more trying in that 
 they were entirely unsupported by the county gentry, who were 
 conspicuous by their absence, and this circumstance would 
 certainly not tend to sweeten the temper of the unamiable 
 monarch. 
 
 However, the Mayor was perhaps consoling himself with the 
 anticipated effect of a present of 200 nobles, which he had ready ; 
 and the Recorder at once opened the proceedings with a 
 congratulatory address. We are told that he could not say much 
 in praise of the King’s virtues, but his words were directed to 
 
 D 
 
 At the Society of Antiquaries. 
 
22 
 
 softening his resentment, and many of the citizens betrayed the 
 part they had been taking, by supporting the action of the 
 Recorder. 
 
 The speech, supplemented by the present of 200 nobles, had 
 the desired effect, and his majesty suffered himself to be 
 conducted to the Bishop's Palace ; here he was supplied with 
 wine to the value of and my Lord Scrope, besides several 
 
 bottles of wine on his own account, had a pipe, value 40s., 
 presumably for his retainers, to say nothing of a salmon, which 
 must have been dear to have cost the sum of 3s. ; but what can 
 be expected of salmon in October ? 
 
 The only members of the confederacy remaining in Exeter 
 were Sir John St. Leger, who being the brother-in-law of the 
 King, probably counted upon his clemency—and Thomas Rame, Sir 
 John’s Esquire—but the King was true to his nature, and provided 
 for himself a characteristic entertainment. Before the door of the 
 Guildhall these two men were beheaded. 
 
 The City Receiver’s Accounts at the time bring the ghastly 
 spectacle vividly before us. “ The watch in the hall, during the 
 King’s stay in the city, paid three men for watching those who 
 were beheaded before the door of the same hall.” “ Bread and 
 service the same night ”—“ Candles ”—“ Fire ”—and “ the 
 making of a Scaffold.” For each of these items a charge 
 appears in the account. 
 
 The King seems to have made the most of his time whilst 
 staying in Exeter. A new pillory was erected, new posts and 
 bars were put up at all the gates, and two hundred pounds of 
 gunpowder brought in. Royal messengers were employed in 
 different directions, one on horseback to Newton Bushel, whose 
 expenses, 8d., may be considered moderate. Another, however, 
 who was engaged for five days, rode his horse to death, which 
 the city had not only to pay for, but had to provide a better one ; 
 the first was valued in 33s. 4d., the other cost £2. 6s. 8d. 
 
 Before his departure Richard naturally paid a visit to the 
 Castle, and according to Hooker was marvellously well pleased 
 at its strength and position, and the fair prospect therefrom. 
 Shakespeare has dramatised an incident which is said to have 
 
23 
 
 taken place on this occasion. The Mayor was asked the name 
 of the Castle, and his worship more at home with his native 
 Devonian than with the Gallic tongue promptly answered, 
 
 “ Ridgemont.” Thereupon, Hooker says, “ the King was sodenly 
 fallen yn to a greate dumpe.” The dramatist supplies the 
 reason :— 
 
 King Richard. —“ Richmond ! When last I was at Exeter 
 
 The Mayor, in courtesy, shew'd me the Castle 
 And called it Rougemont: at which name I started; 
 
 Because a bard of Ireland told me once, 
 
 I should not live long after I saw Richmond." 
 
 Two years, however, elapsed—years of anguish, suspicion, and 
 at last of racking remorse, before the prophecy was fulfilled. He 
 was not long allowed to bear his ill-won honours ere the spirit of 
 a righteous retribution was visited upon him. A few months 
 after his stay in Exeter, his only son, upon whom he lavished all 
 the affection his nature was capable of, died, after a short illness, 
 and just as his father had completed arrangements for his succes¬ 
 sion to the throne. Richard, we are told, was almost mad with 
 grief, and his sufferings were most acute. In the following year 
 his wife died, and on the day of her death there was a total 
 eclipse of the sun. The superstitious feeling, common at the 
 time, of course, set this down to something more than a strange 
 coincidence. 
 
 About this time the Chapel of St. George was built over the 
 Guildhall, and the first portico erected, the original of the one 
 which now projects over the side way, this latter having been 
 re-edified in 1592. Peter Styling was the carpenter employed, 
 and his contract for the work, amounting to 50 marks, was duly 
 sealed with the “ yarne ” or earnest penny. John Drake, of 
 Thorverton, and John Randall, freemasons, undertook the 
 mason’s work for ^"38, but, beyond the agreement, they were 
 paid at several times 23s., 40s., £5, and 10 marks. John Hoigge 
 covered the roof of the Chapel with lead at a cost of £8 13s. 4d.; 
 three vanes were fixed, and the bell which now surmounts the 
 Guildhall was first suspended with a wheel bound in iron, the 
 whole work occupying six August days. * 
 
 * The Rev. H. T. Ellicombe writes to me :—“ Referring to what you say about 
 D 2 
 
In connexion with this Chapel and the Corporation there 
 appears to have been a religious or social Guild, for in the 
 accounts is a payment to the “ Principal and others for ‘exequis’ 
 and masses said in the Chapel of the Guildhall for the repose of 
 the souls of the brothers and sisters of the fraternity of St. 
 George.” One would like to know something more of this 
 interesting Society, the existence of which appears to have been 
 unknown to our local historians. 
 
 Towards the end of the reign of Richard the times were 
 exciting. It is not improbable that the people in these parts, 
 —those in the secret at all events—through intelligence in the 
 possession of the Courtenays, knew more about the movements 
 of Henry, Earl of Richmond, than did the King himself. That 
 some movement was anticipated and anxiety felt is shown in the 
 desire for news. A Welshman is sent out by the Mayor to 
 explore for news. Again, John Cofyn goes on horseback to 
 Bristol for news, and apparently brings back some. Four dozen 
 white linen jackets are provided for as many soldiers, who are 
 regaled with “ Ruiney,” at the request of the Mayor, as they go 
 forth from the city under Lord Hurmond, who for his share has 
 a bottle of Malmesey wine. 
 
 Then comes a remarkable proceeding—four hundred gunstones 
 are made and conveyed to the roof of the Guildhall, whereon is 
 mounted a gun, with John Croker, soldier, in charge, and sixteen 
 soldiers are provided for the city. 
 
 Did the Corporation propose to take a side in the impending 
 struggle ? Was it a precautionary measure for maintaining the 
 peace of the city ? Or did they valiantly intend to uphold 
 municipal rights against all assaults? Walter Courtenay came 
 home about this time, and was presented with two bottles of 
 wine, apparently because he came home. He could have told us 
 all about it, but we are not likely ever to learn more than the 
 
 the Guildhall bell, Mr. Stuart Moore found an entry that it was bought in 
 1464 for 33s. 4d. of one William Dicker. That may be, but I believe it is of 
 earlier date, and the work of Robert Norton, a bell-founder in Exeter, temp. 
 Henry VI." The inscription on the bell, with the initial cross, is : 
 
 “f Coeli Regina me protege queso ruina." 
 
25 
 
 bare record vouchsafes us, that, for some reason, our Guildhall 
 was fortified. 
 
 It must have been known in Exeter about this time that 
 Richmond, with a petty force of 2,000 men, had landed at Milford 
 Haven, and was marching to meet his formidable foe. Were the 
 sympathies of our city with that little band ? And were those 
 white coated soldiers, who went forth from our gates, destined to 
 take part in the final triumph of the Lancastrian faction ? 
 
 We know how Richmond’s force giew as it advanced, and how 
 it was fed by the defection of his great opponent’s adherents (yet 
 still, in numbers, fell far short of that army which he had to 
 encounter), and that at length it reached the famous field of 
 Bosworth. The dramatic account of the night before the battle, 
 as it was passed by the rival competitors for the throne, is not 
 far removed from the facts as they appear in authentic records. 
 “ The agitations of anxious mind, or the secret agencies of 
 diseased nature shook the frame of Richard. Figures of black 
 shapes, like demons, arose in his dreams, and moved round him 
 and would not suffer him to rest.” 
 
 Ghost (to K. Rich.)—" Dream on thy cousins smother'd in the tower ; 
 
 Let us be lead within thy bosom Richard, 
 
 And weigh thee down to ruin, shame and death ! 
 
 Thy nephews’ souls bid thee despair and die ! " 
 
 — Richard III., Act v., Scene 3. 
 
 He awoke before daylight, exhausted, terrified, and unmanned. 
 Before the battle he swore, “ that from the town of Lancastre 
 to Shrowsberye, knight ne squire, he wold leave none alyve : and 
 he wold deal theyr lands to his knyghtes from the Holyhead to 
 St. David’s land. Where are castles and towers high, I shall 
 make parks and plain fields. They shall all repent, that ever he 
 rose against his King.” 
 
 Richmond rested tranquilly that night. 
 
 " Sleep Richmond, sleep in peace, and wake in joy; 
 
 Good angels guSrd thee from the boar's annoy ! 
 
 Live and beget a happy race of Kings ! 
 
 Edward's unhappy sons do bid thee flourish ! 
 
 •—Richard III., Act v., Scene 3. 
 
26 
 
 In the morning he rode from rank to rank through his army, 
 giving comfortable words to all; and then ascending a small hill 
 near, armed in all pieces but his helmet, he addressed the whole 
 line. His countenance was animated ; his yellow hair like 
 burnished gold, flowed gracefully about his quick, gray shining 
 eyes ; and his loud voice echoing round them in a bold tone and 
 easy eloquence, conveyed to them his declaration of his trust in 
 heaven and victory; his indignant exposition of Richard’s 
 unnatural cruelty, and his appeal to heaven for triumph, as they 
 came to avenge murder. He ended—“ Get this day the victory, 
 and be conquerors—lose this day’s battle, and be slaves. In the 
 name of the Supreme then and of St. George, let every man 
 courageously advance forth his standard.” 
 
 For Richard the hour of retribution had come. Deserted by 
 his followers, betrayed by his friends, he fell fighting desperately 
 at the battle of Bosworth field, and his body stripped and 
 besmeared with blood and dirt, was thrown across a horse and 
 carried off and buried without honour. A chronicler has remarked 
 that he must have fallen on the very spot where, on the same day 
 of the month, three years previously, he received tidings of the 
 murder of his nephews. The battered crown was placed by Sir 
 William Stanley on Richmond’s head, and, on the field of his 
 triumph, he was saluted King, Henry the Seventh. 
 
 The fall of Richard and the assumption of the Crown by 
 Henry was received by the people with feelings of general 
 satisfaction. Some respite was looked for from the continual 
 warfare which had been for so many years carried on between 
 the contending factions. In the early part of Henry’s reign, this 
 hope was realized by his marriage with the daughter of Edward 
 IV., and thus, by the union of the rival houses of York and 
 Lancaster, the Wars of the Roses were ended for ever. The 
 Earl of Devon subsequently married the youngest daughter of 
 Edward IV., and so became closely connected, by marriage, with 
 Henry. The adherents of the house of York had been terribly 
 thinned in their ranks at Bosworth and in other destructive 
 battles, and almost all the leaders had been swept away—it was 
 owing to this that the irreconcileable faction, which still* clung 
 
27 
 
 to the cause, could only rally the worshippers of the White Rose 
 by setting up impostors, under pretence of their being some 
 missing member of the defeated house. Margaret, Duchess of 
 Burgundy, sister of Edward IV., and the inveterate loe of the 
 house of Lancaster, was always ready to support any one who 
 chose to become inimical to Henry. It was she who fostered 
 the dangerous conspiracy of Simnel, and afterwards encouraged 
 the imposture of Perkin Warbeck, who claimed to be Richard, 
 Duke of York, son of Edward IV., and the younger of the Princes 
 who were murdered in the tower, and consequently the rightful 
 King of England. His story was, that having been delivered to 
 a certain lord to be killed, his intended executioner had com¬ 
 passion on his innocence, and conveyed him away secretly to 
 Portugal, where he remained until he had reached man’s estate, 
 and thence sailed to Ireland, where he was recognized by Earls 
 Desmond and Kildare, and by many others. The Duchess of 
 Burgundy, a devoted member of the house of York, espoused his 
 cause, and by dint of political intrigue, contrived to obtain for 
 him the support of some of the crowned heads of Europe, glad 
 of-an instrument to play off against Henry. For many years the 
 impostor was a source of annoyance to the King, and of disquiet 
 to the nation, which was the more irritating as there seemed no 
 probability of matters being brought to an issue. 
 
 The King for some time affected to treat Perkin’s proceedings 
 with contempt, although using every endeavour to get him into 
 his power. At length the impostor adopted a bold policy, which 
 for a time succeeded beyond his most sanguine expectations, 
 though it was but a prelude to his speedy downfall. He went to 
 King James, of Scotland, and, obtaining an audience, laid his 
 case before him. The King believed him to be the real Duke of 
 York, and favoured his cause—so much so that he bestowed upon 
 him, in marriage, his near relation, the beautiful Lady Catherine 
 Gordon, daughter of the Earl of Huntley. 
 
 Perkin’s stay at the Scottish Court was not, however, of long 
 duration. A hint from King Henry had the effect of inducing 
 James to get rid of his protege, which was accomplished in a friendly 
 way, though with manifest reluctance on the part of the guest. 
 
28 
 
 Accompanied by his wife and a slender retinue, Perkin 
 embarked and sailed for Cork, where he arrived on the 26th July, 
 and met with a very cold, not to say hostile, reception. 
 
 The recent rebellion of the Cornishmen, which resulted in the 
 battle of Blackheath and the dispersion of the rebels, appears to 
 have been mainly excited by the imposition of obnoxious taxes, 
 to defray the cost of the warlike operations in which the King 
 was constantly engaged. The manner of collecting and disposing 
 of these subsidies is disclosed in some interesting letters from the 
 King to the Dean and Chapter, now amongst the Chapter 
 records. One letter states that certain Commissioners have been 
 appointed “ to receive of our subjects within our see of Devon and 
 Cornwall such sums of money growing of their goods as for many 
 great and urgent causes were lately granted unto us by authority 
 of our High Court of Parliament the which money we have of 
 singular trust appointed to remain in your ward in our Monastery 
 there for a season.” Another letter wills and commands tire 
 Dean and Chapter to make plain deliverance of all the money 
 resting in their keeping into the hands of the Sheriff of Devon to 
 be conveyed to the King. Another desires that all the money in 
 hand or that hereafter shall come unto the same, be delivered to 
 our right trusty and well-beloved cousin the Earl of Devon. 
 
 Notwithstanding their defeat, the spirit of disaffection was not 
 stamped out of the bold Cornishmen, and Perkin’s advisers 
 suggested a descent upon their shores, with the hope of exciting 
 a rising in his favour. 
 
 His intentions appear to have been well known, for they were 
 communicated to the King by the Mayor of Waterford, and 
 Henry, in reply, thanks him heartily for his good offices, and 
 urges him to send out ships to sea to capture Perkin should he 
 attempt to sail with an expedition, offering at the same time 1,000 
 marks if it should be successfully accomplished. Waterford did 
 send out ships in pursuit, but they failed in their mission, for on 
 7th September Perkin Warbeck landed at Whitsand Bay, which 
 is just beyond Plymouth Sound, on the Cornish Coast. 
 
 Proceeding to Bodmin, the discontent of the people made them 
 ready listeners to the specious promises held out to them, and 
 
29 
 
 some three thousand were persuaded to rally to the standard of 
 the impostor. He associated with himself three men of obscure 
 origin ; Heron, a bankrupt mercer, Skelton, a tailor, and Astley, a 
 scrivener, and by their advice marched forth with his little army 
 towards Exeter. His followers increased in number as he 
 proceeded, and by the time he had arrived outside the walls of 
 the city, he found himself at the head of ten thousand men, “with 
 not one gentleman amongst them.” Although the King, by 
 establishing posts, (that is men stationed at certain intervals to 
 convey news swiftly through the country) was kept well informed 
 of the movements of the enemy, the progress of the rebels was 
 more rapid than expected, and their appearance before the walls 
 of Exeter was somewhat of a surprise. 
 
 Perkin landed at Whitsand Bay on the 7th September, and 
 on Sunday, the 17th of the same month, at one o’clock in the 
 afternoon, having obtained a parley, he was endeavouring, with 
 the persuasive eloquence which was natural to him, to induce the 
 citizens to espouse the cause of King Edward’s son. So sudden 
 and unexpected was the appearance of the rebel hosts, that the 
 city was invested before the news of the rising could be spread 
 abroad in the country districts, so that men had to be let down 
 with ropes from the walls to summon the followers of the gentry 
 to their assistance; but the Earl of Devon, the Courtenays, 
 Croker and Fulford hurried up in hot haste and had already, 
 by some means, gained entrance to the city without waiting for 
 their tenantry. 
 
 Unprepared, with but scanty means of defence, without soldiers 
 and with nothing to rely on but their own strong arms and 
 resolute hearts, the faithful citizens refused all the overtures of 
 the impostor. They closed their gates, manned the walls, and 
 prepared to defend their city to the last. Perkin knew that every 
 hour was of consequence to him and his army, for the Royal 
 forces were on the march, and before long all the country would 
 be up, so that unless he gained some speedy and substantial 
 advantage his cause was lost. He decided at once to try to 
 take the city by storm. The first assault was directed upon 
 the North-gate, which was burned down, and the assailants 
 
3 ° 
 
 passed through. The defenders in that steep and narrow way 
 would have a great advantage over the attacking party, and 
 although the citizens were few in number they succeeded in 
 routing their opponents, and drove them back beyond the walls. 
 
 Foiled in the first attempt the rebels brought all their strength 
 to bear against the East-gate, which they broke down, and in 
 great numbers forced their way through. A desperate hand to 
 hand encounter took place within the gate, and for a time it 
 seemed as though the stubborn spirit of the defenders would 
 have to yield to the superior numbers of the lusty Cornishmen, 
 for they had made good their way as far as Castle Street. Earl 
 Devon staying at the house of the Black Friars, situate where 
 Bedford Circus now is, heard the sounds of conflict, and with 
 his gallant son, Sir William Courtenay, and such few others as 
 were about him, ran forth to the fray; passing up Bampfylde 
 street, then known as Raden lane, the Earl was wounded in the 
 arm by an arrow, but nothing daunted (all the more eagerly, 
 Hooker says) he pressed forward and fell upon the left flank of 
 the enemy with all the strength of his little band. For a time 
 the battle was “verie hote and fierie,” but at length, the courage 
 and spirit of the citizens prevailed, the rebels were beaten, and 
 forced back to their own lines. 
 
 No attempt was made to restore the gates. Just within the 
 opening huge bonfires were kept alive, so that the movements of 
 the enemy might be observed by night, and behind these stood 
 the surest rampart that could be found, the unyielding bodies of the 
 brave defenders. 
 
 Next day a fresh attempt was made upon the North-gate, but 
 by this time guns had been mounted and brought to bear upon 
 the besiegers ; no sooner had fire been opened upon them, than 
 Perkin saw that his case was hopeless, and gave up the struggle, 
 asking as a favour that he might be allowed to depart without 
 molestation. With diminished numbers, he reached Cullumpton 
 that same night, and thence proceeded to Taunton, when he 
 found that the desertions from his standard had become so 
 numerous, that he fled from Taunton on the following Thurs¬ 
 day (21st), and took refuge in the sanctuary of Beaulieu, in the 
 New Forest. 
 
3i 
 
 A letter from King Henry to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, 
 dated three days after the battle, says that in these assaults 
 Perkin lost three or four hundred of his company, and Lord 
 Devon writes that the losses of the citizens were few, not one in 
 twenty of those of the enemy. 
 
 The disproportion was owing in a great measure to the citizens 
 being better armed, Henry having early in his reign ordered that 
 every able-bodied man in Exeter should be well found in arms 
 and armour, whilst the motley crowd which followed Perkin 
 would have picked up the first thing in the shape of a weapon 
 which came to hand. 
 
 The extent of the damage done by the rebels in their opera¬ 
 tions against the city gates may be gathered from the accounts 
 paid by the Receiver for repairs ; the particulars may not be 
 without interest as showing the price ol labour and materials :— 
 
 £ s - d - 
 
 For "bordys" bought of John Lake for the East-gate . 023 
 
 Paid John Holland for four days and a half . , . 024 
 
 And for other workmen for four days and a half . . 076 
 
 One man for a day and a half. 009 
 
 One man for a day and a half.007 
 
 For the cartage of fourteen loads of material from Friernhay 
 
 to South-gate. 0013 
 
 For rods and iron.006 
 
 Three workmen for three days.039 
 
 Two workmen for three days and a half ... 042 
 
 Paid John Coke for three dozen and eight loads of clay . 019 
 
 Same for fourteen dozen and eight loads of gravel and 
 
 stones.074 
 
 Paid John Honyland for himself for one week . . . 030 
 
 Other men working together at same work . . . . 026 
 
 One man “ pro le ryddyng de le rebells" four days . . 014 
 Frederick Kyrkhem for two cartloads of material . . ’090 
 
 For one bolt and two staples.. 002 
 
 For one hundred and a half of hatch nails . . . o o 8J 
 
 For one "haps," one “ kacche," and one " lacche ” . . 004 
 
 For one rest and one ring . . . . . . . 003 
 
 For three keys .. ,.009 
 
 Imprimis .—John Symon for seven carts of Mancyas* bought 
 
 for said gate, each cart 2s. 8d. 0x78 
 
 * Maneyas, mediceval word signifying rubble. 
 
32 
 
 For carriage of seven cartloads of material from Hethwode 
 to the said gate, each load 2s. 2d. .... 
 
 For one cartload of material taken from Polsloe to the 
 
 aforesaid gate . . . 
 
 For two summarii of material from Polsloe to the said 
 
 gate, each 2§d. , . .. 
 
 For fourteen “ sum." of material for the same gate, 
 
 each £d.. 
 
 Paid Simon Fayreman for one peck of " man.” . 
 
 Paid Edward Rawe and Edwd. Taillor for carriage of 
 fourteen “ summ." of *■' man." for the said gate, for 
 
 every “ summ." 2jd. 
 
 Paid John Honyland, carpenter, and other workmen 
 working with him, for making the said gate, for divers 
 days and taking them at 5d. a day, as is shown in the 
 book of expenses whence this is derived 
 Paid two men conveying for six days to the gate " man." 
 and for other works done about the same and taking 
 
 them at 3d. a day. 
 
 And for “ sperys," “ twystis," “clavis," and other works in 
 iron at the same gate done by John Sangell as is shown 
 To the East-gate of the City of Exeter.—For divers 
 expenses and other repairs done by Henry (Grympston), 
 and renewing that which was destroyed by assault in 
 the rebellion of Perkin Warbeck and others against 
 
 our Lord the King. 
 
 Paid John Cooke for eleven dozen of gravel and stone 
 wanting at the West-gate, and forty-four dozen gravel 
 and stones in like manner at the East-gate, and for 
 seventeen dozen gravel and stones wanted at the 
 North-gate, and labour about same .... 
 Paid John West-Pairom for paving about West-gate, 
 North-gate, and East-gate, and round about the 
 Guildhall, of the City of Exeter, viz., in all 360 rods, 
 at f^d. a rod 
 
 For one hundred “ summ." of stones for the said gate 
 
 bought . . - . 
 
 For stone bought at another time for making le “ gutto ” 
 
 about the same.. 
 
 Paid John Major, mason, and other workmen working with 
 him, for divers days as is shown in the books whence 
 this is extracted, for the “ gutto" about the aforesaid 
 gate, their pay. 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 O l6 II 
 
 Oil 
 
 OO5 
 
 OO7 
 
 Ol6 
 
 0 2 11 
 
 6 4 2 i 
 
 050 
 
 498 
 
 xxiii. 11 
 
 o 45 o 
 o 16 5 
 044 
 
 1 9 4 
 
33 
 
 l s ' d - 
 
 For seventeen bags of lime, for each bag 4c!. . . , 058 
 
 For "latthis” used about the same.o o 6J 
 
 For "lathwaylis". 0 0 7 i 
 
 For two “ onysbordys ".003 
 
 Paid three workmen for two days' work in covering over 
 
 “le pentys".024 
 
 For covering stones (slates).060 
 
 For wedges called " helyng pynnys ” , .003 
 
 Paid P. Honyland for making the aforesaid . .060 
 
 For rosin and wax for the said gate ... .008 
 
 For oil bought, used at the time of raising up the said 
 
 gate.008 
 
 Paid one man called the quarryman for three quarters of 
 
 stone. 0122 
 
 An old chronicler says that “ Henry had ever a perpetual 
 and noble wish to look his dangers in the face and deal 
 with them hand to hand.” He, however, seemed to 
 studiously make as light of Perkin’s doings, now his landing 
 with hostile intent was expected, as he had ever done. 
 Doubtless some good reason existed for this, or there was no 
 expectation of the Cornishmen joining the rebel cause in such 
 force. On 10th September the King delivered to one “ Emson 
 for to carry to Exeter for the busyness ther £666 13s. 4d.” ; 
 and on the 12th he writes to Sir Gilbert Talbot, that “ we 
 shall goo in oure owne persone if the case soo requir,” but the 
 rapid advance of the rebels could never have been anticipated, 
 for he continues, “ we pray you to adresse you unto us with six 
 score talle men on horsback defensibly arrayed,” and “ mete us at 
 our Manoir of Wodestock the XXVIII day of this present 
 moneth.” This was six days after the raising of the siege of 
 Exeter, and three after Perkin’s flight. But on the 20th all was 
 activity. A dispatch from the Earl of Devon describing the 
 events in Exeter reached the King, and Sir John Cheyne was 
 paid ,£"500 for his retainers on the same day, and hastened 
 forward. Money for the pay of the troops was conveyed from 
 London to Woodstock in four carts, and Doctor Mydelton was 
 sent on to Exeter with a second instalment of ,£"666 13s. 4d. 
 On the 25th a messenger brought news to the Court of the flight 
 
34 
 
 of Perkin, for which he was paid £i, and the King set out on his 
 journey westward. His Majesty’s progress can be traced by the 
 record of his privy purse expenses, which is still extant. On the 
 27th he was at Cirencester, on 28th at Malmesbury, on 29th at 
 Bath, on 30th at Wells. Here the way appears to have been lost, 
 for a guide is hired at the cost of is. 8d. to convey the royal 
 party back to Bath, which they reached on the 1st October, and 
 on the 2nd arrived at Glastonbury, on the 3rd at Bridgwater, and 
 on the 4th at Taunton. At this stage the royal heart must have 
 been sorely grieved to be obliged to put on record the loss of 
 £q at cards ; but he was consoled next day by the arrival of 
 Perkin Warbeck, brought in a prisoner. On the 6th, Tiverton 
 was reached, and on Saturday, the 7th of October, 1497, the 
 journey was accomplished, and the King entered Exeter. 
 
 The fact is put on record, in one instance, in rather a curious 
 manner. In an ancient psalter of the 13th century, amongst the 
 Chapter Archives, some one has entered in the margin of one of 
 the leaves, representing the month of October, in a crabbed 
 handwriting, the following:—“ M. qd proximo Ste fidei Ao: 
 d-m 1497 intravit in Exon H. Septimus.” 
 
 There can be no doubt that the visit of the King afforded un¬ 
 mixed pleasure to the authorities and citizens of Exeter ; they 
 had defended his cause with heart and soul, not only as a duty 
 but with sincere regard for his house, and they were right royally 
 thanked for their fidelity. 
 
 Although the details of the reception are lost to us as a whole, 
 we can pick up threads here and there which indicate that a 
 genuine welcome was accorded. We find charges in the 
 Receiver’s Accounts for King’s footmen and henchmen; to master 
 Ryder for looking after and commanding the same, a donceur of 
 20s. ; paid to William Dynhys for a cask of wine, given to the 
 King, £\\ paid to John Cobb for four oxen and forty sheep, 
 given to the King, £7 13s. 4d. ; wine to Lord Broke, and money 
 to the Earl of Devon for divers good offices, and sundry expenses 
 incurrred by numerous horsemen employed for the personal 
 service of the King. 
 
 The water supply was looked to, and a heavy charge incurred 
 
35 
 
 for new pipes, even the keys of the city were furbished up, that 
 they might be delivered spotless to the King, with the proud 
 boast that never had they passed into the hands of an enemy 
 since Norman William received them as his last and greatest 
 conquest. 
 
 It chanced that John Atwill was again Mayor at this time, his 
 election had been the cause of, or the compromise for, some 
 dissensions amongst the citizens about the office of Mayor. 
 Now all was harmony : and with what different feelings to those 
 they held thirteen years before, did the Corporation prepare to 
 meet their King. The Mayor in scarlet gown, lined with sarcenet, 
 the Receiver in crimson in grain, and the Council in robes of 
 murry color in grain, in full state, confident in the reception their 
 loyalty had entitled them to; we must picture to ourselves these 
 worthies, supported by the presence and good wishes of the 
 citizens, marching forth from the (even then) old Guildhall, and 
 proceeding up the High Street, awaiting the King’s approach 
 just beyond the East-gate. The Earl of Devon doubtless had 
 told his royal brother-in-law how desperately the citizens had 
 fought in his cause against such heavy odds, and how they had 
 held the city and beaten off the assailants without the aid of his 
 soldiers. It is probable that the meeting was something more 
 than the cold formality usual on such occasions, for we are told 
 that the King praised the Mayor and citizens for their good 
 services, and commended them for their truths, and “ verie 
 thanckfullye” accepted the hospitality offered him by the city. 
 Entering by the East-gate the King would observe the destruction 
 caused by the rebels, the battered walls, the broken gates, and 
 the torn up roadway ; and the scene of their repulse and terrible 
 slaughter would be pointed out as he passed over the spot—and 
 so on to the Treasurer’s house, which had been prepared for his 
 Majesty’s reception. It is not so many years since this 
 Treasurer’s house was removed. It stood at right angles with 
 the Cathedral, projecting from the North Tower, on which are 
 still to be faintly seen the marks of the gable-end of the building. 
 
 Amongst the records of the city of Waterford is a long letter 
 from Henry to the Mayor and citizens, dated from Exeter, the 
 

 18th October, 1497. It is the sequel to the correspondence which 
 had already passed. It relates how Perkin Warbeck, when he 
 fled from Taunton, thought to get away by sea from the South 
 coast, but being closely followed up, his attempts were foiled, 
 and he betook himself to the Abbey of Beaulieu, where he 
 claimed the privilege of Sanctuary.* 
 
 ‘Letter from King Henry VII. to the Mayor and Citizens of 
 Waterford. (Ryland's History, p. 33.) 
 
 Henry Rex 
 
 Trusty and well-beloved we greet you well. And whereas Perkin 
 Warbeck lately accompanied with divers and many of our rebels of Cornwall 
 advanced themselves to our City of Exeter, which was denied unto them, and so 
 they came to the town of Taunton, at which town as soon as they had knowledge 
 that our Chamberlain or Steward of our household, Sir John Cheny, and others 
 our loving subjects with them, were come so far forth towards the said Perkin, as 
 to our Monastery at Glastonbury, the said Perkin took with him John Heron 
 Edward Skelton and Nicholas Ashley and stole away from his said Company 
 about midnight and fled with all the haste they could. We had well provided 
 beforehand for the sea coasts, that if he had attempted that way as he thought 
 indeed to have done, he should have been put from his purpose, as it came to 
 pass : for when they perceived they might not set to the sea, and that they were 
 had in quick chase and pursuit, they were compelled to address themselves to 
 our Monastery of Beaulieu, to the which, of chance and fortune, it happened 
 some of our menial servants did repair, and some were sent thither purposely. 
 The said Perkin Heron Skelton and Astley, seeing our said servants there and 
 remembering that all the Country was warned to make watch, and to give 
 attendance, that they should not avoid nor escape by sea, made instances to our 
 said servants to sue unto us for them—the said Perkin desiring to be sure of his 
 life, and he would come unto us to shew what he is and over that do unto us 
 such service as should content us. And so by agreement of our said servants 
 when they wished them to depart from Beaulieu and to put themselves in 
 our Grace and pity. The abbot and convent hearing hereof demanded of them 
 why and for what cause they would depart ? whereunto he gave answer in the 
 presence of the said abbot and convent and of many others that without any 
 manner of constraint, they would come unto us of their free wills in trust of 
 our Grace and pardon aforesaid. And so the said Perkin came unto us to 
 the town of Taunton, from whence he fled, and immediately after his first 
 coming, humbly submitting himself to us hath of his free will openly shewed in 
 the presence of all the lords here with us and of all nobles his name to be 
 Pierce Osbeck, whence he hath been named Perkin Warbeck and to be 
 no Englishman born but bom of Tournay and Son to John. Some time while 
 he lived comptroller of the said town with many other circumstances too long to 
 write declaring by whose means he took upon him this presumption and folly, 
 and so now the great abuse which hath long continued is now openly known by 
 his own confession. We write these news unto you, for be undoubted that 
 calling to mind the great abusion that divers folks have been in by reason of the 
 said Perkin, and the great business and charges that we and our realm have been 
 
37 
 
 Desiring to make sure of his life, he made overtures to the 
 King, promising that if his life were spared, he would “ come 
 unto him and shew him what he is, and over that do such service 
 as should content him.” And so with a promise of grace he was 
 brought to Exeter a prisoner, with the King, and was perhaps 
 not the least observed of the personages who formed the 
 procession which moved through the High Street to the Cathedral 
 Yard. The King, in his communicative epistle, states that “the 
 commons of this Shire of Devon come dayly before us in great 
 multitudes in their shirts, the foremost of them having halters 
 about their necks, and full humble, with lamentable cries for our 
 grace and remission submit themselves unto us,” and also that 
 “ sithence the writing of these premises, we be ascertained that 
 Perkin’s wife is in good surety for us, and trust that she shall 
 shortly come unto us, to this our city of Exeter, as she is 
 minded.” This illustrious lady—a near relative of James of 
 Scotland—had believed in her impostor husband, and had shared 
 the dangers of his expedition to Ireland, and to Whitsand Bay. 
 Pending the result of the rising, she appears to have sought 
 refuge at St. Michael’s Mount, for at this place she was heard of 
 by the King, and sent for. With every consideration for her 
 
 put unto in that behalf, you would be glad to hear the certainty of the same, 
 which we affirm unto you for assured truth. Sithence the writing of these 
 premises, we be ascertained that Perkin's wife is in good surety for us, and trust 
 that she shall shortly come unto us, to this our City of Exeter as she is minded. 
 Over this we understand, by writing from the Right Rev. Father in God the 
 Bishop of Ouresone, that a truce is taken between us and Scotland, and that it 
 is coucluded the King of Scots shall send unto us a great and Solemn 
 Embassage for a longer peace to be had during both our lives. And since our 
 coming to this our City of Exeter for the suppression of this great rebellion, and 
 so to order the parties of Cornwall as the people may live in their due obeysance 
 unto us, and in good restfulness for themselves in time to come. The Commons 
 of this Shire of Devon come dayly before us in great multitudes in their Shirts, 
 the foremost of them having halters about their necks, and full humble with 
 lamentable cries for our grace and remission submit themselves unto us; 
 whereupon ordering first the chief stirrers and doers to be tried out of them, for 
 to abide their corrections accordingly we grant unto the residue generally our said 
 grace and pardon, and our Commissioners the Earl of Devon, our Chamberlain 
 and our Steward of household, have done and do dayly likewise in our County 
 of Cornwall. Given under our signet at our said City of Exeter, the 18th day of 
 October. 
 
 E 
 
rank, the King provided for the comfort of her journey, as may 
 be seen in the account of his privy purse expenses :—“Oct. 15.— 
 To Robert Suthewell for horses, sadells, and other necessarys, 
 bought for the conveyance of my Lady Kateryn Huntleye, 
 £7 X 3 S - 4d." 
 
 The statement of the King as to the scenes which occurred 
 daily before his house, is singularly confirmed, and that too on 
 oath. Amongst the city records there is a copy of the evidence 
 taken in a dispute between the Dean and Chapter and the 
 Corporation, respecting the bounds of their jurisdiction. This 
 was in 1554, and Robert Beale, who stated his age to be 80, 
 deposed, “that there was a rowe of xvi. trees goeing from the 
 bancke before Mr. Treasurer’s dore unto the northe dore of 
 St. Peter’s Churche and viii. of these trees were cutt downe 
 when King Henry the Vllth was in this citie bjxause he standinge 
 in the newe window in Mr. Treasurer’s house might see the 
 rebells which came there with halters aboute their neckes before 
 him for pardon.” 
 
 A new window was opened in the Treasurer's house, and the 
 trees felled in front, that the King might the better view this 
 singular spectacle. This went on day after day until the proper 
 time having arrived, a few of those present being “ chief stirrers 
 and doers ” were set aside, and Henry thus addressed them, the 
 mob being on all sides:—“Oh Cornishmen! with feelings sad and 
 hurt we lament the injury done to us by your base and malicious 
 conduct, which we now are about to punish, but unwillingly, as 
 God is our witness. But since our laws must be obeyed as a 
 terror to the wicked and an example to the good, it is right that 
 you who showed yourselves openly so willing to do evil and who 
 without any fear of God or of ourselves, granted helping arms to 
 this most shallow of men—desisting not even when admonished 
 from us—should suffer the penalty which you deserve. To these 
 others who forsook our cause partly through ignorance and partly 
 through your wiles, we grant them their lives.” These words 
 having been spoken, the people standing around, with one accord, 
 set up a loud shout, and again and again thanked the King for 
 his clemency. 
 
39 
 
 Before this scene took place there had been a curious assemblage 
 in the Treasurer’s house. The Lady Katherine had arrived, and 
 all were struck with her beauty and grace, and the symbol of the 
 house of York, which her husband had assumed, was at once 
 applied to her, as the “ Fair White Rose.” 
 
 The King had worked Perkin up to the point of confessing his 
 imposture to his followers, and he also inflicted upon him the 
 exquisite humiliation of doing so in the presence of his hitherto 
 confiding wife. Addressing his followers the claimant thus 
 collapsed :—“ You perceive, fellow soldiers, that the power of the 
 Almighty is resisting our efforts. You see that the valour and 
 grace of Henry, most victorious of Kings, are in accord with the 
 will of God ; that all our forces broken up and dispersed are so 
 weakened as to be of no use. You observe also our needy state 
 and want of everything, to be more accurate, our utter misery. 
 For to tell you the truth, although I have put off the settling of 
 your pay even unto the present day, the fact is I have nothing 
 left, not even money, and I know not where to get any. I 
 scarcely know what to do concerning myself—so much is the 
 dread and fear with which my conscience afflicts me—in regard 
 to exposing my designs, which, so far, I have concealed to the 
 open light of truth. I am not indeed the man I said I was, viz., 
 the son of Edward, nor am I worthy to be of a lineage so 
 illustrious and exalted. Whatever in days gone by I have craftily 
 related to you (with regard to signs and seasons) I retained it all 
 in my memory, when, as a little boy, I was a servant of a certain 
 Edward, a Jew, who was the adopted son of the aforesaid King 
 Edward. For, he, my patron was most intimate with King Edward 
 and his children ; wherefore spare me now, I beg of you, and act 
 as men for the sake of your own lives. For my part I know not 
 where to turn nor whither to fly for consolation. In any case, it 
 is certain that I must submit to the King, the most clement ot 
 men, or I perish.” 
 
 Perkin’s master was a Christianized Jew, and, as was usual, at 
 his baptism the King stood sponsor. His connexion with the 
 Court brought Perkin into contact with the Princes, and enabled 
 him to acquire information which had aided his imposture. 
 
 E 2 
 
4 ° 
 
 It is to be hoped that the lady had been properly prepared for 
 these disclosures. We are told that she shed copious tears ; but 
 nothing of the other attributes of feminine grief is mentioned,— 
 probably they had not yet been invented. I suspect that the 
 King, who, Bacon says, was more affected by her beauty than by 
 her distress, had smoothed away many difficulties. His address 
 is consolatory :—“ I grieve indeed, illustrious lady, and am sadly 
 distressed, that with the destruction of so many of my subjects, 
 you have been deceived by such a contemptible fellow ; for your 
 noble blood, the graces of your mind and body, your beauty and 
 dignity deserved a husband of far greater mark. But since God 
 has so willed it that you should be brought to this wretched state 
 through the baseness and dishonesty of that scoundrel, it behoves 
 you to suffer and endure with a well balanced mind. Your future 
 will not want for much. I, therefore, exhort and advise you to 
 bear your loss with calmness. This I promise you in my royal 
 confidence in your excellence, that since by God’s will you have 
 come to such a state, I will not deal with you other than if you 
 were my own sister: and in order that you may henceforth dwell 
 in greater honor and security, we have determined to send you 
 honorably attended to her most serene majesty the Queen, our 
 very dear wife. But this fellow, your husband, we shall retain 
 with us, in order to enquire of him respecting certain praters.” 
 
 Next came the turn of the outraged wife, and she was fully 
 equal to the occasion. She begins her reply with rather a curious 
 question, which Perkin must have found it difficult to answer 
 from its very simplicity. “ After,” she says, “ you desired, O 
 most perfidious of men, to deceive me with your false stories, 
 why did you allure me from my house, rny home, my parents and 
 Triends, to bring me into hostile hands ? Oh, wretched me ! 
 what grief, what care will this day be brought upon my parents ! 
 Oh, would that you had never come to these shores ! Alas for 
 miserable me, what can I look for except death now that my 
 honour is gone ? Why have I not here one of my relatives who 
 would take vengeance on thee ? Villain ! are these the sceptres 
 which you promised me ? Wretch ! is this the royal honor 
 wherewith you boasted that our race should be adorned ? A 
 stranger in this place, poor and needy, what can I hope for ? 
 
In whom can I confide ? To whom can I unburden my grief ? 
 There seems nothing for me, indeed, but to trust to the promise 
 of that most powerful and most merciful of Kings. On that 
 royal promise I repose all confidence, hope, and safety. More I 
 could say, but the violence of my grief and my tears prevents 
 my speaking.” 
 
 The King was as good as his word. He had the lady conveyed 
 to his Queen, in London, with all the marks of respect due to her 
 exalted rank. Perkin was also taken to London, and after giving 
 a little more trouble he was executed at Tyburn. His widow 
 consoled herself with a second husband in the person of Sir 
 Matthew Cradock, and was buried with him in Swansea Church. 
 
 In recognition of the loyal services rendered by the citizens the 
 King presented them with a Sword and a Cap of Maintenance. 
 He also ordered that a Swordbearer should be appointed by the 
 Corporation to carry the sword before the Mayor in all civic 
 processions. Laurence Prous was the first to hold the office, as 
 is shown in the Receiver’s Accounts :—“ Paid Laurence Prous, 
 Swordbearer of the City of Exeter, his pension of 20s., arising 
 for the first time this year out of the gift of the King.” 
 
 Just after their presentation this Sword and Cap were sent to 
 London to be decorated, and otherwise fitted for State purposes. 
 The bill amounted in all to £4 4s. Sarcenet and damask and 
 pinnlace were necessary to make the headpiece at all presentable. 
 The original, shorn of its decoration, is inside the embroidered 
 hat, now used on State occasions ; it is of the same shape, but 
 brimless ; is made of black coarse woollen felt, and the sides are 
 of two distinct pieces, brought to a circle and sewn at either end. 
 The embroidered hat dates from the reign of James I. 
 
 As to the Sword, the pommel and cross, and probably the blade, 
 are original. The scabbard with the chape are of the date 1556, 
 when the charge for their making (in all £1 17s. 8d.) appears in 
 the Accounts. The capital was probably added in James’s reign, 
 and at the same time a guinea was let into the pommel. At the 
 points of the cross, on both sides, a Tudor rose was affixed, and 
 in the centre, between the roses, a Jacobian badge, or shield, the 
 device being a fleur-de-lis ensigned with the Royal Crown, and 
 the letters “ J. R.” 
 
42 
 
 SWORD AND CAPS OF MAINTENANCE. 
 
 Paid for the carriage of sword and caps from London to Exon 
 Paid for the cross and pomell of the sword .... 
 Paid for cloth of gold to make a scabbard for the same . 
 
 For black velvet for another scabbard for the same 
 
 For sarcenet for the aforesaid cap ...... 
 
 For damask for another cap . .. 
 
 For 2 oz. of gilt for the same caps bought .... 
 
 And for one “ tymber " and a half of grey for the same . 
 
 And for the roll of the same ....... 
 
 And for the pinnlace of the same ...... 
 
 And for covering the said caps with sarcenet and damask 
 And for the blade of the sword and a bag for the scabbard . 
 And for 2 ells of canvas bought ...... 
 
 And for 2 pieces of green ribbon ...... 
 
 And for money otherwise spent for the sword and caps . 
 
 And for 2 cases bought to hold the sword and caps 
 And for a cloth called a serecloth for the sword and caps 
 And for a girdle bought for the said sword .... 
 
 And for the chape, the buckle, and the pendant of the sword 
 and girdle .......... 
 
 And for damask for the same ....... 
 
 £ s - d - 
 o o 20 
 0178 
 089 
 
 039 
 
 o i 3 
 o 10 6 
 
 020 
 o 13 6 
 
 003 
 040 
 024 
 058 
 008 
 004 
 018 
 028 
 014 
 0 3 4 
 
 010 
 
 018 
 
 PERKIN WARBECK LANDED IN CORNWALL, 7 th Sept., 1497. 
 
 LETTER FROM SIR HARRY WENTWORTH, OF NETTLESTED, 
 SUFFOLK, TO SIR WILLIAM CALVERLEY, OF CALVERLEY, 
 YORKSHIRE. 
 
 Right Wourshippfulle Cosin I recommend me unto you. And where it 
 fortuned me in my retorne home from Westchestre to meit my Lord Darby, my 
 lord Strange, and other at Whalley Abbey, by whome I had the sight of suche 
 lettres as were directed unto theme frome the Kinge’s grace ; apperceyring by 
 the same that Perkin Warbeke is londid in the West parties, in Cornevelle, 
 wherefore I wolle pray you, and allso in the Kinge’s name advertise you, to be in 
 aredynes in you owin persone, with such company as you make, to serve his 
 highnes, upon ail our warnyng when his grace shalle calle upon you. For the 
 
43 
 
 which I doubte not but his highnes shalle geve you thankes accordinge. As our 
 Lord knorth, who preserve you ! Written in the Kinge’s Castelle of Knaresburght, 
 the xvii. day of Septembre. 
 
 Your (frend) and Cosyne, Syr, 
 
 Addressed 
 
 To his Wourshipfulle Cosin, 
 Syr William Calverley, Knight, 
 in haste. 
 
 HARRY WENTWORTH. 
 
 From “Notes and Queries." 
 
 (Ellis's Letters.) 
 
 HENRY VII. TO SIR GILBERT TALBOT, A.D. 1497. 
 
 (From the Archives of the Earl of Shrewsbury, Orig.) 
 
 H R By the King 
 
 Trusty and welbeloved we grete you wele, signifying unto you that where as 
 Perkin Warbeck and his wif were lately sette ful porely to the see by the King 
 of Scottes, and aftre that landed within our land of Irlande in the wylde 
 Irissherie, where he had been taken by our Cousins Th 'Erls of Kildare and of 
 Desmond if he and his said wif had not secretly stollen away. The same 
 Perkin being soe upon the see, is commen to land in our countie of Cornewaille 
 with ij small shippes and a Breton prinse (pinnace) whereupon we have sent our 
 right trusty Counseillour the lord Daubeney our Chamberlayn by land towards 
 those parties, to arredie our subjiettes for the subduyng of hym, and our right 
 trusty Counseillour the Lord Broke, steward of our household, by water with 
 our armee on the See now late retourned, to take the said Perkyn if he retorne 
 agayn to the see. And we shall in our owne persone, if the case soo requir, goo 
 soe accompanyed thiderward with our lordes mercy withoute delay, as we shal 
 subdue the said Perkyn and all othre that wil take his part if eny such be. And 
 therefore we hertily pray you to addresse you unto us with six score talle men 
 on horsback defensibly arrayed, and no moo, without any strong delay. And to 
 mete with us at our Manoir of Wodestock the xxiijth day of this present 
 Moneth; and at your commyng unto us we shal soe content you for your and 
 their conduct money, and also wages, as of reason ye shal holde you pleased ; 
 and that ye faille not hereof as our espesial trust is in you. Geven undre our 
 Signet at our said Manoir the xijth day of Sepiembre. 
 
 To our trusty and welbeloved Knight 
 for our body Sir Gilbert Talbot. 
 
44 
 
 (Ellis s Letters.) 
 
 EARL OF DEVONSHIRE TO KING HENRY VII. 
 
 (MS. DodswortJt Bibl. Bodl.vol. i ,,fol. 81.) 
 
 After most humble recommendacion had unto your grace, please it your grace 
 to ltnawe as I sent unto your grace by myne other wryteinge of yesterday of the 
 deminiage of Perkin, and of divers assaults made by his company unto the two 
 gates of your Citty of Excester, and of the defence of the same. It mey like 
 your grace to understand further, that this morninge, of new, the said Perkin 
 and his company made fresh assaults upon the said two gates; and especially at 
 the North-gate, which was againe well and truly defended, and put Perkin from 
 his purpose there ; and your said Citty surely keeped and shall bee to the behoofe 
 of your grace; in soe much as when Perkin and his company had well assaid 
 and felt our Gunns, they were faine to desyre us to have lycence to geder theire 
 company togeder, and soe to depart and leave your Citty, and to put us to noe 
 more trouble; which because wee bee not able to recounter them, and that our 
 company were weary and some hurt, therefore it was granted unto them that 
 they should depart, and not to approach the Citty in noe wyse. And soe the 
 said Perkin and his company bee departed from us this day, about eleven of the 
 clocke in the forenoone, and bee twelve were out of sight, and which way they 
 would hould I cannot yet acertayne your grace ; But as it was said amongst 
 them they would to Columpton this night, and thanked bee God there is none of 
 your true subjects about this busines slayne, but diverse bee hurt. And doubt 
 not againe one of yours hurt, there is twenty of theires hurt and many slayne. 
 And now I understand certainly that Perkin is to Columpton, and many of his 
 company departed from him, and more as I sell well, and trust verely that your 
 grace shall have good tydings of him shortly. From Excester this Munday 
 next the Eighteenth of September. 
 
 / Ellis's Orig. Letters.) 
 
 (MS. Dodsw. Bibl. Boill., vol. i, jot. Si.J 
 THE KING TO * * * * * * 
 
 V>y the King. 
 
 Cousen trust for certaine that upon Thursday about midnight, 
 Perkin fled from his company at Tan ton and took no leave nor lycence of them ; 
 a good number of well horsed men bene after him in every quarter. From 
 Knaresburgh the five and twentith of September. 
 
45 
 
 THE BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS TO LORD CARLISLE. 
 
 My Lord,—Trust for certaine, and so the King willed mee to wryte unto you 
 for hast and because the Kinge is in greate business, that on Thursday about 
 midnight Perkin fled from his company at the Towne of Tanton, and tooke noe 
 leave nor licence of them; a good number of well horsed men bene after him in 
 every quarter. And thus fare you well till more of these tydeings come unto 
 you. At Woodstocke this morning the three and twentith day of September. 
 
 QUOTH BATHON. 
 
 (Ellis's Letters, 1497.) 
 
 HENRY VII. TO BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. 
 
 (MS. Dodsw. Bibl. Bodl., vol. 1, fol. 80.) 
 
 (The Bishop was Dr. Oliver King, translated from the See of Exeter in 1495.) 
 By the Kinge. 
 
 Right Reverend father in God, right trusty and welbeloved wee grete you 
 well, and have received your wryteinge by the which wee conceive how there is 
 worde that Perkin is landed. Truth it is that he is soe landed and at (that) our 
 Commons of Cornwall take his parte, amongst whom on Munday last the 
 eighteenth day of September there was not one gentleman. On Sunday the 
 seventeenth of September Perkin and his company came afore our Citty of 
 Excester about one after noone ; and there inranged themselves in the manner 
 of a battell by the space of two howers. Within that our Citty were our Couzen. 
 of Devonshire, Sir William Courtney, Sir Jo. Sapcotes, Sir Piers Edgcombe, 
 Sir Jo. Croker, Sir Walter Courteney, Sir Humfrey Fulforth (Fulford), with 
 many other noble men both of our Counties of Devonshire and Cornewall. This 
 Perkin sent for to have deliverance of our said City, which was denyed unto him 
 by our said Couzen. Whereupon Perkin and his Company went to the East 
 Gate and to the Norther Gate, and assaulted the same, but it was soe defended 
 (blessed bee God) that Perkin lost above three or foure hundred men of his 
 company and so failed of his intention. On the morrow after the eighteenth 
 day, Perkin and our rebels made a new assalt at the said Norther Gate and 
 Ester Gate, like as by the copy of the lettres from our said Couzen of 
 Devonshire enclosed yee shall move to understand more at large. The Perkin 
 and his company, if they come forward, shall find before them our Chamberlayn, 
 our Steward of Househould, the Lord Saint Mourice, Sir John Cheney, and the 
 Noblemen of South Wales and of our Counties of Gloster, Wiltshire, Hamshire, 
 
4 6 
 
 Somersett, and Dorcet; and at their backe the garison of our said City of 
 Excester. And wee with our hoast royall shall not bee farre, with the mercy of 
 our Lord for the finall conclusion of the matter. Wee have done proclaimed 
 alsoo that who soe bringeth the said Perkin on live unto us hee shall have the 
 some of a thousand marks, and all those that give theire offences first and last. 
 Wee trust soone to heare good tydings of the said Perkin. Goven under our 
 signet at our Mannor of Woodstocke the twentith of September. 
 
 * 
 
THE SIEGE OF EXETER,* 
 
 J 549- 
 
 In the year 1549, after endless discussions, wearisome delays, 
 disputes, and compromises, Parliament at last agreed upon a 
 form of Prayer Book which should be common to all Churches 
 and Chapels throughout the land. It was enacted that this book 
 and none other should be used, and that its use should commence 
 on Whitsunday, the ninth of June. The same act contained 
 also an order for the destruction of all images, &c. 
 
 It is remarkable that this Act of Parliament, so fiercely 
 opposed at the time, should, after the lapse of more than three 
 centuries, again become the subject of controversy—in the matter 
 of the Reredos in Exeter Cathedral—and that in each case the 
 eyes of England should be turned towards this city of Exeter for 
 a settlement of the question. 
 
 It is not difficult to account for the intense dislike and opposi¬ 
 tion to the proposed changes. In the city the suppression of the 
 monasteries had brought together a band of malcontents whose 
 means of subsistence up to that time depended upon the religious 
 houses. Their livelihood was now gained in a very questionable 
 manner, and they took advantage of the disputed jurisdictions of 
 the recently constituted Sheriff of Exeter, of the Sheriff of Devon, 
 and of the Dean and Chapter to evade the law; and gave infinite 
 trouble to the authorities. Careless of consequences they would 
 violently oppose any reform of the old religion under which they 
 prospered so well, partly from conscientious motives, but chiefly 
 
 * The account of what happened within the city is taken from Hoker's 
 narrative, supplemented by information derived from the Municipal Records. 
 
4 8 
 
 in revenge for the deprivation of their privileges. Illustrating in 
 themselves the sweeping changes which were affecting social life, 
 and not without influence on that account, they played an im¬ 
 portant part in the events which succeeded the passing of the 
 act. But a far more formidable opposition was to be expected 
 from the rural districts. There the operation of the land laws 
 had deprived the sturdy peasant farmers of their little holdings, 
 which for generations had been handed down from father to son 
 until they were almost reckoned as freeholds. Wandering about, 
 picking up a precarious livelihood, discontented and hungry, it 
 needed but little to awaken in them a mutinous spirit against the 
 laws under which they so cruelly suffered. They could not 
 understand the necessity for a change in the form of religion ; to 
 them the shows, processions, and assemblies of the Romish 
 Church were attractive in themselves and occasions for family 
 and friendly meetings; and the substitution of a grave cold 
 service for the ceremonial to which they had been accustomed 
 was distasteful in the extreme. They associated this doctrinal 
 reform with the other innovations which had reduced them to 
 their present extremity, and rebelled against it. 
 
 A document was presented to the Privy Council from the 
 Commons of Devon and Cornwall, which in fifteen articles, each 
 commencing, imperiously, “We will have,” required the restora¬ 
 tion of the Catholic religion and the extinction of Protestanism 
 with fire and sword. 
 
 The eventful Whit Sunday appears to have passed off quietly in 
 Exeter, but before the end of the week there are indications that 
 troubles were anticipated. On the following Saturday the usual 
 night i^atch was withdrawn, and forty honest householders 
 substituted. A week later, the storm gathering in the west, the 
 Corporation met in anxious deliberation, and decided that the 
 City Companies should be summoned for the better safeguard 
 and good order, each to contribute ten men in harness and 
 armour, the same to be householders, or honest and discreet 
 persons; and for every quarter, one or more constables should be 
 provided as might be thought good. Not knowing what might 
 happen, the Mayor was invested with full power to act as he 
 
49 
 
 thought best in any emergency, and the Governors of the city 
 parted, not to meet again until had been passed over the greatest 
 crisis in the history of Exeter, since the Norman conqueror 
 added the last leaf to his laurel crown by the surrender of the 
 capital of the west. 
 
 In the parish church of the little village of Sampford Courtenay, 
 near Crediton, the new service was read on the appointed day to 
 a severely critical congregation; and perhaps the unwilling 
 priest evinced some sympathy with his hearers by adding a 
 spice of ridicule to the performance. Albeit, the next day, being 
 Whitmonday, the priest on his way to church was met at the 
 porch by a crowd of persons whose demeanour showed they were 
 bent on some settled purpose. “ What service are we to have 
 to-day ? ” they asked. “The same as yesterday, according to the 
 laws of the land,” was the reply. They declared that it should 
 not be so, but that they would keep to their old and ancient 
 religion as their forefathers before them had done ; and, nothing 
 loth, the priest arrayed himself in Popish attire, said mass, and 
 performed the other services of the Romish church. 
 
 The law was thus broken, and the Justices of the peace in the 
 neighbourhood, being responsible for the same, came to the 
 village with their men, and found a knot of the ringleaders, whom 
 they might have seized, and thus nipped the rebellion in the bud. 
 It was suspected that some of the magistrates sympathised with 
 the movement, and it may be that out of these peasants they 
 feared to raise up a nemesis which should be revenged on them 
 for the wrongs the landholders had profited by. Whatever the 
 reason, the magistrates contented themselves with mild caution 
 and prudent advice, and returned home “ afraid of their own 
 shadows.” 
 
 These proceedings soon became noised abroad, and the infec¬ 
 tion rapidly spread; in every parish the people wanted a return 
 to the old religion, and the discontented and disorderly, seizing 
 the opportunity, strove to foment disturbances, and in a very 
 short time, north, east, and west, the country was up. The 
 royal troops at this time were engaged in the Scottish wars, and 
 the news of the rebellion reaching the King and council, the 
 
5° 
 
 only course that suggested itself, in the emergency, was to send 
 down Sir Peter and Sir Gawen Carew, with instructions to do 
 the best they could to pacify the people, and promise them that 
 their complaints should be heard. Lord Russell, whose residence 
 stood on the spot now occupied by Bedford circus, then in 
 attendance at court, was to follow with troops, and a full com¬ 
 mission to suppress the rising. On the arrival of the two knights 
 in Exeter, the Sheriff and county magistrates mustered their 
 followers and marched forth on the road to Crediton, where the 
 rebels had assembled in force. On approaching the town they 
 found the highway barricaded, and a barn on either side loop- 
 holed for shot and arrows, and filled with armed men. Dis¬ 
 mounting, the Carews proceeded on foot and opened a parley 
 with the rebels, endeavouring to persuade them to peacefully 
 disperse ; but they were met with a sharp volley, and there was 
 no help lor it but to fight. After a short struggle the barns were 
 fired, the barricade was carried, and the enemy fled into the 
 town and beyond it, and disappeared so effectually that when 
 he magistrates entered the town, there were none to be seen but 
 a few old women and children. 
 
 There were not wanting those, however, ready to take advantage 
 of this incident, and further stimulate the angry passions which 
 had been roused ; the burning of the barns was noised abroad, 
 and rumour exaggerated the incident into an organised raid, with 
 fire and sword, upon the consciences of the people. 
 
 Walter Raleigh, the father of the great adventurer, riding 
 through the village of St. Mary Clist, overtook an old woman on 
 her way to church, telling her beads as she went. He told her 
 that such things were forbidden by law, and would be put down 
 with a strong hand. This somewhat unnecessary interference 
 afterwards nearly cost him his life; as it was, he suffered some 
 weeks’ imprisonment at the hands of the rebels. The old woman 
 on reaching the church rushed in, as though in great alarm, and 
 shouted out in the face of the congregation, assembled for 
 service, that her religion had been insulted, that a gentleman had 
 just threatened that if they did not give up their beads, their 
 holy bread, and holy water, he would burn them out of their 
 houses. 
 
5 * 
 
 The men in a panic flung themselves out of the church, and 
 began at once, as though an enemy were approaching, to entrench 
 and fortify the village, and to barricade the bridge ; fetching 
 cannon, from the ships at Topsham, to cover the approaches. 
 At these signs of renewed hostility, the magistrates again rode 
 forth, and again the temporising policy prevailed. Sir Thomas 
 Denis, Sir Hugh Pollard, and Mr. Yard, as being of the most 
 conciliatory dispositions, were admitted to the village to confer 
 with the rebels, whilst the doughty Carews and their followers 
 remained on the wrong side of the bridge, chafing at their 
 inaction, from ten o’clock in the morning till nightfall. The long 
 conference at last broke up, the three justices came forth, and 
 they were, of course, at once eagerly questioned, the only response 
 elicited, however, being that they had done well enough. The 
 whole party then rode off, at speed, to Exeter, and supped 
 together at the Mermaid Inn. After supper, when the servants 
 had withdrawn, Sir Peter Carew insisted upon knowing what 
 agreement had been come to ; and it then transpired that the 
 rebels would be content only on condition that the religious 
 services remained unaltered until the young King came of age, 
 and that the three magistrates had actually consented to recom¬ 
 mend that course to the Council. Aghast at the weakness and 
 folly of their comrades, the Carews, the Sheriff, Sir Pierce 
 Courtenay, and others, inveighed in no measured terms against 
 this policy which, they at once saw, could but strengthen the 
 insurrection. High words and scornful looks followed, and 
 challenge and counter challenge passed between the angry 
 disputants. An appeal to the sword seemed inevitable, when 
 the better thought obtained that this was not a time for quarelling 
 amongst themselves, and the party suddenly broke up, the 
 gentlemen going each his own way. Most of them before 
 reaching home that night were taken prisoners by the rebels, and 
 kept in confinement until the troubles were over. 
 
 The Carews slept at the Inn, and ere daybreak the next 
 morning took horse and in hot haste rode forth on their way to 
 find Lord Russell. They saw that it was too late for any local 
 effort, and that good troops and trustworthy leaders could alone 
 
52 
 
 deal with what had become a formidable rebellion. It was not 
 long before gentlemen of position and influence associated them¬ 
 selves with the insurrectionary movement, which speedily assumed 
 a most serious character. Sir Thomas Pomeroie, Mr. John Burie, 
 and Mr. Coffin, in Devon, found themselves the leaders of a large 
 and powerful body of men, with promise of support from an 
 equally strong party from Cornwall, under Arundell and 
 Winneslade. Not a soldier had yet been despatched against 
 them, and the longer they remained unopposed, the more 
 formidable the rebellion became. 
 
 John Blackaller, Mayor of Exeter, must have heard, with no 
 little concern, of the wide-spread revolt, and the powerlessness 
 of the county authorities to suppress it. Within his own juris¬ 
 diction he had taken every precaution, and succeeded in main¬ 
 taining order. Little more than a week elapsed after the issuing 
 of the order to the City Companies to furnish armed men for the 
 defence of the city, than he was summoned to make common 
 cause with the rebels, and allow them to occupy the city, Being 
 himself, in common with the chief men of the place, well affected 
 to the old religion, it was thought that he would be easily 
 persuaded to favour the demand of the rebels, especially as the 
 means of defence at his command were small, and likely to be 
 embarrassed by internal dissensions. A man of plain and 
 unpretentious ways, a merchant—probably one of the old cloth 
 merchants—he cared more for his business than for either politics 
 or martial matters. But he had accepted a sacred trust, and he 
 plainly saw that, despite threats and warnings, his duty was to 
 fulfil that trust to the uttermost. He knew that he was responsible 
 for the safe custody of the great stronghold of the west, but he 
 did not know, at that time, that the destinies of England were in 
 his keeping. Faithful, honest John Blackaller, with a sea of 
 troubles raging around him, he showed himself to be of the stuff 
 that heroes are made, and by his staunch firmness and resolute 
 spirit put to shame the faltering cowardice of the county 
 magnates. 
 
 Twice summoned to surrender the city this was his reply, 
 “ Our duty to God, our fidelity to the country, our very reputation 
 
53 
 
 forbids our dealing with you at all. We denounce you as rebels 
 and enemies.” Then on Tuesday, the second day of July, the 
 city was invested, and the gates were closed. Knowing that 
 they had partisans within the walls exceeding in number the 
 loyal citizens, the rebel besiegers made sure that, by treachery 
 and starvation, the city would be speedily surrendered to them. 
 They brought their wives and their horses and panniers before 
 the city, and from St. David’s Down to St. Sidwell’s Church, 
 across the wide waste of the Southernhay, even to the South- 
 gate, along the open banks and flats by the river from the 
 Water-gate past West-gate to Snayle tower, the motley crowd 
 swarmed in the summer air, greedily expectant of the day when 
 the city would be opened to them with its spoils of silks and 
 velvets, plate and money, the rich prey with which they hoped to 
 laden their horses home. They intrenched the highways, broke 
 down the bridges, tore up the waterpipes, and guarded every 
 pass, so that intercourse with the city was entirely cut off. 
 
 The arrangements for the defence of the city devolved upon 
 the Mayor and Corporation. Of the county gentlemen four only 
 had the patriotism to remain at the post of danger, and they 
 rendered signal service by their military knowledge and habits of 
 command. Their names were Blewett, Beauchampe, Fortescue, 
 and Courtenie, of Powderham. John Peter, the Collector of 
 Customs, also remained at his post, but there were many, we are 
 told, who concealed themselves in certain houses in the city, 
 waiting to see which way the tide of events would turn. 
 
 The utmost vigour was displayed in putting the city into as 
 good a state of defence as was possible under the circumstances. 
 Arms, armour, and ordnance were drawn forth from most 
 unexpected places ; draughts of trustworthy men were called out 
 and incessantly drilled and trained to the use of the weapons 
 provided for them ; the few soldiers quartered in the Castle were 
 placed under the orders of the authorities, and the officers care¬ 
 fully selected. Commanders of each ward were also appointed, 
 who were held responsible for the charges entrusted to them. 
 The gates and bastions were mounted with heavy guns, and 
 pieces of ordnance placed on the walls wherever practicable, and 
 F 
 
54 
 
 the safety of the men provided for, in all exposed places, by the 
 erection of screens or guards to protect them against the arrows 
 and bullets of the besiegers. But the defence of the city against 
 an outward foe was comparatively an easy task to that of 
 guarding against the dangerous enemy which lurked within the 
 walls. The larger number of the inhabitants covertly sympathised 
 with the cause of the insurgents, and many openly aided them in 
 their efforts to take the city. Information was conveyed to and 
 fro by means of letters attached to arrows which were shot over 
 the walls, and thus nothing transpired in the city which was not 
 made known outside, and those within were at all times well 
 prepared to second the designs of the besieging force. The 
 defenders constantly found that their best efforts were frustrated 
 by intrigue and stratagem, and often the, apparently, most loyal 
 offers of assistance were obliged to be received with suspicious 
 caution. The adverse element was kept down by sheer force of 
 character and peremptory firmness, added to the unflagging 
 vigilance which discovered its plots and frustrated its devices. 
 The long day was succeeded by the anxious night, and as yet no 
 sign of help from King or Court. The besiegers, exasperated at 
 the obstinate defence, poured an incessant hail of shot and 
 arrows upon the city, so that in some streets no man could safely 
 pass. To look out of an upper window was but to court the 
 attention of the sharpshooters perched on the houses just outside 
 the walls, and they spared neither age nor sex. So intolerable 
 did this nuisance become, that the order went forth to burn and 
 destroy every house which could|command the city. 
 
 Retaliation was threatened on the part of the rebels by the 
 preparation of fire balls, but the good offices of the Vicar of 
 St. Thomas prevented their being used, or the destruction of the 
 city with its overhanging gabled houses, chiefly constructed of 
 timber, would perhaps have been complete. But they did resolve 
 to destroy the west-gate, by blowing it up with gunpowder, 
 hoping, in the confusion, to take the city with a rush. 
 
 One John Newcomb, a servant of Mr. W. Hurst,^a member of 
 the Corporation, had been at one time a miner at Teignmouth, he 
 knew the nature of the work which he suspected would be under- 
 
55 
 
 taken, and had kept a sharp look out. His suspicions soon 
 became certainties, and the time was come to act. His proceedings 
 might now be considered as quite orthodox and excite no remark; 
 but in those early days they were looked upon with incredulous 
 wonder. Just within the west-gate an anxious crowd were 
 assembled watching Mr. Newcomb crawling about on the ground 
 with a pan of water in his hand. Every now and again he would 
 listen attentively with his ear in the dust, and rising, place the pan 
 on the spot. At last he has it; like the beating of a pulse the still 
 water in the pan vibrates in harmony with the stroke of the pick¬ 
 axe lar underneath, and the old miner rises exultant. There was 
 no time to lose ; willing hands at once set to work and never 
 ceased till the countermine was accomplished, when Newcomb 
 noiselessly making a small opening, looked through and saw a 
 sight which made his blood curdle. Barrels of powder, casks of 
 pitch, faggots of wood, and piles of combustibles, it needed but 
 a spark to utterly destroy the western-gate and the great walls, 
 and let in the rebel host. He learnt more, he overheard the very 
 hour mentioned at which the deed was to be done, and determined 
 to prevent it. 
 
 Anyone standing on the precise spot, which he may still do, 
 just below the church of St. Mary Steps, would observe, as far 
 as he is able, and would perceive completely but for the houses, 
 that the natural configuration of the land for the most part, 
 within the walls, converges, as it were, to a focus at the place 
 indicated. The situation will be better realised if we imagine 
 the wall restored to its original state across the higher end of 
 Bridge street, leaving the only exit from Fore street hill to the 
 west-gate, by steep, narrow West street. A little hasty 
 engineering enabled Newcomb to carry out his plans. They 
 were simple, but effectual. By public order every householder 
 was required to have a great tub of water outside his door, and 
 at a given signal every tub was emptied in the kennel, and every 
 tap and tirpit turned throughout the city. Providence seemed to 
 favour the design, for at the precise moment heavy clouds burst 
 over the city, and such rain poured down as had rarely before 
 been seen. Every little lane and alley contributed to swell the 
 
 F a 
 
56 
 
 stream of water rushing through the main streets ; gathering 
 force as it travelled, the stream became a torrent, and con¬ 
 centrating upon the mine it swept through with irresistibfe force, 
 carrying powder, pitch, miners and tools, far down the slope to 
 the river. Utterly drowned out, the mine also became filled with 
 all the refuse of the city, and was rendered useless for further 
 operations—indeed, we hear nothing further of mining throughout 
 the siege. Foiled in their enterprise in this direction, the 
 besiegers thought that by burning down the wooden gates they 
 would obtain easy access. They procured carts from the 
 country heavily laden with hay and straw, under which they 
 were protected from the fire of the great port pieces on the 
 towers and the cannon on the walls, and pushing these carts 
 before them to the gates, there set a light to the combustibles. 
 The gates were soon consumed, and all was ready for a rush, 
 but as the smoke cleared away the rebels saw within the gate a 
 new rampart reared as if by magic, and stout arms to defend it, 
 which they dared not encounter. 
 
 Harassed by the fire from the guns and sudden assaults by day, 
 and by attempted surprises in the night, the difficulties of the 
 authorities were heightened by the well-intentioned offices of 
 certain citizens desirous of affecting a compromise with the 
 enemy. One Mr. Wolcot, for instance, who was a member of 
 the Corporation and captain of the guard at the west-gate, 
 presumed to imagine that he was capable of mediating between 
 the belligerent forces, and went out for the purpose, at the 
 wicket-gate with two others, carrying the keys with him. His 
 interview with the rebels could not have been of the most 
 satisfactory character, for after a short conference, he took to his 
 heels and barely escaped capture, leaving his companions 
 prisoners outside. 
 
 There was one Richard Taylor also, a cloth merchant and a 
 papist, but probably on the loyal side, hoping to compel some 
 compromise, hit upon the expedient of exciting a fight in the 
 Guildhall between the reformers and the papists. Assembled 
 by summons of the Mayor to discuss the state of affairs, 
 Mr. Taylor was seen to be handling his bow, when the arrow 
 
57 
 
 shot forth as if accidentally, its intended destination being the 
 heart of some reformer, but his own best friend, Mr. Peter, the 
 Customs collector, stood in the way and received the missile on 
 his rib bone. An explanation was demanded of Mr. Taylor, and 
 the humiliating confession of his purpose reluctantly extracted. 
 No doubt he was severely admonished by the Mayor, and withered 
 by the scornful glances of the faithful. Hoker hints at a righteous 
 retribution, for he says the culprit never afterwards prospered, 
 and at last died in prison for debt. 
 
 A serious conspiracy was about this time discovered and 
 frustrated. Some of the soldiers stationed at the Castle had 
 been bribed to admit the rebels by the northern-gate, a certain 
 number at a time. The authorities hearing of this moved a large 
 force of men, whom they could trust, to the Castle, with instruc¬ 
 tions that they were to pretend to join the plot. When the 
 appointed number of rebels had been admitted the gate was 
 closed, and they were astonished to find themselves carried off to 
 prison in the company of the faithless soldiers. 
 
 Varied by incidents such as these, the time dragged slowly on 
 and still no prospect of relief,—not a line nor a word of encourage¬ 
 ment. It was a matter of uncertainty whether Carew had even 
 succeeded in reaching Lord Russell, or that the latter knew to 
 what straits the authorities were driven. The chances of being 
 able to hold the city were lessening, for now the food supplies 
 began to fail. So sudden^was the investment of the city, that 
 there was no time to lay in an extra store of provisions, and the 
 ordinary stock would soon disappear. An occasional raid from 
 the gates secured valuable booty, in the shape of cattle, which 
 had strayed to graze on the grassy slopes below the walls, but 
 bread had failed, and none was to be had. A poor substitute was 
 found in the mixture of puffing and bran—commonly used to feed 
 horses and pigs with. These were moulded in cloths and baked, 
 contenting the people for awhile, “ for hunger maketh all things 
 sweet.” Not a day passed but the Mayor and his brethren were 
 pressed with subtle argument and specious reasoning, alike from 
 friend and foe, to yield up the city, and so end the troubles. 
 With one mind and one voice their answer was always the same, 
 
58 
 
 “ In this city we have been brought up, here we have gotten our 
 livings, here we have sworn fidelity and allegiance to the King, 
 here we have hitherto served him, and here we will, by God’s 
 help, so continue to the uttermost of our powers.” 
 
 There was yet another difficulty to be coped with, in the rash¬ 
 ness sometimes displayed by those impatient at being so long 
 shut up. From the garden of Bedford house there was an exit, 
 by a door in the city wall and a drawbridge across the ditch, to 
 the Southernhay. Through this gate my Lord Russell’s steward, 
 Mr. Barnard Duffield, with a few chosen spirits, often sallied 
 forth to make a raid upon the enemy, returning with many 
 prisoners and much spoil. Mr. Drake, the Receiver, came back 
 from one of these forays with an arrow through both cheeks, and 
 by a manoeuvre only, one Goldsmith escaped with his life. In 
 the same skirmish he was seized and was about to be despatched 
 with a billhook, when he suddenly fell on his knees and gave 
 himself up a prisoner, causing a momentary hesitation on the 
 part of his captor, which allowed Mr. Goldsmith the opportunity 
 of discharging the short gun of the period upwards, under¬ 
 neath the armour, killing him on the spot; so the tables were 
 turned, and he brought in the spoils in triumph. The spirit of 
 emulation waxed so warm that these skirmishes became very 
 frequent, and from the boldness of the raiders extremely 
 dangerous, many valuable lives being lost in this way. 
 
 John Courtenie, who then occupied J 3 amfylde House, a son of 
 the old knight of Powderham, held the opinion that it was 
 contrary to the rules of warfare that irresponsible sallies should 
 be made from any fortified place on its defence. Unless there 
 was some very urgent necessity, these affairs should be planned 
 by the general in command. 
 
 Mr. Duffield held a contrary opinion, and a warm dispute 
 ensued, the steward expressing his determination to continue 
 these sallies, Courtenie felt so strongly in the matter that he 
 went to the Mayor and made out so good a case that his worship 
 assembled his brethren in Guildhall and sent for Duffield. He 
 was a coarse choleric man, as subsequent events show, and being 
 my lord’s factotum thought he could take liberties. He refused 
 
59 
 
 the Mayor’s earnest request that he would abstain from such 
 adventures, and expressed his determination to do as he liked. 
 His language was violent, and his insolence to the Mayor 
 intolerable, so that his worship ielt it to be his duty to commit 
 him to ward until he became more reasonable. At such a time 
 to punish a man of his position and influence, is a remarkable 
 instance of the firmness and courage of the Mayor; personal 
 interest, personal safety, was nothing to him, but he was 
 determined that, whilst in his keeping, the dignity of the office 
 should suffer nothing. No man should dare to insult the scarlet 
 and sable with impunity; but when lovely or unlovely woman 
 stooped to that iniquity, it was a more difficult matter to deal 
 with. The Mayor it appears was constantly on duty at the 
 Guildhall, and remained there late at night. Thinking of other 
 things and engaged in weightier matters, he was surprised to find 
 himself suddenly brought to book by Miss Frances Duffield, a 
 young lady having a tender regard for her father, and the same 
 choleric temperament. She demanded in very unseemly terms 
 the instant release of her parent, and being refused, “ contrary 
 to the modesty and shamefacedness required in a woman, 
 especially young and unmarried, ran most violently upon his 
 worship and strake him in the face,” and instantly, let us hope 
 remorsefully, fled to her home. The Mayor was inclined to let 
 the matter pass as one unworthy of notice, but his indiscreet 
 friends were too much for him. The common bell was rung out, 
 and troops of people, with arms and in armour, rushed excitedly 
 to the Guildhall, their nerves, by constant watching, being strained 
 to the utmost tension. The Mayor was insulted, the Mayor was 
 wounded ! was killed ! ! busy tongued rumour had enough to do 
 that night. It reached the sacred precincts of the Close, where 
 the Cathedral dignities were enjoying their first sleep. Arch¬ 
 deacon Pollard, Mr. Treasurer Southron, Chancellor Luson, and 
 Mr. Canon Howell, turned out at once, roused their men, and all 
 well armed and armoured—a veritable Church militant—marched 
 up to the Hall only to find that the Mayor had gone quietly home. 
 Thither they followed him, and with many expressions of con¬ 
 dolence and sympathy, offered to remain all night as a body 
 
6 o 
 
 guard. But the Mayor, with expressions of gratitude for their 
 loyalty and kindness, dismissed them to their homes, not, however, 
 before the gallant Archdeacon, in unfeigned admiration of the 
 constancy and courage of his worship, made a solemn declaration 
 that he, in his own person, would stand in his behalf against all 
 persons whatsoever who would offer to do him any wrong. This 
 demonstration of the Cathedral clergy was of greater importance 
 than might at first be supposed. The inferior clergy, we know, 
 not only expressed sympathy with, but took an active part in, 
 the revolt against the reformed religion, and it was suspected and 
 even said, that the Princess Mary was in correspondence with 
 some of the influential clergy of Exeter with a view to defeat the 
 Reformation and maintain the old religion, at all risks. The 
 hearty loyalty of the Archdeacon and his brethren must have 
 materially strengthened the hands of the authorities, and not a 
 little influenced the waverers of their own order. 
 
 Four anxious weeks had now elapsed since the gates were 
 closed and the citizens penned up within their walls. The wells 
 of the city furnished, fortunately, an abundance of pure water, 
 but the horrors of famine stared them in the face. The supply of 
 meat had become so scarce that the horses had to be slaughtered 
 to keep the prisoners in the gaol alive. We are told that, at this 
 crisis, some of those who had been staunchest in the defence, in 
 their agony at the “continual barking of their hungry bellies,” 
 were anxious to yield up the city, if only for a good meal. But 
 the authorities remained firm, and suffered privations equally 
 with their poorer brethren ; greater even, for Hoker, who was a 
 member of the Corporation, and stood manfully to his duty 
 throughout the siege, tells us that the “ poorer they were, the 
 better they were considered, and more carefully provided for.” 
 
 There is on record the case of one member of the Corporation 
 only who disgraced himself. His name was Reve, a brewer by 
 trade. At this juncture he induced the trade to conspire together 
 to raise the price of beer. When the proper time arrived he met 
 his well merited punishment in having to pay a heavy penalty 
 and being publicly dismissed from the Corporation. 
 
 The fifth week opened, and the first ray of comfort shed its 
 
6i 
 
 light on the downcast, famished citizens. On Monday, the 
 29th July, a boy passed unnoticed through the camp of the 
 besiegers, and coming to the gate was recognised and admitted. 
 He brought letters from Lord Russell to the Mayor, comforting 
 letters, which informed him that his lordship was at Honiton 
 with the King’s army, that he had been successful with the 
 enemy (which was not quite correct), and that he would shortly 
 be with him for the deliverance of the city. The news was so 
 good that many refused to believe it; but a day or two after 
 other letters arrived stating that re-inforcements had reached 
 Lord Russell, and that in a very short time he would relieve the 
 city if only the Mayor would patiently hold out. The loyal 
 citizens were inspired with new life, and hopefully looked for the 
 hour when their constancy and courage would be rewarded. 
 But another week drew towards its close, and the expected 
 sound of the trumpets of the relieving army had not been heard, 
 nor had any tidings of its movements come in. The watchfulness 
 of the besiegers showed no abatement, and they harassed the city 
 with undiminished vigour. 
 
 Sunday morning arrived and the well-disposed of the people 
 assembled at early prayers in their several parish churches. 
 Suddenly from every quarter appeared a violent armed mob, 
 from which was heard the voices of the dispossessed of the 
 monasteries, shouting, with violent imprecations, “ Come out 
 these heretics and twopenny bookmen ! Where be they ? By 
 God’s wounds and blood, we will not be pinned in to serve their 
 turns: we will go out and have in our neighbours ; they be 
 honest, good, and godly men.” The Mayor and his friends ever 
 on the alert, first heard the disturbance, and thinking at the 
 time it was one of the usual manoeuvres to raise a tumult, set 
 themselves to work with energy and drove the rioters to their 
 homes before the worshippers came out of the churches. 
 
 But it was something more than an ordinary tumult—important 
 news had reached these fellows, the news that Lord Russell with 
 the flower of the King’s army had been utterly beaten by the 
 rebels, and that the city could not be saved. Soon the rumour 
 spread through the city, and consternation prevailed amongst the 
 
62 
 
 faithful. They assembled together, and counting up the number 
 that could be depended upon in this hour of trial, found but one 
 hundred persons. Froude erroneously states that at this time it 
 was decided to surrender the city. Hoker, who was one of the 
 faithful hundred, and whose narrative is the only source whence 
 any information at all can be gleaned of the internal state of the 
 city during the siege, states that the meeting was for quite the 
 contrary purpose, and it is perfectly clear that even to the last 
 when all hope was lost, they would have spurned the thought of 
 yielding. It had come to this : within the walls one half the 
 population was hostile, the other mostly indifferent; and the 
 soldiers and fighting men ready to turn to either side, which ever 
 should be uppermost. Surrounding the city on all sides were 
 thousands of fierce determined men, daily increasing in number, 
 perfecting their appointments, and bent upon taking the city. 
 The forces which had been relied upon to raise the siege were 
 beaten off and defeated. Under these circumstances the hundred 
 “ made a covenant and a faithful promise amongst themselves 
 that they would stand firmly and faithfully to the defence and 
 keeping of the city to their uttermost powers,” and when the 
 rebel hordes should pour into the city and sweep through its 
 streets, then they would retire to Bedford house and hold that 
 to the last. When that was no longer tenable, then they would 
 go out by the postern-gate into Southernhay, and standing 
 together as one man they would cut their way through the 
 enemy. They would not be taken alive, for they knew that no 
 mercy would be shown them by their foes. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs on Sunday, the 4th August. 
 
 Let us now return to the time when the angry knights and 
 squires at the Mermaid took horse, and the sound of clattering 
 hoofs awoke the echoes on that summer night as each sped away 
 to his home. The two Carews galloped forth together by the 
 South-gate, and matured their plans as they went. Sir Gawen 
 rode as far as Ottery, and there stayed to look up the tenantry. 
 Sir Peter continued his journey until he reached Georgehinton, 
 in Somerset, where he met Lord Russell on his way westward, 
 but with no troops except a body guard. On learning the 
 
6 3 
 
 alarming character of the rising, his lordship was for retiring 
 into Dorset as a place of greater safety, but Sir Peter urged 
 him to go on to Honiton and to his own well-fortified castle of 
 Mohuns—Ottery, and there raise what men he could, and await 
 re-inforcements. In the meantime Sir Peter hurried on to the 
 Court, and fully disclosed to the King and Council the serious 
 state of affairs in the west. Grieved and angry at the troubles, 
 due only to their own mistaken policy, the Lord Protector 
 Somerset, and Lord Rich, the Lord Chancellor, sought to cast 
 the blame upon Sir Peter for being too precipitate, and said if he 
 had his rights he should be hung for his doings. Their lordships, 
 however, got rather more in reply than they bargained for; stout 
 Sir Peter was not the man to be put down. He had the best of 
 the argument, and charged home so deeply that the Council were 
 fain to ask him to return with all speed, promising that troops 
 and money should speedily follow. Lord Russell was awaiting 
 his return at Honiton in great despair at having spent all his 
 money and seeing what little force he had with him gradually 
 melting away. Sir Peter’s coming soon altered the state of 
 affairs, and more money than was required was provided by three 
 Exeter merchants; men were procured and armed, and Lord 
 Russell found himself at the head of a respectable following, but 
 not an hour too soon. 
 
 The rebels had already taken the field, and had marched as far 
 as the meadows below Feniton Bridge, where they were now 
 encamped. The Carews, eager for the fight, prevailed upon 
 Lord Russell to advance his men from Honiton and attack them. 
 Coming to the bridge they found it well guarded, and the enemy 
 on the opposite side of the river. A desperate struggle ensued, 
 in which Sir Gawen Carew was wounded, but at length the 
 bridge was carried by his troops, and fiercely charging 
 down the meadow they made short work of the rebels. 
 When the battle was over and the men scattered about 
 gathering the spoil, a body of lusty cornishmen, under Robert 
 Smith, of St. Germains, came upon them unawares, and the 
 fight was renewed. There was great slaughter on both sides, 
 but in the end the cornishmen were beaten off, and Lord Russell 
 
64 
 
 hearing that all the country was up between him and Exeter 
 retired with his force to Honiton, there to await re-inforcements. 
 He had not long to wait, for already Lord Grey, of Wilton, was 
 approaching Honiton with a body of horse, a regiment of the 
 Landsnecke (hired German) infantry, and three hundred seasoned 
 Italian musqueteers—in all one thousand thoroughly disciplined 
 soldiers. The troops must have been exhausted with rapid 
 travel, and the horses knocked up, otherwise we cannot account 
 for the delay of six days—when every moment was of conse¬ 
 quence—which elapsed before any movement took place. 
 
 At length on Saturday, the 3rd of August, the little army in 
 martial array set forth from Honiton, purposing to pass over 
 Woodbury common, and thence by Topsham to Exeter. Arrived 
 in the evening at a place named Carie’s mill, on the down between 
 Woodbury and Mary Clist, they prepared to encamp for the night. 
 The rebels stationed at Mary Clist had early news of the approach 
 of the King’s troops, and it was bruited abroad that the hated 
 foreigner was there, the German and Italian mercenary, sent by 
 their King to fight against Englishmen on their own native soil. 
 Frantic with rage they delayed not a moment, but at once 
 sallied forth, and rushing up the hill attacked the royal army 
 with a courage worthy of a better cause. The fight was long and 
 bitter, but in the end, albeit weary and travel-stained, the 
 disciplined troops prevailed, and but few of those sturdy country¬ 
 men returned to tell the tale. Miles Coverdale, Chaplain of the 
 Army, afterwards Bishop of Exeter, preached a sermon on the 
 spot, and caused a general thanksgiving for the victory, “ among 
 the bodies of the slain, as they lay with stiffening limbs with 
 their faces to the stars.” 
 
 One cannot help feeling some little sympathy with these men 
 in their futile display of patriotism, for patriotism it was, and 
 none the less genuine because it was mistaken ; and we cannot 
 withhold admiration at the stubborn courage they showed in 
 defence of their principles. It was not so much disloyalty to the 
 throne that they showed, but rather indignation at the policy of 
 what they considered to be a deceitful and revolutionary Govern¬ 
 ment. The boy-king had as large a share of their loyalty and 
 
65 
 
 respect as his father before him, but he was looked upon as a 
 child, and a mere tool in the hands of the ambitious Somerset. 
 
 The sermon was scarcely finished when the trumpet sounded 
 the alarm, and it was every man to horse and to armour. From 
 the elevated position of the army a wide extent of country could 
 be scanned, and from all parts, crowds of men, magnified in the 
 uncertain light, were seen hurrying towards St. Mary’s Clist. 
 The fiery cross had gone forth, and the decisive struggle was 
 imminent—to-morrow should make them rebels or heroes. Little 
 sleep was there that night either on the down or in the village ; 
 every house in the latter was being turned into a fortress, and 
 ramparts and entrenchments formed wfiere necessary. 
 
 Early the next morning the army on the hill was drawn up in 
 proper order, the men in good spirits and eager for the fray. It 
 was Sunday morning, that Sunday, previously mentioned, on 
 which the despairing citizens of Exeter attended the early 
 morning service, when the riot took place. 
 
 Lord Russell inspected his troops and marshalled them in three 
 separate divisions, each to assault the village at different points. 
 In good order they marched down the hill, Sir William Francis 
 leading the way, and soon they were in the thick of the fight at 
 the ramparts and entrenchments. Desperate was the fighting as 
 inch by inch the stubborn english spirit contested the ground, 
 refusing quarter and giving none. At length the outer defences 
 were carried at all points, and the troops rushed into the village, 
 the heavy horsemen endeavouring to ride down the people. 
 From every house, from every window, arquebuss and caliver 
 poured forth their deadly missiles, and showers of arrows harassed 
 the advance, whilst the Italian musqueteers vainly tried to make 
 their weapons felt against unseen enemies. The result was still 
 doubtful when the sound of trumpet and drum was heard in the 
 rear of the royal troops—it was an ingenious ruse on the part 
 of the rebel leader, Sir Thomas Pomeroy, and the effect was 
 complete. A panic seized the soldiers; horse and foot, Landsnecke 
 and Italian fled pell-mell out of the village back to their camp, 
 followed by the villagers, who exultingly despatched every 
 unfortunate foreigner that flagged in that fatal flight. So 
 
66 
 
 complete was the rout, that the waggons containing the munitions 
 of war, armour, and even treasure were seized and brought in 
 triumph into the village. It was the news of this defeat, which 
 sped with lightning wings to Exeter, and brought about the 
 compact of the faithful hundred. 
 
 There was a pause for awhile, but again the Royal troops were 
 in motion towards the village, anxious to retrieve their laurels. 
 Orders were given to set fire to the houses as they went, so as to 
 drive the rebels out of their hiding places. Sir William Francis 
 was again in the van, but fell mortally wounded at the first onset. 
 Torches were applied to the thatched roofs, and soon the flames 
 burst forth and spread from house to house, gathering strength as 
 they went. So rapid was the fire that many were burnt where 
 they lay concealed, and those who escaped ran to join the main 
 body, which, panic stricken, had taken up a position at the 
 bottom of the village, near the bridge. Here the rebels made a 
 bold stand, and for some time obstinately maintained the fight, 
 but the repeated charges of the heavily armoured cavalry, the 
 guns of the Italians, and the murderous bills of the Germans 
 proved too much for the brave defenders. The carnage was 
 terrible, and the horrors of the battle field were heightened by 
 the flaming houses and the shrieks of the burning. The tide 
 which, at high water, floods the marshes below the bridge 
 happened to be at its full, and those who escaped the ferocity of 
 the soldiers by trying to wade across, sunk in their heavy armour 
 and were drowned. But the bridge was not yet carried, and 
 upon it stood the gunners with their pieces charged and match 
 alight. The narrowness of the structure admitted of the 
 passage of but one horseman at a time, and an offer of 400 
 crowns was made to him who should risk his life by charging 
 at the gunners. One man tried it, but he was blown to pieces. 
 Mr. Yard, however, who knew the country well, went a little 
 way up the river bank, and with some followers crossed by the 
 mill. There is a mill at this present moment on the very spot, 
 and has been probably ever since the events we are speaking of. 
 By this manoeuvre the gunners were taken in rear, and the 
 bridge soon cleared. The Royal troops then passed over with 
 
°7 
 
 their prisoners, and encamped upon Clist heath, the high ground 
 just above Sandiford Turnpike-gate, now cultivated and 
 planted with trees, but a barren heath within living memory. 
 From this elevated spot the dispersed rebels were seen 
 re-assembling, from different parts, on Woodbury common. A 
 large body of men appeared to have been got together, and they 
 were observed to be marching towards the village. A council of 
 war was hastily summoned, and it was decided, in order to avoid 
 embarrassment in case of being attacked, to kill all the prisoners; 
 a terrible act of cruelty, only partly justifiable on account of the 
 exigencies of the moment—the critical situation of the little army 
 in the midst of determined foes outnumbering them twentyfold, 
 and the temper of the foreign mercenaries thirsting to revenge 
 their lost comrades. That night was an anxious one in camp, 
 the fighting of the previous day had shown that it was no mean 
 foe against which they were contending, and his numbers and 
 resources were unknown. Mysterious sounds as of moving 
 bodies of men and works going forward kept the sentries on the 
 alert, and gave no rest to the leaders. The rebels who were 
 besieging Exeter had been hastily summoned from their stations, 
 and all were engaged during the night in fortifying the hedges and 
 entrenching themselves on the lower side of the heath, planting 
 their gnns, with their muzzles upwards, pointed towards the 
 camp. At dawn of day these guns opened fire, and the Royal 
 troops were speedily under arms. Again dividing his army into 
 three divisions, Lord Russell took the enemy in flank and rear, 
 and finally surrounding the rebels called upon them to yield. 
 “ Never,” they cried, and continued the fight with such desperate 
 valour that Lord Greie, who had seen much service, declared 
 that he had never known the like. True to their traditions, 
 Englishmen as they were, they would never give in; as long as 
 life and limb lasted they struggled on, and so it happened that 
 four thousand of. their number fell in the two days’ fighting. 
 The owner of Clist heath tells the story that when, some fifty 
 years since, the virgin land was first ploughed up, vast numbers 
 of human bones were brought to light, which astonished the 
 labourers by their size, the bones of the stalwart sons of toil, of 
 
68 
 
 the flower of British manhood which perished on that mistaken 
 and miserable day. The royal troops having now conquered all 
 opposition, marched to Topsham, and there encamped for the 
 night, proposing to proceed to Exeter on the morrow. 
 
 Let us now return to that wretched Sunday in Exeter when 
 despair had fastened upon the loyal citizens. The vigilance of 
 the authorities had in no degree abated, nor had their energies 
 been relaxed, notwithstanding the supposed hopelessness of their 
 cause. The events at St. Mary Clist, however, were fast drawing 
 away t he fighting men who had been encamped before the city, 
 and so averted the grand assault, which assisted from within, 
 would probably have been successful. Sunday night was passed 
 in quietness, and Monday in such tranquility, that the guards 
 might well have been doubled and everyone on the alert, believing 
 it to be the ominous lull before the storm which should sweep 
 over the city. As soon as darkness fell, the watch patrolling the 
 walls perceived, through the gloaming, a curious movement 
 amongst the besiegers, there was a bustling to and fro, the low 
 tones of suppressed voices were caught, and the neighing of 
 horses roused from their rest. The hour of deliverance was at 
 hand, and before the Cathedral bell had tolled out the midnight 
 hour, the invading host had melted away in the silent night, and 
 Exeter was free. 
 
 The gentlemen who had been confined as prisoners in the 
 churches and other places in the suburbs, came to the walls about 
 midnight, and brought intelligence of the flight of the besiegers. 
 Late as was the hour, or rather early, for there could be no more 
 sleep that night, the Mayor was found at his post, and was one 
 of the first to learn in what manner his constancy had been 
 rewarded. The news spread, the gates were thrown open, and 
 before daylight many a ravenous wretch, rushing forth to find the 
 food to which he had so long been a stranger, so gorged himself 
 that he died. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 6th day of August, 1549, soon after sunrise, 
 the city wall from St. John’s down to the water-gate was crowded 
 with excited citizefis looking out for the approach of the relieving 
 army. Many an one now doubtless boasted his loyalty who, 
 
6g 
 
 twelve hours before, would have hailed Arundell with shouts of 
 welcome. Shortly before eight o’clock the sound of trumpet and 
 drum, the tramp of horse and armed men, draw all eyes m the 
 direction of the Topsham Road, and soon the gallant Carews, in 
 full armour and mounted on their war-horses, come into view, 
 heading their tenantry, clad in the heraldic colours of the famous 
 house. Next follow the royal infantry in coats of blue, “ garded ” 
 with red, and in trunk hose, the right leg red and the left blue ; 
 the German Landsnecke with their long bills and staves ; and 
 the Italian musqueteers in fanciful costume. The horse, under 
 Lord Greie, bring up the rear, the men in armour and their 
 heavy steeds almost hidden under housings and trappings, and in 
 the midst the Royal Standard fluttering in the breeze. Lost for 
 a moment in the valley at the bottom of Holloway Street, the 
 picturesque procession speedily turns the corner by the Valiant 
 Soldier (an inn at that time), and passes over the waste ground of 
 Southernhay, amidst the cheers and sobs of the joyful citizens, 
 straight, without a halt, to Bedford House, and there on the 
 postern-gate of his own mansion Lord Russell plants the King’s 
 Standard of the Red Dragon. 
 
 The Mayor, we may be sure, was ready to give an account of 
 his stewardship to the Lord Privy Seal. He had maintained his 
 office with stainless dignity and honor, and with just pride he 
 would now show that it had suffered nothing in his keeping. 
 He assembled his brethren at the Guildhall in the early morning, 
 the Mayor clothed in his robes of office, the Aldermen in 
 their murry gowns, and the Cathedral dignities in their reformed 
 vestments. In full state and followed by the chief citizens, the 
 procession marched to the postern-gate, through which, but the 
 day before, some of them expected to- have passed as fugitives. 
 We can imagine with what applauding shouts the little band was 
 received, in admiration of the heroism which had been displayed, 
 and the murmurs of sympathy when their faces, lean with hunger 
 and furrowed by anxiety, came into view as they wended then- 
 way to the tent of Lord Russell. Nor was his lordship behind¬ 
 hand in the enthusiastic welcome he accorded to these gallant 
 defenders of his native city. Hoker, who was present, says “he 
 
 G 
 
70 
 
 most lovingly embraced them, and most highly commended them 
 for their truth, duty, and service, which upon his fidelity and 
 honor he did promise should be well considered by the King’s 
 Majesty.” Highly thought of as was the conduct of the Mayor 
 at the time, and great the reward the city received in various 
 ways, the service rendered to the country can only be properly 
 appreciated by? carrying on the mind to the end of the century. 
 The most momentous issues were dependant upon the power and 
 will of the authorities to hold the city. Had Exeter fallen in the 
 early? day?s of the siege, it would have been of immense importance 
 to the insurgent cause, both morally? and materially—it would 
 have left the rebel army free to pursue its course eastward, 
 gathering strength and numbers at every step, for there was 
 nothing to oppose it between Exeter and London. The country 
 was in such a distracted state, owing to the shifty policy of the 
 Lord Protector, that the insurgent cause would have probably 
 gained the ascendancy ; the seeds of the Reformation, success¬ 
 fully sown in the previous reign, would have been rooted up and 
 scattered to the winds, and not until Elizabeth ascended the 
 throne could the good work have been again commenced, and 
 then under tenfold greater difficulties. Amidst the agitation 
 consequent upon so great a revolution, where would have been 
 the opportunity or the inclination for that beneficial legislation 
 which aroused the dormant energy of the country during the 
 latter half of the 16th century, and sent her forward in a career 
 of progress only paralleled in this our own day ? It is not too 
 much to say that, by the fidelity of Exeter, the brilliant reign of 
 Elizabeth acquired a colour which otherwise would have been 
 gloomy indeed, that instead of a lengthened period of disturbance 
 and stagnation, the nation was blessed for half a century rvith 
 internal harmony and marvellous prosperity. 
 
 The city was rewarded. The manor of Exe-island, then held 
 by the King, belonged not many? y?ears previously to the attainted 
 Earl of Devon, and might again be restored to the family?. There 
 they had their own rule, their own laws, and their own guards, and 
 laughed to scorn the authority of the Corporation. It was a 
 thorn in the side of civic dignity, besides being a scandal and a 
 
7i 
 
 nuisance. Fearing lest it should be restored to the Courtenays, 
 the Chamber had used the greatest efforts to purchase the manor 
 of the King, but without success. They employed Burgesses of 
 Parliament, on their behalf, to offer an extravagant price, and 
 volunteered a handsome douceur to anyone who should succeed 
 in obtaining for them the much coveted property. What money 
 could not purchase for the city, the fidelity of her governors did. 
 The King, in gratitude for their services, and in the most graceful 
 spirit, freely gave them the manor of Exe-island, with all the 
 considerable rights thereto belonging. It remains to the Corpora¬ 
 tion a lasting monument of the courage and loyalty of John 
 Blackaller and his brethren. 
 
 G s 
 
EXETER DURING THE GREAT REBELLION. 
 
 Chapter I. 
 
 During the first part of Charles’s reign—indeed up to a period 
 approaching the great crisis, the political troubles do not appear 
 to have affected that prosperity which our city had enjoyed from 
 the days of Elizabeth. 
 
 The staple trade in woollen cloths and serges, for which Exeter 
 had almost a world-wide renown, was at its best, and besides 
 supplying the home markets, a very large foreign business was 
 done, the merchants exporting their goods in their own ships and 
 bringing back the produce of foreign countries to our port. 
 
 The Haven dues let for as much as ^”i6o a year, and there was 
 no Basin then, and the Canal extended no further than Trenchard’s 
 Sluice, by Countess Weir Bridge. It may also be noted in con¬ 
 nexion with the river that the fishing of Exe Island let for £6 a 
 year, an industry which the march of improvement has destroyed. 
 
 The raw material was brought in on market days and sold in 
 the Wool Hall—the large room underneath the Latin Free School 
 of St. John’s Hospital. It must have been a busy scene here 
 every week, as large quantities of wool changed hands, the 
 privilege of weighing it being let for as much as £^o a year— 
 whilst that for weighing the woollen thread at the Yarn Market 
 in South Street realized ^23 a year. 
 
 But the centre of the principal business was the New Inn in 
 High Street, where Mr. Green’s premises now are. This belonged 
 to the Corporation, and besides the Hotel, it contained the Cloth 
 Hall, and shops for the London Merchants ; altogether a hand¬ 
 some rental was produced, the Inn letting for £40 a year, the 
 Hall for £23, and the Shops for £6y. 
 
74 
 
 There were also weekly markets for cattle and hides at St. 
 John’s Bow, the meat market at the shambles in South Street, 
 (until a mutiny amongst the butchers led to its being closed,) and 
 the usual market for country produce held in High Street. 
 
 Picturesque as the appearance of the city would be,— 
 
 “Where houses, whelving houses meet,. 
 
 And vault, with beetle brows, a shelving street." 
 
 hemmed in by the massive walls, which afforded a healthful place 
 of recreation for the citizens, its sanitary state was such as to 
 render it anything but a pleasurable place of residence, with its 
 close narrow streets, along the centre of which ran the only 
 drains—open and offensive to more senses than one—the great 
 heap of corruption in the grave-yard of the Cathedral Close, and 
 the general nuisance arising from the number of animals kept in 
 the place. Then, as the result, there was the constant panic 
 about the plague, which sometimes came in earnest, and, for a 
 time, put a stop to business—fairs and markets being suspended, 
 and all persons and goods refused admission within the gates, 
 unless provided with a certificate of freedom from the dire disease. 
 To go out of one’s house after dark would be an adventure 
 attended with some peril, the only guide being the light which 
 every inhabitant was compelled, on dark nights, between Allhal- 
 lowtide and Candlemas, to set forth at his door until nine o’clock. 
 
 The Municipal Governors of the City, the Mayor and Aldermen, 
 and twenty-four, were wealthy and prosperous merchants, the 
 chief men of the place. A self-elective body, when a vacancy 
 occurred the most fitting man was appointed to fill it. Up to a 
 certain time the strife of party feeling was unknown, all presumably 
 being animated with the same spirit—the desire to do their duty. 
 Doubtless there were two shades of religious sentiment in the 
 body, but this would not yet affect their municipal duties. The 
 difference between the high Churchman and the early Puritan 
 was not so great but that they could worship in the same building, 
 and with the same service. Later on, persecution drove Puritanism 
 into a system of hateful bigotry and fanaticism, but the Puritanism 
 of Ignatius Jurdain, and the Crossings, was a very different 
 thing—they were good Churchmen according to the principles of 
 
75 
 
 the Reformation, loyal to the King, in charity with all men, and, 
 albeit, of somewhat grave and sober demeanour, not averse to 
 civic festivity on occasions. It must be remarked that there was 
 a shadow of influence which overhung the local government, as 
 yet scarcely perceptible, but which deepened and became a power 
 when events developed themselves. It was represented by the 
 _ Earl of Bedford, the great man of the place, who, by-and-bye, 
 ranged himself on the side of the Parliament. On one occasion 
 his lordship writes a letter to the Mayor, stating that he has some 
 reason to suppose that “ some disrespecte was pretended to 
 be offered to hym ” by the Chamber. The members are 
 fluttered at the imputation, which they profess themselves free 
 from, and regret that it should have been made. They move that 
 Mr. Berrie’s man be asked if he raised the report, and that 
 Mr. Mayor, in his lordship’s secretaries’ presence, do clear this 
 house of that “ aspertion ” if he may. 
 
 The wealth of the city being considerable, and the citizens 
 prosperous, the attention of the Chamber is turned in the direction 
 of local improvements, not forgetting its own dignity and comfort. 
 Northernhay is levelled and planted with trees, and a place set 
 apart for the private recreation of the Mayor, Aldermen, and 
 twenty-four of the city. A new hat of maintenance and an 
 embroidered scabbard are bestowed upon the Sword bearer, and, 
 to be in keeping with this splendour, the younger sort of the 
 twenty-four are to wear their better gowns at morning service of 
 the Cathedral, as well for their own respects as for the support of 
 the honor of the city. 
 
 The waits have new gowns and coats provided for them, and a 
 new player is appointed with a “ testimonial of his good 
 demeanour and carriage.” One of the ambitious schemes of 
 the day was a proposal to bring the river Exe through the city— 
 not an impracticable work, it was only a question of money,—but 
 it required long consideration, so long that the troubles came and 
 the money went, and so it was shelved for ever. One useful 
 undertaking the Chamber did carry out, and it was much needed. 
 The only burying ground in the city was that surrounding the 
 Cathedral, and so raised had it become by the accumulation of 
 
76 
 
 bodies, that it threatened to overwhelm the building itself. Sir 
 Nathaniel Brent, Vicar-General to the lord’s grace of Canterbury, 
 found it necessary to come down on the important business, for 
 there were vested interests to be respected, and the local State 
 was not on the best of terms with the local Church. The Vicar- 
 General was dined by the Mayor, and Lord Keyes entertained at 
 the same time. Either the dinner was uncommonly good or the 
 negotiations more successful than expected—perhaps both—for 
 the Chamber express themselves “ much beholding unto Mr. 
 Mayor ” on the occasion, and voted him 20 marks. Bartholomew 
 burying ground was the result of this visit, but it was not opened 
 until two years had passed away in battles about a site. 
 
 Proper regulations were drawn up, and one in particular is 
 interesting, after a recent controversy in the columns of the 
 Times as to whether bodies were buried otherwise than in coffins, 
 within civilized times. The Grave digger “ shall not receive for 
 any grave there to be made for any corpse to be bnryed without a 
 coffyn above the some of five pence and not above the some of xviiii. 
 for any grave with a coffyn." 
 
 Ten years of Charles’s reign passed away, and the King, more 
 bent than ever on acquiring absolute power, was trying the 
 experiment of doing without any Parliament at all. 
 
 Worse than this, his Majesty showed himself earnest in his 
 endeavours to force Episcopacy on the Scottish Church and what 
 were considered Popish practices in the service. 
 
 There can be no doubt that at this time there was a real dread 
 of the aggressive spirit of the Romanist party, which was 
 supposed—and with some reason—to be paramount at Court. 
 People had not yet forgotten Guy Fawkes and his doings, and a 
 nervous apprehension prevailed of machinations and plots to 
 bring about the ascendancy of the papacy. Even the King was 
 believed to be an unwilling victim to the arts and devices of the 
 Papists, and it was thought that he required all the support of 
 his loyal Protestant subjects to keep him in the right road. 
 When his Majesty’s proclamation appeared, touching the seditious 
 practices (in matters of religion) of “ some ” of Scotland, it 
 excited the sorrowful indignation of the faithful; it was read out 
 
77 
 
 by order in our Cathedral Church at the morning service (the 
 Corporation being present in state), and proved too much for the 
 feelings of some, for in the face of the uncovered congregation, 
 the Mayor and the venerable Crossing and Jurdain, Aldermen, 
 silently and solemnly protested against the manifesto, by putting 
 on their hats. 
 
 This Jurdain was a rather remarkable man ; he appears to 
 have come to Exeter sometime during the reign of Elizabeth and, 
 at'that prosperous period, to have done well for himself. He 
 became a Puritan of the most rigid type, being known as the 
 Arch-Puritan. His biographer relates that it was his constant 
 practice, for many years together, even to his old age, to rise 
 between two and three o’clock in the morning, and then to 
 meditate and pray until six, when family devotion commenced. 
 As Mayor of Exeter and for twenty-four years a magistrate of 
 the city, he administered justice with a stern and relentless hand, 
 and so numerous were the fines which he imposed for swearing 
 oaths and trivial offences, that his enemies declared he made 
 a handsome purse out of them; but the accounts which he left 
 at his death—kept with rigorous exactitude—showed clearly that 
 all the monies he had received were honestly accounted for. He 
 twice represented the city in Parliament, and promoted the Bill 
 for the observance of the Lord’s Day and against swearing. 
 When the plague was at one time raging in Exeter, so that the 
 Mayor and all the principal inhabitants fled the city, he remained 
 alone to administer justice and conduct public business. In 
 James the First’s reign he sent the King a written protest against 
 the royal book of sports, for which His Majesty threatened “ to 
 hang the fellow.” He died in the year 1640, and bequeathed 
 one-third of his property to the poor of Exeter, Guernsey, 
 and Lyme. 
 
 Probably this little incident in the Cathedral gave birth to the 
 party spirit, which dates from this time, in the local Council. In 
 an election to vacancies in the Chamber, the Puritan, or what 
 soon became the Parliamentarian Party, succeeded in getting in 
 the thm end of the wedge, by carrying their men for all three 
 seats. Some exceptional influence had been at work, and the 
 
other side were caught by surprise, an animated discussion arose, 
 and it was plainly seen that some members had been coerced, lor 
 a resolution was at once adopted that all elections should in 
 future be by secret scrutiny. The majority thus obtained, 
 though not a legitimate one, for it did not represent the majority 
 of the citizens, was steadily improved; and quietly, but per¬ 
 sistently worked out its own ends, but like all false aims, at 
 a great sacrifice. 
 
 The times are serious, and there is work to be done—the 
 members must be in their places by nine o’clock, under a penalty 
 —“ two tankards, lately bought, and not being so useful, spoons 
 to be purchased,” would lead one to suppose that the hospitalities 
 were to continue though with more abstemious habits, but alas ! 
 just afterwards the City Cook is requested to resign on a pension 
 of £\. Such levities as Corporation banquets must be dispensed 
 with, much to the joy of the Sheriff, who thought he would 
 follow suit, and failed to give the usual dinners : he was made 
 painfully aware of his mistake, however, when called upon to 
 pay a fine of ^io for the omission. 
 
 Stage plays had become so degraded as to be intolerable to the 
 sober mind ; so certain players coming to the city with a com¬ 
 mission, are put off on the plea of the danger of the times, and 
 get 40s. for going away. 
 
 The old feud between the Chamber and the Dean and Chapter 
 now blazes up more fiercely than ever—the civic body in effecting 
 some improvements had sorely ruffled the temper of the Capitular. 
 It was determined to open a new street from St. Stephen’s Bow 
 to the city wall and into the open country known as Southernhay 
 -—this street is now in existence as Egypt lane. In order to do 
 this, certain obstructions occurred at the end of the gardens of 
 the Canons, which the Chamber, notwithstanding the protests 
 of the Chapter, cleared away, and carried out their design with 
 a high hand. The Chamber had heard of a petition of grievances 
 from the Cathedral body, but they are astounded and incredulous 
 when it is reported, at a meeting, that the Bishop had taken part 
 in the quarrel, and had signed the petition. Then and there a 
 deputation is sent down to the Palace, to learn the truth of the 
 
79 
 
 matter, and the Chamber would sit till its return. They did not 
 gain much, however, by their action, for the Bishop, admitting he 
 had signed the petition, would give no particulars—the Chamber 
 would find out in time and they would learn that what was 
 complained of, there was just cause for complaining of, and so on. 
 
 How this was settled does not appear, but as both bodies 
 seemed to find much pleasure in a chronic state of squabbling, 
 the dispute was probably made continuous in order to prolong 
 their delight. A slight subsidence of acrimony leads to a request 
 that fhe Chamber will be pleased to attend the Cathedral services 
 on Coronation day and other festivals; which they graciously 
 condescend to do “ soe as there may be fitting seates or places 
 appointed out for them ”—to sit in. 
 
 The Chamber lost one of their most useful members at this 
 time in Alderman Francis Crossing—all the Crossings were 
 Parliament men, wealthy, and of high position ; the name will 
 not be forgotten in Exeter as long as St. John's Hospital exists. 
 The Hospital children were allowed to precede the body of the 
 deceased Alderman as it was borne to the grave, and if any 
 person of quality should like to go, he may, without paying for 
 the privilege. 
 
 The time when Charles finally broke with his Parliament and 
 the waters of strife were let out, is preceded by quarrels and 
 commotions. The butchers break out into open mutiny, so that 
 the shambles have to be closed, and rather an unpleasant state of 
 affairs is shown in the petition to the Mayor, of “John Newman,” 
 who complains “ that he cannot come home to his house, nott to 
 repayre his house, neither to receave his rents nor to releeve his 
 wyfe and family for the cruelty of those rebells who are proclaimed 
 soe to be in your Cittie and in other places against his maties 
 lawes.” The Walls are repaired, watches set every night, and 
 all the inhabitants are ordered, through the public bellman, to 
 have a “Clubbe” or some other fitting weapon in readiness for 
 the preservation of the peace according to the ancient order of 
 the city “ which is a thinge of late much neglected.” 
 
 Mr. Muster-master Vaughan seems to have found some work 
 to do beyond his appointed duties, for he is voted £\o ios., for 
 
8o 
 
 his kindness to the poor in setting their bones, curing their wounds 
 and hurts. Those clubs were terrible weapons in a street brawl. 
 
 Eleven years of Government by prerogative have passed 
 away ;—in place of Parliament, the nation has groaned under 
 the triple despotism of the Privy Council, the Star Chamber and 
 the High Commission. 
 
 The King and Strafford aiming at absolute power, Laud 
 labouring to unprotestantise the Church of England ; tyranny 
 in the Church and tyranny in the State went hand in hand. The 
 King’s necessity for money to carry on the war with the Scots, to 
 pay his own army, already clamorous for arrears of pay, compelled 
 him at length to summon a Parliament. This was decided on in 
 December, 1639, but it was not until the following April that the 
 writs were issued ; in the meantime our Chamber had selected 
 their members in the persons of Robert Walker and Simon 
 Snowe, Esquires, and their “ wages ” amounted to 4s. a day for 
 each day’s attendance at Parliament. Mr. Walker had for years 
 been the medium of communication, in matters of politics 
 between the Chamber and headquarters, and at one time was 
 intrusted with four salmon pies to be distributed amongst the 
 city’s friends in London. 
 
 No sooner had the new Parliament assembled than it entered 
 upon an enquiry into the state of the nation. Grievances were 
 examined, especially that of ship money, and the Commons 
 refused to vote supplies until the exactions and oppressions 
 they had suffered from during the long intermission, should be 
 thoroughly discussed. The King insisted upon the supplies first, 
 and would allow them ample time afterwards for discussion; 
 thus the old differences were renewed, and this short Parliament, 
 which assembled in a conciliatory spirit, was dissolved in anger 
 almost as soon as it met. Before the end of the year the defeat 
 of the King’s forces by the Scots, financial difficulties, and disorder 
 in every function of the Government, compelled the convening of 
 another Parliament, that which has become memorable in history, 
 as the Long Parliament. It met in a different temper to the last. 
 Hampden and Pym were amongst its members, and they, on the 
 issue of the writs, had ridden England through to urge upon the 
 people to choose for themselves, as their right and duty. 
 
Almost the first act of the Commons was the impeachment of 
 Strafford, soon followed by that of Laud, and the passing of the 
 “Grand Remonstrance” alleging the existence of a conspiracy 
 to subvert the laws, to degrade Protestantism, and to discredit 
 Parliament, imputing all the grievances to the effect of evil 
 councils, which Charles showed no disposition to throw off; but 
 still clung to those whose advice had covered the nation with 
 disgrace. The members for our city, or rather our Chamber, 
 (for they were elected by the Corporation), were in their places, 
 supporting the patriotic party, during the passage of these 
 eventful measures through the House, and they must have been 
 witnesses of that dramatic scene when Charles came down to the 
 House of Commons, took the Speaker’s Chair, and demanded the 
 arrest of the five members ; but found that the birds had flown, 
 and returned disconcerted, with the cry of “ privilege ” ringing 
 in his ears. Notwithstanding that the patience of the people 
 was nearly exhausted with these contentions and high-handed 
 proceedings, there was not at this time much show of disloyalty; 
 and were it not that the great mass of the people had become so 
 sensitive on the religious question, and the fancied peril in which 
 Protestantism stood, it is by no means certain that the King 
 would not have had support enough to enable him to trample on 
 the privileges of Parliament, as he had done before, and rule in 
 his own fashion over an acquiescent if not a contented people. 
 
 The Queen Henrietta succeeded in passing over to Holland 
 with the crown jewels, on which she raised some two millions 
 sterling for the exigencies of the King, whose persistence in 
 demanding the impeachment of the five members had brought 
 him into direct conflict with the House, and all London was in 
 commotion. Just a week after Charles’s mad and unconstitutional 
 act, the Chamber met, and the result of their deliberations shows 
 that the echo of the popular excitement in town had reached our 
 western country. 
 
 “ This day five several petitions were psented to this House 
 “ subscribed by manie of the Comons & inhabitants of this Cittie 
 “ expresing sevrall dangers apprehended by them to the decaye 
 “ of their trades occasioned by the disturbances in London, & 
 
82 
 
 “ opposicons by bishopps & popishe lordes in parliament with 
 “ their desires that the same may be psented to his mat' 0 & the 
 “ houses of Parliam* wch particulars having byn much debated it 
 “ is agreed that the petitions shalbe fitted for his mat ie & the 
 “ Parliament by Mr. Hakewill, Mr. James White, Mr. James 
 “ Gould, & Mr. Richard Crossing wth all convenient speede for 
 “ the purposes beforementioned. Alsoe Mr. Adam Bennett & 
 “ Mr. John Cuppei', are desired on the behalfe of this Chamber 
 “ to undertake a journey to London to exhibit the same & that 
 “ their charges shalbe borne of this house, divers of the comons 
 “ pferring to goe with them uppon their owne charges ; But it is 
 “ desired that this be fitted and speeded away because sevall 
 “ psons of Devon goe in the like business from that Countie.” 
 
 Two or three days later the petitions were sealed, and a warrant 
 granted for Messrs. Bennett and Cupper, who were requested to 
 hasten their journey. 
 
 What effect these petitions may have had it is difficult to say, 
 but this we know, that pieces of plate, each of the value of 50s., 
 were given to the four who went to London with them. 
 
 In the following July the Parliament demanded the control of 
 the Militia, and asked the royal assent to a bill giving them that 
 power, but the King peremptorily refused. They retorted by 
 passing a measure resolving to raise an army, and appoint the 
 Earl of Essex, General thereof, but at the same time made a last 
 overture to the King praying for peace. In response His Majesty 
 summoned his adherents to rally round him at York, and sent out 
 his Commissioners to array all loyal subjects in armed defence of 
 the Crown. The civil war had begun ; but news in those days 
 was uncertain and slow in travelling. Our local authorities 
 thought that even yet there was time for a settlement, and 
 so towards the end of the month “ it is agreed that 2 severall 
 “ petitions shalbe forthwith prepared, th’one for his mat ie th’other 
 “ for the Parliament expressing the greate feares the petitioners 
 “ have att present of the distraccons & supplicating for a happie 
 “ accomodation.” 
 
 The authorities had for some time been making careful prepara¬ 
 tion for the events which they had evidently anticipated. The 
 
83 
 
 Lords of the Council, not long before, had ordered the Lord 
 Lieutenant, the Earl of Bedford, and his son, to see that the city 
 was well supplied with guns and ammunition, little dreaming that 
 the first use for them would be in opposition to their own party. 
 
 The gates were placed under proper control, and a free passage 
 all round the walls cleared for the patrol of the watchmen and 
 the shifting of the guns. Officials with objectionable proclivities 
 were quietly removed, and their places filled with those whose 
 opinions coincided with those of the civic rulers. Night watches 
 for the preventing of dangers in the night were established, and 
 watch and ward against an enemy which no gates could keep 
 out — the plague — which was stalking through the land, carrying 
 dismay and death in its train. 
 
 In the midst of such dangers and excitement, it is curious to 
 note that the old custom, requiring every new member to bring 
 in a gilt spoon to Blundell’s feast, is ordered to be rigidly' - enforced, 
 and the plate added to the city store. Perhaps it was foreseen 
 that the time was at hand when every spoon would be wanted. 
 
 The Parliamentary party in the Chamber appear to have had 
 the field entirely to themselves, although the majority could not 
 have been so large as to entirely swamp the influence of the other 
 side, which, however, persistently absented itself. There seems 
 to have been an understanding, or it was a matter of compulsion, 
 that the dominant party at the Castle should find itself supported 
 by and in accord with, the party conducting affairs at the 
 Guildhall. 
 
 No sooner had the King declined, with an oath, to give assent 
 to the Militia Bill, presented by what he was pleased to call a 
 mongrel Parliament, and hastened northwards to raise his 
 standard at Nottingham, thus formally declaring cival war, than 
 the Earl of Bath came westward to see how matters stood in 
 Exeter, and if this stronghold could be secured for the King’s 
 adherents : the record is as follows :— 
 
 “ 1642, 9 th August. 
 
 “ This day Mr. James Tucker and Mr. John Hakewill Aldr. 
 “ and Mr. James Gould and Mr. John Colleton are desired to 
 “ meete the right honble the Earl of Bath who is this day 
 “ expected to this Cittie and to deliver this message hereunder 
 “ written. 
 
8 4 
 
 “ That if the Committee .doe fynde that the Earle of Bathe doe 
 “ come in an ordinarie way unarmed that then they or one of 
 “ them or some messenger from them under their hands hasten 
 “ their retorne to give notice to the Captayne attending the gate 
 “ where he is to come in att that he may be received withall due 
 “ respecte. But if they fynde he comes in a warlike manner with 
 “ more than one hundred of armed men, that then they inform 
 “ his Ldshp. of this order and desire hym, that yf he intends to 
 “ enter into the. Citie in that manner that he will first before his 
 “ entrie give them leave to inform Mr. Maior and his brethren 
 “ thereof and they will forthwith retorne his Ldship. their 
 “ resolucons.” 
 
 Nothing came of it, however, and it does not appear that he 
 entered within the gates ; his errand was a fruitless one, for 
 already Earl Bedford was hastening down, with a commission 
 from the Parliament, to assemble the Militia. 
 
 The Mayor, the Sheriff, and five Aldermen, all of the Parlia¬ 
 mentary party, of course, were appointed the Commissioners for 
 Exeter, and they had power to seize horses and ammunition and 
 everything they might consider necessary, for the new army. 
 Amongst the municipal Records may be found particulars of the 
 bodies of volunteers (as they were called) raised at this time. 
 There are the names of the Captains of the Companies and of 
 every individual soldier, with the pay he received. 
 
 The Ensign got ios. a week; Sergeants, ios. and 5s.; 
 Drummers, 6s. ; Corporals, 5s. and 4s.; Gunners, £n ios. a 
 month ; and Privates, is. 8d. to 2s. 6d. a week ; with 4s. a week 
 when engaged in the country. The City, it appears, could not 
 provide a person capable of organizing and training the forces. 
 
 “ Whereas, it hath byn ppounded by the Committee for the 
 “ safetie of the Cittie that some ingeneer, or other person well 
 “ experienced in marshall disciplyne, should he pcured to be here 
 “ continuallie resident for the better defence of this Cittie, and 
 “ to be assisting and attendant on the captaynes here in these 
 “ tymes of combustion. It is agreed that if such a pson may be 
 “ pcured from London or any other place that shall be approved 
 “ of by this house for that service that this house shall be 
 “ ingaged to pay unto hym xxx/. yerely towards his pencon and 
 “ expences.” 
 
85 
 
 A suitable officer was found in one Mr. Bagster, and he did his 
 work so satisfactorily that the Chamber voted him £10, beyond 
 his salary, for the “ extraordinary pains ” he had taken. 
 
 The City walls gave anxious trouble to the authorities, they 
 seem to want repair in every direction, and encroachments had 
 been tacitly permitted, which it is difficult now to do away with. 
 The Archdeacon of Cornwall had stopped up a common way to 
 the wall by his house, and refused to restore the passage. He is 
 called upon to remove the obstruction forthwith, and if he refuses, 
 it is ordered to be done by force. 
 
 A subway or vault, near the East-gate, which, in former sieges 
 afforded a communication between the Castle and the Gate, is 
 ordered to be stopped up, and the wall put into a thorough state 
 of repair, by Southernhay, as far as South-gate. Matches and 
 ammunition in large quantities are purchased, and an order 
 passed that “ the Cittie’s guns, viz., three ordinances and three 
 “ stock ffowlers, be forthwith mounted, and a barrel of common 
 “ sort of powder bought, for the trial of these and other guns 
 “ brought in.” 
 
 For preventing many dangers threatened the city, it is agreed 
 that the several gates shall be shut every night at six o’clock, and 
 the wickets at eight o’clock, and no one to be permitted to go in 
 or out after those hours. One source of danger is dealt with 
 summarily, by the dismissal of the Chaplain to the Corporation, 
 who was not quite orthodox, and had given cause for complaints 
 by divers misdemeanours. The owners and occupiers of the 
 orchards outside the walls, on Southernhay, are warned forthwith 
 in these times of “ soe great danger” to take down all trees 
 within sixteen feet of the wall, and stakes are provided for the 
 Deputy Lieutenants to fortify the outlying posts in the suburbs. 
 Whilst these precautions are being taken against enemies from 
 without, there is no lack of vigilance concerning those within 
 the walls—doubtless they were very numerous, and they appear 
 to have had their head-quarters somewhere in the neighbourhood 
 of East-gate, and that vault which the authorities are so anxious 
 to stop up. One Orchard’s house was here situated, and it was 
 supposed that it had secret communications with the wall, a 
 H 
 
86 
 
 hollow tower, and the gaol. Some of the suspected were ordered 
 to be secured and put forth the city, whilst Jonathan Hawkyne’s 
 house was watched nightly by soldiers. 
 
 A week after the first battle, at Edgehill, between the Royal 
 and Parliamentary troops, seeing the very large expenditure 
 they had already made, and with the prospect of still greater 
 staring them in the face, the Chamber decided to invite to their 
 councils ten of the Commons, or outsiders, to consider of some 
 fitting course for raising money and better defending the city. 
 Money was wanted at once, and some was raised on the spot at 
 £6 13s. 4d. per cent, interest. 
 
 An interesting document was discovered amongst a heap of 
 rubbish in the Record-room of the Guildhall—it gives us some 
 insight into the arrangements made for the defence of the city, 
 and there are indications that the troops and the citizens were 
 not wholly to be depended upon in respect of loyalty to the 
 Parliament. The papers are not signed, and there is nothing to 
 show whence they emanated, but there can be no doubt they 
 represent the instructions of the City Commissioners, and they 
 bear date the 23rd January, 1642. This is confirmed, to some 
 extent, by the fact that on the gth January the Earl of Stamford 
 is in the West, organizing his army, but not yet in Exeter. 
 
 “ This day it is agreed that there shall be one hundred pounds 
 “ bestowed on the Right Hono. the Earle of Stamford, nowe 
 “ Lord GenalL, appointed by the Parliamt. for these Western 
 “ Counties, as gratuitie from this Cittie, in regard of his honb. 
 “ regards of the same wh. is desired of hym.” 
 
 In the following May he was in command at Exeter, and in 
 July the Chamber voted him a further sum of £200. One of the 
 General’s first acts was to cause the dismissal of the Recorder, 
 Sir Peter Ball, and the appointment of Mr. Edmund Prideaux 
 to the office. 
 
 THE DOCUMENT. 
 
 An° 1642 , January 2 yd days. 
 
 1 —That the Magazin be forthwith viewed and made up as follows :—• 
 
 Powder . 80 Barrils 
 
 Match 4° C waight 
 
 Musket Bullets of sev 11 sizes .. .. 30 C waight 
 
 Carbine Bullets .. .. •. • • 4 ^ waight 
 
87 
 
 Cannon Shot 1000 of sev 11 sizes ^ ye Gunners direccon 
 
 Two chambers to every Stock ffowler & 2 or 3 Stock ftowlers more to be 
 procured. 
 
 2— That more Gunners be procured, men to be confided in. 
 
 3— That a douz n iron rods with wormes & scowrers be made ffor the musketts 
 
 & some to be at each Gate & the Castle. 
 
 4— That 4 or 5 Companyes of Volunteers of the Country be procured. 
 
 5— That 40 inhabitants of the Citty, men to be confided in may be added to the 
 
 Capt n9 & Officers of the Volunteers to take their turnes to be over the 
 watches at the severall Corpe de Garde. 
 
 6— That some choice men be considdered for the Castle. 
 
 7— That the dikes about the Citty be made deeper & more ffalling & people 
 
 summoned by the drum for expedition & the walls & howses removed. 
 
 8— That the Great Church be kept continually shut & a Guarde ther by night 
 
 and a trustie man to keep the keyes. 
 
 9— That fflankers be made ^ Capt. Baxter’s direccon. 
 
 10— That Turnepikes be set at each gate & at the bridge foot. 
 
 11— That dikes & drawbridges be made at each gate to prevent blowing up the 
 
 gate. 
 
 12— That Topsham & the river be effectually secured & that Powderham Castle 
 
 be demolished or secured & Radford house fortified. 
 
 13— That some fortification be made at Cowley Bridge so as to command the 
 
 way from Stoke. 
 
 14— That the remote partes of the suburbs be barricaded. 
 
 15— That there be strict restraint of the prisoners and none be suffered tospeake 
 
 with them but by order of the deputie Lieutenants & in presence of the 
 Corporall of the watch and none to preach here but by permission. 
 
 16— That all malignants & disaffected psons be secured or dismiste. 
 
 17— That noe women or children nor householde goodes be passed out of the 
 
 Citty without order of ye deputie Lieutenants. 
 
 18— That in case of ffire some Aldermen be named within the parish to cleer the 
 
 streete by a pclamation that he Committy may attend it, who are to 
 prepare buckets & crookes &c. beforehand. 
 
 19— That all hay & straw be removed from about ye Guildhall. 
 
 20— That proclamation be made to require every man to make provision of corne 
 
 pease & other needfull thinges & also of ffewell. 
 
 21— That handmills be procured from the country &c. there being one in 
 
 St. Thomas Parish. 
 
 22— That all disaffected persons be thoroughly disarmed & their howses duly 
 
 searched. 
 
 23— That for securing the Mills the Clift at head-ware bee made good. 
 
 24— That St. David's Hill be secured where theres most comande. 
 
 25— That the wall twixt Eastgate and the Castle be viewed & that some comon 
 
 passage be opened & the high geole & Orchard's howse be carefully looked 
 into having outlets to the said wall, and a hollow tower in this wall to be 
 repaired & a vaut from the Geole. 
 
 H a 
 
88 
 
 26— That Dr. Salter, Mr. Rody, Thos. Orchard and ors. who came lately in to be 
 
 secured or put fforth of the Citty. 
 
 27— That the Winners be made goods and the Streete before it. 
 
 28— That the Guildhall without Eastgate be secured for the passage from 
 
 Paris-St and the lane going into Southernhay by crossing the ‘ Sink ’ (or 
 Sunk) to be dammed up. 
 
 29— That the trees in Southernhay be cut down and brought into the Citty and 
 
 some of those in the Bonney. 
 
 30— That the trees in the old Churchyard be carried to every gate some. 
 
 31— That more Corps de Guard houses be apointed. 
 
 32— That strickt discipline may be observed towardes all souldiers that neglect 
 
 their duty. 
 
 33 — pticular ffaithfull men to 
 
 that a consideral quantitie of Match, Bullett, Balls, & iff you can procure 
 some morter pieces they will be very useful. 
 
 34— To order that some turnepikes, flankers, or galleries, according to fformer 
 
 description be made presently without the walls. 
 
 35— To take an exact muster of the men, and their armes wh are now within 
 
 this Citty, as well (? regulars) as volunteers & also those that are fitt to 
 beare armes & have none, as also that each howseholder present to 
 within this parish what quantity of armes & what sort 
 of armes he hath within his howse to the intent that on any extraordinary 
 occasion they may be brought forth and not otherwise: and iff any shall 
 refuse to certify the number of their armes that those that doe soe shalbe 
 severely punished & loose their armes. 
 
 36— That this being done Mr. Mayor & the deputye expresse how many souldiers 
 
 they think needfull to be called into the Citty and when. 
 
 37— That one particuler time be assigned to meete to consult during these times 
 
 and ezactlie observed. 
 
 38— That an expresse be sent to the Parliament with desires for armes &c. as 
 
 above said. 
 
 39— That a letter be written to Generali Stamford to desire his care of this place. 
 
 40— -That a constant courier (be had) for to have intelligences, and scouts 
 
 settled so that when one comes in another may goe out. 
 
 The walls to be exactly searched without and within ye walls, in all houses and 
 sellers that are adjoining, specially Orchard's house at Eastgate and 
 Southgate prison. 
 
 No watches to be sent to their Courts of to any quarter till 
 
 examined if they have powder match and bullets. 
 
 Let all ye centinells be firelock and snapances. 
 
 Let every souldier have 4 bandoliers of powder, 4 bullets, and 2 yards of match 
 worne about his arme, and one to view them every paydaie, and allowe 
 out of their wages for anything mispent. 
 
 No bells to ring for any dead, or clocks to strike, while ye Citty is beseeged. 
 
8g 
 
 A corps de garde to be kept in ye old churchyard, and to sit in St, Maries tower 
 and bellfrie with 2 centinells on ye toppe of ye tower. 
 
 The watch to be set at an exact time at ye ringing of Guildhall bell wch shall 
 ring, about £ a quarter of an houre: and punishment for ye absent and 
 for late comers. 
 
 All corporalls should be directed in what cases to beate an Allarum. 
 
 Before we go further it may be as well to give some particulars 
 of the expenses incurred by the Chamber under the first short 
 reign of the Parliament men in Exeter. There is a complete 
 balance sheet preserved, an exact copy of which is upon the next 
 page. 
 
g 
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9i 
 
 When the Earl of Stamford, who took Earl Bedford's place in 
 the city (the latter nobleman, as General of the Horse in the 
 Parliamentary army, being engaged elsewhere), first came to 
 Exeter he brought some of the country troops with him, so that 
 altogether there was a very large force within the walls. The 
 adverse part}' must, however, have been strong and bold, or 
 Mr. Gregory, an uncompromising Royalist, would never have had 
 the coolness to intrude upon the watch at twelve o’clock at 
 night, give them ill terms—saying all the volunteers were rogues, 
 and expressing a hope they would soon be put out of the city, and 
 Mr. Saunders, the Mayor, after them. 
 
 About the middle of May the Earl of Stamford, with a body of 
 1,400 horse, 5,400 foot, a train of thirteen brass ordnance and a 
 mortar piece, and ammunition and commissariat ample and 
 excellent—provided by the good citizens of Exeter—(who are 
 described as men who wanted no money) marched forth from 
 Exeter to meet the Royal troops which were assembling about 
 Launceston : so absolute a contempt had his lordship for his 
 adversary, that his only thought was how to cut off his retreat, 
 and capture the whole party. The result was the battle of 
 Stratton, where Lord Stamford having stood at a safe distance, 
 and well protected during the action, saw his army utterly routed, 
 and fled in dismay back to Exeter with the loss of all his guns, 
 ammunition, and provisions. The gentleman who was, a day or two 
 afterwards, committed to Sessions, represented no inconsiderable 
 portion of the public feeling, when he expressed himself “ as 
 “ nothing sorrowed at the disaster * * * * no matter if 
 
 “ they had all suffered.” 
 
 The effect of this reverse upon the city was the demand for 
 further funds to recruit the great losses sustained. These were 
 forthcoming. 
 
 “ This day it is agreed that in regard of the extraordinarie 
 “ occasions for the defence and perservacon of the Cittie during 
 “ this present unnaturell warr there shalbe borrowed of such 
 “ prsons as will be pleased to lend the same, the sume of ^2,000 
 “ and that the Chamber shall give the Citties comon seale unto 
 “ everie pticuler man, who shall lend anie pt thereof to be required 
 
92 
 
 “ at the end of 3, 6 or 12 monthes with consideration of 6, 7 or 8 
 “ per cent for the forbearance thereof, as the lenders can be agreed 
 “ wthall, and that if any Spanish peeces of eight shall be lent by 
 “ any man they shalbe received in 5s. the ounce.” 
 
 (^400 advanced at once by members—^100 by the Mayor—and 
 all obtained by the beginning of August.) 
 
 The successes of the King’s troops in the west and the surrender 
 of the city of Bristol into the hands of the Royalists caused a 
 panic amongst the Lords, and they desired the Commons to go 
 with them in propositions for peace, but the violent party in the 
 house would not hear of it. Not caring to proceed to such 
 extremities as events were hurrying them on, Earl Bedford, with 
 other noblemen, went over to the Court party and placed himself 
 at the disposal of the King, but it does not appear that he was 
 very favourably received. 
 
 This movement of the Earl’s, together with the, as yet, moderate 
 counsels which prevailed at the Guildhall, and the strong feeling 
 of loyalty which the citizens were known to possess but were 
 obliged to conceal under military pressure, lessened considerably 
 any desire the Commissioners may have had to prolong the 
 resistance, when Prince Maurice fresh from decisive victories, 
 laid siege to Exeter. The Parliament some little time before, had 
 commended the relief of this place to Earl Warwick, the Admiral, 
 who, with a fair wind, brought his fleet up the river Exe, thinking 
 by that way to place himself in communication with the city; but 
 his design was frustrated by Sir John Berkely, who had been 
 watching the fleet for some days. Placing his light horsemen 
 in ambush in the nooks that abounded in the marshes by the 
 river side, whenever a landing was attempted they charged home 
 and drove the enemy back to their ships; this so impeded the 
 advance, that the tide began to fall, and the Admiral had only 
 just time to clear out with his flagship, leaving three vessels 
 stranded, one of which was burnt and the others captured. 
 
 A hundred years before John Blackaller, the Mayor, held the 
 city for six weeks, in the cause of King Edward, with only a 
 hundred faithful men, against ten thousand desperate rebels 
 Striving to enter, until relief came and he gave up his trust 
 
93 
 
 unsullied. Prince Maurice was but fourteen days before the city 
 which contained a force equal to his own, and well furnished in 
 every way, and it was surrendered without other distress to the 
 citizens than being prevented taking the air beyond the walls. 
 So the Parliamentary army marched out, without the honours of 
 war, or any lament on the part of the inhabitants. 
 
 On the 4th September, 1643, Prince Maurice entered Exeter at 
 the head of his victorious troops, and was well received by the 
 citizens. Sir John Berkeley, knight, had the appointment of 
 Governor bestowed upon him, and he, and John Acland, of 
 Columb John, Sir Richard Chomley, of Bicton, and Sir Richard 
 Vivian, were admitted to the liberties of the city, gratis. 
 
 Herrick pays a tribute to the honesty and staunch loyalty of 
 Berkeley in the following lines:— 
 
 “ Stand forth, brave man, since Fate has made thee here 
 The Hector over aged Exeter; 
 
 Who for a long sad time has weeping stood 
 Like a poore lady lost in widowhood : 
 
 But feares not now to see her safety sold. 
 
 As other Townes and Cities were, for gold, 
 
 By those ignoble births, which shame the stem 
 That gave progermination unto them : 
 
 Whose restlesse ghosts shall heare their children sing, 
 
 Our Sires betrayed their Countrey and their King. 
 
 True if this Citie seven times rounded was 
 
 With rocke, and seven times circumflankt with brasse, 
 
 Yet, if thou wert not, Berkley, loyall proofe, 
 
 The Senators down tumbling with the roofe, 
 
 Would into prais'd, but pitied, ruines fall, 
 
 Leaving no shew where stood the Capitol. 
 
 But thou are just and itchlesse, and dost please 
 Thy genius with two strengthning buttresses, 
 
 Faith, and Affection, which will never slip 
 To weaken this'thy'great Dictationship." 
 
 Notwithstanding the enormous sums of money already expended 
 in the fruitless defence of the city, the Chamber contrive to raise 
 ^”500 for a present to be bestowed on the Prince and the Governor. 
 But their resources are failing, and all through the Royalist occu¬ 
 pation, they are put to desperate shifts to supply the insatiable 
 demands made upon them. 
 
 The first consequence of the new regime is the disappearance of 
 the familiar names from the reports of the meetings. Mr. Walker, 
 
94 
 
 the member, however, appears to have trimmed his sails 
 according to the times, and retains his seat; but Mr. Edward 
 Prydeaux is removed from the Recordership—which it is affirmed 
 he had no right to hold—and Sir Peter Ball is reinstated, as from 
 the date when he was illegally dismissed by the opposite faction. 
 
 The minor offices, of course, change hands. One Hackwill is 
 appointed “ Key ” of the prisons in the room of Cook, who by 
 reason of the “troblous tymes” had allowed “divers” to escape. 
 
 The members of the Chamber, now holding the reins of power, 
 have a fine field for the exercise of their energies. The plague is 
 raging in the city, and in great danger of being increased and 
 continued, from the filthy state of the streets and lanes—so bad 
 as to be a “dishonor” to the government ; a sly hit at the out¬ 
 going party. Every inhabitant is ordered to sweep and make 
 clean his street, twice a week, Thursday and Saturday afternoons, 
 in preparation for the two holy days, for Friday is now the Fast 
 day by Royal command, and the market has to be held on 
 Thursdays—an alteration which one Ursula Jeffery did not at all 
 approve of, and gave it out as her opinion that it was a papist 
 fast, “ scandalous and seditious words ” for which she was bound 
 over to keep the peace. The city walls—especially about South- 
 gate—have been knocked about and much damaged during the 
 late siege, and there is the part of Exe bridge to be re-built, 
 which had been pulled down to prevent the enemy from crossing 
 the river. Soldiers have to be billeted and the garrison in the 
 Castle supported, the Cavaliers being rather expensive gentlemen 
 to have the keeping of. There is no lack of loyalty or liberality, 
 but where is the money to come from? “those Puritan fellows 
 “ have impoverished the city, in a cause which was upset at 
 “ the first attempt”—so the authorities would argue—“ and now, 
 “ when we, the principal garrison and chief hope of the 
 “ Royalists desire to show that we are true to our motto 
 “‘Semper Fidelis,’ we are humiliated in our want of means.” 
 A Committee “ is appointed to consider of the right way to 
 “ prepare a rate in a pportionalle way after the rate of £\o a week 
 “ for the support of the garrison,” and the Commissioners for 
 martial affairs are entreated to compel Mr. Bond’s Exors. to pay 
 
95 
 
 in the tithes of Hennock. Three of the Chamber undertake also 
 a perilous ride to Kingsbridge to look after the tithes “ which by 
 “ reason the Cittie was besieged could not be ordered as it should 
 “ have byn ”—and all the duties and dues to the city are required 
 to be paid in at once. 
 
 Prince Maurice, who, according to Clarendon, dallied too long 
 in this pleasant city, at length led his army westward, taking the 
 town of Dartmouth, and thence marching on to lay siege to 
 Plymouth. This latter place held out with such obstinacy, that 
 the Prince probably called Sir John Berkeley to his councils, for 
 we find that the Chamber agree to give the Governor one hundred 
 pounds as a remembrance, he being then “ to goe out of the 
 “ Cittie,” and they trust that the money raised may be re-paid by 
 the fines which may be imposed ; which must have been rather 
 discouraging to those who should lay themselves open to 
 penalties. With the exception of Plymouth all these western 
 parts had submitted to the King’s forces, and the strength of the 
 Royal cause was greatest in the west ; so the Parliament in 
 London determined to raise a great army and place it under the 
 command of Sir Wm. Waller, with directions to proceed thither. 
 
 The King, as a counterblow, raised an extraordinary force, 
 levied out of Bristol and other towns, re-inforced by horse and 
 foot from Ireland and two regiments from Exeter, all under the 
 command of Lord Hopton, for the purpose of intercepting 
 Waller’s march, and preventing interference with Prince Maurice’s 
 army before Plymouth. The keenest interest would be shown 
 by the citizens of Exeter in the movements of these two great 
 armies, for it was perceived that in all probability a decisive blow 
 would be struck by one or the other, and that the final struggle 
 would take place somewhere in the west. 
 
 News of preliminary skirmishes reached Exeter, and excited 
 emotions varying according to the side which proved successful. 
 
 Whether it was that the ladies took a more active part in 
 politics or that they were less discreet, it is certain that they 
 occupied more than their share of the attention of the authorities. 
 
 Again we find one Marie Morris brought up and bound over 
 to keep the peace for saying in a shop—in respect of a report in 
 
g6 
 
 the city of the routing of Sir Wm. Waller and his forces—to 
 “ two barrel-loaders, that though theirs was the day now, that 
 “ the longest day would have an end, thereby tending to sedition 
 “ and disheartening of the soldiers.” 
 
 And she was not far wrong, for Waller’s “ Lobsters ” were 
 playing havoc with the Cavaliers, and the prospects of the 
 Royalists looked gloomy. 
 
 In the early spring of 1644, the King’s own Parliament being 
 at Oxford, where Mr. Walker and Mr. Snowe represented Exeter, 
 it was decided by His Majesty, doubtless at the instance of the 
 Chamber, that those members of the Corporation who, in these 
 times, absented themselves from their duties should be dealt with 
 decisively. It was no doubt desired to get rid of them altogether, 
 but there being no precedent of a dismissal for political opinions, 
 legal authority, or a show of it, was necessary to do so. 
 
 “ Mr. Maior having lately received a letter from the King’s 
 “ matie expressing his gratious desires to regayne the trade and 
 “ welfare of this Cittie and the auncient govt and order of the 
 “ same and doubting leaste the absence of some and the neglecte 
 “ of others of the Comon Counsell and officers of this Cittie in 
 “ their sevall places may much prejudice the furtherance of the 
 “ public weale here hath therefore by his said letter required all 
 “ psons to attend their sevall charges & if any be remisse in 
 “ pformance of their duties touching the same that some speichle 
 “ course be taken for remedying thereof & for yelding an acct to 
 “ his matie of their doings therein as by the said letter may 
 “ appeare. 
 
 “ In pursuance whereof Mr. Maior doth appoint Saterday come 
 “ fortnight being the xxiii day of this instant marche to meete 
 “ and consider of the dismission of such members of this Societie 
 “ as there shalbe reasonable cause to displace and then to make 
 “ eleccon of others in their roomes whereof the members nowe 
 “ psent are to take notice & ordereth that notice be given or lefte 
 “ at the houses of such as are now absent. And Mr. Maior is 
 “ desired to make knowne the same to Mr. Bennett & Mr. Gould 
 “ who by their letters have heretofore desired to leave their places 
 “ and to write to Mr. Phillipp Crossing & Mr. Richd Crossing if 
 “ he may, requiring them to give their attendances att the said 
 “ tyme as they will answeare their neglecte att their perills.” 
 
97 
 
 Something, however, which does not transpire, occasioned the 
 postponement of the consideration of the question. 
 
 The Parliament in London was showing great vigour in raising 
 forces and improving the discipline and equipment of the soldiers, 
 and it was given out that the spring would see Oxford surrounded 
 by an army that would compel its surrender, together with the 
 King himself and his belongings. The Queen became so alarmed, 
 that, although in a delicate state of health, she determined not to 
 remain in the threatened city, and so set out from thence about 
 the beginning ol April, coming to Exeter by easy stages, and 
 arriving on the ist May. Bedford house was made ready for her 
 reception, and there she took up her abode. The visit necessitated 
 another call upon the attenuated civic purse, and on the following 
 day the Chamber met and agreed that £ioo “ shalbe psented to 
 “ the Queene’s Mat ie from this house as a testimonie of the 
 “ respecte of this house unto her Mat ie now in this Cittie & Mr. 
 “ Maior is desired to deliver the same & Mr. Recorder & Mr. 
 “ Mallock & Mr. Walker are desired to accompany Mr. Maior in 
 “ the deliverie thereof the monie to be taken upp where it may 
 “ be gotten & the Cittie to give securitie for the same.” 
 
 They were, however, scarcely prepared for a demand in the 
 shape of fees from the Officers in Her Majesty’s service—“but if 
 right they will pay,” or rather, perhaps, must. The resources of 
 the city are all but exhausted, and there is Mr. Walker, the 
 member, grumbling about his wages, which he affirms he has as 
 much claim to, for attending the Parliament at Oxford, as those 
 have who are now at Westminster. The question of the absenting 
 members is to be discussed on the 16th of the month, but more 
 than two months elapsed before the Chamber met again. Mean¬ 
 while a Princess has been born at Bedford house, and the Queen, 
 ten days afterwards, (to escape possible capture by the Parlia¬ 
 mentary forces under the Earl of Essex,) took her departure, in 
 a litter, beside which her faithful physician, Sir John Winter, 
 walked on foot the greatest part of the way to Falmouth, from 
 which port she embarked and escaped to France. The gratitude 
 of Her Majesty for the attention she received from the Governor 
 during her brief sojourn in Exeter, is pleasingly left on. record in 
 a letter to the King, dated nearly twelve months afterwards 
 
9 8 
 
 “ Farewell my dear heart: Behold the mark which you desire 
 “ to have to know when I desire anything in earnest (*). I pray 
 “ begin to remember what I spake to you concerning Jacke 
 “ Berkeley for Master of the Wards.” 
 
 The King’s anxiety as to the safety of the Queen led him at 
 first to hurry his march westwards, in hopes of dispersing the 
 enemy, eager for her capture, but when he heard of her flight and 
 safety, the army was halted for a day or two, in order to gather 
 re-inforcements. 
 
 The troops of Essex were already massing around the city, 
 when the little princess, whose adventurous birth was but the 
 prelude to a life of strange vicissitudes, underwent the ceremony 
 of baptism with becoming fortitude and in great state, in the 
 Cathedral Church, on the 21st July ; a new font having been 
 erected for the purpose, surmounted by a rich canopy of state. 
 She received the name of Henrietta, and her portrait, taken in 
 after years as the Duchess of Orleans, hangs in our Guildhall. 
 
 Through the jealousies of the Parliamentary Commanders, 
 Sir William Waller, despite the express orders of Parliament, 
 found himself without much congenial occupation, in the midland 
 counties, whilst Essex insisted upon undertaking the conquest of 
 the west. The situation of the principal armies shortly to be 
 concentrated for the final struggle may be thus briefly described— 
 Prince Maurice before Plymouth—Essex before Exeter—the 
 King on his march from Oxford, over the Cotswolds, by way 
 of Bristol, to Exeter—Lord Hopton bringing up re-inforcements 
 from South Wales and the border counties in support of His 
 Majesty—Sir William Waller supposed to be on the King’s trail, 
 but as yet a long way off;—and Manchester and Cromwell 
 holding their own in the north, after the capture of York and the 
 victory of Marston Moor. 
 
 On the approach of tile King, Essex drew off his forces further 
 westward, and His Majesty entered Exeter without opposition on 
 the 26th July. The previous day the Chamber met and discussed 
 the pressing question of supplies. An empty Exchequer, and the 
 King himself coming to the citj ! Money must be found, and a 
 great deal of it. The tithes of Hennock and the sheafe of 
 
99 
 
 Kingsbridge are ordered to be sold—and alas ! the sad necessity— 
 the city plate must be disposed of:— 
 
 “ 25th July, 1644. 
 
 “ Whereas there is present & urgent occasions for the use of 
 “ monies for the present affairs of this Cittie and its conceived 
 “ that the Citties plate wilbe hereafter of little use, it is therefore 
 “ this daye agreede & ordered that the Citties plate shalbe forth- 
 “ with solde & disposed of for the best profitt & Mr. Maior to be 
 “ discharged of his engagement given for the same.” 
 
 There is a prophetic hopelessness in that “ its conceived that 
 “ the Cittie plate will hereafter be useless.” But even this does 
 not suffice to meet all requirements, and so £ 1,000 is ordered to 
 be raised on the city lands. 
 
 Before the King arrived on the following day, the Mayor is 
 gratified to be able to come into Court and report that he had 
 got £500 ; and the honour of the city was preserved. 
 
 The Chamber immediately proceed to vote away the money 
 obtained with such difficulty :— 
 
 “ And whereas the Kinges Matie is this day to make his accesse 
 “to this Cittie, where for his manie gracious favors to this Cittie 
 “ he ought to be, with all dutie and respecte, attended on by the 
 “ citizens, wh is hartelie desired may be orderlie done ; it is 
 “ further agreed and ordered that there shall be /500 psented to 
 “his Matie. And £100 more to the Prince his Highness (who 
 “ comes with hym), as a testimonie of the Cittie’s service, and 
 “joy of his Matie’s presence here, the ordering whereof is 
 “ commended to Mr. Maior and such others as he shall please to 
 “ call to hym. 
 
 “ And it is agreed that Mr. Maior shall bestowe xxl. uppon his 
 “ Matie Prince Charles his servantes, vizt. xx marks to the one 
 “ and xx nobles to the other, according as he sees it most fitting.” 
 
 The King is so delighted at the attention, that he confers the 
 honour of knighthood on the Mayor, Hugh Crocker, but at the 
 same time it is unpleasantly hinted that His Majesty’s army at 
 Bristol is much in want of shoes. The hint is, of course, some¬ 
 thing like a demand, but there is no money and the city can only 
 pledge its credit 
 
IOO 
 
 “ Sir Hugh Crocker, Knight, Maior, 
 
 “ Upon the message from his matie by Mr. John Ashburnham 
 “ for the advancing of monie or giving securitie for 3,000 paire of 
 “ shoes pvided for his matie’s armye in the Cittie of Bristol. It 
 “ is this daye agreede that the bond under the comon seale of 
 “ this Cittie shalbe given to any person of the said Cittie of 
 “ Bristol for the payment of ^"200 lawful money of England att 
 “ th’end of sixe moneths wh said some of ^200 together wh three 
 “ former somes formerlie advanced to her mat ie the Queen & 
 “ Prince make upp the full some of £1, 000—advanced to his 
 “ matie in testimonie of the loyall and dutiful respecte of his 
 “ matie’s present affairs and his happie accesse to this Cittie.” 
 
 This is a very polite way of saying that in the opinion of the 
 Chamber, the city of Exeter has done for Royalty quite as much 
 as could be expected. But there is one other little account to be 
 settled before the members separate. The city having at one 
 time been, although under compulsion, in rebellion against the 
 King, the Royal pardon is essential to its being restored to the 
 orthodox condition ; this involves a trifle of £60 for fees incurred 
 during the operation. 
 
 The King, after proceeding to hold a Council of war at 
 Bradninch, left in pursuit of Essex; he came up with him at 
 Fowey, in Cornwall, compelled him to fight, and captured and 
 dispersed his army, the Earl himself fleeing to Plymouth and 
 making his way thence to London. 
 
 Charles returned to Exeter on the 17th September, leaving his 
 army to follow, by easy marches, with the cannon which had 
 been captured from the enemy. His coming was heralded by 
 complaints that his horse was without money, and his foot 
 destitute of shoes and clothes. The long suffering city is again 
 called upon for money, and the Chamber succeed in raising £500 
 at 7 per cent, interest on the security of two tenements and three 
 marshes in St. David’s. 
 
 His Majesty remained about a week in Exeter and then 
 returned to Oxford, taking Andover on the way, and utterly 
 routing Waller, who had occupied that town with his army. 
 His stay in Exeter was marked by the dismissal of two uncom- 
 
IOI 
 
 promising members of the opposition in the Municipal Parliament. 
 They had been ordered to attend in their places by nine o’clock 
 on a certain day, and failing to appear, were struck off the list; 
 a month afterwards the names of five more members—the two 
 Crossings being amongst them—are called, but seeing that “they 
 “ have drawne themselves & their families out of the City & the 
 “ liberties of the same,” there is no response, and they suffer the 
 same fate. This eliminating process is carried on at intervals up 
 to the time when the course of events brought the opposite side 
 into power. 
 
 The winter of 1644 passed away without much to record in 
 respect of the city. The King’s cause seemed to be gaining 
 ground in the midland counties, and he was gradually accumu¬ 
 lating large forces around him at Oxford. Here in the west, with 
 the exception of Plymouth and Taunton, all the country was in 
 the hands of the Royalists. 
 
 Early in the spring of 1645, Parliament determined to new 
 model the army acting under its commands. To this end, the 
 Earl of Essex was superseded, as General, by Fairfax, who 
 associated with him Cromwell, as Lieutenant-General. Nearly 
 all the old officers were removed or had their commissions 
 changed, which caused heart-burnings and jealousies, not easily 
 allayed. At length, however, Cromwell succeeded in organizing 
 an army after his own heart: it was composed of men possessed 
 of earnest convictions, stern resolves, and unflinching courage. 
 They submitted to a rigid discipline and exercised much self- 
 denial for the sake of the sacred cause in which they were 
 fighting. This army was ready to take the field in May, and, 
 after desultory manoeuvring and skirmishing, was brought face to 
 face with the Royal forces, and showed its quality on the field of 
 Naseby. In this decisive battle the flower of the Cavalier army 
 went down before the steady courage of Fairfax's soldiers, and 
 the fierce charge of Cromwell’s ironsides. It was a defeat so 
 disastrous, and a rout so complete, that the King’s cabinet— 
 containing valuable State papers—and his household servants and 
 coaches were captured, together with all the artillery and ammu¬ 
 nition, and about 5,000 prisoners, horse and foot. 
 
 I 
 
102 
 
 At this time there was another large army under Lord Goring, 
 which had a sort of roving commission in the King’s cause in the 
 western and southern counties. It frequently came into collision 
 with Waller's troops and the soldiers of the garrison of Taunton. 
 Prince Charles, at Bristol, was supposed to direct the movements 
 of Goring’s forces, as well as those of Sir Richard Grenville, 
 which were besieging Taunton, but the discipline appears to 
 have been slack, as Sir Richard refused to stir a foot when 
 ordered by the Prince to advance, and Goring seemed to have it 
 pretty much his own way on the borders of Devonshire, “ taking 
 “ that opportunity to refresh at Exeter, where they stayed three 
 “ or four days in most scandalous disorder, a great part of his 
 “ horse lying upon free quarter, and plundering to the gates of 
 “ the City.” 
 
 It was hoped that, Goring having been summoned to join the 
 King’s forces at Oxford, the west would have been rid of his 
 ungracious presence, but he returned to it with greater power 
 than ever, and his licentious and rowdy followers—the worst 
 type of the Cavalier free-lance—became a terror wherever they 
 appeared ; so much so, that the avowed ground for the rising of 
 the club men, was the intolerable oppression and violence of 
 Goring’s horse. 
 
 Just before the battle of Naseby one of those quarrels about 
 precedence and command, which were so frequent at that time, 
 broke out between our Governor, Sir John Berkeley, and Sir 
 Richard Grenville. It reached such a head, that, to prevent 
 serious injury to the cause, an important commission was 
 sent down to investigate the matter and endeavour to heal 
 their differences, as they were both too good men to be lost 
 sight of or affronted. The time of the visit of the Commissioners 
 is marked by a minute dated 
 
 “ 20 May 1645. Whereas Mr. Maio r for the hono 1 ' of this 
 “ Cittie & att the mocOn of divers of the Citizens did invite & 
 “ interteyne the Lord Caple, the Lord Culpeper M r of the Rolles 
 “ S r Edward Hyde Chancellor of the Exchequer & divers other 
 “ psons of hono 1 ' then in this Cittie it is this day agreede that he 
 “ shall have tenn pounds allowed & paid towards the charge of 
 “ the dinner.” 
 
103 
 
 This dispute was patched up for a time, but it broke out again 
 before long, and Goring and Lord Hopton were drawn into it, to 
 the utter distraction of the Prince of Wales, who upon the 
 advance of Fairfax, had retired to Barnstaple, and was there 
 endeavouring the impossible task of satisfying everybody. 
 
 After the battle of Naseby, Fairfax commenced his march 
 westward, with his victorious army. Bridgewater was taken by 
 storm, Taunton relieved, Sherborne Castle captured, and in July 
 it is decided to lay siege to Bristol, where Prince Rupert was 
 then in command. Goring, at Cullompton, had some thoughts 
 of marching his troops towards Bristol to intercept, if possible, 
 the operations of the Parliamentary forces, but some disagree¬ 
 ment or jealousy again intervened, and he retires upon Exeter, 
 writing a letter (which was intercepted by the enemy) to 
 the effect, that, in three weeks, he will be ready to interrupt 
 Fairfax ; but it was then too late—before the time had expired, 
 Bristol had changed hands. This fatal delay of Goring’s was 
 occasioned by dissensions which required the presence of Prince 
 Charles to allay. He came to Exeter accordingly, and his visit 
 necessitated the usual infliction upon the impoverished city. 
 
 “ 30 th August, 1645. 
 
 “This day it is agreed that /"100 shalbe psented unto Prince 
 “ Charles his highnes (who came to this Cittie the last night) 
 “ from this house as a testimonie of the humble duties of this 
 “ Cittie to his Highnes ffor well there being noo other meanes to 
 “ raise the. same but by orphane’s monie it is also agreed that 
 11 £100 shalbe taken up of Mr. John Pynes orphans monie. 
 “And that an Estate of 21 years of the Newe Inn shalbe made 
 “ over to the Chamberlain Mr. John Parr & others for the repay- 
 “ ment thereof againe att one yere’s end wth reasonable interest 
 “ vi per cent.” 
 
 The patience of the citizens must have been sorely tried, during 
 the hot summer of 1645, at the discomforts which they endured 
 through the overcrowding of the city ; and their loyalty stretched 
 to its utmost tension by the conduct of the soldiery. The plague 
 was raging around, threatening the city; whereupon Mr. 
 Town-Clerk writes, with an exasperated pen, of the “ nastie 
 
 f 
 
“ & beastlie ” smells which prevail and which occasion such 
 infectious diseases, a raid upon the “ pigges and swine-hoggs ” 
 is determined on, and those objectionable animals are banished 
 the city— 
 
 “ 14 J une > i6 45- 
 
 “ Whereas the sickness or the plague is now rageing in manie 
 “ places to the greate danger of this Cittie. And such infectious 
 “ diseases are much occasioned by nastie and beastlie smells. 
 “ And whereas greate complayntes are made of divers such 
 “ annoyances in & neare this Cittie. It is this day agreede & 
 “ ordeyned that everie inhabitant of this Cittie having or keeping 
 “ any pigges wthin the walles of this Cittie shall wthin one week 
 “ now next ensuing remove or cause his or their pigges to be 
 “ removed wthout the walles of this Cittie and that noe inhabitant 
 “ doe presume to keepe any pigg or swine-hogg wthin the walles 
 “ of this Cittie whch shalbe anoyance to the inhabitants or any 
 “ of the King's leige people after the said tyme & before the 
 “ ffeaste of St Michael th’Archangel next coming uppon payne of 
 “ forfeyting of 11/s. m/d. for each pigg for every day.” 
 
 Goring’s dissolute troopers were the subject of daily complaints, 
 by their insolence and extortion ; they helped themselves to the 
 produce being conveyed to the markets by the country people, 
 and robbed them of what money they had received, on their 
 return, wasting as much provision in a day as was brought 
 into Exeter in a fortnight. Their language was such that the 
 learned Fuller lifted up his eyes in pious horror and prayed that 
 his ears might never again be so profaned. Goring jestingly 
 laughs off the complaints which are daily brought before him, 
 as one day, when the “fishermen complained, that, as they came 
 “ to market they were robbed by his troopers, who took all their 
 “ fish from them, he said, that they might by this see what great 
 “ injury was done to his men, by those who accused them of 
 “ great swearing; for if they did swear, you “ know (said he) 
 “ they could catch no fish.” Their destructive proclivities, for 
 want of indulgence against the enemy, were turned upon the 
 goods and chattels of the peaceful citizens; they could not 
 leave the poor old crane on the quay alone, for there is a record 
 of its “ breakage and decay by reason of the soldiers.” Sterner 
 
io 5 
 
 work however was in store for them ; Fairfax had advanced 
 triumphantly as far as Cullompton, on his way to Exeter, in¬ 
 tending first to lay siege to Tiverton, so as to keep the ground 
 open in that district. Sir John Berkeley, seeing that the 
 enemy’s intentions were in the direction of our city, obtained 
 leave from the Prince to remain at his post, and not to be required 
 to undertake any expeditions into the country. His resolve was 
 strengthened by a desire expressed by the Chamber that he 
 should continue his services here, accompanied with a remon¬ 
 strance and a present of £jioo, positively the last money screwed 
 out of the unfortunate city ; which, however, had afterwards to 
 furnish shoes and stockings for the troops. 
 
 “ 7 Oct. 1645. Whereas Sir John Berkely, Knt. the present 
 “ Governor of this Cittie hath in manie particulars expressed a 
 “ greate care and respecte to the welfare of this Cittie & Citizens 
 “ And is alwaies ready to pforme the same being -att present of 
 “greate concernment Mr. Maior is desired to render hym hartie 
 “ thanckes for those his favors & to intreate of him the continuances 
 “ thereof. 
 
 “ Also Mr. Colleton, Mr, Knott, Mr. Pitt and the Town Clarke 
 “ are desired to drawe upp some notes by way of remonstrance 
 “ of the manie somes of monie that the Cittizens and Cittie have 
 “ advanced for the publick service & sett the same to be tendered 
 “ to the Governor. 
 
 “ Also that there shalbe the some of ^100 taken upp uppon the 
 “ Cittie’s Securitie to be psented to the Governor as a testimonie 
 “ of the Cittie’s thanckfulnes and respecte to hym.” 
 
 The King, considering that at last his cause was getting 
 desperate, writes to Colepepper in the middle of October, that, 
 with the utmost secrecy, the Prince of Wales must be transported 
 to France ; and orders Lord Goring to break through Oxford with 
 his horse, and find him out. Goring, however, retires westward 
 with his troopers, much to the joy of the people of Exeter, and 
 finding himself in a declining cause, afterwards basely deserted 
 his post, and crossed over to France. 
 
 Bridgewater, Bristol, and Berkeley Castle had fallen ; the 
 garrisons of Devizes, Laicock-house, Basing-house—“a nest of 
 “ idolatry ”—Winchester, Langford, and Sherborne, had one after 
 
io6 
 
 the other been reduced, and Tiverton Castle carried by assault so 
 fierce, that the terrified defenders cried pitifully for quarter. 
 
 Fairfax on the 20th October marched with his whole army in 
 the direction of Exeter, and, halting at Silverton, the General 
 with a small party advanced as far as Stoke, and ascending the 
 hill, looked down upon the city. On viewing the situation, it was 
 determined to invest the place on both sides, and a movement 
 was made towards Alphington, which could only be reached by 
 the round-about way of Newton St. Cyres. On arriving at this 
 latter place, in such rain as almost made the roads impassable, 
 the soldiers, sick and exhausted, and the wheels of the gun- 
 waggons broken, it was resolved to move on to, and rest for a 
 few days at Crediton. Whilst Fairfax was at Crediton, debating 
 what step he should next take, happily Lieut.-General Cromwell 
 came in, in advance of his Ironsides, whom he had left at 
 Honiton. It was soon decided to secure the country on the 
 eastern side of the city. 
 
 Ottery St. Mary was selected for the head quarters of the army, 
 and garrisons were established at the Castle on Exmouth beach— 
 commanding the entrance to the river—at Bishops Clist, at 
 Poltimore, and at Stoke. The army in its march had approached 
 very near to the City, and the authorities, fearing an assault, 
 found it necessary to clear the ground before the walls on the 
 east side ; eighty houses were burnt to the ground and the occu¬ 
 piers left to shift for themselves at that inclement season of the 
 year. Whilst Fairfax was at Ottery, some negociations were set 
 on foot by Lord Goring, Sir John Berkeley and others, having, it 
 was thought, for their object, the bringing about of an under¬ 
 standing between the opposing armies—the one to compel the 
 King, the other to compel the Parliament, to settle their differences. 
 But matters had gone too far for that, notwithstanding that the 
 Royal cause looked less gloomy in the west, and the new sickness 
 was making terrible havoc with the Parliamentary troops. A 
 garrison having been established at Nutwell, at Tiverton, at 
 Crediton, and at Ashton, the investment of the City was complete 
 on the east and porth sides, but an attempt to occupy Powderham 
 Castle failed, the place being strong in the possession of the 
 Royalists. 
 
The day after Christmas-day, news was received from Plymouth, 
 and confirmed by spies, that Prince Charles was about to put 
 himself at the head of the forces that could be mustered from 
 Cornwall and Devon, and risk all upon his cast of relieving 
 Exeter. The General determined at once to take the field and go 
 forth to meet the enemy: leaving Exeter closely blocked, he 
 dispatched Sir Hardress Waller with two brigades—Cromwell 
 going in person with them—westward, by way of Bow, to Bovey 
 Tracey, whilst he himself advanced into the South Hams by way 
 of Canonteign. The expedition was successful as far as it went, 
 but it failed to meet with the Royal army in force. Dartmouth, 
 however, was stormed, and Totnes taken, and in the various 
 desultory encounters the Parliamentary forces generally had 
 the best of it. 
 
 The beginning of the new year witnessed the return of Fairfax 
 and his army to prosecute, with greater vigour than ever, the 
 siege of Exeter. 'On the 17th of January a summons to surrender 
 was sent in and honorable conditions offered. A fair answer was 
 given, declining the terms, and expressing a strong belief that the 
 Prince would speedily relieve the city. 
 
 The concentration of the Royal troops in the North of Devon, 
 and their reinforcement from the eastward, pointed to the proba¬ 
 bility of a last and desperate attempt to raise the siege, and at a 
 Council of officers of the besiegers' army it was resolved a second 
 time to march out and try to bring on a general battle with the 
 Prince’s army—not without so much discontent, however, amongst 
 Fairfax’s troops, annoyed at these diversions, that it was thought 
 better to at once attempt the city by storm, and warrants were 
 issued to all the hundreds, about Exeter, to supply ladders; and 
 scaling-ladders were sent for from Plymouth. But the aspect of 
 affairs in the north compelling attention, the army was soon on 
 the march in that direction. Powderham Castle, which had 
 surrendered, was first garrisoned ; and guards and quarters 
 established at Alphington, Peamore, and Barley, so that the city 
 was completely surrounded ; the whole of the arrangements for 
 maintaining the blockade being left to Sir Hardress Waller. 
 
 The inhabitants were at this time feeling considerable distress, 
 more perhaps from being penned up within the crowded city, 
 
io8 
 
 than from any actual scarcity of food; although Fuller relates that 
 the appearance of an incredible number of larks, in excellent 
 condition, was hailed with joy, and they were killed in such 
 quantities as provided many a plentiful meal for the poor people, 
 who otherwise would have been pinched. 
 
 Just ten days before the surrender of the city, Thomas Fuller, 
 the Divine, was appointed by the Chamber to the Bodleian 
 Lectureship; he was chaplain to the household of the little 
 Princess, and a great favourite among all classes, from his genial 
 manners and moderate views. He rendered considerable help to 
 the authorities in the difficult negociations with the enemy at the 
 critical time of the surrender of the city. 
 
 Lord Hopton—who had been made Commander-in-Chief of the 
 Royal forces—was now at Torrington, with 5,000 horse and 4,000 
 foot, also a large number of cattle and sheep, salt, and other 
 provisions, which had been brought up from Stratton in one day, 
 and were being hurried on, with all speed, for the relief of Exeter. 
 
 To intercept these supplies, and to disperse the troops intended 
 for the raising of the siege of Exeter, General Fairfax boldly 
 advanced against the enemy, and by the 16th of February had 
 got so close to him, that despite the unfavourable state of the 
 weather, and the superior numbers opposed to him, he was 
 compelled to commence the attack. The result was the battle 
 of Torrington, when the Royalists were driven out of the place, 
 Lord Hopton having his horse shot under him, and narrowly 
 escaping capture ; the church blown up with two hundred 
 prisoners who were confined therein ; over 400 prisoners taken 
 and 3,000 stand of arms. This decisive defeat was a death blow 
 to the King’s cause in the West. Fairfax quickly followed up 
 his success, and with rapid marches drove the disjointed and 
 demoralized troops of the enemy into Cornwall, where Hopton 
 speedily surrendered, and the Royal army was disbanded. 
 
 The General having completed his work in the West, set about 
 returning with his army eastward to resume the siege of Exeter. 
 
 By the 29th March he had arrived at Creditor) and thence 
 some troops were sent forward to occupy Heavitree, in order to 
 prevent the suburbs being burnt by the garrison. St. Thomas’s 
 Hospital, within gun shot of the walls, was also occupied by Col. 
 
109 
 
 Hammond—the city being so closely invested that none could 
 stir beyond the walls, nor durst show himself upon them. 
 
 On the 31st, the General, with his whole army, set forth from 
 Crediton, by the old road, which, passing over Waddlesdown 
 and Redhill, brought the troops almost within range of the walls. 
 As soon as they appeared in sight of the outposts of the besiegers, 
 they were saluted with volleys of musketry and great shouts, 
 which taken up by post after post, the welcome rang around the 
 whole City, an ominous defiance to the beleagured garrison, and 
 a note of dismay to the suffering inhabitants. Winding through 
 Exwick, and onward by Cowley bridge, the chief part of the 
 army quartered that night at Silverton, whilst the General 
 stayed at Columb John. 
 
 The same day Fairfax sent in a summons to the Governor, to 
 surrender the City, in the following terms :— 
 
 “ Sir,—Being returned with my army from the west, where 
 “ God in his wisdom saw it good to bestow a dry and bloodless 
 “ victory upon me, to the great peace and quiet of those parts, and 
 “ conceiving it my duty likewise to endeavour the good of this 
 “ country, which by the occasion of your garrison is necessarily 
 “ obstructed, I thought fit once more to send you a summons to 
 “ deliver up to me the City of Excester, with the castle, forts, arms, 
 “ ammunition, and magazine belonging to the same; believing that 
 “ by this time you are satisfied of the relief of the Prince’s army, 
 “ and may equally be of all relief to come from any other place, if 
 “ your intelligence and knowledge were the same with ours : there 
 “ is nothing more induceth me hereunto than an unfeigned zeal 
 “ toward ail} bloodshed, and, as much as in me lies, to preserve 
 “ that city, which hath already suffered deeply in these unnatural 
 “ distractions, from further or greater misery : though I shall not 
 “ boast of my numbers or strength, yet I must needs tell you that 
 “ I doubt not but the same power which hath formerly made 
 “ difficult things easy, will answer this, and will acquit me from 
 “ being accounted the occasion of these inconveniences and miseries 
 “ which necessarily will ensue upon your refusal. Sir, I shall expect 
 “ your speedy and positive answer herein, and rest, 
 
 “ Your Servant, 
 
 “ Thos. Fairfax." 
 
 “ March 31st, 1646. 
 
no 
 
 No sooner had the messenger, in due form, delivered this 
 summons, than Mr. Recorder Ball hastened to the Mayor, and, 
 his worship proceeding to the Guildhall, the bell was rung calling 
 the members of the Chamber to assemble upon important business. 
 As soon as they were got together, a letter was read from the 
 Governor, informing them that he had been summoned to 
 surrender the city, and asking that some of them would attend 
 at Bedford House, at eight o'clock, on the following morning, to 
 consider the matter. The Mayor, Sir Hugh Crocker, Mr. Walker, 
 and Mr. Mallock, were appointed a Committee to act on behalf 
 of the city. 
 
 “ Uppon the reading of a letter this day received from the 
 “ Governo 1 intimating a speciall occasion of much concernment to 
 “ this Cittie to conferr with some others att his house to-morrow 
 “ morning att eight of the clocke. And his desire to call a Chamber 
 “ forthwyth and to appoint two or three of this company to attend 
 “ that business. It is agreed that Mr. Maior, Sir Hugh Crocker, 
 “ Mr. Walker, and Mr. Mallock, shalbe desired to pforme that 
 “ service on the behalfe of the Cittie, it being by the relation of 
 “ Mr. Recorder from the said Governor concerning lies summons 
 “ this day sent for the rendering of this Cittie, the managing 
 “ whereof is lefte to the discretions of the said Committee.” 
 
 But whilst the debate was still going on, and, doubtless, in the 
 midst of an earnest conversation on the momentous state of affairs, 
 Sir Peter Ball came down again from the Governor's house with 
 further information. It was useless holding out any longer— 
 Exeter was doomed, and if it was to be saved from destruction 
 and the Citizens from slaughter, a treaty must at once be entered 
 into for the surrender -of the City, upon the best terms that could 
 be obtained. “And upon the further information of the said 
 “ Recorder to the said governor that in case a treatie shalbe 
 “ concluded uppon att the said meeting that this house would name 
 “ two psons for that purpose on the behalfe of the Cittie—they 
 “ name two Mr. Walker & Mr. Knott and ask that two more may 
 “ be admitted Mr. Kendall & Mr. Foard.” 
 
 Bankrupt, and weary of the armed occupation for so long, the 
 Chamber were not sorry that the time had arrived when they 
 
111 
 
 could, without dishonor, give up a ruined cause. Almost the last 
 stronghold to surrender, Exeter had done its duty, and had been 
 true to its motto, ‘Semper Fidelis,’ faithful in its loyalty, as long 
 as anything remained worthy of it. 
 
 Four members of the Chamber were appointed to assist the 
 Military Council in drawing up a treaty—Mr. Walker, Mr. Knott, 
 Mr. Kendall, and Mr. Foard; but the two first only were accepted, 
 as being sufficient, and they were instructed to take as the basis 
 of agreement the articles made upon the last surrender of the city 
 to the King. Much better terms, however, were exacted. 
 
 The Committees sat for the first time on Friday, the 3rd April, 
 at Poltimore house, the residence of Sir John Bampfield, and day 
 after day they never ceased work, for the most part far into the 
 night, until the following Thursday ; many obstructions being 
 thrown in the way by the exorbitant demands of the Cathedral 
 clergy, who were eventually obliged to give way. On the 9th 
 April, the articles were signed by Sir John Berkeley, Governor of 
 Exeter, and Sir Thomas Fairfax, General of the Parliamentary 
 army. They are twenty-four in number, and most honorable for 
 the city. Briefly, the Governor, the officers of the Garrison and 
 and all the troops are to march out of the city with the honors of 
 war, with horses, arms, bag and baggage, and their goods; colours 
 flying, drums beating, matches lighted, bullets and full bandaliers, 
 with sufficient convoys. The Cathedral Church, nor any other 
 church, shall be defaced, or anything belonging thereunto spoiled 
 or taken away. That all charters and privileges shall be preserved 
 to the Corporation and citizens. That all damage done to the 
 city or inhabitants shall be made good or atoned for, and that 
 there shall be no billeting or free quartering of soldiers. 
 
 So Berkeley went forth with his soldiers, and perhaps his going, 
 was alone, of all of them, regretted. Exeter, on Monday, the 
 13th of April, 1646, was garrisoned by the exemplary and highly 
 disciplined soldiers raised by Cromwell, and the long reign under 
 the Sword and Bible commenced. 
 
 END OF PART I. 
 
* 
 
EXETER DURING THE GREAT REBELLION. 
 
 Part II. 
 
 Not many years since, visitors to the Cathedral Church of 
 Exeter were shown, amongst other things, certain marks on the 
 pavement in the nave of the building, which were said to have 
 been caused by the stamping of the horses of Cromwell’s troopers 
 during the occupation of the city by the Parliamentary troops. 
 
 At the outbreak of the rebellion, doubtless, many lamentable 
 excesses were committed on both sides, and with respect to the 
 popular side it is not much to be wondered at, seeing that it 
 numbered amongst its followers many who joined more for the 
 sake of mischief and plunder, than from political or conscientious 
 motives. But it has been shown that Exeter was not subject to the 
 tender mercies of those who took part in the first rising, for the 
 city was already at that time hi the hands of the Parliamentary 
 party ; it was then besieged and taken by the Royalists, and now 
 Fairfax was outside the gates only waiting for the settlement of 
 the articles to enter in and take possession. But what a change 
 had taken place in the composition of the Republican forces; 
 time was when the London trained bands marched to the field in 
 high crowned hats, collared bands, great loose coats, long tucks 
 under them, and calf-leather boots—an old writer says, “ they 
 “ sing a psalm, fall on, and send all opposition to the deuce.” 
 The uniform of the “new model” army which Cromwell had 
 raised was, if plain, soldierlike and serviceable ; and every soldier 
 who joined the ranks was an honest—in the widest acceptation 
 of the word—or a religious man. It was the most remarkable 
 
army that the world has ever seen—composed of men who had 
 left farm and merchandize, as they believed, at the direct call of 
 the Almighty, to stake their lives on behalf of liberty of conscience 
 and political freedom ; determined not to sheath the sword until 
 their work had been accomplished. 
 
 As soon as the surrender of the city had been agreed upon, the 
 General, not to waste valuable time, sent away half a dozen 
 cavalry regiments to intercept the King, should he attempt to 
 leave Oxford; and set otf himself, with some troops, towards 
 Barnstaple, intending to capture the town and fort, and return in 
 time for the entry into Exeter. Everything went with him as 
 well as he could desire, but there was an enemy which it was 
 vain to contend against—the weather ; incessant rains so delayed 
 his progress that he could not reach head quarters by Monday, 
 the 13th ot April, the day fixed for the occupation of the city, and 
 it so happened that Cromwell, the second in command, conducted 
 the army into possession. O wing to the withdrawals, there were 
 but fifteen hundred horse, but amongst these were the famous 
 Ironsides, and the conquerors of Naseby. About six thousand 
 foot and the train companies completed the force, and in their 
 sober garb and steady discipline, they must have afforded a 
 strange contrast to the gay and reckless cavaliers whom the 
 citizens were gladly rid of. 
 
 These were not the men to desecrate any place of worship 
 willingly, and it would have beeij. a gratuitous and unnecessary 
 act of profanity to grant the luxury of a stable in the Cathedral, 
 at a mild season of the year, to horses accustomed to be picketed 
 out in the open, every night, and in all weathers.* 
 
 * At page 9 of the Lectures, at the end of this Volume, there is a quotation from 
 Dr. Oliver's “ History of Exeter." It is a pity that the learned doctor's religious 
 sentiments should have led him to quote the untrustworthy " Mercurius Rusticus." 
 It is certainly possible that the Puritans “ plucked down " the statues referred to, 
 but there is no evidence of it; and it is not improbable that they, as it said' 
 defaced the wall paintings, on either side the altar, representing Moses and 
 Aaron ; but it is singular, with all their "plundering and ravaging," that they did 
 not obliterate them altogether. The paintings were in situ for some hundred 
 and fifty years after the restoration; and the heads, framed, are now in the 
 Chapter House, whither they were removed when the Kendall reredos was 
 
”5 
 
 Any desecration of the sacred edifice could only have taken 
 place with the sanction and approval of the authorities, and up to 
 this time, at all events, there is no appearance of it ; on the 
 contrary, we find their care for the church exemplified in a very 
 small matter. 
 
 “ 30th Nov. 1648. 
 
 “ Ordered that Mr. Receiver'give Josias the keeper of the clock 
 “ at the great church for keeping it, and clensing the gutters by 
 “ the walks in the great churchyard 10s., to be allowed in 
 “ his account.” 
 
 The fifth article in the deed of surrender is as follows:— 
 
 “ That the Cathedral church, nor any other church within the 
 “ city shall be defaced, or anything belonging thereunto spoiled or 
 “ taken away by any soldier or person of either side whatsoever.” 
 
 And what says Fuller upon these articles? Fuller the divine, 
 chaplain to the Princess and her household then at Bedford 
 House, and he a resident in Exeter during the siege, and for three 
 months afterwards! No better witness could be had than this 
 staunch Royalist and conscientious writer. 
 
 “ I must not forget the articles of Exeter whereof I had the 
 “ benefit, living and waiting there on the King’s daughter, at the 
 “ rendition thereof: articles which both as penned and performed 
 “ were the best in England ; thanks to their wisdom who so 
 “ worthily made, and honesty who so well observed them ! ” 
 
 There is no evidence whatever, that any damage was done to 
 our Cathedral during the rebellion. Wherever sculptured or 
 other figures appear to be wanting or mutilated, it was the fashion 
 at the re-action, in the intense hatred felt for the Puritans, to 
 attribute the mischief to them, it being conveniently forgotten 
 that all images were, one hundred years previously, ordered, by 
 the King in council, to be removed from the churches ; and that 
 that order was enforced and obeyed. 
 
 erected. The best evidence that no desecration, worth mentioning took place, is 
 the fact that Izacke the Royalist Churchman, who suffered so much during the 
 rebellion, and lived for many years afterwards,—mentions not a word on the 
 subject. 
 
But the liberal spirit which animated the soldiers does not 
 show itself in the Parliament which they served, and its intoler¬ 
 ance is faithfully reflected in our local governing body. 
 
 Within a week of the surrender of the city all the troops had 
 left, with the exception of three regiments—about 1,500 men in 
 all—kept here to garrison the place. A whole month elapsed 
 before the Corporation found themselves in a condition to meet 
 for the transaction of business under the new order of things ; 
 in the meantime the Royalist members had removed themselves 
 or been removed from the city, and so the majority was once 
 more thrown on the other side. 
 
 The first act of the Council was to declare that Sir Peter Ball* 
 Recorder, elected by their predecessors, was not in office at all, 
 but that their own man, Mr. Edmund Prydeaux, had continued 
 all along to fill the office, ignoring Sir Peter’s appointment 
 altogether : whether they paid up the arrears of salary, evidently 
 due under this arrangement, does not appear. 
 
 A month later and they had obtained an Act of Parliament 
 declaring certain dismissals from the Corporation to be of no 
 effect ; it is a curious record, and it shows the unscrupulous way 
 in which the Government dealt with the local administration of 
 the country. 
 
 16th June, 1646. Which day an ordinance of both houses of Parliament was 
 presented to this house being as follows :—- 
 
 8th June, 1646. Whereas Richard Saunders, Adam Bennett, Walter White 
 James Gould, Rihcard Crossinge, John Loveringe, James Marshall, and 
 Phillipp Crossinge, who were some of them Aldermen and the rest of them 
 were of the Common Councell and Chamber of the City of Exeter for there 
 fidelitie to the Parliament and adheringe to it in the defence of their just cause 
 have sithence the power of the said Cittie came into the hands of the enemy 
 beene pronownced to be removed and displaced from beinge of the Companye of 
 the Aldermen and Comon Councell and Chamber of the said Cittie, the Lords 
 and Comons assembled in Parliam 4 having received full and ample testimony 
 of the integrity and abilitie of the said Richard Saunders & others as likewise of 
 their greate sufferings for their being faithfull in the Cause doe declare and 
 ordeyne that such amoveinge and displacinge of them and every of them is voide 
 unjust and of none effect. And doe further declare that the said Richard Saunders 
 & others doe continue and are Aldermen and of the Comon Councell & Chamber 
 of the said Cittie, notwithstanding any such ptended amoveing expulsion or 
 displacing had or made att any tyme whilst the said Cittie hath byn in the hands 
 
ii7 
 
 and power of the Enemy And doe ordeyne that they be acceptedd admitted and 
 taken to be of the Magistracie Government and Comon Counsell of the said 
 Cittie to all intents & purposes as they were att the tyme of the beginninge of 
 this unnatural warre or att any tyme since. 
 
 G. ELSYNGE, Cle r Parlr & Comm” 
 
 These gentlemen were all present at the reading of the ordi¬ 
 nance, and, immediately after, the Chamber unhesitatingly 
 dismissed three Aldermen and the Receiver-General. 
 
 “ 16th Jan., 1646. Whereas Mr. John Colleton, Receiver- 
 “ General of this cittie, having not only absented himself divers 
 “ months past from his said office and the publick affaires of this 
 “ cittie, but hath also withdrawn himself out of this kingdome, 
 “ it is this day agreed by full consent that the said Mr. Colleton 
 ‘ be dismissed from his said office and from being any longer a 
 “ member of this Societie of the Common Councelle of this cittie.”* 
 Thomas Fuller was too genuine a Royalist to be able to retain 
 his Bodleian Lectureship, so he lost the appointment, and the two 
 Law Counsellers for the city theirs ; four other members of the 
 Council, the Sword bearer, and the Master of the hospital are dis¬ 
 missed, and to make a clean sweep, every one connected with the 
 yarn-market is sent about his business, and the Widow Pitts 
 succeeds to the many vacancies. But the amiable feeling, which 
 prevailed, may be learnt from the minute recording the dismissal 
 of Sir Hugh Crocker, the loyal Mayor, who was knighted by 
 Charles during his Majesty’s visit to Exeter. 
 
 The Clerk has made the entry in the book in the usual form ; 
 it runs thus :— 
 
 Mr. 
 
 “ Also that-S^Hugh Crocker for his manifest opposicon to the 
 “ Parliam 1 and his crueltie to those that were well affected to 
 “ their cause & pcedinges is dismissed of this Societie. 
 
 “ Nemine contvadicente." 
 
 [This is in a different hand-writing.] 
 
 * Some little interest attaches to the name of this gentleman just now, for he 
 occupied one of the houses recently destroyed in the great fire on Fore Street 
 Hill. The house retained, to the last, traces of the time when it was occupied 
 by Colleton, who, like many cadets of the old county families, embarked in the 
 lucrative “ trade of merchandize." He was an ardent Royalist, and either he 
 or a member of his family raised a troop of horse for the King's service. 
 Colleton Crescent derives its name from the family property in that neighbourhood. 
 
 K 
 
One of the members present, some uncompromising Republican 
 and despiser of titles, takes the pen from the Clerk’s hand, draws 
 a line through the title “Sir” and inserts “Mr.,” and to give 
 vent to his acrimony, adds at the end of the minute the words 
 “ nemine contradicente.” 
 
 Not content with this, they throw some doubt upon his integrity 
 in having 
 
 “ 23 June, 1646. Auditors appointed to receive the acc t9 that 
 “ were of late made by S r Hugh Crocker touching the affaires of 
 “ this Cittie, and to reporte to this house what is therein contayned 
 “ that the)' conceive not fitting to be allowed.” 
 
 In Bartholomew Churchyard, on the inner side of the wall 
 which now blocks up the original gateway, may still be seen, on 
 a stone slab, this inscription :— 
 
 “ This platte of ground was given by y e Cittie of Exon, fytted 
 “ and encompassed by the concurrent charge of both the Church 
 “and Cittie, with the careful outceynge of Roger Mallock, 
 “ merchante, then Maior, and was solemlie consecrated by 
 “ the Rev d - Joseph Halle, then Lord Bishop of Exon, upon 
 “ S 4 ' Bartholomew’s day, August xxiiii., 1637. 
 
 “ Preciosa in conspectu dei mors sanctorum.” 
 
 The City Arms are in the centre at the head of the slab, and 
 the old motto is, for some reason not disclosed, altered to “Fidelis 
 “ in eternum ”—on either side are the arms of the Bishop and 
 the Mayor, respectively. 
 
 The word “ consecrated,” or the title “ Bishop,” seems to 
 have offended the eyes of some of the faithful, as a standing 
 menace to their principles ; it is, therefore, 
 
 “ 23 Nov., 1648. Ordered that Mr. Receiver doe cause the 
 “ inscription in the wall of the new churchyard purporting the 
 “ consecration thereof to bee defaced.” 
 
 The order was not carried out, for the inscription remains, but 
 it is possible that the stone may have been buried, like the monu¬ 
 ment to Muster Master Vaughan, (a noted local Royalist killed in 
 the civil wars,) and taken back to its place at the Restoration. 
 
 A question which, at the present time, is exciting some interest 
 in the city and county was under discussion in the days we are 
 
iig 
 
 speaking of. In the year 1640 it appears that the Judges had 
 complained of their lodgings at Mr. Mallock’s house, and suggested 
 that Mr. Penny’s house would afford them much better accommo¬ 
 dation. The Chamber thought otherwise, and directed a message 
 to be sent to the Judges, then at Chard, but they could not agree 
 what message should be sent, and the matter seems to have then 
 ended. There must have been something wrong with the 
 furnishing or the situation of Mr. Mallock’s residence to give any 
 ground for complaint, as the house itself would, even now, if 
 restored to its original state, be considered a grand one. It was 
 situated in Gandy Street, at the back of the tobacconist’s at the 
 High Street corner. The dining-room was richly decorated with 
 carved panelling of a high order, which is still to be seen, although 
 the dimensions of the apartment have been curtailed ; in a large 
 room on the first floor a portion of the fine moulded ceiling and 
 chimney-piece yet remain, and in the basement there are traces 
 of an extensive kitchen, with a huge fire-place, now disused and 
 partly filled up with rubbish. From figures and arms on the 
 dining-room chimney piece, we gather that this decoration dates 
 from the reign of Elizabeth, and no doubt the house was then 
 put in proper order, at considerable expense, for the express 
 purpose of lodging the Judges, and that it was so used through 
 the seventeenth century as far as we have gone. It was always 
 puzzling to know to what use so elaborate a residence could have 
 been adapted, but now the mystery is cleared up ; and our 
 ancestors adopted a wise course in paying proper respect to his 
 Majesty’s Judges, and a due regard for the value to the city of 
 their presence here, by providing such handsome accommodation 
 for them. The Chamber, moreover, in those days, did not 
 begrudge the cost of these lodgings. When the Puritan element 
 was in the ascendant, it seems to have occurred to some of them 
 that perhaps it was not quite proper so to indulge the Judges, but 
 a better spirit prevailed with the majority, and 
 
 “25 June, 1646. It is agreed that the lodging for the Judges 
 “ shalbe pvided and supplyed by Mr. Aid. Mallock, as heretofore, 
 “ for the Assizes shortlie to be helde in this Cittie att the charges 
 “ of the Cittie.” 
 
 K 1 
 
120 
 
 About six months after, Mr. Mallock presses for the rent, and is 
 presented with a counter demand in the shape of a debt due to 
 the Chamber, which he is requested to settle. However, he 
 subsequently obtains his rent, which was £$, for each Assize. 
 
 It was also the custom of the city to entertain the Judges, but 
 probably the temperament of the civic magnates was rather 
 repressive of festivity, for we find that “Whereas the Judges of 
 “ this Westerne Circuit have divers yere past byn intertayned by 
 “ the Maiors of this Cittie for the tyme being to their greate 
 “ expence and trouble, and the charge of this Cittie wh hath 
 “ almost drawne it to a custome, and the Cittie being of late 
 “ much impoverished, &c., &c., the Mayor is desired to forbeare 
 “ that invitation, and to present them with something instead, at 
 “ a value of twenty nobles.” At the following Assizes the value 
 of the present was reduced to five pounds. 
 
 On the approach of the Parliamentary forces, Charles, who 
 was shut up with his army in Oxford, fled in disguise, and 
 succeeded in escaping the notice of those who had been sent to 
 watch his movements. After aimless wanderings, he gave 
 himself into the hands of the Scottish army, which was then 
 besieging Newark. Meanwhile the city of Oxford had been 4 
 invested and summoned to surrender, but a siege of fifty-five 
 days was sustained before it could be taken. It now appeared as 
 though the fighting were over, the end accomplished, and that 
 nothing remained but to decide upon the best mode of establishing 
 the peace of the kingdom. Charles having placed himself at the 
 mercy of the Scots, the Presbyterian Parliament imagined that 
 he would readily accede to any terms it might propose, and thus 
 the monarchy would be restored on the basis laid down by the 
 two houses. They required the command of the army and fleet 
 for twenty years ; the exclusion of all “Malignants” or Royalists, 
 who had taken part in the war, from civil and military office ; the 
 abolition of Episcopacy ; and the establishment of a Presbyterian 
 Church. 
 
 But the other power in the state—the army—objected to 
 the narrow policy and intolerance of the Presbyterians; they saw 
 with Milton, that “New Presbyter is but old Priest writ large.” 
 
I 21 
 
 The King expressed a hope that, with the aid of one of the 
 parties, he should be able to extirpate the other, and reign again 
 as he willed. He therefore delayed giving a reply to the 
 proposals of the houses until, out of patience, they purchased his 
 Majesty from the Scots for the sum of ^400,000, and the 
 Scottish army marched back over the borders well pleased with 
 the bargain. Masters of the King, the Presbyterian leaders were 
 not yet masters of the situation whilst the “ new model ” army 
 existed. They therefore voted that this army should be disbanded, 
 and a new one raised with strictly Presbyterian officers at its head. 
 But the army refused to be disbanded—they claimed to have a 
 voice in the political settlement—“ on becoming soldiers we have 
 “ not ceased to be citizens,” they pleaded at the bar of the 
 House of Commons, and before disbanding they would have the 
 liberties secured for which they had fought, and “ if need came 
 “ would fight again.” Fairfax and Cromwell, although Presby¬ 
 terians and Covenanter?, yet sympathized with the army, and at 
 this juncture endeavoured to mediate between it and the 
 Parliament. 
 
 Our Local Council soon gave tokens of a vigorous administra¬ 
 tion : there were the repairs of the walls and gates to be looked 
 to ; Cowley-bridge—destroyed during the siege—to be re-built, 
 but only with timber for the present, as the finances are in a 
 gloomy state; the quays and the weirs put in order ; the river 
 cleansed ; the haven dues settled ; the wool-hall and yarn-market 
 looked to; protection granted to the new “ drapery ” against 
 interlopers; and the trade of the city encouraged. 
 
 25 March, 1647. The city fleet has to be overhauled, valued, 
 
 and made up to the proper'strength 
 
 The greate covered Boate y® Nicholas ..... 55 1 . 
 
 The greate open Boate y 6 Ann . 40 
 
 And other open Boates the fflower, with 2 little Boates, ribbes, 
 
 and peeces of boates ........ 10 
 
 105 
 
 Ffower other old coale boates wh were John Browns ... 25 
 
 130 
 
 £yo more to be added out of the rent towards the new making 
 of one other boate & repairing of the old to make upp ffower 
 serviceable boates all to be valued . 200 £ 
 
122 
 
 Nuisances are to be vigorously abolished, and the sanitary 
 condition of the city improved; above all, the “moralities” of 
 the people, which had been so neglected, must have the most 
 careful attention. 
 
 There is no lack of loyalty to the King as far as recognition of 
 the office is concerned ; all documents have the usual formula, 
 and the oath of allegiance is unaltered. But Bishop Brownrigg, 
 who had never seen, nor was ever to see his Diocese, was 
 rusticating somewhere in Berkshire, and the Dean and Chapter 
 were certainly not in residence. The great church—the word 
 Cathedral savoured too much of Popery—was taken possession 
 of by the Chamber, who, approving of disestablishment of 
 Episcopacy, do not object to a State Church and endowment, 
 provided it is transferred to the right parties. They resolve that 
 
 “ 20 Oct., 1646. A Letter be written from this house to Mr. 
 “ Prydeaux, Recorder of this Cittie, desiring his laufull favo 1 ' and 
 “ best assistance in the obtayning of some competent meanes for 
 “ the mynisters here out of lands of the Deane & Chapter.” 
 
 In the meantime they must rest content with volunteers, 
 or, as in the case of Mr. Nicholles, pay twenty shillings 
 “for the sermon preached on Jesus day last”—“Jesus 
 “ day,” or the “ Sabbath.” Sunday is pagan. At length they are, 
 
 “ 14 Jan., 1647, Informed that Mr. Hurste, Minister of God’s 
 “ Word att Plymouth, is purposing to leave that place. Mr. 
 “ Receiver is desired to speak with or write unto the said 
 “ Mr. Hurste, that if he leaveth that place he wilbe pleased that 
 “ this Cittie may have the benefitt of his ministrie uppon fitting 
 “ consideracon.” 
 
 Whether or not Mr. Hurste conferred the desired benefit is not 
 shown ; but it is worthy of note that “ 19 Jan., 1647. It is agreed 
 “ that Mr. Receiver shall pvide a faire newe beaver for the 
 “ Swordbearer of this Cittie to weare att such tymes as he waites 
 “ on Mr. Maior, his master, in the publick service of this Cittie, 
 “ but not otherwise.” The connexion between a beaver and a 
 preacher may not be evident at first sight, but it will be clear 
 enough presently. 
 
 The austere rule of the Presbyterians weighed heavily on a 
 people not overmuch given to a rigorous discipline in manners 
 
and morals. Not to pull the strings too tightly at first, the 
 Chamber consented to allow the “ waits” to continue their music, 
 discoursed tvdce a week from the leads of the Guildhall, and 
 paid them their yearly stipend of ten pounds. But, very soon, 
 this indulgence was withdrawn, and “ in regard this Cittie is 
 “ nowe a garrison and for some other reasons,” the minstrels are 
 inhibited from performing. 
 
 The Sabbath is to be strictly observed. To get drunk on the 
 Lord’s day is punished by putting the offender in the stocks, and 
 this happened to one Comyns for travelling. In another case a man 
 is committed for going from Newton St. Cyres to see the guard ; 
 and one, who confesses to having been as far as Alphington, is 
 let off with a fine of 5s. Ide revel seems to have been as 
 attractive as it is in our day, and the Chamber regretted that, 
 being beyond their jurisdiction, they were unable to put it down 
 with a strong hand. But in the old time there was this advantage, 
 that those who had been there could be made to suffer. 
 
 “ 3 July, 1648. Crispin, a constable, informs that yesterday 
 “ being Lord's day, about nyne of the clocke towards night, 
 “ passing with several other constables over Exebridge to take 
 “ notice of severall persons who had gone oute of the saide Cittie 
 “ at ‘ Eade ’ to a Revell there that day, hee mett with one 
 “ Thomas Collins neere Exebridge, and demanding of hym 
 “ whether hee had not been there, the said Collins refused to 
 “ answere, and he, attempting to arrest him, other persons 
 “ interfered to the disturbance of his Mat ies peace.” 
 
 Hugh White is brought up for saying “ they that had byn the 
 “ cause of Collins being sent to prison may bee there themselves 
 “ verie shortlie, and said further that rather then see the said 
 “ white moules have sett hands on the said Collins, unless it had 
 “ byn for ffelony or murder, hee would have seene the Braines of 
 “ them that apprehended him to be knockt out, and alsoe said 
 “ that the}? that had brake the peace should have kept the peace 
 “ & bee hanged.” 
 
 Fines are inflicted for doing work and for baking bread on the 
 Sabbath, and fast days are to be kept with the same rigour, the 
 penalty being 5s. for absence from church or working at worldly 
 
124 
 
 labour. It is no use making believe to be going to church and 
 taking a surreptitious stroll instead, for there is always some one 
 to watch your movements, especially if you should not happen to 
 be an orthodox Presbyterian. Ever active, 
 
 “ 18 Oct., 1647. Thomas Crispin informeth that on Wednesday 
 “ last, being the ffast day, in the afternoone in sermon time hee 
 “ passing alonge the streetes to take notice or apprehende such 
 “ psons as should absente themselves from the same, wch according 
 “ to the ordinance of Parliam* hee is required to doo, this informant 
 “ then mett with one Matthewe Hurkis in Southgate Streete, of 
 “ whome this informant demannding where hee was goeing the 
 “ said Hurkis refused to give him any answeare thereunto, 
 “ whereuppon endeavouring to bring him before the Mayor he 
 “ resisted, &c.” 
 
 The said Hurkis being brought before the Mayor, “ taxed 
 “ Mr. Maior for injustice in the open Courte, and said alsoe that 
 “ the Independents would have noe justice, and did not doubt but 
 “ that hee shoulde fight againe.” 
 
 Playing at cards is strictly forbidden, especially the game of 
 “ shuffleboards, at 2s. 6d. a cutt,” and the use of strong language is 
 no more to be permitted than strong drink. It is remembered of 
 one Joan Awdrie, more than twelve months ago, that she, perhaps 
 having a husband or sweetheart in the Royal army, applied a 
 vigorous Saxon epithet to the commander of the hostile forces. 
 Time does not condone the offence, and she suffers. 
 
 “ 6 Feb. 1647. One Woodley of Dunsford was arrested, he 
 “ sware one oath by the name of God in the parishe of St. 
 “ Petroxe.’ One Syms having him in custody he was rescued by 
 “ Oxenbury, a butcher, who on being questioned by Captain 
 “ Candishe, a grocer, he ‘told hym he lyed,’ wch wordes being 
 “ spoken to a captayne are conceived to bee a greate provocation 
 “ of the breach of the peace. Committed accordingly.” 
 
 The penalty according to the act is 5s. an oath, but one naughty 
 little word leads to complications which involve a weeks’ im¬ 
 prisonment, and so it is the case with “ (20 Feb. 1647) George 
 “Lome a Baker of this Cittie did sware three severall oaths by 
 “ the name of God, he was also ‘ unrulie ’ and disobedient to his 
 
I2 5 
 
 “father. On the constable requesting him to come to the court 
 “he ‘ stroke hym in the stomach and drewe forth his knyfe and 
 “ swore that he would sheath him in his bowells.’ Committed to 
 “ Prison until he can find good sureties.” 
 
 But surely it is rather hard upon the miller of St. Edmund’s to 
 have to pay 5s. for making an assertion “ by faith and troth,” a 
 mild form of letting off the steam, very different from the case of 
 the choleric pluralist which comes next. 
 
 “ 6 Oct. 1648. Richard Reynolls, of Exon, Barber, deposed 
 “that John Griffyn did this day sweare twentie oathes, and said 
 “ that he was one of the Newe London Cavaliers and that as he 
 “ had done service for the Parliam* so nowe he would be their 
 “ enemy and do as much against them and cutt their throats.” 
 
 But the fiercest raid is upon the women—offences three or four 
 years old are raked up and visited upon them with punishment 
 which others should have more justly suffered. Whipping at the 
 cart’s tail is yet in fashion, but is not resorted to because there 
 is “ noe carte to be gotten att,” but no less than ten females are, 
 at one court-day, ordered to be punished “ att the ring.” But 
 what would our domestics say if the careful way in which the 
 interests of their class was looked after in those days should 
 be now repeated ? For keeping company with a soldier, and 
 for talking to a soldier, committed—and “ (10 April, 1647) 
 “ Margarett Rennell, spinster, ordered to gett herself into service 
 “ within a fortnight or to go to the Bridewell.” 
 
 The worm that is trodden upon will turn, and so we find one 
 poor soul delivering herself of her mind in language studiously 
 regardful of the fact that oaths are rather expensive luxuries. 
 
 “22 Feb., 1647. Eleanor Thomas, a Welsh woman, charged 
 “ for having abused Mr. Alderman Sanders and called him ‘ slow,’ 
 “ and said that if she could take him in Wales she would make 
 “ him beg for his life on his knees. She denied that she ever 
 “ spake any such,’ but for this ‘ uncivell worde ’ she was ‘ com- 
 “ mitted to the back grate.” 
 
 This was a cheerful kind of iron cage, in which the victim could 
 neither sit down nor stand upright, and the limit of human 
 endurance in it would be about two hours. I remember once 
 seeing in this county an instrument of torture of this kind with a 
 
126 
 
 man confined therein—his sufferings were pitiable in the extreme. 
 
 For a different class of offence—that of writing begging letters— 
 the penalty is somewhat peculiar. The offender is to go to the 
 House of Correction until Friday next, then “to be sett in the 
 “ stockes for the space of three hours in the choicest tyme of the 
 “ markett with a paper uppon his hatt and his offence thereon,” 
 and there is a sense of real justice in sentencing a man, who had 
 “ strooken out another's eye,” to pay is. a week towards his 
 victim’s maintenance as long as he should live. 
 
 Political feeling could not be wholly repressed, and the offences 
 under this head, by the expression of opinions, are very numerous. 
 Seditious and mutinous words, or speaking ill of the authorities 
 or judges are the chief offences. One Griffin, a barber, having 
 displayed his proclivities by speaking scandalous words of the 
 committee, becomes a marked man, and it is not long after 
 discovered that he, some three or four years previously, doubtless 
 whilst curling the locks of some Royalist customer, had uttered 
 these words : “ the Parliament went about nothing but to robb 
 “ God of his Glorie and the King of his right.” 
 
 Mary Cholwill, irritated, after the manner of human nature in 
 all ages, at the call of the tax-collector, burst out upon him with 
 opprobrious and scandalous terms, saying that “ every rogue was 
 “ put in office now.” Something was remembered of her, too, to 
 make the punishment more severe. At the time the city was to 
 be surrendered to Fairfax, she was heard to say “that she had 
 “rather the Turks should come into the Cittie than them, 
 “ meaning the Parliament forces, and that rather than they should 
 “have the Cittie, the Castle and Cittie should be sett on ffyre, or 
 “ words to that effecte,” and she abused the witness, calling her 
 Roundhead and would have her drink to the confusion of 
 Parliament. 
 
 That there were hopes of a change in the Government, or at all 
 events of the rule in the city, is shown in the case of a soldier 
 who expected to “ put the Mayor out of the city shortly, and he 
 “ would keep him out,” and another anticipates, in a month or six 
 weeks, to be gratified with the sight oi a hundred throats cut. 
 
 Resistance to the yoke that weighed heavily on the necks of 
 the citizens was out of the question with those fifteen hundred 
 
127 
 
 solemn, extremely well-behaved warriors at the Castle; they were 
 a staid inoffensive lot, those soldiers, their only sin being a 
 weakness for beer, which brought numbers of the unlicensed into 
 trouble, and led to the remark of Mr. Boorman (for which he 
 suffered) that the Mayor could not live without swearing and 
 drink-money. But the soldiers were too good for the citizens, 
 and one of the former was committed, for perhaps expressing the 
 general opinion ol the garrison, “that he and his comrades kept 
 “guard for a company of Rascalls, meaning the Cittizens, and 
 “ that the said Cittizens would never leave off meddling with the 
 “ soldiers until their braynes were knockte out." 
 
 To return to the “ beaver.” The times are critical; there is the 
 struggle for the mastery going on, with much emphatic language, 
 between the Parliament and the army, and the * Royalists take 
 heart and hope that with all the discord their voice may again be 
 heard. Vain hope ! the only voice that can make itself heard is 
 that of the army, calling for “justice.” But there is an uneasy 
 feeling abroad, and spite of strengthened gates and doubled 
 guards, the authorities are not quite satisfied. They feel that 
 they are not in accord with the citizens, that, in secret, they are 
 despised and their principles detested — at all events by the 
 great majority — and they resolve to encourage the faithful, and 
 strike awe into the minds of the reprobates by a demonstration. 
 They began to work up for this at the time they desired to obtain 
 the services of Mr. Hurst, the preacher, and the “ fair newe 
 “ beaver.” The intention was to hold a grand anniversary of the 
 surrender of the city to the power of the Parliament. There 
 should be a state procession of the Mayor and his brethren to the 
 great church, and a powerful preacher should be engaged to 
 expound the orthodox doctrines of the Church of England as 
 decreed by Act of Parliament; to declaim with pious horror 
 against Rome and the High Church party on the one hand, and 
 to hurl anathemas at the dissidents and sectaries on the other. 
 But there could be no state procession without the swordbearer 
 and his swords, and what would a swordbearer be without the 
 cap of maintenance, even supposing one could be found so to 
 humiliate himself. 
 
 Now the cap of maintenance of the present day was then in its 
 
128 
 
 youth and beauty, the crimson velvet was fresh and brilliant in 
 colour, and the gold fringe and filagree work stood out upon it 
 resplendent. It must have struck the Chamber, that this splendour 
 would be out of keeping with the sober garb and solemn demeanour 
 which they affected, and the staid serious principles they professed, 
 whilst at the same time it would be unsuitable to the occasion to 
 make much of this symbol of loyalty, seeing that they had dragged 
 the kingly mantle through the mire. Besides what might not the 
 preacher say? He might have seen in it the “mark of the beast” 
 (for it is not unlike a Cardinal's hat), and anticipating his leader, have 
 horrified the congregation by crying out “take away that bauble.” 
 
 So, sacrificing the feelings of the swordbearer, they compelled 
 him to wear a fair new beaver; and if the preacher had been 
 forewarned, what a text he would have had on which to found a 
 homily ! A week before the day of the anniversary, viz.:— 
 
 “ 6 April, 1647. It is agreed that Tuesday next, the 13th day 
 “ of this instant, shalbe solempnized as a day of thancksgiving for 
 “ the last rendering of this Cittie, & that the Preacher that is by 
 “ turne to preach that day be spoken unto for the pparing of 
 “ hymself for the purpose to preach in the forenoone. And this 
 “ Societie here desires to accompany Mr. Maior to the Church 
 “ that day,” but, before the day arrived, they had secured the 
 services of one equal to the occasion ; or, perhaps, Parliament or 
 the city members had sent him down. 
 
 Mr. John Bond, the minister who officiated, was a Presbyterian 
 of the true type; he was of sufficient eminence to be nominated 
 by Parliament to the Assembly of divines in 1643, and he held the 
 office of regular preacher at the Savoy ; he attained the degree of 
 LL.D., and ultimately became Master of Trinity, Cambridge. 
 A writer of the period says “ that Bond’s sermons contained 
 “ many strange positions, rebellious doctrines, religious cantings, 
 “ and I know not what,” and adds quaintly, but significantly, 
 “ he died 30th August; 1658, the windiest day that had before 
 “ happened for twenty years.” 
 
 "I would not be a Puritan, tho’ he 
 Can preach two hours, and yet his sermon be 
 But half a quarter long, 
 
 Tho’ from his old mechanic trade 
 By vision he's a Pastor made, 
 
 His faith was grown so strong.”— Cowley. 
 
129 
 
 We have no record of the sermon, but it proved successful, and 
 was no doubt a powerful heart-stirring discourse, denouncing 
 Popery and Prelacy, glorifying the Parliament, and condemning 
 the Court. The Corporation returns to the Guildhall strongly 
 impressed, for they immediately decide—nothwithstanding the 
 poverty of the city—that £10 shall be expended on a piece of 
 plate to be presented to “ Mr. John Bond, Mynister of God’s 
 “ word, for his great paynes this day.” Moreover such a treat as 
 they had had should be repeated, and they agree “ that this day 
 “ shalbe yerelie hereafter commemorated for the deliverie of this 
 “ Cittie from the enemy to the power of the Parliament.” But 
 the second anniversary was never kept, for, by the time that was 
 reached, the feeling began to dawn that it was not after all a 
 cause for thanksgiving. 
 
 The removal of the court of the Princess Henrietta from 
 Bedford House left the place vacant, and advantage seems to 
 have been taken of the circumstance by the authorities to turn it 
 into a Poor-house. A complaint was formally lodged at the 
 Assizes of this act, for we find that “ 15 April, 1647, Whereas 
 “ uppon complaynt to the Judges att the last Assize, for remoovall 
 “ of the poore out of Bedford House, they were pleased to referr 
 “ the same to Mr. Maio'r’s care and consideracon. This day the 
 “ same was made known unto this house and it is thereuppon 
 “ agreede that the saide poore people shalbe remooved out of the 
 “said house, especiallie those out of S r John Northcott’s parte 
 “ with as much speede as may be wth convenience.” 
 
 Whether Sir John Northcote was part owner, or tenant only, is 
 not shown, but it has always been understood that the place 
 belonged exclusively to the Bedford family. A large part 
 of the land, now occupied by the houses on the western 
 side, had been sold many years previously to the Chamber, 
 for the purpose of building stables on the site, for the 
 accommodation of the visitors to the New Inn. This New Inn, of 
 which some original traces are still visible in the premises 
 occupied by Mr. Green, was the great institution of the city. 
 Here the three great fairs of the year were held, which attracted 
 merchants from London and all parts—the principal personages 
 
130 
 
 having offices of their own, in which to show their samples and 
 make their contracts with the local manufacturers. It must have 
 been a picturesque sight in those days—the pack horses streaming 
 in from all sides, under the old gateways, past the guard in the 
 sober uniform and close helmet of the period, and along the 
 narrow streets—the good wives beaming with excitement at the 
 lively scene, lamenting withal the good old times Avhen they 
 wound up the fair days with a dance to the music of viol and 
 spinett, but now having a safe view from the lattice windows in 
 the quaint old gables ; and what bustle and confusion, before all 
 was ready for business—the assemblage of hundreds of horses, 
 the neighing and the stamping, and the anathemas of the stablemen 
 (offences—value 5s. each—condoned on this particular occasion) 
 the unloading of the packs, the greetings of friends and customers, 
 and—the unpleasant side of the question—the inquisitorial 
 demand if you are a Royalist in disguise, or have come from a 
 plague-infected district. 
 
 At this time the serge-trade, as we are told in a minute, was the 
 “ principallest manufacture” of this kingdom, and Exeter was the 
 chief emporium. It would appear as though the Puritan Chamber 
 had given some offence to the London merchants, or perhaps had 
 not been so generous in their hospitality as they should have been ; 
 for there is a resolve expressed that if “ Londoners please to 
 “ come to the fair they shalbe entertained as formerly,” and shortly 
 afterwards the Town Clerk is entreated to confer with the 
 Londoners about the shops in the New Inn, and to see if some¬ 
 thing cannot be done with the interlopers in the new drapery. It 
 was thought necessary, however, to send Mr. Bennett express to 
 London—which he would reach after three days’ travel—to see 
 about the abuses in the serge-trade. 
 
 The following year, just before the fair, the Londoners, finding 
 that they cannot well get on without us, rather sulkily make 
 overtures of peace. Mr. West writes as follows :— 
 
 12 Oct., 1647. Worshipf 1 Sir,—Having formerly made it my request to 
 y r late Mr. Maior that I might enioye my shopp in the New Inn, to wch 
 I have bine yo r long and anncient tenant, from whence I (expect) a very faire 
 answere that my desire shold be accomplished, and nowe that I desire from you 
 
as my lovinge friend is that I maye be as kindly dealt wthall in the Rate you shall 
 sett upon it as you doe wth other men, not doubting butt you will consider of the 
 tymes as nowe they are, and I shall readily give you content and take it a favor 
 that you will please to afford a word in answere. 
 
 Y r humble Servant, 
 
 London. S. Fra. West. 
 
 And another gentleman will be satisfied with a little more 
 light; as it is, he has to burn candles all day, and they are 
 expensive. The quality of the merchants and the way in which 
 they were mixed up with the military element are shown in 
 another epistle :— 
 
 Right Worsh. S r - 
 
 18 Sept., 1647. Beeinge debard that I cannot attend this Court have 
 presumed (without offence I hope) to move for the grant of a shopp in the 
 New Inn for the 3 ffaires paying the rent that others doth or have, and when 
 leases are to bee given generall shall submit to a fyne proportionable, the shopp 
 I desire is that Colonell Venn stood in, tis a doble shopp, the price is answerable. 
 Yf I may not h-ive that I desire the shopp Mr. Edginghain had, yt is next over 
 the seller. I humbly crave youre favorable answer, soe takes leave. 
 
 Your humble Servant, 
 
 Bradninch. W m - Barrett. 
 
 One native industry, too much neglected in these days, was 
 encouraged, in the most practical manner, by the Chamber. It 
 having been discovered that one Katheryn “ had expressed her 
 “ readiness to instructe yonge maydens in the art of making of 
 “ bone lace Mr. Sheriff and others are entreated to treat with her 
 “ about the same.” 
 
 The change in the government of the church enabled the 
 authorities to secure useful accommodation for the growing trade 
 of the city. On the 16th Feb., 1646, “ it is agreede that the 
 “ Colledge Hall of the Vicarr’s Corail of the Cathedral Church, 
 “ nowe to be disposed of, shalbe prcured for the use of thisCittie, 
 “being adjoyning to the Yarne Markett, & that the same shalbe 
 “ employed for a comon wooll hall, or place to sell and kepe 
 “ wooll in.” 
 
 The feelings of orthodox Churchmen must have been outraged 
 at this act of Vandalism, and still more so when, on 10th August, 
 1647, “ Mr. Aid. Bennett made knowne that he hath of late 
 “ compounded wth the Committee of Parliament of Bishopp's 
 
132 
 
 “ Landes, &c., for the Pallace and fee of the late Bishopprick of 
 “ Exon for the ffyne of ^450. And that this Chamber may take 
 “ the same if they soe pleace, wch being mooved to the house, it 
 “ is agreede that the purchase shalbe pceeded with for the benefit 
 “ of the Cittie.” And it was used as a store-house. The Puritans 
 could not withstand the pleasure of possessing themselves of these 
 substantial tokens of prelacy, notwithstanding that, at the same 
 time, the city was so financially distressed that Parliament was 
 petitioned “ for some satisfaction for monies spent in its service ” 
 and that they might be eased of the general assessment—that 
 Mr. Snowe's (the member’s) wages were in arrear—that the Mayor’s 
 pay was reduced to £ 100 —and that the city wall had, for want of 
 money, to be repaired with cob. 
 
 But the lands of the Dean and Chapter which they coveted 
 were not to be theirs, and they find the pay of the ministers 
 a burden, which they are anxious to transfer to other shoulders. 
 And so on the 30th September, 1647, “ it is agreed that a peticon 
 “ shalbe ppared & psented to the high Corte of Parliam* desiring 
 “ their allowance and confirmacon of a rate or imposicon in the 
 “ yerelie rente of severall houses of this Cittie towards the mainte- 
 “ nance of the Ministers here, not exceeding the ra,te of 2/- p £." We 
 can easily draw conclusions respecting the proclivities, political and 
 religious, of the unfortunate owners of those several houses. 
 That the persecution of those who held different views was 
 grievous is shown in the action taken by Parliament in the case 
 of the Town Clerk. It could not be a question of loyalty, for the 
 Parliament still professed allegiance to the King ; but Samuel 
 Izacke was a Churchman of the old school, and would rather lose 
 his appointment than pretend to change his belief. He was the 
 father of Richard Izacke and grandfather of Samuel Izacke, both 
 historians of their native city, and successive Chamberlains. 
 
 Samuel, the elder, had been .Town Clerk for a great 
 number of years and. had gained the respect of all parties. Just 
 before the surrender of the city to Fairfax, the Chamber instructed 
 the Recorder and Counsel to prepare a patent of the office, in 
 order that he might permanently and quietly enjoy it, whatever 
 should happen, “he having given ample testimonie of his orderlie 
 
i33 
 
 “ care and demeanour in the same office for many years past.” 
 But the ordinance of the Presbyterian Parliament was rigorously 
 enforced, and he was ordered to “ forbear to execute his office.” 
 It speaks volumes for the honest old man, that even the sub¬ 
 servient Chamber hesitated to turn him out, and tried to find 
 some means by which he could retain his place. 
 
 “ 16 Nov., 1647. Agreed that whereas election of a new 
 “ Towne-Clarke hath byn deferred two severall tymes formerly 
 “ It bee further defered untill Mr. Prideaux, Mr. Maynard, and 
 “ Mr. Dodridge (Parliam 1 men and of Councell for this Citty), bee 
 “ written unto and their opinion & judgement desired concerning 
 “ the two later ordinances of Parliam 1 and the Articles made att 
 “ the last surrender of this Citty whether y e Town Clarke bee 
 “ capable of his place by virtue of those Articles or disabled by 
 “ the ordinance. And it is agreed that letters bee forthwith 
 “ written to the said gentlemen for the decision of the question, 
 “ as also to Mr. Prideaux for a deputation to have power to elect 
 “ a Towne Clarke in case advise bee soe given.” But it was 
 useless; obedience to the ordinance was insisted upon, and he had 
 to give up his office to John Ffarthing, who, however, did not 
 retain it long, but was dismissed, probably for incompetence, if 
 we may judge from the way in which he kept his books. 
 
 Richard Izacke was still smarting under the remembrance of the 
 wrong done to his father, when years afterwards he wrote his 
 history of Exeter. Referring to the time, he says:—“A seques- 
 “ trator was then found to be like the great Sultan’s horse, that 
 “ where he treads the grass grows no more; in a word they 
 “ ruined the father, beggared the son, and strangled the hopes of 
 “ all posterity in many flourishing families, as too sad experience 
 “ hath informed too many now alive. My litany or supplication 
 “ is stedfast.” I have had in my hands the author’s own copy of 
 his work, and in the margin of the page opposite the passage 
 quoted he has written “ In all wch tortures y e author’s ffather has 
 “ not y e least pportion, who drank soe deep of that bitter cupp as 
 “that some have smarted for y e same to this very day. Teste 
 “ meipso.” 
 
 On 1st June, 1647, the King was taken—as some supposed 
 L 
 
134 
 
 by his own connivance—out of the power of the Parliament, and 
 lodged a prisoner at Hampton Court, by the army, then stationed 
 there. The soldiers repudiated the basis of the settlement, 
 on which the Parliament would have restored the monarchy, 
 and entered into negotiations with the King through Ireton— 
 Cromwell’s son-in-law—who propounded a plan of political 
 reform, so masterly comprehensive and liberal, that even now, 
 after we have been slowly creeping onwards for more than two 
 hundred years, the large and far seeing policy, then submitted for 
 the King’s approval, has not been reached. What an opportunity 
 here presented itself! Charles might have returned to his throne 
 triumphant, the opposing armies joining with one voice and arm 
 to praise his wisdom and support his dignity; and the whole 
 nation—with the exception of a few bigots—would have 
 enthusiastically welcomed him, had he cordially accepted the 
 great Act of settlement laid before him. “You cannot do without 
 “ me—you are lost if I do not support you ” was his reply, and 
 notwithstanding his evasions, Cromwell and Ireton still pressed 
 the King closely, in the strong hope that an accommodation 
 might be brought about. All the time the King was conducting a 
 delusive negotiation with the Parliament on the one hand, and 
 preparing for a Royalist rising and for an invasion of the Scots on 
 the other. The army grew restless and suspicious, and the 
 Council of Officers mooted the question of abolishing Royalty 
 itself, but Cromwell, passionately desirous of a settlement, forbade 
 the discussion and sent them back to their regiments. But in the 
 midst of his hopes the King fled, and the rage of the soldiers 
 became such that Cromwell was powerless to break the spirit 
 which pervaded them. 
 
 Charles had made his way to Carisbrook Castle hoping for the 
 sympathy of the governor, in which he was disappointed, and 
 again found himself a prisoner. From his prison he contrived to 
 open negotiations with the Parliament, as well as with the Scots, 
 prevailing upon the latter to declare war against England, and 
 support the Royalist cause. 
 
 The differences between the army and Parliament had the 
 effect of drawing a strong party towards the King, in horror of 
 
i35 
 
 the political and religious changes which appeared to be imminent; 
 there were risings in Kent, Essex, and Hertford, South Wales 
 was up in arms, and part of the fleet had revolted from the 
 Parliament. The second Civil War had begun, and, exasperated 
 at the renewal of the conflict when peace seemed so near, the 
 army abandoned all thought of a reconciliation with the King. 
 Generals and soldiers were bound together in one stern resolve, 
 to trample out the new revolt, and “ if ever the Lord brought 
 “ peace again, to call Charles Stuart, that man of blood, to 
 “ account for the blood he has shed and the mischief he has done.” 
 
 The precautions necessary at this crisis brought a heavy 
 burden upon our city, in the shape of a considerable addition 
 to the military force herein stationed. 
 
 On 3rd Feb., 1648, it is “agreed that Mr. Henry Prigg bee 
 “ entreated to ride to London to peticon the Parliam* and sollicit 
 “ o ffriends and the Chiefe of the Army for the easing this Citty 
 “ of the Burden of Souldiers now quartering here, and it is 
 “ ordered that Mr. Prigg shall have his charges and expenses in 
 “that journey borne and defrayed by this Chamber, and also that 
 “ he shalbe otherwise gratified for his paynes herein.” 
 
 It was useless to petition the Parliament—they were taking 
 advantage of the crisis to profess adherence to the King, and 
 to re-open negotiations with him, at the same time passing one 
 of the most bigoted ordinances in matters of religion that could 
 well be conceived. The destinies of England were in the hand 
 of the army, and the Chief was not likely to care much about 
 the inconvenience of the Chamber of Exeter with such an issue 
 at stake. 
 
 Whether or not any reply was granted to the petition, not long 
 afterwards many more soldiers were brought into the city, and 
 the Chamber, in a rage, on “ 9 May, 1648, Ordered that Mr. 
 “ Mayor do not consent to the quartering and billeting of the 
 “ Soldiers which came into the City yesterday, there being 
 “Tavernes, Inns, and Alehouses sufficient. An express to be 
 “ sent to London for the removal of the Soldiers.” 
 
 I am afraid Mr. Mayor found some difficulty in carrying out 
 the order, and the express would be an useless trouble and 
 
 L a 
 
136 
 
 expense. The next day the Chamber met again to consider the 
 demand of the General—probably preferred in a rather forcible 
 way. 
 
 10 May, 1648—It is this day ordered uppon demand of quart' by S' Hardress 
 Waller his Lieutenant Colonel for severall companyes of that ffoot Regiment att 
 present in this Citty, that Mr. Maior (in regard of the great sumes due for former 
 quarters by that regiment which contrary to severall orders & ordinances of 
 Parliam 4 & y e publicke & solemne engagements of the said S' Hardress Waller 
 remayne still unsatisfied to the great grievance and oppression of this place) bee 
 desired not to consent to or give order for y e quartering of y® said regiment in 
 pvat howses, there beeing Tavernes, Innes, & Alehowses sufficient for theire 
 enterteinment according to their severall orders and instructions of Pliam* (whom 
 we have acquaynted with our p'sent condicon by an express post) and if it shall 
 please the honorable howses to require us, notwithstanding the pmisses to give 
 the quarter demanded, wee shall most readily comply with their comands & 
 yeeld thereunto most willing & cheerful obedience. 
 
 Wch order was sent to y e Lieutenant Colonell by the Swordbearer, 
 accompanied with Mr. Arundell & Mr. Hooper, Constables, which was accord¬ 
 ingly delivered unto him in the presence of many other officers belonging to that 
 regiment, the next day between 8 and 9 of the clock in the morning. 
 
 Probably the Lieut. Colonel was not much impressed with the 
 civic pageant including the “fine new beaver,” for we find the 
 grievance still under discussion five days later. On 
 
 15 May, 1648, Uppon report from Mr. Maior that S' Hardress Waller did by 
 message this morning, brought to him by Major Smith and Major Sanders, (two 
 of his officers) make demands of very great consequence to this Citty, It is this 
 day ordered that all publicke transactions between the Citty and the said 
 S' Hardress Waller (to pvent mistakes which may in matters of importance, 
 especially att this tyme, prove very dangerous and pjudiciall) bee made in writing 
 and all demands and answers accordingly to bee given and received. 
 
 A Coppy of a j S' The message which yo' officers, Major Smith and 
 letter sent to S' 1 Major Sanders, brought to mee this morning hath been 
 Hardress Waller J comunicated to the Comon Councell, and uppon debate 
 and consideracon, It is unanimously resolved & desired by them That all 
 transactions may bee made in writeing to p’vent mistakes &jelousies as otherwise 
 may arise by verball messages. If you please to deliver yo desires unto them in 
 that way you may expect a speedy answere. 
 
 By Act of y® Com Councell, A. BENNET, Maior. 
 
 This letter was ordered to bee sent to S' Hardress Waller by the Swordbearer. 
 The correspondence ceases, and we are led to the painful 
 conclusion that the General would have no more trouble in the 
 matter and took the law into his own hands. The Chamber is 
 
137 
 
 not satisfied and labours under the delusion that the Parliament 
 is still a power in the land, and capable of redressing grievances. 
 
 “ 26 May, 1648. It is ordered that letters bee written to 
 “ Mr. Snow desireing him to move and endeavour for the 
 “ Parliaments order that the Castle of Exon may be under the 
 “ comand of the Militia of the Citty and in the hands and keeping 
 “ of the Cittizens and to gett as good allowance as hee cann for 
 “ the souldiers that shalbe placed therin for the keeping thereof.” 
 
 These protests are useless now, but they are duly noted by 
 Sir Hardress, and the following year the General condescends a 
 friendly remonstrance and appeals to the patriotism of the 
 authorities in the following letter :— 
 
 Mr. Mayo r & Gen 1 
 
 Since my return into these Westerne pts I have endeavoured to 
 put the service of the Comonwealth into the best posture I may with these fforces 
 under my comand, and presuming you will hold it your duties to doe the like, I 
 doe by these advertise you that I have sent my Lieut. Colonell wth three 
 companies of my owne regiment to quarter for some tyme within yo r Citty of 
 Exeter ; I suppose I need not mind you how regardfull I have been of that place, 
 forbearinge soe longe tyme quartering any men there, and whilst it was a 
 burthen, either in respect of their quarter or billett, I made hard shift to dispose 
 otherwise of them, keeping them abroad in order to ffeild service untill the winter 
 now coming on tis high tyme to send them where they may have fitt acomodation 
 for that season, neither do I beleeve you could expect soe small a number by 
 reason of the capacity of yo r Citty, and consideringe how longe the small 
 townes abroad have undergone the entertayninge of them, and that wch may yet 
 iurther prevent any inconvenience is that they will be but as ffriends & guests for 
 defence, & benefitt to yo r Citty, I must therefore desire and expect from you that 
 you would afford that complyance & assistance wch the Parliament have ordered 
 on that behalfe, and that there may bee such a mutuall correspondence betwixt 
 the officers and yorselves that the publique may bee the better carryed on, I 
 having given order to my Lieut. Colonell (whom I send to comand these men) to 
 bee very vigilant over the carrage of the souldier, and to punish where any iniury 
 shalbe offered to any townesman, that soe wth the more justice I may expect the 
 like where any townsman shall iniurea souldier, and thusdesiringe there may bee 
 reciprocall indeavour to advance the publique intrest, I rest 
 > Gent, 
 
 Pendennis, Your Serviceable ffriend, 
 
 Sept, the 25th, 1649. HAR : WALLER. 
 
 At the present moment all the moving in the world, either by 
 Mr. Snow or any other member, will have no effect whatever— 
 
138 
 
 the situation is fearful, and the prospect ominous; insurrections 
 flaming up in all parts, general agitation, and forebodings of evil 
 days imminent. It is the last blaze before the darkness; Parlia¬ 
 ment and the army at variance, and yet the one paying the 
 soldiers and the other pretending to be acting under the orders of 
 the house; martial law, firm, unflinching and severe alone prevents 
 universal disaster and chaos. Exeter must be patient under her 
 burdens, and be thankful she is not now like Pembroke, holding 
 out stubbornly and loyally, though battered and half starved, 
 against Cromwell and his troops outside the walls fuming at 
 the delay in sending on the artillery. 
 
 Let loose from Pembroke by the surrender of the place, Cromwell 
 and his soldiers, terribly in earnest, hasten northwards to meet 
 the Scots under Duke Hamilton, whilst Fairfax is stamping out 
 the fitful risings nearer home, and the Chamber sees to the 
 defences of the city, and orders the walls to be forthwith thoroughly 
 repaired. The eyes of England are turned anxiously to that little 
 army now hurrying northwards. To the King, to the Parliament, 
 to the revolted mariners, and to the towns which have proclaimed 
 for Charles, the issue is momentous. It is soon over—the battle 
 of Preston Bitna settles all. “ We have quite tired our horses in 
 “ pursuit of the enemy,” writes Cromwell, “we have killed, taken, 
 “ and disabled all their foot, this is a glorious day : God help 
 “ England to answer his mercies ! ” 
 
 Sweeping through Scotland—victorious everywhere—Cromwell 
 hastens back to London upon tidings reaching him that the 
 Parliament is again coquetting with the King. 
 
 About this time the Chamber finds that Mr. Farthing is not 
 equal to the duties of the office of Town Clerk in these difficult 
 times, and therefore elects in his place the Sheriff of the city, as 
 appears from the minute, though he is not named as such either 
 in Izacke’s or Oliver’s list. 
 
 “21 Sept., 1648. Thomas Westlake elected Town Clerk, he 
 “ took the oath of allegiance and supremacy—and was allowed 
 “ to travel * att the termes ’ for one year thereafter at the 
 “ pleasure of the Council—and to be absent on his duties as 
 “ Sheriff till they terminate.” 
 
139 
 
 Crimination and re-crimination twixt the army and Parliament, 
 until Cromwell, losing all patience, obtained a majority in the 
 house by preventing the royalist Presbyterians from entering. It 
 was obvious in the then temper of the army that the fate of the 
 King was sealed. Subservient to the soldiers, whom they dared 
 not thwart, the packed Parliament voted—“ That the King had 
 “ been the cause of all the blood which had been spilt, and 
 “ therefore it was fit that such a man of blood should be brought 
 “ to justice, that he might undergo the penalty that was due to 
 “ his tyranny and murthers.” A Committee was appointed to 
 prepare “a charge of high treason against the King which should 
 “ contain the several crimes and misdemeanours of his reign.” 
 Surely no more moving spectacle was ever produced in the world’s 
 history than this trial of England’s King; the tenacious assertor 
 of divine right and royal prerogative, calm, haughty, dignified, 
 never more a King than now, when majesty is hated and scorned, 
 he smiles contemptuously on his judges, as though in amused 
 surprise at their daring presumption. And they, stern, austere, 
 relentless men, in earnest faith of doing the will of heaven, feared 
 nothing on earth. 
 
 The two arch-fanatics, Charles and Cromwell, brought face to 
 face—so like and yet so unlike—each believing his cause and his 
 mission to be divine—self-willed and imperious, tyrants both ! 
 Bradshaw, the new Lord Chief Justice, unwillingly drawn to his 
 high position from his chambers in Gray’s Inn, sitting in judgment 
 upon an already condemned man—but Fairfax, the successful 
 General, the champion of the Parliamentary cause, where is he ? 
 His is the second name called, and the answer comes in a woman’s 
 voice from the gallery: “ he hath more wit than to be here ” is 
 the reply of his dauntless wife; and again, when the impeachment 
 was read, and that expression used “ All the good people of 
 “ England ” the same voice in a louder tone answered “No ! nor 
 * the hundredth part of them.” 
 
 —“ there in treason’s face 
 
 Fore all men too ashamed to think of shame, 
 
 My voice, oh had it but a trumpet's blazon ! 
 
 A woman’s voice, when chivalry is dumb, 
 
 Shall break the silence, and in traitors’ hearing 
 Cry vengeance, vengeance for a murdered King.” 
 
 Butler's Charles I. 
 
140 
 
 The soldiers are ordered to shoot into the box whence the 
 voice emanated, but the mission of Lady Fairfax was done, and 
 she had fled after proclaiming the truth that ninety-nine per cent, 
 of the people of England looked on in helpless horror at these 
 lawless and high-handed proceedings. 
 
 The execution of the King was followed, says Carlyle, by 
 “ shrieks throughout all the world in unmelodious soul comprising 
 “ diapason of distraction. The truth is, no reader can conceive 
 “ the'then atrocity, ferocity, unspeakability of this fact. I reckon 
 “ it perhaps the most daring action any body of men to be met 
 “with in History ever, with clear consciousness, deliberately set 
 “themselves to do.” 
 
 The death of the King made Republicanism an impossibility 
 and the Restoration a certainty—that thrill of horror, which 
 vibrated through English hearts and made its influence felt for 
 more than two centuries, has perhaps preserved England from 
 the changes and disasters, which all the other nations of Europe 
 have suffered during that period. 
 
 END OF FART II. 
 
EXETER DURING THE GREAT REBELLION. 
 
 Part III. 
 
 The news of the execution of the King was, perhaps, nowhere 
 received with greater horror and indignation, than in Exeter. 
 Whilst in Russia the English Envoy was chased from the court, 
 and on the continent all the powers hastened to disavow connexion 
 with a people, who had brought their King to the block, here in 
 this city the authorities seem to have become paralyzed with 
 doubt and apprehension in the critical state of affairs; and this 
 feeling probably pervaded most of the people. The corporate 
 body did not meet again for three months after the event became 
 known, and then only to vote the wages of the members of 
 Parliament, and at the same time to receive an account of their 
 stewardship, peculiarly interesting under the circumstances. In 
 the meantime, the Mayor, Mr. Gould—who, we are told, was like 
 Alexander, a little man but possessed of undaunted courage—had 
 been served with the proclamation of the new Republic, which 
 he, without hesitation, cast into the gutter. He, also, at the 
 Assizes, refused to attend upon Mr. Justice Wylde, who was one 
 of the Judges at the trial of the King, and so annoyed his lordship 
 that he fined the Mayor £ 200, and held the following Assize a¥ 
 Tiverton. The fine was resisted and appealed against, and 
 ultimately remitted ; but a more serious matter was the attempt 
 of the Judge to interfere with the liberties and privileges of the 
 city of Exeter, by calling in question the validity of its charters, 
 and the boundaries of its jurisdiction, doubting whether it could 
 claim to be a county of itself. The uncertain state of affairs is 
 shewn in the inaction of the Criminal Court ; for more than nine 
 months there is not a single charge for swearing, travelling on 
 
142 
 
 Sundays, or assault, and the usual vexatious summonses disappear 
 from the record. Perhaps the authorities were apprehensive that 
 King Mob would succeed to power, and so refrained from giving 
 that not very particular personage a pretext for revenge. Mr. 
 Richard Crossing, and some half-a-dozen other members of the 
 Corporation threw up their office in disgust, and the affairs of 
 the city drift along in a desultory way until Michaelmas ; the only 
 public business, of importance, transacted, being the appointment 
 of one Trinching to wind up the clock of St. Peter’s Church, and 
 the ceremony of giving up the keys of the great chest by the late 
 Town Clerk, and their being solemnly deposited in the box by 
 Mr. Mayor. 
 
 In September, however, there are signs of activity. Cromwell’s 
 vigorous campaign in Ireland, which resulted in the speedy and 
 complete conquest of that country, doubtless inspired confidence in 
 the power of the Government, now vested in what remained of 
 the Long Parliament. To endeavour to win Mr. Crossing back 
 to his duty, he was, by private scrutiny, elected Mayor of the city ; 
 but it was useless—he refused the office, and his reason for doing 
 so we have preserved to us in his own hand-writing. In a MS. 
 record of events by Crossing, amongst the municipal archives, 
 there is this entry :— 
 
 RICHARD SANDERS 1 These were deputy Mayors appointed 
 
 ADAM BENNET j 1 by the Chamber for this yeare in 
 
 regard that Richard Crossinge (who was elected Maior) refused to serve in the 
 sayd office, because the kingly government was then by armed violence 
 obstructed. 
 
 “ Being openly and solemnly called, he appeared not,” and Mr, 
 Richard Saunders was thereupon appointed Lieutenant of the 
 Mayoralty, with an allowance of twenty nobles weekly for 
 expenses, and indemnified against all damage or loss. 
 
 Considerable perplexity prevailed as to the course to be pursued 
 under the unusual circumstance, and the Town Clerk and Recorder 
 were requested to consult together and advise what should be 
 done. The result was that Mr. Crossing was fined /400, and Mr. 
 Saunders, as Lieutenant, elected to the office. At the same time, 
 Mr. Culling, who refused to act as Bailiff, was fined one hundred 
 marks. 
 
143 
 
 Mr. Saunders, however, declined the doubtful honor and 
 certain responsibility of the onerous post of Chief Magistrate in 
 such critical times, and it so happened that for a whole year 
 Exeter had no Mayor at all. A good deputy was found in Mr. 
 Adam Bennett, and, judging from their subsequent liberality 
 towards him, the Corporation must have been well pleased to find 
 so able a man, with courage enough to take the helm at this 
 juncture. 
 
 19 Feb., 1650. Whereas the Lieutenancy of the office of Maioralty of this 
 Cittie of Exeter unto wch Mr. Richard Saunders one of the Aldermen was lately 
 chosen is at an end uppon his late Eleccon unto the said office of Maioraltie of 
 the said Cittie. This Chamber thankfullie acknowledging the good service wch 
 the said Mr. Saunders hath done for the support of the Govm 4 of this Cittie 
 dureing the said time of his lieutenancy. And being willing according to their 
 duties and trusts to use all means possible to continue the supportacon and 
 preservation of Gov 4 of this Cittie Doe hereby constitute order and make Adam 
 Bennett Esq. one of the Aldermen of this Cittie to bee Lieutenant of the Office 
 of Maioralty of the s d Cittie untill Mr. Richard Saunders who is elected to bee 
 the psent Maior of this Cittie shall take on him the said execution of the said 
 Office of Maioralty. And this day the said Mr. Bennett uppon the instant desire 
 of this Chamber in this tyme of the Citties greate straights hath professed his 
 readiness freely to undertake the said office of Lieutenant. And that hee doth the 
 same only in relacon to the discharge of the greate trusts wherewith the Chamber 
 is invested the preservation of the privileges of the Cittie, supportation of 
 Government, mainetayning of Justice in this place and not in waie of any 
 contempt or opposicin to any superior powers whatsoever. All which this 
 Chamber doth acknowledge as an acceptable Service from Mr. Bennett and doe 
 give him the hearty thanks of this Chamber for the service. 
 
 These proceedings were carefully noted by the friends oi 
 the Government, and reported to the Council of State. By an 
 order in Council the “ gentlemen of Exeter are thanked for their 
 “ care in giving notice of the miscarriages and defects of those 
 “ who refuse to act there under the present Government, and to 
 “ desire them to continue it.” And the Attorney-General is to be 
 informed “ that at Exeter some oaths have been framed and 
 “ taken, differing from what is appointed by the Parliament, 
 “ and desired to proceed against those who have done so by 
 “ ‘ quo warranto ’ or otherwise.” Shortly afterwards the Chamber 
 retaliates by prosecuting suits against these gentlemen for money 
 lent them, and for the cost of billetting soldiers. 
 
144 
 
 But the Council of State were quite right in keeping a watchiul 
 eye upon Exeter. A spirit of revolt against the Government 
 existed, which was only kept down by the presence of the 
 soldiers, and secret conspiracies were being fomented in the 
 interest of Charles the Second. In October, 1649, “ Sir Hardress 
 “ Waller, the Governor of the Castle, is ordered to look after a 
 “ most desperate malignant, Richard Ford, who has, it is believed, 
 “ come to Exeter about some design of special mischief on behalf 
 “ of Charles Stuart.” We learn from the State papers that in 
 May, 1650, “ Col. Keane, an emissary of Charles II., reports that 
 “ the much greater part of the western gentry were all resolved 
 “ to engage: that each man was to bring in horses, men, and 
 “ arms proportionable to his estate : that there were assurances 
 “ of several towns, particularly Exeter, &c.: that the foot 
 “ promised by the King ought to be landed near Exeter.” 
 
 A month before this, the ministers of religion, who had been 
 very active in exciting discontent and opposition to the Govern¬ 
 ment, are seriously taken to task. These ministers, or preachers, 
 were engaged by the Chamber ; and to explain its policy, it must 
 be stated, that although it was mainly composed of Puritan 
 members, they were men who were in favour of the old constitu¬ 
 tion of King, Lords, and Commons, and if they took the side of 
 the Parliament against the King, it was in the hope and expecta¬ 
 tion that His Majesty could be compelled to give way, and rule in 
 a constitutional manner. Since the King’s death there was some 
 hope that a compromise might be effected with his son ; what 
 was most feared was a despotic military rule, to which things 
 were fast hastening. 
 
 The Council of State forward a despatch to Major Blackmore, 
 in charge at the Castle, in the absence of Sir H. Waller, who 
 had been sent to Munster with five companies of soldiers from 
 Exeter:— 
 
 1650, April i.— COUNCIL OF STATE TO MAJOR BLACKMORE AT 
 
 EXETER. 
 
 The Commonwealth suffers much both in safety and reputation by the 
 intemperate declarations and seditious invectives of some men in their pulpits: 
 wherein not knowing or forgetting the duty of men in those places they have 
 endeavoured, for the setting up an interest of their own, destructive of that of 
 
145 
 
 the public, to stir up the people to disobedience, and again to embroil us in new 
 troubles, and enflame the nation into another war. The men have been long 
 forborne, hoping that they might have come to themselves, seen their error, and 
 desisted from their dangerous courses; but this forbearance has added to their 
 boldness, and they have gone on to such a degree that the Commonwealth 
 cannot be safe, if they be suffered under the veil of their learning and knowledge, 
 and their pretended calling, to abuse and mislead the people. 
 
 Mr. Ford and Mr. Nicholls, preachers at Exeter, are principally active, but 
 that we may have a more full information of their miscarriages, and take the 
 best course for the public peace, we desire you to repair to some Justices of the 
 Peace with this letter, and desire them to take information of the miscarriages of 
 these men, both by examination of themselves, and of witnesses who offer to 
 testify concerning the expressions in their preaching or praying against the present 
 Government, or about any matter of State; and to certify those examinations 
 under your hand to Council with all expedition, that a speedy course may be 
 taken to prevent those mischiefs which by so long conniving at their seditious 
 practices may dangerously interrupt the public peace. 
 
 But matters do not improve, Charles the Second was King in 
 Scotland, and the battle of Dunbar not yet fought. The opposi¬ 
 tion of the preachers continues :— 
 
 “ June 17, 1650. The information given concerning the ministers 
 “ of Exeter not keeping the Fast to be sent to the Committee for 
 “ plundered ministers, and Mr. Scott to move at that Committee 
 “ that they may be effectually proceeded against according to the 
 “ Acts.”— State Papers. 
 
 “June 24, 1650. Information concerning the miscarriage of 
 “ some preachers—if the matter is proved to require them to 
 “ leave the town and not return; if any other person of like 
 “ temper to proceed in like manner. Col. Desborow to assist the 
 “ Governor with the forces if necessary, and do what is required 
 “ of him for the safety of the place.”— State Papers. 
 
 There is an odd charge in connexion with Mr. Ford, the 
 preacher referred to, in an indictment against one Matthewe 
 Purkis, who “took occasion to speake of Mr. Fford preaching 
 “ within this Cittie and sayd that the sayd Mr. Fford was a witch 
 “ and a rebell.” His witness, however, deposed that he heard 
 Purkis call Mr. Fford “ a wizard and a lyar,” and that “ the 
 41 scripture meaning the Bible was but a dead letter. This 
 Mr. Purkis said openly in Court, “ that rather than be destroyed 
 
146 
 
 “ by such unrighteous men hee would take upp his sworde and 
 “ fight again,” and “ contemptuously putt on his hatt.” On a 
 subsequent occasion this same man was brought up for blasphemous 
 language inconceivably horrible, and would have got cheaply off 
 but that he abused the magistrate for imposing a fine, whereupon 
 he had to pay £5 more and go to prison for six months. 
 
 The troublous time and political differences would, of course, 
 have a most depressing effect upon the trade of the city. The 
 exports and imports at this time, however, were only one-fourth 
 on the list of the ports out of London. Newcastle, Bristol, and 
 Hull, exceeded Exeter, but Plymouth and Liverpool were far 
 below her. The falling off in the trade, as the decline of the 
 Port dues testifies, caused increased watchfulness in protecting 
 the monopolies of the Companies ; and the jealousy of the 
 freemen lest strangers should participate in their privileges is 
 shown in frequent broils and references to the magistrates. In 
 all cases, strangers are ordered to quit the city, but their expulsion 
 was sometimes preceded by rather rough usage. 
 
 8 April, 1650. ' Henry Keene complains that one Horwood 
 came to his house saying that the servant he employed was 
 “ entertayned as a stranger,” and the said Horwood “ layd 
 “ violent hands on him, the servant, and carried him to the river 
 “ side beyond Exe bridge, where hee, togeather wth divers other 
 “ persons, mett together fell uppon the said Ffoxe and sett him 
 “ on a coole staff and wthall carried him to the river side, where 
 “ they threwe him into the river to the great endangering of 
 “ his life.” 
 
 The rout of the Scottish forces at Dunbar in September, 1650, 
 left Cromwell and the army pretty well masters of the situation. 
 The probability of a strong and stable, if disagreeable, Govern¬ 
 ment, seems to have inspired our local authorities with confidence, 
 and they resume, with something like their old vigour, the 
 supervision and correction of the “ moralities ” of the people. 
 A fortnight later, the wife of a “ barrelbearer ” summoned Grace 
 Tithen for swearing one oath. Thenceforward, up to the 
 restoration, the number of petty offences of this character were 
 ever increasing, almost justifying the bitter remark of one offender, 
 
147 
 
 that they were only prosecuted in order to benefit the magistrates, 
 meaning that, as the fines inflicted went towards the relief of the 
 poor, so much the less had the wealthy ratepayers to contribute. 
 A favourable specimen of the rowdy cavalier of the period 
 appears in the case of Mr. Shellin Napper, who swore (with a 
 great oath) he was a gentleman, and failing to put Mr. Crosse on 
 the fire, broke his head in two places. being informed that the 
 guard would know of it, he said “ he cared not a * * * tor 
 
 “ all the guards in England.” Sent to gaol and fined 20s. Whilst 
 a prisoner in South-gate he was heard to swear 300 oaths. 
 
 The punishment for uttering one oath was the infliction of a 
 penalty, at first of 5s., but when the cases became more numerous 
 it was reduced to 3s. 4d. If there was more than one oath, some 
 reduction per oath was allowed, and a liberal discount granted for 
 a volley. It is curious that, with all the objections of the Puritans 
 to an oath, every witness who came before them was required to 
 be sworn before his evidence could be taken. What was the 
 nature of these costly expressions? None of them of a very 
 flagrant character, and the mildest form could scarcely offend the 
 most fastidious, but to say “ by my faith,” or “ as I live,” was 
 quite as expensive a luxury as the most powerful expletive. The 
 morals of the people must, however, be carefully looked after. 
 Servants are not allowed to be idle, but must choose between 
 service and the bridewell. John Twigge and Humfray Southcott 
 are each fined 10s. for travelling on horseback from Woodbury on 
 the Lord’s Day. Similar charges are numerous, as are those for 
 “ being wanting from church yesterday in the afternoone,” “ for 
 “ being found in a suspicious manner during sermon time,’ 
 “ for entertayning of company on the Lord’s Day in time of 
 “ public ordinances.” “ Jane Dicker was seen in her own house 
 “ suspiciously near Francis Hamlin by a person who was passing 
 “ near the door, and both committed to bridewell.” Joan Trenicke 
 being taken up as a stranger, the first question asked her was 
 whether or not she was at church yesterday ; replying that she 
 was not, but spent most of the day in knitting, she was set in the 
 stocks. Densham, a dyer by trade, and his wife, were fined for 
 having company at breakfast on the Lord’s Day, as deposed by 
 
148 
 
 one of the guests, upon whom Densham turned round and got 
 him fined for an oath. Even the outward manifestation of the 
 tender passion was accounted a crime, and whatever regard a 
 pair of lovers might have for each other, they must confine it to 
 their own breasts, and not dare to scandalize public morality by 
 walking up the street together ! 
 
 “ 27 June, 1651. Sidwell Saunders and George Manning have 
 “ acknowledged to the keepers of the liberty of England, by 
 “ authority of Parliament, the some of x/. a peece that they will 
 “ appeare att the next Sessions and give evidence agst Mr. Smith 
 “ and Joane Tutwell.” The dreadful offence against the keepers 
 of the liberty of England was “ for keeping company together, 
 they being engaged to be married ! ” 
 
 That there was a spirit in the people which, despite the 
 pressure exercised in order to keep it down, blazed out fiercely at 
 times is shewn in the case where,— 
 
 “ 14 April, 1651. Two constables doe informe that yesterday 
 “ last they goeing to the house of Richard Templer, inn-holder, to 
 “ take up and impresse certaine horses and other provisions for 
 “ the psent service of the Comonwealth they were opposed therein 
 “by Joane the wife of the said Richard Templer insomuch that 
 “ they having seized on two paire of crubbs and setting them on 
 “ horses backes the said Joane tooke them off againe and tore 
 “ them in peeces in the presence of these informants whereby the 
 “ crubbs became unserviceable.” 
 
 But the constables, aided doubtless by soldiers, prevailed and 
 carried off the horses, for the next day an ostler from a rival Inn, 
 whose master was the devoted servant of the Commonwealth, 
 complains that he was “ ridying several! horses belonging to 
 “ certaine Troopers to drinke and ridying downe the streete neare 
 “ the townewell, he sawe divers boys playing together ” and 
 amongst them the son of Templer, who, excited at seeing his 
 father’s property in such hands, threw a stone which struck the 
 ostler in the back. ' Burning with revenge, he chased the boy 
 home to his father’s door, but was there stopped by a blow in the 
 face, delivered with emphasis by Mr. Templer, who covered his 
 son’s retreat. Public sympathy, in that part of the town, at all 
 
149 
 
 events, was not with the Commonwealth, for we are told that the 
 mob assembled in a mutinous and tumultuous manner, and it was 
 not until the soldiers had drawn their swords and used them 
 freely that peace was restored. Mr. Templer was also informed 
 against for selling beer without a license, though it is somewhat 
 difficult to conceive why he should have been allowed to keep an 
 Inn, and yet forbidden to sell beer. It would appear, however, 
 that this was a kind of weapon held “in terrorem " over the 
 unfortunate publicans, who were allowed to follow their calling 
 with certain licenses, which a quibble could upset at any time 
 when occasion demanded. 
 
 But the authorities, with the saints militant at the Castle to 
 support them, shewed a sublime contempt for public opinion, and 
 in the matter of Inns and Innkeepers their policy would receive 
 the cordial approval of even Sir Wilfrid Lawson, e.g. 
 
 “ 18 April, 1653. Ordered by the C.ourte that noe licenses be 
 “ granted for the sale of Ale or Beer to any person or persons 
 “ whatsoever within this Citty and County of the same Citty but 
 “ to such as the Churchwardens Constables or three other godly 
 “ people within their respective limitts shall first give testimoney 
 “ of the fitness of such person and persons as are to be bound. 
 “ And that all the Justices within the said Cittie shall approve and 
 “ allowe of such licenses by signing them.” 
 
 The repressive system would naturally have an effect on the 
 spirits of the people and engender a gloomy state of the mind, 
 tending to strange fancies and groundless fears—a state peculiarly 
 susceptible of a belief in witchcraft. No surprse need therefore 
 be felt that there should be some cases on the record ; but that 
 Justices of the Peace—men of education and social position— 
 should be found to seriously investigate and accept evidence in 
 such cases, is only explainable on the ground that bigotry and 
 superstition ever go hand in hand. Two or three examples of this 
 kind may suffice. 
 
 THREE WITCH STORIES. 
 
 13 Nov., 1652. Grace Matthewe came to the Guildhall with a 
 complaint that about three years ago, her husband was taken sick, 
 and was supposed to have been bewitched. She consulted Doctor 
 
 M 
 
i5o 
 
 Browne who gave her some “ phisicall directions,” which 
 however did no good. The doctor then said that he could 
 formerly cure people that had been bewitched, and told Mrs. 
 Matthewe to go to a woman at Broadclist, who was some time his 
 servant. This she did, and then having some remedies given her 
 for her husband she was warned against a woman living near to 
 her, who was “ tall of stature, of a pale face, and blinking eye, 
 “ and useing to goe by a staff when she did come to her house,” 
 and that, if she did so come, Mrs. Matthewe should give her 
 nothing, but say that her husband was bewitched, and that a plot 
 was laid for the suspected one. On returning from Broadclist, 
 Mrs. Matthewe at once set about applying the prescribed remedies, 
 one of which was a general purification of her husband’s body 
 with soap and water. At the “ instant tyme ” this process was 
 being applied, the witch, feeling that the spells on her victim were 
 being interfered with, knocked at the door, and in the person of 
 Joane Baker, the butcher’s wife, demanded admittance. This was 
 rather more than peremptorily refused, but watching her oppor¬ 
 tunity the witch slipped into the house the same evening, only to 
 find that the remedies of the Broadclist woman were proof against 
 her arts, and that Mr. Matthewe could defy them. Nothing 
 daunted she drew her spells around an unfortunate servant-maid 
 there present, so that for three-quarters of a year she was sick 
 “ in Almsgiving condition, being also greatlie pyned and consumed 
 “ away in her body and soe dyed.” She had often cried out in 
 her sickness that she was bewitched. The witch’s own family 
 appear to have been considerably exercised at her conduct, and it 
 was probably a matter of lively discussion as to what should be 
 done with her, and who should do it. At length Peter Baker, 
 being urged on by his father-in-law, plucked up courage, and at 
 seven o’clock in the evening, upon some specious pretence, 
 suddenly entered Baker’s house and walked into the room, where 
 he saw Joane the witch sitting by the fire with a toad in her lap 
 and two more at her feet. The evidence was considered to be 
 sufficient and complete, and the prisoner was forthwith committed 
 to gaol. 
 
 12 August, 1654. One Diana Crosse a widow, suspected of 
 
i5i 
 
 being a witch, was ordered by the Judge of Assize to be committed 
 for trial at the City Sessions. Mr. Ezekiel Trible, a tobacco pipe 
 maker, one of the victims of the witch’s arts, deposed that Mrs. 
 Crosse on one occasion came to his house for fire, which was 
 delivered to her, but for the space of one month afterwards he 
 could not make or work his tobacco pipes to his satisfaction—they 
 were altogether either over or under burnt. The witch, too, cast 
 her evil eye upon a boy in his employ, and “affirmed” that he 
 should never be well, and thereupon the boy “ grewe into a 
 “ distracted condition, and was much consumed and pyned 
 “ away in body.” 
 
 Mrs. Dicker, another witness, stated that Mrs. Crosse came to 
 her house begging, that she declined to relieve her, at the same time 
 imprudently calling her an old witch—which was resented in 
 menacing language. It was not long before one of her children 
 fell sick, and in cleansing her house she found a toad in her 
 chamber and divers small worms. 
 
 A third witness, the wife of a worsted comber, said that Mrs. 
 Crosse had come to her house begging for drink, but that latterly 
 she had been refused, and in consequence two of her children fell 
 sick. She also called to her remembrance that her husband, 
 about two years since, had fallen sick, and had been much pained 
 and grieved in his limbs, that she consulted Dr. Browne, asking 
 for some remedy, but that the case was so mysterious he could not 
 give any, and the only thing he would suggest was that she should 
 go home and give her husband some hot broth, and that he must 
 “be wary and have a care” another time. She also deposed, 
 that coming to her house one day she found the chimney all 
 ablaze, with little or no fire on the hearth. Under ordinary 
 circumstances she would have been surprised, but having heard 
 that Diana Crosse had surreptitiously entered her room, she was 
 not so. 
 
 The evidence of the next witness carried all the weight Of 
 official authority. He was no less a personage than the Sergeant 
 at Mace. Standing at the door of the Council Chamber, he was 
 approached by the widow, and was asked to convey a humble petition 
 to the Mayor. Rash enough to refuse, a week afterwards his 
 
 M' 
 
wife fell sick, and complained much in her limbs ; his son fell and 
 broke his arm ; and, sadder still, the drink which he had brewed 
 would not run out at the “penn.” “ Mary Cleake informeth that 
 “ on Saturday last was senight the said Diana Crosse being 
 “ brought downe to the Maudlyn, without Southgate, where one 
 “Johan Poole, her sister, is kept, being in a sadd and distracted 
 “ condition, she, the said Poole, fell psently uppon Diana, and 
 “ beating her cryed out that sliee was her adversary.” Mrs. 
 Cleake at once proceeded to the proof by pricking the suspected 
 witch twelve times with a needle ; and there was no longer any 
 doubt about the matter, when it was found that no blood was 
 drawn,.and that she neither felt nor grudged the infliction. But 
 the most extraordinary witness was Mrs. Southcott, the wife of a 
 tailor. She goes back with her evidence to a period thirteen 
 years antecedent, when she placed a daughter of hers at Mrs. 
 Crosse’s school, but disapproving of it, not long afterwards, 
 removed her to the school of one “ Goodwife Woodman.” The 
 child soon became sick, lay in a languishing condition for five 
 years, and then died ; five weeks had scarcely elapsed when her 
 first husband died ; and seven weeks thereafter the “ goodwife 
 Woodman” died also. During the child’s illness she consulted 
 Mi's. Mainwaye, whose husband was a doctor of physic, and 
 asked for some “ phisicall remedies,” but the only prescription she 
 got was “ to have a care.” 
 
 4 Jan., 1658. Johan Furnace is complained of for be¬ 
 witching one Greene, who gets taken with fits in his head and 
 distempers in his body ; he seems to be well and talks sensibly in 
 the presence of the witch, but directly she is out of sight he goes 
 distracted again. One of his children, too, had been “ creemed,” 
 and he believed it would have been the case again had not the 
 witch been feed with “ scutes,” or small pieces of silver. 
 
 The finances of the city in the year 1651 were in a deplorable 
 state, they had not recovered the lavish expenditure of eight years 
 previously, when the city made such efforts on behalf of the 
 Parliament, to keep out the army under Prince Maurice. To 
 raise funds on that occasion they borrowed money from anyone 
 who would lend, upon the credit of the Chamber, and succeeded 
 
T 53 
 
 in obtaining about ^15,000, a certain proportion of this sum 
 being money belonging to the public charities. These liabilities 
 were becoming inconvenient, and an effort is made to grapple 
 with them :— 
 
 21st Janr- 1651. It is this day agreed by the generall vote of this Chamber 
 that whereas in the years 1642 & 1643, when this Citty was held for the 
 Parliam 1 against the King's Armye (and all other wayes of raising monie to 
 pay and ffree the souldiers & make good the fortification & the defence of 
 the Cittie fayled) this Chamber was necessited as the last and only remedie to 
 ppose the giving of their comon seal for the repayment of such monies as should 
 be lent thereon and for such pvisions as should be furnished for maintenance of 
 the Garrison, whereuppon divers well affected psons furnished monies and 
 pvisions for wch some of them had the said seale accordingly as by the Actes of 
 this Chamber att that time more at large appereth. And whereas also this 
 Chamber oweth severall somes of money unto Orphanes and to several accomptes 
 of Trustees for the poore for wch also their comon seale is given. All wch this 
 Corporacon stands engaged to paye and for some of wch first menconed debts 
 there are Judgments obtained and patents alreadie executed upon the lands of 
 this Corporacon to the pjudice and dishonor thereof and whereas further there 
 hath byn a Comittee appointed by an Acte of this house to survay and sett leases 
 of the lands of this Citty wch are in hand and to fill upp estates to 3 or 4 lives 
 for the better and more speedie discharge of the said debts. The Chamber doe 
 by this psent Acte declare and order 'hat the one halfe of all the money that 
 hath byn or shalbe raised by such seales shalbe employed to and for the discharge 
 of the debts due unto Orphanes or poore as aforesaid, and that every person or 
 persons that shall buy or purchase any of the lands or Tenements of the said 
 Corporacon, and shalbe allowed any some or somes due unto him or them by the 
 Comon Seale as aforesaid shall paye and bring in a like some at least in readie 
 monie into this Chamber or to the Treasurer by them appointed to receive such 
 monye and to pay the debts to Orphanes and poor therewith and noe otherways 
 to be employed untill they are paid, nor any conveyance or lease to bee sealed 
 untill the obligacons by the Comons seale wth a receipt thereon bee delivered in 
 and the monie dulie paid and discharged. And further that whereas those 
 monies soe taken upp and employed in the publick service in the said seige of 
 this Citty may hereafter by the favo r & Justice of the Parliament uppon a right 
 representation thereof made bee acknowledged a public debt and repaid wch is 
 really intended effectually to bee endeavored wth all convenient speede that what 
 shalbe soe recovered shalbee to and for the only use and benefitt of this 
 Corporacon untill the said debts soe discharged bee repaide. 
 
 Mr. Clarke is the first to take advantage of the new Act—the 
 Chamber are indebted, to him, for his past services in Parliament, 
 the sum of £300. He deducts this from a fine of £550, which he 
 
*54 
 
 is charged for the lease of some Tucking Mills in Exe Island, to 
 be held on three lives. There is evidently some pressure exercised 
 by the Governors of St. John’s Hospital, for the arrears of 
 interesL due to them are ordered to be paid; but as to the 
 principal they must be satisfied with the conveyance of the 
 Bishop’s Palace in discharge of a portion of the debt due to 
 the charity. The Chamber had a comfortable idea as to the 
 permanent effect of the revolution, for they are particular in 
 stating that the Palace—in consideration of the sum of ^"400 
 owing—is to be the property of the Governors and their successors 
 for ever. It would be satisfactory to be assured that the charity 
 recovered its ^"400, when ten years later a new state of things 
 altogether ignored the transfer. 
 
 “ 28 Jan., 1651. Also a deed or writing purporting a bargaine 
 “ and sale dated the 25 of March last of the late Bishopp’s Palace 
 “ and other the appurtenances thereto belonging was this day 
 “ sealed with the comon seale of this house. And by the 
 “ Corporacon made over to the Governor of the Hospitall of 
 “ St. John’s wthin this Cittie and to their Successors for ever to 
 “ the use of the said Plospitall for the some of flower hundred 
 “ pounds by the said Governo r formerly paid.” 
 
 Shortly after the “State’s Arms” are made and set up over 
 Mr. Mayor’s seat in the Guildhall; the fact of the Chamber then 
 petitioning the “ States” to return the money expended by the city 
 during the troubles, having of course nothing to do with this act 
 of homage to the ruling power. 
 
 In the spring of the year Cromwell resumed the campaign in 
 Scotland against the Royal forces; these latter acting on the 
 defensive and being secure in their position, there appeared to 
 be no immediate prospect of bringing matters to a decisive issue. 
 
 The doubt and uncertainty that prevailed is apparent in the 
 state of local affairs. At five successive meetings of the Chamber 
 there were not sufficient members to transact business. In July, 
 Roger Mallock and two other members with Royalist proclivities 
 are dismissed, the guardhouses are ordered to be repaired imme¬ 
 diately, the night watches doubled, and suspicious characters 
 taken care of, for instance— 
 
155 
 
 4 August, 1651. Mary Thorne sometime a servant to Thomas Bradshawe 
 of this Cittie tulle deposeth uppon her oath that about Xmas last shee heard 
 John Hayne of the same Cittie fuller to say (the said Hayne then speaking of the 
 Cavileers cominge into the Cittie againe) that Maior Saunders was a black- 
 livered rogue and wondered with what face the brunefaced tode would looke 
 them in the face when they should come in and sjid also that hee did thinke 
 they would bee here within a twelvemonth. 
 
 To appear at next sessions and in mean time to be of good behaviour— 
 
 bail.. Surety in /40 
 
 1 .. £20 
 
 The meaning of this is that Charles Stuart with his army is 
 over the border and fast making his way to Worcester, where, we 
 know, he met with that crushing defeat which Cromwell accepted 
 as a “ crowning mercy.” 
 
 The Royal army was thus finally disposed of, but there still 
 remained a fleet in the channel under Prince Rupert, and priva¬ 
 teers with royal letters of mark, who supplemented their services 
 to Charles with a little private business amongst the merchant 
 vessels. One such, called The Grace, of Aberdeen, a frigate, 
 having a commission from the Duke of York, was wrecked at 
 Seaton, and the captain the master and a corporal were brought 
 before the Exeter magistrates; on examination it turned out that 
 the ship was appointed to endeavour to bring over, and land the 
 King somewhere on these western coasts, anticipating that he 
 would receive a favorable reception and be successful in promoting 
 a royalist rising. A special edict from the Council of State 
 directed that these men should be detained here in gaol until 
 further orders. 
 
 By the end of 1651 Scotland and Ireland had been brought 
 under subjection, and all English territories acknowledged the 
 Parliament of the Commonwealth. Mayor-choosing time came 
 round again at Michaelmas, and the office of Chief Magistrate of 
 Exeter was resumed by the appointment of Mr. Richard Sweete. 
 His salary was raised to £200 for the year, “ in regard of some 
 “ present emergency and extraordinary charge incident to the 
 “ mayoralty ; ” viz., the pressing necessity for relieving the 
 Chamber of its embarrassments. A large committee was 
 appointed to meet every Monday on this Business only. A “ fair 
 
hatt ” was purchased for the sword-bearer on the occasion, and 
 the Chamber evince a desire to enter earnestly upon the business 
 of the city. The New Inn, thanks to Mr. Fford, was leased on 
 the most favorable terms, and the Treasurer's house in the Close 
 secured for the purposes of a workhouse and a house of correction. 
 
 “6 June 1652. This day the contract was made betweene the 
 “Chamber and Mr. Henry Gandye for the fee and inheritance 
 “of that one messuage in the Churchyard belonging to Peters 
 “Church called the Treasurer’s house late pcell of the lands late 
 “the late Dean and Chapter of Exeter to be granted by the said 
 “Mr. Gandy to the Chamber for Hire of ^140—the said house to 
 “bee converted for a workhouse for the poore of this cittye and 
 “also a house of correction for the vagrant and disorderly people 
 “within this cittye.” 
 
 Trade is reviving, and, to encourage it, all foreigners’ goods are 
 forbidden to be dealt in,* the traffic in the streets becomes so 
 great, that persons are accidentally “slaine,” and injured by the 
 carts and waggons on market days; and, except from the East-gate 
 to the Little Conduit in South Street, all vehicles are prohibited 
 between the hours of nine and four o’clock. Fires give such 
 anxiety to the authorities, that an engine or ‘ spowte ’ is ordered 
 to be “gotten down from London to quench fire,” crooks for 
 pulling down the wooden gables and ladders are amended, and in 
 addition to the official sweep, whose services are retained at a 
 cost of 20/- per annum, “4 July 1654. Mr. Prigge is entreated 
 
 *24 Nov. 1652. This act gave rise to a practical joke—a piece of levity which 
 most assuredly would not be recognised by the authorities. Philip Edwards 
 was one of the Inspectors appointed to seize foreign goods; active, perhaps 
 over zealous, in the discharge of his duties, he was on the watch one evening, 
 near the Shops of the London Merchants, at the New Inn. In one of the 
 Stables of the Inn, a servant of Mr. Bolt, a London Merchant, with many 
 cautions, took a mysterious box from the manger, and requested the ostler to 
 carry it to the Cornish carrier, telling him it was directed for Tregony in Corn¬ 
 wall. Coming forth from the stable the ostler had to bear the brunt of some 
 playful remarks, vouchsafed by sundry persons hanging about; amongst them 
 Mr. David White, a Londoner, was conspicuous, he saying that the box was his, 
 and there might be therein'silk and silver lace of great value, and that the ostler 
 must be wary of it. The Inspector making sure of a prize pounced upon the 
 ostler, and seizing the box carried it off in triumph to the Guildhall, there to 
 find that it contained nothing but horsedung. 
 
 For this offence, which could scarcely be said to be the ostler's he was 
 committed to the Sessions, and heavy bail required for his appearance. 
 
1 57 
 
 “ to write to a friend of his in London to gett downe an 
 “able and fitt person for a chimney sweeper, to continue 
 “here—he shall be paid £■$ quarterly for honest and careful 
 “ services.” 
 
 It does not appear that Exeter was represented in the Long 
 Parliament, or rather what remained of it, after the death of the 
 King, but the city affairs were well attended to by Mr. Recorder 
 Prideaux, who was subsequently Cromwell’s Attorney General, 
 and it is not unlikely that he was an eye-witness of that remark¬ 
 able scene in the House of Commons, when Cromwell, in a voice 
 of thunder, exclaimed to the astonished members, “ We have 
 “ enough of this ; I'll put an end to your prating. Begone ! give 
 “way to honester men,” and ordering the speaker's mace—“that 
 bauble ”—to be taken away called in his musqueteers and cleared 
 the house. Nor does it appear that Exeter was a favored place, 
 from which to summons a representative to take a seat in 
 Cromwell’s own particular Parliament—that Parliament, which 
 was to inaugurate the reign of the saints on earth, under “ Praise 
 “ God Barebones,” the leather merchant, and which confessed 
 itself incompetent before it had been five months in existence, and 
 so dissolved. 
 
 One act this short-lived Parliament passed, which proved to be 
 of some service to Exeter ; The act “ for the speedy and effectual 
 satisfaction of the Adventures for land (confiscated) in Ireland, 
 and of arrears of Public debts.” The object of the act was to 
 indemnify, by free grants of land in Ireland, those persons and 
 Corporations who had advanced money in former years for the 
 suppression of the rebellion in that country. A few days before 
 the dissolution, the Chamber—having previously called upon all 
 persons who had claims to make, to send particulars to 
 the Guildhall—demanded from the Parliament the sum of 
 ^14,020 2s. id. lent on the public faith, by order and appoint¬ 
 ment of the deputy-lieutenants. 
 
 There is some obscurity about this claim, which it is difficult to 
 clear up ; it happens to be the precise amount expended by the 
 Chamber, in the year 1642, for putting the city in a condition of 
 defence, and had nothing to do with suppressing the rebels 
 in Ireland. 
 
158 
 
 It seems as though they had pitched upon this account as a 
 matter of convenience, it having been certified by the deputy- 
 lieutenants ; unless, indeed, it is a separate claim, which, on its 
 town merits, they hoped to get satisfied. 
 
 The monies tor the rebellion in Ireland were lent to private 
 persons, on the security of the city property; and although, at 
 the death of Mr. Walter White, the Receiver, it was discovered 
 that the security was worthless, the certificates not having been 
 officially sealed, the Chamber, either voluntarily, or by compulsion 
 accepted their responsibility, and then sealed certificates for some 
 thousands of pounds. They also obtained an acknowledgment 
 of the receipt of the gross sum, which was produced in 
 June 1654. 
 
 19 June, 1654. The same day the receipt of a certificate of 
 monies received by Mr. Walter White for Irish subscriptions was 
 sealed with the oommon seal, as followeth :— 
 
 Guildhall, London, 25 th - April, 1646. 
 
 Theis may certifie whome it may concerne that the Tres appointed for the 
 Irish Subscriptions rec d of Mr. Walter White of the Cittie of Exon Esq r by 
 the hands of severall persons before the 29 th of April 1643 for severall subscrip¬ 
 tions subscribed by severall persons in the Cittie of Exon the some of Fifteen 
 thousand seven hundred twenty-eight pounds and tenn shillings as by the 
 particular receipts in the hands of the said Walter White more plainely appeareth 
 Witness our hands hereunto the day and yere first above written. 
 
 Jn° Warner. 
 
 Tho 8 Andrewes. 
 
 Exon—Wee the Maior Bayliffes and Comyualty of the City of Exon doe 
 hereby acknowledge to have received of Walter Holditch of the same Cittie 
 Marchant the originall writing or Certificate whereof the above-written is a true 
 coppy transcribed out of the same and agreeth therewith word for word. In 
 testimony whereof we have hereunto sett the Comon Seale of this Citty of Exon 
 the 27 th June, 1654. 
 
 In the result Exeter was banded with twenty-tour other 
 claimants—residents in London—and, by the committee appointed 
 for the purpose, which sat in Grocers’ Hall, was allotted, as the 
 combined share, a tract of land in Tipperary, valued at ^9,890 10s. 
 Mr. Nathaniel Manton of London, instructed by Mr. Sheriff 
 Fiord, acted on behalf of the Corporation of Exeter, but no 
 
159 
 
 settlement could be come to, on account of the disputes about the 
 division of the property, until the Lord Protector made an ordinance 
 appointing certain Commissioners to settle differences. At length 
 the proportion assigned to Exeter was 4,185 acres (English) of 
 “ Meadow, Arable, and profitable pasture,” valued at ,£"1,883 6s. 8d.; 
 better than nothing, but a small return for the large sums 
 expended. 
 
 The deed of ownership was enrolled in the Court of 
 Chancery on the 21st March, 1655, but probably the Chamber 
 looked upon their acquisition at first, as somewhat in the 
 light of a white elephant. The property of all the adven¬ 
 turers together only produced £60 a year, and the difficulty 
 of collecting rents from a number of small Irish tenants was 
 not less in those days than now. But the agents sent over 
 by Mr. Manton very soon put a different complexion upon 
 the state of affairs ; after troubles of no ordinary nature, as 
 may be easily conceived, they at last succeeded in raising the 
 rental of the whole to ^1,075. Mr. Manton, in an interesting 
 letter to our Sheriff, says “ its well done.” “ I send you an 
 “account of the charges that I have and shall within 10 days 
 “ disburse for you, which I hope will bee all the seed of this kinde 
 “you are to sow; yo r next will bee harvest work viz‘ to receive 
 “ the Cropp (or rent) of yo r charges disbursed. Nothing cann 
 “bee objected to in yo r acc 1 it beeing what is and must really bee 
 “paid, and soe agreed at a full meeting of y e interesteds: the 
 “only thing may bee aleaged against is the last 1} p r cent for 
 “ Mr. Roberts and Webster’s charges, wc h (I supose) cannot 
 “ rationally bee urged, if you consider what service they have 
 “donne, and the charges they have been at, besides y e danger; 
 “ another such jorney & troble they proffess they would not under- 
 “ take for £500 sterling.” 
 
 The bill, in these days, will not be considered a heavy one, and 
 the charges, for moderation, might offer an example, which it is 
 feared would not be accepted by the legal profession of the 
 present day. The total amount is ^75 15s. gd., and amongst the 
 items there is a curious entry—“ paid y 8 Committee of y e body ol 
 “ Advent™ 1884 halfe pence £5 18s. 6d.” 
 
i6o 
 
 At an early stage of the negotiations Mr. Manton’s services - 
 were handsomely recognised. 
 
 “25 July, 1654. This day it is agreed and ordered that the 
 “ some of £25 shall be disbursed for the buying of two silver 
 “ flaggons to bee presented to Mr. Nathaniel Mannton, of London, 
 “ as a free gifte of this Chamber, with the Cittie’s Armes sett 
 “ thereon, for and in respect of the great care and paynes hee 
 “ hath lately taken about the purchasing of Irish lands for the 
 “ use and benefitt of this Chamber and the settlement thereof, 
 “ and Mr. Sheriff Fford is desired to write to his brother in 
 “ London for the buying of those flagons.” 
 
 The city authorities did not wait for the harvest or rent; long 
 before Mr. Manton’s final account came in, they had made up 
 their minds, with wise discretion, to sell the property, and their 
 agent, Mr. Samuel Jones merchant of London, was already on 
 the ground, surveying and preparing for the sale before the agents 
 for the allottees were off it. The estate "was sold lor £"1,500—a 
 good windfall for the heavily burdened city, and all that was ever 
 received in discharge of the claim of £"14,020. 
 
 5 Feb., 1656. An order for the City's land in Ireland to be sold or set out. 
 
 11 March, 1656 A small Committee ordered to treate & conclude a sale with 
 Mr. Valentyne Greatrakes. 
 
 19 March, 1656. This day the conveyance & purchase deeds of inheritance 
 for sale of the Chamber's lands to Sir Ames Ameredeth, Bart., Col. Hierom 
 Sankey, of Clonmell, in Ireland, and Valentyne Greatrakes, of Cornworthy, 
 Devon, Esq., lying in the Barony of Midlothire, in the County of Tipperary, in 
 the Province of Munster, was sealed with the Common Seale of this Corporation, 
 consisting of 4,185 acres, 29 poles of meadow, arable land and profitable pasture, 
 English measure, which being deducted into Irish measure is 2,583a. 2r. 32p., 
 with all the woods, &c., for the consideration of £1,500—secured to be paid with 
 the interest thereof as followeth. The deed bears date the 18th March, 1655. 
 
 The bond entered into by Sir A. Ameredeth and the others in £3,000 for 
 payment of £1,590, the 20 March, 1659. 
 
 The same bound for payment of £90 . . 20 March, 1656. 
 
 90 ,, 1657. 
 
 90 „ 1658. 
 
 In connexion with'these outlays for the public service it may 
 
 be mentioned that there is in the Record Office, in London, a 
 petition from a widow of Exeter, for satisfaction in respect of 
 sacrifices made by her husband during the civil war. 
 
i6i 
 
 TO HIS HIGHNES THE LORD PROTECTOR OF ENGLAND, 
 SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND, &c. 
 
 The humble petition of Sarah Clarke, the wife of Samuel Clarke, of the City of Exon, 
 merchant, deceased, Sheweth — 
 
 That your petitioners husband: at the Earnest Importunity of the cumissioners: 
 Authorised by Parliament ffor the raysinge of moneys: ffor the defence of the 
 County of Devon & City of Exon ; in the yeare : 1643 : did [when all others 
 refusd] Ingage him selfe : beyond the seas & Furnished : & supplyed: the then 
 urgent wants : & necessityes : of those parts: with Armes Amunition & provision : 
 to the vallue of: ,£4213 is. nd. as under the treasurers hand of the sayd County 
 is Acknowledg: Imediatly where-upon Followed the overthrow of the Parliaments 
 Forces at Stratton : in Cornewall : whereby the Comisioners were disinabled to 
 make your petitioners husband satisfaction Accordinge to their Agreement: all 
 beinge then in a very lowe Condition : for the preservation of this City & nation 
 the west stood it out to the last: and to Encourage the Soldiers : in the hard 
 service & difficult worke : they were payd out of the provision of Corne : above 
 sayd : but after all: beinge not able to stand it out any Longer : did resigne the 
 City into the hand of the Enimy: who not-with-standing the Articles of Agree¬ 
 ment : did seaze upon all that they Could make discovery of: upon Stricht 
 Enquiry; that did belonge to your Petitioners husband: & did pursue him : 
 even to his Life: which they swore they would have : & Layd waite for the 
 Accomplishment thereof: only For his Extrordinary Activity & Ingagement in 
 that publicke worke : which hath occasioned the ruine of your petitioners Family: 
 upon the Losse of the City: your petitioners husband : made Application to the 
 Parliament [when of him selfe {petition here torn ) after a Member] who then 
 ordered him ^2,000 as part of satisfaccion: Since your petitioners husband decease 
 your petitioner hath waited heere thes—3 years : For to gett some supply: for her 
 selfe and children [ petition torn ] could gett none : this beinge the second petition 
 which hath been presented unto your Highnes : which your petitioner hopes 
 through divine direction : and your Highnes Wisedome : shall not be successless : 
 Extreamity and necessity not admitting of Farther delay : your petitioners hus¬ 
 band For satisfaction & discharge of his Foraigne Ingagements: For the sayd 
 Armes, Amunition & provision : was Forced to ruune that Costly course of 
 drawinge the moneys too & Fro ye Exchange: beeing unavoydably necesitated 
 there unto which hath much Augmented the first Sume : which the parliament 
 beeing well informed of did promise answerable sattisfaction. 
 
 May it therefore please your Highnes to take this sad condition into Serious 
 Consideration : and to order some speedy Reliefe, & Satisfaction as your High¬ 
 nes Wisedom : shall see ffitt: 
 
 And your petitioner shall pray, &c. SARAH CLARKE. 
 
 May your Highnes please to Consider of some of the Losses : & disbursements : 
 of your petitioners husband ffor the Publicke. 
 
i 62 
 
 The first sume was: flour thousand: two hundred: thirteen pounds: one 
 shilling & Eleven pence. 
 
 Upon the publick fiaith : one hundred pounds. 
 
 Seazed upon in Goods : by the Enimy 1 
 in Dartmouth .. ..[ five hundred pounds. 
 
 A Shipe Loden with Goods: seazed 
 upon by the Enimy: upon their 
 arrival at [ torn ] harbour [torn'] Exon 
 [.Petition torn ] 
 
 Your petitioner cannot give your 
 Highnes a particular Account: but 
 it was a Considerable Sume. 
 
 About ffive hundred pounds. 
 
 The sume due unto your Highnes petitioner is too thousand ffive hundred 
 pounds which properly belongs : unto the ffirst sume of ffour thousand too 
 hundred : thirteene pounds : one shilling & eleven pence: Without relatinge unto 
 any other sume heere Mentioned. 
 
 12 March, 1656. SARAH CLARKE. 
 
 There is no endorsement upon the petition, nor any further papers shewing 
 how the petition was received, and whether the prayer was granted. 
 
 The petitioner’s husband represented Exeter in the long 
 Parliament, but whether or not he was one of those who voted 
 
 in favor of the indictment against the King is not shown ; his 
 name appears once only, after the death of Charles, as being in 
 his place at the Guildhall, and in August, 1649 “ Mr. Sami. 
 “ Clarke’s account for his charge as a burgesse in Parliament from 
 “ 2 2 January, 1646, to September 26, 1647 is allowed.” So that 
 it would rather appear that at the latter date he ceased to attend 
 the House of Commons. From the petition we gather that he 
 died in 1653. 
 
 Four days after the dissolution of the “ Barebones Parliament,” 
 the proceedings of which had excited general uneasiness, Cromwell 
 assumed the title of Protector of the Commonwealth, and from 
 this time was virtually supreme ruler in England. The Parlia¬ 
 ment which he summoned in the following year, and which gave 
 promise of a settled Government, frittered away its time in 
 disputing the position of the Protector, and in frustrating his 
 aims for a peaceable solution of affairs, so that in words of angry 
 reproach he dissolved it. With the dissolution of the Parliament 
 of 1654 ended all show of legal rule ; henceforward all ordinances 
 and laws were Cromwell's own, and the Protectorate became 
 simply a despotism. Many of the acts of his reign were wise 
 and good, and it may be that, for the time, the despotic rule of a 
 wise man was the best Government for the people. 
 
163 
 
 It was due to the energy of Cromwell that the settlement of the 
 Irish estates was effected so promptly, and the vigour and order 
 of his rule is somewhat reflected in the action of the local 
 Chamber. They apply for another allotment of land in respect 
 of the sacrifices the city had made, but without success, and 
 there is no chance of further relief in any shape. The Sessions 
 are now to be held monthly, as the regulation of the morals of 
 the people by Act of Parliament entails upon the Justices much 
 time and attention. 
 
 “ 13 June, 1654. There bee no Trialls (except upon extra- 
 “ ordinary occasions) but once a. month, and that Munday bee 
 “ sett a parte wholy for that buisnes, and that the Courte begyun 
 “ at 8 o’clocke without a breakfaste, and that the Sergiants have 
 “ strict orders to summon men of the best rancke of the Cittie 
 “ for Jurors (none excepted under the degree of the Receiver), 
 
 “ and that those that faile bee soundlye ffyned and the ffynes 
 “ duely levied without partiality. And that the Justices bee 
 “ desired for the better countenancing of the Courte to bee then 
 “ present in their gownes. 
 
 “ 2. That the other three Mundayes of the month the 
 “ Constables may have their dynner or breakfast provided att or 
 “ before 11 of the Clocke and when the Officers are att Courte 
 “ the Courte may be called and adjourned as soone as possible, 
 “ wch done the Sword to bee carried home and the Officers to bee 
 “ dismissed, and that about 12 the Justices bee desired to bee 
 “ present that the Maior and they may spend as much time as is 
 “ requisite for dispatching of matters of Justice, wch being ended 
 “ that the Maior spend the rest of the day att the Committee to 
 “ dispatch the buisnes of the Chamber.” 
 
 The sword-bearer gives considerabie trouble with regard to his 
 hat ; he will persist in airing it before the eyes of the public at 
 times when he is not on official duty, the consequence being 
 that the symbol of his office,is not held in such respect as if it 
 were shown only upon rare occasions, and moreover, that it 
 requires more frequent renewal. After many warnings it is 
 at last decided that the fair beaver hat is to be worn only at such 
 times, “ especially when he goes before Mr. Maior, M and it is to be 
 left at Mr. Maior’s when “ he puts it off.” 
 
164 
 
 Amongst the measures for carrying out a vigorous policy at 
 this time, we find that a cage and stocks are set up in Exe Island, 
 a cage in St. Sidwells, and the cart for whipping offenders is to 
 be repaired. Begging was so heinous an offence that one Joan 
 Gillard, being found in the act, was kicked and beaten to death 
 by the Beadle ; and John Wilkins was committed to the Sessions 
 for refusing to assist the constables in ducking one Crocker’s wife. 
 Could this be the wife of the Mayor knighted by Charles the 
 first? It is not unlikely, for Sir Hugh Crocker appears to have 
 been in difficulties, and the most persecuted man in the city, 
 though not without his friends. 
 
 12 July, 1653. Humphrey White on hearing that the bailiffs 
 were in Mr. Hugh Crocker’s house, went in at the back door, and 
 was attacked by Mr. Andrew, a bailiff, with a sword and pistol 
 and wounded in the arm. He also attacked and dangerously 
 wounded another bystander, and finding matters getting rather 
 hot for him fled and left his sword behind him. 
 
 On the other hand, at the new Workhouse in St. Peter’s Yard, 
 provision is to be made for teaching work to, and educating, ten 
 poor maids until they can be bound apprentices. Joan Hernaman 
 was chosen the schoolmistress, at a salary of £10 a year for 
 herself, and a servant under her. A common brewhouse is erected 
 for the benefit of the poor, and £200 to be spent in apparelling 
 St. John’s Hospital boys. The Hospital itself has to be enlarged, 
 owing to the increased demands upon it, and the Chamber raise 
 £2000 on the City property, to pay back part of the debt owing, 
 for this purpose. 
 
 In March, 1654, Mr. Edwd. Prideaux, Recorder of Exeter, is 
 made Attorney General by the Lord Protector, and Thomas 
 Bampfield elected to the vacant office. At the same time Mr. 
 Ferdinando Nicholls is appointed Bodleian lecturer—this year at 
 the Church of Mary Arches—and Mr. Richard Crossing no longer 
 objects to be Mayor, and is chosen for that office. Mr. Westlake, 
 the Town Clerk, finding the work getting rather too much for 
 him, expresses a wish to resign his situation, but is requested to 
 consider the matter further, and nothing more is heard of it. The 
 registries of births, marriages, and deaths having up to this time 
 
1 65 
 
 been much neglected and irregularly kept, they are ordered to be 
 seen to by the various parishes, and all outlying parishes are to 
 be united to Mary Major’s. 
 
 The records of the Criminal Courts show how the new 
 tyranny affected the social liberties of the people in ever in¬ 
 creasing restrictions. Vagrants are whipped at the ring; it is 
 unlawful to eat anything but cold meat on the Lord’s day, and very 
 numerous are the convictions for baking provisions, for roasting 
 and dressing meat, for even heating the oven. George Manning 
 and Hugh Frye are presented for being in Manning's house last 
 sabbath day, and eating a roasted pig together; Phillip Blake, his 
 wife, and his wife’s sister, for walking in the fields on the Lord’s 
 day ; and a boy is convicted of watering a horse in sermon time, 
 and fined five shillings. Drunkards were dealt with in a very 
 summary manner, — one David Hilman was taken inebriated at 
 ten o’clock at night, to the Mayor’s house, and then and there 
 requested to pay 5s.; “ Mrs. Maioress ” sought to improve the 
 occasion by administering a little wholesome advice, but the 
 reprobate declared that he did not care a “ figge ” for any of them, 
 saying “ who are you ? you be hanged.” This was a case for 
 severe punishment, and he was at once taken off to prison. That 
 a system of “ espionage ” prevailed, we learn from the case of 
 Dr. Morris and Dr. Bidgood who were watched as they entered a 
 tavern, and a witness who followed them, going to the room 
 adjoining the one they occupied, the partition wall being a thin 
 one, heard them indulging in the luxury of swearing, exactly 
 twenty-five oaths from each being counted. 
 
 Travelling on the Lord’s day is a serious offence, and the cases 
 are numerous — one man being at once taken before a Justice and 
 put in the stocks. A barber is brought up “ for tryming a man on 
 “ the Lord’s day about term o’clocke in the forenoone in sermon 
 “ time.” 
 
 Offences which need not be named were plentiful and visited 
 with condign punishment, but what harm there is in “ regrating,” 
 it is difficult to see ; Mr. Lovell, however, was fined 10s. and sent 
 to prison for two months for buying a sack of wheat and selling it 
 again by the bushel at a small profit. And what joy in the little 
 Puritan breast, when the authorities unearthed the Turveydrop of 
 N 
 
the period, in the person of Mr. Malbye, who ventured to teach 
 deportment and dancing, and was ordered forthwith to depart out 
 of the city ! Expressions of contempt for the higher powers 
 sometimes broke forth; thus Mr. Pooke suffered for saying his 
 highness, the Lord Protector, was a “ barrel-bearer.” Another 
 man, for saying that two constables were “ overflowen with beer, 
 “ as busy men as any, and foxes,” was committed for trial; as 
 also another for speaking “ unfitting words of the Maior.” But 
 Mr. John Gregory entailed upon himself a heavy penalty through 
 the misfortune of being a wit and a poet:— 
 
 “ 18th April, 1655. John Gregory speaking in terms of 
 “ commendation of Ben Jonson and other poets, repeating 
 “ some of their verses and then some of his own, discovered 
 “ to his listener that he was the author of a ‘ pamphlet or 
 “ paper of verses, intituled the Commonwealth’s irrepairable 
 “ losse in the untimely departure of the Lady Grenvill’s well 
 “ affected munckey, undoubtedly poysoned by the Cavaliers, 
 “ for which the Saints are advised to bee thoroughly humbled.’ 
 “ He was fined 100 marks.” There is one conviction under the 
 Act of the “ Barebones Parliament ” for the establishment of civil 
 Marriages. “ Richard Longe, clerk, committed for marrying 
 Zachary Saunders and William Dyer’s daughter, Mary.” 
 
 The soldier saints conceived it to be a part of their duty to spy 
 out all offences against morality, and the peace of their Sovereign 
 Lord Protector Cromwell, and their evidence is always accepted 
 as conclusive. If they confined their attention to such cases as 
 the following, instead of ferreting out and exposing trumpery 
 peccadilloes scarcely worth notice, they would not have been 
 quite so unpopular. 
 
 “ 3 March, 1654. A Soldier in Col. Scroope’s regiment, 
 “ (Governor of Bristol,) reports a man for saying that Capts. 
 “ Beale and Bishop had received shameful disgrace before the 
 “ Mayor in the matter of searching Mr. Blackwell’s house for 
 “ 100 arms, and for saying that the Captains declared they would 
 “ cut the Lord Protector’s throat.” 
 
 It is- discovered that the Lord’s day is not yet observed 
 with sufficient strictness, and another turn of the screw is 
 inflicted upon the bakers. 
 
167 
 
 “ 7 Jan., 1656. Ordered that publique notice be given by the 
 “ Belman that henceforward noe Baker within this Cittie or 
 “ County doe presume to sett their household bread into their 
 “ ovens on Saturday night as formerly they have done, and draw 
 “ the same out againe about 5 of the'Clock next morning being 
 “ the Saboth day, but that they sett in and drawe out the bread 
 “ before tenn of the Clocke Saterday at night.” 
 
 But the climax is reached in the following cheerful manifesto: 
 
 “ 7 Jan., 1656. All who have the care or education of children 
 “ and servants under 14 years of age, must not permit them on 
 “ the Lord’s day to use or exercise any sport, pleasure, or pas- 
 “ time, or be present at the same. All persons above 14 for such 
 “offence to forfeit 5s., and parents and guardians of those under 
 “ 14 to be fined is., or in default put in the Stocks for 3 hours.” 
 
 Complaints are made that children have been seen playing in 
 the Churchyard of the “ late ” Cathedral on the Lord’s day, and 
 a reward is offered to informers. Not long after, the Juvenile 
 mind must have been considerably impressed with the following 
 —“(6 April, 1658).—A cage to be made and set up about the 
 “ middle part of St. Peter’s Churchyard for the putting of such 
 “ boys and others in, as shall disturb the Ministers in sermon 
 “ time.” 
 
 With a strong Government trade would naturally revive, and 
 that it had improved in our city may be inferred incidentally from 
 strikes amongst the shoemakers and fullers, the former agreeing 
 “not to work unless they got id. extraordinary on making shoes, 
 “and 2d. on making boots,” and the latter agreeing not to take less 
 than 4s. a week wages. But they were reckoning without their 
 host; such a liberal institution as a trades-union could not for a 
 moment be countenanced, and that they found out, at an expense 
 of £10 each, and in the case of the fullers, twenty days 
 imprisonment. A little glimpse of the times is afforded us in the 
 case where a man has the charge of seventeen pack-horses, laden 
 with goods for Barnstaple, meeting a return team on Cowley 
 bridge, then very narrow ; neither would give way, and a free 
 fight ensued in which men, women, dogs and horses engaged 
 promiscuously. 
 
 N 2 
 
The terrible repressive measures of the governing power, 
 depriving the people of all liberty, naturally excited general 
 discontent, and there were risings in Dorset, in Wales, and in our 
 own County, in which latter John Penruddock and others were 
 concerned. Charles 2nd was proclaimed King at Southmolton, 
 but there was but little response from the people, and the rising 
 proved to be abortive. Some of those concerned were appre¬ 
 hended, and brought to the High Gaol, at Exeter, and the 
 sympathy felt for them was shewn by the manner in which they 
 were entertained and visited by the citizens and county gentry 
 during their confinement. Penruddock and two others were 
 condemned to death, and suffered the extreme penalty on Heavi- 
 tree gallows tree; the great efforts made to spare their lives after 
 their condemnation having failed. They have left on record an 
 affecting but manly letter, written by themselves to the judge, 
 asking for his intercession with the Lord Protector on the ground 
 of mercy and Christian charity, but Cromwell was inexorable. 
 That the public mind was excited at this event, may be gathered 
 from the case which cropped up some months after, when the 
 feelings it excited might be supposed to have been somewhat 
 allayed. 
 
 16 June, 1656. Christobell Towill speaking of the Lord Protector about 3 months 
 since, on her way from Newton market, said, if he came to this City she would 
 cut his throat, because he was the cause of them that were beheaded. 
 
 But the overwhelming strength of the army easily repressed 
 such attempts at revolt, and they had only the effect of increasing 
 the rigour of the Government. 
 
 The country was divided into ten military Governments, each 
 with a Major General at its head; General Desborow being 
 appointed to command the western district, including Devon and 
 Cornwall. The funds for the support of this military despotism 
 were derived from fines of one-tenth part of their income, inflicted 
 upon all who had Royalist tendencies; and the Episcopalian 
 Clergy, who had been zealous in promoting the insurrection, were 
 prohibited from acting as ministers or tutors. The result was 
 the spectacle of Presbyterians, Independents, and even Baptists 
 occupying the church livings, enjoying the temporalities, and 
 acting according to their own principles. 
 
i 6 g 
 
 The break down of Episcopacy and the failure of the system of 
 Presbyterianism to take its place gave rise to much confusion in 
 church matters. The ministers in Exeter had probably been 
 appointed from without, through the action of Cromwell’s Board 
 of Triers, or the County Church Board. In 1655 the Chamber 
 petition for an augmentation of ministers’ money, but afterwards 
 they keep the matter in their own hands by levying a rate for the 
 Support of the ministers, and making their own presentations. 
 
 “ 3 June, 1656. Mr. R d - Crossing and others are desired and 
 “ appointed by this house to joyne with the ministers within this 
 “ Cittie for the procuring and obtayning of a Godlye and able 
 “ minister for a supplye within the said Cittye.” 
 
 “ 20 June, 1656. The Committee are desired to take into 
 “ consideration the righting upp and fitting of some of the 
 “ Churches within this Cittie to bee used for preaching Ministers, 
 “ and the erecting of some roomes over the Chapter House is also 
 “ referred to the same Committee, as likewise the transferring of 
 “ the Library at St. John’s Hospital to the Chapter House if it 
 “ shalbe thought most convenient.” 
 
 The ministers’ rate was a very unpopular tax, and the greatest 
 difficulty was experienced in collecting it. In order to lessen the 
 burden and to provide for other expenses, the idea was originated 
 of reducing the number of churches to the minimum requirement, 
 and disposing of those not thought to be necessary. An act of 
 Parliament authorising this was passed during the session of 1656, 
 and the preliminary step taken on “n August, 1657. Ordered 
 “that the churchwardens respectively of Trinity, Mary Steps, 
 “ Allhallow's-on-the-Walls, John's Bow, Olave’s, Kirrian’s, 
 “ Pancras, George’s, Paul's, Allhallow’s Goldsmith Street, 
 “ Lawrence, Stephen's and Martin’s, and every of them are 
 “ demannded that within fower dayes after notice of this order to 
 “ them to bee given they bring in to the R‘- Worshipful the 
 “ Maior of this Cittie a true particular in writinge of all the bells, 
 “ goods, utensills, & implements whatsoever to the said respective 
 “ churches belonging and appertayning. And also to give upp to 
 “ the said Maior the possessions of the said respective churches 
 “ by the delivery of the severall keyes of the dores of the same to 
 
170 
 
 “ them, that order may bee further had and taken in the premisses 
 “ according to and in performance of an act of this present 
 “ Parliament intituled an act for the promoting and more frequent 
 “ preaching of the Gospell & maintenance of ministers in this 
 “ Cittie of Exeter and uniting of parishes and parish Churches.” 
 
 On the same day the following presentations were made to the 
 only churches intended to be used for divine service. 
 
 Mr. Ferdinand Nicholls to St. Mary Arches Church. 
 
 ,, Thomas Downe . . St. Edmunds 
 
 ,, Marke Downe . . St. Petrockes. 
 
 John Bartlett . . St. Mary the Moor. 
 
 Also agreed that the Chamber have thought it fitt that a seventh Minister be 
 added and the endeavour of the Ministers are desired to procure an able godly 
 man to assist the severall Ministers att Sacraments in the forenoon on the 
 respective days of administracon thereof and every other the Lords day to assist 
 Mr. Thomas Downe att Edmunds in the morning in case of absence or sickness 
 and in the afternoone to bestowe his labour where hee shalbe appointed by the 
 Chamber. 
 
 Mr. Nicholls appears to have given offence in some quarters, as 
 there are two cases, in which he is concerned, brought before the 
 Magistrates. 
 
 “ 6 January, 1654. Israel Tranch spoke of ‘ Bishop’ Nicholls in 
 “ a scoffing and jeering manner. Said that he would make him 
 “ as mute as Mr. Lowe had done, and as much ashamed as when 
 “ he left his sermon notes behind him.” 
 
 “11 August, 1656. Mary Thorne, of St. Thomas, said of Mr. 
 “ Nicholls, minister, that he was a false prophet, that he did teach 
 “ for lucre, and that she would be one of those to bear witness 
 “ against him at the day of judgement—committed with hard 
 “ labour.” 
 
 The act before referred to was passed during the session of 
 Parliament commenced in September 1656, and was entitled 
 “ an act for the promoting and more frequent preaching of the 
 “ gospel and maintenance of ministers in the city of Exeter, and 
 “ uniting of parishes and parish churches in the said city.” The 
 objects contemplated by the Chamber were, to enlarge the 
 parishes, to reduce the number of churches, and to improve 
 those retained for service. It was found that the congregations 
 of the smaller parish churches were so scanty, that room could 
 
easily be found for them in the adjoining parish church, and 
 so the cost of maintaining the ministers of the closed churches 
 would be saved, and the ministers’ rate thereby reduced. The 
 uniting of the parishes was a measure to which there could 
 be no objection—and indeed it is one which might be adopted 
 with advantage in our own-day—but the manner, in which it was 
 intended that the disused churches should be disposed of, excited 
 the most lively feelings of dissatisfaction. They were to be sold 
 without any conditions, and the money they realized was to have 
 been paid to the Chamber, in satisfaction of an outlay about to 
 be incurred on a work which was not included in the act of 
 Parliament. 
 
 The two predominant religious parties in the community were 
 the Presbyterians and the Independents, the former represented 
 by the Corporation, and the latter by the soldiers. Both parties 
 aspired to hold their services in the Cathedral—“ Peter’s church,” 
 as they called it,—but inasmuch as singing formed a leading feature 
 in the services of the one, which was a practice abhorred by the other, 
 and as both desired to assemble for worship at the same hours, it 
 follows that there would be considerable difficulty in carrying on 
 the services with propriety. Matters at length reached such a 
 pass, even, it is said, to the extent of disputes and collisions in the 
 building, between the two sects, that the Chamber, not perhaps 
 without considerable pressure, in August, 1657, decided to divide 
 the Cathedral into two parts, by erecting a wall across the west 
 end of the choir, where the organ stood, upon a foundation which 
 already existed. The side aisles were also to be closed, and a wall 
 erected, dividing the south tower into two passages, east and west; 
 the latter to give access to the belfry. The two churches were 
 named Peter the East, and Peter the West; the former to be set 
 apart for the Independents, and the latter for the Presbyterians. 
 Access to the eastern church was to have been obtained by 
 removing the window in St. Andrew’s Chapel—the treasury, as it 
 was called in consequence of the room over it being used as a 
 store room for the Cathedral records—and a door substituted in 
 place thereof. This work however was never accomplished ; 
 whether it was that the authorities scrupled to destroy a beautiful 
 window, or that the Restoration came upon them so quickly that 
 
172 
 
 they could not carry out their designs—and this latter theory is 
 not improbable, as the records show that the alterations were 
 not completed in January, 1660—certain it is that no opening 
 has been made since the window was first placed in its present 
 position. An entrance to that part of the Cathedral has been 
 obtained, at some time or other, by breaking through the end 
 wall of the Speke Chapel. In the course of the restoration of 
 the Cathedral, now happily approaching completion, the work 
 has been laid bare, and although in a very rough sort of way, 
 it was done with as little mischief as possible under the circum¬ 
 stances. It may be that this entrance was made, at the time we 
 are speaking of, for the accommodation of the Independents, and 
 if so, it evinces some tenderness on the part of the authorities in 
 dealing with the grand old building, by their choosing the least of 
 two evils and keeping their work well out of sight. 
 
 11 August, 1657. Who doe alsoe agree that the partition of the Cathedrall 
 Church of S. Peter’s bee made with a brick wall on the East part of the Crosse 
 lie where the Organs stood closeing upp the bodye or midle He uppon a foundaeon 
 wch is already there and filling upp the place where the dores stand in the lie 
 sides leading to the Quire and that the South Tower be divided by a wall 
 of foote high and a passage made from the East Church through a 
 
 Chappell there into the Belfry. And whereas Mr. Walter Deeble hath undertaken 
 to make this partition wall for £150, well and sufficiently with brick and 
 plaistering. Further agreed that John Pare that keepes the seates in the Church 
 and nowe dwells in the Treasury roomes shalbe removed thence, and that Ralph 
 Cooze be likewise removed out of his house adjoining to the Workehouse and 
 Peter Leelye to live therein, for that the said Leelye's roomes is to bee pulled 
 down for an Avenue to bee made to passe into the greate Church. Also agreed 
 that an Avenue bee made through the Garden Hall and outrooms of the late 
 Treasurer's house unto that parte of the great Church wh sometime was the 
 Treasurye, and the window thereof to bee taken downe and a dore there made to 
 passe into the Easterne pte of the said Church and that another Avenue to come 
 into the same dore bee made close to the North parte of the North Tower into 
 the said garden through certaine roomes nowe in the possession of the said 
 Peter Seelye—/800 to be raised for these alterations. 
 
 Mr. Robert Atkins presented to Peter the East. 
 
 11 Aug., 1657. Agreed that Mr. Thomas Ford, Minister, doe carry on the 
 Wednesdaye’s Lecture in West Peters as hitherto hee hath done and that hee 
 doe assist the other Ministers as hee finds strength and opportunity, wch is lefte 
 to his owne free will, and that hee shall have & enjoye the maintenance which 
 formerly hee had. 
 
173 
 
 In connexion with the alterations, we find that the wainscot in 
 the Chapel of the Holy Ghost was ordered to be taken down and 
 made use of, and it was on “ 16 Jan., 1658. Ordered that the 
 “ late Bishop’s seat and side walls in the inner Choir of St. Peter’s 
 “ Church East be removed for better carrying on & perfecting 
 “ that work.” 
 
 Mr. Ford was the minister of West Peter on the appointment 
 of the Chamber, but Cromwell desired to have the presentation 
 of the East Church himself, and endeavoured to make it the 
 condition of his assenting to the Act of Parliament, but the 
 Chamber were firm and declined to give it up, at once nominating 
 Mr. Robert Atkins to the post. 
 
 “2 Dec., 1656. Upon reading a letter from Mr. Town Clerk, 
 “ in London, touching the uniting of several parish Churches 
 “ wthin this Citty to the late Cathedrall Church of Peters, to be 
 “ called Peter the East, & for an addition thereunto to bee made, 
 “ viz 4 that his highness the Lord Protector may have the presenta- 
 “ tion thereof. Resolved to adhere to a former resolution.” 
 
 “ 16 Dec. j That the agreement with Mr. Lewis Stewklye, 
 “ touching the uniting of several parish Churches to Peters East 
 “ & Peters West, shall be drawn up & a Bill presented in Parlia- 
 “ ment for its furtherance, if necessary.” 
 
 The ministers must have had an uncomfortable time of it, as 
 the services were frequently interrupted by fanatics ; at one time 
 a quaker, during the sermon, boldly rises from his seat and chal¬ 
 lenges Mr. Ford’s doctrine, “ speaking up ” to him ; at another, 
 one Mrs. Seares, who “stopped the sermon,” was taken up in the 
 arms of a constable and carried off to the cells ; and Mr. Atkins 
 was hindered in his administration of the Sacrament of Baptism 
 by Mrs. Payne, of Weymouth, who stood on the bench, and 
 shouted, “ Woe ! woe ! woe ! which brother ? ” one of the sect 
 known as the fifth-monarchy men utters a charitable prayer, that 
 the Lord will destroy those that are now chosen out of all cities 
 towns and counties, as well as the militia that is now raising; and 
 the keeper of Southgate prison, having “ no music in his soul,” 
 contemptuously puts on his hat during the psalm singing. * 
 
 * 19 April, 1660. One Strange is committed for praying loudly after this 
 manner:—“ The Lord destroy those that are nowe chosen out of all citties, and 
 
174 
 
 One is naturally curious to know what became of those to whom 
 the services, as now conducted in the Churches, would be exceed¬ 
 ingly distasteful,—the old orthodox and high churchmen. Did they, 
 like the persecuted of old, retire to the rocks and caves, and 
 there conduct their worship after their own desires ? It is evident 
 that they dared not assemble publicly, and we have some little 
 clue to the course they sometimes adopted. 
 
 There are several cases before the magistrates for travelling 
 from Topsham to the Castle Inn, Exeter, for the purpose of 
 attending some religious service, and one, who from conscientious 
 motives refused to pay the fine inflicted, was set in the stocks; 
 and there is the case of John Blackmore, an inn-holder, whose 
 house having been suspected by the constables is burst open, and 
 in a room many persons of quality, both male and female, 
 are discovered in the act of receiving the Lord’s Supper and 
 immediately dispersed. 
 
 As we have just done with the Cathedral, it is an easy transition 
 to the subject of the Cloisters. 
 
 15 Jan., 1656. The Chamber did think fit and doe fully agree to purchase 
 from Mr. Embrey the Cloisters with such structures and waste ground and other 
 appurtenances as is incident thereunto adjoyning St. Peter's Church for the most 
 reasonablest value it may bee had. And Mr. Snowe and Mr. Ford are desired 
 and appointed to procure the purchase thereof as speedily as they may. 
 
 29 Jan., 1656. ^1600 raised tor the purchase & the conveyance ordered to 
 
 be made at once. 
 
 To the Puritan mind, they would, of course, appear as an 
 utterly useless adjunct to the church, and it would be throwing 
 away a fair opportunity if they did not turn them to the best 
 account. Some years previously they had been sold to one Mr. 
 Embrey, who seems to have speculated in the spoils of the 
 church, and was now realizing his profits whilst there was yet 
 time to do so. 
 
 The staple trade of Exeter, that of serge-making, had grown so 
 
 townes, and counties, Lord let them be destroyed in the bud for they are enymies 
 to Kinge Jesus, or if they "come togeather, Lord let their hartes dye within them 
 as Navalls, Lord destroy the militia that is nowe raising ; wee have seen Kings, 
 and Pariiaments, and Militias destroyed for that they have byn against Kinge 
 Jesus." Refused to find bail, and also refused to take the oath of abjuration, so 
 was sent to prison. 
 
1 75 
 
 much that a new market became necessary ; the old one in 
 Southgate Street moreover being inconvenient on account of its 
 being exposed to the rain and storms. Negotiations are opened 
 with Mr. Embrey for the purchase of the Cloisters, wherein the 
 new serge-market house is to be built, and there is the money 
 from the Irish land to pay for them ; but a larger sum than this is 
 needed, for Mr. Embrey desires to be rid of a little more ot the 
 same sort of property, and there is some delay in coming to a 
 settlement. At last on “ 14 Oct. 1656, a receipt of Mr. Embrey's 
 “ was brought to the Chamber for ^2,230 for the purchase of the 
 “ Cloysters, the priviledges of Peter’s Churchyard, and Arch- 
 “ deacon Cotton's house.” This latter is the house near the 
 Institution, with the coat of arms still preserved over the outer 
 doorway. 
 
 To clear the ground, that objectionable popish instrument 
 “the organs,” which had been removed from the Cathedral and 
 stowed away in the Cloisters, is ordered to be disposed of, or 
 melted down with the brass half-crowns seized in Mr. Snowe’s 
 mayoralty, and the tombstones are to be given up to parties 
 concerned, claiming them before “ our Lady day ” next. A few 
 months afterwards a petition is sent to Parliament to appoint 
 the serge-market to be held in the Cloisters, and on 30th Oct. 
 1657, it is publicly opened and a proclamation read. This 
 document is laboured and drawn up in somewhat of an apologetic 
 tone, as though some opposition and disturbance were 
 apprehended. 
 
 “ 30 Oct., 1657. The serge-market hitherto in Southgate St. 
 “ being inconvenient on account of its being open to the rain and 
 “ storms, and causing a stoppage in the street, is removed to the 
 “ Cloisters, where new Buildings have been erected at great 
 “ expense — and Southgate St. market to be used as a fish-market 
 “ instead of High St., as formerly.” 
 
 The corn-market was also removed to St. Peter’s yard for the 
 better accommodation of the country people. 
 
 Returning to the subject of the support of the ministers, the 
 authorities had the greatest trouble in raising sufficient to meet 
 their requirements—and they were not excessive, Mr. Tickell’s 
 
176 
 
 remuneration being £100 a year, and a house to live in, and Mr. 
 Bartlett’s the same. But the rate was a very unpopular one, and 
 it was strenuously resisted by several who complained publicly of the 
 heavy burden. “ March 1658. Matthew Purkis, an Anabaptist, 
 feeling sore at the ministers’ rates, gives vent to his feelings by 
 “ saying that they were thieves, robbers, deluders of the people, 
 “ravening wolves in sheep’s clothing, that within seven years 
 “ there would come a fight, that the ministers should be 
 “ confounded, and the blood in the slaughter would be as high as 
 “ the horse-bridle, and they (meaning the Anabaptists) should 
 “ reign in Christ.” It is a vexed question, which the members of 
 the Corporation seem inclined to shirk, for it is necessary to 
 impose a fine of 10s. on absentees, in order to bring together the 
 Committee appointed to legislate' upon it, and on one occasion 
 they personally subscribe the sum required. 
 
 The sale of the surplus churches would be a relief, indirectly, 
 to the ministers’ rate, and the money realized was intended to pay 
 for the alterations in the Cathedral. 
 
 Three days before the serge-market was formally dedicated to 
 the use of the public, the Corporation passed an order for the 
 disposal of the doomed churches. 
 
 27 Oct., 1657. Whereas by an Act of Parliament made att the Parliament 
 begun and held at Westm 1 ' the xvii day of September, 1656, intituled an act for 
 the promoting and more frequent preaching of the Gospell and maintenance of 
 ministers in the Citty of Exeter, and uniting of parishes and parish Churches 
 within the said Citty of Exeter. It was enacted that the severall churches 
 within the said Citty wh were united to other churches should bee and were 
 vested in the Mayor, &c., & their successors, for, and towards, the enlargement 
 newe building and reparacon of the Churches in the bill menconed to wch other 
 Churches are united, which Churches so vested are yet undisposed of And so 
 that a present supply of monyes to the sum of £ 800, att the least, is needed for 
 the carrying on of the worke according to the tenor of the said acte. It is 
 therefore ordered tnat the sum of /800 be borrowed and taken upp uppon the 
 Security of the Seale of this Chamber for one yeere, soe that in the mean tyme 
 disposition or sale bee or shalbe made of the said Churches soe vested in the said 
 Maior, Bayliffs, and Canonalty, as aforesaid, to reimburse the said £800, or that 
 the same sum in the meantime shalbe otherwise raised and paid by vertue of a 
 rate or tax according to the tenor of the said acte in that behalf ordayned. 
 
 The intent being that the Churches shall be. given as security for the payrr ent 
 of the £8oo required to be raised. 
 
177 
 
 But there is some spirit still left in the people, and they will 
 not tamely stand by and see their churches desecrated, their holy 
 places given up to the traffickers for gain, and themselves forced 
 to contribute towards the support of ministers, in whom they had 
 no confidence. 
 
 The fifth of November, happening a few days after, afforded 
 the opportunity for expressing the general discontent in an 
 unmistakeable manner. There was a terrible riot, the mob 
 obtaining complete possession of the city; all the bells were set 
 ringing, fire-balls thrown about caused several conflagrations, and 
 the constables in a body were completely routed and driven from 
 St. David’s Hill to the Conduit. The soldiers, of course, after a 
 time put a stop to the rioting, but for several nights no one was 
 allowed to appear in the streets, under pain of being locked up. 
 Even the authorities themselves doubt the legality of their own 
 act, for a fortnight afterwards the whole question is to be 
 re-considered. 
 
 17 Nov., 1657. Ordered that Mr. Maior & Justices, Mr. Broking, and all the 
 members of the Chamber that will attend it, bee a Committee, and any 3, 5, or 
 more of them bee of the quor., to meete at Mr. Maior's house on Thursday next 
 and soe de die in diem to consider of all wayes and meanes howe the Act for 
 union of Churches may bee improved for the publicke advantage, howe soe 
 many Ministers may be procured, and soe many Churches may bee opened for 
 them as the Bill will beare, howe the possession of the useless Churches may be 
 gotten into the Chamber's hands and disposed for the people's advantage and for 
 the Chamber's indemnitie and the re-imbursement of the £800 wch the Chamber 
 hath given their seales for to carry on the present worke, and this Committee is 
 desired to send for some of the ablest inhabitants of Sidwell's to trye what they 
 will contribute towards an able Minister to be constant in their parish, that soe 
 our Ministers may procure and commend such a one to the Chamber, and they 
 may seeke for an augmentation to complete his maintenance. And when these 
 or any of these, or any other thing conduceing thereunto is brought to perfection, 
 this Comittee is desired to send for the Reverend Ministers and to communicate 
 the same unto them, and to give them a coppy of this order and tyme seriouslye 
 to consider thereof and soe to bring the result of their consultations backe to the 
 Comittee that soe when the Comittee and Ministers have agreed uppon anything 
 the same may bee brought to the Chamber to debate and conclude thereuppon 
 as they shall think best for the publique good. 
 
 24 March, 1657. Possession of Stephen's Church to be given up and enquiry 
 made as to what use is being made of the Cellars underneath. Whoever buys 
 the Church shall have a 21 years' lease in the houses before the Church, 
 
i 7 8 
 
 After endless discussions a kind of compromise was arrived at; 
 the parishioners were to have the option of purchasing their own 
 church at a price laid down, and one condition was attached, 
 that it should be used for no other purposes than a burying place 
 or schoolhouse. 
 
 27 April, 1658. Possession to be given up of the useless 
 churches. The parishioners may attend on Mondays within the 
 next fourteen days, either to buy or rent the same, otherwise they 
 will be disposed of as the Chamber think fit. 
 
 11 May, 1658. A price of ^"230 was set on Stephen’s Church, 
 with the cellar underneath, and Mr. Toby Allyn agreed to 
 purchase. The Chamber to retain the bells, the lead, and the 
 materials of the tower (which is to be taken down) as far as 
 the roof. 
 
 11 May, 1658. The Chamber moved to enlarge Mary Stepp’s 
 Church, but decide it is inconvenient to do so. 
 
 11 May, 1658. Agreed that the particular somes of motley sealed bee pposed 
 to the Parishioners of the respective parishe Churches hereafter menconed for 
 the buying thereof to bee used and employed for burying places or schoolehouses 
 only, and that notice be given to the parishioners. 
 
 X Lawrence. 
 
 Martin's. 
 
 George's. 
 
 X Allhallow's, Goldsmith St. . 
 
 Pancras. 
 
 Kirrian's.’ 
 
 Allhallow's-on-Walls ... 
 
 Trinitye Church .... 
 
 Paul's Church. 
 
 X Mary Stepp's 
 
 John Bowe .... 
 
 y Ollave's 
 
 Mr. Walter Deeble at once, on behalf of the parishioners of 
 Kerrian’s, agreed to give the price put upon it, and accepted the 
 conditions ; and from the marks against the names of Lawrence, 
 Allhallow’s, Goldsmith St., Mary Stepp’s, and Olave’s, it may be 
 inferred that these churches were also purchased or reserved for 
 the parishioners of the respective parishes. 
 
 Dr. Vilvaine bought Allhallow’s, Goldsmith St.; and, failing 
 purchasers for the remainder, they were made over to St. John’s 
 
 £100 
 £100 
 £100 
 
 £50 
 
 £50 
 
 £66 13 4 
 £33 6 8 
 £100 
 £100 
 £ioo 
 £100 
 
179 
 
 Hospital in consideration to the extent of £650 of monies 
 advanced from time to time ; an ingenious mode of discharging 
 the city’s debt to the charity. So for the time the matter 
 ended. 
 
 The Dr. Vilvaine just mentioned was one of the twelve doctors 
 living in Exeter in 1640, and concerning whom he wrote the 
 following epigram :— 
 
 “ Bis sex Exoniae sunt intra mcenia nati 
 Doctores pariter, qui viguere diu. 
 
 Theologi quinque, et medici sunt quatuor, ex his 
 Sunt tres juridici, qui viguere simul." 
 
 He was a man of position and influence in the city, and through 
 his action the Chamber, in December 1657, ordered the Lady 
 
 Chapel of the Cathedral to be fitted up as a library, and their 
 
 valuable collection of books at St. John’s Hospital to be removed 
 to this more convenient and secure repository. Preparatory to 
 the removal a sum of ^77 was expended in repairing and other¬ 
 wise putting the books in order, and Mr. Prideaux and Mr. 
 Maynard receive public thanks for their bounty in making 
 valuable additions to the collection. The doctor himself had the 
 charge of the new library, with the privilege of appointing an 
 
 assistant ; and we find that he employed one Parsons, to 
 
 whose duty was added the care of the aisles and monuments in 
 the Choir. 
 
 Whatever books and documents the Dean and Chapter may 
 have possessed were probably removed and taken care of as soon 
 as the troubles began, but their collection suffered irreparable 
 loss in the year 1602, when, at the request of Sir Thomas Bodley, 
 132 MSS., including the Ancient Missal* given by Leofric to 
 the Cathedral, were handed over to the Bodleian Library at 
 Oxiord.t 
 
 The use of the Lady Chapel as a library was continued to the 
 year 1820, when, on the completion of the altar screen of the 
 Cathedral by Kendall, the books were removed to the Chapter- 
 house, together with the floor of the Chapel, which was 
 of wood. 
 
 * Anno proximo (1602I donaverunt Decanus et Canonici Exonienses 132 
 Tractatus MSS., Wood. Hist, et Antiq. Oxon., vol. ii., p. 51. 
 
 t See page 9 of Lectures at the end of the vol. 
 
i8o 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1656, Cromwell, desirous of giving 
 a legal basis to his administration, found a pretext for again 
 summoning a Parliament. He was anxious that the past tyranny 
 should be condoned by a recognition of his rule in the face of 
 the nation; but this was impossible with a free election of 
 members. The Irish and Scotch representatives returned to 
 serve in this Parliament were simply nominees of the Govern¬ 
 ment, and one half of those from England not much otherwise. 
 All Catholics and Royalists who had fought for the King were 
 disqualified from voting. When the elected members repaired 
 to the House for the first time, they found soldiers stationed 
 at the door, who allowed none to pass in who had not a 
 certificate of approval from his Highness’s Council. Nearly one- 
 fourth of the members presenting themselves were refused 
 admission, not being provided with the important document, but 
 Mr. Bampfylde, the member for Exeter, took his place in the 
 assembly, for we find that in the spring of the following year the 
 sum of £50 is remitted him towards his salary. By this 
 Parliament Cromwell was invited to assume the title of King, 
 but the soldiers would not hear of it, and so, a second time, with 
 great splendour he was inaugurated Protector, and the sceptre of 
 sovereignty was placed in his hand in presence of the assembled 
 Commons. The best measure this Parliament adopted was the 
 refusal to recognize the military rule of the Majors-General, and 
 their office was consequently abolished, to the great relief of the 
 people. After an adjournment of six months the members re¬ 
 assembled, only to be dissolved again in a speech of angry 
 rebuke by the Protector, provoked beyond measure at their 
 triflings and bickerings. 
 
 A little more than six months elapsed when, amidst the 
 howling of a mighty tempest, which unroofed houses and 
 uprooted huge forest trees, the spirit of the great Dictator passed 
 away—his death happened on what he had himself named his 
 fortunate day, the 3rd of September, the day which had witnessed 
 his great victories at Dunbar and at Worcester. 
 
 Richard Cromwell, his eldest son, to the general surprise, 
 succeeded peacefully to the Government, and was proclaimed in 
 
181 
 
 Exeter on “ 7 Sept., 1658. Ordered this day that the manner of 
 “the proclayminge of his highnes Richard Lord-Protector bee at 
 “ the Guildhall, the Little Conduit, and in St. Peter’s churchyard 
 “ within this Cittie, and the severall Corporacons to bee attending 
 “& present thereatt.” He was a weak and worthless man, and 
 soon threw up the reins of power, leaving the field open for a 
 struggle between the Army and the Parliament. 
 
 In the face of threatened anarchy, the eyes of the nation turned 
 instinctively to the north, and there discovered one man who 
 could save his country. George Monk, our countryman, born at 
 Potheridge near Torrington, whose portrait as Duke of Albemarle 
 and High Steward of Exeter hangs in our Guildhall, had long 
 been in command of the highly disciplined and seasoned army 
 which had kept the Highlanders in subjection. Faraway from the 
 centre of intrigue and faction, his soldiers cared nothing about 
 politics or Parliaments, but they would unhesitatingly do the 
 bidding of their General. It is not improbable that Monk 
 foresaw the course events would take, and by skilfully weeding 
 out from his ranks those who might give trouble, and supplying 
 their places with material fit for the work, he now found himself 
 in a position to exercise a powerful influence on the approaching 
 crisis. In Devonshire, the Royalist movements had been almost 
 developed into a regular organization ; Sir John Grenville was in 
 direct communication with Charles, and Sir Hugh Pollard, Sir 
 Thomas Stukely, and others were deeply plunged in secret plots. 
 The time for action was thought to have come, and it was decided 
 to endeavour to induce Monk to march into England with his 
 army and declare for the King. Dr. Nicholas Monk, of 
 Potheridge, who, it was thought, would have more influence with 
 his brother than any other person, was selected for the important 
 task. Stopping in London on the way, he there met Grenville, 
 who fortified him with two letters from Charles ; one direct to the 
 General, to this effect :— 
 
 “ I cannot think you wish me ill, and the good I expect from 
 “ you will bring so great a benefit to your Country and to 
 “ yourself, that I cannot think you will decline my interest. I 
 “ leave the way and manner of declaring it entirely to your own 
 
 “judgment, and will comply with the advice you will give me.” 
 o 
 
182 
 
 The other letter was addressed to Sir John Grenville, and reads 
 thus :— 
 
 “ I am confident that George Monk can have no malice in his 
 “ heart against me, nor hath he done anything against me which 
 “ I cannot easily pardon ; and it is in his power to do me so great 
 “ service that I cannot easily reward, but will do all I can, and 
 “ perform what he shall promise his army, (whereof he shall still 
 “ keep the command) upon the word of a King.” 
 
 Having made all necessary arrangements in London, and the 
 plans of the party being carefully matured, Dr. Monk, with 
 necessary caution, was put on board ship, and at once sailed a wav 
 for Scotland. The mission was successful so far that Monk was 
 persuaded to move his army, and he slowly advanced towards 
 London, studiously maintaining the strictest silence as 
 to his intentions. Each faction, expecting to benefit by his 
 approach, interpreted this silence in its own favor, but it was 
 nevertheless perplexing, and excited a feverish impatience in the 
 people, who saw that the fate of the country hung upon his 
 actions. Nearing London, he requested Parliament to remove 
 the troops, then in garrison there, into the country, ostensibly to 
 make room for his own. But there was another and more cogent 
 reason for their removal: much demoralized, they were still the 
 soldiers of the Protectorate, and favored a military Government 
 too well to cherish the hope of a peaceable solution in any other 
 form, as long as they were present in strength. The request was 
 complied with, and of these soldiers fifteen hundred were most un¬ 
 willingly received at Exeter and quartered in St. Stephen’s Church. 
 
 Monk’s conduct, as viewed in the light of events as they 
 turned out, is comprehensible and patriotic. With an earnest 
 desire to avoid further strife and confusion, he determined that 
 the country itself should select its own form of Government, and 
 that would have his support. He thus, in effect, spoke—“You may, 
 “ if you wish, continue under a military despotism ; you may 
 “ submit to the selfish rule of the Parliament ; or you may have 
 “ back your King and return to the old constitution ; but you, the 
 “ people of England, must decide for yourselves. Therefore, 
 “ I call upon the House, now sitting, to issue writs for a 
 free Parliament, the members of which shall have been 
 
i8 3 
 
 “ elected by the people without influence or coercion ; what that 
 “ free Parliament decides upon, shall be abided by ; there shall 
 “ be no terrorism, for I have scattered the political soldiery, and 
 “ I am here with my army to maintain order and establish that 
 “ form of Government which you may choose.” 
 
 From no quarter was the echo of Monk’s demand louder than 
 from Exeter. His intentions had no doubt been secretly conveyed 
 to the powerful Royalist combination in the west, and the 
 machinery for influencing the people was ready to be set in 
 motion, as soon as the word was spoken. The excitement in this 
 city became uncontrollable, and the hesitation of the Corporate 
 authorities to declare their intentions drove the people to frenzy. 
 Such terrible rioting took place, that all business was suspended 
 and every shop closed for three days; and in the face of this 
 the Chamber gave way, and decided to petition the House for a 
 new election and a free Parliament. 
 
 28 Dec., 1659. Ordered that the Maior & Common Councell of this Citty of 
 Exeter, in the name of the Maior, Bayliffe, and Comqualty, doe declare for the 
 Parliam* and doe order the same to bee pclaimed in this Citty and the Libties 
 thereof, and that the Parham* ought to sitt and act free without interruption or 
 molestacon of any person or persons whatsoever. And that all inhabitants and 
 others within this Cittye are required to keep and preserve the peace & tranquillitye 
 of the same in obedience to the Government & authoritye of Parliament, and 
 this order & proclamation to bee signed by Mr. Westlake, our Towne Clarke, by 
 order & in the name of the Maior & Comon Councell. 
 
 Ordered that the letter agreed on shall be sent to the Speaker of Parliament 
 by an express, & a copy kept of the letter & proclamation. 
 
 The dismayed and disappointed fragment of a Parliament dared 
 not resist the overwhelming pressure from without, and the writs 
 were speedily issued. Three candidates appeared for Exeter, viz., 
 Mr. Fford, Mr. Bampfield, and Sergt. Maynard. For the first time 
 the citizens recorded their votes in person, and the result was tumult 
 and confusion ; so much so that two returns were made from 
 Exeter, and the Committee of Privileges in the Commons had to 
 decide which were the successful candidates. They declared 
 Mr. Bampfield and Sergt. Maynard duly elected, having the 
 majority of votes of freemen and freeholders. Mr. Fford claimed 
 the seat on the strength of a majority of votes by the freemen 
 
 only, who, he contended, had exclusive right to the franchise. 
 o 2 
 
184 
 
 When the new Parliament, or Convention, as it was called, had 
 assembled, it was at once seen that the nation had enthusiastically 
 determined that the Government of the kingdom should be, 
 according to the ancient fundamental laws, by King, Lords, and 
 Commons. 
 
 Thus fell Puritanism, as many thought, for ever. Long years 
 afterwards, shorn of its bigotry, deprived of its petty tyranny, all 
 that was good in it exercised an influence which could not be 
 otherwise than beneficial to the social life of the nation. In its 
 immediate effects it brought about an outbreak of frivolity and 
 profligacy, such as England has never seen. 
 
 The long penance is done, and the carnival begins. Bells are 
 ringing, guns firing, bonfires flaring, the conduits are dispensing 
 wine in place of water to all comers, heralds are trumpeting, and 
 cavaliers cheering, for this nth day of May, 1660, Charles, 
 the second of that name, is proclaimed King in Exeter. 
 
 END OF PART III. 
 
» ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Royal Letters and other Documents amongst the 
 Municipal Records of the City of Exeter. 
 
 These interesting documents, addressed to the Mayor and 
 Corporation, and others, were formerly scattered about amongst 
 the numerous deeds and papers in the muniment room of the 
 Guildhall. A few years since they were, with others of kindred 
 character, gathered together, arranged, and bound up in the form 
 of a book. They are in fair condition, and some few of the seals 
 are well preserved. 
 
 No. i is a letter from Henry the Seventh, and bears the date, 
 23rd day of June only. The year must be 1508, as the treaty 
 mentioned in it was concluded at Paris on 21st Deer. 1507, and 
 the marriage was to have taken place before the following Easter 
 on pain of heavy penalties, but the illness ot the King caused 
 delay. The Prince of Castile was Charles, then Archduke of 
 Austria and Prince of Spain, who afterwards became the 
 celebrated Emperor, Charles the Fifth. He was then only seven 
 years old, and the marriage was celebrated by proxy on 26th 
 October 1508. 
 
 No. 2 is an epistle from Henry the Eighth to the Mayor, &c., 
 of Exeter, dated 26th Feb. 1524, and is curious on account of the 
 half-apologetic manner in which the collection of the subsidy is 
 pressed. The impost referred to was evidently a distasteful one, 
 and may have been the tax on foreigners instituted in the previous 
 year, to provide the means of carrying on the war with France in 
 conjunction with the Emperor Maximilian and others. There 
 were numerous foreigners established in Exeter at that time, in 
 connection with the woollen trade, for which that city was 
 celebrated. The memorial mentioned as enclosed is not to be 
 found. 
 
i86 
 
 No. 3 is from Queen Elizabeth, dated 4th Novr. 1562. 
 
 In the previous reign the city of Exeter had been made a 
 County of itself, and consequently could not be included in the 
 shire of Devon. This consideration appears to have been over¬ 
 looked upon a levy of five hundred men, for the public service, 
 being made upon the county of Devon. The mayor very properly 
 considered that it did not concern Exeter, and so forbore to 
 contribute the quota demanded from the city. 
 
 Nos. 4 to 9 refer to the seige of Exeter by the Cornish rebels in 
 1549. The first ol the series was written immediately after the 
 raising of the siege by Lord John Russell, and at the commence¬ 
 ment he confirms the statement of Hoker, that the rebellion would 
 never have reached such a head but for the lack of energy shown 
 by the county magistrates and gentry, and he pays a tribute to 
 the courage of the citizens in defending their city. The intended 
 removal of the Church bells shows an uneasy feeling as to the 
 future. In his second letter he condemns those who were back¬ 
 ward and lukewarm in the cause of loyalty, to contribute a larger 
 share towards the expenses of the seige. Sir Peter Carew, who 
 writes to his “ lovinge ffriendes ” the mayor and his brethren, 
 offering the services of Mr. Sture, a lawyer, to be to them a 
 continual counsellor, was at that time in military charge of the 
 city. His seat, one of the best fortified places in the county, was 
 at Mohun’s Oterie, near Ottery St. Mary. Mr. Sture was 
 Recorder of Exeter four years later. The next letter from Lord 
 John Russell (who had been created Earl Bedford) reproaches the 
 corporation for not providing a tilting-ground as he desired, on 
 Southernhay, an open space outside the walls near his own 
 residence, Bedford House. 
 
 The letter from Giulio Borgarney, refers to the manor of 
 Exe-island, to which was attached some excellent fishing right, 
 the river Exe being famous in those days for its salmon. The 
 manor was given to the city by Edward the Sixth, in reward for 
 the loyalty of the citizens during the siege. 
 
 No. 10 is a letter from Earl Bedford, the Ambassador to Spain, 
 dated 26th June 1554, containing instructions for the authorities 
 of Exeter, in the event of Phillip of Spain, who was coming to 
 
i8 7 
 
 England to marry Queen Mary, being driven to take refuge from 
 sea-sickness at the first landing-place that might come in sight. 
 The situation is described in Hollingshed :—“To meet Philip 
 were sent Earl Bedford, Lord Privy Seal, and Lord Fitzwaters, 
 accompanied with divers noblemen and gentlemen, who, arriving 
 at the Corone at Galisia, were received very honourably. And 
 forasmuch the Prince was at Vale Dolido, distant near a hundred 
 leagues, (after numerous delays) the English Ambassador met 
 him at St. James’ de Compostella. After he had ratified the 
 contract and sworn to observe the covenant, he departed to 
 Corone where he embarked, and, accompanied with 150 sail set 
 out for England,” and ultimately arrived at Southampton, so that 
 Exeter escaped the burdensome visit. 
 
 No. 11 is a Proclamation by Queen Mary against the King of 
 France ; date, 1556. 
 
 Nos. 12 and 13. These letters from King James and Mr. Hunter 
 are dated a few days prior to the time appointed for the trial of 
 Sir Walter Raleigh for his connection with the so-called main plot. 
 It may be inferred from them that the Court expected some trouble 
 in the western parts, particularly in the neighbourhood of, or even 
 in the city of Exeter, near to which Raleigh was born, and where 
 he was so well known. Raleigh, however, had too much to do 
 with customs and licences and other privileges affecting commerce, 
 ever to be a favourite with the Exeter merchants, hence Mr. 
 Howell’s assurance of loyalty; which may have been an agreeable 
 surprise to the King. 
 
 No. 14 is another letter from King James. The Bishop of 
 Exeter had endeavoured in vain to gain access to the country 
 outside the walls, through a proposed opening from his own garden. 
 At length he appealed to the King and with the success shown. 
 The opening was through a bastion which is now standing, an 
 through which there is still a passage. 
 
i88 
 
 No. i.—HENRY VII., 1507. 
 
 H. R. By the King. (Original.) 
 
 Trusty and welbeloved we grete you wele And doubt not but that ye have 
 notice and ful knowlege howe that now of late a treatie, God willing, to be had 
 and made betwixt the young Prince of Castile and our right dere dough ter the 
 lady Mary, was by o r orators and thambassadors of the King of Romayns lately 
 agreed determyned and concluded at o r towne of Calais, whiche aliance is so 
 honorable necessary and expedient for the universal weale suretie strength and 
 defence of this o r reame and the subjectes of the same, that a more honorable ne 
 yet more convenient coude any where be founde or devised, aswel considering 
 the noble linage whereof the said young Prince is descended, which is of the 
 grettest Kings and princes in Cristendom, as also remembering the regions landes 
 and cuntrayes wherein by rightful enheritance he shall succede, of which 
 cuntrayes sum be not feare distant from this our reame, by reason whereof 
 manyfold commodities by fre entrecourse of merchaundises betwixt o r and his 
 subjectes shal ensue to the common weale of booth parties And albeit that the 
 same shalbe changeable yet we thinke that noon so noble a mariage can aqy wher 
 be founde, And that by meanes thereof and thother aliance that we have with 
 o r good son the King of Scottes, that o r reame is in maner compassed aboute 
 with suche noble and mighty princes, o r frends confederates and alies, that it is 
 and soe by Goddes grace shal contynue in rest peax and welthy condicion, to 
 o r and thare grete honor comfort and reioysing, and to the discomfort of all 
 o r ennemyes and evyllwillers. And to thintent that the said treatie of mariage 
 so as above concluded, shalbe assuredly and inviolably observed executed and 
 fulfilled on bothe parties at suche tyme as the said young prince and o r doughter 
 shal come to thare lawful ages for mariage, It is aggreed and concluded that not 
 oonly the said King of Romayns with a grete and honorable nombre of lordes 
 cities and townes shalbe effectuelly bounden under thare signes and seales for the 
 performance thereof for thare partie, but also that we o r son the Prince and the 
 said lordes cities and townes shalbe effectuelly bounden under thare signes and 
 seales for the performance thereof for thare partie, but also that we or son the Prince 
 and the said lordes cities and townes shalbe bound forthaccomplishment of the said 
 mariage on o r partie (amonge whiche nombre that o r citie of Excester is oon 
 with other specified in the lettres obligatories whiche this berer shal shewe unto 
 you). Wherefor and inasmuche as this bonde by you to be made shalbe to 
 thonour and universall weale of this our reame and nothing preiudicial or 
 hurteful unto you, We wol and desire you to cause the said lettres obligatories to 
 bee in due and sufficient forme sealed with youre comon seale, so that the same 
 may be brought unto us w th convenient diligence seing that it requireth good spede 
 and celeritie so to be doort—Not failing thus to do as ye tender o r pleass 1 ' and 
 thadvauncement of soo good and honorable a matier as this is. Geven under 
 o r signet at our Manor of Grenewiche the xxiij daie of Juyn. 
 
 (Endorsed.) To our trusty and welbeloved the Maire and his brethern of o r Citie 
 of Excestere. 
 
No. 2.—HENRY VIII. 1524-5. 
 
 Henry R. 
 
 By the King. (Original.) 
 
 Trusty and right welbeloved and trusty and welbeloved we grete you well. And 
 where as in o r laste Parliament holden at o r citie of London and fromthens 
 adiorned unto o r Palays of Westm r our loving subjeetts the nobles and comons 
 in the same assembled, in consideracon of our greate charge susteigned and to 
 bee susteigned for the defence of this oure realme and mayntenence of our warres, 
 gave and graunted unto us an honourable and ample subsidie, To bee had levied 
 and taken in sundry yeres according to the teno r and forme of an Acte thereuppon 
 then made and establyshed, for the execution whreof ye were and bee by vertue of 
 the same Acte and our Comission assigned and deputed to be Comissioners within 
 that o r Cittie. It is now comen unto our knowleage that partely by inadvertence 
 and misexposition of the saide Acte and partely percase 1 by favour the same in 
 diverse partes of this our Realme hath not been duely executed accordinge to the 
 verraye teno r and true meanying thereof, whereby if it shud soo passe unreaformed 
 not only we shulde susteigne greate losse, but also other our subgiettes in the 
 parties where suche defaulte hath not been used, might have cause of greif and 
 complainte, whereof as by your wisedoms ye may wel considre diverse 
 inconvenients might ensue, — We having singular trust and confidence in your 
 towardenes and fidelities, willing the defaultes in this behalf comitted to be 
 reaformed as to reason and congruence doeth appertaigne, have caused our 
 officers in our Eschequier to put in suspense the entering of your certificates by 
 any matier of recorde for discharge of the Comissioners and Collectors till suche 
 time as by your good dexterities and wisedomes suche oversightes and defaultes 
 as have been comited may be reaformed and amended, the specialities whereof 
 w th the waye and meanes howe to reaforme the same be mencioned in a memoriall 
 which wee sende unto you herein closed. Wherefore wee woll and desire you 
 (not doubting but that ye woll acquyte you herein accordinge to the speciall 
 truste and confidence which wee have in your towardenes and conformable 
 mynde to doo unto us acceptable service), groundely and substancially to note 
 theffecte and particularities of the saide memoriall, And thereupon eftesones 
 deviding and alloting your selfes in suche fourme and man 1 (as ye lately have 
 doon) ye by dulce amicable and goodly meances make overture of the saide 
 defaultes and misexpositions unto suche and as many of o r subgiettes as it shall 
 appertaigne, showing unto thim howe yee not understanding the hool of the 
 saide Acte have in some things mistaken the same, soe that by your policies and 
 circumspections the oversightes and things paste for lacke of perfete understanding 
 omitted and comitted, may bs really effectually lovingly and conformably 
 reafourmed and amended, according to the purpose iuste meaninge and entent 
 of the saide Acte. And we duely aunswared of that whereunto by ten r of the 
 same and entent of our saide loving subgiettes we bee entitled, wherein ye shall 
 
 1 i.e. perhaps. 
 
cause suche ordre to be used aswell in pressing collection and certificate making 
 as is conteigned in the seide Acte and emoriall afforesaid devised from 
 the more full and perfete execution of the same, reatorning and testifieing 
 your doing in the premisses with the particuler names of every person within the 
 precincte of the seide comission chargeable to the seide Acte, the valuacion of 
 their goodes or landes, and the somes of money whereunto they bee taxed, holly 
 fully and entierly wthout any farther tracte or delaye before mense pasche next 
 ensuying, At whiche tyme your former certificates shalbe delyverd unto you. And 
 ye by vertue of these o r lettres to bee clerly discharged from any daungers or 
 penalties to ensue unto you by reason of suspending your seide form r certificates 
 for the tyme, ifaile ye not therefore effectually to endevo r yourselfe t'accomplisshe 
 the premisses in discrete pleasaunte and loving man 1 (as our speciall truste is in 
 you) and as ye well desire o r speciall thankes to bee hereafter remembered 
 accordingly. Given under o r signet at o r mano 1 ' of Grenewich the xxvi th day of 
 February the xv th yere of or reign. 
 
 (Endorsed) To our Trusty and wellbeloved the Maior of our Citie of Exceter, 
 Sir Thomas Denys, Knight, Richarde Duke, and other o r loving frends deputed 
 for the subsidie within the same, and to every of them— 
 
 ? 26 Feb 1524. 
 
 No. 3.—ELIZABETH, 1562. 
 
 Elizabeth R. 
 
 By the Quene. (Original.) 
 
 Trusty and welbeloved we grete yo well. Where we gave ordre heretofore unto 
 the Sherif and Justices of peax of o r Countie of Devon to prepare the nombre of 
 ffyve hundrd men to be taken wthin the body of that shere for o r service, towards 
 which nomb r they required to have aide oute of the Citie of Exeter, understanding 
 that you have forborne to minister any yo 1 ' selves therein in respecte that the Citie 
 is a Countie in itself, we nowe therefore thought good upon advertisement of the 
 same from them to will and requier you that ye do upon receipt hereof contribute 
 to the advauncement of o r said service by setting furth of men and otherwise 
 according as by conference with the said Shirif and Justices it shalbe in convenient 
 sort accorded betwene you, and for the levieing and sending oute of the men in 
 forme aforesaid we ar pleased that thes o r lettres shalbe your sufficient warrant 
 and discharge accordingly. Geven under o r Signet at o r hono r of Hamptonco r t 
 the iiij th daye of November in the ffourthe yere of o 1 ' reige. 
 
 (Endorsed) To o r trustie and welbeloved the Maior and Aldermen of o r Cytie 
 of Excester. 
 
 No. 4.—Aug Bt 1549. (Original.) 
 
 John Lorde Russell lorde previseale to the Kinges mat ie3 lieuetenaunte generall 
 in the west parties, To the Maio r and his bretherne of the Citie of Exceter greting, 
 Whear for lacke of good orders amongst suche as ought to rule the Commons as 
 
igx 
 
 well in thes as in other partes of the Realme, ther have growen of late suche 
 comotions and rebellions as the lyeke have not been harde of, insomuche that the 
 rudest of the people contempninge ther superiours have attaigned so unnaturall 
 libertie, that at length ther pryde and ignorance have provoked their naturall 
 soveraigne lorde and kinge to use his sworde of justice against them, fforasmuch 
 as it is nowe the more requisite to looke hensfurthe substanciallie to the good 
 governaunce of evry quarter for the comonwelthe of the hole : I therefore have 
 thought good in thekinges mat ie3 name to charge and commande yor immediately 
 to piruse what men wthin the precinctes of yo r auctoritie are metest . 
 
 the staie.inconvenience appointing every man to knowe 
 
 whome he shall folowe and.them in suche sorte as 
 
 no man be unreadye to do his duetie when occasion shall so require, Lyke as on 
 thothersyde you must forsee that no man be soe hardie upon payne of death to 
 stirre or to medle in these cases onlesse he be thereunto specially appointed : And 
 that according to such order as yo 11 shall take in that behalfe. And forasmuch as 
 upon the late triall of your faithfulnes and good courage in the valiaunt 
 maintaigning of this Citie to the Kings Mat ies hon r and your owne comon welthe 
 (wherein yo u have deserved singuler praise and highe thankes) you wer 
 neverthelesse brought to thuttermost poincte of miserie, yf by his highnes power 
 you had not ben the rather relieved Considering the principall faulte thereof to 
 have growen of the lacke of suche aide and assistaunce as the gentelmen of the 
 countrey shoulde have geven youe, in tyme or 2 ever the Comons had ben hable 
 to straine youe as they did, I therefore have appointed Sr Peter Carew 
 Sr Roger Blewet Knights M r Pierse Courtney Mr Richard Chidleigh & 
 M r Anthony Harvye Esquiers to assiste you, being yo r neighbours and gentlemen 
 of suche forwardnes towards this service as in case of nede will I doubt not so 
 furder yo with their good counsell and so strengthen yo also with their powers 
 that ye shall at all tymes be hable muche the better to resist the multitude if any 
 suche ignorant violence shoulde happen to be offred againe. Wherefore lyeke as 
 I have appointed them to be assistants unto yo, So I require and pray yo to use 
 their advyse and helpe whansoever the case shall soe require, Charging and 
 commanding in the Kinges mat ies name all maner of men what soever they be 
 within yo r liberties, upon paine of Death to obey and folowe all suche orders as 
 ye by vertue of this Commission shall take in this behalfe. Also forasmuche as 
 the rebells of this Countie of Devon have used the belles in every parishe as an 
 instrument to stir the multitude and call them togither thinking good to have this 
 occasion of attempting the lyeke hereafter taken from them, the said Commis¬ 
 sioners appointed for the governement of the shere and ther assistantes shall 
 shall cause all the belles in every parishe churche or chapell wthin ther said 
 limits to be taken downe (the last bell in every ringe in every churche or chapell 
 onely excepted). And takinge away the clappers of the saide belles from the 
 place, shall leave the same bells in the custodie and charge of some honest men 
 of the parishe or nere neighbours thereunto, to be safely kepte unto the kings 
 mat ies use untyll his graces pleasure shalbe further signified for order or disposition 
 
IQ2 
 
 of the same otherwise at his most gracious pleasure. And in the practise therof to 
 use suche discrete moderacon and honest perswasions as yt may be done wth as 
 muche quietnes and as litell effence to the Comon people as may be. 
 
 J. Russell. ^ 
 
 (Endorsed) To the Right Worshipfulles M r John Tuckfilde, mayer of the Cytie 
 of Exceter, M r John Blackhall, M r William Hurste, M r John Brycknell, M r John 
 Mydwynter, M r Thomas Prestowde, M r John Buller, Bretheren unto the said 
 Mayer and his bretheren. And unto Sir Peter Carewe, Sir Roger Blewet, 
 Knightes, M r Pierse Courtney, M r Richarde Chidleighe, M r Anthony Harvye, 
 Esquires, being especially appoynted as assistaunts and ayde unto the said mayre ' 
 and his bretheren. 
 
 2 i. e., before. 
 
 No. 5.—15th Aug. 1549. (Original.) 
 
 Right Worshippfulles after my veary herty comendacons—Beeinge credibelye 
 informed that whear as the defence of the City hath been veary chargeable, and 
 that although reason wholde that every citizen for his porcon and accordinge to 
 his habilitie shouldehave been contributoure thereunto, yet nevertheless some of 
 the said citizens, for some synister affeccons they had in this cause beeinge a 
 greate many of them of good wealthe and substaunce, have not only refused to be 
 partakers of the chargies, but also have withdrawen them sealves frome doinge 
 service at suche tymes as the same was most nedefull both for the defence of the 
 citye, and the suretye of them sealves. I have therefore thought good to desire 
 you to call before you all suche as have so demeaned them sealves or shalbe 
 notified unto you for their slacknes in this behalf, and that you give order that all 
 suche as hathe not hetherto boren their partes, be compelled by yo r seyd order to 
 be contributores withe the rest accordinge to ther habilities as reason is. Wherein 
 I praye you in no wise to omytte that all such as have refused to serve do paye 
 the more for that they have not done ther partes as became true subjectes unto 
 the Kings mat ie - And this my letter shall give you full power and auctorytie to 
 provide in this behalf. Geaven at Exeter the xvi th of August 1549. 
 
 Yo r lovinge ffriende 
 
 J. Russell. 
 
 (Endorsed) To the Right Worshipfulles the Mayer of the Cytie of Exceter, and 
 to S r Roger Bluett, Knight, Mr John Hull, Esquire, and the rest of the 
 Brethern of the same. 
 
 No. 6,—(Original.) 
 
 After my right hartie comendacons. Desiringe the furtheraunce of good and 
 cercumspecte gouvernaunce of yo r Citie I have according to my last communy- 
 cacon with you in your Counsell Chambre moved Mr Sture to serve you as a 
 continuall counsailo 1 the comoditie whereof it may be affirmed wilbe as much 
 o yo r honesties as ever thinge that ye procured for thadvauncement of yo r sealfes 
 or the Citie, ffor even as yf yo 1 ' Citie be ruled by knowledge men will reporte and 
 
*93 
 
 accompte you wurthie the aucthoritie that ye inioye. So if it be founde contrarie, 
 You maie assure yo r selfes it will be both thought and spoken that yo have 
 desired to make your Citie a countie and thenlargement of yo r liberties under a 
 pretence to sunder good ordre, and do not in any parte accomplishe the same. 
 By this man beinge both of honestie and larninge you maie atteine the good 
 reporte of thone and avoide the reproche of thother. And even as his beinge 
 amonge you shall be muche to yo’ furtheraunce, so if you do not liberallie see to 
 his paines it can not be but much to his hinderaunce, ffor he shall not onely be 
 driven to leave his house where he is settled but also leave the practice of the 
 common lawe in matiers abrode, which you maie gesse is no speciall abatement 
 of his living. That I maie therefore give him an answere I shall desire to be 
 advertised from you what you mynde to give him to the countervailing of his 
 charges. And thereupon will I wurke for yo r comoditie as I can best desire. 
 And thus ffare you right hartelie well, from Mohuns Oterie the iiij th of June 
 1550. Yo r assured frend 
 
 P. Carew. 
 
 (Endorsed) To my lovinge ffriendes the Mayo r of 
 Exceter and his Bretheren. 
 
 No. 7.—(Original.) 
 
 After my veary hartie commendacions. Whear I have heretofore directed my 
 lettres unto you that ther mighte be a tilte buylded in Southinghaye according to 
 the request of the gentilmen inhabiting thereabouts nighe to yo r Citie for 
 th'honest recreation pastyme and sporte and the good exercise of ryding and 
 other feates at armes, a thing not only most necessary to be frequented and used 
 but also many wayes vearye comodious to th'ole citie. Fforas much as yf the 
 thinge be well wayed there ought no delaye to be had therein but rather a 
 willing towardnesse of your partes the maio r and brethren to sette it further : 
 Therefore I have eftesones thought good to make my requeste unto you all, not 
 to passe more of xx or xls by the yere then of that which so diverse wayes shall 
 bringe occasion of greater profite then so small a rent to set assyde so honest a 
 thing as that shallbe. 
 
 And herein I wolde ye made a direct answer to my servant Barnard Duffeilde 
 which ye will graunt, upon which we shall worke accordingly. Yf yo had 
 graunted yt before yt shoulde have been ready by this tyme. Thus I rest upon 
 yo r good answer and furtheraunce therein and even so wish you all as well 
 to fare as my selfe. Ffrom the King's Ma ties Palaice at Westm r the second 
 of June 1550. Yo r lovinge frend. 
 
 (John) J. Bedford. 
 
 (Endorsed) To my veary loving frends the Maio r and 
 his brethern of the Citie of Exeter. 
 
 No. 8.—9 Oct. 1549. (Original.) 
 
 This Bill made the ix th Oct. yn the therd yer of the reigne of oure Sovrayne 
 lord Edward the Sext by the grace of God Kyng of England ffraunce and 
 
194 
 
 Ireland defendaire of the ffaith and of the Church of England and Ireland yn 
 erth the supreme head, Witnysseth that wher as wee William Drewrye and John 
 Gefylde gentilmen, servauntes to the right honorable lord Russell, lord leve 
 tenant yn this west parties have receyved of John Tuckfield, mayor of the citie 
 of Exon, and his brethren, upon the request of the said lord letenaunt ffor the 
 King's necessirie affaires, twoo dubble cassys and iiij chambers parcell of the 
 ordvnaunce of the said cetie, to be redelyvred to the said mayor and his brethren 
 a thissid the ffeast of Ester next ynsuing And we the said Will™ and John 
 Gefyld do by this present and be o 1 ’ heires and executers [promise] to redelyver 
 the said twoo cassys and iiij chambers att Exeter a thissid the seid ffeist of Ester 
 next ynsuynge, or two other doble casses and iiij chambers yn their sted as mych 
 in value as the said twoo cassis ar nowe worth. In witness whereof wee the said 
 Will m and John Gefild to this present have putt o r seales the day and yer above 
 writyn. 
 
 John Mitchell. 
 
 Wyll™ Drury. 
 
 No. 9.—(Original.) 
 
 After my hartye comendacions. The mayo r and aldermen of Exete r have done 
 me to understand by the lettres patents of Kynge Edward the Sixte under the 
 great seale of Englande that the mano 1 ' of Exilounde is given to them, and that 
 the ffishynge of Exe and the rent reserved upon my copie for the same ffishynge is 
 apperteyninge to the cittie as parcell of the said mano 1 , and so do requyre the rente 
 of me. And for that I should be lothe to do any iniurye. this shallbe to will youe 
 and also to requyre youe, takyne of them assuraunce for my discharge and yours 
 agaynste the Quenes magestie if that it shall otherwiss fall out, to paye unto the 
 said mayo r and aldermen the said rente. And thus moste hartelie fare youe 
 well, from London the x th of Julye. Your assured friend 
 
 Guilio Borgarney. 
 
 (Endorsed) To Robert Hunte and others my farmers of the Rever of Exe and to 
 eny of them geve this. 
 
 No. 10.—26 June 1554. (Original.) 
 
 Right Worshipfulls, after my veary hartie comendacions. Forasmoche as I 
 understande that the Prince of Spayne can veary hardlye endure long travayle 
 uppon the Sea and that by reason thereof I am in doubt lest he wilbe desirous 
 to lande at the next place he can come unto in Englande, as at Ffalmouthe or 
 Plymouthe, I have thought meete to geve you advertisement hereof, to thintent 
 youe maye be in suche a reddynes for the receaving of hym in to that Citie as 
 maye be for the hono r of the Quenes mat 16 and the realme, and that he maye 
 thinke hymself welcome in to the countrey: Praying you to frame yorselves 
 herein as that uppon proffe of you 1 ' weltdoinge I maye report the same unto the 
 Quene’s mat ie whom I doubt not by you shall fynde thankefull, therefore yt shalbe 
 veary requysayte that you cause the Bisshopes house to be made in readynes for 
 
i95 
 
 the Prince to lye there (if he shall fortune to lande in the west parties), also it 
 shalbe well donne that youe provide some good thinges to present the Prince 
 withall at his comynge. And that you provide all suche other thinges, as 
 lodginge, vytayles, horses for carriages, and horses to convaye the Princes trayne, 
 beinge about iiij or v hundred, beside ij hundred that cometh with me, as you 
 shallbe best hable to the uttermost of yo r powers. And yo 1 ' diligence to be used 
 therein I will have in good memorye, where so ever it shall be in me to shewe 
 yo u pleasure. Ffrom St. James Compostella the xxvi th of June. 
 
 Yo loving frend 
 
 J. Bedford. 
 
 Post scripta. I write not this for that I am assured the Prince will lande in 
 those partes but doubting the worst I have thought good to give youe some 
 admonyshment thereof, for that all thinges might be in better order if he should 
 fortune to arrive there, for the hono r of the Quene’s mat? and the hole realm. 
 Notwithstanding I will do all ihat shall lye in me to cause hym to arrive at 
 Southampton where all thinges are prepared for hym, but wee all must be 
 subject to wynd and weather The Prince will be at the Groyne the xxvij t]1 of 
 June, and there will stay only for wynde and weather for his navye, and all other 
 necessaryes arre in a reddynes, being as fayre a company of shippes as ever I sawe. 
 
 (Endorsed) To the Right Worshipfulls and my veary lovinge frindes the 
 maio r and his bretherne of the Citie of Exett r . 
 
 No. ii.—PROCLAMATION. 
 
 MARYE THE QUENE. BY THE QUENE. 
 
 Although at our first comenge to the Crown wee were geven t'understande that 
 the notable and haynouste treason enterprised by the Duke of Northumberland 
 was supportied and furdered by Henry the French Kyng and his ministers by him 
 put in trust, and that shortly after in the conspiracie moved against God and u s 
 by Wyst and his traiterose bande, the said Kyng’s ministers dyd secretely 
 practyse and geve their favorable comforts thereunto, contrary to the treaties of 
 peax between booth the realmes, all good amytie and hono r , yet the greate love 
 we beare to the peax of Xtendom and to the quiet of o r loving subjects moved 
 us rather to impute the same to his mynysteres whom he used in service than 
 unto himself, thinking even that by that o r patience to have enduced him to 
 beare us true amytie and to use good neighbored towards us and o r subjects, for 
 the which respect we were not only contented to beare such iniuries as to o r sell 
 had been by hym doon, but also travayled to be a meane of pacificacion betwen 
 Thempo r and the sayd Kyng, sending o r Ambassado r to Calays for that purpose 
 to o r greate charge, as the world knoweth, which o r travayl and good zeale was 
 not sowel employed nor taken of him as of us ment, for not long after that time 
 when the devyll had put in the hedds of Duddley, Asheton and other their 
 complices to entre into a newe conspiracie agaynst us, the sayd Kings Ambas- 
 
ig6 
 
 sado r was not onely pryvy thereof but also receyved them into his howse there, 
 suffering them t'assemble and contryve their malyciose and devilishe enterprise, 
 and although the sayd King was advised thereof by our ambassado r with him 
 resident, and also frendly desired not to support nor favor any suche doings, 
 nevertheles the same conspiracie being afterwards detected and sundry of 
 thoffenders confessing it by juste ordre of lawe executed, Dudley, Asheton and 
 others flyeng into Ffraunce were both recevyed of the Kyng, and also maynteyned 
 with annual pencons by hym gyven, contrary to his promesse which he made unto 
 a personage of honour sent untohim from us, gyveing hereby a 
 most dangerose example and perniciose to all prynces whose estate 
 and lief cannot be sure yf traitors may be recevyed and supported’ 
 The lyke mynde he declared towards us in receyveing sundry famous 
 and notoryous pirates enemyes of Xtendom and spoylers of our subjects, whom 
 he maynteyned with men money and shippes t' exercise their piracie. And to 
 declare that no patyence or good demeno r of our parte can move him to beare 
 us good amytye, of late he sent Stafforde with other rebelles whom he had 
 entreteyned in that Realme, furnyshed with armoure monie municon and 
 shippes, to surprise o r Castle of Scarborough, not contented this long tyme to 
 have borne with pirates and such as have robbed o r marchauntes and other 
 o r subjects by seas and to have used dishonorable practyses for the surpriseng 
 of Calays and other places on that syde, the mynysters whereof have been 
 openly knowen, and the spialles taken, for the bettre mayntenence of wych 
 ungodly doings and greter annoyance of o p realme, he hath contynually suffered 
 in his countreys forgers cf false moneyes and counterfaytors of o r royme, for the 
 which causes and also for that he hath with all hostilitie invaded the lowe 
 countreys, to the defence and preservacon whereof we are bounde by speceal 
 treatye, and considering that neyther by demaunding redresse thereof we can 
 obteyn any, neyther by good meanes which we have hetherto used, ne enioye any 
 amytye or good neibourowed at his hands, neyther by promisse be assured of 
 the same, we have thought bettre to have him knowen and taken for an open 
 enemye of whom we maye be warre, then undre the pretence of amytye a secrete 
 worker against us and a pryvy enemye, such as we have hitherto found him, to 
 the greate danger of o r person and losse and damage of o r subjects. And 
 therefore we geve warning to all o r loving subjects from hensforth to forbere all 
 trafique and contracting with any of that realme, and to repute the seyd french 
 Kyng and his subjects as open enemyes, annoying them by all such meanes as 
 men maye and ar wont to do their enemyes. And although he hath used without 
 juste cause or denouncing any warre to annoye o r marchauntes and subjects, yet 
 gyve we unto all his m'archauntes and subjects forty days space after this 
 proclamation to departe this o r realme with such goodes as they have here goten and 
 maye by o r laws cary awaye, to the which effect we shall gyve them or any of 
 them o r sauf conduyt and pasport yf they shall requyre it. Geven undre 
 o r signet at o r palace of Westm r the vijth of June the thirde and fourth yeres of 
 our reignes (1556) Frauncis Yardes. 
 
197 
 
 No. 12.—(Original). 
 
 JAMES R. 
 
 Trustie and well beloved wee greet yo well. We have bene credibiiiieenformed 
 of your confident and faythful service always to oure progenitors, and of your 
 good and comfortable acceptation of us in your speedie and cheerfull proclaming 
 of us and other dewtifull respects when as some (otherwise disposed) expected, a 
 more troublesome tyme, which albeit it was your dewtie, yet wee doe thankfully 
 accept of yt, and withall doe give you assurance that wee wilbe also readye to 
 yeald to any your reasonable suites that may be for your good, and somewhat the 
 rather yff they shalbe preferred unto us by o r welbeloved servant John Howell 
 one of your brethrene, of whose loyaltie and good services wee have experience, 
 as also by him have receaved advertisement of the readynes of some of you in 
 particular, which wee ar pleased to take more than ordinarie notice of with 
 respect to remember thame as occasion shall requyre. And as wee tak comfort 
 to hear of your carefull government in the tyme of owre late dearest sister, So 
 wee hope you will hold on your good proceadings to the manteaning of verteu 
 and suppressing of vice, Whereunto wee wilbe alwayes also readye to give 
 assistence as o 1 ' gratious cair and affection ever shalbe tojtheweleandcherisehing 
 of all o r loving subjectes. 
 
 To the Mayor and his brethren 
 of the Citty of Exon. 
 
 No. 13.—(Copy). 
 
 The Coppie of M b . Will^. Hunter’s letter to this Citty. 
 
 Worthy Cittizens: Though I be unacquainted w th you but by the intercourse 
 of M r . John Howell his mat ies servant your profittable trew citizen and my loyall 
 frend, who hath byn a happy bee for your hyve, for by his labors he hath gotten 
 you the great goodwill of so worthy and virtuous a prince, as witness his highness 
 owne hand and secrett seale unto you. And as a secret (in your senate) conceale 
 the same, for that yt ys written by secrett secretary, a Scottish man, his ma ti0 ys 
 not desirous that the secret love which he beareth to his secret frends should be 
 publicly knowen, and as his M tie hath professed unto you a tender love and a 
 care of you and your sutes, so be as carefull that your comonwealth be 
 concordant wthout controvercy or faction: for that civyll sedition breedeth an 
 unperfitt republick and consequently to their Prince slow service. As your 
 occasions do fall furthe so lett me be advertised by my loyall frend M r . Howell 
 and none other, for that his Matie (S r Thomas Areskyne, only secretary to this 
 proceadinge) and I do confidently put trust in hym. And I shall remayne at 
 court your earnest and faithfull agent in all your affaires, with that solicitude and 
 cair as becometh a loyall frend to his masters frends. I keepe (and so am 
 commanded) the register of such particular frends within your citty as he hath 
 P 
 
geven, and his ma ti0 hath taken notice of who in their due by me are to receave 
 their particular thankes, and in the meane season stand fast and firme to your 
 profissed loyalty : I tak my leave comyttinge you to the Almighty. I rest your 
 assured frend to my power 
 
 Wyll Hunter. 
 
 From the Court this 15 th day of 
 November 1604. 
 
 To the Right wo r full the Maior Aldermen and Counsell of 
 the Citty of Exon. 
 
 No 14.—(Original). 
 
 James R. 
 
 Trusty and welbeloved wee grete you well. Whereas the Reverende Father in 
 God the Bishop of Exeter hath humbly represented unto us that he hath no other 
 house for his habitacon belongeinge to his Bishopricke save onely one within the 
 Cittie of Exeter, and that inclosed within the comon wall of the Citty, whereby 
 he is debarred from taking the ayre abroad into the open feildes for his health 
 and recreation unless he go thorrowe a parte of the Citty ; And hath made knowne 
 unto us that as some others have heretofore ben permitted by yo r predecessers 
 to have a doore through the wall for their more easie passage abroad, soe 
 he hath requested you to have had the like permission from you, which notwith- 
 standinge you have refused unto him Wherefore having recourse unto us for our 
 gratious favor in that behalf, Wee tenderinge the welfare of his estate and 
 findinge his request not unreasonable, have assented thereunto, willinge and 
 requiringe you to suffer the said Bishop to make a convenient doore through the 
 Citty wall and to have the use of it from tyme to tyme, he beinge readie 
 whensoever any public urgent necessity shall require for the good and safety of 
 the Citty to make it up againe. Geven under o r signet at our Pallace of 
 Westm r the sixt daye of Marche in thej twentieth yeare of o r Raigne of England 
 Ffraunce & Ireland, and of Scotland the sixe & fiftieth. 
 
 (Endorsed) Georgius Munck. 
 
 To our trustie and welbeloved 
 the Maio r and Aldermen of the 
 Cittie of Exeter 
 (large seal) 
 
ACTS OF PARLIAMENT, PROCLAMATIONS, &c. 
 
 An interesting and, it is thought, unique collection of the Acts, 
 Orders, Proclamations, and other proceedings of the Parliament 
 during the first three years of the Commonwealth has been found 
 in the Library at the Chapter House. Although discovered too late 
 to be of any use in compiling the chapters on “ Exeter during the 
 Great Rebellion,” they singularly confirm the statements made in 
 reference to the severity of the Puritan rule, and some account of 
 them may not be unacceptable. 
 
 The first Act in the collection is dated 16th January, 1648, 
 whilst the trial of the King was proceeding. It is held 
 convenient and necessary for “ divers weighty reasons and 
 “ occasions to adjourn part of next term of Hilary, that is 
 “ to say from the first return thereof, called Octabis Hilavii, 
 “ until the return of Crastino Purificationis ,” and all matters, 
 causes, and suits are to be postponed accordingly, the Sheriffs 
 throughout the country to proclaim the same. 
 
 29th January, 1648. An Act for the alteration of several names, 
 forms, &c., used in Courts and elsewhere. Instead of the name, 
 style, title, and teste of the King, Custodes libertatis Anglia 
 authoritate Pavliamenti. Juratores pro Republica to be substituted for 
 Juratores pro Domino Rege. Contra pacem Publicam for Contra 
 pacern, dignitatem vel Coronam nostrum. 
 
 9th February, 1648. “A Declaration of the Parliament of 
 “ England for maintaining the fundamental laws of this nation. 
 “ To be dispersed to the several counties with all speed.” 
 
 9th February, 1648. “ An Act to prevent the printing of any 
 
 “of the proceedings in the High Court of Justice erected for 
 “trying of James, Earl of Cambridge and others.” 
 
 p a 
 
200 
 
 Die Sabbathi, 24th February, 1648. Supplemental Act for 
 the encouragement of officers and mariners. In case they shall 
 destroy the Admiral of the revolted ships, £"20 per gun ; Vice- 
 Admiral, £"12 ; Rear-Admiral, £"12 ; and any other ship, ^io 
 per gun. 
 
 5th March, 1648. “An Act for authorizing Col. Blake, Col. 
 “ Popliam, and Col. Dean, or any two of them, to be Admiral 
 “ and General of the Fleet, now at sea." 
 
 Die Mercurii 14 Martii. Resolved by the Commons assembled in Parlia¬ 
 ment :— 
 
 “ That Sir John Stowel, Knight, be proceeded against for life in the Upper 
 Bench, also David Jenkin in the proper County. That Charles Stuart, eldest 
 son to the late King; James Stuart, second son of the late King ; the Duke of 
 Buckingham, John, Earl of Bristol; William, Earl of Newcastle; Sir William 
 Weddrington, George, Lord Digby; Sir Phillip Musgrave, Sir Marmaduke 
 Langdale, Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir Francis Doddington, Sir John Culpepper, 
 Sir John Byron, the Earl of Worcester, and Sir John Winter, and all such 
 persons as have been assisting the Rebellion in Ireland, shall be proscribed and 
 banished, and shall die without mercy and their estates be confiscate.” Twenty- 
 five other resolutions as to delinquents compounding, having time for submitting, 
 &c., &c. 
 
 19th March, 1648. “ An Act for the abolishing the Kingly 
 
 “ Office.” 
 
 19th March, 1648. “ An Act for abolishing the House of Peers.” 
 
 “ Die Sabbathi, 7th April, 1649. An Act for raising of 
 “ninety thousand pounds per mensem for the maintenance of 
 “ the forces raised by authority of Parliament for the service 
 “ of England and Ireland for six months, from 25th March, 
 “ 1649 to 29th September, 1649.” 
 
 The Assessment for the County of Devon, to be collected in two instalments, 
 amounted to £9,152 19s. ajd. 
 
 For the City of Exeter, £329 3s. gd. 
 
 The Commissioners appointed for the County were Henry Waldron, Arthur 
 Upton, Christopher Saverey, Henry Pollexfen, Arthur Fortescue, William Fry, 
 Robert Rolls, John Bear, Richard Foxworthy, Christopher Martin, Esquires ; 
 Sir John Bampfield, Baronet; Sir Richard Strode, Sir Edmund Fowel, Sir Henry 
 Rosewel, Sir John Yong, Knights; Walter Yong, Edmund Prideaux, Francis 
 Rowse, John Roll, Philip Crocker, Robert Savory, John Mallack of Axmouth, 
 Philip Skippon, Esquires; the Maior of Plymouth for the time being, John 
 Barton of Silferton, John Champneys, Thomas Boon, Philip Francis, Joseph 
 Hankin, John-Marshall, Thomas Ceely, Sampson Hele, Sir Gregory Norton, 
 
201 
 
 Sir Francis Drake, Baronets; John Drake de Aysh, William Bastard, Sir John 
 Pole, Baronet; Christopher Wood, Robert, Duke de Otterton ; William Fowel, 
 Thomas Drake de Winscomb, Matthew Hele, Peter Bevis, John Yeo, John 
 Dodderidge, Richard Wood, Edmund Davies, John Drake John Elford, John 
 Tuckenfield, Hugh Fortescue, Arthur Fortescue, Hugh Trevilian, Peter Speccot, 
 William Morris, John Fountain, John Quick, John Wollacombe, Nicholas Roop, 
 John Carew, John Tiding, William Put, Richard Channon, Henry Worth, 
 Thomas Hatch, William Squire, Esquires; Maior of Dartmouth for the time 
 being, Maior of Barnstaple for the time being. 
 
 The Commissioners for the City and County of the City of Exeter were 
 Mr. Richard Sanders, Richard Sweet, Christopher Clark, junior, James Marshall, 
 Thomas Westlake, the Maior of Exon for the time being, Edmund Prideaux, 
 Esquire, Recorder, John Hackwell, Adam Bennett, Richard Crossing, John 
 HehnRaaklg,hivehrBdpooCoopn,LJmoe saNrva,EsniRiicaho ingc.r.ron 1 
 
 23rd April, 1649.—A proclamation of the late King to keep and 
 hold a general, public, and solemn fast on the last Wednesday ol 
 each month during the troubles in Ireland, is declared null and 
 void, and a solemn day of fasting and humiliation set apart on 
 the 17th of May, on account of the “ prophaneness, opposition 
 “to reformation, and proneness to relapse into the former 
 “ condition of tyranny and superstition,” and to “ give a 
 “ blessing and success to the forces of the Parliament now 
 “ in Ireland.” 
 
 20th April, 1649.—“ An Act of the Commons of England, in 
 “ Parliament assembled, for the abolishing of Deans, Deans 
 “ and Chapters, Canons, Prebends and other Offices and 
 “ Titles, of or belonging to any Cathedral, or Collegiate 
 “ Church or Chappel within England and Wales.” 
 
 This is a very sweeping Act; the names, titles and dignities of 
 all Cathedral or Collegiate Church functionaries are wholly 
 abolished and taken away. “ All Honors, Manors, Lordships, 
 “ Circuits, Precints, Castles, Granges, Messuages, Mills, 
 “ Lands, Tenements, Meadows, Pastures, Parsonages 
 “appropriate, Tythes, Oblations, Obventions, Pensions, 
 “portion of Tythes, Parsonages, Rectories, Vicarages, 
 “ Churches, Chapels, Advowsons, Donatives, Nomination, 
 “ Right of Patronage and Presentation,Parks,Woods, Rents, 
 “ Reversions, Services, Annuities, Franchises, Liberties, 
 “ Priviledges, Immunities, Rights of Action and of Entry, 
 
202 
 
 “ Interest, Titles of Entry, Conditions, Commons, Courts 
 “ Leet and Courts Baron, and all other possessions and 
 “ hereditaments whatsoever, with all and every of their 
 “ appurtenances, of what nature or quality soever they 
 “ be, which now are, or at any time within ten years before 
 “ the beginning of this present Parliament of right were 
 “ belonging to the said Deans, Deans and Chapter, &c.,” 
 are vested in certain named Trustees, who are to administer the 
 estates under conditions, but are endowed with ample powers. 
 They may pay themselves their salaries out of part of the pre¬ 
 mises, as well as those of the officers the}’- may appoint to assist 
 in the spoliation, such as Surveyors, Treasurers, Trustees, &c. 
 The same Act transfers, as a charge upon the estates, large 
 specified sums of money advanced for the public service, hitherto 
 charged upon the Grand Assize. 
 
 14th May, 1649.—An Act declaring that offences shall be judged 
 High Treason punishable by death— inter alia —any person 
 declaring that “ the Government is tyrannical, usurped, or 
 “unlawful; or that the Commons assembled in Parlia- 
 “ ment are not the supreme authority of this nation.” 
 
 18th May, 1649.—“ A Declaration of the Parliament of 
 “ England of their just resentment of the horrid murder 
 “ perpetrated on the body of Isaac Dorislaus, Doctor of the 
 “ Laws, then resident at the Hague, on the 12th of 
 “ May, 1049.” 
 
 '25th May, 1649.—Additional Commissioners appointed for the 
 City of Exeter in the collection of the War Assessment,—Mr. 
 Thomas Ford, merchant, Mr. John Doon, Mr. Henry Prig, 
 Major James Pearce, Major Thomas Sanders, Governor of Exon. 
 
 2nd June, 1649.—Instructions to the Trustees, &c., for the sale 
 of the Estates of the Deans and Chapters ; persons having money 
 owing them by Parliament may double the amount upon the 
 credit of the Estates. 
 
 8th June, 1649.—-'“An act for providing maintenance for 
 “ Preaching Ministers and other pious uses.” They are to 
 be paid by the Trustees out of the Estates of the Deans and 
 Chapters. 
 
203 
 
 26th June, 1649.—“ An act for the sale of Goods and 
 “ Personal Estate of the late King, Queen and Prince.” 
 
 The proceeds to be vested in Trustees who are first of all to pay 
 ^30,000 to the Navy, and then discharge the debts of the Royal 
 Family due “ unto divers persons who are not delinquents.” 
 
 9th July, 1649.—Resolve of the Commons concerning such 
 Ministers as shall directly or indirectly, in preaching or praying, 
 make mention of Charles Stuart or James Stuart, sons to the late 
 King, who by judgment of Parliament are declared enemies and 
 stand excepted from pardon. 
 
 16th July, 1649.—An Act for the sale of the Honors, Manors, 
 and Lands heretofore belonging to the late King, Queen, and 
 Prince. The public buildings, royal residences, public parks and 
 official occupations are exempted. 
 
 27th July, 1649.—An Act establishing the Corporation or 
 Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England. 
 To preach the Gospel to the heathen natives “ in their own 
 " Indian language.” 
 
 16th August, 1649. “A Declaration and Narrative of the 
 “ grounds and reasons for setting apart a day of Publique 
 “ Thanksgiving,” to be kept Wednesday, 29th August, 1649. 
 
 The Declaration is verj' curious, and characteristic of the 
 Parliament, which considered itself under the special protection 
 of the Almighty. It is full of scriptural allusions, and written in 
 the fervid earnest style of the time. The occasion is the gallant 
 victory of General Jones, in command of the Parliamentary 
 forces in Ireland, over Osmond and the Royal army. Jones had 
 but a slender footing in the country, and was at the time cooped 
 up in Dublin besieged by the enemy. On the 2nd of August the 
 General went out from the city with twelve hundred horse and 
 four thousand foot for the purpose of “ beating up the enemy’s 
 “ quarters,” but a general engagement ensued, when, after two 
 hours’ hot fighting, the troops under the Earl of Osmond were 
 utterly routed. According to the dispatch, 4,000 of the enemy 
 were slain and 2,500 taken prisoners, whilst on the Parliamentary 
 side only twenty men were missing, but many wounded. This, 
 however, is incredible. This disaster to the Royalists was a 
 
204 
 
 deathblow to the cause of the young King in Ireland, and made 
 the work comparatively easy, which Cromwell afterwards so 
 ruthlessly accomplished. According to the Parliament’s Declara¬ 
 tion, “ The Lord hath declared to the world that He is a God of 
 “ Mountains and of Valleys, and everywhere a strong Rock, a 
 “ mighty defence for those that serve and trust in Him. Against 
 “ all persons and in all places He hath appeared for Us, as against 
 “ the old pretended Malignants and Royalists, all along in 
 “ England ; against the pretended Covenanters the last year from 
 “ and in Scotland ; so now of late most seasonably and even 
 “ miraculously in Ireland ; against both Scots, Renegade English, 
 “ and Irish, formerly commanded by Taaff, Preston, Glanicard, 
 “ Inchiquin, and now united and grown into a numerous army 
 “ under the Apostate Osmond.” 
 
 24th August, 1649. A Declaration of the Commons assembled 
 in Parliament, declaring all persons who have served the Parlia¬ 
 ment of England in Ireland, and have betrayed their trust, or 
 have or shall adhere to or aid and assist Charles Stuart, son to 
 the late King, to be traitors and rebels. 
 
 “ Die Veneris, 31st Augusti, 1649. Resolved that Mr. Walter 
 “ Montagu and Sir Kenelm Digby do depart this nation and not 
 “ return upon pain of death.” 
 
 nth October, 1649. “An Act for a day of Publique 
 “ Thanksgiving, to be observed throughout England and 
 “ Wales on Thursday, the first of November, 1649.” 
 
 “ For great and wonderful providences towards this Nation,” 
 and also to Ireland. “ The Lord hath been pleased to publish to 
 “ all the world that it is the work of his own hand.” The victory 
 at Drogheda (followed by the fearful massacre of the Irish) is one 
 of the “ providences ” mentioned in the declaration. 
 
 “Die Jovis, nth October, 1649. Resolves of Parliament 
 “ touching the subscribing to an engagement by or before 
 “the first of January next; and the names of Refusers or 
 “ Neglecters to be returned to the Parliament.” 
 
 “The Engagement” was, to be faithful to the Commonwealth 
 of England, as the same now is without a King or House of 
 Lords. 
 
205 
 
 8th November, 1649. An Order of Parliament appointing the 
 giving of ten pounds to every one who shall bring in a highwayman. 
 
 December, 1649. Additional Commissioners appointed for the 
 Assessment lor maintenance of the forces. 
 
 For the County:—Edmund Arscot, William Wolcomb of Pitton, Maurice Rolls 
 of Meeth, Mr. Chruse of Chruse Morchard, Mr. Hatch of Satterley, Mr. Nottle 
 of Barnstaple, Mr. James Erisey, Robert Dillon of Heanton, John Bury of 
 Burrow. 
 
 For Exeter :—Sir Hardress Waller, Knight, Mr. Thomas Ford, Merchant, 
 Mr. John Doon, Major James Pierce, Mr. Henry Prig, Major Thomas Sanders, 
 Governor of Exon. 
 
 1st February, 1649-50. “ Several passages in a Book printed, 
 
 “ entituled A Fiery Flying Roll , composed by one Coppe, were this 
 “ day read.” 
 
 Resolved by the Parliament. That the Book entituled A Fiery Flying Roll, S-c., 
 composed by one Coppe, doth contain in it many horrid blasphemies and 
 damnable and detestable opinions, to be abhorred by all good and godly people. 
 
 Ordered by the Parliament. That the Book be burnt by the hand of the hangman 
 at the New Pallace Yard at Westminster. 
 
 20th February, 1649. Resolves of Parliament accepting the 
 declaration of the Lord General (Fairfax) and thanking him. 
 
 22nd February, 1649. An Act for the propagation of the 
 Gospel in Wales. 
 
 8th March, 1649. “ Resolved that the Book entituled The 
 
 “ Doctrine of the Fourth Commandment deformed by Popery, reformed and 
 “ restored to its Primitive Parity, &>c., asserting the observation of 
 “ the Jewish Sabbath, and condemning the observation of the 
 “ Lord’s day as the Christian Sabbath, is erroneous, scandalous, 
 “ and prophane, contrary to the practice of the Apostles, and of 
 “ all the Christian Churches.” Ordered to be burnt. 
 
 12th March, 1649. An Act for the better packing of Butter. 
 
 26th March, 1650. An Act for the redemption of captives, 
 taken by Turkish, Moorish, and other Pirates. 
 
 gth April, 1650. “ Resolved that the arms of the late King be 
 
 “ taken down in all ships of and belonging to the Commonwealth; 
 “ as also of all Merchants or others inhabiting within the same.” 
 
 The arms to be taken down and defaced in all Churches, 
 Chappels, and all other public places in England and Wales. 
 
 19th April, 1650. An additional Act for the better observation 
 
 of the Lord’s day. 
 
2o6 
 
 Persons are not to travel after twelve o’clock on Saturday night 
 until after one o’clock on Monday morning, nor any boat, barge, 
 horse, coach, or sedan to be used. No sport or pastime allowed, 
 and parents and guardians of children are held responsible, under 
 penalties, for their good demeanour. The “ heathenish vanity ” 
 of maypoles to be entirely swept away. 
 
 ioth May, 1650. An Act for suppressing detestable sins. 
 
 Incestuous marriages are punishable with death, without benefit 
 of Clergy ; the same penalty attaches to the crime of adultery, 
 both as to the offender and the accomplice. Persons convicted 
 of keeping a disreputable house, for the first offence are to be 
 openly whipped and set in the pillory, and there marked with a 
 hot iron in the forehead with the letter B, and afterwards com¬ 
 mitted to prison, there to work for their living for three years, and 
 then to find bail for good behaviour during life. For the second 
 offence the penalty is death, without benefit of Clergy. 
 
 “ Die Veneris, 28th Junii, 1650. An Act for the better 
 “ preventing and suppressing of prophane swearing and 
 “ cursing.” 
 
 The penalties, on conviction, which were to be paid to the use 
 of the poor of the parish in which the offence was committed, 
 were, for a Duke, Marquis, Earl, Viscount, Baron, or Lord, 
 thirty shillings; for a Baronet or Knight, twenty shillings; for an 
 Esquire, ten shillings; for a Gentleman, six shillings and eight 
 pence ; and for all other persons, three shillings and four pence. 
 The penalties were increased for a second offence, and for a tenth 
 offence the delinquent had to find sureties to be of good behaviour 
 for three years. 
 
 9th August, 1650. “An Act against several atheistical, blasphe- 
 “ mous, and execrable opinions derogatory to the honor of God 
 “ and destructive to humane society.” 
 
 30th August, 1650. Another Order for a general thanksgiving 
 and declaration on account of further victories in Ireland. 
 
 17th September, 1650. An Act for a day of thanksgiving, 
 together with a narrative and declaration—the occasion being the 
 victory at Dunbar. 
 
 “ Die Veneris, 27 th September, 1650. Upon Report from the 
 
207 
 
 “ Committee for suppressing licentious and impious 
 “ practices, under pretence of Religion, Liberty, &c. The 
 “ confession of Laurence Clarkson, touching the making 
 “ and publishing of the impious and blasphemous book 
 “ called The Single Eye, and also Mr. Rainborow’s Carriages.” 
 
 The book ordered to be burnt, and Mr Clarkson imprisoned for 
 one month and then outlawed. Mr. Rainborow was deprived of 
 his commission as a Justice of the Peace. 
 
 Die Jovis, 20th Februarii, 1650-51. Votes of Parliament 
 touching two books, the one entituled The Accuser Shamed, or A 
 Pair of Bellows to blow off that dust cast upon John Fry, a Member of 
 Parliament, by Colonel John Downs, likewise a Member of Parliament. 
 The other entituled The Clergy in their Colours, or a Brief Character 
 of them. 
 
 Some extracts are given from these books; the first contained 
 a criticism on the Athanasian Creed, and an argumemt that 
 religion not founded upon reason had nothing in it but ignorance 
 and policy. The second was a satire upon the Clergy. They 
 were both ordered to be burnt, and Mr. Fry was disabled from 
 sitting in the House during the session. 
 
 12th August, 1651. An Act prohibiting correspondence with 
 Charles Stuart or his party. 
 
 10th September, 1651. A Proclamation for the discovery and 
 apprehending of Charles Stuait, offering /T,ooo reward. 
 
 20th October, 1651. An Act for a day of “ Publique Thanks- 
 “ giving,” with a narrative of the battle of Worcester. 
 
 April, 1652. Votes of Parliament touching the book commonly 
 called The Racovian Catechism. 
 
 Resolved :—“ That the book entituled Catechesis Ecclesiarum qua 
 “ in Regno Polonia, &=c., commonly called The Racovian Catechism, 
 “ doth contain matters that are blasphemous, erronious, and 
 “ scandalous.”* 
 
 * This is a summary of the religious tenets of the Socinians, drawn up in the 
 form of a Confession or Catechism. It was published at Racow, in Poland, in 
 the Polish language, in the year 1605. In the year 1609 it was put forth in 
 Latin at Racow, and reprinted in London, in the year 1651. This last is the 
 edition which was condemned by the Parliament in 1652. 
 
All the printed copies to be seized and burnt. 
 
 8th October, 1652. “An Act for disabling Delinquents to 
 “ bear Office, or to have any Voice or Vote in Election of 
 “ any Publique Officer.” 
 
 In this collection there are fifty-seven broadsheets of Proclama¬ 
 tions and Orders of Parliament. The whole work is beautifully 
 printed, mostly in black letter, and is in as good condition as 
 though just issued from the press. 
 
PART II. 
 
LECTURES 
 
 DELIVERED AT THE ATHENAEUM, EXETER, 
 
 BY THE 
 
 YEN. ARCHDEACON WOOLLCOMBE. 
 
LECTURE 
 
 On some of the Ancient Manuscripts and Charters in the custody of the 
 Dean and Chapter of Exeter. * 
 
 Delivered at the Athenaeum, Exeter, March 5 th, 1874 , by 
 the Venerable ARCHDEACON WOOLLCOMBE. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, 
 
 I own I have felt sundry misgivings while preparing this 
 Lecture, whether the subject itself or my mode of treating it 
 may not be somewhat dry and uninteresting to many among you. 
 
 But when I recollect that in the midst of the onward progress 
 of society—the utilitarian temper of the age—the rapid advance of 
 science and art—the singular enlightenment of the world in our 
 day—and the restless anxiety felt everywhere for new and ever 
 fresh discoveries—there still lurks in the minds of most men a 
 fondness for the relics of by-gone ages and a wish to know more 
 about our ancestors, and to investigate the literary remains, 
 which have come down to us from past times; then I cherish the 
 hope that what I shall say this evening may not be devoid of 
 interest and amusement to you, especially as members and friends 
 of a literary society. 
 
 I may remark that even in countries where the future is every¬ 
 thing—the past hardly anything—you will very often meet with 
 expressions of regret at the consciousness of the want of a past 
 history. I recollect a very intelligent American gentleman, to 
 whom I was showing some of the Ancient Charters and Manu¬ 
 scripts in the archives of our Cathedral, saying to me “Ah! sir, 
 we have nothing in our country to show like this.” 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 I conceive, therefore, that Englishmen, who can look back upon 
 centuries of national greatness, and who must therefore have 
 intense sympathy with the past, cannot be indifferent to the relics 
 of what might be termed nostvce cunabula gentis —I mean the 
 reminiscences of the earlier history of our nation. 
 
 The subject of my lecture is “ A short account of some of the 
 Ancient Manuscripts and Charters in the possession of the Dean 
 and Chapter of Exeter.” It may be well that I should first say 
 a few words on the general mass of documents in our archives, 
 before I draw your attention to those few special ones, of peculiar 
 interest from their antiquity and character, referred to. 
 
 Let me remark then that the Dean and Chapter have been 
 fortunate in having had, within the last year or two, all the 
 documents in their custody very carefully examined, arranged, 
 catalogued, and indexed by a gentleman, who had already done 
 the same valuable service for the civic authorities of Exeter—I 
 mean Mr. Stuart Moore. And in referring to him, I must speak 
 with the highest appreciation, not only of his care and diligence 
 in the examination of those documents, but specially of his 
 excellent arrangement of them, his most lucidly digested and 
 copious index, and the clearness and accuracy of his classifica¬ 
 tion. It is impossible to say which of these two series of 
 documents (those viz. in the custody of the Civic, and those in 
 the custody of the Ecclesiastical authorities) is the most 
 valuable. Although in the history of our city these two 
 bodies necessarily came into contact with each other on 
 various occasions, yet their respective series of documents 
 of course belong to corporations of different constitutions 
 and moving in different spheres of operation. Both sets of 
 documents are most valuable in their several spheres, as trust¬ 
 worthy exponents of*the past history of this ancient City. I may 
 here quote the words of a perfectly impartial authority, Sir 
 J. Maclean, Vice-President of the historical section of the Roya 1 
 Archaeological Institute at its late meeting in Exeter (August, 
 1873.) His words are these—“ In local materials for history 
 Exeter is peculiarly rich. Perhaps the most important depository 
 was the muniment room of the Dean and Chapter, which con- 
 
3 
 
 tained among other documents the valuable record of the Exon 
 Domesday. The City Archives also contained very valuable 
 records from the time of Henry III. down to the present day. 
 Charters were very voluminous among the documents in their 
 custody.” 
 
 To speak now more especially of those belonging to the 
 Dean and Chapter. You will perhaps be surprised to Lear that 
 the number of documents of all sorts in our archives (of course of 
 various degrees of value) amounts to more than 6,000.* 
 
 Roughly speaking, they may be classified as follows : 
 
 I. —Ancient MSS. Books, some as ancient as the middle of 
 
 the ioth century. 
 
 II. — The Fabric Rolls of the Cathedral, 108 in number, containing 
 
 very accurate and detailed accounts of moneys received 
 and expended on the building and repairs of the Cathedral. 
 They extend (with some few interruptions) from the year 
 1279 to 1514, a period of 235 years—a period, too, of extreme 
 interest, as it covers nearly the whole time, during which the 
 Cathedral, or at least its decorated portion, was in process 
 of erection and adornment. They are also very curious, 
 as shewing the cost of materials, and the rate of wages 
 paid to workmen and artificers during this long period, 
 and also the cost of special portions of the Cathedral 
 fittings. 
 
 III. — Charters and leases of property formerly belonging to the Dean 
 and Chapter, Court Rolls, &c. 
 
 IV. — Mandates for the Election and Installation of Dignitaries, Forms of 
 
 Conge d’elire for the election of Bishops and so forth. 
 
 V. — Act Books and Registers of Chapter Proceedings, commencing in 
 
 the year 1383, in the reign of Richard II., and extending, 
 with some interruptions, down to the present time. 
 
 VI. — Statutes of the Cathedral, enacted at various times. 
 
 VII. — A large number of Letters, Inventories, Visitation Books, and 
 other miscellaneous papers of great historical value. 
 
 Having given you this cursory view of our records, I proceed 
 to speak particularly of those I have selected for this Lecture. 
 
 *See Mr. Stuart Moore's words in his index to the Chapter Catalogue. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 
 
 I.—I take the Charters, and of these I will refer to three, and 
 those the most ancient, and in many ways the most interesting. 
 Two of these bear date anterior to the erection of Exeter into an 
 Episcopal See in the middle of the nth centurjr. 
 
 (a) The first of them was granted a.d. 993, in the 15th 
 year of the reign of the Saxon King, Ethelred the 2nd, called 
 in history The Unready (wanting in “ rede ” or counsel). 
 By this charter Ethelred, with the consent of his Bishops and 
 Nobles, constituted Bishop Ealdred as the first Bishop at 
 S. Germans in Cornwall, the See having been previously 
 at Bodmin. Ealdred seems to have had four successors at 
 S. Germans, including Leofric, who held with it the See of 
 Crediton also (as its ninth Bishop) until the year 1050, when the 
 two Sees were merged in that of Exeter under the same Leofric 
 as its first Bishop, the Diocese embracing, as it does at present, 
 the whole of the two western counties of Devon and Cornwall. 
 This charter is attested by the King, and by 20 other signatories, 
 including Bishops, Abbots, Dukes, and Earls. 
 
 It is interesting to notice (as illustrative of the customs of the 
 times) the terms in which the assent of several of these signa¬ 
 tories is given. Thus, in the case of the King, it is, “ I, Ethelred, 
 \ 
 
 Monarch of all Britain, have confirmed this charter with the 
 mystery of the Holy Cross.” Another, the Bishop of Durham, 
 says, “ I, pleased at the munificence of the King, have given 
 my consent.” Another, “ I, Alfuh, joyous and triumphant, have 
 subscribed with mine own hand.” Another, Ealdred himself (the 
 new Bishop), says, “ I, at the bidding of the King, have impressed 
 the mark of the Holy Cross,” while the Dukes, the Abbots, and 
 lesser nobles simply give their assent, without any flourish (so to 
 say) like the others. 
 
 (b) The second of these Charters is one of Canute, the 
 first of the short line of Danish sovereigns, and bears the 
 date of the second year of his reign, 1018. By it he 
 granted to the Monastery and Cathedral of S. Germans and all 
 its possessions freedom from all royal tribute—or rather, 
 confirmed all the privileges it had previously enjoyed from its 
 establishment by Ethelred. For, during the disturbances conse- 
 
5 
 
 quent on the Danish invasion and the change of dynasty, the 
 possessions of the Church in the western counties had been 
 shaken and weakened, both Devonshire and Cornwall having 
 suffered greatly from that invasion. This charter of re-con¬ 
 veyance of its immunities to the See of S. Germans is attested 
 by Canute himself, by his Queen Elfgiva (or Emma), the widow 
 of Ethelred II., whom he had married, and by 40 other signatories 
 of the same high rank as those who had witnessed the former 
 grant of Ethelred, and in somewhat similar terms of assent. 
 These two charters, as well as the third I am about to mention, 
 are written in Latin, with Saxon letters interspersed, while the 
 names of the signatories are nearly all in Saxon characters. 
 They all have endorsements in Saxon language and characters 
 briefly stating the purport of each charter. The names of the 
 signatories are written by the same scribe who wrote the charters 
 themselves, and their attestation is certified by a simple dot after 
 their names. 
 
 (c) We come now to the most interesting of the three, that 
 by which the See of Exeter was constituted by the son of 
 Ethelred II. (whom I have already mentioned), viz., Edward the 
 Confessor, in whom the ancient line of the Saxon Kings was 
 restored in the year 1043. Edward had in the year 1046 bestowed 
 the Sees of S. Germans and Crediton on his Chaplain Leofric,* 
 who is said to have descended from an illustrious family in 
 Burgundy, and to have been reared and educated in Lorraine. 
 He is described as a man of modest life and conversation, of 
 great energy and zeal in the performance of his Episcopal func¬ 
 tions, in visiting his Diocese, in instructing his clergy, in pro¬ 
 moting the building of Churches, and in earnestly preaching the 
 Word of God to the people committed to his charge. In conse 
 quence of the constant incursions of pirates, who devastated 
 either province of his See, Cornwall and Devon, he took measures 
 
 * See Collier Ecc. Hist., vol. 1,517; and Dugdale Monast., vol. ii.. 516, who 
 gives an extract from an old MS. in the Bodleian recording the account:— 
 (1) Of the erection of several Bishoprics in the South of England, among 
 them Exeter; (2) an account of the nomination of Leofric to Crediton, 
 a.d. 1046; (3) of his installation at Exeter; (4) of his death and burial 
 in 1076. 
 
6 
 
 to get his Episcopal throne transferred from the “little village,” 
 as it was then called, of Crediton, to the well-fortified town of 
 Exeter, whence he might with the greater security administer 
 his Diocese. Edward granted his request, and this charter 
 is the record, and the instrument of the establishment 
 (in the person of Leofric) of the See of Exeter, of which our 
 present Bishop is the 6ist in succession. By this charter the 
 ancient conventual Church of S. Peter was transformed into a 
 Cathedral Church and an Episcopal See. On Leofric’s transla¬ 
 tion the eight monks remaining here were removed to West¬ 
 minster, and a number of secular canons placed here in their 
 stead. The date of the charter is a.d. 1050, i.e., 824 years ago. 
 It is of considerable length, reciting at its commencement (as was 
 usual in these ancient documents), in the first place, the goodness 
 of God in the constitution of the world and all that is in it, the 
 calamities of the times, and the religious motives which influenced 
 the King to grant the charter ; and then, in the second place, the 
 intention and purpose of the charter itself, ending with maledic¬ 
 tions on those who should attempt to violate its provisions. By 
 this grant all the possessions belonging to the former conventual 
 Church are given over to the Canons, who succeeded to it. 
 Exeter is raised to be the one Episcopal seat for the whole 
 Diocese (in lieu of S. Germans and Crediton), and this “ on 
 account of the fewness and wasted condition of goods and 
 persons there,” the pirates having been able to devastate the 
 Churches of Cornwall and Crediton, and the city of Exeter being 
 deemed to be a better safeguard against enemies. 
 
 The only portion of this charter, which I will quote in its exact 
 words, is the account of the actual installation of Leofric by the 
 King himself in the then Church of S. Peter. It runs thus :— 
 “ I, therefore, Edward the King do lay this charter with mine 
 own hand on the altar of S. Peter, and leading Leofric the 
 prelate by his right 'hand (my Queen Edgytha leading him by his 
 left hand) I do place him in the Episcopal seat, in the presence 
 of my Earls and noble kinsmen and Chaplains, with the assent 
 and consent of the Archbishops Eadwin and Ealfric, together 
 with the others, whose names will be written out at the bottom of 
 this charter.” 
 
7 
 
 The document is attested by Edward himself, by the two 
 Archbishops, by three Bishops, six Earls, three Abbots, three 
 Presbyters, three Nobles, and nine “Ministers,” as they are 
 styled, probably secular clergy of some sort, answering to the 
 Chaplains of the King mentioned in the body of the deed. 
 
 The style of the attestations is somewhat similar to those of 
 the earlier documents already mentioned. Thus, the King says : 
 “ I confirm this grant by this warranty or bond.” The Archbishop 
 says: “ I confirm it.” Another Bishop says: “ I deem it worthy.” 
 Another, “ I testify to it,” while the Nobles and Earls simply 
 assent thus: “ I, Tosti, Noble,” “ I, Odda, Noble,” “ I, Godwin, 
 Earl,” and so forth. All the names have the usual dot marked 
 against them, probably by their own hands. The endorsement 
 on the back of the deed is in Anglo-Saxon, and runs thus :— 
 “ This is the grant to the Bishopric in Devonshire, which Edward 
 decreed with the counsel of his Witan, for his soul’s redemption, 
 into the Bishop's See at Exeter, to Leofric, Bishop, and his 
 successors in perpetual inheritance.” Among the names of 
 Nobles and Earls attesting the charter, and some of them, it may 
 be, present on the occasion, appear those of men famous in their 
 generation, as Earl Godwin ; Earl Harold (his son), the last of 
 the Anglo-Saxon Kings, who fell at Hastings; Tostig, Harold’s 
 brother; Earls Leofric and Siward, the former probably the Earl 
 of Mercia, the latter the Earl of Northumbria, who figures as 
 one of the characters in “Macbeth.”* 
 
 Let us think for a moment on the scene that must have 
 presented itself at that time in the ancient Church of S. Peter. 
 The ceremony of enthronization was performed by the two royal 
 personages, assisted by their attendant train of high functionaries, 
 both civil and ecclesiastical, surrounded, of course, by the popu¬ 
 lation of ancient Exeter, crowding the streets to witness the 
 procession, and pressing into the Church to view their sovereign, 
 
 * For Godwin, see Sharon Turner Anglo-Saxons vol. ii 
 ,, Tostig 
 ,, Harold 
 ,, Leofric 
 ,, Siward 
 
 332 . 358 - 
 369. 37°- 
 332, 372. 
 358. 369- 
 368. 
 
and to greet with due acclamation their chief pastor on his 
 solemn entry into his new Cathedral Church. 
 
 Although, as I have already said, the installation of 
 Leofric took place ill the early conventual Church ol 
 S. Peter, yet a memorial of that event exists still in our 
 present Cathedral, which occupies the site, though in much 
 larger dimensions, of that earlier Church. When you next visit 
 the Cathedral you should notice three small heads, which are 
 sculptured just over the three seats in the beautiful sedilia. The 
 central head is clearly that of a Bishop with his mitre, those on 
 the right and left being a male and female head. These heads 
 represent respectively Leofric, Edward the King, and his Queen 
 Edgytha. You will also observe three niches in the upper stage 
 of the sedilia. These formerly contained statues, the sockets 
 into which they were fixed being still there. And there is every 
 reason to believe that these statues were those of the Bishop, 
 the King and the Queen. We have in our chapter records 
 references to these monumental structures. Among certain 
 requests, made in the year 1638 of the Dean and Chapter, by one 
 of the residentiaries, Mr. Helyar, Archdeacon of Barnstaple, is 
 the following :—“ It is desired that at the common charge of the 
 Church an ancient monument contiguous to the altar, set up in 
 memory of King Edward the Confessor their first founder, of 
 Edgytha his Queen, and Leofricus the first Bishop (which is 
 much defaced) may be repaired and decorated.”* In the following 
 year, 1639, an injunction, dated June 7th, was sent to the Dean 
 and Chapter by Archbishop Laud on matters brought before his 
 Court of Audience,f and among other orders is the following:— 
 “Whereas the ancient monuments of King Edward the Con¬ 
 fessor, of Edgytha his Queen, and Leofric first Bishop of 
 Exeter, have, by injury of time, been much neglected and defaced, 
 it is hereby ordered that the same shall forthwith be repaired and 
 
 * In a document entitled “ The Difference between the Dean and Chapter of 
 Exon and Mr. Archdeacon Helyar," one of the residentiaries, dated 1638. I do 
 not find it in our archives, but it is quoted at length in the proceedings in the 
 Chapter House on the Exeter Reredos case, p. 141. 
 
 f Recorded in Lyltleton's "History of the Fabric,” p. 45, and in the 
 Registers of the Chapter of 1639 (No. 3,601), p. 304. 
 
9 
 
 beautified, and so kept from time to time clean and decent.’ 
 This matter may have been brought before the Archbishop by 
 Archdeacon Helyar, who had appealed to him on other points in 
 the previous year. On looking through the Acts of Chapter, I 
 found the following, dated August 20, 1639 :—“ Imprimis,—They 
 ordered that the monuments of King Edward the Confessor 
 should be with all convenient speed repaired.” By other docu¬ 
 ments of the Chapter* it is shown that the Dean and Chapter 
 complied with Laud’s injunction, but the heads are now in a 
 defaced condition, and the statues are gone. 
 
 But we have sufficient evidence to show when they were 
 removed. Dr. Oliver, in his “ History of the City of Exeter,” 
 (p. 123) quotes the following words of a contemporary writer, who 
 records the ravages committed in the Cathedral by the army of 
 Fairfax, after the siege of Exeter in 1646:—“They pluck down 
 and deface the statue of an ancient Queen, the wife of Edward 
 the Confessor, mistaking it for a statue of the Blessed Virgin 
 Mary.” There can be little doubt that this was one of the 
 statues in these niches, and that the other two, though not 
 particularly named by the writer, were destroyed at the 
 same time. 
 
 II.—I now pass on to the second part of my subject, i.e., the 
 MSS. in the possession of the Dean and Chapter, but I can only 
 treat of one of these on the present occasion, but that one the most 
 ancient and, in many ways, the most interesting of them all, 
 except perhaps the “ Exeter Domesday.” It is a very ancient 
 Anglo-Saxon MS., commonly called “ Codex Exoniensis.” It is 
 one- of several books given by Leofric in 1050 to his new 
 Cathedral Church, which he found entirely destitute of books, 
 except a few tattered and dilapidated service books, which had 
 been in use by the clergy of the Conventual Church, whom he 
 had displaced.! It is the only one, I believe, of his gifts, which 
 
 * These documents are numbered 3,783, 3,787. “ Disbursed by the Dean and 
 
 Chapter of Exeter about repairing of King Edward the Confessor's seat as 
 followeth, since the 24th June, 1639, out of the tenth part of the fines, &c " The 
 amount of the cost in the matter is entered as £22 4s. gd. 
 
 f See Dugdale, vol. ii. 528, from the donation of Leofric in the Saxon MS. 
 
IO 
 
 remains in our possession, the others being now in the Bodleian, 
 and some, it is said, in the library of Corpus Christi College, 
 Cambridge. Among those in the Bodleian is a very beautiful and 
 ancient Missal, of the date a.d. 969, given by Leofric to his 
 Cathedral Church.* It is a very valuable document, not only on 
 account of its great antiquity, being more than 900 years old, but 
 because, besides the ancient Service for the Holy Communion, 
 (which is strictly the meaning of the title “ Missal ”) it also 
 contains the original offices from which very large portions of the 
 Services in our Book of Common Prayer are drawn. For that 
 reason it forms one of the authorities, to which writers on our 
 Prayer Book refer, and no doubt is the book called by Liturgical 
 writers “The use of Exeter.”! Palmer, in his “Dissertations on 
 the Antiquities of the English Ritual ” (in which he makes very- 
 copious references to this Service Book) numbers it among the 
 ancient monuments of the English Church, as existing before the 
 Conquest, and remarks that the Liturgical books of the Anglo- 
 Saxon Church were nothing else than transcripts of the Sacra¬ 
 mentary of Gregory, which was brought over by Augustine and 
 his companions at the end of the 6th century. So that this Book 
 of Divine Offices, though dated a.d. 969, represents a far more 
 ancient collection of Services, which had been used in this 
 country from the days of Augustine the first Archbishop of 
 Canterbury. This Missal was in our archives till (with very 
 many other MSS., amounting to 132 in all) it was sent to the 
 Bodleian Library in 1602 by the Dean and Canons of the day,! 
 who, I venture to say (and in this I shall probably have your 
 concurrence) ought to have jealously retained in their keeping 
 and transmitted to us, their successors, the books entrusted to 
 
 * Thorpe Codex Exon. Pref. i. Hickes (Dissert. Epis., p. 12), speaks of it as 
 Missale quoddam pulcherrime scriptum. See also Collier Eccl. Hist., vol. ii., p. 19. 
 Oliver Hist, of Cathedral, p. xii. and p. 376-7. In the Catalogue of Leofric’s 
 donations are mentioned “Duo completa Missalia," Dugd. ii. 527. 
 
 t Procter on P. B., p. 3, quotes Grandisson, who, in his seventh statute for 
 the Church at Ottery, speaks of having drawn certain rules for it as to Divine 
 Service, “ ex Exonise et Sarum usibus.” This Missal must have been the one 
 he speaks of. 
 
 + Wood’s Hist, et Antiq. Oxon Lib. ii, p. 51. “Anno proximo (1602) 
 donaverunt Decanus et Canonici Exonienses 132 Tractatus MSS." 
 
11 
 
 their care, and especially the gifts of their first founder and 
 Bishop. 
 
 It is well that the Exeter MS., one of the most curious and 
 interesting of those gifts, is still in our archives.* It is a miscel¬ 
 laneous collection of singularly interesting Anglo-Saxon poetry. 
 Of two learned wntei's on Anglo-Saxon literature,! one, Dr. G. 
 Hickes, writing in 1703, speaks of it as “ Nobilissimum carminum 
 Saxonicorum miscellaneum,” the other, Benjamin Thorpe, who 
 edited the MS., in 1824, with an English rythmical translation,! 
 describes it as “ an unique and most interesting relic of past 
 ages.” I will first describe the MS., and then speak of its 
 contents. It consists of a small folio volume, with 130 leaves of 
 good vellum, written on both sides, in very clear, large, and 
 beautifully formed Anglo-Saxon characters. It is supposed to 
 have been the work of the 10th century, possibly 50 or 100 years 
 before it was given by Leofric. Some leaves are deficient at the 
 beginning and it would seem also at the end of the book, and 
 13 leaves at the end have been seriously defaced, apparently by 
 some fluid, which has obliterated a good deal of the writing, but 
 on the whole it is in excellent preservation and the colour of the 
 ink is remarkably persistent. In the beginning of the volume 
 are bound up with it seven leaves, unconnected with the MS., 
 relics doubtless from the leaves of other MSS., containing on 
 both sides copious and very interesting entries, some in Latin, 
 but the larger number in Anglo-Saxon, written by different 
 scribes, most of them subsequent to, but not very much later 
 than, the date of the gift. The first two leaves contain the 
 account of Leofric’s donations, apparently belonging to some 
 book on religious matters, for the account begins thus:—“Hie 
 ostenditur in hoc Christi codice, quid Leofricus contnlerit Sancti 
 Petri monasterio Excestriensi,” &c. These fly leaves (so to call 
 them) contain records of various sorts. 
 
 * This MS. is especially named, in the list of the gifts of Leofric on one 
 of the fly leaves of the Codex. 
 
 f Hickes Dissert. Epis., p. 14, Thorpe p. 4. 
 
 J A copy of this edition is in the Exeter Institution. 
 
12 
 
 (1) We have a record of certain benefactions by Leofric to his 
 new Cathedral, consisting of lands, which he had recovered for, 
 or had bestowed out of his own private resources upon, his 
 Cathedral ; of vestments, of Church ornaments and of books; of 
 these last, 57 different works are enumerated, and among them 
 this very volume is entered as “ One great English book on 
 various subjects, composed in verse.” In this same entry it is 
 stated that when Leofric made this donation, comprehending 
 estates in land, he found belonging to the former monastery no 
 more than two “ hides ” (i.e., 240 acres) of land at Ide, with only 
 seven head of cattle thereon. The entry is in Anglo-Saxon, and 
 from the handwriting and language it has been held to be nearly 
 co-eval with the gift it records. Another benefaction is recorded 
 of books, ornaments, relics, vessels for Service, &c., made by one 
 Leowine, a Canon of Exeter, soon after the death, in 1073, of 
 Osbert, or Osbern, the second Bishop of Exeter. 
 
 (2) There is a curious entry of a certain confraternity or brother¬ 
 hood established in the neighbourhood of Exeter in the time of 
 Bishop Osbern, of which the Bishop and Canons and other religious 
 men were members, its object being the promotion of good will 
 and charity, and also that every family should at Easter in every 
 year pay one penny, and on the death of every member of the Guild, 
 whether man or woman, one penny, for the soul’s scot. This was to 
 go to the Canons, who were to perform the necessary rites on behalf 
 of the dead.* A list is given of the members of this “gildscipe.” 
 I have counted no fewer than 305 names, arranged in fourteen 
 subdivisions, as though they were affiliated societies, denoting 
 the places where the members lived. Among them are the 
 following:—Exeter, Woodbury (two lists), Colyton (two lists), 
 Clist (two), Bridford, Nutwell, Sidmouth, Whitstone, Axmouth. 
 Brotherhoods of this sort seem to have been common at that 
 time. A record is given of another established at Exeter, con¬ 
 taining a further detail of the particular acts of good will 
 
 * A copy of t'ne original document in Anglo-Saxon, with a translation, is 
 given in Hickes’ Dissert. Epis., p. 19, and it is quite possible that the original 
 document was once in the possession of the Canons. 
 

 required of the members. One of these requirements was that 
 “ If any associate speaks uncivilly or harshly to his fellow 
 associate, or treats him badly, he shall compensate for it by the 
 payment of 30 denarii,” a considerable fine for those days. 
 
 (3) A third set of entries is that of the Manumission or Emanci¬ 
 pation of Serfs. Of these I will read you one, written in Latin, 
 issued from the Chapter of Exeter in the eighth year of King 
 Stephen, a.d. 1143. It curiously illustrates the formal, half legal, 
 half ecclesiastical character of the proceeding.* It runs thus :— 
 “ The Chapter of S. Peter in Exeter,” [observe, not the Dean and 
 Chapter, for the dignity of Dean was not constituted till a.d. 1225] 
 “"to all sons of the Church, Clergy, and Laity, health in Christ. 
 That which we have determined should go forth to the know¬ 
 ledge of many, we have thought well to commit to writing, for 
 the information both of those who are now alive and of those 
 who shall live hereafter. Let therefore the present generation 
 and all posterity know that Rand Avenel, in the name of God 
 and for the benefit of his own and his parents’ souls, has, before 
 the King’s justice in the hundred of the city of Exeter, emanci¬ 
 pated from all yoke of serfdom, this Edric, son of Leowine, of 
 Alphington, so that from this day forward he shall be and remain 
 a free man, just as though he had been free-born, and that he 
 may go or stay whithersoever or wheresoever he will. He shall 
 owe no duty of service or freedom to any of his heirs [i.e., his 
 former master’s heirs] or their heirs, or to any other person what¬ 
 soever, but to God alone, to Whom all tilings are subject. But, 
 if any one of his heirs (which I do not believe will happen), or 
 any other adverse person shall infringe, or invalidate this grant 
 of freedom, let him be subject to the divine judgment, and being 
 severed from the body of the Church let him be an alien.” This 
 acquittance was made in the year of our Lord’s Incarnation 
 1143, in the reign of King Stephen, when Rodbert was Bishop,! 
 
 * “ Usually the slave was set free before the altar, or in the Church porch, 
 and the Gospel book bore written on its margins the record of his emancipation," 
 Greene's Hist, of the English People, p. 54. 
 
 f i.e., Robert Chichester, the fourth Bishop, from 1138 to 1155. 
 
14 
 
 and it was attested by the undermentioned, viz., Walter, William, 
 Hugo, and Rodbert (the four Archdeacons of the Diocese), and 
 others. I presume that the liberated serf held in his own 
 possession the actual deed of manumission, of which the entry 
 in the MS. is a copy. This instrument is one of two which are 
 in Latin. All the rest, and there are several, are in Anglo-Saxon, 
 and therefore doubtless of an earlier date. Several manu¬ 
 missions of similar character in Anglo-Saxon are entered in fly 
 leaves in the Missal of Leofric in the Bodieian. (See Hickes 
 Diss. Ep., p. 19.) 
 
 Let us now pass on to the contents of the Codex itself. It is, 
 as I have already said, a collection of miscellaneous poems of 
 very various character. They may be thus roughly summarized: 
 
 (a) A series of Religious Pieces, covering a little more than one 
 quarter part of the book, on some of the events of Scripture 
 History, principally of the New Testament, and on some of the 
 prominent doctrines of the Christian Faith. 
 
 (b) Legends of two Saints—S. Guthlac and S. Juliana. 
 
 (c) A large collection of Riddles, no fewer than 93. :|: 
 
 (d) Many other Poems on various subjects, among them the 
 most curious and interesting are the following:— 
 
 (1) The Scald’s or Ancient Minstrel’s tale of his travels in 
 various foreign lands, mainly, if not entirely those of the northern 
 
 * This is one specimen from Thorpe’s Translation. Is the answer 
 The Snow or The Mantle of Gossa?ner ? 
 
 Me the humid field 
 Wondrously frigid 
 From its womb 
 First brought forth. 
 
 I knew not that I was wrought 
 With wool-fleeces, 
 
 With hairs, by art profound, 
 
 In my mind’s thoughts. 
 
 I have no twined woof, 
 
 Nor have I a warp, 
 
 Nor through force of multitudes 
 Does the thread crackle to me. 
 Nor at me snorting 
 Does the shuttle pass; 
 
 Nor me shall anywhere 
 The weaver’s rod beat. 
 
 Nor do worms me weave 
 By the powers of nature, 
 Those, which the yellow silk 
 For garments produce. 
 
 Yet nath'less they will me 
 Widely o’er earth 
 Call before men 
 A delightful vestment. 
 
 Say in sooth utterances, 
 Through skilful thoughts, 
 Wise in cunning words, 
 What this vestment is ? 
 
!5 
 
 portion of Europe, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Russia, Scandi¬ 
 navia. A considerable number of these northern districts are 
 enumerated with the names of their respective chiefs and rulers. 
 
 (2) On the Endowments and pursuits of men, an interesting poem, 
 inasmuch as it exhibits, in a very detailed form, the employments 
 and amusements of men in those early days, their handicrafts, 
 their trades, their field sports, their skill at sea, their position in 
 the social body, their different gifts whether moral or intellectual 
 or bodily, their activities in the several occupations in life. 
 
 (3) Another poem is on the Various fortunes of Men, containing 
 also a pitiful lamentation over their misfortunes. It is a 
 chequered description, sometimes gay, and sometimes grave, 
 of their lots in life, and of some of the manifold modes of 
 death by which men are removed into the world of spirits. The 
 key to the poem is given at the outset, where, after speaking of 
 the new-born infant, and of its growth through the period of 
 childhood under the fostering care of its parents, the poet adds: 
 
 “ God only knows 
 What to it waxing 
 Winters will bring.” 
 
 (4) Another poem is a Father’s Instruction to his Son. This 
 is a very beautiful piece, as delineating the sense of parental 
 discipline, the principles of sage and wise instruction, of 
 religious as well as moral training, which animated the author.* 
 
 (5) Another very touching poem is the Complaint of a friend¬ 
 less Exile in a foreign land, sighing over his solitary exile, 
 wanderings, and many hardships while in search of his lord, 
 whom he had lost, and from whom he was far and hopelessly 
 separated. 
 
 (6) Another, and a thought-stirring piece, is that of A Departed 
 Soul’s address to the Body it had inhabited when on earth, the first 
 
 portion containing the supposed colloquy of a condemned soul_ 
 
 the second, that of a blessed soul—with their respective earthly 
 tabernacles they had just quitted. 
 
 * Comparing this with Polonius' advice to Laertes ( Hamlet , Act 1, scene 3), 
 it is striking to notice the shrewd wisdom, and keen knowledge of the world and of 
 human nature in the latter, as set against the quiet, grave, pensive religiousness 
 of the former. 
 
i6 
 
 The whole collection was edited in the year 1842 for the 
 Society of Antiquarians, arranged in a poetic form, and accom¬ 
 panied with an English translation in the same form by Benjamin 
 Thorpe, to whom the MS. was lent by the Dean and Chapter. 
 
 The Lecture was closed with a short description of Anglo- 
 Saxon poetry, and with the recitation of several portions of the 
 above mentioned poems. 
 
i7 
 
 LECTURE 
 
 ON THE 
 
 “EXETER DOMESDAY.” 
 
 Delivered at the Athenaeum, March 11 th, 1875 , by the Venerable 
 ARCHDEACON WOOLLCOMBE. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, 
 
 Last year I drew your attention to a passage in the Ecclesi¬ 
 astical history of our city, as exhibited in the Charters of Ethelred, 
 of Canute, and of Edward the Confessor the founder of the See 
 of Exeter, and in the gifts to the Cathedral of Leofric its first 
 Bishop. My present lecture will deal with a passage in the 
 civil history of our nation and of our county, though, or rather, 
 because the record, on which it turns, is preserved among the 
 Cathedral Archives. In drawing your attention this evening to 
 the MS. which is called “ The Exeter Domesday ” I shall have 
 first to speak of the General Domesday, or Survey of the whole 
 of England, and then of the particular document “ The Exeter 
 Domesday,” which has been in the custody of the Dean and 
 Chapter for a period of nearly 790 years. The materials for 
 both portions of the lecture are contained in the third volume of 
 the report on the General Domesday, published in the year 1816 
 by His Majesty’s Commissioners on the public records of the 
 kingdom, 33 years after the publication of the printed copy of 
 the Domesday itself in 1783. A copy of this report, in four folio 
 volumes, is in the Chapter Library, and another in the library ot 
 the Institution. These volumes contain a complete copy of the 
 
 c 
 
i8 
 
 Exchequer Domesday and of the Provincial Domesdays, which 
 have come down to us (four in number), together with very 
 copious introductions on all these records by Sir Henry Ellis, 
 the principal librarian at that time of the British Museum, intro¬ 
 ductions full of minute and various and interesting details. 
 Another edition of the introduction to the General Domesday 
 was published by Sir H. Ellis in the year 1833, containing still 
 further information on the matter. In his preface he speaks of 
 the Domesday Book “ As a mine of information, from which the 
 historian may extract results, which are in vain sought from other 
 sources. Illustrations of the most important and the most certain 
 kind upon our ancient institutions, services and tenures of land 
 are still to be drawn from it. And its metal cannot be exhausted 
 by the perseverance of any single labourer.” And Mr. Freeman, 
 the historian, says of it that “ The mass of personal and local 
 detail which may be recovered from its incidental enteries is 
 utterly amazing.” But into such researches as these I have no 
 power to enter. All I can do is to present you with a slight and 
 sketchy account of the document itself, and of the particular 
 record which forms the title of this paper. 
 
 First then on the “General Domesday.” This is one of 
 the most ancient and most important records of England 
 that we possess. It contains an accurate survey of the 
 lands of all the English counties, with the exception of 
 Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Durham, 
 and is the register, from which judgment was to be given 
 upon the extent, the value, the character, and the tenure of 
 the lands therein described, and of the services, whether in 
 money or otherwise, due from the owners thereof, the primary 
 object of the survey being to raise a tax on the land for the 
 necessary requirements of the King. The reason why these four 
 counties were omitted is stated to be, that they had suffered so much 
 from the Conqueror’s revenge,* in 1070, for their long continued 
 resistance, that it was impossible to take any exact survey of 
 
 * “ This harrying lay as an especial burden upon his spirit as he lay on his 
 death bed.” Freeman’s Norman Conquest, vol. iv., 709. 
 
19 
 
 them. Besides, in the case of Durham, the Bishop of that See 
 held the position of a sovereign in his own palatinate, and it is 
 thought that, in consequence of his exclusive rights, the Bishopric 
 of Durham was passed over, as containing no rights which could 
 be claimed by the King, without trenching on those which had 
 been possessed by its bishops through a long series of years, 
 even from the days of Alfred. 
 
 The origin of the name “Domesday” is uncertain. By 
 some ancient writers it was said to be so called, “ Because 
 the book was laid up in the King’s Treasury in the church 
 of Winchester, in a place called Domus Dei (the house of 
 God), and thence shortly “ Domesday.” It is so cited in 
 a deed in our Cathedral Archives, of the date a.d. 1313, to 
 which I shall have, occasion to refer by-and-bye. Others give 
 this explanation—that the name signifies “ The book of Judgment, 
 or Doom, Doomsday, by a metaphor, for, as the judgment of the 
 last great day cannot be evaded, so, if a contention should arise 
 in the realm on any matter contained therein, an appeal to the 
 book will decide the quarrel with conclusive evidence.” This 
 may appear to be the most probable account of the title. 
 
 The book itself contains (as I have said) the Great Census or 
 Survey of England. It was made by the order of William the Con¬ 
 queror about 20 years after the Conquest. There is a remarkable 
 passage, furnished by the contemporary Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 
 under the year 1085, which gives the motives for the formation 
 of the survey, and assigns the time of its commencement to that 
 year, the 19th after the Conquest. The following is the translation 
 of the passage: “ a.d. 1085. In this year a rumour arose, and it was 
 spoken of as true, that Canute King of Denmark,* son of King 
 Sweyn, had directed his thoughts towards England, with a view 
 of subjugating it with the aid of Robert, Count of Flanders. 
 When William King of England, who was then residing in 
 Normandy (for he held both England and Normandy), was 
 apprised of this, he came to England with a larger army (both 
 of horse and foot) than had ever before sought this land, and 
 
 * He was a grandson of the Canute who held the throne of England 
 from 1016-1035. 
 
 C 2 
 
20 
 
 men began to wonder how such an army could be supported in 
 it. But the King caused his troops to be distributed throughout 
 the land among his vassals, and required that they should provide 
 for them, each in proportion to the territory which he possessed. 
 The inhabitants, in consequence, suffered severely ; the King also 
 caused the lands bordering on the sea-coast to be laid waste, so 
 that the enemy, if they landed, might find no supplies. But 
 when he ascertained that the invaders were unable to make their 
 intended expedition, he sent back to Normandy a part of his 
 army, and kept the remainder here, until the end of the winter. 
 At mid-winter the King was at Gloucester, with his ‘ Witan,’ or 
 Parliament, and there held his Court for the space of five days. 
 And afterwards, the Archbishop and Clergy held their Synod for 
 three days, when they chose three of the King’s chaplains 
 (Normans) to be Bishops, one for London, one for Norwich, and 
 one for Chester. After this the King held a great council, and 
 had grave discussions with his nobles about this land, as to how 
 it was peopled, and by what men. He therefore sent his Com¬ 
 missioners over all England into every shire and county, and 
 caused enquiry to be made, how many hundred hides of land 
 there were in each county, and what land and cattle belonged to 
 the King, and what amount of yearly dues he ought to have 
 therefrom. He ordered also that it should be stated how much 
 land his Archbishops and their Suffragan Bishops, his Abbots, 
 and his Earls held, and further, how much land and cattle each 
 landholder possessed, and what was its money value. And so 
 very exactly did he require this survey to be made, that there 
 was not a single hide, or a single virgate of land, nor even (it is 
 a shame to tell, though he thought no shame to do it) not even an 
 ox, nor a cow, nor a swine passed over, that was not set down in 
 the survey. And all these matters were afterwards written down, 
 and brought to him.” This is the account of the Saxon 
 Chronicle, and Mr.' Freeman, the historian of the Conquest, 
 adds :—“ Such was the spirit—a spirit which has not wholly 
 died out in our own day—with which Englishmen then looked on 
 this narrow spying out of their homes and of their goods.” 
 Another account describes the object of the Survey in somewhat 
 
21 
 
 different terms, but to the same effect:—“ That the King sent 
 Commissioners (Justiciaries, as they are called) through all the 
 counties of England to make diligent enquiry how many acres of 
 land there were in them, how much would suffice for the mainte¬ 
 nance of a soldier ; also as to the full value of the towns, villages, 
 and hamlets, and how many oxen were required for the cultiva¬ 
 tion of each hide of land.” 
 
 Next, as to the mode in which the Inquisition was 
 carried out. It is thus described by Sir Henry Ellis:—■ 
 “ The Inquisitors, upon the oath of the Sheriffs, the lords 
 of each manor, together with that of their Francigenae (i.e., 
 the foreigners of their retinue), the reeves of every hundred, the 
 bailiffs, and villans (i.e., tenants of a very inferior kind, barely 
 removed from the condition of slaves) of every village, were to 
 enquire into the name of the place, who held it in the time of 
 King Edward (i.e., Edward the Confessor), who was its present 
 possessor, how many hides of land there were in the manor, how 
 many carrucates in demesne, how many villans, how many 
 cottagers and serfs, how many freemen, what quantity of 
 wood of meadow and pasture land there was in it, what mills 
 and fishponds, how much added or taken away, what was the 
 gross value in King Edward’s time, what was the present value, 
 what each freeman or sochman (i.e., inferior landowners holding 
 under the soc, or franchise of the lord) has or had.” Before I 
 pass on I will explain two terms used in the above extract, 
 (i) The carrucate. This was equivalent to plough-land (from 
 “ carruca,” which signifies the “ plough and the team,”) and 
 indicates as much arable land as could be managed with one 
 plough and the beasts belonging thereto in a year, having 
 meadow, pasture, and houses for the householders and cattle 
 belonging to it. (2) Lands in demesne were lands kept by the 
 lords in their own occupation. 
 
 Further, this enquiry as to the value of the lands was 
 to be triply estimated. First, as it stood in the time of 
 the Confessor ; then, as it was when bestowed by King 
 William at the Conquest ; and thirdly, as its value stood 
 at the making of the Survey, 20 years later. The jurors 
 were, moreover, to state (no unimportant matter in William’s 
 
eye) whether any advance cuuld be made in the value, for 
 William had already, two years before, imposed a heavy tax 
 on the conquered territory of 72 pennies (six shillings) on 
 every hide of land in England, and one of the objects of the 
 Great Survey, doubtless, was that this tax should be fairly and 
 accurately levied. Accordingly, the Inquisitors went on the 
 execution of their commission, and it is gathered from various 
 passages in the Survey itself, that by the multiplication of 
 subordinate inquests the work was completed in a very short 
 time, within a year from the giving of the order. The order was 
 issued at mid-winter of 1085-6, and at the end of the second 
 volume of Domesday is this entry:—“ In the year 1086 from the 
 Incarnation of the Lord, and in the 20th year of the reign 
 of William, this Survey was made throughout all the counties of 
 England,” though, as might be expected, not without serious 
 disturbances, and in some places loss of life, owing to the 
 opposition of the people. From a transcript or abridgement of 
 these breviates, or returns from the different counties, the Great 
 Registrar was afterwards formed, which has ever since been 
 known by the name of “ Domesday.” The returns themselves 
 were sent by the Commissioners to Winchester, and these were 
 classified and methodised and entered in a register consisting of 
 two volumes, such as we now have it. Soon after its completion 
 it was removed to Westminster and kept in the Exchequer, till 
 in 1696 it was deposited among other valuable records in the 
 Chapter-house of Westminster Abbey, and, when the Chapter- 
 house was restored a few years ago, it was removed thence 
 with the rest of the records to a more appropriate depository. 
 
 I no?/ pass on to the second and principal part of my present 
 lecture—viz., “ The Exeter Domesday,” one of the most 
 valuable and interesting of the MSS. in our custody. There 
 are, as I have already said, three of these provincial or supple¬ 
 mentary records of the Great Survey remaining besides our own. 
 The first is entitled, “ The Ely Inquiry,” a document of the same 
 kind with the “Exeter Domesday,” and taken, as the “ Exeter 
 Domesday ” was, at the time of the Great Survey. This “ Ely 
 Inquiry ” relates to the property belonging to the Monastery 
 
2*3 
 
 of Ely, recorded afterwards in the volumes of the “ Domesday.” 
 The MS. of this is in the British Museum, and it is at least 
 as old as the 12th century. The second is the “ Winton or 
 Winchester Domesday,” consisting of two parts, the first made 
 at some time between 1107 and 1128, by order of King Henry 
 the First— i.e., about thirty years after the Great Survey ; the 
 second made in the year 1148 by order of the then Bishop 
 of Winchester— i.e., nearly sixty years after the Great Survey. 
 This second record refers only to certain special topics of inquiry, 
 independent of the general returns for the county of Hants, 
 which were made at the time of the Great Survey. The MS. of 
 this record is preserved in the Archives of the London Society 
 of Antiquaries. And the third provincial record is called “ The 
 Boldon Book,” a special Survey of the Palatinate of Durham, 
 made in the year 1183, nearly 100 years after the Great Survey, 
 by order of Hugh Pudsey, nephew of King Stephen, Bishop of 
 Durham. It probably had its name from Boldon, a parish near 
 Sunderland, where it was either compiled, or according to the 
 census of whose inhabitants the other manors in that Bishopric 
 were regulated. Three copies of this book are said to exist, one 
 of which is in the Library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham. 
 
 You will easily understand the comparative value of our book 
 over the other three, when I state that in the folio volume, 
 which contains the printed copy of the four, out of the 587 pages 
 covered by it, the “ Exeter Domesday ” occupies 493, leaving 
 only 94 for the other three, of which 35 belong to the Ely 
 Inquisition, 34 to the Winchester Book, and 24 to the Boldon 
 Book. The entries in all the four Provincial Records, as well as 
 in the Great Domesday throughout, are in Latin (the language 
 of the Norman conquerers), without any intermixture of the old 
 Saxon or English—the tongue of the conquered race. Of the 
 “ Exeter Domesday,” Sir H. Ellis gives the following account:— 
 “ This is the first of the four in point of time. Its main body 
 presents a description of the western parts of the kingdom, 
 comprising the counties of Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, Devon and 
 Cornwall (though the returns for Wilts are very scanty) ; and it 
 is supposed, as far as it extends, to contain an exact transcript 
 
of the original rolls, or returns made by the Conqueror’s Com¬ 
 missioners, at the time of the general Survey, from which the 
 great Domesday itself was compiled.” Its date may therefore be 
 set down at 1086, a.d.— “ It is written on vellum, in the form 
 of a thick book of small folio size, containing 532 double pages. 
 The skins of which it is composed vary in number of leaves 
 from one to twenty—the lands of each of the more considerable 
 tenants beginning a new sheet—and those of almost every tenant 
 a new page. In the transcription of the record, different scribes 
 appear to have been employed in different parts, as is evident 
 from the variation in the mode of writing, the marks and abbre¬ 
 viations ; and the record itself in more than one passage shows 
 that different persons were employed about it, as e.g., in one 
 leaf is an entry, 4 This Richard wrote,’—in another, 4 So far 
 wrote R.’” The whole is written, and very beautifully written in 
 Latin, with an immense number of abbreviations and contrac¬ 
 tions, and single letters standing for words, but when you have 
 once got the clue to the cipher, it is very easily read. For what 
 especial purpose, at whose instigation, or by whom, this almost 
 perfect transcript of the Original Rolls was made (or whether 
 they may have been the Original Rolls themselves, sent back 
 to the metropolis of the West, as, from an examination of the 
 MS., seems to me very probable*) we know not; but we certainly 
 owe our ancestors a debt of gratitude for their preservation of 
 them, for it is a remarkable fact, that with the exception of the 
 other three fragmentary documents I have named, two of which 
 are of much later date, this is the only provincial record in 
 existence, the only one remaining of those which were made for 
 the Great Survey. 
 
 There is no authentic account as to how the book came 
 to be deposited among the Cathedral Archives. But there 
 is an entry on a fly leaf (bound up with the MS.) by Dean 
 
 * These facts may render this probable :—(1) Some of the folios are smaller 
 than the rest; (2) The writing varies on the same pages ; (3) There are numerous 
 interlineations, and erasures both by ink marks, and by scratchings out in many 
 folios ; (4) There are numerous marginal entries in different coloured ink and 
 handwriting from that of the pages in which they lie. 
 
^5 
 
 Lyttleton in the year 1750, in which he gives this as the 
 probable reason—“ As this transcript includes the lands 
 and possessions of the chief religious houses, and great 
 Noiman barons within the four Western Counties, it was 
 lodged in the Cathedral Church of Exeter, as a place of 
 the greatest safety and of easy access, being the metropolis 
 of the West, and consequently much resorted to by the 
 inhabitants of the neighbouring counties.” Sir H. Ellis thus 
 describes its later history:—“About the beginning of the 15th 
 century, the sheets of which this MS. is composed were bound 
 up in two volumes, and paged, but very carelessly, and 
 without any particular view of arrangement. Preparatory to 
 the publication of the volumes on the Domesday by the Record 
 Commissioners in 1816, the sheets were again separated, and 
 were arranged in the order in which they were printed, 
 following, as near as the Record would permit, the plan of 
 the Exchequer Domesday, and the whole is now handsomely 
 bound in one thick volume, measuring 10^ inches by 6J.” 
 For the purpose of that publication an exact transcript was 
 most carefully made by one, whose name must ever be held 
 in honour and respect by the citizens of Exeter; by one for 
 whose memory the Dean and Chapter of Exeter cherish a 
 most affectionate regard, and I myself especially so, from the 
 uniform kindness which I ever received at his hands from 
 the time of my boyhood to the day of his death ; their late 
 Chapter Clerk, which office he held for a period of no less 
 than 50 years. You can well imagine the time, and labour, 
 and patience which the late Mr. Ralph Barnes must have 
 bestowed on making such a transcript, and correcting the 
 proof impression by the original. In the course of this work 
 Mr. Barnes discovered that one of the leaves of the MS. had 
 been cut out, and he wrote in pencil on the preceding leaf, 
 the words — “ Page 233 cut out, and no doubt stolen, 1810, 
 
 R. Barnes.” It is said that he advertised the circumstance 
 
 in the newspapers as a sort of forlorn hope that it might 
 
 somehow or other one day turn up. Strange to say, the 
 
 missing leaf was discovered, and is now in its place in the 
 
$6 
 
 MS.; and a printed memorandum on the 327th page of the 
 printed copy records its restoration in these words : “ Upon 
 reference to fol. 347 of the MS., from whence the Exon 
 Domesday was published, it will be seen that a leaf of the 
 Original was wanting—this leaf had evidently been cut out— 
 and little or no hope was entertained that it would ever have 
 been discovered. The recovery of it is owing to W. C. 
 Trevelyan, Esq. That gentleman, on arranging some ancient 
 evidences among the Archives of his grandfather Sir John 
 Trevelyan, Bart., fortunately met with the deficient leaf, and 
 lost no time in transmitting it to Mr. Barnes, who restored 
 it to its proper place. From circumstances communicated 
 by Mr. Trevelyan, which attended the discovery, there is 
 reason to believe that the leaf had been in the possession of 
 his family at least as far back as the year 1656.” 
 
 I have already said that this MS. is supposed to be the tran¬ 
 script of the original returns, if not the original returns them¬ 
 selves, sent in to the King from the five Western Counties. From 
 them was extracted all the information required for the purposes 
 contemplated in the order for the Survey, which had to do 
 solely with the extent and value of the lands, the taxation 
 which could be imposed on them, and the services due from 
 the owners of those lands, and the persons who inhabited the 
 several manors. But the Exeter Domesday contains (as no 
 doubt was the case with all the original returns from the rest 
 of England), a very large amount of other information, 
 obtained in compliance with the original order, but which it 
 was deemed unnecessary to transfer into the final digest. 
 Hence arises the especial value of these provincial records. I 
 will mention a few particulars of that information, which may 
 interest you, before I read some of the entries them¬ 
 selves. The first portion then of our Exeter Domesday 
 relates to the aggregate taxation of the hundreds, or civil 
 divisions of the counties, stating the total number of the hides 
 in each division, the number held by the King, his barons, 
 and his nobles, whether in Church or State, with an enumeration 
 (1) of those for which the tax was not paid, (2) of those for 
 
27 
 
 which it was paid, (3) the tax in arrear, and the reasons for 
 its so remaining, and (4) the amount retained out of their 
 receipts by the collectors in payment for their work. I have 
 compared the names and number of the Hundreds of the 
 county of Devon in the MS. with its present divisions, and 
 find that there are 32 (i.e., one less than at present) mentioned 
 in it ; and of these, 22 still retain their original names. The 
 collectors of the tax are often mentioned, especially those for 
 the county of Devon. In the majority of instances, they are 
 called by the curious title of “ Fegadri” (the derivation of which 
 I have not been able to discover*); in some instances by the title of 
 “ Hundremanni ”—manifestly the “ Hundred’s-men ” (the collectors 
 appointed to collect the tax for each hundred) ; and, at the 
 close of the entry for each hundred, it is stated that they 
 retained the tax on one hide of land in payment for their 
 services. Again, at the close of the returns for all the hundreds 
 in Devonshire are given the names of the persons who took 
 the produce of the levy to the King’s Treasury at Winchester, 
 in these words :—“ The King receives no tax on three 
 hides, one virgate, and one ferling, from which the collectors 
 say that they have retained 20 shillings, and given them to 
 William Hostius, and to Ralph de Pomario, whose duty it 
 was to convey the geld [or tax] to the King’s Treasury at 
 Winchester.” Now the amount of the tax was to be computed, 
 as I have already said, at the rate of 72 pennies or six shillings 
 upon every hide of land (i.e., about 120 acres). And as the 
 value of money at that time is reckoned at 30 times its present 
 value, it will follow that the sum retained by the collectors 
 for each hundred will be equivalent to [6s. x 30 = 1803.] £g 
 of our money, and the payment to those who carried the 
 tax to Winchester will be [20s. x 30=6003.] ^30, or £15 
 each. But there is a still more interesting entry at 
 the close of the returns for the hundreds of the county 
 of Somerset, inasmuch as it gives the whole amount of the 
 tax paid from that county to the King, and the expenses 
 in detail which attended the collection. It runs thus :—“From 
 
 It has been suggested that the word is equivalent to " Fee-gatherers." 
 
28 
 
 Somerset the King has for his geld ^"509 in his Treasury at 
 Winchester, and those who carried it to Winchester had 40s. 
 for their travelling expenses, &c., and what between hiring 
 pack-horses, (i.e., to carry the treasure), and employing a 'scribe 
 (i.e., to write out the account) and purchasing forels (covers, 
 
 I suppose, or cases for the book in which it was all entered) 
 
 and wax (i.e., to seal it up and make all secure) they spent 
 
 gs. 8d. And out of £1 is. 3d., which the bearers of the geld 
 
 received, the King had not a penny; and they were not able 
 
 to render a correct account. This sum they pledged themselves 
 that they would pay to the King’s Commissioners.” Now, 
 according to the computation of the value of money, as stated 
 above, the account for the county of Somerset will stand thus :—- 
 £ s. d. £ - s. d. 
 
 509 o ox 30 15,270 o o—Amount of tax from that county. 
 
 40 o x 30 60 o o—Costs of conveyance. 
 
 9 8 x 30 14 10 o—Petty expenses. 
 
 •^15,344 10 o 
 
 Money deficient £1 is. 3d. x 30=^31 17s. 6d. 
 
 Then after the returns for the hundreds in each county, follow 
 in their order the returns for the several manors included in 
 them. The above particulars we owe entirely to the “ Exon 
 Domesday.” Its most striking feature, however, in which it 
 uniformly supplies us with additional information to that in 
 the Exchequer Domesday, is the enumeration of live-stock 
 upon every estate, in which it gives the number of oxen, 
 sheep, goats, horses, and swine kept on it, and in this matter 
 it agrees with the Ely Book. Such an enumeration, you will 
 remember, was in accordance with the strict requirements of 
 the King’s Commission ordering the Survey, and at which the 
 historian I quoted , above took such umbrage. But all this is 
 omitted in the Great Survey, and for obvious ^reasons. The 
 live-stock was altering every day and year, and the enumera¬ 
 tion thereof could be of no further use than for the time 
 when the survey was made. The Exon Domesday contains 
 also a vast quantity of other matter, which it would have 
 
29 
 
 been needless to enter in a record of statistical details in the 
 matter of taxation, and title to property; but which is of 
 very great value for the elucidation of the history, the customs, 
 and characteristics of landed property in those times. 
 
 Reverting now to the abstract of the returns from the 
 kingdom, which constitutes the Exchequer Domesday, I find that 
 the number of the chief holders of land, or tenants in capite in 
 this county (having, of course, numerous persons holding land 
 under them), is entered at no more than 53, including the 
 Conqueror himself, two Bishops, of whom the Bishop of Exeter 
 was one, ten Abbey Churches, including those of Rouen and 
 Caen, the rest, barons and others, all of course foreigners, 
 among whom the conquered soil was divided. But the most 
 remarkable among these chief holders was Geoffrey of 
 Mowbray, Bishop of Coutance, in Normandy, who was also a 
 soldier. He held no fewer than 96 separate estates in Devon, 
 besides numerous others in 12 other counties, in all 280 manors. 
 Mr. Freeman, the historian, speaks of him as “The famous 
 Bishop of Coutance, who exhorted the Norman host before the 
 battle of Hastings, and had asked their assent to the crowning 
 cf their Duke within the walls of Westminster. His lands and 
 lordships reached well nigh into every corner of England.” 
 No wonder that he should have been so handsomely rewarded, 
 as he was the principal agent in obtaining the crown for the 
 Conqueror. Again, among the Ecclesiastical Corporations 
 appears the Abbey Church of Rouen in Normandy, which 
 held of the King the extensive manor of Ottery. This 
 manor was purchased in 1335 by Bishop Grandisson of 
 the Dean and Chapter of Rouen as an endowment for 
 the Collegiate Church of St. Mary in Ottery, founded in 
 1337 by that munificent Bishop. I mention this because 
 it explains and illustrates the fact of the continued inter¬ 
 course between the Church of Rouen and that of Exeter, 
 which so often appears in the records of our Cathedral. 
 
 Another matter of interest in the Exchequer Domesday is the 
 account it gives of the population at the time of the survey, 
 in 1086. But this must, of course, be but an imperfect 
 
3 ° 
 
 record of it, as the returns had mainly to deal with the 
 owners and occupiers of the land, and the agricultural population 
 in general—that of the towns and cities being for the most 
 part omitted—inasmuch as the object of the survey was 
 the ascertaining of the geld or tax on the land. Still, as 
 far as it goes, it is interesting, and it is considered to be 
 probably a fair record of that portion of the population. 
 Sir H. Ellis has given complete catalogues for the several 
 counties, under their different occupations in life. The number 
 for the whole of England, as summed up by him, is only 
 283,242, and that for the county of Devon 17,434. It must 
 strike one at once that this must have been considerably 
 below the whole population either of the country or of the 
 county. 
 
 It is time now that I should give you one or two specimens 
 of the entries in our Exon Domesday. The first I take 
 is a portion of the return of the episcopal property in 
 Crediton, then held by Osbern, the second Bishop of Exeter, 
 a Norman by nation, who presided over the See from 
 1072 to 1103. It runs thus:—“Osbern, the Bishop holds 
 a manor, which is called Crediton, which paid geld in the 
 time of King Edward for 15 hides (about 1,800 acres) of 
 land. These can be ploughed by 185 teams. Of these 
 the Bishop holds in demesne six hides and 13 carrucates, 
 and the soldiers (possibly military retainers) and villans 
 between them hold nine hides and 172 carrucates. The 
 Bishop has there 264 villans, and 73 bordarii (or cottagers), 
 and 40 serfs, and 30 porcarii (owners and keepers of swine 
 in the woodlands), who paid as rent 150 pigs a year, also 
 four horses (roncinos), 63 oxen, 57 swine, and 400 sheep, less 
 12. (388), and 115 goats. Also one mill, which pays in rent 30 
 pence a year (^3 15s. od., at the present value of money), 
 and woodland five leugse (seven-and-a-half miles) in length, 
 and half a leuga (three quarters of a mile) in breadth, 
 80 acres of meadow, and 200 acres of pasture land. And it 
 is valued at ^75 (^2,250 in our money value) a year. When 
 the Bishop succeeded to it, it paid as tax £21 (^630 
 
3 r 
 
 at the present value). With this manor the Bishop claims” 
 (and over the word ‘ claims ’ is written the more correct 
 .word ‘ holds,’ as is clear from what follows) “ a manor 
 which is called Newenton. One Domnus is the tenant here, 
 and it paid tax for three hides.” It goes on thus “ As regards 
 this manor, Osbern exhibited (i.e., to the Commissioners) his 
 Charters, which prove that his Church was seized in it 
 before King Edward began to reign.” (This is clear, because 
 at that time the Bishop held his See at Crediton, from whence 
 Leofric was translated to Exeter in 1050, which was the 
 eighth year of the Confessor’s reign.) “ And the Bishop 
 also says, that in the time of King William (at the period 
 of the Conquest), he pleaded concerning this estate, and 
 proved his case by the testimony of the Frenchmen of his 
 retinue that it was his own, and it is valued at £3 ” (£go of our 
 money). Now if I read to you the entry made in the Exchequer 
 Domesday relative to this manor, you will notice the variations 
 from the return made by the Provincial Commissioners, and 
 especially the omission of the amount of stock on the manor. 
 That entry is as follows:—“The Bishop himself holds Crediton. 
 —In the time of King Edward it paid tax for 15 hides of 
 land, and for 185 carrucates. He holds in demesne six hides, 
 and 13 carrucates there, 40 serfs, 264 villans, 73 bordarii, 
 with 172 carrucates. There are there 30 swineherds paying 
 as rent 150 pigs, and a mill paying 30 pence, also 80 acres of 
 meadow, 200 acres of pasture land, a wood 5 leagues in length 
 and half a league in breadth. Its value formerly was ^21, now 
 £75." (So the manor had increased in value ^54 from the time 
 the Bishop succeeded to it, 14 years before the survey.) “ With 
 this manor the same Bishop holds Newton, and pays tax for 
 three hides. In relation to this manor, Osbern the Bishop 
 exhibited his Charters which prove that the Church of S. Peter 
 was seized in it before the reign of King Edward. In addition 
 to this, in the' time of King William he proved before the King’s 
 barons that it belonged to him. Its value is £3. Domno is the 
 tenant.” 
 
 There are three other short extracts which I will refer 
 
3 2 
 
 to touching Exeter, Lidford, and Barnstaple, of which the 
 returns made by the Provincial Commissioners are entered word 
 for word in the General Domesday, (i) As to Exeter:—“In 
 the city of Exeter the King has 300 houses less 15, rendering 
 custom. This amounts to ^"18 a year ( i.e., ^540). From this 
 Sheriff Baldwin receives six pounds (£180) weighed and assayed 
 (i.e., corrected by melting in the fire at the time of payment, 
 where the coins were defective in weight and fineness). And 
 Colvin has £12 {i.e., £360) by tale {i.e., counted out) in services 
 belonging to Queen Edith. (She was the Confessor’s Queen). 
 In this city 48 houses have been laid waste since the King came 
 to England.” This destruction of houses took place in the 
 process of the 18 days’ siege of the city in 1067 by the King’s 
 troops, and in the removal of houses for the erection of the castle 
 of Rougemont. The entry goes on thus :—“The city in the time 
 of King Edward paid no geld, unless when London and York 
 and Winchester did so, and this was half a mark of silver for the 
 use of the soldiers {i.e., the King’s body guard or housecarls).” 
 This mention of Exeter in such company marks the high 
 position which it held among the cities of England. “ When an 
 expedition went forth by land or sea, this city did military 
 service for as much as five hides of land. Barnstaple, however, 
 and Lidford and Totnes did service for as much as this city. 
 The burgesses of Exeter have without the city land for twelve 
 ploughs, which pays no custom except to the city itself” (thus 
 proving its corporate character at the time). Sheriff Baldwin 
 mentioned above was related to the Conqueror ; he was one 
 of his generals at Hastings, and was granted the manor 
 and barony cf Okehampton and its castle, together with 
 the Shrievalty of Devon, in which county alone more than 180 
 manors are recorded in the Domesday as belonging to him— 
 filling 1 x columns in that record. Besides this, he had the 
 command of the Castle of Exeter, which he built by the King’s 
 order after the surrender of the city in 1067. (2) Of Lidford 
 
 it is said that “ King Edward held that borough in demesne; that 
 there were 28 burgesses within the borough, and 41 without 
 (69 in all), rendering to the King 60s. {i.e., £90 of our money); 
 
33 
 
 that 40 houses had been laid waste there since the King came to 
 England, and that for military or naval expeditions the 
 amount of service due from Lidford was the same as from 
 Barnstaple and Totnes. (3) In the borough of Barnstaple (held 
 also by the King) there were 40 burgesses within, and 9 
 without the borough (49 in all).” (Lidford therefore at that 
 time was more populous than Barnstaple) ; “ It paid to 
 the King 40s. {£ 60 ), and to the Bishop of Coutance 20s. (^30), 
 and 23 houses had been laid waste in it since the arrival of 
 the King.” Observe the exceedingly mild language in which 
 the invasion and conquest of England, and all its attendant 
 circumstances, are here spoken of bj' the Conqueror's Com¬ 
 missioners—in all these entries the words are “ since the 
 King came to England.” This devastation of houses marks the 
 course of the Conqueror’s advance, and the heavy destruction 
 which attended it. As no destruction of houses is spoken of 
 in the other Devonshire towns, it would seem that these three 
 places, Exeter (which yielded to the seige in 1067), Barnstaple, 
 and Lidford were special scenes of resistance to his progress 
 in his conquest of the west of England. 
 
 I add a few words as to the use and consequences of 
 this Great Survey, and its authority in Courts of Law, and 
 this latter especially, because we have in our Chapter 
 Archives more than one proof of that authority having 
 been appealed to some centuries after its completion in 
 1087. As to the first point, Sir H. Ellis says, that “by its 
 completion the King acquired an exact knowledge of the 
 possessions of the Crown. In afforded him the names of 
 the landholders. It furnished him with the means of know¬ 
 ing the military strength of the country, and it pointed out 
 the possibility of increasing the revenue in some cases, and 
 of lessening the demands of the tax collectors in others. 
 It was moreover a register of appeal for those whose titles 
 to their property might be disputed.” This is his summary 
 regarding its use. In the entries in the Survey, the tax as 
 paid in the days of the Confessor is generally called by 
 the word “geld.” It was a tax imposed as early as the 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 reign of Elthelred the Unready (who reigned from 978—1013), 
 having been employed for a long period either in buying 
 peace with the Danes, or in making preparations against 
 the inroads of that hostile nation. Edward the Confessor 
 had absolved the English from the payment of the tax, 
 but it was revived at an early period of William’s reign, 
 and by this Survey, at the close of his reign, he was 
 enabled to fix the proportion of the levy upon the property 
 of each landholder. 
 
 Lastly, I remark on its authority as a register of appeal in 
 the case of disputed title. Such appeals occur at a very early 
 period, and several instances are given by Sir H. Ellis. But 
 what will interest you most on this point is the fact that records 
 of two such appeals exist in our Chapter Archives, and I 
 should think there must be some to be found among the 
 Guildhall documents also. My attention was drawn to the 
 two I have referred to by the valuable index of our Archives 
 made by Mr. Stuart Moore, which enabled me to put my 
 hand at once on the deeds. The date of the first is a.d. 1313, 
 in the sixth year of Edward II., 227 years after the date 
 of the Survey; and by it Walter de Stapledon, the fifteenth 
 Bishop of Exeter, established his right to certain lands 
 belonging to him in the parish of Stoke Canon. After the usual 
 preamble, he says in the deed :—By the tenor of these presents 
 we make known that in the accredited book, commonly called 
 Domus Dei, kept in the treasury of our illustrious master the 
 King of England, permission having been given to examine it, 
 we find it thus written in that book touching us and our 
 church at Exeter." [Then he quotes the exact words of the 
 entry.] And he ends thus:—“And that this may not be 
 called in question by any one, we have caused these our letters 
 testimonial to be set forth, signed with our seal. Given at 
 Peynton on the 7th day before the Kalends of January, 1313,” 
 i.e., on the 24th December, 1312. The second is a deed of 
 Inspeximus, as it was called, and related to a contention which 
 had arisen in the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Henry VI., 
 a.d., 1449, between the burgesses of Exeter and the Bishop 
 
35 
 
 (this was Edmund Lacy, who held the See from a.d. 1420- 
 1455), concerning certain messuages in the parish of St. 
 Stephen in this city, an appurtenance to the Bishopric. The 
 burgesses laid claim to certain rights in the tee and preferred 
 their claim on the ground of the city of Exeter being an 
 ancient demesne of the Crown. Appeal was made to the King 
 in Chancery, and to settle the dispute the King ordered a search 
 to be made of the “ Domesday.” The result of .that search was 
 that the said messuages were not, as asserted, vested in the 
 Crown, but in the Bishop. And the proof adduced was the 
 entry in Domesday of the possessions of the Bishop, which 
 is nearly word for word the same as that in the “ Exeter 
 Domesday.” I will read you the latter, as being somewhat 
 the fuller entry:—“The Bishop has in Exeter one Church (I 
 presume this stands for parish) which pays one mark of 
 silver yearly. Also, 47 houses—and of these houses ten pay 
 10s. iod. for custom ( i.e ., £"16 5s. according to our money-value); 
 two of them are destroyed by fire (no doubt these were two 
 of the 48 destroyed in Exeter, of which we heard above) ; 
 also 2\ acres of land, which lie contiguous to the land of 
 the burgesses, who belong to the Church ” (i.e., who lived in 
 the parish). These possessions, of course, have now passed 
 away from the Bishop, but he still retains the patronage of 
 the Benefice. 
 
 I must now close with many thanks for the patient attention 
 you have given me. I am afraid you will think that I have set 
 before you little else than dry details, but the subject hardly 
 admitted of any other mode of treatment, Yet I hope that 
 even these have not been uninteresting or unacceptable to 
 the members and friends of a Literary Society. I will 
 only add that Mr. Freeman, the distinguished historian of the 
 Norman Conquest, promises us in his 5th volume* a full 
 examination of the “ Domesday,” including the Provincial 
 Domesdays also, which will be a rich treat to all who are 
 interested in these ancient and most valuable records of our 
 national and social history. 
 
 * This volume has been published since the delivery of the Lecture. 
 
 D a 
 
37 
 
 NOTE ON PART II., p. n. 
 
 Since this Lecture was given, the second part of Dr. Hickes' “ Ancient 
 Northern Literature," which had been displaced, has turned up in the Cathedral 
 Library. It contains the Catalogue of the Anglo-Saxon MSS. in the Libraries 
 of England, by Humphrey Wanley, dated A.D. 1705. 
 
 Those in the Archives of the Dean and Chapter are enumerated and described 
 in pp. 279—282, and specially the several entries in the fly-leaves bound up with 
 the “ Exeter MS." 
 
 Among these entries, (some in Latin, but the larger number in Anglo-Saxon) 
 are the following, which may be interesting, as illustrative, in some particulars, 
 of the times to which they belong, viz., the close of the nth and the beginning 
 of the 12th century. The numbers given are those in Wanley's Catalogue :— 
 
 NO. 
 
 (i.) Records of Bequests, with the names ot Testators and Legatees, 
 of Lands left, "ab omni querela immunes,” free from all 
 dispute as to title, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 17. The last is a bequest 
 from William Warelwast, the third Bishop of Exeter, to one 
 Wulfric, “ cognomento Pig." 
 
 (ii.) A permission given by Osbern, the second Bishop of Exeter, to 
 
 the Monks of S. Nicholas, as to the ringing of their Bells . 15 
 
 (iii.) Certificates of purchase of Lands.29, 30 
 
 (iv.) An entry relative to a complaint in the matter of an emancipated 
 
 female serf.12 
 
 (v.) Records of the Emancipation of Serfs :— 
 
 (1.) The certificate by the Chapter of Exeter as to Rand 
 
 Avenel, emancipated in the year 1143. (See above, p. it,) 4 
 
 (2.) Certificate of the emancipation of one Athelwius, “ in 
 
 the monastery of S. Peter".10 
 
 (3.) Certificate of the Chapter of Exeter, as to the manu¬ 
 mission of one Spileman, made before Wm. Warel¬ 
 wast, third Bishop of Exeter, and others . . 14 
 
 (4.) Certificate of the manumission of a serf and his 
 children by one “ Folcard, at the time when Osbern, 
 
 Bishop of Exeter, consecrated the Porch of S. Mary," 
 probably of the original Cathedral Church 
 
 24 
 
3 » 
 
 NO. 
 
 (5.) Certificate of the emancipation of a female serf and 
 her children by her Master, for the sum of 30 
 pence=/3 15s. of our money ..... 25 
 
 (6.) Certificate of the emancipation of a female serf by 
 
 her cousin, for the sum of 24 pence=/3 ... 33 
 
 (vi.) Certificates of Purchases of Serfs :— 
 
 (1.) Of a female for the sum of 10 shillings=/is . . 11 
 
 (2.) Of a male, whom one “ Bruningus purchased as free, 
 
 and exempt from the carrying of arrows." I suppose, 
 
 exempt from military service.18 
 
 (3.) Of two brothers for 7 mancsi.19 
 
 (4.) Of a female purchased by a Londoner and his wife, 
 
 for 64 pence=/8.20 
 
 (5.) Of a female for 5 shillings=/7 10s. .... 21 
 
 (6.) Of a male for . . do. . do.22 
 
 (vii.) Certificates of Purchases by Serfs of their own freedom: 
 
 (1.) By a male for 10 shillings=;£i5.23 
 
 (2.) By a male for 40 pence=£s ..... 26 
 
 (3.) By a male, who freed himself and his children in the 
 
 Church of S. James, for half a pound=/i5 . . 27 
 
 (4.) By a female of herself and her children for 24 
 
 pence=/3.• . 28 
 
 (viii.) Entries of Religious Guilds (see above, p. 12) . . 31, 32, 33, 34 
 
 (ix.) A Table of Contents of the Exeter MS. (see above, p. 11) 
 
 Wanley also describes (p. 82) the Missal of Leofric, now in the Bodleian 
 Library (see above, p. 10), and states that bound up with it are fly-leaves, containing 
 several Certificates of Manumission of Serfs, which were entered in the Book 
 (according to the custom of the time), as public records of the same (see above, 
 p. 13, note). 
 


 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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