COL. GEORGE WASHINGTON FLOWERS 
 MEMORIAL COLLECTION 
 
 DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 DURHAM. N. C. 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 W. W. FLOWERS 
 
 / 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2015 
 
 https://archive.org/details/speechofwilliani1832brod 
 
THE SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 W^illmm M. Mrodmax^ 
 
 (OF DINWIDDIE) 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF VIRGINIA, 
 
 ON THE 
 WITH RESPECT TO ITS 
 
 COI.OIIED POPULATION. 
 
 RICHMOND: 
 
 Thomas W. White, Printer. 
 1832. 
 
r 
 
 The following speech is published at the request of a number 
 of the friends of General Brodnax, who approve of the peculiar views 
 which he preseuted on a subject of general interest, and especially for 
 the information of his immediate constituents, among wliom some 
 incorrect impressions are believed to exist as to the character of his 
 opinions. 
 
HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF VlRGOfA. 
 
 WEDNESDAY, January 11, 1832. 
 Mr. Goode of Mecklenburg, rose to move the following resolution. 
 
 Resolved, That the select committee raised on the subject of slaves, free negroes, and the 
 melancholy occurrences growing out of the tragical massacre in Southampton, be discharged 
 from the consideration of all petitions, memorials and resolutions, which have for their ob- 
 ject, the manumission of persons held in f3ervitude under the existing laws of this common- 
 wealth, and that it is not expedient to legislate on the subject. 
 
 Mr. Randolph moved the following substitute, to be inserted after the word "Southamp- 
 ton :" 
 
 "be instructed to inquire into the expediency of submitting to the vote of the 
 
 qualified voters in the several towns, cities, boroughs, and counties of this commonwealth, 
 the propriety of providing by law, that the children of all female slaves, who may be born 
 in this state, on or after the 4th day of July, 1840, shall become the property of the com- 
 monwealth, the males at the age of twenty one years, and females at the age of eighteen, if 
 detained by their owners within the limits of Virginia, until they shall respectively arrive at 
 the ages aforesaid, to be hired out until the nett sum arising therefrom, shall be sufficient to 
 defra)'- the expense of their removal, beyond the limits of the United States, and that said 
 committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise." 
 
 THURSDAY, January 19, 1832. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Brodnax of Dinwiddle, the resolution moved by Mr. Goode, and the 
 substitute therefor proposed by Mr. Randolph, on the subject of the colored population of 
 the commonwealth, were taken up ■ when 
 
 Mr. brodnax rose and addressed the house. He commenced by 
 remarking that the peculiar position which he occupied, in relation to 
 the important subject which had engaged their consideration for some 
 days past, rendered an explanation of the course he had pursued, and 
 of his views and opinions, necessary. This position, said he, as is 
 known to the house, has in a great degree, arisen out of circumstances 
 over which I could not, with delicacy or propriety, have exerted an}' 
 efficient control: and some explanation becomes the more necessary, 
 from the numerous successive phases which the subject has assumed at 
 different periods of its discussion. Without the slightest change hashing 
 taken place in any principle, or opinion, which I originally entertained, 
 the question itself is now presented in an attitude and manner so altered 
 by supervenient occurrences, as to render it proper for me to pursue 
 the object, which I have from the first kept steadily in view, by the 
 adoption of a course entirely different from that which, under other 
 circumstances, I had prescribed to myself. My opinions, as an humble 
 individual member of this house, however unimportant to the commu- 
 nity at large, are important to myself, and to those generous constitu- 
 ents who have confided to me the high trust of representing their inte- 
 rests in this most important session of the legislature which has occured 
 since the foundation of our government. Yes, sir, the agitation of 
 this very question has imparted an interest to our proceedings greater 
 (whatever may have been said or thought of any session which has 
 preceded it in our history, or even of that which was the immediate 
 
4 
 
 predecessor of the present), far greater interest than has attached to 
 any previous measure of a Virginia legislature since the revolution. 
 A subject, sir, of deep and lasting importance to the prosperity, per- 
 haps to the very existence of the commonwealth, has suddenly spruno- 
 up since we were invested with our trust, and demands investigation 
 and decision. 
 
 When my friend from Mecklenburg, introduced the original reso- 
 lution now before us, I regarded it as an unfortunate one. I sincerely 
 regretted the movement, while 1 was convinced of the purity and 
 patriotism of motive which had dictated the course of its worthy and 
 intelligent author. So far from saving labor to the committee, or 
 operating an economy of time in the house; so far from subduing 
 that excitement which was diflu sing itself over this assembly, and over 
 all Virginia, or correcting any of those erroneous and alarming im- 
 pressions as to the character of the measures we were likely to adopt, 
 which were said to have been circulated in newspapers, and to have 
 gone forth to the world, I believe that its tendency and effects would 
 be of a precisely opposite character ; and that while it might do much 
 mischiefs it could produce no good. I regarded the movement as itself, 
 eminently calculated to aggravate the evils, and increase the embar- 
 rassments it was intended to repress. Had those petitions from Hanover, 
 which have since obtained so inflated a celebrity, been permitted, on 
 their presentation, to take the ordinary course, without opposition, 
 and without comment, the whole matter would have glided on smoothly, 
 without creating that morbid excitement of which they have since been 
 the fruitful source. And afterwards, had the committee been unin- 
 terrupted in its progress, in due time it would have reported the result 
 of its deliberations, which, I have no doubt, would have been adverse 
 to any legislative action at present on the subject of the abolition of 
 slavery ; and then the house would regularly have entertained the sub- 
 ject, in the ordinary mode, unaccompanied by any of those factitious 
 and collateral circumstances of excitement which now obviously sur- 
 round it.* I consider the subsequent motion to discharge that com- 
 
 * On the 16th of January, 1832, Mr. Brodnax, from the committee on the colored popu- 
 lation, presented the following i-eport : 
 
 "The select committee, to whom was referred certain memorials, praying the passage of 
 some law providing for the gradual abolition of slavery in the commonwealth, have, accord- 
 ing to order, had the same under consideration, and have come to the following resolution 
 thereupon : 
 
 Resolved as the opinion of this committee, That it is inexpedient for the present legislature 
 to make any enactment for the abolition of slavery." 
 
 This report, in which Mr. B. concurred, illustrates the correctness of the impression above 
 expressed, both as to the character of the report, and the time at which it might be expected 
 from the committee. And on the question of the reference of the Hanover petitions, which 
 prayed the abolition of slavery, Mr. B. although in favor of their reference, in common with 
 a vast majority of members, had expressed his individual opinion to be unfavorable to any 
 legislative enactment for the abolition of slavery, without the consent of the owners, and 
 compensation for the property. The reason why the above report was not made from the 
 committee at an earlier day, was simply that a majority of the committee decided that 
 was expedient to act on, and dispose of, so much of the subject referred to them, as relate^^ 
 to the free negroes, previously to their taking up that which related to the slaves — believing'' 
 as they did, that the former was preliminary in its character, and that ulterior measures on 
 the latter and more important branch of the subject, were naturally and essentially depen- 
 dent^on what might be determined on, with regard to the former. This is the simple solution 
 of that, to which somealfected mystery and importance are attached in the recent numbers 
 of Appomattox ;" and as the committee consisted of a decisive majority of those who hold 
 the same opinions with the author of those essays, it is not a little remarkable that he should 
 
5 
 
 mittee from the consideration of a subject which had been referred to 
 them by a very large majority, and in effect to reverse that decision, 
 when it was known, that in some shape or other, and at some time 
 during this very session, the great question involved, would have to 
 be met and discussed, and decided ; and this too, after permitting 
 weeks to elapse, while the committee was assiduously engaged on 
 other branches of its duty preliminary to this — during which, "ru- 
 mour with her hundred tongues," was allowed an unrestrained influ- 
 ence far and wide; and when, at length, after a tempestuous voyage, 
 we were in sight of land, with every probability of a report from the 
 committee within very few daj's, and probably before this discussion 
 itself could terminate — as irregular and injudicious. And, sir, I en- 
 tertained a decided opinion that this great question itself, would have 
 been more effectually put at rest; that the community would have 
 acquiesced with greater satisfaction in any determination we might 
 have come to; and that a more abiding and permanent effect would 
 have rested on our labors, had the investigation been approached, 
 conducted, and disposed of, in the usual parliamentary mode, which 
 the experience of ages has indicated as the most favorable to calm 
 deliberation and correct decision. With these views, I should have 
 been gratified had the resolution never been presented ; or had it im- 
 mediately been laid on the table, or indefinitely postponed. Such 
 was the disposition of it which I should then have voted for. It has 
 now become a matter of not the slightest importance whether it be 
 adopted or not; for, Mr. Speaker, the aspect of this question has now 
 become materially varied. The time has passed by when it would 
 be discreet, if practicable, to arrest the course of this debate. It is 
 now useless to survey the ground we have gone over, as it is too late 
 to retrace it. We have " passed the Rubicon." The ball has been 
 set in motion, and who can retard its onward course? This debate 
 has now progressed for several days; and we have, like Macbeth of 
 old, in scenes of blood— 
 
 " Stept in so far, that thougli we ".vade no more, 
 Returning were as tedious as go o'er." 
 
 The house would eventually, have to act on any report from the 
 committee; and as the subject had already occupied so much time, 
 and could again be resumed, I consider it most expedient for the 
 house to act in anticipation of the report, definitively on the subject 
 at once, while it has it before it. From this consideration, I shall now 
 vote against the further action of the committee, and as on a final set- 
 tlement of the question; and I hope that other gendemen who agree 
 with me on the principles involved, will pursue the same course. 
 
 I have thought this preliminary explanation of the reasons of my 
 course in connexion with these resolutions, but due to m3^self, to ob- 
 
 have imagined that the report was withheld from any design hostile to his views — not mo:-e 
 remarkable, however, than that for the purpose of proving an inconsistency in different po- 
 sitions maintained by Air. B. he should first have cited a portion of his speech, and then, as in 
 conflict with it, a series of remarks, Avhich happened not to have been in another part of Mr. 
 JB.'5 speech, as alleged, but in that of a different gentleman; and to whom, indeed, Mr. B. 
 was replying! The mistake wsis, no dowht, unintentional — but should, surely, in common 
 justice, before this time have been corrected. 
 
G 
 
 viate the supposition of any change in my opinions, or any deparluro 
 from my consistency. 
 
 In coming to the great question itself, which is before ns, I assure 
 you, Mr. Speaker, in solemn sincerity, that in the whole course of my 
 life, personal, professional, or political, I have never approached the dis- 
 cussion of any subject, whatever may have been its character, or on 
 whatever arena it may have occurred, whether judicial, legislative, or 
 popular, with any comparable degree of the feeling of responsibility 
 which now weighs upon me. I have never before felt in all its force 
 and impression, the absorbing interest, the tremendous responsibility 
 of making laws for a great community. It is a feeling, I presume, 
 sir, common to us all. Yes, sir, tlje humblest member in this hall may 
 now well feel that, like another Atlas, the weight of the worJd, to some 
 extent, rests on his shoulders. And who, sir, will regard this expres- 
 sion as an unmeasured In^perbole, when he reflects that any error we 
 may now commit, must, from its nature, be irretrievable; that when 
 we take up the line of march which is proposed to us, there can be 
 no halting or returning ; and that any false step we may now 
 take, can never be retraced, or its direction obliterated. Will it be 
 deemed an idea too bold, or language too strong or extravagant, that 
 I do not circumscribe the limits of these effects to the commonwealth 
 of Virginia, but view them as passing her borders, and by degrees 
 extending over the ivorld? Wlio, sir, lias surveyed this subject in all 
 its dimensions, its bearings and tendencies, proximate and ulterior, 
 without perceiving that it involves not only the vital interests of Vir- 
 ginia, the interests not only of the thousands who now people her 
 regions, and of the millions yet unborn, who are to spring up after 
 us, but that, from its nature, it is to exert an influence which, to some 
 extent, will operate " for weal or for wo;" on all the sister states of this 
 great confederacy — on the free citizens of all America — on the sable 
 tribes which inhabit the continent of Africa, — on the globe! And may 
 I not add, sir, without impropriety or irreverence, on earth and heaven f 
 Already had many other states shaped their systems of policy on con- 
 jectural anticipations of the course Virginia might adopt, even before 
 this legislature assembled; and who can pretend to limit the bounda- 
 ries of this influence ? 
 
 This subject, sir, has long been one, with me, of anxious and pain- 
 ful reflection; and it is my misfortune to be unable, entirely, to con- 
 cur with either of the extreme parties in this house; either with those 
 who hold that t!ie existence of slavery is not an evil, or that nothing 
 can or ought to be done to abate the evil or lessen its effects : and Still 
 less with those who propose, as a remedy, a plan fraught, in my judg- 
 ment, with incalculable mischiefs; which would tear up By the roots, 
 all the ligaments which bind society together, subvert principles which 
 have been consecrated by the wisdom of ages, and break down every 
 barrier with which our constitution and laws have fenced the security 
 of private property; for such is the light in which I am compelled to 
 regard the monstrous project of the gentleman from Albemarle, (Mr. 
 Randolph.) 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I feel deeply, the delicate embarrassment of the situ- 
 ation I am called to occupy. In times of high political excitement, 
 
7 
 
 when counter-currents sit strongly in opposite directions, the position 
 of the moderate man, who may not conscientiously sail on either — 
 who is equally averse to either extreme, and believes that there is pru- 
 dence, and wisdom, and safety, in the maxim, medio tutissimus 
 il)i§^^^'is of all others the least enviable. It is said, sometimes to be 
 assumed from considerations of policy; but really, the individual who 
 would commit so gross a blunder, whether he looked to the support 
 and approbation of the friends with whom he was associated in service, 
 or exclusively to his own political preferment, must he egregiously 
 ignorant of the strongest impulses of human nature. Yes, sir, nothing 
 but conscientious judgment, or folly, can ever recommend such a course. 
 The public man, who refuses to rush headlong to the ultima tJiuW'^ 
 of parly, becomes obnoxious to the suspicions of the ultra, on both 
 sides, and is apt to lose the confidence of all, and be regarded as a 
 neutral by both, and an ally by neither. Or, stationed on the middle 
 ground, he is exposed to the shots of both parties in the conflict, and 
 can expect no quarters from either. The moderate man has also to 
 encounter other disadvantages. He does not possess equal facilities 
 with otliers, in recommending his views and opinions. For, the states- 
 man who is disposed to listen to "the slill small voice" of reason and 
 modei ation — who is willing to examine frankly and fairly, the argu- 
 ments and principles of others, without regard to what party they may 
 belong, or from what region they may have come, witiiout considering 
 reason and intelligence, as bounded by mountains or rivers—who is 
 anxious to call from both, all that he finds valuable in either, while he 
 rejects all that is erroneous, pursues a course, of a tenor too even to 
 excite the approbation, or command the deliberate examination of those 
 who are heated in the conflict. His course is that of the gentle rivulet, 
 which winds its peaceful way, unseen, and unheard, through the forests 
 and the fields, attracting little attention ; while the bold and ardent 
 partisan resembles, in debate, the noble and majestic river, on whose 
 margin \ve are now deliberating, which dashes its impetuous torrent, 
 impatient of restraint, over the rocks and cliffs which would obstruct 
 it, and rushes in foaming fury to the ocean. The middle ground pre- 
 sents no field for the exhibition of that impassioned feeling — those bold 
 and striking figures — those brilliant corruscations of a vivid imagina- 
 tion, whicii never fail to attract and engage us, and of which we have 
 witnessed so many instances in this debate. The calm observer, unaf- 
 fected himself by the enthusiasm around him, is regarded as tame and 
 uninteresting — and deliberate judgment is little valued, when opposed 
 to "thoughts that breathe, and words that burn." But, sir, these con- 
 siderations have little effect on me. It is true, I regret, — yes, sir, 
 deeply regret — that I am unable to concur, not only as to our ultimate 
 objects, which mainly are the same, but on the mode of action which 
 expedience might indicate, with those friends in this house, to whom I 
 am affiliated, by contiguity of residence, and identity of interest — by 
 long established coincidence of opinion on all subjects of general policy, 
 and by strong ties of personal regard. But, regardless of the effects 
 which may result to myself, personally, I have but one rule of action — 
 that is, to pursue the path duty which my best judgment may point 
 out. I may mistake its traces; no doubt I often do; but when I think 
 
8 
 
 I have discovered it, I will endeavor to follow it steadily, wherever h 
 may conduct me : and support those measures, and those alone, which 
 I may deem most beneticial to my constituents, and most auspicious to 
 m}' country. 
 
 Sir, I confidently believe that a plan can be devised to mitigate, if 
 not subdue, the evil which presses so sorely upon us, entirely consist- 
 ent with the principles which have been so ably and so gallantly main- 
 tained b}' gentlemen from my own region of country, where ihose prin- 
 ciples have ever been regarded as sacred and inviolable; and yet com- 
 prehending all that our brethren from other divisions of the state, and 
 holding other opinions, ought to desire. But, sir, unfortunately I 
 think, both parties, in the heat of debate, have run into extremes, which 
 may endanger the result. Mr. Speaker, never before have I felt so 
 intensely the destitution of that intellectual vigor, that commanding 
 influence and persuasiveness, which would enable me to imbue others 
 with my own impressions, and carry conviction to their minds, of the 
 truths which appear so clear and irresistible to my own. Sir, would 
 that I possessed some portion of that "resistless eloquence," which 
 
 " Wielded at will the fierce democracy, 
 
 " Shook the arsenal, and fulmined o'er Rome." 
 
 I would exert it«Z/ on this occasion. There have indeed been already 
 *'fulminations enough;" but I would exert all my power in imploring 
 gentlemen on both sides, to mutual conciliation and forbearance. I 
 would exert myself to induce those who differ most widely in their 
 views, to compromise some portion of their exactions,— not to expect — 
 not to desire vyhat either believes ruinous; but to unite in deliberating 
 on some plan, from which results beneficial to both m.ight be devised. 
 I would beg of them by every consideration I could urge, not to 
 "tread oh the deceitful cinders" beneath us — not to peril every thing 
 by attempting too much, or refusing to do any thing. Let us not 
 refuse to do any thing, because we cannot obtain all we desire. Rea- 
 son and prudence, in the common affairs of life, and in the most 
 weighty concerns of states and empires, certainly point out a different 
 course. Let us, in this conciliating spirit, examine the subject ; and 
 if the substitute of the gentleman from Albemarle shall be adjudged 
 impracticable and unjust, as I trust it will be regarded by the house, 
 let us see if some other plan cannot be devised, which will meet the 
 occasion, and promote the interests of all, without violating the rights 
 of any. I do in my soul believe that this will be found attainable, if 
 dispassionately attempted. My own views of the features of such a 
 plan, will in due time be presented to the house. 
 
 Previously to entering on them minutely, I will take occasion to 
 state, that, in whatever I may say during this debate, I have no dispo- 
 sition or intention to wound the feelings of a single human being on 
 earth. It is a delicate subject, I know — on which excitement is avoi- 
 ded not without difficulty; but my object shall be, to pour oil on the 
 troubled waves, and not to lash them into fury. And if I know any 
 thing of my own heart, I would far rather bind up an hundred wounds, 
 than inflict a single new one, or cause an old one to bleed afresh. — 
 And whatever construction might be put upon any hasty remarks, 
 
9 
 
 which may fall from me in the Impetuosity of debate, I wish them to 
 be considered as affected by this general declaration of my feelings 
 and dispositions. 
 
 It has now become perfectly immaterial what disposition is made of 
 the resolution of the gentleman from Mecklenburg. The great ques- 
 tion involved, can now be decided as well in the house while it has it 
 before it, as by leaving it in the hands of the committee. But if the 
 object in introducing it, was to avoid a full and free discussion of the 
 subject, in all its bearings, it is one which I cannot approve. It is 
 said, that any action on the subject at present, might be regarded as 
 the result of apprehension and fear, produced by recent occurrences. 
 Sir, for one, I am anxious to demonstrate to the world, that it is a 
 subject which we are not afraid to discuss — that we are prepared, and 
 willing to examine it, without^ any affectation of mystery or conceal- 
 ment. 1 do not regard it as a characteristic of true courage and manly 
 firmness, more than of ordinary prudence, to shut our eyes and rush 
 blindfold against danger without having examined it — but on the con- 
 trary, to survey it carefully and deliberately in all its parts, so as to 
 calculate correctly its extent, and its capacity of injury— neither to 
 exaggerate its importance, nor to underrate it — and to make prepara- 
 tions commensurate with the necessity, so as to meet it in the manner 
 best calculated to avert or subdue it. So far as fear is involved, I 
 hope we shall never be afraid to examine into our real situation. Indi- 
 viduals, and nations, are often ruined from the fear of looking their true 
 condition in the face, in time. They avert their eyes as long as pos- 
 sible, from the contemplation of impending difiiculties, The man in 
 debt, is afraid to look into his accounts and ascertain the extent of his 
 embarrassments, until they become insurmountable. By surrendering 
 a part^of his property at once, he might save the rest, and fill up the 
 breach which imprudence had made, and b}^ altered habits prevent its 
 recurrence. But he avoids the reflection — continues to hold on all, 
 until at last the storm bceaks heavily upon him, and ruin awaits him. 
 This, sir, is not the policy of the prudent individual, or of the judicious 
 statesman. Such bravery as this, 1 neither profess nor admire. 
 
 But, sir, could we, by any course we could have pursued, have 
 occluded the thorough investigation of this delicate subject? Are there 
 not many different modes by which its discussion might be brought 
 before us? And have not members declared their intention of doing 
 so ? Sir, the time has passed by in the history of the world, when there 
 can be any sealed subject" in this .country. The spirit of the age 
 will not tolerate suppression. The march of intellect on the earth-— 
 the increased spirit of inquiry and reflection — the demand in other 
 regions for more liberal institutions— the flood of light from modern 
 accessions to political and philosophical science, which has poured in 
 upon us, have imparted a tone of inquisitiveness to the public mind, 
 and rendered it impatient of any subject being enveloped in the mantle 
 of mystery. Already had public attention been drawn to this subject 
 before we assembled. It was a subject of general conversation, in all 
 parts of our country, and by people of every description. It is dis- 
 cussed at the fire-side, at the public taverns, in the streets, and in the 
 newspapers. The people all over the world are thinking about it, 
 2 
 
10 
 
 speaking about it, and writing about It. And can we arrest it, and 
 place a seal on the subject? We might as well attempt to put out the 
 light of the sun, by placing an extinguisher on it, or to confine its 
 rays *' under a bushel." We live already in a new age, when the spirit 
 of inquiry, and a thirst for the acquisition of information, is wonder- 
 fully extended ; and it would be useless for us to attempt to linger on 
 the skirts of the age that is departing. The action of existing causes 
 and principles is steady and progressing. It cannot be retarded, un- 
 less we could *' blow out all the moral lights around us ;" and if we 
 refuse to keep up with it, we shall be towed in the wake, whether 
 willing or not. The idea of suppressing discussion, or controlling 
 thought on any forbidden subject, is now impossible. I know that it 
 has been assumed that the general interest which now pervades the 
 country on this subject, was superinduced by the agitation of it in this 
 house. Sir, this is a great mistake. It had been induced by previous 
 events — by causes over which we had no control— and before this body 
 convened. The spark was indeed communicated to the tinder, by the 
 tragical events which occurred in Southampton; but the elements for 
 ignition, had been much longer in existence. And who would desire 
 to suppress this discussion — or control the freedom of opinion — or the 
 liberty of the press ? Much complaint has been made of the course 
 taken by the newspapers ; and no doubt the licentiousness of the press 
 is often an evil, but the beneficial efiects of that great engine, are in- 
 comparably superior to its evils. For myself, I do not regret that the 
 seal has been taken off of this subject. A regular investigation of it 
 will render any detrrminaliuii we arrive at, more satufaciory and quiei- 
 zr?^ to tlie community ; and 1 am glad that Virginians have now an 
 opportunity of declaring to the world, that they do not hold their 
 slaves merely by sufferance-— and of exhibiting the grounds on *\'hich 
 their claim to them, as property, is founded. I do not admire the po- 
 sition often assumed on this subject — that it is a right which needs no 
 explanation, and which shall not be examined. Sir, were some bold 
 pretender to claim of me the very land on which my family resides, I 
 would scarcely content myself with assertions of my title, and that he 
 should not question it ; but I would rather prefer to exhibit my parch- 
 ments and title papers, and defy his scrutiny. I regard the right to 
 our slaves, as perfect and inviolable as that to any other property we 
 possess, and that it may safely be submitted to the most rigid exami- 
 nation. 
 
 That slavery in Virginia is awevil, and a transcendant evil, it would 
 be idle, and more than idle, for any human being to doubt or deny. 
 It is a mildew which has blighted in its course every region it has 
 touched, from the creation of the world. Illustrations from the history 
 of other countries, and other times, might be instructive and profitable, 
 had we the time to review them; but we have evidences tending to 
 the same conviction nearer at hand, and accessible to daily observa- 
 tion, in the short histories of the different states in this great confede- 
 racy, which are impressive in their admonitions and conclusive in their 
 ^character. That Virginia, — originally the first-rated state in the union 
 —the one which, in better days, led the councils and dictated the 
 measures of the federal government^ had been gradually razeed to the 
 
11 
 
 condition of a third-rate state, and was destined soon to yield prece- 
 dency to another, among the youngest of her daughters; that many of 
 the finest portions originally, of her territory, now (as was so glowingly 
 depicted the other day,) exhibited scenes of wide-spread desolation 
 and decay, that many of her most valuable citizens are removing to 
 other parts of the world, have certainly been attributed to a variety of 
 causes; but who can doubt that it is principally slavery that is at the * 
 bottom of all — that this is the incubus which paralyzes her energies 
 and retards her every eilbrt at advancement? I presume that every 
 body is prepared to admit and regret the existence of this evil, and 
 that something should be done to alleviate or exterminate it, if any 
 thing can be done, by means less injurious or dangerous than the evil 
 itself. But, sir, it is on this point on which so much diversity of 
 opinion exists among us. All ivould remove it, if they could. Some 
 seem to think this immediately and directly attainable, while others 
 conclude that it is a misfortune (not a crime, for we are not responsi- 
 ble for its iiitroduction among us,) which no effort can remove or 
 reduce, and that we must content ourselves to submit to it forever, and 
 avert our eyes from the consequences which are hereafter to follow. 
 While they admit that every hour we delay lessens the possibility of 
 effecting any thing, they say that it is already too late to make any 
 attempt which will not aggravate the evil. Tliey would treat ns like 
 patients affected by chronic diseases believed to be incurable, by en- 
 deavoring to divert our minds from the contemplation of our real situa- 
 tion. Believing, however, that there is an entire coincidence of public 
 opinion on the preliminary question involved, I deem it useless to enter 
 into a long abstract discussion of the origin of slavery, or the evil 
 effects which result from it. AH will adjiiit its extinction desirable, if 
 attainable — and I cannot, therefore, like my friend from Brunswick, 
 undertake to follow the gentleman from Rockbridge, (Mr. xMoore,) in 
 the discursive flights he has indulged in, in a general disquisition upon ^ 
 slavery. He translated ns occasionally with electrical rapidity, first to 
 China, and then to the Rocky mountnins. He amused us for awhile 
 on earth, and then mounted up to Heaven, Prometheus-like, to take 
 fire from thence, with which he attempted to blind and confound our 
 Sauls of Tarsus, as he regarded us, as we were journeying to Damascus. 
 
 The people, sir, have long deeply felt the embarrassment and impor- 
 tance of the subject — and, stimulated by recent occurrences, they have 
 lately, with a simultaneous movement and united voice, demanded our 
 interposition, and required that " something'^'' should be done. Yes, 
 sir, your table almost literally groans vvith petitions, from all quarters 
 of the state, looking to us for some remedy, and cr3^ing out in language 
 so strong, and so loud, as not to be disregarded, for something to be 
 done — and, sir, something must be done. But they have not petitioned 
 you to decree the abolition of slavery — or the confiscation of their 
 property. They have not applied to you to avert an evil portentous, 
 it is true, in its appearance, by bringing sudden and obvious ruin on 
 them. They have not called on you to tear all their property away 
 from them, or manumit their slaves without indemnity or compensa- 
 tion. No, sir, far from it. With a very few exceptions, this is a vision 
 which had not crossed their imaginations. They have prescribed no 
 
12 
 
 system, and indicated no plan. This they have submitted to the judg- 
 ment and intelligence of their delegates in this assembly. They 
 expected, and wished us to do someihing. M^hat is that something to 
 he? That is the question. Sir, let us not prescribe a remedy, like 
 that which comes to us from Albemarle, nauseous to the palate, aiid 
 far more pernicious in its effects, than the disease Vv'hich it would 
 remove. 
 
 Any scheme for the gradual diminution, or ultimate extermination 
 of the black population of Virginia, should be based, as a substratum, 
 on certain great cardinal principles of justice, morality, and political 
 expediency, about which 1 had hoped but little diversity of opinion 
 would be found to exist. They are such as lie at the foundation of 
 all civilized society, and on which all free governments must rest. 
 Any action on this subject, without due regard to those polar princi- 
 ples, would not only fail of its intended effects, but would be subver- 
 sive of the rights of the citizen — and ruinous in its consequences. 
 Among these, I have always regarded the following as axioms, which 
 should never be disregarded, and from which, for one, I will never 
 consent to depart : 
 
 1st. That no emancipation of slaves should ever be tolerated, unac- 
 companied by their immediate removal from among us. 
 
 2d. That no system should be introduced, which is calculated to 
 interfere with, or weaken the security of private property, or affect its 
 value. — And 
 
 3d. That not a single slave, or any other property he possesses, 
 should be taken from its owner, without his own consent^ or an ample 
 compensation for its value. 
 
 Unless some plan can be struck out, in our united councils, entirely 
 consistent with these essential principles, dreadful as would be the al- 
 ternative, I will sit down in silent despair, and fold my arms with the 
 desperate resolution, of letting the evil roll on to its horrid consum- 
 mation. It may not attain it in ray time, but it may in that of my 
 children ; and the advice I vi^ould leave with those whom it has been 
 my fortune to bring into the world, and to all who are held dear to 
 me, if nothing can be done, would be like that given to the Jews of 
 old, before the sacking of their celebrated city : "flee to the mountains 
 for your lives;" or like that to the few favored inhabitants of Sodom 
 and Gomorrah, when about to be consumed by fire from heaven, — • 
 stay not in all the plain." But such, sir, is not at present my des- 
 ponding view of the subject. I have come to no such painful conclu- 
 sion. Much may be done if not to remove this evil, at least to abate its 
 extent— to limit its effects—and to take from it, its most dangerous and 
 most fearful tendencies. I do believe that a ray of light has dawned 
 — -however insufficient to illuminate the pathway of such as expect to 
 accomplish the full measure of their wishes at once—vvhich if steadily 
 pursued, will, like the pillar of fire which was followed by the wise 
 men of old, lead us to safety, and rescue us from the destruction with 
 which we are threatened. I do believe that measures of incalculable 
 benefit may be adopted, entirely consistent with those great principles 
 which I have assumed; and as I have never approved the course of 
 those who condemn the plans of every body else, without offering any 
 
13 
 
 of their own, 1 shall certainly submit to you, before I conclude, my 
 own views in minute detail. 
 
 As the resolutions before you, Mr. Speaker, now stand, the first 
 question presented in the order of discussion, is, that which arises from 
 an examination of the plan proposed by the gentleman from Albe- 
 marle, (Mr. Randolph) for the manumissio}), or rather confiscation to 
 the state, of all the post nati of our slaves, after a given period, and 
 the reference of that project, to the qualified voters of the state. Sir, 
 I cannot hesitate to pronounce the whole of this plan monstrous in its 
 features, and in its principles tending to a disruption of ail the lies 
 which bind society together. It infringes those rights of property 
 which, from our birth, we have been taught to consider inviolable. It 
 abates from one hundred millions of dollars worth of property, half 
 its value; and substantially converts all that was a fee simple, into a 
 life estate. Let us examine it for a moment. 
 
 I would ask, Mr. Speaker, if such a measure as this can receive 
 the sanction of the legislature, what will have become of all our con- 
 stitutions, and most respected laws ? What, sir, are constitutions, and 
 charters, and bills of rights, ever made for ? Are they not devised to 
 protect the rights of the few, against the aggressions of the many ^ 
 They are necessar}^ to secure to minorities their privileges and their 
 property — to stay the lawless hand of public violence. Majorities need 
 no protection ; they can protect themselves. And, if among these 
 rights, there be any one held more sacred than the rest, next to the 
 right of personal security, is that of private property. This, indeed, 
 is in some degree, the foundation and security of all other rights under 
 government; for, no others can exist without it. 
 
 The house need not be alarmed — I do not intend to engage in an 
 elaborate, dry discussion, of the grave constitutional impediments which 
 oppose the adoption of this startling proposition. It is true, that the 
 constitutions of both our federal and state governments, have erected 
 barriers for the protection of private property, which must be prostrated, 
 before such a measure as this could be carried out into efi^'ect. But 
 what are charters — or constitutions— or bills of rights, on a question 
 like this ? I would not give a rush for them ; charters and compacts 
 can be broken or evaded. The charter by which we hold our slaves, 
 is antecedent to either; it is founded on the immutable principles of 
 justice, which existed before the formation of political societies; it has 
 received the approbation of man, and the sanction of his great Creator, 
 and is written on our hearts. Under our constitutions and laws, it has 
 acquired exactly the same guarantee, whether fortunately or not, as 
 any other property, and it can now be regarded in no other light, 
 legally or morally. Mr. Speaker, moral justice and political justice 
 are always the same. And the government, in all its delegated autho- 
 rity, can take from not one of the humblest of its citizens, the smallest 
 particle of his private property, in a case in which an individual could 
 not morally or legally exercise the same right. There is to this rule, 
 but a single exception, and that is founded in absolute necessity. — 
 INecessitas non habet legem, is a hard rule, but an inevitable one. When 
 the public safety and prosperity, obviously require the deprivation of 
 private property, the sacrifice must be submitted to. In such a case, 
 
14 
 
 the stale possesses an acknowledged right to appropriate the private 
 property of the citizen, to the general good. B^xt upon what con- 
 dition? The answer, sir, is to be found, not only in our federal con- 
 stitution, but in tlie various bills of rights, and constitutions of all the 
 states in our union- — on making ''just compensation^ -• So that whether 
 the public necessities require the surrender of our property or not, it 
 comes to the same conclusion. Jt cannot be taken against our con- 
 sent, but on paying to us its value. 
 
 But, sir, we are told that this famous plan is not intended to tear 
 from its holders any property they possess. No, sir, it is only to re- 
 lieve them of the future increa?e of their slaves, after the designated 
 period. My friend from Campbell, (Mr. Rives) seems entitled to the 
 credit of originating the idea of drawing this distinction. In his dis- 
 cussion of this subject, on yesterda^', several ideas fell from him which 
 demand animadversion. That gentleman is so amiable in his dis- 
 positions, and so gentle and conciliatory in his deportment and feel- 
 ings, that it is impossible to doubt that every idea he advances, com- 
 ports with his deliberate conviction of what is just and proper. Yet 
 I must regard the ideas themselves, as dangerous and revolutionar}'. 
 His argument went substantially to show, that however unquestionable, 
 to the owners, was the right of property in their present slaves, the 
 product — the fiiture increase of those slaves — was not their property; 
 but a subject in which they had no other interest, than that held by the 
 rest of the community. There is certainly some plausibility in the 
 idea, that we cannot claim property in that which is not in esse, — not 
 yet in existence. But this plausibility is dissipated by the slightest 
 reflection on the subject. The maxim, ^''partus seqiiitur ventrem,''^ is 
 not more empiiatically a rule of the common law, than it is a dictate 
 of common reason, and of common sense. Sir, is not the probability 
 of increase, an essential constituent in the value of a female slave? — 
 Does not this prospect enter into the calculation of value, whenever 
 one is purchased, or sold.^^ Who has to bear the expense of support 
 to the mother, while her services are withdrawn j or of nurture and 
 maintenance to her increase, until they become valuable themselves? 
 They are, by this plan, to be supported b}' the owner, until they have 
 attained to maturity and could become useful, and are then to be with- 
 drawn. Who would consent to raise them on these terms? Sir, this 
 idea that the owners are entitled to the parents as property, but not to 
 their offspring, is one on which argument is unnecessary. When the 
 heat generated by this debate shall have subsided, the sober sense 
 of the whole community will cry out against it. Again, sir, I will ask, 
 whether, in that ver}^ charter which was appealed to yesterday— the 
 federal constitution — it is not expressly provided that no expost facto 
 law shall be passed? Is not this a fundamental principle of our state 
 constitution also, and a dictate of reason and common sense, and a 
 principle of common justice? It might be no violation of this ob- 
 vious rule of propriety — of this constitutional guarantee — (though it 
 would certainly be very absurd)~to apply this principle to aiiy future 
 acquisition of this propert}^ You might provide, that all individuals 
 who hereafter purchase slaves should be restricted in their rights, to 
 the enjoyment of the services of the existing generation, and that the 
 post natij if you please, should be free after a stipulated period : pur- 
 
15 
 
 chasers of such properly, would then act with their eyes open; and 
 however unwise the policy might be, they would have nothing to com- 
 plain of, and it would involve no infraction of that constitution which 
 all of us have sworn to support. But what right have you to ex- 
 lend such a principle, to the property of individuals already acquired, 
 and vested in them, under the faith of existing laws? 
 
 Sir, the plan proposed by the gentleman from Albemarle, is not 
 only inefficient in its consequences to attain the objects which he pro- 
 fesses to have in view, but would be mischievous, in the extreme, in 
 its application and influence. Its operation would be one of a degrading 
 character to the stale. It holds out the strongest temptation to every 
 gentleman in the slate, to convert himself into a negro-trader. This plan, 
 which pretends to hold out freedom in view to this unhappy race, yet 
 allows the owner to sell and pocket the value, of every one of these 
 post nati, up to the very hour in which they are to be entitled to their 
 freedom. And I will ask you one question, Mr. Speaker, to which 
 I invite your deliberate reflection. Do you really believe, that, 
 under the operation of this fanciful system, one single negro ever 
 would be liberated in the state? I ask you to pause and inquire be- 
 fore you decide. Do you not believe that the owners of these young 
 slaves, would hold them to the last minute in which it would be safe 
 to do so, and then, just before their title to freedom accrued, would 
 sell them, if there was a single market open for them in the world? 
 Sir, the mass of mankind are always governed by their interests. — 
 Some there are, no doubt, who would liberate their slaves, for purposes 
 of deportation, whether such a law as this existed or not ; but tijese 
 would do so without the law, and surely the law itself, would never 
 induce them to do it, or effect the freedom of a single human being. 
 
 Sir, this very feature also involvel an immoral tendency. It is 
 calculated, though certainly not so designed, to corrupt both master 
 and slave. The master is presented with every inducement to hold 
 these after-born in servitude as long as he can ; and then, to evade the 
 tolal loss of their value, which would otherwise result from keeping 
 them in the state, by selling them in a foreign market. And what is 
 the influence to be rxerted on these slaves themselves, who are in this 
 uncertain, unhappy predicament? Would not the enacimeni of such 
 a law as this, hold out to them false and delusive hopes ? Sach as 
 would keep them perpetuall}' in a restless, unquiet, uncertain stale 
 of mind? With the prospect of freedom constantly in view, would 
 be coupled the hourly apprehension, that their master, by selling them, 
 could defeat its altainmeiit, and dash from their lips the cup so long 
 presented. The pains oj" Tantalus would be given a real existence. 
 And would they tamely submit to such a disposition? When arrived 
 nearly to the point of time, at which they hoped for liberation, -and 
 discovered that all their fond conceptions were to be defeated, by sale 
 to a new master, and a less desirable situation, would they not have 
 the strongest temptations to rebel? 
 
 Mr. Speaker, the injustice and inequality of such a system, on the 
 African race themselves, constitutes one of its most powerful objec- 
 tions. A child is born to-day — another to-morrow, but after the pe- 
 riod prescribed to entitle it prospectively to freedom. They grow up 
 
16 
 
 together: hundreds and thousands in the state, in the same families, 
 of nearly the same ages, will occupy this legal relation—some with 
 the promise of freedom ahead of them — the others with none, knowing 
 that some were destined to a life of servitude, while the rest were to 
 be free. Will this inequality of condition, do you suppose, excite no 
 restlessness and dissatisfaction among them? Will they not feel that 
 the same principle which gives freedom to one, entitles the others to 
 it? Will they quietly submit to such unmerited distinctions? Will 
 this not also lead to lawless efforts and insurrections? Rather than 
 be sold in distant climes, to unknown masters, many, I have no doubt, 
 would greatly prefer to indenture themselves for life, to their recent 
 owners, and near their accustomed associations. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I have another objection to this scheme. It is not to 
 commence its operation within about thirty years. It is to produce 
 no practical effect, within half a century. If it is intended to obviate 
 impending dangers, what is to become of us all, if our safety be the 
 object, in the mean time? But, what is of greater import, will it not 
 be subject to legislative intervention during the w^iole time? And 
 before a single one of these fortunate post nati could attain to freedom, 
 could not any subsequent legislature repeal the statutes which we might 
 enact, conferring on them this inchoate right? Have gentlemen re- 
 flected on the character of the discussions which would certainly be 
 kept up here, winter after winter, on this subject, until the day of 
 jubilee should arrive? Have they thought of the dangerous excite- 
 ment which would inevitably be engendered, both among the whites 
 and the blacks, during this dark and uncertain period? and of the 
 thousands which would be expended in protracted sessions of the 
 legislature — enough, perhaps, to remove all the negroes in the state? 
 Arguments have been derived from the legislation of other states — of 
 New York, Pennsylvania, and the New England states, in favor of 
 the plan which I am now considering. 1 am not one of those, sir, 
 who are too proud to borrow principles or institutions from other 
 states, which are found to be good, or to profit by their experience. 
 But we should not, upon trust, adfipt a policy inapplicable to our situ- 
 ation. They have taught us, indeed, a valuable lesson ; one which, 
 I hope, we have learned— that something can be done. Bur, does it 
 follow because they succeeded in removing slavery under peculiar 
 circumstances, by a particular process, that we should attempt the 
 
 'same mode? What might have been attainable there, may be ruinous 
 here, under different circumstances. I have no census before me of the 
 former population of these states, at the time that those abolition laws 
 were respectively enacted ; but \ liazard little in saying that there were 
 not, in a single one of them, as many slaves at the time, as there are now 
 
 free negroes even in Virginia. When the evil among them was small, it 
 was no doubt easily crushed ; and if the rights of the holders were 
 crushed at the same time, it is because they were not sufficiently nu- 
 merous to protect thegtiselves — -and it is the fate of minorities to be 
 trampled on. And the name and authority of the venerable and illus- 
 trious ancestor of the gentleman who moves this proposition — the im- 
 mortal Jefferson — are invoked to aid and sustain it. But with what pro- 
 priety, sir ? No man ever felt the evils of slavery more acutely tban Mt. 
 
17 
 
 Jefferson—no statesman was ever more anxious to remove them. The 
 plan which he proposed in his writings, (but which, from the intrinsic 
 difficulties which he no doubt felt would attend its execution, even at 
 that day, was never specifically proposed to the government during 
 his long and brilliant career in public life,) contained features essen- 
 tially different from this. I do not understand him to recommend that the 
 offspring of the slaves should be torn from their owners without com- 
 pensation. His last letter published on the subject, according to my 
 construction of it, is of opposite import — and he, certainly, does not 
 recommend a submission of so important a measure to the people, in 
 a mode which gives to different regions of the state a relative political 
 weight in its decision, to which they are not constitutionally entitled. 
 Again, Mr. Speaker: a plan which the powerful intellect of Mr. 
 Jefferson might have thought possibly attainable at the time, and under 
 the circumstances when he suggested it, might be greatly inapplicable 
 to the altered condition of things at present. And, sir, were Mr. 
 Jefferson now alive, I cannot for a moment believe, that he would ap- 
 prove, at this time, such a proposition as this. Sir, at that time, there 
 were in all Virginia, less than 300,000 slaves, and only about 12,000 
 free persons of color — \vhile now, we have, east of the Alleghany 
 mountains alone, about 455,000 slaves, and nearly 46,000 free ne- 
 groes — a state of things certainly greatly altered. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, — 1 understood the gentleman from Albemarle in his 
 first address, after introducing this substitute, distinctly to say, that 
 he himself was not now prepared to vote for any specific plan for the 
 abolition of slavery, but wished the question submitted to the constitu- 
 ent body. I cannot, I think, well be mistaken, — for it struck me at 
 the moment, as a remarkable declaration, and it left a deep impression 
 on my mind. So it turns out that the gentleman has ushered into this 
 house a measure involving the most momentous consequences that 
 could well be conceived of, on the interests of this whole common- 
 wealth ; while he himself is not prepared at this time to vote either for 
 that or any other plan, having the same object in view, if presented 
 in the shape of a bill to this assembly for its final action. [Mr. Ran- 
 dolph here explained. I understood him to say that he had not de- 
 clared that he would not vote for his resolution, but would not vote 
 for an act on the subject until submitted to the people.] 
 
 Mr. Brodnax resumed. Mr. Speaker, I understood the gentleman 
 perfectly at first. He said then, as he says now, that he was not wil- 
 ling to vote for a law effecting this object at this session. Then, why, 
 Sir, 1 would ask, introduce any such measures before us? If we are 
 not prepared, or sufficiently intormed of the wishes of our constituents, 
 to legislate definitively now, why agitate the state on so delicate a sub- 
 ject by a profitless discussion of a hypothetical scheme? The plan is 
 not to operate now, if adopted, unless mischievously. But it is only 
 to submit the question to the people, we are told ! Why call on the 
 people on this subject — it is they who have called on us. Do our 
 constituents expect or require such a measure as this at our hands.'* 
 Have they petitioned for this'^ It is true that there has been great 
 excitement among the people throughout our state, on the subject of 
 
18 
 
 our colored population, and that nearly all -dgvee something should 
 be done. It is true that they have preferred numerous petitions to us. 
 But do any of them ask that we should submit any plan to them ! No, 
 Sir, they pray this assembly to do something. They do not indicate 
 what, with any precision, it is true; but, by a remarkable and fortu- 
 itous coincidence, very many of them have adopted the same expres- 
 sion — they ask us to adopt " whatever measure the wisdom of the Legis- 
 lature may devise as the best." They are not prepared to act, and 
 they call on us to act for them. It is to "our wisdom" that the ap- 
 peal is made — not that we should submit it back again to their wis- 
 dom. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, the plan of framing a law, and submitting it to the 
 people, is certainly a plausible one. When first presented to my mind, 
 I was somewhat taken with it ; but very little reflection entirely con- 
 vinced me that it was wrong in principle, and would be dangerous in 
 practice — the precedent might be inconvenient: it would be an ingeni- 
 ous expedient to elude the responsibility which properly rests on our 
 shoulders, by throwing it back on those of the people. I know it is 
 easy to ask if we are afraid to trust the people. It is for the very 
 protection of my people, that I will not consent to submit the validity 
 of their rights to the decision of other people. Sir, the very idea of sub- 
 mitting a law to the qualified voters of the stase, is subversive of the 
 government itself. It would be a palpable violation of the spirit of that 
 compact, which, after so much toil and trouble, was adopted as a com- 
 promise, by the late convention. Yes, sir, a compromise, by which we 
 of the east, lost much and gained little. But, is it not obvious that it 
 would be surrendering all at discretion to permit the qualified voters to 
 decide great questions of interest in the state ? In the graduation of poli- 
 tical power, it is known that the numerical weight given to the people of 
 the east, in consideration of their slave property, (and, by the-by, for 
 the protection principally of that very property,) was greater than that 
 given to an equal number in the west. So that the delegates here do not 
 represent an average of equal numbers of voters. But this scheme of 
 submission would, in effect, exactly bring upon us the principles of that 
 celebrated white basis, against which we struggled so earnestly in the 
 late convention. 
 
 But, Mr. Speaker, has not another objection to this plan occurred 
 to you, of still more delicate and insuperable character? Suppose it 
 submitted ; — to whom will you submit it ? Will you submit it to those 
 who own the property, or to those who do not.^ Is it to be decided by 
 those who are prominently — nay, almost exclusively, interested in the 
 subject, or by those who have little or no interest in it? These, sir, 
 are grave and important questions, and will awaken some obvious re- 
 flections. There are but two modes in which the state can acquire 
 title to these post nati, or possess itself of the property of the private 
 citizen. One is, by the consent of the owners — and the other, which 
 is that so frequently resorted to by absolute governments — is force. 
 If a measure of mere force is to be resorted to, to take away a part of 
 our property without our consent, like banditti, or Carbonari, why 
 then it is useless to consult us, or institute the solemn mockery of sub- 
 mitting the project of the law to the approbatio?! of the people. But, 
 
19 
 
 ifour voluntary relinquishment is looked to, who is to yield the assent ?— 
 those who now own the property, or those who do not? Sir, ifl wished 
 to get your watch from you, but understood that consent must be ob- 
 tained, would it not appenr supremely absurd, that this consent should 
 be left to a third person? Sir, the approbation of any such scheme 
 by the qualified voters at the polls, could convey no assent of the real 
 holders of the property. Sir, is it to be submitted to the people of 
 western Virginia inclusively, whether the east shall surrender her slaves ? 
 My brethren of the west, for whom I feel the proper fraternal regard, 
 as members of the common family, will not, I am sure, regard the idea 
 1 am urging as disrespectful to them : it certainly is not so designed ; 
 and they, so far from regarding the suggestion of their having com- 
 paratively no slave property among them as an unkind imputation, 
 will, of course, appreciate it as a con)pllment ; for it is one of the ad- 
 vantages on which they pride themselves — and they possess sympathy and 
 commiseration for those who are so unfortunate as to possess them they 
 say. What then, sir, is the relative condition of the several great divisions 
 of our state? Where is the slave property found? In whose hands? 
 Were it difiused over all the state in any degree approximating to 
 equality, there would be but little practical injustice in referring the 
 question of its confiscation to the whole state. But, sir, in truth, the 
 western part of the state has no pecuniary interest in this matter. 
 The single county of Halifax alone, has as many slaves, within a frac- 
 tion, as the whole trans-Alleghany country together! And we have 
 many other counties above the falls of our great watercourses, which, 
 singly, contain nearly as man}^ of the colored population, as that 
 quarter of our state collectively. It contains 15,000 slaves out of 
 about 470,000; not one out of thirty. And about 1,600 free negroes 
 out of 47,000 ; bearing about the same proportion. And, sir, the fine 
 and fertile Valley district, does not compare much better, with the two 
 eastern divisions. And are the qualified voters who people these 
 regions to be constituted arbiters to decide whether we shall surren- 
 der a portion of our property or not? And when they obviously have 
 no interest in the subject; or if they do have, (and they contend that 
 they are greatly to be benefitted by the liberation of our slaves,) it is 
 an interest diametrically opposed to ours ! 
 
 And yet, sir, the gentleman from Campbell, (Mr. Rives) has inform- 
 ed us, that in his opinion, these are the very people who are best qua- 
 lified to decide ! According to his idea, those who own no slaves are 
 the very people to decide impartially, whether those who hold them 
 should give them up or not! And what is still stranger, he puts it on 
 the ground that they are perfectly disinterested. Yes, sir ; I want 
 your watch, and I leave it to myself, and three other men who own 
 no watches, to say whether you shall not give up your watch to us. 
 Sir, without feeling, much less intending to express any unkind feeling, 
 or want of respect for those who hold these doctrines, I must pro- 
 nounce the doctrines themselves unsound, dangerous, and revolution- 
 ary. Were we once to admit such a principle as this, every incentive 
 to industry and enterprise would cease to exist, and there would 
 remain no security whatever for property. Sir, though it may not be 
 carried out in extent so far—in principle it is the same that impelled a 
 
^0 
 
 particular portion of the people of ancient Rome, on every new dis- 
 turbance in the state, to cry out for an Agrarian law. It is the same 
 spirit which impelled the mob through the dark and bloody scenes of 
 the French revolution, (I of course do not allude to the recent one,) 
 to seize on all the property they could find, and make partition of the 
 spoil. The wildest views of the disciples of Hunt, and the ultra re- 
 formers of England, do not proceed to such extremities as this. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, while on this subject, I will call your attention, and 
 that especially of the western delegation on this floor, to the promises 
 and assurances held out to us of the east, soon after the commence- 
 ment of the session, on more than one occasion, and by more than one 
 member from the western section of our state, that the subject of our 
 colored population was peculiarly an eastern one — that they would not 
 interpose, but give us a carte blanche to prepare what measures we 
 pleased — and they who have no immediate interest in the question, 
 would then come forward and assist us in effecting it. They told us 
 to go oh and work out a plan for our own relief, which would suit 
 ourselves. It was not from one quarter alone that these declarations 
 emanated — but from different gentlemen, whose respectability forbade 
 that their sincerity and good faith should be distrusted. The sounds 
 fell upon my ear like soft, sweet music in the stillness of night. They 
 came as the harbingers of good feeling from a whole region of coun- 
 try, and bespoke kindness and sympathy for us: and I trust they will 
 fulfil this pledge in the letter and the spirit. They cannot, surely, 
 look upon this as an eastern measure, because proposed by a member 
 who comes from a divided county east of the Ridge, and supported by 
 some five or six eastern gentlemen, out of the whole of its numerous 
 delegation. If they really desire to subserve the views of the east, 
 they will go with the great body of the east, and not the fragments 
 which have flown off of it. And if the west really deems it courteous 
 or just, not to interpose in this concern, will they unite in a vote to 
 submit the question to themselves ? Sir, I hope that no such submis- 
 sion will obtain the favorable consideration of a Virginia assembly: its 
 effects might be disastrous. If there were no other, the country would 
 be kept in a state of feverish excitement, and distracted uncertainty, 
 until the result of the submission could be ascertained. In the mean 
 time, the discussion of t!ie question at the cross roads and at the hus- 
 tings, publicly and privately, would soon give publicity to the existence 
 of such a question among the negroes themselves, and the conse- 
 quences could not, in the nature of things, be other than deleterious. 
 And at last, when the result of the submission comes, and that, or any 
 measure growing out of it, shall go the length of depriving the people 
 who own this property, of any portion of it, without their own con- 
 sent, they will not submit to it. Sir, I assure you, coolly and dispas- 
 sionately, as my sincere conviction, that the people who own this 
 property will not submit to such a law — and that they ought not. They 
 would hurl from their stations their unfaithful representatives who had 
 contributed to bring such injustice upon them — and if their successors 
 could effect no repeal of the obnoxious provisions, the people would 
 burst into atoms the bond which unites our state as one political com- 
 munity — or even proceed to the ultima ratio, if nothing else would 
 
21 
 
 succeed— a result which I pray heaven in its mere}', to avert from our 
 land. If the people were to surrender to one invasion of a plain right, 
 other exactions might soon follow. To give up a little, would only 
 hold out an invitation to demand the remainder. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, in the course of tliis discussion many things haveheen 
 said on both sides, the expression of which I sincerely regretted. Not 
 because they had their origin in unkind or improper feelings, but be- 
 cause, if they go forth literany to the world, they may exert an unfor- 
 tunate influence, and lead to misconceptions abroad, of the dispositions 
 and motives of those who uttered them, I beg leave to advert to a few 
 of those, before I proceed to exhibit the statement 1 have alluded to, 
 of the measures I consider called for by existing emergencies. My 
 warm-hearted and worthy friend from Rockbridge, (Mr. Moore,) in 
 the ardor of debate, allowed himself to allude to the late glorious 
 struggle of the Poles for the freedom of their country, — and the course 
 of the Parisians in their celebrated three days revolution, in glowing 
 terms of approbation, and compared the cause in which they were en- 
 gaged with that which incited to scenes of blood and horror the actors 
 in the late Southampton massacre. I know, sir, that the gentleman 
 from Rockbridge is one of the last who would willingly stand as an 
 ally by the side of such incendiaries as Garrison and Walker — and yet 
 he has used the very idea, and nearly in the very words, which is so 
 conspicuously emblazoned to our slaves by those execrable pamphle- 
 teers. Surely these are not the Uluminnii^ to whom the gentleman 
 would look for that 'Might" which, he says, " has come into the world," 
 on this delicate subject. My friend from Brunswick, (Mr. Gholson,) 
 3^esterday acted on an idea, wliich, I feared, might lead to a misap- 
 prehension of the grounds on which we (including himself,) rest the 
 defence of tlie rights we assert. In an eloquent dissertation on the 
 importance of securing the right of private property, he exclaimed — 
 
 " Who takes that froiii me on which hfe subsists, 
 " Takes hfeitseif!" 
 
 A sentiment which he ascribed to " the great Poet of Nature." But 
 my friend overlooked the fact, that Shakspeare has put this expression 
 in the mouth of the griping, cold-hearted, seared-feeling, sordid Shy- 
 lock. I was gratified to observe, that the gentleman subsequently 
 essayed a warmer and more generous strain, and assumed a ground 
 which I regard as much more important. Sir, it is not so much the 
 value of the property you would tear from us, weighty as is that con- 
 sideration, as the 'principle involved, which we regard. Our people 
 are not sordid in their feelings, or calculating in their habits, when 
 they do not apprehend wrong. It has often occurred, in the revolu- 
 tions of the commercial world, and the fluctuations in price, to which 
 our staple agricultural productions are exposed, that a sudden reduc- 
 tion in the value of the proceeds of the labor of these very slaves — 
 and those proceeds constitute the value of the slaves themselves — has 
 deprived their owners of half their usual income. But who has heard 
 a complaint from them on that account ? Generous and disinterested, 
 they had rather give you half they possess, than that the smallest por- 
 tion should be wrested from them by lawless violence, or reckless le- 
 
22 
 
 gislation. "Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute," was a 
 noble sentiment — one which did honor to the patriot who uttered itj 
 and to the country which claimed him. It is no otherwise appropriate 
 to this subject, than as a striking expression of the paramount supe- 
 riority of importance, of principle, over mere money. 
 
 I heard also, Mr. Speaker, with regret, unfavorable opinions of our 
 brethren of other states, expressed perhaps with too much force, and 
 denunciations indulged in entirely too gej-eral, against the "yankees;" 
 for instance, in consequence of the shameless conduct of some few 
 miscreants among them, who have endeavored, by incendiary publica- 
 tions, to excite our slaves to insurrection. Shall we talk of war with 
 our sister states, because a Garrison or a Walker may disgrace their 
 soil f I am sure gentlemen intended to confine their sweeping denun- 
 ciations to the infamous individuals alone who are guilty, and who 
 cannot be viewed without indignation and horror. And I have only 
 adverted to them, lest they might give rise to misapprehensions abroad. 
 Great injustice might be done in visiting censure on whole communi- 
 ties, for the acts of a few misguided fanatics, or vicious incendiaries 
 who may happen to be among them, and over whose conduct neither 
 government nor laws can exert any control. We have here in old 
 Virginia, many, whom all of us would regret to see erected into stan- 
 dards by which Virginia character abroad was to be graduated and 
 determined, — many, for whose conduct it would be unjust in the ex- 
 treme to hold our people collectively responsible. Every community 
 will have in its bosom some unworthy and disreputable members. 
 Even in that little band of disciples, which our Savour himself, while 
 on earth, selected to follow him, a Judas Iscariot was found. I have 
 been gratified to learn that the intelligent and the virtuous in the 
 northern states, as cordially deprecate and condemn the excesses of 
 these unprincipled incendiaries — these moral Carbonari among them, 
 as we can do, — and it would be as ungenerous as unjust to breathe 
 out an indiscriminate anathema against all. For several years, 1 have 
 remarked with interest and attention, on the state of feeling existing 
 between different sections of our common country. Strong and un- 
 founded prejudices certainly have existed on both sides, between our 
 northern brethren and us. But I am happy to have perceived that 
 they are gradually subsiding, as we acquire a more intimate know- 
 ledge of each other ; and it is certainly the duty of the virtuous and 
 the wise, on both sides, to endeavour to repress those which remain, 
 rather than to foment and infiame them. We may indulge in that 
 " national vanity" of which my friend spoke — we may be as patriotic 
 as we please, and ardent in our admiration of our own state, its insti- 
 tutions, iis manners, and its people. But while we love ourselves 
 more, we need not appreciate our more remote brethren less. True 
 charity has been beautifully assimilated to the appearances which pre- 
 sent themselves when a stone has fallen into the bosom of some smooth 
 and tranquil lake. Of those numerous concentric circles which im- 
 mediately rise into waves, those nearest the centre are certainly the 
 highest and strongest; but these are followed by ripple after ripple, in 
 more extended and successive undulations, until the impression is dif- 
 fused over the whole expanse of the waters. For myself, I delight to 
 
23 
 
 see these favorable dispositions cultivated. Our northern brethren no 
 longer, as was the case some years ago, look on every Virginia slave- 
 holder, as identified with a negro driver in the Mauritius, who forces 
 them to labor night and day, with scarcely an intermission, and keeps 
 them up with a cart whip : that they are fed on cotton-seed, or for the 
 slightest offence cruelly bastinandoed, while confined naked on their 
 backs, with their eyes exposed to a scorching sun^ as the Romans for- 
 merly punished their desperate culprits. They have found out, that all 
 these are mistakes; and that public sentiment in Virginia, will nottolerate 
 the cruel or improper treatment of slaves : that in point of fact, their 
 condition is superior to that of the peasantry of any other country, in 
 possessing the ordinary comforts of life. I regard them myself, as 
 exempt from many of the evils incident to laboring classes in other 
 countries — They are well fed and well clothed — Famine, which reaches 
 others, is never allowed, even from policy, to affect them. They have 
 no care on their minds to provide a subsistence, and are, when they 
 have good masters, 1 believe in a happy condition. And in this light 
 is the subject now generally regarded by strangers of intelligence, who 
 never condescend to take their opinions from the miserable effusions 
 of such editors as have been alluded to. A great man}^ of our preju- 
 dices against them, on the other hand, have been discovered to be un- 
 founded. We have learnt that it is not fair to judge of a whole people 
 from the specimens exhibited of travelling pedlars, or needy adventu- 
 rers. And I am happy in expressing it as my opinion, that a better 
 state of feeling between us is growing up continually, and that it ought 
 to be cherished. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, in reviewing what has fallen from those who have pre- 
 ceded me in this debate, I cannot omit to notice an idea of the gentle- 
 man from Campbell, (Mr. Rives ;) for, I cannot help regarding its 
 ^ tendency as unfortunate. In taking a prophetic vision of the future 
 destinies of Old Virginia, he permitted his imagination to be warmed, 
 until it became disturbed by a phantom of most horrible import — when 
 he looked forward to the day when this hall should be occupied by a 
 negro legislature ! Sir, did the gentleman allow his heated fancy to 
 roam so wildly into the regions of romance, as really to suppose, that 
 such an event was within the range — not of probabilities — but even of 
 possibilities? I felt, sir, when I heard the suggestion, an involuntary 
 shudder; and even now, I can with difficulty divest m3/self of the dreadful 
 impression it made on my mind at the moment. Mr. Speaker, I looked 
 at you when this heart-chilling prophecy was pronounced, — I then 
 looked on this assembl}^ of "reverend, grave, and potent segniors," 
 as they were yesterday termed, in that round of compliments which 
 they received. — I looked at the unusual concourse of respectable and 
 intelligent visiters who crowded your gallery and lobby ; — And last, 
 but not least, sir, I looked on that fair portion of our auditory, whose 
 presence here attests their deep interest in these proceedings — on those 
 fair ones, who are ever nearest to our feelings, and dearest to our 
 hearts, when scenes of danger are talked of. Sir, with what feelings 
 did you reflect on the spectacle, when you imagined to yourself a knot- 
 ty-pated, sable African, usurping the chair, which you now occupy, 
 and presiding over the deliberations of a negro assembly ? Sir. I for- 
 
\ 
 
 24 
 
 bear to carry out the sombre picture. Better would it have been— 
 far less grating to our feelings, or dreac^ful to our inriaginations — for 
 the gentleman, while wrapt in the seraphic spirit, to have looked still 
 further through the vista of future time, until in the language in which 
 one of the ancient prophets describes a desolated city — "the grass shall 
 be seen growing in the streets, and the foxes peeping from the holes." 
 Better, sir, that he sliould have looked even still farther — to the time 
 when the very existence of the city of Richmond, shall have become 
 matter of history, with that of Balbec, Persepolis, and Palmyra. — 
 When travellers shall visit the remaining ruins on these romantic hills, 
 and another Volney shall be seated on some broken fragment of one 
 of those beautiful pillars, which now adorn and support this splendid 
 structure, amidst the decaying rubbish of this capitol, indulging inge- 
 nious speculations as to whether the temple of some heathen God- — or 
 the state house of some civilized race, had once occupied the spot — 
 or, if history had not yet become quite so dim — inditing in his jour- 
 nal, that he was in a land where there existed some fabled accounts- 
 some obscure traditions of one Washington^ who was said once to have 
 lived in this then desolated wilderness, to have been " first in peace, 
 first in war, and first in the hearts'* of this ancient people — to have 
 "filled the measure of his country's glory," and to have "read his 
 history in a nation's eyes." Perhaps, sir, in the portrait, you could 
 see some curious Antiquary, who had traversed the Atlantic to hunt 
 up amidst those ruins, some small piece of the marble which now forms 
 a part of that noble statue in your vestibule, raised to the memory of 
 Virginia's proudest son, and preserving it as a precious relic with all 
 the consecrated solicitude and devotions of catholic superstition. Sir, 
 I had rather, in fine, that the gentleman had extended his wrapt vision 
 even to that remotest of all limes— when 
 
 " This great globe itself, 
 "Yea, all Avliich it inherit shall dissolve. 
 " And like the baseless fabric of a vision, 
 "Leave net a Avreck behind." 
 
 Sir, it was with unqualified astonishment, that 1 heard any supposi- 
 tion advanced of ihe possibility of a successful insurrection by our co- 
 lored population. It is true, there has been great excitement, and 
 much unpleasant apprehension of danger. I am happy to have learned 
 that all this is to a considerable extent subsiding. It demonstrates 
 certainly, however, the propriety, the necessity of our adopting some 
 measure to re-assure public confidence ; and prevent as far as practi- 
 cable the recurrence of scenes similar to those so often alluded to. I 
 certainly am not without my fears. But not the craven fear I trust; 
 but that which dictates the expediency of looking guardedly at every 
 thing before us, so as to be best prepared to meet, or to ward off, ap- 
 proaching danger. I do believe, and such must be the deliberate 
 judgment of every reflecting man, that unless something is done in 
 time to obviate it, the day must arrive when scenes of inconceivable 
 horror must inevitably occur, and one of these two races of human 
 beings, will have their throats cut by the other. It is impossible that 
 things can always continue to flow on in their present current, without 
 some radical change in our policy towards ihe African caste. This 
 
25 
 
 consequence must result, unless something can be done to remove or 
 mitigate the tremendous evil. 
 
 But when allusions have heretofore been made to this horrible ca- 
 tastrophe, did it enter into the imagination of any body, that ^Ae whites 
 were to be the ultimate victims? — that any successful general conspi- 
 racy ever could occur? No, sir; I beg you to understand, that how- 
 ever dreadful either alternative would be, however anxious, however 
 painfully solicitous we may be, to provide some efficient measure of 
 prevention, it is not founded on the supposition, by a human being in 
 the region more immediately concerned, that our negroes are ever to 
 exchange conditions with us, or make laws for a subjugated province. 
 The real extent of the danger — and God knows that is bad enough ! — 
 is, that in insulated neighborhoods, a few misguided fanatics, like Nat 
 Turner — or reckless infatuated desperadoes, like his followers, in total 
 ignorance of the extent of such an enterprise, or of the means neces- 
 sary to accomplish it, may, in moments of sudden excitement, make 
 desperate attempts, and commence partial excesses of pillage and mas- 
 sacre. Much mischief — (yes, sir, as important to the wretched indivi- 
 duals assailed, as if all the world was involved,) — much injury might be 
 inflicted, before the insurgents could be met with and arrested. But, so 
 far l>om their overwhelming the whites, conquering the country, over- 
 turning our political dynasty, and usurping the seats of legislation, 
 the very act of their imbodying, would he the immediate signal for their 
 annihilation. Sir, 1 assure you, that whatever little of military infor- 
 mation I may possess, confirms and corroborates this obvious view of 
 the subject. The only difficulty consists m finding them — The danger 
 to be apprehended is entirely of a temporary character, and while they 
 advance unseen and unopposed. The idea of a military force invad- 
 ing and conquering any country, without uniting in a mass, or by 
 avoiding the opposing force of the invaded, would be ridiculous. In 
 truth, there was never a single moment, from the commencement, to 
 the termination, of this celebrated Southampton insurrection, in which 
 ten resolute, well armed men, could not easily have put the whole 
 down. With the relative moral, intellectual and scientific advantages 
 which we possess, the numerical superiority of our slaves would have 
 to become at least twenty to one, before any probable prospect could 
 exist, of a successful general rebellion. Should the disproportion ever 
 become very great, the God of Heaven who governs the universe, only 
 knows what might happen. The only serious apprehension is, that 
 now and then — perhaps after intervals of many ye^rs— partial attempts 
 at local insurrection may be made, much mischief may be done in small 
 districts, until, I repeat it, one or the otlier party will be exterminated. 
 Another attempt soon after the recent one, would, in my judgment, 
 lead the way to an indiscriminate slaughter of all the blacks, whether 
 concerned in it or not. I assure you, sir, that at the close of that 
 which has passed, and when the public mind was excited almost to 
 frenzy, by seeing the mangled corpses of helpless females and unof- 
 fending infants devoured by dogs and vultures before interment could 
 be effected, it was with the greatest difficulty, and at the hazard of 
 personal popularity and esteem, that the coolest and most judicious 
 among us could exert an influence sufficient to restrain an indiscrimi- 
 4 
 
26 
 
 nate slaughter of tlie blacks wlio were suspected. Sir, a few more 
 such efforts— and the whole race will be swept from among us. Who 
 would willingly behold such a spectacle? But, sir, does the belief that 
 it will be the blacks themselves, and not the whites who must eventually 
 fall in such a struggle, constitute any reason for our remitting all our 
 exertions to avert it? — Surely not. 
 
 Sir, while I cannot concur in the bold experiment of the gentleman 
 from Albemarle, and am not willing to take by lawless force, or by 
 unconstitutional legislation, the property of a single citizen, I do most 
 heartily agree with him in the conviction, that prudence and policy — 
 that every consideration held dear and valuable to man, require that 
 something should be done to stay this onward evil in its course. I am 
 sensible, sir, that the house must already be fatigued, notwithstanding 
 its courteous and gratifying attention to me ; and I will immediately 
 proceed to a consideration of the facts and statistics, from which /infer 
 not only tile necessity of doing something, but the practicability of 
 doing it, and that without the violation of a single principle, which at 
 the outset, I assumed as axiomatic. 
 
 Mr. Speaker : 1 have to invite the attention of the house to some 
 statistical views of this subject, which 1 deem very important. I am 
 not insensible to the difficulty of rendering any tabular statements — 
 heavy statistical documents — interesting to an auditory. And 1 do not 
 intend to weary you by reading over, in unmeaning succession, census 
 returns, or other collections of similar materials, which are accessible 
 to all of us, and which all of us have often examined. We may have 
 perused repeatedly, however, in a general manner, such documents as 
 those from which I derive the information I wish to exhibit, without 
 having our attentions directed to particular results, bearing on given 
 questions, not pre-supposed. My object in recurring to these tables, 
 is to point out to you some practical views, bearing immediately on 
 this question, to which, in previous examinations, your attentions may 
 not have been drawn. The time, sir, consumed in looking over them, 
 may not be altogether unprofitably employed ; for the results which they 
 will be found to exhibit, are really astounding and appalling — and 
 such as will startle and dismay every true patriot. They will shew 
 what consequences are likely to occur, if we neglect to adopt, in time, 
 some efficient measure to stay the alarming progressive increase of our 
 colored population. The statistics I design to present you, will, I 
 think, shew not only that something must be done, but, sir, I assure 
 you with delight, that they do more — they demonstrate that something 
 can be done, and they shew you how you may do it. They indicate, 
 if I am not over sanguine, the practicability of a plan of preventing 
 the future accumulation of this population, while the whites shall be 
 doubling their numbers, on principles beneficial to the owners of the 
 property, and happy for the country. Let us first ascertain the neces- 
 sity of doing any thing, before we look around for the means. 
 
 The state of Virginia contains by the last census, less than one-fif- 
 teenth part of the whole white population of the United States ; 
 
 It contains more than one-seventh of the/ree negroes; 
 
 And it possesses between a fourth and a fifth, of all the slaves in 
 the union. 
 
27 
 
 Virginia has a greater number of slaves than any other state in the 
 union — and more, than Lonisiann, Mississippi, Alabama and Ten- 
 iiessee, all put together; and more than four times as many as either 
 of ihem. South Carolina and Louisiana are tlie onl}' states in which 
 the slaves are more numerous tlian the white population; and Virgi- 
 nia has more slaves, without estimating her great and unfortunate dis- 
 proportion of free persons of color, than both these states put together. 
 Nay, sir, one half of the state — that which lies on the east of the Blue 
 Ridge of mountains, itself contains nearly as many. The whole of 
 Virginia taken collectively, it is true, contains a numerical preponde- 
 rance— one, however, becoming less and less everyday — of over 
 hlack population ; but when we regard the great divisions of the state, 
 how will it stand then ? 
 
 Virginia contains 694,439 whites, 469,724 slaves, and 47,103 free 
 persons of color. 
 
 But how are these aggregates distributed ? In the eastern half of 
 Virginia — that which lies between the Bhie Ridge and the Atlantic 
 Ocean, there are 375,935 whites — 416,350 slaves, and 40,763 free 
 negroes. 
 
 And while the western half of the state contains 318,504 white inha- 
 bitants, the trans-Alleghany section of the state contains only about 
 15,000 slaves and 1,600 free negroes — and the Valley district, between 
 the Alleghany and the Blue Ridge, but 38,443 slaves and 4,685 free 
 negroes. So thai an enormous numerical disproportion of the black 
 populatioji of the state, rests on eastern Virginia. In truth, as I had 
 occasion before to intimate, for a different purpose, many of our coun- 
 ties in the east contain nearly as many slaves and free negroes, as the 
 entire extreme western division of the state. Now, sir, for all prac- 
 tical purposes, it is proper to confine our estimates exclusively to that 
 portion of Virginia which lies belov/ her range of mountains. Whe- 
 ther protection to us, or injury to themselves be regarded, the western 
 region, though a portion of the same state, can have no more connec- 
 tion with this aspect of the question, than if it did not constitute a 
 part of the slate. And it vyould be just as discreet to look to Mary- 
 land, North Carolina, or to Ohio itself, where there are no slaves, and 
 derive an aggregate proportion of the different populations from all 
 these collectively, as to enumerate in the estimate, that portion of our own 
 state, which is equally removed from the reach of danger from our 
 slaves, or the possibility of aiding us, if necessit}^ should ever require it. 
 
 The annual increase of the white population of Virginia, taken from 
 a long series of preceding years, is about one and a half per cent., 
 while that of the free negroes has been, in the same period, two and 
 three-fourths per cent. The actual increase of our slaves has only 
 been one per cent. This, however, has obviously resulted from the 
 regular removal of a large number of the latter, by sales to the south- 
 ern states — a drain which, from present indications, is about to be 
 greatly diminished, or entirely cut off from us by legislative interdic- 
 tions on their part. The disproportion of increase, too, it will be re- 
 marked, (for these averages of increase are taken from the whole state 
 together,) is much greater in eastern Virginia than in its western divi- 
 sion. The average of increase, of all classes of population, in the 
 
28 
 
 United States generally, exceeds three per cent. Let us take a retro- 
 spect now, sir, of our condition some years ago ; and then extend our 
 view to what it must inevitably become, sliould no measures in the 
 mean time be adopted to obviate it, witliin a few years hence. 
 
 Forty years ago, there were, in eastern Virginia, above 25,000 
 more white people than slaves and free persons of color together. — 
 Now, there are above 81,000 more blacks than whites — exhibiting 
 within that short period, notwithstanding, too, the constant drain of 
 our slaves during the whole time, an actual gain of the African race 
 upon us, in this half of the state, of upwards of 106,000! ! 
 
 And what, sir, on the same principles of calculation, is to be our 
 relative condition forty yeais hence, should no successful effort be made 
 to arrest the present course of things ? 
 
 The ratio of increase of whites, it will be seen from the regular cen- 
 sus during the last forty years, has been fifty-one per cent., while that 
 of the blacks, bond and free together, has been one hundred and eighty- 
 six per cent ! ! A comparison of the returns from the year 1790 to this 
 time, will indicate this result, with mathematical precision and cer- 
 tainty, and it is a striking fact. Now, add to the present excess of 
 black population, 81,078, only ihe same increase for the next forty 
 years, which has occurred during the preceding forty years, to wit, 
 106,176, and you have 187,254. And, discarding from considera- 
 tion, that this progressive increase will be in a geometrical, and not 
 an arithmetical ratio, but making only a slight allowance for the effect 
 to. be produced by the occlusion of the western markets, and you ar- 
 rive at the result, that in the eastern section of Virginia alone, there 
 will, within the next forty years, be in round numbers, 200,000 more 
 black inhabitants than white ones. The commonwealth of Virginia 
 has at this time, within a small fraction, four times as many free ne- 
 groes, as she had forty years ago — and nearly twice as many slaves-— 
 while she has only about fifty per cent., on her then white population. 
 
 Forty years ago, there were in the whole United States, but 697,697 
 slaves; while now there are in Virginia alone, 469,724, besides her 
 free negroes. 
 
 Sir, these results are astounding. They are not the vagaries of a 
 heated imagination — but conclusions inferable from plain arithmetical 
 calculations, founded on established data, and in which, unfortunately, 
 there can be no mistake. If the disproportions I have pointed out, 
 continue to advance, as all former experience shows they must do, un- 
 less the current is arrested — what, I repeat it, will be the condition of 
 our slate forty years hence ? Mr. Speaker, the gloomy forebodings to 
 which these reflections point, are not likely to be realized in your day 
 or mine. We shall, no doubt, have been swept from the scene of ac- 
 tion. But, sir, it is the duty of good parents to look to the welfare of 
 their children. The state ought to legislate, not for ourselves alone, 
 but for posterity. Any course of events tending to evil, should, if 
 possible, be arrested in lime. If all that is desirable cannot be accom- 
 plished at once, let us at least do what we can. It is the duty — the 
 imperative duty — of every wise and good man in the slate, however 
 humble, to exert his invention to the utmost, and contribute his mite, 
 however small it may be, towards the consummation of some expedi- 
 
-29 
 
 ent, to avert the fearful consequences which are impending over us. 
 
 Rome," sir, ** was not built in a day.'' And let us not undertake it, 
 with the short-lived fervor of enthusiasts, who would expect to see it 
 rise at our bidding, with magic celerity, and who would abandon the 
 effort on encountering the first difficulty. Let us rather advance 
 guardedly with our means ; and, like children beginning to walk, ven- 
 ture short steps at first, until our strength increases. Laborious and 
 patient perseverance is all-essential to success. 
 
 Let us look again at our statistics, and see if they will admit of no 
 expedient, calculated to counteract the fearful conclusion to which they 
 seem otherwise unerringly to point. 
 
 The annual increase of the slaves in Virginia, may be assumed at an 
 average of 4,500 
 
 And that of our free colored population at 1,100 
 
 Making an annual aggregate increase of both, of 5,600 
 There are no fair principles of calculation which can be applied to 
 our previous history, or to the actual returns of our census, whether in- 
 cluding short or more extending periods of time, which will not, I 
 think, indicate a ratio of increase, of the whole African race in Vir- 
 ginia, of less than 6,000 a year. By a removal then of 6,000 annu- 
 ally from the territory of Virginia, the capital stock would at the least 
 be kept stationary, if not reduced — while our white population would 
 be increasing at an accelerated pace. The whole population of the 
 United States, it has been long ascertained, duplicates in every period 
 of 25 years. These periods of duplication, I know, occasionally vary, 
 and will become successively longer and longer protracted. The his- 
 tory, in this respect, of all newl^^-settled countries in the world, has 
 been the same. The tide of increasing population, rushes in more 
 rapidly at first, and as tfie opened space becomes gradually filled, it 
 flows in more smoothly and slowly. There has as yet, however, been 
 scarcely a perceptible abatement in the increase of the population of 
 America. But say that the white population of Virginia would not 
 double itself until the expiration of 30 years, or 35 years, or even 40 
 years, sir, if you please. What, then, would be the situation of Vir- 
 ginia at the end of these forty years, in comparison with what I have 
 shewn it will be, if nothing to prevent it is accomplished ? a white 
 population more than double that of the blacks, having attained an 
 advance, which, by the augmentation of the capital stock, would for- 
 ever put any increase of the blacks below their reach, and dissipate 
 our danger, dispel our apprehensions, and greatly diminish most of 
 the embarrassments and evils attendant on slavery. This, sir, would 
 be the result, even if the process of amotion was then stoppedi forever. 
 But why should it be ? Let us look at this calculation in another light. 
 
 By the annual deportation of 6,000 a year from our shores, — com- 
 mencing, of course, with our free persons of color — a polic}^ which 
 every consideration of prudence, humanity, and interest would unite 
 in recommending — within ten years there would not be left one single 
 free negro in Virginia. Sir, in making this computation, I have in- 
 cluded in the calculation, the greatest rate of increase of those who 
 would remain among us, while this gradual reduction would be going 
 
30 
 
 on ; and I have entirely excluded from consideration, the great ad- 
 vantages in hastening the time when al! would be transported, which 
 would result from adopting the policy — as any law for that object 
 would certainly provide — of selecting, in the first instance, particular- 
 ages and descriptions of these people, who would be more likely to 
 increase than those who were suffered to remain among us. Those, 
 for instance, of both sexes, who are just attaining maturity, coidd be 
 deported, before families had commenced springing up around them. 
 And those who had passed a particular age, need not be removed at 
 all, except as a favor in particular instances where they desired it, in 
 order to follow relatives or connexions, and had not the means of re- 
 moving themselves. Nor have I, sir, made any allowance whatever, 
 for the great numbers who, no doubt, in the mean time, and especially 
 if a law for their compulsory deportation shall be enacted, will volun- 
 tarily, and on their own means, go off to other parts of the world. — 
 Sir, that select committee to whom this whole subject has been re- 
 ferred, are especially charged with the duty of revising all our laws 
 on the subject of our colored population. Regulations of police, 
 much more rigorous than any heretofore existing towards our free 
 negroes, and which will materially abridge their present privileges, 
 are imperiously called for by existing circumstances, and will, no 
 doubt, be adopted. Recent events, without any change in the laws, 
 have already rendered their abode among us much less comfortable 
 and desirable to them, than formerly. These causes will, no doubt, 
 greatly add to the number of voluntary removals. Nor have I, in 
 estimating the advances of white population, adverted to the obvious 
 consideration, that the vacuum produced by the withdrawal of portions 
 of our colored population, would soon be filled again by emigrants of 
 our own color, from other quarters of the world. In ten years then, 
 under the most disadvantageous alternatives of calculation, at 6,000 
 a year, all the free negroes in Virginia would be removed ; and in 
 doing that, the effect would also be produced of keeping down to a 
 stationary point, if not reducing it, the aggregate number of both 
 classes of our black population. Before I proceed to inquire into 
 what ulterior measures it may be wise for us to adopt, after this re- 
 moval of the free persons of color shall have been effected, it will be 
 well for us to examine into the ways and means at our command, to 
 remove this 6,000 a year. However desirable, it would be useless to 
 attempt it, if we have not the means to effect it. We should not pro- 
 ceed like the foolish man in the scriptures, who undertook to build a 
 house without counting the cost. This is the first consideration: — 
 What sum, then, will it take to transport this number annually, to the 
 western coast of Africa, w hich I shall assume, for the present, as the 
 point of deportation? 1 recollect to have seen a speed), delivered by 
 Mr. Clay, in 1826, before the American Colonization Society, in which 
 he stated, that from numerous actual experiments previously made, it 
 had been ascertained, tliat emigrants from the United States could be 
 transported to Liberia, for $20 a head. Since then, I have seen differ- 
 ent annual reports from that society; and, in the last which I have 
 read, I think the cost of transportation is stated at $23 each. It is 
 well known that the Colonization Society has had to encounter every 
 
31 
 
 disadvantage calculated to increase its expenditures. The enterprise 
 has been in a state of infancy — im matured in its action — and with very 
 limited resources. It has had to charter vessels ; these would remain, 
 sometimes, in port a long time on expenses, before a full cargo of emi- 
 grants could be collected. Sometimes a cargo incomplete in numbers, 
 had to be shipped; and the freiglit per head, of course, would be 
 higher. Were the stale to undertake the transportation of a class of 
 its inhabitants, on a more extended scale, the expenses would, no doubt, 
 be diminished, b}^ many increased facilities. Such is, certainly, the 
 ordinary eifect of enlarging operations. I have heard the idea sug- 
 gested, of the state purchasing ships, and keeping them regularly em- 
 ployed in effecting this transportation. This, and other judicious regu- 
 lations, would, no doubt, greatly diminish the cost on each individual 
 removal. And should the plan be extended, by authorizing return 
 cargoes of the various productions of that coast, (most of which are 
 valuable in our markets) by the vessels so employed, a still greater 
 reduction in the cost of transportation, might probably be effected. 
 But let the calculation assume its most disadvantageous form, and say 
 that ^23 33 cents per head, is to be considered the necessary expense 
 of removing tliese people to Africa. I take it for granted, that no person 
 has conceived the idea^ that those among them who possess no property 
 ' — who have neither the means of transporting themselves, nor of provid- 
 ing the necessary support immediately on tlieir arrival, are to be shipped 
 ofi* by the state, and cast on the shores of a distant region of the earth, 
 to be devoured by wild beasts — or what would be infinitely worse, to 
 perish by famine. No, sir: I presume that some temporary supply 
 to emigrants of this description, to support them immediately on their 
 arrival, and until they could be able to make a support for themselves, 
 is what would be required by humanity, approved by every wise legis- 
 lator, and is expected by the country. Wiiat additional expenditure 
 would this temporary provision involve? By recurring to the same 
 source of information, I find that the Colonization Society has estimated 
 the additional expense for this purpose, at $10 per head. Indeed, I 
 think that oflers have been made for $33 33 cents each, to take any 
 number of emigrants, transport them to Liberia, and assume the re- 
 sponsibility of all their subsequent necessary support. I have no 
 doubt the sum of $10 would be ample. This would be no first at- 
 tempt to settle a wild and unknown country, where the adventurers 
 would have to wander in the forest, and subsist on acorns until they 
 could fell and reclaim it. That society, to which I have so often al- 
 luded, has paved the way for us. The country is an extremely fertile 
 one- — abounding in natural resources — and with a climate which, while 
 it is adapted to the African constitution, needs no recurrence of par- 
 ticular seasons for raising crops. No, sir: the spring, the summer, 
 the autumn, and the winter, are all, I understand, for agricultural 
 purposes, the same. Whenever the ground is sufficiently moistened 
 by rain, you may plant. In a few weeks the crops begin to ripen. 
 One n"^n may be seeding and another reaping his crop at the same 
 time, in co-terminous fields. The means of subsistence are, conse- 
 quently, easily and speedily obtained : and I repeat, then, that $10 
 would be an ample provision for temporary support. The aggregate 
 
m 
 
 sum per head — $33 33 cents, multiplied by 6,000, the number pro* 
 posed to be annually deported, gives you the sum of $200,000, a& 
 that which will be required to effect this object. 
 
 As for the shipping required to transport that number, I will only 
 remark, that allowing two persons to every five tons — the usual com- 
 putation — and which, I believe, is the proportion limited by the laws 
 of congress, and estimating an average of two voyages a year to each 
 vessel, the tonnage required would be 7,500, which is less, sir, than 
 the hundred and seventieth part of the mercantile marine of the United 
 States — excluding from view, the whole of our navy. Let us not hear, 
 then, any more about the impossibility of removing such a|^^ number* 
 Sir, you know that most of the civilized powers of Europe, have long 
 combined to suppress the slave trade. Expensive armaments are 
 constantly cruising, to intercept and prevent it. Those engaged in 
 it, are denounced as pirates. And yet, sir, notwithstanding all these 
 precautions, there are annually brought from the coast of Africa, and 
 sold into slavery, an average of 100,000 natives. There were brought, 
 as I learn from unquestionable authority, not long since, 25,000 into 
 the island of Cuba alone, in one year, notwithstanding her coast is 
 habitually begirt with the cruising vessels of different nations. And 
 if all this can be effected against so many risks and hazards, and in 
 violation of the laws of God and man, shall it be said that the whole 
 state of Virginia cannot transport 6,000 to Africa in a year? 
 
 And will the expense involved — $200,000 — be considered as pre- 
 senting an insuperable obstacle? I hope no person will be found dis- 
 posed so to regard it. Suppose the state shall have to rely in attain- 
 ing this great and important object, on her own resources exclusively 
 — that she is to derive no aid whatever from the general government, 
 and that she is not to resort to the alternative of throwing on pos- 
 terity, by a system of loans, part of the charge of removing what 
 would be a horrible burden on them — that she may have to raise the 
 amount in the most oppressive shape — by direct taxation to the whole- 
 amount, what is the sum required, to the object to be attained by it ? 
 $200,000 on the great slate of Virginia, is less than 30 cents a head 
 on her white inhabitants. And who would refuse to pay that? Ab- 
 stinence from two or three glasses of toddy at the court house, would 
 pay it in one day. What addition would it make to our present bur- 
 dens? Tlie revenue paid to the state, at present, is nearly half a 
 million of dollars. The county levies — the poor rates— and other 
 occasional public dues, amount to about the same sum. So that the 
 people of the state now, have to raise a million of dollars for public 
 purposes annually, besides the income of the Literary Fund, and that 
 for internal improvement. The proposed amount, would only increase 
 the burden 20 per cent. But I do not apprehend that there would be 
 the least necessity for deriving the whole amount immediately from tax- 
 ation, as fast as it is wanting. If there ever was an object for which 
 it would be good policy for one generation to anticipate the resources 
 of the next, and bequeath to it part of the cost along with the j^enefit, 
 this is certainly the object. But 1 shall not urge that matter at^resent, 
 because it is not necessar3^ 
 
 I have supposed it not only probable, but approaching certainty, 
 
33 
 
 that we might ohtain considerable resources from the federal govern- 
 ment, to which we are entitled, on every consideration of equal jus- 
 tice, and which we might consistently receive, without the sHghtest 
 violation of those strict state right principles which distinguish our 
 Virginia political school, and of which 1 profess myself a disciple. Of 
 the public lands held by the general government, a large portion, it 
 will be recollected, was ceded by Virginia — a portion too, which was 
 exceedingly valuable. We have never received any valuable return 
 from them. The sales of the public lands usually produce an aver- 
 age avail of $3,000,000. 1 think the last prospective estimate of the 
 secretary of the treasury, rated it at that amount. The proportion of 
 this, to which Virginia would be entitled, according to the rateable 
 principles which have been recognized, would be about $275,000 a 
 year. Then there is our fair proportion of the surplus, which remains 
 in the federal treasury, of the ordinary revenue. This would be a far 
 greater sum. I would not consent that the present tariff should be 
 continued on us, even if we could derive this benefit from it — but if 
 we are to be burdened, sh-aW we bear all the evil, and get no part of 
 the good in return? This last accession to our resources, could not, 
 according to my construction of the powers of the general govern- 
 ment, be appropriated to the desired object, without an amendment of 
 the constitution. No amendment would, I apprehend, be necessary 
 to authorise the disposition I have alluded to, of the proceeds of the 
 public lands. The power of congress over these lands and their 
 avails, from provisions in the acts of cession, and otherwise, have 
 been supposed, by some of our most correct statesmen, to stand on 
 entirely different ground from the revenue derived from imposts.— 
 Congress has frequently acted, it would seem, on that understanding. 
 But it is unnecessary to discuss that question. An amendment of the 
 constitution could as well be solicited to embrace that source of reve- 
 nue as the other; and from recent information, on which I place im- 
 plicit reliance, I think congress at this time has every disposition to 
 aid us on this subject, or accede to any necessary amendment of the 
 constitution for the purpose, that we could desire. Indeed, sir, I have 
 seen letters from several distinguished members of that body lately, 
 which express the confident belief that such an application would rea- 
 dily prevail. J should not, of course, consent that any funds from the 
 general government should be appropriated within our state to the 
 purpose of removing our free persons of color, or purchasing and de- 
 porting any portion of our slaves, except on the condition, that the 
 object was to be effected exclusively under the control of the state au- 
 thorities — under regulations of its enactment — and by agents of its 
 appointment. With these safeguards, I can perceive no objection. 
 Mr. King, of New York, introduced, it will be recollected, a few years 
 ago, in the Senate of the United States, resolutions for appropriating 
 the proceeds of the public lands to these purposes. The movement 
 was denounced through all the southern states as an alarming indica- 
 tion of the disposition of northern politicians to interfere with the rela- 
 tion between master and slave, and the resolution and its mover held^ 
 up to vindictive reprobation. But the event has passed by, long 
 enough for us to examine his project more coolly, and it bears intrin- 
 5 
 
34 
 
 sic evidence of disinterestedness and patriotism. It did not propose 
 the compulsory abolition of slavery in a single instance — but its gra- 
 dual reduction, by applying these particular funds to the purchase and 
 removal of such slaves only, as their owners might wish to sell. I 
 confess 1 have ever believed that had the same proposition proceeded 
 from a southern statesman, it would have been hailed with applause 
 through all the slave-holding states. It was calculated surely to have 
 increased the value of our slaves, by throwing into the market an ad- 
 ditional fund for their purchase, and the benefit of the operation would 
 obviously have been, primarily and almost exclusively on us; while 
 the only benefit which could have resulted to the north, from the sur- 
 render of a fund in which they possessed a common interest, would 
 have been the gratification of seeing the gradual extinction of an evil, 
 which, though it did not immediately affect them, they had contribu- 
 ted originally to introduce — and the higher gratification of witnessing 
 an amelioration in the condition of the United States as an whole. 
 Whatever political heresies Rufus King may have committed, I, for 
 one, regard this as a redeeming act in his life. Should no other mem- 
 ber do so, it is my intention at a proper time to offer resolutions in- 
 structing our senators, and requesting our representatives in congress 
 to propose the amendment to the constitution which may be necessary 
 to authorise this disbursement of the federal funds. 
 
 For the transportation of our free negroes alone, I have endeavored 
 to shew our state resources are amply sufficient. Let us, then, com- 
 mence in effecting that, about which most of us are agreed—and which 
 is all that could, for the present, be effected, whatever may be the ul- 
 terior object of any- — the removal of the free persons of color. When 
 this shall have been completed — if in its process it shall have demon- 
 strated the practicability of this plan of gradual deportation — and if 
 the means shall by that time be within our control with which to effect 
 it, as I hope I have shewn was at least probable, what is to prevent 
 our going on with the system, by the removal, annually, of as many 
 as 6,000 of those who now are slaves? We shall have the means, I 
 trust, of purchasing this number at fair prices. But, it is my decided 
 belief, that this will not become necessary — or, at any rale, beyond a 
 limited extent. There are numbers of slave-holders at this very time 
 in Virginia — I do not speak from vague conjecture, but from what I 
 know from the best information — and this number would continue to 
 increase — who would voluntarily surrender their slaves, if the state 
 would provide the means of colonizing them elsewhere. And there 
 would be again another class — I have already heard of many — who, 
 while they could not afford to sacrifice the entire value of their slaves, 
 would cheerfully compromise with the state for half their value. And 
 if, in these various modes, the state could acquire — instead of 6,000 a 
 year— 10,000 a year, and it should then be deemed desirable to ac- 
 complish such an end, it will be seen by a simple calculation, allow- 
 ing for all the intervening increase, that in less than 80 years there 
 would not be left one single slave or free negro in all Virginia. 
 
 But, Mr. Speaker, many, at first sight, are appalled at what they 
 consider the magnitude of such an undertaking. There are some per- 
 sons of sanguine temperament— and, perhaps, I may be one— who re- 
 
35 
 
 gard few things as impracticable or unattainable, which are sought 
 with determined, but cool and patient perseverance; while there are 
 others who either despair without an effort, or are put down by the 
 first obstacle tbey encounter. The}' can see difficulties and objections 
 to every thing that requires exertion. The people, sir, have called 
 upon us — and they expect us to do something. Shall we fold our arms 
 and say to tliem, "the effort is too great, we have not the means nor 
 the power, and we can do nothing. Something might have been done 
 perhaps some years ago, but it is now too late, and there is nothing 
 left to us but to sit down in despair.^" "For a nation to be free, it 
 is sufficient that she luills it," was the memorable remark of one of 
 those patriots whose writings eminently contributed to our glorious 
 revolution. And the same success is equally sure to follow the deter- 
 mined efforts of individuals, societies, or nations. In the biography 
 of distinguished individuals, many of whom have risen from the hum- 
 blest and most unpromising condition, what have we not seen effected 
 by a high degree of moral firmness, and energy, and decision of cha- 
 racter? A joung man, especially in our happy country, where so 
 auspicious a field for the prosperous efforts of all is presented, may 
 become almost any thing which he determines to become. Let him 
 but proportion his exertions to the end to be attained, and he will at- 
 tain it. When he has reached one object of ambition which he had 
 pointed out to himself, let him but make another mark on the wall, still 
 higher up, and in due time, with patient perseverance, he will rise to 
 that also. It is not so much inequalities in genius or imagination 
 which have distinguished men, as it is difference in energy of charac- 
 ter — firm decision of purpose — and stability of judgment to point out 
 what objects are desirable, and to be pursued " with an eye that never 
 winks, and a wing that never tires." All this is more emphatically 
 true of states and nations. To attempt to show how little mere phy- 
 sical strength has to do with the elevation or depression of nations — 
 ■with their power, prosperity or influence — by what means states, com- 
 paratively small in number, or wealth, have at different periods wield- 
 ed the destinies of the world — would be a disquisition better adapted 
 to a college society, than a Virginia legislature. Here I may assume, 
 what would there have to be denionstrated. And my maxim is, that 
 there is no desirable political object, which was ever yet attained, but 
 which the people of this country can attain — if they determine they 
 will attain it. Resolute determination, and unwavering perseverance, 
 are all that are essential. With these — the road before us — which our 
 imaginations had depicted as filled with impassable obstructions, will 
 be found smooth and easy as we advance. The mountains in our 
 way, will diminish in size as we approach, and ultimalely disappear. 
 I will never believe then, that Virginia is really unable to relieve her- 
 self of her difficulties. 
 
 But it would be exceedingly indiscreet to attempt too much at first; 
 it might defeat every thing. Our exertions, I repeat it, should be 
 limited at present to the removal of free negroes. The importance of 
 effecting this, must be obvious to the slightest reflection. It would be 
 beneficial to themselves — beneficial to us — and beneficial to Africa. 
 Their situation here is unhappy and degraged. They are nominally 
 
36 
 
 free, but not so substantially. They have none of the rights or privi- 
 leges, or attributes of free men. They must ever exist, if they remain 
 here, a distinct and degraded cast — immoral themselves, and demorali- 
 zing to others. Their influence on our slaves is a most injurious one. 
 Lazy and dishonest in their habits, (with some exceptions to be sure,) 
 they live on the white people, and corrupt the slaves to steal from their 
 masters, and they become the receivers. Their presence and exam- 
 ple, also exerts a much more pernicious influence, in rendering the 
 slaves restless and dissatisfied with their condition. Whether or not 
 the free negroes themselves, have ever been to any extent actually en- 
 gaged in fomenting conspiracies and insurrections, nothing is more 
 certain, than that they have an indirect influence in exciting them. 
 They are themselves often unjustly suspected and cruelly treated, and 
 no person can question, that they would be greatly better ofi* if re- 
 moved from our country. 
 
 But where is the domain? we were asked by the gentleman from 
 Mecklenburg. Where have you gotten any territory to remove them 
 to Liberia, we are informed, is incapable of receiving but a limited 
 number. Sir, I approach this branch of the subject with pleasure, 
 and with the confident hope, that I shall be able to remove all difficul- 
 ty from it. — We have heard various parts of the world spoken of as 
 proper for the purpose. Our own possessions west of the Rocky 
 mountains — Hayti — other West India islands — and even the acquisi- 
 tion of Texas, if practicable, has been alluded to as desirable, on which 
 to place an intervening sable nation between the stales of this union 
 and Mexico. To all these, there are, in my opinion, insuperable ob- 
 jections. If residence on our own continent were not itself objection- 
 able, the climate of our territory on the Columbia river, or elsewhere 
 on that coast, is too cold to permit the existence of i\frican descend- 
 ants. To send them there, would be but legalized butchery. Texas 
 is out of the question. It can probably not be acquired by our gov- 
 ernment for any purposes, and if we owned it already, it would be as 
 impolitic in itself as unjust to our adjoining southwestern states, where 
 slavery exists, to attempt to locate such a population so near to them. 
 They would never consent to it. Hayti might receive a few, but is 
 inadequate in its capacities to the demand. As for the English West 
 India islands, they, Mr. Speaker, are, I think I can foresee, to be free 
 in a few years. Yes, sir; if the reform bill should pass in the Brit- 
 ish Parliament, one of the first measures of the Reformed Government 
 will be, the abolition of slavery in the West indies. Ifit does not 
 pass, there will be a revolution in the government — and, in either 
 event, freedom will be established in the West Indies. That some of 
 our colored population may find a resting place there, is indeed pro- 
 bable; but whether it would be desirable to place a very large por- 
 tion of them there, if we could, is a question for reflection, which 1 do 
 not deem it necessary to discuss. But, sir, whatever additional facili- 
 ties may present themselves, Africa — yes, sir, persecuted and injured 
 Africa — is, of all regions on the globe, the appropriate place for the 
 deportation of our African descendants. Let us translate them to 
 those realms from which, in evil times, under inauspicious influences, 
 their fathers were unfortunately abducted — unfortunately for both par- 
 
/■ 
 
 37 
 
 lies— unfortunately for them and their descendants — but much more 
 mifortiinately for those among whom an angry providence permitted 
 them to be placed. Mr. Speaker, the idea of restoring these people 
 to the region in which nature had planted them, and to whose climate 
 she Ijad fitted their constitutions— the idea of benefitting not only our 
 condition and their condition by the removal, but making them the 
 means of carrying back to a great continent, lost in the profoundest 
 depths of savage barbarity, and unconscious of the existence even of 
 the God who created them — not only the arts, and comforts, and mul- 
 tiplied advantages of civilized life, but what is of more value than all — 
 a knowledge of true religion — intelligence of a Redeemer — is one of 
 the grandest and noblest, one of the most expansive and glorious ideas 
 which ever entered into the imagination of man. The conception— 
 whether to the pliilosopher, the statesman, the philanthropist or the 
 christian — of rearing up a colony, which is to be the nucleus around 
 which future emigration will concentre, and open all Africa to civi- 
 lization and commerce, and science and arts, and religion — when 
 *' Ethiopia shall stretch out her hands," indeed, is one, which warms 
 the heart with delight. 
 
 Does Africa, then, afford the facilities and capacities for receiving 
 them.'^ Sir, the little colony of Liberia alone, founded by a private 
 association, with limited means, having to encounter the prejudices of 
 thousands in our own country, who would never examine its real objects 
 or principles of action — and which had to subdue numerous disad- 
 vantages, within and without, incident to the infant exertion, has pros- 
 pered already beyond all calculation. It contains at present a popu- 
 lation of about 2,400 — has established wholesome institutions and 
 laws— established commercial relations with the surrounding tribes— - 
 and already exerts a most happy influence over large portions of Af- 
 rica. It is said by men who know its condition, and are not enthusi- 
 asts, to be in a more prosperous condition than any other colony 
 which has been founded in centuries. Its disadvantages were dis- 
 heartening—but not so great as our own ancestors had to encounter, 
 when they landed at Jamestown. You are aware, sir, that the pos- 
 sessions of the colony now, extend from the Gallinas river, on the 
 north, to the territory of Kroo Settra, on the coast which is south of 
 it— a distance of 280 miles in length — and that the country ali eady 
 under its actual jurisdiction, extends 150 miles along the coast, from 
 Grand Cape Mount; near the mouth of the Pissou river, to Trade- 
 town. The possessions already acquired by this private company, 
 are capable of containing thousands of inhabitants— but why should 
 we confine our observation to them? Regions of interminable extent, 
 and possessing great advantages, can be acquired in Africa almost 
 for a song. In one treaty, we could obtain territory enough to hold 
 every negro in the United States — much more those in Virginia. — 
 It is true we are very imperfectly acquainted with the geography of 
 the interior of Africa; but recent explorations have reflected much ad- 
 ditional light on the information which we formerly possessed. We 
 know that there are at some distance in the interior, very extensive 
 regions, peopled by sparse and wandering tribes, which are extremely 
 fertile — and as healthy, from all appearances, as any other tropical cli- 
 
38 
 
 mate. A letter was not long since received from Dr. Mecklin, the 
 resident colonial agent, who had proceeded up the Mesurado river to 
 its source. He there found that the head waters of the Junk river 
 were in the same neighborhood. He returned down that, and pur- 
 sued its whole course for a great distance, to its mouth, less than forty 
 miles from Monrovia; and to his great surprise, found it a wide and 
 noble stream, capable of any inland navigation, and bordered by ex- 
 tensive plains of rich and valuable land— exhibiting appearances sim- 
 ilar to the lands seen in tracing James river, from City Point to the 
 ocean, in providing other tracts of territory, through the agency of 
 the federal government, for the reception of any future increased num- 
 ber of emigrants, selections could be made, so judiciously, as with lit- 
 tle expense, to give us the entire control of the whole southwest coast 
 of Africa — enable us forever to put down the sla /e trade — and place 
 the native tribes of the interior in dependence on the settlers from 
 America. The present colony owns most of the valuable harbors now, 
 if any of them can be called so, on an extended line of coast. By 
 acquiring the island of Bulama, for instance, [a policy which I recol- 
 lect to have seen somewhere recommended,] in the mouth of the Rio 
 Grande, and within a short run from the Cape de Verds, and the 
 point at which vessels from thence usually touch, on the north of the 
 English settlement of Sierra Leone, [which, from causes well under- 
 stood, has never flourished — and can never possess an extended in- 
 fluence,] and also obtaining Cape Palmas, on the southern extremity 
 of the southwest coast — we should have a frontier which would include 
 the mouths of the Rio Grande — the Gambia — Nunes, and Pongos, 
 Sierra Leone, Cape Mount, and the Kroo nation, which constitutes 
 the only native seamen in Africa. We should hold the commercial 
 key of the whole south and west coasts, and as far east as the Bight 
 of Biafra, and control as we pleased, the trade of the Gambia, the 
 Senegal, and even of the Niger — the Ivor}^ coast and the Gold Coast. 
 So, sir, of all other objections, let us not be distressed by the difficulty, 
 that we cannot find a place to carry our black population to. 
 
 Mr. Speaker — one objection has been urged to any legislative ac- 
 tion on this subject — that it is calculated to impair the value of the 
 slave property. To this idea, I have not devoted, heretofore, any 
 particular attention. If the plan which I recommend involves any 
 sucii consequence, I must, on my own principles, abandon it. But, 
 sir, its operation, if introduced, will be precisely the reverse, if it shall 
 exert any influenre at all on their value. The abduction of the free 
 negroes may increase the value of labor, and cannot impair, if it did 
 not improve, the value of slaves. But the objection, I presume, is 
 intended to rest principally on that feature in the plan, which propo- 
 ses hereafter the purchase of slaves, or their removal, if surrendered 
 without compensation, by the public funds. The price of slaves, pro- 
 bably, will decline in Virginia, whether we introduce any system like 
 this or not — certainly, if the southwestern states shall prohibit their 
 introduction there. And this reduction in value may give rise to a 
 mistake as to its cause. Sir, it is not the domestic demand for slave 
 labor, which has ever graduated their price here, but the foreign 
 demand. Their labor is infinitely more productive, on the sugar, 
 
39 
 
 and rice, and cotton plantations of the south and west, than it can 
 ever be rendered in Virginia — and consequently the value here, 
 must very much depend on the demand there. No man could, from 
 mere pecuniary considerations, afford to give 8500 for a slave to be 
 worked on an ordinary Virginia plantation, though many own slaves 
 which they would not sell at any price. So that, if the number here- 
 after sent to those other states, be materially diminished, the value of 
 them here must decline. But if such should be the result, it will not 
 be the consequence of any system like that which I recommend. On 
 the contrary, it is an acknowledged principle of political economy, 
 that as the supply of any article is diminished, the demand is increased 
 and the value improved. If, for instance, by any operation, a fourth 
 or a half of all the slaves in Virginia were removed, would not those 
 who remain be more valuable? And will not the effect of throwing an 
 augmented capital into the market, as before intimated, have the same 
 tendency ? 
 
 But what if the gradual abduction of part of our black population, 
 were to cause some pecuniary loss ? Are the people prepared to make 
 no sacrifice to attain an object so desirable as this holds out? I know, 
 sir, that it is one of the weakest points of our nature — all history proves 
 it to be true of individuals and nations — to cling with pertinacity to 
 all we possess — and thus to peril all, rather than by giving up a por- 
 tion, to secure the residue. The lessons of experience are exhibited 
 to us in vain. " No man profits by the experience of others — he must 
 pay for it himself." And he often does it dearly. At this very mo- 
 ment we see the aristocracy of England, rather than submit to a mo- 
 derate reform in the government, and consequent abatement of a por- 
 tion of their exclusive privileges, are jeoparding the whole — and no- 
 thing prevents an immediate explosion — a dreadful revolution in Eng- 
 land, but the fact, that the king is on the side of the people, and they 
 hope thus eventually to attain their object, without a recurrence to the 
 ultima ratio. Such was the fate of the ancient monarchy of France — 
 and the principle is more or less illustrated, in the history of almost 
 every nation, and the biography of almost every individual. So, here, 
 the minds of some, seem to revolt at the idea of losing part of their 
 slaves, even on just compensation. Sir, we shall have to surrender a 
 part, on some terras, or eventually to lose the whole. Not soon, sir, 
 but by their ultimate extirpation, and in the manner I have depicted. 
 If the people of Virginia — many of those at least who are in the habit 
 of reflecting most intensely and deciding most accurately — see that no 
 effort is to be made to avert the probable consequences of the present 
 course of things, but learn that it is settled that the Old Dominion is, 
 to the end of time, to remain as she is — her bright and towering pros- 
 pects svill become overclouded — they will desert the land of their na- 
 tivity, and remove to fairer fields, where no such difficulties impend. 
 But if they could see only the incipient efforts made — some plan pro- 
 posed — no matter how lar in advance its inceptive action should be 
 placed — no matter how gradually or slowly the process was to operate 
 — some rational hope presented that the existing order of things was 
 not to continue forever, but that there was to be a diminution, if not 
 extinction, of the evils of an overflowing black population, they would 
 
40 
 
 rest satisfied. The young would abandon the thoughts of removal^ 
 and the old would cry out in the language of ancient Simeon, Nunc 
 Domine, dimiUasJ''^ 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I am aware, that by the frank and unreserved expres- 
 sion that I have given to my sentiments on this vitally interesting sub- 
 ject, I may have called down on my head, denunciations from those 
 who view it in a different aspect, and who go farther than I am willing 
 to go, or who fall short of me. I feel that I have little of public stand- 
 ing, or capacity for public usefulness to lose — but had I as much moral 
 and political weight of character as ever rested on mortal man, I would 
 peril it all in such a cause as this. The prosperity of the country is 
 at stake, and I will speak freely what 1 honestly think. "It is my 
 own — my native land," and what I can do, I will do, to save her. As 
 soon would I think of deserting a mother in distress, as of leaving her 
 in her present situation. We have listened to many lugubrious des- 
 criptions of her worn fields, and desolated condition — and of the sor- 
 rowing breeze, sighing through the tops of her pines. But she is my 
 country; and for one, I will stand by her, through evil report as well 
 as good. All that I have — whatever interest I possess on earth — is 
 embarked on board the old vessel, and I will remain with her, — let 
 her sink or swim. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I cannot resume my seat, without an unaffected and 
 grateful expression of my thanks to you, and to the house, for the 
 very patient and polite attention, with which you have regarded the 
 remarks I have submitted, and which have been greatly more discitr- 
 sive and lengthy than I had intended when I commenced them. 
 
As much misapprehension has existed, as to the provisions of the bill for the removal of 
 free persons of color from the commomvealth, as originally reported from the committee, of 
 which Mr. Brodnax was chainiian, and especially as to the character of that compulsory feU" 
 turemii^hy which all were eventually to be deported, but none contrary to then- consent, so 
 long as any are found wilHng to go — and even then, under the most hmnane regulations — 
 involving the severance of no domestic ties or connexions — and excepting fi-om its operation 
 all such as the county courts might allow, from theh age or exemplary conduct — as this fea* 
 ture has not only been misconceived as to its effects, but branded as a measure of inliimianity 
 and cruelty, it is deemed proper to append here, the remarks of Mr, Brodnax on that par- 
 ticular section of the bill, to exhibit the real character of the proposed measure, and the 
 reasons on which his opmions were formed. 
 
 MONDAY, February 6, 1832. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the house resolved itself into gt committee of the whole, on 
 the " bill to provide for the removal of free persons of color from this commonwealth." 
 
 The first section of the bill having been read, Mr. Brodnax remarked, that it was well 
 Understood by the gentlemen who had examined the bill, that one of its fundamental princi- 
 ples was that compulsory feature in the system, by which force was eventually to be recurred 
 to, in relation to such free jDersons of color as might be unwilling to remove from the state — 
 that many of the subsequent details were consequential to this, and would become inappli- 
 cable, should tliis substratum be removed. If the principle were retained, the bill would, 
 probably, requne but Uttle amendment elsewhere ; if it be rejected, its nimierous provisions 
 would have to be moulded into accommodation with the adverse principle estabUshedj and 
 on that latter contingency, all the time of going tlu'ough the entne bill in committee of the 
 whole would be lost. It was known that a gi-eat diversity of opinion existed on the expedi- 
 ency of introducing that feature into any legislation at present. He presumed, from what 
 he had elsewhere heard, that a majority would be found opposed to it; — in that state of 
 tilings he had risen to recommend it to some gentleman who stood thus opposed to tliis im* 
 ^jortant princijole, to move the amendment of the first section, which coiild readily be done, 
 so as to present the question directly to our consideration, and if the amendment be sus- 
 tained, the most judicious com-se, would be for the committee of the whole inmiediately to 
 rise, report the bill, and for the house to recommit it to the select conmiittee, with instruc- 
 tions to amend it conformably with the principle established. 
 
 Mr. Campbell of Brooke said tliat, as one of the minority of the committee which reported 
 the bin, and opjiosed to the principle contained in its first section, he moved to amend it by 
 the insertion after the word shall in the third line, of the words " with their own consent." 
 He apprehended that it was unnecessary for him nov/ to go at length into the many reasons 
 for liis opposition to the compulsory feature of the bill. If, however, any member desired 
 an explanation of his views he was prepared to make it. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax said, that if he supposed a full, elaborated discussion of the question now 
 presented, could be necessary, or was even desired by the house, he should very much regret 
 his inability, from a severe cold, to take an active participation in it. But he concurred with 
 the gentleman from Brooke, that tliis could not then be necessary. The subject had long 
 been under consideration in some aspect or other, and not a member, probably was present, 
 who had not formed some definitive opinion. He could not, however, witliliold the expres- 
 sion of a few views on a subject which he regarded as essentially connected with the best in- 
 terests of the state, and one which he frankly confessed he had very much at heart. The 
 question now involved, is simply, whether or not any compulsory measures are to be resorted 
 to, to compel the removal of the free negroes from among us, after all who consent shall have 
 been transported? Looking entirely to the result, (without regard to the mode by which it is 
 to be eifected,) it will be found that this is not a question of the importance which is ascribed 
 to it. Pass the law in either aspect, and this unhappy race xciU he removed. It is idle to talk 
 about not resorting to force. Every body must look to the introduction of force of some kind 
 or other — and it is in truth a question of expediency ; of moral justice ; of political good faith 
 — whether we shall faiiiy delineate our whole sy&tern on the face of the bill, or leave the ac- 
 
 6 
 
42 
 
 quisition of extorted consent to other processes. The -real qtiestion—t.lte only question of 
 magnitude to be settled, is tlie great prehminary question — Do you intend to send llie free ■ 
 persons of color out of Virginia, or not? — This question should be met Ijoldly, and decided 
 frankly. On tliat question he had supposed a greater unanimity existed among our consti- 
 tuents, and among their delegates here, than on any measure of general interest which could 
 engage their deliberations — and, believing so, he certainly should not undertake to discuss 
 the general question. I confess, said iMr. B., that were it not for the high opinion { entertain 
 of the ingenuous character of the opponents ( ,f this coercive feature, I should doubt their sin- 
 cerity, when they tell me, that they are clear for sending away the free negroes out of the 
 United States ; but are opposed to using any compulsion about it. And even now, I cannot 
 look at these two propositions, placed in juxtaposition, without perceiving that they involve 
 a contradiction and an absurdity, unless you associate with them a third proposition, which 
 no gentleman, who formiS a component part cf this committee, it seems to rae, can believe — 
 that is, that the free negroes of Virginia are, in truth, willing to be removed from the United 
 States. Sir, does any gentleman believe this? If they are sincere in their intention to remove 
 the free- blacks, they must come to the results juovided in that bill — or they must look to 
 some more exceptionable 'j^iode of compulsion— or they must believe these people will con- 
 sent to be transported. Can they believe the latter? The gentleman from Brooke expresses 
 the belief that a considerable proportion of our free persons of color will voluntarily consent 
 to go. Sir, I am not surprised at that gentleman's entertaining such an opinion, for he comes 
 from a part of our state whei-e there are comparatively none of this class. But will any 
 member say so, who represents a county where the ntmiber is great, and who ha^ had oppor- 
 tunities of judging correctly of their prejudices and opinions? Sir, this has been to me a sub- 
 ject of long and painful reflection. It is one of great delicacy and embarrassment — nothing 
 but the highest considerations — nothing short of the most conscientious conviction that their 
 own good, as well as our happiness avouM be promoted by it — or the most imperative and 
 clearly defined necessity, would induce me to think of removing a whole class of our popula- 
 tion from the land ; — as it is, I regard the measure, in the language of this preamble, "not 
 only one of sound policy, but one indicated by considerations of enlightened pliilanthropy." 
 But the question is not now before us, whether it is right or just to remove them? that will 
 occur in a different mode hereafter — At present, the affirmative is assumxcd, and the question 
 is, if they are to be removed, shall compulsion be excluded? If the free negroes are willing to 
 go, they Avill go — if not willing, they must be compelled to go. Some gentlemen think it 
 politic, not now to insert this feature in the bill, though they proclaim their readiness to re- 
 sort to it when it becomes necessary : they think that for a year or tw-o a sufficient number 
 will consent to go, and then the rest can be compelled. For my part, I deem it better to ap- 
 proach the question and settle it at once, and avow it openly. The intelligent portion of the 
 free negroes know very vv^ell wdiat is going on. Will they not see your, debates? Will they 
 not see that coercion is ultimately to be resorted to ? They will perceive that the edict has 
 gone forth ; and that it must fall, if not novv, in a short time upon them. If capable of any 
 reflection, tliey ^vi][ know, that go they must, and possibly consent may at once be affected 
 by some. It is useless to discuss the question whether we should compel those to remove 
 who are already willing to do so; but it is upon those who are unwilling, that the coercion 
 is to operate. Who has not observed the proceedings of the great meeting of free negroes 
 last summer at Baltimore, and that they are .not only uttei4y opposed to emigration them- 
 selves, but are making exertions to dissuade all others of the same class, throughout our 
 country? They have, no doubt, emissaries at work every where, prejudicing these ignorant 
 people against the Colonization Society, and all removal. The numbers willing to go, are 
 fcAver and fewer every day ; and out of about 50,000 free negroes in Virginia, I have no idea, 
 from the most extensive inquiries, that 1,000 could be found really willing to go in five years. 
 I inquired of a gentleman of this city, of inteUigence and excellent opportunities of judging, 
 how many from all that numerous population in Pvichmond would, he supposed, be willing 
 now to remove, if every facility were tendered — He replied, not one. But suppose one-third, 
 or one -half would consent to be deported from their native shores — and you are then to stop. 
 Will you undertake this system on such terms? Will you burden jour constituents with 
 taxes for so imperfect a remedy to the existing evils? The object in view, would not be com- 
 mensurate in importance with the means w^e are exerting. But, if after tliose are removed, Ave 
 intend in truth to carry out the system on the residue, f ask if it would not be more just, and 
 frank, and magnanimous, to come out at once, and declare to all these people, what it is you 
 really intend in the first instance, and Avhat are your ultimate objects. Tell them, as this bill 
 does, we will not remove a single one against his consent, while one is found Avilling to go — 
 we will lighten the hardship of the system as much as possible, by the most humane regula- 
 tions — we will sever no domestic ties— separate no families — permit the county courts and 
 local tribimals to direct the exclusion or inclusion of any particular families or individuals for 
 merit, or crime, or other considerations ; but, ultimately, all must go, except such as are ex- 
 cused from their age, or exemplary conduct. Do this, 'and the people, and the objects to be 
 operated on themselves, would know the full extent of the proposed' measure, and Avhat they 
 had to depend upon. It would be unfair, and most injurious to them, to conceal the compul- 
 sory featm-e now, with a mental reservation, that it is to be adopted hereafter. Let them 
 but know It 111 time, and they could be preparing for it. They could sell their little property, 
 and settle their affairs : strike out this feature, and you tantalize them with false losses, and 
 
43 
 
 v/lien the comi^ulsory measure shall be resorted to, it will f-iH on tl?cni more lieavily, becaurc 
 moi-e unexpectedly. 
 
 But, sir, there is another consequence of inevitable occurren^f^, if I'lis feature be expunged, 
 which I cannot contemplate without horror. You are to p- - 'v tlie rcmnv - ' l> 
 
 only as are loiUing to go. I have already expres^:ed it as i;; : lat f' av , 
 
 voliirdarily consent to emigrate, if no compulsory measure b-c .a' ... ._(:. With i'--.. 
 anticipation of its sure and certain arrival, will, in the mean time, go away — they 
 sensible that the time would come when they AYOuld be forced to leave the state. Wi.l:' 
 it — you will still, no doubt, have aitplicants for removal equal to your means. Yes, sir, peo- 
 ple v/ho will not only consent, but beg you to deport them. But vvhat sort of cmsent — a 
 consent extorted by a series of oppressions calculated to render their situation among us in- 
 supportable. Many of those who have already been sent off, v. ent wiih their avciocd consent, 
 but under the influence of a more decided comi^ulsion than any which this bill Holds out. I 
 will not express, in its full extent the idea I entertain of wdiat has been done, or vrliat enor- 
 mities wUl be perpetrated to induce tliis class of persons to leav^nhe state. Who does not 
 know that when a free negro, by crime or otherwise, has rendered himself obnoxious to a 
 neighborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit him one night, take him from his bed and 
 family, and apply to him the gentle admonition of a severe flagellation, to induce him to con- 
 sent to go away. In a few nights the dose can be repeated, perhaps increased, until, in the 
 language of the physicians, qiamtum svff. has been admmistered to produce the desired ope- 
 ration ; and the fellov/ then hecomes perfectly loilUvg to move away. I have certainly heard, 
 if incorrectly, the gentleman from Southampton v/ill put me right, that of the large cargo of 
 emigrants lately transported from that county to Liberia, all of whom j))-o/essecZ to he ivilling to 
 go, most of them w^ere rendered so, by some such severe ministrations as those I have described.* 
 A Lynch club — a committee of vigilance — could easily exercise a kind of inquisitorial surveil- 
 lance over any neighborhood ; and convert any desired number, I have no doubt, at auy*time, 
 into a willingness to be removed. But wdio really prefers such means as these to ihi course 
 projDOsed in this bill? And one or the other is inevitable. For no matter how you change 
 this bill — sooner or later the free negroes will be forced to leave the state Indeed, sir, all of 
 us look to force of some kind or other', direct or indirect, moral or physical, legal or illegal. 
 Many who are opposed, they say, to any comjDulsory feature in the bill, desire to introduce 
 such severe regulations into onr police laws — such restrictions of their existing privileges — 
 such inability to hold property — obtain emj^loyment — rent residences, &c., as to make it im- 
 possible for them to remain among us. Is not this force ? 
 
 I am one of those who think legal force less excejDtionable than jorivate or indirect compul- 
 sion — because, it wiU be more general and uniform in its a;"]".l3cnri' ; — 1 ernv:- o it will be mor< 
 just and impartial in its operation — because it will be ' . ' 1 can be pro- 
 
 vided for — because it is more consistent with open de:v — because tie 
 
 other Avill be harsh, arbitrary, capricious, unequal, unexpcciecl, unjust, Rnd cruel. Unter 
 this bill their consent would be won by mild means — none to be compelled in the firstin- 
 stance — and even, ultimately, every precaution which humanity can dictate, is interposed 
 for their comfort. 
 
 I have not been sanguine for some days, that any efficient measure would be adoptoi on 
 this subject, though all of us profess anxiety to effect something. Some of us are opposed to 
 any measure, if compulsion is to be resorted to. Some tell you they foresee that it is to bo 
 stricken out, and that they cannot then support it. Some are opposed to force, be-an e they 
 are, in truth, enemies to any bill on the subject, and think that thus the measure vv :lloe ren- 
 dered inefficient. Some are opposed to it, because they are not wiUing to adop; such a 
 measure at this session — they wish to put off the unpleasant cup one yeai\ Some aie oppos- 
 ed to force, because they honestly believe, -that subjects for transportation can be found in 
 sufficient numbers without it. And some, because they prefev private ivfaiences to 'legally 
 authorised comj^ulsion. Among these discrepant views, I fear that the just expectations of 
 our constituents, are not to be realized. 
 
 Some are of opinion, that if force be introduced, we are depriving ourselves of the aid of 
 the Colonization Society. But why so ? The society will be willing to aid us in the trans- 
 portation of all who consent to go — and it will only become necessary for us to resoit to 
 other means after all have been removed that this society, from its established princijjles, 
 coidd remove. So that we lose nothing in that way. It is said, too, that we are dependent 
 exclusively on Liberia to receive them — that its capacities for reception are so limited, that' 
 it is unnecessary at present to provide for the removal of all the colored population. Sir, the 
 bill looks to the acquisition of additional territory, which can readily be acquired, by means 
 proposed on your table, to an extent, capable of sustainmg ten times the amount of this 
 population. 
 
 *Mr. B. understanding, after he had closed his remarks, that these observations were con- 
 strued by some, as implying a censure on the Colonization Society, and to coivey the idea 
 that its agents had removed persons of color whose consent had been forced, vith the know- 
 ledge or approbation of the society, rose again and disclaimed it promptly uid earnestly — 
 stating that he himself had long been an humble member of that society ard scarcely could 
 have designed an impeachment of the purity of its motives, or the correctness of its pjitt- 
 ceedings. That the free negroes to whom he alluded had had their conserl extorted, if at all, 
 long before tliey had applied to tliis society for transportation, and that ne had no idea that 
 the agents of tlic society were aware of it — much less active in it. 
 
44 
 
 I have heard of one objection to this measure, at which I was certainly surprised. It was 
 a constitutional impediment to this compulsory principle- Really, Mr. Speaker, I have al- 
 ways supposed that I was, according to the straitest sect, a Pharisee in my political opinions 
 — that if there was, v/hat is usually denominated on the south side, a strict state's right man, 
 in the world, that I v/as one. But of late, I so often read and hear of the constitution being 
 introduced in opposition to every sort of thing, that I fear that mantle, which has hitherto 
 protected us from so many evils, will become threadbare, or torn to pieces, from absolute 
 ridicule and contempt. I wish gentlemen would point out what part of the constitution it is 
 — what clause — what section, that this principle violates. In truth, free negroes have many 
 legal rights and privileges in Virginia, but no constitutional ones — they are not citizens, or 
 members of the body politic ; but suppose they were, it will surely not be contended, that 
 the constitution denies or withholds such a poioer ? We are not discussing the pohcy, the 
 humanity, or the justice of deporting these people by force — that belongs to a different branch 
 of the subject; — but simply the constitutional power which the state government possesses to 
 effect such an object. Sir, the state not only has this power, but it has been repeatedly ex- 
 ercised, and has been acquiesced in by every department of the government. A statute some 
 years ago commuted the f)revious punishment of free negroes for certain offences, and pro- 
 vided that, on 'conviction, they should forfeit their freedom, be sold as slaves, and sent out of 
 the state. The Legislature enacted it — the Judiciary, in a full general court, decided, — on 
 that point being expressly made for adjudication, — that the law was not unconstitutional ; 
 and the Executive department executed the decision. It does not affect this question — that 
 this punishment was for crime — and the deportation here to be enforced, does not presup- 
 pose offence. That may be an argument against the expediency of the measure, but does not 
 touch the constitutional question — whether the government possesses the poioer of enacting 
 such a provision? — And if it possesses the power, it is to judge of the circumstances under 
 which it may be judicious to exercise it? Indeed, it seems to me rather a morbid exhibition 
 of sensibility, to talk about its being unconstitutional to send a free negro out of the state, 
 when we have, every now and then, to send, not only free negroes, but white men also — not 
 only out of the state, but out of the world. We may imprison, banish, or hang white or 
 black, but not compel a free negro to remove, to where his condition will be infinitely better 
 than it ever can be here ! I do not think that there can be any just, conststutional scruples in- 
 volved ; and on the score of humanity, I really think that> all the humanity and mercy con- 
 nected with this question, are on my side of it — that those will be much more happily con- 
 \sulted, by retaining this compulsory feature in the bill, than by expunging it. 
 
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