Stafford in POPULAR EDITION. Olden Times. Reprinted from DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from Duke University Libraries https://archive.org/details/staffordinoldent01cher Stafford in u Olden Times: BEING A REPRINT OF ARTICLES PUBLISHED IN Staffortrsljtre ^libcvttiscr/ t WITH ILLUSTRATIONS. * Compiled and Edited by J. L. CHERRY. “I PRAY YOU, LET US SATISFY OUR EYES WITH THE MEMORIALS OF THE THINGS OF FAME THAT DO RENOWN THIS CITY.” Twelfth Night , Act iii., sc. 3. Stafford: J. & C. MORT, 39, GREENGATE STREET. MDCCCXC. [All Rights Reserved.] PREFACE. issuing this reprint of the articles on “Stafford in Olden Times” which have appeared in the Staffordshire Advertiser, it is necessary we should repeat in substance what we said when commencing the series — that the articles make no pretentions to the status of a formal history, though we may claim for them that they illustrate the public life and domestic manners and customs of the inhabitants over a period of several centuries. The sequence of a regular history of the borough was never designed or attempted, but as the compilation progressed its scope enlarged, and this will account for some of the most original and valuable articles coming towards the close of the volume. Our sources of information have been very various. Mr. C. Lynam, F.R.I.B.A., diocesan surveyor, has set forth, with ample knowledge and painstaking thoroughness, the architectural history of the town’s chief ornament—St. Mary’s Church. The Rev. W. Beresford, a former vicar, contends with earnestness for the antiquity and historic dignity of St. Chad’s. The Rev. W. E. Coldwell, M.A., has reminded us by his “Reminiscences of St. Mary’s Parish ” that “ ’Tis not time lost to talk with antique lore, And all the labours of the dead ; for thence The musing mind may bring an ample store Of thoughts that will her labours recompense.” The article with which we have been favoured by the venerable Dr. Hildebrand, of Stockholm, Antiquary to the King of Sweden, on the Stafford Mint in Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman times embodies informa¬ tion hitherto known only to a very small circle of numismatists. We have also to acknowledge a valuable communication on the same subject from Dr. L. Muller, Director of the Royal Collections of Coins at Copenhagen ; while we are indebted to Professor Oscar Montelius, of the National Museum at Stockholm, for impressions of the Anglo-Saxon coins struck at the Stafford Mint. These coins are now for the first time engraved, and we believe we are correct in stating that nearly the whole of the informa¬ tion respecting the Stafford Mint is now for the first time published in English. Mr. W. II. Weldon, Windsor Herald and Registrar of the College of Arms, and Mr. II. Sydney Grazebrook, of Chiswick, one of the trustees of the William Salt Library, have obliged us with notes on the Borough Arms and Seals. We have also drawn upon the resources of the British Museum and the William Salt Library, and have made many extracts from the archives of the Corporation of Stafford, the registers of Parish Churches, the earlier volumes of the Staffordshire Advertiser, and several private Collections. We are indebted to Mr. Thomas Salt, M.P., for the loan of the Collections made by the late Rev. Joseph Ellerton, vicar of Baswich ; and Mr. William Jones, senior magistrate of Stafford, kindly placed at our disposal a large accumulation of local notes and manuscripts which represent the intelligent and persevering labours of many years. We have also to acknowledge much courteous assistance from the learned curator of the William Salt Library, Mr. T. J. de Mazzinghi, M.A., F.S.A, CONTENTS. PAGE. Alderman, an, in Disgrace .. .. .. .. 102 Ancient Buildings, Sites of .. .. . . .. 88 Ancient High House, the .. .. . . . . 140 Annuity Society, a proposed . . .. . . 92 Antiquity of the Borough . . . . . . .. 1 Armstrong, Sir Thomas, Execution of : Reparation to his Heirs .. 106 Assizes, Establishment of .. .. .. .. 10 Assize of Bread .. .. .. .. .. 151 Attempt to Release Prisoners from Gaol .. .. 53 Bank Robbery ; the Banker Bankrupt .. .. .. 8 Baron of Stafford, a, struck off the Roll of J ustices .. 28 Battle of Hopton Heath .. .. .. .. 66 Bird-Destroying, Premium on .. .. .. .. 108 Bookseller’s Advertisement in 1714 .. .. .. 9 Borough Arms and Seals, the .. .. .. ..149 Bowmen, the Staffordshire Society of .. .. 24 Bread Riots .. .. .. .. 10 “ Briefs ” .. .. .. .. .. .. 107 Burgesses’Rights maintained by Parliament .. .. .. 107 Castle Church .. .. .. .. .. 133 Charities, the Stafford .. .. .. .. ..74 Charles I. at Stafford .. .. .. .. .. 65 Charles II. : Address from the County to .. .. .. 112 Charles II., Address of the Borough to .. .. ..68 Charters, the Stafford .. .. .. .. 57 Chetwynd Family, the, and Chetwynd House .. .. .. 148 Church Bells .. .. .. .. .. 109 Churchwardens’Accounts .. .. .. ..19,70 Civil War of the 17th Century .. .. .. ..65 Coins, Discovery of Old .. .. .. 56 Confirmation, an Extraordinary .. .. .. .. 55 Corn Market Order, an Ancient .. .. .. .. 110 Corn Ring, a, in 1757 .. .. .. .. ..104 Corporation Hospitalities .. .. .. .. 54 Corporation Oaths in the Time of James II. .. .. ..13 Coton Field, the History of .. .. .. 49 County Hall, the Ancient .. .. .. .. 45 VI. Council House, the, in a Dilapidated State .. .. ..74 Court Leet .. .. .. .. .. . . 93 Crime in One Family, Extraordinary Record of . . .. 24 Cromwell, Richard, and St. Mary’s Church .. . . 44 Curious Marriage and Obituary Notices .. .. 51 Curious Theatrical Benefit .. .. .. 32 Dead Man, a, appointed High Sheriff .. .. .. 109 Dean of St. Mary’s in the 13th Century .. . . .. 98 Deans of Stafford, List of .. .. . . .. 109 Disaffected Town Clerk, a .. .. .. .. 68 Dissolution of the Monasteries ; Sale at Grey Friars . . .. 104 Distress, Public, in 1795 .. .. .. 46 Doctor, an Unfortunate .. .. .. ... 4 Drunkenness, the County Magistrates on, in 1810 .. ..10 lari of Stafford, Extraordinary Will by an .. .. 39 Early Industries .. .. .. .. ..78 Earthquake, an .. .. .. .. 40 Eccentric, an .. .. .. .. .. 2 Ecclesiastical History of Stafford, Sketch of the .. .. 114 Edward Elwall : his Trial as a Heretic .. .. .. 33 Election in the time of George II. .. .. .. .. 101 Election Riots in 1748 .. .. .. .. ..53 Fairs, Origin of Old .. .. .. .. .. 26 First Forger of the Bank of England Notes, the .. .. 43 Font, the, in St. Mary’s Church .. .. .. .. 150 French Colours, Presentation of .. .. . . 26 George II., Address on the Battle of Culloden . . .. .. 11 George III., Accession of : Borough Address .. .. .. 9 George III., Birthday Celebration in 1809 .. . . .. 102 George III., Rejoicings at his Jubilee .. .. ..16 Grammar School, Early Regulations of the . . .. .. 6 Great Storm in 1808 .. .. .. .. ..43 Grim Adjunct, a, of St. Mary’s Church .. .. .. 147 Hobby Horse Church Collections . . .. .. .. 9, 47 Hop Fair in 1679 .. .. .. .. ..95 Howard, John, on Stafford Prisons in 1784 .. .. . . 46 Independents, the .. .. .. .. ..137 Infirmary, Origin and Early History of the .. .. 27 Inn Sign, an Old .. .. .. .. ..103 Izaak Walton and Stafford .. .. .. .. 106 Vll. King’s Pool, the .. 31 Leather, Searchers and Sealers of .. .. 45 Leather, the Tax on .. 26 Levy of Foot Soldiers in 1324 .. 17 Loans, Gifts for .. 96 Lord High Stewardship, the .. 52 Loyalist, an Unfortunate .. 112 Maces, the Stafford .. 146 Magistrate, a Brave .. 48 Manor Boundaries, the, and the Corporation .. 113 Market Tolls in the Time of Henry III. .. 102 Mary Queen of Scots at Tixall and Chartley .. 11 Master Betty, the “ Young Roscius ” .. 18 Mayor’s Feast, an Olden Time .. 52 New Gaol, Cost of the .. .. 108 Nile, the Battle of the .. .. 41 Noah’s Ark, the .. 151 Outlaw, an, Elected Member for Stafford * .. 52 Paid Members of Parliament 4 Patriotic Schoolmaster, a .. 54 Plague, the; a Terrible Christmas .. .. 56 Popish Priests on their Trial in 1679 . . ' .. .. 30 Presbyterians, the . . .. 136 Prices of Grain, Labour, &c., in 1695 . . .. 25 Protest against “ Tips” . . .. 105 Provisions, Royal Demand for .. 67 Punishments of the Olden Time .. .. 79 Railway, an Early .. 51 Rebellion of 1745 : the Duke of Cumberland at Stafford .. .. 44 Recruiting in 1795 .. 53 Reminiscences of Old Inhabitants .. .. 17 Rickerscote Spa .. 80 Roman Catholic Priest Tried for Treason .. 69 Roman Catholics, the .. .. 135 Romish Priest Hanged and Quartered 2 Royal Gifts of Timber .. .. 23 Royal Visits to Stafford .. 71 Sanctuary, the Ancient Law of .. 110 Sanctuary, Violation of 1 Sanitary and other Municipal Regulations in Early Times ..5,103 Vlll. Sectarian Riot in 1715 .. .. .. .. ..12 Shameless Zealots .. .. .. .. .. 112 Sheridan’s Connection with Stafford .. .. .. 83 Shirleywich Salt Works in 1705 .. .. .. .. 7 Shoe Trade, Rise of the .. .. .. .. 25 Slave Trade, Declaration against the • • .. .. 51 Society of Friends, the .. .. .. .. .. 135 Solemn League and Covenant, Repudiation of the .. .. 113 Stafford Castle .. .. .. .. .. 148 Stafford Mint .. .. .. .. .. 140 Stafford Mint: Description of the Coins in the Illustration .. 146 Stafford M.P., a, Proclaimed a Traitor .. .. .. 5 Stafford Scientific Society in 1811 .. .. ..92 Stafford, the Brave Lady .. .. .. .. 12 Storm, Extraordinary .. .. .. .. .. 47 St. Bertelin and his Church .. .. .. .. 114 St. Chad’s Church .. .. .. .. .. 130 St. Mary’s Church, Architectural Description of .. .. 116 St. Mary’s Church, Civil History of .. .. ..121 St. Mary’s Church, Grant of, to the Town by Queen Elizabeth .. 121 St. Mary’s Church Sixty Years ago : Reminiscences .. .. 125 Sumptuary Regulations of the Corporation .. .. .. 79 Sunday School, Early .. .. .. .. .. 3 Sunday Schools at a Low Ebb in 1810 .. .. .. 113 Theatrical Benefit for Insolvent Debtors .. . . .. 16 Threatened French Invasion, a .. .. . . . . 41 Tokens, Stafford . . . . .. . . .. 99 Trade Regulations .. . . .. .. .. 69 Trafalgar, Battle of .. .. . . .. . . 3, 80 Trial by Duel on the Green .. .. . . . . 110 Vaccination, the County Magistrates on, in 1807 . . .. 17 View of Stafford at the Close of the 16th Century .. .. 8 Vine Inn, the, slandered .. .. . . .. 24 Visit of a Lady Tourist to Stafford at the end of the 17th Century .. 91 Volunteer Cavalry, Presentation of Colours to. . . . . . 48 Volunteers, Poetical Address to . . . . . . 38 Warrant to Sport, an Early .. . . .. .. 40 War with Scotland in the time of Edward II. .. .. .. 2 Weights, Standard, in 1519 .. .. .. ..11 Wesleyans, the .. .. .. .. •• 138 Wife-selling.. .. .. .. .. ..8 Will, an Old Stafford .. .. . . .. .. 98 William and Mary, Coronation of . . . . . . . . 7 Workhouse, the, in 1735, Rules of .. .. .. ..81 Workhouse, the, in 1806 .. .. .. ..83 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. TO FACE St. Mary’s Church .. .. .. Frontispiece. page The Ancient High House .. .. .. .. 19 The Corporation Mace and the Font in St. Mary’s Church ... 38 Borough Arms and Seals .. ... ... ... 57 The College (Sir Martin Noel’s Almshouses) . . .. 77 The Noah’s Ark (two views) .. .. .. 91 St. Chad’s Church, the Castle, and Chetwynd House .. .. 103 Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman Coins struck at Stafford . . 146 The Views of Public Buildings are from sketches by Mr. Herbert Railton, the eminent architectural artist: they have been reproduced by Messrs. Waterlow and Sons. The Stafford Coins were drawn by Mr. F. Anderson, Gray’s Inn-lane, an expert in that department, and the drawing was reproduced by the Autotype Company, as were also drawings of the Borough Arms and Seals, the Corporation Mace, and the Font in St. Mary’s Church. The artists were in some cases assisted by photographs by Mr. D. Bordley, of Stafford, and others. Staff'd vtr ttt (Olticn rimes. Antiquity of the Borough. HEBE is reasonable ground for belief that Stafford as a town dates from at all events the time of the Roman Invasion, and per¬ chance even farther back than that. The general position and description of the town in early times correspond pretty nearly r’s account of British towns. It was situated on gentle eminences, surrounded by trees, morasses, and ditches, with extensive pasturage close at hand. This pasture, to the extent of several hundred acres, was annexed to the town from remote antiquity, and is recognized as part of the town in the earliest charters. Stafford can produce what is probably one of the oldest original records in the kingdom—namely, King John’s Charter, granted in the seventh year of his reign and six years before Magna Charta. And yet, notwithstanding its great age, this charter does not confer any new privileges, but only confirms such as were already enjoyed. The fact that these privileges were designated in the charter as “antiquitus” would lead us to imagine that they dated back some considerable period prior to the Norman Conquest, as that event was only about 130 years previous to this confirma¬ tory charter.—The foregoing paragraph is taken from an early issue of the Staffordshire Advertiser, but it is quite doubtful whether there was a town on the site of Stafford at the time of the Romans. So far as we are aware no Roman remains have ever been found there, nor does the town stand upon an old Roman road. The river Sow derives its name from the Celtic, and the word Stafford is of course Anglo-Saxon. Ethelfleda is expressly named in the “Saxon Chronicle” as having founded the borough. Violation of Sanctuary. I N 1300, the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary’s, Stafford, complained to the King that their immunities had been infringed by the violent capture and imprisonment of Adam Coly and William de Offleigh. The men had committed certain felonies and were imprisoned in the gaol: from this they broke out and took sanctuary in the church, and were there captured and re-imprisoned. The Justices of the gaol delivery were com- pianded to restore the men to the Dean and Chapter. B t 2 ] Stafford and the War with Scotland, temp. Edward II. m llE Sheriff of Staffordshire received a proclamation from Edward II., in 1315, to the effect that it was highly expedient that the King’s subjects should be exercised in arms, not only for the pre¬ servation of the peace, but for the purpose of repelling the Scots. In such urgent necessity none could be excused, and proclamation was therefore made calling all persons inhabiting within the County to provide themselves with arms, so that before the next Michaelmas they might be all properly armed, prepared, and ready to perform service for 40 days against the King’s enemies. It was forbidden by the same proclamation to send victuals of any description into Scotland. In 1319 Edward sent a mandate to the Bailiffs and good men of the town ” soliciting them to send as large a sum as they possibly could to the King, or at least to the amount of their proportions of the twelfth granted in the Parliament at York, the same to be paid to the Exchequer with the utmost expedition, and to be requited by letters patent of allowance under the Exchequer seal. The burgesses were requested to comply as they “tendered the common weale,”and as they wished the King to be the more ready to favour them in every transaction which they might have with him. The mandate was issued from York. A Romish Priest Hanged and Quartered. * ■ ^ ROM the manuscript book compiled by the late Rev. Joseph Ellerton we get the following illustration of the temper of the country • l towards priests of the Roman Communion in the year of the Spanish Armada : — “ 1588, Bailiffs accounted [for public moneys received]. In their time they took one Robert Sutton, a seminary priest, saying a mass, for which he was at the next Assizes after condemned and hanged, drawn, and quartered. There was with him at mass Erasmus Wolseley, William Max- field, Anthony Crompton, William Mynors, the two Thornburys, being brethren, and one Spratt, and they were also found guilty ; but judgment was stayed, and after they sued their pardons out.” A Stafford Eccentric.* 1 I" V IED yesterday se’nnight, Mr. Bullock, basket-maker, of this town, at 0 the advanced age of 82, whose general habits of life were as rare • as they were exemplary. By honest industry he supported a large family, and for the last 30 years he had been in the constant habit of appro¬ priating the profits of four hours’ labour, every day, to the use of the poor. Whenever this singular character felt disposed to yield to the ebullitions of anger or the murmurings of discontent, it was his constant practice to retire into a private apartment, where he kept for the purpose a coffin, in which he used to remain till he had subdued the irregularity of his passions by the efforts of reason .—Staffordshire Advertiser, April 25, 1807.—The descendants of Mr. Bullock carried on the trade of basket-makers in the premises in Back- walls North now occupied by the Stafford Co-operative Society as stables and slaughter-houses. They either left the towm or died out about 30 years ago. [*Be virtuous, and you will be eccentric.— Mark Twain .] [ 3 j Eaiily Sunday School in Stafford. 'N intelligent correspondent has favoured us with some observations on the utility of Sunday Schools, which want of room obliges us to 1 omit. He expresses his surprise that no attempt has been made to establish such seminaries in Stafford till very lately. We are informed that the children employed in the cotton manufactory in this town have for several weeks past been instructed on Sunday by their masters and furnished with books at their expence. A suitable room has been obtained, and the gentlemen who have undertaken this highly important task do not mean to confine them¬ selves to the instruction of their apprentices alone, but will admit the children of poor people generally. In support of such an institution many persons will doubtless step forward and render their assistance .—Staffordshire Advertiser, March 12, 1803.—It cannot be said with certainty where the cotton manufactory here mentioned was situated, but it has been suggested that it was at St. Thomas’s mill. We learn from Clifford’s “ History of Tixall ’’that soon after the property of the Fowlers had passed to the Spencers the old mansion at St. Thomas’s was let to a company of cotton printers, who in a few years found it expedient to abandon the undertaking. A great part of the priory was then demolished, and the remainder was altered and fitted up for the residence of a farmer. From a Corporation order of 1803 we get this additional fact:—“Permission was given to Messrs. Newbold to teach their apprentices writing and reading on Sundays, in the room over the new school, lately converted for the Grammar School, on its removal from the churchyard, out of the old House of Correction in Gaol-square.” It will be observed that this was the year in which our predecessor wrote the remarks at the beginning of this paragraph, and, in the absence of more positive evidence, it may perhaps be assumed that Messrs. Newbold were the benevolent persons referred to by him. The Battle of Trafalgar. m HE news of this great victory was thus announced in the Stafford¬ shire Advertiser of November 9, 1805:—“We have the high satis¬ faction of communicating to our readers the intelligence of one of the most important naval victories that was ever achieved by the gallantry and skill of British seamen. The Combined Squadrons of France and Spain, which had some days before come out of the harbour of Cadiz, were engaged by the British fleet under Lord Nelson on the 21st ult., and completely defeated, 19 of their ships being left in the hands of the victors. But we have the affliction to add that this victory has been purchased with the life of Lord Nelson. That matchless hero received a musket ball n the middle of the action, which he survived but a little time. Deeply do we deplore his loss; but happily the British Navy can furnish successors even to Lord Nelson. The ashes of such a man are prolific. What British seaman, who recollects his name, will not endeavour to emulate his glory ? ” In the issue for January 11, 1806, we read—“On Thursday last the great bell of this town tolled once every minute during the given time of pro¬ cession and interment of our illustrious and lamented hero. This was a tribute of respect and attention which we believe was paid by the principal cities and towns in the empire. A nation that knows so well how to estimate the services of its warriors can never be deficient in heroes.” [ 4 ] Ax Unfortunate Doctor. I N April, 1806, Mr. P. P. Myddelton, M.D., occupied the post of physician to the General County Infirmary. There appears to have been a party on the Board of Management opposed to him, the issue of such hostility being the following, as taken from the official minutes:— “ Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting that a person who has been convicted of the offence which is now proved to us as against Dr. Myddelton— viz., the seduction of an Artificer out of the country, for which he has been convicted and sentenced to a fine of £500 and imprisonment, is not a proper person to occupy any public situation in this Charity, and therefore that Dr. Myddelton be recommended to withdraw his services from this institution.” This suggestion not being complied with, this further resolution was passed, “Ordered, that Dr. Myddelton be removed from his situation of Physician to this Charity, and that the Secretary do acquaint him therewith.” Dr. Myddelton published a protest which is of considerable interest at the present time, when so much encouragement is given to wholesale emigration. The gist of his remarkable story is as follows :—In 1796 he offered by public adver¬ tisement to farmers long leases, at nominal rents, of lands which he possessed in America. A man named John Mills, who from misfortune had become an inmate of Rye workhouse, tendered his services as a labourer in husbandry, and agreed, being destitute, to serve Dr. Myddelton for two years in that capacity, on condition that his passage was paid for him and proper clothes were provided. Besides this man, numerous other engagements took place. However, on the day preceding the departure of a ship which was to take the emigrants out, the vessel, cargo, and passengers were all seized on behalf of the Crown. The former were recovered on the verdict of a jury, and the latter were subjected to a rigid investigation by the magistrates. Out of 267 persons, John Mills was selected as the one on whom alone there appeared any chance of finding a bill of indictment. But the persons who were employed by Government to conduct the prosecution, apprehending their ground to be untenable, determined to effect by stratagem what they could not accomplish by legal means. When the day of the trial arrived, the leading counsel for the Crown proposed to Mr. (afterwards Lord) Erskine, on behalf of the defendant, that if he would save the prosecution the trouble of entering into the merits of the case, he was authorized to say that an application from Mr. Pinkney, the American Minister, would do away with both fine and imprisonment. On this representation Dr. Myddleton suffered a verdict to be taken against him. Application was immediately made by Mr. Pinkney as directed, who in three days received an answer that “the law must take its course.” Defendant’s counsel then met and moved an arrest of judgment, which was overruled, and the unfortunate doctor had to go to prison and pay the fine. The cargo, consisting of provisions for the use of the passengers, was sold by order of the Commissioners of the Customs, and the entire proceeds were withheld from him without any legal plea whatever. So that on the whole this early promoter of emigration got more “kicks than halfpence” for his pains. Paid Members of Parliament for Stafford. I N the 20th year of the reign of Henry VIII. “the wardens of the High Church [St. Mary's] received certain money out of the treasury to pay the Buigesses of the Parliament for their reward.” In the 25th year of the same reign ‘‘the Bailiffs paid to Erdeswick, Burgess of Parliament, for his reward, £3. 6. 8.” t 5 ] A Stafford M.r. Proclaimed a Traitor. O N the 28th of June, 1683, a proclamation was issued from Whitehall for the apprehending of James l)uke of Monmouth, Ford Lord Gray, Sir Thomas Armstrong, and Robert Ferguson. Sir Thomas Armstrong was then member of Parliament for Stafford. These four were charged with having “traiterously conspired together and with divers others ill-affected Persons to compass the Death and Destruction of our Royal Person, and of our dearest brother James Duke of York.” The proclama¬ tion went on to say that “whosoever shall discover the said offenders, or any of them, within our kingdoms of England, Scotland, Ireland, or Dominion of Wales, or in any other our Dominions and Territories, and shall cause them, or any of them, to be apprehended and brought in as aforesaid, shall have a Reward of Five Hundred Pounds for each of the said Persons, to be paid unto him in Recompense of such his Service.” - Sanitary and Other Regulations in the Middle of the 16th Century. m llE following are extracts from the ordinances and verdicts of a Jury of the Court Baron of Stafford about 15b0 :— Wye doo payn that no man doo ley noo muck at the walls called Cooke’s walls in viiid. for every basket on halfe to Mr. Bayleys and the others to the takers. viiid. Wye payn that no mastife dogg by suffered to goo abroode in the nyght tyme in . iiitf. and iiijd. A peyn that no man doo emptye no privies or tubbs in the lanes about the towne in payne of every time so taken . . iijs. iiijd. It"', we ordeyne y‘ Mr. Baylif Dorryngtone kepe no more stye in the same syde agaynste John Foxes in payne of loseing to the Chamber of this towne .xs. It m , we present that the Chamberlaynes shall make a Bridge that goeth ov. the water into Cotton fyeld on payne of losing xs. to the Chamber of the town. Wee do payne John Perker that he make the dyche against his Garden that is bothe above and bynethe of the same brede . 10s. Wee mercie Rich. Wayt for muck at his barne . 2d. Wee payne Thomas Watwood to washe clean Salter Street. 2s. Wee payn Thomas Waltho to remove his sty further from the way by 2 foote before pentycost next .3s. 4d. Wye payn Henry Savage, alis Patryiche, Robert Hartell, and all others that doe hold houses, stables, gardens in the same strete to make fiyte clean before pentecost next and that they kepe hit soe hereafter everyone of them in 12d. a piece, before his own grounde. A payn that the Chamberlayn shall make a pare of butts before Pentycoste next. xxd. We amerce - Lockwood in 3/4 for leavinge wood benetho the here lane end. We payn William Allerton at Cocke in 3d. for settynge his wayne in the church yarde. We ordayne that he the said William sett his wayne no more there, but in the bere lane up close to the wall on payne of losing 3,4, so oft as he shall (be) founde faulty therein. t 6 ] Regulations of Stafford Grammar School in the Time of Qcef.n Anne. B TATUTES, Constitutions, and Orders made and appointed by the Mayor and Burgesses of Stafford by and with the advice of the Right Reverend Father in God, John Lord Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, by virtue of the power granted by Edward 6th by his letters patent under the great seal of England, 10th December, 4th year of his Majesty’s reign, and are at all times to be observed and kept for the better ordering and governing of the said free Grammar School. “1st. The scholars to have notice of the time of their repairing to school by ringing of the bell half an hour at least before the hour hereafter specified, when they ought to come, by some poor scholar, or other person (to be appointed by order of the Mayor and Burgesses from time to time for that purpose), who shall have for his pains every quarter, from every scholar in the school, one penny, to be paid the Monday before they break up for Christmas, the first Monday after the Feast of the Annunciation of our blessed Lady the Virgin Mary, the first Monday after the Feast of St. John the Baptist, and the first Monday after the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel ; and the like sum of a penny apiece shall be paid by every scholar aforesaid upon the days aforesaid, quarterly, for the sweeping of the school, the library adjoining, wiping the dust from the seats and desks, and sweeping and keeping clean (he loft in the church for the scholars; and it shall be at the will and pleasure of the head schoolmaster, as he thinks fit, to appoint one or two of the four poor noble scholars for the doing thereof.” “ 2nd. The hours for coming to and departing from the school shall be from 7 to 11 in the morning, and from 1 to 5 in the afternoon, except two months when the days are shortest, when they shall repair to school by half-past 7 at the farthest, and continue till after 11 ; and from 1 o’clock until near 5 in the afternoon, or so long as daylight shall continue, it being ordained that no caudles shall be used for teaching in the school at any time.” The spiritual necessities of the scholars were not forgotten, and the reli¬ gious services connected with the school closely resembled those which are now held, consisting of part of the Church of England service with a lesson read, as now, by one of the senior scholars, and the chanting of Psalms. “4th. The master and usher to take special care that the scholars con¬ stantly repair to church every Sunday morning and afternoon and other days of public fasting and thanksgiving appointed by her Majesty, and to that end shall meet at the school at the ringing out of the great bell, to follow the master in a body to church and to be placed together in the loft above the master’s seat there, which was formerly separated and appointed for that purpose, and now again shall be separated and made convenient by the school wardens for the scholars to sit in open view of the master and the people from the body of the church, and that they decently and reve¬ rently behave themselves under the public ordinances and submit themselves to be publicly chastised as the minister shall from time to time appoint them or any of them. And one or more scholars to be appointed by the masters to view and take notice of such scholars as shall be absent or not deceatly behave themselves during Divine service and sermon. And that every Monday morning an account shall be required by the master of any so offending, who shall be corrected, or otherwise some extraordinary exercise shall be imposed upon him, as the nature of the offence shall deserve and the master direct. And to the end that the work of catechising (being of [ 7 ] such singular use for training up and instructing youth in the knowledge of the principles of religion) may be the better carried on, it is hereby ordained that the master and usher, or one of them, shall spend one hour at the least every Saturday morning throughout the year (except holydays or other days they do not come to school) in catechising the scholars, teaching or causing them first to be taught and instructed in the Church Catechism set out in the Book of Common Prayer for that purpose.” Then follow the dates on which the holidays began, which are almost exactly the same as now. The much-dreaded “holiday-task” seems to have been in vogue then, and the mischievous tendencies of boys are remembered in a rule which instructs the master to inflict “exemplary punishment” on any boy doing wilful damage. In the following rule we note the existence of an Upper School. “7th. The usher shall stand by the master’s direc¬ tions for method and order of teaching ; also the master shall examine the proficiency of the scholars under the usher’s teaching, and take course for the regulating of what shall be amiss, as often as need shall be, and may take up to himself such as he thinks fit, and shall reject others till more advanced in learning.” Here, too, we have a record of the time-honoured “Mayor’s-day” holiday. “ 8th. The master may, at the request of any person (otherwise at his discretion), grant part of a day for recreation ; whereupon shall be paid down by the person desiring the same to the said master 2s. 6d. for the use and benefit of the library, except at the time of the Assizes, and the public election of the Corporation, which shall be only two days—one for the old and the other for the new Mayor, and also every Thursday in the afternoon from 3 o’clock.” These statutes were to be publicly displayed in the school and read by the master twice yearly. They are signed, Ab. Hodgkyns, Mayor. Hum. Terry, Jno. Dancer, Justices. Win. Muchall, Sam. Byich, Thos. Lewin, Wm. Gieen, Jos. Clowes, Wm. Abnett, Aldermen. Edwd. Byrd, John Higginson, Hen. Walker, Wm. Winter, Thos. Palmer, Capital Burgesses. Exd. E. Green, Town Clerk. Shirleywich Salt Works in 1705. ’HE “Postman” of January 12, 1705, contains the following adver¬ tisement :—“ Whereas it hath been reported that there was not a sufficient quantity of Salt made at Shirleywich in the County of Stafford to supply the Customers that came for it, This is to give Notice, that with the Additional Works there is now twice the quantity made out of the New Pit, much better and stronger than was formerly.” & Coronation of William and Mary : Rejoicings at Stafford. y | Y HE day of their Majesties’ Coronation was observed at Stafford If with all demonstrations of joy. The Mayor, aldermen, and chief • * inhabitants met and drank their Majesties’ health, with music and dancing, the Town Hall running claret and the whole day spent, and all expressions of duty and affection to their Majesties and their Govern¬ ment, with frequent and loud acclamations of “God save King William and Queen Mary,” [ 8 ] Wipe selling in the Market-square. O X Tuesday last - Hodson, a chimney sweeper, better known by the appropriate nickname of Cupid, brought h : s wife into the market-place of this town and disposed of her by auction. She was put up at the sum of one penny, but as there were several bidders, and of course a good deal of rivalship, she sold for five shillings and six¬ pence. The usual delicate ceremony of tying a rope round tne woman’s neck was dispensed with ; but we could mention a way in which a rope might very properly reward the persons concerned in this disgraceful violation of decency and morality .—Staffordshire Advertiser, March 1, 1800. A Bird’s-eye View of Stafford at the Close of the 16th Century. J\ p* E have inspected a copy of an old picture plan of Stafford, on B nj 3 parchment, made apparently after the fall of St. Mary’s spire ^ in 1593, but before the erection in 1611 of the stone bridge over the Sow at the Broad Eye. The town is represented as surrounded by a wall, with three gates—the Green gate, East gate, and Fore gate. Opposite the Broad Eye is a wooden bridge, and immediately facing this a vacant space, of which a note says that that was the site of the old Castle built by Edward the Elder, and which within living memory at that time had been in a fortified condition. The churches of St. Mary and St. Chad are shown, the former being minus its steeple, and also the old Tow’n Hall, which stood in the middle of the Market-square. Written across the portion of the map which represents the land lying to the south-east of Coton Fields is the following All these medoes are called King’s Poole, which when they w r ere pooles did drive East gate mill, and no part of the towne ditch did come to the East gate mill, but rested at the wall. The L. S. (Lord Stafford) holdes King’s Pooles and the east mill by holding the King’s stirruppe when he cometh to Stafford.” All these grounds were at that time in the holding of Mr. Cradock, and the town had no common rights thereon. Close to the East gate an old water mill is represented, with a note that it had decayed within human memory. Another mill on the site of the one now in the possession of Mr. Brookfield is also shown. The Lammascotes are said to be the land of Lord Stafford, “ wherein the towne hath comon after Syth and Sickle and after Michaelmas till Candlemas.” JEC Bank Robbery : the Banker Bankrupt. MOST daring robbery has been effected on the bank of Messrs. Omar Hall and Co., of this town. Different bills, to the amount of near £2,000, were stolen, part of which, between 3 and £400, have been since found, tied up in a handkerchief and thrown into a ditch on the Wolverhampton-road, along with a small writing-desk, which was likewise stolen from the same bank. £100 reward is offered for the detection of the offenders. Part of a tile was found in the bank, with which a brass asp that closed by a spring over the key-hole of the iron box had been separated. After this they picked the lock .—Staffordshire Advertiser, March 18, 1808. A fortnight after this robbery a commission of bankruptcy was awarded and issued against Omar Hall. [ 9 ] The “Hobby Horse” Collections for St. Mary’s Church. % j B"*HE Church of St. Mary used to be repaired in the 16th century, ■ H not by a levy, but by contributions at an annual meeting:, called the “Hobby Horse.” The money was gathered by the Mayor and churchwardens, attended by a piper and other persons in odd dresses, some¬ thing like morrice-dancers. It appears that the Augustine Friars and the officials of St. Chad’s Church used a similar plan for the collecting of money. Address from the Mayor and Corporation of Stafford to George III. on his Accession. y ■ ^0 the King’s Most Excellent Majesty. The humble Address of the I [ Mayor and Burgesses of the Borough of Stafford, in the county » * l of Stafford, in Common Council assembled. Most Gracious Sovereign,—We, your Majesty’s most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Mayor and Burgesses of Stafford, in Common Council assembled, most humbly beg leave to present to your Majesty our sincere and hearty congratulations on your Majesty’s Accession to the Throne of your Royal Ancestors amidst the unanimous Acclamations of a loyal and dutiful people, an Event which alone can compensate for the otherwise irreparable loss this Nation must have sustained by the Death of his late most Glorious Majesty, for whose memory we must ever retain the highest veneration for his constant and steady protection of our Religion, Laws, and Liberties. Your Majesty’s tender regard to your native Country, your other most Eminent Virtues, and your other gracious Declarations, give us the fullest assurance that you will ever promote the Glory and Happiness of your People, and preserve our excellent Constitution in Church and State. Permit us, Sir, to make a tender to your Majesty of our most zealous Attachment to your Royal Person and Government, together with our sincerest and most ardent wishes that the signal success which has hitherto attended the present War may still continue to crown the Arms of your Majesty and your Allies, that this Success may be followed by the lasting blessings of an honourable and happy Peace, and that your Majesty’s Reign may be long and glorious over a grateful and loyal People. Given under our Common Seal the Twenty-first day of November, in the Year of our Lord One thousand Seven hundred and Sixty, and in the first year of the Reign of his Majesty King George the Third. * A Stafford Bookseller’s Advertisement in 1714. m O BE SOLD, at Stafford, at J. Walthoe’s Shop, a good collection of Modern Books in Divinity, History, Law, School Books, &c. at reasonable Rates ; the price being put in the first leaf in each Book; most of the Books being new, well-bound, and several of them Gilt Back and Lettered. Printed Catalogues may be had Gratis at the Place of Sale. The Sale to begin on Thursday, the 31st inst., and to continue for a fortnight. If any Gentlemen will be pleased to send their Orders pare shall be taken of them. C [ 10 3 Bread Riots. X N September, 1800, riots took place in all parts of the country owing to the scarcity and excessive price of flour, which was quoted in the London Corn Exchange at from 95s. to 100s. per sack for fine flour and from 40s. to 80s. for “ middlings.” Stafford did not escape the wave of public disaffection. On the evening of Sunday, September 14, a mob collected in the streets and proceeded to break the windows of all the bakers’ shops and at the mill, at the same time demanding that bread should be sold at 2s. 6d. per stone. Their conduct being alarming, the Mayor called eut a troop of the 17th Light Dragoons, who soon dispersed the mob and kept the peace in the town for the night. The next evening, however, the rioters visited Mr. Thompson, a baker, who had made himself particularly obnoxious by refusing to lower his price when the others had consented, and seemed as though they would entirely destroy the house. The Riot Act was read and the troops were again called out. Mr. Thompson and his friends had provided themselves with firearms and wounded three persons, but none fatally. On the following Wednesday a meeting of farmers was held, when it was agreed that they should sell their best wheat at 12s. per strike of 38 quarts. The mob continuing dissatisfied and threatening further violence, the Volunteer nfantry, under the command of Mr. Thomas Clifford, assembled and, having loaded with ball cartridge, paraded the streets and dispersed the rioters. From that time there was no further disturbance. Establishment of Assizes in Stafford. B REVIOUS to 1558 we have no mention of the Assizes being held at Stafford, but in that year a bill for the purpose of holding the County Assize there was read on March 16, engrossed on the 18th, and passed on the 28th. It does not appear when this was passed by the Upper House, but on February 5, 1563, another Act for the continuance of the Assizes in the same town was passed; and on June 25, 1572, a bill was read in the House of Lords for keeping the Assizes in Stafford, which bill was passed on the 25th of the following month. The County Magistrates on Drunkenness in 1810. * j 1 *T the Quarter Sessions held in July, 1810, the magistrates, im- pressed with a sense of the pernicious effects of the crime of (X/• • drunkenness, and determined as much as in them lay to suppress and prevent a vice so destructive to the health and morals of the people, resolved that they would not in future grant licences to any alehouse- keepers who shall have suffered any Journeymen, Apprentices, Colliers, Servants, or Labourers to remain drinking in their Houses at any improper or unreasonable hours, or after any such persons shall appear to be in a state of intoxication. They also earnestly recommended the Ministers, Churchwardens, and principal inhabitants of every Parish to meet on some convenient day, previous to the licensing sessions, in order to take into con¬ sideration the behaviour of the several alehouse-keepers, and to make pre¬ sentment to the magistrates of such as they should discover to have offended, to the intent that their licences might not be renewed, C i Staffordshire Magistrates Congratulate George II. on the Battle OF CuLLODEN. "^IIE humble address of the Justices of the Peace of the County of Stafford. To the King’s most Excellent Majesty. May it please your Majesty. We, your Majesty’s Justices of the Peace of the County of Stafford, assembled at the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace held for the said County the 15th day of July, 1746 (being the first day of our publick meeting since the Battle of Culloden), humbly beg leave to congratulate your Majesty upon the glorious success of your Forces there, under the command of his Royal Highness the Duke, over your Majesty’s ungrateful and rebellious subjects, encouraged and supported by the Crowns of France and Spain, declared Enemies to our Religious and Civil Rights: and at the same time we beg to acknowledge your Majesty’s Goodness in sending his Royal Highness the Duke to quell that unnatural and daring rebellion. That your Majesty may enjoy a loDg and happy reign, and that your posterity may succeed to govern a grateful and a free people are the earnest wishes of, May it please your Majesty, Your Majesty’s Most faithful and loyal subjects. - * - Mart Queen of Scots at Tixall and Chartlet. I N 1586 Mary Queen of Scots was in confinement in Tutbury Castle. A plot for her release being discovered, her keeper, Sir Amyas Pawlet, was ordered to seize the private papers of the Queen. The first day therefore that Mary took an airing he conducted her by force to Tixall, restricted her to a particular corner of the house, and debarred her from the use of pens, ink, and paper. After three weeks of solitary confinement (from August 8 to August 28), she was suffered to return to Chartley, and on entering her apartment she observed that her cabinets were standing open, and that her money, seals, and papers were gone. After a moment’s pause she turned to Pawlet, and with an air of dignity said, “There still remain two things, Sir, which you cannot take away— the Royal blood, which gives me a right to the succession, and the attachment which binds me to the religion of my fathers.” There is extant a letter from Elizabeth to Pawlet, written about this time, thanking him in terms of the warmest gratitude for “ his wise order and safe conduct in so dangerous and crafty a charge.’’ Twenty or thirty years after Mary’s death, her son, James I., in one of his excursions through Staffordshire, with little good taste or feeling, made his mother’s prison his temporary residence and the scene of his royal revels. Standard Weights in 1519. I N 1519 “John Ferrers and Humphrey Barbor, being Burgesses of the Parliament for the borough of Stafford, received certayne waights out of the Kinge’s Exchequer, which were appoynted to be kept within the Towne as in the Kinge’s Treasurie.” t 12 1 Sectarian R:or in Stafford in 1715. m HE year 1715 was memorable in the history of Staffordshire for riotous proceeedings, accompanied by destruction of property, directed against Dissenters by “ certain lewd persons of the baser sort,” who nominally belonged to the High Church party. As far as Stafford was concerned, the disturbances originated in the undue zeal of the Rector, who, according to the “ Flying Post ” of September 8, 1715, “ had, by his uncharitable tenets and unchristian Raillery, so inflamed the minds of the unthinking sort that their Insolence towards the Dissenters since his coming is almost unaccountable.” He denied Christian burial to several infant children of Dissenters, even against the express orders of his diocesan. The result of this conduct was that the mob began to declare openly their intention of pulling down the Presbyterian meeting-house, and did so on July 7, the day appointed for public peace rejoicings. About nine o’clock in the evening they began their work very vigorously and continued their riotous proceedings on and off for nearly a fortnight. The timber of the meeting-house was burnt in the Market-place and the rest of the materials were sold. About a month after, the Sheriff ordered a Court to be held in the Shire Hall and a jury to be sworn, who, notwithstanding that there was positive evidence against 47, found but 10 guilty. Several of the rioters were so confident of getting off scot-free that they appeared in the halL One who had been a ringleader was committed to gaol, whereupon the others quietly departed. The mob threatened to set this man free, but confined themselves to words in consequence of a wholesome dread of the Dragoons who were in the town. These Dragoons were succeeded by two troops of cavalry from Shrewsbury, whose general deportment acted so potently on the rioters that, as the assizes drew near, they thought it advisable to leave the town. All the prisoners who were indicted were found guilty. Religious toleration being then but in its childhood, it goes without saying that the Dissenters were at all the charge and trouble of the prosecution, none else concerning themselves about it. At these assizes the Grand Jury took into consideration the state of the county, and agreed upon an address to the King, declaring their utmost abhorrence of the recent disorders and promising all diligence to discover the authors. The Brave Lady Stafford. 'FTER the battle of Hopton Heath, near Stafford, in which the Royalists were defeated. Lady Stafford shut up herself and her ' friends in Stafford Castle, which for a long time she bravely defended for the King. Sir Wm. Brereton, writing to the young Earl of Northampton, thus describes her way of procedure: — “In my last I gave your Excellence an account of the taking of Stafford by a very small force. Since that time we have done our utmost endeavour to fortify the towne and make good the breaches. Upon Thursday we went to the castle, faced it, and demanded the same. The ould Lady Stafford had betaken herself to the castle, removed her family and some say her goods. Wee made as large a force as possible to induce my Ladye to admitt some of our men to secure the castle, and gave her assurance of all protection (wee were able to give) for her person, goods, servants, and tenants. Wee acquainted her with the miseries which would inevitably fall upon her house and estate; i is 1 and did most earnestly beseech her to bee just to herself, and to those who were to succeed, as not to be persuaded by wicked and obstinate councell, and to bring unavoidable destruction upon herselfe, and to do great injury to those that should succeed. Wee spent much time upon this treaty, but it was vain and fruitlesse. Wee conceive her heart was hardened by the pernicious councell of some priest, jesuites, or other incendiaries about her, who delight in nothing but fire and sword. And seeing nothing is more apparent than that they thirst after blood, I doubt not but the righteous Lord will measure out unto them a bloody portion of drink, and will establish peace and quietnesse untoe his people in due time. These fair propositions being rejected, the forces returned, and before I came to the towne I saw some of the poor outhouses sett on fyre to see whether these would worko theire spirites to any relentinge, but all in vaine; for from the castle they shot some of our men and horses, which did much to enrage and provoke the rest to a fierce revenge, and to practice those extremities which consumed before the next ordinance almost all the dwelling-houses and outhouses to the ground. Since that time we heare there are several considerable persons in this block-up castle, which wee resolve to observe and attend as much as possible untill we can recover the same and disperse them.” -- Stafford Corporation Oaths in the Time of James I. The Oath of the Mayor. Y OU shall swear that you shall be a true and good subject to y° King’s most excellent Majesty, his heirs, and lawful successors, and unto him true faith and allegiance bear. And you shall be a true Mayor of this town and boro’ of Stafford, and y r office shall duly and truly execute. You shall also to the very uttermost of y r power and skill support, uphold, and maintain all y° ancient, laudable, and lawful customs, privileges, and prerogatives of this town and boro’. You shall also swear that as a justice of peace within the liberties and suburbs of this town and boro’ in all articles by virtue of this town and borough directed, you shall minister his Majesty’s letters patent and others of his Majesty’s most noble progenitors to the Mayor and Burgesses of justice to every person with indifference and do equal right as well to the rich as to the poor, according to your power and skill. And in the administration of justice you shall not be led away either by affection, fear, or malice. You shall not be of counsel of any quarrel depending before you. And you shall hold your sessions according to the statutes of this land, and according to the laudable and lawful customs of this town and boro.’ You shall not let for guilt or any other cause, but well and truly without corruption or reward minister justice. You shall take nothing for your office of Justice of the Peace but of the King, and such fees as have been accustomed and allowed by the ancient, laudable, and lawful customs of this town and boro’. You shall not direct or cause to be directed any warrant (by you to be made) to the parties themselves, but shall direct them to serjeants-at-the-mace, or their deputies, or other his Majesty’s officers or other indifferent persons to do execution thereof. And during the time of your office you shall not sell or suffer to be sold within your house any ale or beer, except you keep a common inn, and except it be at the time of the Assizes, Sessions, fairs, or suchlike other assemblies. And of all su h sums of money as shall come to your hands you shall t 14 ] bestow and employ the same to the utmo.it credit and benefit of this town and boro’. And of all such sums you are by custom and right accountable for, you shall thereof deliver a true and perfect account before the next Mayor and Burgesses of this town and boro’, upon the first Friday in Leut come twelve-month, by nine of the clock in the morning, in the Common Council House. All these articles and all other these things which concern your place in the maintenance of justice and the main¬ taining of the liberties of this town and boro’ according to your power and skill you shall well and truly observe and keep—So help you Almighty God. The Oath of an Alderman. Forasmuch as it hath pleased Mr. Mayor and the Aldermen, upon the worthiness that they find in your carriage and behaviour, to confer upon you the name of Alderman, as one of the number of those that are most fit to undergo the office of Magistracy. You shall therefore true faith and allegiance bear to the King’s most excellent Majesty, his heirs and lawful successors, and shall to the uttermost of your power perform all such former oaths as heretofore you have taken either as a Burgess or one of the Common Council of this Town. And shall also faithfully and truly perform the office of Alderman to your best skill. So help you God. The Oath of a Common Council Man. Forasmuch as it hath pleased Mr. Mayor and the Common Council of this boro’ here now assembled, out of their hope and expectation that they have of you, to call you now to be of their brotherhood and common council of this boro’; and with them to rule and govern the same according to such laws and ordinances as are to them prescribed by the letters patent of the King’s Majesty, and others of his Highness’s most noble progenitors to them granted. As also by such other lawful statutes and ordinances as Almighty God hath put into the minds of the common council of this town and their predecessors to make and ordain for the better government and weal public of the same. You shall there¬ fore swear that you shall be a true and faithful subject to the King’s most excellent Majesty, his heirs, and lawful successors, and to them true faith, leagience, and obedience bear. You shall be a true and faithful Burgess of this town and borough, and all the lawful and laudable ordinances made for the weal public of the same you shall to the uttermost of your power uphold, maintain, and keep. You shall at all times, both with your person and with your goods, be ready to maintain and uphold all the liberties, privileges, and advantages of the said borough. You shall be ready at all times upon summons given to you by the serjeant and tolling of the bell (if conveniently you can) to attend Mr. Mayor and the common council of this borough to assist and advise with them any lawful act which shall be for the common good of the said borough ; and all such lawful councils, consultations, and conferences as shall be had in and amongst the Common Council of the town you shall not discover (except it tend to the good and no hurt of the said borough); and if you shall at any time understand of any matter or thing which may tend to the hurt or prejudice of this borough, you shall declare the same to the Mayor and Common Council of this town in some convenient time. You shall also have an honest and diligent care of your own carriage and government, as is fitting for the place whereunto you are now called, in furnishing yourself with such [ 15 3 decent ornament and apparel for your body as may both grace the place and yourself. You shall very much regard that you sort not yourself with base and lewd companions, or such as are perturbers of the King’s peace, knowing that you shall be unfit to govern and rule others except you be able first to govern and rule yourself. You shall not depart or withdraw yourself from the brotherhood and Common Council of this town so long as by them you shall be thought able and fitting to supply the place, without some lawful and sufficient cause by the said Common Council to be allowed. And during such time as you shall be of the Common Council of this town, you shall not be retained with any person of what condition or degree soever he be, either by oath, livery, fee, indenture, token, cogni¬ zance, promise, or reward, nor by any other manner or ways, nor do any service to any manner of man, but only our Sovereign Lord the King, his heirs, and lawful successors (except such service as shall appertain unto your trade, science, profession, or occupation). You shall from time to time undergo and take upon you all offices, and other places of service, and employments, as shall lawfully be imposed upon you by the Common Council of the borough. You shall be subject to all impositions, taxes, and assessments which shall lawfully be laid upon you by the Common Council of this borough. And you shall, according to the custom of this borough, keep the church banquets, and whatsoever shall rise thereof you shall out of an honest and godly conscience deliver the same to the church¬ wardens of St. Mary’s in Stafford; and if in case you shall not keep the said church banquet, then shall you give to the said churchwardens the value thereof in money, as by the Common Council of this borough shall be set down. And lastly, all other things well-befitting a burgess and a member incorporate with the body politic of this borough you shall faith¬ fully, carefully, and respectively observe and keep—So help you Almighty God. The Oath of Burgess. Forasmuch as it hath pleased Mr. Mayor and Common Council of this borough here now assembled, out of the good expectation that they have of your good carriage and honest behaviour hereafter, to call you now to be a burgess of this borough, and to be a member of the same. You shall therefore swear that you shall be a true and faithful subject to the King’s Majesty and his heirs ; and true faith and allegiance to him shall bear. You shall at all times be obedient to the magistrates and ministers of this borough. You shall be ready from time to time with your own person and with all good means you can to aid and assist them in all lawful actions. You shall be contributory and subject to all such impositions as shall reasonably and lawfully be imposed on you. You shall to the uttermost of your power uphold, maintain, and defend all the ancient, laudable, and lawful customs, liberties, and privileges of this town. You shall not be of council or conceal anything which may tend to the weakening or hurting of this corporation. You shall conceal no foreigner’s goods under or iu your name, whereby the burgesses of this town may lose their customs or advantages. You shall also keep the King’s peace in your person. And also if there be conventicles or other meetings to perturbate the King’s peace, you shall with all possible speed inform the officers thereof. All these articles, and all other things fitting for a member of this borough to perform, you shall well and truly to the uttermost of your power observe and keep—So help you Almighty God, t 16 ] Jubilee of George III., 1809. *~v u * VERY spirited subscription for the poor of Stafford and Fore- ■ I bridge extended to upwards of 600 families. A select circle of • ladies gave an excellent dinner to the poor of the workhouse and the almshouses and attended themselves, with the Mayor (F. Hughes, Esq.), to carve, wait at table, &c. A band of music at sunrise assembled on the battlements of the church and played “ God save the King.” A public break¬ fast at the Swan, given by the Mayor, commenced the festivities of the day, after which the body corporate went in procession to church, where an excellent sermon was preached by the Rev. E. Dickenson, B.D. The public dinner at the George was filled as soon as advertised, F. Hughes, Esq. (Mayor), in the chair; W. Horton, Esq., vice. The President prefaced the toast of the King with a eulogy on his character. It was given in three times three, with all the ardour which human voices and human hearts could give it. “ God save the King ” was then sung in full chorus, with additional verses for the occasion. The following were among the toasts of the evening :—“ May a Brunswick sit on the throne as long as the rivers roll into the sea.” “ R. B. Sheridan, and may the sun of his genius re-illumine the world of politics and literature.” “Mr. T. Sheridan, and better health to him.” “ Capt. Swiny (who was present), and the King’s Own Militia,” with three times three. “ Capt. Smith (present: late of the Diligence sloop-of-war) and the Navy,” with three times three. “Capt. Hamilton (who was present) and the old Staffordshire 38th,” with three times three .—Staffordshire Advertiser, November 4, 1809. Theatrical Benefit for Insolvent Debtors. O N Wednesday, the 24th of April, 1805, a performance of “ Othello ” was given in the Stafford Theatre for the benefit of insolvent debtors confined in the County Gaol. The male characters were sustained by Messrs. Salt, Drewry, J. Smith, Dudley, and Fairbanks, who “ volunteered their services in behalf of a race of beings who by misfortune or accident have been deprived of their liberty, and who are virtually lost to the world, when a few pounds might restore them to freedom and their original estimation and value in society.” The result of this laudable enter¬ prise was as follows :— “ 1) A tradesman of Stafford (who has a wife and seven children) received £30, which with some assistance from his friends liberated him from con¬ finement for a debt of large amount. “2) A man from Burton-on-Trent (a wife and four children); for a debt of £14 14s., costs about £10. The plaintiff accepted £5 in full of all demands. “ 3) A man upwards of 70 years old, from Tutbury ; debt £16, costs about £10. The plaintiff accepted £5 in full of all demands. “ 4) A man from Aldridge (a wife and nine children); debt £15, costs about £13. The plaintiff took £9 in full of all demands. “A small sqm has also been appropriated to charitable uses within the prison,” t 17 1 The County Magistrates on Vaccination in 1807. *~j ■■ *T the Quarter Sessions held in October, 1807, the magistrates considered the Report of the Royal College of Physicians on (V* • Vaccination, which was issued by Royal command. From this report it appeared that within eight years from the discovery of vaccination some hundreds of thousands had been vaccinated in the British Isles and upwards of 800,000 in our East Indian possessions, and that among the nations of Europe the practice had become general. It was stated that small-pox destroyed one-sixth of all whom it attacked, and that nearly one- tenth, and in some years more than one-tenth, of the whole mortality in London was caused by it. From the perusal of this report, and also of the reports and testimonials sent to Dr. Jenner by medical men of the first eminence, the magistrates conceived themselves warranted in stating—(1) That vaccine inoculation properly conducted appeared never to have failed as a certain preservative against small-pox. (2) That it was unattended by fever and perfectly free from danger. (3) That it required neither con¬ finement, loss of time, nor previous preparation. (4) That it was not in¬ fectious nor productive of other diseases. (5) That it might be performed with safety on persons of every age and sex, and at all times and seasons of the year. Levy of Foot Soldiers in 1324. I N 1324 the Bailiffs and burgesses of Stafford received a Royal message stating that the King of France was preparing to invade Guienne, and was getting ready a great fleet in Normandy and Zealand, and that the King, by the advice of his Council, was about to strengthen him¬ self as much as he could by land and sea. He therefore requested them to raise fifteen of the most vigorous and able-bodied soldiers of their town and provide them with “ akelons, haubergeons, bacinets, gauntletts, &c.” before the feast of St. Martin. Reminiscences of Old Inhabitants. TT*E take the following interesting notes from a MS. book compiled I |,1| by a valued correspondent :—H. Lloyd, who is 70 years of age (1873), a native of the town, does not know anything of the old North Gate, but remembers the Grammar School which stood at the corner of the road leading to the County Gaol in the Gaol-square. This building had two storeys. He has been told that culprits condemned to death were at one time executed near the Sandyford Bridge, on the Hopton road. He remembers seeing a man in the pillory, which was a kind of box or case, only showing the face of the criminal, and twice the height of the street lamp-posts. The box was fixed somewhere near the Old Bank in the Market-place. The butter cross stood almost opposite the north coiner of the Crown Court of the Shire Hall. He has seen men flogged at the cart’s tail, the culprit’s hands fastened to each corner of the back of the cart, the cart drawn by a horse up the street, and the whipping going on at the same time. He has also seen men tied up to the palisad- ings at the Shire Hall and there whipped. He has seen wives disposed of with a halter round their necks to any fellow who would give the best price for them. The punishments were usually inflicted on market days. D [ 18 ] Notes made by John Lavvley, formerly a tradesman of Stafford. He was 91 years of age at the time, and came to Stafford when twelve years of age :—The old House of Correction was situated on the site of the four shops on the west side of Gaol-square or Foregate-street. The old gateway (North Gate) went across the street, and the land was taken by a coach- builder (Shipley). There were no houses beyond the Elephant and Castle northwards towards the old gate, excepting one, the site on which Mr. Ward (baker) has erected his new house. Beyond the gate, northwards, on the west side, one Pilsbury built a house. Some very old cottages stood on the same side further north, where some families named Dudley lived, and next was the site on which Mr. Bostock’s factory stands at the present time. The Prison went across that which is the road to the present gaol. The Grammar School, removed from the Churchyard, was erected across where is the present road, and afterwards taken down and re-built in Back- walls North. The only house on the road before the present Gaol was opened was an old one, and stood on the south side of the present Red Lion public-house, occupied by one Hawkins, at the end of which was a footroad into Coton fields, which came out at the present Crooked Bridge. This old house, occupied by Hawkins, was called Cotcham’s Corner. Near it stood an old barn where the New Connexion Chapel is built, and there was an open stream where cattle might drink. This was the property of the Misses Williamson, of Stafford. The old house last mentioned stood three yards across the present road. A barn stood in Gaolgate-street, about where Mrs. Halden now lives, near the Wheat Sheaf. Master Betty, “the Young Roscius,” at Stafford. V | «HIS theatrical “prodigy” paid Stafford a visit in June, 1807, play- I f ing the parts of Achmet, Tancred, and Hamlet. He was spoken « » of in the Staffordshire Advertiser in the following glowing terms :— “The English nation is said to be peculiar in the tardiness with which it acknowledges merit; and it follows perhaps as a moral consequence that its judgment is given with a correctness pro portioned to its sobriety. Where there are so many to censure, praise will seldom be unduly be¬ stowed. The young Roscius, however, appears to have been an exception from our national character. He appeared as one of those meteors which, throwing around an unnatural light, absorbs all judgment in astonishment. Those, therefore, who saw him under the impression of his astounding fame, should now see him in the mild radiance of his true power. He had at one time attained an eminence of distinction which it were im¬ possible for an angel even to retain. The most redoubtable of his tribe were thrown into the hideous shade of incalculable inferiority. For this he will never he forgiven. For ourselves, we hesitate not to say that in some situations, and particularly in Douglas, he has exhibited specimens of acting which are certainly not excelled, if equalled, on the English stage. Even in his Hamlet there is an interesting melancholy and an elegance of demeanour that very few of his competitors can bestow. The gentleman, the scholar, and the shrewd observer of life are so blended in Hamlet that if the representation of either be marred the whole effect of the character is destroyed. In his Hamlet perhaps it might be said that ‘ the glass of fashion and the mould of form ’ are conspicuous indeed, but 1 the observed of all observers’ is not there,” [ 19 ] Extracts from thk Bailiffs, Mayors, and Churchwarden's Accounts in the Seventeenth Century. ^ ■ ^HE following extracts from the public accounts of the borough, kept I I during a critical period of English history, afford an excellent • * illustration of the familiar fact that the lapse of time and social changes combine to invest with much interest documents which at the time they were written were of an ordinary and matter-of-fact description. There are very few of the following items which do not throw a strong light on the public life of Stafford at the dates named. Some of the items take us right through one of the principal events of the civil war between Charles and his Parliament. We have the arrival of the King at Stafford with his nephew, Prince Rupert; some of the incidents of the monarch’s sojourn in the town; the battle of Hopton Heath between the King’s forces and the Parliament men marching from Lichfield ; the evacuation of the town by the Royalists ; and its occupation by Sir William Brereton. Dry as the items may appear to be at first sight, the reader must be very scantily endowed with imagination who does not realize the animated scenes of which Stafford was at that time the theatre. We see the messengers despatched post-haste to Lichfield, Penkridge, and Wolverhamp¬ ton to obtain the necessary supplies for the King and his troops; the attendance of the King at St. Mary’s Church ; the placing of watchmen on St. Mary’s tower to give warning of the approach of troops; the bribing of the soldiers not to defile the church, and the necessary fumiga¬ tion of the sacred building notwithstanding. If we hark back for a few years, we find that Royal pedagogue, James I., issuing a proclamat'on, a copy of which arrived in due course at Stafford, against “lavishe speeches of matters of State,” showing that the agitation which had results so memorable had already begun ; and we are reminded of the spark which fired the train when we read that Mr. Grinsell was given some wine when he appealed to the Sheriff not to collect the ship-money—an appeal which, whether the wine had anything to do with it or not, was successful. “Sweeteners” took various forms in those days, for it will also be seen that a Judge of Assize was propitiated by a present of loaf-sugar. A long time was to elapse before those modified forms of torture, the cuck- stool, the pillory, and the lash, were to cease. They were among the re¬ spected institutions of the country in those “good old times.” Corpora¬ tion venison feasts are older than some persons might suppose, for we read that Lord Paget’s keeper received the handsome “tip” of 10s. for bringing in a buck for the Mayor and his brethren, at the eating of which “My Lord Dudley’s men,” who played upon a wind instrument, were requited with a paltry shilling. But it is not unlikely that “men” is a mistake for “man.” This running comment might be continued almost ad libitum, but wo will now refer the reader to the accounts themselves. £ s. d. 1610.—Worde was sent from Sir Walter Chetwynd that, the SicknesH being dangerous, the Sessions should not be holden here. Sent unto him to satisne him of our care, by Thos. Clarke, a bottle of Sacke and a bottle of Muskadell, and for horse hire. 0 7 6 1611. — P' 1 for whipping Doggs out of the Church . 0 1 0 P d Blynde Peter for playing at the Hobby Horse,... 0 2 0 P u Stanley for dancing at ditto . 0 2 0 t 20 ] 1612.—Imprimis, p d for 4 yards of Cotton and ynckle for a fool’s Coate . 0 14 2 For making the Coate and Bauble. 0 2 9 For Wearing the Cuate 2 days at the Hobby Horse.. 0 2 0 1612. —Half year’s rent from the farmers of the town toll 8 0 0 P d for a coate for him y l shall whipp Rogues. 0 6 6 P J for whipping a Koague . 0 0 8 Given to a poor Scholar travelling tow ds Oxford. 0 0 4 P d for making of two ladders of the Maypole, aud for seasoned timber for the Staves, w L ' h Ladders are hanged under the Shire Hall. 1613. —P d to a messenger for bryngyine proclamations con¬ cerning Copp r Farthings, &c. 0 2 6 1619. —P' 1 for sending away 9 Hue and Cries. On the 17 Feb. for a quarte of burnte sacke when we took recognizance not to eat nor dresse any flesh in the time of Lent . 0 1 4 1620. —P d for carrying the muck and filth forth of the street at the Gaole Gates w ch the Masons left.. 0 8 0 Paid for taking down the painthouse [penthouse] at the Gaole svde and cuckstcols . 0 2 0 1621. —P d to Thomas Fevre for getting away the gravel and sand that was left there at Building the Gaole, and for making clean the Sluice there . 0 13 4 Paid for Paving the Schollers way from the Church Yard to the Taintry Bank, being 253 yards. 0 11 7 1621. —“I have before note that the North Gate, late the Gaole of the County, was this yeare taken into the Town’s use for a house of correction for the towne, for w ch all former Chief Officers had £111 towards the payynge of the fee farm Rent of the town.” Item, to a poursuivant for bringing a proclamation against lavishe speeches of matters of State . 0 2 6 P d for whipping 6 Rogues according to an order made for that purpose . 0 6 0 P d for meat for the Rogues . 0 0 8 Coate for the Beadle and Cognizance of Silver to be born upon his Coate, to be made at Lichfield 10s., 18s. P d Mr. Moye for a Sugar Loaf bestowed upon Justice Warburton at Summer Assizes, when we conferred with him for the wronge done unto us about indictments preferred at the Assizes, tendinge to the breach of our liberties. 1622. —P' 1 for Charcoal to burn false measures. P d for Wine when Mr. Cradocke and the Town were made Friends, Oct. 4 . 0 6 10 1623. — P' 1 Jno. Bailey for Setting the Pillaire . 0 0 8 Paid for Nails and timber to mend the Cage . 4d. and l6s. 8d. P d towards the house of Correction as may appeare by Mr. Worswicke’s a cts . 9 15 3 Paid Henry Marsh for the cuckstool . 0 0 4 1627. — Given to my L' 1 Paget’s Keep 1, for his Fee for bringing a Buck from his Lordship for Mr. Maior and Brethren ... 0 10 0 [ 21 ] Given to the L' 1 Dudley’s men for blowinge upon a witide instrument at the eating thereof . 0 10 1628. —P d for expenses at y c Bonfire for rejoicings of the agreement of the Parliament. 1629. —Moseley for keepinge doggs forth of y° Church .. 0 2 0 1630.—To James Colliere for his liaines and Charge in riding post from London to bring a warrant from Mr. Drakeford and Mr. Jno. Worswicke to prevent W. Walthow and his wives comyng to towne who had bynn in a house infected in London.. 2 13 4 To * * * to go with a warrant to Norton to William Walthow to acquaint him if he came that waie that he must not come into the Towne amongst us. 1633. — P d W. Dorington for his house [this was the High House] for the Judges at Assizes . 10 0 1634. —Paid at Brocton Gate for drink for them that made passage through the snow to the coal pits. F d Mr. Wilson and myself for two pottalls wine and sugar given at the Visitation for the Archbishop and Gall. Wine to Justices . 0 7 6 1636.—Getting Clods and making the Shooting Butts. 0 6 0 [A previous entry says, in the Broad Eye], 1636.—P' 1 my charges when I went to London about the quo-ivarranto about the Corporation * * * the confirming the Charter, &c. P d Crispe for searching for dead carcasses in 'the High waie from the Liche Gates towards the Church Street leading towards the Tenter Banks to avoid the making of a stone wall about the Church Yard according to the order of S r Nathan 1 Brent, the Archbishop’s Visitor, and so to have excluded that way out of the church y' 1 where formerly some dead bodies to have been buried We did by that means avoid that charge, and so it was ordered and directed thereupon by the Lord Bishop of this Diocess that no Cartes, Carriages, nor Cattell should pass that waie throw the churchy a . P d for Horsehire and charges to and from Lichfield * * * to Mr. Chancellor to satisfy him that dead bodies were there found, whereby we prevented his Certificate to the Archbishop against us. P d for a Gall, of wine presented to the Lord Gerrard and his Ladie at her first coming into this County to dwell.. 0 3 8 1636.—For altering and taking down and setting up the Checker under the Hall at the Assizes, according to the Judge’s direction. Given to the Dancers on the Ropes. 0 5 0 P d to poor Travellers, carriage of them, poore people, poore souldiers, poore ministers, Irishmen and women, cripples, and relief for the whole year . 0 22 8 Hues and Cries for t':e whole year . 0 2 2 [ 22 ] 1637. — l’ 1 ' Edwarde Cartwrighte for the half year’s rent due to Stafford Castle. 0 16 8 Given Mr. Grinsell in Wine to intreat Mr. Sheriff his patience to forbeare the Ship money when he went for the same, and it was not collected. 0 1 0 1641-2. — Item, of several inhabitants of the Towne since the King went hence towards chardges and money laid out when his Mai tie was at Stafford.. 10 10 8 1642.—To Eliz th Jones for Rushes to Straw in His Maj way to Church . 0 1 0 For a messenger to Lichfield to provide bread . 0 2 6 Against His Ma tics cominge Mr. Leonard Picknav, 11 is Ma tics Commissary, sent a command into this Towne to pvide 10,000 pennyworth of breade for the next day, some whereof was spared, by which there was lost in sellinge of it . 0 8 6 Taid John Clarke for goinge to Penkrich and Wolver¬ hampton to speake for bread. 0 2 6 ReC 1 of the Compy and some o rs of the Towne for the fortifyinge thereof by several Sommes as appeareth by a note . 45 10 0 In money to buy drincke and in bread and cheese for the Guardes . 0 10 10 P 1 ' for beare bestowed upon Countrymen and o rs when S r Francis Wortley was cominge . 0 2 8 Given the Townsmen and Countrymen att the same time about 41b. and a halffe of powder, bullett, and shot . 0 8 0 P d W. Harding for going twice to Hampton, himself and his horse, being forth 5 daies and 3 nights when the Earl of Chesterfield and his forces were there... 0 11 0 P'l Mr. Paddock for going twice to Wolverhampton . 0 5 0 Given unto the Prince’s Trumpeters . 0 10 0 P (1 for beare and spice, bestowed upon Capts. Lane and Fowke. 0 16 P J for 3 quire paper for General Hastings . 0 1 6 P' 1 for a sheet to wind a prisoner in . 0 0 8 P'l for charges bestowed upon a sick Parliament prisoner . 0 3 2 P'l for a messenger carrying letters unto S r Rich. Leveson, Mr. Broughton, and o r Justices. 0 2 0 Given S r William Brereton’s Trumpeters . 0 2 6 P«* for ale and spice bestowed upon S r W. Brereton.. 0 6 0 P'l Mr. Maye and Jo. Wilson for 4 gall, of wine given to General Hastings . 0 14 0 P‘i three men for watching upon the steeple upon a fast day . 0 1 3 P' 1 Hugh Holt for ale bestowed upon the Town Soldiers . 0 9 4 P'l unto John Cartwright, the Committee’s porter 0 1 0 P'l a messenger that brought letters from Coventry by Capt. Foxall’s direction . 0 4 0 P'l for two Watcbinge on the Steeple . 0 0 8 [ 23 ] P 4 Carriers for bringing Armes and Ammunnittion from Coventry hither . 15 3 P' 1 Mr. Woolrich for lead used about the Green Gates, and for 31b. of bullett .. 0 5 6 P' 1 John Felton to pay W. W. lor carryinge bulletts, and for two post-horses which should have been allowed upon our Garrison money by General Hastinge, if the King’s party had continued here ... 0 7 0 P 4 for Coles delivered to the Guard at several times when the King’s party was here, which should have been all' 1 of in Garrison money . 1 11 8 Given two gentlemen that were hurt at Sault Heath, at the request of Major Greene and Colonel Lane 0 5 0 P' 1 for wine and sugar bestowed upon Lord Pagett ... 0 12 0 P d by myself to Workmen for fortifyinge the Towne about £33, and by Mr. Braddock soe much more as makes it up to £57, as appeareth by a bill to Capt. Stone . 57 0 0 Lent to pay workmen which was add unto Capt. Foxall . 5 0 0 P' 1 for Coals and Candles to all the Guards, lockes to the Gates, messengers to carry warrants, and some other occasions . 11 11 3 Six strike of oats * * * * at Sir W. Brereton’s coming-in, when the town was taken . 1 0 0 1642-3. — Thos. Homsley, Maior. To six men for bringing the long lather out of y° mier at the Gaole Gates... 0 0 6 Bestowed in Wine, Sugar, and Sacke to Earle of Denbyth and his Companies at times.... 14 0 To a poore man y c was plundered and hurt by Cavaliers as did truly appear.. 0 14 1643 — Given unto 40 of Captain Corbett’s Souldiers that lay in the Church that they should not abuse it . 0 13 4 1643.—P' 1 for paper for making a book for y° taking the Covenant. 0 0 4 For making clean and perfuming it [the church] after the souldiers lying in it . 0 4 10 Royal Gifts of Timber. E ENRY III. having given to the burgesses of Stafford sixty oaks in the forest of Cannock to enclose three breaches in the town walls, Peter de Rivatt, keeper of the forest, was commanded to allow them to have those oaks here and there wherever they might be most conveniently taken and to the least damage of the forest. Ten years later (1243) the King again presented eight oaks to make a belfry (which in the old rolls is called “ Clockernm ”) at the church at Stafford, and two oaks to repair the stalls for the Canons in the same church. The Prior of St. Thomas also received a present of three oaks for the repair of the fish ponds and ten for his own use. [ 24 ] The “Vine” Ins Slandered. Q R. Worsey being anxious that the Vine Inn should retain the reputation it has hitherto supported, hopes that the following Declaration will satisfy the public that there was no foundation for the prevalent report that a traveller was robbed therein in September last. ‘‘Mr. Edward Worsey, of the Vine Inn, in Stafford, having com¬ menced an action against me, John Lee, of Salford, Manchester, dealer in horses, as well for having asserted on the 18th of September last that I had in my pocket, on the preceding evening when I went to bed at the Vine Inn, notes and bills to a considerable amount, and that when I arose in the morning I had been robbed of part of the notes; as also for having oftentimes since repeated such assertion and declared that I was robbed at the Vine Inn ; and Mr. Worsey having at my request consented not to proceed in the action, on my declaring that the charge was false. There¬ fore I do acknowledge and declare that the said accusation was groundless ; that I was not robbed at Mr. Worsey’s house, the Vine Inn ; and that the greater part of the notes which I had lost were afterwards, on the same 18th of September, brought to me by a Mrs. Lloyd, who said she found the notes about a quarter before ten o’clock the preceding evening in the Church Lane in Stafford aforesaid. John Lee, Manchester, 26th April, 1809.” —Staffordshire Advertiser, May 6, 1809. The Staffordshire Society of Bowmen. I X the latter part of the last century archery became a fashionable and prevalent amusement amongst the higher classes of the commu¬ nity. In 1791 a Society of Bowmen was established under the title of “The Staffordshire Bowmen.” Their meetings were held at Sandon every three weeks during the summer season, and ladies were admitted to all their Grand Target days on being introduced to the Lady Patroness by a member of the society. Mr. Walter Sneyd was the first president, and amongst the members were gentlemen bearing the familiar names of Kynnersley, Moseley, Adderley, I’itzherbert, Wrottesley, Anson, and Wolseley. In 1795 the meetings of the society were discontinued in consequence of the war, and in 1799 it was resolved that the wine belonging to the society should be sold to the members at wholesale price. In 1821, however, a few of the surviving members resuscitated the society. The meetings were exceedingly well attended for more than ten years, particularly on the occasion of Grand Target days, which always attracted very numerous and brilliant assemblage. From a combination of reasons meetings were again suspended in 1835. Extraordinary Record of Crime in one Family. I X 1826 a woman named Prudence Clare was sentenced at Stafford Quarter Sessions to seven years’ transportation. It was proved that her eldest brother was hung at Xewcastle-on-Tyne for murder; another brother was transported, and a third suffered a long period of imprisonment for felonies; her mother was sentenced to 14 years’ transportation for grand larceny; one of her sisters was transported, and another had been convicted and punished for felony. [ 25 ] Prices of Grain, Labour, &c. in 1695. m £IE following memoranda of the prices of grain, labour, &c., in Stafford, in 1695, are copied from the pocket-book of “ Madame Chetwind’s ” Steward :— January, 1694-5. £ s. d. P J Tho. Spooner for 60 strike of barley 5 18 4 P d Mr. Pollett for 12 thr. of straw. 8 0 P d Smyth, for 2 strikes wheat . 7 7 April, 1695. P' 1 Mrs. Pallett, 7 str. of pease . 14 0 P' 1 Thos. Wright for the lay of 31 sheepe and hay 1 15 0 P d Tho. Kendrick for 21 hundred of bricks .... 1 10 P d for a cow and calfe. 3 12 0 P d Pra. Nevill making 370 strike of malt . 1 17 0 P d Walter, threshing 7 days 4 8 P d Wm. Wood to pay for 6 strike of coal 15 6 P d Wm. Monk, thacking and ridging the barne and houses, 3 days. 3 0 P d Mr. Webb for 10 weathers . 6 5 0 — Gentleman's Magazine, 1805, The Rise of the Shoe Trade in Stafford. TAFFORD is one of the seats of manufacturing industry which sprang into existence about the time of the accession of George III. to the Throne. The precise date of the origin of the staple industry is not known ; perhaps the most definite one may be gathered from a note on the heading of a trade invoice of a successor of the late Mr. Horton (the reputed founder of the shoe trade in Stafford), which says, “Commenced in 1767.” Mr. Horton became an extensive manu¬ facturer. In 1797 and 1803 he issued penny and halfpenny copper tokens. In 1793 a printed Survey and Directory of the principal trades in the county gave the names of Jive shoe manufacturers in Stafford. At this time Richard Brinsley Sheridan had become one of the representatives of the borough. His influence was not only acknowledged in the deliberations of Parliament, but, according to a town tradition, Mr. Sheridan, while enjoying the support and hospitalities of Mr. Horton, introduced to that m inufacturer persons having extensive business transactions with merchants from whom were obtained large orders for shoes. From this arose an increase in the trade of the town, and it led to the employment of a considerable number of members of “the gentle craft.” The neighbouring villages contributed from their redundant hands, who in the course of a year or two produced a large quantity of manufactured articles (chiefly for men’s wear), which were brought to “the shops” early on Saturday mornings, being conveyed by the shoemakers themselves or by country carriers, but most frequently in long wallets thrown across the backs of donkeys. On tho return journey they were loaded with supplies of the necessary materials for the work of the following week. Mr. Horton, it may be added, died in 1832, in his 82nd year. He was consequently born in 1750, and apparently went into business at the early age of 17. Mr. Horton was Colonel of the old Stafford Volunteers until the dissolution of the corps. On the occasion of Sheridan’s election in 1806, as representative of the right hon. gentleman, who was unable to be present, he was “chaired” through the town. £ L 20 j The Tax ox Leather. * IIE tanning industry of Stafford is of much earlier origin. In the year 1812 an additional tax was put on leather, notwithstanding that the duty already paid was equal to 40 per cent, on English raw hides and 100 per cent, on South American hides. The tanners and curriers in all parts of the country met and drew up a petition to the House of Commons praying for the repeal of the tax. In this they pointed out that the double tax prevented the tanner from manufacturing the coarser parts of the hides and skins, to the great injury of every branch of the leather trade and the loss of the old as well as the new tax to the Government; that it had enhanced the price of most goods manufactured of leather to more than double the amount of the drawback allowed ; and that it was very unequal and oppressive, as the shoes worn by the labouring poor, being double the weight of those worn by the higher classes, paid double the duty, though they were made of inferior and less durable materials and were of coarser workmanship. The duty on leather seems to have been a sore point with “the craft” for more than a century, for in 1698 we find in the records of the House of Commons a petition from “the tanners, skinners, fellmongers, curriers, and other persons dealing in leather within the ancient Corporation of Stafford, setting forth that the petitioners are very much disabled in their substance by the duty on leather, the whole tax lying on the dealers therein and not on the buyers from the petitioners, who through the scarcity of trade are forced to sell though their labour is nearly lost, and praying relief against the severity of the said tax.” It was ordered that the petition should be referred to the Committee who had charge of a similar petition from the city of Chester, for them to report upon to the House. Origin op Two Old Fairs. E IS Majesty has been pleased to grant unto the Borough of Stafford, by their New Charter, a new Fair to be kept upon the 4th of December yearly, and one other Fair upon Midsummer day, being the 24th of June, yearly, for the buying and selling all manner of Cattle and Horses, and all other commodities.— London Gazette, November 30, 1685. Presentation of French Colours to the Borough. O N Wednesday, December 4, 1811, Capt. Whitby, of Creswell Hall, presented to the borough the colours of the Venetian ship, Le Caronne, which he captured off the isle of Lissa in the Adriatic. In company with the Corporation and a large party of gentlemen, Capt. Whitby went to St. Mary’s Church, where a sermon was preached by the Mayor, the Rev. II. Rathbone. After the service, the colours were formally presented and accepted. Capt. Whitby, in his speech, stated that the flag was taken from a Venetian frigate, which formed part of a combined squadron of French and Italian vessels, eleven in number, which with thre others surrendered after an obstinate resistance of six hours to a small fleet of British vessels only four in number. [ 27 ] Origin and Early History of the Staffordshire General Infirmary. I T would appear that about the year 1765 there was a growing feeling that an infirmary was needed in Stafford. With this object in view, a Mr. Deakin left by his will £400, payable, on the death of his widow and executor, towards the foundation of the institution, and a further sum of £200 in the event of his executor dying without children. The Rev, Mr. Byrd had left £200 for this object, but the money not having been claimed it was forfeited to the trustees of the Salop Infirmary. On the first promotion of the Stafford Infirmary the Salop trustees generously returned the £200. On October 29, 1765, a meeting of noblemen and gentlemen was held, when a resolution was passed that a house be hired and be used as a temporary infirmary for the district. The resolution was signed by Lord Stamford, the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, Edwd. Littleton, A. Curzon, Thos. Anson, J. Sneyd, John Crewe, G. Mills, John Turton, F. Parker, W. Beard, Richd. Gildart, junr., T. B. Savage, Moreton Walhouse, Richd. Congreve, Thos. Seward, J. Falconer, Brooke Crutchley, Francis Eld, Lewis Dickenson, T. Ferneyhough, John Buchanan, John Hassard, John Stevenson, Richd. Whitworth, and John Eld. Within a few days a house in Foregate was taken on a ten years’ lease, at an annual rental of £7. In December of the same year another house was taken from Mr. W. Deakin at a rental of six guineas a-year ; and in January, 1766, Mr. John Eld presented a house and premises, also in Foregate, for the purposes of the infirmary. At a meeting held in the Grand Jury room at the Town Hall, in October of the same year, it was resolved to take and fit up two houses situated in Foregate- street, opposite each other, as a further extension. Shortly after this, Drs. Alex. Campbell, Chas. Hall, and Withering were appointed physicians to the institution. The first annual sermon on behalf of the Infirmary funds seems to have been preached by the Rev. Mr. Addenbrooke on the 14th of October, 1767, being the 2nd day of the races: the collection amounted to £54 16s. 6d. It was soon found that the premises then in use were quite inadequate to the requirements of the district, and accordingly in August, 1769, a meeting was held at the inn, Wolseley Bridge, to decide on a plan for the erection of a building to hold 80 beds. Mr. J. Eld took the chair, and most of the original founders of the Infirmary were present. Mr. Benjamin Wyatt obtained the contract for the new building, the price being £2,866. The w r ork was completed in 1772, and commemorated by an inscription on the front. The minutes of the board meetings for many years following this date do not yield much that is of public interest. Numerous changes of officers took place, several retiring after a lengthened period of faithful service. The annual reports of the institution up to 1786 were adorned with a large wood engraving of the building, but it is curious to notice that no chimneys whatever are shown in the illustration. The institution was fortunate in enlisting the sympathies of the head; of most of the leading county families : at the beginning of the present century Lord Talbot, Mr. Thos Anson, Earl Gow'er, the Marquis of Stafford, and Lord Harrowby were successively treasurers. The celebrated Dr. Erasmus Darwin was surgeon-extraordinary to the Infirmary from 1783 until 1801. From the reports for the con¬ cluding years of the last century wo find that the institution lost [ 28 ] £2 14s. lid. “from light gold and from bad money taken from the chanty boxes.” In 1796 the house visitors were requested to inquire every day whether the rules had been observed, whether prayers had been read, and whether the patients or servants had been guilty of swearing, drunkenness, or immorality. Charity sermons throughout the district were first preached in 1801; the total receipts were £1,364 3s. 8^d. In 1806 there was considerable difference of opinion in consequence of the position of Dr. Myddleton at the Infirmary. A full account of this regrettable incident appears elsewhere in this volume. An item in the accounts for 1811 states that £5 had been received, being “a fine levied on Mr. Cotton’s servant for drowning a dog; ” and later on we find an entry, “ Rec J a donation from a gentleman in Wolverhampton, being part of a sum rec d for 9 days’ assistance at the Mint in issuing the new silver coinage, £5, 5. 0.” In December, 1814, it was thought highly expedient to make additions to the building, “ it being likely that the Potteries will take steps to erect an infirmary.” It was not, however, until 1820 that we find a minute ordering a plan for an operating-room and small wards to be made, and also plans for the erection of fever wards. This further extension of the premises brings the history of the Infirmary up to the period beyond which these articles do not go. It is worthy of note, however, that in 1822 the auditors made an urgent appeal for funds, the arrears of subscriptions being then £2,000. A comparison of the accounts for 1772 and 1822 shows a great increase of patients in the half-century. In 1772 the dispensary and instrument department cost £70 11s. lid., whilst in 1822 the sum required was £343 9s. A Baron op Stafford Struck off the Roll of Justices of the Peace. * HE following documents have been obligingly placed at our disposal f Gg by Mr. John Taylor, the bibliographer of Northamptonshire. They relate to an incident in the life of Edward third Baron of Stafford, who succeeded his father in the year before its occurrence. (To be quite exact, this nobleman ought to be described as the third of the restored Barons of Stafford, for prior to the Earldom of Stafford there had been numerous Barons : he was the great-grandson of Humphrey de Stafford, the attainted Duke of Buckingham, who was beheaded at Salis¬ bury for rebelling against Richard III. The barony was at that time dissolved, but Edward, the son and heir of the unfortunate Duke, was restored to his honour and the greater part of his estates.) The first document is a copy of a letter written by Lord Chancellor Ellesmere, the founder of the house of Bridgewater and Lord Chancellor Bacon’s prede¬ cessor, to the Earl of Worcester, and is as follows :—(Indorsed by Lord Ellesmere, “The Lord Stafford for baylvnge of Edward Bradshawe.” Addressed “To the R. honourable our verie good L. the Erie of Worcester, m r of the Horse and one of his m ties most no. privy Councell.”) After our verie harty commendations to your Lordship. Theis are to advertise you that on Thursday last in the afternoone, we being both togither for some service given us in charge by his ma tie , and having been before informed of the disorderly course holden by the L. of Stafford in bailing one Bradshawe, who was committed for a notorious murder and burglary, we sent for liis Lordship to come to us, and he thereupon returned us answer that he could not come to us ; which we much mis- [ 29 ] liking, I, the Chancellor, tooke order presently to putt him out of tlie Commission of the Peace in that countie, which is doon accordingly. And this daie, after dynner, we received your Lordship’s letter signifying unto us his majesty’s gracious pleasure for our proceeding in this matter. Whereupon we presently sent a pursuyvant for the L. Stafford, who brought him before us. We have taken the several) examinations of himself and of one Henry Rotham his servant, the copies whereof we send to your Lord- ship hereinclosed. By which it may appear that he hath dealt in this matter verie unduely and otherwise than the lawe doth warrant. His offence is in the nature of misprison, and punishable by grievous fyne to his ma tv , either by the Justices of Assizes and Gaiole delivery or in the Star chamber. If any suite lie for Bradshawe’s pardon, I, the Chancellor, will stay it at the greate seal ; and it is good that warning be given to such of the Masters of the Request and Clerke of the Signet as attend his Ma t >' that they do not present any bill to his Highness signature for any such pardon. Pynding the offence to be of this nature, in example so dangerous (especially in a nobleman), and doubting it may fall out worse than yet appereth, we thought good to command him to keep his lodging, and have taken order for further examination of the matter in Staffordshire, where Bradshawe was bailed. Thus your Lordship hath an accompte what we have doon in this matter, which if it please you to make known to his Ma'r we will attend his gracious pleasure and alwaies pray to God to preserve his sacred Ma‘J in health and all happiness. And so we take our leave of your Lordship, and rest Your Lordship’s assured loving frendes, T. Ellsmere, Cane. At York House, Jo. PoPHAM. 25 February, 1604. The following is a copy of Lord Stafford’s declaration touching this matter:— 25 February, 1604. The Declaration of Edward L' 1 Stafford. He confesseth the Gayler shewed unto him a coppie of Mr. Skevington's Warraunte for the committing of Edward Bradshawe to the Gayle of Stafford. The Coppie of the Mittimus was that he was charged for murder, and therefore committed to the Gayle by that warraunt without bayle or mayn- prise. That Bradshawis wief and one Mrs. Chatterton, of Bewdeserte, who is depending on the Ladye 1’agett, were meanes to his L. for the bayle of the said Bradshawe, and noe others. Ilee dyd y l for that these parties suggested unto him that there was no murder committed, and that the said Bradshawe lyghted into the offenders’ company by chaunce uppon a pretence to go to take awaye a man’s daughter. Hee saith he sent not for Bradshawe untill he came from his Castle into the towne, and then sent one of the men that came with the gentlewomen to the Gaylor to bring Bradshaw to his house in the towne. He confesseth that the Gaylor brought the said Bradshawe to him uppon the first sending for him, but tould his Lordshipp that Bradshawe’s case was such as he thought he was not bayleable, whereunto his Lordshippe saith that hee sayd to the Gaylor that hee tooke that he was ignoraunte of the lawe. Hee confesseth that there was noe Justice of Peace with him when he bayled Bradshawe. His suertees were a Boutcher of Stafford, whose name ho hath forgotten, the other a tennunte of the Lo Pagctt’s which came with the gentlewomen. Ho t 30 ] took the bond of xl u for the part ye, and xx 1 ' a peece of the suertees. Itee denyeth that Bradshawe was with him at any time sythen he was bayled, or that hee sent any of his men to any place with the said Bradshawe sythen before or after the sayd Bradshawe was bayled. The bayle hee tooke he knovveth not in whose hand it is, but saith it shall be redye att the Assizes, and whether himself wrytt it or who else he remembereth not. There came nowe up to London with this examinaunte John Rolston, Henry Rolston, and Edward Cartwright. Hee saveth that the said Mrs. Chatterton told this examinaunt they had some freinds in the Privie Chamber that would be a meane for his pardon, but denyeth that himself promised or hath sayd that he would deall for his pardon, neither hath he written or sent to any to that end. Stafford. This Edward Baron of Stafford was a reckless spendthrift, or, to quote the opinion of Sir Orlando Bridgeman, the eminent judge of the time of King Charles II., “ a known wasteful man.” He allowed the estates to fall into disorder and disrepair, and on one occasion dated a letter from his “rotten castle of Stafford.” This document is pre¬ served among the Talbot MSS. in the College of Arms. It was addressed to the Earl of Shrewsbury, and it discloses that the noble lord had got into a scrape regarding certain claims made upon him in connection with the coronation of King James I. A copy of the letter has been courteously supplied to us by Mr. William II. Weldon, Windsor Herald and Registrar of the College. It reads as follows :— “ My Especiall good Lord, my deziere is nonotherwis than to lerne of yo r Lordship whether that you & thos honorable comissoners for claymes have retorned your censures upon my case in writing vnto his most riaull maiesty, or els delued your opynyons verbally, whereof if hit may pleas your Lordship to wriete vnto me fully you may do vnto me more eas than any Bhizicion can do vnto my Podagran foote. But if I knew any certeinty of the tvme that the fynyshing of the coronacien is apointed to be, & when the clament should follow, I would then send vp my man w th money to prouyde me som prvuate hows or wholsom lodging w th in fyve or six myles of london or the Court. Thus beseeching Almighty god to encreas yo in lionnor and all felicity, rudely scribbled at my rotten castle of Staff this 27 of July 1603 “yo r Ids affectedly to comand “ Stafford ” Popish Priests ox their Trial in 1679. k N the sixteenth of August last past, at the Assizes holden at Staf¬ ford, there were no less than nine Persons accused of being Popish Priests, two whereof are to be removed to London, and five more of them, being violently suspected of being Jesuits, are ordered to remain in custody until the next Assize, by which time it is thought there may be sufficient evidence against them : the other two, Andrew Bromwich and William Atkins, were indicted for High Treason in taking Orders beyond Sea, and afterwards coming over to England, and seducing his Majesties subjects to the Popish religion, it being fully proved against them both that they had said Mass and administered the Sacrament in the Popish manner to the witnesses that gave evidence against them, whereupon after a full hearing they were both found guilty of the indictment .—Uomcetick Intelligencer, Aug. 26, 1679. t 51 J The King’s Pool. I N the year 1281 the Queen of Edward I. took up her abode in Rhuddlan Castle, in older not to be far away from her Koyal consort, who was at war with the Welsh. At the commencement of the present century an ancient roll was discovered in the Tower, which contains the Itoyal expenditure at Rhuddlan. Amongst the items are the following: — To John, of the Queen’s salsary, going to fish in the £ s. d, pool of Stafford, for his wages from Tuesday, the 19th day of January, to the first day of February, for 14 days at 2d. per diem . 0 2 4 To John, of the Queen’s salsary, for things wanted by him for sending fish to the King from Stafford into Wales . 0 3 0 To William, the King’s Fisherman, and a boy fishing in the lake of Stafford, for their wages of 14 days — viz., from Jan. 19 to Feb 1 . 0 4 1 Thursday, the 1st of April, paid to John, of the Queen’s salsary, for doing such things as were neces¬ sary for the sending of fish to the King from Stafford 0 5 0 We are indebted to Mr. T. J. de Mazzinghi for the following informa¬ tion about the King’s Pool :—“The King’s Pool at Stafford it is known was utilized by the Plantagenet Sovereigns as a resource for their own tables : it had furnished bream and pike to King John when at Brewood, and to King Henry III. when at Kenilworth, but in those cases a writ was addressed to the tenant or sheriff directing him to cause the fish to be caught and sent on salted. The pool itself, subject to the service, was held by some considerable mail as tenant in capite; it was afterwards granted to Ralph, the first Earl of Stafford. But in the particular entries in the Welsh roll what seems unusual is that there is no intervention of the sheriff or of the tenant, but the immediate servants of the Royal couple are despatched direct to Stafford, where they are employed 14 days Of course they might have been employed merely to catch and forward the fish, as the sheriff did, for the service of the table, but I think the reason able inference is that if the fish had been wanted only for such service the other mode would have been employed ; but as John and William were sent upon this errand, it was considered important that the fish should be carefully handled, and why such special precaution, unless they were to be kept for the purpose of stocking the pond at Rhuddlan? For it is evident from the ancient account-book before mentioned that the Queen, expecting to make a long stay at Rhuddlan, was occupied in making it con¬ venient and habitable, in making provision for a supply of fish both from salt water and fresh, and in forming a fish pond for the latter, in having it filled with water, turfed round, and provided with seats.” Thirty years before this date we find the following mentions of the poo in the Clone Rolls Relating to Staffordshire :—“The King, for the safety and security of his Town of Stafford, has granted to the men of the same Town that they may construct afresh the Pool and repair the King’s fish Ponds at Stafford, which he caused to be destroyed, at their own cost, and the Sheriff of Staffordshire is commanded to allow them to break up and repair the s' 1 pool. Given at Merton, 20 April, 1250.” “The King having sent the Sheriff of Staffordshire to the fish pond at Stafford to catch in them thirty luces (pike), fifty breams, and one hundred [ 32 ] tenches, William Wymer, warder of the said Fish Ponds, is commanded to allow him to catch therein the fish aforesaid, and to afford him every advice and assistance in his power.” A mandate exists similar to the last to catch four score luces (pike), “so that the King may have them on the eve of St. Edmund.” As to the locality of the King’s Pool, it may be stated that the old plan of Stafford to which reference has already been made, and which was drawn some time between 1593 and 1611, shows that at that early date the Pool had been drained and converted into meadow land. The plan shows meadows extending from the Uttoxeter road to the Foregate, including the ground on which the County Lunatic Asylum now stands, and it has this note:—“All these medoes are called King’s poo!e, which, when they were a poole, did drive Eastgate mill, and no part of the towne ditch did come to the Eastgate mill, but rested at the wall. The L. S. (Lord Stafford) holdes Kings poole and the eastgate mill by holding the Kings stirruppe when he cometh to Stafford.” The plan shows that at the date of its execution the town ditch had been extended to the East gate, and, further, there is a note to the effect that under one part of the King’s Pool, then called Webb’s meadows, there was a sewer which “drenched” or irrigated those meadows. This may have been the watercourse now known as Pearl brook. Curious Theatrical Benefit. * ■ ^OR the benefit of Mr. and Mrs. Bew and Miss Johnstone. Theatre, Stafford. • l This present Saturday, Jan. 26, will be presented Shakespeare’s celebrated Comedy of As You Like It. At the end of the play Mr. Bew will deliver his admired Imitations of the London performers, introduced in an address, “Pey or No Pey, or the Mimic Outwitted.” Mr. Bew’s numerous professional engagements making it impossible for him to leave the town before the expiration of a fortnight, induces him to inform the Nobility, Gentry, and Inhabitants of Stafford and its Vicinity, that he continues to remove with the greatest facility all acute pains and disorders incidental to the Teeth and Gums, and repairs losses, either by accident or decay, on the most reasonable terms. His Styptic Tooth Powder, Brushes, &c., may be obtained of Mr. Morgan, Printer, Stafford. Staffordshire Advertiser, Jan. 26, 1805. This performance was apparently the last of a series of benefits, for in the next week’s Advertiser we find the following“ Since our last report the benefits of the performers have taken place with the exception of the managers.” The following is the statement of the receipts of the house:— £ s. d. Mr. and Mrs. Fawcett. 24 5 6 Mr. Forester, &c. 25 6 6 Mr. G. Stanton, &c. 26 15 6 Mr. and Mrs. Phelps . ■ .. 25 0 0 Mr. and Mrs. Fairburn . 22 10 0 Mr. and Mrs, Bew, &c. 36 17 6 [ 33 ] Trial at Stafford Assizes, in 1726, of Edward Elwall, of Wolverhampton, as a Heretic. I N these days of ample religious liberty and not a little theological license, it is difficult to realize that considerably less than two hundred years ago a young man was put to death in Scotland for being a Unitarian. The story, as told by Macaulay, is that a youth named Thomas Aikenhead, who was only eighteen years of age, “met with some of the ordinary arguments against the Bible: he fancied he had lighted on a mine of wisdom which had been hidden from the rest of mankind, and, with the conceit from which half-educated lads of quick parts are seldom free, proclaimed his discoveries to four or five of his companions.” “There was among the Scottish statutes one which made it a capital crime to revile or curse the Supreme Being or any person of the Trinity. Nothing that Aikenhead had said could, without the most violent straining, be brought within the scope of this statute.” But the Lord Advocate and the clergy of Edinburgh were inexorable, and although Aikenhead was of irreproachable moral character, and although he abjured his errors and begged piteously for mercy, he was hanged and buried at the foot of the gallows. Edward Elwall found a more merciful and enlightened judge, and, apart altogether from the soundness or otherwise of his religious opinions, there is cause foi general satisfaction that proceedings like this trial for heresy are things of the past. It is interesting to note in this connection that the Lord Chancellor, in the course of some remarks which he made at his official reception of Sir H. A. Isaacs, the Lord Mayor-Elect for 1890, congratulated the Jews and the country generally on the cessation of persecution on account of opinion, which he characterized as “a wicked and indefensible crime.” Edward Elwall was a native of Sedgley. For some years he lived in Wolverhampton, where he carried on the trade of a mercer and grocer, and had a reputation for the honesty and punctuality of his dealings. He was a man of a serious and inquisitive turn of mind, and, notwith¬ standing the engagements and cares of business, he found time for study. The writer of an anonymous tract, describing his trial, says of him :—“ Like other thinkers, Edward Elwall was counted a heretic, and like all who love the truth, and labour to promote its spread, he was reviled and persecuted. At one time the mob attempted to pull down the meeting-house in which he and his friends assembled, and at another time his house was assailed by about three-score persons, who declared, with oaths and curses, that they would demolish it before they slept. They were not, however, permitted to execute their threat. When referring to those facts, he observed— 1 1 may truly say that I have borne the heat and brunt of the day : and for all the manifold dangers the good God of heaven hath carried me through, I desire to adore and bless his holy name for ever.’ On one point he appears to have erred in his judgment. He thought the seventh day was to be observed as a Sabbath for ever. And he acted consistently with his views, shutting up his shop and ceasing from all business on the Saturday and opening his shop and resuming his business on the Sunday. This led the unthinking to regard him as a Jew. He was a great opponent of the doctrine of the Trinity and a zealous and bold defender of the Unity of God. He wrote several tracts to elucidate and prove this point. About 1716, he published a piece entitled ‘A true testimony for God and his sacred law, being a plain, honest defence of the First Commandment of God against all the F [ 34 ] Trinitarians under Heaven, ‘Thou shalt have no other gods but Me.’ This drew on him the resentment of the neighbouring clergy, who ceased not to pursue him with their enmity till they procured an indictment against him for heresy and blasphemy, on which he was tried, without having had a copy of his indictment, before Judge Denton, in the year 1726, at Stafford Assizes. He was permitted to plead himself to the indictment, and vindicated the cause of truth with a firmness and presence of mind rarely equalled since the days of the Apostles. And he pleaded with success, for a respectable and honest jury, directed by a sensible and candid Judge, acquitted him. On this he went out of the town by a riverside, and, looking about and seeing no one near, he kneeled down on the bank of the river and sent up his thankofferings to that good God who had delivered him out of the hands of his persecutors. This trial, at which it was thought there were a thousand people, made a great noise at the time and excited the curiosity of the public greatly. Mr. Elwall published repeatedly an account of it, to meet the wishes of those who were inquisitive after it.” Many years ago the Unitarians republished Elwall’s account of his trial, and it was prefaced by the following remarks by Dr. Priestley:—“ This trial is printed from the author’s second edition, even without altering such phrases as are peculiar to that denomination of Christians, the Quakers, with whom he generally associated, and whose style he adopted. * * It is impossible for an unprejudiced person to read this account of it (which is written with so much true simplicity, perspicuity, and strength of evidence) without feeling the greatest veneration for the writer, the fullest conviction and love of the truth, and a proportionable zeal in maintaining it. I should even think it impossible for the most prejudiced person to read it attentively, if he use no violence with his own mind, without receiving some favourable impressions both of the author and of that cause which he supports with such becoming dignity, and with a temper and disposition of mind in every respect so worthy of a true Christian. So great was the force of truth on this memorable occasion that Mr. Elwall was honourably discharged, though he had certainly acted contrary to the express laws of this country, according to which this glorious man ought to have been sentenced to a severe punishment, as a convicted and avowed blasphemer ” Further on Dr. Priestley says:—“Since writing the above, the editor has had the pleasure of knowing many of Mr. Elwall’s acquaintance, and particularly Mr. John Martin, of Skilts Park, between Birmingham and Alcester, who was present at the trial. He is now in his eighty-fourth year, and perfectly remembers that it was in 1726, and he thinks it was the summer assizes, because the weather was very hot. The trial, he says, was in the morning; and the figure of Mr. Elwall, who was a tall man, with white hair, a large beard, and flowing garments, struck everybody with respect. He spoke about an hour with great gravity, fluency, and presence of mind, but what is printed is the substance of what he said. The Judge gave the most obliging attention to him, and the confusion of the clergy when he paused and waited for their answer, as mentioned in the trial, was very visible. During the trial, Mr. Martin says he was struck with the resemblance of it to that of Paul. He does not recollect that the jury brought in any verdict, but the Judge said he was at liberty to go where he pleased. It is possible that the trial might not come to a regular termination on account of Mr. Elwall not having had a copy of the indictment, as mentioned in this account. ” t 35 ] After his trial, Mr. Elwall removed to London, and became a member of the Seventh-day Baptist Church, in Goodman’s Fields. In the latter part of his life he attended frequently the meetings of the Quakers, and sometimes spoke among them, though he never joined the society. He died in London at a very advanced age, with an unsullied reputation, about the year 1745. We now come to Mr. Elwall’s own account of his trial. He says— “About fourteen years ago I wrote a book intituled ‘A True Testimony for God and his Sacred Law; being a plain, honest, defence of the First Commandment of God, against all the Trinitarians under Heaven. Thou shalt have no other gods but Me.’ I lived then at Wolverhampton, in Staffordshire, where my ancestors have lived about 1,100 years, ever since the Saxons conquered the Britons. When this book was published, the priests in the country began to rage, especially the priests of Wolver¬ hampton, who had a great hand in the several troubles I underwent. In short, they never ceased till they had procured a large indictment against me at Stafford assizes, where I felt the power of God, enabling me to speak before a great number of people, being accused of heresy, &c. But I truly answered, as my beloved brother Paul did in his day. viz., ‘ In that way which some call heresy, so choose I to serve the God of my fathers, believing all that is written in the law and the prophets.’ “ After the long indictment was read, I was asked if I pleaded guilty or not guilty. I said I was not guilty of any evil that I knew of in writing that book; but if they meant whether I wrote the book or not (for they had quoted many pages of the book in that indictment) I owned I did write it, and that, if I might have liberty to speak, I believed I should make it manifest to be the plain truth of God' “Then the judge stood up, and said, ‘Mr. Elwall, I suppose you have had a copy of your indictment.’ I told him I had not had any copy of it. Upon which he turned towards the priests, and told them that I ought to have had a copy of it. But they not answering, he turned to me, and said that if I would give bail, and be bound to appear at the next assizes, he would defer my trial till then. But I told him I would not give bail, neither should any man be bound for me; that if the Prince of Wales himself would he should not; for, said I, I have an innocent breast, and I have injured no man ; and therefore I desire no other favour but that I may have liberty to plead to the indictment myself. Upon which he said, very courteously, ‘ You may.’ The judge having given me liberty of pleading to the indictment, I began my speech with the sacred first commandment of God, viz., ‘ Thou shalt have no other gods but me.’ After quoting numerous texts of Scripture on which the Unitarians rely for a justification of their theology, Mr. Elwall continues:—“And then I turned my face directly to the priests (my prosecutors, who all stood on the right side of the judge). ‘Now,’ said I, ‘ since the lips of the blessed Jesus, which always spoke the truth, say his Father is the only true God, who is he, and who are they, that dare set up another in contradiction to my blessed Lord, who says his Father is the only true God?’ And I stopped here to see if any of them would answer; but the power of God came over them, so that all their mouths were shut up, and not one of them spake a word. So that I turned about over my left shoulder, and [ 36 ] warned the people in the fear of God not to take their religious sentiments from men, but from God; not from the Pope, but from Christ; not from prelates nor priests, but from the prophets and apostles. “And then I turned towards the judge, and told him that I was the more convinced of the truth of what I had said from the words of my blessed Lord, who said ‘ Call no man Father here upon earth : for one is your Father, even God. And call no man Master, for one is your Master, even Christ.’ * * In short, I could plainly perceive there was a general convincement through the court. The judge and justices of the peace did not like the prosecution; but saw plainly that ‘out of envy the priests had done it.’ I then began to set before them the odious nature of that hell-born principle of persecution, and that it was hatched in hell ; that it never came from Jesus Christ ; that he and his followers were often persecuted themselves, but they never persecuted any ; that we had now a very flagrant instance of it in the Papists at Thorn, where they first took away their schools where our brethren the Protestants educated their children ; then they took away the places of their religious worship; then they put them in prisons ; then confiscated their estates ; and, last of all, took away their lives. Now we can cry out loud enough against this, and show the inhumanity, cruelty, and barbarity of it ; but, say I, if we, who call ourselves Protestants, shall be found acting in the same spirit against others, the crime will be greater in us than in them ; because we have attained to greater degrees of light than they. “However, I told them that I had put my house in order, and made up my accounts with all men as near as I could; and that as I owed no man here anything, so I would not pay a penny towards this prosecution. And that I was sure of it, that whatever fine they laid on me, or ‘whatever hole or prison,’ said I, ‘you thrust me into, I shall find God’s living presence with me, as I feel it this day.’ And so ended my speech. “ Upon this a justice of the peace, one Rupert Humpatch, got up, went to the judge, laid his hand upon the judge’s shoulder, and said, ‘ My lord, I know this man to be an honest man, and what I say I speak not by hearsay but experience, for I was his next door neighbour three years.’ Also another justice spoke to the same effect. Then the judge spoke to me : ‘Mr. Elwall, I perceive you have studied very deeply into this con¬ troversy ; but have you ever consulted any of our reverend clergy and bishops of the Church of England? ’ I answered, ‘ Yes, I have; and among others, the Archbishop of Canterbury himself, with whom I have exchanged ten letters, viz., four I have had from him, and six he had from me.’ (At which words all the priests stared very earnestly). ‘AVell’, says the judge, ‘ and was not the Archbishop able to give you some satisfaction in these points, Mr. Elwall?’ I said, ‘No, but rather quite the reverse: for that in all the letters I sent to the Archbishop I grounded my arguments upon the words of God and his prophets, Christ and his apostles; but in his answers to me he referred me to Acts of Parliament, declarations of State, &c., whereas I told the Bishop, in one of my letters, that I wondered a man of his natural and acquired abilities should be so weak as to turn me over to human authorities in things of a Divine nature ; for though in all things that are of a temporal nature and concern the civil society ‘I will be sub¬ ject to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake,’ even from the King upon the throne down to the meanest officer in the land, yet in things that are of a spiritual nature and concern my faith, my worship of God, and future state ‘I would call no man father upon earth,’ nor regard either [ 37 ] Popes or Councils, prelates or priests of any denomination, nor convocations, nor assemblies of divines, but obey God and his prophets, Christ and his apostles. Upon which the judge answered, ‘Well, if his Grace of Canter¬ bury was not able to give you satisfaction, Mr. Elwall, I believe I shall not; ’ and so sat down and rested him, for I think he had stood up for near an hour and a quarter. “Then he stood up again, and, turning to the priests, talked softly to them. I did not hear what he said, or what they said to him ; but I guessed from what the judge said next, for, says he, ‘ Mr. Elwall, you cannot but be sensible that what you have written, being contrary to the commonly received doctrines of the Church, it has given offence to some of your neighbours, and particularly to the clergy ; are you willing to promise, before the face of the country here, that you will not write any more on this head ? ’ I answered, ‘ God forbid that I should make thee such a promise : for when I wrote this book I did it in the fear of God ; and I did not write it to please the Church of Rome, nor the Church of England, nor the Church of Scotland, but to please that God who gave me my breath ; and, therefore, if at any time I find myself drawn forth to write in defence of this sacred first Commandment, or any other of the ten, I hope I shall do it in the same spirit of sincerity as I have this.’ And I perceived the judge was not in any wise displeased at my honest, plain, bold answer, but rather his heart seemed to be knit in love to me, and he soon declared me acquitted. Then the clerk of the arraigns, or assizes, stood up, and said ‘ Mr. Elwall, you are acquitted ; you may go out of court when you please.’ “So I went away through a very great crowd of people (for it was thought there was a thousand people at the trial), and having spoken long I was athirst, so went to a well and drank. Then I went out of town by a river side, and looking about and seeing no one near, I kneeled down on the bank of the river and sent up my thankoffering to that good God who had delivered me out of their hands. “ By the time that I returned to the town, the Court was up and gone to dinner ; a justice of peace and another person met me, and would have me to eat and drink with them, which I did ; and afterwards, as I was walking along the street, some persons hove up a great sash window and invited me up to them ; and when I entered the room I found ten or a dozen persons, most of them justices of the peace ; and amongst them a priest, whom they called Doctor. One of the justices took me by the hand, and said, ‘ Mr. Elwall, I am heartily glad to see you, and I was glad to hear you bear your testimony so boldly as you did.’ ‘Yea,’ says another justice, ‘and I was glad to see Mr. Elwall come off with flying colours as he did.’ Upon which the priest said, in a very bitter manner, ‘He ought to have been hanged.’ I turned unto him, and said, ‘Friend, I perceive thou dost not know what spirit thou art of, for the Son of Man came not to destroy but to save ; but thou wouldst have me destroyed.’ Upon which one of the justices said, ‘How now, Doctor? Did not you hear one of the justices say that he was an honest man, and that what he said was not by hearsay, but by experience ; and would you have honest men hanged, Doctor ? Is this good doctrine ? ’ So that the priest said but little more for some time ; so I took leave of the justices and took horse for Wolver¬ hampton, for I knew there would be great joy in my family, for the common people all expected to hear of my being fined and imprisoned. [ 38 J But a farmer that lived near, who had been upon the jury at Stafford, got to town before me, and the people all went up and asked him, ‘ What have they done to Mr. Eiwall? Have they put him in prison?’ He answered ‘ No ; he preached there an hour together, and our parsons could say never a word. What must they put him in prison for ? I told our foreman of the jury Mr. Eiwall was an honest man, and his father was an honest man, I knew him very well, so they were all damped.’ But there was great joy in my family, and amongst all my friends ; praises, living praises be attributed to that good God who delivered me out of their hands ! ” E take the following patriotic outburst from one of the earliest volumes of the Staffordshire Advertiser :— An Address TO THE Stafford Volunteers. “ Without a sigh his Sword the brave Man draws, And asks no Omen but his country's Cause.”— Homek. Hail Patriot Band ! whose Loyalty and Zeal Bespeak you Guardians of your Country’s Weal; Your native valour shields our righteous cause, Defends our Isle, our Liberties, and Laws. When Galia’s Chief and his infuriate Host Dare menace Britain’s well-defended Coast; With persevering rancour aims the blow, Our Commerce, Laws and Rights to overthrow ; In that dread hour, you Volunteers became 1” assert your freedom in the lists of Eame. Your skill, your valour, and your cause iin part Auspicious Omens to each Loyal Heart; And show the world this grand, momentous truth, When union binds the martial British youth We laugh at Gaul’s vague, dastardly alarms, And e’en defy the mighty World in Arms : But should the Gauls a rash invasion dare, And meet our Heroes in the bloody War, Too late they’ll learn this grand truth to their cost, That “every Freeman is himself a Host.” Strong in himself, yet stronger in his cause, ’Gainst mercenary Slaves his Sword he draws, Upon their Van impetuous Vollies pour, Rush on their Lines and drive them to the shore, There in the ocean plunge the dastard Foe, Or hurl them howling to the shades below. Whate’er can rouse the Patriot’s glowing heart, To make him act a true heroic part, Whate’er can actuate the noble mind Are in old England’s glorious cause combined. Your Country, Freedom, Property, and Lives, Your Friends, your Children, Relatives, and Wives, And all that is to happiness ally’d, M AY 0 R S MACE. [ 39 ] Your peaceful homes and dear-lov’d Fire side ! Could all our care elude the gloomy grave, Which claims no less the fearful than the brave, For lust of Fame I should not vainly dare, In frightful Field, nor urge your Souls to War. But soon, alas ! ignoble age will come, Disease and Death’s inexorable doom. The life which others pay, let us bestow, And give to Fame what we to Nature owe : Brave tho’ we fall and Honor’d if we live, Oh, let us Glory gain, or Glory give. For you the Matrons and the Virgins fair Shall morn and eve prefer their fervent prayer : For you the Maidens garlands shall entwine And deck your brows with civic wreaths divine ; A grateful Nation shall your deeds rehearse And Bards record you in Immortal verse. Extraordinary Will by an Earl of Stafford. HE following extract from the will of Henry Earl of Stafford is ■ quoted in a recently-published volume entitled “ Records of the English Catholics of 1715,” edited by Mr. John Orlebar Payne:— “I give to the worst of women * * * the daughter of Mr. Grammont, a Frenchman, whom I have unfortunately married, forty-five brass half¬ pence, which will buy her a pullet to her supper, a greater sum than her father can often make, for I have known when he had neither money nor credit for such a purchase, being the worst of men and his wife the worst of women in all debaucheries ; had I known their characters, I had never married their daughter, nor made myself unhappy.” A few additional particulars about this ill-matched pair will not be unin¬ teresting. The Earl of Stafford here mentioned was Henry Stafford Howard, eldest son of William Howard, 1st Viscount Stafford (beheaded) and Mary Baroness Stafford, his w'ife. He was created Earl of Stafford in 1688, with remainder, failing his issue male, to John and Francis, his brothers, and their issue male successively. He died in 1719 without issue, and was succeeded by his nephew. The earldom became extinct in 1762. The Lady Stafford was Claude Charlotte, daughter of Philibert, Count de Grammont (see Mr. Doyle’s “Official Baronage of England”) ; and when we add that this was the Count de Grammont who wrote the notorious “Memoirs of the Court of Charles II.” the Earl’s opinion of him is fully justified. Lord Stafford died on the 26th of April, 1719, and the Weekly Journal, or Saturday’s Post, of May 16, 1719, says “Last Tuesday night the Lord Viscount Stafford was interred in Westminster Abbey in a coffin covered with crimson velvet and drawn in an open chariot followed by a prodigious number of mourning coaches and lights, pursuant to his will, which he made 20 years ago. What is further remarkable, the Lord’s lady died at Paris the same day that himself died here.” [The Weekly Journal is at fault here, for the lady survived her husband just 20 years.] In the same journal, in the issue for Saturday, May 9, 1724, we read — “ The [ 40 ] Countess Dowager of Stafford, a native of France, has obtained his Majesty’s licence to leave the kingdom and return home. She is daughter of the late Marquis de Grammont, a French noble.” The Daily Chronicle of May 7, 1720, has the following advertisement:— “To be sold by Auction, the Pictures, Prints, Drawings, Jewels, Antique Chrystal Vases, Plate, Medals, and variety of Curiosities, being part of the old Arundel Collection, and belonging to the late Earl of Stafford; together with fine Japan and China; as also Household Furniture, consisting of Hangings, fine Carpets, Mother of Pearl and other Trunks, Aggat Tables, Peer Glasses, &c., at Stafford House, Petty France, Westminster. * * The conditions of Sale as usual, and no woman to be admitted in a Riding Hood.” [Probably experience had shown that women of bad character found it easy to carry off small articles at auction sales by concealing them in their hoods.] Among the effects of the noble lord was (says the Original Weekly Journal) an ivory cup : the brim was set round with diamonds, and rubies, and silver, which cup Thomas h, Beckett, formerly Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, used to drink out of. An Earthquake. O N Wednesday night last, about five minutes before eleven o’clock, a shock of an earthquake was sensibly felt in this town. The shock was so violent that we are informed a party of gentlemen in the Potteries had their table so shaken as to overturn and break the glasses . — Staffordshire Advertiser, Nov. 21, 1795. An Early Warrant to Sport. ' I ’ ORD Chancellor Ellesmere appears in early life to have been fond f of the sports of the field, and the annexed “ warrant ” to the ■ Lord Paget’s keepers in Staffordshire affords evidence of this pro¬ pensity, though his biographers do not appear to have been in possession of any information tending to such a conclusion. He was also to be supplied with “summer or winter deer” at any time, on directing his letters to the keepers, endorsed “The L. Pagette’s Warraunt.” The warrant ran as follows:—“These are to will and commannde youe, and every of youe, that whensoever my verie good frend Mr. Thomas Egerton, Esquier, hir Maties. Sollycitour Generali, shall come into any my parkes in Staffordshier within your severall chardges, thatt youe attend uppen him and make him the best sporte that youe maie, geving him free libertie to hunt and kill within the same parkes att his pleasure. And likewise whensoever he shall dyrect his letters to youe. or anie of youe, for the having off anie deare, somer or wynter, that youe deliver the same unto such persons as he shall appointe, takinge care that he be verie well served thereoff, and these letters shalbe a suffyeyent warrant, from tyme to tyme, to youe and everie of youe in this behalfe. Fare youe well. From Draiton, this xxiiijth off Maie, 1583. Yo r Ma r , “J. Paget. “To Richard Sneade, keper of my parke at Beaudesert. Willm Crispe, keper of my parke att Seney. And to John Godwin, keper of my great parke att Bromley Pagett. And to every of them, and in ther absense to the deputie and deputies, and to everie of them.” [ 41 ] A Threatened French Invasion. S~>T HORTLY before Napoleon Bonaparte sailed from Toulon with an invading army for Egypt, that is to say, on the 20th of February, 1798, a county meeting was held at Stafford on the subject of national defence, and this is the official record of the proceedings:— “ County of Stafford.—At a meeting of his Majesty’s Justices of the Peace and Deputy-Lieutenants for this county, held at the Shire Hall in Stafford, on Tuesday, the 20th day of February, 1798, Sir Edward Littleton, Bart., in the chair, it was unanimously resolved that books of subscription be opened in every parish in this county, under the direction of the minister and churchwardens, for the purpose of affording to persons of every rank and degree opportunities of showing their patriotism and loyalty by volun¬ tary contributions, in proportion to their several abilities, for the general defence of the Empire, and for the preservation of their own lives and pro¬ perties against the meditated invasion of an implacable and inveterate enemy, whose avowed object is the total destruction of the much-admired and envied Constitution of this kingdom and the civil and religious rights of British subjects. That such books be returned as soon as conveniently may be, with the money subscribed, either to the Receiver - General or Treasurers of the county, to be by them paid into the Bank of England. That these resolutions be advertised in the Sun, the Star, and the Birming¬ ham and Stafford papers.” In the Staffordshire Advertiser of the 24th of March, in the same year, we read:—“We understand that in consequence of a letter received by the Lord-Lieutenant it was made known to the Stafford Troop of Volunteer Cavalry, assembled on Thursday, that their services might possibly be called for, and we have the highest pleasure in stating that every gentleman pre¬ sent came forward in the most spirited manner, offering to march when required and giving three huzzas on the occasion.” The Battle of the Nile. m HE year 1798 is ever memorable in English history as that in which the Battle of the Nile was fought. It took place on the 1st of August, but as long after as the 15th of September we find the Editor of the Advertiser, in ignorance of the great event, lamenting that Admiral Nelson had been disappointed in his search after Buonaparte in the Levant and had been obliged to return to the coast of Sicily to revictual. At the same time he contemplates the possibility of Buonaparte embarking troops at Suez for the invasion of India, but has “ well-grounded expectations that Commodore Blankett with his squadron will arrive at the Straits of Babelmandel before Buonaparte can possibly pass through.” In the issue for the following week (September 22) we get the first news of the victory. At three o’clock on the morning of that day the press is stopped for the insertion of a postscript dated “London, Thursday evening.” From this we learn that French papers had been received which' contained an account of the battle. “It is stated that Admiral Brueys’ ship blew up; that three more of the enemy’s ships were sunk ; and that several on both sides were much damaged and driven on shore during an action which for its obstinacy was unparalleled in history.” On September 29 we have con¬ firmation supplied by a letter from Constantinople, the contents of whicli G t 42 ] were communicated by a Turkish shipmaster who remained near the scene of action until L’Orient took fire. And then, on the 6th of October, we have the full text of Nelson’s own modest despatch, which reached London on the 2nd of that month, two months after the battle. It was addressed “To Admiral the Earl of St. Vincent, Commander-in-Chief, etc., etc., etc., off Cadiz,” and ran as follows:— “Vanguard, off the mouth of the Nile, Aug. 3, 1796. “ My Lord,— “ Almighty God has blessed his Majesty’s arms in the late battle by a great victory over the fleet of the enemy, whom I attacked at sunset on the 1st of August off the mouth of the Nile. The enemy were moored in a strong line of battle for defending the entrance of the Bay (of Shoals), flanked by numerous gunboats, four frigates, and a battery of guns and mortars on an island in their van; but nothin? could withstand the squadron your lordship did me the honour to place under my command. Their high state of discipline is well known to you, and with the judgment of the captains, together with their valour and that of the officers and men of every description, it was absolutely irresistible. “Could anything from my pen add to the characters of the captains, I would write it with pleasure, but that is impossible. “I have to regret the loss of Captain Westcott, of the Majestic, who was killed early in the action; but the ship was continued to be so well fought by her first lieutenant, Mr. Cuthbert, that I have given him an order to command her till your lordship’s pleasure is known. “ The ships of the enemy, all but their two rear ships, are nearly dismasted; and those two, with two frigates, I am sorry to say, made their escape; nor was it, I assure you, in my power to prevent them. Captain Hood most handsomely endeavoured to do it, but I had no ship in a condition to support the Zealous, and I was obliged to call her in. ‘ ‘ The support and assistance I have received from Captain Berry cannot be sufficiently expressed. I was wounded in the head and obliged to be carried off the deck, but the service suffered no loss by that event. Captain Berry was fully equal to the important service then going on, and to him I must beg leave to refer you for every information relative to this victory. He will present you with the flag of the second in command, that of the Commander-in-Chief being burnt in L’Orient. “Herewith I transmit you lists of the killed and wounded, and the lines of battle of ourselves and the French. “ I have the honour to be, &c., “ Horatio Nelson.” The details show that of the French fleet nine vessels were taken, three burnt, and one sunk, while four escaped. Three out of the four were afterwards captured. Rejoicings at Stafford. “On Wednesday evening, when the particulars of Admiral Nelson’s most resplendent victory were received in this town, the demonstrations of joy were universal. That loyal body, the Military Association of Infantry, were drawn up in the Market-place, where they fired three volleys; and the appropriate song of ‘ Rule Britannia, ’ and another, dear to the hearts of all true Britons (‘God save the King’), were sung by the [ 43 ] corps, accompanied by their band of music. The succeeding day was also devoted to expressions of the most heartfelt joy ; the bells were rung at intervals, large fires were lighted in different parts of the town, and the Military Association again assembled, attended by R. Warren, Esq., Mayor, with his officers, to serve the company with wine, when * Admiral Nelson and the Wooden Walls of Old England,’ with other toasts, were drunk, and three excellent volleys were fired in honour of our great and important national triumph. This was succeeded by a general illumination, several windows exhibiting elegant transparencies, &c. Brilliant, however, as was the illumination, it was eclipsed by the transport which brightened every countenance .”—Staffordshire Advertiser, Oct. 6, 1798. Great Storm in 1808.— Delay of Mails. m HE dreadful weather of Thursday night has at present cut off all intercourse with the neighbouring country. The Holyhead mail, which should have reached this town at six o’clock yesterday morning, was brought with great difficulty on horseback about half-past four in the evening. The Manchester mail, which brings our letters from Newcastle and the Potteries, and which should reach this town about nine o’clock in the morning, had not arrived when our paper went to press. The down Manchester mail arrived here yesterday from Birmingham about the usual time ; but the bags cannot at present be forwarded even on horseback. The snowdrifts are so immense in some places that it will take the labour of many hundred men several days before any tolerable passage can be effected. To the same cause we must attribute the delay of the London mail, the arrival of which is uncertain perhaps for a day or two. We hope, however, that no material accidents will happen : the zeal that is generally manifested in difficulties of this nature is highly honour¬ able to the public, and we are happy to hear that the greatest exertions are being made in order to restore the regular intercourse of the county. —Staffordshire Advertiser, February 13, 1808. The First Forger of Bank of England Notes. I N a book entitled “The Bank of England, its Times and Traditions,” we read as follows : — “ The day on which a forged note was first presented at the Bank of England forms a memorable era in its history. For 64 years the establishment had circulated its paper with freedom, and during this time no attempt had been made to imitate it. He who takes the initiative in a new line of wrong-doing has more than the simple act to answer for: and to Richard William Vaughan, a Stafford linen draper, belongs the melancholy celebrity of having led the van in this new phase of crime, in the year 1758. The records of his life do not show want, beggary, or starvation urging him, but a simple desire to seem greater than he was. By one of the artists employed (and there were several engaged on different parts of the notes) the discovery was made. The criminal had filled up to the number of 20, and deposited them in the hands of a young lady to whom he was attached as a proof of his wealth. There is no calculating how much longer bank notes might have been free from imitation had this man not shown with what ease they might be counterfeited.” [ 44 ] At Stafford, with the Ddke of Cumberland, during the Rebellion of 1745. I N 1749, Mr. James Ray, of Whitehaven, published a “Compleat History of the Rebellion, from its first rise in 1745 to its total sup¬ pression at the glorious battle of Culloden, in April, 1746.” Mr. Ray accompanied the army of the Duke of Cumberland throughout the campaign, and describes at length the various towns through which he passed. He thus speaks of his visit to Stafford :—“ On the 5th (Novem¬ ber), the weather being extremely cold, I rode all night with a guide, and about four o’clock in the morning I got to Stafford, where his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland was with the Army. The Town was very full ; however I got my horse taken care of at the Cross Keys. By the length of my journey, the roads very bad, the weather extremely cold, and want of sleep, you may suppose I was pretty much fatigued, yet had no opportunity to get to bed ; but the satisfaction of being amidst the King’s Troops. With the help of some good old beer and a couple of stewed rabbits, I was well refreshed to undertake another day’s march; at half-an-hour past Six I went to his Royal Highness, and acquainted him with the Observations I had made, and repeated the most material Part of the Letters which I took from the Rebel Post, not having them with me for fear of being taken. Being joined the King’s army, and having nothing to fear but common Fate, I resolved to take my Chance with them in so good a Cause. There was a House by some Accident set on Pire that morning that I went into Stafford. Stafford is a town of great Antiquity : Cambden says it was first built by Edward the Senior, under the name of Betheny, where one Berteline, who was afterwards canonized fcr a Saint for his great Piety, led an Hermit’s life. It was afterwards call’d Statford, and now Stafford ; it is situated in a Fruitful soil and a sweet Air on the Bank of the River Sow ; it is adorned with two Churches, one whereof is very large and spacious, and a Free School; beautified with a large and uniform Market Place, in which is a House where the Assizes are held for the County ; the Streets are clean and well paved, the Buildings of Stone and Slate, and some of them very handsome, with severall good Inns. I was well accompanied at the Cross Keys. King John made this Town a Corporation, and Edward VI. confirmed and enlarged the Charter. ” Richard Cromwell and St. Mary’s Church. I N 1655 the Trustees for the Maintenance of Ministers made a repre¬ sentation to the Protector, Richard Cromwell, and the Council, that “for the better carrying on of the work of the ministry in the market town of Stafford, the charge whereof being very great,” it was advisable “that the yearly summ of ffifty pounds be granted unto such godly and painful preachers of the Gospel as shall bee from time to time approved by his Highness’ Commissioners for Approval of Publique Preachers, and appointed to be assistant in carrying on the work of the ministry in the s d town.” In consequence of this presentation, Mr. Noah Brian was appointed vicar of St. Mary’s and Mr. Greensmith lecturer. The latter received £50 per annum from the rectories of “ Gnosall, Stotfold, Bishop’s Hull, Edgbaston, and Rugeley.” [ 45 ] The Ancient County Hall. m HE Old County Hall, which was superseded in 1798-9 by the present structure, is referred to in the subjoined curious notifica¬ tion, the original of which is in the borough archives. To whom it was addressed does not appear. After “very harti comendacions” it proceeds:—“Whereas at the last Quarter Sessions of the Peace Sir Walter Chetwynd delivered all such moneys as weare in his handes belonging to the countie to th’ end the same might be employed towards the fynishing the Shire Hall heare, and then also in the s' 1 Sessions it was agreed that thirtie pounds of the county’s money remayning in y r hands shold allso be speedelie delivered towards the finall finishynge of the said Shire Hall. Now forasmuch as the worke about the said Hall is sett forward by W. Palmer and div rs workmen as weekly plowmrs and carpenters as free masons very busy with all convenient speed to finish the said Hall, and to th’ end that Mr. Palmer may give contentment as well to the Judges as to the Justices of the Peace concernynge the workmanship of the said Hall, he the said Mr. Palmer both travelled to Warwicke, taking a carpenter from heare with him thereto, onelie to take a plot of the convenience of the Shire Hall at Warwicke, to th’ end the like maie be done heare, and foras¬ much as allmost all the said moneys by Sir Walter Chetwynd are already bestowed. Therefore we request you to send us the said moneyes before Christmas next, to th’ end the poor man maie against this good tyme pay’d all wages and the work may be allso thereby much furthered. And so we leave you to the p’tecion of the Allmitie. “Stafford, Dec. xviii., 1606. “ Your very lovinge Friends.” Searchers and Sealers op Leather. ’N ancient Act of Parliament contains the following provisions : — All Mayors, Bayliffs, &c., and all Lords of liberties, faires, or ’ markets, out of the compasse of three miles of London, shall upon paine of forty pounds (whereof one-halfe to the Kinge, the other to the partie that will sue for the same) for every yeare that they make default, shall yearely appoint and sweare two, three, or more sufficient and skilful men to be searchers and sealers of leather within their limits, and one of them shall keepe a marke or seale prepared for that purpose, and shall seale such leather as they finde sufficient, and none other. That it shall be lawful to any of them to seize all such leather and ware as shall be insufficiently tanned, curried, made, or wrought contrary to any pro¬ vision in this Act, and shall retain the same untill it be tryed as hereafter is mentioned—viz., that every such Mayor, &c., or Lord of libertie or his sufficient deputie, after notice given to him of any such seizure, shall with all convenient speed appoint six honest and expert men to trie whether the same wares so seized be sufficient, according to the intent of this Statute or not, the same tryall to be made openly upon some market day, within fifteene dayes at the farthest next after such seizure upon the oaths of the tryers. To forfeit for not appointing such tryers, five pound. The tryers, if they doe not proceed and doe their duties therein without delay, doe forfeit for every default five pound. Every searcher and sealer of leather which shall refuse with convenient speed to seale any lawfull leather shall for every such offence forfeit forty shillings. For receiving any bribe, or exacting any fee for execution of his office, 20 pound. For refusing after election to execute the office, 10 pound. [ 46 ] Public Distress in 1795. f I "V R. Francis Lycett, a capital farmer of this town, having by him III a quantity of wheat, is selling it to poor people at 9s. per strike; * * every proper person who applies has half a strike for 4s. 6d. And Mr. Abraham Ward, of this town, miller, grinds it for them free of expense. If other farmers and millers would follow these examples, the poor would be much relieved in these distressing times. — Staffordshire Advertiser, July 4, 1795. [This is one of a large number of evidences afforded by the Advertiser of the great distress which prevailed all over the country in 1795, in consequence of the high price of wheat. Food riots were of common occurrence, and the services of the Yeomanry in dispersing mobs were in constant requisition. To add to the misery, the weather was so cold on the 18th of June that 2,500 sheep perished in Wiltshire alone.] John Howard on Stafford Prisons in 1784. ' A J\ |-*E take the following details concerning the condition of the I Stafford priion in 1784 from “An Account of the Prisons and Houses of Correction in the Oxford Circuit,” by John Howard. A note draws attention to the fact that where the words “ no alteration ” occur a very bad condition of the gaol is signified. County Gaol at Stafford. —No alteration in this crowded prison. Only one small day-room for men and women. In the dungeon for male felons, I saw fifty-two chained down, hardly fourteen inches being allowed to each. The moisture from their breath ran down the walls. I need not intimate the heat and offensiveness of this dungeon. Last year, seven of the felons died in their dungeon of gaol fever, and the free-ward, cr county-chamber, being directly over it, nine out of thirteen of the poor debtors died. No infirmary ; no bath. Act for preserving the health of prisoners not hung up. Though this prison is bad and crowded, many things might be done by an attentive and humane gaoler for the con¬ venience and health of his prisoners, consistently with his own security. One debtor’s attempting to escape was not a sufficient reason why a window should be bricked up in the county-chamber, which before was too dark and close. A lofty and good room with a fire-place, over the women’s dungeon, was kept during the sickness and is still retained for the gaoler’s lumber. I am sorry that when this circumstance was publicly mentioned some gentlemen should so readily acquiesce in the gaoler’s excuse that the room was not secure. It is a strong room : but even admitting it not so strong as the dungeon, it is sufficiently secure for some who are not the most atrocious criminals, and especially for those that are sick, or in dying circumstances. Allowance, two shillings, in fifteen penny loaves and 2lb. of cheese a-week.* The bread was good and of proper weight. Convicts have the 2s. 6d. a-week. Gaoler’s salary £100 in lieu of the tap. The county is now going to build a new gaol. Many of the windows of this prison are towards the street; and opposite to the prison gate there are three adjoining ale-houses. One of them ha vine harboured a gang of which some were condemned and executed, Judge Buffer took away the licence, but it being now renewed, the house is said to be again the resort of bad company. The great and increasing number of ale-houses that I observe * Such a quantity of cheese is improper in prisons. For the 9d. a-week here in milk, oatmeal, potatoes, or other vegetables, they might have a hot mess almost every day. [ 47 ] in my tours through this kingdom I cannot but lament, as it is one great and obvious reason why our prisons are so crowded both with debtors and with felons. Many magistrates are sensible of this evil, yet so dreadfully supine and timid as to grant fresh licences (often at the intercession of their interested clerks), in which their conduct is highly culpable. It should be remembered that it is the spirit of our laws, and therefore the duty of magistrates, by every means to prevent, if possible, the commission of crimes. County Bridewell, Stafford. —No alteration. The prison clean and none of the prisoners in irons. No court : no employment. The same allowance of bread and cheese* as in the gaol. Bedding only straw, which is sent in every fortnight. The keeper puts in a deputy who has no salary. Extraordinary Storm. An Authentic Account of a Hailstorm, when fell a hailstone 11 inches in circumference, that teas taken up at Seighford, after the dreadful tempest that happened there, July 3, 1719. m HE day before the hailstorm the air was dark and cloudy, and the sun through the dense vapours appeared of a colour as red as blood. The next morning was hot and clear, and the day so con¬ tinued till about two in the afternoon, when suddenly in an instant the clouds began to rise in the west, and a soft shower followed. After this a storm came out of the north, which soon overspread the sky, and a little past four ended in a most dreadful tempest of hail. The stones were of various shapes and figures and of a monstrous and immense size. They seemed to be fragments of some huge cylindrical body of ice, broken and dashed to pieces in the fall, vast numbers of which measured five or six inches in circumference, and several measured nine, ten, or eleven inches even a considerable time after the storm was over. The Hobby Horse. r-rfHIS ancient amusement of the people was practised in Stafford I I until the end of the civil wars in the 17th century. The custom • * was celebrated at Christmas, New Year’s Day, and May 12. On these occasions a person danced through the principal street carrying between his legs the figure of a horse composed of boards. In his hands he bore a bow and arrow, which last entered a hole in the bow ; and stopping on a shoulder in it made a snapping noise as he drew it to and fro keeping time with the music. Five or six other persons, dressed in gro¬ tesque fashion, also danced. To this Hobby Horse dance there also belonged a pot which was kept by turns by several of the chief men of the town. Those who took any interest in the sport gave money for themselves and their families to pay for cakes and ale for the players. Any surplus was devoted to the repair of the church and the support of the poor. Sir Simon Degge, a Staffordshire antiquary, says that “ every Common Council man collected money from his friends, and whosoever brought in the greatest sum to the Hobby Horse was considered as the man of the best credit, so that they strove who should most improve his interest.” [ 48 ] Presentation op Colours to Volunteer Cavalry. Y ESTERDAY, in the forenoon, the Volunteer Cavalry of this county assembled in the Market Place, Stafford, to receive their colours from the hands of the Right Hon. the Countess of Sutherland. A great number of persons were assembled, and many of them of distinction. The troops being formed in three lines of a square, the Hon. Edward Monckton, Lieutenant-Colonel, placed himself near the window of the Star Inn, accompanied by the cornets, &c., of the three troops. The Countess of Sutherland then delivered the standards to the Lieutenant-Colonels, whom she addressed in suitable terms. — Staffordshire Advertiser, Oct. 24, 1795. A Brave Magistrate. m UESDAY morning, very early, a number of people assembled in the streets of this town, and, after collecting a considerable mob, proceeded to Radford Bridge to detain a quantity of corn, &c., which they supposed was about to be sent from this neighbourhood out of the county. They surrounded the boats and refused to let them proceed. About six o’clock the gentlemen of the Volunteer Cavalry were formed into a body, and proceeded towards the spot where the mob were assembled. A messenger was dispatched for John Sparrow, Esq., one of his Majesty’s Justices of the Peace at Bishton. The mob in the meantime waited peace¬ ably for his arrival. Before he reached Radford Bridge, he requested the cavalry, who had gone to meet him, to stop at some distance, while he went amongst the crowd to examine the reason of their assembling and to endeavour, by peaceable means, to persuade them to reverence the laws. To this the gentlemen of the Cavalry acceded with pleasure. Mr. Sparrow then went forward and alighted from his horse in the midst of the mob with the utmost confidence. He demanded the meaning of their meeting in such a manner. They replied that they were starving for want of bread, and that they could not, under such circumstances, suffer provisions to be sent out of the county. Mr. Sparrow immediately made inquiry respecting the corn which the mob had detained, and found that it had come from Liverpool and was going for the relief of another part of the country. He expostulated, therefore, with the crowd on the injustice of their conduct, and asked them what they would thin e of the inhabitants of the Potteries, or any other place, if they, under the same pretext, should detain corn coming to the relief of Stafford. This observation seemed to make a con¬ siderable impression on the mob, and they renounced the intention of any longer detaining the corn. Having thus convinced them of the injustice of their conduct, and of the offence they were committing against the laws of their country, he assured them he felt for their situation, and everything in his power, both as a magistrate and as a member of the community, should be done for their relief—that he would go forward to Stafford and lay their case before the gentlemen of the town. (Here the mob gave him three cheers.) He did so. The crowd left the boats to proceed to the place of their destination, and accompanied him. On his arrival he consulted with the Mayor and several other gentlemen, and a very liberal subscription was immediately entered into by the gentlemen of the Corporation, in¬ habitants, etc., to which the Hon. Edw. Monckton and R. B. Sheridan, Esq., gave twenty pounds each ."—Staffordshire Advertiser, August 8, 1795. [ 49 j The History of Cotox Field. •> * HE Manor of Coton, before the Dissolution of monasteries, belonged iCk to the Prior and Convent of St. Thomas, and consisted of three ^^ large fields, called Coton, otherwise Pool Field, Broad Field, and Kingstone Hill Field, all of which were unenclosed. It was then the custom for two of the fields to be ploughed every year, and for the third to lie fallow; the latter was common to the burgesses at all times in the year, and the two former from the time the crops were cleared away until the following seed-time. Differences arose between the Prior and the burgesses, which were referred to Humphrey Duke of Buckingham, who, in the year 1455, awarded that the Prior should lease Coton Field to the Bailiffs of Stafford for 99 years, they rendering nine marks yearly, and that he should hold the other fields (which were afterwards enclosed) in “severalty free from the common right.” At the Dissolution the property belonging to the Priory of St. Thomas was granted to Rowland Lee, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry ; and it appears by an inquisition taken after his death, October 9, 35th Henry VIII., that he had conveyed the land to trustees to the use of himself for life, with remainder to Brian Fowler. At the end of the term the same disputes were renewed between the Bailiffs and burgesses and Mr. Brian Fowler, then owner of the Manor of Coton, and these disputes were referred to Lord Ferrers of Chartley, who in 1554 awarded that Mr. Fowler should permit the Bailiffs, bur¬ gesses, and commonalty of the town to hold Coton Field as before for 99 years, paying a fine of £10 and an annual rent of £4. A suit in Chancery was afterwards commenced, and in consequence of this and of several trials-at-law it was, on the 9th of November, 1699, decreed that the Mayor and Burgesses should enjoy their right of common in the three fields, and a commission was awarded for setting them out accordingly. There appear to have been some steps taken for throwing open the enclosures pursuant to the decree, but these steps were not proceeded with owing to an agreement being made between the parties for the Mayor and burgesses to hold Coton Field during the lifetime of Mr. Walter Fowler, at a rental of £40, and for continuance of the enclosure of the other fields. At the same time it was declared that the common right decreed to the Mayor and burgesses should only be suspended so long as they should enjoy Coton Field “ in severalty,” and that when they should be interrupted in such enjoyment the Mayor, burgesses, and commonalty were to be at liberty to use their common in the other fields, “according to the decree and their ancient right.” After the death of Mr. Walter Fowler, a lease, dated November 27, 1699, was granted by Mr. William Fowler, his successor, to the Mayor and burgesses for another ttrm of 99 years, at the rent of £20, and subject to the further sum of £20 being paid and distributed yearly among the poor people in the alms¬ houses. In 1705, only six years later, another lease was granted in which the rent-charge was reduced to £12 and the sum to be expended on the almshouses increased to £28 per annum. By this lease the Corporation gave up the common of pasture over Broad Field and Kingstone Hill Field, and Mr. Fowler covenanted to convey to the Mayor and burgesses the inheri¬ tance of Coton Field as soon as they should obtain a licence from Queen Anne to take a grant of it in mortmain. This licence was afterwards obtained. Thirty-five years previous to this last-named lease, the Corporation had ordered “that for the raising of monies which have been expended in the H [ 50 ] suit concerning the common in the lordship of Coton, the Mayor and company have two acres apiece in Coton Field, and they to have their first choice, and that the pay for the same to the Mayor be forty shillings over and besides the due rent; and if any have already advanced so much in the s' 1 suit, shall pay the same and so much more as shall make up the same 40s. ; and that burgesses shall have one apiece so far as the same will extend, and that they pay for the same 10s. over and above the rent for this next year, and 5s. for the year following, over and above the due rent, and that the monies that any burgess hath already given towards the suit within these six months be set off as part thereof, and that those burgesses be first served that have deposited money towards the s d suit; and that every burgess that hath the possession of more than one acre take his choice of what he hath and deliver up the rest; and that those who have b" put into possession since the suit was begun be dispossessed thereof, and not to hold the same; and that widows during their widowhood shall hold what their husbands before held and were possessed of.” In 1697 it was ordered that no person should have an acre in Coton Field unless he were a “housekeeper” within the borough. In 1699 the disposition of the acres, which had till that time been exercized by the Corporation, was ordered to be vested in the Mayor alone. The tenure was as follows :—The acres were held for life, provided the persons possessing them so long resided in the borough ; and widows, while they continued such, and under the same condition of residence, also enjoyed the acres which had been held by their husbands. For each acre four or five shillings, according to its quality, was yearly paid, and applied in discharge of the rent to Mr. Fowler, and for the support of the almshouses. The Corporation also made an order in 1700 “that it be a general rule, at the disposing of any grass acre, that at every change there shall be p d 10s. for the same to the poor of the alms¬ houses, over and above the town-rent ; and if it be a corn acre, then only double the yearly rent that is p 1 ' to the town, and this to be p' 1 before the entrance.” The 18th century does not appear to have been fruitful in interest in connection with Coton Field. At the commencement of this century (1808), out of 195 acres under the control of the Corporation 50 were in the possession of the members of that body and of widows whose husbands belonged to it. A writer on Stafford charities at this time says :— “ Long residence in the town, meritorious conduct, the burthen of a family, the age or necessities of the burgesses have no weight in influencing the disposition of these lands. The favour of the Mayor is alone sufficient to insure the possession of an acre, and whether the object of that favour be the master or the member of a family, an old resident burgess or newly admitted to his freedom, a poor man or a person of property, are con- s derations wholly disregarded. The rents arising from the field amount to £46 5s., of which £12 are paid in discharge of the rent reserved by Mr. Fowler’s lease, and £28 to the poor in the almshouses. The remainder, which with the money paid by each person obtaining an acre should be applied to the use of the almshouses, is carried to the common fund of the Corporation. ” In leaving Coton Field here and thus avoiding wearying our readers with the dry details of the costly litigation of later years, it is only necessary to say that however the ground might have been diverted from its proper use a century ago, at the present day it is not possible for anyone to write of the Town Council in such terms of severe reprobation as those just cited. [ 51 ] An Early Railway at Stafford. * j I 1 railway, as it was then called, or tramway, as we should call it now, was constructed between Stafford and the wharf at • Radford as early as 1805 and was opened on the 1st of November in that year. The immediate result was a reduction in the price of coal at Stafford, and there was some public rejoicing' thereat. The company owning the line inserted the following advertisement in the Staffordshire Advertiser for May 5, 1810 :—“ The Stafford Railway, Coal, and Lime Company are enabled to offer for sale at reduced prices Coal and Lime at the places undernamed :— Acton Trussell Radford St. Thomas Milford Tixall Haywood Carriage of all kind of Shirleyvvich W eston Colwich Wolseley Bridge and Bishton. merchandize, bricks, tiles, timber, &c., on application as above on terms proportionably low, for which annual pay¬ ment will be required. The Company pledge themselves to deliver goods immediately after their arrival at Radford. Manager, Mr. John Hughes, Radford.” In the month of October, 1880, while laying down additional sewer pipes in the Lichfield road from its junction with the Wolverhampton road, the workmen took up a quantity of timber sleepers, which were found 3ft. or more below the surface. These were thought to have belonged to the above-mentioned tramway. Stafford Declares against the Slave Trade. 1 1 ■' *T a county meeting held on February 5, 1788, in consequence of a cill from the High Sheriff, at the requisition of a ' • number of gentlemen, a petition to the House of Commons praying for the abolition of the Slave Trade was unanimously agreed upon. Resolutions were passed desiring the members for the county to promote the object of the petition to the utmost of their power, and ex¬ pressing the thanks of the meeting to the “Society established in London for effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade ” for its laudable and useful exertions. Curious Marriage and Obituary Notices. J | ' FEW days since the Rev' 1 Mr. Harris, of Yattingdon, in the county of Berks, was married to Miss Nieholls, of Stafford, • a young lady of great Beauty, an ample fortune, and endowed with all the valuable qualifications of her Sex .” — London Daily Post, Aug. 8, 1738. “Last week died at Stafford Miss Abnet, a young lady more remarkable for the sweetness of her temper than a Fortune of £10,000, which she has bequeathed to Miss Swinerton, her first cousin .”—London Mornimj Advertiser, Sept. 25, 1741. “Married, William Chapman, of Stafford, to Martha Stafford, of the same place. Their two ages amount to 160 years.” GDC An Outlaw Elected Member for Stafford. 'KITING from Paris to a friend, in 1767, the notorious John Wilkes said :—“ As some of my friends have expressed their doubts whether I can be elected a member of Parliament, I hope the following authentic quotation will clearly prove the affirmative:”— “Thomas Fitzherbert was elected a burgess for Stafford in the 35th of Queen Elizabeth, and the Commons, after great debate, expressly voted that a person outlawed might be elected.”—(D'Ewe’s Journal of the House of Commons.) An Olden Time Mayor’s Feast. N the borough archives there was some years ago found an old bye-law by which the Mayor’s feast at the annual election is limited to a piece of boiled beef and a goose. The Lord High Stewardship of Stafford. 1 HIS office appears to be one of great antiquity. As early as 1455, in the reign of Henry VI., it was held by Humphrey Duke of Buckingham, who, as we have already noticed, arbitrated in settling some disputes between the Prior of St. Thomas and the town, respecting the right of common upon the Lordship of Coton. The grandson of the Duke of Buckingham held the office about 1542, at which time his son, Henry Lord Stafford, was chosen Recorder, who, according to an ancient manuscript, “ was exceedinge carefull for the preservation and maintenance of the state and weale publique of the town, for he procured Syr Anthony Fitzherbert, one of the Judges of the Land, to make an exposition upon the Charter, and to explane the same in that manner that the Baylives and Burgesses might the better know their ovvne strengthe.” The office was also held in later times by the unfortunate James Duke of Monmouth. The following is a list of the High Stewards of the borough from the granting of the Charter by King James I. to the present time:— Henry Earl of Northampton, appointed . 1614. Robert Earl of Essex . 1617. Sir Orlando Bridgeman, Baronet . 1646. Sir Simon Degge, Knight . 1674. Robert Lord Brooke . 1674. James Duke of Monmouth .. 1676. Robert Lord Ferrers .. 1683. Walter Lord Aston . . . 1688. Robert Lord Ferrers . 1688. Walter Lord Chetwynd . 1717. Thomas Earl of Macclesfield . 1724. Walter Lord Chetwynd . 1726. John Lord Chetwynd . 1736. William Viscount Chetwynd . 1767. Lord Granville Leveson Gower (created Marquis of Stafford, 1786) ... 1769. George Marquis of Stafford (created Duke of Sutherland 1833). 1804. George 2nd Duke of Sutherland . 1833. John Eail of Shrewsbury . 1861. Charles Earl of Shrewsbury . 1868. Thomas George Earl of Lichfield . 1878. t 53 ] Election Riots in 1748. O N Saturday, the 13th instant, at the Assizes held at Stafford, came on before the Hon. Mr. Justice Burnett the Trial, on an Information against Joseph Loxdale and others, by a Special Jury of Gentlemen of that County, for a Riot committed at the Borough of Stafford, and for forcibly breaking into, defacing, and demolishing the House of William Chetwynd, Esq., on the Election day, when the said William Chetwynd and John Robbins, Esqrs., were returned members to represent that Borough in Parliament ; and after some hours spent in examining the great number of witnesses for the Crown and the facts fully proved against Eighteen of the defendants in that Information, the Council for the Rioters proposed that those Eighteen Persons should be found guilty, and that Mr. Chetwynd should have satisfaction made him for the Damage done to his House, if the Council for the Crown would consent to withdraw the other Informations, which were then to be tried against several other persons concerned in that Riot, which Proposal was agreed to by the Crown and those 18 Persons convicted by the Jury ; upon which Mr. Chetwynd very generously refused to take any Satisfaction on the Damage done to his House. Morning Advertiser, Aug. 26, 1748. Recruiting in 1795. O LD England and her Wooden Walls.—Wanted, immediately, several spirited and enterprising young men as Volunteers in his Majesty’s Navy, who will receive, on application tc the churchwardens or overseers of Stafford, fifteen guineas bounty. They will be entitled to a share of all prize-money, and be discharged three months after the expira¬ tion of the war, which may probably be of very short duration, and in all probability cannot be long .—Staffordshire Advertiser, April 11, 1795.— [Cannot be long!] Attempt to Release Pbisoners from Gaol. O N Sunday night, about twelve o’clock, a most daring attempt was made to liberate the prisoners confined in our County Gaol. Some of the debtors were awakened by the noise of sawing in the ward where the impressed men are lodged, and by their exertions had the good fortune to alarm the governor and turnkeys, who immediately came and effectually secured the ringleaders, who have since been ironed and taken all imaginable care of. Perhaps no attempt was ever made for a general escape that was so well planned ; picklock keys, rope-ladders, and every¬ thing that was necessary for the purpose appears to have been provided ; and a strong party it should seem were on the outside to facilitate their business ; they had brought three horses from the neighbourhood of Wolver¬ hampton on the occasion, which were found in the adjoining field the next day, and have since been owned. The keys that were found would unlock every part of the prison, notwithstanding many of the locks are made upon a very curious construction. Several articles have since been found under the bedstead of one of the impressed men, and a rope and grappling-hook dug up in one of the yards, which were intended to have been used in the escape, —Staffordshire Advertiser, Aug. 15, 1795. i 54 ] & A Patriotic Schoolmaster. 'HE following advertisement appeared in the Staffordshire Advertiser for June 9, 1804:— “Stafford Academy. T. Fairbanks respectfully informs his friends and the Public that in consequence of the Stafford Volunteers being ordered to Uttoxeter on the 11th inst., he, in order to perform his duty as a Soldier, is under the necessity of keeping his Vacation earlier than usual; (viz.) from the 9th inst. to the 2nd of July following.—To every generous Friend to his King, his Country, and the Constitution the motive will be a sufficient apology for the measure.—When everything that can render life desirable, happy, and honorable is threatened by a perfidious tyrant, whose avarice and ambition are as boundless as his cruelty and injustice—when Britons are menaced by a Horde of Brigands with invasion, slavery, and destruction, none but the pusillanimous would shrink from the patriotic and glorious task of exterminating such infuriate invaders.” Corporation Hospitalities. I X olden times the Corporation of Stafford seems to have followed the Scriptural injunction and to have been much “given to hospitality.” We glean from the Corporation records much information on this subject. The Judges, w’hen they came to the assizes, seem to have been particularly well looked after. The following extract, dated March 27, 1691, tells us that “Whereas there has been £20 allowed yearly towards the charges of the Judges, and the late Sheriffs have not paid the same to the Mayor then in being: it is ordered that Mr. Mayor do appoint some persons to inspect into the accounts of the late Sheriffs and to see what has been allowed them for the entertainment of the Judges, and to demand such allowances from the said Sheriffs: and in case the Sheriffs shall refuse to pay the same then such course to be taken for the getting thereof as shall be thought fitt, and that the same money when gotten to be applyed to that use.” In the same year w T e read, “It is likewise ordered that the Mayors for the future do give Two Guineas unto every Under Sheriff when he brings £20 for the Judges’ charges out of the same money for his pains and trouble in getting the same.” Dumb animals, too, shared in the liberality of the Corporation, for in 1698 it was ordered that “for the better entertainment of the judges, there be allowed by this borough a peck of pease and beans to mix with two strikes of oats, and that Saddle horse be allowed a peck a day, but a peck and a half a day for every Coach horse out of the same, and that the Chamberlain do take an account of what horses the Judges and their servants have at every Assize, and pay accordingly.” At the same time it was ordered that a present be made to their Lordsh : ps of two dozen bottles of wine at every assize, made up of four bottles of sack, eight of white wine, and twelve of claret, which were to be delivered by the Sergeant as soon as the judges came into the town. This Bacchanal offering to Justice was, however, shortly after this date discontinued. An order dated October, 1699, reads, “ That the wine and ale which has hitherto been given by the Corporation to the Judges at the different Assizes be not sent in future on account of the augmentation of their salaries.” [ 55 ] The Lords Spiritual were apparently not forgotten, for in 1672 six bottles of sack, six bottles of claret, and six bottles of white wine were presented to the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry to commemorate his first visit to the town. A note of a similar gift is found in the records for 1701. On the occasion of Queen Anne’s coronation the Mayor was authorized to provide “ for the women ” cakes to the value of 20s., six bottles of sack, six of claret, and 10s. worth of ale. The bonfire in the Market-place was also christened with a dozen of wine and 40s. worth of ale. On the occasion of the first visit of the Earl of Stafford, son of the unfortunate Lord Stafford who was beheaded, to the town in 1707, a present of two dozen of “such wine as the Earl shall like of” was made. The “Mayor¬ choosing ” was made the occasion of considerable feasting. In 1777, a regulation was made that for the future the Corporation should breakfast with the out-going Mayor the preceding day, dine with the new Mayor on the day he was chosen, and breakfast with him on the following Sunday In 1797, an attempt was made to cut down the Mayor’s allowance from 50 to 20 guineas, and also to abolish the feast on the day of his election. A resolution to this effect was actually carried, but was rescinded in four days. At the commencement of the present century the Volunteer move¬ ment caused much public enthusiasm. The Corporation bore its share in the expenses of the organization ; witness the following orders :—1803, Aug. 3. “That the sum of One Hundred Guineas be contributed by the Corporation towards the expense of clothing the Volunteers enrolled in the town of Stafford for the defence of the kingdom.” 1804, May 30. “ That the sum of Is. be allowed to each Volunteer on the 4th of June next, being the birthday of Geo. III.” 1804, Aug. 21. “That the sum of Fifty Guineas be paid by the Chamberlain into the hands of the Mayor for the use of the Volunteers.” Nor did the charity which began at home stop there, for we read that in 1815 the sum of Fifty Guineas was given to the fund for the relief of the families of the killed and wounded in the “late victory of Waterloo and other glorious battles.” Ax Extraordinary Confirmation. O N Sunday last the Honourable and Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of this Diocese confirmed, in the Church of St. Mary in this town, upwards of 1,200 persons ; after which a very excellent sermon, adapted to the occasion, was preached by the Rev. E. Dickenson.— Stafford¬ shire Advertiser, July 4, 1795. [The practice of allowing candidates for confirmation to accumulate to extraordinary numbers like that just men¬ tioned led to scenes quite out of keeping with the sacred rite. Many readers not more than middle-aged will be able to recall such scenes of irreverence on the confirmation days of their youth ; but a great reform has been brought about in this diocese, in this respect, by the labours of Bishop Selwyn and Bishop Maclagan.] C 56 ] The Plague in Stafford.—A Terrible Christmastide. T would seem from the following interesting document, the original of which is amongst the Corporation records, that this town was visited by the plague in 1646. To the Minister of Greet yate,— Whereas it hath pleased Allmightie God for a longe tyme to visitt the towne of Stafford with the plague, which by that meanes is now growne as poore, that unless some speedie course bee taken for their reliefe the meaner sort off people must off necessitie break out for want of sustenance. These are therefore, as I am required, to acquaintye you with the desire of the Comittie of Parliament, for that Comittie and off the inhabitants of the said towne off Stafford, that you would exhort your parishioners to extend their liberal benevolence for the relief off the said distressed people : that a collection be tharefore made, and that you signify under your hand what money shall bee so collected, and that the said money be speedilee paid unto mee, together with the said significat, that I may pay the same as I am farther directed. Tho. Myller. 20d, 8br, 1646. The names of the benefactors in Greetyate [near Cheadle] towards the relief of Stafford, visited by God’s heavy judgment of the plague £ s. d. Imp. John Goringe . 0 2 0 Ite. Robert Swenston . 0 0 6 Ite. Thomas Felthouse . 0 16 Ite. John Keelinge . 0 0 6 Ite. John Coupe . 0 0 6 Ite. Robert Burton .-. 0 0 4 Ite. Thomas Gretton . 0 0 8 Ite. Willia Keeling . 0 0 2 Ite. Tho. Godwin . 0 o 2 Ite. Willia. Mold . 0 0 2 Ite. Willia. Allen . 0 0 4 Ite. Francis Goodall . 0 0 2 Ite. John Pedhock . 0 0 3 Ite Robert Holme . 0 0 2 Ite. Tho. Knight . 0 0 2 Sum-a-total . viiis. iijd. Tho. Hinckley, Curat. The “Perfect Diurnal” of December 28, 1646, says:—“Friday, Dec. 25, 1646: the Houses sat this day, and the Commons ordered a collection throughout London and Westminster next, being the monthly fast day, the moyety thereof for the poore of the small parishes, and the other moyety for the distressed and infected inhabitants by the plague of the town of Stafford.” Discovery of Old Coins. I K the year 1800 between two and three hundred pieces of ancient silver coins were discovered in Mr. Kingstone’s tan-yard in Stafford, about a yard from the surface of the ground. They were contained in a small jug, and were in an excellent state of preservation. It is supposed they had lain there 700 years, as they appeared to have been coined during the reigns of Ethelred, Canute, and Hardicanute, 2 [ C7 ] The Stafford Charters. B EFORE saying anything relating to Stafford charters in particular, a few explanatory remarks on the general subjects, taken from the “English Encyclopredia,” may be acceptable. Charters are divided into— 1, Charters of the Crown ; 2, charters of private persons. 1. Royal charters were used at a very early period, for grants of privileges, exemptions, lands, honours, pardons, and other benefits that the Crown had to confer ; and thus the term became restricted to such instruments as con¬ ferred some right or franchise. These instruments did not differ in form from letters patent, being usually addressed by the King to all his sub¬ jects, and exposed to open view, with the great seal pendent at the bottom ; but such as contained grants of particular kinds were distinguished by the name of charters. Thus, as giving was the object of a charter, the term became very popular, and was used in a more extended sense to denote laws of a popular character. Whatever may have been the prerogatives and legislative authority of the Kings of England, it is certain that from the earliest times there were many rights and liberties which by the law of the land belonged to the people. As these were often restrained and violated, nothing was more acceptable to the nation than a formal recogni¬ tion of them by the Crown ; and the popular name of charter was applied to those written laws by which the Kings from time to time confirmed or enlarged the liberties of the people. Such laws were regarded not only as concessions from the King but as contracts between man and man—between the King and his subjects ; while, at the same time, they were promul¬ gated as the legislative acts of the sovereign authority in the state. List of Charters. The most important of the many charters granted to the town of Stafford are those of King John, King Edward VI., and King .James I. Mr. William Jones has compiled a list of twenty-one municipal charters in all, not including one relating to King Edward the VI.’s Grammar School and a grant by Queen Elizabeth to St. Mary’s Church. The following is the list, with in every case but one the date of the charter and the year of the sovereign’s reign :— 1st of John, May 1, 1206. 12th of Henry III., April 11, 1228. 45‘h of Henry III., June 1, 1260. 8th of Edward II., July 4, 1314. 2nd of Edward III., February 10, 1327. 50th of Edward III., 1375. 2nd of Richard II., June 24, 1378. 1st of Henry IV., January 9, 1400. 1st of Henry V., March 10, 1413. 12th of Henry VI., March 30, 1434. 17th of Edward IV., February 4th, 1477. 2nd of Henry VIII., January 27, 1511. 18th of Henry VIII., May 10, 1526. 37th of Henry VIII., August 24, 1545. 3rd of Edward VI., 1549. 1st and 2nd of Philip and Mary, November 1, 1555. 2nd of Elizabeth, November 15, 1560. 3rd of James I., March 27, 1604. 12th of James I., April 8, 1613. 7th of George III., March 27, 1767. 8th of George IV., September 6, 1827. I [ 58 ] During the mayoralty of Mr. Jones (1851-1852) eighteen out of these twenty-one charters were brought together and deposited with the solicitors of a mortgagor who had some financial transactions with the Corporation of that day. They were afterwards restored to the Corporation, and are now among the municipal archives. The charters granted between that of King John and that of King James were as a rule simply confirmatory of that of the first-named monarch, whose charter, as we have already stated, confirms rights and privileges which were possibly embodied in an older charter all traces of which have been lost. One of the confirmatory charters (12th of Henry III.) granted an eight days’ fair. King Edward III. exempted the burgesses from serving on juries or inquisitions with “foreigners” (meaning strangers or temporary residents) when questions affecting lands in Stafford were in issue : he also granted that the burgesses should be free of murage (a tax raised for the building of public walls) by all the realm, and that they should elect their own coroner and have a prison within the borough. The Charter of Kiny John. The following is a translation of the charter of King John. The original is in the Corporation archives, with other charters, and is in excellent preservation:— John, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitania, Count of Anjou, to all archbishops, bishops, abbots, counts, barons, justices, viscounts, sheriffs, provosts, ministers, to all bailiffs and other our faithful subjects—Greeting.—Know ye that we have granted and by this our charter confirmed to our burgesses of Stafford, that the town of Stafford be a free Borough for ever ; and that the burgesses thereof and their heirs hold the said Borough of us and our heirs in fee farm with soca (1), saca (2), tholl (3), and theam (4), infange- tliefe (5), and with all other liberties and free customs which they have usually enjoyed in former times, paying every year into our Exchequer by their own hands their due and ancient fee farm rents—to wit—one moiety at the feast of the Passover and the other moiety at the feast of St. Michael. We have granted to them also and by this our charter have confirmed that they and their heirs be free of toll, lastage (6) passage (7), payage (7), stallage (8), and pontage (9) throughout all our dominions, saving the Liberties of the City of London. And that they make no suit in the County or Hundred touching their properties within the Borough of Stafford ; and that none of them plead or be impleaded without the Borough of Stafford touching any tenements which they may possess within the Borough of Stafford, and that pleas be there held touching all debts which they may have contracted in Stafford, or bails there given. And that they neither plead nor be impleaded touching tenements in the aforesaid Borough (1) Power or liberty to minister justice and execute laws. (2) A privilege of holding plea in causes of action arising in the borough. (3) A payment in towns, markets, and fairs for goods and cattle bought or sold. t4) A royalty or privilege granted by KiDg's Charter to the Lord of a manor for the having, restraining, and judging of bondsmen and villeins, with the children’s goods and chattels. (5) A privilege granted to the Lords of the manor to judge any thief taken wi'hin their fee. (6) Custom paid for wares sold by the last as herrings, <5ic. (7) Hire that a man pays for being transported over a river. (8) Liberty to erect a stall in fair or market, or the money paid for the same. (9) A contribution towards the maintenance of a bridge, or toll taken for that purpose. [ -30 J by writ of mort d'anccster (10), but that they proceed according to the Law and Usage of the said Borough. And that it may be lawful for them to distrain in Stafford their debtors for debts due to them in Stafford. And that all those who have been usually accounted to be within the Liberties of the Borough, as well within the walls as without, shall in future continue to enjoy the said privileges and quittances, together with them, so long as they partake with them in aids, assessment, tallages (11), and all sum¬ monses as formerly. We have granted also to them and confirmed all other Liberties and free customs which are enjoyed by any other free borough in England, saving in all things, as aforesaid, the Liberties of the City of London. We will therefore and firmly command that the said Borough of Stafford be a free Borough for ever, and that the Burgesses thereof have and hold the said Borough with all its appurtenances in fee farm for ever, with all the aforesaid liberties, quittances, and free customs, well and peaceably, freely and quietly, wholly and honourably, in bush and plain, in ways and paths, in meadows and pastures, in moors and marshes, in water and mills, in ponds and pools, on banks and in fisheries, within the Borough and without, and in all other places and things, and with all other liberties and free usages to a free Borough appertaining as above. And we forbid, upon pain of outlawry, that any person in any of the above premises harass or molest our aforesaid burgesses of Stafford. Witnesses, John Bishop of Norwich, Peter Bishop of Winchester, H. Bishop of Salis¬ bury, G. Fitzpeter Earl of Essex, R. Earl of Chester, W. Earl of Salisbury, Warren Fitzgerald, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Peter of Stoke, Thomas of Erdington. Given under the hand of Lord Josceline, Bishop-Elect of Bath, at Windsor, the 1st day of May in the 7th year of our reign [1206]. The Charter of Edward VI. The charter granted by King Edward VI. was not only confirmatory of rights and privileges previously existing, but it formally incorporated the borough, and it also granted to the burgesses liberty to appoint a justice of the peace for the borough, to do “all such things as to the office of justice of the peace belongeth, in as ample manner and form as any justice of the peace within the realm of England.’’ By incorporation we undeistand that the charter “established a fictitious person—an invisible entity—which should have powers of holding property, and of doing various acts like a human being, but having besides a perpetual duration and identity.” But it does not follow that because the terms of more recent charters of incorporation are not found in the earlier charters therefore the borough was not incor¬ porated before the time of Edward VI. As a matter of fact the granting of certain rights and privileges to the burgesses and their heirs for ever by King John was an act of incorporation. The corporation of Stafford is, in short, a corporation by prescription, as the borough is also a borough by prescription, inasmuch as it has been a borough from time immemorial—a phrase which, in this connection, means from before the time of Richard I. The grant for the establishment of the Grammar School, being to all intents and purposes a charter, a short summary of its provisions is here inserted. It is dated the 18th day of December, 1550, and it granted, ordered, and appointed that in future there should for ever be a grammar school in the town of Stafford, to be called the Free Grammar School of (10) l!y which the next of kin claimed the property of the deceased. This cl rise establishes “ Roroueh English" in Stafford. (11) A general word for all taxes. t ^0 ] King Edward the Sixth, for the education, discipline, and instruction of boys and youths. One master and one usher were to constitute the teaching staff. For the maintenance and continuance of the school the King granted to the burgesses “all and all manner of those our tithes of y e foregate and foregate fields and Lumbers cotes in our county of Stafford; or known, taken, held, or reputed by y° name of Eoregate and Foregate fields and Lamberscotes—and all those our parcells of tithis of y° High street * * now or lately in the holding or occupation of John Bold or his assigns, and lately part of y° possessions of y e prebend of Marston, known, held, or reputed to be founded in y® Church collegiate of Stafford aforesaid.” In addition, there were given certain lands in Kowley, Tillington, and “the Greenfield,” in the occupation of Will. Stamford, Rich' 1 Ward, and Will. Bromley; certain pasture land “near the Greenfield ” in the occupation of Thomas Cradock ; various messuages situate at Rickerscote, Forebridge, the Green, Ledhall, in the parish of Benkridge, and Dunston. Also various small renta's arising from certain gardens and lands in the borough. All these properties were declared to have “lately belonged and appertained to y c free chapel or Hospital of St. John Baptist nigh Stafford * * lately dissolved.” Then follows in the charter a further list of lands granted, principally situate at Rowley, and including the “ Gorsty leasow, ’ the “Slang,” and the “Chapel leasow,” all which lands had unt 1 lately belonged to the “free chapel of St. Leonard nigh Stafford.” In addition, there were handed over to the burgesses the annual rentals of four lots of property m Stafford, such rentals having been formerly devoted to the celebration of various anni¬ versaries in the church, and at that time come into the hands of the King by virtue of an Act passed in 1547. All these grants were made “as fully, freely, and entirely and in as ample a manner * * as any person or persons ever held, possessed, or enjoyed the same.” The rental of all these properties was stated to have lately advanced to the clear yearly sum of £20 “of lawful money of England.” The only reservation made was one chapel, which was to be held by fealty only, from the King and his heirs, without any services, rents, exactions, or demands whatever. Power was given to the burgesses to appoint a master and usher when required, and also, with the advice of the bishop of the diocese, to make statutes and ordinances concerning the ordering, government, and direction of the master, the usher, and the scholars, and the disposition and appropriation of the revenues arising from the above-mentioned properties. The burgesses were given free liberty, notwithstanding the statute of mortmain, to accept lands from other persons, provided that the yearly value of the same did not exceed £20, and that all the profits arising therefrom were devoted to the benefit of the school. The sclioolwardens’ accounts show that seventy years after the foundation of the school the Marston tithes realized £7, the property belonging formerly to St. Leonard’s Hospital £10, and that belonging to St. John’s Hospital £10 10s. Id. per annum. In 1613 the total value of the foundation property was £62 11s. 7d. a-year, and the disbursements were £62 5s. The rental remained at about a dead level of £62 for many years, but in 1640 we find from the wardens’ accounts that they received £66 3s. 3d., and paid away £66 3s. 2d., leaving Id. as an “emergency fund.” At this time the master received a salary of £44 12s. 4d. and the usher £20 13s. 2d. For making out the accounts for the year the town clerk was allowed Is. It may be added that previous to the foundation of the Grammar School by Edward VI, there was a free school in Stafford, the possessions t Cl j of which were, at least in part, handed over for the benefit of the royal school. From documents preserved in the Augmentation Office it appears that in the reign of Henry VIII. there was a free school kept by a chauntry priest of the collegiate church of St. Mary, of the foundation of one Thomas Counter, chaplain, with a clear annual salary of £4 5s. After the dissolution of the college of Stafford, the salary seems to have been paid out of the revenues of the college which had come into the possession of the Crown. By a grant of Queen Elizabeth of the possessions of the college to the corporation of Stafford this sum was directed to be paid to “ one schoolmaster or pedagogue in Stafford,” and in the earliest extant rentals of the school (1612) this payment is mentioned as received for the queen’s grant. The free school is also mentioned in the will of Robert Lees, dated January 6, 1546, in which he ordered that the profits arising from his estate, after the payment of sundry bequests, should be “em¬ ployed and disposed to the use and maintenance of the free school in Stafford, and otherwise in deeds of pity for the health of his soul.” The Charter of James 1. The charter granted by King James in 1614 is too long to be set forth here in full, but it may be summarized. It begins by saying that the borough “is ancient and very populous,” and that from time immemorial the burgesses have “enjoyed divers liberties, franchises, immunities, and preeminences.’’ Variances and differences had, however, lately risen among the principal officers of the borough, and the burgesses had sued for a fresh charter; whereupon the King, “willing that all doubts should be done away, and that the borough should remain in peace and quietness, to the fear and terror of all offenders and to the reward of good men,” had ordained that the borough should be incorporated by the name of the Mayor and Burgesses of the Borough of Stafford, with perpetual succession, and the customary rights and privileges, which are fully set forth. There were to be ten aldermen of the common council and ten chief burgesses, who should have power to make laws for the good government of the borough, “and all officers, ministers, artificers, inhabitants, and continuers whatsoever within the borough.” But all fines were “to be reasonable and not repugnant to the laws, statutes, customs, and decrees of the Kingdom of England.” Matthew Craddock was to be the first mayor, while the first aldermen were to be Richd. Dorrington, Thos. Cradock, John Austin, Ed. Morton, Er. Dorrington, Wm. Move, Rd. Drakeford, Stephen Winkle, Thos. Worswick, and John Wilson ; and the first capital burgesses, John Lutterford, Wm. Smith, Robert Smith, Nich. Woodhouse, John Leese, Ar. Hill, Thos. Smith, Jas. Wilson, William Waltho, and Hugh Homersley. Henry Earl of Northampton was to be chief steward during life, and Robert Aston to be first recorder during pleasure. The Mayor, Recorder, and two elected aldermen were to be justices of the peace within the borough, with power to “enquire by the oath of honest and lawful men of the borough aforesaid of all manner of felonies, poisonings, incantations, arts, magic, trespasses, forestallers, regraters, engrossers, and extortioners whatsoever * * of all such persons which within the borough shall in conventicles go or ride, contrary to the peace of us and our people; and also of all such as shall lie in wait to maim, kill, or hurt; against all such as shall offend against weights and measures, or selling of victuals contrary to the statutes ; * * so that they proceed not to the determining of any treason or other offence touching the loss of life or [ G2 ] member within the borough aforesaid without pecial licence.” Provision is next made for establishing a Court of Record after which, strangers and foreigners are forbidden to set to sale any merchandize in the borough otherwise than in gross, unless in fairs and markets, nor keep shop nor use any trade without licence from the Mayor. Towards the close of the charter we have the proviso that nothing therein contained shall extend to the prejudice of the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry “concerning any liberties, jurisdictions, profits, commodities, or emoluments to him or his successors of right pertaining or belonging.” The Charter of George IV. The charter of George IV. was prayed for in consequence of there being some danger of the Corporation becoming extinct. Informations in the nature of quo warranto had been filed “at the relation of some of the lowest class of the burgesses ” against certain individuals acting as aldermen and capital burgesses, on the ground that they had not been duly elected jn accordance with the charter of King James. These informations were tried at the assizes and subsequently were argued in the Court of King’s Bench, which ruled that the elections of Mr. Francis Hughes as Mayor and of Mr. Thomas Mottershead Hubball as justice of the peace were invalid, and judgment of ouster was given against them. In the meantime, however, Mr. Hughes bad been reelected Mayor and Messrs. Hubball and Rathbone justices ; but the petitioners (who included these gentlemen) admitted that these elections were void and that they could not legally exercise the functions of the offices to which they had been appointed. The charter of King James prescribed that there should be ten aldermen and ten chief burgesses, but the petitioners stated that by the decision of the Court of King’s Bench and the death of several persons there were only six aldermen and five chief burgesses remaining. This number was insufficient to validate the election of Mr. Hughes as mayor, and the Corporation were unable to constitute a legal meeting or to administer the several trusts, properties, and charities vested in them. In short, the municipal affairs of the borough had been allowed to fall into sad confusion, and the remaining members of the Corporation saw that the only way out of the difficulty was to apply to the Crown for a new charter. The petition was opposed by an active and energetic party led by Mr. Charles Flint. At a public meeting held on the 26th of January, 1827, resolutions were passed condemning the conduct of the eleven surviving members of the corporation in taking upon themselves to petition the King without first consulting the freemen of the town at large; insisting upon the acres in Coton Field being distributed for the benefit of the freemen and not for the benefit of members of the Common Council; demanding that the charities of the borough should be invested in the hands of those who would administer them impartially; and asserting the importance of the freemen having a voice in the election of the Common Council. Notwithstanding this demonstration, the new charter was granted. But the trouble did not end therewith, for the malcontents applied to the Court ot King’s Bench for a rule “calling upon Francis Hughes, Esq., to show cause why an information in the nature of a quo warranto should not be tiled against him, calling upon him to show by what authority he claimed to hold the office of Mayor.” Mr. Campbell, afterwards Lord Chancellor, obtained the rule, his chief arguments being that the burgesses had not accepted but had rejected the Charter, and, secondly, that Mr. [ 63 ] Francis Hughes, the then Mayor, could not lawfully act as mayor, he having acted as mayor during the last preceding year. The case was fully argued on the motion to make the rule absolute, and the judgment of the Court was given by Lord Tenterden. The Court held that there was a generally acknowledged doctrine that a charter to be valid must be accepted, but that no particular form of acceptance had ever been pre¬ scribed. As a rule, it was sufficient to show that corporations acted under their charters. In this case, when the Commissioners appointed to administer the oaths arrived in Stafford there was a public meeting, attended by a large number of the burgesses. It was doubtful whether, when the Commissioners declined to put the question of acceptance, a great part of the burgesses did or did not leave the room. A few days afterwards a number of the burgesses met together and agreed that the charter should not be accepted, but that was not binding on any of the parties. After that the Mayor called two meetings for the election of a sergeant-at-mace, but on both occasions the meetings had to be adjourned in consequence of threats of violence. Finally 262 burgesses did actually vote the acceptance of the charter, and they were joined a few days afterwards by 120 other resident burgesses and 100 non-resident burgesses. The Court held that this was a sufficient acceptance, and they therefore discharged the rule with costs. The new Corporation was composed of the following gentlemen :—Thomas Swinnerton, recorder ; Francis Hughes, mayor ; Thomas Mottershaw Hubball and Henry Rathbone, justices ; William Fowke, James Turnock, Joshua Drewry, John Marsh, Thomas Morgan, John Shaw, Edward Worsey, and John Rogers, aldermen; Francis Hawthorne, Richard Hughes, James Cramer, jun., Robert Hughes, James Dickenson, John Boulton, Charles Webb, George Webb, and John Hawthorne, capital burgesses. In a very few years the reign of close Corporations was brought to an end by the passing of the Municipal Corporations Act, which was the complement of the Reform Act of 1832. The Surrender of the Charter to James II. These notes respecting the Stafford charters already occupy more space than we had anticipated, but we cannot dismiss the subject without saying a few words respecting the surrender of the charter at the demand of James II. The circumstances under which the King, when reduced to extremities, played the despot over the municipal corporations of the country are fully set forth in Macaulay’s “History of England,” but the local incidents may be stated in a few lines. James’s plan was to induce the corporations to surrender their charters voluntarily on the promise of new charters con¬ ferring additional powers, and when these new charters were delivered it was generally found that the King had reserved to himselt the right of removing men at his pleasure and of appointing creatures of his own in their stead. Macaulay says the great majority of the boroughs firmly refused to give up their privileges, and every high lawyer in practice was suddenly overwhelmed with briefs for corporations. The King terrorized several places by quartering large bodies of troops upon them, but his conduct produced a discontent so deep that after a time he thought better of it and the old charters were returned. Of his Majesty’s milder methods of procedure the following document furnishes an illustration :— “James R. Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Whereas, we have by Order in Council thought fit to remove Robert Earl Ferrers [ 64 ] from being High Steward of that our Borough of Stafford, Edward Byrd from being Recorder, William Barker and Thomas Freepound from being Justices, Edward Byrd from being Town Clerk and Burgess, Nehemiah Farmer, John Lander, and John Dancer from being Capital Burgesses of our said Borough. We have thought fit hereby to will and require you forthwith to elect and admit our right trusty and well beloved Walter Lord Aston to be High Steward, our trusty and well beloved John Turton to be Recorder, John Derington and Humphrey Perry to be Justices, and Alderman Sir Thomas Whitgreave, William Fowler, Esq., and John Dancer to be Aldermen, William Green to be Town Clerk and Capital Burgess, William Abnet, Joseph Clows, and Arthur Fox to be Capital Burgesses of our Borough, in the room of the persons above mentioned, without administering to them any Oath or Oaths but the usual Oath for the executing their respective places, with which we are pleased to dispense in their behalf, and for your so doing this shall be your warrant ; and so we bid you farewell. “ Given at our Court at Whitehall the 10 May, 1688, and in the 4th year of our Reign. “By his Majesty’s Command, “Sunderland P. “To our Trusty and Well-beloved the Mayor, Aldermen, and Corporation of our Borough of Stafford.” A similar document interfered in the same unconstitutional manner with the filling up of an aldermanic vacancy. There can be no doubt that King James’s high-handed treatment of the corporations did much to reconcile the country to his abdication. In the Salt Library is a catalogue of officers of the town collected by Thomas Worswicke, one time chamberlain of the borough, and the list is annotated with memoranda of important events. In 1684 John Finney was mayor, and without comment or explanation the compiler says that in Mr. Finney’s time the charter was surrendered, and a new one granted by King James with ample privileges. In this charter Mr. Collins and Mr. Ward, by the contrivance of Mr. Sampson Byrch, were put out from being justices, and the said Mr. Sampson Byrch caused William Oldfield, Esq., and himself to be justices in their steads, “att which Mr. Collins was soe farr disgusted that he appeared noe more upon the company untill the restoring of the old charter by y e King’s proclamation, and the said Mr. Oldfield immediately quitted y e company soe y l Mr. Byrch upon his goeing of became eldest justice and soe by consequence was elected Mayor for the year ensuing. The said Mr. Byrch then alsoe caused Mr. W m ffeake to be put out from being alderman or of the company, to revenge himselfe for beinge put by his Justiceship in the yeare 1682, hee supposing Mr. ffeake to be the chiefe author and cause of his beinge soe dis¬ placed, although his charge agst Mr. ffeake was that hee was disafected to y e Governnfi and that bee p’claimed King Charles the tfirst of ever blessed memory Traitor att Stafford Markett Crosse in the late rebellious tymes. Mr. ffeake utterly denied the ffact, but produceth a Bond, well knowne to be Mr. Byrch’s writeing, to bind the King’s subjects from their allegiance to their lawfull Prince in the late Usurper and Traitor Cromwell’s dayes. Why these two should quarrel about their loyalty, I leave the reader to judge,” [ G5 ] Stafford and the Civil War of the 17th Century. * ■ ^ROM time to time we have given paragraphs concerning the part which Stafford took in the Civil War of the 17th century. We • l will now endeavour to give a more connected narrative of the events of that time in which the county town was concerned. It is not necessary to enter into a history of the origin of the war, nor of the events which took place at the very outset. It will suffice, for our purpose, if we imagine Charles unfurling his standard at Nottingham on the 25th of August, 1642, and the Parliamentary forces, well armed and well appointed, waiting at Northampton the King’s next move. Deeming discretion the better part of valour, the King, knowing the comparative weakness of his own force, withdrew first to Derby, and thence to Shrewsbury, where a levy was being made by his friends. From Derby the first town reached was Uttoxeter, where he stayed one night. The next morning he and his staff proceeded towards Stafford, passing by Chartley Park, the seat of the Earl of Essex. The Cavaliers would like to have pillaged and destroyed the residence of their great foe, but the King forbade such a proceeding, and Chartley was pa?sed by untouched. In the afternoon the Royal party reached Stafford, after a tedious journey over very rough roads. The Council had received intimation of the King’s approach, and had passed a resolution that “ If his Majesty come to the Town, he should have free access to it, and have the best entertainment the troublesome tymes afford.” On reaching the East Gate, it was thrown open by some of the leading men of the borough, who now' joined the cavalcade, escorting the King to the High House. Here Charles held his Court until the following Friday morning. From the fact that has been recorded that it was the King’s w'ont “to be daily at Service and Sermon,” it is probable that on the Thursday morning he first entered St. Mary’s Church : indeed, in the Corporation accounts occurs an item of one shilling, paid to a woman for lushes to strew in the way to the church from the High House. The Psalms for the day were the 90th and 91st, and reading them now, they strike one as strangely appropriate to the circumstances of the monarch. For instance, “ Lord, Thou hast been our refuge * * O satisfy us with Thy mercy, and that soon * * Comfort us again now after the time that Thou hast plagued us.” Tradition states that while Prince Rupert was staying with the King at Stafford he sent a jiistol ball through the weather-cock on St. Mary’s tower, and followed it by a second, “to the great marvel of the spectators.” On Friday the King started on his way to Shrewsbury: one of the first objects to attract attention would be the Royal Standard and various gay banners floating on the towers of Stafford Castle, which was occupied by adherents of the King. Within 15 months from that day the old castle was razed to the ground by order of the Parliament. Before the coming of the King to Stafford, his Majesty’s Commissary sent a command to the town to provide 10,000 pennyworth of bread. To obtain this, messengers were despatched to Lichfield, Penkridge, and Wol¬ verhampton for supplies. The quantity obtained exceeding the require¬ ments of the army, the remainder was disposed of at a loss of 8s. 6d., which is duly mentioned in the Corporation records, already quoted. The burdens on the finances of the town at this time must have been exceedingly heavy, for we find a charge of 3s. 6d. for proclaiming a warrant J [ 66 ] from Lord Falkland to the High Sheriff and High Constables, ordering them to “ease” the town for post-horses and carriages. Nothing occurred to disturb the quiet of the inhabitants till March of the following year, when the battle of Hopton Heath was fought. Many contradictory accounts of the issue of the fight are in existence, but there seems to be no doubt that the loss of men and material was most con¬ siderable on the Royalist side. At the close of the day the Royalists retired into the town for refuge ; but even there they were not safe, for in a short time a party of Moorlanders entered by stratagem, and accord¬ ing to one historian “Sir W. Brereton was quietly possessed of the whole town with the losse of but one man on his side in all the enterprise ; and but one drummer and two or three common souldiers were slain on the other side. They took at least 200 horse, two great pieces of ordnance, two barrels of powder, and at least 1,000 armes ; they plentifully pillaged the Papists in the town, and took about 200 prisoners, among whom were many gentlemen of special note and quality of these parts.” The following account of the battle is taken from Warburton’s “Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers.” “Scarcely was the Royal flag lowered by the dishonoured governor (Lord Chesterfield) at Lichfield, when Lord Northampton drew near with his forces from Banbury. On finding his assistance vain for Lichfield, this gallant Earl turned aside to Stafford (between the 3rd and 19th of March), where some country gentlemen had resolved to make a stand and to garrison it for the King. Some days after, on the 19th of March, which fell upon a Sunday, the most frequent battle-day, it was reported that Sir John Gell was advancing against Stafford. The Earl at once resolved to give him the meeting in the open country, his Cavalier forces consisting of cavalry, and little adapted for a siege. He had scarcely proceeded two miles, w’hen he found not only Sir John Gell but Sir William Brereton also, with 1,500 foot, drawn out on Hopton Heath, each flank protected by a mass of brushwood, and the rear by some coney nits and broken ground. The Earl’s troops amounted to about 900 men ; his enemies mustered about two thousand, but the Cavaliers were all mounted, and, had the odds been greater, they were not men to hesitate. As soon as they could form they advanced, the Earl’s three sons commanding each a troop, and Sir Thomas Byron the reserve. The Roundhead horse w T as utterly broken by the first charge ; the Earl hastily reformed his line and charged again, carried their battery of eight guns, and dashed among their foot; there, in struggling over the broken ground, the Earl’s horse fell, and his furious men swept on unconscious of their leader’s need, but before he could rise the enemy gathered round him. Their colonel fell by the Earl’s hand ; at the same time the butt end of a musket knocked off his own helmet and left him exposed to a score of hungry weapons, yet he was offered quarter as he still bravely and hope¬ lessly fought on. ‘I scorn your quarter,’ he exclaimed, ‘base rogues and rebels as ye are ! ’ At the same moment he was struck down from behind and fell dead, but unconquered, amongst his enemies. The}’ had scarcely time to carry off his body before his victorious horse returned, when too late, to seek their leader. It was a mournful battle they had won ; the gallant voice that had so long led them on to victory was now silent. The Earl’s son, Lord Compton, had been w’ounded and carried off the field, and Byron was also hors de combat. The Cavaliers buried their dead, collected their trophies, colours, guns, ammunition, and personal spoil, and retired, as if defeated, into Stafford. An officer was sent to ask for their [ 67 ] leader’s body ; but Sir John Gell refused to take less in exchange for it than all the spoil and prisoners that had been captured. The young Lord Northampton then besought leave for his surgeon to embalm the body, that he might give it burial among his ancestors in better times, but this too was refused. No braver, truer, or more chivalrous nobleman followed the King’s standard than he who was lost this day. He was one whom trial had ennobled and redeemed from the luxury and licence of the time, which was then thought necessary to great fortunes. But from the beginning of the wars, as if he had been awakened out of lethargy, he became self- denying, patient of hardship, prodigal of his wealth, ease, and life. With him fell Captains Middleton, Bagot, Biddulph, and Spencer Lucy, son and heir to Sir Thomas Lucy of Shakespearian memory.” The remnant of the King’s garrison took to flight, some going to the castle, which was held by Lady Stafford, and the remainder dispersing in various directions. Every precaution was taken in the town against a surprise by the Royalist troops ; the townspeople were organized into a regular watch and ward ; every family was ordered to lay in provisions in case of siege; carriages were to be ready at all times; quarters were to be allowed to the quartermaster whenever he thought proper ; no arms were to be conveyed out of the town or secreted, nor were any strangers to be harboured for a night without a licence. The inhabitants of the Foregate and Greengate streets had orders to pull down all buildings within musket shot of the walls, or, if any enemy approached, to set them on fire. The “coal works” in the neighbourhood were all seized ; the cattle and other property of ‘ malignants ” were taken forcible possession of ; no Papist was allowed to come within four miles of the garrison; the town contained many prisoners of the common class, and the High House in Greengate- strcet was devoted to the safe custody of those of a higher rank. Finally nearly every private house was filled with soldiers, who could not find room in St. Mary’s, which was converted into a common barracks. During the winter of 1643 a committee sat at Stafford, whose duties may be gathered from the following extract from contemporary records: — “Orders for sequestrations, pillages, contributions, seizes, and all kinds of enormities continued to emanate from the Stafford Committee and were carried into effect by the soldiery. Sorties were almost daily made for the purpose of pillage, and the produce was brought into the town for division or sale. Many attempts were made on the Castle, but it was still defended by the ‘ ould Lady Stafford ’ with the most obstinate loyalty and masculine determination.” On the 22nd of December the committee ordered that Stafford Castle should forthwith be demolished. An attack was accord¬ ingly made on the castle, which was soon levelled to the ground. Royal Demand for Provisions. DWARD II., being in want of provisions, &c. for his army in Scotland in 1309, made a demand on the religious houses of Staf- fordshire for supplies. Out of the list we select —(i.) The Prior of St. Thomas , who had to find 30 quarters of corn, 60 quarters of oats, 6 oxen, and 30 sheep ; (ii.) the Prior of Ronton, whose contribution was fixed at 20 quarters of corn, 30 quarters of oats, 6 oxen, and 30 sheep. [ 68 ] Address of the Borough of Stafford to Charles II. ^ ’ O the King’s Most Excellent Majesty. The Humble Address of the (Cl Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council, Inhabitants, and Burgesses of the Burrough of Stafford, agreed upon at the Guildhall there, the 24th day of October, in the three and thirtieth year of your Majestie’s Reign, Anno Dom. 1681. May it please your Most Sacred Majesty. We your Majestie’s most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, duly considering the Power of calling and dissolving Parliament is a Branch of your Royal Prerogative, do with most obedient and chearful Thanks acknowledge your late Gracious Declaration of the Reasons for dissolving the last two Parlia¬ ments, whereby the minds of your Majestie’s subjects are or may be quieted, which lay under Amazement by the frequency of false and Sedi¬ tious News and Pamphlets ; and we are by the same Declaration firmly satisfied of your Majestie’s Pious and unalterable Resolutions to defend and maintain the true Protestant Religion as now by Law established, against all Popish, Arbitrary, and Illegal Innovations ; That we shall be secured by your Majestie’s Princely Conduct of Affairs from the dire effects of a Civil War; and we shall not want encouragement to oppose and suppress all illegal and schismatical proceedings under the pretence of religion, or any bold appearances to diminish your Most Sacred Majestie’s Person or Regality. For all which your Majestie’s most gracious Assurance we do with all Loyalty and Duty offer and engage ourselves and what we have as sincere pledges of our readiness and reality to stand for and stand by your Majesty, in defence of the true Protestant Religion, your Sacred Person, Prerogative, and established Government, and your lawful Heirs and Successors; all w'hich we value above our Lives, Liberties, and Pro¬ perties (to which we were happily restored by your Majestie’s miraculous Restauration), w T ell knowing that none of all of these can be secure if your Majesty or Monarchy ever suffer violation : To which we humbly add the Subscription of our Names and the Seal of the said Borough. A Disaffected Town Clerk “ run in ” by Master Bayliffe. » HIS yeere died the Queene of ffamous memorye, Elizabeth, and ■ before such time as it was published that his Ma tie was p’cleymed the townesmen were much amazed, and Mr. Baylives and the Comon Councell of the towne being together, consulted for the keepinge of the people in obedience. At which consultacion Thomas Blackburne, beinge then Town Clerk, told Mr. Bayliffes that there was noe officer but myselfe (that was because I was Coroner for the countye and towne), which gave much discontent to Mr. Baylives and to the Comon Councell; whereupon Mr. Baylives commanded their seriants to take him to pnson. But the saide Thomas Blackburne refused to goe, affirminge that they had noe authoritye. And thereuppon Geo. Craddocke, one of the Bayliffes, as a man much discontented with such a dangerous contempt, violently ranne upon the said Thomas Blackburne, and by force thrust him out of the Councell house, and deliu’rd him to the Serjeants. And so by the suppressinge him in this manner and by the discretion of Mr. Baylives and theire brethren things were soe carried that no tumult did arise, but all was well governed till such time as the Kinges Ma tic was p’cleymed. (From a transcript of a Catalogue of the Officers of the Borough, with notes on the principal contemporary events, compiled by Thos. Worswicke and others). [ 69 ] Stafford Trade Regulations. ' HERE is no reason for believing that the trade guilds - formed in some of the old towns and cities of England ever existed in Stafford, but there are in the Corporation records incidental references to the following Companies: — Innkeepers, Bakers, Drapers, Clothiers, and Saddlers. We also read in 1693 of four children being apprenticed to Button-makers. In 1696 the following order was made: — “ Whereas complaint hath been made to Mr. Mayor and the Common Council of this town that several Foreigners [non-burgesses] have been admitted burgesses of this Borough and to sett up and follow their respective trades in prejudice to the ancient freemen and traders of the said town and contrary to their privileges and charters formerly granted them, and have paid very small and inconsiderable sums of money for such their freedoms and admittances, now it is ordered that for the future no foreigner shall be admitted to sett up and follow any trade within the same borough unless he shall in the first place agree with the Common Council of the said Borough for such his freedom, which shall not be allowed any trading person for the future without paying Ten Bounds at the least, whereof Five Pounds be paid down in hand and the remainder yearly as shall be appointed, and that a third part of the Fines that shall be received from Foreigners shall from time to time be paid to the Wardens of that Company belonging to the same trade the s' 1 Foreigner shall be of, for the use and benefit of the s' 1 Comp* - .” A subsequent order states that every person (except freemen of London) setting up any trade without consent shall forfeit for every week he shall follow the same the sum of 20s. for the use of the Corporation. Amongst the licences granted are the following :— 1705 . John Winn, brazier, £10. 1706 . Robert Bagnall, joiner. 1707 . Ceorge Keen, chandler. 1728 . W. Winey, smith, £10, and indemnifying the town from any charge that may happen upon account of him or his family. Trial of a Roman Catholic Priest for Treason. 1 ♦ » HE trial of Andrew Bromwich, Clerk, for High Treason, before the Lord Chief Justice Scroggs, at Stafford Assizes, 13th August, ^^ 1679, is the title of a scrap preserved in the William Salt Library, and of which the following is a reprint:— The Prisoner being Arraigned and the Jurors called, the Sheriff acquainted the Chief Justice that Allen, one of the Jurors he had ret"’, declared that as nothing was done to the Popish priests above, so neither would he do anything against them here, or find them guilty, and thereupon Allen was committed to prison by the Chief Justice till he should find Sureties for his good Behaviour ; and he discharged three more of the Jurors on Suspicion of their being Popishly affected ; after which a Jury was sworn and charged with the Prisoner, who challenged none of them. The Indictment set forth that the said Andrew Bromwich, being a native of England, and ordained a Priest by an Authority derived from the See of Rome, did, on the 13th of January in the 30th year of the [ 70 ] present King, come to and remain at Perry Barr in the county of Stafford in this Kingdom, contrary to the Statute, which made the said offence High Treason. The witnesses being called, Ann Robinson deposed that she rec 1 ' the Sacrament of the Prisoner in a wafer five times, according to the manner of the Church of Rome. Jeffery Robinson deposed he had heard the Prisoner say something in a surplice, in an unknown Tongue, but he c' 1 not say what it was ; and the Court demanding if he knew the prisoner, he declared he did not know him. Jane Robinson, Jeffery’s wife, being Sworn, and the Court demanding of her if she ever heard the Prisoner say Mass, or rec d the Sacrament of him, she answered, she never saw him do anything ; she did not know him. Ihe Prisoner in his defence denyed his having s d Mass, or given the Sacrament to any of the witnesses ; alledged he had taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and done everything that might testify his Loyalty ; and insisted that there was no evidence of his being a Priest. Tlie Chief Justice replied, none but a Priest c a give the Sacrament in a wafer ; and though Jeffery Robinson pretended he did not know the Prisoner, he had s' 1 at first that he heard him say something in a Surplice in an un¬ known Tongue; that this witness durst say no more than his wife and this Priest c' 1 give him leave to say, and they c d not expect more positive evidence from these people. Then he ordered the Statute of 27 Eliz., cap. 2, to be read, which makes it high treason for Popish Priests, subjects of this Crown, to remain in England ; and in his directions to the Jury informed them that they were not to find positively that the Prisoner was a Priest; but if they believed in their consciences, upon the whole Evidence, that he was a Priest, they were to find him guilty : That there was one positive Witness, and another had sworn he heard the Prisoner say something in an unknown Tongue in a Surplice ; and he left it to them, whether they would not believe the Testimony of one positive Witness and the circumstantial evidence of the other man : They saw what dangers they were in, and he left it upon their Consciences, whether they c d let Priests escape who were the very Pests of Church and State; declaring they had better get rid of one Priest than three felons. The Jury being withdrawn, and continuing without some Time, at last brought in a verdict that the Prisoner was Guilty ; whereupon the Chief Justice commended the Verdict and said he should have found the same Verdict himself. Pre-Reformation Churchwarden Accounts. I N the reign of Henry VIII. the churchwardens of St. Mary’s received 20s. from Jo. Sale for releasing Joan Offiey of her penance. There is a note that Wm. Bromley received a certain sum of money out of the Treasury “to paye the burgesses of the p’l’ment and for their reward.” The same churchwardens made a note in their accompt that they paid for “a corde to draw the cloth before the twelve Apostles in the Church,” and also for tapers in “our Lady Chappell,” and also a man of Burton for making the “image of the Resurrection.” The churchwardens also paid for four strikes of coal at Easter for “hallowing fire.” The following sundry payments are also recorded: — (a) Ale to the ringers on “ Hollyroade even ; ” (b) a torch for visiting ; and (c), for buckram before the high altar. [ 71 ] Rotal Visits to Stafford. ■ * » HE honour of receiving Royalty apparently dates back in the county town to as remote a period as the reign of William the Conqueror- ^^ Several Staffordshire historians assert that the Norman monarch visited Stafford twice on his way to York. No authority is cited for this assertion, but it is quite probable that William would not omit to pay a visit to the town if he thought he could get anything out of it. There is a tradition that Henry II. came to the town from motives not of the most honourable kind. The writer of a life of Thomas h Becket says that “there lived in Stafford a remarkably handsome girl, with whom the king was said to cohabit.” According to the Itinerary of Henry III. in the Salt Library, that monarch stayed in the town on March 5, 1223. Richard II. passed through Stafford in 1399, in the course of his journey from Chester to London, by way of Nantwich, Newcastle, the county town, Lichfield, and Coventry. The King was then the prisoner of the victorious Bolingbroke. His must have been conflicting emotions when he reached Lichfield, where but two years before he had been entertained at a right Royal banquet in the old Castle, when 200 tuns of wine were consumed. Henry IV., when proceeding against the insurgents under the command of Hotspur in 1403, in all probability passed through Stafford on his way from Lichfield to Shrewsbury. The Earl of Richmond, afterwards Henry VII., passed through Stafford on his way from Shrewsbury to Tamworth. The Earl stayed one night in Stafford, where he met Sir William Stanley, and concerted with him measures which led to the overthrow of his opponent. Up to this time, the visits of Royalty to Stafford were of the kind known as “flying,” and only happened casually in the course of some journey. Queen Elizabeth, however, in 1575 made a progress of great mag¬ nificence through Warwickshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire. After being entertained by the Earl of Leicester at Kenilworth, the Queen reached Lichfield on .Tuly 27. Thence she went to Chartley, where she stayed ten days. What occurred immediately afterwards may best be gathered from the language of the bailiffs of Stafford, as preserved in the Corporation records :— Baihffes Willm. Crompton and James Sherwood accompted the last of July A.D. 1575. This yeare 1575 Queen Elizabeth came in express from Chartley where her Matie had layen x days to this Towne and before she came to this Towne eich Mans House was new painted the streets gravelled and the Cross which then stood where the Shire Hall now standeth was repaired and set on ffresh Rollers. The Daie of her cominge in beinge the 8 Daie of August. The Bailiffes accompanyed with their Brethren went on ffoote to meete her Matie upon the East Gate Dame over against Cross Pennyes Crofte where the Bailiffs presented her Matie with a Cupp being two Cuppes in one closed in the mouth, in Height two foote or more in valeu £30 wh shee most lovinglie received saying most gracious favourable words. Saying to the Bailiffs and their Brethren Alas poore Soules other Townes give us of their Wealth and you give us of your Want but if you can devise anie manner waie how we may doe you good speake now and we will further you. After this Willm. Lambe Schoolm. made an Oration unto her Matie wch being ended the Bailiffs stoode upp and delivered unto her Matie their Maces wch she received and delivered the same back againe commanding the said Bailiffes [ 72 j to receive them wch they receiving havinge their Horsses reddie with their foote clothes mounted upon them and rode next before her Maties swordbearer. Soe passed she in at the Eastgate ane soe all along the streets until shee came into the Markett Place where she stood still and bidd them speak to her Matie that were in anie need she commended the situacon of the Town and asked what was the cause of the Decaye of the same. And answere was made that the Decay of Capping was one cause thereof. Another for that the Assizes was taken away from the Towne. To the wch. her Matie most lovinglie answered that she would renew and establish better the said Statute for Cappinge. And for the Assizes shee gave her pmise that the same should ever after be kept at Stafford. And so after many most sweete and graciouse wordes to the great Comfort of the Poore Inhabitants of Stafford she passed along through the Market Place and so in at the Croberie Lane to the Broadey and over at the New Bridge where the Bailiffs left her Matie her High¬ ness goinge directlie to Stafford Castle where she stayed to dynner and sopted there. The register of St. Mary’s contains an entry commemorating the visit of the “Virgin Queen”:— “Mem. That the viii th daie of August 1575 our Sovereigne ladie Queen Elizabeth came from Chartley in p’gresse to Stafford Castelle, and was received upon the poole dam w th out the East Gate by the Bayliffs and burgesses with an oracon made by Mr. Lambe the School¬ master in the name of the towne, and the Bayliffs deliv d to Her Ma’tie a goodlie large standing Cup of Sylver and gilt of xxx 1 price w ch her highness cheerfulle and thankfullie received, and so shee passed through the Eastgate Streete the market place and the Crobury lane and the broad Eye, and there ov r the river to Stafford parke in the Seaventeenth yeare of her Ma’ties most prosperous raigne.” The imprisonment of the unhappy Mary Queen of Scots in Chartley Castle has already been referred to in this series. In 1617 King James paid his first visit to Staffordshire, entering the county across the Cheshire border. From a contemporary manuscript in the possession of Lord Bagot we glean many interesting details of the prepara¬ tions which had been made for the Royal visit. The Mayor of Stafford at this date was Mr. Thomas Cradock, and it was decided by the Council that the town should give the King the “most royalist” entertainment that was possible with the means at their disposal. The inhabitants were requested to repair their houses, to paint the street fronts, sand the streets, “ and do anything else that might cause the King to take notice of their loves and duties.” The North Gate was repaired and adorned with the Royal Arms of England, and the approach to the gate was widened, “it being a causey not three yards broad, and very dangerous both for coach and horse.” The other gates were likewise beautified, the windows of the Town Hall re-glazed, and the Royal Arms put up. The Council w T ere so extremely anxious to do everything fittingly that it was originally deter¬ mined to send two of their number to Preston, which the King had visited not long previously, to observe the ceremonial with which he was received. This intention was, however, relinquished ; but some members of the Council rode to Nantwich to gain a little insight into what was expected of them, and they also had a conference with Mr. Gosnell, one of the Gentlemen Ushers, whose turn it was to wait at Stafford. The Recorder, Mr. Robert Aston, was requested to prepare and deliver an appropriate oration; but he declined the task on the grounds that it did not pertain to his office, [ 73 ] and that “he was old and unweildy and could not use such gesture of his body as would be expected.” The post of orator was therefore assigned to Mr. Richard Weston, “Counsellor of Law,” who appears not to have been troubled by misgivings as to the acrobatic feats which would be required of him. The 28th of August, 1613, was a Thursday, and the King was expected between one and two o’clock. Shortly after ten, Sir Robert Osborne and the Gentlemen Ushers and other officers in attendance upon the King came into the town to survey the preparations, and expressed their opinion that the Market-place was the most suitable spot for the King’s reception. The day was wet, and consequently James “kept his coach until he came under the North Gate of the town, where his Majesty stood long in regard of the continual rain that then fell, making it known unto his nobility then present with him that he did of purpose stay a fair blast that he might the better survey the town.” The King exchanged his carriage at the North Gate for his “horse of state” and rode into the town, preceded by the Earl of Essex, High Steward of the Borough, carrying the sword of State. He was received by the Mayor and Corpora¬ tion in the Market-place, where a platform, raised half a foot from the ground, had been prepared. Upon the platform was “a table covered with a carpet of broad green cloth hanging down to the ground, and fringed with Naples silk, and in the middle of the same the arms of all the king¬ dom richly embroidered, and of either side the King’s arms were the arms of the town richly embroidered.” State chairs were also provided, em¬ broidered with the town arms and the Stafford knot. “In the middle of the table stood a gilt cup, an ell in height, double gilt, and very richly and curiously wrought by the goldsmith.” The Market-place was crowded with spectators and the casements of all the houses were removed. The King either was, or pretended to be, very much struck by the appearance of the Market-place, remarking in a stage whisper that “ he was come into Little London.” The Mayor and Common Council upon their knees “prayed God to bless his Majesty,’’and the Mayor then handed him the elaborately wrought mace, which he “did very seriously observe.” The King having returned the mace, he was addressed by Mr. Weston in an extempore speech, mainly devoted to a glorification of the antiquity of the town, and at the end of the oration the Mayor presented the gilt cup to James, who was graciously pleased to accept of it. The Mayor then, on horseback, escorted the King to the East Gate, where he was presented by Lord Essex and kissed hands. The fees paid to the King’s servants amounted to about £31. The cost of the silver cup is not stated. From Stafford, James went to Tixall, where he was entertained for two days and nights by Sir Walter Aston, Knight of the Bath and Baronet. Thence he proceeded to Hoarcross, where he appears to have remained during the 30th and 31st of August. In the Alrewas Parish Register is this entry regarding the visit: “Jacobus Rex noster rediebat apud Whorcrosse xxx die Augusti, et illic remansit die Sabbati Dominica et Lunae abiit. ” Hoar- cross was fur some two centuries the seat of the Welles family ; but in the reign of James I. it was carried by an heiress to the Casseys, and after passing through several hands finally came to the Meynells, to whom it still belongs. The old mansion was demolished about the middle of the last century, and succeeded by another which shared the same fate in 1794. On the 1st of September the King left Hoarcross on his way to Ashby de-la-Zouch Castle. Charles I. seems to have paid two visits to Stafford. In the Corporation records for 1641 this entry appears: — “The Mayor received from several K [ 74 ] inhabitants of this town since the King went home towards the charges of money laid out when his Majesty was at Stafford £10 10s. 8d.” In 1642 Charles again visited the town, this time in company with Prince Rupert, and there is but little doubt that he took up his residence at the High House in Greengate-street. From this date until modern times no member of the reigning family visited the ancient borough. In order, however, to make the record com¬ plete, it may be mentioned that in October, 1832, the Queen, then Princess Victoria, passed through Stafford on her way from Shugborough Park to Lord Liverpool’s seat in Shropshire. In July, 1840, the Queen-Dowager paid a visit to the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury at Alton Towers, whither she went from Stafford, where she had arrived by the Grand Junction Railway. In 1859 and 1865 Queen Victoria stayed at Stafford Station for refreshments, and in 1873 Prince and Princess Christian received a loyal welcome from the old town on the occasion of their paying a visit to Ingestre. The Council House in a Dilapidated State. I N 1605 we find, from documents written by Thomas Worswicke, that the Council House was “laid wast and ffilthye, and was ordinarilye ymployed to cast lead in, and had a chymney for that purpose.” Worswicke, who was chamberlain in that year, caused the lower aisle to be separated from the higher aisle by a stone wall, and so made the latter fit for use. The room was also boarded and wainscotted and new leaded overhead and freshly painted. Some armour and other weapons which had for many years been lying in a hole, were hung round the room as ornaments. These repairs cost £30. The Council House here spoken of was part of the little Church of St. Bertilin, which was after¬ wards used as a Grammar School, and stood at the west end of St. Mary’s Church until the beginning of the present century. Stafford Charities. m HE poor of this ancient borough have for centuries been the objects of thoughtful remembrance and liberal bequests on the part of many who felt an interest in the town and its welfare. The par¬ ticulars of most of these charities are well known to the inhabitants, but to contribute to the completeness of “Stafford in Olden Times,” a summary of the bequests is now given. Robert Sutton’s Charity. Robert Sutton was rector of St. Mary’s in the time of Queen Elizabeth. Mr. Sutton by will founded four scholarships at the Grammar School, to be held by four poor boys of the town, each of whom was to have £1 6s. 8d. yearly. ffhese were the four-noble scholars so frequently referred to in the Grammar School records, a noble being of the value of 6s. 8d. He also left a sum of 40s. to be distributed to the poor every year on the anniversary of his death, and 6s. 8d. for the preacher of a sermon at St. Mary’s on the same day. [ 75 ] Smith’s Charity. In 1625 Henry Smith, an alderman of the City of London, conveyed several large real estates and his personal estate to a number of trustees, requiring them to give him £500 annually for his own maintenance, and to dispose of the residue of the profits arising from such estates to such charitable uses as he should appoint. By later deeds he ordered four towns to receive the benefit of his liberality, arising from the profits of the manors of Brads well and Drayton Basset,—viz., Tamworth, Lichfield, Newcastle- under-Lyme, and Stafford. Stafford receives at the present time £14 per annum. Palmer’s Charity. John Palmer, who succeeded Mr. Sutton as rector of St. Mary’s, in 1638 pave two houses in St. Martin’s-lane for two poor widows to live in. These cottages were exchanged for two in the Broad Eye. There was a bequest of the customary 6s. 8d. for a sermon. Lady Barbara Crompton's Charity. Lady Barbara Crompton, widow of Sir Thomas Crompton, by her will, made in 1640, bequeathed 40s. per annum to be given to four poor widows at Easter. In 1693 a deed was executed whereby the poor of Milwich also receive 10s. yearly. Chamberlain’s Charity. By a deed dated October 6, 1629, the sum of £413s. 4d. was be¬ queathed by Frances Chamberlain, otherwise Backhouse, to be distributed as follows :—To the poor of St. Mary’s, £2 6s. 8d. ; to the poor of Castle Church, £1 13s. 4d. ; and two sums of 6s. 8d. for sermons to be preached at Castle Church and Seighford. The money arises out of the land at Silkmore known as Backhouse’s Meadows. Hales’s Charity. Peter Hales in 1643 left a sum of 20s. yearly, to be charged on a public- house in the Diglake. Half of this sum is disposed of in bread, which is distributed on Easter Eve and Christmas Eve, the other being devoted to the churchwardens’ fund of St. Chad’s. Simon Folder’s Charity. Simon Fowler, formerly an alderman of Stafford, by his will, dated April 11, 1663, charged his leasehold estate at Haughton with the sum of £12, to be divided thus :—Upon May-day and the feast of Simon and Jude, £9 to poor persons, £2 for two gowns for poor persons (the first receivers, if alive, not to receive them again until the fourth year), and £1 to be paid to the minister of St. Mary’s for preaching sermons on the days of distribution. Lcvctt’s Charity. By his will, dated April, 1638, Robert Levett gave 30s. a-year to the poor of Stafford, to be paid by the churchwardens and overseers of St. Mary’s and St. Chad’s. An indenture made December, 1676, secured this sum upon the manor of Creswell. Izaak Walton’s Charity. By the will of Izaak Walton, a farm containing 48a. 2r. 27p., situate at Half-head, near Shallowford, was devised to the Corporation of Stafford, who were instructed out of the rent received to spend £10 per annum to bind two boys, “sons of poor and honest parents,” to be apprentices to some tradesmen or handicraftsmen, and £5 yearly as a gift to some maid- t 76 ] servant, 21 years old, as a reward for long and faithful service, or to some poor man’s daughter, 21 years old, for her marriage gift. Richard StartiD, a baker in the town, and Izaak Walton, between them, also left £3 6s. 8d. per annum, Startin giving 52s. and Walton 14s. 8d. This latter sum was to be devoted to the purchase of coal for the poor of the borough ; but if not so applied it was either to be distributed amongst the poor of St. Chad's parish, or to be used for the repair of St. Chad's churchyard wall. The trustees of the farm charity were to have £1 per annum for their trouble, and the remainder of the rent was to be employed in the purchase of coal, to be given away to the poor in January or February, “because I take that time to be the hardest and most pinching times with poor people.’’ William Fowler's Charity. William Fowler in 1699 gave £28 per annum, chargeable on Coton Fields, for the inmates of the almshouses. In 1858 the acre rents realized £51 12s., in addition to which sum the inmates of the almshouses receive £12 per annum out of the Marston tithes. Philip and Thomas Foley’s Charity. In 1700, Philip and Thomas Foley gave £5 a year, derived from rents at Marston, for the use of the poor in Noel’s almshouses. Hinton’s Charity. At the end of the 17th century, Roger Hinton, of Rickerscote, gave the rents and profits of certain lands at Burton and Rickerscote, known as Colt Croft and The Bentidoles, to be distributed amongst the poor of that locality. He directed that out of the rents and profits of his other lands in Burton and Rickerscote there should be paid to the poor inhabitants of Forebiidge 15s. ; of Stafford, Wolverhampton, and Walsall, £5; and of the city of Lichfield, £12 per annum. Farmer and Rebecca Crompton’s Charity. William Farmer, of Penkridge, in 1697 gave to the poor of Stafford £40, the interest of which was to be laid out in coals. Mrs. Rebecca Crompton, of Creswell, about the same period left a sum of 5s. per year to be given to each of six poor widows living in Stafford on New Year’s Day. This amount has been much increased of late years. Hodgkins’ Charity. In 1701 Abraham Hodgkins devised four small dwellings in Eastgate- street for poor inhabitants to live in. The gift was subject to a perpetual payment of 8s. per annum to one William Fowler and his heirs. In 1808 the houses were described as scarcely habitable, and a few years ago they W'ere pulled down. Perry’s Charity. By the will of Humphry Perry, made in 1716, a sum of £6 per annum was given for the purpose of apprenticing one poor child yearly. The children were to be chosen from Stafford and Bilston alternately, and all apprentices sent from Stafford were required to be put to a master residing at least eight miles from the borough. Toombes’s Charity. This charity consisted of £5 per annum for five of the poorest widows in the borough. It was left by Dr. Toombes, a resident in the borough, who charged it on an estate at Bridgeford. [ 77 ] Webb's Charity. John Webb, of Stafford, by his will, dated July 19, 1766, gave 40s. a- year, to be paid out of tht rents of his two houses in the borough, for the good of 20 poor widows, who received Is. each twice a-year. Kcndcrdine's Charity. John Ivenderdine in 1828 bequeathed £6 5s. per annum, to be given in half-crowns to 50 poor widows residing in Staffoid, on St. Thomas’s Day. The endowment consists of £250 consols, producing £7 10s. per annum, the trustees receiving 25s. for their trouble. Alderman Sidney's Charity. In 1857 the late Alderman Sidney, who became Lord Mayor of London, invested £700 in Consols in the names of the Mayor, the Rector of St. Mary’s, and the incumbent of Christ Church. The charity produces £21 per annum, which is distributed to the same number of poor widows or widowers. Rogers's Charity. The sum of £500 was invested in 1858 by the late John Rogers, for¬ merly resident in the borough and afterwards at Leamington. The in¬ terest, amounting to £15, was appropriated to the apprenticing of two boys and one girl one year, and two girls and one boy the next, and so on alternately. Recently, however, an alternative scheme has been sanctioned by the Charity Commissioneis, whereby in default of duly qualified can¬ didates for the apprenticeship premiums the trustees may apply the in¬ come of the charity to providing orphans with suitable outfits on entering any trade or domestic service. The boys and grirls must be burgesses’ children, and must have passed such standards in the elementary schools as would entitle them to exemption from further attendance at school. The Almshouses. The almshouses were erected by Sir Martin Noel about the year 1640, under circumstances which will best be understood from his own words, as written in a letter to the Corporation. He says, “ It hath pleased our gracious God to plant in my heart (even from my childhood) no less affections than frequent meditations upon the place of my nativity, and I have with comfort observed that the dispensation of this good Providence hath been accompanied with no small benefit—namely, the supporting of my hopes in a declining and keeping me steady in a growing prosperity. * * I have lately proceeded towards making good part of those resolutions I took.into my thoughts at my first coming from your town into these parts * * and more especially this — the erecting some pillar or altar to the God of our fathers in that place where he gave me my first being, and had for so many ages past continued the name and memory of my ancestors, and therefore have laid aside a child's part of my present estate, and therewithal, even in the singleness of my heart, built' a small monument m your town as a shelter and retirement for your aged and necessitous poor, consisting of 12 houses with an oratory or chapel for them to assemble before the Lord with prayer and reading, and to each house have assigned a garden plot, which, God assisting my further intentions, I resolve speedily to endow, not only with weekly maintenance, but yearly provision, firing, and garments. I earnestly request the assis¬ tance of you * * to place 12 poor persons of your town (but none under the age of 50 years) whereof six to be men and six to be women, such who are known to be of greatest necessity and honest conversation, either born in Stafford or else have lived there at least for fifteen years past. And [ 78 ] though I desire (for many reasons) to store the place with single persons, yet in case any, though at present married, be in your opinion fit objects of this charity, it must be with allowance and under the qualification of one single person. And in case there be two of the said twelve houses any whit better than the rest, it is my intention that one of them be appointed for an ancient, impoverished minister, or some other unblameable Christian, qualified with ability to read and pray daily with the said poor ; the other for a matronly woman, who shall have an oversight of such as at any time happen to fall sick.” Sir Martin through misfortune was unable to carry out his intention of endowing the houses, but in 1698 Mr. John Chetwynd gave £100, Messrs. Philip and Thomas Foley £100, and Mrs. Catherine Abnett £12 towards so doing. At the present time the value of the charity is £55 6s. Early Industries of Stafford. Q ANUFACTURES and industries of various descriptions have been carried on in Stafford for centuries, though none of them ever approached in extent and importance the present staple trade of the town. Armstrong, a 17th century poet, indeed, wrote:— “ — such, through the bounds of pastoral Stafford, Runs the brawling Trent,” and from a roll of the Corporation rentals in 1715 it appears that at that date there were no fewer than 40 barns standing in the streets and lanes of the borough. These were all charged with a small acknowledgment to the Corporation. The earliest industry of which there is any historical mention in connection with Stafford is the manufacture of cloth caps. When this trade was founded cannot be discovered, but it was at a date so far back that when Queen Elizabeth visited the town in 1575 the burgesses assigned the decay of the town to the depressed and dying state of the cap trade. The Queen did all she could to encourage its revival, both in Stafford and in other towns, by the passing of various protective Acts, but without much success. As a writer has said, “Fashion is more potent than law.” Woollen caps had to give way to beaver hats, and it is probable that out of the ruins of the cap trade arose the making of felt, which was carried on in a small way for some time. Felt-making in its turn gave way to the manufacture of hats, which continued in the town up to within the last 60 years. In 1807 several hatters in the borough had informations laid against them for selling hats without stamps. The cotton trade was of very short duration, and in all probability became amalgamated with the thread trade which was carried on in the town towards the close of the 17th century. The washing stocks which were fixed near the river and tributary brooks for the purpose of cleansing the thread are frequently mentioned in the Corporation records of that period. On an old map bearing the date 1750 it is stated that “the town is greatly increased of late in Inhabitants and Wealth by the manufacture of cloth.” In the early part of Sheridan’s connection with the borough someone wrote:—“ Stafford is famous for the manufacture of Cloth, which enriches the pocket, and for excellent ale, which ^revives the spirits of the Inhabitants.” The name Tenterbanks remains as a reminiscence of this bye-gone industry, that being the place where the cloth was stretched, and some premises w'hich formerly stood in Eastgate-street were known as the Dye House, where the cloth was dyed. [ 79 ] The trade of tanning is amongst the oldest established in the town, having a history of perhaps 250 years. An old deed is in existence which is a lease for five years of “tanne fats [vats] and pooles ” on the east side of Eastgate-street. The agreement was made between William Foxall, then residing in the city of Bristol, and Ralph Harrison, and is dated 1670. Towards the end of the last century the trade of ribbon-weaving obtained a temporary habitation in Stafford. A block of old cottages still standing in the Stone-road were used a hundred years ago by one Charles Hassall for the manufacture of ribbons. The block is now divided into five tenements ; but at the time of Hassall’s tenure the building was not separated into distinct dwelling-houses. Hassall reserved a portion for his own residence, the other and larger part being used as the weavers’ factory. Some wooden sheds adjoining the houses were utilized for the purposes of the trade. These were pulled down many years ago. Within living memory, some people named Kenderdine occupied a house on the site of the Shoulder of Mutton Inn, in Market-street, where they carried on the business of stocking weaving. This industry, however, never extended beyond the family and soon died out. Sumptuary Regulations for the Corporation. I T is this day ordered that all persons that are now of the body Corporate and have not gowns fitt and becoming that office do take to furnish themselves w th the same within two months upon penalty of £5, and that from and after the said two months shall, so often as they can conveniently, appear in their gowns every Sabbath day in the morning, betwixt Michaelmas and Lady-day, and also upon every public Fair day, and in default do forfeit Is. for each day that they shall not wear the same, and to be levied by the Serg 1 for the time being for the use of the poor.—Corporation Orders, .Tan. 8, 1717. The Punishments of the Olden Time. TOCKS were placed in the old Butter Cross, and there was also a pair on the Green, opposite the Ivy House, Forebridge. • w As late as the year 1838 the scold’s bridle was in use in Stafford. The Staffordshire Advertiser of May 12, 1838, notices that it was placed upon a scolding woman in the Justice room by direction of the Mayor. We notice also that in December of the same year this instrument was thoroughly repaired, painted, and placed in a conspicuous position in the Mayor’s office. It bore the inscription “ Garrula lingua nocet,” “ A scolding tongue does harm.” This identical bridle is now to be seen in the Wragge Museum. The following old document, referring to public whipping, has come into our hands: — “Oct. 28, 1789. “The County of Stafford to George Brookes, Dr. “For publickly whipping Jane Mountford for Iinbezzling and secreteing six pounds of Toe which was delivered unto her to Spin for William Gallimore, and John Foster as a Rogue and Vagabond privately whipt. “ £1 Is. Od. “ Allowed by J. Williamson 7 Nov. 89. Rec' 1 the above Contents by me. “George Brookes.” [ 80 ] Before the erection of the present County Gaol, executions took place at Sandyford in the meadow on the right before reaching the bridge of that name on the Sandon-road. In 1786 five men were executed there at once, four for an attempt to open the cellar door of Messrs. Cramer, grocers, Stafford. Three notorious men, said to be the first occupants of the new Gaol, were executed at Sandyford in 1793 for the murder of Mr. Ward, attorney, of Stafford, at Yarlet. This was the last execution on that spot. In March, 1674, a man living at Cannock was arraigned at the Stafford Assizes for the murder of his father, mother, and wife. He refused to plead, but was adjudged guilty. For his contumacy he was sentenced to undergo the peine forte et dure, or, in other words, to be pressed to death. This terrible sentence was actually carried into effect. There is a picture in the Salt Library showing the unhappy wretch lying on the floor with a board and a large number of heavy weights over his chest. Rickf.rscote Spa. m HE most beneficial medicinal effects are daily obtained by the use of this celebrated saline spring. It has been extensively employed by the Medical Practitioners in this neighbourhood, and is ascer¬ tained to be as powerfully efficacious as an aperient in those diseases where it is of advantage to excite the digestive system, as in indigestion, chronic affections of the liver, scrofula, jaundice, and chlorosis. Besides its saline contents, 't has a large impregnation of iron, rendering it an active and powerful tonic in various forms of chronic debility. From the extent of its saline impregnation, it will be found equal, if not superior, to the cele¬ brated waters of Cheltenham, as a bath ; and from the quantity of the sulphurated hydrogen which it contains, may be as successfully used in cutaneous diseases as the waters of Harrogate. Staffordshire Advertiser, April, 1817. Pitt, in his “History of Staffordshire,” published in 1817, says:—“Several saline springs have been found by digging in meadows at Rickerscote, and a spa has been discovered on the estate of T. B. Perkins, Esq., which is highly saline, moderately sulphureous, and considerably chalybeate. This spa is possessed of qualities similar to the waters of Cheltenham and Leamington, containing, as has been found on careful analysis, a propor¬ tion of iron, salts, calcareous earth, and hepatic air. It is moderately aperient when taken in small doses, and has a tonic effect similar to that of other chalybeate waters when applied either internally or by immersion.” The Battle of Trafalgar.—Thanksgiving Service at St. Mary’s. ’ HURSDAY, Dec. 5, 1805, being the day appointed for a public thanksgiving for the victories over the combined fleets of France and Spain, the same was observed in Stafford with a solemnity suited to the occasion. The battalion of Volunteers under the command of Lieut.-Col. Horton attended Divine service at St. Mary’s Church, where an impressive discourse was delivered by the Itev. E. Dickenson, B.D., from the text, “Rejoice with trembling.” The collection for the relief of the families of the heroes who fell or were wounded on the awful occasion of the battle amounted to upwards of £50. [ 81 ] Roles of Stafford Workhouse in 1735. 'T a vestry held December 7, 1735, it was proposed that “ the house in the churchyard ” of St. Mary’s, situate where the ' schoolmaster’s house now stands, was “a proper place to make a workhouse to set the poor to work in this borough. It is agreed by the Inhabitants now present to appoint Mr. Robert Hodgson, Mr. Thomas Anett, Mr. Rich d Hooskin, Mr. James Loxdale, Mr. Edwd. Feepound, Mr. W m Perry, Mr. W m Webb, Mr. Christopher Ward, Mr. W m Rutter, and Mr. Edw' 1 Bird, or any five of them, to make an estimate of the charge and the expence thereof to set the s' 1 poor at work.” At a vestry held October 31, 1742, the following orders were made for “The better regulation of the poor in the workhouse ” : — “ That no person shall presume to go out of the House without leave, and whoever shall attempt so to do shall be punished at the discretion of the Master. That no person presume to smoke Tobacco in the house, and that none be allowed in the Accompts. That if any person shall take, remove, or conceal the Linnen, Woollen, Money, or goods belonging to the workhouse, or to any person therein, with intent to steal or Imbezill the same, such person shall be sent to the house of Correction or Gaol, accord¬ ing to the nature of the offence. Whereas some persons of turbulent tempers curse and swear and are very clamorous, not only in the daytime but even at night when they are in Bed, to the great disturbance of other persons, and particularly of the Sick, it is ordered that such persons so offending shall be debarred their meals, or otherwise be severely punished at the discretion of the master or the vestry. That care be taken that there be no waste fires made, but such as are absolutely necessary for sick people or lying-in-women, and such as shall be necessary for dressing of Victualls and Washing and Ironing of Linnen, except in the winter, when the master is to judge what allowance of coals is necessary, and that Twelve Tun of Coals be allowed for the whole year, to be laid in at the proper season of the year from the pitts at Hedgford. That the master do take care that none of the poor be suffered to sit up after nine in summer and eight in winter, except the nurses attending the sick, and that the fires and candles be out and all the servants and all the family in Bed by nine. That when any person dyes in the house the nurse shall imme¬ diately go for a Coffin (which shall not exceed the price of Six Shillings for a grown Person and Three Shillings for children), and the deceased person shall be washed and laid in the Coffin, and then the nurse, with proper assistance, shall forthwith bring the Corps down to the place appointed for that purpose, and in case she neglects, to be punished at the discretion of the master. That the Cloathes of persons dying in the house (being first washed or cleaned) be brought into the Store-room, and such of them as are not much worn shall be lodged there till wanted, but such as are very old either be mended up or cut to pieces to mend others, and the nurse who attended the party while sick shall deliver up all the other goods and money of the deceased to the master, or be severely punished if she purloin the same. That whatever persons in the house, appointed to any Labour or Service in the family, shall neglect their duty in the respec¬ tive Labour or Service required of them, such persons so offending shall be sent to the house of Correction or otherwise punished as the nature of the offence shall deserve. That for the encouragement of all such poor as shall discharge that they are appointed to do with care and diligence, it is ordered that every nurse attending the sick or infirm shall receive as a L [ 82 j reward threepence per week. Every person who is hired on to work and maintain himself the whole day shall have the half of his daily wages for himself. Others who are subsisted in the House to have twopence allowed out of every shilling they gain. And that they who assist in the kitchen or the washhouse shall be paid one penny, twopence, or threepence a week according to the nature of the Business and as their service shall deserve. But whosoever shall make an ill use of this money shall be denyed the encouragement. That care be taken to have all the beds made and to sweep and clean the respective chambers every morning between the hourse of eight and ten, and that every room be washed once a week or oftener as need shall require, and the windows be kept open, except where the sick lye, every day from ten to two to air the rooms, except in any rainy weather. That all poor who are in health go to church or to some other place of religious worship every Sunday morning and afternoon, but if any of them instead of serving God shall be found begging or loitering away their time, or shall take the opportunity to get drunk or not to return in due time, they shall be expelled the house, sent to the house of Correction, or otherwise severely punished. That there shall be a school in the house where all children above three years of age shall be kept until they be five years old, and then be set to spinning, knitting, or to such other work as shall be thought most proper for the benefit of the parish, and that the master or mistress who shall teach them to work shall likewise instruct such of them in reading twice a day, half an hour each time, until they are nine years of age. That the nurses shall cause all children under their care above three years of age to be up, have their hands and faces washed, and their heads combed, so as to go to school by 7 o’clock or sooner in the summer, and by 8 in the winter, and that the other children who work as well as read shall rise by five in the summer and seven in winter, and go to bed as above mentioned. That the family do rise at the ringing of the scholars’ bell, and all such people as are employed in any labour or Service in the family shall repair to their places appointed for them to do their work in by six in the morning in the summer and by Eight or Seven in the winter, that so their labour or Service may be inspected by the master or mistress appointed for that purpose. And that whoever being in health shall neglect to repair to their proper places as above men¬ tioned shall be punished at the discretion of the master.” A number of curious facts respecting the relief of the poor in 1747 may be culled from a paper entitled “The Accounts of the Inspectors of the Malt Mill and Workhouse in Stafford from August 2 to September 6, 1747.” At that time there were 32 persons in the workhouse, of whom 10 were children, and two children were boarded out at a cost of 2s. per week. The total outlay for the time mentioned was £10 13s. Id., which included 10s. 6d. for a waggon-load of Hednesford coal; 2s. lOd. for mending seven pairs of shoes ; a daily supply of beef at l£d. per lb. (no other flesh meat is mentioned); wheat at 3s. 6d. per strike; oatmeal at 3s. 2d. per strike ; potatoes at Is. 8d. per strike ; malt at 3s. per strike ; cheese at 16s. 6d. per cwt. ; soap at Id. per lb. ; and 35 days’ supply of milk at 5d. per day. The receipts for the same period came to £11 17s. 4d., so that the inspectors had the satisfaction of reporting £1 4s. 3d. as “ remains ” “and provision in the workhouse for one week.” There was received from the vestry £4 15s. lid., and the remainder came from the Malt Mill in Salter-street, excepting one penny “received from the workhouse,” probably as a fine. Some ten years ago a lease of the old Malt Mill for [ 83 ] 100 years expired, and fell into the hands of the Corporation. The property so leased was described as “all that piece of building, commonly called or known by the name of the Malt Mill, and lately used as such, situate and beingin Salter’s Street.” The old structure has entirely disappeared, but some historic interest belongs to it from its connection with the relief of the poor. In the year 1700 one John Higgison did “offer to take upon himself the general care of the poor of the Corporation and to pay the several sums allowed for their support,” he being remunerated for his trouble to the extent of £5. In the first 15 months he expended less than £50. The money disbursed by Higgison came principally from the rent of the Malt Mill. In 1735 a vestry order provided for the conversion of two old buildings in St. Mary’s churchyard into a workhouse. Stafford Workhodse in 1806. I N the “ Gentleman’s Magazine ” for 1806 a long account is given of the rules, regulations, and expenditure of the county gaol. At the end occurs the following: — “This account of Stafford Gaol will convey to you a pleasing proof how considerate and humane the County Magistrates are in the Rules and Regulations for its government. I wish I could pass the Borough Workhouse here over in silence ; but the state of it is really deplorable. The poor, 17 in number, are farmed at 3s. 3d. per week per head, washing, soap, and firing included. The building is very old, almost tumbling down, the rooms and casements small, the ceilings low, the bedding old and dirty. No sick room. The woman told me that about four years ago a fever broke out in it, and out of 48 persons 22 died of it. The lower rooms are very damp and the upper dark and dirty.” Richard Brinsley Sheridan’s Connection with Stafford. ^ I ^ HIS series would be incomplete were no reference made to the con- I | nection of Richard Brinsley Sheridan, dramatist and politician, * • with the borough. A brief sketch of the life of this brilliant man, more particularly as it connects him with Stafford, is given below. Sheridan was born in Dublin in October, 1751, his father, Thomas Sheridan, being an actor and professor of elocution of no mean ability, and his mother a woman of considerable talent as a novelist. Sheridan was educated at Harrow, and then entered the Middle Temple. When quite a young man he married Miss Linley, a performer at the oratorios. The responsibilities of a husband urged him to hard work as a dramatic writer; and as a consequence “The Rivals” was produced at Covent Garden in January, 1775. This play was followed at short intervals by “St. Patrick’s Day,” “The Duenna,” “The School for Scandal,” “The Critic,” “Pizarro,” and some smaller works. In 1779 Sheridan obtained an interest in the patent of Drury Lane Theatre, estimated at £30,000. The dissolution of Parliament which took place in the autumn of 1780 afforded Richard Brinsley Sheridan the opportunity to which his ambition had so eagerly looked forward. It has been said that he first tried his chance of election at Honiton ; but Stafford was the place destined to have the honour of first choosing him for its representative. Elected conjointly with t 84 ] Mr. Monckton, to whose interest and exertions he chiefly owed his success, Sheridan took his seat in the new Parliament, which met in October, and from that moment, giving himself up to the pursuit of politics, he abandoned the worship of the dramatic muse. He made his first speech in Parliament on the 20th of November, 1780, when a petition was presented to the House complaining of the undue election of himself and his colleague. We are told in the report of his speech that “he was heard with particular attention, the House being uncommonly still while he was speaking.’’ The indigna¬ tion which he expressed on this occasion at the charges brought against the electors of Stafford was turned into ridicule by Mr. Rigby, Paymaster of the Forces ; but Mr. Fox came promptly to the aid of the young orator. It was on this night that Mr. Sheridan, after he had spoken, went up to Woodfall, the printer of the Times, in the gallery, and asked him, with much anxiety, what he thought of his first attempt. The answer of Wood- fall was, “I am sorry to say I do not think that this' is your line: you had much better have stuck to your former pursuits.” On hearing this, Sheridan rested his head upon his hand for a few minutes, and then vehe¬ mently exclaimed “It is in me, however, and by G- it shall come out.” At the election in 1784 Sheridan was again returned as member for Stafford. On the 12th of June, 1790, the Parliament was dissolved, and once more Sheridan succeeded in being elected. The elections of 1796, 1801, and 1802 saw Sheridan still a popular and successful candidate. In 1806 his ambition prompted him to try his luck as a candidate for Westminster. There, however, he sustained a defeat. At the election of 1806 the candidates at Stafford were Mr. T. Sheridan, Mr. Phillipps, and the Hon. E. Monckton. The last two were returned by large majorities over Mr. T. Sheridan. During the election an address was issued by Mr. Henry Clifford, in which he stated that he had heard it said that he accused Mr. R. B. Sheridan of having sold the borough for 3,000 guineas. The facts of the case were that Mr. Collier and Mr. Clifford, with Mr. Phillipps, called on Mr. W. Horton : Mr. Clifford mentioned that there was a report that Mr. Phillipps had given 3,000 guineas for the borough, when Mr. Horton answered, “No!l heard that you had given Three Thousand for it and had sold it to Mr. Phillipps for Six Thousand.” A very pretty state of things indeed ! In the election of 1807 Sheridan did not offer himself for Stafford, Mr. Monckton and Mr. Phillipps being elected representatives. A dissolution of Parliament being expected to take place in 1811, Sheridan again turned his eyes to Stafford, and thought he saw enough of the remains of the old flame to encourage him to hope for a renewal of the connection. In a letter to Sir Oswald Mosley he says : — “I have determined to accept the very cordial invitations I have rec' 1 from old friends, and * * to return to the goal whence I started thirty-one years ago. * * I think I was ret 11 for Stafford seven if not eight times, including two most tough and expensive contests, and in taking a tem¬ porary leave of them I am sure my credit must stand well, for not a shilling did I leave unpaid.” In the month of September, 1812, Parliament was dissolved, and pre¬ suming upon the encouragement which he had received from some of his Stafford friends, Sheridan again tried his chance of election for the borough, but without success. This failure he himself imputed to the refusal of Mr. Whitbread to advance him £2,000 out of the sum due to him by the Com¬ mittee of the Drury Lane Theatre for his share of the property. [ 85 ] The failure of Sheridan at Stafford brought on his ruin. He was now excluded both from the Theatre and from Parliament: the two anchors by which he held in life were gone, and he was left a lonely, helpless wreck upon the waters. The Prince Regent offered to bring him into Parliament, but the thought of returning to that scene of his triumphs and his freedom with the Royal owner’s mark, as it were, upon him, was more than he could bear, and he declined the offer. Indeed, miserable and insecure as his life was now, when we consider the public humiliations to which he would have been exposed had he broken his ancient pledge to Whiggism and allied himself with the party of the Prince Regent, it is not wonderful that he should have preferred even the alternatives of arrest and im¬ prisonment. The distresses of Sheridan now increased rapidly, and the remainder of his life is a melancholy story. He was compelled to part with all that he most valued to satisfy pressing demands and provide food for the imme¬ diate present. Amongst the articles so disposed of was a handsome cup given to him by the electors of Stafford. This brilliant man died in poverty on July 7, 1816. If the following severe criticism of a performance of “The School for Scandal ” less than six months after Sheridan’s death is just, it may fairly enough be said that the present generation has a greater regard for his genius than had the Staffordians of his own day. The writer, whose remarks appeared in a local paper, says—“On Tuesday last the Play of ‘ The School for Scandal ’ was performed, professing to offer a testimony of respect to the departed genius of the Author, so long and so well known in the Borough. The audience was not of that kind which might have been expected. With a very few exceptions on the part of some respectable people, the play might as well have been performed at Tobolski, as to any appreciation of its merits or any manifested admiration of the wit and humour of the drama. All the old familiar friends and associates of the bard were absent; and we scarcely witnessed a solitary plaudit or a cheer that bespoke any peculiar interest in the scene or that reminded us of the delights of other days. The leading characters were respectably sustained by Miss Phillips (Lady Teazle), Mr. Smith (Charles Surface), Mr. Farbairn, &c., intermixed with quantum suff. of the vulgarism and bad taste of small country theatres. We had a Sir Benjamin Backbite telling us of the eminent danger of Sir Peter, and one of Charles Surface’s gay associates singing ‘ Here's to the girl that has noun (none), Sirs.’ The well-known ‘ Monody on the Death of Sheridan ’ was recited by Miss Phillips in a white dress with a distracting variety of gesture, and in the true boarding- school ten-syllable cadence.” The following are among the less generally known of anecdotes relating to Sheridan and his membership for Stafford : — Sheridan, being on a can¬ vassing visit to his constituents, the “independent” electors of Stafford, was met in the street by one of his old voters, who accosted him as follows:—“Well, Maister Sheridan, I am glad to see you. How be you, eh?” “Why, thank you, my friend: I hope you and your family are well,” replied Sheridan. “Ay, ay,’’answered the elector, “the’re pretty nobbling but they tell me, Maister Sheridan, as how you are trying to get a Parliamentary Reform. Do ye think ye shall get it?” “Why, yes,” said Sheridan, “I hope so.” “And so do I,” replied his constituent, “for then ye’ll be able to pay off the old election scores, won’t ye?” [ 86 ] When Sheridan was appointed Treasurer of the Navy, his constituents at Stafford deputed two of their body to wait upon him for the purpose of putting him in mind of certain promises w hich he had made to them, and which were to be fulfilled on his getting into office. Accordingly two of these enlightened and patriotic electors waited upon the orator at his residence in London. Preliminary compliments having been disposed of, Sheridan asked what was the more immediate purport of their visit. “Why,” replied the electors, “ we are come to congratulate you upon your getting into a good place, and you know, Sir, there are some old bills standing.” “Yes, yes,” was the answer, “but I can do nothing for you now. I have not received a farthing yet from my office.” “Why,” said the electors, “we can hardly expect it at present; but, you know, you have always promised to treat us all alike — to show no favour.” Sheridan having promised them that there should be no partiality in the distribution of his favours, the visitors left the room. One of them, however, returned, without being observed by his companion, to get a frank from Sheridan, for the pur¬ pose of enclosing a letter to his wife in Stafford. His friend had nearly got to the bottom of the stairs, when upon turning his head he immediately suspected foul play, and, rushing towards the apartment, he met his companion just at the moment he was putting the frank into his pocket. This was enough. The enraged elector, with clenched fists and eyes sparkling with rage, dashed into Sheridan's room. “ D——n me,” he exclaimed, “if I didn’t always think you was a - scamp, Sheridan!” The Treasurer was struck with astonishment, and hastily inquired what was amiss. “Amiss,” replied his constituent, “didn’t you say you would treat us all alike? What have you been giving to him there?” “Giving him?” said Sheridan, “why nothing but a frank for his wife.” “Well, man,” said the elector, “give me one, and let it be just like his.” Which demand being immediately complied with, he took his leave perfectly satisfied. There is a tradition in Stafford that Sheridan’s great speech against Warren Hastings was very imperfectly reported, and that directly after the trial was over he came down for rest to Stafford, where, as was his wont, he stayed with his friend William Horton, at Chetwynd House. Two reporters followed him, and so far ingratiated themselves with him that he locked himself in the dining-room with them and repeated the most effective parts of his speech. The only report extant of this brilliant oration is the one obtained under these curious circumstances. Sheridan was indebted to Mr. Horton for monetary assistance on many occasions; indeed the latter seems to have almost constituted himself pay- master-general to the borough member. On one occasion, however, Sheridan came down to Stafford, for a wonder, with a substantial balance at his banker’s. He told Horton he wanted to pay off a portion of his debt, and wrote out a cheque for £1,000. Horton took the cheque, twisted it up, and lit his pipe with it, throwing the burnt paper behind the fire. This action moved Sheridan to exclaim “By G-, Will, you’re the king of the cobblers! ” At one of the election contests in which he was unsuccessful, one of Sheridan’s hardest workers was Mrs. Fitzherbert. This lady, who had suffered many things at the hands of the populace for the good of the cause, was so affected when the news of the defeat reached her that she swooned away. Sheridan, possessed of a more volatile and mercurial tern- [ 87 ] perament, went off to dine with a neighbouring nobleman. He arrived when dinner was nearly over, and expressed his feelings in the couplet,— Alas ! alas ! I’m a miserable sinner ; I’ve lost my election, my heart, and my dinner. It may not be generally known that Miss Mellon, the famous actress, who married successively Mr. Ccutts, the banker, and the Duke of St. Albans, took her first step on the ladder of fortune at Chetwynd House. Miss Mellon had been acting at the Lyceum, and Mr. Horton was so struck with her ability that he determined to introduce her to Sheridan. The meeting took place at Chetwynd House, and Sheridan, receiving a good impression of the lady’s talents, immediately engaged her for Drury Lane. The success which attended her after-career is old history and need not be recapitulated here. The following is a statement of Sheridan’s election expenses drawn up, apparently by his agent, in 1784. It is interesting as showing, among other things, the burgesses’ price a hundred years ago. (Of course there is no such thing as a burgess having his price now a days ; but we have recently seen a copy of an election document — a modest-looking quarto handbill — dated no farther back than the town clerkship of Mr. T. S. Brough, which we are given to understand caused no small stir when it was published. The document is very scarce, but is not wholly extinct.) £ s. d. Two hundred and 48 Burgesses paid £5 5s. each . House Rent and Taxes. 23 6 6 Servants . 15 12 0 Ditto, yearly wages. 8 8 0 Coals 10 0 0 Ale Tickets . 40 0 0 Half the Member’s Plate. 25 0 0 Swearing Young Burgesses. 10 0 0 Subscription to the Infirmary. 5 5 0 Ditto, Clergymen’s Widows. 2 2 0 Ringers . 4 4 0 £ s. 1,302 0 One year .£143 17 6 Multiplied by years 6. 863 5 Total Expenses of six years’ Parliament, exclusive of expenses incurred during the time of election and your own annual ex- - penses . £2,165 5 Mr. John Shallcross, of Stafford, writes:—During Sheridan’s election contests at Stafford he usually occupied two rooms on the first floor in a house now belonging to me, No. 6, Eastgate-street, in the occupation of Mr. Thomas Cox, Borough Hall-keeper. At the time I refer to, Mr. John Horton resided there, as shown by a will of my great-aunt’s now in my possession, and bearing date October, 1796. From a window of this house Sheridan often addressed the burgesses. This was told me by my grandfather, the late Mr. Thomas Swift, who resided within a hundred yards of Mr. John Horton’s house, and he also told me he used to listen to Sheridan’s addresses with great interest, and used to vote for him. [ 88 ] Sites of Ancient Buildings. ^ ■ *HE following valuable notes on the sites of ancient buildings in Stafford are taken from a report presented to the Ordnance ' ' Survey Department:— Site of St. Leonard's Hospital. On the north side of the public road leading from Stafford to Lichfield and a quarter of a mile north-west of the Queensville crossing on the London and North-Western Railway is pointed out a field as the site of a hospital or lazar-house for lepers, dedicated to St. Leonard, and built probably in the 12th or 13th century. At what period it was destroyed or allowed to go to ruin is not known, but more than 100 years ago there existed on the same site a public-house called the Holly Bush, and from the ruins of the latter still to be seen on the ground, consisting of dressed stones and portions of broken pillars, it is quite evident that the Holly Bush was partly built with stones from the ruins of the more useful and ancient building. As a still stronger confirmation of this being the proper locality, about half-way between here and Queensville crossing human remains have been dug up, whilst a very old man has been heard to remark, “The Burial Ground was there and the Infirmary yonder,” evidently a tradition handed down to him. The Rev. W. Beresford, formerly minister of St. Chad’s, who has taken a great interest in antiquarian researches, is of opinion that this is the site. [About sixty years ago a skeleton and a silver chalice were dug up on the site of the supposed burial ground and are figured in the Salt Library. Human remains were found in the land on which the houses Nos. 69 and 70, Lichfield-road, are built.] Site of St. Austin's Friary. In the district of Forebridge and at the back or south side of the Green Brewery are still to be seen the remains of ancient walls, evidently the site of this old religious establishment. In forming a rockery in his garden, the late Mr. John Bishop, brewer, used a number of the stones dug up in laying out the foundations of the present brewery, and there can be little doubt from the appearance of these stones, some of them the remains of ancient pillars, that they formed part of the old building. In White’s History of Stafford, 1834, it is thus referred to :—“ In 1344 Ralph, Lord Stafford, bestowed a portion of ground at the Green in Forebridge on the Austin or Black Friars of St. Thomas, and upon it they founded a religious establishment for the sake of his soul and for those of his two wives.” Leland, speaking of this house, says, “ There were dyverse tombes of the Lordes Stafford in Stone Priory made of alabaster. The images that lay on them were, after the suppression of that house, carryed to Friers Augustine in Forebridge, alias Stafford Greene, and in this Friary hangs a petierree of the Staffords.” A few years ago human remains and the foundations of a massive wall were discovered in excavating the cellars of some cottages in the Friars. Two coffins of stone, with skeletons, were unearthed when the Grapes public-house, at the corner of Newport-road, was built,] Site of St. John's Hospital. On the south side of Lichfield-road and about five chains south-east of the Green is situated the White Lion public-house, which is built upon the site of an ancient hospital dedicated to St. John. The foundations can still be seen in their former state, having been used in building the White Lion. [As a matter of fact, portions of the White Lion premises are built upon remains of the hospital as high as the wall plate.] [ 89 ] South Gate. In ancient times the town of Stafford was defended, except on the side towards the Sow, by a wall and ditch, and on the walls were three fortified gates. The wall was razed to the ground by Sir William Brereton in 1643. The three gates, however, were left standing, and the South Gate, more recently called Greengate, which stood between the river Sow and the junction of Greengate-street, Bridge-street, Backwalls South, and Mill-bank, was taken down in 1780, and no vestige can now be seen. There can be no doubt that the original name was South Gate, in contradistinction to North Gate and East Gate, the latter still retaining the old name ; besides, Leland speaks of the four gates opening to the four winds of heaven, although it does not appear that the fourth or West Gate was a fortified one, but a mere outlet and inlet at the New Bridge over the Sow. The name “ Greengate ” probably arose from the fact of its giving egress to the “ Green ” in Forebridge. It stood on the town side of the river and could be strengthened by taking up the wooden floor of the roadway over the river. Track of the Old Town Wall. The town wall was razed to the ground by Sir William Brereton after taking the town in 1643, but its extent and course are still indicated by a circumambient lane. On the south it extended from Greengate-street, where the South Gate was situated, along the south side of Mill-bank to a point a short distance east of the present old corn-mill, where the wall ended and a ditch and the River Sow were brought into requisition. From the South Gate the wall ran east along the south side of Backwalls South to Eastgate-street, where the East Gate and Mill were situated, thence for a short distance along the east side of Backwalls North (through St. Mary’s Parish), the walls, however, here giving way to a stockade of wooden pales, the King’s Pool lying wide and perhaps deep or muddy beyond, the wall beginning again before reaching the corner of the old House of Correction in Gaol-square. From thence it ran in a northerly direction towards Foregate-street, where the North Gate was situated. This gate was a narrow arch between two towers, separated by a curtain wall. From here, back along the opposite side of the Square to Bull Hill, and along the north side of the latter to a point a short distance east of the present gasworks, where the double or fortified wall would seem to have ended. From this point a single or low wall would seem, according to Speed’s map, to have run through part of the gasworks along Chell-road and the Broad Eye to the New Bridge over the Sow. The foundations of the wall can still be traced in several places, but not continuously. [Domesday Book speaks of Stafford as one of the seven towns which were walled.] Site of tnc North Gate. A short distance north from the centre of Gaol square stood the North Gate, which was in ruins as early as 1680, but was re-built in 1700 and used as a prison for the borough and county until the erection of the present gaol in 1794, after which it was taken down for the improvement of the town, and not a vestige now remains. In White’s History of Stafford it is spoken of as the Gaol Gate, but in Speed’s map it gets the proper name of North Gate—the name “ Gaol Gate ” having evidently arisen from the fact that part of it was used as a prison. Site of the House of Correction. The original County Prison stood in the Broad Eye, near the site of the Wesleyan Chapel, but was taken down about the year 1700, after which the old tower or Gateway House that stood in the Gaol-square M was [ 90 ] enlarged and used as a prison or house of correction until 1794. The site of it was in the Gaol-square, a short distance west of the junction of Backwalls North. [In the Pipe Rolls of 1189-90, mention is made of a gaol at Stafford. Three centries later occasional references are found in deeds to “the old prison at the end of Crowberry-lane.] Site of Grey Friars Monastery. Beyond the north end of the walls stood a house of the Franciscan or Grey Friars, who were settled here before the tenth year of Edward I. Speed saitli it was valued at £35 13s. lOd. per annum. The site was granted, 31 Henry VIII., to James Levison. It was surrendered or abolished in 1538, when amongst the sale of goods in “Letters relating to the Suppression of Monasteries,” by Thomas Wright, Esq., 1843, is mentioned, “Item, sold to the township the wall of the Fryers next unto the towne.” This wail would probably run along the north side of the present Browning-street as the nearest to the town walls, the lower part of the front and most extensive wall still remaining along Grey Friars- street. Erdeswick tells us that it was founded by Sir James Stafford, of Sandon. Site of the Old Castle. Camden, copying the Saxon Chronicles, says “Stafford was formerly called Betheny, and was built by Ethelfreda, the heroic widow of Ethelred, Earl of Mercia, in the year 913, and was a chief town in the country during the succession of the Mercian Kings. Ethelfleda also built a castle in the town for the protection of the inhabitants against the predatory incursions of the Danes from the northern part of England. Of the castle no vestiges remain, so that the precise site on which it stood is doubtful, although the majority agree in placing it about the centre of the present Castle Hill in Broad Eye, and immediately east of the windmill, and this would seem to agree with what Sir Simon Degge, who died about the close of the 17th century, says in his MS. notes on Plot’s History:— “There was a Castle within the town near the Broad Eye, and in his time a bank, called the ‘ Castle Bank.’ ” The latter evidently refers to the place called Castle Hill. [The Rev. W. Beresford is of opinion that there are the remains of a castle in the garden of the house of the Misses Wogan, opposite the rectory.] Site of St. Bertclin’s Chapel. Some have supposed that “St. Bertelin’s ” was the ancient parish church of Stafford and was built in contact with the west end of the nave of St. Mary’s Church. King Edward VI. endowed a Grammar School in Stafford which was first held in St. Berteline’s. From historical extracts it can be learned that the School House was an old building of stone called St. Bertelin’s Chapel; that it consisted of three arches, one of which was pulled down to repair the others and make them more convenient for the reception of scholars. The building abutted on the south¬ west corner of St. Mary’s Church, with which it must at one time have communicated by means of a semi-circular arch of comparatively rude con¬ struction, but which appears to have long been closed up. Site of the Last Gate. The East Gate is the only one of the four gates any traces of which now remain. It was situated at the east end of Eastgate-street between Backwalls North and Backwalls South, where an arch was standing until the year 1800, and one side of the groove for a portcullis still remains, leaving no doubt as to its proper site. [ 91 ] Visit op a Lady Tourist to Stafford at the End of the 17th Century. WARDS the close of the 17th century a lady named Celia I I Fiennes, sister of the 3rd Viscount Saye and Sele, made several • • journeys through England on horseback. Mistress Fiennes kept a voluminous diary, which, after a lapse of nearly two centuries, has been published. In the course of her travels Mistress Fiennes visited Stafford¬ shire twice, on the second occasion paying a visit to Wclseley, which she thus describes:—“Thence I went to Woolseley 7 mile farther, to S 1 'Charles Woolsley where I staid 6 weeks it being my aunt his Lady who Engaged my stay. His seate stands very finely by y 0 river Trent; there is also a moate almost round y e house. Y° house is old timber building, only a Large parlour and noble stair Case w th handsome Chambers S r Charles has new built. * * Y e ground Lyes all well about y e house and a fine park by the End of it, part of w ch is on a high hill y e side of w ch the deer sport themselves, w ch looks just on y e house and is wonderfull pleasant: its a Large park 6 miles round full of stately woods and replenished w th red and fallow deer, one part of it is pretty full of Billberryes w ch thrive under y e shade of y e oakes, its a black berry as big as a large pea and are Ripe about Harvest. There is a very ill Custome amongst them now not to be broken, when they are Ripe. The Country Comes and makes Boothes and a sort of faire y e outside of y e parke, and so gather y® berries and sell y m about y e Country. The greenes they Call Wissums and on these wissums the Deer Brouse in y 0 winter and on holly of which there is great quantetys.” Thence she came to Stafford, of which we read :— “Its an old built town, timber and plaister pretty much, in Long peaked Rooffes of tileing ; 3 gates to the town—there was another w ch Leads to the Castle w ch now is ruinated, and only remaines on a hill the fortification trenches y l are grown over w th green. Y e streetes are pretty Large and well pitched ; a broad space for y° market place Wherein is a good Market house on stone pillars w th a handsome town hall over it—some of the houses are pretty good. This Country is much for Entertainments, in every house you must Eate and drinke.” After staying at Wolseley for some time, the fair diarist took her way northward, visiting Tixall and Ingestre cn route. Of these places she writes:—“Then I went again to Stafford town 5 miles and from thence to Jnstree [Ingestre] Mr. Thetwins [Mr. Chetwynd’s] its bad way. You go by S l Thomas’s w ch was some old abbey—its still a good house. Going along y e side of y e hill gives a great view of the Country that is mostly jnclosures we passed between two parkes, y° one is Lord astens, and goe in sight of Tixall hall w ch is a good house and Looks handsomely of stone building : the other was M r Thetwins parke w ch has fine Rows of trees—tfirs Scots and Noroway and y e picanther — the front lookes nobly. Noe fflatt Roofed houses in this country but much in windows. Two large bow windows on Each side runs up y° whole building, y 0 middle the same besides much flatt window between, so that y° whole is little besides window. Its brick built and stone, the part to y° garden ward is new building of y e new fashion and sash windows. Y° Court is 2 or 5 stepps up w ,h open jron pallasa- does y° breadth of y 0 house and a broad paved walk w ch Leads up to y° doore in the Middle. Y e visto is quite through y e house to y“ gardens and through a long walke of trees of a mile through the parke to a Lodge or summer house at y° End, w ch Lookes very finely, it being a Riseing ground up to y° parke. There is a Crosse paved walke in y 0 [ 92 ] Court w ch Leads to a little house on Each End like summer houses, w th towers and balls on y e top; y e one Leads through to y e Churchyard w ch is planted w th Rowes of Ewe trees very uniforme and Cutt neately. Y° Church is new and very handsome, good frett worke on y e top, the wood worke well Carv’d, its seates good wanscoate and with locks. In the Chancell are two monuments of Marble, one all white, y° other white with a border black, and with white pillars, the middle of y° bottom is alabaster. The pillars of y e Church is made of y e Red stone w ch is plenty in this Country and they are all polished over ; the ffont is all white marble ; stem y° same veined bleu, y e foot is black, y e Cover is wood Carv’d very well. The porch is very high on w ch is a dyal, it almost breakes ones neck to Look up at it for y l y e tower in w ch are 5 bells. There is just against this a garden.” Proposed Annuity Society. “I caused the widow’s heart to sing for joy.”— Job. Mr. John Hubball, ) rp . Mr. Chas. Yates, [Trustees. Mr. T. M. Hubball, President. Mr. John Beech, Secretary. * J ■ J SOCIETY of this description is about to be established at Stafford, the advantages of which are too numerous to be com- • pressed within the limits of a few sentences, but the great utility of it will be in some degree illustrated by a single example, viz.:—“A person 30 years of age, by paying £3 3s. entrance and a regular payment of 10s. 6d. per quarter will, when he attains the age of 60, receive the annual sum of £20 during his life; and on his decease his widow (should he leave one) will receive the like annuity ; and on the death of any member who nas been in this society three years or upwards, his widow shall receive the same annuity. No person will be admitted who has attained the age of 40 years. No money will be received from any member until 100 subscribers are obtained; when at the expiration of three years the society will command the sum of £1,000, besides the annual subscriptions amounting to £210; and from the most correct calculations there can remain no doubt but this institution will be the means of affording per¬ manent relief to thousands of otherwise distressed objects.” Staffordshire Advertiser , November 30, 1811. Stafford Scientific Society in 1811. * y ■”* MONG the many useful societies which have existed in this town b“b was one formed in 1811 under the title of the “Stafford Experi- (V* * mental Society,” for the purpose of encouraging and promoting the study of the different branches of science. Upwards of £40 was collected towards this object, and a subscription amounting to 50 guineas per annum was promised for the purchase of books, apparatus, &c. An advertisement appeared in November, 1811, from which we find that the society met in the “long room at the Star Inn.” A lecture on Electricity, with experiments, is announced at this time, and the admittance to non¬ subscribers was one shilling. Mr. Edward Whiting was secretary. C 93 ] Court Leet. m HIS ancient court was held in Stafford right into the present century. The origin of the court is obscure on account of its great antiquity. In Saxon times it appears to have had jurisdiction in all causes civil, criminal, and ecclesiastical. It lost the jurisdiction in matters ecclesiastical as long ago as the time of William the Conqueror, and subsequently was greatly affected by the creation of concurrent juris¬ dictions, particularly that of justices of the peace. It may best be described as for a long time the old Sanitary Authority. Records of many of these courts still remain and contain much that is interesting. For example, at a court leet held at Stafford in 1737 there were appointed constables, a night bellman, a pinner, a town herdsman, and a shepherd. Three persons were fined 2s. 6d. for “ taking into their houses other persons,” this being an offence against the then existing poor-laws. The leet jury possessed the power of making by-laws, and a by-law imposing a penalty of £5 per month for taking or placing an inmate without giving security to the overseers against any charge upon the parish was said by Lord Hale to be usual and valid. Nearly 200 persons were “amerced” in various sums for allowing or causing nuisances and obstructions. Fines of 6s. 8d. each were inflicted upon 16 persons for not bringing their hides, skins, and tallow to the market of the borough, as ordered by statute. Next in the record comes a list of repairs to be done, such as mending the “three several foot Bridges in Forehead fields,” and also “the footway from the Green gates by the Backwalls to the Mill,” which was not passable, several stepping stones being broken and planks taken away. Two persons are “presented” for encroaching on the town lands, one being Lord Fauconberg, who had erected some building in Eastgate-street. This nobleman at that time resided at St. Thomas. A Court Leet was held at Yoxall, on December 19, 1889, on behalf of Lord Leigh, lord of the manor, and the following report of the proceedings will illustrate what we have said above respecting the shrinkage in the power and authority of such courts :—“ The Court was held before Mr. Henry Donne, the steward of the manor, Messrs. Field and Sons, of Leamington, solicitors, deputy stewards, and a jury of twelve copyholders. After the opening of the court in the customary manner the jury were sworn and made their ‘presentments, proclamations, and amerciaments.’ They appointed Mr. John Bloor constable and Mr. George Orgill bailiff of the manor, Mrs. Eliza Watson halswain for 1889 and Mr. John Hopkins for 1890, and Mr. John Heatheote impounder of cattle. (It may be as well to explain that the halswains anciently summoned the jurors and all the courts, and collected the amerciaments, for which service they in turn occupied two pieces of meadow ground called halswain pieces. These duties being now discharged by the bailiff, their principal service seems only to be the occupation of the land. There is a halswain roll, and the halswains are appointed in succession. On the death of the copyholder, the halswain properties are subject to the payment, to the lord of the manor, of a heriot, or best thing, living or dead, in the possession of the copyholder.) The jury have power to lay a pain of Is. upon each person who, owing suit and service at that court, shall make default, and who shall turn any horse, cow, sheep, pig, mule, ass, or other cattle into the lanes within the manor to depasture, or shall suffer their cattle to stray, and this is for each offence and for each head of cattle. Presentments of deceased copyholders were made for their heirs or devisees [ 94 ] to come in and be admitted, but no admittances or surrenders were made or taken. Formerly, the court was held twice a-year, or oftener, before the jurisdiction was taken up by the civil authorities, as the Lord of the Manor was, so to speak, king of the domain or manor, and had power to fine and imprison at the courts. A court is now held when occasion requires, about once a-year.” The Court Leet had the power of making rules for the conduct of various trades. The following, extracted from an old legal treatise published in 1642, will be of interest to many of our readers :— “ Tanners: Who may be a Tanner. “ No person shall tanne any leather, or use, or have any profit of or by the said mystery, unlesse he had a Tanhouse at the beginning of that Parliament. And except such as have beene or shall be brought up as apprentises or covenant or hired servants by the space of 7 years in that mysterie, and except the wife and sonnes of a Tanner, as have been brought up and used the said Trade by the space of four yeares, or the sonne or daughter of a Tanner, or such person who shall marry such wife or daughter, to whom he hath or shall leave a Tanhouse and fats, upon pain of forfeiture of all the leather so tanned or whereof hee shall receive any profit or the just value thereof. No tanner shall use the mysterie of a Shoomalcer, currier, butcher, or any other artificer, useing, cutting, or working of leather upon paine to forfeit all the Hides and Skins so wrought, or the value thereof. None shall buy, contract for, or bespeake any rough Hide or Calves skin in the haire but only Tanners, or tawers of leather, except salt hides for the necessarie use of ships. Forfeiture of the hides and skins or the just value. None shall forestall any Hydes comming towarde any faire or market, nor buy any hide but in open faire or market, unless it be the hyde of a beast killed for a man’s owne private provision. Forfeiture for every hyde so bought, six shillings and eightpence. This Law provides against the insufficient tanning and drying of leather, and so much as shall not be thoroughly tanned or dryed to bee cut out by the oversight and directions of the tryers and searchers, &c. None (to overhasten the tanning of their leather) shall set their fats in tanhills or other places where the woozes or the leather may take any unkinde heats, nor put any leather into any hot or warme woozes, nor tan any hides, calve skin, or sheeps skin with any warm woozes upon paine. For every offence ten pounde, and to stand upon the Pillorie three severale market daies. This law gives remedie against regrating and ingrossing of oken barke before it be stripped, or after to sell the same againe upon paine, to forfeit such barke or the value thereof. “ Curriers. “ No Currier shall exercise the mysterie of a tanner, &c., or other artificer using cutting of leather, during the time he shall use the mysterie of a Currier, upon paine to forfeit for every hide or skin six shillings and eightpence. He shall not curry any leather in the house of any shoomalcer or other person, but only in his owne house, situate in a Corporate or Market town. Nor shall curry any kinde of leather (except it be well and perfectly tanned) nor any hide or skin being not thoroughly drie after his wet season, nor shall use any stale, urine, or any other deceitfull mixture, way, or means to corrupt or hurt the same. Nor shall currie any leather meet for utter sole leather with any other stuffe than hard tallowe nor any lesse of that than the leather will receive. Nor [ 95 ] any kind of leather meet for over leather and inner soles but with good and sufficient stuff, being fresh and not salt, and thoroughly liquored, till it can receive no more. Nor shall burn or scald any hide or Leather in the currying, nor shall shave any Leather too thin, nor shall gash or hurt any leather in the shaving or by any other means, upon paine, To forfeit for every offence (other than in gashing or hurting in shaving) six shillings eight pence and the value of every skin and hide marred by evill workman¬ ship. And for every offence in gashing, &c. double so much to the partie grieved as the Leather shall be impaired thereby, by the judgment of the Wardens. That the leather to be brought by any artificer which is or shall be a cutter of leather or by his servant, with good and sufficient stuff to liquor the same, shall be liquored and curried perfectly with convenient speed not exceeding eight days in summer and sixteen dayes in winter, after it be taken in hande, on paine, To forfeit to the partie grieved for every hide and peece of leather not well and speedily dressed, ten shillings. “ Cordwayner or Shoomaker. “No shoomaker shall make or cause to be made any Bootes, shoos, buskins, starrups, slippers, or pantoffles, or any part of them of English leather, wet curried (other than Bearskins, Calves skins, or Goat skins), but of leather well and truly tanned, and curryed in manner aforesaid; or of Leather well and truly tann’d only, substantially sewed with good thread, well twisted and made with wax, well rasonned, and the stitches hard drawne with hand leathers, without mingling over leathers, viz., part of the over Leather being of Neats Leather, and part of Calves Leather. Nor shall put into Shooes, Bootes, &c., any sheeps skin or bull or horse hide leather, nor into the upper leather of any shoes, starrups, or pantoffles, or into the nether part of the bootes (the inner part of shooes only excepted) any part of any hides called the wombes, neckes, shank, flank, powle, or cheek. Nor shall put into the utter sole any other leather than the best of the ox or steere hide, nor into the inner sole any other leather than the wombes, necke, powle, or cheeke, nor in the treswels of the double-soled shoes other than the flanks of the hides aforesaid. Nor shall make or put to sale in any yeares between ultimo Sept, and 20 Apr. any shoes, bootes, &c., meet for any person to weare exceeding the age of 4 yeares, wherein shall be any dry English leather other than Calve or Goat skins made or dressed, like unto Spanish leather, or any part thereof. Nor shall shew, to the intent to put to sale, any bootes, shooes, &c. upon the Sunday, upon paine. To forfeit for every paire of shooes, bootes, &c. made, sold, shewed, or put to sale, contrary to this Act, three shillings fourpence, and the just and full value of the same. & Stafford Hop Fair in 1679. ' HESE are to certify all persons it may concern that there will be at Stafford this next Fair, being St. Matthew’s Fair, this year kept the day following upon the 23rd inst., several tuns of new Hope, of the best manner, brought to be sold there at reasonable rates for the making of it a good Hop Fair for the future, for all the adjacent parts and markets, and elsewhere, to the Buyers’ great ease and benefit. — London Gazette, Sept. 4, 1679. [ 96 ] Gifts for Loans. TAFFORD, in common with many other ancient towns, has from time to time been benefited by gifts of various sums of money, which have been placed in the hands of the local governing authorities for the purpose of being lent out under certain restrictions to members of the community, either as free loans or at a small rate of interest, the principal being returnable at the end of a fixed term of years. In a few cases the donors were natives of the town or were connected by family ties with the place, and their wishes with reference to the disposal of their gifts are often couched in quaint language, expressive of kindly solicitude for the welfare of their poorer brethren. The following is a list of these loan benefactors, as presented to the Charity Commissioners in the early part of the present century:— Dame Margaret Kirton, in 1553, left £100 to be lent to ten young men of the borough in sums of £10 each, free of interest, for two years. She also provided an annuity of 12s. per annum, of which sum 5s. went to the Town Clerk or Steward for managing the loans, 5s. to the clerk of the Merchant Taylors’ Company, and 2s. to twelve poor householders, who each received 2d. at Whitsuntide. Sir Thomas Offlcy, in 1582, left £100 to be lent to ten persons “of honest fame,” five of whom were to belong to the Corporation of the borough. This money, which was lent for a period of two years free of interest, was bequeathed on account of “the singular love and care in his lifetime which he had and bore to the weale and profit of the said burgesses of the said towne and for the better relief and help of them and their successors, and to the end that idleness might be avoided and honest trade might be had, used, and exercised in the said towne, and that payneful, industrious persons [might be] employed by them, by help of more stock and power of money.” It was enjoined by the donor that “if any person shall pro¬ cure any letters, messages, or speeches from any other than the burgesses of the said towne for any of the said sums, he shall for ever be disabled to have it again.” [Does this mean that the donor, like the Staffordshire County Council, “viewed canvassing with disfavour?”] Sir Thomas Offfey’s executors procured in addition an annuity of 12s. per year, which was distributed in the same way as Dame Kirton’s annuity, and also two annuities of 12s. 6d. each. Out of these latter 24s. was paid to 24 poor people, the Steward of the “Great Leet ” and the town crier sharing the other shilling for the work of distribution. Richard Blunt, in 1574, provided a sum of £20, to be lent in sums of £5 each to four burgesses for two years at five per cent, interest. The interest was to be distributed yearly amongst the poor. Blunt also be¬ queathed his interest, of the yearly value of £10, in some property in London for the foundation of an exhibition scholarship at the University of Oxford. As this gift lapsed in a little more than 40 years, it is often forgotten in an enumeration of the town charities. One of the Bishops of London gave £5 to be lent for a period of two years, six shillings and eight pence being charged yearly as interest, to be distributed amongst the poor. Lady Catherine Levison gave £10, to be used in the same way, 5 per cent, interest being charged. Sir Stephen Slancy gave £10 in 1610 for use and at an interest similar to the preceding charity. Sir Stephen Slaney was at one time an aider- man of London. [ 07 ] Mrs. Joan Phillips bequeathed £20 in “ consideration of the especial love, zeal, and godly affection that she does bear towards the town * * and to the end that the poor may for ever receive some reliefe and comfort as a benevolence granted by her Christian charity.” This money was to be divided amongst four young men of good fame, to be used by them for two years. Each recipient was to pay 5s. yearly for the use of the money, such interest to be given to the poor. Hugh Oswell left a sum of £2, to be lent out at an interest of 3s. per year, the interest to benefit the poor. Dame Margaret Temple left £30 out of the “ charitable respect which she did bear at her death to the poor inhabitants of the said borough, and to the poor prisoners within the prison or common gaol of Stafford.” This money was lent out at the rate of 8 per cent, per annum, the interest being devoted to the objects desired by the donor. Sir Hugh Hamersley, who was born at Stafford and was Lord Mayor of London in 1627, gave £50 to be divided equally amongst five burgesses, half of the interest to be given to the poor in the form of bread. There was a second donation of a similar amount, to which the same conditions were attached. Sir Thomas Armstrong, who was member of Parliament for Stafford from 1678 to 1681, gave £40 to be divided amongst eight burgesses, to be used for two years free of interest. It will be remembered that Sir Thomas was executed for his share in the Duke of Monmouth’s rebellion. Mr. Edward Skrimshirc made a similar bequest. Mr. F. Dorrington left £5 for the use of one burgess, but for what period of time is not stated. The Rev. W. Sale, a canon of Lichfield, left £20 to be used by four bur¬ gesses for a period of four years, free of interest. Mrs. Ann Burgess bequeathed £10 for the use of one burgess. John Webh, Oliver Emery, and Mrs. Ann Harding each gave £20 to be divided amongst four burgesses. Richard Astbury and Richard Font were the donors of £10 each for the use of two burgesses. Mr. Skrimpshire left £5 ; and finally some person who is described in the schedule as a ‘‘Lottery Man” bequeathed a sum of £3. Up to the year 1714 all these loans were delivered agreeably to the directions of the donors. At that time, however, it was discovered that large amounts had been lost through the insolvency of various burgesses and their sureties. In consequence of this deficiency, the Corporation invested the whole of the principal sums, together with an accumulation of interest, in the purchase of South Sea Annuities to the amount of £710 12s. 3d. This course did not give satisfaction, and in 1725 a Chancery suit was instituted, whereby it was ordered that the money should be invested by the Mayor and Corporation in trust, and that the interest should be yearly distributed to poor burgesses on St. Thomas’s Day in sums of forty shillings each. This course has been adopted up to the present time. N [ 98 ] & An Old Stafford Will. ’ HE following extracts from the will of Lawrence Beresford, of Stafford, gentleman, who died in 1662, may not be uninteresting, as they give a glimpse into an old Stafford house whilst Stafford remained the winter rendezvous of the gentry of the county. Lawrence Beresford was only forty years of age He was the last of his own particu¬ lar branch of his family, being son of John Beresford, of Alstonfield, and grandson of the Lawrence Beresford who in 1599 re-built the chancel of Alstonfield Church, of which he was joint lay rector (under a lease granted by the Abbot of Combermere, before the dissolution of the monasteries, to Lawrence, father of the last-named Lawrence). By his will, Lawrence Beresford desires to be buried in St. Mary’s Church, Stafford. He leaves 30s. to the poor of Alstonfield and 10s. to Alstonfield ringers. He leaves legacies to his father (John Beresford, whose name is on the pews at Alstonfield) and mother, and wife Anna, and to his good friend Richard Farmer, of Stafford. His house, which he bought for £50 from Edward Backhouse, was in St. Chad’s parish. In the house-place “is one joyned bedstead, one feather bed, three boulsters, one blanket, one rug, one drawing-table, one form, two stooles, one press, one little table.” He has “two looms, 30 yards of new cloth, 10 pair of sheets, six tablecloths, five pillows.” He has “10 sylver spoons [16 are mentioned in his grandfather’s will], worth £2, his pewter is worth £6, and ‘hopeful debts’ £165.” In the kitchen “was one brass furnace, four kettels, three pots, one posset, one warming-pan, one hand-iron, one pair of rakes, two spittes, one Hitchin of bacon, with other lumber worth £8.” Several other rooms in the house are mentioned. As if unable to bear the loss of their only son, both his father and mother died the following year and were buried at Alstonfield. & A Fiery Dean of St. Mary’s in the 13th Century. 1 HE following excerpts have reference to Dean Bozo de Clare, whose fiery temper is shown by his blocking the Bishop out of St. Mary’s; his refusal, through his father, to plead in the assize courts ; and his getting into trouble in the King’s forests: — “ 1258-59. The King, by Lawrence de Brok, his attorney, complains that R. Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, on Saturday next before the Lord’s nativity, in the 43rd year of his reign, with a multitude of clerks and laymen bearing lances, swords, bows and arrows, and other arms, came to the King’s Free Chapel of Stafford (S. Mary’s) and broke open the doors and beat and wounded the canons of the said church, against the King’s peace. And the said Bishop, being present in court, says that he is unwilling to answer this plaint here because he is an ecclesiastic ; where¬ upon comes Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, and says that Bozo his son is Dean of the aforesaid chapel, and he alleges for the said Bozo that no plea ought to be held here concerning the rights of the said chapel.” — (Plea Rolls.) — Dean Bozo de Clare, who, like the Bishop, thus refuses to give an account of himself in the assize courts, has left another trace of wild character behind him. Inthe 56th year of Henry III. he needs and obtains the King’s pardon for excesses committed by him and his men in the King’s Forests. He was clearly a young noble of fiery spirit.—\V. B. [ 99 ] Stafford Tokens. 1 > * RADESMEN’S tokens had their origin in the scarcity of coins of ■ small value, and are frequently inscribed “For necessary change.” The smallest national coins of England were for many centuries made exclusively of silver, and leaden and other tokens, all of which were illegal, were used in the carrying on of business. Silver moneys were coined as low in value as a halfpenny and a farthing, but on account of their small size and their lightness—(the silver halfpenny of Elizabeth weighed only four grains)—they were inconvenient and were frequently lost. In the year 1613 James I., in consequence of the urgent demand for a convenient medium of exchange, granted a patent or monopoly (“for a consideration,” of course) to John Barcn Harington, to coin copper farthings, and the patent was renewed on the accession of Charles I. Boyne, the leading authority on this subject, says the accumulation of the patent farthings in the hands of small tradesmen caused them so great a loss from the refusal of the patentees to re-change them, that in 1644, in consequence of the public clamour, they were suppressed by the House of Commons, which ordered that they should be re-changed from money raised on the estates of the patentees. Very shortly after the death of Charles, if not before that event, tradesmen, without waiting for authority, began to issue their own tokens, and as they were received again by the issuer when presented they were for a time much more acceptable to the people than the patent farthings. For a quarter of a century there was an enormous production of tradesmen’s tokens, until at length, says Boyne, they became a nuisance, and in 1672 the Government began the issue of copper coin by minting farthings. From 1672 to 1787 no private tokens were issued, but in the latter year, owing to the scarcity of the copper coinage, the Anglesea Copper Company began to issue tokens, by putting into circulation “not less than three hundred tons of pennies and half¬ pence” (Jewitt). Their use once more became general throughout the Kingdom, but in 1802 they again ceased to be used. They were revived in 1811, and in 1817 were finally suppressed by Act of Parliament. The following is the most complete list with which we are acquainted of the tokens issued in Stafford in the 17th century:— Obverse— thojias abnett —Within the inner circle the date, 1664. Reverse— in Stafford —Within the inner circle the initials (Thomas Abnett was mayor in 1664.) Obverse— will barker in ye— Within the inner circle a crown. T> Reverse— bvrrow of Stafford —Within the inner circle the initials -^y j,- (William Barker was mayor in 1672, 1682, and 1686 ; he resigned the office of alderman in 1691 “by reason of the decay of his estate.”) Obverse— Thomas collins —Within the inner circle the Staffordshire Knot. Reverse— of Stafford 1667—Within the inner circle the initials rp ^ Obverse— samvell colton mercer —Within the inner circle, on a shield, the mercers’ arms. Reverse— in Stafford 1667—Within the inner circle his halfe penny S C. Obverse— tho. davenporte —Within the inner circle, on a shield, the arms of the Davenport family, viz., a chevron between three crosses crosslet fitch^e. Reverse— in Stafford 1661—Within the inner circle the initials T D. (Thomas Davenport was mayor in 1629 and 1641.) [ 100 ] Obverse — william elveis in —Within the inner circle a closed hand. E Reverse— Stafford his half pent —Within the inner circle the initials yyy Obverse— william elveis —Within the inner circle a closed hand. Reverse — in Stafford— Within the inner circle the initials yy y (William Elveis was a member of the Corporation in 1691.) Obverse— tho gyles apothecart —Within the inner circle, on a shield, the apothecaries’ arms. Reverse— in Stafford his halfe pent —Within the inner circle the Stafford¬ shire knot. Obverse— richard hichcock —Within the inner circle a crowned head of the king, Charles II. Reverse— of Stafford his hapenny —Within the inner circle of the initials H R A. Obverse— iohn hvdson of— Within the inner circle the date 1659. Reverse— Stafford iremonger— Within the inner circle the initials I H. Obverse— franc mosse of sfafford —Within the - inner circle his halfe pent. Reverse— for necessary change 66—Within the inner circle the Stafford¬ shire knot. The 66 of course means the date 1666. (Francis Mosse was mayor in 1675.) Obverse— hvgh rodd —Within the inner circle, on a shield, the arms of Rodd, three lions rampant. T> Reverse— in Stafford —Within the inner circle the initials yy y Obverse— JOHN sovle— Within the inner circle a tallow chandler’s stick of candles. s Reverse— in Stafford —Within the inner circle the initials j j,- W Obverse— Richard Walter— Within the inner circle the initials j, Reverse— in Stafford, 1664 — Within the inner circle his half pent. Obverse— iohn wells in —Within the inner circle a unicorn’s head. Reverse— Stafford, 1665—Within the inner circle his halfe pent. The number of Stafford tokens of the last and present century was con¬ siderably smaller. The following is the most complete list hitherto com¬ piled : — Shilling Token. Obverse—The words STAFFORD TOKEN FOR TWELVE PENCE, surrounding a view of the Shire Hall, with the Staffordshire knot and the date 1811 underneath. Reverse—A castle and four lions (the arms of Stafford), with J. C. under¬ neath. (John Cartwright was a shoe manufacturer who resided in the Broad Eye.) Penny Tokens. Obverse—A shield, bearing the arms of the borough of Stafford (a castle between four lions passant), and the word STAFFORD, 1801. Reverse—The Staffordshire knot, and the initials W. H. in cypher, with the word PENNY. Edge— payable by horton and company. [ 101 ] Obverse—A castle and four lions (the arms of Stafford), and the words STAFFORD 1801. Reverse —Penny W. H., in writing letters, and a Staffordshire knot. Edge— PAYABLE BY HORTON AND COMPANY. Obverse—A castle and four Hons (the arms of Stafford), and the words STAFFORD 1803. Reverse —Penny W. H., in writing letters, and a Staffordshire knot. Edge— PAYABLE BY HORTON AND COMPANY. Obverse—The words STAFFORDSHIRE PENNY TOKEN, surrounding a bust in profile facing to the right. Reverse—The words COMMERCE 1811, surrounding a seated figure of Britannia. Halfpenny Tokens. Obverse — A shield, bearing the arms of the borough of Stafford (a castle between four lions passant). Above the shield the word STAFFORD, and below it the date 1797. Reverse — The initials \V. H. in cypher; above this is the word HALF¬ PENNY, and beneath the cypher is the Staffordshire knot. Edge— PAYABLE BY HORTON AND COMPANY. Obverse — A shield, bearing the arms of the borough of Stafford, as in the last. Above the shield the word STAFFORD, and, beneath it, the date, 1797. Reverse — The initials W. H. in cypher. Above the initials the word HALF-PENNY, and, beneath it, the Staffordshire knot. Edge— PAYABLE AT STAFFORD. A Stafford Election in the Time of George II. O N Tuesday came on the election of members for this borough to serve in the ensuing Parliament. The candidates were Thomas Parker and John Dolphin, Esqrs., Thomas Foley and William Chetwynd, Esqrs. The poll upon the Mayor’s Declaration stands thus: — Parker. Dolphin. Foley. Chetwynd. 194 . 81 . 231 . 226 There were several just objections made by Mr. Parker and Mr. Dolphin to many Persons, who voted for the candidates, which were disallowed. Just objections being allowed on each side, the Poll stands thus :— Parker. Dolphin. Foley. Chetwynd. 190 . 77 . 185 . 180 The objections were not only rejected, but the votes of many Burgesses, who have an undoubted Right and were polled by Mr. Parker and Mr. Dolphin, were refused to be taken by the Mayor, and those being added, the Poll stands thus : — Parker. Dolphin. Foley. Chetwynd. 259 . 117 . 191 . 185 ’Tis to be observed that Mr. Dolphin offered himself a Candidate on Tues¬ day last, and not before ; had he done it sooner, many of the Burgesses who voted for the other Candidates would have voted for him. How the Returning Officer will answer his behaviour and Return, he best knows. — The Daily Journal, April 30, 1734. [ 102 ] Royal Birthday Jollifications. B UNDAY last being the King’s birthday, it was observed in this town with the usual bonfiring, squibing, rocketing, and obstreperous jollifications. Independent of these burnt offerings, the shrine of Bacchus was crowded with devotees, from the Mayor down to his bellman, all emulous to show their zeal in honour of a King to whose reign they were mostly born subjects, and beneath whose sway they had flourished and were free, while the fate of neighbouring nations almost changed with the moon. “It will remain,” says a correspondent, “a problem for the politician of other times, how in this period of a long reign a great portion of his Majesty’s subjects should be regaling themselves plentifully with a foreign wine at six times the expence that any other people in the world could afford to purchase it at.” Staffordshire Advertiser, June 10, 1809. An Alderman in Disgrace. * ■ '"'•ROM the minutes of the Common Council, it appears that 160 years or so ago an ex-Mayor and alderman would not account ' l for a sum of £4 18s. of public money, which he held in his hands as Mayor. He lost his temper towards his colleagues on the Council, and it was decided “that he be proceeded against for his rude manner of cursing and swearing, and speaking scandalous and disrespectful words,” and further that “ we, the major part of the Council, now assembled together, do think the said W. Winter unworthy to be continued one of the aldermen of the said Borough any longer, or bear any rule or govern¬ ment in the same, but that he ought to be amoved and displaced from the said office of alderman. And we do hereby amove and displace him from the said office of alderman and discharge him from every duty or attendance belonging the same.” A mandamus from the Court of Chancery very soon reversed this decision. - - •.*» Market Tolls in the Time of Henry III. I N the Patent Roll, Anno. 8, Hen. III., p. 2, m. 4, we read:—The Burgesses of Stafford have a concession from our lord the King for all things concerning the aid that was to be had for the purpose of enclosing their town * * for two years * * in the form of which the burgesses of Salop have had the same. But where mention is made of each carriage or cart of the same county carrying things for sale it is added, “Carrying salt or corn or other things to be sold there * * or passing through the same town.” The Salop grant shows that the town of Shrewsbury was to be enclosed for security as well of the town as of the vicinity. They may take (towards the cost of fortification) once a week, until the end of one year from the festival of St. John Baptist in the eighth year of Henry’s reign, from every cart or carriage carrying things for sale there one penny, and for every load of things to be sold there, except for a load of underwood, id., and for every horse and man or man bringing a cow for sale ^d., and for 10 sheep or pigs or goats for sale jd. * * ” The mention of salt at Stafford shows the antiquity of the salt industry there.—W.B [ 103 j An Old Inn Sign. •> * HE fact that the above-named Lawrence Beresford lived in the ■ 17th century in St. Chad’s parish, and that an old inn, called the Old Black Bear, stands among the 17th century buildings on St. Chad’s Churchyard, may throw a tiny gleam of light on the history of signboards. The late LI. Jewitt, in his “ History of Derby Signs,” said that the Black Bear was derived from the Beresford Arms, a black bear rampant. Curiously, it has been discovered since Mr. Jewitt’s death that the Bear in Derby, whether an inn or other place of business, belonged to the grandfather of this very Lawrence Beresford—viz., to the Lawrence Beresford, lay rector of Alstonfield, who, in 1590, rebuilt the chancel there. This fact may illustrate the choice of the bear for an inn established in Stafford close to the residence of one who bore that badge. And the fact that a Beresford lived in St. Chad’s parish who was a son of a relative and neighbour of Charles Cotton may also in some small degree account either for Izaak Walton’s acquaintance with Cotton or for his interest in St. Chad’s Churchyard, which he surrounded with a wall, as if to keep back further encroachment. More Old Sanitary Arrangements, &c. * HAT a pinfold be made at the publick charge of the town, adjoin- ■ ing to the churchyard, to impound all such swine as shall come either into the Churchyard or Town, and that the Beadle of the town and the clerke do impound all such swine as they may meet with in the churchyard or in the street. 1695 — Dec. 24. Additional payments made to keep the church clean, and the flagstones to the church down. 1696 — Oct. 17. It is ordered that the Sargeants do sweep the market place, and under the Hall every Monday so that the muck be taken away by every Tuesday at noon, and if they fail to do the same that then the Mayor do employ some person to do the same and stop the charge out of the Sargeant’s salary. 1703 — Mar. 14 . It is ordered that the £6 per annum that was allowed Mrs. Drakeford by the town be laid out in putting in order the vestry and making it decent for the Parson to come into at any time. 1704 — Dec. 21. It is this day ordered that John Sole do from time to time take care that the Channells be cleaned, and that he keep all Foreign Beggars out of the Town, and that he give notice to all such inhabitants that should take Lodgers and Inmates into their houses, or make or suffer any nuisance or incroachment, if not forthwith removed after his notice, and that he go weekly before Mr. Mayor and inform him of the same, and then and there putt down in writing that he may be able to make oath thereof at the next Court Leet, in order that the offenders may be prosecuted, and as a reward it is agreed that the said John Sole shall have 40s. for his pains yearly paid him by the Chamberlain for the time being, in case he carefully perform the same, else nothing. 1711 — April 16. That the Mayor for the time being do not permit any Bull to be baited within the liberties of the town. 1791. Thanks of the Corporation were presented to the Hon. Thos. Clifford, of Tixall, for “the civility shewn to the town of Stafford by his generous present of the kirbstone used in paving and repairing the streets.” 1783 — Oct. 17. [ 104 ] The Dissolution op the Monasteries.—Sale at Grey Friars. O N the suppression of religious houses by Henry VIII., m many cases sales of property took place, when the goods were sold “without reserve” with a vengeance. The following is a portion of the inventory of goods belonging to the Grey Friars in Stafford :— Four vestments and two tunicles of old pressed velvet .13s. 4d. Two Copes of red Tartan . 12d. A suit of blue sarcenet .=. 3s. 4d. Green Branched Silk . 6s. 8d. Two tunicles of dunne silk. 20d. 3 Altar Cloths. 12d. A Linen Cope, stained. 4d. Two Rolles Clothes . 6d. A vestment of blue fustian and one of white diaper. 6d. The seats in the friary . 6d. Alabaster Table . 2s. 8d. The Seats in St. Francis’ Chapel. 4d. Image of St. Catherine . 6d. All the books in the quire and coffer in the library . 2s. Od. A pair of organs. 2s. Od. The books in the vestry . 8d. Two altar candlesticks and a pyx of copper . 12d. A Corn Ring in 1757. I N the “Parliamentary Records” for 1757 we read—“A Petition from the Mayor and Burgesses of the borough of Stafford, in Common Council assembled, was presented to the House and read, taking notice of the distressed state of the Poorer Sort of People in the said Town and Neighbourhood by the excessive high Price of Corn and other Provisions, occasioned, as the Petitioners believed, by the almost general practice which hath for some time past prevailed in that and the neighbouring counties, for the Farmers to sell their Corn at their own Houses to the Millers who manufacture the same into Flour, and to the Badgers who buy Corn to sell again in that private and collusive manner that it is very difficult, if not impossible, by the laws now in Force against Forestalled, Engrossers, and Regraters, to remedy this so great and much- complained-of grievance, and it being doubtful whether there is now any Law in being which can hinder the Farmers from selling Corn at their own Houses, representing to the House that if the Laws now in being against Forestalled, Engrossers, and Regraters were clearly explained and amended, and all Millers and others buying Corn to manufacture into Corn to sell, all Bakers and others making bread to sell, and all Badgers, Laders, Ividders, and Carriers, Buyers, and Transporters of Corn or Grain, licensed or to be licensed, were obliged to buy their Corn in open Market, and not by Sample, otherwise or elsewhere, and making the method of convicting the offenders more easy and concise, it would abate the present excessive high Price of Corn, and prevent the like for the future. And therefore expressing the hope of the Petitioners that the House, the Premises considered, will provide such Remedy or Remedies as to the House shall seem meet—Ordered that the said Petition be referred to the consideration of a Committee, who are appointed to consider of proper Provisions for the future,” &c. [ 105 ] An Old Protest Against “Tips.” 'T a very numerous meeting of noblemen and gentlemen, held at Stafford on Wednesday, the fifteenth day of October, 1766, being 1 the second day of the races, it was unanimously agreed, That after the 31st day of December, 1766, the custom of giving vails to servants should be abolished, excepting fees for venison and for seeing houses and gardens. An instrument drawn up for the above purpose was signed by all present, and the rest of the nobility and gentry who were not present at that meeting were invited to concur therein. Amongst the signatures to this agreement we find the names of Lord Gower, Lord Stamford, the Bishop of Lichfield, and representatives of the families of Bagot, Anson, Sneyd, Dyott, Littleton, Fitzherbert, and Clifford. Izaak Walton and Stafford. T does not come within the scope of this notice of Izaak Walton to give either a detailed account of his life or a critical disquisition ' ' on his place in the world of literature ; but a few biographical details of his connection with the town and county, which are both proud to reckon him on the roll of their worthies, will not be out of place. The date of Walton’s birth is fixed for us by himself, for in the preamble to his will, dated August 9, 1683, he tells us that on that day ninety years before he first saw the light. Difficulties, however, immediately arise when we essay to record facts as to his family and birthplace. On these points Walton himself gives no information whatever, but from the record of his baptism, as found in St. Mary’s register under the date September 21, 1593, we learn that his father’s name was Jervis Walton, who was probably the second son of George Walton, formerly bailiff of Yoxall. Of his mother nothing whatever is known, not even her name, and it is doubtful whether she was alive at the time of the death of her husband—an event which took place in February, 1596. For several houses has been claimed the honour of being the birthplace of Izaak Walton. For a long time tradition pointed to the “Ancient High House” as the spot, but on consideration this is found to be extremely improbable. If the house were in exis¬ tence in 1593 it would be one of the finest mansions in Stafford, and therefore not at all likely to be the residence of people of whom next to nothing is known, and who at best did not hold a higher position than that of substantial yeomen. A more likely house for Walton’s parents to have inhabited was a humble tenement in Eastgate-street, which was pulled down a few years ago. This cottage, which in its last days was used as a coach-house and stable, was situated in St. Mary’s parish, on the very verge of St. Chad’s parish. There is nothing but tradition, again, to guide us in fixing upon this place as Walton’s birthplace, but such a conclusion may have been arrived at in the first instance from the fact that Walton in his will, in addition to other benefactions, left a sum of money for keeping the wall of St. Chad’s churchyard in repair. Yet another competitor for the honour of giving birth to Walton is the Halfhead Farm at Shallowford, but beyond the fact that in after-life this place became the property of Walton there is nothing known to warrant these pretensions. Of his childhood and youth there is no record whatever. He himself refers to his education in terms of characteristic modestyWhen I sometimes look back upon my education and mean abilities it is not O [ 106 ] without some little wonder at myself that I am come to be publicly in print.” The numerous references to and quotations from Latin authors in his works are evidence that he had read many of the classics, and lead to the presumption that he obtained at the grammar school in Stafford, where Latin formed part of the ordinary curriculum, such knowledge as he possessed. Into his apprenticeship and business life it is not necessary to enter here. When about 50 years of age, Walton, after what we can readily believe to have been a hard-working and prudent career, retired from business, and spent much of his time in visiting friends. He shortly afterwards took a house in Clerkenwell, whither he could return after his excursions into the country. It has been said that during the troublous times of the Civil Wars he lived in seclusion at Shallowford, near Stafford ; but Walton, whose loyalist principles would make him obnoxious to the then ruling powers, probably found the country scarcely so secure as the suburbs of the great City. Shortly after the battle of Worcester, Walton was at Stafford, and on his return to London undertook the hazardous mission of conveying to Col. Blague, who was then a prisoner in the Tower, the King’s “Lesser George,” one of the Royal jewels which was left behind in its owner’s sudden flight. Col. Blague, soon after he obtained possession of the jewel, made his escape from the Tower with it and re-joined his Royal master on the Continent. A deed of 1658 describes Walton as “of Worson farme,” near Shallowford; but as to what period he lived there, if at all, no information can be obtained. Walton’s last years were spent far away from Stafford, but it was only four months before his death that in his will, drawn up in calm and collected language, the good old man showed that in the sunset of his life he had not forgotten the ancient town which gave him birth. More about Sir Thomas Armstrong. E have on more than one occasion in this series mentioned the name of Sir Thomas Armstrong as M.P. for Stafford, and as having been concerned in the Duke of Monmouth’s insurrection, a course of action which cost him his head. The notorious Judge Jeffreys tried him, so that the unfortunate man had small allowance of mercy meted out to him. In addition to the loss of his life, Sir Thomas was ordered to forfeit all his estates, of the estimated value of £12,000. As soon, however, as William and Mary ascended the throne, his widow determined to endeavour to reverse the attainder, and thus lift herself and her daughters out of the state of destitution into which they had been thrown. Accordingly, on the 18th of May, 1689, Lady Armstrong presented a petition to the House of Commons, in which her sad case was set forth. The prosecution and execution of her husband had already been declared illegal by a vote of the House: hence she addressed a sympathizing audience. Five days afterwards Armstrong’s brutal judge was committed to the Tower for the illegal prosecution of, amongst others, Sir Thomas Armstrong, and for having procured without trial his execution as a traitor. The petition was considered by committees of both Houses, and in November the House of Lords declared that Sir Thomas’s execution was illegal and a murder by pretence of justice, and that his heirs and executors should have reparation made them out of the estates of the judges and prosecutors. A bill in accordance with these resolutions was brought in and allowed to pass without the payment of the usual fees. [ 107 ] The Burgesses’ Rights Maintained bt Parliament. *■ J jj ’ STRICT observance of and a jealous watch over their rights and privileges seems to have been a distinguishing characteristic (V* ■ of Stafford burgesses for centuries, and when they have had any reason to suspect any encroachment on these rights they have not hesitated to bring their cause before the tribunals of appeal, for the law on the subject to be laid down. Thus in the records of the House of Commons for 1710 we find the following minutes:—“The House (according to order) proceeded to the hearing of the Merits of the Election for the Boro’ of Stafford, in the county of Stafford, and the Counsel were called in. And the petition of Henry Vernon, junior, esquire, and also the petition of several Freemen and sons of Burgesses of the said Boro’ of Stafford, were read. And several witnesses on both sides were examined, and being withdrawn, Ordered, That Candles be brought in. And they were brought in accordingly. And the Counsel were called in again, and they were heard. And being withdrawn, and a Motion being made, and the Question being put, That the Sons of burgesses and those that have served Apprentices Seven Years in the Boro’ of Stafford, have a right upon Demand thereof to be made burgesses of the said Boro’, the House divided. [The ayes numbered 173, and the noes 83.] So it was resolved in the affirmative. And the Counsel were called in again, and Mr. Speaker acquainted them with the said Resolution. Whereupon the Counsel for the Petitioner insisted that they would proceed to add so many to their poll as would make the Petitioner a Majority of Votes. And thereupon the Counsel for the sitting Member declared to the House that they were directed by their Client not to give the House any further trouble, and then the Counsel withdrew. And the Question being put, That Walter Chetwynd, Esquire, is duly elected a Burgess to serve in this present Parliament for the Boro’ of Stafford, in the County of Stafford, It passed in the negative. Resolved that Henry Vernon, junior, Esquire, is duly elected a Burgess to serve in this present Parliament for the said Boro’ of Stafford. Ordered, That the Clerk of the Crown do attend this House To-morrow Morning to amend the Return for the Boro’ of Stafford, by rasing out the name of Walter Chetwynd, Esquire, and inserting the name of Henry Vernon, Junior, Esquire, instead thereof.” “Briefs.” I N the 17th century, when money was required from parishes for any special purposes, as for instance the rebuilding of churches, the restoration of the same after fire, and the like, it was a common custom for the Court of Chancery to issue what was known as a “brief,” ordering a collection to be made amongst the parishioners. The persons who were responsible for duly handing over the moneys so collected, as delivered to them by the churchwardens, were called “undertakers.” As time went on, the list of objects for which these collections might be made was extended to more general charitable purposes. The following incident will explain this procedure. In 1688 about 7,000 poor Protestants from the banks of the Rhine, driven from their habitations by the ravages of the French, arrived in England, and encamped at Blackheath and Greenwich. A brief was granted to collect alms for them. Five hundred families went under the protection of the Government to Ireland, and settled chiefly in [ 108 ] Limerick, where Parliament granted them £24,000 for their support. Three thousand were sent to New York and Hudson’s Bay, but not having been received kindly, they went to Pennsylvania, and being there greatly encouraged by the Quakers, they invited over some thousands of German and Swiss Protestants, who soon made this colony flourishing. It would appear that a general brief was granted for the benefit of this last-named company of emigrants, for in 1709 a Mr. Henry Walker, of Stafford, was appointed “undertaker of the briefs,” on the understanding that he was to receive 6d. for each brief delivered to a parish. In consequence of repre¬ sentations made to them, the House of Commons, as long after as 1734, ordered Mr. Walker to appear before them to render an account of his stewardship. The persons appointed to serve the order stated that they found him “tied in his chair without any seeming ability to help himself; that when he read the said order to him he seemed attentive, but did not return any answer, and appeared very weak and feeble.” The Rev. Samuel Walker, son of Mr. Walker, stated that his father was 70 years of age and incapable of conducting any business. From a book produced it appeared that 1,892 briefs were issued by Mr. Walker, that great care had been taken in entering all charges and payments, but that no account what¬ ever of the money collected was recorded. The records of the House give no further information as to the ultimate settlement of the matter.—Within living memory there stood a building at the corner of Bath-street called the Brief Office. A correspondent in “Notes and Queries,” September, 1852, says—“The greater part of the original briefs issued from 1754 to 1828 are preserved in the British Museum, to which they were presented by J. S. Salt, Esq.” Cost of the “New Gaol.” m HE contract for the erection of the “New Gaol” was made in February, 1789, with Thomas Cook, of Gloucester, on condition that the building was finished by November, 1790. Amongst the items of expenditure were: — £ s. d. Architect and Clerks of the Works . 1,156 18 9 Land . 547 7 3 Water Engine . 155 0 3 Tax Clerks’ Salaries . 123 18 2g Tax Collectors’ ditto. 247 3 4 Carcase, Painting, and Steps (on ac cl ) . 13,397 1 7g Bricks . 4,496 10 2£ Premium on Bird-destroying. ^ | Y HE Corporation records for 1700 mention that, whereas Robert Madeley had taken a great store of sparrows and other birds * * that destroyed the corn, it was ordered by the Mayor and the major part of the Council that for the great service he had done in destroying the said birds he should be allowed 10s. for his pains, to be paid by the Chamberlain of the borough. [ 109 J A Dead Man appointed High Sheriff. * | ^ ROM the London Gazette, February 10, 1807 : “Sheriff for Stafford- I j shire—G. Briscoe, of Summed Hill, esq.” From the Staffordshire • *■ l Adicrtiser, February 14, 1807: “ The gentleman who has been appointed High Sheriff for this county is insensible of the honour intended him, having, we are told, ‘to the grave gone down’ upwards of two years ago.” Deans of Stafford. HE following is a list of the Deans of Stafford for the dates named:— Ralph Helias, Archdeacon of Stafford, 1207. Walter de Benches, 1234. Simon de Offenham, 1248 (King’s Chaplain). Bozo de Clare, 1257 (Inducted by the Sheriff). John de Cademo, 1294. Lewis de Beaumont, 1310. Thomas de Charlton, 1317. Robert de Sandal, 1311. Robert de Swinnerton, 1326. Nicholas de Swinnerton, 1349. James de Beaufort, 1356. John de Bishopton, 1358. Richard More, 1366. Adam de Hartington, 1376. William de Packington, 1381. Lawrence Allerthorpe, 1391. John Siggeston, 1397. Robert Tunstall, 1403. William Ware. Thomas Hawkins, 1467. Church' Bells. St. Mary’s. dia. Sanctus—Thoms Hancoxx me fiset 1622 . lOgin. (1) When you mee ring lie sweetly sing 1709 . 28in. (2) Iohn Dancer Esq Maior Abr : Hodskis W m Green iustices 1709. 29in. (3) N. F. Cantate Domino canticum novum 1692 . 32in. (4) M D Rector. Henricus Bagley me fecit 1692 . 34in. (5) W m Winter Hen: Norman churchwardens A R 1709... 36in. (6) I P and S E Churchwardens Henry Bagley made mee 1692 . 38m. (7) May the church flourish and her enemies de crease A R 1751 . 40in. (8) Ioseph lames Loxdale churchwardens Henry Bagley made me 1742 . 46£in. S. Chad. Call Bell. No inscription . 15^in. (1) Somrosa polsata monde Maria vocata 1632 . 39in. From Lynam’s “Chuich Bells of the County of Stafford.” [ 110 ] Trial by Duel on the Green. fTt 11E Patent Rolls for 4 Henry III. seem to show that the Green was the great public meeting place of Stafford, a judicial duel J t being striken there in that year. The duel was fought between Holbe, the Werewede, the approver, and Walter-in-the-Green, who was vanquished, and Thomas Withegold, victor, and the said Holbe, who was vanquished, concerning an appeal of larceny and in testimony of this matter, leb. 7. (Pat. Rot. 4 Henry III., m 6.) In the third year of Henry III. Stafford is called a “city.”—W. B. Ancient Corn Market Order. * y [ *X order of the Corporation in 1692 states that until the ringing Pi of a bell at 11 a.m. on market days sales of corn were pro- * hibited, and the maltsters and others clandestinely buying corn before such ringing of the bell, and thus evading the usual toll, rendered themselves liable to be proceeded against before the justices and “sup¬ pressed for the future from making malt, and groats, and oat-meal.” The Ancient Law of Sanctuary. ' J | * FEW years ago the learned Assistant-Secretary of the William Salt Archeological Society (Mr. T. J. de Mazzinghi, M.A., ' F.S.A.) published a deeply-interesting volume on this subject. He not only discussed the antiquity of the practice of setting apart certain places to which criminals might flee for safety, but gave numerous local illustrations. The Jews, he reminded his readers, had their cities of refuge, and among both Greeks and Romans some of the temples were endowed with the privilege of affording protection to all who fled to them, even though they might be criminals of the worst kind. Eventually these asylums became, on account of abuses, a great evil, and the Emperor Tiberius suppressed them throughout the Roman Empire. After the victory of Christianity over Paganism the churches were permitted to become asylums, or, as these places of refuge came to be called, sanctuaries. After a time the privilege was extended to convents and even to the houses of bishops, and in defiance of protests it was maintained by the clergy for ages. The Crown also exercised the power of granting by charter the right of sanctuary to other than ecclesiastical buddings. The practice did something to mitigate the frightful barbarity of the criminal law in mediaeval times, because an offender on obtaining sanctuary was not only free from molestation for the time being but could make confession and abjure the realm, and if he did that he was allowed 40 days in which to quit the kingdom. Although on abjuring the realm he forfeited all his property, he saved his life or escaped cruel mutilation or other barbarous punish¬ ment. The maintenance of the privilege led to long and angry disputes between the clergy and the civil power, but in the end this, along with so many other privdeges of the Church, was undermined by the autocratic Henry VIII., and finally was abolished by Elizabeth and James. Having in his historical sketch brought us down to thetime of Henry VIII., Mr. [ 111 ] Mazzinghi stated that in the 32nd year of the reign of that monarch a law was passed to regulate sanctuaries. It abolished the right in all places throughout the realm except in churches, hospitals, and churchyards, and excluded from its benefits, even in consecrated places, all persons guilty of murder, rape, highway robbery, burglary, house-burning, or sacrilege, but by the same Act eight cities or towns were made sanctuaries for term of life for all persons guilty of minor offences. These places were Wells, West¬ minster, Manchester, Northampton, Norwich, York, Derby, and Laun¬ ceston. The next year Manchester prayed the Parliament to remove the sanctuary to some other town, the inhabitants alleging that the influx of dissolute persons under the Act had been injurious to trade, and that they had no mayor, sheriff, or bailiff, no walls, and no gaol for the confinement of offenders. The petition was granted and the sanctuary was removed to Chester, but here again the inhabitants complained, and by proclamation the sanctuary was again removed— this time from Chester to Stafford. This last change was made by Royal proclamation, and the King expressly ordered that his “castle or gaol for prisoners” should be no part of the sanctuary. Retracing his steps, Mr. Mazzinghi gives twenty cases of church sanctuary in one year (1271-2) in Staffordshire. These are taken from the Assize Roll of the 56th year of Henry III., and the following entries may be given as examples of the whole: — “Simon Wade put himself in the church of Bradelye and confessed himself a robber, and abjured the realm before the Coroner : his chattels are worth 2s. 9d., for which the Sheriff answers. The village of Bradelye did not take him, and is therefore in mercy” [i.c., liable to penalty). Again: “A certain unknown Christian woman put herself in the Church of St. Chad at Stafford, and confessed herself a robber, and abjured the realm before the Coroner. Her chattels are worth 12d., for which the Sheriff answers. The town of Stafford is in mercy because she was not taken by it.” (Had the unknown woman been a Jew or a heretic, she would have been sternly refused sanctuary.) Another entry shows that at this time there were stocks in St. Mary’s churchyard at Stafford, or possibly in the church itself, for we read that two persons were detained for five days in “the stocks in the sanctuary at Stafford.” Considering that in one year in Staffordshire alone 20 criminals obtained church sanctuary (to say nothing of many other places which were privileged by Royal charter), it is evident that the number of those who during Henry III. ’s long reign slipped through the law’s meshes must have been very great indeed. Mr. Mazzinghi gave numerous in¬ stances of violation of sanctuary, of which the most memorable is of course the murder of Thomas A’Beckett. Por some superstitious reason or other the most lawless generally abstained from dragging a person out of sanc¬ tuary, but many were decoyed and some burnt out. A notable instance of this latter was that of William Fitzosbert, called William Longbeard, who “contrived to array against the rich and the noble of the city of London 52,000 citizens.” He was convicted and sentenced to death, but took refuge in Bow Church, Cheapside. The justiciary, who was also Archbishop of Canterbury, gave orders for the tower of the church, to which Fitzosbert had retreated, to be set on fire. This was actually done, and the unhappy wretch surrendered. He was seized, stripped naked, tied to a horse’s tail, and dragged over the rough and flinty road to Tyburn, where his lacerated and almost lifeless body was hung. The Archbishop himself fell into disgrace in 1232, and after seeking sanctuary for himself and after having been violently removed on more than one occasion, at last contrived to escape into Wales, where he died peaceably. [ 112 ] Address from the Codntv to Charles II. m O the King’s Most Excellent Majesty. The Humble Address of the Noblemen, Justices of the Peace, Gentlemen, Clergy, Grand Jury, and Freeholders of the County of Stafford, agreed on at the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, held at Stafford the 4th of October, in the three and thirtieth year of your Majesties most happy Reign. Dread Sir, We, your Majestie’s most Loyal and Obedient Subjects, having with infinite satisfaction seen your Majestie’s late Gracious Declaration, wherein your Majestie hath been pleased to give repeated Assurances to your People that you will continue to Govern according to the known Laws of this your Majestie’s Kingdom ; to advise with your People in frequent Parliaments ; to maintain the true Protestant Religion, according to the profession of the Church of England, and to defend us in all our just Rights and Liberties against all Invaders whatsoever: Do in all humility return our most hearty and unfeigned Thanks, humbly assuring your Majestie that we will readily sacrifice our Lives and Fortunes in the defence of your Majestie’s most Sacred Person, your Heirs and Lawful Successors, and the Government of Church and State, as now by Law Established, against all the Plots and Designs, both of Papists and Eanaticks ; and though others have appeared earlier in Addresses of this Nature, none shall go before us in zeal for your Majestie’s Service. October 4, 1681. The above was signed by over 5,000 Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Free¬ holders of the county. An Unfortunate Lotalist. N White’s “History of Staffordshire” we find that “William Orme [of Stafford] suffered greatly for his loyalty to Charles I., in whose ' ' service he expended about £2,000, and was subsequently fined £1,500 by the Parliament, after being barbarously taken out of his bed when sick of the palsy and imprisoned at Stafford so long as to bring him to distraction.” Shameless Zealots. I N the late Rebellious times the Insolence of the Anti-monarchical and Anti-episcopal party in this Town was beyond measure enormous, for they not only battered and defaced the Castle here, as they did in other places, though it was then the seat of a nobleman ; but that they might affront and vex the Loyal Prisoners then in the town, some of the Zealots procured a Bust of our Saviour’s body, carv’d in Wood to the Waste, with a Crown of Thorns upon the head, which they brought out, and having plac’d it in their sight, they shouted and grinn’d and mock’d at it, giving it blows first on the one Cheek and then on the other, and after bobb’d it on the Nose, and at last struck it on the head, giving at the same Time a great Shout; and all this they did, for the greater solemnity, on Christmas Day, because they knew the Prisoners kept that Day holy in thankful remembrance of Christ’s Birth. Having done thus much to the Effigies of Christ, they fell a vilifying of the King, and one of them said in a clear and open expression, if nobody would kill the King and end all the War he would do it. Some persons who could not bear with such Villainous words offered to prosecute the wretch for it, but they were threatened to be punished if they attempted it.”— From Cox’s “Staffordshire Described,” 1728. [ 113 ] The Corporation and the Manor Boundaries. ~gr J T the General Quarter Sessions held in October, 1807, the Staf- ford Corporation appealed against the award of John Bishton, • Esq., under a late Act, for enclosing the common fields and waste in the parish of St. Mary, boundaries of the manor of the borough. The Court found that there was no consent in writing of the Mayor or burgesses of Stafford to alter the boundaries of the said borough : therefore, ordered that so much of the said award as related to such alteration of the boundaries and liberties of the manor of the borough of Stafford should be void. Repudiation oe the Solemn League and Covenant. O N the appointment of Mr. Wm. Nabbs as an alderman of the borough, he, amongst others, signed the following state¬ ment : — “I W m . Nabbs do Declare that I hold there Lyes no obligation upon me or any other person from the Oath comonly called the Solemn League and Covenant, that the same was in itselfe an unlawful oath, and imposed upon the subjects of this Realm against the known Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom. “September 29, 1691.” & Stafford Sunday Schools at a Low Ebb in 1810. ' HE finances of the numerous and well-regulated Sunday schools of this town being low, a very liberal subscription has been entered into for their support. T. Mottershaw and .T. Hubball, Esqrs., were appointed receivers. To name the subject is sufficient to all who are zealous in the love of virtue and the promotion of knowledge. — Staffordshire Advertiser, August 11, 1810.—Within a week, upwards of £70 was subscribed.—A pamphlet issued by the Wesleyans of Stafford in 1835 claims for Mr. William Jones, father of Mr. William Jones of Salter-street, the honour of originating the first Sunday school in Stafford — in 1805. The institution grew so rapidly that in the same year the Rector of St. Mary’s joined with the managers in requesting the magistrates to grant the use of the assembly room at the Shire Hall, and the application was acceded to. The school was maintained in operation until 1811, at which time the teachers belonged chiefly to the Wesleyan Methodist body, then occupying the Presbyterian Chapel, and, “conceiving that they had an equal right with the members of the Establishment to the attendance of their children at their own place of worship, took them alternately to church and chapel.” “This step gave umbrage in an influential quarter : a meeting of the subscribers was called, and a resolution passed that henceforth the teachers should consist exclu¬ sively of members of the Establishment, and that the property of the school should be under their control.” On further consideration it was decided to let the Wesleyans have one-half of the books and other school requisites, and from that time two distinct schools were maintained : that of the Church of England continued to assemble for a time in the Assemby Room and subsequently in the chancel of St. Mary’s Church, while the Wesleyans taught their scholars in their new chapel. These differences were no doubt accountable for the “low ebb ” referred to at the opening of this paragraph. P [ 114 ] A Sketch op the Ecclesiastical History of Stafford. St. Bcrtelin and his Church. ’ HE great antiquity of Stafford is attested by the fact that the M investigator into its civil and ecclesiastical history who carries his researches backward from age to age comes at last to a time when of both alike he is constrained to say — “ Here history shades off into legend.” So far as is at present known, the first mention of Stafford is in the “Saxon Chronicle,” which, under the date of 913, says—“This year, by the help of God, Ethelfleda, Lady of Mercia, went with all the Mercians to Tamworth, and there built the fortress early in the summer ; and after this, before Lammas, that at Stafford.” So long as w’e have the “Saxon Chronicle ” for our guide we are in tolerably safe hands, for it is dis¬ tinguished by its exactness ; but some writers have inferred from this extract that Ethelfleda founded the town. This conclusion, however, does not seem to be warranted ; rather is it clear that when this pious and patriotic lady erected forts at Tamworth and Stafford her intention was to give protection against the Danes to communities alieady established at both places. If, however, we lay the “Saxon Chronicle” aside and attempt to peer through the mists of legend and tradition which lie behind it, we are baffled. There is really a Stafford, but we cannot see it with sufficient distinctness to describe it. We must take tradition for what it is worth, and it is this :— St. Guthlac, who died in 714, had a disciple named Bertelin, who was one of four who followed him into a hermit’s life at Croyland, on the southern border of Lincolnshire. Legend and such history as there is about Bertelin agree in stating that something of a painful and guilty nature stained his early life and made him a penitent. We have a life of Bertelin by a monk of the 13th century named Alex¬ ander, upon whose statements, however, Roman Catholic writers place little dependence. Prior Alexander, who may have been skilled in produc¬ ing striking stories from his own internal consciousness, says gravely that Bertelin was the son of a king and was a good Catholic ; that, shrinking from the licence of his father’s court, he went over to Ireland, but there yielded to the very temptation the danger of which had frightened him from his native land. He carried off his mistress to England and sought shelter and concealment in a wood. There the frail one gave birth to a child and both were devoured by wolves in the absence of Bertelin. Penitence and remorse drove him into monastic seclusion, and when St. Guthlac left Repton for Croyland, Bertelin threw in his lot with him, and lived so holy a life that he was regarded by the Church of Rome as a saint ah immemorabili. How Prior Alexander, after the lapse of some five hundred years, came by his knowledge of Bertelin’s escapade and subse¬ quent repentance must remain a mystery if we are denied the solution supplied by the theory that it was a romance of his own invention. Singu¬ larly enough, another and even more marvellous story is told of Bertelin by a monk named Felix, who was a contemporary of his own and author of a life of St. Guthlac. A Roman Catholic writer in the “Lives of the English Saints,” while discrediting Prior Alexander’s story as “a wild, ex¬ travagant tale” and “a fable,” believes that what follows gives “the real facts of the case”: — Felix says that Beccelin (apparently one of the many variants on Bertelin’s name) was accustomed to shave Guthlac, and that the Evil One put it into his heart to slay his master in order that he might succeed him and receive the veneration which kings and princes were accustomed to show him. But the saint, being gifted with super- [ US ] natural insight and prescience, told Bertelin that he divined his wicked intention, and entreated him to confess and turn from the evil. Humili¬ ated and convicted, Bertelin threw himself at Guthlac’s feet and received forgiveness. The fact that this story is told by a contemporary writer is sufficient for the hagiologist from whom we have quoted it ; the same liberty of credulity must not be denied to the present reader. How, when, and why St. Bertelin came to Stafford the “antique story” does not tell us, but tradition says that he took up his abode there at a time when the river Sow formed an island which was called Betheny. He led a life so holy, and so many were attracted to the spot by his miracu¬ lous gifts, that at length a town was founded. The credulity of the people in those early days being conceded, there is nothing irrational in the sup¬ position that Stafford did so originate with St. Bertelin. Be that as it may, St. Bertelin was doubtless a real personage, and what is generally believed to have been the first church in Stafford was dedicated to him. This little building remained standing until 1800, when it was pulled down by the local authorities. It joined St. Mary’s Church at the south side of the west front, and communicated by a doorway with the larger building. Its situation is shown by an original sketch in the William Salt Library, but its supposed Saxon origin does not appear therefrom, the only distinc¬ tive feature in the architecture being a three-light lancet window. This was possibly an insertion, and as there is so much reason to believe that the building was of Saxon origin, the insensibility of the men of 1800 in carting it away as so much rubbish, instead of reverently restoring it or carefully marking every stone and rebuilding it elsewhere, is much to be deplored. There are a few, and only a few, references to the Church of St. Bertelin in old records. The oldest known is that contained in the Assize Roll of the 50th year of Henry III. (1272), wherein we read “Agnes de Bakelyn put herself in the church of St. Bertelin of Stafford, and confessed herself a robber before Bertram de Burgh, the Coroner. Her chattels are worth 12' 1 . Afterwards it was testified that the said chattels belonged to Robert the Smith, of Stafford, through whose suit the said Agnes put herself in the church. The town of Stafford took her not, and is therefore in mercy.” Another case of fleeing to the church of St. Bertelin for sanctuary occurred in 1272: “The jury of the borough of Stafford presented (inter alia) that Henry Brylestone and Sibilla de Assheburn, his wife, at the suit of Richard, son of Henry de Merston, took refuge within the church of St. Bertelin of Stafford, and acknowledged various robberies before the Coroner, and abjured the kingdom.” An anonymous writer appends to Prior Alex¬ ander’s history of St. Bertelin a story of a miracle, consisting in the restoration to sight of a blind man, and said to have been performed in the church in 1386. In the 16th century the following memorandum appears in the Corporation records:—“32 Henry VIII. Mr. Bailiff Horne and W m . Peyke acc tcd for St. Bartram’s Church, 8 th of Oct r .” Dugdale, treating of Stafford in his “Baronage,” says “There was a guild of St. Bertelline with a church, wherein I find some buried, which is the present school, corruptly called St. Bartlemew’s.” In the reign of James I. there was litigation respecting the edifice, and George Craddock and William Brett, respondents in Chancery, informed the Court “that tho’ the King did give s 1 ' burgesses for maintenance of y c school lands, tent", and hered*', yet lie did not give them any school house, meaning that y° burgesses sh d provide a house cut of s d lands, &c., and being provided sh d keep it in t 116 ] repair out of y° same. And they have heard that y e burgesses having an old stone building with 3 ailes, they pulled down one aile to repair the other two, and thereof made a school house, wherein the scholars are yet instructed, and furnished the same with things necessary for a school house, at y° cost of a great sum of money.” This was the church of St. Bertelin. We also know that subsequently the old church was used as a place of assembly by the Common Council. The Church of St. Mary. [We are indebted for the following historical and architectural descrip¬ tion of St. Mary’s Church to Mr. Chas. Lynam, of Stoke, in whose know¬ ledge and judgment our readers may place perfect confidence. It was written after a minute and thorough examination of the church, and it settles at least one debated point of considerable interest. Does the present Church of St. Mary stand upon the site of an earlier church of Norman architecture ? is a question which may now be answered without hesitation in the affirmative. The priority of the Church of St. Bertelin also appears to be established, and the tradition that it was built in Saxon times will be considered by many as verified. Further, the fact that remains of the Norman church extend right across the west front of the present building is sufficient to justify the conclusion that the Norman Church of St. Mary was of large dimensions, and was adequate to the accommodation of an unusually large collegiate chapter, as that of St. Mary certainly was.] To read accurately the history that a building like this tells of itself is not altogether an easy task, seeing that it has had a life of at least eight centuries’ duration, that within that time material changes have been going on, and that not the least of such changes have been wrought during recent years, when characteristic distinctive style has no place, when, in fact, close imitations of the past are reckoned as distinguished merits. Nearly 50 years ago this church was put into the hands of Mr. Gilbert Scott (afterwards knighted) for restoration. It w’as at that time, we are told, in a deplorably dilapidated condition, and this eminent architect seems to have done his utmost to bring his work to a successful result. The only additional building which he put up seems to have been the south porch, for which he took down a former one of “Classical” type, but he apparently pretty much rebuilt the south transept and the outer walls of the south aisle of the choir and the east wall of this aisle and of the choir and north aisle; but in his “Recollections,” Sir Gilbert states that the most serious practical work was the repair of the central tower, whose four piers had become so crushed that they had to be nearly rebuilt, a very dangerous work. The roofs of the chancel and its aisles and of the south transept were renewed. The floors throughout were also renewed, and new fittings were then provided and the works generally restored. This general restoration of the fabric, together with the great variety in the ancient work still existing, renders the task of historical deciphering somewhat complicated. The church consists of a nave of five bays, with a clerestory and north and south aisles, a central tower and transepts, a chancel of five bays, with north and south aisles thereto. At the south¬ east angle of the east end there is a large octagon turret leading to “the leads ” of the roof, and the upper part of the central tower is approached by a turret at the south-west corner of the south transept which leads to a passage in the thickness of the west wall of this transept, whereby the ringing-room is reached. There is also a turret at the intersection of the [ m ] north transept and north chancel aisle. Besides the south porch (a former north doorway has been built up) there is a western entrance, and another doorway in the gable of the north transept. The internal dimensions of the church are 171 feet from east to west, 72 feet across the chancel and its aisles, 95 feet through the transepts, and the nave and its aisles are 61 feet in width. The roofs throughout are gabled, except those of the aisles of nave, which have “lean-tos.” The upper stage of the central tower is octagonal, and till the year 1593 it carried a spire. All the walls throughout are of dressed stone, both internally and externally. In the general arrangement of its plan, in its dimensions, and in its architectural character this church is decidedly of the Collegiate type, and is an excellent example of its class. The building which in general it may be said mostly to resemble is that of the Collegiate Church of St. Peter’s, at Wolver¬ hampton, and if the two were to be compared it would be difficult to pronounce which is of the greater importance. St. Mary’s at Stafford stands out as the most prominent feature in the county town from what¬ ever side it is viewed, and as seen from the usual approach from the railway station suffices to give to the whole town an air of importance which otherwise it would not possess. Referring now to the chronological order of the various parts of St. Mary’s as silently declared by the work itself, it may without hesitation be said that in the west end and in the lower parts of the walls of the aisles Norman workmanship is to be discerned. A Norman base mould forms the footing of these walls, masonry of the like character surmounts this base, and buttresses of the same period exist both at the west end and on the south Hank ; but the most characteristic feature of this early period is the short length of enriched stringcourse and its accompanying band to the north of the western doorway : in itself it is but a fragment, but there is just one stone south of this doorway which tells that this carved member ran across the whole face of the gable, for notwithstanding all the alterations, restorations, and repairs and the effects of time the stone against the south shallow buttress lining with this fragmentary band shows the seats of the double line of billets which form the enrichment of that band. Such a string moulding is exactly the feature which Norman building would be likely to have in its design. Unfortunately, no trace of the Norman windows remains, but the lancet to the north aisle is clearly an insertion into the earlier walling. The original lines of the early gables, both of the nave and aisles, are plainly distinguishable in this front, and with these data the former church, with its high-pitched nave and low, lean-to aisles, may be readily pictured, The internal facing of this west wall corroborates the testimony of the outside that it is of Norman origin, for the junction between the arcades of the nave and the gable shows clearly that they are not of the same character, and the west lancet of the north aisle is seen again as an insertion. It is remarkable that there never appears to have been a west window to the south aisle, but there is in this wall, close to the flank, a present relieving arch, which was plainly the head of a former doorway, the building up of which is marked both inside and outside. Again a careful inspection of the outside buttress at this angle shows that it really formed the end pier of an archway, the springing stone of which is at the top of this buttress. To the north of this buttress there was an aisle to which the present west wall of the south aisle formed the east end, and this would account for the absence of a window here and for the presence of the doorway which connected two buildings together. Furthermore, the south angle buttress [ 118 ] here suggests that from it ran a line of wall southwards. What this abutting was the present indications of it do not disclose, but according to written records it was the Church of St. Bertelin. This being so, it would seem that the two churches joined at this particular point, the east end of the destroyed church butting on to the south-west corner of St. Mary’s. What a fine group these two buildings would form, as seen from the High-street. Thus much for the west end : then comes the question— Which part of the building follows in succession ? There can be no doubt that the arcades of the nave and the piers and arches of the central tower next go back in point of time : their massive dimensions, form of mouldings, and boldness of detail stamp them as just posterior to Norman work, and perhaps the year 1190 saw their full execution. Though generally alike, there are certain peculiarities in these arcades—notably that the width of the eastern arch is some three feet narrower than the others. The second pier from the west end is different in the section of its plan from all the others, and just eastward of this pier, on the south side the walling, above has a length of straight vertical joint and a break in the lines of the horizontal joints. Again, the eastern responds of both arcades have imposts stilted above the height of the capitals, which are lower than those of the general piers. To what these peculiarities point it is difficult to say with certainty, but the suggestion may reasonably be hazarded that they are relics of the former Norman arcades, the pillars of which stood at the height of these lower caps, and the arches were of the width of those at the east end of the present arcades. The first pier to the east on the north side has a projection of the same date as the arcades, which now has the appearance of a buttress, but was probably a pier from which sprung an arch. That marked off a chapel at the east end of the north aisle. The lines of the 12th-century roof are marked both at the east and west ends, and the blind arcade at the tower end of six arches within the outline of the old roof has the peculiarity that the first, third, and fifth have subsidiary foiled arches, whilst the others are quite plain. The great piers and arches of the tower, though much of the same character, vary to the extent of being without mouldings on the east and north and south sides, whilst the inner faces and that next the nave are all well moulded. It is often said that the mediaeval builders enriched their hidden work fully as much as that most visible, but this is a case where the more modern idea of elaborating the parts most seen has prevailed. Next in order of date come the south transept with its three large and well- moulded lancets in the south wall, and the arch to the south aisle with one lancet in the west flank in which the wall arcade to the central tower is seen, and on the east side the great arch to the south aisle of the choir. But very much of all this work has been re-built. Still the lower part of the south walling is of early workmanship. The transept, as now seen, appears to have been substituted by Sir Gilbert Scott for a building corresponding with the latest part of the ancient work of the church. At the next stage we are brought to the eastern division of the building, including the chancel and its aisles; and, in the first place, their ample size calls for attention. In area they considerably exceed that of the nave with its aisles, and from the great width of the aisles and comparative lightness of the piers and arches a greater spaciousness of effect is brought about: it is hardly to be gainsaid that this was designed and used as the Canons’ portion of the church. Looking at the arrangement of plan, here it is evident that there were at least three altars within its compass—one [ 119 ] at the east end of the chancel and one at the end of each aisle, but observing the peculiar details of the first piers at the east end and the various heights in the levels of the floor, they seem to suggest that the eastern bays of the chancel and aisles were screened off, and probably the central altar was that of the Lady Chapel and that the high altar was to the west of such Lady Chapel, as is usual in cathedral churches. It is hardly possible to view this east end and not be struck with the pro¬ bability of this arrangement. Speaking generally, this eastern portion as a whole may be said to be about a century later than the central tower, the triple lancet windows in the south aisle being the earliest part, and the large three-light windows in the north aisle the latest. Next in order comes the north transept, and this is a work of considerable magnitude, It is 11 feet longer and 7 feet wider than the older south transept. The evident determination to make the arches next to the aisles of the nave and chancel as wide as possible and the elaboration of the detail of this work declare plainly enough that it was intended to be a large and marked additional feature to the church, and it is the sort of addition of which record might be expected. It is an excellent example of what is known as the “Decorated Period,” generally in its later phase, but the flank walls with their windows and the arch to the choir aisle are of its early character. Externally, the design of this transept is exceptionally bold in the magnitude of its angle buttresses and of its great seven-light window and the elaboration of its doorway, both in mouldings and carvings. The lines of its original gables are visible both inside and outside. The great window is thrown up as high as possible in the gable, and for the sake of height in the mullions the peculiar arch known as a “pointed segment ” is adopted. About the year 1340 may be put down for this arm of the church. The central doorway at the west end and the window over it correspond with the later work of the east end. The blocked up doorway on the north of the nave is of the date of the lancet to the north aisle : the south doorway somewhat later. Next in point of time comes the upper part of the aisle walls (to the nave) with their large three-light windows and boldly projecting buttresses. The windows to the south aisle are the earlier in date, their tracery being of “Decorated” character, whilst those on the north side are “Perpendi¬ cular,” the mouldings and form of the arches on the two sides differing in form. Increasing the height of these walls, though a slight matter in itself, changed very much the outline of the western portion of the church, and this no doubt was the first step towards the last ancient alteration. But before this took place the tower had its turn, and all that is seen externally of it, with its square base and octagonal upper stage, may be placed just at the period of the change which took place about the year 1360. The masonry of the square portion of the walls would point to a later date than this, but the details of the double windows in the cardinal sides of the octagon favour the time named. Lastly we come to the final change, which took place very late in the 15th century, a change of which diligent book searchers might hope to find a record. At this time the great clerestories to the nave and north transept and the battlemented parapets to them and to the aisles were erected ; also the roof to the nave. The clerestory to the north transept somewhat preceded that of the nave, as its tracery and external cornices disclose. The nave roof is indeed a fine example of carpentry and of design : its low massive main trusses and the graceful subordination of its other members, with their multiplied mouldings and carvings, render it as good a roof of its date as [ 120 j could be put up. These last additions to the church metamorphosed its whole character, and from a building mostly of late 12th and early 13th century work, with its high pitched roofs, low walls, small windows, and shallow buttresses it became a decidedly 15th century structure in general effect, with its high walls, immense windows, and flat roofs. The present simple and dignified octagon tower carries up the leading lines of the lower parts with a broad and picturesque result which of course would be enhanced by the high tapering spire that formerly ascended from the parapets of the central octagon. Briefly to review our steps, it will be seen that at the west end, at least, St. Mary’s still possesses something of the church which, with its thirteen canons, the Domesday Survey records as belonging to the King; that its connecting link with the annihilated church of St. Bertelin still shows existence; that the massive, simple, and stern character of the workmanship of the end of the 12th century is present in the central tower and nave arcades ; that the still substantial yet elegant design and proportions of the 13th century prevail in the south transept and the chancel and its aisles; that the elaboration of detail which the 14th century developed is conspicuous in the north transept ; and that the luxurious spirit of the 15th century, which brought about the decadence of mediaeval art, is strikingly stamped upon the great clerestories and nave roof. The accessories of the building form no part of our present concern, and therefore what there are of monuments, of glass, and tiles we stay not to tell. But who that enters St. Mary’s can fail to cast a lingering look at the extraordinary baptismal font which stands in its nave ? “Volumes have been written about it,” says a noting resident, and it still remains a mystery as to its age, and as to the hidden meanings of its sculpture. But this, at least, may be said of it, that its strange imagery tallies with nought else in the church, that it contrasts forcibly with the general plain simplicities of the building, that it is not of the same spirit as the earliest bit of carving at the west end, that, in fact, it stands alone both in design and execution; and yet, if a venture may be made as to its date of origin, it would be — that in its boldness of execution, in its perfectness, and in its mysteriousness, it is not altogether unallied with the work of the central tower and nave arcades. After dwelling so long on this ancient church, pen should not be laid aside till acknowledgment has been made of the gratifying modern work carried out through the generosity of wealthy laymen, under the conduct and during the rectorship of the late Mr. Coldwell, advised by an archi¬ tect whose mastery of the work is apparent everywhere. Of late it has been somewhat the fashion to decry Sir Gilbert Scott as a spoliator, but those who know his work here and elsewhere rejoice that his tutored mind was entrusted with it. He has admitted that his kindliness gave way to pressing urgency on some occasions, but this was the character of the man, and well befitting such a spirit was it that his last act on earth was to write his name to a cheque in favour of a suffering brother professional. Thus we have studied the self-contained story in stone of this Church of St. Mary, and have seen that from the Conqueror’s time till the present each of the centuries has left its mark, and we may indeed glory in that this House of Prayer has come down to us dedicated to the service of the Almighty, and that now as well as through these hundreds of years its doors are still daily open for the holy purposes of its original foundation, [ 121 J The Civil History of St. Mary’s. We propose to supplement Mr. Lynam’s exhaustive paper on the architectural history of St. Mary’s Church by a few remarks which may be said to pertain to its civil history; and we shall endeavour to confine ourselves to uncontested facts, being very well aware that any writer who diverges from these into speculation will soon find himself not in “a realm of pleasance ” but in a thorny wilderness of controversy. We have seen that in the time of Edward the Confessor St. Mary’s was a collegiate church, with an unusually strong staff, and that it was a Royal free chapel, that is to say, it belonged to the King, and was presumably exempt from diocesan jurisdiction. The next incident to be noticed is that King Stephen, who had powerful motives for making friends among the more influential of his subjects, gave the collegiate churches of Stafford and Penkndge to the Bishop of Chester (then the diocesan) and the churches of St. Mary, at Coventry, and St. Chad, at Lichfield. In the deed of gift it is stated that the churches are to be held freely and quietly during his life by a clerk named Jordan, in pursuance of a charter of the Bishop of Chester* (so that already the diocesan claimed some right in respect of these churches), but that after his death they were to pass in the manner mentioned, “with lands, chapels, and tithes, and all other things and appurtenances.” All this did King Stephen for the benefit of the soul of his uncle, Henry I. On the death of Stephen the gift probably reverted to the Crown under the original contract, or was ignored by subsequent sovereigns; at all events the records of a trial which took place in the 12th year of Henry III. disclose that at that time St. Mary’s was claimed by the Archdeacon of Winchester, who held it of the gift of King John, though probably only his rights as Dean were in question. There is reason to believe that these grants and reversions of grants led to disputes, litigation, and even violence, for we have already seen that in the time of Henry III. there was bad blood between the Bishop of Lichfield and the Chapter of St. Mary’s. We do not know how frequently in the interval between the time of King John and that of Henry VI. the Royal Chapel was given away, but we know that the latter sovereign bestowed it upon the Lords of Stafford in exchange for the priory of Wootten Waven, and that they held it for nearly a century, that is to say, until they lost it through the attainder of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, in 1521. It then reverted, with Castle Church and other dependencies, to the Crown. This collegiate church, with many other similar establishments, was suppressed in the first year of Edward VI., who made over the greater part of the temporalities to Henry, Lord Stafford. This led afterwards to proceedings in the Court of Chancery. The next important event in the history of the church carries us on to the following reign, when, moved thereto by a petition of the burgesses and of the Rev. Robert Sutton, the rector, Queen Elizabeth granted to the town all the temporalities of which her Royal brother had possessed himself, and directed that St. Mary’s should be called a parish church. We give this document entire, and believe that it is now for the first time printed. It reads as follows : — “Elizabeth, by the Grace of God of England, France, and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all to whom these Presents shall come, greeting. ' When the diocese of Lichfield was originally founded it was called the bishopric of Mercia. The name was afterwards changed to Lichfield, then to Chester, next to Coventry and Lichfield, after that to Lichfield and Coventry, and lastly, by Order of Council in 1856, to Lichfield. Q [ 122 ] “Forasmuch as the principal church within our town of Stafford, in the county of Stafford, commonly called the High Church, or church of the Blessed Virgin Mary, in Stafford aforesaid, was hitherto a parcel annexed or belonging to a certain college there, called the College of Stafford, which college, by virtue of an Act passed in the Parliament held at Westminster on the 4th of November, in the 1st year of the reign of our brother Edward VI., late King of England, was (amongst others) dissolved. And the said college and all the lands, tenements, houses, edifices, prebends, tithes, oblations, obventions, fruits, profits, and hereditaments of what kind soever, with their appurtenances at that time in any manner appertaining or belonging to the said college, or parcel of the same, at that time being, came to the possession of the said King Edward our brother. And whereas, after the dissolution of the said college there were annually paid, assigned, and granted, and are till this time paid, assigned, and granted the sum of £16 of lawful money of England to one rector, presbyter, or minister performing Divine service within the said church, and £8 to the support of a curate or minister in the said church likewise officiating; £4 5s. to the hands of one schoolmaster in the said town instructing boys and youths, and £8 to the curate or minister of Marston, in the church there officiating, out of our revenues in our aforesaid county by our commissioners and receivers, or other our officers for the time being. And whereas we are now informed by our said burgesses of the town of Stafford that for want of due payment of the aforesaid several sums, and especially because the said several sums of £16 and £8 before specified to be separately paid for the stipend or salary of a rector or presbyter and curate or minister in the aforesaid church have not been sufficient on that account for their stipend or salary and maintenance, by reason of which Divine service has not been performed nor the inhabitants of the said town instructed for a long time in religious matters. And whereas we are also informed that out of the aforesaid college, or any other lands, tenements, tithes, hereditaments, or other profits to the said college formerly appertaining or belonging, or part of the property thereof lately being, there have been paid to us or tendered to our use annually, beside the aforesaid separate sums, only £4 17s. 10d., and no more. We therefore, duly considering the premises, and desirous that one rector and person capable of admin¬ istering Divine service in the aforesaid church of Stafford should continue for all time to come, and that a man learned in the sacred writings and doctrines for the instruction and admonition of the inhabitants of the town aforesaid, and of the people that may resort to the said church for ever, should instruct, and that from henceforth we, our heirs and successors, may for ever be exonerated as well from the payment of the aforesaid sums as from the charges of repairing the aforesaid church. And for other considerations as to these presents specially moving, at the humble request of the aforesaid burgesses of the town aforesaid, and of one Robert Sutton, clerk at this time in the church of Stafford aforesaid, officiating and administering Divine service, of our special grace, sure knowledge, and mere motion, do will, declare, and by these presents grant to the burgesses of the town of Stafford aforesaid, and to their successors, that the church of the town of Stafford aforesaid for ever be, and shall be, the parish church of the blessed Mary in the town of Stafford, and by the same name shall be called, named, and denominated. And by these presents we create, erect, and found the said church to be a parish church to continue for ever. And by these presents we also create, erect, and found the aforesaid Robert Sutton, [ 123 ] clerk, now rector thereof, and his successors therein for ever to continue, and to be presented thereto by us, our heirs, and successors as often as the said church shall become vacant. “And farther, for the greater security, continuance, endowment, main¬ tenance, and salary of the rector and curate or sub-minister of the aforesaid church, and for the perpetual payment of the other several sums to the aforesaid schoolmaster or pedagogue and curate or minister of the aforesaid church of Marston to be made and discharged; and that we, our heirs, and successors may be for ever exonerated and kept indemnified, of our more abundant kindness, certain knowledge, and mere motion have given and granted and by these presents do give and grant for us, our heirs, and successors, to the aforesaid burgesses of the said town of Stafford, and to their successors the burgesses ministering in the town of Stafford afore¬ said, all the aforesaid late college, and all and singular our prebends of Coton, Marston, and Salt, with their rights, numbers, and appur¬ tenances whatsoever in the said county of Stafford; and all and all manner of messuages, houses, edifices, lands, glebes, and all and singular the tithes of sheaves, corn in the blades, grain, hay, and other our tithes of what kind soever, and also offerings, obventions, fruits, profits, lands, tenements, meadows, pasture lands, commons, rents, reversions, and other our hereditaments whatsoever, with all their appurtenances whatsoever in Stafford, Coton, Marston, Salt, Rugeley, or elsewhere within the said county of Stafford, to the said late college and prebends aforesaid, or either of them, or any parcel of the same, in any manner appertaining or belonging, or as part of a parcel or member of the same in any manner held, reputed, or accounted. Which late prebend of Marston aforesaid, with its appurtenances and all the lands, tenements, tithes, offerings, obventions, rents, and all other hereditaments, with their appurtenances in Marston aforesaid, to the late prebend belonging or appertaining, together with the tithes of every kind in the town and lands of Walsall, in the said county of Stafford, were let by us in our letters patent bearing date at Westminster, the 28th day of June, in the 9th year of our reign, to Robert Richmonts and Thomas Cawston (all large trees, woods, underwoods, wards, marriages,* mines, and quarries therein to us, our heirs, and successors, by the said letters patent excepted and reserved) to have and to hold the said tithes in Walsall and the aforesaid prebend of Marston, with their appurtenances and other premises in Marston aforesaid, (except as before excepted), to the said Robert Richmonts and Thomas Cawston, from the time and separate times when and from which the same or any parcel of the same shall come to the hands of us, our heirs and successors, by surrender, forfeiture, or any termi¬ nation whatsoever of any estate or interest, of any indenture or demise, or any indentures or demises, or any letters patent to any person or persons of the same or any parcel of the same, to the end of the term and for the term of 21 years then next succeeding, to be fully completed, tendering and paying therefrom annually to us, our heirs, and successors £10 of lawful money of England during the term aforesaid; the first payment to commence at that feast of the aforementioned feasts which shall next happen after the said premises in Walsall and Marston aforesaid shall come Expounding the rights enjoyed liy the lord over his vassals under the feudal system, Hallam says, “ Another right given to the lord hy the Norman and English laws was that of marriage, or of tendering a husband to his female wards while under age, whom they eould not reject without forfeiting the value of the marriage ; that is, as much as anyone would give for such an alliance. This was afterwards extended to male wards, and became a very lucrative source of extortion to the Crown, as well as to mesne lords. This custom seems to have had the same extent as that of wardships.’’ ("Middle Ages, chap. ii. part 1.) [ 124 ] to the hands and possession of the aforesaid Robert Richmonts and Thomas Cawston, their executors, or assigns, by virtue of the said letters patent. And that the said Robert Richmonts and Thomas Cawston, their executors and assigns, shall pay from year to year to the curate of Marston aforesaid for the time being, for his salary or stipend, the sum of £8, and that we, our heirs, and successors be discharged therefrom during the term aforesaid, as by the said letters patent to the said Robert and Thomas granted, amongst other things, more fully appears. And all the lands and tene¬ ments, with their appurtenances in Stafford aforesaid, of the annual value of 20s., now in the holding or occupation of the burgesses and inhabitants of the aforesaid town, already assigned for an augmentation to the living of the presbyter in the church of Stafford aforesaid. And a certain annual rent of 21d. issuing out of one messuage in Rugeley aforesaid called the Swan, hitherto allotted for the use and support of an obituary in the said town. And another annual rent of 21d. issuing out of another messuage in Rugeley aforesaid, now or lately in the holding or occupation of John Lee. And one other annual rent of 21d., issuing out of one other messuage in Rugeley aforesaid, now or lately in the holding of Anthony Gibson. And one other annual rent of 3s. issuing out of a messuage in the East- gate-street in the town of Stafford aforesaid. And one other annual rent of 20d. issuing out of one other messuage in Stafford aforesaid, now or lately in the tenure or occupation of William Lane. Also the reversion or reversions of what kind soever of all and singular the premises, and of every parcel thereof, and the rents and annual profits whatsoever reserved above in any demise or demises whatsoever of the premises, or any part of the same in any manner made. And all and singular the woods, under¬ woods, and trees of what kind soever of all and singular the premises, and of every part and parcel thereof. To have, hold, and enjoy all the aforesaid late college, and all the aforesaid prebends, tithes, offerings, obventions, fruits, profits, lands, tenements, lands, reversions, rents, services, and all other and singular the premises, with all their appurtenances to the aforesaid burgesses and their successors for ever, for the intent, use, and purpose that they and their successors annually for ever well and truly pay and satisfy the aforesaid rector of the aforesaid church and his suc¬ cessors for the time being the aforesaid £16 of lawful money of England for their salary and stipend, to one curate or sub-minister in the afore¬ said church serving and officiating £8 a-year, and to the curate or sub- minister of the church of Marston aforesaid and his successors for ever a sum of £8 a-year, and to one schoolmaster in Stafford aforesaid annually for ever £4 5s. And that we, our heirs and successors, from these and from all other rents and charges whatsoever in the premises or any part of the same be exonerated and kept indemnified for ever. And further, to distribute and lay out the other profits and annual rents and reversions of all and singular the premises issuing and remaining over and above the aforesaid several sums and charges to and upon the repairs of the church and chancel in Stafford aforesaid, and other good and charitable works within the town of Stafford aforesaid, to be bestowed and distributed according to the discretion of the aforesaid burgesses and their successors for ever. To be held of us, our heirs, and successors as of our manor of East Greenwich, in the county of Kent, by fealty and the annual payment of 4d. in free socage and not in capite, in lieu of all other payments, services, and demands whatsoever, to us, our heirs, and successors in any manner to be rendered, paid, or made therefrom. Albeit express mention of the true annual value or of the certainty of the premises ro [ 125 ] any of them, or of other gifts and grants by us or by any of our progenitors or predecessors to the aforesaid burgesses before this time made, in these presents is not included, any statute, act, ordinance, provision, proclama¬ tion, or restriction to the contrary therein hitherto made, passed, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever notwith¬ standing. In testimony whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. “Witness ourselves at Westminster the 14th day of December, in the 14th year of our reign, by writ of Privy Seal.—P. Cordett.” Little more remains to be said respecting the civil history of St. Mary’s Church. During the troubles of the 17th century the major part of the inhabitants of Stafford were evidently in sympathy with Cromwell and the Parliament, though that there was a remnant who were faithful to the Stuart dynasty is pretty clear from the address presented to Charles II. at his Restoration. It is not recorded that the clergy of the town were interfered with by Cromwell’s Commissioners. In 1655 the minister at St. Mary’s was Mr. Nathaniel Bryan, and he was married to Rachel Fowler, of Salt, by Mr. Thomas Backhouse, one of the justices of Stafford. It does not necessarily follow from this that he was in sympathy with the dominant party, for civil marriage was required by statute. Nathaniel Bryan died in the following year, and the parish made choice of his brother, Mr. Noah Bryan, as his successor. They were sons of Dr. Bryan, a follow of Peterhouse Hall, Cambridge. Noah Bryan held the living until St. Bartholomew’s Day, 1662, when he was one of the two thousand ministers who were ejected under the Act of Uniformity. Dr. Calamy, in his “Nonconformist Memorials,” says that when Mr. Bryan left Stafford “he became chaplain to the Earl of Donegal, and went with him to Ireland, where he died in 1677. He was an excellent preacher and a very holy man, as appears by his diary.” A correspondent states that after the passing of the Five Mile Act Mr. Bryan, whose wife and children remained in Stafford for a time, came one night in order to see them, but informers were on his track and application was made to the magistrates for a warrant to arrest him. One of the justices, however, being an old friend of his, gave the hunted man warning, and in the dead of the night he made his way out of the town. Towards the close of the 18th century, while the Shire Hall was being built, the Assizes were held in St. Mary’s Church. This would not be in accordance with public sentiment at the present day, but it should be borne in mind that for ages the naves of cathedrals and churches were regarded as the assembly halls of the people. In course of time the chancel had come to be regarded as the only sacred part of a church, and although a great change for the better had taken place before the end of the last century, the necessities of the case appear to have overcome any suspicion that might have existed that an act of irreverence was committed in holding a court of justice within the walls of a church. St. Mary's Sixty Years Ago. — Reminiscences. The Rev. W. E. Coldwell, of Sandon, has kindly complied with our wish that he would jot down for us his Reminiscences of the parochial affairs of St. Mary’s during the incumbency of his greatly-esteemed father. We are sure they will be read with deep interest, more especially by parishioners of middle age and those advanced in life. Mr. Coldwell says : — Few, I fear, must now be the surviving parishioners who can recall the t 126 ] interest with which the advent of their new Rector was expected in the year 1822. In the course of 80 years previously only one change had taken place in the incumbency of St. Mary’s, when Rector Edward Dickenson had succeeded his father, Joseph Dickenson, appointed so far back as 1742. Edward Dickenson, from all I have heard of him, was one of that class of clergymen so well described in “George Eliot’s” novels—well-educated, dignified, sensible citizen clergymen, whose theology and teaching are best known as “High and dry.” Stafford was at his death to pass under the spiritual charge of a young Rector then 27 years of age, of the Evangelical school, whose lot from early youth had been cast among its leaders, and whose appointment to the living was owing to their influence with Lord Chancellor Eldon, by whom Mr. Coldwell was preferred to Stafford, being at that time curate to the well known Rev. J. W. Cunningham, vicar of Harrow-on-the-Hill. The living had been vacant a full year, and, strange to say, the Corporation of the town had assumed the trusteeship of the living, and had even laid claim to the patronage. The following letter is a curious record of this preposterous claim, which was so likely to bring the newly-appointed Rector into unpleasant collision with some of his most influential parishioners, a result avoided only by his excellent tact and decision :— “Sir,—I am directed by the Corporation to inform you that the unusually late receipts of the annual valuation of the Tithes for the last year has prevented an earlier communication on the subject of your salary. At a meeting this day held, an account of the receipts and annual produce of the Church property for the last three years has been laid before them, and they regret that upon taking the average amount they cannot (owing to the very great depression in the value of every species of grain) enable you to calculate for the present upon a larger salary than £180, together with a house (in case of residence), now let for £42, and the possession of which the occupier has promised to relinquish. “I am, Sir, “ Your very obt. servant, “Fr. Brookes, “Town Clerk. “ Stafford, 6th Feb., 1823. “Rev. W. E. Coldwell. “ Allow me, sir, to add that your residence in this place is anxiously wished for by the inhabitants at large, and that a communication to that effect would be highly gratifying. Our curate is now 74 years of age and very infirm, and in the common course of nature cannot be expected to exercise his clerical functions much longer, and of course his death would occasion a very material increase in your salary.” With respect to this curious assumption of control of the living and its resources on the part of the Corporation, I find the following memorandum among my father’s papers in his handwriting :—“At the time when I was presented by the Lord Chancellor to the Rectory of Stafford (September, 1822) I was surprised to find that all fees of every description had been received by the Corporation and that they laid claim to them as trustees of the territorial revenues of the church, they having been constituted such trustees by the grant of Queen Elizabeth. This claim I, of course, considered illegal, knowing that, by the very act of induction, the parson so inducted becomes seized of the temporalities of the church, and takes the ‘real, actual, and corporal possession of the freehold of the church and churchyard.’ [ 127 ] The Corporation, however, did not appear disposed to give up the sacrilegious practice of robbing the Rector of the produce of his freehold till at the first visitation of the Hon. and Right Rev. Dr. Henry Ryder, Lord Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, among other ecclesiastical abuses he corrected the above by issuing the following order, addressed to the Parish Clerk of St. Mary’s, Stafford. * I hereby strictly enjoin and command you to pay all Fees payable to a Clergyman from henceforth accruing in the Parish of St. Mary’s, Stafford, to the Rev. William Edward Coldwell, Rector of that Parish, and to no other person whatever. ‘ Signed. ‘ Henry Lichfield and Cov. ‘ Stafford, 14 September, 1824. ’ “The scale of fees was determined upon by the Corporation on the 13th of July, 1812, and appear in the order book of that date, signed by Henry Rathbone, Mayor, the Curate also of the parish. I continued the fees on the same scale. The Corporation had also claimed the right of appointing both the churchwardens; but I having nominated Mr. Fowke, he was sworn in churchwarden at the Bishop’s first visitation, and one of their nominees—Mr. Alderman Wright—was formally rejected by his Lordship’s Chancellor. “Wm. E. Coldwell, Rector.” I have often heard my father relate an amusing incident which happened at the same episcopal visitation. The aged Curate, the Rev. H. Rathbone, mentioned in the Town Clerk’s letter, who had twice served the office of Mayor, having persuaded himself that he had been lawfully appointed Rector by the Corporation, had some time before the morning service ensconced himself in the reading-desk, in order to assert his claim to read the service. Utterly deaf to my father’s remonstrances, it was not till the Bishop himself had commanded him on his canonical obedience to leave the desk open to the lawful Rector that he at last reluctantly withdrew. Having thus fully established his title and rights as Rector, Mr. Cold- well gave himself zealously to his work. For an estimate of it as a whole I would prefer to adduce the testimony of a very competent judge, his friend and contemporary, the late Archdeacon Moore, who in a short notice of my father in your columns at the time of his death in April, 1867, thus wrote of him :—“ Mr. Coldwell came to Stafford in all the freshness of early manhood, and employed the best of his powers in the discharge of the duties of his office. It will not be forgotten that during his incumbency the chapels of Whitgreave and Salt, and Christ Church, Stafford, were built and endowed, the first national schools established, and the fine parish church restored to its primitive grandeur and beauty. Mr. Coldwell’s preaching in the days of his health and strength was marked by sound sense and Scriptural truth, conveyed by a rhetoric (one of his natural gifts) which always seemed to express his thoughts in the simplest and most forcible manner. The best testimony to this was the earnest attention he received from his congregation, and was not a little strengthened by the tribute paid to his preaching by the Judges and leading barristers who, at the Assize times, were his constant and approving hearers.” I trust I shall be pardoned for thus at some length dwelling on the memory of one who for 45 years presided over the parish of St. Mary’s, though my object is only the more general one of jotting down a few of his reminiscences and my own. [ 128 ] And now I can draw upon my own early recollection for the services and surroundings of the yet uniestored church. The only “outward and visible sign ” that it had once been “ Collegiate ” was the yet surviving surpliced choir, consisting, I think, of not more than eight men and boys, who were ranged in front of the organ gallery high up at the west end of the church, under the lead of the then organist, Mr. Whalley, the organ being the same instrument as now, though not in its present state of efficiency. The united efforts of organist and choir did not quite come up to Milton’s high ideal of church music :— “ There let the pealing organ blow To the full voiced quire below In service high and anthems clear, As may with sweetness, through mine ear, Dissolve me into ecstasies And bring all heaven before mine eyes.” Mr. Whalley himself was a round little man, wearing a “pigtail,” clad in black surtout, and in Hessian boots, whose good opinion of his own musical talents may be estimated from the circumstance that he was said to have published some music under the heading “Selections from Handel, improved by Whalley.” It is, I think, worth mentioning that for many years of my father’s incumbency the minister and members of the Wesleyan Chapel very frequently attended the celebrations of Holy Communion at St. Mary’s, and were communicated by the Rector. One thing which naturally drew my attention as a boy was the colony of bats, which no churchwarden thought of disturbing in their peaceable possession of remote corners of the nave roof, and which seemed in the evening services to be amusing themselves by seeing how near they could go with their wings to the red lacquer oil lamps suspended between the arches of the choir. These must have been the only living creatures that had no reason to rejoice at the restoration, which at last “ molested ” and ended their “ancient” though not “solitary reign.” An interesting occasional caller at the Rectory, whose early life had been mixed up with terrible scenes, was Mdme. Grenier, a French Catholic refugee, who lodged somewhere near the Roman Catholic Chapel. There was one thing Father Huddlestone could not do for her which necessitated a periodical call on the Rector. It was, I think, to obtain his signature to some legal document. I need not say with how much sympathy and kind¬ ness my father was wont to receive his visitor. I can see the strange old-world figure coming into the rectory, leaning on her crutched stick, and presently entering into very lively conversation, in the course of which snuff-boxes would be politely exchanged between herself and the Rector. What memories did her presence seem to bring of the old ritjime which had given place to the new, of a ruined Throne and prostrate Church, which had, however, both emerged from the flood of revolution to a renewed though feebler existence, while the old lady still lived on in her long exile at Stafford. In this connection with the distant past I may also mention that the eldest of my two sisters, whose loving work in the parish some will still remember, once took me to see in her “district” another old lady, then an octogenarian, whose name I have forgotten, who had been maid in her youth to Miss Lucy Porter, Dr. Johnson’s step-daughter. I can well remem¬ ber ht'r saying to me “The Doctor has many a time given me half-a- crown.” In these Reminiscences I should be sorry to omit the mention [ 129 ] of the two Misses Williamson, who in my youth occupied the handsome old house built in Eastgate-street about 1680 (as appears on a stone over the street door) by their ancestor, Mr. Williamson, once a Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. The eldest of these ladies was commonly called “The Squire,’’and was remarkable for always dressing in a riding habit and tall black hat, like the two celebrated ladies in Wales, Lady E. Butler and Miss Ponsonby. The younger Miss Williamson, the last of her family, survived till about 1837, and was greatly beloved in the town for her habitual kindness to her neighbours of all classes. The flat tombs of members of this family (several of whom served as High Sheriffs of the county), bearing their arms, or a chevron gu. between three trefoils, may be seen on the floor of the south aisle of the chancel, underneath which they lie interred. I have not dwelt upon the restoration of St. Mary’s, perhaps the most important event in the course of my father’s ministry, since this subject has been ably treated by Mr. C. Lynam in an earlier paper upon the architectural history of the Church ; but I can well remember the day when most unexpectedly, and at a time when there was much reason for anxiety about the safety of some parts of the old fabric, the late Mr. Jesse Watts- Russell, of Ilam, accompanied by Mr. Gilbert Scott,* called upon the Hector and made him, in 1841, the munificent offer of £5,000 for the restoration of the old Church on condition that he would raise £3,000 to meet it. Such a visit seemed something like one of those angelic visitations which are proverbially said to be “few and far between.” So nobly did the town and county respond to Mr. Watts-RusselPs generosity, that in a very few weeks the £3,000 was raised, about £1,800 being given by the townspeople. The total expenditure, including stained glass and other ornamental work added by Mr. Watts-Russell and others, the restoration of the tower, and the filling in of the clerestory windows of the nave with stained glass in memory of Earl Talbot, Lord-Lieutenant of the county, did not I believe fall far short of £16,000. The church was reopened, after the restoration, in December, 1844. It may be interesting to add that the builder and contractor for the work of this restoration was the late Mr. Evans, of Ellastone, uncle of Miss Evans (“George Eliot”) the celebrated novelist, and who is said to have been the original from which she drew the character of Adam Bede. One other friend and benefactor of the town and its parishes I should like to mention, though his memory is still comparatively recent—the late Mr. Thomas Salt, of Weeping Cross, who was my father’s ever-ready friend, helper, and consultee in the restoration of St. Mary’s and other matters affecting the good of Stafford, and who left his mark on the town in so many good works, among which may be mentioned the renovation of Sir Martin Nuel’s “College” or Almshouse. Among my early recollections, and with this I will end, is a visit to the Rectory for several days of the Rev. Charles Simeon, Fellow of King’s College, and Vicar of St. Mary’s, Cambridge, the well-known leader of the Evan¬ gelical clergy of that day, whose kindness and friendship my father had enjoyed in his undergraduate days at Cambridge. I cannot remember whether he remained for Sunday and preached at St. Mary’s, but I do remember a private “Concio ad juvenes ” which he delivered to us, the younger members of the family, perhaps on witnessing some little dispute among us which seemed to call for it, to this effect—“ Peace, peace, This circumstance is mentioned in Sir Gilbert Scott’s autobiography, a most interesting work, R [ 130 ] peace ! Love, love, love! ” One can now recall that voice as an echo of another in the first century, when in his old age St. John spoke like words to his flock at Ephesus. St. Chad's Church. We are indebted to the Rev. W. Beresford, of Leek, a former vicar of St. Chad’s, for the following article :— So thoroughly has St. Chad’s Church been restored, so fresh and crisp looks the new ashlar of the fabric, that few who do not remember what it was 30 years ago would be able to guess the sad dilapidation and ruin from which the religious zeal of the town and county of Stafford has restored it. Little more than 30 years ago the approach to the church lay through a mere entry, which ran from the street to the church door through a block of small shops. The nave was an oblong room, with tall, factory-like windows, and an ornate flat roof. A sort of railway bridge lay beyond a mouldering green baize partition, and beyond that a dark chancel, lit by a depraved Grecian window. To such a mean state had this once noble minster fallen. The restoration of 1874 was designed as a memorial of the late Mr. Thos. Salt, to whom the church and town owed so much. We call it a minster because, though there was certainly a church at Stafford with dean and prebendaries at the Norman Conquest, and that may have been St. Mary’s, this church of St. Chad had a noble chancel capable of seating Dean and canons ; it had the cruciform minster plan with central tower, and a nave which may have had seven bays running towards the street. St. Chad’s rectory, too, possessed in Cromwell’s day the “ old minster’s share ” of certain tithes — viz., two-thirds, whilst one-third — the “new minster’s share” — belonged to St. Mary’s. St. Chad’s Church, too, has belonged to Lichfield Cathedral from time immemorial. St. Mary’s never did. And yet we read that an early King gave “ the church of Stafford to the Bishop.” Three problems therefore remain to be solved with regard to St. Chad’s. It was at one time the only church in Stafford, “the old minster; ” or it was a second collegiate church, there being in that case more than one collegiate church in Stafford before the Conquest, as there were after the Conquest in Derby and Shrewsbury ; or, granting St. Mary’s to have been the collegiate church for Stafford at the Conquest, this church of St. Chad — bearing the name and keeping green the memory of the first local Bishop of Lichfield, was rebuilt splendidly by the Bishop to remind the county that, though the King had freshly given the dignity of a Royal free chapel to St. Mary’s, there was another dignity greater even than that of earthly majesty. The beautiful style and lavish ornament used by the Norman builder remind one of Tutbury Priory Church. And, curiously, one of the tower piers bears the inscription OEM VOCATVR QUI ME CONDIDIT— “ Orm he was called who built me.” This Orme was perhaps the Orme who, soon after the Conquest, was “ man of business ” to Ferrers of Tutbury. The massive pillars and exquisite ornament of the church tell us what he or his employers thought of religion. And perhaps a rough carving at the foot of the north-west tower piers shows us his features. The chin is full of “ gustativeness.” Orme’s church had a chancel ending in a rounded apse, with twelve arcades which interlaced in the bows and ran westward from the central seat. His transepts opened north and south under arches of beauty, like, but in a lesser degree, to that which remains as the “chancel arch.” Curious [ 131 ] dragons and marvellous ropes and iron bands were the weird things which his wonderful brain twisted into things of beauty. Some of these, years afterwards, were dethroned from their places at the tops of pillars, and are now to be seen worked into the bases of buttresses outside the north side of the chancel. This was done when the round apse was changed into a rectangular sanctuary. The old Norman tower had then probably fallen eastwardly over the chancel. Its place was taken by the tower just so well and faithfully restored, which was originally built before the year 1500 by the parson of Ingestre and a chantry priest. We have only two scraps of the actual history of St. Chad’s in the Middle Ages. A Court was held there in 1280, by order of the Archbishop of Canterbury, to arrange a difference between the Vicar of Seighford and the Prior of Ronton ; and in 1271-72 a “ certain unknown Christian woman put herself in the church of St. Chad and confessed herself a robber, and abjured the realm before the coroner.” But several other facts have left traces behind them. A tiny cell which may have been occupied by an immured anchorite was found when the transepts were rebuilt in the face of the north-west tower pier. That this cell—in the eastern face of the north-west transeptal pier—was occupied by a living person and was not a mere coffin seems clear from the air-holes which were cut diagonally through the masonry from the inside to the out. No bones were found in it. The occupant probably soon got tired of his place or had fulfilled his penance or vow. And a similar cell, from traces now obliterated, may have existed on the north side of the chancel outside. It is not at all difficult to imagine what St. Chad’s looked like when first completed. It stood in an open square. Its west front towered up above the Greengate, being lavishly adorned with interlacing arcade work, whilst its door was enriched with sculptured shafts, such as those which adorn it now, only of a diviner pattern and glowing with colour. This we know from fragments found some years ago. On the greensward south of the church stood a cross, with a Latin inscription round the base, which was some years ago restored by Prebendary Bolton from fragments still existing, and thus translated: — What the forbidden fruit fatal did for man, That blood undid which from Christ’s wounded body ran. At or soon after the Reformation, St. Chad’s fell low in the scale of importance. Its prebendal rector never came near it. It was left to a starveling curate with £7 10s. a-year. Money for repairs was obtained at the “hobby-horse.” But in the time of Edward VI. it was still the “town church;” having, besides its four bells and a sanctus bell, “a great bell that calleth the parishioners together in all things pertaining to the town of Stafford.” And the remains of a painting on the western wall of the nave interior show that it was not uncared for long after it ceased to be collegiate. The rise of St. Mary’s as a parochial church, after its grant to the town by Queen Elizabeth, may have hastened the ruin of St. Chad’s. Still, in the seventeenth century, its Vicar, the Rev. John Nash, A.M., was a “witty man and noted preacher,” who, when he grew old, could afford to take one Mr. White to assist him. Nash was Prebendary of Pipe Parva and Vicar of Seighford. He died in 1697. Long before this time, however, and, as some say, in 1622, houses had been built on the western and southern sides of the churchyard of St. Chad. This sacrilegious act may have been performed illegally by the vestry and churchwardens, for we find that in the sixth year of James I. “John Deakin t 132 ] and Thos. Jelley, churchwardens of St. Chad’s, and John Webb” made an indenture “ whereby y e s d churchwardens, with consent of y e parishioners of St. Chad’s, in consideration of 30s. fine, demise to s d J. W. all that messuage, burgage, or tenement wherein John Homersley dwelled within v e parish of St. Chad, being Church or Parish land and properly belonging to y e parish of St. Chad, in Stafford * * for 30 y 8 ; yearly rent 6s. 8d. ” Thus was the Church’s heritage jobbed away. These same church¬ wardens or other townspeople appear to have attempted to usurp also the right of appointing the curate; for I have a jotting dated 1613 which runs: “ Item, charges at Lichfield when we were cited thither about placing Mr. Lyneall the curate at S. Chaddes * * 00 02 10.” An attempt was made in the days of Cromwell to augment the stipends of the Stafford clergy and to appoint lecturers. The Vicar of St. Chad's was to have £40 a-year, and the Rector of St. Mary’s figures for two items— one of £30 and another of £50—in the books at Lambeth. “Ordered that the yearly sum of £40 (sic) be granted to and for the increase of the main¬ tenance of the minister of Mary’s in the boro’ of Stafford, the present maintenance being but £24; and y e yearly sum of £30 be granted for y* increase of y e minister of Chad’s * * the present maintenance being but £16 yearly—the same to be paid to such godly and painful preachers of the Gospel as shall from time to time be settled there. * * Approved by committee for approving ministers, 1658.” (MS. Vol., Lambeth Palace.) The following “Commission,” issued in connection with Queen Anne’s Bounty in 1742, may throw a later light on St. Chad’s:—“It is a distinct parish by itself and has no dependence upon any other. The Rector of St. Mary’s, in Stafford, is the present curate, and performs the duty himself.” (Signed) “J. Addenbrooke, curate.” * * In 1782, an answer on a similar occasion tells us that St. Chad’s is not a chapel-of ease to any church. It is a parish of itself. The ancient and accustomed duty has usually been to have prayers and a sermon on the second Sunday in every month in the afternoon.” After 1782 there was service every third Sunday morning till 1825, when service was begun and held every Sunday morning at half-past ten, except when the incumbent, the Rev. R. Anlezark, administered the Holy Communion at Castle Church, his other cure. On the latter Sundays it was held at three o’clock. The patron of the church was the appropriate rector, the Prebendary of Prees. The first clergyman nominated by the Bishop as patron was the Rev. E. B. Charlton in 1882. The Rev. W. Beresford was the last on the old system, and perhaps a link between the two, for Bishop Selwyn nominated him “by reason of lapse,” the last Prebendal Rector, Canon Ryder, being then abroad. The following extract from the Survey of Church Lands, made by Par¬ liamentary authority in the days of Cromwell, and copied out of volumes at Lambeth Palace, may throw some light on the ancient rectorial property of St. Chad’s: — “Lands, &c., parcell of the Prebend of Preise:—Tythes payable to the church of St. Chad, in Stafford, are as follows — viz. : All the moyety of the Tythages of corne and hay arising * * in a field called Beacon field, being divided into three parts, two parts thereof belong to the church of St. Chad, in Stafford, y° other third part belonging to St. Marie’s, which tythes are paid in kind when the said field is in tillage, but when it is graised there is noe tithe of wool, nor lambe, nor any herbage paid though all be due. There is a warren for conniies on a part of the said land ; noe profitt comes to the church. The whole ground is attested [ 133 ] to yield one year with another but thirty shillings rent. The said tythes, if all dues were paid, may be worth at least six pounds six shillings eight pence yearly. The other moyetie of the aforesaid tithes are paid to Mr. ffowler, of St. Thomas’ Priory. All the tythe of corn, hay, woole, lambe, &c., arising, increasing, and growing in the grounds called Bleath hills, Queene hayes, and other grounds belonging to Mr. John Hubbert, now' yielding about 6s. 8d. yearly, may, if all dues were paid, be worth about 40s. All those grounds called the Quarry fields, the new Leasow, the Abberton Close, the Broad Meadows, Rissley field, Rowley field, Pillow Moores, part of Spel Leasow, and the tythe of certain orchards and gardens in Stafford, all of which is attested to yield not above seven pounds year by year, but is worth if all dues were now paid year by year Ten pounds. The total of all that is made of the tythes at present is viii lb xvi“ viii d . The total of the improvement and true value of what they are worth if duly paid is xviii lb vi‘ viii d . The present minister of St. Chad’s Church is Mr. Richard Bailey, an able and honest man, as we are informed. All the n.aintaynance he hath is the rent of the aforesaid houses and the present tythes before mentioned, and y e rent of tenn pounds nine shillings three pence, which is y e surplus of y° rent paid by Mr. Balfe as is afore expressed. Memorand : The afore¬ said Church of St. Chad is verry small, ruinous, and inconsiderable structure. Returned into the Register Office for Sale of Deanes and Chapter Lands yo ^th day of June, 1650. “ Richard Taylor, John Highoin, “ George Smith, Sam. Hopecroffte.” Castle Church. Although the subject is one over which a good deal of obscurity hangs, and anything like dogmatism will be avoided by a prudent writer, there is good reason to believe that in ancient times there were two ecclesiastical foundations connected with the Castle outside the walls of Stafford—“St. Mary’s in Castre” (now called Castle Church) and St. Nicholas within the fortress. Confusion has arisen from the double use in records of the term castle, w’hich is sometimes so employed as undoubtedly to be equivalent to the territorial terms castle manor and castlewick. It is in this sense that Castle Church is described as “St. Mary in Castre.” The ancient Saxon manor of Bradeley approached the Sow and confines of the borough. Soon after the Norman Conquest it was severed into two parts. The part adjacent to the river was called the Manor of Castre, afterwards the Manor of Stafford, the portion further from the town retaining, as it still does, the ancient name of Bradeley. We have only here to do with the former part—viz., Castle or Stafford Manor and its parish, which were coterminous or nearly so. In this from remote times, as we have said, two religious edifices had under the names of St. Mary’s and St. Nicholas’ been appropriated to the religious services of the inhabitants. By St. Mary’s of course we do not mean St. Mary’s in the town of Stafford, but another of the same dedication and in fact dependent upon the town church. It was declared by a jury, in the middle of the 13th century, that St. Mary’s “in Castre” had belonged to the greater St. Mary’s from the Conquest. The jury in assigning that as its certain antiquity seem to give it a priority in time to the foundation of the chapel of St. Nicholas, and indeed St. Mary’s was more likely to have been a dedication dating from Saxon times than St. Nicholas’. But the difference in time need not have been very great, for Nicholas was a favourite dedication amongst the Normans. Nicholas was the name of the second Baron Stafford, and prob- t 134 ] ability seems to point to his epoch, about the close of the 11th century, as the date of the chapel. In 1348, when Ralph, Baron Stafford, made an indenture for the erection of a castle, the agreement contained a pro¬ vision for a chapel also. This was a free chapel in which all the services of the church were carried on with the exception of burials, which were always at the collegiate church of St. Mary’s, Stafford. The Earls and Dukes of Stafford attended at St. Nicholas’ to worship until the dissolution of the free chapels and chantries. The Church of St. Mary “in the Castle,” of which the Castle Church of to-day is merely the representative, was an entirely different foundation. The chapel of St. Nicholas belonged to the Stafford family ; the church of St. Mary beneath the Castle was under the control of the authorities of the Royal Free Chapel of St. Mary’s, Stafford, from the Conquest, and was included amongst the “ spiritualia ” of the deanery of St. Mary’s. The house of Stafford had no vested interest in the latter church until, in exchange for the priory of Wootten Waven, it obtained it from Henry VI. After holding the church nearly a century the Staffords lost it through the attainder of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, in 1521. The church then returned to the Crown, by whom it was held until the suppression of the collegiate churches in 1547. From that time Castle Church became a perpetual curacy, and its connection with St. Mary’s, Stafford, came to an end. When the chapel of St. Nicholas was suppressed, the Stafford family, when in this part of the country, which was probably not very often, naturally attended the church nearest the castle, and hence the name of Stafford often occurs in the registers of Castle Church, and Edward, Lord Stafford, was actually buried in the church. With regard to the date of the feundation of the church, a document of the time of Henry III. tells that St. Mary’s beneath the Castle had existed as a dependence of the Royal Chapel since the Conquest, and as Domesday Book refers to this Royal foundation as having previously been King Edward’s, it is not unfair to assume that Castle Church (not, of course, the present building) has existed since the time of that Saxon King. The curates seem to have had rather a poor time of it, if one may judge from the appeal made by John Lineal, or Lyneall, who in a quaint poem addressed to Oliver Cromwell lamented that while he was 70 years of age, and his wife but little younger, his stipend amounted to but £8 per annum. In 1676 a census taken showed that in the parish, which at that time included the whole of what are now the parishes of St. Paul and St. Thomas, there were 171 Conformists, seven Papists, and two Nonconformists. This number is believed to omit children under 16 years of age. The history of the church seems to have been remarkably uneventful, and so far as can be gathered from the registers, the curates of the 17th century maintained the peaceful tenour of their way, harming none and harmed by none. In 1817, “Pitt” described it as “an ancient edifice, composed of brick on the one side, and stone and whitewashed on the other, with a stone tower.” In 1841 it was restored or, rather, rebuilt by Sir Gilbert Scott, who noticed marks of great antiquity in the lines of the chancel and the nave. The tower, which is of the same period as that of St. Chad’s, viz., 15th century, has an approximate date fixed for it by the arms of the Neville and Stafford families which it bears on the west side, an intermarriage taking place in the two houses about the time just mentioned. The history of the baronial castle and of Castle Church had never been written until it was taken in hand by Mr. T. J. de Mazzinghi, and it is to his work on the subject, published in the eighth volume of the “Historical Collections ” of the William Salt Archeological Society, that we are indebted for the facts given above. [ 135 J The Roman Catholics. The ecclesiastical history of Stafford before the masterful Henry asserted against the Pope his claim to be head of the Church in England is Roman Catholic. After that came three centuries of bitter strife, on many of the aspects of which neither Romanists nor Protestants can reflect with much complacency. The record on the one side is disfigured by intrigues, con¬ spiracies, and treason, though it ought always to be remembered that at the great crisis of Philip’s invasion by the means of the Armada the patriotism of many of the Catholic gentry was conspicuous. On the other hand, the Catholics, excepting during the reign of Queen Mary, were the subjects of harsh and cruel laws, humiliating disabilities, and vindictive punishments. Sometimes they were denied justice altogether; at others they were mocked with the forms of legality while the judicial spirit was entirely absent, as in the case of the trial of the priest narrated in a previous article. It is not for nothing that the Roman Catholics speak of the Lord Stafford who was executed in the time of Charles II. as a martyr, and other illustrations might be quoted ; but the ashes of the ancient feud are happily extinguished, and under the benign and healing influence of the modern spirit the Protestants and Catholics of Stafford dwell together if not in unity at all events in peace and goodwill as fellow-citizens. There is little or no doubt that the Roman Catholic Church has had representatives in Stafford ever since the Reformation, though at times the number of its adherents was very small. During the reign of James II. a school was opened in the town for the benefit of the poor Catholics, but this was suppressed in the Revolution of 1688. During its brief existence it was under the charge of the Rev. Daniel Fitter, chaplain to the Fowlers of St. Thomas’s Priory, who were always staunch and zealous Catholics. Mr. Fitter was so much respected and beloved in the neighbourhood that he lived peaceably at the Priory until 1700, when he died at the age of 72. There does not appear to have been any fixed Roman Catholic place of worship in the town until about the year 1733, when services began to be held regularly in a chapel. The principal supporters of the cause were first the Howards, and more recently their successors, the Jerningham family, who then owned, as now, a considerable portion of the land in and about Stafford ; as also Mr. Thomas Berington, and his cousin, Mr. Simon Berington. The first resident priest of whom there is any record was the Rev. Thomas Barnaby, who died in 1783. His successor, the Rev. John Corne, who came from the Potteries, built a house and chapel in Forebridge on land given by Mr. Thomas Berington, and the chapel was opened in 1791. Early in the century a new chapel in Gothic style was erected during the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Price, and at the expense of Lord Stafford and Mr. Edward Jerningham. Lord Stafford purchased some oak stalls at Lichfield Cathedral and placed them at the sides of and behind the altar. The windows were filled in with late 15th-century painted glass, procured from Belgium. This glass now decorates the large west window of the present beautiful building, which was erected in 1861. The Society of Friends. The Friends or Quakers have had a local habitation in Stafford for more than 200 years. According to the minute-book of the “Quarterly Meet¬ ings,” one Matthew Babb, who appears to have been one of the principal supporters of the little society, sold to the Friends in 1668 a burial ground in Foregate-street for the sum of 13s. A meeting-house would also seem to [ 136 ] have been in existence about this time, for in 1674 an entry occurs referring to something to be done to that place; what that something was is not very clear, but a fortnight was given for the business to be considered. The foundation of a Society of Friends in Stafford dates back, however, to the year 1652 or thereabouts, and is thus described in the minute-book :—“In the year 1651 or 52 George Fox came to a meeting of professors at Caldon in v e Moorland parts of this county. * * * The first that declared and published within Stafford was a man and woman whose names at present we know not. They were put in the House of Correction, and were not fully owned by any, but Matthew Babb went to see them because he understood they had done no evil. After them, the next that came with the message of the Gospel was one Miles Bateman, out of the North, who declared in the streets of Stafford and called the people together continually, who was brought before Walter Adney, then Mayor, and was whipped and put into the Town Common Prison, where he fasted several days and eat nothing.” As regards the sufferings and persecutions to which the Quakers were subjected, those which took place in Stafford stand out with considerable prominence. It was enjoined on those holding office in the borough to enforce fines and whippings with great severity, and the imprisonment of scores of Quakers is on record. The members of the society in 1680, in view of the likelihood of continued persecution, took the pre¬ caution to assign the meeting-house to one person, thus preventing its con¬ fiscation by their adversaries. Whilst thus careful for themselves, these despised but enthusiastic people were not forgetful of others, for we find that in 1679 a collection amounting to £3 8s. lOd. was made “for the redemp¬ tion of our friends in captivity by the Turks,” and also that a contribution of £6 5s. was sent to the “National Collection.” With the Revolution of 1688 there would seem to have been brought about some mitigation of the severity with which the Friends were treated, as they about that time were making arrangements for a deputation to appear before the House of Com¬ mons to make an application respecting solemn affirmation, a proceeding which would have probably been worse than futile 20 years previously. This matter of affirmation instead of swearing seems to have been a bone of contention for many years, for as late as 1722 Edward Frith and two others were appointed to attend the Sessions and Assizes to exercise the “needful care to be had relating to the affirmation.” In 1723, in answer to a number of queries put by the “Yearly Meeting,” the Stafford Friends were able to report that none of their number had been imprisoned during the past year, their poor were duly provided for, and none of their society had “defrauded the King of any of his customs, duties, or excise, or in any wise encouraged the running of goods by buying or vending such goods.” In 1731 a new meeting-house was built; the burial ground had previously been enlarged several times. Since this date the Friends of Stafford have pursued the even tenour of their way. Freed from active persecution, yet much maligned and jibed at by the thoughtless, they, in common with the rest of the members of their society, have never ceased to set an example of how to live a “ godly, righteous, and sober life.” The Presbyterians. The Presbyterian Church m Stafford dates back to a period which makes it one of the oldest congregations of the Presbyterian Church of England. It owes its origin to the Act of Uniformity passed in 1662. by which the Church of England lost 2,000 learned and pious clergy. Through the work- [ 137 ] ing of the Act, the Rev. Noah Bryan, rector of St. Mary’s, was ejected from his living and went to Ireland ; numbers of his congregation left the church, refusing to submit to doctrines and practices of which their consciences disapproved. For ten years these seceders worshipped as best they could, in private houses and other places where they were free from observation. Then came the passing of “The Conventicle Act” and “The Five-Mile Act,” which were fruitful in violence and persecution. The Presbyterians of Stafford were more fortunate than many of their brethren, there being there but little direct persecution. In 1669, according to a “list of conventicles within the Archdeaconry of Stafford,” preserved in the Lambeth Library, there were between three and four hundred Presbyterians in Stafford under the pastoral care of Mr. John Wade. The second period in the history of the church commenced with the licensing, under the provisions of the “Test Act,” of the house of Joseph Wade as a meeting-house. The Presbyterians, in common with other Nonconformists, having obtained freedom of worship by the sign-manual of Charles II., the Church soon revived, and within six months two other houses in the borough were licensed as places of worship. In 1689, through the exertions of Mr. John Dancer, who was twice Mayor of the borough, the present place of worship was erected. The first religious service took place on August 26 of that year, when one of the Presbyterian body was interred in the burial ground. It is noteworthy that the famous commentator, Matthew Henry, visited the church annually for many years in his official capacity as scribe of the Cheshire association, to which the church was attached. It was during the ministry of the Rev. Samuel Harrops, who commenced his work in Stafford in 1713, that the sectarian riots took place in Stafford. The part taken in these disturbances by “certain lewd fellows of the baser sort” and the damage done to the Presbyterian Church have already been narrated in this series. In 1740 the Stafford and Stone churches were united under one pastor, and so continued for many years. Towards the close of the last century the number of Presbyterians greatly diminished in consequence of the Scotch families dying out or leaving the town, causing vacancies which were not filled up. The church dwindled down until it was practically dead, and in 1805 an arrangement was made with the Methodists by which they used the church as a preaching station. This amalgamation continued until 1811; shortly after this date the lowest ebb of the church’s life was reached. Preachers seldom came for a month together, but an aged precentor and a Mr. Muir, with two or three old people, were accustomed to meet every Sunday and hold a prayer meeting. At this point this sketch of Presbyterian history in Stafford may cease. The gloomy state of things with which it closes will afford a contrast to the activity frequently manifested in more recent times. The Independents. Towards the close of the last century Stafford would appear to have obtained an unenviable reputation for vice and religious indifference. John Wesley, referring to a visit paid by him to the town in 1785, said “ There are few towns in England less infected with religion than Stafford ; ” and in 1800 the report of the Stafford County Association stated “Perhaps noplace is more deeply sunk in licentiousness.” In the year 1786 the Rev. J. Boden, Independent minister, of Hanley, paid a visit to the town and began preaching in the open air, encountering, however, much opposition. An exciseman named Davis proved a laudable exception in his feeling S [ 138 ] toward Mr. Boden, and invited that gentleman to preach in his house. Here a small congregation gathered together, and in 1788 removed to a stable opposite the Vine Inn in Salter-street. This place had been fitted up for public worship, and ministers from various parts occasionally visited it. The following year, the Rev. Jonathan Scott, an ex-captain in the army, cut of sympathy with the struggling few, sent and maintained, at his own expense, the Rev. Mr. Wilson, who was the first to form a regular Inde¬ pendent or Congregational church in the town. It was Capt. Scott who, finding he could obtain no hearing for his open-air preaching in the name of God, threw back his cloak or coat and, disclosing his uniform, com¬ manded his disturbers in the “ name of King George the Third ” to hear him. After labouring for some time, Mr. Wilson removed to Market Drayton, and the church became again dependent upon occasional supplies. Later on, the Rev. Mr. Hitchin, of Bromstead Heath, preached once in Stafford and once in his own place every Sunday. At this time the little chapel was generally well filled on Sunday evenings; the membership, however, only numbered 13. In 1803, when Mr. Sissons was pastor of the church, the first of several secessions took place. Three of the mem¬ bers left the church and formed the nucleus of the Wesleyan Methodist congregation, drawing away with them many of the young people. In con¬ sequence of this action, Mr. Sissons resigned his charge, and after that there was no settled minister for several years. In 1810 the church met with another good friend in the person of Mr. Thomas Wilson, of Tunbridge Wells, who was casually passing through the town. This gentleman met the members of the church in conference, and, as a result of their meeting, Mr. Harris, a student at Hoxton Academy, came down to Stafford and undertook the pastorate. In 1811 the present chapel was erected on the site of some cottages, with adjoining land. A loan of £1,100 was advanced by Mr. John Hubball, a Churchman, but a friend of the movement. The following year the new building was opened by the Rev. J. Boden, who first, as already stated, introduced Congregationalism into Stafford. In 1815, the Rev. John Chalmers accepted an invitation to the pastorate, and was ordained in August of that year. At this time the church was in anything but a flourishing condition, being small alike in numbers and in resources, and crippled by a heavy debt. Mr. Chalmers, however, was not daunted at this gloomy outlook, but set to work with much energy to strengthen the church. He displayed great teaching ability, and was en¬ trusted by the London Missionary Society with the education of several young men, who afterwards did good service in India and the South Sea Islands. Mr. Chalmers then turned his attention to the debt on the chapel, and by dint of hard work and the cordial co-operation of his wife ultimately succeeded in removing it. From this time the history of the church does not present many points of outside interest. It has had its times of pros¬ perity and its times of adversity, but these incidents have had generally a personal and private rather than a public bearing, and therefore do not demand further notice. Mention should, however, be made of the fact that the Plymouth Brethren and Baptist congregations are both offshoots of the Congregational Church in Martin-street. The Wesleyans. John Wesley was a frequent visitor to Staffordshire during the course of the extensive journeyings which he undertook in organizing his societies, and both North and South Staffordshire were districts which from their moral t 139 ] degradation a century ago were sadly in need of some reforming agency of this description. As early as 1738 and 1746 Mr. Wesley was at Stafford. Some years later, in 1779, Dr. Coke and another of Mr. Wesley’s coadjutors were at Stafford, and the former preached in the Market Square. “ The people came ; all listened with deep attention, and some expressed a wish for the visit to be repeated.” Pour years later Mr. Wesley himself visited the town again. He recorded in his journal under date August 29, 1783, “ About ten I preached for the first time at Stafford to a large and deeply - attentive congregation ; it is now a day of small things here, but the grain of mustard seed may grow into a great tree.” His visits were repeated ; one in 1784 was held under discouraging circumstances, as for want of previous notice of his coming no place of meeting had been procured. The society at this date consisted of 16 members. In 1785 he preached in a room which had been erected during the preceding few months. Three years later his voice was again heard in Stafford for the last time. His diary says—“I preached at Stafford to a large and serious congre¬ gation.” This was on the 31st of March, and Mr. Wesley was at that time 85 years of age. Yet a little longer he laboured on, until his death in 1791. The death of Mr. Wesley led to considerable uncertainty as to the future prospect of the Methodist societies in general, and the weak society at Stafford became still further enfeebled. The members lost much of their interest in the services of the little chapel; it became disused for its original purpose, and was converted into a cottage, in which state it exists in Cherry-street at the present day. At this juncture a few of the faithful ones found a spiritual refuge in a building in the vicinity of the churchyard of St. Chad’s, and on a representation to the Metho¬ dists at Burslem steps were taken to resume the preaching services by their sending local preachers every week for some time to Stafford. Another difficulty afterwards arose from the numbers who attended the services in the humble place of worship, but this was met by the Methodists having had placed at their disposal for religious purposes the old Presby¬ terian Church, when not occupied by its own body, as was frequently the case at this period of its history. Such an arrangement was very opportune and was enjoyed for several years, until the new chapel of the Methodists was erected. This was opened in November, 1811, and stood for 50 years, until, extensive repairs being needed and additional accommodation required, it was superseded on the same site by the present structure. In 1808 Stafford became a circuit town, and had appointed to it by the Methodist Conference the first of a long succession of ministers. Their duty at first was to “mission” the town and country of an extensive “round” — at one time extending as far as from Market Drayton to Hilderstone. The frugal expenses of the ministers and a horse were paid from the general funds of the Methodist body, as a subsidy to other subscriptions from Stafford, while voluntary services were rendered by a valuable body of local preachers. In the course of years most of the original country places were attached to adjacent circuits or became in their tuin centres of missions operating in other localities needing such alterations, thus rendering possible a greater concentration of pastoral duties among the masses of the population. The district parishes of St. Thomas, St. Paul, and Christ Church are of course modern creations; and several Nonconformist communions, in addition to those mentioned above, have established themselves in Stafford in comparatively recent times. The “ Ancient High House. m ills interesting building, which occupies so prominent a position in the main street of Stafford, is one of the finest specimens of half-timbered town architecture in the country. The builder of the house was Richard Dorrington, a member of a family which 300 years ago took a leading part in the affairs of the borough. A tradition exists that the timber of which it is built was grown in Doxey Wood, near Stafford Castle, was prepared and framed there, and brought to the building as required, when the various parts were fixed and pinned together with oaken pegs. It was while Capt. Richard Sneyd was the owner and occupant of this mansion that Charles I. and Prince Rupert made it their abode for a few days. Reference is frequently made to the house in the articles in this series on the part taken by Stafford in the Civil War. Among the various persons to whom the High House has belonged was Dr. Wettenhall, of Cork, who bequeathed it to his daughter. This lady afterwards became the wife of the second son of Dr. William Hawkins, the son-in-law of Izaak Walton. For many years the Judges, when visiting the town at the Assizes, occupied the house as their lodgings. About sixty years ago the late Mr. John Marson converted the basement frontage into business premises, and while the alterations were being carried out a wooden tablet was found in front of the house, on which was cut “Richard Dorrington made this House, 1555.” Stafford Mint. ’^- I HE importance of Stafford in the early Middle Ages is established H C) by the fact that it was chosen to give its nameto the shire when the kingdom of Mercia was divided, and that was before the time of Alfred the Great; by the antiquity of its municipal privileges, as shown in the charter of King John ; by the possession of a strong collegiate chapter before the compilation of Domesday Book ; and, as we shall now see, by the existence of a Royal mint there as early as the time of King yEthelstan, grandson of Alfred and nephew of Ethelfleda, who came to the throne in 925 and died in 940. There is no mention in Domesday Book or any other ancient record, so far as we are aware, of a mint at Stafford in Anglo-Saxon or Norman times: the evidence of the existence of such an establishment is derived entirely from coins struck therein. Ruding in his “Annals of the Coinage” says—“When /Ethelstan regulated the coinage in the year 928, this town was of sufficient importance to be favoured with a mint. It does not, however, appear in the list which was given of the places where mints were established; but coins of that monarch are still extant, having on the reverse STEF or STF. A penny of /Ethelred II. reads STH1TH, which was probably intended for this place. Cnut has also a coin with STiE on the reverse. In Doomsday book this mint is not noticed, nor has it yet been found upon any coin after the Norman Conquest.” The list has been considerably extended since Ruding’s time, and now includes coins of several other Anglo-Saxon Kings and of William I., William Rufus, and Stephen. The late Canon Pownall, in a paper which he read before the Numismatic Society a few years ago, gave the following list of Stafford coins, as to the [ 141 ] accuracy of which he had no doubt, though he did not set up on its behalf a claim to completeness :— List of Coins Minted at Stafford. Kings. Notice in Ruding. Coins. iEthelstan. “ His coins VVIMVND still extant, MoSTFOR. rendingSTF. EARDVLFMo STEF.” Vol. li. p. 215. STED HSthelred II. . “A penny reads STAEFD on reverse.” Caut. Stafford in- AELFRIC ON eluded in his mints.STEF STAE. Vol. i. p. 138. sth; Harold I. Among the UUILRIN ON mints STA for Stafford, or Stamford, p. 140. STAF Edward the Con- H3LFRIL ON fessor . STAFORDE. Authorities. Capt. Murchison’s sale, p. 28, May, 1866, lots 254,257. Capt.Murchison’s sale,1886, p. 35, lot 308. Mr. Sharp’s list of Stam¬ ford coins, Num. Chron. vol. ix. 1869, inserted with “Query, Stafford ? ” Rritish Museum. Hawkins, new Edition. Harold II William I Among his mints STA and STAI, assigned to Stainfi >rd. STAI as¬ signed to Stamford. STEFFOR to Stafford. LVLLINL ON STAFFO Canon Pownall’s cabinet. GODuiINEON Mr. Bergne’s sale, 1873, STEFFOR lot 291. GODUlINEON Beaworth find. In sales STIEFF of Cuff, Murchison, and Bergne. Wm. Rufus. Stephen UU VLFNOD ON STEFF Of Hawkins’ type 244. lodril on STAFRE LODRIL ON ST....D Of type 24 6, Hawkins. AELFNOD ON STF (two) ODRIL ON STFRDI (two) EUL1.SERD ON STA LODRIL ON STAFO: Coin sale of a gentleman, January, 1860, lot 112, assigned to Stepney! Num. Chron. vol. xvii., p. 345, found at Tam worth, and now in Canon Pow¬ nall’s cabinet. Tamworth find. Ditto. Ditto. B. M., Hawkins, pi. xxi. 270. Numismatists have sometimes been doubtful as to the place of origin of coins marked STA, because these letters are applicable to both Stamford and Stafford, and Canon Pownall made the following reasonable suggestion [ 142 ] for the settlement of disputed cases :—“ I have recently acquired one of Edward the Confessor, struck by a moneyer whose name, new in respect to any money issued from that mint, has this additional claim to notice, that excepting another, in the Museum, it is the only representative of his Stafford Mint at present known. It is of type VIII. in Mr. Head’s list, like (PI. XVII.) 222 in Hawkins’, and reads + EVELINE, ON STAFFO. The possibility of its having been coined, not at Stafford but at Stamford (one of the two letters F being a blunder for N), was taken into consideration when I submitted the coin to the scrutiny of Mr. Sharp, F.S.A., whose vigilance and zeal in behalf of the Stamford Mint are well known. Mr. Sharp agrees with me in believing this coin to be Stafford- minted ; indeed, there is nothing about it to suggest another idea; no blundering in type or legend. Nor is the moneyer’s name altogether new ; though for the like of it we have to look onwards to the mintage of the neighbouring town, Tamworth. And here, before proceeding further to say what I have to say about any coins of Stafford, I desire to note the assistance which occasionally may be obtained for numismatic inquiry from the mintage of neighbouring towns, through likeness of or identity in the moneyers’ names. This subject is not novel, but I revert to it for that reason. * * Without presuming to assert that all cases are covered by such a conjecture, I now proceed to make use of it in dealing with this coin of Stafford, the moneyer of which was LVLLINL, a name altogether new to us as regards Stafford, but not new to us in connection with the neigh¬ bouring mint of Tamworth. The two towns stand apart, I believe, at a distance of 20 or 25 miles. Well, the Tamworth find of 1877 (“N.C ,” vol. xvii., p. 340) presented us with six, if not seven, welcome coins of William Rufus’s reign, from the mint of Stafford, and with 33 from that of Tam¬ worth itself ; of which 12 bear the name of a moneyer, ErOLIN, or LOLINE, or LVEINEr. The name of that moneyer also occurred among the pennies of the Williams found at Beaworth, thus: LOLIE on TAMUlRD. 1 And my inference is consequently this, that in Stafford (ON STAFFO), as evidenced by the coin before us, as in Tamworth (ON TAMCDRb), as proved by those described above, a man (it may be a family, members of the same craft) bearing the name Cullinc was to be found coining for the Crown from the middle till towards the end of the eleventh century, the office he held being his in one town as well as in the other. With the proofs we possess, scanty as they are, of the working of a mint at Stafford during a number of reigns from 925 to 1154, ought not certain coins which have become connected with the more prolific Stamford Mint to be looked at again, and dealt with by some such rule as this ?—that whenever STA is read, associated with others of the same moneyer, reading STAN, 2 &c., then to allow the case for Stamford to be judged clear; but, if otherwise, to leave the case open until more evidence be forthcoming.” There are, however, valuable sources of information respecting the Staf¬ ford Mint which Canon Pownall does not appear to have tapped, and those are the Royal collections of coins at Stockholm and Copenhagen. We have been in communication with the learned curators of those collections, and can now lay before our readers some facts which have hitherto been known only to the cognoscenti. Perhaps the most valuable work on the coins of our Anglo-Saxon Kings is that of Dr. Hildebrand, who was 1 The Tamworth find also had among four coins of the Bristol Mint one reading LOLININL ON BRIE. 2 Like BOIA MO STAF, which moneyer has also STANF and STXNFOR. [ 143 ] director of the Royal collections of coins at Stockholm. Dr. Hildebrand brought out his “ Anglosachsiska Mynt ” at Stockholm in 1846, and from this we learn that there were then in the Stockholm collection alone 4,232 Anglo-Saxon coins. The number of coins of this description discovered in Sweden is far greater than the yield of “ finds ” in this country, and the author explains that this is owing to the commercial relations which subsisted between the England of that period and the Baltic coasts of Sweden ; to the exactions of the Danes in the time of ^Ethelred II. and several of his successors ; and to the fact that the Christian missionaries sent from England to Sweden at the end of the 10th and the beginning of the 11th centuries did not go empty-handed. The tribute paid to the marauding Danes by ^Ethelred alone amounted to 167,000 pounds of silver, and they continued to drain the country until the time of Edward the Confessor. The oldest Anglo-Saxon coins discovered in Sweden are those of King Edgar (959-975), and they are few in number; but when we come to the time of /Ethelred II. the case is altered. The Stockholm collection includes coins struck at not fewer than eighty English towns, nearly all of which were mint stations in HDthelred’s day. It may be that by licensing so many mint-masters this unhappy monarch raised a portion of that revenue which was required to meet the insatiable demands of his piratical enemies. In the list of those eighty towns Stafford occurs, but when Dr. Hildebrand published his great work in 1846 there were, among the thou¬ sands of Anglo-Saxon coins under his care, only four which were struck at Stafford. We are indebted to Dr. Muller, director of the Royal collections of coins at Copenhagen, for the information that that number has since been increased to twelve, and that they are mostly coins of jEthelred II. and Canute. These are duly described in a later edition of Dr. Hilde¬ brand’s book. The four coins mentioned in the 1846 edition are one of Edgar and three of .Ethelred II. The inscription on the reverse of that of Edgar is iELFSIE M-0 STH2D. zEIfsie is the name of the mint-master; M-o is a contraction of “ monetarius on,” or mint-master in, and Staeth is accepted as meaning Stafford. Of the three coins of yEthelred, two were coined by yEGENVLF at STHDd and one by GODRIE at STjE. In the Royal cabinets at Copenhagen there are one coin of iEthelred II. and one of Canute, and they are thus obligingly described to us by Dr. Miiller:— That of zEthelred has on the obverse /EDELRED REX ANGLO, and on the reverse EGENVLF M°-0 ST.EF). That of Canute has on the obverse LNVT REX A, and on the reverse /ELFRItr ON STASdO. It will be observed that Canon Pownall gives a Stafford coin of Edward the Confessor as being in the British Museum : the authorities there have lately informed us that they have no Anglo-Saxon coins struck at Stafford, but they have favoured us with the inscriptions on five Stafford coins of the Norman period — four of the 1st and (or) 2nd William and one of Stephen. The reverse inscriptions on those of the Conqueror and his son read as follows :— GOD PINE ON STEFFOR GODPINE ON STIFF G0DRI5 ON STAFFEO IELFNOD ON STF The reverse on the coin of Stephen bears the following inscription :— GODRIL ON STAFO The following communication from Dr. Hildebrand, F.S.N., F.S.A., Antiquary to the King of Sweden, was received some time after the publication in the Advertiser of the preceding article, which it enlarges [ 144 ] and to some extent modifies. It will be observed, for example, that Dr. Hildebrand has a new theory to account for the extraordinary number of Anglo-Saxon coins found in Sweden, to wit, that the coins were so excellent in quality that they were welcome everywhere, and became for Northern Europe a common currency. Without unduly flattering ourselves we may venture to say that the same holds good in a sense of the English sovereign at the present day, as Continental tourists generally could testify ; and the Maria Theresa dollar is in a more limited measure another case in point. Dr. Hildebrand says— “The existence of a Mint in Stafford is clearly shown by sixteen coins preserved in the Royal Cabinet of Coins at Stockholm, bearing the names of four kings—Eadgar, zEtbelred II., Canute, and Harold I., in this way covering something less than a century, the reign of Eadgar commencing A.D. 959, the death of Harold I. occurring A.D. 1039. “ King Eadgar is represented by a single coin; obv., head, name, and title of the king; rev., a little cross and the legend yELFSIE M-0 STHiD. The town-name is, as commonly occurs, by reason of the small space offered by the coin, abbreviated. In the name of the minter one letter is wanting; the name ought to have been written iElfsige. “ The Stafford Mint seems to have been very active during the whole reign of King HCthelred II. The first of his Stafford minters, Alfwold, is represented by three coins, one with a little cross on the reverse, two with a double-lined cross, the letters of the word ‘ crux ’ distributed in the angles. The town-name is written STAE, ST.E, or ST^Ed. The second minter was Godric, represented by three coins. The first has on the reverse the double-lined cross and ‘ crux ’; the second an open cross, each limb termi¬ nating in three crescents ; the third has the same cross over a square, with pellets at the corners. The town-name is written ST/E or STiED. Con temporaneous with Godric was Egenulf, represented by two coins, both with the intermediate type of Godric upon the reverse. All these coins have on the obverse head, name, and title of the king. “The coins of Stafford are rare in our Cabinet. I have the pleasure to add to the above-named coins of HSthelred a ninth one, rare not only by its high finish, but also by its representations : the head of the King is omitted, and in its place we see the Agnus Lei, with nimbus, cross, and a book on which is partly written agnvs ; on the reverse is represented the Dove of the Holy Ghost. I do not know more than seven Anglo-Saxon coins with these figures—this one from Stafford, the others from Hereford, Malmsbury, Nottingham, and Southampton. Of the seven, five belong to our Cabinet. It is very curious that this type, so exceedingly rare in England, has given origin to imitations in Sweden and in Denmark. The Stafford coin of this type has on the obverse the name, &c., of the King, and on the reverse the legend ALFpOLD ON ST.EFORA. “In the time of King Canute only one minter, HJlfric, was working in Stafford. Two of his coins have on the reverse a voided cross, within inner circle, limbs issuing from central circle, as well as, in each angle, a loop ; the third one has on the reverse a cross voided, thin inner circle, annulet in the centre. The town-name is written STH2F or ST/EFFD. “This iElfric was minter in Stafford also during the reign of King Harold I. We have of this period of his activity three coins, all with the same type on the reverse : cross voided, limbs issuing from the central angle, aR well as, in each angle, a flower. The town-name is written ST^EF or STF, “All these sixteen coins of the Stafford Mint, now preserved in the Stockholm Cabinet, were found in Sweden. Our Cabinet had in 1881 10,758 [ 145 ] different Anglo-Saxon coins all found in Sweden. Since that year the number has increased, new finds coming to the Cabinet every year. This circumstance makes it evident, that when we would endeavour to explain why Stafford coins are found in Sweden, we of course do not imagine any direct intercourse between Stafford or Central England and my country: the Stafford coins came with the other Anglo-Saxon coins to the shores of the Baltic. The occurrence of Stafford coins in Swedish finds does not throw any special light upon ‘Stafford in Olden Times;’ it is a question of wider interest. [Here we must interpolate a remark. Dr. Hildebrand is too modest. There are no Anglo-Saxon coins of Stafford in our British Museum, and for the evidence of the existence of an Anglo- Saxon Mint at Stafford we are indebted almost entirely to Dr. Hildebrand, and to Dr. Muller, of Copenhagen.] Stafford had not an independent existence, but as it belonged to the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of olden times, it will be of interest to its inhabitants at the present day to read the explanation of the immense numbers of Anglo-Saxon coins, inclusive of those of Stafford, found in Sweden. “ Peoples have, at least in certain respects, very good memories : if the ancestors have suffered, their descendants generally remember it. The Danes ravaged England ; Danegeld is a term preserved by history, and indicating not what was directly taken by robbers but what was given to enemies too strong to be kept away by force. Nothing seems easier to explain : the Anglo-Saxon coins in the Swedish finds are the Danegeld. The explanation cannot be correct. Several objections may be taken to it. The Danegeld was paid to the Danes, not to the Swedes. The Anglo-Saxon coins, it is true, might very easily have been brought from Denmark to Sweden. But, in such a case, the finds of Anglo-Saxon coins ought to occur especially in those parts of Sweden which are situated nearest to Denmark. But in those parts of Sweden such finds are exceedingly rare, while most of them come from the isle of Gothland, in the centre of the Baltic. The eastern part of the Swedish continent is much richer in Anglo-Saxon finds than the western half. Together with the Anglo-Saxon coins occur in our finds German ones, and in Germany Danegeld was not paid. Our Swedish finds show that the circumstances which brought Anglo-Saxon coins to our country commenced to be active in the time of King Eadgar, and continued till after the downfall of the Anglo-Saxon dynasty: coins of William the Conqueror, or perhaps of the two first Williams, are not rare in Swedish finds. Danegeld was not paid in the time of the Williams ; the Danes brought away Anglo-Saxon silver before the days of King Eadgar. To explain the great number and richness of the Swedish finds of Anglo- Saxon coins it is necessary to avoid the theory of the piratical as well as the regulated Danegeld. “ I think there is one explanation to be given, a very simple one: the Anglo-Saxon silver coins of the period were so good, pure as to the metal and uniform as to the weight, that they were welcome everywhere; they became for Northern Europe a common currency. The isle of Gothland had in very early times established for itself the position of commercial inter¬ mediary between the East and the West. Great numbers of Arabian coins are found in Gothland and in Sweden, and, its position established, it gradually absorbed a great deal of the currency of Northern Europe, Anglo-Saxon coins as well as German. “Dr. HANS HILDEBRAND, F.S.N., F.S.A., Royal Antiquary of Sweden. “Stockholm, 16th of December, 1889.” T [ 146 ] Description of the Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman Coins in the Illustration. I. Eadgar (First King of England, 959-975) : mint-master, Elfsige. II. /Ethelred II. (youngest son of Eadgar and surnamed the Unready, 978-1016): mint-master, Godric. III. Ditto. IV. Ditto. V. /Ethelred II. : mint-master, Egenwulf. VI. Ditto. VII. /Ethelred II. : mint-master, Alfwold. VIII. Canute (1010-1036) : mint-master, Hilfric. IX. Ditto. X. Harold I. (1037-1039). [The reigns of Canute and Harold I. constitute a break in the succession of the Anglo-Saxon line.] XI. William (but whether William the Conqueror or William Rufus can only be conjectured : many of the coins of the Conqueror have a sceptre on each side of the head) : mint-master, Godwine. XII. Ditto. XIII. William (I. or II.): mint-master, Godric. XIV. Stephen (1135-1154) : mint-master, Godric. All the coins are silver pennies. The Stafford Maces. m HE mace was originally a weapon of warfare, whose use in this country dates back to a time when it was probably the most powerful of all weapons. In the Middle Ages it was often wielded by active members of the church militant, warrior bishops who, adhering to the letter rather than the spirit of the commandment for¬ bidding them to use the sword, thought it no sin to enter the conflict armed with this death-dealing instrument. In time the mace came to be regarded not only as an instrument of warfare and strife, but as a symbol of power and authority, and now constitutes the outward and visible sign of the office held by the head man of any corporate body. The borough of Stafford possesses three maces, one large and two small, and their symbolical meaning may be presumed to be that the large one indicates the duty of the Mayor to uphold the rights and privileges of the borough, whilst the two small ones show the determination of the burgesses to support their appointed chief in all lawful proceedings. The great mace is of silver-gilt, 42 inches long, and its shaft, as usual, is divided into three lengths by massive bands. The emblems round the head, or bowl, are divided from each other by demi-figures and arabesque ornaments, and consist of a rose surmounted by a crown, and enclosed in an oval tablet; the former arms of the borough (on a chevron the Staffordshire knot) similarly enclosed; a thistle crowned and enclosed in the same way as the rose ; and the same arms repeated. The head is crested with a circlet of crosses pattee and fleurs-de-lis, alternated with balls, from which rise the arches of the open crown, surmounted with orb and cross. iWGLXn- saxtrn auri earns STRUCK aT STaFFURC. [ 147 ] It bears the inscription, “ 1655. .This Mace was made. Master Thomas Backhouse, Ironmonger, being Maior of Stafford.” The two smaller silver maces are almost identical in pattern, and are 17 inches in length. On the base of the older one are engraved the Royal arms—viz., quarterly, first and fourth, France and England; second, Scotland; third, Ireland. Above the shield, which is between the initials C.R., are the words “Vive le Roy.” On the base of the other, in like manner, are engraved the Royal arms of William and Mary—viz., quarterly, first, England; second, Scotland; third, Ireland; fourth, France; over all an escutcheon of pretence of Nassau. Above the shield are the initials W R and M R. In the Cor¬ poration records there is an entry, under date July, 1614, of the purchase of “a mace of silver and gilt, lll^oz. 2dwt., for £48 7s. 2d.” This is probably the mace referred to in the M S. now in the possession of Lord Bagot, giving an account of the visit of James I. to the town. The narrative runs as follows:—“ The Maior kissed the mace and delivered it up to his Majestie, who having received the same did very seriouslie observe the forme thereof, for it was in out warde shew as fair a mace as anie the King had then carryed before him, yt had all the arms and coats of the kingdome richlie wrought upon the gloabe, and yet was of that beautye, and seemed to be of that worth, that Francis Dorrington had given forth divers times that it was too bigge, and that the King would take exception to yt. But thanks be to God, that scruple of conscience was removed, for the King did most graciously give the same back again to the Maior, enabling him thereby, as it were then by actual possession, both to carry that mace and to exercise his former authority.” The ultimate fate of this mace is unknown. The Corporation records contain the following remarkable entry;—“ Nov. 1654. It is this day ordered by the Maior and greater part of the Comon Council now assembled, that whereas Mr. Adney, having in his hands several' writings that were delivered into his custodie by indenture of his Mayoraltie, and also the mace, and hath not delivered the same to the present Maior, it is therefore ordered that the same writings and all other things shall be delivered into the hands of the present Maior or any other by his appoint¬ ment * * * within 14 days after the date hereof, upon the penal sum of £10 to be levied by distress or sale of goods for contempt if it should happen. Thomas Backhouse, Maior.” As an unfortunate blank exists in the records about this time, it is impossible to say whether or not Mr. Adney obeyed the order of the Council, but as the present mace was pur¬ chased in the following year it seems probable that from some cause or other the mace which had attracted James’s notice did not again come into the hands of the Corporation. A Grim Adjunct of St. Mary’s Church. ' > * HE Dean and Chapter of St. Mary’s had in 1250 a renewal of their ■ right to hold their own courts and to have their own gallows for hanging men [and their pit for drowning women] in St. Mary’s Churchyard. These grim adjuncts to the Royal Free Chapel stood, we have heard, in the N.E. corner nearest Messrs. Averill’s shop. There, also, the “ Dean’s Chamber ” must have been. For it is not to be supposed that so great a personage as Bogo de Clare was much in Stafford, or that he con¬ descended to live in “the college,” which was the residence of the canons, and lay behind the Swan Hotel.—W. B. t 148 ] The Chetwtnd Family and “Chetwynd House.” m HE name of Chetwynd is so intimately connected with Stafford and the neighbourhood that a few particulars respecting that family will not be out of place here. The Chetwynd family is one of great antiquity, and was originally connected with the parish of Chetwynd, near Newport, Salop. By the marriage of Sir John de Chetwynd with Isabella Mytton, the Chetwynds became possessors of the Ingestre estates, and to these were added later on estates at Grendon, near Atherstone, by the marriage of Sir Roger Chetwynd, grandson of Sir John, with the daughter of Sir Ralph de Grendon. Sir Philip Chetwynd, great- grandson of Sir Roger, was High Sheriff of Staffordshire in 1406 and 1413; he married the widow of Edmund Lord Ferrers of Chartley. Their grandson William, Gentleman Usher of the Chamber to Henry VII., was assassinated on Tixall Heath in 1494 by the servants of Sir Humphrey Stanley of Pipe. The head of the family, John Chetwynd, was also High Sheriff in 1578. He was twice married. The Grendon estates passed to Sir William, the eldest son by the first wife, and the Ingestre property to Sir Walter, the eldest son by the second marriage. The Grendon property in later years came into the possession of Mr. Walter Chetwynd, of Brocton, who married Miss Sneyd, of Keele, and died in 1750. His grandson was made a baronet in 1795 ; and the next in succession, Sir George Chetwynd, Bart., who died in 1850, was at one time M.P. for Stafford and for many years Chairman of the Quarter Sessions. Before concluding this notice, we must not omit to mention the handsome house at the lower end of Greengate-street, which still retains the name of “Chetwynd House,” and is a good example of a town mansion. Over the entrance gate is a monogram of the initials “W.C.,” and over the front door a shield bearing the Chetwynd arms. The house was probably built soon after 1740 by Mr. William Chetwynd, son of the Walter Chetwynd mentioned above. There is a tradition that the Duke of Cumberland, as he passed through Stafford in pursuit of the Young Pretender in December, 1745, partook of the first meal that was eaten in this house. Stafford Castle. O F the date of the original progenitor of the picturesque edifice which now crowns the hill on the west of the town no reliable record exists. Taking into consideration that Stafford was not far distant from the Welsh frontier, it seems at all events probable that in the troublous times of internecine warfare between England and Wales the Lords of the Manor of Stafford would exercise their rights, as pre¬ scribed under the laws of the feudal system, of erecting a stronghold, from which they and their vassals could sally forth, if needs be, to attack the marauding Welsh bands which doubtless at times made their way right across Shropshire into the county. Apart, however, from this consideration, it appears that as early as the reign of Henry II. (1154-1189) the free chapel of St. Nicholas was described as being “within the castle of Stafford,” though, as we have already seen, that phrase may mean within the Castle manor or castlewick, as well as within a fortified enclosure. In 1290, too, in an inquisition of Edward I., the manor of Stafford is called the manor of Castre (Castle). As the parish of the Castle lay within the feudal manor, and had never any connection with the King’s Castle within the borough, it is evident that the term must apply to some [ 149 ] castle outside the walls. It is therefore probable that from a time dating back some seven or eight centuries there has been a fortified building on the site of the present structure, that being the only likely situation in the immediate neighbourhood. This early castle, supposing that it ever existed, was probably razed to the ground at the time of the wholesale demolition of castles which took place after the death of Henry I. Coming from mere conjecture to facts, we find that in the 22nd year of Edward III. letters patent were granted to Ralph, Baron Stafford, afterwards Earl, to fortify his “manses” of Stafford and Madeley, and make castles thereof, and about the same time an indenture was entered into between Ralph de Stafford and one John Bercester whereby the latter was to build a castle “ upon the mound.” In the reign of Henry IV. a well was made “of exceeding depeness” {vide Blithfield MS.), which a century later was sunk to a further depth, though apparently without satisfactory results. The well lies not far from the castle on its north-eastern side; it has long been disused and is now almost entirely blocked up with stones and timber. The castle was apparently used as a baronial residence until the time of the civil war between Charles I. and his Parliament. In 1643 Lady Stafford, a staunch Royalist, withstood the onslaughts of the Parliamentary committee then sitting in Stafford, but on December 22 of that year an order was made that the castle should be demolished forthwith. The work of destruction was not completely carried out, since as late as the begin¬ ning of the present century the south wall was still standing. About 70 years ago this last remaining portion was removed by Sir Henry Jerningham, and now there is nothing left of the old castle but the foundations on which the present structure was built. & The Borough Arms and Seal. ' HE Seale of the Town of Stafforde, as noted at the Heraldic Visitation of Staffordshire made by Glover in 1583, is the first record of the kind of which we have any knowledge : it exhibits a castle triple-towered, on the dexter and sinster sides four lions passant guardant, and in base a fifth lion. A sketch of this seal appears in the Broughton copy of the Visitation in the William Salt Library. The arms and seal of the borough are both figured in the Heraldic Visitation of 1614. The following is the “blazon” of the arms: —Gules, a quadrangular castle with four towers domed argent, on each a pennon or, the castle in perspective between in chief two Stafford knots, in base a lion passant guardant of the third. (See Illustration, No. 1.) The seal of the borough was the same as that described in the Visitation of 1583, with the legend “ Sigillvm Commvne Ville de Stafford.” (See Illustration, No. 2.) In one of the later editions of Gwillim’s “Heraldry” the shield of arms of the town is given as or, on a chevron gules a Stafford knot. (See Illustration, No. 3.) This coat is not given in the first edition of “Gwillim” (1611): it is simply the shield of the old Earls of Stafford “ differenced ” by the knot, their badge. The knot has in course of time come to be regarded as the Staffordshire emblem, and it now figures in the seal of the County Council. Speed and Gwillim were contemporary writers of the first quarter of the 17th century. Both assign the chevron and knot to Stafford town. [ 150 ] (See “Speed’s Theatrum,” ed. 1614.) A correspondent confidently informs us that he has seen mention (but has striven in vain to recover the reference) of a grant to Humfrey first Duke of Buckingham by King Henry VI. of his town of Stafford for the duke’s life. If this was the case the shield is explained, and it may have been used for the town during the interval between the grant and the death of the Duke— i.e., the interest was granted to the Duke after his ducal title was granted, viz., September 14, 1444, and his death, which occurred at Northampton, July 10, 1460. The grant may be found by the Record Society of Stafford¬ shire (the William Salt Archaeological Society) when they reach that Dart of the county archives, and so they may fully justify Speed and Gwillim’s description of the armorial bearings as marking a short but important phase in the town’s medieval career, when it was not a Royal town nor an independent town, but a ducal town. In the same period, for the first time in its history, its Collegiate Church had by concession of the same King fallen to the same duke. The absence from the later heraldic entries of such a shield may be explained by the fact of the grantee’s life interest having ceased and the King being remitted to his previous rights. The arms of the borough as engraved in “Plot” (1681) are gules, a tower between in chief two Stafford knots, and in base a lion passant guardant or. Another coat, described in Burke’s “General Armory,” and probably copied from Edmondson’s “Complete Book of Heraldry,” is or, on a chief gules, a serpent nowed (i.e., twisted into the shape of a Stafford knot) of the first. Lastly, we have the seal now in use, which is like that described in the Visitations of 1583 and 1614, excepting that it has a fish naiant in water, vice the fifth lion, and that the legend reads “Sigillum Communitatis Villse Staffordise.” (See Illustration, No. 5.) There is an earlier form of this seal in which there are curious and apparently illiterate blunders in the legend. (See Illustration, No. 4.) We have not been able to ascertain when or for what reason the fish was substituted for the fifth lion. The point is one which we leave to the antiquary, simply remarking tha* the College of Arms knows nothing of the introduction of the fish, and regards the present seal as “wrong,” because it does not agree with the sketch in the Visitation of 1614. The Font in St. Mary’s Church. fr | «HE late Sir Gilbert Scott considered that the font in St. Mary’s I [ dated back to the century between 1090 and 1190, and that it • ■ was about the only piece of work of that period now remaining in the church. The font is 3ft. 3in. in height, and the cavity is large enough for the entire immersion of an infant. At the base are quaint carvings of lions. It is not our desire to revive the protracted and incon¬ clusive controversy which has so often been waged with regard to the meaning of the incriptions round the base and the laver, but we give them as they exist at the present time. That round the base runs — DISCRETVS NON : HS Q : NON FVGIS : ECCE LEONES. This somewhat enigmatical sentence was some years ago thus translated :— Discretds non es qui non fugis : ecce leones —Unwise you be, Who do not flee : The lions see ! This has been regarded a piece of monastic playfulness, [ 151 ] such as was of very common occurrence in mediaeval times, and frequently exercised the epigrammatic wit of the clergy and other learned men in those days. The inscription round the upper part of the font is much more problematical. It takes the form of a four-line verse, having rhyming terminations to the lines. At present the wording is as follows :— TV : DE : IERUSALEM ROI . ALEM ME : FACIENS : TALEM TAM : PVLCHRVM : TAM : SPECIALEM. The second line, it will be seen, is almost lost through some fracture of the stone in time past, its place having since been filled up with a plain piece. Out of the many suggestions as to the meaning of this legend, all of them necessarily hypothetical, two may here be recorded. The late Rev. F. S. Bolton considered it to be an address to some knightly donor of the font, translateable thus: —“ Mayst thou from Salem (such my prayer) Triumphal booty homeward bear, Because thou thus hast made me wear A form so beautiful, so rare ! ” Mr. Henry Godwin, the well-known archaeologist, on the other hand, so fills up the blank spaces that the inscription becomes an invocation to the Holy Spirit, as follows: — “Do thou (blest Spirit) diffuse the genial dews of (the new) Jerusalem, making me (such as thou art) so pure and so distinguished.” The Assize of Bread. I T is ordered by the Mayor and Common Council that the Assize of Bread in this Borough for the month be as followeth: every penny white loaf when well baked to contain eleven ounces and every pennyworth Brown Bread to contain sixteen ounces at the least when baked, and for every pennyworth of Boulted Bread to contain 12 ounces, and according to this rate for every loaf greater or lesser. From the Corporation Orders of June 2, 1693. The “Noah’s Ark.” * ■’“'V OTHING unquestionably authentic is known of the origin and early W history of the building now and for many years called the “ Noah’s • b Ark,” which is one of the most interesting examples of domestic architecture in Stafford. Unfortunately, some of its most characteristic features, including the half-timbered projecting open porch, with room above having a three-gabled roof, were destroyed a few years ago during alterations considered necessary to adapt the building to modern requirements ; but Mr. Railton’s sketches, at page 91, will perpetuate these features. It has been sometimes supposed that the house was originally erected for a dignitary of the Church, but there is nothing beyond its nearness to St. Mary’s to countenance that idea. It has also been conjectured that it was built by a member of the Cradock family, one of whom was first Mayor of the borough in 1614, under the charter of King James. There is, too, a tradition that Queen [ 152 ] Elizabeth stopped at the house and took wine there on her progress from the Market-square to Stafford Castle. Her Majesty passed along Crowberie- lane, as mentioned elsewhere in this volume, and the incident may actually have happened, but there is no evidence to support the tradition. The house was licensed between thirty and forty years ago, but it has been known by its present name for a much longer period. Omega. m HERE are very few indeed, and those few are not to be envied, who are insensible to the delight of contemplating bygone days, “When to the session of sweet silent thought We summon up remembrance of the past.” The charm, a public writer lately said, acts in obedience to a secret and almost mystical law, and it defies analysis, unless it is to be found in the reflection that as the past has no unknown of peril or pain in store its pleasures of imagination are pure gain. That is ingenious, but does not exhaust the philosophy of the subject. It might be said with equal force that we owe much of the charm to Time, in this, as in so many other ways, the friend of man. If all the evil passions which disfigured the most heroic epochs in our history were as obvious to us as they were to our ancestors ; if the weaknesses and inconsistencies of the great men of former times were as patent to us as they were to some of their contemporaries;— the study of bygone days would lose much of its fascination. But Time tenderly and charitably throws a misty veil over the past, and this softens the ruggedness of the prospect and frequently hides the defects of poor humanity while leaving unobscured all the brighter and nobler qualities of those whose memories we honour. The sentiment of attachment to a locality, to which the articles we have here reprinted more directly appeal, is equally deep-rooted and equally difficult of analysis. The discovery of its source has baffled the keenest of mental explorers; but beyond doubt it exists ; and we send forth “ Stafford in Olden Times ” in the hope that the volume will both gratify and strengthen the sentiment of loyalty to the ancient borough. Printed and Published by J. and C. MORT, 39, Greengate-street, in the Parish of Saint Mary, Stafford.