DUKE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2018 with funding from 
 Duke University Libraries 
 
 https ;//archive.org/details/indianreminiscen01 whit 
 

 
 
 
 
 
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INDIAN REMINISCENCES 
 
 
 nr 
 
 Colonel S. DEWE WHITE, 
 
 LATE BENGAL STAFF COKPS. 
 
 LONDON; 
 
 H. ALLEN & CO., 13, WATERLOO PLACE, S.W. 
 
 PUBLISHERS TO THE INDIA OFFICE. 
 
 1880. 
 
 \_AU rights reserved.] 
 
LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY WOODFALL AND KINDER, 
 
 iilLFORD LANE, STRAND, W.C. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 I MAY inform any wishing to know why my “ Indian 
 Eeminiscences ” has been so long in making its appear¬ 
 ance, that, considering my position, it would have been 
 unadvisable for me to have had such a book published 
 during the time of my service in India. Moreover, I 
 could not have composed my narrative of the great 
 Sepoy Eevolt immediately after that event so dispas¬ 
 sionately and advantageously as I have now done. And 
 in the next place, after my final departure from India, I 
 was engaged in writing two works, the first volume of 
 the most important of which—my History of the Eeign 
 of Charles I., the Commonwealth, and Protectorate of 
 Oliver Cromwell—will, I trust, ere long be sent to the 
 Press. I now hopefully await the verdict of public 
 opinion on this my first literary production, and I shall 
 be exceedingly glad if, in addition to affording interest 
 to the reader, it turns out a useful and profitable book 
 in a religious point of view. 
 
 S. HE WE WHITE. 
 
 SoUTHSEA, 
 
 23rd March, 1880. 
 
% 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGI 
 
 Departure from England—Life on Board Ship—Practical Jokes—A 
 Challenge to fight a Duel—Pleasant Stay at the Cape of Good 
 Hope—Dangerous Return to Ship—Outrageous Conduct of the 
 Captain — His Extraordinary Humiliation — Escape from a 
 Shark—Touch at Madras—Arrival at Calcutta—Funny Ad¬ 
 venture at Barrackpore—Taken by Steamer to Allahabad— 
 Taken ashore at Dinapore—Dangerous Illness there—A good 
 Samaritan—Exchange my Regiment—Serve through the Sikh 
 Campaign of 1845-46—Descriptions of Battles of Moodkee and 
 Ferozshah—Sir Hugh Gough—Rank Worship—Petty Warfare 
 at Watch-tower—Battles of Buddiwal, Aliwal, and Subraon 
 —Remarks on War—Personal Feelings—March on Lahore— 
 Submission of the Sikhs—Annexation of Jullundur Doab— 
 British Protectorate of the Punjauh—Stationed at Hoshiapore 
 —Expedition to Cashmere—House broken into by Robbers— 
 Ordered to Bareilly—Visit Nynee Tall, Simla—Its Charm— 
 Description of Mussoorie—2nd Sikh War—Chillianwallah— 
 Goojerat—Sir Charles Napier sent out—Victory of Goojerat— 
 Annexation of the Punjauh—Koh-i-Noor—Dhuleep Singh— 
 Suppression of Duelling—March to BerhamjDore—Exchange 
 my Regiment—Reason of.1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Suggestiveness of the Truth of the Bible in Things that may he 
 Seen in India—General Remarks on the Folly of Infidelity as 
 Contrasted with Christianity—Objection regarding the Appa¬ 
 rent Discrepancies of the Bible answered—Reply to the Cavils 
 of Scientific Men—The Objections of Infidels cannot stand the 
 Test of a thorough Examination—Actual Experience the most 
 convincing Evidence of the Truth of the Bible—Meeting with 
 the Subject of this Sketch, E. S., at Bareilly—Want 
 of Christian Society at Bareilly—Next door neighbour 
 with E. S. at Barrackpore—Description of Barrackpore, 
 and the wretched state of Locomotion in India at this 
 Period—Sketch of Calcutta, and its accessible Health Resort, 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 viii 
 
 Darjeeling—Ensign S- engaged to be Married—The En¬ 
 
 gagement broken off—His Downward Career—Fires into my 
 ftoom—Tried by a Court Martial—His narrow Escape—Does 
 not Profit by the Warning—Leaves Barrackpore—Scene pre¬ 
 sented in his vacant Room—Again tried by a Court Martial, 
 and dismissed the Service—Enlists as a Private Soldier . . 22 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 A Season of Trial—Gross Favouritism contrasted with Injustice 
 and Oppression—Dangerous Illness—Slander—Harrow Escape 
 of being Shot at Target Practice—Report the Matter—Ho 
 Enquiry—Regimental Order thereon—Placed under Arrest on 
 a false Charge—Released by Commander-in-Chief—Misrepre¬ 
 sentation—My Vindication approved of by His Excellency—I 
 appeal to the Commander-in-Chief against the Regimental 
 Order and the Offence against my Life at Target Practice— 
 Placed under Arrest % Commanding Officer—Brigadier’s 
 arbitrary Proceeding—I appeal to the Commander-in-Ohief 
 against it—Lord Dalhousie’s singular Conduct towards me— 
 
 Ti-ied by General Court Martial—Regarded as a ruined Man— 
 Anecdote—Favourable Results of my Court Martial—Regi¬ 
 mental Order directed to be Cancelled, &c.—Remarks—The 
 Heed of a Lawyer to conduct General Court Martials—Active 
 and Unjust Part taken against me by Lord Dalhousie—Divine 
 Protection—My triumphant Escape—Systematic Persecution 
 —Arrival at Benares—Description of the Place—Practical Use 
 of Prayer—Dead Set made against me at Benares by my Com¬ 
 manding Officer and the Officers commanding the Station and 
 Division—I appeal against them to the Commander-in-Chief— 
 
 My signal Triumph over them all—My Case noticed very 
 favourably by the Press—Frustration of a Spiteful Design 
 against me—Promoted to Lieutenant—Receive Prize of a 
 Thousand Rupees—Join 3rd European Regiment at Chinsurah 
 —Fresh Troubles—Lose my Temper—Severe Punishment—Its 
 Grievous Results—Take my Furlough to England—Hearly 
 wrecked off the Cape—A Week’s Stay at St. Helena—Descrip¬ 
 tion thereof—Meet with nice Christian Society there—Arrival 
 in England—Hear of my Brother’s Death in the Crimea— 
 Return to India with Recruits—Dangerous Illness—Providen¬ 
 tial Disappointment at Cawnpore—Arrival at Agra just before 
 the Outbreak of the Mutiny.43 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Origin and Cause of the Great Sepoy Revolt—Personal Knowledge 
 of this Matter—The Greased Cartridges—Ridiculous Fears of 
 the Sepoys—Their Obstinate Belief in a Lie—Disgraceful 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 IX 
 
 Policy of the Indian Government righteously Punished—Ee- 
 markable Character of this Divine Eetribution—Eetrospect of 
 former Mutinies—Lord Dalhousie’s Undignified and Unener- 
 getic Treatment of the Mutinous 38th Eegiment in 1852—Cir¬ 
 cumstances favourable to a General Eevolt—Paucity of Euro¬ 
 peans for the Defence of an Extended Frontier—Dalhousie’s 
 Mischievous and Impolitic Annexation of Oudh—“Eight of 
 Lapse ”—Its unfairness—Sattarah, Nagpore, and Jhansi— 
 
 First Appearance of a Mutinous Spirit at Berhampore and 
 Barrackpore—Premature Outbreak and Massacre at Meerut— 
 Eemarkable Inactivity of the European Troops—Mutiny and 
 Massacre at Delhi—Proclamation of King of Delhi—Descrip¬ 
 tion of Agra—Taj Mahal—Council of War at Agra—Grand 
 Parade of Troops—Lieutenant-Governor harangues them— 
 Mutiny at Ferozepore—Useless Proclamations of the Governor- 
 General and Commander-in-Chief—Scindiah’s Devoted Loy¬ 
 alty—Sepoys rise at Alygurh, Etawah, and Mynpoorie—Lieu¬ 
 tenant-Governor’s Injudicious Manifesto—Cancelled by Earl 
 Canning—Mutiny at Muttra—Intended Eise and Massacre at 
 Agra—Blessing of United Prayers of Earnest Christians— 
 Eemarkable Intervention of Divine Providenee in our Favour 
 —The Native Eegiments at Agra are Disarmed—Organization 
 of a Volunteer Force—The Untrustworthiness of the Agra 
 Police—Mutiny at Gwalior—Our Isolation at Agra—Eetire- 
 ment of the Ladies and Children into the Port—The North- 
 West Provinces in a Blaze of Eevolt—Mutineers at Jhansi, 
 Hissar, Nusseerabad, Neemuch, Bareilly, Moradabad, Shah- 
 jehanpore—Touching Scene at the Massacre near Aurungabad 
 —Eevolt at Futtehgurh—Flight of the English—Mutiny at 
 Cawnpore—Unparalleled Misery of the English besieged in 
 Wheeler’s Entrenchment—Dhoondhoo Punt, Nana Sahib—■ 
 
 His old Grudge against the English—The Amazing Treachery 
 of the 6th Eegiment N.I. at Allahabad—Sepoys rise at Azim- 
 gurh—Outbreak at Benares and Jaunpore—Mutiny at Jhansi 
 —The ill-used Eanee of Jhansi’s Eevenge—Atrocious Mas¬ 
 sacre—Mutinies at Nowgong, Jullundur, Phillour, and Eohneo 
 —Eetributive Effects of Wrong-doing in Oude—Sepoys rise 
 at liucknow, Seetapore, Mohnmdee, and Pyzabad—Terrible 
 Sufferings of Mrs. Mills and other Fugitives—Eevolts at Sul- 
 tanpore, Bareitch, and other Stations—All Classes in Oude 
 rise in Insurrection against the Usurped Power of the British 
 Government in their Country—Comraander-in-Chief dies of 
 Cholera—Mutinies at Indore—Holkar’s Noble Eeply to the 
 Mutineers—Eevolt at Mhow—Sepoys rise in the Vicinity of 
 Agra.82 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 Imperilled Condition of Agra — Mutiny of the Kotah Contingent 
 — Fight with the Neemuch Brigade at Shahgung — Description 
 of the Battle — Our Defeat with Terrific Loss and Eetircraent 
 
X 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 into the Fort—Great Dismay there—Eemavkahle Saying of 
 the Lieutenant-Governor—Awful Conflagration and Massacre 
 at Agra—Terrible Disorder outside the Fort—Hardships—De¬ 
 voted Attention paid to the Wounded—Life inside the Fort— 
 Adoption of Precautionary Measures—Causes for Expecting 
 an Attack—Our Native Christians rise in Public Estimation— 
 
 A Melancholy Day—Arrival of the News of the Cawnpore 
 Tragedy—Successive Arrivals of Messengers with Gloomy 
 Tidings—State of Affairs before Delhi—Desperate Condition 
 of the Besiegers—Particulars of the Cawnpore Massacre— 
 Wonderful Escape of Lieutenants Thomson and Delafosse— 
 Subsequent Atrocious Massacre of the Women and Children 
 —The Mythical Story of Miss Wheeler—Gloomy Forebodings 
 —Sir Henry Lawrence’s Defeat and Death—Sir Henry’s dying 
 Words—Sir John Lawrence’s View of the Situation—Natives 
 Expect our Ruin—God the Source of all Comfort to the Chris¬ 
 tian in such Seasons of Gloom—Execution of Martial Law at 
 Agra—Energetic Course adopted in the Punjaub—Disarming 
 of Regiments at Meean Meer (Lahore) and Peshawur—Muti¬ 
 neers blown from Guns—Mutiny at Jhelum—Mutineers Fight 
 with a Wing of H.M. 24th Foot—Severe Loss of the Latter— 
 Subsequent Destruction of these Mutineers—Mutiny at Seal- 
 cote—Destruction of these Mutineers—Eminent Service ren¬ 
 dered by the Punjaub Officials—Despatch of Sikh Troops 
 from the Punjaub to Delhi—Arrival of Nicholson—Victory of 
 Nujufgurh—Havelock’s Victories—Futtehpore and Aong— 
 Defeat of the Nana Sahib—Reoccupation of Cawnpore— 
 Havelock’s Advance into Oude—His Victories—The grievous 
 Necessity to fall back—Brigadier Niel’s stern Justice—Have¬ 
 lock defeats the Nana at Bithoor—A Native Regiment crosses 
 Bayonets with British Soldiers—Havelock’s precarious Position 
 at Cawnpore—Koonwur Sing’s Insurrection—Wake’s Defence 
 of Arran—Defeat of Captain Dunbar by Dinapore Mutineers 
 —Major Eyre defeats Dinapore Mutineers—Relief of Arrah— 
 Mutiny of the 27th Bombay N.I.—Mutinous Conduct of 8th 
 Madras Native Cavalry—Mutiny at Segowlie—Sepoys of 
 Ramgurh Battalion and Jodhpore Legion rise—Despatch of a 
 Force from Agra—Sudden Attack of Ophthalmia— A miserable 
 Night in Command of the Advance Guard—Battle near Aly- 
 gurh—Sent into Agra with Sick and Wounded—Personal 
 Violence offered me by a Junior Officer—Unjust Adjudication 
 of the Case by my Commanding Officer— I appeal against this 
 to Oommander-in-Chief—Placed under Arrest—Extreme Injus¬ 
 tice of this Proceeding—Deprived of the Means of Grace for 
 nearly five Months—Religious Consolations—Impartial Testi¬ 
 mony of an Officer of my Regiment—Sympathy of the Editor 
 of the Mofussulite —Death of Mr. Colvin—News from the 
 Punjaub—Annihilation of the Mutinous 51st Regiment N.I. 
 
 —Arrival of Siege Train at Delhi—Preparations for the 
 Assault—The Hazardous Nature of the Undertaking—Hear at 
 Agra of the Capture of Delhi.115 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 XI 
 
 
 CHAPTER YI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Description of the Assault and Capture of Delhi—Death of Nichol¬ 
 son—Capture of the King—Captain Hodson shoots three 
 Princes—Colonel Greathed’s Pursuit of the Mutineers—Briga¬ 
 dier Showers’ Successes—Mutiny of Regiments after the Esca¬ 
 lade of Delhi—Nagode, Juhbulpore, Deoghur, Chittagong, 
 Dacca, and Julpigoree—Havelock’s Victorious Advance to 
 Lucknow—Sir James Outram—His Grand Chivalry—Com- 
 mander-in-Chief’s Remarkable Order thereon — Outram’s 
 Bravery—Sore Peril of the Besieged—Relief of Lucknow— 
 
 Great Mortality of the Garrison—Surprising Loyalty of the 
 Faithful Sepoys—Battle of Agra—Strange Refusal of Permis¬ 
 sion to go out to the Battle with my Regiment—Complete 
 Defeat of Mutineers—Lady Nurses—Their Devotedness— 
 Troubled State of Rajpootana—Repulse of Colonel Lawrence 
 —Murder of Major Burton—Defeat of Captain Tucker— 
 English still Besieged at Lucknow—Arrival of Sir Colin 
 Campbell at Cawnpore—Advance of Commander-in-Chief— 
 Captain Peel and the Naval Brigade—Warlike Operations— 
 Desperate Fighting at the Secunder Bagh—Second Relief of 
 Lucknow accomplished—Withdrawal of Non-combatants from 
 Lucknow—Death of Havelock—Defeat of General Windham 
 at Cawnpore—Arrival of the Commandei'-in-Chief—He defeats 
 the Enemy—Their Defeat again by Grant—Pious Despatch of 
 the Victor—Defeat of Jodhpore Legion—Seaton’s Victories of 
 Gungaree and Puttialee—Tried by Court Martial—Injustice of 
 the whole Proceedings—Cruel Sentence—Remarkable Circum¬ 
 stances following it—Condition of Affairs at Agra—Departure 
 of Siege Train—Leave Agra with my Regiment—Letter from 
 Head-Quarters—Commander-in-Chief declines to confirm Sen¬ 
 tence of Court—Hard Usage and extreme Unfairness—Appeal 
 to Commander-in-Chief—Authorities refuse to forward it— I 
 trust in the Lord—Lord Clyde comes to Gwalior in 1859—My 
 Interview with him—Its happy Results—Continuation of the 
 Narrative of the Events of 1858—Re-occupation of Futtygurh— 
 Advance of Commander-in-Chief to Lucknow—Outram repels 
 Repeated Attacks—Jung Bahadur’s Diversion in our Favour 
 —Brigadier Frank’s Victories at Chandah, Humeerpore, and 
 Sooltanpore—Sir Hope Grant takes Meeangunge by Storm— 
 
 Great Strength of the Enemy at Lucknow—Huzrut Muhul 
 the Begum—Operations against Lucknow—Storming of 
 Queen’s Palace and Imambara—Unexpected Capture of Kaiser 
 Bagh—Immense Loot—Outram’s March through the City— 
 Conquest of Lucknow—Escape of the Rebels—Excessive cau¬ 
 tion of Commander-in-Chief—Remarks on the Character of 
 Outram.147 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Commander-in-Chief’s Operations in Rohilcund—Defeats Rebels 
 and Captures Bareilly—Brilliant Campaign of Sir H. Rose— 
 Defeats Tantia Topee near Jhansi—Captures the City—Takes 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 xii 
 
 the Fort by Storm—Victories of Kooucli and Gulowlie—Cap¬ 
 ture of Calpie—Doings of our Column in co-operation with 
 Sir H. Eose—Engagement at Sheregurh Ghaut—Narrow 
 Escape of being Shot in Bed—Defeat of the Maharajah of 
 Gwalior by Tantia Topee—Flight of Scindiah to Agra—We 
 March to Dholpore—Eemain there, though Ordered to Gwalior 
 —Sir H. Eose captures Gwalior—Napier’s Victory over Tantia 
 Topee—Successful Operations of the Columns of Showers, 
 Stuart, and Eowcroft—Disaster of Colonel Milman—Victories 
 of Lord Mark Kerr, Sir E. Lugard, and Brigadier Douglas— 
 Second Disaster of Arrah—Victories of Lugard, Havelock, 
 Eoberts, and Whitlock—Blunder of Walpole—Victories of 
 Walpole, Hope Grant, Seaton, and Jones—We return to Agra 
 —Illness—Placed under Arrest—Eeleased by the Brigadier— 
 Transferred to the Service of the Crown—Queen’s Proclama¬ 
 tion—Cold Weather Campaign of 1858-59—Defeats of Tantia 
 Topee—Serve under Brigadier Showers—Battle of Dowsa— 
 Complete Suppression of the Eevolt—Operations of Lord 
 Clyde—Victory of Sir Hope Grant—The Nana and other 
 Leaders driven into Nepaul—Eemarks—Ordered to Gwalior— 
 Curse of Drinking and Debt Exemplified—Ordered to Futty- 
 gurh—Description of an Indian March—Leave my Eegiment 
 to take up an Appointment at Benares—Ordered to Barrack- 
 pore—Stationed there—Bitten by a Widow—Awfully sudden 
 Death of an Acquaintance from Drinking—Capricious Conduct 
 of Commanding Officer—Ordered back to my Eegiment at 
 Futtygurh—Serious Embarrassment—Interview with Sir 
 Hugh Eose—His kind Consideration of my Hard Case— 
 Appointed Garrison Interpreter, Fort William—Pleasant Life 
 at Calcutta.189 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 Amalgamation Scheme arrives in Calcutta—Its Unsuitability to me 
 —My Eegiment (3rd Europeans) becomes 107th Foot—Visit 
 Chota Nagpore—Spread of Christianity among the Coles— 
 Their Extraordinary Belief in the Power of Witches—Arrival 
 of Cannibals in Calcutta—The dreadful Cyclone—Become 
 Lieutenaut and Brevet Major under Government Scheme of 
 1864—Illness—Eesign my Appointment—Appointed to Con¬ 
 valescent Depot, Darjeeling—Fierceness of Eats there—Severe 
 Affliction—Promoted to Captain—Suicide of a Gentleman in 
 the Eanks—Obtain Leave to England—Leave my Baby at a 
 Ladies’ School—Strange Affair there—Nearly Wrecked in a 
 Hurricane—Stay at St. Helena—Arrival in England—Pro¬ 
 moted to Major—Two Months’ Continental Tour—Eeturn to 
 India—Last Voyage round the Cape—Eemarks—Arrival at 
 Calcutta—Suicide there of a Fellow-Passenger—Apply for the 
 vacant Appointment of the Persian Translatorship to Govern¬ 
 ment—Disappointment for want of Interest—Ordered to 
 Gwalior—Appointed Interpreter to 92nd Highlanders at Jul- 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 lundar—Strange Case of Suicide—Promoted to Lieutenant- 
 Colonel—Resign the Interpretership—Visits to Simla and 
 Mussoorie—Apply for an Appointment—Fair Reply—-Take 
 Furlough to England—Stay at Delhi—Description of the 
 Palace—A Week at Bombay—Remarks on Missionary Work 
 in India—Thoughts about Indian Servants—Overland Journey 
 to Genoa and thi-ough Europe—Retirement from Service . 217 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Narrative continued of E. S. the Atheist—Our Pinal Meeting in 
 Calcutta—E. S. takes his Discharge—His Bright Prospects 
 Ruined by his own Polly—He Re-Enlists—His Wretched 
 Death—Remarks—Concluding Argxrmentative Remarks . . . 249 
 
GLOSSARY 
 
 OF 
 
 WORDS IN COMMON USB IN BENGAL PRESIDENCY 
 WHICH OCCUR IN THIS WORK. 
 
 Ab {pronounced aub, as Punjauh), five waters or rivers. Doab, a district 
 between two rivers. 
 
 Abac, inhabited as a town, like 
 Allahabad, the City of God. 
 
 Anna, four copper coins called pice, making a sixteenth part of a rupee. 
 Ayah, nurse. 
 
 Baba, child. 
 
 Baboo, Hindoo title equivalent to Esquire. 
 
 Bagh, garden; as Badshau Bagh, king’s garden. 
 
 Bang, an intoxicating potion. 
 
 BAWUKcnEE, cook. 
 
 Bazar, market. 
 
 Bearer, valet-de-chambre. 
 
 Regtjm, queen or princess. 
 
 Bheestie, water-carrier. 
 
 Brahmin, a man of the priestly caste worshipped by the Hindoos. 
 Budgerow, a sailing vessel on the Ganges. 
 
 Bhdmash, a vagabond of the worst description. 
 
 Buggee, a covered gig. 
 
 Bhhadhr, a high-sounding title of oriental eulogy. 
 
 Bukhsheesh, a present. 
 
 Bungalow, a house. 
 
 Chowkydar, a native servant who watches against thieves, on the princi¬ 
 pal of “ set thief to watch thief,” the chowkydar belonging to their 
 caste. 
 
 CnuPATTY, a thin cake of unleavened bread, the ordinary food of the 
 natives. 
 
 Coolie, a punkhah-puller. See under Pdnkhah. 
 
 Dawk, Indian post. Garee Dawk, a journey by coach. 
 
 Dhoby, the manservant that washes the clothes. 
 
 Feringhee, a European. But it is disrespectful to speak of an English 
 gentleman as a Feringhee. 
 
 Fdkeer, a native mendicant held in considerable esteem. 
 
 Garree, a carriage drawn by horses. 
 
 Ghazee, a devoted Mussulman who fights for the Mohamedan faith. 
 
GLOSSARY. 
 
 XV 
 
 Gurh, a fort, as Azimgurh. 
 
 Havildar, a native sergeant. 
 
 Jemadar, a native lieutenant. 
 
 Kuidmutgar, a servant who waits at table. 
 
 Kuchery, a court of justice. 
 
 Loot, plunder. 
 
 Lota, a brass drinking-vessel used by the natives. 
 
 Mater, a sweeper, who belongs to the lowest caste. 
 
 Mem Sahib, the mistress of the house. 
 
 Musjid, mosque, as the Jumma Musjid of Delhi, being to Delhi what St. 
 
 Paul’s is to London. 
 
 Naick, corporal 
 
 Nana, grandfather. A term of respect amongst the Mahratas, as Nana 
 Sahib, given to Dhoondoo Punt of infamous memory. 
 
 Nawab, a viceroy or ruler of a principality, as the Nawab of Kampore. 
 Nuddee, a river. 
 
 PooJA, idolatry. 
 
 Pore, a town, as Serampore, or literally Seri e-ram-pore, the city of the 
 illustrious Earn. 
 
 PuNKHAH, a huge fan hooked in the ceiling, which in the hot weather is 
 pulled day and night to promote a cool current of air, and to drive 
 off the mosquitoes. 
 
 Eaja, a Hindoo king, as the Eaja of Bhurtpore. 
 
 Ryot, a peasant. 
 
 Sahib, master. 
 
 Sepoy, a native soldier. 
 
 SiiAiiZADA, prince. 
 
 Sowar, trooper. 
 
 SuBADAR, a native captain. 
 
 SuL.AM, a common salutation of “ Peace be to you ! ” 
 
 Syce, a groom. 
 
 Tale, a lake, as Nynee Tall. 
 
 Talookdar or Zumeendar, a landholder. These landholders may be 
 regarded as the nobility of the coiuitry. 
 

INDIAN REMINISCENCES 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Departure from England — Life on board Ship — Practical Jokes—A Chal¬ 
 lenge to Fight a Duel — Pleasant Stay at the Cape of Good Hope — 
 Dangerous Return to Ship — Outrageous Conduct of the Captain — 
 His extraordinary Humiliation—Escape from a Shark—Touch at 
 Madras^A rrival at Calcutta — Funny Adventure at Barrackpore— 
 Taken by Steamer to Allahabad — Taken ashore at Dina])ore — Dan¬ 
 gerous Illness there — A good Samaritan-—Exchange my Regiment — 
 Serve through the Sikh Campaign, 1845-46 — Descriptions of Battles : 
 Moodkee, Ferozshah — Sir Hugh Gough — Rank Worship—Petty 
 Warfare at Watchtower — Battles of Budiwal, Aliwal, and So- 
 braon — Remarks on War — Personal Peelings — March on Lahore — 
 Submission of the Sikhs — Annexation of Jnllnndar Doab — British 
 Protectorate of the Punjaub — Stationed at Hoshiarpore — Expedition 
 to Cashmere — House broken into by Robbers — Ordered to Bareilly — 
 Visit Nynee Tall — Simla — Its Charm—Description of Mussoorie — 
 Second Sikh War—Chillianwallah — Goqferat — Sir Charles Na]iier 
 sent out — Victory of Goojerat—Annexation of the Punjaub—Koh-i- 
 Noor—Dhuleep Singh — Suppression of Duelling — March to Ber- 
 hampore — Exchange my Regiment — Reason of. 
 
 On the 2ncl or 3rd December, 1844, I left England 
 on board the ship C—y, as a cadet in the E.I.C.S. 
 My fellow-passengers were two young officers, and two 
 other young fellows, besides the ship doctor, who was 
 always ready for any kind of fun. I bad only recently 
 left school, and being totally inexperienced in the ways 
 of the world, I became their butt, so that they apjieared 
 to enjoy themselves amazingly at my expense. How, 
 had they contented themselves with merely chaffing 
 me, provoking as even that is, I might possibly have 
 borne it; but to be incessantly the object of their prac¬ 
 tical jokes; to have salt put in my wine, and on one 
 
 B 
 
INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 occasion even gunpowder inside a cigar I ventured to 
 smoke till it exploded; to have hard peas propelled 
 through a peashooter with stinging force against the 
 different features of my face; to he tied fast to the 
 ladder till they chose to release me, whenever I at¬ 
 tempted to mount aloft; to have my chair suddenly 
 withdrawn the moment I was about to sit upon it, 
 amidst laughter at my fall to the ground—all this was 
 enough to provoke to desperation one by nature hot- 
 tempered ! It will therefore be easily understood that 
 I led a dog’s life on board ship, for not only were these 
 games carried on during the day, hut even at night 
 they would not let me alone; since sometimes they 
 would come into my room when I was fast asleep and 
 rub my face over with burnt cork, so that when I awoke 
 and looked in the glass, I found myself turned into a 
 regular Christy minstrel! 
 
 At other times I would find myself in the middle of 
 the night dragged out of my bed by a cord attached to 
 my big toe ; and once, by a wicked device concocted by 
 the passengers and the Captain of the ship, they made 
 me furiously drunk. Moreover, I was barbarously treated 
 crossing the Line. At last I could not stand it any longer, 
 so in a fury, I sent them a challenge to fight a duel at 
 the first place we landed. 
 
 This instead of awing them only excited their merri¬ 
 ment. I had a pretty duU time of it on board ship, for 
 there was not much to take off my thoughts, and the 
 interest in marine sights, such as watching the enor¬ 
 mous albatrosses and other birds as they flew fearlessly by, 
 wears away after a time. It was therefore a great relief 
 when we arrived in Tebruary at the Cape of Good Hope, 
 where we remained ten days. Landing at Cape Town, I 
 put up at a hoarding-house, or a hotel, for I don’t know 
 which it would he called. This town, which is the 
 capital of Cape Colony, is situated in a valley between 
 Table and Lion Mountains. It is celebrated for its 
 sherry, which is absurdly cheap—only sixpence a quart 
 
DANGEROUS RETURN TO SHIP. 
 
 3 
 
 bottle, if I remember right. Table Mountain is an inter¬ 
 esting object to see. It is a stupendous mass of naked 
 rock, rising almost perpendicularly about 3,580 feet, and 
 when the clouds are low, they occasionally present the 
 appearance of a white cloth spread over and hanging 
 down its side. 
 
 The Cape, however, is that sort of a place, so it has 
 struck me, that one would get tired of before long; 
 though my sojourn there was very pleasant. It was not 
 too hot to go about during the day, for I frequently hired 
 a horse and rode to the lovely vineyards of Constantia, 
 distant I should think from Cape Town about ten or 
 twelve miles. I was quite charmed with the place. 
 It was indeed a very pretty sight, and thoroughly 
 enjoyable. I stayed to the very last at Cape Town. 
 Finally, late in the evening, I went to the beach and 
 hired a boat to take me on board my ship, lying about 
 three miles from the shore, and was to leave very early 
 the next morning. Having taken my seat, the boatmen 
 pulled away; they rowed first in one direction and then 
 in another, but they could not find the ship. At length 
 the head boatman worked himself into a perfect frenzy 
 at not being able to find the vessel; besides which I 
 expect he was half drunk if not worse, because at last, 
 strange as it may seem, he threatened in a rage to throw 
 me overboard. And now I must relate a very remark¬ 
 able circumstance: though I did not know at all where 
 the ship was lying, yet the thought struck me that it 
 might be in one particular direction. Acting on the 
 idea, I said to the boatman, “ Pull in that direction,” 
 adding (if I rightly remember), “ and’then if you don’t 
 
 succeed in finding the C-you may do what you 
 
 like with me.” The man obeyed, and to my inexpressi¬ 
 ble joy I arrived safely on board. Who can say but 
 that my life may not have been saved by that happy 
 suggestion ? I can’t help thinking that the merciful 
 God put this thought into my head. We took three 
 passengers on board, a Major and his wife, and Captain 
 
4 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 MacV-, who preached extempore sermons to ns on 
 
 Sundays, causing thereby a sort of religions revival, in 
 which I so far partook that I felt impressed by his earnest 
 addresses. But it is time now to narrate that which 
 wrought a great change in the feelings of the passengers 
 towards me, translbrming two of them from persecutors 
 
 into s^nnpat.hizing friends. A Mr. H- (who I 
 
 believe w^as going out as a clerk in a merchant’s office) 
 one day snatched the hat off my head and hung it up 
 near the stern for the Captain, who had a gun in his 
 hand, to aim at; the latter immediately shot it into the 
 sea. I felt excessively annoyed, as this was the only 
 hat or cap I had left, and being in a regular passion 
 I gave w-ay to a torrent of abuse directed against the 
 Captain, and at the same time snatching up his shot- 
 bag, I sent it after my hat. The skipper now in his 
 turn became furious. The first thing he did was to 
 rush at me and knock me down with a single blow, for 
 he was a very powerful man. Then in a mad fury he 
 tried to throw me down the companion ladder; but 
 with all my strength for very life I clung to the steps 
 and prevented him accomplishing his fierce purpose. 
 He then came and stamped upon me. At last, when I 
 did come down, he confined me to my cabin for a day or 
 two. Such an outrage, committed on a passenger, a 
 mere youth, aroused much compassion and sympathy. 
 Those that had teazed me without mercy before, now 
 became my comforters. I made up my mind what to do 
 when I landed, and that was to prosecute the Captain 
 for the assault and unlawful imprisonment. 
 
 My intention coming somehow or other to the ears 
 of the Captain of the ship, filled that hard-hearted man 
 with the greatest alarm, and he had good cause to feel 
 so, for had I carried out my intention, it would, I 
 should think, have ruined him. His well-grounded 
 fears led him to humiliate himself in an extraordinary 
 manner, in the hope of softening my resentment. For 
 he actually threw himself at my feet, and implored my 
 
ARRIVAL AT MADRAS AND CALCUTTA. 
 
 5 
 
 forgiveness, which I was induced to extend, by the 
 
 mediation of Captain MacV-, who urged tlie duty 
 
 of forgiveness in a Cliristian point of view. I have 
 nothing further to say of the skipper, except that he 
 once certainly saved my life. It was when there was 
 not a breath of wind, and the ship being becalmed, I 
 was undressing for a plunge into the sea, that the 
 Captain, coming up in the very nick of time, stopped 
 the rash act I was just about to commit ; and well for 
 me was it that he did so, for if he had not, a horrid 
 shark that appeared about a minute afterwards would 
 undoubtedly have satisfied the craving of its appetite 
 at my expense. We touched at ]\Iadras, as we had to 
 land there the two passengers from the Cape. I went 
 on shore to see what was to be seen; but though I 
 have been there twice, I can’t help thinking Madras a 
 dull and uninteresting place. There are, of course. 
 Fort St. George and Government House, and some 
 other handsome public buildings. But Madras is en¬ 
 tirely wanting in that animated appearance which is to 
 be seen in Calcutta and Bombay. The most exciting 
 thing there, as far as my experience goes, is the going 
 through the tremendously heavy surf in a Masoolah 
 boat. We in the Bengal Presidency are accustomed to 
 speak of Madras as the benighted presidency. Nothing 
 worth mentioning occurred during the rest of the 
 voyage. A lew days afterwards we reached the pilot 
 station at the Sandheads, then passing Saugor Island 
 we sailed up the Hoogly, to make or mar our fortunes 
 in a land where, beyond a handful of Europeans, there 
 is so little to remind one of home; still there was some¬ 
 thing very exhilarating in the idea of having done for 
 ever with school and being one’s own master, and of 
 acquiring military renown at some future time. 
 
 AVe arrived at Calcutta on the 24th of April, but I 
 lost a day’s pay by not reporting mysell at Fort 
 AVilliam till the 25th of April. As I was only a few 
 days iu^kilcutta, and don’t remember much about my 
 
6 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 short visit there at that time, I shall reserve a descrip¬ 
 tion of the metropolis of British India to that future 
 period of my narrative when I come to speak of my 
 return to the presidency five years afterwards. The 
 three principal events of my short stay there were— 
 first, the purchase of uniform, and then, as soon as it 
 was ready, which was quickly the case, the strutting 
 about in it to he saluted for the first time by the 
 soldiers. The swallow-tailed full dress coat, and that 
 article which we used to call the “ coal scuttle ” full 
 dress cap, were then in vogue. The intrinsic value of 
 these things is small; it is the workmauship that one 
 has to pay so enormously for.*' 
 
 The second incident was the kindness shown to me 
 by the banker to whom I presented my letter of credit, 
 which, such was Indian hospitality in those days, proved 
 to me a letter of recommendation. 
 
 The third occurrence was a flying visit I paid 
 to the neighbouring military station of Barrackpore, 
 where late in the evening I surprised the officers 
 of one of the regiments there by marching right into 
 their mess house whilst they were sitting down to 
 dinner, under the impression that it was an hotel. 
 However, they no doubt saw at once that I was 
 a griff, since they hospitably overlooked my ignorant 
 impertinence, gave me a good dinner, and a bed for the 
 night. After which I returned to Calcutta, and 
 took my passage by steamer for Allahabad. But 
 before reaching that place I was taken dangerously 
 ill of typhoid fever. The doctors on board took me 
 ashore on reaching Dinapore, and placed me there in an 
 unfurnished bungalow, then, having hastily hired for 
 me some servants, and having placed me under the 
 medical care of the surgeon in charge of the station, 
 they proceeded on their journey. Shall I ever forget 
 that time ? No, never, as long as life lasts. The 
 
 * My experience has been that a uniform in good condition only 
 fetches a shilling in the sovereign when disposed of. ^ 
 
DANGEROUS ILLNESS AT DINAPORE. 
 
 7 
 
 doctors on board the steamer had given it as their 
 opinion—so I subsequently learnt-—that I should not 
 outlive the twenty-four hours. It is hardly possible to 
 imagine any condition more deplorable than mine then 
 was. I, a mere stripling, who at home had been accus¬ 
 tomed to every comfort, was now, to all appearance, 
 dying of typhoid fever in an empty bungalow (the only 
 article of furniture being a borrowed bed); with no 
 loving mother or kind friend at hand to soothe my suf¬ 
 ferings, which must have been great, when it is con¬ 
 sidered that it was about the middle of May, when the 
 hot winds are at their height. And I was all alone, 
 except that I was surrounded by the stolid apathetic 
 faces of a lot of heathen servants picked ujd in a hurry, 
 who, I believe, only waited for the breath to leave my 
 body to make off with whatever they could lay their 
 hands on. But, worse than all, I felt I was not ready 
 to die—there was the weight of unpardoned sin-. This 
 was most awful! The night that followed is stamped 
 upon my memory as though branded with a red-hot 
 iron. I think, mentally and physically, I bore all that 
 the human frame is capable of bearing without actual 
 dissolution. I really felt I was dying, and seemed to 
 see earthly things passing away.. And, oh ! the awful 
 thought that oppressed me that I was not ready to 
 meet my God! I wept all night, praying incessantly 
 that God would have mercy on me and restore me to 
 health, vowing that then I would live to Him. God 
 in his infinite mercy heard my cry, or I should have 
 been eternally lost. He inclined the heart of an officer 
 in the 6()th Begiment H.I. to take compassion on me. 
 This officer acted the part of a good Samaritan, took me 
 to his own comfortable house, and procured a European 
 soldier to wait on me. This and the judicious treat¬ 
 ment of the doctor was blessed to my recovery in due 
 course of time. I have had many hair-breadth escapes 
 since, but have never been nearer inside the portals of 
 death than on this occasion. In due time I left Hina- 
 
8 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 pore* to join the regiment I had been posted to. Bnt 
 I shortly afterwards exchanged into the 59th Regiment 
 N.I., stationed at Meerut, and with this regiment I 
 served through the first Sikh campaign of 1845-46, 
 which, with its origin, must now he hriefiy related. 
 
 The cause of this war was the unmanageable turbu¬ 
 lence of the Sikh soldiers, whose military ardour was 
 directed to the invasion of British India. We were 
 now, for the first time in India, about to encounter an 
 eneni}'- possessing the personal courage of Europeans. 
 My regiment formed part of the Meerut Force, under 
 Sir John Girey, which was sent on to the frontier in hot 
 haste to meet the threatened danger. 
 
 For the first time in my life I slept one whole night 
 on the ground on this march to join the main army. 
 Our brave chief. Sir Hugh Grough, whose fingers itched 
 to at the invaders at once, engaged the enemy under 
 Fall Singh at Moodkee on the 18th December, 1845. 
 The English were victorious, and the Sikhs were driven 
 from their positions with great slaughter, and with the 
 loss of seventeen pieces of artillery. Our loss in killed 
 and wounded amounted to eight hundred and seventy- 
 two, but we lost two Grenerals, Sir John McCaskill and 
 Sir Robert Sale, who were both slain. Flushed with the 
 victory won. Sir Hugh, probably thinking with the im¬ 
 mortal Shakespeare that “ the fewer men tlie greater share 
 of honour,” attacked the enemy without waiting for the 
 reinforcements which were close at hand (’21st December, 
 1845). I was not present at this battle because my regi¬ 
 ment did not arrive on the spot till a day or two after 
 it was all over. We then heard the particulars of that 
 fearful day of carnage. How Sir Henry Hardinge had 
 Avaived his superior official rank and served under his 
 subordinate as second in command. Hoav they both on 
 
 * Nineteen years afterwards I met an officer in Calcutta who spoke to 
 me about this illness, and he told me that the deplorable way I was 
 brought into Dinapoi'e made a great impression on his miud. This 
 struck me as being such a singular incident that I immediately recorded 
 it in my diary, which I had kept up ever since my first arrival in India. 
 
AN UNEXPECTED VICTORY. 
 
 9 
 
 that day (the 21st), at the head of fifteen thousand British 
 soldiers and Sepoys with sixty-nine guns, had attacked 
 at Ferozshah an army of between fifty and sixty thou¬ 
 sand Sikhs, commanded by Ball Singh, strongly en¬ 
 trenched in the form of a parallelogram, with the village 
 in its centre, defended by upwards of one hundred guns. 
 How terrific had been the contest and how frightful the 
 slaughter ! How H.M. ()2nd Regiment, after sustaining 
 fearful losses, had been compelled to retire. That the 
 first day’s fighting had ended with gloomy prospects for 
 our small force ; since night had fallen upon the com¬ 
 batants with the Sikhs still holding a great part of their 
 position, whilst our troops, in close proximity to theirs, 
 bivouacked upon the remainder of the great quad¬ 
 rangle which they had so far succeeded in taking. That 
 our loss amounted to nearly two thousand five hundred 
 in killed and wounded. We heard also how the battle 
 had been renewed the next day, 22nd December, when 
 the Commander-in-Chief and Governor-General once 
 more formed their diminished troops in line for an 
 attack, and that then, to their inexpressible relief, the 
 English gained an almost unexpected victory. I use the 
 word unexpected advisedly; because the Sikhs had 
 every reason to expect a successful issue to the combat, 
 as they had just been reinforced by some forty thousand 
 fresh soldiers under Tej Singh, and unitedly they ought, 
 according to human calculations, to have been able to 
 crush our small array. But, wonderful to relate, they, 
 contrary to what might have been expected, retreated 
 from all their positions, leaving a great many of their 
 guns to be captured. What led them to behave in this 
 surprising manner was, so it was said, the fear that 
 we were going to attack their flank or rear. 
 
 But I attribute the retrograde movement of the Sikhs 
 to the treachery of some of their sirdars. For it seems 
 incredible that an army of brave men, who throughout 
 the first day of the battle had courageously maintained 
 nearly the whole of their position, should so unreason- 
 
10 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 ably beat a retreat just after receiving sucli an accession 
 to tlieir strengtli! It certainly was a most critical busi¬ 
 ness, for some of our Sepoys were contemplating desert¬ 
 ing to the enernj^ as I was told by one who overheard 
 their treacherous conversation. This was my first 
 sight of a battle-field, and the horrid scenes that met my 
 view made me feel very melancholy just for the time. 
 We now went after the Sikhs and encamped for about 
 four weeks within a few miles of them, whilst they were 
 fortifying themselves on our side of tlie Sutlej at 
 Sobraon, about twenty-six miles from Ferozpore. During 
 that time, I used often to see Sir Hugh Gough watching 
 the enemy from the camp watch tower, and a fine old 
 soldier he looked every inch of him. He was one of 
 the best specimens of an old gentleman that I have ever 
 beheld. Highly honoured should I have felt had he 
 condescended to have noticed a regimental Subaltern 
 like myself by asking me the time of day, or making 
 an ordinary remark about the weather. But I never 
 had the honour of a single word from the venerable 
 veteran throughout tlie whole of this time. It is 
 remarkable how rank is worshipped in the army. No 
 one besides an ensign and a lieutenant knows what a 
 great man a captain is, besides of course the captain 
 himself; and a majjor or lieutenant-colonel, especially if 
 he is in command of a regiment, is held in great admir¬ 
 ation,' awe, and respect, as though he were a king; and 
 as for the general of division, I scarcely know how to 
 describe the extraordinary respect paid in military circles 
 to such a magnate. I know this, however, that I stood 
 in such fear and awe of the general, that I felt it really 
 a painful ordeal to pay my respects to the great man. 
 I went to his residence in a state of nervous trepidation, 
 so that it was quite a joyful relief when the general’s 
 servant, as sometimes happened, uttered the word 
 “ Durwazuh-bund” (The door is closed).*' The longing 
 
 * This is tantamount to the more untruthful “Not at home,” which is 
 the current white lie in society in England. 
 
PASSING AWAY OF OLD VETERANS. ] 1 
 
 therefore to obtain those higher ranks in the military 
 profession is most intense; but, alas ! such is the unsatis¬ 
 factory nature of all earthly gratifications, that the attain¬ 
 ment of what is so ardently coveted in expectation is 
 rapidly followed, if not actually accompanied, by a blight 
 in the shape of increased cares and anxieties; together 
 with those concomitant infirmities which attend that 
 period in one’s existence called the decline of life. 
 Everything here below is evanescent; nothing can satisfy 
 the cravings of the human soul but that peace of God 
 which is the result of a living faith in Christ! 
 
 The old veteran I as a youngster so admired at our 
 watchtower on the Sutlej, is no longer living on earth. 
 Life’s fitful fever is over with him. And to my mind 
 there is scarcely anything sadder than to hear, as one is 
 continually doing, of the passing away from earth of 
 those who during my Indian service have acquired 
 great renown in that Eastern clime, and as such have 
 been the objects of my admiration. Especially does it 
 pain me so continually to hear, as time passes on, of 
 those old. officers who so distinguished tliemselves 
 during the Indian Mutiny ; those whose names at that 
 time were familiar to me as household words, as one 
 by one each in his turn succumbs to the last grim 
 enemy. In this melancholy disorganization of human 
 strength and greatness, how refreshing it is to fall back 
 upon God’s word, which assures us that, “ there re- 
 maineth therefore a rest to the people of God ” 
 (Hebrews iv. 9). It is, however, time to return from 
 this digression to the subject in hand. I shall not 
 take upon myself unnecessarily to criticize the general¬ 
 ship of our chief, but give a relation of what I believe 
 to be the facts of the matter. One strange episode 
 of our contact with the enemy was, that between our 
 camp and their position was a post that was held by 
 us during the day. At this post there was a good 
 deal of petty warfare going on. It was a sort of give- 
 and-take affair; whenever they had a chance they fired 
 
12 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 at US, and vice versa. One day I was on duty there. 
 When it was iny turn to watch the enemy, I soon learnt 
 the necessity for caution ; for no sooner did I expose 
 my head above the watchtower, than one of the enemy 
 immediately let fly thereat, sending a bullet whizzing 
 close to my skull; when, roused to action, I immediately 
 returned the compliment. The next battle was fought 
 at Budiwal, by a separate force under the command of 
 Sir Harry Smith ; who was repulsed with the loss of 
 one hundred and thirty men. But on the 28th January, 
 1846, Sir H. Smith retrieved this by the decisive victory- 
 lie gained at Aliwal, when with ten thousand men and 
 thirty-two guns he defeated Bunjoor Singh with nineteen 
 thousand men and fifty-six guns. The English loss in 
 killed, wounded, and missing, was five hundred and 
 eighty-nine men. The next blow dealt was the Waterloo 
 of the campaign. On the 9th February we learnt that we 
 were to move out to attack the enemy on the following 
 day ; and at dinner we heard that we should be in the 
 thickest of the fight. I prayed during a considerable part 
 of the night, for I well knew that, instead of keeping the 
 solemn vow I had made in my illness at .Dinapore, I 
 was living an ungodly life. My prolonged devotional 
 exercises, it is almost needless to say, were of a purely 
 selfish character. Next morning (lOth February, 1846), 
 Sir H. Gough, who had before somewhat erred as a 
 Commander from bravery caiwied to impetuosity, now, 
 in conjunction with Sir Henry Hardinge, led out a 
 splendid force of eighteen thousand British soldiers 
 and Sepoys to attack at least thirty thousand of the 
 best Sikh troops, strongly entrenched in a bend of 
 the river Sutlej, protected by formidable batteries of 
 artillery. A tremendous struggle now ensued. Sir 
 Bobert Hick, K.C.B., who commanded a regiment at 
 Waterloo, moved to the assault with his division. My 
 regiment, the 59th N.I., which formed a part thereof,^' 
 
 * Now the 8th Eegiment hT.I. It behaved so far respectably during 
 the Mutiny that it was retained in consequence. 
 
RETREAT OF THE STKHS. 
 
 13 
 
 emulated the Europeans in cool determination. But 
 so terrible a resistance was encountered, that for a brief 
 space we were checked in our advance; but at last 
 we climbed over their, breastworks. General Gilbert 
 charged the centre of the enemy’s position with his 
 division, which after being repeatedly driven back, suc¬ 
 ceeded at last in overcoming all resistance, and entering 
 the entrenchments. 
 
 The defences having been carried in every direction, 
 the Sikhs were pressed on ail sides, and under this pres¬ 
 sure they gave way. But at first they retreated in 
 good order, our brave foes disputing every inch of 
 ground, and I particularly remember the bravery of 
 one lion-hearted Sikh who, for a time scorning to 
 give way, kept on fighting till our line were within 
 about six or eight yards off‘, when I saw about five or six 
 shots aimed at him, and only then did he turn round, and 
 join the main body of the retreating army; and I hope 
 the brave fellow may have lived to fight on our side 
 twelve years afterwards. This orderly retreat, however, 
 changed its character, and became a disorderly rush to 
 cross the only bridge they had erected across the river. 
 The consequence was that, unable to sustain such a 
 great strain, the bridge broke and precipitated their 
 army into the Sutlej. Now was witnessed a dreadful 
 scene, for our artillery was brought forward, and then 
 deadly discharges were poured into this dense human 
 mass struffcjlinff in the water. It was indeed an awful 
 sight to see so many thousands of brave men perishing 
 in the cold waters of the Sutlej, and one that the angels 
 might have wept over, though there was no pity then 
 in the breasts of the victors ! Was it cruel? Perhaps 
 it was, but such is war ! Happy would it be for the 
 world at largo to recognize the fact that war is a great 
 curse, entailing such frightful misery that nothing 
 whatever can justify it, excepting it be strictly in self- 
 defence, such as resisting an invasion, as was the case 
 with us in this instance. The Sikh loss in killed, 
 
u 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES, 
 
 wounded and drowned, amounted to at least ten thou¬ 
 sand men, the greatest part of their loss being occasioned 
 by the breaking of the bridge. Our loss in this action 
 amounted to two thousand three hundred and eighty ; 
 Major-General Dick who commanded our division being 
 amongst the killed. It would be untrue were I to say that 
 throughout this fight I felt no fear when I saw men fall¬ 
 ing all around me, and when the Sikh fire against our 
 advance was so heavy, that it seemed as if balls and 
 bullets filled the air, except just that particular space 
 through which I moved. The fact is that I did not 
 then, and I have never since engaged in any hard fight 
 without having a sense of fear. But a strong sense of 
 duty and a high sense of honour have ever neutralized 
 that fear, or otherwise I should have slunk to the rear. 
 I admire those lines :— 
 
 “ The brave man is not lie who feels no fear; 
 
 For that were stupid and irrational; 
 
 But he whose noble nature dares the danger 
 Nature shrinks from.” 
 
 The excitement of battle must be experienced to be 
 understood. They are dreamers who think that a hard 
 fight like that of Sobraon at all resembles the man¬ 
 oeuvres of soldiers on parade. What then is it like? 
 Why a very hard struggle and a scene of confusion. 
 “ Every battle of the warrior,” the Prophet Isaiah tells 
 us, “ is with confused noise and garments rolled in 
 blood ” (Is. ix. 5). I myself saw sights enough to 
 curdle one’s blood, sights indelibly impressed on my 
 memory. 
 
 Though God had covered my head in the day of 
 battle, yet I forgot to return Him thanks for this great 
 mercy. The fact is, that at that time I did not care 
 to retain God in my thoughts. After the battle we 
 marched upon Lahore, the capital of the Punjaub, and 
 the campaign was ended by the submission of the 
 Sikhs. We annexed a slice of territory called the 
 
A CHARMING STATION. 
 
 V 
 
 Jiillunder Doab, and there was a British protectoi*^ 
 of the dismembered Sikh empire, of which Maharajah^^ 
 Dhuleep Sing was the recognized sovereign. 
 
 I marched with my regiment after this to Hoshiar- 
 pore, in the newly ceded district, where we had to build 
 our houses. But we had not been many months there 
 before we were ordered off, at a very short notice, to 
 form part of a column under the command of Brigadier 
 Wheeler, to put down the insurrection of Shaick 
 Emamodeen in Cashmere. I left everything I did not 
 take with me in my house, which in my absence was 
 broken open and everything of value was taken. This 
 was a serious loss, for which I received no compensation. 
 We advanced to the borders of that beautiful land 
 when Emamodeen gave in. This was in 1840. We 
 were then ordered to Bareilly, which we reached early 
 in January, 1847. 
 
 This station in the North-West Provinces,* distant 
 about eight hundred miles from Calcutta, was a desir¬ 
 able cantonment, owing to its particular healthiness 
 and to its being only a hundred miles from that lovely 
 sanatorium, Nynee Tall, with its deliciously cool and 
 remarkably equable climate; its picturesque scenery, 
 set off by the proximity of a beautiful lake, a mile long 
 and a quarter of a mile broad, nestling under the sur¬ 
 rounding majestic hills, dotted with the comfortable 
 houses of the Sahib logue; its birds of gaudy plumage, 
 such as the golden pheasant; its shooting, boating and 
 yachting. When I went from Bareilly to this delight¬ 
 ful spot, I travelled all night, by Palkee to Bampoor, 
 
 - where during the day I was hospitably entertained free 
 of all cost by the Nawab of that principality, in a com¬ 
 fortable house specially provided for travellers by that 
 open-handed native prince. Starting in the evening I 
 
 * Bareilly then abounded with wolves, which were in those days the 
 terror of the natives, whose children they preyed upon. I remember one 
 day the whole station starting off in pursuit of one of these ferocious 
 creatures that in broad daylight had taken off a native child. 
 
16 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 readied Kaleedoiiga, at the foot of the hills, the follow¬ 
 ing morning, and at once rode np to Nynee Tall, a dis¬ 
 tance of about thirteen miles. I enjoyed myself very 
 much, what with the bathing, shooting, sailing, and 
 pleasant society. Here I made the acquaintance of 
 General Eichards, who had served with the Duke of 
 Wellington at the siege of Seringapatam. I also 
 formed the friendship of Captain H. Eamsay, the 
 magistrate of Nynee Tall, now Major-General the Hon. 
 Sir Henry Eamsay, C.B., K.C.S.I., Commissioner of 
 Kumaon. I dined at his house nearly once a week, 
 and then afterwards we used to go together to the 
 house of the Eev. J. H. Budden,"'^ an Independent 
 missionary, where we spent many profitable evenings. 
 Here I renewed my acquaintance with Lieutenant 
 
 E-, who had been obliged to go to the Invalides 
 
 after the first Sikh campaign, in which his regiment had 
 been engaged. It is undesirable to mention the cause 
 of his removal from the Service, or to discuss the cur¬ 
 rent rumours of the time on the unpleasant affair. 
 
 This visit of mine to Nynee Tall was in 1849. Poor 
 
 E- was afterwards drowned in the lake through 
 
 being capsized in his boat in a sudden squall of wind. 
 But the jaded civilian or the languid military officer 
 requiring a change, either for the good of his health or 
 for recreation, was not restricted in his choice to Nynee 
 Tall, since he might go on a little farther to the well- 
 known and charming hill station of Mussoorie, which, 
 except that it has no lake, is an embodiment of all that 
 is beautiful in verdant mountain scenery. Here may 
 be gathered rhododendrons, orange-flowers, honey¬ 
 suckles, maidenhair ferns, violets, clematis, and also 
 passion-flowers, and in its vicinity there is a fine water¬ 
 fall, called the Batta Falls. A good rider may enjoy 
 
 * I perceive from the last report of the London Missionary Society, 
 dated May 1, 1879, that this gentleman, who has been a missionary for 
 thirty-eight years, is still at the hill station of Almora, which is near 
 Nynee Tall. 
 
SIMLA A GAY SANATORIUM. 
 
 17 
 
 himself mightily here ; so may a lover of pic-nics, and 
 so may a lady unable to ride by buying a palkee, called 
 here a janpan, for about thirty shillings, and hiring 
 bearers to carry her about. At all events I know that 
 years afterwards I spent a very enjoyable six months 
 here. A little farther to the north there was another 
 hill station, more resorted to than any other, which 
 was quite an accessible sanatorium to Bareilly; this 
 was Simla. To this spot would flock all seekers of 
 appointments. For an offlcer aspiring to get a civil or 
 military appointment, who desired to go to some place 
 where, by currying favour with the great, he might 
 create an influence for himself sufficient to secure that 
 object, would select Simla, which was, and is, pre¬ 
 eminently the most fashionable sanatorium in India. 
 Here the place-hunter would stick during the whole 
 period of his leave,* taking every opportunity to in¬ 
 gratiate himself with all who could do him a good turn, 
 as it is to Simla that the Governor-General, Commander- 
 in-Chief, and other magnates annually take their flight 
 to escape the scorching heats of the plains. These 
 great personages draw after them a host of minor 
 swells, too numerous to particularize. Simla,f then, for 
 six months, becomes the head-quarters of the civil and 
 military government of India, and for that time endless 
 festivities and gaieties and frivolities are the order of 
 the day. 
 
 Simla has no lake, but the scenery is fine and im¬ 
 posing. These places are now easily reached by rail. 
 The traveller to Simla gets out of the train at Umballa, 
 and goes by Dawk Garee (coach) to Kalka, at the foot 
 of the hills, which he would reach in four hours, pro¬ 
 vided he has good horses, and if, with the aid of an 
 accompanying elephant, he manages safely to pass a 
 
 * Limited to six months on private affairs, from 15th April to 15th 
 October. 
 
 t Simla is 1,112 miles from Calcutta, and nearly the same distance 
 from Bombay. 
 
 (.• 
 
18 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 certain rapid torrent in tlie way that sometimes turns 
 the coach rigdit over. The traveller would then ascend 
 the hill, and if he left Umhalla early in the morning, 
 he would, late in the same day, reach Kussowlie, the 
 convalescent depot. Then he has only to get to rest 
 at the hotel during the night, provided he has pru¬ 
 dently secured a room by writing beforehand to the 
 manager. After which, if he does not wish to pay a 
 visit to the Lawrence Orphanage in the vicinity (estab¬ 
 lished for the benefit of the children of deceased 
 European soldiers), he would after breakfast proceed 
 on his way, sleep for the night at the rest bungalow, 
 and leave early the next morning for Simla, which he 
 would reach the same day. 
 
 The journey would of course be done much quicker 
 by riding. The road from Kussowlie to Simla is very 
 narrow, with precipices underneath and overhanging 
 high rocks almost detached in some places, and threaten¬ 
 ing to fall down and crush one. The traveller to 
 Mussoorie would get out of the train at Suharanpore, 
 whence he would travel all night by the Omnibus or 
 Dawk Garee to Kajpore, at the foot of the hills, which 
 he would reach in between ten and eleven hours. Hav¬ 
 ing breakfasted at Bajpore, he would ascend the hill in a 
 janpan borne by bearers, who would convey him to Mus¬ 
 soorie in between two and three hours. There is a fine 
 club and some very good hotels here, besides hoarding- 
 houses, so that the traveller ought to have no difficulty 
 in suiting himself. But it is time to return to the sub¬ 
 ject in hand from this long digression. The second year 
 of my residence at Bareilly (1848) was one of great 
 excitement to us in the North-West Provinces, in conse¬ 
 quence of the breaking out of the second Sikh War, which 
 was begun by the murder at Mooltan of two British 
 officers, Mr. Vans Agnew, a civilian, and Lieutenant 
 Anderson, who were both foully murdered by the insur¬ 
 gents at the beginning of the hot season of that year. 
 
 The outbreak, which was headed by Dewan Moolraj, 
 
BATTLE OF CHILLIANWALLAH. 
 
 19 
 
 spread rapidly, as most of the old Sikh soldiers eventu¬ 
 ally joined in this last struggle for the independence of 
 their country, Major-General Whish, who was sent 
 with an army of eight thousand men and a siege train 
 against Mooltan, was forced to raise the siege of that 
 city, in consequence of the defection of Eajah Shere 
 Singh, who with his Sikh army went over to the enemy 
 (14th September, 1848). This was followed by the 
 revolt next month of eight thousand Sikh troops garri¬ 
 soning Peshawur. This northern insurrection was led 
 by Chuthur Singh, who formed an alliance with Dost 
 Mahomed, the ruler of Afghanistan, whom he engaged 
 to join with him in a joint crusade against us by the 
 offer to the Ameer of Peshawur. 
 
 Lord Gough took the field in November, and for a 
 time it seemed very doubtful which side would be vic¬ 
 torious. The first engagement at Ramnuggur, on the 
 22nd November, 1848, was an indecisive one. Ten days 
 afterwards occurred the indecisive action of Sadoolapore. 
 These unsatisfactory actions were succeeded by the san¬ 
 guinary battle of Chillianwallah on the 13th January, 
 1849, when Lord Gough attacked Shere Singh strongly 
 posted there with about forty thousand soldiers and sixty 
 guns. This also was an indecisive battle if not worse, 
 for the Sikhs captured four of our guns and H.M. 14th 
 Dragoons galloped to the rear instead of to the front. 
 
 Our loss was very severe. H.M. 24th Eegiment 
 lost twenty-three officers and over four hundred and 
 fifty-nine men in killed and wounded, and our total 
 loss amounted to nearly two thousand three hundred 
 in killed and wounded. The news of the battle of 
 Chillianwallah created quite a panic in England, and the 
 story goes that the Iron Duke, meeting Sir C. Napier, 
 said to him in his laconic manner, “ Either you or I 
 must go out to India.” The victor of Waterloo was, 
 however, spared a second trip to India, as Napier, who 
 in military genius was second only to Wellington, con¬ 
 sented to go out as Commander-in-Chief, But he arrived 
 
 c 2 
 
20 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 in India too late to influence tlie fortune of tlie cam¬ 
 paign, which was concluded before his arrival. 
 
 Happily for the English under Grough, about this 
 time the force under General Whish was free to march 
 to their aid ; because the town of Mooltan having been 
 stormed on the 2nd January, Dewan Moolraj had sur¬ 
 rendered the citadel on the 21st January, 1849. (Our 
 loss in killed and wounded, during the four weeks’ 
 siege, being eleven hundred and twenty.) Being joined 
 by General Whish, Lord Gough’s army amounted to 
 twenty-five thousand men, and a hundred guns. With 
 this force, the Commander-in-Chief attacked and ob¬ 
 tained a complete and decisive victory over Bajah Shere 
 Singh and sixty thousand meu, with fifty-nine guns, 
 at Goojerat on the 21st February, 1849, with the com¬ 
 paratively small loss on our side of seven hundred and 
 seventy-four men in killed and wounded. The remnant 
 of the Sikh army, with Shere Singh their general, sur¬ 
 rendered three weeks after to Sir W. Gilbert, command¬ 
 ing the pursuing column, and soon afterwards the 
 Punjaub was annexed to British India by Lord Dal- 
 housie (29th March, 1849). By the treaty entered into 
 with the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, the British Govern¬ 
 ment bound themselves to pay a pension of not less 
 than four lakhs of rupees,* and Dhuleep Singh re¬ 
 nounced for ever all right to the sovereignty of the 
 Punjaub, and surrendered to the Queen that magni¬ 
 ficent jewel known as the “ Koh-i-Noor” (or mountain 
 of light). This was a happy change for Dhuleep Singh, 
 Avho was now, in his twelfth year, the ward of the 
 Governor-General. It is unnecessary to say more ot 
 the Maharajah, than that he subsequently embraced 
 Christianity, and settled down into the life of an 
 English nobleman.t But though Napier arrived in 
 
 * Forty thousand pounds, reckoning the rupee at two shillings. 
 
 t Maharajah Dhuleep Singh is a frequent visitor at Court. And, 
 strange to say, his mother, the widow of the renowned Runjeet Singh, 
 after a series of strange and romantic vicissitudes, found a resting-place 
 at last in England, where she died in 1863. 
 
SUPPRESSION OP DUELLING. 
 
 21 
 
 India too late to take any sliare in the campaign, he 
 came in time to do two things that entitle him to the 
 praise of all good men. This was, that he did his 
 utmost to put down the vice of gambling, and the 
 abominable practice of duelling, by the most stringent 
 measures. He also afforded amusement to Anglo- 
 Indian Society by the most racy orders that were ever 
 issued by any Commander-in-Chief. We marched to 
 Berhampore in the cold season of 1849-50. On reach¬ 
 ing which I applied for an exchange into the 42nd 
 Begiment N.I. I did this on account of personal 
 violence that had been offered to me on the line of 
 march, for which I had been unable to procure any 
 redress. I had been struck in the dark when my back 
 was turned, and I could not accuse any one in particular, 
 since I did not know who the offender was. All I 
 could say was this, that I went up to a party of young 
 officers and remonstrated with them for pelting me out 
 of my tent, and ending by saying, “ I know why you 
 treat me in this manner, it is because you think me 
 religious.” I then turned round and walked away, when 
 as my back was turned some one struck me on the head 
 with a large piece of burning wood. Under such 
 trying circumstances, since I could not obtain a Court 
 of Inquiry, I felt it necessary to change my regiment. 
 This brought me to Barrackpore, where I became inti¬ 
 mate with the Baptist missionaries across the river at 
 Serarapore. But though I shall not here enlarge upon 
 missionary work, yet I propose to give the next chapter 
 to the discussion of a kindred subject. 
 
CIIAPTEE II. 
 
 Suggestiveness of the Truth of the Bible in Things that may be seen in 
 India—General Remarks on the Folly of Infidelity as contrasted 
 with Christianity—Objections regarding the apparent Discrepancies 
 of the Bible answered—Reply to the Cavils of Scientific Men—The 
 Objections of Infidels cannot stand the Test of a thorough Examina¬ 
 tion—Actual Experience the most convincing Evidence of the Truth 
 of the Bible—Meeting with the Subject of this Sketch, E. S., at 
 Bareilly — Want of Christian Society at Bareilly — Next-door 
 Neighbour with E. S. at Barrackpore—Description of Barrackpore, 
 and the wretched State of Locomotion in India at this Period— 
 Sketch of Calcutta, and its accessible Health Resort, Darjeeling— 
 
 Ensign S-engaged to be Married—The Engagement broken off 
 
 —His Downward Career—Fires into my Room—Tried by a Court- 
 martial—His NaiTow Escape—Does not profit by the Warning— 
 Leaves Barrackpore—Scene presented in his vacant Bungalow— 
 Again tried by a Court-martial and Dismissed the Service—Enlists 
 as a Private Soldier. 
 
 During my tliirty years’ Indian service I have fre¬ 
 quently met in India with English ofl&cers holding 
 infidel opinions. Perhaps this is nothing very strange; 
 hut regarded in one particular aspect it should excite 
 some degree of surprise. For, despite the dark pall of 
 heathenism that overspreads that unhappy land like a 
 hideous nightmare, there is yet much which any one 
 with his eyes open may see around him, that tends to 
 foster the belief in the truth of the Bible; such, for 
 instance, as various habits, customs, modes of expression, 
 and the manner of living observed by the natives, 
 which correspond with, and recall to the mind so many 
 familiar things we read of in the sacred volume. 
 These are too numerous to particularize. One, from its 
 apparent irrationality to those unacquainted with Orien¬ 
 tal customs, we are tempted to mention. It is taken 
 from the 10th verse of Deuteronomy xi., which speaks 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS OF BIBLE TRUTHS. 23 
 
 of watering the ground with the foot. The sceptical 
 critic might exclaim, what an absurd idea ! Yet this is 
 what may now be seen in India. I have myself seen 
 the gardener watering the garden as he went along, 
 here and there, by opening divers tiny embankments 
 holding water, with his supple feet, and thereby setting 
 free the fertilizing liquid to irrigate the garden in such 
 parts as required it. Then what must any observant 
 Englishman think, when he thoughtfully reflects upon 
 the strikingly degraded moral condition of a naturally 
 fine and intelligent race of people (for degraded they 
 are and must be so long as all the respectable classes 
 debase their own wives, mothers and daughters, by con¬ 
 demning them, from feelings of nasty jealousy, to a 
 perpetual imprisonment in the Zenana) and when he 
 further thinks of a country nineteen hundred miles in 
 length and sixteen hundred miles in breadth, with a 
 population of two hundred million Mussulmen and 
 idolaters being held in subjection by the inhabitants of 
 a Christian and very distant and comparatively small 
 island; and when he still further considers, that the 
 ancestors of these conquered Hindoos were years ago 
 far in advance of their conquerors in civilization ! ! 
 I repeat the question, what must he think ? Can he 
 help arriving at the conviction, if he pursues these 
 reflections to their legitimate issue, that, in illustration 
 of the text (Prov. xiv. 34), “ Kighteousness exalteth 
 a nation.” England owes her elevation in the scale of 
 nations to her pre-eminence as a Protestant country, 
 that has done far more in the way of the translation 
 and dissemination of the Bible, and the evangelization 
 of the world than any other country in Europe; and 
 that, on the other hand, it is idolatry (the same sin that 
 brought such signal judgments upon the Jews of old) 
 to which must be ascribed the present position of the 
 
 * The light in which the women of India are regarded by their lords 
 and masters, is best expressed by the Hindoo saying, “ If j'our house is 
 on fire save yourself first, then your cow, and afterwards your wife.” 
 
34 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Hindoos as a conquered race. For consider how totally 
 unprecedented in the whole history of the world, is 
 the fact of thirty millions of people holding in sub¬ 
 jection two hundred millions of inhabitants of such a 
 vast and distant country as India ! In the next place, 
 if he has the curiosity to inquire why the Mussulmen, 
 who form about a quarter of the population of British 
 India, reject Christianity, though they profess to believe 
 in the Old and New Testaments, he will be told, as I 
 have been, that the Bible we have in our possession is a 
 corruption of the original, all the copies of which were 
 destroyed by a wicked king a great many centuries 
 ago. If after hearing this from his Moonshee he will 
 next inquire of the Jews (and there are many of this 
 scattered race in some parts of India), he will find 
 that our Old Testament corresponds exactly with that 
 possessed by the Jew, which is conclusive as to the 
 genuineness of our version, as it is impossible to con¬ 
 ceive of any collusion between the Christian and the 
 Jew. Lastly, how can he account for the progress of 
 Christianity in India except by admitting the pre¬ 
 eminent power of the Oospel, which induces the Hindoo 
 of high caste voluntarily to submit to what is regarded 
 by his countrymen as the greatest possible disgrace, 
 viz., loss of caste, incurring thereby in some instances 
 very considerable risk of being murdered by his in¬ 
 censed relations, as well as losing his means of liveli¬ 
 hood, and not unfrequently suffering, too, the loss of his 
 wife, who would not for the world take a meal with her 
 outcast husband ! But it may be objected, are all the 
 conversions genuine? Now, though I am by no means 
 prepared absolutely to affirm this, yet I know, and so 
 might others know, if they cared to investigate the 
 matter, that many are really genuine cases of hearts 
 changed by the wonder-working Hrace of Cfod. I have 
 known myself some native Christians that would do 
 honour to any ccmmunit}^, and I have no desire to 
 say anything but what is strictly true in the matter. 
 
A SINGULAR CHARACTER. 
 
 25 
 
 Therefore, with so many things visible in India that 
 seem like the impresses of things recorded in the Bible, 
 and with so mucli to be learnt in that Eastern country in 
 evidence of the truth of that Holy Book, it does appear 
 strange in this point of view that there should be found 
 educated gentlemen who, overlooking all this, are so 
 blinded by prejudice as to regard the divine revelation 
 contained in the Holy Scriptures as no better than an 
 idle tale. We propose in these reminiscences to give 
 a sketch of a very singular character, whom I knew as 
 an officer, and whom I met afterwards as a private 
 soldier, whose mysterious death, occurring under strong 
 suspicions of foul play, formed the subject of a police 
 investigation some years ago (as was stated in the news¬ 
 papers of the time). My purpose is to endeavour to 
 illustrate by the strange incidents of his life (showing 
 such an amazing })erversion of natural abilities) the 
 truth of the Scripture which saith, “The fool hath said 
 ,in his heart. There is no God” (Psalm liii. 1). For, 
 with his capabilities, which were of a very fair standard, 
 the subject of these memoirs might, but for the blight¬ 
 ing effects and influence of unbelief, have been at the 
 present time a colonel commanding a regiment, instead 
 of having passed the prime of his life as a private 
 soldier. At the same time, I may observe that it is not 
 my intention to waste my time or that of my reader 
 l)y raking out of the mire the venomous arguments of 
 infidelity and atheism ; venomous of a truth they are, 
 since they are fully bent on the destruction of every¬ 
 thing virtuous and holy ; in short, of every thing worth 
 living and dying for ; whilst it may first be observed 
 that these oft-refuted systems of unbelief are so utterly 
 malignant, that tliey supply nothing in return for what 
 they would take away—neither guidance, inducement, 
 or influence to leading a virtuous and useful life ; whilst 
 they afibrd no support or solace to bear the sorrows and 
 ills of life, and give positively nothing whatever to 
 satisfy the cravings of the human heart after a life of 
 
26 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 happiness beyond the grave ; for the atheist’s hopes 
 and fears are confined to this life, as after death anni¬ 
 hilation is his expected heaven. What a contrast does 
 this present to the blissful immortality which is the 
 certain and assured inheritance of the lowliest believer 
 in Jesus ! The Christian’s hopes are based on the perfect 
 atonement of the Lord Jesus Christ, the great sin-bearer, 
 who is the theme of the Divine revelation contained in 
 the Holy Scriptures. These hopes are charmingly ex¬ 
 pressed in the following beautiful lines to be found in 
 the 1st and 3rd verses of Bonar’s hymn : 
 
 1. I lay my sins on Jesus, 
 
 The spotless Lamb of God, 
 
 He bears them all and frees us 
 From the accursed load. 
 
 I bring my guilt to Jesus, 
 
 To wash my crimson stains 
 White in His blood most precious, 
 
 Till not a spot remains. 
 
 3. I rest my soul on Jesus, 
 
 This weary soul of mine; 
 
 His right hand me embraces, 
 
 I on His breast recline. 
 
 I love the name of Jesus, 
 
 Emmanuel, Christ the Lord; 
 
 Like fragrance on the breezes 
 His name abroad is poured. 
 
 There are some things hard to be understood in the 
 Bible, some apparent discrepancies which theologians 
 in one or two instances may not have satisfactorily 
 accounted for, owing to the finiteness of the human 
 understanding and to the want of the undiscovered clue 
 requisite to guide us out of the difficulty. But of this 
 we may be quite certain, that it is impossible for the 
 Divine Author of the inspired volume to make a mis¬ 
 take, Nothing can be truer than this. Therefore we 
 must not think of relinquishing our belief in the Bible, 
 or even of treating the sacred Book with a less degree 
 of veneration, because of some difficulties contained 
 therein. In illustration of the principle here laid down, 
 I give the following anecdote, extracted from Canon 
 
SCIENTIFIC CAVILS ANSWERED. 
 
 27 
 
 Ryle’s writings :—“ Persons who are conversant with 
 Astronomy, know that before the discovery of the 
 planet Neptune there were difficulties which greatly 
 troubled the most scientific astronomers respecting 
 certain aberrations of the planet Uranus. These aber¬ 
 rations puzzled the minds of astronomers; and some of 
 them suggested that they might possibly prove the 
 whole Newtonian system to be untrue. But just at 
 that time a well-known French astronomer, named 
 Leverrier, read before the Academy of Sciences at Paris 
 a paper, in which he laid down this great axiom,—that 
 it did not become a scientific man to give up a principle 
 because of difficulties which apparently could not be 
 explained. He said in effect, ‘ We cannot explain 
 the aberrations of Uranus now; but we may he sure 
 that the Newtonian system will be" proved to be right, 
 sooner or later. Something may be discovered one 
 day which will prove that these aberrations may he 
 accounted for, and yet the Newtonian system remains 
 true and unshaken.’ A few years after, the anxious 
 eyes of astronomers discovered the last great planet 
 Neptune. This planet was shown to he the true cause of 
 all the aberrations of Uranus. And what the French 
 astronomer had laid down as a principle in science was 
 proved to be wise and true.” The application of this 
 anecdote is too obvious to require being stated. Our 
 views of things are very restricted, for consider how 
 many things there are in the world of Nature that lie 
 right before us that are incomprehensible, and yet which 
 no one thinks of cavilling about. To give one or two 
 simple illustrations : who can explain the process of 
 the growth of the bones of a child before its birth, or the 
 transformation of an acorn into the mighty oak, or of 
 food into flesh and blood ? or wlio can comprehend the 
 idea of unlimited space, or fathom the inscrutable mys¬ 
 tery of an eternity without a beginning or end ? or who 
 can comprehend what an infinitesimal atom of matter 
 is? We may of course conceive of its infinite division. 
 
28 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 but still, every particle must have a top and bottom ! 
 AVe are in fact surrounded with mysteries in the air we 
 breathe, with its varied and wonderful phenomena, its 
 developments of stormy wind and tempest, thunder and 
 lightning, audits strange freaks of fickleness; for, as the 
 Scripture tells us, God thundereth marvellously and 
 doeth great things which we cannot comprehend (Job 
 XXXvi. 5). Then who can understand the secret and 
 wonderful jiower by which birds fly through the air ? 
 Knowing all these things to be beyond our comprehen¬ 
 sion, is it surprising if there are some things in a Divine 
 Revelation that are imperfectly understood and are yet 
 rightly believed in? What mad folly, therefore, for 
 trifles light as air to reject such a treasure as the Holy 
 Bible, the sufficiency of which is so beautifully expressed 
 by the sorely tried Miss Anne Steele in the follow¬ 
 ing lines: 
 
 “ Here may the wretched sons of want 
 Exhaustlees riches find; 
 
 Riches above what earth can grant, 
 
 And lasting as the mind.” 
 
 AVitli regard to the cavils of scientiffc men, our reply 
 is that we admit what science really teaches, but not 
 what it suits them to say it teaches. The so-called 
 scientific facts of yesterday are proved false by the dis¬ 
 coveries of to-day, and those of to-day may, in the same 
 way, be refuted by future discoveries. Give us proved 
 scientific facts, and we will accept them ; for we deny 
 that science contradicts Scripture. The God of revela¬ 
 tion is the God of nature. He cannot contradict himself. 
 The fact is that many men are too ready to accept 
 theories as facts in their eagerness to prove the Scriptures 
 untrue. It is quite absurd for sceptics to speak of the 
 credulity of simple believers in a Divine Revelation; 
 since they themselves are just as credulous concerning 
 their particular crotchets (such for instance as the pre¬ 
 posterous Darwinian theory) as those Hindoos who 
 gravely assured me that the tigers, which formerly 
 
EVIDENCE OF BIBLE INSBIRATION. 
 
 29 
 
 abounded at the place I was staying at, would invariably 
 stop in mid career of tlieir pursuit of the sacred Brah¬ 
 min on discerning his holy smell, and turn away, like 
 Cowper’s nightingale, “to find a supper somewhere else.” 
 Moreover, the objections of infidels, however specious, 
 clever and plausible, cannot stand the test of a searching 
 examination;* but are just like the imaginary figures 
 timid children fancy they see in the dark, which illusion 
 is dispelled by the introduction of a light. Nothing is 
 easier than to cavil at and raise objections to almost any 
 theory that may be propounded by the wisest of men. A 
 child, as every one knows, may ask a question which the 
 greatest philosopher cannot answer. Well would it be 
 for those who have imbibed sceptical opinions, if they 
 would only test their vaunted speculations with the same 
 scrutiny as that which has led them to reject the Bible ! 
 
 Surely this is but reasonable; for if we Christians 
 are mistaken, then after all we shall not be worse than 
 the infidel; but if, on the other hand, we are not mis¬ 
 taken, what an inexpressibly woful and altogether irre¬ 
 trievable mistake will he have made ! Further, it would 
 be well for the sceptic who prides himself on his learning 
 to remember that the greatest minds have reverently 
 received the Bible as a Divine revelation. Two great 
 poets compare the inspiration of the Bible to the sun. 
 Cowper says: 
 
 “ A glory gilds the sacred page, 
 
 Majestic, like the sun; 
 
 It gives a light to every age — 
 
 It gives, hut borrows none.” 
 
 Watts’s comparison is in the following strain : 
 
 “ ’Tis like the sun, a heavenly light 
 That guides us all the day; 
 
 And through the dangers of the night, 
 
 A Lamp to lead our way.” 
 
 * Many years ago, when stationed with my regiment at Chinsurah, I 
 was once considerably staggered when, for the first time, I heard ail the 
 principal arguments that are adduced against the Bible, but this only 
 lasted till I was furnished with the right solution of the difficulty, and 
 then I saw that all these sceptical objections were mere sophisms. 
 
30 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 The most convincing evidence of the divine origin 
 of the Bible to the believer is that derived from actual 
 personal experience of its truth. But the sceptic 
 naturally objects to all proofs of this sort, because it 
 is quite outside his experience, and beyond his com¬ 
 prehension. The Persian poet Sadi well observes: 
 “ It is not the sun’s fault that the blind cannot see 
 and Spm’geon hits off the same truism in the following 
 proverb of his ; “ Light is good, but sore eyes do not 
 like it.” The great truths of the Bible, to be rightly 
 appreciated, must be believed in, just as food must be 
 partaken of before nourishment can be conveyed to the 
 body. Believers in all ages can heartily assent to what 
 Joshua said to the Israelites: “Ye know in all your 
 hearts and in all your souls, that not one thing hath 
 failed of all the good things which the Lord your 
 God spake concerning you; all are come to pass, and 
 nothing hath failed thereof” (Joshua, xxiii. 14). The 
 accomplished physician. Dr. William Gordon, who had 
 found in Christ a happiness he did not think existed 
 this side the grave, often made use of the following 
 expression: “ If I had no other evidence of the truth 
 of Christianity than my own case, it would be sufficient, 
 if all the world were unchristian.” 
 
 Hoping the reader will not be tired by the length of 
 these general remarks, I shall proceed now with my 
 promised sketch of one who denied both the authority 
 of the Bible, and the existence of any Supreme Being; 
 whose awful profanity in one particular instance is too 
 shocking to be even mentioned. The incidents about 
 to be related are facts. I have recorded nothing but 
 what I either know myself to be true or have good 
 reason to believe to be so. Indeed, I might have added 
 more, but as I did not distinctly remember it, I have 
 thought best to omit the matter. 
 
 E. S. was two or three years junior tome as Ensign. 
 His father was a Surgeon in an English Cavalry Eegi- 
 ment, his grandfather was a Presidency Chaplain, and 
 
WANT OF CHRISTIAN SOCIETY. 
 
 31 
 
 he had one uncle a Colonel, and another a Chaplain, 
 who both lost their lives in the Sepoy Mutiny. I first 
 saw him in 1848, at Bareilly, where we were both sta¬ 
 tioned. I do not remember anything very distinctly 
 about him at that time ; and indeed had no inclination 
 to form any acquaintances of his sort, as I was at that 
 time under serious convictions of my lost state as a 
 sinner, and was in too great anxiety about the salva¬ 
 tion of my soul to do anything but look out for some 
 one who could sympathize with my religious aspira¬ 
 tions, but I could not meet with one. Now I would 
 not advise others similarly circumstanced to imitate 
 me in the course I thought proper to adopt. I had 
 to make up my mind as to whether I would have 
 worldly society or none at all. This was a serious 
 matter for consideration. But from the fear I enter¬ 
 tained that I should be led astray by mixing with 
 worldly people, as had been the case about three years 
 before, when I had been under religious impressions, 
 I therefore determined to shun society, and live a sort 
 of hermit’s life, as far as it was actually possible for a 
 regimental subaltern to do so. It was not very long 
 before I felt the ill effects of this, and despite my efforts 
 to obtain relief by studying the native languages, 
 going out shooting, and endeavouring to make a convert 
 of my bearer, and some others, I found that the soli¬ 
 tary mode of living affected my health by making me 
 nervous, and I suffered several months from religious 
 melancholy, nor did I obtain peace till some time after 
 I left the station. Now were it possible, if I may use 
 the expression, for me to live over that period again, I 
 should act differently. For solitude in a country like 
 India has its peculiar temptations, which need as much 
 grace to resist as the seducements of worldly company; 
 therefore, and on account of its injurious influence on 
 the health, I should prefer even worldly society to 
 a solitary existence. But . I would decidedly absent 
 myself from balls, amateur theatricals, and races. I 
 
82 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 would not stay long at mess after dinner, and would 
 on no account play billiards for even the most trifling 
 stake. And though I might not feel myself justified 
 in censuring a senior officer at the mess table, yet I 
 would endeavour by a grave countenance to rebuke sin 
 gloried in, and pray for grace to have courage to speak 
 a word in season. 
 
 Though I did not form the acquaintance of Ensign 
 
 S-at this period, I may cursorily remark that he was 
 
 a man of remarkably fine physique; he possessed such 
 great bodily strength that he could hold an ordinary¬ 
 sized man out at arm’s length. He was what is termed 
 a griff, when I first saw him at Bareilly. It may 
 here be mentioned that a young officer in those days 
 used to be considered a griff for a whole year, during 
 which time he had often to submit to a good deal of 
 chaffing, and in some instances of practical joking, 
 Avhich in some cases was carried to an iniquitous 
 extent.* 
 
 I next met S-at Barrackpore, where I was 
 
 stationed from 1850 to the end of 1852. Here we were 
 next-door neighbours, our houses being close to each 
 other. And now, having found peace of soul, through 
 believing in Jesus as my Saviour, I had no objection 
 to forming an acquaintance with him, till at last we 
 
 * As in my own case, for example, one of these practical jokes 
 played on me during my griffinage nearly cost me my life. A thoughtless 
 joker one day came up to me and offered me his horse to ride. I objected, 
 
 saying that I could not ride well. “ Nonsense,” said Captain W-, 
 
 who wanted to have a little fun, “the horse is as quiet as a lamb.” 
 Assured by this, I essayed to mount the horse, but to my horror I had 
 scarcely got on the animal, which was really a most vicious brute, than 
 it bolted at full speed towards the low-roofed stables. I stretched out my 
 hand to save my head from being dashed to pieces, but a kind Providence 
 here intervened and saved my life, so that I was only knocked flat on 
 the horse’s back without any serious injury. Sometimes the practical 
 joking was of a very provoking character, as when I was lying ill at the 
 mess-house of my regiment at Meerut. Some of the officers, merry with 
 wine after dinner, amused themselves by shying empty bottles against 
 my door. The practical joking that was practised on me during my 
 year’s probation has left such an impression on my mind that will never, 
 I think, be obliterated. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF BARRACKPORE. 
 
 33 
 
 were on as friendly terms as it was possible for two per¬ 
 sons of such opposite dispositions to be. 
 
 A friend of his, Lt. H——, an officer of my regiment, 
 employed his leisure time in the kind office of trying to 
 make a better man of him, which had a great deal to 
 do with my going there as often as I did. However, 
 all the kind offices of this friend were in vain; because 
 E. S. was his own enemy, and events soon showed 
 that there was no doing anything for him. We lived 
 at the farthest end of cantonments. At this time Bar- 
 rackpore was a large military station, and one on the 
 whole much to he desired on account of its pleasant 
 Park and Zoological Gardens, and its proximity to 
 Calcutta, not merely the metropolis of India, but then 
 the general port of embarkation for all residents in the 
 Bengal Presidency ; as there was then ho railway, as is 
 the case now, to take one all the way to Bombay. The 
 first short line from Calcutta to Hooghly was not then 
 open. When w'e wanted to go to Calcutta, which was 
 often the case, we either went by boat, which, tide being 
 favourable, could be accomplished in two hours (a dis¬ 
 tance of fifteen miles), or else in a carriage by land, 
 which was the pleasantest; or with a fast horse one could 
 easily enough ride the whole way. I have mounted 
 outside the Park, and ridden all the way to Ball Bazaar 
 (Calcutta), a distance of fourteen miles, in one hour. But 
 of course no one would think of doing such a thing now 
 that Calcutta is made accessible by railways. Perhaps 
 a short account here of the wretched state of locomotion 
 that then existed in India will not prove unacceptable 
 to the general reader. The three modes of transit in 
 vogue at this period were the following, viz.; 1, Palkee 
 Hawk, whereby the traveller was conveyed in a Palkee,* 
 on the shoulders of palkee bearers, who carry him a 
 certain distance to the tune of a monotonous "runtino- 
 
 * The Palkee resembles a bright-looking coffin with windows, folding- 
 doors and a long pole at each end, in which the occupant can but just 
 manage to sit upright. 
 
 1 ) 
 
84 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 sort of chant, which has seemed to my imaginative ears 
 to he very like “Oh ! Mrs. Norton, oh ! oh ! Mrs. Norton, 
 oh ! Mrs. Norton ! ” But this could not be ; my imagi¬ 
 nation must have played me false, as the polite black 
 skins would not think of speaking of such an indi¬ 
 vidual otherwise than as Norton Sahib kee Mem Sahib. 
 There are relays of these sturdy fellows posted all along 
 the way at certain distances to the journey’s end; all 
 which has to he arranged beforehand by the person 
 who lays the Dawk. Except in cases of great emer¬ 
 gency, or in a few particular places where wild beasts 
 abound so much as to render it necessary to go by day, 
 the journey by Palkee Dawk during the hot weather 
 was invariably made by night, and during the compara¬ 
 tively cooler hours of the morning and evening ; for if 
 the traveller rashly ventured to do otherwise it was at 
 the risk of his life. I ran this risk once myself travel¬ 
 ling all day in the month of May, when I nearly paid 
 the penalty of my temerity; for though I never faint 
 under any circumstances, yet on this occasion I fell into 
 a senseless state and remained so for about half an hour 
 or more before I recovered consciousness. Avoiding 
 travelling during the heat of the day, the distance 
 accomplished would be fifty or sixty miles, provided you 
 have a generally tidy lot who do not waste their time 
 by squatting whilst they smoke their hubble-bubbles. 
 The principal inconvenience of travelling by Palkee was 
 the being awakened half a dozen times during the night 
 by the clamorous cries of Bukshesh from the impor¬ 
 tunate bearers, who having finished their course expect 
 a gratuity, which if they do not get, the next set of 
 bearers let you know that they have heard about it. 
 At last, about 8 or 9 a.m., the Dawk bungalow is 
 reached. These houses, built for the accommodation of 
 travellers, are everywhere to be met with. 
 
 The traveller is here met by a table butler, who with 
 folded hands makes the most profuse expressions of 
 service; the Sahib has only got to pass the order for any- 
 
WRETCHED STATE OF LOCOMOTION. 35 
 
 thing he wants. The general result of all this palaver 
 is that the Sahib is obliged to content himself with 
 an ill-conditioned fowl, hastily caught and killed, and 
 quickly curried and eaten. The only amusement is the 
 book where travellers are required to insert their names, 
 with the exact time of their arrival and departure, 
 with such remarks as they may think fit to make; 
 which in many instances are decidedly entertaining, and 
 anything but complimentary to the cuisine and cleanli¬ 
 ness of the establishment. The accommodation of some 
 of these Government hotels was simply disgraceful. 
 For instance, I have had to put up at one where the 
 table was actually laid with brass spoons, which many 
 years ago may possibly have been plated; whilst at 
 some Dawk bungalows the accommodation and food have 
 reflected the highest credit on the native manager. 
 Ten days of travelling by Palkee Dawk, with such dis¬ 
 turbed or almost sleepless nights, was quite enough to 
 knock one up. The way of travelling during the rainy 
 season was also attended with extra difficulties, if not 
 perils, owing to the swollen brooks that had to be 
 crossed, which in April were either dry or only about 
 ankle-deep. 
 
 2. Travelling by budgerow was perhaps a more com¬ 
 fortable mode of transit than the one just described ; 
 but it was monotonous in the extreme, and the heat 
 was frightful when the voyage was made in the hot 
 weather. There was no mistake about its being a regu¬ 
 lar voyage, for a trip on the Ganges from Calcutta to 
 an up-country station would occupy as much time as a 
 voyage in a passenger vessel round the Cape to England. 
 An officer with not a large amount of cash at his dis¬ 
 posal would, either by himself, or with one or two 
 others, hire a Noah’s ark-shaped vessel containing two 
 rooms, a dining-room and a sleeping-room. The crew 
 lived on the top, and whatever noise they chose to 
 make during the night would of course disturb the 
 repose of the Sahib occupying the room below. 
 
 D 2 
 
36 
 
 INDIA^^ REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Suppose the station to be travelled to from Calcutta 
 was only as far as Cawnpore, yet this would gener¬ 
 ally occupy the traveller two or three months, though 
 now it may he easily done by rail in two days. Con¬ 
 sidering the period the voyage would take, supplies 
 had to be taken in accordingly, such as beer and wine, 
 cheese, tins of salmon, &c. &g. The monotony of the 
 vojmge was almost unendurable. There was nothing 
 of any interest to attract the voyager, the native craft 
 plying on the river being of the most primitive kind, 
 and the scenery being generally flat and uninteresting, 
 and bathing was out of the question as unsafe.'^' 
 
 This dull state of affairs was only relieved at distant 
 intervals by landing at military and civil stations on the 
 river side, such as Bhagulpore, Monghyr, Dinapore, 
 Benares, Mirzapore and Allahabad. By far the best 
 mode of travelling in those days was by the steamer. 
 Here there was every comfort, good food, and plenty of 
 fellow-passengers. But unfortunately this comfortable 
 means of transit was restricted as to distance, and did 
 not extend beyond Allahabad, which was the terminus 
 of the steamer route. It presented at least one 
 novelty, which was passing through the Sunderbunds— 
 a complete network of the mouths of rivers leading 
 to the sea—which swarmed with huge crocodiles, 
 and which appeared to me such a labyrinth, that it 
 has always puzzled me, though I have been four 
 times through it, how the captain of the steamer 
 could manage always to select the right turning with¬ 
 out ever taking the wrong one, with nothing, as it 
 seemed, to guide him throughout this watery wilderness 
 through dense forests abounding with tigers. The 
 
 * I used for some time to bathe in a branch of the Ganges, till one 
 day I discovered that I had had a swimming companion in the shape of 
 a crocodile. I need hardly say that I never bathed there again. It may 
 very naturally be asked why the fei'ocious animal did not seize me when 
 I was swimming about in the water: to this my only reply is, that I 
 can only account for it by attributing my escape to a kind Providence, 
 for I should think the crocodile must have seen me, though I did not 
 observe it till I got out of the water. 
 
IMPROVEMENTS IN TRAVELLING. 37 
 
 steamer generally took about four days in passing 
 through the Sunderbunds, and about three weeks more 
 in reaching Allahabad. What changes have taken 
 place in locomotion in India since those days ! First 
 came the intermediate one of coaching. I remember 
 what a wonderful thing it was considered to be able to 
 reach Benares from Calcutta in four days in a Dawk 
 Garee. The same distance now by rail is done in one 
 day. Before I left India, in 1873, there was a railway 
 all the way from Calcutta to Lahore, a distance of about 
 1,200 miles; and again all the way from Lahore to 
 Bombay, a distance of nearly 1,600 miles. A traveller 
 wishing to avoid the cold of an English winter might 
 with profit take a trip to India, arriving at Calcutta by 
 the beginning of November; then, as soon after his 
 arrival as possible, he should go to Darjeeling for a 
 fortnight, come back to Calcutta and remain there to 
 the end of December, after which he might proceed 
 northwards to Benares and Lucknow, then make the 
 tour of the North-West Provinces, Let him next pro¬ 
 ceed to Simla or Mussoorie or Nynee Tal, remain there 
 from 1st of April to 30th of October, and then he 
 might make a tour of the Punjaub, after which he 
 should proceed to Jubbulpore and Bombay, and then 
 embark for England by the 1st of March or before, so 
 as to avoid the heat of the Eed Sea. The tourist to 
 Bombay should always remember the particular places 
 noted for the manufacture of the different articles he 
 wishes to take home as presents to his friends ; such, for 
 instance, as Calcutta for embroidery called chicken-work 
 and fans, &c.; Berhampore for silks and carved ivory 
 work; Bhagulpore also for silks; Agra for fancy work 
 in marble; Delhi for jewellery, &c.; Suharanpore for 
 carvings in wood. The great drawback of Barrackpore 
 then was, that it was a half batta station, where 
 officers drew an inferior rate of pay to those at stations 
 of a specified distance from Calcutta. The “ City of 
 Palaces,” as Calcutta has been called, situated on the 
 
38 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 river Gunga (mispronounced by Europeans Ganges) at a 
 distance of about one hundred miles from the sea, con¬ 
 taining a considerable European population, is a very 
 busy, bustling, and attractive city, of imposing grandeur, 
 and one decidedly interesting for the eye to gaze upon, 
 with its great mercantile shipping in the river, its 
 wharves, jetties, warehouses, magnificent public build¬ 
 ings, churches, and hotels ; its elegant private mansions, 
 its fine fort, lofty monument, and extensive Maidan, 
 suitable for the exercise of large bodies of troops, 
 together with its grand shops, pleasant squares, and 
 tanks of drinking water ; its fine public garden, where 
 the band plays on certain evenings in the week ; and 
 its Mall, presenting daily in the cool of the evening a 
 brilliant and stirring spectacle, thronged as the roads 
 here are with equestrians, and carriages of all the 
 elite of the metropolis. Here may be seen the sahibs 
 riding on horses, driving or being driven about in 
 carriages, military and naval officers, civilians (or burra 
 sahibs), merchants, barristers, doctors, clergymen, and 
 European tradesmen, and clerks, as well as Eurasians 
 (Europeans with more or less of an admixture of 
 Indian blood), and the wealthy natives, and possibly a 
 real native Prince or two. Nor must we omit to men¬ 
 tion, in summing up the attractions of the place, the 
 hospitable entertainments so freely dispensed to callers 
 at Government House. Calcutta is just the place for 
 spending a day pleasantly, lounging about at the 
 different places of public resort, such as the Asiatic 
 Museum, or the great booksellers (Thacker and Lepage), 
 Wilson’s Hotel, now the Great Eastern, where you can 
 order a grand dinner, or enjoy a very nice tiffin (lunch), 
 consisting of a mutton chop or beef-steak and a bottle of 
 beer, for 3s. 6d., and read the papers to your heart’s con¬ 
 tent, or do shopping at the European shops; or amuse¬ 
 ment might be derived from a drive to the China Bazaar, 
 which may be dearly bought, as ten to one the visitor 
 would be beguiled into entering some shop by the 
 
ATTRACTIONS OF DARJEELING. 
 
 39 
 
 deceitful assurance of the Baboo, and when once in, it 
 would be well if he escaped purchasing at some cost a 
 little experience of the ways of the natives. Then, in 
 case of the Calcutta resident requiring a change of air, 
 there is, at a distance of about four hundred miles, the 
 attractive hill station of Darjeeling with its magnificent 
 and close view of Kunchinjungie,* and the snowy range. 
 The grandest sight in nature is to be seen here to perfec¬ 
 tion, and here the constitution that has suffered from the 
 sweltering heats of the plains may renew its strength. 
 This well-known sanatorium is about 7,000 feet above 
 the level of the sea, and possesses a temperature corre¬ 
 sponding with that of England, though the rainfall 
 during the rainy season is very heavy. 
 
 I hope this description of the great Indian metropolis, 
 so frequently visited by us on pleasure as well as on 
 duty, will not be considered an unwarrantable digression. 
 But I must now really proceed with my story. 
 
 Ensign S-’s halcyon days were when, stationed 
 
 here, he formed an attachment to a very young lady. 
 
 Miss 0-. There seemed a prospect at this time of 
 
 his leading a steady life. Now that he was about to 
 wed a young and innocent girl, it was hoped that for 
 her sake he would reform and make up his mind to 
 be steady, in justice to the inexperienced girl he was 
 engaged to. We will suppose that he did make an 
 effort to be a steadier and worthier man than he had been. 
 
 But poor S-was without ballast, and no domestic 
 
 bliss, no endearments of a fond wife or innocent 
 prattling of children, were in store for him. 
 
 Now may we begin to trace the blighting influences 
 of infidelity. It was left for him to mar his brightest 
 
 * Kuncliinjungie is a lofty mountain in the Himalayas, 28,000 feet 
 above the sea level. The height to the border of the snow is 18,000 feet, 
 and the peak of snow that never melts is 10,000 feet above that. A 
 good view of Mount Everest, 29,000 feet in altitude, is to be seen a few 
 miles from Daijeeling, at a place called Senchall. The neighbourhood 
 of Daijeeling is now too well known for its tea to need any further de¬ 
 scription. 
 
40 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 prospects. This he did on one occasion, Avhen he quite 
 forg’ot himself at the lady’s house, betraying such 
 egregious folly that the engagement was broken off. 
 This event greatly soured a temper at all times bad 
 enough, and marked the turning-point of the career of 
 this unhappy man; for now he gave the rein to his 
 unbridled passions, and was guilty of such mad acts 
 of folly as would have led to the belief that he was 
 demented, but that his general conversation was sane 
 enough. The first thing he did when he found he 
 
 could not expect to get Miss 0-for his wife, was to 
 
 Avreak his vengeance on the little pet dog she had given 
 him in their courting days. I did not actually see 
 him do it, but I was credibly informed that he took up 
 his sword and cut the unoffending animal in two. 
 Another act of folly was his fastening a quarrel on 
 myself, one of his few well-wishers. I shall pass this 
 over pretty briefly, having no desire to enlarge on it 
 more than may be thought desirable, since, badly as he 
 behaved to me, I bore him no ill-will, and this I had an 
 opportunity of evincing to him the last time I saw 
 him alive. He took great offence at my having written 
 to him, telling him how much distressed my wife was 
 at his incessant firing from his verandah, and request¬ 
 ing him to desist from a practice which I reminded 
 him was contrary to orders within cantonments. I 
 received a most strange reply, the drift of which I 
 imag-ined to be an act of violence. But I did not have 
 a visit from him, as I expected. One day, however, he 
 fired into my room with shot, the shot going pretty 
 well through my thick Venetian blinds. Serious 
 injury might liave been sustained, as the distance 
 from his verandah could hardly have been more than 
 twenty yards. I was obliged to take military notice of 
 
 this matter. But S-was lucky enough to get off scot 
 
 free. It may seem incredible, but on two occasions 
 
 S-came armed into my compound,* creating a dis- 
 
 * The field surrounding the house is called a compound. 
 
SHOCKING PERVERSION OF SCRIPTURE. 
 
 41 
 
 turbance Avitli my servants, against whom he seemed 
 to have taken a great prejudice. On one of these 
 occasions I happened to be at home, and he was at 
 last persuaded to take his departure. But the other 
 instance was a more serious business. I was then on 
 duty at Fort AVilliam, when I was surprised one day by 
 the arrival of one of my servants Ifom Barrackpore, 
 
 who told me that Ensign S-had come into the 
 
 compound, and levelled his gun at one of them, 
 threatening to shoot him, which struck the whole lot 
 of my servants with such terror that they one and all 
 left the house to take care of itself At last the 
 authorities, lenient as they were to him, were obliged 
 to take notice of his disorderly conduct. He was tried 
 by court-martial for drawing his sword on his adjutant 
 at parade, and on this occasion he had such a narrow 
 escape that one would think he ought to have profited 
 by the warning. But warnings were all in vain, since 
 he heeded them not. He got into trouble for cruelly 
 breaking the arm of one of his servants. At last his 
 regiment was ordered up country, and I breathed more 
 freely when I lost such a troublesome neighbour. 
 When he left I had the curiosity to enter the house 
 he had quitted. The whitewashed walls were studded 
 with pictures of his own drawing; some were of a 
 bloodthirsty nature, such as a life-size sketch of a fierce 
 duel, with a text of Scripture, the meaning of which 
 he had perverted in defence of duelling. And tliere 
 was one picture so atrociously wicked, that I can only 
 just allude to it to show the frightful depths of wicked¬ 
 ness an atheist is capable of, for here on his walls I saw 
 a picture never to be forgotten. This unhappy man 
 had not scrupled to abuse his skill as a draughtsman, 
 by turning into ridicule our Saviour hanging on the 
 cross. Could anything be more awfully wicked ? It 
 was not long before he got into trouble again: this 
 time it was for assaulting some native soldiers. For 
 this he was brought before a general court-martial, and 
 
42 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 dismissed the service. This occurred, I believe, in 1852. 
 One would think he must have bewailed his folly, now 
 that he found himself turned adrift on the world, and 
 thought of the career that might have been before 
 him! But he soon resolved to do that which we 
 cannot think wise in any gentleman to do. It is all 
 very well for a man from the plough or from the 
 working classes to enlist, but for one born and bred a 
 gentleman to take the shilling, is a very different thing. 
 But this ill-advised step was just what he did, and the 
 ex-ensign became a private in an infantry regiment, 
 and served in the rank and file throughout the Crimean 
 War ; but he did not avail himself of the opportunity 
 that there presented itself for retrieving his fortunes; 
 if he had done so, he might once more have become an 
 officer. It is not my intention to speak of the British 
 victories gained on that occasion, since I had no 
 personal interest in the war beyond the melancholy 
 one of having lost a brother in it. The only thing 
 that I have been able to learn of this atheist’s career 
 during the Crimean War was the very characteristic 
 one, that he is remembered for the opposition he 
 offered to the religious services held by Sergeant W. 
 Mason, the author of an interesting book entitled 
 “ A Primitive Methodist in the British Army.” 
 
43 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 A Season of Trial—Gross Favouritism contrasted with Injustice and 
 Oppression—Dangerous Illness—Slander—Narrow Escape of being 
 Shot at Target Practice—Report the Matter—No Inquiry — Regi¬ 
 mental Order thereon—Placed under Arrest on a False Charge— 
 Released by Commander-in-Chief—Misrepresentation — My Vindica¬ 
 tion approved of by His Excellency—I appeal to the Commander- 
 in-Chief against the Regimental Order, and about the Offence 
 against my Life at Target Practice—Placed under Arrest by Com¬ 
 manding Officer — Brigadier’s arbitrary Proceeding—I appeal to 
 the Commander-in-Chief against it—Lord Dalhousie’s singular Con¬ 
 duct towards me—Tried by General Court-Martial—Regarded as a 
 Ruined Man—Anecdote—Favourable Results of my Court-Martial 
 —Regimental Order directed to be Cancelled, &c.—Remarks—The 
 Need of a Lawyer to conduct General Courts-Martial—Active and 
 Ungenerous Part taken against me by Lord Dalbousie—Divine 
 Protection—My Triumphant Escape—Systematic Persecution — Ar¬ 
 rival at Benares—Description of the Place — Practical Use of Prayer 
 —Dead Set made against me at Benares by my Commanding Offi¬ 
 cer and the Officers Commanding the Station and Division—I appeal 
 against them to the Commander-in-Chief—My Signal Triumph 
 over them all—My Case noticed very favourably by the Press— 
 Frustration of a Spiteful Design against me—Promoted to Lieu¬ 
 tenant—Received Prize of a Thousand Rupees—Join 3rd European 
 Regiment at Chinsurah—Fresh Troubles—Lose my Temper—Severe 
 Punishment—Its Grievous Results—Take my Furlough to England 
 —Nearly Wrecked off the Cape—A Week’s Stay at St. Helena— 
 Description thereof—Meet with nice Christian Society there— 
 Arrival in England—Hear of my Brother’s Death in the Crimea— 
 Return to India with Recruits—Dangerous Illness—Providential 
 Disappointment at Cawnpore—Arrival at Agra just before the Out¬ 
 break of the Mutiny. 
 
 Whilst these disastrous events were happening to this 
 perverse young man in whom I had taken such a sin¬ 
 gular interest, I was myself passing thi’ough seas of 
 trouble. These trials were not of my own seeking, 
 hut arose from the rotten state of things existing then 
 in the Indian army, showing that an innocent man 
 might have the life nearly driven out of him by con¬ 
 stant oppression, whilst another man, protected by 
 
44 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 I’avouritism, miglit do almost anytliing with impunity. 
 A few instances may here he given of offences un¬ 
 punished through sheer military partiality. First: It 
 was a well-known fact that in 1849, when I was at 
 Nynee Tall, a duel was fought, and that one of the 
 parties was believed to he mortally wounded, though he 
 finally recovered, and it is also a fact that this offence 
 was hushed up. Still later, when I was stationed at 
 Barrackpore, a duel was fought hy two hot-headed 
 young officers at Calcutta, and this, too, was kept 
 secret. Then, before any of these, there was the well- 
 known case of a captain, who, for an irreparable injury 
 done to another officer, was called out by the man he 
 had so foull}^ injured, and shot dead ; that is to say, he 
 died from the effects of the wound rather more than a 
 year afterwards, and I never heard that any notice was 
 taken of this sanguinary business. Again, there is 
 now, or was a few years ago, an officer in high civil 
 employ in India who was guilty, many years ago, of 
 the serious offence of beating a Sepoy, and this was, 
 through favouritism, hushed up; I know this because 
 I have heard the officer himself confess it. And I think 
 he added that the man, unable to endure the unre¬ 
 dressed injury, went and committed suicide. Again, 
 I myself have seen an officer at mess rise and take 
 another in his arms and throw him in a passion with 
 violence to the ground, and I am quite certain that no 
 official notice was taken of this. I know of another 
 case where a junior officer committed an assault on his 
 senior, and got off with simply a reprimand. I also 
 know of a case where an adjutant on parade used very 
 insubordinate language to his commanding officer with¬ 
 out any official notice being taken thereof. The first 
 part of my assertion is borne out by the following 
 narrative:—I had, after four years of hard study, suc¬ 
 ceeded in passing an examination for high proficiency 
 in Hindee, and the interpreter’s examination in Persian, 
 Hindoosthanie, and Hindee. But the hope of deriving 
 
INJUSTICE AND OPPRESSION. 
 
 45 
 
 any profit thereby was crushed to atoms by the serious 
 collision I came into with the officer commanding my 
 regiment, the brigadier and the general, and this con¬ 
 federacy met with the powerful support of no less a 
 person than the Most Noble the Governor-General of 
 India ! “ Great men are not always wise ” (Job xxxii. 
 
 9), and his Lordship was certainly not generous in 
 taking the active part he did against a poor struggling, 
 friendless ensign. And assuredly I must have fallen 
 in the unequal struggle but for God’s merciful interpo¬ 
 sition, since I had not a single friend at the station to 
 stand by me. I shall now state the plain unvarnished, 
 facts as they really and truly happened, which I can 
 prove from authenticated court-martial proceedings, and 
 semi-official and official documents in my possession. 
 Simple truth tells its own story best, and the following 
 narrative is strictly in accordance therewith. Though 
 it properly commenced with the year 1852, yet there 
 were not wanting indications of the coming storm before 
 that period. For instance, one day in July, 1851, on 
 parade, Avhen I told my commanding officer I felt 
 unwell, and requested permission to go home. Major 
 Liptrap in reply accused me of feigning sickness, and 
 informed me he would only allow me to leave parade 
 on condition that I went on the sick list. About this 
 time I was attacked with a dangerous illness, which 
 nearly proved fatal. But my escape from the jaws of 
 death produced no relentings in the minds of those who 
 were bent on my ruin. It was also about this time, or 
 not long after, that a great effort was made to blacken 
 my moral and religious character. The facts of the 
 case may thus be shortly told :— 
 
 There was a certain lady living near us with whom 
 both myself and my wife maintained a very friendly 
 intercourse, and it so happened that once or twice, or 
 possibly two or three times, I went out riding with her 
 daughter, without a thought of harm, yet on such a 
 trifling circumstance a mighty superstructure of scandal 
 
46 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 was raised, as that I was doing my best to seduce this 
 innocent young lady. Whereupon the finger of scorn 
 was pointed at me as a canting hypocrite. “ Here,” said 
 the scandal-monger, “ is one of your pretended saints, 
 who, with all his loud professions, can do things quite 
 as bad as any one of us.” This vile calumny was based 
 principally on the assertion of a certain officer who 
 declared that he actually saw me taking improper 
 liberties with the lady in question. I need scarcely say 
 that this was pure invention, for at this distance of 
 time I would not allude to such a thing if there had 
 been any truth in it; but so far was this from being 
 the case, that were I on my death-bed to-morrow, I 
 could solemnly declare that there was not the slightest 
 grounds for any such accusation. But the vile story 
 
 went from mouth to mouth till it ended in Mrs.- 
 
 coming one day to me and requesting me, as it had 
 become such a matter of scandal, that I would not 
 again take her daughter out riding. This was, no 
 doubt, mortifying, but two things enabled me to bear 
 it easily: one was conscious rectitude, and the other 
 
 was that Mrs.-did me justice by believing me 
 
 incapable of attempting the villany attributed to me, 
 and this she showed by the continuance of her friend¬ 
 ship. As for my calumniator, I treated his slander as 
 beneath contempt. I think this was the best course to 
 pursue, for had I gone to him and denounced the false¬ 
 hood, there would have been a row, and no good gained. 
 The storm burst on my head with a vengeance in July, 
 1852. It was on the 29th of that month that I and 
 Ensign T-went out in the morning with our com¬ 
 
 panies to target practice. To a right understanding of 
 the matter it is necessary to explain the relative position 
 of our companies as they stood on the firing-ground. 
 His company was on the right, mine was on the left. 
 
 After the men had fired a certain number of rounds, 
 we went to count the number of balls in the target. 
 He having finished the soonest returned to his company 
 
NARROW ESCAPE AT TARGET PRACTICE. 47 
 
 to commence firing; but instead of awaiting my return, 
 he to my surprise commenced firing as I was coming 
 back to the right fiank of my company, which was 
 close to his firing flank (as he fired from the left of his 
 company), and as I was about fifteen or sixteen yards 
 in front of the right flank of my company, the danger 
 I was in from the line of fire being so little to the left 
 of my person must be obvious to any one. Strange to 
 say, this he did twice, and perhaps it would not be too 
 much to say that I narrowly escaped witli my life, as 
 Sepoys used sometimes to fire very unsteadily. I was 
 naturally filled with indignation at my life being 
 thus wantonly jeopardized, and I took the only proper 
 course I could have adopted, which was to report the 
 affair to the commanding officer. I heard afterwards 
 
 that Mr. T-excused himself by preferring a charge of 
 
 dilatoriness against me, as if tardiness in counting the 
 hits were a sufficient excuse for imperilling an officer’s 
 life! But the sacredness of human life, when I hap¬ 
 pened to be concerned, seems to have been rather an 
 exceptional case; since not long before this, when I com¬ 
 plained to Major B-that Ensign E. S., under his 
 
 command, had fired into my room, endangering my life, 
 that commanding officer banteringly told me, if I was 
 not shot the next time to complain, and he would notice 
 it! Such a serious complaint as the reckless imperilling 
 one’s life, and that on duty, by a brother officer, required 
 serious consideration. But none was ever made, nor 
 
 were I and Mr. T-ever confronted together to elicit 
 
 the facts of the case for the commanding officer’s satis¬ 
 faction, but instead of this, insult was added to injury. 
 Eor whilst the alleged offence against my life was passed 
 over unnoticed, the following sweeping censure of my 
 conduct appeared in Eegimental Orders of the 2ytli 
 July, 1852: “ Ensign White having shown himself quite 
 incompetent to be entrusted with the Gth Company 
 at practice, the target practice of the Gth Company 
 is postponed until further orders. Ensign White is 
 
48 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 directed not to address official letters on subjects of 
 duty to the Adjutant. A voluminous correspondence 
 cannot be permitted. The letter wliich has called forth 
 this Order is No. 58. When Ensign White has any 
 question to ask on duty matters he will apply in the 
 first instance to the officer commanding his company, 
 and for anything beyond what that officer can reply to, 
 he will wait personally on the commanding officer at the 
 orderly room. Ensign White is referred to G. 0. C. C., 
 dated 27th November, 188.7, by which he will learn that 
 correspondence on trivial occasions is not to be counte¬ 
 nanced.” As an officer and a gentleman, I felt that I 
 could not quietly submit to such a charge of imbecility 
 preferred against me, so long as there was a higher tri¬ 
 bunal to appeal to for justice. I therefore requested a 
 Court of Inquiry, but I could not get the authorities 
 to forward my papers. I therefore determined to send 
 an appeal to the Commander-in-Chief, addressed to the 
 Adjutant-General. But before I come to this part of 
 my story I must mention one or two other events that 
 meantime occurred. On the 8rd August I was placed 
 under arrest on the false charge of inciting the Adju¬ 
 tant of my regiment to fight a duel.* But after 
 being kept forty-six days under arrest on this frivolous 
 pretext, I obtained my release on the 18th September, 
 by order of the Commander-in-Chief, who directed an 
 interchange of amends for taunting and reproachful 
 words made use of to each other respectively. His Ex¬ 
 cellency’s decision was also communicated to me on a 
 note I had written to Captain M-the officer com¬ 
 
 manding my company ; which was to the effect that 
 the Commander-in-Chief thought it very offensive, and 
 directed me to withdraw it. I complied therewith, al¬ 
 though I, with good reason,! suspected that His Excel¬ 
 lency had condemned me on a one-sided representation 
 
 * See evidence of Adjutant himself, “ Court-Maidial,” 1852, pp. 35, 
 36. 
 
 f “ Court-Mai'tial Proceedings,” 1852, pp. 12, 13. 
 
APPEAL TO COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 
 
 49 
 
 of the case. I had been punished by a long period of 
 unjustifiable imprisonment or arrest, which means the 
 same thing; since when an officer is placed under 
 arrest it is understood to he under what is called close 
 arrest, which confines him absolutely to his house, till 
 such time as he has liberty to take an hour’s exercise in 
 the morning and another in the evening, in solitary 
 roads, as he is strictly prohibited attending any place of 
 public resort. 
 
 Any deviation therefrom renders an officer liable to be 
 tried for breaking his arrest and cashiered in consequence. 
 Now, though I expected no compensation for this wrong, 
 yet I was determined that the Commander-in-Chief 
 
 should see Captain M-’s letter to me, which the 
 
 authorities at Barrackpore had thought proper to keep 
 back. The fact was that, in obedience to the instructions 
 of my Commanding Officer, I applied to the officer com¬ 
 manding my company for some information I required, 
 but the latter, instead of dealing with the matter in 
 a businesslike manner, indulged me with a long letter 
 full of irrelevant matter, as well as unsolicited and inso¬ 
 lent advice. I returned a spirited reply, as any other 
 gentleman would have done, in which I intimated to 
 him that when writing on public matters connected 
 with regimental affairs, all such topics were out of 
 place. This was the note of 3rd August for which 
 I received the reprimand of the Commander-in-Chief. 
 As might have been expected, the military authorities 
 would not forward papers that would have exposed their 
 improper behaviour in exercising a discretionary power 
 as to what should go and what should be kept back, 
 as if His Excellency were not competent to pronounce 
 a decision on a case with all the papers before him ! 
 
 Under these circumstances I violated the rules of 
 military etiquette by sending an appeal direct to the 
 Coramander-in-Chief, addressed to the Adjutant-General. 
 Did His Excellency censure me for this ? Certainly 
 not, but, on the contrary, when the suppressed letter 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 INDIAN IIEMINISCENCES. 
 
 forwarded by me was seen, then T was honourably 
 acquitted for what I had been previously reprimanded on 
 judicial evidence. I followed up this success'* * * § by send¬ 
 ing an appeal to the Commander-in-Chief, dated 28th 
 September, 1852, addressed to the Adj utant-General. In 
 this letter I complained of the'great violence done to 
 my character by my commanding officer’s most un¬ 
 generous and sweeping censure of my conduct in the 
 Kegimental Order declaring me to be quite incompetent 
 to take out a company to so simple an exercise as target 
 practice, and I most earnestly and humbly besought His 
 Excellency to afford me the opportunity I coveted of 
 clearing myself from this most painful charge, which, 
 by remaining registered against my name, blighted all 
 my future prospects. I also requested an inquiry into 
 
 the offence committed against my life by Ensign T- 
 
 whilst in the discharge of my duty, that so there might 
 be no occasion for me to prosecute him for the same in 
 a civil court. And I concluded my letter by accusing 
 my Commanding Officer of “ cruel oppression.”f This 
 letter I sent through the prescribed channel of com¬ 
 munication, but it was returned to Major Liptrap by 
 both the Brigadier and the General. | 
 
 Finding that the authorities would not forward my 
 appeal of the 28th of September to head-quarters, I 
 felt necessitated, on the 4th of October, to transmit an 
 exact copy of the same direct to the Adj utant-General, 
 and the very same day the Adjutant came to my quarters 
 to know whether I was going to withdraw my letter of 
 the 28th of September. I at once told him that I had 
 forwarded a copy of it direct to the Adjutant-General. 
 Whereupon the Adjutant carried out his instructions 
 by placing me under arrest. § One expedient used at this 
 
 * See evidence of Major H-, Deputy-Assistant-Adjutant-General, 
 
 “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” 1852, p. 28. 
 
 t See letter in Appendix III., “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” pp. 7-10. 
 
 See evidence of Commanding Officer and Adjutant, “ Court-Martial 
 Proceedings,” pp. 10, 29. 
 
 § Evidence of Adjutant, “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” p. 30. 
 
brigadier’s arbitrary proceeding. 51 
 
 period to vex me was peculiarly trying, this was the 
 arbitrary treatment of me by my superiors in regard 
 to the impediments thrown in the way of my passing 
 in examinations of the highest character in the native 
 languages, for which I had carefully prepared myself, 
 incurring thereby a great expense, which had to be de¬ 
 frayed from my ensign’s pay. Early in August, 1852, 
 I had received a letter from the Secretary of the College 
 of Fort William requiring me to go down to Calcutta 
 for the purpose of being examined in the military prize 
 examination. This, in the event of my being suc¬ 
 cessful, would have given me 1,000 rupees, which was 
 comparatively a mint of money to one only drawing 
 167 rupees a month! But I now met with a dis¬ 
 appointment, being prevented obeying the summons 
 of the Secretary of the College by the vexatious arrest 
 imposed on me on the 3rd of August. On the 12th of 
 September I wrote a moving letter to the Brigadier, 
 requesting he would be pleased so far to mitigate my 
 imprisonment as to allow me to apply for leave of 
 absence for the purpose of being examined in the mili¬ 
 tary prize examination in Hindee and Ordoo at the 
 College of Fort William, as all my hopes of being able 
 to march up the country in the ensuing cold weather 
 depended on my passing in this examination, and of 
 obtaining the money prize assigned to the same ; and 
 concluded with an earnest appeal to that officer that he 
 would not withhold from a poor struggling subaltern 
 the opportunity of passing in such a high examination. 
 This application was not granted; perhaps the Brigadier 
 may have been justified in his refusal according to the 
 
 strict letter of the law, though Colonel M-, the 
 
 Secretary of the College of Fort William, gave it as 
 his opinion that two days spent entmely in examination 
 could not he said to interfere with military discipline. 
 But whatever excuse may be made for the rejection of 
 my application by the Brigadier, yet unquestionably 
 the next thing he did to disappoint me was altogether 
 
 E 2 
 
5:3 
 
 INDIAN IlEMINISCENCES. 
 
 unjustifiable, and seemed almost intended to drive me 
 to take some desperate step. For on the 1st of October, 
 when I was not under arrest, and although I had re¬ 
 ceived a summons from the Secretary of the College of 
 Fort William directing my attendance there for the 
 purpose of being examined in the prize examination in 
 Hindee and Ordoo, yet the Brigadier, without assign¬ 
 ing any reason for doing so, actually refused me leave 
 to proceed to Calcutta for such a commendable purpose 
 as that of being thus examined.* 
 
 I felt that this was going too far, and my grievance 
 was enhanced by the fact that I had not enjoyed a 
 single day’s leave during the year, except for the purpose 
 of being examined at the College. Indignant, there¬ 
 fore, at such provoking usage, I sent a letter on the 7th 
 of October, plainly stating these facts, which I con¬ 
 cluded by trusting that His Excellency would pardon 
 the irregular way of my forwarding this letter, “ as I 
 felt it would be useless my attempting to forward this 
 letter through the prescribed channels, on account of 
 my superiors here being all prejudiced against me.” 
 
 Colonel M-, the Secretary of the College of Fort 
 
 William, took compassion on my hard case, and inter¬ 
 ceded for me with Government, that T might be allowed 
 an opportunity of being examined. But, alas ! for this 
 kind act that officer received a reprimand from the 
 Governor-General. This I had the bitter mortification 
 of learning in an extraordinary way, inasmuch as a 
 copy of it was sent to me for my information. I call 
 it an extraordinary way, because I subsequently learnt, 
 when belonging to a European regiment, that it was 
 not right to reprimand a sergeant before a private; 
 therefore it is hard to see how it could be proper for 
 Government to inform an ensign of a reprimand given 
 to a colonel! 
 
 At last, on the 29th November, 1853, I was brought 
 
 * See authenticated copy of rejected application in page 66 of “ Court- 
 Martial Proceedings ” of 1852. 
 
REGARDED AS A RUINED MAN. 
 
 53 
 
 to a General Court-Martial, charged with “ highly un¬ 
 officer-like conduct.” First, in sending the letter of the 
 28th September, which the charge stated to be “ couched 
 in very insubordinate and disrespectful language ” with 
 regard to my Commanding Officer, and in which I per¬ 
 sisted in agitating matters the final decision on which 
 had been duly conveyed to me. Secondly, in having 
 on the 4th October transmitted a duplicate copy of the 
 above-mentioned letter direct to the Adjutant-General. 
 Thirdly, for the transmission of my letter of the 7th 
 October direct to the Adjutant-General, the assertion 
 therein contained of the authorities at Barrackpore 
 being prejudiced against me, being pronounced by the 
 charge to be both insubordinate and disrespectful. 
 
 My position at this period was by no means an 
 enviable one. I had not a single military friend to 
 stand by me. It would no doubt have required much 
 moral courage to have done so. This I freely admit, 
 and therefore I will not find fault because no one was 
 willing to range himself on my side against Command¬ 
 ing Officer, Brigadier, and General. The trading com¬ 
 munity looked upon me as a ruined man, as they 
 evidently thought that I should be either cashiered 
 or suspended for a long period from rank, pay, and 
 allowances. To give one instance of this not-easily-to- 
 be-forgotten fact. One of the chief English shops, 
 dealers in boots and shoes, etc., having received an order 
 to make me a pair of shoes, refused just at this time to 
 execute the same; and when I sent my servant to inquire 
 why the shoes were not forthcoming, the shopman 
 behaved, as my servant informed me, with the greatest 
 insolence, since he would not give a note to explain 
 the reason of his extraordinary conduct, but instead he 
 returned my pattern shoe, saying at the same time to 
 my man, “ Take this to your Sahib ; this is my answer.” 
 I quite believe this was a substantially true account, 
 because it was verified by my returned pattern shoe and 
 the nonfulfilment of the order. I took no notice of 
 
54 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 tliis till two 5 "ears afterwards, when Mr.- actually 
 
 had the coolness to send me a bill for this very pair of 
 shoes, as though he had really supplied me with them ! 
 I then seized the opportunity of writing him a reply, 
 couched in such stinging words as must have made him 
 crimson to the roots of his hair. * I had a little before 
 this time also given much pain to a most affectionate 
 mother, and to my father, a clergyman of the Church 
 of England, by having informed them that, acting up to 
 my religious convictions, I had submitted to the ordi¬ 
 nance of believer’s baptism. But notwithstanding the 
 displeasure they very naturally felt at this, they yet 
 deeply sympathized with me at this time, as well as on 
 all other similar occasions. But I must return from 
 this digression to speak of the Court-martial, composed 
 of fifteen officers, who were occupied from 29th Novem¬ 
 ber to 4th December in trying the case. I was released 
 from arrest about the middle of January, after I had 
 been kept under this irksome restraint three months 
 and ten days. The wisdom of the course I had adopted 
 was now completely evident, for though I as a matter of 
 course received a reprimand, yet, despite this, I came off 
 with flying colours, since I gained all the chief things 
 I had agitated for, viz.— 
 
 1st. The erasure of the obnoxious Order of the 29th 
 July, 1852, which the Commander-in-Chief desired to 
 be at once expunged from the Order Book of the 
 Regiment.* 
 
 2nd. Leave to proceed to Calcutta to be examined 
 in the military prize examination, as the Commander- 
 in-Chief, before the promulgation of the sentence, and 
 before my release from arrest, had desired the authorities 
 to allow me to appear before the examiners of Fort 
 William previous to my leaving Barrackpore.f This 
 was doubly gratifying because it was an exculpation of 
 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” p. 65. See also G. 0. 0. 0., 22nd 
 December, 1852. 
 
 f Vide authenticated extract of Orders, in my possession. 
 
NEED OF A LAWYER TO CONDUCT COURTS-MARTIAL. 00 
 
 Colonel M-’s intercession for me that I might be 
 
 allowed that privilege, for which, as already mentioned, 
 he had received a reprimand from the Most Noble the 
 Governor-General. 
 
 3rd. His Excellency directed Ensign T-to declare 
 
 that he had no intention of injuring me at hall practice.* 
 This last was the least satisfactory, because even ad¬ 
 mitting that he had no intention of injuring me, yet 
 at the very least he was at all events blamable for the 
 grossest carelessness, whereby my life was imperilled, 
 and he ought at the least to have received a very severe 
 reprimand. We are too prone to regard it as a divine 
 judgment when any signal calamity befalls one who has 
 deeply wronged us ; but we erring creatures should be 
 very careful how we indulge this feeling, lest it should 
 degenerate into a revengeful emotion. Still I cannot 
 help regarding it as a remarkable circumstance that a 
 
 year after the target-practice affair, Mr. T-died of 
 
 cholera at Benares, and a few days afterwards Captain 
 
 M-, who had taken such a part against me, died 
 
 likewise of the same terrible disease. 
 
 I did not, however, feel much hurt at his getting off so 
 easily, because I was exultant at obtaining such a com¬ 
 plete vindication of my character. Though it would be 
 uninteresting to give a regular account of the proceedings 
 of this Court-Martial, yet there is one point that it is 
 desirable to touch upon, as showing the need of an officer 
 possessing sufficient legal acumen to sum up a case with 
 due regard to the evidence, and with some authority to 
 restrain the Court from pronouncing a sentence at vari¬ 
 ance with the evideoce before it, which wuis done in my 
 case, as may be easily shown. The gravamen of the 
 charge against me consisted of three particulars. 
 
 1. Insubordinate language in accusing my Command¬ 
 ing Officer of cruel oppression. Now this language, 
 though insubordinate was proved to be true, it is 
 therefore hard to perceive how I could be guilty of 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” p. 34. 
 
5G 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 “highly unofficer-like conduct” for speaking the truth. 
 For I maintain that subordination does not mean pas¬ 
 sive submission to any kind of indignity. 
 
 2. That in my letter of the 2Sth September to the 
 Adjutant-General of the army, I persisted in agitating 
 matters the final decision on which had been duly 
 conveyed to me. It is as plain as daylight that the 
 Court found me guilty of this without any proof, if not 
 in opposition to the clearest evidence before the Court, 
 is obvious from the following considerations :—Because 
 my letter of the 28th September to the Adjutant- 
 General is all about my grievance in regard to the 
 obnoxious Begimental Order, and the oflence against my 
 life, with a passing reference to an occurrence in my 
 former regiment, and does not contain a single word 
 about either the affairs of Lieutenant and Adjutant 
 
 W-, or that of Captain M-, as the letter itself 
 
 bears witness.* Decisions of the Commander-in-Chief, 
 it is true, had been communicated to me on other 
 matters, but certainly not in the matter of this letter 
 of the 28th September, as specified in the charge. 
 
 Not only was it extremely ridiculous to suppose for 
 one instant that I should persist in agitating for an 
 opportunity of clearing myself of the painful charge 
 recorded against me in the Begimental Orders of the 
 29th July, after I had actually gained the object of my 
 agitation, since the Commander-in-Chief’s final decision, 
 according to the evidence of the Brigadier, was an 
 order to Major Lip trap to cancel this very Begimental 
 Order;! but this imputed offence was not supported by 
 a tittle of evidence, and despite the difficulty of proving 
 a negative, it can be shown without any difficulty that 
 the tenor of the evidence before the Court tended to 
 show that I had not learnt the final decision of the 
 Commander-in-Chief in regard to the grievances men¬ 
 tioned in my letter of the 28th September, previous to 
 
 * See authenticated copy of “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” pp. 7-10. 
 
 + Vide evidence of the Brigadier, “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” p. 34. 
 
COMMANDER-IN-CHlEr’s DECISION. 
 
 57 
 
 that date. The fact of the matter is, that the Court 
 appears to have been so completely confused by the 
 multiplicity of decisions, and by the dust thrown in 
 their eyes by the prosecution, that they confounded one 
 thing with the other. The prosecutor, Major Liptrap, 
 on being asked whether he had received any orders 
 to communicate a decision of His Excellency on the 
 matters referred to in my letter of the 28th September, 
 replied that he had, and proceeded to speak of my 
 attendance at his quarters on the 17th September, to 
 have communicated to me an extract from a decision of 
 the Commander-in-Chief, regarding the altercation be¬ 
 tween myself and the Adjutant, together with His 
 Excellency’s directions concerning the note I wrote to 
 the officer commanding my company.* The question 
 being again read to the prosecutor, he still adhered to 
 it, that the decision of the Commander-in-Chief referred 
 to those two matters, and put in the following extract 
 of a letter, No. 1,958, dated 3rd September, 1852, from 
 the Adjutant-General of the army, to the officer com¬ 
 manding the Presidency Division. 
 
 1. “Sir W. Gomm considers that Major Liptrap in 
 his recent treatment of Ensign White has not acted 
 judiciously, and that he has displayed much want of 
 consideration to that young officer; the pages of a 
 Eegiinental Order Book are not the proper place for the 
 appearance of a reprimand, like that of the 29th July, 
 and which besides appears to have been given without 
 
 confronting Ensigns T-and AVhite to elicit the 
 
 actual circumstances that occurred at target practice that 
 morning; had this been done, it seems probable that 
 the whole affair would have been settled amicably.” 
 
 2. “ The note from Ensign White to Brevet-Captain 
 
 M-, in command of his company, received by the 
 
 latter on the 3rd ultimo, the Commander-in-Chief thinks 
 very offensive, and accordingly desires that the Ensign 
 be directed to withdraw it, and also to make atonement 
 
 * “Court-Martial Proceedings,” pp. 10, 11. 
 
58 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 to Lieutenant and Adjutant W- for the virtual im¬ 
 
 putation of cowardice which he east upon him at the 
 Commanding Officer’s quarters on the 2nd idem.* 
 Lieutenant W- first, however, affording such ex¬ 
 
 planation of his improperly taunting language to the 
 Ensign on that occasion, as may by you be deemed 
 satisfactory, and which very injudicious language the 
 Major, I am to observe, would liave done well to have 
 at once marked with his grave displeasure.” The latter 
 paragraph of this letter, with the exception of the last 
 four lines, together with an extract from the Brigade 
 Officer, all about the business of the Adjutant and 
 
 Captain M-, were, as the prosecutor truly said, 
 
 made known to me.f 
 
 Now there is not a single word about these matters 
 in my letter of the 28th September to the Adjutant- 
 Greneral, and it follows that the first paragraph of the 
 Adjutant-General’s letter, which really referred to those 
 matters agitated in my letter of the 28th September, 
 was not read out to me, or the prosecutor would not 
 have particularized the latter paragraph as that which 
 was made known to me, the obvious inference being 
 that consequently the first paragraph was not com¬ 
 municated to me. I could not, therefore, as charged, 
 have persisted in agitating matters after the final 
 decision of which by the Commander-in-Chief had been 
 made known to me. Further, Major Liptrap being 
 again asked what those matters were which had been 
 agitated in my letter of the 28th September, replied 
 that those matters were contained in a letter of a former 
 date which I addressed him through the Adjutant on 
 the 18 th, which was returned to him “with this letter 
 
 No. 140, from Lieutenant and Adjutant W-, to 
 
 (myself) Ensign White.”| 
 
 * It was the 3rd. 
 
 t “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” pp. 11-13. 
 
 J 1'his letter, which is in my possession, is all about the affairs of 
 
 Captain M-, and the Commanding Officer’s earnest recommendation 
 
 “ that I should abstain from any further agitation of that business.” 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF COURT-MARTIAL. 
 
 59 
 
 The Court then in the plainest possible manner put 
 the question: “ Ensign White is accused of having in 
 a letter of the 28th September, 1852, agitated matters 
 which he was aware had been under the considera¬ 
 tion of the Commander-in-Chief, and the final decision 
 of His Excellency on which had been conveyed to 
 him. The Court wish to know what those matters 
 are r 
 
 “ Those matters,” replied Major Liptrap, “ were rela¬ 
 tive to Lieutenant and Adjutant W- 
 
 Whereupon “the Court observes, this answer does 
 not appear to refer to any matter alluded to in the letter 
 of the 28th September.”* 
 
 And as nothing further to the point could be got out 
 of Major Liptrap, that witness resumed his seat as 
 Prosecutor. And yet, incredible as it may appear, the 
 Court found me guilty of highly unofficer-like conduct 
 in having in my letter of the 28th September to the 
 Adjutant-Gieneral persisted in agitating matters the 
 final decision of which had been communicated to me 
 on the strength of evidence which, if it proved any¬ 
 thing, proved me innocent, and upon the confused 
 evidence of the General, who stated that on or about 
 the 14th September he caused to be conveyed to me 
 orders which he had received from the Commander-in- 
 Chief regarding His Excellency’s decision upon my 
 complaints of harsh usage by my Commanding Officer, 
 of my life having been endangered at target practice 
 
 by Mr. T-, and of the letter received from Captain 
 
 M-, and that he himself spoke to me on the subject 
 
 conveying His Excellency’s disapproval,! which could 
 not have been the case, or, at all events, it could not 
 have been the final decision set forth in the charge, 
 because the Brigadier (on the 3rd December), in his evi¬ 
 dence before the Court, admitted that on my sending 
 an appeal direct to the Commander-in-Chief, His Excel¬ 
 lency took a different view of the case, so far as that he 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” pp. 19, 20. t Ibid. pp. 20,21. 
 
00 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 directed Captain M-to withdraw liis letter, Ensign 
 
 T-to declare lie had no intention to injure Ensign 
 
 White at ball practice, and Major Liptrap to cancel a 
 Eegiinental Order.'* Moreover, the Oeneral’s adverse 
 testimony was not supported by the cautiously-worded 
 and fencing evidence of the Deputy-Assistant-Adjutant- 
 General, who, on being shown my letter of the 28th 
 September to the Adjutant-General, and being asked 
 whether the Commauder-in-Chief s decision upon the 
 matters of complaint therein contained, viz., the order 
 issued by Major Liptrap about target practice, and 
 
 about Ensign T-’s supposed attempt upon my life 
 
 had been communicated to me, replied that he could 
 not say whether the Commander-in-Chief’s decision on 
 the Eegimental Order was communicated to me, but 
 that when I wished to forward that letter, or one simi¬ 
 lar to it, I was told by Brigadier-General S-, in his 
 
 presence, that it had already been decided on by the 
 Commander-in-Chief, and this he said happened on or 
 before the 27th Sejitember.f On being asked by the 
 Judge-Advocate if he could remember, if not the very 
 words yet the substance of what was communicated to 
 me on that occasion by the General, he made a very 
 guarded reply, to the effect that the General returned 
 to me a letter full of my grievances which I wished to 
 be forwarded, and told me that the matter contained 
 therein had already been decided on by the Comman¬ 
 der-in-Chief; but the witness in this answer said not 
 a word about the Regimental Order, or the offence 
 against my life. He was tlierefore asked to look at 
 my letter of the 28th September, and say whether the 
 letter I wished the General to forward, and which the 
 General declined to do because the matter contained 
 in it had already been decided by His Excellency, 
 was similar to this letter ? To this critical question 
 the Deputy-Assistant-Adjutant-General returned an 
 indecisive answer, in which he made the following 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” p. 34. t Ibid. pp. 22-24. 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF COURT-MARTIAL. 
 
 61 
 
 admission, sliowing that the letter I wished to he for¬ 
 warded was not the same as my letter of the 28th 
 September. “ I remember,” said the witness, “ perfectly 
 well at the time Ensign White telling the General that 
 he wished Captain M-’s letter to him to be for¬ 
 
 warded to head-quarters, from which I suppose that 
 grievance was included amongst the others, which is 
 not the case in this letter.” He was then asked the 
 question point blank. “ Can you distinctly recollect 
 
 if the supposed grievance regarding Ensign T-’s 
 
 affair and the subject of his conduct having been com¬ 
 mented on in Regimental Orders were in the letter 
 which the Brigadier-General would not at first for¬ 
 ward?” Witness replied, “Isay that all his griev¬ 
 ances were included in it, as far as I can remember.” 
 Whereupon the President asked the question, “Had 
 the decision of His Excellency the Comm and er-in- 
 Chief on the matters referred to in Ensign White’s 
 first letter been previously communicated to Ensign 
 White ? ” To which witness replied by referring to 
 the Commander-in-Chief’s decision in the case between 
 
 myself and Lieutenant W'-, the Adjutant,* a matter 
 
 unmentioned in my letter of the 28th September; 
 but witness said nothing about the Regimental Order 
 and the alleged offence against my life, of which that 
 letter was full. Nor could this witness be induced by 
 any question, however plainly put, to declare in so 
 many words that His Excellency’s decision on these 
 two matters had been made known to me. The real 
 fact of the case which they were so anxious to conceal 
 was this, that the letter I wished the General to for¬ 
 ward on the 27th September was my letter to the 
 Adjutant-General of the Army to clear up my mis¬ 
 represented conduct towards Captain M-, command¬ 
 
 ing my company, by the production of his suppressed 
 letter to me. This was really the letter which the 
 General refused to forward, telling me that the matters 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” pp. 24-26. 
 
C2 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 which I wislied to agitate had already been decided by 
 the Cominander-in-Chief.* 
 
 Moreover, the Greneral himself appears indirectly to 
 have admitted this, for when, in reference to my attend¬ 
 ance at his quarters on the 27th of September, I asked 
 him the following question, “ Did you tell me that this 
 
 affair between myself and Captain M-was settled by 
 
 His Excellency?” the General’s reply was, “I dare¬ 
 say I did.”t I had before been punished on partial 
 evidence on this account, having been reprimanded by 
 the Commander-in-Chief, and directed to withdraw my 
 
 note to Captain M-. But when I ventured to lay 
 
 the whole case before the Commander-in-Chief, His 
 Excellency then revised his former decision, since I was 
 not reprimanded for sending my letter direct, instead of 
 through the prescribed channels of communication, but 
 the Commander-in-Chief informed the military authori¬ 
 ties at Barrackpore that he considered Captain M-’s 
 
 letter to me (represented as a letter of advice) to be 
 offensive, and directed its withdrawal. J 
 
 A plain proof this of the underhand dealings of 
 my military superiors at Barrackpore ! ! ! Thus really 
 and truly the case for the prosecution completely broke 
 down, and the adverse finding of the Court showed a 
 complete failure of justice in finding me guilty of what 
 I was as innocent of as the babe unborn !! ! And had 
 I been vindictively inclined, I believe I should have had 
 a case for a civil court against my fifteen judges, who I 
 imagine would have been indictable for their illegal 
 sentence. Of course I never dreamt of taking such a step. 
 They may have acted according to their light, albeit a dim 
 one. Lastly, the Court were wrong, so I consider, in 
 finding me guilty of “ highly unofticer-like conduct ” 
 in having in my letter of 7th October sent direct to the 
 Adjutant-General (complaining of the refusal of the 
 Brigadier to grant me leave to be examined at the 
 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” p. 31. t Ibid. p. 22. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 28. 
 
63 
 
 UNDERHAND DEALINGS IN 
 
 COURT-MA 
 
 College of Fort William in the native languages wlien I 
 was not under arrest) “ insubordinately and disrespect¬ 
 fully stated that it would be useless my attempting 
 to forward the letter through the prescribed channels 
 on account of my superiors at Barrackpore being all 
 prejudiced against me.” For I maintain on the follow¬ 
 ing grounds that this was not insubordination; except 
 in the extreme technical acceptation of the term, viz.: 
 
 1st. Because the Brigadier, in refusing me permission 
 to be examined in the prize examination at the College 
 of Fort William* at a time when I was not under arrest, 
 was doing his utmost in my case to frustrate the object 
 of a Government notification, which had recently been 
 promulgated, encouraging officers to study the native 
 languages by the offer of a reward of a thousand rupees 
 to any officer who should pass two examinations of 
 a prescribed high standard in two native languages. 
 Moreover, the Commander-in-Chief practically did not 
 regard my conduct in this matter as “ highly unofficer¬ 
 like for His Excellency did for me in the matter just 
 what I wanted, inasmuch as he desired the authorities to 
 allow me leave to appear before the examiners of the 
 College of Fort William previous to my corps leaving 
 Barrackpore.t And this at a time when I was under 
 arrest ! 
 
 2nd. Because it was the truth, borne out by the 
 evidence before the Court, that the military authorities 
 at Barrackpore were all prejudiced against me, as shown 
 by their underhand dealings in the case between myself 
 
 and Captain M-, by their refusing to forward my 
 
 papers and the impediments thrown in the way of my 
 being examined. All these things, too, were brought 
 to light whilst I was contending at a considerable dis¬ 
 advantage, for the Court were unwilling to press the 
 General and Brigadier more than they could help. 
 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” Appendix, last page, 
 t See authenticated extract of Commander-in-Chief’s Instructions, in 
 my possession. 
 
04 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 This wretched failure of justice shows the necessity of 
 having a well-trained lawyer to conduct the proceedings 
 of general courts-martial, and one holding some kind of 
 independent position, enabling him to impose some 
 check upon the proceedings, so as to restrain them from 
 the commission of what they might afterwards be held 
 responsible for before a civil tribunal. It is time now 
 to notice the active part the Governor-General of India 
 thought proper to take against a poor friendless ensign. 
 Driven to desperation by oppression, I, in an unfortunate 
 moment, had taken the unwise step of sending a letter 
 to his Lordship, then residing at Government House, 
 Barrackpore, in the hope that he might do something 
 for me, since a word to the General would have been 
 sufficient. But that word was unspoken, and instead of 
 manifesting the slightest generous interest in fny behalf, 
 the Most Noble the Governor-General did me an ill 
 turn, for this very letter was with his Lordship’s sanction 
 laid before the Court* by the prosecutor. Major Lip- 
 trap. Referring thereto in his remarks upon my Court- 
 Martial (22nd of December, 1852), His Excellency the 
 Commander-in-Chief, with a nicer sense of justice than 
 was manifested by the Most Noble the Governor- 
 General, condemned this proceeding as being “ quite 
 irrelevant to the charge, and calculated improperly to 
 prejudice (me) Ensign White in the opinion of the 
 Court. An opening address,” added His Excellency, “ is 
 seldom requisite, but when one is desirable, it should 
 not be made the vehicle for stating matters not put in 
 issue by the charges, into which the Court have no 
 authority to investigate, or the prisoner opportunity to 
 rebut.”t It would seem that the Most Noble the 
 Governor-General was piqued by this condemnation of 
 what he had sanctioned, for his Lordship requested His 
 Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to bring me before 
 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” pp. 5, 6. 
 
 t See “Court-Martial Proceedings,” p. 65; also G. 0. C. C., 22nd 
 December, 1852. 
 
UNGENEROUS CONDUCT OF LORD DALIIOUSIE. 
 
 65 
 
 a Medical Court, to ascertain whether I was of a right 
 state of mind or not. 
 
 I then experienced, what I have done so often since, 
 the truth of those touching words of the Psalmist, 
 “ This poor man cried, and the Lord heard him, and 
 saved him out of all his troubles ” Psalm (xxxiv. 6); 
 “ God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in 
 trouble ” (Psalm xlvi. 1). Such verses in those hard times 
 were very sweet to my taste. Truly affliction does not 
 spring from the dust, but accomplishes the object for 
 which it is sent by driving the believer closer to his 
 Saviour. All sorts of things were raked up against me 
 for the consideration of the Medical Committee which 
 in due time assembled at Benares. Whether this was 
 done at the suggestion or by the direction of the 
 Governor-General, I never learnt, hut from the interest 
 which he appeared to take in bringing ruin upon my 
 devoted head, the thing does not appear very im¬ 
 probable. This miserable attempt to drive me out of 
 the Service failed, as it deserved to do, in consequence 
 of the Medical Court being composed of upright, con¬ 
 scientious gentlemen,* who did their duty “ without 
 fear, partiality, or favour,” and I was pronounced to be 
 of a sound state of mind.f This was the Lord’s 
 doing : to Him be all the praise ! Though I could 
 have no hopes of obtaining a civil appointment as long 
 as the present Governor-General held offlce, I still 
 worked away to prepare myself for the prize examina¬ 
 tion, as 1 had failed to pass when I appeared before the 
 examiners immediately after the trial was over. This 
 may be accounted for by the state of mental excite¬ 
 ment I had gone through for about a week. Early in 
 1853 I applied for six months’ leave of absence from 
 Benares to visit Calcutta, for the purpose of trying 
 again to pass. My application was forwarded on, but 
 
 * Of whom I have especial cause to remember the names of Drs. Angus 
 and Leckie. 
 
 t See Report of Medical Committee, 1853. 
 
 F 
 
GO 
 
 IxN'JDlAN KEMlNlSCliNCES. 
 
 Commanding Officer stabbed me in the dark by a 
 private and confidential report, containing a misrepre¬ 
 sentation of my conduct, which I had no opportunity 
 of replying to. The consequence was that I had the 
 mortification to see my leave granted, and at the same 
 time cancelled as a punishment for an imputed offence 
 of which I was quite innocent. It will naturally be 
 asked what was the cause of this mortal hatred which 
 I experienced. My only reply to this question is that 
 I cannot prove the matter, and, therefore, without 
 expressing any opinion of my own, I shall content 
 myself with mentioning what was told me by others. An 
 officer of my own regiment told me in strict confidence 
 that one reason of my being treated as I had been, was 
 on account of my religion ; he did not mention what 
 the other reason was. Tliis must not be regarded as 
 any breach of confidence, considering this distance of 
 time, and since I abstain from giving even the initial 
 of the officer’s name. I was also told by one of the 
 
 Serampore missionaries that Captain N-said to him, 
 
 “The reason why Ensign White is treated in the way 
 he is, is because he is so good.” I know as a recorded 
 fact that Major Liptrap took offence at my having on 
 one occasion sent him a number of verses from the 
 Bible with a recommendation to him to read them.^ I 
 may also mention that one of the best friends I had in 
 the regiment told me at Barrackpore that I was worse 
 than a heathen in denying my infant baptism, by being 
 baptized again by the Baptists. 
 
 In accordance with the orders previously issued for 
 the annual relief of regiments, I marched with my regi¬ 
 ment to be stationed at Benares, where we arrived about 
 the middle of January, 1853. It will be fitting there¬ 
 fore, first of all, to give a description of this renowned 
 metropolis of Hindooism. Benares, with its thousand 
 idol temples and numerous ghauts, is situated on the left 
 bank of the Ganges, four hundred and fifteen miles bv 
 * “ Court-Martial Proceedings,” p. 39. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF BENARES. 
 
 07 
 
 road from Calcutta, and contains a population of nearly 
 two hundred thousand souls. The streets are narrow, 
 wherein may be seen roaming at large a lot of lazy but 
 sacred, or rather doubly sacred, hulls, since they are 
 votive offerings to one of the Hindoo trinity, and are 
 branded as the peculiar property of that heathen 
 divinity. It would therefore he perilous to do these 
 lazy oxen harm, or even to do them good by making 
 them do a little work. From remote ages Benares 
 has been known as the “ holy city ” of the Hindoos, 
 bathing in the waters here being regarded as par¬ 
 ticularly efficacious in the removal of sin. Here all 
 that is abominable in that noxious superstition 
 flourishes. Having been over the place I will in¬ 
 troduce the reader to what meets the eye there. 
 Inside the city are sacred wells, the smell of which is 
 simply abominable, to which the people bring flowers. 
 The sacred bulls are kept in countenance by the 
 thousands of sacred monkeys who have a temple of 
 their own dedicated to Hunooman, the monkey god.* 
 The place also swarms with wild-looking devotees, who 
 appear to be engaged in silent contemplation, looking at 
 no one, and sitting apparently in one unvaried position. 
 But the thing that interested me as much if not more 
 than anything else, was an observatory containing a 
 model of the world, in which the whole mundane 
 system was represented by elaborate configurations. 
 The Brahmin exhibitor came to me for a present, 
 whereupon I told him I would give him one, if he 
 could give me a consistent account of wliat these figures 
 were intended to represent. But as he could not do 
 
 * The monkey is a sacred animal in India, and in some parts of the 
 country I have seen reernlar monkey-trees, heavily laden with these funny 
 creatures, living a life free from alarm, since it would he considei’ed down¬ 
 right sacrilege to harm the smallest of them. And I remember it was 
 most amusing to see how these monkeys would all, both great and small, 
 the mothers with their youjig ones close in their embraces, follow me 
 about for the sake of a little grain scattered about here and there to 
 allure them on. 
 
C8 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 this I gave him no present, for which I dare say he 
 bestowed on me an inward curse. There are some 
 turbulent people in the city, as the following incident 
 will show. I was going through the city one day, 
 when I stood to look at a huge figure of Earn, in the 
 act of overcoming his great enemy Eawun, tlie King of 
 Ceylon, when an impudent fellow started forward, and 
 addressing me, said:—“ That,” pointing to the prostrate 
 foi’in of Rawun, “ is you, and the other (who was 
 pinning him to the ground) is our Earn.” Nettled at 
 ills uncalled-for impertinence, I instantly smote him 
 with such force in the face as to surprise the rude 
 fellow. But this proof of muscular Christianity is 
 not to be commended. I acted on the sudden impulse, 
 and it was well for me that I escaped maltreatment 
 from the bazaar riff-raff, for on another occasion the 
 sergeant-major of my regiment had a narrow escape of 
 losing his life. I did not see this myself, but he told 
 me about it afterwards, from which it appeared that in 
 righteous indignation he had struck down a naked 
 devotee who was behaving in a manner so abominably, 
 as to be totally unfit to be mentioned. Whereupon he 
 was set upon by the devotee’s followers, who were 
 intent on taking his life, and they would have murdered 
 him, had he not succeeded at last in escaping into 
 a house that providentially was near at hand. The 
 British cantonment was Secrole, which is two or three 
 miles from the city. 
 
 Major Liptrap hit upon a new plan at Benares to 
 get rid of me. It was this : he used frequently to 
 direct my attendance at his house for all sorts of petty 
 trifles, and when my Commanding Officer got me there 
 (for I always obeyed his arbitrary summons), he said all 
 the most irritating things he could think of, evidently 
 with the design of driving me to make an insubordinate 
 reply; and I firmly believe to this day that he had 
 some one concealed who would be a ready witness to 
 what I might say. I went, therefore, each time in fear 
 
PRACTICAL USE OF PRATER. 
 
 69 
 
 and trembling, but I always prayed most earnestly to 
 the Lord to give me grace to enable me to curb my 
 naturally warm temper, and my prayer was answered on 
 every occasion I went there. Witli this one experience 
 I confute the impious theories of those modern mis¬ 
 named philosophers, who assert that there is no use in 
 prayer. Can they explain to me by what means I, 
 naturally a hot-tempered man, was enabled always to 
 keep my temper under such a trying ordeal, except 
 by acknowledging the practical use of prayer to the 
 omnipotent E.uler of the universe ? Once the jjrovoking 
 things Major Liptrap said to me were almost more than 
 I could bear, and I rose respectfully to take my leave, 
 hut he would not sujlfer me ; so I had to remain till he 
 gave me leave to go. It is time now to narrate the dead 
 set made at me by my Commanding Officei’, the officer 
 commanding at Benares, and the Greneral commanding 
 the Division, in the case of a native soldier heloncinsr 
 to the company which I commanded. The narrative is 
 given on the authority of a bundle of official letters in 
 my possession. On the 30th May, 1853, I reported to 
 my Commanding Officer (through the Adjutant) the very 
 disrespectful behaviour that morning of my pay-hav- 
 ildar, Sunkatoodeen Sookul, in his having addressed to 
 me such highly offensive words as the following:—“ You 
 will never cease being unjust; ” and of his disrespectful 
 conduct towards me on other occasions. On the 1st 
 June, in obedience to orders, I attended at the quarters 
 of Major Liptrap, who, in the presence of his regimental 
 staff, entirely took the part of the havildar and 
 found fault with me ; he also brought forward the 
 accused non-commissioned officer, who denied my state¬ 
 ments. I repeatedly affirmed it to be as I had stated, 
 but Major Liptrap refused to give credence to my state¬ 
 ment, saying that the havildar’s w'ord was as good as 
 mine; and he, moreover, suffered this lying native to 
 make false complaints against me, the officer command¬ 
 ing his company. 1 also produced a memo, of further 
 
?0 
 
 INDIAN IIEMINISCENCI'.S. 
 
 causes of complaint against the pay-havildar, a portion 
 of which I was permitted to read; but it was of no 
 avail, and the end of the disreputable business was 
 that Sunkatoodeen Sookul was allowed to go away 
 unpunished, to my great indignation, as Major Liptrap 
 said to me that “ it did not appear at all clear that the 
 pay-havildar made use of those words ” which I stated 
 lie did. Under such very painful circumstances I felt 
 it necessary immediately to appeal to the officer com¬ 
 manding the station, trusting that he would take such 
 steps as he might see fit for the restoration of good 
 order, which had been so seriously damaged. In my 
 letter to the Brigade Major the same day (1st June), 
 requesting him to lay my case before the officer com¬ 
 manding the station, I laid stress upon this one point: 
 that when my legitimate authority was trampled upon 
 by my Commanding Officer, and when in addition I was 
 exposed to such excessive humiliation and degradation 
 as I had been that morning, it was utterly impossible 
 for me in any degree to check irregularities, and keep 
 up discipline amongst the men I commanded, when rny 
 influence over them was so entirely annihilated. I sent 
 this letter in the first instance to the Adjutant of my 
 regiment, requesting him to solicit Major Liptrap to 
 forward it on. This letter with its enclosures was 
 returned to me on the 3rd June, with a very long letter 
 from the Adjutant, containing serious threats of what 
 the Major would do to me in the event of my persisting 
 in wishing to have my papers sent on, and calling me 
 “ a contumacious, most troublesome and litigious officer.” 
 I was forbidden to write official letters, and informed 
 that in future, when I had anything to communicate to 
 the Commanding Officer, 1 was to make the subject 
 known in person the day before to the Adjutant, who 
 was directed to report the circumstance, when an liour 
 would be appointed for my attending at the Command¬ 
 ing Officer’s quarters, if necessary. This lengthy letter 
 concluded with the following characteristic paragraph : 
 
SYSTEMATIC PERSECUTION. 
 
 ?l 
 
 “ In conclusion, I am instructed to acquaint you that 
 unless you can conduct the duties of the company 
 without quarrelling with, and annojung the pay-hav- 
 ildar. Major Liptrap will be compelled to withhold the 
 charge of a company altogether from you.” Neither 
 this threat, nor his threatening to rejiort my alleged 
 perverse and disobedient conduct to the authorities, liad 
 the power to turn me from my purpose. Ill though I 
 was, and on the sick list, I allowed only one day to 
 elapse, and then (4th June) I sent this curious letter of 
 the Adjutant with my letter of the 1st June to the Brigade 
 Major, and its enclosures under cover of a second letter, 
 dated 4th June, to the Brigade Major, explaining the 
 necessity of my sending the letter direct instead of 
 through the Adjutant. I failed, however, to obtain any 
 justice from the officer commanding the station, as by 
 his directions a severe reprimand was administered to 
 me on the 25th June, and I was ordered not to address 
 the Brigade Major or my Commanding Officer again on 
 that subject. I cannot help thinking that that officer 
 was conscious that his conduct towards me would not 
 bear the light; because when I wrote to the Brigade 
 Major a private note asking if I might he allowed a 
 copy of the reprimand that was read to me, I received 
 the following laconic reply :— 
 
 “ My dear Sir, 
 
 “ The Colonel commanding will not permit you to 
 have a copy of the letter read to you yesterday. 
 
 “ Yours truly, 
 
 “ B. S. Dodgson.” 
 
 I now at once resigned the command of my company. 
 I could not do otherwise after being so shamefully dis¬ 
 trusted in making a report concerning a native soldier 
 under my command, and at the same time I sent all the 
 above-mentioned papers with an appeal to the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, addressed to the Adjutant-General 
 
72 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 (D, 25tli of June, 1853), wliicli I sent under cover of 
 a letter to the Assistant-Adjutant-General, Dinapore 
 Division, requesting him to solicit the General to for¬ 
 ward my papers to head-quarters. All I got by this 
 was another fierce reprimand from the General. It 
 became now a serious question for consideration as to 
 what I ought to do. Was I now to give in, and thus 
 allow my fair name to be bandied about as a dishonoured 
 one after my veracity had been arbitrarily adjudicated to 
 be below that of a native soldier? Was falsehood, 
 screened by power, to win the day ? I determined it 
 should not be if by any possibility I could prevent it, 
 especially as my honour as an officer and a gentleman 
 w^ere so concerned. Magna est veritas, et preevalebit. I 
 made a last attempt to obtain justice, and that was 
 completely successful. On the 8th of July I sent an 
 appeal to the Commander-in-Chief, addressed direct to 
 the Adjutant-General of the Army, enclosing at the same 
 time all the above-mentioned letters on the subject. 
 Apologizing for the irregularity of sending the letter 
 direct, 1 urged the particular emergency of my case as 
 my plea for this breach of military etiquette, and I 
 trusted that the circumstances thereof would be con¬ 
 sidered to justify the step I had taken, under the con¬ 
 viction, as I expressed it, that “ truth and innocency in 
 my case must eventually triumph over oppression, even 
 though countenanced by those authorities from whose 
 tribunal I was thus obliged to appeal to one higher.” 
 The rest is soon told ; I was not brought to a court- 
 martial for thus accusing my Commanding Officer of 
 oppression, and the officers commanding the station 
 and division with countenancing oppression; but on 
 the 8th of August, 1853, I received a letter from the 
 officiating Adjutant of my regiment informing me that 
 the pay-havildar, Sunkatoodeen Sookul, was ordered to 
 be tried by a native district Court-martial on a charge 
 framed against him at army head-quarters in reference 
 to the complaint preferred against him by me. The 
 
FAVOURABLE NOTICES BY THE PRESS. 
 
 73 
 
 result may easily be imagined. The Court-martial 
 assembled in due time, and the pay-bavildar was found 
 guilty in having been highly disrespectful in using the 
 words to me I charged him with. The matter was 
 taken up by some of the papers. I give an extract 
 from one written by an impartial writer, but I never 
 learnt whom :— 
 
 “Ensign White’s Intrepidity. 
 
 “ There is a weight in stolid perseverance that will 
 drive it through any difficulties or opposition, so long as 
 they are not actually impenetrable and insuperable, and 
 we have an instance in point, which has just been com¬ 
 municated to us from Benares. Ensign White, of the 
 42nd Native Infantry at that station, and junior of his 
 rank in the regiment, had occasion to find serious fault 
 with a pay-havildar of the corps, and he accordingly 
 embodies his charges against the non-commissioned 
 officer, and sends them in to the Major commanding 
 the regiment. The Major commanding the regiment 
 examines into the charges and evidence, and the con¬ 
 sequence is that he acquaints Ensign White with his 
 having done so, and also with his opinion that the 
 complaints against the pay-havildar were groundless, 
 and that consequently he could take no further notice 
 of the matter. Upon this. Ensign White coolly and 
 quietly collects the papers again, and forwards them to 
 the Brigadier commanding the station. The Briga¬ 
 dier commanding the station also examines into the 
 charges and evidence, and acquaints Ensign White with 
 his having done so, and also with his concurrence in the 
 views and opinions of Ensign White’s Commanding 
 Officer, at the same time sending to Ensign White a 
 rather sharp ‘ wig ’ for his troublesome and litigious 
 conduct. Ensign White, upon this, quietly collects bis 
 papers and charges again, and, with the Brigadier’s wig 
 still sticking to his head, sends them off to the General 
 commanding the division. The General commanding 
 
 O O 
 
74 
 
 INDIAN IlEMIXISCENCES, 
 
 the division also examines into the charges and evidence, 
 and acquaints Ensign White with his having done so, 
 and also with his entire concurrence in the views and 
 opinions of the officer commanding the 42nd N.I., 
 and of the Brigadier commanding the station, and 
 concludes by sending Ensign White an enormous 
 ‘ perruque,’ compared to which the Brigadier’s present 
 was what military hairdressers would call a very scanty 
 ‘ scalp.’ One would have thought that this would have 
 ended the matter, and that Ensign White of the 42nd 
 N.I., capped in this fashion, and somewhat like the 
 prize fowls one sees with enormous top-knots in the 
 Illustrated London News, would have toppled over, and 
 lain helpless on the ground. Not a bit of it. Ensign 
 White calmly collects his papers, and charges again, and 
 without taking any notice whatever of Oeneral, Briga¬ 
 dier, or Major, forwards them straight to the Adjutant- 
 General of the Army, for submission to His Excellency 
 the Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 “The Commander-in-Chief examines into the charges 
 and evidence, acquaints the General commanding the 
 Benares Division with the fact of his having done so, 
 and also with his entire dissent from the views and 
 opinions of the latter, and of the Brigadier commanding 
 the station, and of the Major commanding the 42nd 
 Eegiment of Native Infantry. Here the bore began 
 running up strongly favourable to‘* Ensign White, 
 and the conclusion was that a district Court-martial 
 assembled by order of the Commander-in-Chief, which 
 tried the pay-havildar upon Ensign White’s charges, 
 and found him guilty, the General commanding the 
 division approving and confirming the sentence !! We 
 are averse to litigious obstinacy and stubborn persever¬ 
 ance as a system, but it is useful to show that where an 
 officer is in the right he can forward the ends of justice 
 against very great odds, however junior his rank and 
 
 * The word in the newspaper is “ against,” but this is an evident mis¬ 
 print for “ favourable to.” 
 
MAJOR LIPTRAP’S LAST CARD. 75 
 
 subaltern bis position may be. We think that Ensign 
 White deserves great credit indeed for the unswerving 
 tenacity with which he followed up his point in this 
 instance, and brought a guilty man to justice in the 
 face of all opposition and apparently insuperable diffi¬ 
 culties .”—Morning Chronicle, JSTov. 3. 
 
 My father and mother at this time were very anxious 
 on my account, as their fears were so great that I must 
 be crushed by contending with such powerful enemies, 
 that they wrote to me, advising me to retire upon the 
 invalid’s list. Such advice from those so dear to me 
 affected me so much that I felt quite ill from it, though 
 I had not the slightest idea of adopting such timid 
 councils. I was on out-post duty at Jaunpore at the 
 time the sentence was published. 
 
 Major Liptrap now played his last card; he wrote to 
 the officer commanding at Jaunpore, giving him to 
 understand that the havildar had been acquitted. This 
 was of course told me, and it had the effect intended, 
 of making me furiously angry, because the man could 
 only have been acquitted on the assumption of my 
 sworn evidence being untrue. I should have taken 
 some desperate step had it not been over-ruled by a 
 merciful Providence. At last the thought struck me. 
 Why not write first a private note to the Brigade Major ? 
 I did so, and then I learnt how I had been deceived, 
 for that officer, whose letter I have before me, wrote to 
 me on the 20th of October, saying, “ You are under a 
 mistake with regard to the havildar; he was found 
 guilty of the charge.” Soon after this Major Liptrap 
 went on leave, and I never saw him more. He was a 
 man that prospered in the world, and lived to attain a 
 high rank.* A very violent outbreak of cholera oc¬ 
 curred this year at Benares during the rainy season, in 
 which two officers of my regiment died. On the 15th 
 
 * He retired to England in 1865, and became entitled to his Colonel’s 
 off-reckonings in 1866. 
 
76 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 of November I was transferred as lieutenant to the 3rd 
 European Eegiment, just being raised at Cliinsurali. 
 No tongue can tell how delighted I was to escape from 
 one who hated me witli such a bitter and remorseless 
 hatred as Major Liptrap did. I was also very glad to 
 leave a place with such unpleasant associations, and 
 where I could not get leave to go to Calcutta to be 
 examined for the prize examination. My transfer to 
 the 3rd European Eegiment conferred the great boon 
 of giving me this opportunity of appearing before the 
 examiners, and, though not in order of time, I may 
 dismiss the subject by stating that I passed in due 
 course, and received the prize of a thousand rupees. 
 But I must return from this digression to go on with 
 my reminiscences. As soon as my name appeared in 
 orders I lost no time in hiring a budgerow, in which 
 I and my wife took our voyage to Chinsurah, which is 
 situated on the river Hooghly, about twenty-six miles 
 from Calcutta. I became here very friendly with the 
 missionaries of the Free Church, just as I had been 
 previously friendly with the Baptist missionary, Mr. 
 Heinig, at Benares. I speedily became acquainted with 
 the officers of my regiment. I also formed the ac¬ 
 quaintance of the chaplain, an eccentric man, who 
 afterwards committed suicide. The first part of the 
 Indian Eailway was opened this year (1854) from Cal¬ 
 cutta to Hooghly, a town about a couple of miles from 
 Chinsurah. 
 
 Prosperity now made me sinfully careless. I required 
 the rod, and it was wisely sent. Once more I got into 
 hot water with my Commanding Officer. This happened 
 in July, 1854. There is no occasion to say much about 
 this business, since I frankly admit that I was in the 
 wrong on this occasion. The simple fact of the matter 
 is that I lost my temper under what I considered great 
 provocation. When I became sensible of my indis¬ 
 cretion, I offered to withdraw an objectionable note I 
 had written to the Adjutant, and to make an apology 
 
SEVERE PUNISUxMENT. 
 
 77 
 
 for the same. But since I refused to make the very 
 humiliating apology I was required to make, I was tried 
 by a general Court-martial on the 8th of September, 
 1854, and being found guilty of “conduct unbe¬ 
 coming an officer,” in having importunately solicited a 
 few days’ leave of absence after it had been repeatedly 
 refused me, and of “ unbecoming conduct ” in having 
 
 addressed to Lieutenant C-, the Adjutant of the 
 
 regiment, “ a note couched in very provoking language, 
 and for causing the same to be delivered in public in an 
 offensive manner, I was sentenced to be reprimanded 
 by the Commander-in-Chief, and to be placed one step 
 lower in t.he list of lieutenants of my regiment. The 
 loss of this step proved a most severe punishment, for 
 not only did I lose my right of seniority to the valu¬ 
 able appointment of Interpreter and Quarter-Master 
 when it afterwards became vacant, but, what was far 
 worse, my promotion to captain was retarded for more 
 than three years, occasioning thereby a loss to me in 
 pay of more than live hundred pounds. The loss of 
 this hard cash proved in future years a regular incubus 
 to me. Certainly, I bought experience at a very dear 
 rate, and it involved consequences of the utmost im¬ 
 portance, because my promotion being retarded from 
 18G2 to 1805, prevented my going home as I wished to 
 do in 1803 or in 1804, and by remaining in India T 
 lost my only son, a fine little boy, whose mother died 
 shortly before—the result of an accident going to Dar¬ 
 jeeling. And though I was not justified in losing my 
 temper, yet assuredly my punishment was greatly in 
 excess of my ofience. Next year, on my father’s death, 
 having taken my furlough, I secured my passage by the 
 liegina, but I delayed going on board till the very last, 
 and when I went to the vessel, to my utter dismay 
 she was nowhere to be found, and, upon making 
 inquiry, some sailors hinted at the probability of the 
 licgina having left for England, which alarmed me 
 so much that for the first and only time in my life I 
 
78 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Dearly fainted away in the boat I hired to take me on 
 hoard. 
 
 However, recovering myself, I urged the boatmen to 
 take me down the river, and I was at last rewarded for 
 my perseverance by the longed-for sight of my vessel. 
 This was early in June. We had a very stormy pas¬ 
 sage, and were nearly wrecked in a gale of wind off 
 the Cape of Good Hope. This was either on the 21st 
 or 22nd of August, when for some hours I was every 
 minute expecting the Regina to go down, so fearfully 
 was she being struck with a heavy cross sea. We 
 doubled the Cape at last, and then the storm was suc¬ 
 ceeded by a rather sudden calm. The motion of the 
 vessel became unnleasant in the extreme, for there was 
 no wind to steer by; the consequence was that the ship 
 rolled about frightfully, like a log on the big waves, at 
 the imminent risk of the masts toppling out of her. 
 But by the mercy of the Most High we escaped this 
 second danger, and in due time anchored at St. Helena, 
 a tropical island believed to be of volcanic origin, which 
 is chiefly celebrated for the captivity there of the Great 
 Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, who, after his defeat at 
 Waterloo, was detained there as a state prisoner till his 
 death in 1821. It is quite a mistake, and conveys a 
 wrong impression, to speak of this island as a rock, as 
 some people do. At all events, I can say from my O'wn 
 experience that I was most agreeably surprised to find 
 it very different from my preconceived notions. I 
 landed at James Town, which is the chief town, and 
 my stay here of a week gave me plenty of time to 
 explore the island, which is by no means extensive, 
 being only about ten miles long and six miles broad. 
 Its mountainous appearance affords the only pretext 
 for its being called the rock on which the great Napo¬ 
 leon spent so many years of his life ; for I found some 
 charming country scenery in the highlands of this very 
 salubrious isle. This was in September. I was also 
 delighted to meet with some of the Lord’s children 
 
A WEEK S STAY AT ST. HELENA. 
 
 79 
 
 here, such as Mr. Bertram, the pastor of the Baptist 
 chapel, and Mr. Janisch, the magistrate, who I believe 
 is now the Governor of the island. This amiable 
 gentleman, who practises the Scriptural precept that all 
 God’s children are brethren, received me cordially into 
 his house and entertained me most hospitably. I spent 
 my time chiefly in rambling about from place to place, 
 not forgetting to visit Longwood, where I saw the 
 house in which Napoleon lived and died. I listened 
 to the anecdotes told of this great man, whose captivity 
 was really the happiest event that could have befallen 
 him, since in his exile this mighty world-conqueror 
 was conquered by the love of Christ, and became a true 
 and intelligent Christian. I engaged to give an address* 
 concerning my own experience in India at the Baptist 
 chapel; but when the time came for me to fulfil my 
 promise, I must confess that my heart failed me, and 
 I had not the moral courage to go and stand up to 
 speak about myself in a cbapel crowded with people to 
 listen to such a novelty as an address from an officer 
 from India. 
 
 Instead of putting in an appearance, I sent an 
 excuse, and the people went away disappointed of their 
 expected treat. But Mr. Bertram would not let me 
 off so easily, for the next time I attended service at 
 the chapel, he did a rather extraordinary thing by 
 calling out from the pulpit to me, sitting in one of the 
 pews, asking me to lead the prayers of the congregation, 
 which I accordingly did. At last, after spending a very 
 pleasant week here, the Be/jina weighed anchor, and, 
 homeward bound, we left the island, which, from its 
 cliffy altitude, is not soon lost sight of, since the loftiest 
 mountain rises to a height of 2,700 feet. After a long 
 and dull voyage of five months, I landed at Gravesend, 
 and the first thing I heard of was my brother’s death 
 in the Crimea. Early in July, 1856, I left England on 
 
 * See the interesting account of this in a hook called “ Remarkable 
 Conversions,” published by Nisbet and Co. (1878), pp. 61, 62. 
 
so 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 board the Cambodia, doing duty with recruits. The 
 principal event of a personal nature was the dan¬ 
 gerous illness with which I was seized at the beginning 
 of the voyage. Some time after, the onl}'- surgeon we 
 had was taken alarmingly ill with quinsy, and, having 
 no medical man to attend him, his case was a most 
 precarious one, but eventually he did recover. This 
 voyage, unlike the last, was not at all a stormy one. 
 Once we appeared to be getting into a cyclone, but 
 Captain Page backed out of it. We reached Calcutta 
 in exactly four months. Prom there I went to Allaha¬ 
 bad by steamer, doing duty with recruits, and thence I 
 marched up country with them. On arriving at Cawn- 
 pore, about the middle of February, 1857, I thought 
 that a splendid opportunity presented itself, as several 
 of the native regiments there were in want of an 
 interpreter, and therefore, as I had passed in such high 
 examinations, I thought that I ouglit to succeed. I 
 went to one commanding officer after another, but it 
 was of no avail—my strenuous efforts failed entirely. 
 I was greatly disappointed at the time, but how thank¬ 
 ful to Ood I felt afterwards that I was thus saved from 
 being involved in the terrible massacre that occurred 
 there only a few months afterwards. Truly God’s 
 ways are the best, and that man is the wisest who 
 with childlike simplicity recognizes the fact at all times 
 and under all circumstances. My dear mother, writing 
 to me from Eochester, on the 16th July, 1857, says, in 
 allusion to my disappointment,—“ You felt it very 
 hard not to get the interpretership ; had you had your 
 wish, my flesh creeps to think what might have befallen 
 yourself, wife, and babe. I can but say, thank God for 
 His mercies, and may He increase our love to Him a 
 hundredfold.” I had some trouble with the recruits I 
 was taking to my regiment before reaching Agra. It 
 is no easy matter to keep always in order a lot of un¬ 
 disciplined hot-blooded young men, especially when 
 they manage to procure a quantity of native liquor, and 
 
r.REAT INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 81 
 
 it is next to impossible to prevent them getting it. I 
 reached Agra early in March, and soon after my rejoin¬ 
 ing my regiment that horrible storm burst upon us 
 which threatened to engulf all the English in India in 
 destruction, and to subvert British rule by the restora¬ 
 tion of Mahomedan supremacy. But this must be 
 reserved for another Chapter. 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Origin and Cause of the Great Sepoy Eevolt—Personal Knowledge of this 
 Matter—The Greased Cartridges—Eidiculous Fears of the Sepoys 
 —Their Obstinate Belief in a Lie—Disgraceful Policy of the Indian 
 Government righteously Punished—Eemarkable Character of this 
 Divine Eetributiou—Eetrospect of Former Mutinies—Lord Dal- 
 housie’s Undignified and Unenergetic Treatment of the Mutinous 
 38th Eegiment in 1852—Circumstances favourable to a General 
 Eevolt—Paucity of Europeans for the Defence of an Extended Fron¬ 
 tier—Lord Dalhousie’s Mischievous and Unpolitic Annexation of 
 Oude—“ Eight of Lapse ”—Its Unfairness—Sattarah, Nagpore, and 
 Jhansi—First Appearance of a Mutinous Spirit at Berhampore and 
 Barrackpore—Premature Outbreak and Massacre at Meerat—Ee¬ 
 markable Inactivity of the European Troops—Mutiny and Massacre 
 at Delhi—Proclamation of King of Delhi—Description of Agra—Taj 
 Mahal—Council of War at Agra—Grand Parade of Troops—Lieu¬ 
 tenant-Governor harangues them—Mutiny at Ferozepore—Useless 
 Proclamations of the Goveimor-General and Commander-in-Chief— 
 Scindiah’s devoted Loyalty—Sepoys rise at Alygurh, Etawah, and 
 Mynpoorie—Lieutenant-Governor’s Injudicious Manifesto—Can¬ 
 celled by Earl Canning—Mutiny at Muttra—Intended Eise and 
 Massacre at Agra—Blessing of United Prayers of Earnest Chris¬ 
 tians—Eemarkable Intervention of Divine Providence in our Favour 
 —The Native Eegiments at Agra are Disarmed—^Organization of a 
 Volunteer Force—The Untrustworthiness of the Agra Police— 
 Mutiny at Gwalior—Our Isolation at Agra—Eetirement of the 
 Ladies and Children into the Fort—The North-West Provinces in a 
 Blaze of Eevolt—Mutinies at Hansi, Hissar, Nusseerabad, Neemuch, 
 Bareilly, Moradabad, Shahjehanpore—Touching Scene at the Mas¬ 
 sacre near Aurungabad—Eevolt at Futtehgurh—Plight of the 
 English—Mutiny at Cawnpore—Unparalleled Misery of the Enghsh 
 besieged in Wheeler’s Entrenchments—Dhoondhoo Punt, the Nana 
 Sahib—His Old Grudge against the English—The amazing Trea¬ 
 chery of the 6th Eegiment N.I. at Allahabad—Sepoys rise at Azim- 
 gurh—Outbreak at Benares and Jaunpore—Mutiny at Jhansi—The 
 Ill-used Eanee of Jhansi’s Eevenge—Atrocious Massacre—Mutinies 
 at Nowgong, Jullundur, Phillour, and Eohnee—Eetributive Effects 
 of Wrong-doing in Oude—Sepoys rise at Lucknow, Seetapur, 
 Mohumdee, and Fyzabad—Terrible Sufferings of Mrs. Mills and 
 other Fugitives—Eevolts at Sultanpore, Bareitch, and other Sta¬ 
 tions—All Classes in Oude rise in Insurrection against the usurped 
 Power of the British Government in their Country—Commander- 
 in-Chief dies of Cholera—Mutinies at Indore—Holkar’s Noble Eeply 
 to the Mutineers—Eevolt at Mhow—Sepoys rise in the Vicinity of 
 Agra. 
 
 The sketch which I am about to give of the great 
 
ORIGIN AND CAUSE OF THE REVOLT. 
 
 83 
 
 Sepoy Mutiny wliich set in a blaze of rebellion the 
 North-West Provinces, together with the country down 
 to Allahabad, as well as Oude, Central India and some 
 other parts, and which like wild-fire Vvent the round of 
 the different stations in the Bengal Presidency, is not 
 intended to represent a complete history of that terrific 
 revolt with its ensuing protracted war, as that would he 
 extending my present work beyond its object, which is 
 to give an outline of the leading events of that momen¬ 
 tous time much in the same abridged form as that in 
 which I recorded it at the time in my diary, supple¬ 
 mented, however, by some information derived at a later 
 time from hooks except that part relating to Agra, 
 where I was stationed, and which, in consequence of 
 its forming part of my personal reminiscences, I have 
 related at great length. The ostensible and imme¬ 
 diate cause of this military outbreak was an infatuated 
 belief on the part of the Hindoo Sepoy,t that the 
 English Government was going to make them lose 
 caste, and so convert them forcibly to Christianity by 
 causing them to use cartridges greased with the fat of 
 the sacred cow, the end of which was to be bitten off. 
 This absurd idea was sedulously fomented by the Mus- 
 sulmen, who religiously and politically regard us with 
 far more dislike than the Hindoos, and who them¬ 
 selves believed, or pretended to believe, that we had 
 designs against them also, which was to make them use 
 cartridges smeared with hogslard, which is especially 
 detestable to the religious prejudices of the Mahome- 
 dans. This was on the occasion of the introduction in 
 1857 of the Enfield rifle, which required a lubricated 
 cartridge. It appears to have originated with a maga¬ 
 zine Lascar at Hum Hum,j; who one day in January, 
 
 * Such as the Histories of Kaye, Malleson, Grant, Chambers, Raikes, 
 &c. 
 
 t The Hindoos constituted the great majority of the Native army; the 
 Mussulmen represented about a fifth of the whole. 
 
 X A station about eight miles from Calcutta. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 1857, meeting a liigli-caste Sepoy, asked him for a drink 
 of water from Ids lota. The Brahmin at once replied 
 with an objection on the score of caste. The Lascar 
 made a taunting rejoinder, that caste was nothing, that 
 high caste and low caste were ah the same, as cartridges 
 smeared with beef fat and hogslard were being made 
 for the Sepoys at the Depots and would he given out 
 for general use throughout the army. The Brahmin 
 carried the story to his comrades, and very soon it be¬ 
 came tlie all-engrossing topic of conversation amongst 
 the Sepoys, so that the story of the greased cartridges 
 was in every mouth before the month was out, and at 
 last the absurd notion that Government was going to 
 deprive them of their caste, and make Christians of 
 them by force, took firm possession of their minds, un¬ 
 shaken by the most solemn assurances and concessions 
 on the part of Government! For although not a 
 round of the greased cartridges had been actually used 
 for practice purposes, and although not one of the large 
 number of the dreaded cartridges (that were then in 
 course of manufacture) had as yet been issued for use 
 to a single Sepoy throughout the Presidency Division, 
 yet as early as 27th January, 1857, in consequence of 
 a representation made by General Hearsay,* a notifica¬ 
 tion was issued from the Adjutant-General’s office, Cal¬ 
 cutta, granting permission to the Sepoys to grease their 
 own cartridges with whatever lubricating substance 
 they liked, and on the same day orders were telegraphed 
 to various stations that if any greased cartridges had 
 been issued for service they were not to be used. 
 
 But this concession had not the desired effect of 
 removing their suspicion. This I (who used to be very 
 familiar with the Sepoys, and who could speak their 
 language nearly as well as my own) can well remember, 
 because in the beginning of March I knew, from conver¬ 
 sations with the Hindoo Sepoys, that they were really 
 very anxious about a matter which appeared, according 
 * Commanding the Presidency Division. 
 
RIDICULOUS FEARS OF THE SEPOYS. 
 
 85 
 
 to their notions, to threaten them with loss of caste ; 
 and towards the end of tliis month General Anson, tlie 
 Commander-in-Chief, addressed the native officers at the 
 Depot formed lor the instruction of the army in the 
 new rifle at Umhalla, in a speech wherein His Excellency 
 endeavoured to disabuse them of their unjust suspicion, 
 by informing’ them that tliere was not the sliglitest 
 shadow of truth in the suspicion then prevailing that 
 the object of Government was to subvert their religion by 
 the use of the greased cartridge, and by assuring them 
 on his honour that it never had been, and never would 
 be, the policy of Government to coerce them in their 
 religious feelings, or to interfere with their customs. 
 
 It is a singular fact that this explicit, emphatic, and 
 authoritative declaration had not the least effect of un¬ 
 deceiving them of their ridiculous fears. The native 
 officers, it is stated, listened respectfully to the Com mander- 
 in-Chief’s oration ; but when the parade was over they 
 told Lieutenant INIartineau, the musketiy instructor, 
 that though they themselves did not attribute any such 
 evil design to the Government, yet the truth was, that 
 for one man who disbelieved the story, there were ten 
 thousand who believed it; that, in short, it was univer¬ 
 sally credited. The Hindoo soldier possesses a child¬ 
 like credulity in believing any marvellous tale he is 
 told, which he not unfrequently adheres to with all the 
 obstinacy of our James 11. 
 
 Had the ])Oor deluded Sepoy but been acquainted 
 with the first principles of our holy faith, he would have 
 known how utterly impossible it was for the English 
 Government, or for all the Governments of the whole 
 world b}^ their united power, to Ibrce him into a religion 
 which could only be embraced by the personal exercise 
 of faith and love. But this wholesome knowledge was 
 studiously kept from his eyes. We as a nation had 
 been, and were still, actually ashamed of our religion, and 
 selfishly thought that the Hindoo system of theology 
 was best for the Hindoo, whilst at th.e same time 
 
86 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 it served our turn best, and so any attempt made to 
 cause the Sepoy to become acquainted with the Chris¬ 
 tian religion was, as a rule, frowned upon by the autho¬ 
 rities. It is a disgraceful fact that the policy of the 
 Indian Government was, and had been for many years, to 
 keep the native soldier in ignorance of the saving truths 
 of the Bible, as though we almost dreaded the idea of his 
 becoming a Christian ; and had it been known that I 
 distributed Testaments amongst them, and used my best 
 endeavours to convince them of the truth of the Chris¬ 
 tian religion, I have no doubt that I should have got 
 into very serious trouble.* But I escaped simply be¬ 
 cause it was not found out. As a nation we were verily 
 guilty of hiding our light under a bushel, and we 
 reaped the fruit of our cowardice in a fearful ordeal, 
 which ultimately produced a great change for the better. 
 Moreover, previous to the Mutiny, Government was not 
 merely neutral towards Hindooism, but actually favoured 
 it by taking under its protecting care the vested in¬ 
 terests of idol temples, and dishonouring God by its 
 notorious connection with idolatry. In consequence 
 of this wickedness we reaped a harvest of the most 
 awful suffering that has ever been endured by man; 
 and it is a very singular circumstance that we were 
 made to suffer from the belief in a lie, which in¬ 
 directly, at least, arose from our hiding the truth, and 
 that our punishment came from the hands of those 
 very people whose superstition and idolatry we had so 
 sedulously fostered and cherished. Assuredly God’s 
 word was verified in our experience — “ Them that 
 honour me I will honour, and they that despise me 
 shall be lightly esteemed ” (1 Samuel ii. 30). Lightly 
 esteemed the nation certainly was, when the most autho¬ 
 ritative and solemn assurances of Government were dis¬ 
 credited and treated as so many lies. That the Sepoys 
 
 * My bearer told me one day that he had been talked to by my Com¬ 
 manding Officer, Major Liptrap, who tried to ascertain from him what I 
 was doing in the way of proselyting the natives. 
 
RETROSPECT OP FORMER MUTINIES. 
 
 87 
 
 really and truly believed in the tale of the design 
 against their caste and religion appears to me yet further 
 confirmed by the fact that the iSepoy revolt developed 
 a great amount of religious rancour on the part of those 
 insurgents, as was shown by the blind fury manifested 
 by them towards places of Christian worship; and fur¬ 
 ther by the animosity shown towards their own country¬ 
 men professing the Christian religion, who, failing to 
 escape by flight, or concealment, were in some instances, 
 not in all, put to death, when they would not purchase 
 safety by abjuring their religion.* * * § But the Sepoys 
 were ripe for mutiny long before the agitation about 
 the greased cartridges. 
 
 We had been sitting for years on the top of a powder 
 magazine, ready to explode at any moment, as shown 
 by a number of public events that had occurred since I 
 entered the Service ; besides which, who can tell how 
 many curious incidents were hushed up ! Such as the 
 treasonable conversation overheard amongst a party of 
 Sepoys when the battle was going against us at Feroz- 
 shuhurt(21st December, 184o). Then the next year, 
 184G, I saw my own regiment in a mutinous state on 
 being ordered to leave their doles behind them,]: on being 
 ordered to march to Cashmere against the revolted chief¬ 
 tain, Shaick Imamoddeen. Brigadier Wheeler,§ who 
 commanded the force, on being informed, gave his deci¬ 
 sion favourable to the wishes of the Sepoys, who got their 
 doles. These matters were of course all hushed up. A 
 mutinous disposition amongst the native soldiery may be 
 traced as far back as the mutiny of two regiments at Vel¬ 
 lore in 1806, which resulted in the massacre of above a 
 hundred English soldiers besides civilians, followed by that 
 of the 47th Begiment at Barrackpore in 1824, and still 
 
 * This was the case with Wilaiyut Ally, who suffered a martyr’s death 
 at Delhi. 
 
 t See elsewhere in the account of that battle. 
 
 t Large iron vessels for drawing water. 
 
 § Afterwards Major-General Wheeler, commanding at Cawnpore in 
 18.57. 
 
8S 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 later the mutiny of several regiments in the newly 
 acquired Province of Scinde on a question of pay, which 
 occasioned the disbandment of one regiment. But I 
 prefer to give prominence to those outbreaks which 
 occurred during my residence in India. First of all, 
 then, there was the serious mutiny in 1849-50 of several 
 regiments in the Punjaub. This also was on a question 
 of pay ; for on the Sikh kingdom becoming a British 
 Province in 1849, the Sepoys serving in the newly 
 annexed country ceased to enjo}^ the extra allowance of 
 foreign service, and they could not understand why the 
 conquest of the Punjaub should be followed by the re¬ 
 duction of their pay. They therefore (^.(?., the Sepoys 
 of three regiments) refused to receive the reduced rates 
 of pa 3 ^ This outbreak was, however, nipped in the bud. 
 
 Some of the recusants were transported for life in 
 1850, and tlie disturbance ceased with the punishment 
 of the 6bth Eegiment N.I., who, having broken into 
 downright mutiny at Govindghur,and having attempted, 
 though in vain, to seize the Fort there, were disbanded, 
 and their place was taken by a regiment of Goorkhas.* 
 But Sir Charles Napier thought that some grounds of 
 dissatisfaction existed. The change which the Sepoys 
 resented was declared by the Chief to be “ impolitic 
 and unjust,” and, pending a reference to Government, 
 orders were issued for the payment of compensation 
 to the troops on a higher scale than what was sanc¬ 
 tioned b}’ the regulations. This was the origin of 
 that memorable contest between the heads of the civil 
 and military Government. Napier may have been 
 wrong in exercising an authority not belonging to his 
 office, which His Excellency justified on the plea of the 
 danger being pressing, and not admitting of delay in 
 action; but not less wrong, and far more irrational, was 
 Dalhousie’s denial of the fact of a mutiny having taken 
 place. This his Lordship did in a peppery Minute, 
 
 * Styled the 66th Goorkha Light Infantry Eegiment, now called the 
 Ist Goorkha Eegiment. 
 
RIPENESS or SEPOYS FOR REVOLT. 
 
 89 
 
 whicli he concluded in the following’ words :—“ I desire 
 to record iny entire dissent from the statement that the 
 army has been in mutiny, and the Empire in danger.” 
 Napier held to his opinion witli as much tenacity as 
 Dalhonsie ; but recognizing the duty of obedience, he 
 adopted the pi'oper course of resigning his post on the 
 22nd of May, 1850. Lastly, in 1852, the 38th Regi¬ 
 ment N.I., stationed at Barrackpore, refused to volun¬ 
 teer to cross the sea to Burmah, and Lord Dalhonsie, 
 instead of adopting a dignified and energetic course of 
 action, decreed that this regiment should not be sent to 
 Burmah. These incidents show how ripe the Sepoys 
 were for a revolt. A plausible pi’etext and a favourable 
 opportunity alone were required to fire the train, and 
 both of these presented themselves in 1857. The 
 former has already been told, and the latter requires to 
 be narrated, which was presented by Lord Dalhousie’s 
 annexation of the Punjaub, Pegu,* and Oude, whereby 
 our strategic position was weakened by the far and wide 
 distribution of our European forces to meet the require¬ 
 ments of tlie newly annexed territories ; the result 
 being that a vastly extended area having to he defended 
 by the same number of Europeans, their strength to act 
 in any emergency was most impolitically diminished. 
 This unwise policy produced an almost com[)lete 
 denudation of European troops between Calcutta and 
 Delhi, the capital of the Moghul Empire, which impor¬ 
 tant station had not a single company of European 
 Infantry or a troop of European Cavalry or Artillery. 
 In the beginning of 1857 there were in the three 
 Presidencies of Bengal. Madras and Bombay, in the 
 service of the Honourable East India Company, two 
 hundred thousand native troops, and thirty-eight thou¬ 
 sand Europeans, Queen’s and Company’s; of whom 
 there were stationed in Bengal, from Calcutta to the 
 Afghan frontier station of Peshawur) one hundred and 
 
 ^ 'Iliis Buniuise Province, with its three iiiilliou souls, was annexed 
 in 18o2. 
 
90 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 eighteen thousand six hundred and sixty-three natives, 
 and twenty-two thousand six hundred and ninety-eight 
 Europeans, making a total of one hundred and forty-one 
 thousand three hundred and sixty-one.* Never, there¬ 
 fore, had the Sepoys a better ojiportunity of acquiring 
 the mastery than in the revolt of 1857, the difficulties 
 of which were greatly aggravated by the mischievous 
 policy of Lord Dalhousie in annexing Oude with its 
 five millions, in 1856, on account of the misgovernment 
 of its effeminate King, because this high-handed pro¬ 
 ceeding left a very bad impression on the minds of the 
 Oudeans, so bad indeed that, as we shall see afterwards, 
 they rose with the Sepoys; and secondly, by the injuri¬ 
 ous effects produced by this annexation in weakening 
 our European strength at an important station like 
 Cawnpore. 
 
 Honesty, whatever some politicians may say to the 
 contrary, is the best and safest policy, and had we con¬ 
 sulted the wishes of the nobility of Oude by main¬ 
 taining the quasi independence of that country, there 
 would in all human probability have been no Cawnpore 
 massacre, since H.M, 32nd Foot, instead of being 
 stationed at Lucknow, would have been cantoned at 
 Cawnpore; nor would there have been those horrible 
 massacres in Oude which will be referred to further 
 on. Assuredly the unwarrantable annexation of Oude 
 brought its own punishment. Eut had we acted to¬ 
 wards that wronged kingdom with proper generosity, 
 and more in accordance with the precepts of our holy 
 faith, we should, as I believe, have found a friendly 
 power in the country that proved to be a very hotbed 
 of insurrection, by exciting to a glowing heat the 
 patriotism of the great landholders who felt it their 
 duty to stand by their King.f But nations like indi¬ 
 viduals not unfrequently reap as they sow. 
 
 * See return prepared by East India Company, showing the strength 
 of their forces in India at the commencement of the Mutiny. 
 
 f This, for instance, was strikingly shown as late as November, 1858, 
 
THE RIGHT OF LAPSE. 
 
 91 
 
 
 3 f 
 
 I base my assertion of what may have been tlie case 
 on what happened in the Mahratta state of Giwalior, 
 which being conquered by the English in 1843, might 
 by the Jaw of conquest have been annexed to British 
 India. But Lord Ellen borough wisel}^ forbore to do so, 
 and by his generous treatment of this fallen state he 
 bound its Maharajah (Scindiah) by a tie of gratitude, so 
 that in our time of need he became our most staunch 
 ally, risking his kingdom if not his life in our cause.* 
 Well would it had been for us, indeed, if Dalhousie 
 had profited by the example of Christian forbearance 
 set by Ellenborough. The difficulties of our position 
 were further, though in a much minor degree, increased 
 by Lord Dalhousie’s grasping policy in substituting 
 “ the right of lapse ” for the dearly-prized right of 
 ado])tion. According to this innovation native states, 
 on the occasion of their sovereigns dying without 
 legitimate male heirs, were annexed to British rule on 
 the assumption of our being the paramount power in 
 India. On this principle Dalhousie annexed the Prin¬ 
 cipality of Sattarah in 1849, which was followed by the 
 annexation of Nagpore in 1854. The Principality of 
 Jbansi, in Bundelcund, was also annexed by his Lord- 
 ship in 1854, in spite of the protestation of the de¬ 
 ceased Bajah’s widow, who, after brooding over her 
 wrongs for three years, took a fearful revenge in 1857, 
 as will be seen farther on when we come to speak of 
 the dreadful mutiny and massacre at that place. The 
 first appearance of a mutinous spirit manifested itself 
 in the 19th Begiment Native Infantry at Berhampore, 
 about a hundred and twenty miles from Calcutta. This 
 was on the 27th of February, 185 7, and on the last 
 
 when the revolt was quite suppressed, in the case of that pre-eminent 
 chieftain, Beni Madho, who in reply to the proclamation sent to him by 
 Lord Clyde, stated that he felt it his duty to stand by his King, and that 
 he would not surrender. 
 
 * I can sajf, from general report at the time, that Scindiah’s services 
 in 1857 wore invaluable to us at Agra, which is distant about seventy 
 miles from his capital, Gwalior. 
 
92 
 
 INDIAN RKMINISCENCES. 
 
 clay of the following month, the 19th was disbanded at 
 Barrackpore. The scene now changes to that military 
 station in the vicinity of Calcutta. There was no 
 European regiment cantoned here. The native regi¬ 
 ments stationed here at this time were the 2nd, 34th, 
 43rd,* and TOthf Regiments Native Infantry. On the 
 29th of March, 1857, occurred the mutiny of the 34th 
 Regiment Native Infantry, on which day Mungal 
 Pandy, a Sepoy of that regiment, fired at the Sergeant- 
 Major, and fought a desperate hand-to-hand battle with 
 Lieutenant Baugh, the Adjutant, within a few yards 
 of the quarter-guard of the 34th Regiment, where a 
 Jemadar and twenty men were on duty. The conduct 
 of the mutineer appeared to meet with the approval of 
 the Sepoys of the regiment, for, with the solitary ex¬ 
 ception of the Adjutant’s orderly, none of the Sepoys 
 moved to the assistance of Lieutenant Baugh, and some 
 of the soldiers of the guard even struck that wounded 
 officer on the ground, and threatened to shoot Shaick 
 Pultoo, the only man who interfered in behalf of Baugh. 
 Finally, Greneral Hearsay, accompanied by his sons, 
 rode to the quarter-guard, and ordered them to confine 
 Mungal Pandy, who was hung on the Sth of April; 
 and on the 22nd of April, Issui’ey Pandy, the Jemadar 
 who had behaved so abominably as commanding the 
 quarter-guard 34th Regiment Native Infantry, was also 
 hung, and the regiment {i.e., the seven companies at 
 Barrackpore) were aftervvai’ds disbanded. The officer 
 commanding the 34th Regiment Native Infantry was 
 Colonel S. G. Wheeler (with whom I was well ac- 
 cjuainted), a thoroughly devoted Christiair; he was 
 remarkably grave in his manner, and the desire of his 
 whole soul was to be instrumental in bringing the 
 natives to the knowledge of Christ as their Saviour. 
 He was taken to task for preaching to the Sepoys, and 
 on his retirement afterwards he followed the bent of 
 his mind without let or hindrance. The rest of the 
 * Now the 6th Regiment N.I. f At present the 11th Regiment N.I. 
 
OUTBREAK OF THE MUTINY. 
 
 93 
 
 regiments at Barrackpore, though no doubt tarred with 
 the same brush as the 34th N.I., were allowed to 
 remain as they were, and were not disarmed till the 
 14th of June. The mutiny of the Bengal Army in 
 right earnest, with its attendant massacres and insur¬ 
 rections of the turbulent classes of the people, did not 
 commence till the month of May, and then it began 
 with three native regiments at Meerut,* where one 
 would naturally think that it must have been suppressed 
 immediately, considering the powerful force of Euro¬ 
 peans stationed there, which comprised Her Majesty’s 
 6th Carabineers, 60th Bifles, and a large force of Artil¬ 
 lery. On the 24th of April the 3rd Bengal Cavalry 
 Regiment was drawn up on parade for instruction in 
 the recent changes introduced into the platoon exercise, 
 wherein, from deference to the national prejudices, the 
 ends of the cartridges were to be torn instead of bitten 
 off. Out of ninety troopers to whom the ammunition 
 was tendered eighty-five refused to take it. Pursuant 
 to the instructions of the Commander-in-Chief, the 
 recusants were tried by a native general Court-martial, 
 which sentenced them to ten years’ imprisonment with 
 hard labour. The sentence, which was confirmed by 
 the General commanding the division, who commuted 
 the sentence of eleven 3 mung troopers to five years, 
 was read out to the prisoners at a general parade on the 
 9th of May, when their uniform being stripped off, and 
 fetters fixed to their ankles, they were marched off to 
 the gaol, two miles distant, in the sole custody of a 
 native guard. 
 
 On Sunday evening, 10th May, the troopers of the 
 3rd Cavalry with yells rushed to the gaol and liberated 
 their imprisoned comrades. The Sepoys of the 11th 
 and 20th Regiments N.l. at the same time rose in 
 revolt. Colonel Finnis, commanding the 11th, who 
 went into their midst to remonstrate with them, was 
 shot dead. The mutineers were at once joined by a 
 * Meerut i.s distant 906 miles from Calcutta. 
 
94 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 host of budmashes,* and, half mad with excitement, 
 they began to slaughter every white man, woman, and 
 child they met with, and this they appear to have done 
 without let or hindrance. It may well be asked, But 
 what were the two thousand English soldiers in can¬ 
 tonments doing to prevent these atrocities ? To this the 
 melancholy answer must in truth be returned, that they 
 did nothing worth mentioning; though but for General 
 Hewitt’s wretched incapacity the mutiny would have 
 been promptly stamped out in the blood of the muti¬ 
 neers. As it was, the Christian people in some parts of 
 Meerut were abandoned to indiscriminate slaughter as 
 though there had not been a single English soldier at 
 the station ! The horrors of incendiarism and murder 
 which that night witnessed were almost indescribable. 
 This fearful affair was productive, however, of one most 
 beneficial result, that it unmasked the atrocious designs 
 of the enemy, and put us on the alert. Eor the fact is, 
 that the outbreak at Meerut was premature, and con¬ 
 sequently spoilt the execution of the preconcerted plan 
 foi* a simultaneous Sepoy revolt all over the country, 
 which was fixed for Sunday, 31st May, 1857. This in¬ 
 terruption of the design to murder the English every¬ 
 where on a fixed day was a merciful interposition of 
 Divine Providence, which saved British rule in India ! ! 
 The Meerut mutineers arrived at Delhi f next day (11th 
 May). They shot Mr. Simon Eraser, the Commissioner, 
 and Captain Douglas, commanding the palace guards, 
 and then they butchered the station chaplain, Eev. W. 
 Jennings, and his daughter. There was now a general 
 and indiscriminate massacre of Europeans, attended by 
 the plunder of their property, and firing of their houses. 
 The Church was an especial object of the fury of the 
 insurgents. The native regiments, the 38th, 54th, and 
 74th, all fraternized with the Meerut mutineers, and 
 murdered several of their ofiicers; the rest escaped to 
 
 * The worst classes amongst the native community. 
 
 f Delhi is distant forty miles from Meerut. 
 
95 
 
 DESCRIPTION or AGRA. 
 
 Meerut and Umballa. This tragic sc^i^was wound 
 up by the proclamation of the titular Delhi 
 
 as King of India. 
 
 From information obtained through natives I gl^y 
 fear that the most dreadful outrages were committed 
 this occasion, which cannot of course be substantiated, Q 
 since “ dead men tell no tales.” Such was the com¬ 
 mencement of the great Sepoy revolt. But I must now 
 return to Agra, which being the station I was cantoned 
 at with my regiment, is the standpoint from which I 
 myself viewed, and have consequently given a corre¬ 
 sponding sketch, to be found in the following pages, 
 treating of the stirring events that occurred in those 
 fearfully exciting times, many of which are indelibly 
 branded on my memory. Agra, which is 790 miles 
 from Calcutta, and 130 miles distant from Meerut, was 
 the seat of the Government of the North-Western 
 Provinces. The Lieutenant-Governor, Mr. John Colvin, 
 resided here. The native town, which is a large and 
 important one, is commanded by the red sandstone 
 Fort situated on the right bank of the river Jumna. 
 This fortress, which is about three miles from the civil 
 lines, and rather over a mile from cantonments, was 
 constructed b}^ the Emperor Ackbar, and has inside 
 the imperial palace and audience hall, the pearl mosque 
 of pure white marble, and Ackbar’s throne. But what 
 has given Avorld-renown to Agra is the surpassing 
 grandeur of one of its monuments, the Taj Mahal, 
 situated on the same side of the Jumna as the fort and 
 city, which was erected in the reign of our Charles I. 
 by the Emperor Shah Jehan, as a tribute of affection 
 to the memory of his favourite Empress. Some idea 
 may be formed of the vastness of the work when it is 
 considered that it took some twenty thousand men 
 nearly twenty years to finish it. The “ Taj ” stands by 
 itself on the banks of the river, like a fairy palace in 
 the wilderness, with its superb avenue of cypresses. It 
 is difficult to give any description that would convey 
 
96 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 a correct impression of this marvellous monument of 
 Oriental architecture. I have seen nothing to compare 
 to it in Paris, or in my travels through Holland, Bel¬ 
 gium, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, or anywhere in 
 England. This costly tomh, constructed of pure white 
 marble, wrouglit with matchless skill into one poetic 
 design, relieved by mosaic work formed of precious 
 stones, is certainly the most magnificent mausoleum 
 ever made by man. 
 
 On the Taj side of the Jumna was the military 
 station, which was in the Meerut Division. There 
 were cantoned here at this period my regiment, the 
 3rd Europeans,* Captain D’Oyley’s troop of European 
 Artillery, and the 44th and 67th Eegiments Native In¬ 
 fantry, commanded by Brigadier Polwhele. The civil 
 station, with its Government House, Offices, College, 
 Eoman Catholic Cathedral, &c., was beyond the city. 
 Great was the excitement amongst us on hearing of the 
 mutiny at Meerut, the news of which reached Agra on 
 the 11th May by a telegraphic message from Meerut; 
 and this feeling was further increased to fever heat by 
 the tidings of the horrible massacre at Delhi, which 
 reached us on the 13th May. Mr. Colvin, the Lieu¬ 
 tenant-Governor, who had received reports from which 
 he was led to suppose that the mutineers after sacking 
 Delhi were marching on Agra, held a council of war on 
 the 13th May, which was attended by the leading civil¬ 
 ians, Mr E. A. Peade, Mr. G. Harvey, Mr. H. B. Har¬ 
 rington, the Honourable Mr. Drummond, Mr. W. Muir, 
 Mr. C. Kaikes, and Mr. C. Thornhill, and the principal 
 military authorities, Brigadier Polwhele, Colonel Fraser, 
 Chief Engineer, and others. At this grand consultation 
 it was determined that a general parade should be held 
 the following morning for the purpose of haranguing 
 the troops. It was also resolved that a body of Euro¬ 
 peans and Eurasian militia should be raised, and that 
 an attempt should, be made to quiet the minds of the 
 * Now Her Majesty’s 107th Foot. 
 
MUTIM AT FEROZEPOllE. 
 
 97 
 
 community by a system of patrolling. Next day (14th 
 May) there was a grand parade of all the troops at 
 Agra. Mr. Colvin first addressed my regiment in a 
 speech in which he spoke wdth warmth of the cruel 
 murder of the Delhi chaplain’s daughter. The Lieu¬ 
 tenant-Governor next spoke to the native regiments in 
 Hindoosthanie, when, after expressing his confidence in 
 their loyalty, he desired any man who wished either to 
 leave his regiment, or had any complaint to make, to 
 step forward. Whereupon the Sepoys set up an equivo¬ 
 cal kind of shout, by which they may have intended to 
 signify their satisfaction, as no man responded to Mr. 
 Colvin’s invitation to come to the front; or it may have 
 proceeded from a defiant feeling of indifference. Under 
 these circumstances no decisive measure was adopted to¬ 
 wards those regiments, who were allowed to retain their 
 arms as usual. The same day that this was going on at 
 Agra there occurred the mutiny of the 45th llegiment 
 N.I. at Ferozepore. The mutineers burnt the bunga¬ 
 lows of their officers in cantonments, as well as the 
 Protestant and Roman Catholic churches. Happily, 
 the families of the officers were safe in the barracks, and 
 no murders of Europeans were perpetrated, and the 
 mutinous 45th Regiment was pursued and scattered over 
 the country. The I’ollowing day, 15th May, our tele¬ 
 graphic communication with Calcutta was stopped. 
 Soon afterwards we began roughing it by having a 
 picquet duty to sleep out all night on the ground, with 
 the canopy of the skies for our bed-curtains. The Gov¬ 
 ernor-General and Commander-in-Chiel tried to stop 
 the progress of the mutiny; the first did so by a pro¬ 
 clamation of the IGth IMay, warning the native soldiers 
 that the tales told about Government meditating any 
 injury to their caste were malicious falsehoods, and de¬ 
 claring to the people that the Government of India had 
 invariably treated the religious feelings of all its sub¬ 
 jects “ with careful respect,” and that it would never 
 cease to do so, and the latter made a like attempt by an 
 
98 
 
 INDIAN REMlNlSCENCli,S. 
 
 address to the army on the 19th May, informing them 
 of his determination that the new rifle cartridge should 
 he discontinued, and that in future balled ammunition 
 should he made up by each regiment for its own use, and 
 solemnly assuring them that no interference with their 
 caste or religion was ever contemplated, and pledging 
 his honour that none should ever he exercised. But 
 it was too late now to make any attempt at concilia¬ 
 tions. Things had gone too far to expect anything 
 from concessions. The result was that the attempt was 
 attended with as little success as would he the effort to 
 stop a train at express speed by putting a shilling on 
 the line. We were now destined to have no peace for 
 a long time to come. Now was shown the wisdom of 
 Lord Ellenborough’s enlightened policy towards the 
 Maharajah Scindiah of Grwalior, who now testified his 
 grateful loyalty to Government by the offer of his own 
 body-guard to our Lieutenant-Governor. 
 
 On the 21st May tidings reached us at Agra that 
 the head-quarters wing of the 9th Begiment N.I. had 
 mutinied the previous day at Alygurh, a station which 
 is distant fifty miles from Agra, and eighty from 
 Meerut. This was followed by the mutiny of the 
 detachments of the regiment stationed at Ltawah and 
 Mynpoorie.* News of these events caused considerable 
 perturbation amongst our people. Places of refuge, 
 such as the Government House, Post Office, Agra Bank, 
 and some other places, were about this time appointed, 
 where, if danger threatened, the Christian community 
 might resort to. On the 25th of May our Lieutenant- 
 Governor issued the following manifesto :— 
 
 “ Soldiers engaged in the late disturbance who are 
 desirous of going to their own homes, and who give up 
 their arms at the nearest Government civil or military 
 post, and retire quietly, shall be permitted to do so un¬ 
 molested. Many faithful soldiers have been driven into 
 resistance to Government only because they were in the 
 * Etawah is distant 73 miles, and Mynpooi-ie 70 miles, from Agra. 
 
lieutenant-governor’s injudicious manifesto. 99 
 
 ranks, and could not escape from them, and because 
 they really thought their feelings of religion and honour 
 injured by the measures of Grovernment. This feeling 
 was wholly a mistake, but it acted on men’s minds. A 
 proclamation of the Government now issued is perfectly 
 explicit, and will remove all doubts on these points. 
 Every evil-minded instigator in the disturbance, and 
 those guilty of heinous crimes against private persons, 
 shall be punished. All who appear in arms after this 
 notification shall be treated as open enemies.” 
 
 This ill-judged proclamation was properly cancelled 
 by Earl Canning, on the ground of its affording an 
 escape to all, even the most guilty of the mutineers. 
 His Lordship issued a proclamation in its stead, offering 
 pardon on wiser terms. The officers of the 44th and 
 G7th Regiments N.I. for the most part clung to the 
 belief that their men would not mutiny, but the 
 number of incendiary fires at night showed that they 
 meant mischief; and there would have been a mutiny, 
 and a dreadful massacre at Agra on Sunday, the 31st of 
 hlay, but for an overruling Providence, which completely 
 disarranged their meditated treachery which was to take 
 effect in the morning, by way of following up the mutiny 
 of the three companies of their regiments at Muttra, 
 an outpost station about thirty-five miles from Agra. 
 
 Those companies, according to their arrangements, 
 mutinied at Muttra on the 30th of May, when one 
 officer. Lieutenant Boulton, was shot dead, and another. 
 Lieutenant Gibbon, was wounded. The Sepoys then 
 seized the treasure, and proceeded to Delhi. Agra’s 
 safety on this, as on other occasions, was due to the 
 prayers of a praying band of the Lord’s children there; 
 for prayer moves the Hand that moves the world. This 
 holy brotherhood was not confined to any particular 
 section of the Christian Church, but embraced, for in¬ 
 stance, Baptists, Church-of-Eiigland people, American 
 Presbyterians, and others. But there was no jarring 
 here between Church and Dissent, for, pressed by one 
 
100 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 common danger, they who had always regarded each 
 other as one in Christ were now more than ever one 
 to each otlier. I expect that my attributing such power 
 to prayer will cause a sneer to rise on the face of some, 
 hut I laugh to scorn those pretended philosophers who 
 maintain that there is no use in prayer. Let the 
 thoughtful reader mark how deliverance was sent to 
 ward off the wholesale destruction we were threatened 
 with. The news of the mutiny at Muttra was brought 
 by camel express to Agra very late in the evening of 
 the same day. This timely information saved us. There 
 could he no hesitation now, so it was resolved to take 
 the initiative by disarming the two native regiments 
 next morning. The Adjutant galloped round at dead 
 of night to the houses of all the officers of the 3rd 
 Europeans, warning them to repair at once to the 
 barracks. It was about midnight when he came to my 
 quarters. The night was passed under arms. Early 
 next morning, Sunday, the 31st of May, we marched 
 to the parade. I noticed on this occasion that the Com¬ 
 manding Officer gave no order to the men to load, which 
 was a great mistake, and might have been attended 
 with very serious consequences. We found the two 
 native regiments drawn up either in close or quarter- 
 distance column of companies, I forget which of the 
 two it was. On the one side the conspirators were con¬ 
 fronted by my regiment (3rd Europeans), and on the 
 other by Captain D’Oyley’s troop of European Artil¬ 
 lery, in case they should think of offering resistance 
 to being disarmed. Brigadier Polwhele spoke to the 
 Sepoys, and the command was given to pile arms. The 
 Sepoys at first hesitated for a brief space, but at last 
 perceiving that they had lost fheir opportunity, and 
 seeing that their design of attacking us when unpre¬ 
 pared was completely disconcerted by finding us thor¬ 
 oughly ready and quite on the alert, they then, though 
 with great reluctance and gloomy looks, obeyed the 
 order to pile their arms, which were soon afterwards 
 
DISARMING OF NATIVE REGIJIENTS. lUl 
 
 placed on carts and conveyed to the Fort by myself and 
 another officer with a party of my regiment. Had any 
 one called out “ Deen, Deen,” at the critical time when 
 the Sepoys hesitated to surrender their arms, then, as 
 many of their muskets were afterwards found to be 
 loaded, I feel sure that they would have fired a volley 
 into us, which might have told with fearful effect at 
 such close quarters. The disarmed Sepoys were then 
 dismissed to their homes on leave, though no doubt 
 most of them found their way to Delhi. Fuller effect 
 was now given to the carrying out of the resolution 
 formed at the Council of War on the 13th of May, for 
 the organization of a volunteer force of horse and foot, 
 and clerks in public offices, tradesmen and civilians 
 responded to the call. 
 
 About this time 1 noticed a change in the demeanour 
 of the native population; and as for our police, the 
 Agra police were a villanous lot of traitors, although 
 they were trusted in by Mr. Drummond, the magistrate. 
 In June the country around Agra was in a most dis¬ 
 turbed state. Disastrous news was daily brought to 
 our Lieutenant-Governor, and we watched with great 
 anxiety the progress of events at Scindiah’s capital, 
 Gwalior, which is hut seventy miles distant from Agra. 
 There was stationed at Gwalior, and the outpost stations 
 of Siprce and Augur, the force known as the Gwalior 
 Contingent, which consisted of rather more than 8,000 
 soldiers, commanded by English officers, with four field 
 batteries, comprising four 24-pounder howitzers, two 
 18-pounders, and twenty 9-pounders, twenty-six in all. 
 We had not long to wait for the impending denouement, 
 as intelligence of the Gwalior mutiny reached Agra on 
 the 15th of June. The dreaded event had occurred the 
 previous day, on Sunday, the 14th of June, on which 
 evening the Sepoys rose and shot down their officers in 
 the prevailing darkness. Major Hawkins and Captain 
 Stewart of the Artillery, Majors Blake and Sheriff of 
 the Infantry, fell beneath the fire of the mutineers. 
 
102 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 These ferocious men relentlessly executed their mur¬ 
 derous work. Mrs. Stewart and her boy were shot 
 dead. Strange to say, these savages spared her little 
 girl.* Doctor Kirke, the superintending surgeon, was 
 killed before his wife. 
 
 Mr. Coopland, the chaplain, six sergeants, and some 
 others, were also murdered. But a number of officers, 
 with several ladies and their children, under the cover 
 of darkness, managed to escape either to the Besidency 
 or to the Maharajah’s palace. Thence, being provided 
 with carriage, they went on to Agra, where they arrived 
 on the 19th June, and were received with all the kind¬ 
 ness due to suffering humanity. It is but fair to the 
 Maharajah Scindiah to say that he was greatly grieved at 
 these terrible events, which he was powerless to prevent. 
 Towards the end of June we were completely isolated; 
 the ladies and children retired into the Fort, and 
 the officers slept at night in the soldiers’ barracks for 
 safety. I think I was about the last, if not the very 
 last, officer to spend the night unguarded in my house, 
 so that I was remonstrated with for my imprudence; 
 and I remember being told by a brother officer that 
 he expected I should pay the penalty of my rashness 
 with my life. The provinces under the Lieutenant- 
 Governor’s rule were aptly described as “ in a blaze of 
 ravage and riot.” The British Empire in Oude and 
 the North-West Provinces appeared to be fast tottering 
 to its fall, as station after station followed the example 
 set at Delhi, till the whole of those parts became one 
 vast hotbed of rebellion, leaving to isolated bands of 
 Englishmen little more than the ground they occupied 
 when they stood heroically at bay against overwhelm¬ 
 ing hordes crying for their blood. An abridged sum¬ 
 mary of the different mutinies we heard of in June 
 will now be given, which will be narrated with a little 
 variation, and in several instances with further particu- 
 
 * I think this must have been the little Charlotte Stewart I used to 
 see in the Fort. 
 
SUMMARY OF DIFFERENT MUTINIES. 
 
 103 
 
 lars than as it was recorded in my diary at the time. 
 I may at the outset observe, that though I had a good 
 many relations in the civil and military employ of the 
 Government, I only lost one, my cousin. Lieutenant 
 G. Mills, who was murdered by the mutineers of the 
 Mehidpore Contingent. On the ‘28th May occurred the 
 mutiny of the Humana Light Infantry and 4th Irregu¬ 
 lar Cavalry at Hansi and Hissar, which was attended 
 by an indiscriminate massacre of Europeans. And on 
 the same day (28th May) the 15th and 30th Regiments 
 N.I., with a native battery of Artillery mutinied at 
 Nusseerabad in Rajpootana. The 1st Bombay Cavalry 
 being ordered to charge the mutineers turned threes 
 about when within a few yards of the battery, and 
 left their officers to be slaughtered, two of whom were 
 killed and two severely wounded. The 72nd Regiment 
 N.I., 7tli Gwalior Contingent, and a wing of the 1st 
 Light Cavalry mutinied at Neemuch on the 3rd June. 
 No officers lost their lives, but the wife of a sergeant 
 and her three children were murdered. The Bareilly 
 Brigade, consisting of the 18th and 08th Regiments 
 N.I., with the 8th Regiment Irregular Cavalry, and 
 a native battery of Artillery rose in revolt at Bareilly, 
 the capital of Rohilcund, on the 31st May. They shot 
 dead Brigadier Sibbald, and every white face they 
 could meet with. Major Pearson and four other officers 
 were killed by villagers in their attempt to escape by 
 flight. Two judges, Mr. G. D. Raikes and Mr. L). 
 Robertson, IVlr. Wyatt, Deputy Collector, Doctors Hay 
 and Buck, with three other civilians, together with all 
 the women and children who had not left for Nynee 
 Tall, were murdered, most of them by the express 
 orders of the newly proclaimed Viceroy of Rohilcund, 
 Khan Bahadur Khan. Three days afterwards the 2yth 
 N.I. mutinied at Moradabad, which is about fifty 
 miles distant from Bareilly. The Sepoys here, content 
 with seizing the Government treasure, spared the lives 
 of their officers, who with their families and the civilians 
 
104 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 escaped to Meerut and Nynee Tall in safety. On 
 Sunday, 31st May, the 23th Eegiment N.I. arose at 
 Shahjehanpore, distant forty-seven miles from Bareilly. 
 This was my cousin’s regiment; but happily he was 
 not with it. One party of Sepoys attacked the English 
 at church, whilst another fired the bungalows in can¬ 
 tonments. Mr. M. Eicket, the magistrate and collector, 
 the commanding officer, Captain James, and the sur¬ 
 geon, Dr. Bowling, were shot dead. The chaplain and 
 a clerk were also both killed. The rest of the officers 
 escaped to Mohumdee in Oude, where they arrived in 
 a wretched condition two days afterwards. But on the 
 mutiny of the Sepoys at Mohumdee, on the 4th June, 
 the poor fugitives next day once more sought safety 
 in flight. But when a mile from Aurungabad they 
 were attacked by the Sepoys. Eesistance and escape 
 were both impossible. “We all collected under a tree,” 
 says Captain Orr, the sole survivor of the dreadful tale; 
 “ the poor ladies all joined in coolly and 
 
 undauntedly met their fate.” Let us cling to the hope 
 that this baptism of suffering was used by the Holy 
 Ghost as a means of bringing to the saving knowledge 
 of the Lord Jesus Christ such of these sufferers who may 
 not hitherto have thought much of those things that be¬ 
 long to the everlasting well-being of the soul, especially 
 since the narrator of the sad story gives us to understand 
 that it was in the attitude of prayer these dear English 
 ladies undauntedly av/aited their fate ; for saving faith 
 has the distinguishing quality of robbing death of its 
 sting. With the exception of a drummer boy, every 
 one of the Shahjehanpore party perished : viz., Mr. 
 Jenkins, C. S., twelve commissioned officers, a quarter¬ 
 master-sergeant, a band-master, eight ladies, and four 
 children. Mr. Thomason, the deputy commissioner, 
 a lieutenant on the veteran establishment, and some 
 clerks, were also slaughtered. On the 18th June the 
 10th Eegiment H.I. mutinied at Futtehgurh, a 
 station in the Agra Division, distant about twenty-five 
 
REVOLT AT EUTTEIIGURH. 
 
 105 
 
 miles from Sliahjeliaiipore. A fortniglit before the out¬ 
 break about one hundred and seventy non-combatants 
 started off in boats for Cawnpore. Finally, however, 
 only one hundred and twenty-six continued their ill- 
 fated journey.* Of the rest, one party with Mr. 
 Probyn accepted the hospitality of Hurdeo Bukhsh, 
 a landholder at Dhuruinpore, and another party of about 
 forty returned to Futtehgurh on the 13th June. 
 
 The 10th Eegiinent on revolting tendered their alle¬ 
 giance to the Nawab of Furruckabad, who had de¬ 
 clared against us, and the English to the number of one 
 hundred retired within the Fort, though we at Agra 
 did not in June learn the melancholy fate of our country¬ 
 men besieged here, yet as there will be no occasion to 
 refer to the Futtehgurh mutiny, the following brief 
 account is given, though out of place. After a gallant 
 defence the English evacuated the Fort on the 4th 
 Jul}^ and under cover of night they attempted to drop 
 down the river in three boats, commanded respectively by 
 Colonel Smith, Colonel Goldie, and Major Ilobertson. 
 Colonel Goldie’s boat, however, had to be abandoned, 
 and its occupants shifted to Colonel Smith’s boat. 
 Major Robertson’s boat having grounded on a sandbank 
 was attacked by the Sepoys, who opened fire on our people. 
 Major Robertson and many others were wounded; many 
 of the ladies in their desperation threw themselves into 
 the river, many were drowned, and many were killed, 
 whilst very nearly all the rest were taken prisoners, and 
 blown from guns by the orders of the inlamous Nawab, 
 who inaugurated his accession to power by the slaughter 
 of some forty Europeans captured in various parts of 
 his district. Mr. Jones, and Mr. Fisher, the chaplain, 
 escaped for the time by swimming to Colonel Smith’s 
 boat. Major Robertson found shelter in a village, where 
 he died; and Mr. Churcher some months afterwards 
 succeeded in reaching Cawnpore, when reoccupied by the 
 
 * This was the party that fell into the hands of the Nana Sahib, and 
 shared the fate of the English massacred at Cawnpore in July. 
 
100 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES, 
 
 English after the defeat of the Nana. Colonel Smith’s 
 boatload of fugitives were all massacred near Cawnpore, 
 between the 10th and 1 5th July, by orders of the Nana 
 Sahib, with the single exception of Mr. Jones, who 
 joined Mr. and Mrs. Probyn and escaped with them to 
 Cawnpore on the 1st September.* We. heard of the 
 mutiny at Cawnpore of the 2nd Light Cavalry and the 
 1st, 53rd, and 5()th Pegiments N.I. on the 4th June, and 
 Greneral Wheeler being besieged in his entrenchments, 
 where nearly a thousand souls, including 450 men,f found 
 themselves in an indefensible position. During the 
 siege, which lasted from 6th June to 27th June, the 
 misery of the garrison was unparalleled, being unshel¬ 
 tered, from the furnace heat of a June sun, which was 
 intensified by the absence of all privacy, which violated 
 the decencies of life in a manner shocking to feminine 
 modesty. I shall have occasion to refer to the mas¬ 
 sacre farther on in my narrative. But I shall say a few 
 words about Dhoondhoo Punt, the Nana Sahib, whom the 
 Sepo 3 ^s acknowledged for their leader. He was at this 
 time thirty-three years of age, and had an old grudge 
 against the English, dating from the death of Badgee 
 Pao, the last of the Mahratta Peishwas, who died at 
 Bithoor, near Cawnpore, in 1851. This ex-Peishwa, 
 who was in receipt of an annual pension of eight laks 
 of rupees from the British Grovernment, had adopted 
 Dhoondhoo Punt as his son, to succeed him in the title 
 and pension of the Peishwa. But Grovernment had 
 refused to recognize this adoption. The Nana Sahib 
 memorialized the Home Government; but it was all in 
 vain: for the Honourable East India Company decided 
 that the pension of his adopted father was not here¬ 
 ditary, and that he had no claim whatever to it. The 
 Nana’s time for retaliating had now come ; he had the 
 
 * Cawnpore is distant eighty miles from Futtehgurh. 
 f Of whom only about three hundred were regular soldiers—sixty 
 Artillerymen, sixty of 84th E/egiment, seventy-four 32 ud Begiment, and 
 sixt 3 "-five Madras Pusileers. 
 
DECEITFULNESS OF THE PANDIES. 
 
 i07 
 
 English at bis mercy, and he was determined to have 
 his revenge, as will be seen farther on in its proper place 
 in our narrative. We heard this month the harrowing 
 particulars of the singularly atrocious mutiny of the 6tli 
 Itegiment N.I. at Allahabad, which showed an amaz¬ 
 ing amount of treachery, and was a remarkable instance 
 of the sad infatuation that prevailed in trusting tbe de¬ 
 ceitful Pandies. This regiment was believed by Colonel 
 Simpson and the other officers of the regiment to be 
 loyal to the backbone, and so indeed they would have 
 been if their protestations of fidelity had been genuine. 
 They bad, moreover, demanded to be led against the 
 rebels at Delhi. For this they received the thanks of 
 the Governor-General at an evening parade on the 6th 
 June. But after being thus praised for their loyalty, 
 they rose in revolt about 9 p.m. of the same day. Cap¬ 
 tain Plunkett, riding to the mess that evening with 
 Colonel Simpson, sjioke with delight of the pride he 
 felt at the noble conduct of the regiment. A numerous 
 party of officers sat around the mess-table, congratulat¬ 
 ing themselves on the distinction for fidelity which 
 their regiment had just gained. In the midst of this 
 false security the bugle call sounding the alarm was 
 heard, and the faithful 6th was found to have actually 
 revolted ! Colonel Simpson succeeded in escaping into 
 the Fort; but Captain Plunkett, Adjutant Steward, 
 Quarter-Master Hawes, and Ensigns Pringle and Munro 
 were shot down on parade, and nine boy Ensigns who 
 had just joined to do duty with the regiment were 
 murdered in cold blood : Fort Adjutant Birch, and 
 Inness of the Engineers were also killed. Pearson and 
 Woodgate, Cadets, were taken prisoners, and escaped by 
 twice swimming across the river. I heard afterwards 
 the story of the escape of one of these officers from his 
 own lips. He told me that he was seized by a party of 
 Sepoys, when just as they were going to kill him the}’- 
 were diverted from their purpose by hearing a cry 
 raised that the rest of the regiment was rushimr to 
 
 O O 
 
lOS 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 plunder the treasury, and being eager to secure their 
 share of the loot, they left their prisoner to hasten 
 there for that purpose. 
 
 Directly their hacks were turned the released officer 
 ran for his life, and succeeded in getting into the Fort. 
 Simultaneously the city of Allahabad'* broke into rebel¬ 
 lion. The houses of the Christian inhabitants were 
 plundered and burnt, and every European or Eurasian 
 found outside the Fort mercilessly put to death with 
 eveiy possible aggravation of cruelty. The Fort was 
 secured by Lieutenant Brasyer, who with a party of Sikhs, 
 supported by a few invalid European Artillery and a 
 handful of volunteers, disarmed and e.xpelled the Com¬ 
 pany of the 6th garrisoning the Fort. On the 3rd June 
 the i7th Eegiment N.I. mutinied at Azimgurh, and mur¬ 
 dered their Quarter-Master, Lieutenant Hutchinson, and 
 their Quarter-Master-Sergeant. The outbreak at Benares 
 occurred on the 4th June, when the Brigadier attempted 
 to disarm the 37th Eegiment N.I., who resisted, and 
 being joined by the Loodiana Eegiment of Sikhs, and 
 13th Irregular Cavalry, a fight ensued between them 
 and two hundred and fifty Europeans under the gallant 
 Colonel Neil, who put them all to flight with severe loss. 
 But notwithstanding this triumph of the English a de¬ 
 tachment of the Loodiana Eegiment of Sikhs mutinied 
 the very next day (5th June) at the outpost station of 
 Jaunpore, when they shot Lieutenant Mara, the officer 
 commanding them, and Mr. Cuppage, the joint magis¬ 
 trate, and plundered the station. A few days after¬ 
 wards Government caused martial law to be proclaimed 
 in the divisions of Benares and Allahabad. The Sepoys 
 at Jhansi,t consisting of a wing of the 12th Eegi¬ 
 ment N.I., and a wing of the 14th Irregular Cavalry, 
 revolted on the 6th of June, and having killed all the 
 
 * Allahabad is about 500 miles from Calcutta by the public high 
 road. 
 
 + Jhansi, the capital of the province of that name, is 142 miles south 
 of Agra. 
 
EANEE OF JHANSl S REVENGE. 
 
 109 
 
 officers in cantonments they conlcl lay their hands on, 
 they inarched towards the Fort overlooking the town, 
 which was held by Captain A. Skene, the Commissioner, 
 and a handful of English, who for a short time made a 
 resolute defence, and even drove hack the rebels. The 
 insurrection here was headed by the ill-used Eanee of 
 Jhansi, who had been panting for revenge during the 
 past three years. She was at this period a well-favoured 
 woman of about twenty-nine, and was determined to 
 avenge the wrong inflicted upon her by Lord Dalhousie 
 in 1854, when he annexed her country in the manner 
 already related. 
 
 The day after the mutiny (7th June) was a day of 
 grievous humiliation to the English besieged in the 
 t^own fort; since they were reduced to the necessity of 
 imploring the help of this injured woman. 
 
 The pitiless Eanee sent the English messengers to 
 the mutineers, who murdered them. On the following 
 day (8th June) Captain Skene capitulated on the pro¬ 
 mise made on oath by the insurgent leaders that their 
 lives should be spared. But on quitting the Fort 
 they were all, to the number of nearly sixty, treach¬ 
 erously put to death. Not a man, woman or child 
 survived that day’s horrid butchery. The day after¬ 
 wards (9th June) the other wing of the 12th Eegiment 
 N.I. and the remaining wing of the 14th Irregular 
 Cavalry mutinied at Nowgong. The officers, accom¬ 
 panied by the European community, managed, after a 
 fortnight of extraordinary suflering, to escape to Nagode 
 and Banda, excepting Lieutenant Townshend, who was 
 shot dead in an encounter with bandits, and Major 
 Kirke with three other officers and a lady, who died from 
 exposure to the sun and fatigue. On tlie 7th June the 
 3tith and 01st Eegiments N.I., with the 0th Eegiment 
 Light Cavalry and Artillery, mutinied at Julunder, 
 and next day (8th June) the 3rd Eegiment N.I. 
 mutinied at Phillour. The 5th Irregular Cavalry 
 mutinied at Eohnee in Deoghur (Eastern Bengal) on 
 
110 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 tlic 12tli June, and murdered their Adjutant, Sir Norman 
 Leslie, and severely wounded Major Macdonald, their 
 Commanding’ Officer, and Surgeon Orant. 
 
 We also at Agra heard this month of the terrible 
 retribution that had overtaken ns for our wrong-doing 
 in annexing Oude the previous year ; for the whole 
 country revolted as the Sepoy regiments mutinied. 
 Jjucknow, the capital, set the example of revolt. 
 
 There were stationed there at this time H.M. 32nd 
 Foot, about 700 strong, commanded by Colonel J. Inglis; 
 a company of European Artillery, the 7th Eegiraent 
 Native Cavalry, the 13th, 48th, and 71st Eegiments N.I. 
 There were also at Lucknow or its immediate vicinity 
 two regiments of Oude Irregular Infantry, a regiment of 
 Military Police, one regiment Oude Irregular Cavalry, 
 and two batteries of Native Artillery. The numerical 
 strength of the Sepoys was ten times greater than that 
 of the Europeans. Sir Henry Lawrence had in the 
 beginning of May disarmed one regiment, the 7th Oude 
 Irregulars, and on the 12th of May he held a grand 
 durbar, at which he made an impressive speech, and 
 rewarded with presents certain loyal soldiers for their 
 fidelity. Notwithstanding all Sir Henry’s efforts to 
 maintain peace, the regiments rose at Lucknow on the 
 30th May. It began with the 13th and 71st Eegi- 
 ments N.I. Brigadier Handscombe was shot dead by 
 the latter regiment. The 48th Begiment N.I. were 
 sullen, being not active in the mutiny, whilst refusing 
 to act against the mutineers, to whom they afterwards 
 deserted in great numbers; and about a week afterwards 
 a detachment of this regiment, with one of the 7th 
 Cavalry, mutinied and murdered their officers. Captains 
 Burmister and Staples. 
 
 Bather more than three hundred Sepoys from these 
 regiments ranged themselves on the side of the English. 
 Next day, Sunday, 31st May, the Europeans, with the 
 faithful remnant of the three native regiments, at¬ 
 tacked the mutineers, who were drawn np on the race- 
 
Ill 
 
 
 
 CRUELTIES TO THE ENGI 
 
 course near the lines of the 7th Native Cavalry; y^n 
 our guns opening upon them they soon took to fligt 
 Out of the four regiments only four hundred and 
 thirty-seven men remained true to their salt. When it 
 was known that the soldiery had revolted in the capital, 
 their brethren at the out-stations rose at once, and all 
 classes with them ; the 41st Eegiment N.I., with the 
 9th and 10th Oude Iri-egulars, mutinied at Seetapore on 
 the 3rd June. Colonel Birch, the Commanding Officer 
 of the 41st N.J., was shot dead. Mr. Christian, the 
 Commissioner, with his wife and child, and Mr. and Mrs. 
 Thornhill were murdered, as were Lieutenants Graves 
 and Snell, with their wives and children. The same 
 fate befell Lieutenants Dorin, Small, and Greene, and 
 Dr. Hill and some others. 
 
 Sir Mountstuart Jackson, with his sister,* Mr. and 
 Miss Birch, and Mrs. Doran effected their escape from 
 Seetapore. Of the other fugitives, some reached Luck¬ 
 now, whilst another party found shelter in a village till 
 they were rescued. The Sepoys at Mohumdee rose in 
 revolt on the 4th June. The Europeans took to flight, 
 and next day shared the fate of the Shahjehanpore 
 fugitives massacred near Aurangabad. On the 8th 
 June the 22nd Regiment, a horse battery of Native 
 Artillery, the 6th Oude Inl'antry, and a squadron of the 
 15th Irregular Cavalry mutinied at Fyzabad. The 
 Sepoys permitted the departure of the English unmo¬ 
 lested ; but scarcely had they left Fyzabad in four boats, 
 on the 8th of June, when the 22nd Regiment despatched 
 a messenger to the 17th Regiment, then on the Gogra, 
 begging them to intercept the boats, and slay all the 
 white people in them. These barbarous instructions 
 were obeyed, and the two first boats were intercepted 
 at Begumgunje. Resistance was impossible. Colonel 
 
 * Sir M. Jackson was murdered in cold blood several months after¬ 
 wards by the mutineers, but his sister, who was kept in miserable cap¬ 
 tivity, was, after passing through incredible suffering, rescued on the 19th 
 March, 1858. 
 
11.2 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Goldney, the Commissioner, was shot dead on the spot, 
 and all who remained in these boats perished. One party, 
 however, made a desperate attempt to escape across 
 countiy. They lost two of their number, who were 
 drowned in trying to cross a stream. Being joined 
 afterwards by the occupants of the fourth boat, they 
 were so hotl}’' pursued, that they lost six more of their 
 party. Lieutenants Lindsay, Thomas, English, Bitchie, 
 and Cautley, who with Sergeant Edwards were all killed. 
 The only survivor was Sergeant Busher, who eventually 
 reached Ghazeepore in safety. The occupants of the 
 third boat, under Colonel O’Brien, through Divine mercy 
 succeeded in making their escape to Dinapore in safety. 
 Mrs. Mills (whose husband. Major Mills of the Artillery, 
 was murdered in the second boat) remained for a while 
 with her three children at Fyzabad; but, starting after¬ 
 wards, she crossed the Gogras into the Gorruckpore 
 district, where she wandered from village to village for 
 eight or ten days, enduring terrible sufferings. She, 
 however, got at last to Gorruckpore. 
 
 Colonel Lennox and his family, who had not left with 
 the others in the boats, managed through the assistance 
 of a friendly native to reach Gorruckpore. There was 
 also another party who had not started with the boats, 
 consisting of Captain Beid, Deputy-Commissioner, 
 Captain A. Orr, Captain Thurburn, and Mr. Bradford. 
 These fugitives reached Shahgunge on the 11th June, 
 when being joined by their wives and children and 
 by some others, they continued their flight, and after 
 suffering dreadfully from hunger and exposure to the 
 scorching rays of the sun, they reached Gorruckpore on 
 the 21st June. On the 9th June the 8th Begiment, 
 Oude Irregulars, and a corps of Military Police mutinied 
 at Sultanpore. Colonel Eisher, and his second in com¬ 
 mand, Captain Gibbings, were shot dead, and the rest of 
 the officers escaped to Benares ; but the civilians were 
 put to death. The ladies happily were two days before 
 sent towards Allahabad. On the 10th June the Sepoys 
 
ESCAPE OF THE ENGLISH FROM INDORE, 
 
 113 
 
 mutinied at Bareitch, when Lieutenant Clarke and 
 Mr. Cunliffe, the Deputy-Commissioner, were shot, and 
 Mr. Jordan, Assistant-Commissioner, was killed a few 
 days afterwards. There were also other mutinies in 
 Oude, that were happily attended with no massacres, 
 such as the mutinies of the Sepoys at Salone, Sikrora, 
 Gonda, and Durriabad on the 9th and 10th of June. 
 Moreover, a great revolution was accomplished in Oude 
 before the middle of June, as the Talookdars reoccupied 
 the villages they had been dispossessed of, and all classes 
 joined in the insurrection against what tliey rightly 
 regarded as the usurped power of the British Govern¬ 
 ment in their country. In June we at Agra received 
 some intelligence of these terrible mutinies, which by 
 the light of later information I have now described with 
 far more accuracy and particulars than were known at 
 the time. We also heard of the death of General 
 Anson, Commander-in-Chief, who died of cholera at 
 Kurnal on the 27th May, and was Succeeded in the com¬ 
 mand of the Delhi Field Force by Sir Henry Barnard.*' 
 Things were certainly drawing to a crisis in the very 
 beginning of July. On the 1st of that month the 
 mutinous troops of Holkar attacked the civil station of 
 Indore, the capital of Holkar’s dominions, when they 
 murdered thirty-nine English and Eurasian men, 
 women, and children, pillaged the Government Trea¬ 
 sury, and demolished all the public and private build¬ 
 ings. Colonel Travers and the rest of the fugitive 
 party succeeded in making good their escape. The 
 rebels reminded Holkar of his distinguished ancestor, 
 Jeswunt Bao Holkar, and urged him to make common 
 cause with them, and march to Delhi. But Holkar 
 refused to comply with their request, and is stated to 
 have made the following noble reply :—“ The strength 
 of my Ibrefathers has departed, and I do not consider 
 
 * Sir H. Barnard also died of cholera on the 5th July, and was suc¬ 
 ceeded by General Reid, who within a fortnight was forced, from ill- 
 health, to relinquish the command to Brigadier A. Wilson. 
 
 I 
 
114 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 rapine, and the murder of innocent beings, as part of 
 aii}^ religion.” On the same day (1st July), the 28rd 
 Hegiment N.I., and the right wing 1 st Light Cavalry, 
 rose in revolt at Mhow, distant thirteen miles from 
 Indore, and shot dead Colonel Platt and Adjutant 
 Pagan, whilst Major Harris of the Cavalry was cut to 
 pieces by his own men. But these dastardly miscreants 
 took to flight when Captain Hungerford opened fire 
 upon them with the guns of his horse battery. On the 
 same day (1st July) the main body of the 1st Cavalry 
 Begiment of the Grwalior Contingent mutinied at 
 Hatras, distant about twenty miles from Agra, where¬ 
 upon Captain Alexander and the other officers rode into 
 Agra, and the following day (2nd July) a detachment 
 of the 2nd Cavalry Grwalior Contingent, and a battery 
 of Artillery, mutinied at a place seven miles from 
 Hatras ; their Commanding Officers, Captains Burton 
 and Pearson, and tlie other officers also escaped to Agra. 
 
115 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Imperilled Condition of Agra—Mutiny of the Kotah Contingent—Fight 
 with the Neemuch Brigade at Shahgunj—Description of the Battle 
 —Our Defeat with terrific Loss, and Retirement into the Fort— 
 Great Dismay there—Remarkable Saying of the Lieutenant-Gov¬ 
 ernor—Awful Conflagration and Massacre at Agra—Terrible Dis¬ 
 order Outside the Fort—Hardships—Devoted Attention paid to the 
 Wounded—Life Inside the Fort—Adoption of Precautionary Mea¬ 
 sures—Causes for expecting an Attack—Our Native Christians rise 
 in Public Estimation—A Melancholy Day—Arrival of the News of 
 the Cawnpore Tragedy—Successive Arrivals of Messengers with 
 Gloomy Tidings—State of Affairs before Delhi—Desperate Condition 
 of the Besiegers—Particulars of the Cawnpore Massacre—Wonder¬ 
 ful Escape of Lieutenants Thomson and Delafosse—Subsequent 
 atrocious Massacre of the Women and Children—The Mythical 
 Story of Miss Wheeler—Gloomy Forebodings—Sir Henry Lawrence’s 
 Defeat, and Death—Sir Henry’s dying Words—Sir John Lawrence’s 
 View of the Situation—Natives expect our Ruin—God the Source 
 of all Comfort to the Christian in such Seasons of Gloom—Execu¬ 
 tion of Martial Law at Agra—Energetic Course adopted in the 
 Punjaub—Disarming of Regiments at Mean Meer (Lahore) and 
 Peshawur—Mutineers blown from Guns—Mutiny at Jhelum—Muti¬ 
 neers fight with a Wing of H.M. 24th Foot—Severe Loss of the 
 Latter—Subsequent Destruction of these Mutineers—Mutiny at 
 Sealcote—Destruction of these Mutineers—Eminent Service ren¬ 
 dered by the Punjaub Officials—Despatch of Sikh Troops from the 
 Punjaub to Delhi—Arrival of Nicholson—Victory of Nnjufgurh— 
 Havelock’s Victories—Futtehpore and Aong—Defeat of the Nana 
 Sahib—Reoccupation of Cawnpore—Havelock’s Advance into Oude 
 —His Victories—The grievous Necessity to Fall Back—Brigadier 
 Neil’s stern Justice—Havelock defeats the Nana at Bithoor—A 
 Native Regiment crosses Bayonets with British Soldiers—Havelock’s 
 precarious Position at Cawnpore—Koonwur Singh’s Insurrection— 
 Wake’s Defence of Arrah—Defeat of Captain Dunbar by Dinapore 
 Mutineers—Major Eyre defeats Dinapore Mutineers—Belief of 
 Arrah—Mutiny of the 27th Bombay N.I.—Mutinous Conduct of 
 8th Madras Native Cavalry—Mutiny at Segowlie—Sepo 3 's of Ram- 
 gurh Battalion and Jodhpore Legion rise—Despatch of a Force 
 from Agra—A Miserable Night in Command of the Advance Guard 
 —Battle near Alygurh—Sent in to Agra with Sick and Wounded— 
 Personal Violence offered me by a Junior Officer—Unjust Adjudi¬ 
 cation of the Case by my Commanding Officer—I appeal against 
 this to Commander-in-Chief—Placed under Arrest—Extreme Injus- 
 
 I 2 
 
116 
 
 INDIAN RDMTNTSCENCES. 
 
 tice of this Proceeding—Deprived of the Means of Grace for nearly 
 Five Months—Religious Consolations—Impartial Testimony of an 
 Officer of my Regiment—Sympathy of the Editor of the Mofussilite 
 —Death of Mr. Colvin—News from the Punjanb—Annihilation of 
 the mutinous 51st Regiment N.I.—Arrival of Siege Train at Delhi 
 —Preparations for the Assault—I’he hazardous Nature of the 
 Undertaking—Hear at Agra of the Capture of Delhi. 
 
 With the fabric of Government falling to pieces all 
 over the North-Western Provinces, and mutiny and iu- 
 surrection drawing nearer and nearer to us every da}', 
 it soon became evident that we at Agra should ere long 
 be struggling in the breakers ourselves—that we should, 
 in fact, very shortly have to sustain an attack, if not 
 from the Gwalior Contingent, at least from the Nee- 
 much mutineers, who were daily drawing nearer to Agra. 
 It is time now to notice the mutiny of the Kotah Con¬ 
 tingent, which was brought into cantonments on the 2nd 
 Jul}', on which day it became known that the rebel army 
 was at Futtehpore Sikri, whicli is twenty-three miles from 
 Agra. The troops despatched by Scindiah to our assist¬ 
 ance, it should he remembered, were no longer at the 
 station, having been sent to keep order in the neigh¬ 
 bouring district. The folly of trusting in the staunch¬ 
 ness of the Kotah Contingent was made manifest two 
 days later. I happened on that day (4th July) to he 
 in the barracks, when an officer of the Contingent gal¬ 
 loped up in hot haste to where I was sitting, and after a 
 hurried communication of the startling news that the 
 Kotah Contingent had mutinied, inquired for the Com¬ 
 manding Officer; but finding from me that he was not 
 there, he rode off in search of him, whilst I immedi¬ 
 ately ran from barrack to barrack warning the men to 
 be ready to turn out at a moment’s notice. At last the 
 Colonel and the rest of the officers arrived, and then a 
 part of my regiment was sent out in pursuit of the 
 mutineers, who, having shot dead their Sergeant-Major, 
 had decamped to join the Neemuch brigade. The 
 Kotah Contingent, however, had got too much start of 
 us, so our men had to return. But Captain Prender- 
 
BATTLE OF SHAHGUNJ. 
 
 117 
 
 gast, with a party of volunteers, was rather more suc¬ 
 cessful, inasmucli as they succeeded in cutting off a few 
 stragglers, and capturing some of their camels and 
 ammunition. Next day, Sunday, 5th July, instead of 
 going to church and chapel we fought the sanguinary 
 battle of Shahgunj or Sussiah, about three miles from 
 cantonments. The enemy’s force consisted of the 72nd 
 llegiment N.I., 7 th Negiment Gwalior Contingent, the 
 Kotah Contingent, two troops of the 1st Light Cavalry, 
 four troops of the Mehidpore Horse, and one troop of 
 Horse Artillery. Their guns were placed half on one 
 flank and half upon the other, and were screened by 
 rising ground and thickly planted trees. Their Infantry 
 were ]msted inside the village as well as behind it, and 
 tlieir Cavalry was massed in rear of both flanks. The 
 force which Brigadier Polwhele led out to the attack 
 was composed of about five hundred men of my regi¬ 
 ment with Captain H’Oyley’s troop of Artillery, consist¬ 
 ing of about seventy European soldiers and fifty native 
 drivers, and nearly sixty Mounted Militia, making a 
 total of six hundred and eighty, who were in good 
 spirits and eager for the fray. The enemy outnumbered 
 us by at least seven to one. I should have been left 
 behind with the detachment of the regiment kept hack 
 as a reserve to hold the Fort; hut in order to be pre¬ 
 sent at the battle I got 1113 self transferred to one of 
 the companies going out.* We advanced in line with 
 one half batteiy under Captain D’Oyley on our right, 
 and the other under Lieutenant Pearson on our left. 
 The more prudent plan would have been to have en¬ 
 deavoured by manoeuvring to have drawn them out of 
 their strong position, and so have got them to fight a 
 fair battle with their vastly superior numbers on the 
 open field. But this was not attempted. The battle 
 
 * Although I was an officer of more than twelve years’ standing in 
 the Service, yet my position on parade at this period was, as senior sub¬ 
 altern, in rear of my company; but tliroughout the Mutiny campaigns 
 from ’57 to ’5h 1 invariably led a company in every engagement. 
 
118 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 commenced by the mutineers opening fire upon our 
 troops as they were advancing’ to the assault. Briga¬ 
 dier Polwhele ordered us to lie down whilst our guns 
 answered the fire of those opposed to ns. But the 
 enemy were too well posted under cover for us to do 
 them any serious injury. I took particular notice of the 
 effect produced by the fire of our guns, as the balls in 
 quick succession struck the mud walls of the village, 
 which appeared to me as harmless as beating carpets, 
 and which was just what it reminded me of; so that I 
 believe the only one gun that did the enemy any damage 
 was the howitzer. 
 
 This waste of precious time gave the enemy the vic¬ 
 tory, which we, hnmanly speaking, should have gained 
 if we had at once charged the mntineers with the bayo¬ 
 net. This was the right moment for hurling us at the 
 enemy, but the Brigadier, instead of doing so, trusted in 
 his guns to silence the enemy’s artillery, and for two 
 hours we witnessed an artillery duel. This was a fatal 
 mistake, which was taken advantage of by the enemy’s 
 gunners, who, having got our range, exploded two of our 
 ammunition waggons, blowing up our artillery men ; 
 they also dismonnted one of our guns, and ignited 
 its carriage. At last Captain D’Oyley was mortally 
 wounded by a grape-shot. “ I am done for,” said poor 
 B’Oyley ; “ put a stone upon my grave and write that I 
 died fighting my guns.” One of his subalterns, Lieu¬ 
 tenant Lamb, was also mortally wounded by a grape- 
 shot. Finally, when the artillery ammunition was all 
 expended, and when the right time had consequently 
 passed, an advance of the 3rd Europeans was ordered. 
 Two columns were then thrown forward, one com¬ 
 manded by Major Gf. B. Thomas of the 3rd, and the 
 other, of which the company I led formed a part, was 
 commanded by Colonel Fraser of the Engineers. After 
 an obstinate defence the village was carried. But we 
 suffered a very severe loss from the enemy’s guns, and 
 the fire of marksmen from the house-tops, as well as 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTLE. 
 
 119 
 
 from the obstinate resistance made inside the village. 
 1 passed by poor Major Thomas lying mortally wounded* 
 in one of the lanes. The enemy, driven out of the 
 village, still held a covered position. This was a critical 
 moment, and I believe, that had we improved our suc¬ 
 cess by charging them once more, they would have 
 given way; for it is said that their artillery were lim¬ 
 bered up for flight. Undoubtedly the risk would have 
 been great, for failure would have involved the loss of 
 all our guns, and of every unmounted man besides. 
 At all events a retreat w*as ordered in consequence of 
 the artillery ammunition being all expended. But I 
 must stop here to notice the gallant charge made by our 
 sixty Mounted Militia, composed of members of the 
 civil service, clerks, our frozen-out military gardeners,f 
 and some equestrians of a wandering circus from France. 
 This mere handful of men had the boldness to charge 
 the enemy’s cavalry. Of course they were far too few 
 to make any impression except this, that Englishmen, 
 when once their blood is up, are too plucky to count the 
 numbers of their enemy ! They returned with the 
 loss of the head man of the circus. Monsieur Jordon, 
 who was killed, and six others were mortally wounded 
 in the hand-to-hand combat that ensued. The enemy, 
 as might have been expected, pertinaciously harassed 
 our retreat, which was conducted in good order in the 
 direction of the Fort instead of to the cantonments 
 from which we had started. Their artillery galloped 
 ahead and pitched into us repeatedly, which was ex¬ 
 tremely unpleasant. The enemy’s cavalry set up a 
 ringing cheer, as though they were going to charge 
 right clown upon us. The thought that then passed 
 rapidly through my mind was that it would be all up 
 with us if they dicl so, because I knew that our men 
 could not have formed square to resist cavalry. 
 
 * Major Thomas died afterwards in hospital. 
 
 t Officers whose regiments had mutinied or been disarmed were some¬ 
 times so called. 
 
120 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Happily, the stalwart mutineer troopers had not the 
 courage to come near us, since they were checked by a 
 volley which we delivered within musket range,* which 
 made many a horse riderless. The rebel cavalry, not¬ 
 withstanding this repulse, rode after us to within a mile 
 of the Fort, and they once more charged, hut were again 
 repelled as before, merely by our musketry fire. I differ 
 entirely from the following opinion expressed by Mr. 
 Kaye in his hook, viz., that throughout that four-mile 
 march the column w'as never really in danger; for I 
 maintain that we were in great danger; because, in the 
 first place, if the six troops of rebel cavalry had charged 
 right through, which they might have done, as I am 
 sure we could not have formed square, then they would 
 have had us at their mercy, and not a man, at least of 
 the infantry, would have escaped, and our guns would 
 also have been captured. Fortunately, or rather pro¬ 
 videntially, the rebel cavalry were wanting, not in dis¬ 
 cipline, hut in courage, or they would have done this, 
 becondly, there was very considerable danger to be 
 apprehended from the treacherous Agra Military Police, 
 that they, in conjunction with the Mussulmen citizens 
 of Agra, would have interposed between us and the 
 Fort, and so have cut off our retreat. The beaten army 
 reached the Fort as the day was closing. I felt quite 
 done up, having had nothing to eat or drink since 
 breakfast, and after marching so many miles under a 
 July sun. Our loss was frightful; my regiment lost 
 100 men at the very least in killed and wounded, 
 and the total loss of the whole force under that head¬ 
 ing amounted to quite 150 out of 6S0 men engaged. 
 Great was the dismay of our people inside the Fort 
 when the terrible reality of the retreat became known 
 to them; their hearts, indeed, failed them through fear. 
 Our enforced retirement into the Fort was the very 
 thing which was particularly dreaded by Mr. Colvin, 
 
 * We had not the Enfield rifle then; we were armed with the old 
 musket. 
 
CONFLAGRATION AND MASSACRE AT AGRA. 
 
 121 
 
 our Lieutenant-Governor, a well-meaning man, who gave 
 all his energies to the public service. “ The wrath of 
 God is upon us,” he had exclaimed, “if we retire into 
 the Fort.”* The same eveninc^ that we entered the Fort 
 after the unsuccessful maiden fight of my regiment, 
 the houses in cantonments and the civil lines were set 
 fire to by the budmashes. The sight of this mighty 
 conflagration, which raged ov^er a space of some six 
 miles, was a most melancholy spectacle, and one never 
 to be forgotten. But sadder still was the fact that Mr. 
 Hubbard, Professor of Literature, Agra College, IMajor 
 Jacobs, and thirty other men, women, and children, 
 principally Eurasians, who had declined to betake them¬ 
 selves to the shelter of the Fort, relying, I suppose, on 
 the expectation that we should defeat the mutineers, 
 and return to cantonments, were all barbarously mas¬ 
 sacred. One of these unfortunates, Major Jacobs, 
 however, defended himself wdth great desperation, till 
 at last he fell, overpowered by numbers. My dear old 
 mother in England had seen in large letters in the Times, 
 “ Horrible Massacre at Agra,” and was terribly alarmed, 
 thinking w^e might have been involved in it, and wrote 
 to us the following melancholy lines :— 
 
 “ My most tenderly beloved children : as I write I 
 feel that I may be wudting to those that are passed aw^ay 
 from human sight; and that I may not even have the 
 satisfaction to hear how they passed. This silence is as 
 the grave. A day or two before the mail came in (I 
 sufiered sadly after the horrors of Cawnpore, wdiere 
 seven of the Lindsays were massacred—those three 
 lovely girls, son and mother; you may remember that 
 sw'eet Miss Lindsay) came “ Horrible Massacre at 
 Agra,” in large characters in the Times. Every night 
 and day I thought of 3 'our little darling and your poor 
 wdfe in her present state. j\Iy only relief w'as in prayer, 
 and in reading God’s word, and in feeling that you 
 * Kaikes’ “ Notes on the Revolt in N.W.R.,” p. 57. 
 
122 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 loved and trusted in your Saviour, and that he would 
 never leave nor forsake you ; hut that as your day so 
 should your strength he. It would he impossihle to 
 describe the state of horror and excitement in England. 
 I am thankful to say much that is right is being done. 
 Prayers in the church, private prayer urged by our 
 bishops, large prayer meetings held over the country, 
 and subscriptions for tlie sufferers. It is most right 
 that, as a nation, we should humble ourselves for our 
 shortcomings towards India in tlie way of preaching a 
 Saviour to them. I rejoice to think I have seen you, 
 my darling, and should I never see you more, may I 
 be enabled to say, ‘ Not my will, but thine be done : ’ 
 
 ‘ The Lord gave and the Lord hath taken away ; blessed 
 be the Name of the Lord.’ What should I suffer if I felt 
 that 3 'ou were living without God in the world. But now 
 I trust that through the gate of death you would enter 
 into eternal life. I cannot write on any common sub¬ 
 ject. I suppose, should you ever receive this, things 
 will be in a better state. Great fears for Lucknow, and 
 alarm that the native police at Agra have not been dis¬ 
 banded. With more love than I can tell to self, wife, 
 and little babe, believe me now and ever till death your 
 most affectionate mother, 
 
 “ E. White.” 
 
 The day after the battle (Gih of July) a party of 
 volunteers went out, who, having buried the dead, 
 brought back the dismounted gun that had been left 
 behind. Nevertheless, disorder was rampant outside 
 the Port for a day or two after our defeat, and the King 
 of Delhi was proclaimed in the city. Plundering went 
 on unchecked for the time. I have reason to remember 
 this, since I lost all my tents, as well as a box full of 
 baby’s clothes, which was a serious loss to me in the 
 low state of my finances. At first few servants made 
 their appearance, and we had to draw our own water 
 from the wells inside the Fort, and for some days we 
 
IIARUSlilPS. 
 
 123 
 
 were dependent on the commissariat for our butcher’s 
 meat, which was unprocurable in the ordinary way. 
 With regard to the allotting of quarters in the Fort, all 
 I have to say is this, that whatever desirable quarters 
 others may have possessed, this is certain, that those 
 assigned for my residence were not such as the most 
 contented man would like to live in. The exceeding 
 wretchedness of this accommodation will, I should think, 
 be apparent when I inform my reader that I and my 
 wife, with our little girl, had to share a horrid close 
 ammunition store-room with poor Mrs. Hawkins* and 
 her children; that this cell was without any kind of 
 aperture to let in a breath of air, except, of course, the 
 entrance folding-door, which had to be closed at night 
 every time it rained (which was frequently the case), in 
 order that I might get some shelter from the rain by 
 placing my bed close up to the closed door, as decency 
 forbade my sleeping inside, and even then half of my 
 bed used regularly to get wet, so that it was a great 
 mercy, and most surprising, that I escaped getting 
 rheumatic fever. The ladies inside were, perhaps, even 
 more to be pitied, as they must have been quite half- 
 stilled by the close suffocating heat. Happily, this 
 miserable state of things did not last long; for about 
 a fortnight afterwards Mrs. Hawkins removed; and oh 
 the joy that I felt at having no longer to sleep out in 
 the pattering rain ! There are, of course, comparative 
 degrees of happiness; but the flight of the wildest 
 imagination could never have carried me so far as to 
 think that the exclusive possession of such a hole as 
 this should ever afford me joy. 13ut so it was, and it 
 became not long afterwards the birthplace of my second 
 daughter. Extensive quarters were assigned for a lot of 
 nuns, school-girls, priests and monks, with a bishop at 
 their head. Our wounded in hospital were devotedly 
 ministered to by our Protestant ladies. 1 went amongst 
 
 * The widow of the Major llawkiiis killed iu the Gwalior mutiny on 
 the 11th June. 
 
154 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 the poor men to try to cheer them with my sym- 
 path}^, and I well I'ememher one case that particularly 
 arrested my attention, and excited my admiration ; it 
 was that of one of our poor artillerymen who had been 
 blown up by the explosion of a tumbril on the 5th of 
 July, and who now exhibited a marvellous example of 
 composed fortitude. I was so struck with his quiet 
 demeanour, that I could not have thoug’ht he was suf¬ 
 fering such agony, till on my asking him the question 
 he told me such was really the case. About the 8th of 
 July a military demonstration was made by marching 
 with* some artillery and infantry through the city. 
 This produced a reaction. People flocked to the Port 
 with provisions, and a bazaar was established on a space 
 of ground just outside the Fort, which became a flourish¬ 
 ing market, where we could purchase everything required 
 to satisfy our daily wants. Servants also came pouring 
 in, to the delight of masters, who felt, after all, that 
 they could not get on without the much-abused black 
 man. The services of the well-known army contractor, 
 Jotee Pershaud, were invaluable in the business of 
 victualling the garrison, 
 
 I must not also forget to notice that we had in the 
 Fort twm newspaper printing establishments belonging 
 to the Delhi Gazette and its rival paper the Mofussiliie. 
 From these newspapers I derived my information of 
 those events of the outside world, which I at once 
 recorded in my diar 3 v A commencement was now 
 made to the strengthening of the defences of the for¬ 
 tress ; numerous guns were mounted on the ramparts. 
 The powder magazines were covered with mud to pro¬ 
 tect them against the chances of being shelled. For 
 it must be remembered that at this time the Grwalior 
 Contingent, with numerous field guns and a heavy 
 battering train, was within seventy miles of Agra, and 
 that its leaders were continually boasting they would 
 attack us. Watch and ward was kept by a Captain 
 and his subaltern in a small dilapidated tent. I never 
 
ARRIVAL OF GLOOMY TIDINGS. 
 
 125 
 
 found out why they could not supply us with a proper 
 tent instead of one with holes in it, that were so large 
 that I felt it necessary to keep my cap on all day long 
 to prevent a sunstroke. The different components of 
 the garrison were told olf and warned, so that every 
 man might be at his appointed post as soon as an alarm 
 should be given. The native Christians naturally rose 
 more in public estimation, inasmuch as for weal or woe 
 they were one with us. We had about 850, of whom 
 about 270 were adult males. The fourth day of our 
 entry into the Fort was a memorable one for the 
 gloomy tidings which in rapid succession were brought 
 in by messenger after messenger. One came with news 
 that the Sikhs and Goorkhas had turned against us at 
 the eleventh hour. Another came with the tidings 
 that our army was on the retreat from Delhi. The 
 portentous nature of sucli a disaster as this would 
 prove was quite enough to strike us with awe ; and 
 though this information afterwards turned out to be 
 false, yet there was so much truth underlying it, that 
 the reality was only a shade or two better than what 
 was reported to us that day. For despite the defeats 
 inllicted on the mutineers on the 30th and 31st May 
 near Ghazeeoddeen Nuggur, and on the 8th June at 
 Budleeka Serai,* and the repulse of the grand attack 
 of the Delhi mutineers on the 23rd June, the centenary 
 of Plassy, yet still but very little progress was made in 
 June by the Delhi Field Force towards the reduction of 
 the rebellious city. Indeed the army of retribution 
 was so pressed in its turn, that the besiegers found 
 themselves besieged instead of besieging, and but for 
 indomitable English pluck the siege would have been 
 raised. The third piece of news was but too true, for 
 we then heard of the massacre at Cawnpore of General 
 Wheeler and the survivors of the siege there.f These 
 
 * Colonel Chester, Adjutant-General of the Army, was killed at this 
 battle. 
 
 t The numbers who left the entrenchment are stated to have been four 
 hundred and fifty. 
 
1.20 
 
 INDIAN R , la 1 1 NI S C E N C E S . 
 
 having capitulated on the strength of a safe passage 
 to Allahabad being guaranteed to them by the Nana 
 Sahib, quitted the entrenchments on the 27th June, 
 and had just embarked that day at the ghaut in budge- 
 rows, for the purpose of proceeding to Allahabad, when 
 a signal having been given by sounding a bugle, two or 
 three guns that had been previously concealed were 
 brought forward, and a murderous fire of grape-shot and 
 musket balls was opened upon the crowded boats from 
 both sides of the river. Many were burnt to death 
 through some of the boats being set on fire. A number 
 of women with children in their arms sprang into the 
 current, and many of both sexes reached the shore. The 
 men were all killed by the Nana’s orders, and the women 
 and children, wounded and half-drowned, to the number 
 of 125, were confined all together in one room in the 
 Nana Sahib’s camp, where they were a prey to grief 
 and horror, and subjected to every foul indignity. Sir 
 Hugh Wheeler, who had fought with Lord Lake before 
 Delhi in 1804, and who by nature was particularly 
 considerate towards the prejudices of the Sepoys, was 
 by them cut down as he was on the point of embark¬ 
 ing, though many of the Sepoys, so it is said, wished 
 to spare his life. There were, however, four persons 
 who escaped almost by a miracle, one would think. 
 These were Lieutenants Mowbray Thomson^ and Dela- 
 fosse,t who with Private Murphy and Gunner Sullivan 
 actually managed to escape by swimming down the 
 river to Moorar Pow, where they were received by 
 a friendly Eaiah, and finally reached Allahabad. The 
 crowning horror of the Cawnpore tragedy was the last 
 massacre on the 15th July, when more than two hun¬ 
 dred women and children, consisting of the Cawnpore 
 captives and fugitives from Puttehgurh, who were con¬ 
 fined in a bungalow near the Assembly Dooms, were all 
 
 * JSTow Colonel Mowbray Thomson, holding political employment, 
 being in charge of ex-King of Oude, according to Army List of 1878. 
 
 t Now Colonel H. G. Delafosse, C.B., commanding 101st Royal Bengal 
 Fusileers. 
 
MYTHICAL STORY OF MISS WHEELER. 127 
 
 inhumanly murdered by Mussulman butchers. These 
 stony-hearted ruffians went in amongst our helpless 
 ladies and poor children, and slaughtered them like a 
 flock of sheep, and next day (16th July) they were 
 thi’own into an adjacent well.* The sight that met 
 Havelock’s victorious soldiers as they entered is too 
 heartrending to describe, and is enough to call up tears 
 even at this distance of time, and therefore I prefer to 
 draw a veil over these last culminating horrors, which 
 we did not hear of till the very end of July. One in¬ 
 teresting incident, that was credited at the time, turned 
 out to be little better than a fabrication. I allude to 
 the story that was told of the heroism of General 
 Wheeler’s daughter, who was said to have shot five 
 Sepoys with a revolver, and then to have saved her 
 honour by throwing herself down a well, which is 
 narrated in Chambers’s “ History of the Indian Revolt.” 
 The true facts of the case I have gathered from a 
 correspondent to one of the Indian newspapers, who 
 felt such a deep interest in the fate of Miss Wheeler 
 that he took the trouble to trace the matter out in the 
 most thorough manner, when he found that that un¬ 
 fortunate young lady became the prize of a trooper, 
 who carried her about with him till at last he took her 
 to his home, when Miss Wheeler’s arrival there pro¬ 
 voked the jealousy of the man’s wife to such a degree, 
 that the trooper, to procure peace at home, murdered the 
 woman he had so foully wronged. Divine vengeance 
 did not, however, sufier this vile creature to live long 
 after. The trooper perished on the battle-field. From 
 this digression I must return to that particularly 
 melancholy day, the fourth of our entry into the Fort, 
 to mention the last piece of unpleasant news, which 
 was, that the enemy were undermining the Fort to 
 blow us all up. 
 
 This was, however, soon afterwards found to be in- 
 
 * I saw the well years afterwards, when it became known as the 
 “Memorial Well.” 
 
128 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 correct. But on this day I had very gloomy forebodings 
 as to the future, and every thoughtful man amongst us 
 must at this period have felt it very doubtful as to 
 the possibility of our being able to hold on till succour 
 should come to our aid. We all knew that a large army 
 would be sent out sufficiently strong to rescue all sur¬ 
 viving beleaguered bands of Englishmen at Lucknow, 
 and through the North-West Provinces, or to avenge 
 their fall if they came too late. But could the tremen¬ 
 dous strain be kept up till such time as the regiments 
 should arrive from England ? this was the question.* 
 And it must be remembered that, apart from the diffi¬ 
 culties and delays of the Commissariat Department, 
 even when they did arrive, they would still have to 
 march several hundreds of miles after disembarking at 
 Calcutta; for Baneegunj at this period was the Railway 
 terminus, and it was only 120 miles from Calcutta, and 
 Lucknow was about 620 miles from Calcutta, and much 
 more from Bombay; whilst Agra was 706 miles, and 
 Delhi 900 miles from Calcutta, and nearly the same 
 distances from Bombay. 
 
 It is well known what difficulty was experienced in 
 June in sending a few hundred men up country, since 
 prompt movement of troops by land on a requisite 
 scale was found to be impossible. A railway to Cawn- 
 pore, distant 628 miles from Calcutta, would in all 
 human probability have averted the terrible catastrophe 
 of the 27th June, for H.M. 64th Foot arrived in Cal¬ 
 cutta on the 3rd June, and was followed soon afterwards 
 by the 35th Foot and 78th Highlanders and other 
 regiments. Nor was the apprehension of our being 
 finally overwhelmed, and sharing the fate that had 
 happened, as we had just heard, to our countrymen at 
 Cawnpore, at all lessened by the sad news about a week 
 later from Lucknow, which was that Sir Henry Law¬ 
 rence had been defeated at Chinhut with great loss, 
 
 * By the end of the year nearly 40,000 men were sent off to the scene 
 of the Mutiny. 
 
NATIVE EXPECTATION OF OUR RUIN. 
 
 1.29 
 
 that the English were besieged in the Eesidency at 
 Lucknow, and that Sir Henry had died on the 4th July, 
 from a wound inflicted by a shell on the 2nd July. 
 The death of tliis benevolent, kind-hearted and good 
 man was a great loss.* His last counsel was “ Ho 
 surrender !” “ Let every man, ” he said, “ die at his post; 
 but never make terms. God help the poor women and 
 children !” And he desired that on his tomb should 
 he engraven the words, “ Here lies Henry Lawrence, 
 who tried to do his duty.” Tliat I may not be 
 accused of being a croaker, and of exaggerating tlie 
 dangers that really existed, I shall here quote the 
 trustworthy testimony of no less a person than Sir 
 John Lawrence, then Chief Commissioner of the Pun- 
 jaub (the late Lord Lawrence), which is to be found in 
 Mr. Kaikes’ book,f and is as follows. 
 
 “ I assure you,” wrote Sir John from Lahore on the 
 21st October, 1857, “wlien I lookback on the last four 
 months I am lost in astonishment that any of us are 
 alive. But for the mercy of God we must have been 
 ruined. Had the Sikhs joined against us, nothing, 
 humanly speaking, could have saved us. No man could 
 have hoped, much less foreseen, that they would have 
 withstood the temptation to avenge their loss of national 
 independence.” 
 
 That the natives expected that we should be turned 
 out of the country was, I think, evidenced by the crite¬ 
 rion of the money market; as I perfectly remember that 
 at this period, and for long afterwards, the native money¬ 
 changers gave eighteen instead of sixteen annas, the 
 proper change tor the rujiee. The reason for this was 
 that the natives believed that the copper currency would 
 suffer deterioration in the event of native rule being sub¬ 
 stituted for that of British. Under such circumstances 
 of gloom, unrelieved by any reasonable hope of extra- 
 
 * Sir Henry Lawrence was succeeded by Major Banks, who also was 
 killed on the ■22iid July. 
 
 t Mr. C. liaikes’ “ Notes on the Revolt,” p. 74. 
 
 K 
 
130 
 
 INUIAX Kl'AIl.MSCENCES. 
 
 neous help for a long time to come, Avliat a consolation it 
 Avas to the Christian believer (and there were many such 
 in the Fort) to take refuge in God, and then to feel that 
 there was One at hand who cared for and loved him, and 
 who would make all things work together for his good. 
 
 The irreligious and the sceptic having at such times 
 nothing to fall back upon, have cause to fear, but it is 
 not so with the pious Christian. “ He shall not be 
 afraid of evil tidings ; his heart is fixed, trusting in the 
 Lord ” (Psalm cxii. 7). 
 
 Happily, though surrounded bj" enemies, we were not 
 called upon to sustain a siege, which in the over-crowded 
 state of the Fort would have entailed fearful sufleriug. 
 For in July, within the Fort and entrenchments, we had 
 full three thousand five hundred European and Eur¬ 
 asian men, women, and children, besides which we had 
 two thousand three hundred native Christians, Hindoos, 
 and Mussulmen. 
 
 Military law having been proclaimed at Agra in June, 
 we had under its provisions a pretty good number of 
 Courts-martial. I never sat on any of them except as 
 an unpaid Interpreter. Many rebels were hanged on 
 gallows outside the Fort. I have myself seen as many 
 as six or seven hanging on one occasion. July passed 
 with no prospect of Delhi being soon taken ; since the 
 Delhi Field Force continued to be the besieged rather 
 than the besieging party, being harassed by constant 
 attacks from the mutineers. Moreover, not less than one 
 hundred officers had been killed in action, or had died 
 of wounds, or sunstroke, or cholera, or were on the sick 
 list, and eleven hundred sick and wounded had to be 
 tended; for at the close of that month (July) General 
 M^ilson forwarded to Government a report showing 
 that out of eight thousand and thirty-four soldiers 
 under his command, he had eleven hundi'ed and sixteen 
 non-eftective from sickness and wounds received in action. 
 Some consolation was derived by the news we received 
 from the Punjaub of the energetic course adopted 
 
MUTINEERS BLOM'N FROM GUNS. 
 
 131 
 
 towards secret traitors and open mutineers, which it 
 is necessary just to notice en passant; and to do this 
 we must go back to the 13th May, when Brigadier S. 
 Corbett, with H.M. 81st Foot and two troops of Euro¬ 
 pean Horse Artillery, disarmed the 16th, 26th, and 49th 
 Begiments, N.I., and the 8th Light Cavalry at Mean 
 Meer, six miles from Lahore and this prompt measure 
 was not enforced a bit too soon ; since it was after¬ 
 wards discovered that those regiments had plotted tlie 
 massacre of every European there and at Lahore. 
 
 Nine days after this, on the 22nd May, the 24th, 
 2 7th, and 51st Regiments H.I., and the 5th Light 
 Cavalry were disarmed at Peshawur.f where they were 
 watched by H.M 70th Foot and b7th Fusileers, and 
 some European Artillery stationed there under the com¬ 
 mand of Brigadier Sidney Cotton, commanding the 
 frontier force. This was a master-stroke of policy, and 
 exercised a beneficial influence in maintaining peace in 
 the Punjaub. One regiment, the 21st K.I.,| was ex¬ 
 empted from the disarming process. We also heard 
 with much satisfaction of the wholesome severity exer¬ 
 cised at Peshawur, where forty Sepoys of the 55th 
 Regiment N.I. were blown from guns, on the 10th 
 June. This regiment having mutinied at Murdan on 
 the 20th May, was vigorously pursued, and satisfac¬ 
 torily accounted for, nearly three hundred being killed 
 in their flight, or captured, and the rest escaped to the 
 hills, where they had a wretched time of it. Then we 
 heard in July of the mutiny of the 14th Regiment 
 N.I., at Jhelum in the Punjaub, on the 7th July, on 
 which occasion they fought a battle with a wing of 
 H.M. 24th Foot, under Colonel C. Ellice, some artillery, 
 and a party of Lind’s IMooltanee Horse. The mutineers 
 fought under cover, and the English were repulsed. 
 The detachment of H.M. 24th Foot suflered very 
 
 * Lahore is 1,240 miles from Calcutta. 
 
 t Peshawur is 1 ,.j 40 miles from Calcutta. 
 
 7 Now the 1st Regiment N.I. 
 
 K 2 
 
liNUlAN lUCMlNlSCENCES. 
 
 ] 3,2 
 
 severely, having lost five officers, and seventy-four 
 men in hilled and wounded. The mutinous 14th then 
 decamped, but very few managed in the end to escape, 
 as most were either drowned, cut to pieces by their 
 pursuers, or captured and blown from guns. On the 
 same day that the 14th N.I. mutinied at Jhelum, my 
 cousin. Major A. Mills’ regiment, the 58th Hegiment 
 N.I., was disarmed at Eawul Pindee. We also received 
 intelligence of the mutiny of the 4Gth Kegiment N.I. 
 and a wing of the 9th Native Cavalry, on the 9th July, 
 at Sealcote in the Punjaub, when the Brigadier and 
 three other officers, togetlier with a Scotch Missionary 
 with his wife and child were all murdered. That fine 
 fellow. Brigadier-General Nicholson, was, however, on 
 the track of the murderers. He was in command of a 
 movable column, composed of H.M. 52nd Foot, a troop 
 of European Artillery, with a horse battery and a wing 
 of the 9th Native Cavalry. Nicholson had a fortnight 
 before disarmed the 38rd and 35th Eegiments N.I. ; he 
 now (9th July) disarmed my old regiment, the 59th N.I., 
 and on hearing of the mutiny at Sealcote, he at once 
 disarmed the wing of the 9th Cavalry he had with him. 
 On the 12th July Nicholson fought the Sealcote muti¬ 
 neers at Trimmoo ghaut, where he defeated them with 
 great loss, and routed them again with great slaughter 
 on the 16th July. This lot of mutineers was also very 
 satisfactorily accounted for, as they were almost entirely 
 cut up. And on the 29th July the disarmed 2Gtli 
 Eegiment N.I. mutinied at Lahore, and having killed 
 Major Spencer, took to flight; but they were so perti¬ 
 naciously pursued by the Punjaub police and the new 
 levies, that hardly a man survived. We did not, how¬ 
 ever, hear of the mutiny of the 26th N.I. till the next 
 month (August). August came and passed without 
 Delhi being taken; but this month there was a per¬ 
 ceptible improvement in our position. Things then 
 began to look a little more hopeful; because, though 
 around the horizon were black portentous clouds, yet 
 
NICHOLSON S VICTORY AT NUJUrOURII. 
 
 133 
 
 there was one bit of blue sky visible to the north of us, 
 and another to the south. For the Punjaub officials 
 had been straining every nerve to hurl every available 
 European and Sikh soldier against Delhi, and the tact 
 displayed in inducing our former enemies the Sikhs to 
 cast in their lot with us, when they might have seized 
 the opportunity to seek the recovery of the independence 
 of their country, was indeed a masterpiece of skilful 
 manoeuvring. Sir John Lawrence and his able assistants 
 were not the men to let the grass grow under their feet. 
 As early as the 9th June one regiment arrived at Delhi 
 from fhe Punjaub; this was the Corps of Guides* under 
 Captain Dalv- And between the 2f^th June and 3rd 
 July there arrived at Delhi from the Punjaub, the head¬ 
 quarters H.M. 8th Foot, the head-quarters Gist Foot, 
 Coke’s Pifles (1st P.N.I.), a squadron of Punjaub 
 Cavalry and some artillery, making our efi'ective strength 
 there six thousand six hundred men of all arms. But 
 in August we heard of the arrival at Delhi of the 
 movable column under Brigadier-General ISucholson. 
 This force consisted of H.M. 5.2nd Foot, a wing of 
 H.M. Gist Foot, 2nd Punjaub Infantry, the Kumaon 
 battalion 4th Sikh Infantry, two hundred and fifty 
 IMooltanee Horse, and some artillery. Nicholson was a 
 tower of strength by himself, and, flushed with victory, 
 he was eager for a new exploit. The enemy’s attempt 
 to intercept our siege train coming from Ferozepore 
 aflbrded him the opportunity he wanted. So Nicholson 
 engaged the Neemuch Brigade at Nujufgurh on the 
 25th August, and after a well-contested and sanguinary 
 battle, he gained a signal victory, killing eight hundred 
 of the Sepoys, and capturing thirteen of their guns. 
 We also heard in August, or at the end of July, of 
 Brigadier H. Havelock’s victorious progress in his 
 advance with his small army towards Lucknow, of his 
 victory at Futtehpore on the 12th July, when he cap- 
 
 * This regiment had marched from Peshawur to Delhi, about six hun¬ 
 dred miles, in twenty-two days. 
 
134 
 
 INDIAN UEMINISCr.NCES. 
 
 tnrecl twelve of their grins, of his defeating tlie enemy 
 at Aong on the 15th Jnl}^ and of his brilliant victory 
 over the Nana on the 16th JiiW, followed by the re- 
 occupation of Cawnpore, when the English found they 
 had come too late to rescue the women and children 
 they had hoped to save. After accomplishing so much, 
 Havelock reminded his soldiers that their work was 
 only begun. “ Your comrades at Lucknow,” said the 
 General, “are in peril. Agra is besieged ; Delhi is still 
 the focus of mutiny and rebellion. You must make 
 great sacrifices if j^ou would obtain great results. Three 
 cities have to he saved, two strong places to be dis- 
 hlockaded.” Havelock wrote to us that he hoped to 
 come soon ; in the meantime, added he, “let Agra be as 
 Jelalahad.” News reached us also in August of Have¬ 
 lock’s crossing the Ganges into Oude, of his victories 
 at Onao, and Busheerutgunj on the 29th July, of his 
 falling back, and his fresh start for Lucknow on the 
 4th August with about fourteen hundred men of the 
 1st Madras Fusileers, H.M. 84th Foot, and 78th High¬ 
 landers, with two heavy 24-pounders, two 24-pounder 
 howitzers, and Captain Maude’s battery of guns, and 
 of his defeating the enemy once more at Busheerut¬ 
 gunj on the 5th of August. It must here he stated 
 that it was only by means of spies and secret messen¬ 
 gers that news was procurable of passing events. All 
 these successes of the English General availed nothing 
 towards the accomplishment of the ardently longed-for 
 relief of Lucknow, since Havelock felt compelled, 
 after inflicting another defeat upon the enemy at 
 Busheerutgunj, to recross the Ganges to Cawnpore 
 (13th August), where he had to stay for more than a 
 month before he could make a fresh start for the 
 Oudean capital. This retrograde movement was grievous 
 to all. It was depressing to the British soldier, and 
 gave much pain to the General ordering it, as being 
 prejudicial to British prestige, and for fear lest it might 
 seal the fate of the beleaguered Lucknow garrison. This, 
 
BRIGADIER NEIL S STERN JUSTICE. 
 
 135 
 
 however, was necessary; because Havelock found that 
 there were thirty thousand rebels with fifty guns 
 between him and his destination, and his rear was 
 threatened by a powerful force under the Nana, and in 
 addition to this cholera had broken out in his camp. 
 I heard this month (August) with pleasure of Brigadier- 
 General Neil’s execution of stern justice upon the 
 Cawnpore murderers, when left in command there; 
 how he compelled the guilty Hindoos, at least the 
 chief rebels, or ringleaders, to lose their caste before 
 being hung, by forcing them to sweep clean a certain 
 part of the blood-stained floor, wbicb was described by 
 an eye-witness as being several inches deep in blood. 
 “ My object,” wrote Neil, “ is to inflict a fearful punish¬ 
 ment, for a revolting, cowardly, barbarous deed, and to 
 strike terror into these rebels. The first I caught was 
 a Snbadar, or native officer, a high-caste Brahmin, who 
 tried to resist my order* to clean up the very blood he 
 had helped to shed; but I made the Provost-Marshal 
 do his duty, and a few lashes compelled the miscreant 
 to accomplish his task. When done, he was taken out, 
 immediately hanged, and after death buried in a ditch 
 at the roadside. No one who has witnessed the scenes 
 of murder, mutilation, and massacre, can ever listen to 
 the word ‘ mercy ’ as applied to these fiends.” 
 
 Neil’s wholesome severity, I may here remark, met 
 with universal applause. It is much to be regretted 
 that the two rival Generals at Cawnpgre did not like 
 each other, and one cannot read without pain about tbe 
 account of the ill-i'eeling that existed between two such 
 fine characters as Havelock and Neil, which is given in 
 Colonel Malleson’s valuable history. No doubt the 
 blame was not all on one side, and it only shows that 
 tbe best of men are far from being perfect. 
 
 Whilst awaiting reinforcements at Cawnpore, Have¬ 
 lock, on the iHth of August, marched with a small force 
 against the Nana, who was at the head of four thou- 
 * Of the 25th July. 
 
13G 
 
 INDIAN RRM IN ISCKXCKS. 
 
 sand rebels at Bitboor, and defeated that arcb-fiend of 
 the Mutiny. On tins occasion the Sepoys of my old 
 regiment, the 4:2nd JST.I.,*' actually crossed bayonets 
 with our men, and did not 3 ield till sixt}^ of them had 
 fallen. Havelock returned next day to Cawnpore; and 
 now it seemed doubtful whether even this place would 
 not have to be abandoned, since, finding he had around 
 him about thirty-seven thousand of the enemy, includ¬ 
 ing' five thousand of the Giwalior Contingent, which 
 threatened Cawnpore from Calpie, and that his army 
 was reduced to about 700 effective soldiers, Havelock 
 wrote word to the newly-arrived Commander-in-Chief, 
 Sir Colin Campbell, on the 21st of August, that if rein¬ 
 forcements arrived soon he would, notwithstanding the 
 threatening aspect of affairs, continue to hold Cawnpore, 
 but that otherwise he should be forced to retire on 
 Allahabad. 
 
 Havelock’s failure, through no fault of his own, to 
 execute the programme arranged for the succour of our 
 besieged and sorely-pressed countrymen at Lucknow, 
 tended, at least to a considerable extent, to throw the 
 victories of his miniature army into the shade, which 
 were still further neutralized by news of a dismal 
 nature that reached us from other quarters ; foremost of 
 which was the formidable insurrection in Behar, headed 
 by Eajah Koonwur Singh, and the terrible defeat inflicted 
 on aforce of three hundred and fifty soldiers of H.M. 10th 
 and 37th Foot and sixty-five Sikhs, under the command 
 of Captain Dunbar, by the Dinapore mutineers. These 
 regiments, viz., the 7th, 8th, and 40th Regiments N I., 
 having revolted at Dinaporef on the 25th of July, left 
 for Arrah, a small civil station about twenty-four miles 
 from Dinapore. Here they were joined by Rajah Koon¬ 
 wur Singh, at the head of three or four thousand armed 
 men. Having plundered the treasury, they proceeded 
 to attack Mr. Bojde’s house, a detached two-storied 
 
 * The 42 nd Eegiment N.I. mutinied at Saugur on the 7th July. 
 
 t Dinapore is 376 miles from Calcutta. 
 
ENGIJSIt FALL INTO AN AMBUSCADE. 
 
 137 
 
 building held by Mr. Wake, the collector, who, with fifty 
 Sikhs and fifteen European civilians, and a Mahomedan 
 deputy-collector, with uncommon gallantry defended the 
 place against two thousand Sepoys and several thousand 
 insurgents for a whole week, though there was not a 
 single military man amongst them to aid them wdth his 
 professional skill. The force under Captain Dunbar, 
 after some delay, left Dinapore by steamer on the 29th 
 of July in pursuit of the Dinapore mutineers. After 
 going some distance, the Commanding Officer disem¬ 
 barked his men at Beharee ghaut, whence he pushed 
 on across country to rescue Mr. AVake’s "arrison. 
 After marching ten or eleven miles, the English 
 suddenly fell into an ambuscade, at or near midnight 
 (29th of July). They were mowed down in the dark¬ 
 ness by successive vollies of musketry from an invisible 
 foe. Captain Dunbar with more than half his men 
 were killed on the spot, and on the retreat, which became 
 a disorderly flight, to the steamer. It was a mournful 
 party that returned to Dinapore on the evening of the 
 30th of July. Out of fifteen officei’S twelve were 
 killed or wounded. The total loss was a hundred and 
 seventy officers and men killed, and a hundred and 
 twenty wounded, being a grand total of two hundred 
 and ninety out of four hundred and fifteen engaged. 
 This was a most miserable business altogether, and 
 would have sealed the fate of AVake’s heroic band, but 
 for the skill and gallantry of Major Vincent Eyre, who, 
 with 150 men of H.Al. 5th Eusileers, 40 artillerymen 
 with three guns, and about 20 volunteers, having on 
 the 2nd of August inflicted a signal defeat on the Dina¬ 
 pore mutineers and Koonwur Singh’s followers, accom¬ 
 plished the relief of Arrah next day. This success the 
 IVlajor improved soon afterwards by defeating Koonwur 
 Singh and taking the fort of Jugdespore, that chieftain’s 
 stronghold. Then in August we heard at Agra that 
 the 27th Begiment Bombay Native Infantry* had 
 
 * Eventually nearly all these mutineers were destroyed. 
 
US 
 
 INDIAN 111'A11NI b C E N C E S. 
 
 mutinied at Kolapore fist of August) and murdered 
 three of their officers. This was indeed bad news, as it 
 was feared that it was but the precursor of the revolt 
 of the whole native army in that Presidency; and ere 
 long the existence of a great Mussulman conspiracy was 
 detected at Poonah, Belgaum, Dharwar, Sattara, and 
 other places. Some uneasiness was caused this month 
 by the declaration of the troopers of the 8th Madras 
 Native Cavalry, who being ordered to march to Madras 
 and embark for Calcutta, stopped on their march, and 
 declared that they would not go forth “ to war against 
 their countrymen,” 
 
 For this act of insubordination this turbulent regi¬ 
 ment was disarmed. Moreover, in August we still 
 heard of more mutinies, such as that of the 12th 
 Irregular Cavalry, which rose in revolt at Segowlie on 
 the 25th July, and murdered their Commanding Officer, 
 Major Holmes, with his wife, together with the other 
 Europeans residing there; the Eamgurh Infantry, which 
 mutinied on the 30th July, when en route to Hazaree- 
 bagh, and marched back to Panchee breathing hostile 
 imprecations against the Europeans. Captain Dalton, 
 Commissioner of Chota Nagpore, and the rest of the 
 officials (amongst whom I had a brother-in-law) quitted 
 the station, which being thus abandoned was plundered 
 by the rebels; and on the 5th August the Sepoys of 
 the Pamgurh Battalion stationed at Purulia and Chy- 
 basa rose in revolt. The Jodhpore Legion also mutinied 
 at Erinpoora on the 22nd August. Despite all this, and 
 though no actual progress was made towards taking 
 Delhi,* yet still, judging from such news as actually 
 reached us in August, there was on the whole an im¬ 
 provement in the general posture of affairs. The storm 
 had somewhat abated. We had recovered our spirits 
 and were ready to retrieve the disaster of Sussia. 
 
 * For General Wilson, in a letter dated 20tli August, stated that the 
 force under his command was then being besieged by the mutineers. See 
 Colonel Malleson’s “ Hist. Indian Mutiny,” vol. ii. p. 3. 
 
A MISERABLE NIGHT. 
 
 139 
 
 Colonel Cotton was now commanding at Agra in room 
 ot Brigadier Polwliele, who had been removed from the 
 command. A force under the command of Major Mont¬ 
 gomerie was now sent to Alygnrh against Ghousa 
 Khan, who had proclaimed himself Subadar of the 
 King of Delhi. This miniature army consisted of 
 three companies of my regiment, a hundred and fifty 
 strong, with four officers ; two 9-pounders, and a 24- 
 pounder howitzer, manned by about thirty European 
 artillerymen ; and thirty militia. We left Agra late 
 on the evening of the 20th August. I commanded a 
 party of my regiment composing the advance guard, 
 mounted on elephants. The only appliance for keeping 
 our seat was by holding on to the rope bound round 
 the enormous quadruped. The instructions which I 
 received were short and simple. I was, in case of coming 
 in contact with the enemy, to dismount my men, and 
 form them up to resist any attack that might be made, 
 till the main body should come up. The night, which 
 passed without any encounter, was the most miserable 
 one that I have ever spent; for soon after starting I 
 was attacked with ophthalmia. I kept my seat on the 
 elephant as long as 1 could ; but at last I felt it so very 
 difficult to hold on by the rope with the pain I was in, 
 that I dismounted and marched on foot at the head of 
 the advance party on elephants. And oh ! the agony 
 I endured every time I strained my eyes in the dark¬ 
 ness to keep clear of the elephants! It was indeed a 
 wretched time, never to be forgotten by me. 
 
 The long night, however, passed at last, and next day 
 it was proposed to send me back to Agra, but against this 
 I earnestly protested, feeling sure that I should be mur¬ 
 dered on the way. So I was allowed to stay and get 
 on as best I might. One eye at least was like a ball of 
 fire, and the surgeon used to make me lie down whilst 
 he dropped some horrid burning stuff into it. Having 
 been joined by a troop of sixty or seventy native horse¬ 
 men raised by Thakoor Govind Singh, we attacked the 
 
140 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 enemy in the vicinity of Alygnrh on the 24th August. 
 I commanded a company in this action, though my 
 eyes were painful, and I could not see very well. 
 Ghousa Khan’s army was said to he about four thousand 
 men; hut this may have been somewhat exaggerated ; 
 hut at all events we were a mere handful to them. 
 They were composed of undisciplined armed insurgents, 
 and a detachment of the 3rd Cavalry. The battle 
 raged furiously for some time ; the militia cavalry under 
 Lieutenant De Kantzow* behaved, it is stated, with 
 conspicuous bravery. I shall, however, record just what 
 met my limited vision, which was a body of fifty or 
 sixty Ghazees sweeping right down on my company. 
 On they dashed, sword in hand, inflamed by religious 
 fanaticism, and rendered insensible to fear by having 
 freely partaken of the soothing bhang. On they rushed 
 just like so many mad dogs. I had only about thirty 
 men with me to the front, and one of these ran out a 
 considerable distance in advance, apparently desirous of 
 distinguishing himself by driving them back by his 
 single-handed prowess ; but the poor man paid dearly 
 for his undisciplined act of valour, for he was cut to 
 pieces in a few moments by the sharp swords of the 
 Ghazees, and this appeared to have had a bad effect on 
 my men. I purposed fighting the Ghazees then and 
 there with the bayonet; but the soldiers, entirely of their 
 own accord, and positively without any order from me, 
 went to the right about, and ran to a sufficient distance 
 to enable them to load and fire upon the Ghazees, most 
 if not all of whom were killed, as it appeared to me. 
 
 We now formed up near a gun, which fired with 
 much precision and exhilarating effect, by means of 
 which, in conjunction with our musketry fire, the rebels 
 were driven liack. I believe the two other companies 
 
 * This youTig officer received the Queen’s gracious approbation, and an 
 autograph letter of thanks from Earl Canning for “ admirable services ” 
 rendered by him at imminent peril of his life at Mynpoorie during and 
 subsequent to the mutiny of the Sepoys at that station. 
 
PERSONAL VIOLENCE BY A JUNIOR OFFICER. 141 
 
 of my regiment maintained a successful fight with tlie 
 enemy; but I could not see what they did. The enemy, 
 so it is stated, left three hundred dead on the held, 
 which was rather more than the total force of the victors. 
 Still, if the truth is to he told, this action, though to a 
 certain extent successful, must he regarded as an inde¬ 
 cisive one, because we retreated the same day towards 
 Agra. I was sent on in advance with the sick and 
 wounded, and as soon as I reached Agra I was besieged 
 by the quidnuncs anxious to know all about the battle; 
 and tlien, instead of keeping a quiet tongue in my head, 
 I indiscreetly blurted out the whole truth about my 
 company going to the right about when I wanted to 
 engage the enemy with the bayonet. This got me into 
 grievous trouble, and brought me once more into colli¬ 
 sion with my military superiors, as I shall now proceed 
 to show. A desperate quarrel was fastened upon me 
 on the 9th September by a junior officer, who so far for¬ 
 got himself as to offer personal violence to me when I 
 replied with becoming indignation to his unjust impu¬ 
 tations and insulting language ; for this he was very 
 properly placed under arrest by the senior officer present. 
 Lieutenant F. Stephenson, the Interpreter and Quarter- 
 Master of the Regiment, who made the following report 
 of the matter for the Commanding Officer’s information, 
 which I give below verbatim tlierefrom, merely substi¬ 
 tuting Lieutenant 0-for the name of the offender: 
 
 “ About half-past seven I came out of my room and 
 took my chair in front of my quarters. Lieutenants 
 
 White, Blake, and 0- were sitting there ; there 
 
 appeared to have been some disagreement between 
 
 Lieutenants White and 0-, which I did not hear. 
 
 I heard Lieutenant 0- say to Lieutenant White, 
 
 ‘ The best thing you can do is to hold your tongue, and 
 shut up; ’ to which Lieutenant White replied, ‘ You 
 
 choop ro.’ * Lieutenant 0- immediately arose, 
 
 * The HiiiJoosthaiiie for “ be silent.” 
 
142 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 and pushed Lieutenant AVliite and his chair over to¬ 
 g-ether, upon which I placed Lieutenant 0-under 
 
 arrest.* 
 
 “ I have the honour to be, 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ Your most obedient Servant, 
 
 “F. Stephenson, 
 
 “ Lieutenant 3rd European Regiment. 
 
 “ To Lieutenant R. Thompson, 
 
 “ Adjutant 3rd European Regiment.” 
 
 Two days afterwards (12th of September) we both 
 had to attend the Commanding Officer’s quarters, when 
 
 Colonel Riddle admonished Lieutenant 0-for the 
 
 unruly temper he displayed, but which I understood 
 him to say he would not call using violence towards me. 
 
 But at the same time I, too, was admonished, without 
 rhyme or reason, for the inclination which my Com¬ 
 manding Officer was pleased to say I had manifested to 
 disobey orders; though how I had done so I cannot for 
 the life of me perceive. I at once expressed my intention 
 of complaining to the Commander-in-Chief against this 
 adjudication of the matter, whereupon Colonel Riddle 
 admitted that I had a right to complain to the Com¬ 
 mander-in-Chief if I liked. I then went home, and the 
 same day sent off a letter through the prescribed channel 
 to the address of the Adjutant-General of the Army, 
 complaining of the recent harsh treatment of me by 
 my Commanding Officer, and appealed in particular 
 to the Commander-in-Chief against my Commanding 
 Officer’s adjudication of this case, wherein I had been 
 so grossly insulted by a junior officer. For writing this 
 letter, which was couched in moderate and guarded 
 language, I was placed under arrest by direction of 
 
 * See letter in m}’’ possession. 
 
I'LACiiD UNDER ARREST. 
 
 143 
 
 Colonel Cotton, commanding at Agra; and I was fur¬ 
 nished by the Adjutant with a true copy of the Fort 
 Adjutant’s letter directing this unjust proceeding. This 
 strange letter, dated 15th of September, 1857, was to 
 the following effect:— 
 
 “ The Commanding Officer regrets that he has not the 
 power of at once bringing Lieutenant White to a Court- 
 martial, hut will take the earliest opportunity of bring¬ 
 ing his conduct to the notice of His Excellency the 
 Commander-in-Chief, with a view to his being tried by 
 a General Court-martial for his litigious and unofficer¬ 
 like behaviour. You will be good enough to furnish 
 Lieutenant White with a copy of this letter.* 
 
 “ I have the honour to be, 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ Your most obedient Servant, 
 
 “ W. Patton, Captain. 
 
 “To Fort Adjutant Lieutenant-Colonel Riddle, 
 
 “ Commanding 3rd European Regiment.” 
 
 Thus was I denied my undoubted right of appeal to 
 the highest military authority, and I was threatened 
 with a Court-martial and charged with unofficer-like 
 behaviour when I was quite innocent of any offence. 
 But the best proof of my innocence was that I was 
 never tried on this charge; but after having been kept 
 under arrest for five months, I was released by order 
 of the Commander-in-Chief, without receiving the 
 slightest reprimand from His Excellency !! If 
 
 I was this time completely at the mercy of these two 
 men, the officer commanding my regiment, and Colonel 
 
 * See letters in my possession. 
 
 t See General Order of Commander-in-Chief, dated Camp, Cawnpore, 
 10th February, 1858, in my possession. 
 
144 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Cotton, commanding the station, and they made me feel 
 their power in a manner I can never forget ; for I was 
 kept under close arrest for four whole days, during which 
 time I was kept in the sultry month of September a 
 prisoner in the horrid hole (already described) which was 
 assigned to me for my residence. I dared not step out¬ 
 side my hovel lest I should be charged with breaking my 
 arrest, as the punishment for this would be cashiering. I 
 bore it, however, as best I could, and at the end of four 
 days the severity of my arrest was greatly mitigated by 
 being allowed to take morning and evening exercise for 
 an hour each time. One thing more was done which 
 appeared to me to savour of a persecuting spirit, which 
 was that my application to attend divine service was 
 refused; so at Agra I was for nearly five months deprived 
 of the means of grace !!! They doubtless thought 
 this would make me feel, and they were not mistaken ; 
 but they could not withhold from me the consolations 
 of the God of all Grace. He sympathizes with his 
 oppressed children in their forsaken condition. I think 
 I am right in saying that a private soldier, irrespective 
 of the nature of his offence, is invariably marched to 
 attend divine service. If I am correct in this asser¬ 
 tion, then it is obvious that I was in this particular 
 treated with singular malevolence ! My brother officers 
 appeared afraid or unwilling to show me any counte¬ 
 nance, for fear, I suppose, of displeasing the Commanding 
 Officer. But I have by me a letter from my dear old 
 mother, written some years afterwards, telling me that 
 an officer of the late 3rd European Regiment had spoken 
 of me to a friend of the family, telling him “ how much 
 I had been persecuted.” One pleasing circumstance 
 deserves here to be mentioned. There was one gentle¬ 
 man friendly with tliose against me whose kindness was 
 at this time particularly refreshing. This was no other 
 than the editor of the Moffussilite^'" who, though almost 
 a perfect stranger to me, felt so grieved to see me so 
 
 * A leading newspaper in the North-West. 
 
NEWS FROM THE PUNJAUB. 
 
 145 
 
 ill-treated, that he paid me a visit of sympathy, telling 
 me, though he heard all about me from the other side, 
 that he saw there was a dead set being made against 
 me, and he commiserated me for the trouble I w'as in. 
 But it is time to speak of the great public events that 
 occurred during this month ; and first of all must be 
 mentioned the death of our poor dispirited, worn-out 
 Lieutenant-Governor, Mr. John Colvin, who died in the 
 Fort on the 9th September. The news that reached us 
 this month from the Punjaub continued favourable. 
 
 The disarmed 51st Pegiraent N.I., having mutinied 
 at Peshawur on the 28th August, were annihilated; 
 since upwards of a hundred were shot dead on the spot, 
 a hundred and fifty more were cut down in the pursuit, 
 and nearly four hundred w'ere brought in prisoners; 
 whilst those who escaped to the hills were reduced to 
 bondage by the hill men. The tidings that reached us 
 from Delhi about this period were decidedly of a more 
 hopeful character, and denoted an improvement in the 
 state of affairs at the great focus of rebellion ; inasmuch 
 as our siege train drawn by elephants arrived at Delhi on 
 the 4th Septendjer. It consisted of sixty pieces, fifteen 
 of which were 24-pounders, twenty 18-pounders, and 
 the remainder howitzers and mortars of various sizes ; 
 and we heard of the arrival of the last reinforcement, 
 which raised the Delhi Field Force to nearly ten thou¬ 
 sand men fit for duty. Three men, Brigadier Neville 
 Chamberlain, Adjutant-General, Colonel Baird Smith, 
 Chief Engineer, and Brigadier-General John Nicholson, 
 were working indefatigably to complete arrangements 
 for the assault of Delhi. As for the General in com¬ 
 mand of the army, he expressed a written opinion of 
 his hopelessness of being able to take the place till 
 relieved from a force from below. That the attempt 
 would be veiy hazardous was quite obvious to any one 
 with a grain of sense in his head. For, in addition to 
 the terrible mortality, and the besieged state of the 
 besiegers, which has already been noticed, it must also 
 
146 
 
 INDIAN DEMINTSCENCES. 
 
 be considered that Delhi, a city seven miles in circum¬ 
 ference, tilled with an immense fanatical Mussulman 
 population, was moreover garrisoned hy forty thousand 
 Sepoys; it had also a hundred and fourteen pieces of 
 heavy artillery mounted on the walls, and the fort itself 
 had been made very strong by perfect flanking defences, 
 and a glacis so as to prevent our guns breaking the 
 walls lower than eight feet from the top. Greneral 
 Wilson, however, at last resolved to undertake the tre¬ 
 mendous responsibility of assaulting the imperial city; 
 though, when the final reinforcements reached Delhi on 
 the 6th September, they only raised our effective force 
 to 9,866 men—British soldiers, Sikhs, and Goorkhas. 
 Besides which there were on our side between two and 
 three thousand men belonging to the Cashmere, Jheend 
 and Puttiala Contingents. On or about the 20th 
 September^' we heard the joyful news of the assault and 
 capture of a considerable part of Delhi, and a week 
 afterwards official intelligence was received of the com¬ 
 plete success of the British arms, and the capture of 
 the King. An account of this important event, by 
 which the neck of the Mutiny was completely broken, 
 will be given in the next chapter. 
 
 * From a native source of information we heard, on the 18th Septem¬ 
 ber, of our troops getting into Delhi; and on the 21st September we got 
 news of the capture of the magazine, with its vast stores and upwards of 
 a hundred guns. 
 
147 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Description of the Assault and Capture of Delhi—Death of Nicholson— 
 Capture of the King—Captain Hodson shoots three Princes—Colonel 
 Greathed’s Pursuit of the Mutineers—Brigadier Showers’ Suc¬ 
 cesses—Mutiny of Regiments after the Escalade of Delhi—Nagode, 
 Jubbulpore, Chittagong, Dacca, and Julpigoree — Havelock’s 
 Victorious Advance to Lucknow—Sir James Outram—His Grand 
 Chivalry—Commander-in-Chief’s Remarkable Order thereon—Out- 
 ram’s Bravery—Sore Peril of the Besieged—Relief of Lucknow— 
 Great Mortality of the Garrison — Surprising Loyalty of the Faith¬ 
 ful Sepoys—Battle of Agra—Strange Refusal of Permission to go 
 out to the Battle with my Regiment—Complete Defeat of Muti¬ 
 neers—Lady Nurses — Their Devotedness—Troubled State of Raj- 
 pootana—Repulse of Colonel Lawrence — Murder of Major Barton—• 
 Defeat of Captain Tucker—English still Besieged at Lucknow— 
 Arrival of Sir Colin Campbell at Cawnpore — Advance of Com- 
 mander-in-Chief—Captain Peel and the Naval Brigade—Warlike 
 Operations—Desperate Fighting at the Secunder Bagh—Second 
 Relief of Lucknow Accomplished—Withdrawal of Noncoinbatants 
 from Lucknow—Death of Havelock—Defeat of General Windham 
 at Cawnpore—Arrival of the Commander-in-Chief — He defeats the 
 Enemy—Their Defeat again by Grant — Pious Despatch of the 
 Victor—Defeat of Jodhpore Legion—Seaton’s Victories of Gungeree 
 and Pnttialee—Tried by Court-Martial — Injustice of the whole Pro¬ 
 ceeding — Cruel Sentence—Remarkable Circumstances following it 
 — Condition of Affairs at Agra—Departure of Siege Train—Leave 
 Agra with my Regiment—Letter from Head-Quarters — Commander- 
 in-Chief declines to confirm Sentence of Court—Hard Usage and 
 extreme Unfairness—Appeal to Commander-in Chief—Authorities 
 refuse to forward it—1 Trust in the Lord—Lord Clyde comes to 
 Gwalior in 1859—IMy Interview with him—Its Happy Results— 
 Continuation of the Narrative of the Events of 1858 — Reoccupation 
 of Futtygurh—Advance of Commander-in-Chief to Lucknow— 
 Outram repels repeated Attacks—Jung Bahadur’s Diversion in 
 our Favoui-—Brigadier Franks’ Victories at Chaudah, Humeerpore, 
 and Sooltanpore—Sir Hope Grant takes Meeangunje b}" Storm— 
 Great Strength of the Enemy at Lucknow—Huzrut Muhul, the 
 Begum—Operations against Lucknow—Storming of (Queen’s Palace 
 and Imambara—Unexpected Capture of Kaiser Bagh — Immense 
 Loot—Outram’s March through the City—Conquest of Lucknow— 
 Escape of the Rebels—Excessive Caution of Commander-in-Chief— 
 Remarks on the Character of Outram. 
 
 In narrating this memorable event it should here be 
 mentioned that General Wilson’s directions to his men 
 were to spare the women and children, but to give no 
 quarter to the mutineers. Our batteries opened fire on 
 the guilty city the morning of the Idth September, and 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 INDIAN llEBIINISCENCES. 
 
 by the evening two practical breaches, one in the 
 Moree bastion, and the other in the water bastion, 
 being made, it was determined to make the assault 
 the next day. Four columns were told off* for this 
 purpose. The first, commanded by Brigadier-General 
 Nicholson of the Bengal army, consisted of a thousand 
 men, viz., three hundred men of the 75th Foot, under 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert, two hundred and fifty men 
 of the 1st Bengal Fusileers,* led by Major Jacob, and 
 four hundred and fifty men of the 2nd Punjaub Infantry, 
 under Captain Green. This column was to storm the 
 breach near the Cashmere bastion, and escalade the face 
 of the work. The second column, commanded by Brig¬ 
 adier W. Jones of FI.M. 61st Begiment, consisting of 
 eight hundred and fifty men, viz., two hundred and fifty 
 men of H.M. 8th Foot, led by Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Greathed, two hundred and fifty men of 2nd Fusileers,f 
 under Captain Boyd, and three hundred and fifty men 
 of 4th Sikh Infantry, under Captain Rothney, was to 
 storm the water bastion. The third column, commanded 
 by Colonel Campbell of FI.M. 52nd Foot, was to attack 
 the Cashmere gate. It consisted of nine hundred and 
 fifty men, viz., two hundred men of H.M. 52nd Foot, 
 led by Major Vigors, two hundred and fifty men of 
 Kemaon Battalion, under Captain Ramsay, and five 
 hundred of 1st Punjaub Infantry, led by Lieutenant 
 Nicholson. Major C. Reid of the Bengal army com¬ 
 manded the fourth column, consisting of eight hundred 
 and sixty men, composed of the Sirmoor Goorkhas,| 
 the Guides, with some European and Native pickets; 
 and to this force was added one thousand two hundred 
 men belonging to the Cashmere Contingent. This 
 column was to attack and clear the suburbs of Puhar- 
 unpore and Kishengunje, and to enter the city by the 
 Lahore gate. The Reserve, commanded by Brigadier 
 Longfield of H.M. 8th Foot, was composed of fifteen 
 
 * Now H.M. 101st Eoyal Bengal Fusileers. 
 
 t Now H.M. 104th Bengal Fusileers. 
 
 + Now the Prince of Wales’s Own Gooi'khas. 
 
DEATH OE NICHOLSON. 
 
 149 
 
 hundred men, viz., two hundred and fifty men of H.M. 
 61st Foot, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Deacon; four 
 hundred and fifty men of 4th Punjaub Infantry, under 
 Captain Wilde; three hundred men of Belooch Bat¬ 
 talion, under Lieutenant-Colonel Farquhar, and three 
 hundi’ed Jheend auxiliaries, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Dunsford. To these were afterwards added two hun¬ 
 dred men of H.M. GOth Bifles, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Jones of that regiment. The Cavalry, under Brigadier 
 Hope (jrant, were to guard the lines. Before daybreak 
 on the morning of the 14th September the troops were 
 drawn up ready for the terrible struggle, and soon after¬ 
 wards the columns rushed forward to the assault. The 
 first by desperate courage gained the breach ; its leader, 
 Brigadier-General Nicholson, was the first to mount the 
 wall. The second, under Brigadier Jones, about the 
 same time gained the breach at the water gate, and 
 cleared the ramparts as far as the Caubul gate. 
 Nicholson led his men along a narrow lane to attack 
 the Lahore gate* and bastion in the face of a terrific 
 storm of grape and musketry ; but he encountered so 
 obstinate a resistance, that he could not dislodge the 
 enemy from a position that was impregnable without 
 the aid of artillery. Here Major Jacob of the 1st 
 Fusileers was mortally wounded, and several other officers 
 belonging to that regiment were struck down. 
 Nicholson himself was also mortally wounded,f and his 
 brigade was obliged to retire to the Caubul gate. 
 
 But it is time now to notice the proceedings of the 
 explosion party. Lieutenants Home and Salkeld, with 
 Sergeants Carmichael, Smith and Burgess, Bugler 
 Hawthorne, and some Native Sappers were entrusted 
 with the very dangerous task of blowing in the Cash- 
 mere gate with powder bags. In accomplishing this 
 duty in broad daylight. Lieutenant Salkeld was mortally 
 
 * This gate leads to the Chandnee Choke, the principal street of the 
 city. 
 
 i Nicholson died on the ■23rd Sei^tenibcr, in his thirty-fifth year. 
 
150 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES, 
 
 wounded, Sergeants Carmichael and Burgess were killed, 
 also a Sikh havildar and. a soldier. Though only one- 
 halt' of the massive gate was driven in by the explosion, 
 yet it was sufhciently shattered to admit the third 
 column, which, led by Colonel Campbell, carried the 
 Cashmere gate. Things were not, however, going on 
 so well with the fourth column, under Major Reid, who 
 found himself confronted by about fifteen thousand 
 men. Reid himself was shot down, and his column 
 afterwards retreated. The reserve column, under 
 Brigadier Longfield, followed the third column through 
 the Cashmere gate, and cleared the College Gardens. 
 The result of the day’s fighting w'as that the first and 
 second columns held the line of walls from the vicinity 
 of the Cashmere gate to the Caubul gate; the third 
 column and the reserve held the Cashmere gate, St. 
 James’s Church, Skinner’s house, the College Gardens, 
 the water bastion, and one or two other buildings ; 
 Avhilst the fourth column, being defeated, had retired to 
 the camp on the ridge. But even this partial success 
 w’as not accomplished without very heavy loss ; since 
 sixty-six European officers and eleven hundred and 
 four men were killed and wounded in the assault, and 
 Delhi was not taken, as the great suburb of Kishen- 
 gunje Avas still in possession of the mutineers, and 
 the Lahore bastion with numerous strongholds were 
 still held in force by them. Sir Hope Grant tells 
 us in his book,* that the General did not seem 
 thoroughly satisfied with the assault. We learn 
 also, from Colonel Malleson, that “the General’s 
 first thought had been to withdraw the assaulting 
 columns to the position they had so long held on the 
 ridge,” and that “ from this fatal determination General 
 Wilson was saved by the splendid obstinacy of Baird 
 Smith, aided by the soldierly-like instincts of Neville 
 Chamberlain.” f Kaye says that the half-success of 
 
 * See Grant’s “ History of the Sepoy War.” 
 
 f Malleson’s “ History of the Indian Mutiny,” vol, ii, p. 55. 
 
OPERATIONS AGAINST DELHI. 
 
 151 
 
 the enterprise was extremely disheartening to General 
 Wilson, and that when he put the critical question as 
 to what was to he done, he asked Colonel Baird Smith, 
 the Chief Engineer, whether he thought we could 
 hold what we had taken, whereupon the Colonel 
 decisively replied, “We must do so.”* And the 
 same writer, speaking of the cloud that hung over us, 
 truly observed, that at that time “ the destinies of the 
 English in India trembled in the balance.” The 
 enemy meantime, it should be borne in mind, were 
 keeping up a vigorous fire from the Selimgurh and the 
 magazine upon the positions held by the English. 
 Despite everything, however, the English, with bull-dog 
 tenacity, held on to their grip of Delhi, and their 
 perseverance met with its due reward, as the morning 
 of the 16th dawned with brightening prospects for the 
 besiegers; for during the night and early morning 
 Kishengunje, being evacuated by the enemy, was at 
 once occupied by our men. Then our Engineers and 
 Artillery officers exerted themselves to the utmost in 
 bombarding the great buildings of Delhi ; and a breach 
 having been effected in the magazine, that important 
 position, with its vast stores and one hundred and 
 seventy guns and howitzers, was taken the same day 
 (IGth September). Moreover, the rebels began now to 
 lose heart, since a considerable number of Sepoys com¬ 
 menced streaming out of Delhi this day. The advance 
 of our troops on the following day (17th September) 
 was slow and difficult. Some progress was made, but 
 our soldiers were repulsed in endeavouring to advance 
 towards the palace. Next day (18th September) an 
 attempt made by Colonel Greathed to take the Lahore 
 gate failed, from the refusal of the European soldiers 
 to follow their officers. Notwithstanding this, our 
 advance was this day pushed farther on; as our soldiers 
 took the Delhi Bank, .Major Abbott’s house, and the 
 house of Khan Mahomed Khan, and our posts were 
 * See Sir J. Kaye’s “History of tlie Sepoy War.” 
 
153 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 brought near to the palace, and Chandnee Choke. On 
 this day, too, the English, supplied with great mortars 
 from the captured magazine, bombarded the magnificent 
 palace of the great Moghuls,* which the old King 
 evacuated the same day (18th), finding it too hot for 
 him. Further success was achieved by the besiegers 
 on the lyth. The Burun bastion, which commanded the 
 Lahore gate, was evacuated by the enemy, and occupied 
 by our troops on the night of the IDth. The enemy, 
 now thoroughly cowed, were hurrying out of Delhi as 
 fast as they could. Early the following morning (20th 
 of September), the 60th Bifies took the Lahore bastion 
 at a rush, and expelled the enemy. Major Brind after¬ 
 wards carried the Jumma Musjid, and the same day 
 the palace was taken, the British flag hoisted, and 
 Delhi evacuated by the rebels. Bukht Khan, Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of the mutineers, quitted the city on 
 the night of the 19th of September, taking with him 
 his best soldiers. General Wilson at once took up his 
 quarters in the palace. We are told by Kaye that 
 when, on the 20th of September, Delhi fell into our 
 hands, it was little more than a vast solitude !f Our 
 losses throughout had been enormous, considering the 
 number of men engaged therein ; since it appears, from 
 an official return, that from the commencement of 
 operations in the neighbourhood of Delhi, 30th of May, 
 to its capture, 20th of September, we lost in killed and 
 wounded three thousand eight hundred officers and 
 men. But, in addition to these, many died from 
 disease and exposure to the sun. Having received 
 permission to promise the aged sovereign his life. 
 Captain Hodson, on the 21st of September, with fifty of 
 his troopers, galloped after the King, who had fled to 
 Hoomayoon’s tomb, a few miles to the south of the city. 
 
 The royal fugitive, perceiving that he had played out 
 
 * A full description of the palace of the great Moghuls will be found 
 farther on, in an account of my visit to Delhi. 
 
 t See Sir J. Kaye’s “History of the Sepoy War.” 
 
SURRENDER OF THE KING OF DELHI. 
 
 153 
 
 his game and had lost the stakes, agreed to give himself 
 up to Hodson, on receiving a promise from that officer 
 that his life would be spared. On receiving this mes¬ 
 sage, Captain Hodson gave the required promise, where¬ 
 upon the King came forth and surrendered himself to 
 Hodson, who received from the fallen monarch the 
 sword of the last of the Moghul Emperors.* Having 
 brought his ro^'al captive to Delhi, Hodson started next 
 day (22nd September) with a hundred troopers in search 
 of two of the King’s sons and a grandson, who were 
 believed to be the chief exciters of the Delhi atrocities, 
 and who he was informed were hiding in Hoomayoon’s 
 tomb. Hodson was successful in finding the three 
 villainous Princes, who surrendered to him ; and having 
 first upbraided them for their shameful conduct towards 
 our poor countrymen and countrywomen, Hodson shot 
 them all three with his own hand when within a mile of 
 Delhi, and ordered their corpses to be exposed to public 
 view in front of the Kotwallie. Though I saw nothing 
 at the time objectionable in Hodson’s killing these 
 Princes, yet now, after the lapse of so many years, wdien 
 time has removed those prejudicial heats which so blind 
 the judgment at such times of excitement, I cannot but 
 think, on calm reflection, that the conduct of that gal¬ 
 lant officer was very blamable. The slaughtered Shah- 
 zaduhs, w'ho are described by Sir Hope Grant as “ fearful 
 villains,”! deserved to die for their barbarity to our 
 wmmen and children ; but since they voluntarily sur¬ 
 rendered themselves to his mercy, they ought not to 
 have been put to death without being first tried. 
 
 Two clays afterwards (24th September) a column, 
 under Lieutenant-Colonel E. Greathed, commanding 
 H.M. 8th Foot, left Delhi in pursuit of the mutineers. 
 It consisted of Captain Remington’s and Captain 
 
 * Sevei-al months afterward.s the King was tried by a military court, 
 and found guilty of the massacre of the British in Delhi. But Earl 
 Canning spared his forfeited life, and sentenced him to be transported to 
 Burraah. 
 
 t See Sir Hope Graiit’s “ History of the Sepoy War.” 
 
154 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Blunt’s troops of Horse Artillery, and Major Bourcliier’s 
 Battery, with one hundred and eigdity European and 
 sixty Native Artillery; two hundred Native Sappers; 
 three hundred men of the 9th Lancers ; four hundred 
 Sikh Cavalry ; four hundred and fifty men of H.M. 8th 
 and 75th Begiments ; and one thousand two hundred 
 men of 1st and 4th Regiments Punjaub Infantry, 
 making a total of two thousand seven hundred and 
 ninety men and eighteen guns ; whilst another column 
 was despatched nine days afterwards under Briga¬ 
 dier Showers to settle accounts with the rebels in 
 the Rewaree district, which expedition was most 
 successful, since Brigadier Showers took four forts, 
 seventy guns, and £80,000, and compelled the 
 surrender of two Princes. The capture of Delhi, it 
 may here be remarked, was accomplished by the troops 
 under General Wilson without the aid of any of the 
 reinforcements despatched from England on hearing 
 of the outbreak at Meerut and Delhi. The effect of 
 this grand success was visible at Agra, as, for instance, 
 to the best of my remembrance, the money-changers 
 about this time resumed their ordinary practice of 
 giving sixteen instead of eighteen annas for the rupee, 
 which showed that the natives had now confidence in 
 the stability of the English Government. It is, how¬ 
 ever, rather remarkable that some regiments mutinied 
 after the entry of our troops into Delhi, as the 50th 
 Regiment, which revolted at Nagode on the Ifith of 
 September; the 52nd N.I., which rose at Jubbulpore 
 on the 18th of September; two companies of the 82nd 
 Regiment N.L, which mutinied at Deogurh on the 9th 
 of October; three companies of the 84th Regiment 
 N.I., stationed at Chittagong, which had remained true 
 to their salt for six months after the outbreak at 
 Meerut, revolted on the 18th November; they were 
 defeated by the Silhet Light Infantry Battalion, com¬ 
 manded by Major the Honourable R. B. Byng, who 
 lost his life in the engagement. The Chittagong 
 
NOBLE CONDUCT OF OUTRAM. 
 
 155 
 
 mutineers soon afterwards, however, met with repeated 
 defeats in rapid succession, whereby they lost more tlian 
 two hundred men, and the greater portion of the few 
 that remained, blocked up in a hilly country, perished 
 miserably. On the 22nd of November a detachment 
 of the 7drd Kegiment N.I., consisting of about two hun¬ 
 dred and fifty Sepoys, mutinied at Dacca on an attempt 
 being made to disarm them by Lieutenant Lewis with 
 eighty-five sailors and two guns. They were defeated 
 in the battle that ensued, forty-one were killed on the 
 spot, and eight wei’e brought in desperately wounded, and 
 a few more were drowned or shot in attempting to cross 
 the river. Our small party lost eighteen in killed and 
 wounded. Lastly, on the 4th and 5th of December, the 
 detachment of the 11th Irregular Cavalry stationed 
 at Mudareegunje and Julpigoree, mutinied, and went 
 off si)reading alarm through the district. But it is 
 time now to return to Agra. Not many days after 
 hearing the good news from Delhi we were made 
 further joyful by hearing of tlie first relief of Lucknow 
 l)y Havelock, on the 25th of September. To Major- 
 Greneral Sir James Outram, the well-known Indian 
 Bayard, had been assigned the honour of accomplishing 
 this glorious enterprise; since he had in August been 
 appointed to the command of the troops in supercession 
 of Havelock. But, on arriving at Cawnpore on the 1 Gth 
 of September, the first act of the most noble Outram was 
 to leave to Havelock the glory of relieving Lucknow ; for 
 on the very day of his arrival he published an order 
 waiving his rank in favour of Havelock, and notifying 
 his intention of accompanying the force in his civil 
 capacity as Chief Commissioner of Oude, and tendering 
 his military services to Havelock as a volunteer ! 
 Well might Sir Colin Campbell, when announcing to 
 the army this transcendent act of chivalry, make use of 
 the following stirring language in reference to the self- 
 sacrificing order he was called upon to confirm :—“ With 
 such a reputation as IMajor-deneral Sir James Outram 
 
15G 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 lias won for himself, he can well afford to share glory 
 and honour with others. But that does not lessen the 
 value of the sacrifice he has made with such disinter¬ 
 ested generosity in favour of Brigadier-General Have¬ 
 lock, C.B., commanding the Field Force in Oude. Con¬ 
 curring, as the Commander-in-Chief does, in everything 
 stated in the just eulogy of the latter by Sir James 
 Outram, His Excellency takes this opportunity of 
 publicly testifying to the army his admiration for an act 
 of self-sacrifice and generosit}^ on a point which, of all 
 others, is dear to a real soldier.” This was no exagger¬ 
 ated praise, nor was it by this single act that Outram 
 was entitled to the epithet of the Indian Bayard; for 
 his career was all of a piece; he was as an officer and a 
 gentleman sans peur et sans reprocJie. 
 
 On the arrival at Cawnpore of the long-expected 
 reinforcements, consisting of seventeen hundred Euro¬ 
 peans from the 5th and 90th Queen’s Regiments, the 
 force at Havelock’s disposal amounted to three thousand 
 one hundred and seventy-nine men, viz.;— 
 
 European Infantry ....... 2,388 
 
 Volunteer Cavalry.109 
 
 Artillery.282 
 
 Sikli Infantry ........ 341 
 
 Irregular Cavalry ....... 59 
 
 Total . 3,179 
 
 This force was divided into the following three 
 brigades :— 
 
 1st Brigade.—5th Fusileers, 84th Foot, two com¬ 
 panies G4th Foot, and 1st Madras Fusileers. Com¬ 
 manded by Brigadier-General Neil. 
 
 2nd Brigade.—78th Highlanders, 90th Light Infantry 
 and Sikh Regiment of Ferozpore. Commanded by 
 Brigadier Hamilton. 
 
 3rd Brigade.—Captain Maude’s Battery, Captain 
 Oliphant’s Battery, and Major Eyre’s Battery. Com¬ 
 manded by Major Couper. 
 
BRAVERY OF OUTRAM. 
 
 157 
 
 Besides these there were the volunteers, with Outram 
 at their head, and a troop of Irregular Cavalry. On 
 the 19th of September the English army crossed the 
 Canges by a bridge of boats, being feebly opposed by 
 the enemy on the opposite bank, and on the 21st of 
 September Havelock defeated the rebels at Hungulwar, 
 on which occasion Sir James Outram greatly distin¬ 
 guished himself, by charging the enemy’s battery, sword 
 in hand, at the head of his handful of volunteers, and 
 capturing the regimental colour of the 1st Begiment 
 N.I. Driving the enemy before him, Havelock defeated 
 ten thousand rebels at Alum Bagh, about six miles from 
 Lucknow, on the 23rd of September. Having halted a 
 day at Alum Bagh, the relieving army moved forward 
 to accomplish their grand enterprise. It was indubitably 
 a most hazardous undertaking, with only three thousand 
 men to attack fifty thousand rebels under cover, and it 
 ■w'ould have been justly regarded as rash had it not 
 been for the extreme necessity of attempting at any 
 risk the rescue of our countrymen and countrywomen, 
 who had been besieged I'or nearly three months by a 
 horde of ruffianly rebels thirsting for their lives, and 
 were in sore peril. IVIoreover, as far back as a month 
 ago, Havelock was aware of the great danger the garrison 
 was in from the daily attacks and mining of the enemy, 
 who were within a few yards of their defences, as he 
 had been apprised of this state of things from a letter 
 received on the 23rd of August, from Colonel Inglis, 
 the Brigadier commanding there, which letter contained 
 this pressing reminder. “ If you hope to save this 
 force,” wrote Inglis, “ no time must be lost in pushing 
 forward.” Under such circumstances what might not 
 be accomplished by Englishmen, who had seen the room, 
 ankle-deep in blood, where hundreds of their country¬ 
 women had been foully murdered, and had seen the 
 well where they had been ignominiously thrown down, 
 and when, moreover, these same men were commanded 
 by a Greneral who, combining skill, courage, and piety. 
 
158 
 
 Indian reminiscences. 
 
 enjoj^ed their complete confidence! We may depend 
 upon it that the pious Havelock, for one at least, made it 
 a matter of earnest prayer, and that he was in con¬ 
 sequence divinely guided. After leaving the sick and 
 wounded and baggage behind under a guard at Alum 
 Bagli, our men, moved with compassion for those in sore 
 peril and distress, advanced to meet the hated foe, 
 Outram leading with the first brigade, and Havelock 
 with the second. Our brave soldiers drove the enemy 
 from a succession of gardens and walled enclosures, 
 and crossed by the Char Bagh bridge. From thence 
 they pushed on towards the Residency, a distance of 
 two miles. But when they got opposite the Kaiser 
 Bagh they suffered severely from the enemy’s cannonade 
 and musketry fire. Still they pushed on, fighting their 
 way desperately through the streets, in the course of 
 which the gallant Neil was shot dead. At last the 
 Residency was reached, and the first relief of Lucknow 
 was accomplished. The enthusiastic welcome that then 
 met their brave deliverers from the overjoyed garrison 
 must be left to the reader’s imagination, it being well 
 nigh indescribable. On that night Havelock and Outram 
 (who had been wounded) clasped hands with Inglis. 
 The entire losses of accomplishing this gallant enter¬ 
 prise, including the heavy loss suffered by the rear¬ 
 guard next day (.26th September), in forcing its way 
 through, amounted to seven hundred and two officers 
 and men in killed and wounded. Some idea may he 
 formed of the terrible sufferings of the helpless women 
 and children, and the losses of the brave defenders, in 
 the space of only three months, when we find from 
 Colonel Malleson’s valuable history*' that, “ when the 
 siege began the number of ladies amounted to sixty- 
 eight, and of children sixty-six. Of the former, seven 
 ladies, and of the latter'twenty-three, succumbed to the 
 want of suitable food, to the fire of the enemy, and to 
 privations. We also learn from the same authority that 
 * See Malleson’s “ History of the Sepoy Mutiny,” vol. i. p. 487. 
 
FIDELITY OF THE SEPOYS. 
 
 159 
 
 of the nine hundred and twenty-seven Europeans, one 
 hundred and forty were killed, or died of their wounds, 
 and one hundred and ninety were wounded. Of the 
 seven hundred and sixty-five natives, seventy-two were 
 killed, and one hundred and thirty-one were wounded, 
 and a few of them deserted. The fidelity and gallantry 
 of the loyal remnants of the 13th, 48th, and 71st 
 llegiments N.I. were deserving of great praise. They 
 were chiefly posted at the Balie Gruard, and were so 
 near the enemy as to he exposed to great temptation to 
 desert, and thereby sacrifice the beleaguered Europeans ; 
 but they nobly turned a deaf ear to every persuasion, 
 promise, or threat made to seduce them from their 
 allegiance. A few years afterwards, when I met the 
 survivors, who then formed the 16th Regiment N.I. 
 (the Lucknow Regiment), and were stationed in Fort 
 William, I much wished to commit to writing the per¬ 
 sonal history of these men, which I thought would 
 make a very interesting book; but they showed such an 
 unmistakable dislike to having their fidelity thus placed 
 on record, that I was obliged to give it up. About a 
 week after hearing of Havelock’s relief of Lucknow, we 
 were threatened by a large force of some ten thousand 
 rebels with thirteen guns, who were marching in our 
 direction from Dholpore; they consisted of the Mhow 
 mutineers {i.e. the 23rd Regiment N.I. and 1st Light 
 Cavalry), the Indore rebels, and a considerable force of 
 fugitive Sepoys from Delhi, under Prince Eerozshah, and 
 they now determined to attack Agra, expecting only to 
 have to cope with the 3rd Europeans, a troop of Artillery, 
 and the Agra Militia. I had been for some time in a bad 
 state of health (and no wonder) ; but when I heard, on 
 the evening of the 9th October, that my regiment was 
 under orders to leave the Fort next day to engage the 
 enemy, I felt naturally most desirous to accompany it. 
 I therefore wrote a public letter, making an earnest 
 request that there might be a suspension of my arrest, 
 that so I might be allowed to accompany my regiment. 
 Early next morning (10th October), the Adjutant told 
 
160 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 me that Lieutenant-Colonel Eiclclell would not let me 
 go out into action with my regiment; hut at the same 
 time he informed me that lie was directed by the Com¬ 
 manding Officer to call my attention to the fact of my 
 being on the sick list. Thinking that if this objection 
 were removed I might still be allowed to go out, I 
 immediately called in the doctor, who, about 8 a.m., took 
 me off the sick list. A little before the commencement 
 of the fight in cantonments about to be described, I 
 sent my servant to the Adjutant’s quarters to inquire 
 whether he had received the surgeon’s certificate, which 
 I hoped would be the means of facilitating my wishes. 
 Soon afterwards my man returned, telling me that the 
 Adjutant, instead of giving him a reply, got angry with 
 him, and told him to go to hell. Unable to gather any¬ 
 thing from this, I went about 11 a.m. to the parade, 
 where I found my regiment nearly ready to go out, and 
 I at once asked the Commanding Officer for permission 
 to accompany the regiment; but when I heard from 
 him that Colonel Cotton would not give me leave to 
 do so, I manifested my sense of military subordination 
 by going back quietly to my quarters, though I felt 
 exceedingly disappointed and deeply aggrieved. Very 
 soon afterwards I was filled with unfeigned amazement 
 at learning that, for the public spirit I had manifested 
 on the occasion, an extra charge, that of breaking my 
 arrest, was preferred against me ! But I must now 
 return to notice the doings in our behalf of Colonel 
 Greathed’s column, who, having overtaken and defeated 
 a body of fugitive mutineers at Bolundshuhur, and 
 having cut up a large body of rebels at Alygurh, came 
 now to our relief on the morning of the 10th October 
 by long forced marches, in consequence of an express 
 sent to him by Colonel Fraser ; the Chief Commissioner 
 urging him to come to our help, and was having a fight 
 with the enemy, which had just begun, when I asked 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Eiddell’s permission to be allowed 
 to accompany my regiment to the battle then raging 
 in cantonments. The men had marched forty-four 
 
SUDDEN ATTACK BY THE ENEMY. 
 
 161 
 
 miles in twenty-eight hours,* and were encamped on 
 tlie parade ground. They were weary and exhausted 
 after their exertions, and were for the most part lying 
 on the ground like thoroughly tired soldiers enjoying 
 a rest after their long weary march, and were totally 
 unconscious of the pi’esence of the enemy,f who were 
 close to them, sci’eened from their view by the high 
 standing crops; when suddenly, a little before 11 a.m., 
 ere the camp was pitched, the sound of cannon was 
 heard, and round shot came pouring into camp from 
 three directions, and the enemy’s cavalry charged our 
 artillery, and sabred the gunners of one gun. It was a 
 complete surprise, but it was only a momentary one. 
 Nothing tries good troops so much as a surprise like 
 this, which was enough to have caused a panic. But 
 our brave soldiers soon showed the good stuff they were 
 made of; that admirable regiment the Oth Lancers were 
 soon in the saddle, and one squadron of that regiment 
 gallantly charged the rebel cavalry who were cutting 
 down our gunners, and drove them back in disorder. 
 But this success was achieved at the cost of the loss of 
 the officer commanding the squadron, Captain French, 
 who was killed, and Lieutenant Jones, his subaltern, 
 who was dangerously wounded.J 
 
 The rest of the troops having formed up, now went 
 
 * Colonel Malleson is in error in making out that they had just tra¬ 
 versed that morning forty-eight miles. This distinguished writer says (see 
 pp. 03, 94, vol. ii. of his “ History of the Indian ]\lutiny ”) that Colonel 
 Greathed on the 9th October was at Bijeegurh, forty-eight miles distant 
 from Agra, and that in consequence of urgent entreaties, Greathed sent 
 forward the cavalry and artillery from Bijeegurh at midnight, and that 
 four hours later he followed with his infantry, mounting his men on ele¬ 
 phants, carts, and camels, and overtook his artillery and cavalry, and 
 with them crossed the Jumna under the walls of the fort of Agra. This 
 could not have been the case, for had snch a prodigious feat been per¬ 
 formed I must have heard of it, being on the spot. Moreover, the whole 
 thing is impossible; for sixteen hundred men could not possibly have 
 been conveyed forty-eight miles in five or six hours by means of elephants, 
 carts, and camels. 
 
 t Raikes states that “ on the morning of the 10th the magistrate and 
 other officials assured Colonel Greathed that the enemy had fallen back.” 
 See Raikes’ “Notes,” p. 73. 
 
 J lie recovered with the loss of an eye. 
 
 M 
 
1G:2 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 at tliein with a will. The enemy in their turn were 
 surprised at finding themselves attacked by such a 
 strong force of Europeans and Sikhs, and so many guns. 
 Pearson’s battery gave a check to the rebels, which 
 was improved by a well-timed charge by Watson and 
 Probyn, and a second charge of the Lancers with two 
 squadrons of Hodsou’s horse quite overpowered their 
 capability of further resistance; the sight of the Oth 
 Lancers especially inspired the enemy with dread, 
 since many of them had made a very unpleasant 
 acquaintance with the gallantry of that distinguished 
 regiment at Delhi.'* The rebels then gave way and 
 retreated in haste and disorder along the Grwalior road. 
 Colonel Glreathed followed them for three miles. Then 
 Colonel Cotton came up with the 3rd Europeans, and 
 assumed the command as senior officer. The infantry 
 pursued the enemy for two miles farther, and the cavalry 
 and artillery continued the pursuit as far as the Kalee 
 Nuddee, a rivulet about ten miles from Agra. 
 
 The rebels lost all their guns, thirteen in number, 
 their standing camp, and at least five hundred men in 
 killed alone. By the time the pursuit was over, Glreat- 
 hed’s cavalry and artillery had marched sixty-four miles, 
 and the infantry fifty-four miles, in thirty-six hours ; 
 Greathed’s loss in the action was sixty-seven killed and 
 wounded. The wounded were carried into the Motee 
 Musjid, in the Fort. Inside this marble temple rough 
 wooden cots were hastily arranged, and the mattresses, 
 pillows, and quilts made by the ladies were now turned 
 into use. Mrs. Baikes and many other ladies tended 
 the poor sufferers by night and day. 
 
 “ Oh woman ! in our hours of ease 
 Uncertain, coy, and hard to please; 
 
 And variable as the shade 
 
 By the light quivering aspen made: 
 
 When pain and anguish wring the brow 
 A ministering angel thou !” 
 
 * I was told that the mutineers were heard crying out, “ Ply, brothers, 
 there are the Lancers from Delhi! ” 
 
TROUBLED STATE OE RAJPOOTANA. 
 
 163 
 
 The soldiers felt deeply all this kindness, and when 
 those who recovered became convalescent, they invited 
 their lady nurses to an entertainment in the beautiful 
 gardens of the Taj Mahal, and then these rough veterans 
 thanked their compassionate benefactresses who had 
 fed and waited on them in their sickness. The column 
 halted at Agra three days following the battle, and I 
 took the opportunity of purchasing a fine tulwar * from 
 a soldier (who had taken it from one of the enemy); 
 they then marched towards Cawnpore. Greathed was, 
 however, superseded a few marches from Agra by 
 Brigadier Hope Grant, Lieutenant-Colonel of the 9th 
 Lancers, who overtook the column, and assumed the 
 command as senior officer. Agra was now quite safe, 
 and things all around us in October were as prosperous 
 as could be expected, excepting perhaps the news that 
 reached us about this time of the disturbed state of 
 Eajpootana, with the damage done to British prestige 
 by Colonel Lawrence’s retiring to Ajmere after his 
 unsuccessful attack upon the Jodhpore legion on the 
 18th September at Awah,t followed by the murder at 
 Kotah, on the 15th October, of the political agent there, 
 Ma,ior Burton, with his two sons, by the mutinous 
 regiments of the Bajah of that state j and, lastly, of 
 the defeat of four hundred men with two guns and a 
 Mortar under Captain d’ucker, on the 23rd October, by 
 the M undisore rebels at Jeerun near Neemuch, when 
 Captain Tucker himself was killed, and four other 
 officers were killed and wounded. The rebels were, 
 however, in greatest strength at Lucknow, and thither it 
 behoved Sir Hope Grant with his column, in conjunction 
 with the Commander-in-Chief, to bend their steps as 
 soon as possible to effect the second relief of that city ; 
 since Havelock and Outram found themselves in their 
 
 * Native sword. 
 
 t The English force consisted of 200 men of H.M. 83rd Foot, 250 of 
 the ]\Ihairwara Battalion, two squadrons of 1st Bombay Lancers, and 
 seven guns and mortars. 
 
164 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 turn besieged in tlie very place they had relieved. 
 Throughout October there had been much severe fight¬ 
 ing,. and something like starvation stared the English 
 garrison in the face, so that the advent of Sir Colin 
 Campbell with his army was most anxiously expected. 
 Sir Colin Campbell had arrived at Calcutta as Com- 
 mander-in-Chief on the 13th August, and on the 28th 
 October Ilis Excellency having taken his departure from 
 the city of palaces for the scene of action, reached 
 Cawnpore on the 3rd November, and on the 9th he joined 
 Sir Hope Grant, who with his column had been awaiting 
 the Chiefs arrival at Buntheera, six miles from Alum 
 Bagh ; and on the 14th November Sir Colin advanced 
 towards the Alum Bagh at the head of about five 
 thousand men. His force consisted chiefly of the 
 movable column from Delhi, the formation of which has 
 been already given ; besides which. Sir Colin had with 
 him the 93rd Highlanders, which had been diverted by 
 Lord Elgin from the China Expedition, H.M. 53rd 
 Foot, and the Naval Brigade, consisting of about two 
 hundred and fifty sailors with six 68-pounders, two 
 24-pounders, and two rocket tubes under Captain 
 William Peel (son of the celebrated Premier Sir Pobert 
 Peel), who in his way up had already fought one 
 very sanguinary battle.* After giving a little rest 
 to his troops at Alum Bagh, and receiving from 
 Cawnpore a reinforcement of about six hundred and fifty 
 men, consisting of detachments of H.M. 23rd and 
 82nd Foot, artillery, and engineers, the Commander- 
 in-Chief, on the Idth November, advanced against 
 
 * This happened at Khujna on the 1st November, when a force of five 
 hundred men, consisting of a party of sailors under Peel, with a detach¬ 
 ment of H.M. 63rd Foot under Colonel Powell, attacked and defeated 
 the Dinapore mutineers and other rebels to the number of about four 
 thousand, with three guns. Captain Peel took the command on the 
 death of Colonel Powell, who received a musket-ball in the forehead. 
 Our loss was however heavy, amounting to ninety-five. Another detach¬ 
 ment of the 53rd, with some Sikhs, under the command of Major English, 
 had the month before defeated three thousand rebels at Chuttra after a 
 hard fight, the English loss being heavy. 
 
SECOND RELIEF OF LUCKNOW. 
 
 1G5 
 
 Lucknow, and carried the Dilkhoosha Park and the 
 Martiniere. 
 
 Two days afterwards (IGth of November) His Excel¬ 
 lency attacked the Secunder Jiagh, a high-walled en¬ 
 closure of strong masonry loopholed on all sides for 
 musketry. Captain Blunt opened fire upon it with his 
 six guns, followed by Captain Travers, who did the 
 same with two 18-pounders. By their fire a breach 
 was made in the wall sufficient to admit of two men 
 abreast; the 93rd Highlanders and 4th Punjaub Eifles 
 rushed through this small opening, closely followed by 
 the 53rd Foot. The rebels fought to the bitter end 
 with the energy of despair. But after the gates had 
 been forced in, our troops entered the enclosure in such 
 overwhelming numbers, that the mutineers with all 
 their desperate fighting had not a ghost of a chance. 
 No mercy was shown to the rebels. Cawnpore was the 
 watchword of the enraged British soldier, and a terrible 
 slaughter of the enemy took place; as, when at last 
 our soldiers were masters of the place, more than two 
 thousand corpses were found heaped one upon another, 
 and it is said that only four rebels escaped from this 
 fearful charnel-house. The Shah Nujeef was captured 
 the same day (IGth of November). Next day (17th) 
 the mess-house and the Motee Mahul were stormed by 
 Captain Garnet Wolseley.* 
 
 The second relief of Lucknow was now accomplished, 
 and the interestingly historic meeting of the three 
 Generals, Outram and Havelock with the Commander- 
 in-Chief, now took place (17th of November). The 
 English loss in these operations amounted to forty- 
 three officers, and about four hundred and seventy men 
 killed and wounded. The enemy’s loss throughout the 
 same was exceedingly severe, since about four thousand 
 were found slain. On the .!20th November, Sir Colin 
 began to carry out his purpose of withdrawing the sick 
 and wounded, with the women and children, from Luck- 
 * Now Sir Garnet Wolseley, K.C.B. 
 
166 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 now, under cover of a bombardment of the Kaiser 
 Bao'h, and on the niglit of the 22nd of November the 
 long train of noncombatants* commenced their retreat 
 from the Oudean capital. The Commander-in-Chief 
 and his army remained at the Dilkhoosha during the 
 day and night of the 23rd of November. But having 
 completed his arrangements, Sir Colin on the 24th 
 marched to the Alum Bagh, where the same day that 
 Christian hero, and brilliant general, the pious Have¬ 
 lock, breathed his last on earth. He succumbed to dys¬ 
 entery, brought on by excessive fatigue. “ I die,” said 
 the Christian warrior, “ happy and contented. I have for 
 forty years so ruled my life that when death came I 
 might face it without fear.” He had, as a distinguished 
 writert justly observed, fought a good fight, and had 
 died as he had lived, in the performance of duty. 
 Havelock was buried in the Alum Bagh on the 26th 
 November, on which mournful occasion his gallant son. 
 Sir Colin Campbell, Hope Grant, Outram, Inglis and 
 others attended the funeral. Leaving Sir James Out¬ 
 ram behind at the Alum Bagh with three thousand 
 five hundred men. Sir Colin started for Cawnpore on 
 the 27th November at the head of about three thou¬ 
 sand men, including the remnant of the 32nd Foot. 
 The Chief reached Mungulwar next day (28th), and the 
 same evening His Excellency with his staff galloped 
 across the bridge into Cawnpore, where he heard of 
 AVindham’s defeat by the Gwalior Contingent. Major 
 General Charles A. Windham, C.B., the hero of the 
 Bedan, was in command of about two thousand three 
 hundred men there, nearly two thousand of whom were 
 Europeans. His force consisted of portions, or the whole, 
 of the following Begiments: H.M. 64th Foot, the 
 82nd (a regiment diverted from the China Expedition), 
 
 * The sick and wounded, with the women and children, under the con¬ 
 voy of Sir Colin’s force, amounted altogether to about two thousand. (See 
 Malleson, vol. ii. p. 222.) 
 
 t Colonel Malleson’s “ History of the Indian Mutiny,” vol. ii. p. 221. 
 
DEFEAT OE GENERAL WINDHAM. 
 
 167 
 
 and detachments of three regiments, H.M. 34th, 
 88th, and 2nd Eifle Brigade, which had been ordered 
 to India from England about a fortnight after the 
 scare produced by the receipt of the news of the 
 mutinies at Meerut and Delhi. AVindham had besides 
 the 27tli Madras N.I., some Artillery, a hundred Sikh 
 Cavalry, together with some seamen belonging to the 
 Naval Brigade. Having learnt that some twenty 
 thousand rebels, consisting of the Gwalior Contingent 
 and other mutineers under Tantia Topee, were within 
 twenty miles of him on the Calpie road, he marched 
 out on the 2Gth November with about one thousand 
 two hundred Infantry, one hundred Sikh Cavalry, and 
 eight guns and defeated a division of them at Pundoo 
 Nuddee, eight miles from Cawnpore. But finding this 
 was but their advanced column, he fell back and en¬ 
 camped outside the town. Next day (27tb) Wind¬ 
 ham’s camp was attacked by the rebels in overwhelm¬ 
 ing numbers, who began with a terrific cannonade. 
 Assailed from three sides at the same time, and perceiv- 
 iiif? after five hours’ fip-hting’ that his flanks were beinc: 
 turned, that the enemy were also getting into the city, 
 and were about to attack the entrenchment near the 
 bridge of boats, AVindham resolved to fall back on that 
 })osition, as his present post was no longer tenable. 
 The so-styled retreat was, in point of fact, a regular 
 saiive qui pent affair. Our men rushed back in time to 
 save the entrenchment; but they suffered severely from 
 the fire of their pursuers, who captured the English 
 camp and burnt five hundred tents. The English 
 General next day (28th November) attempted to recover 
 the ground he had so ingloriously lost; but it only 
 resulted in an increase of humiliation. AVindham 
 divided his force into four columns. One, under 
 Colonel AValpole, was to defend the advanced portion 
 of the town; a second, under Colonel AVilson, was to 
 hold the entrenchment; whilst a third, under Brigadier 
 Carthcw, was directed to hold the Bithoor road; and 
 
1G8 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 the I'oui’th, under Windham himself, was to defend that 
 portion of the town nearest the Ganges on the left 
 of the canal. A severe struggle now ensued. The 
 Gwalior Contingent, having been joined by a force 
 under the infamous Nana Sahib, now numbered twenty- 
 one thousand men, and, flushed v\dth victory, were eager 
 for the fight. Walpole on his side was pretty success¬ 
 ful, inasmuch as he repulsed a vigorous attack of the 
 enemy. But Cartliew, who struggled from morning till 
 night against a most formidable body of the enemy, 
 was at last compelled to fall back upon the intrench- 
 ment to prevent his being cut off, as Colonel Wilson, 
 who had sallied out to his assistance with his column, 
 chiefly consisting of H.M. 64th Foot, was driven back 
 to the entrenchment with great loss. That oflicer, 
 with his men, after almost reaching some of the 
 enemy’s guns, encountered a large rebel force hitherto 
 hidden, who outnumbered the assailants by ten to one, 
 and who rendered their further advance quite impractic¬ 
 able. Colonel Wilson himself was here killed, as were 
 also Major Stirling, Captains McCrea, and Murphey, 
 whilst many other officers were wounded, and the 
 slaughter of the rank and file of the 64th was pro¬ 
 portionately great. By the evening the whole force 
 retired into the entrenchments. Windham’s loss in 
 the three days’ fight amounted to three hundred and 
 fifteen. But the loss of prestige was of still greater 
 consequence; for the English were completely van¬ 
 quished. 
 
 Moreover, the town of Cawnpore, and houses full of 
 clothing and stores prepared for the reception of the 
 convoy of Lucknow fugitives, fell into the enemy’s 
 hands. They also captured ten thousand rounds of 
 Enfield cartridges, the mess plate of four Queen’s regi¬ 
 ments, Paymasters’ chests, and other property. On the 
 following morning (29th) the rebels began to bombard 
 the entrenchments and the bridge of boats. But this 
 judicious movement on the part ol the sagacious foe 
 
SIR COLIN Campbell’s strategy. l()9 
 
 was interfered with Sir Colin Campbell, who at this 
 crisis appeared on the scene. This day (2ytb) and the 
 following His Excellency was engaged crossing to 
 Cawnpore with bis small army and their precious 
 charge; but even when this was accomplished, Sir 
 Colin was still content to remain a little longer on the 
 defensive, as the first thought of the gallant Chief was 
 for the safety of the women and children; nor was His 
 Excellency provoked even by the cannonade which the 
 eneni}^ opened on his tents on the 2nd of December to 
 alter his plans. 
 
 But at last, in the night of the 3rd of December, 
 these helpless ones were despatched under a strong 
 escort to Allahabad, and three days afterwards, when 
 they had got a good start. Sir Colin felt free to act. 
 The enemy’s force was now about twenty-four thou¬ 
 sand strong, only one-half of whom, however, were 
 trained soldiers; the remainder consisted of the undis¬ 
 ciplined followers of the Banee of Jhansi and the 
 Nana Sahib. They occupied a strong position, with their 
 centre in the city of Cawnpore, the principal streets of 
 which were barricaded, their left in the old cantonments, 
 wliilst their right stretched away beyond the Grand 
 Trunk Road and the Canal, which positions were defended 
 by forty guns. But Sir Colin’s quick eye discerned a 
 weak point in their position, which was that one wing 
 of their army was so isolated as to be incapable of receiv¬ 
 ing support from the other divisions, provided it were 
 properly attacked; that, in fact, the enemy’s right was 
 in such a position that if vigorously attacked it could be 
 driven from its position without assistance being able to 
 come to it from any other part of the line. The Com- 
 mander-in-Chief’s force consisted of about five thousand 
 Infantry, six hundred Cavalry, and thirty-five guns. 
 His infantry were divided into four Brigades, beginning 
 with that which was called the 3rd, consisting of the 
 8th, 64th, and 2nd Punjaub Infantry, under the com¬ 
 mand of Brigadier Greathed; the 4th, commanded by 
 
170 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Brigadier Adrian Hope, was composed of the 42nd* 
 Highlanders, the 53rd Foot, 93rd f Highlanders, and the 
 4th Punjaub Rifles ; the 5th was under the command 
 of Brigadier Inglis, and was composed of the 23rd 
 Fusiliers,'!' the shattered 32nd Regiment and the 82nd 
 and the 6th was commanded by Brigadier Walpole, and 
 consisted of the 2nd* and 3rd* Battalions Rifle Brigade, 
 and a detachment of the 38th Regiment. The cavalry, 
 consisting of the 9th Lancers, and detachments of the 
 1st, 2nd and 5th Punjaub Cavalry, and Hodson’s horse, 
 were under the command of Brigadier Little. 
 
 The artillery consisted of the Naval Brigade, led by 
 Peel, the troops of Blunt and Remington, the batteries 
 of Bourchier, Middleton, Smith, Longden, and Bridge, 
 and was under the command of Dupuis. Brigadier 
 Hope Grant acted as second in command to the Com¬ 
 mander-in-Chief. On Sunday the 6th of December Sir 
 Colin drew his sword, and went at the enemy in ear¬ 
 nest, with the design of cutting them up in detail by 
 first severing the rebel right wing from the main body. 
 The battle was commenced by a brisk artillery combat, 
 which lasted about two hours. A slackening of Wind¬ 
 ham’s cannonade from the entrenchment announced that 
 the time for attack had now arrived. The cavalry and 
 horse artillery made a sweeping detour with the object 
 of menacing the enemy’s rear, while the whole line ad¬ 
 vanced against the rebel right wing. H.M. 63rd Foot 
 and 4th Punjaub Rifles with admirable gallantry rushed 
 on in the face of a very heavy fire of shot and shell, and 
 drove the enemy from their position on the mounds. 
 They next rushed at the bridge, where guns were planted, 
 whilst the enemy’s Infantry, having rallied, poured upon 
 them incessant volleys of musketry, and seemed pre¬ 
 pared to offer a stubborn resistance, when Peel and his 
 sailors brought forward a 24-pounder, and opened a very 
 
 * These regiments were ordered out from home to India in July in 
 consequence of the Mutiny scare. 
 
 t These were the regiments diverted from the China Expedition. 
 
GENERAL SIR HOPE GRANt’s VICTORY. 171 
 
 effective fire. “ Nothing,” says Sir Hope Grant, “ could 
 withstand the impetuous attack of the Sikhs and Euro¬ 
 peans.”* The 53rd Foot, the 4th Sikhs, and the High¬ 
 landers, passing by the guns, rushed upon the enemy, 
 captured their guns, and drove them back helter-skelter. 
 The defeated rebels were then pursued for fifteen miles 
 on the Calpie road. Thus Sir Colin’s stratagem of 
 severing one wing from the main body was crowned 
 with success; but His Excellency did not succeed so 
 well in carrying out the rest of his design, as the enemy’s 
 centre and left managed to retreat with their guns to 
 Bithoor.f The English loss in this important victory 
 only amounted to ninety-nine in killed and wounded. 
 Sir Hope Grant started off with a strong column in 
 pursuit on the 8th December, and overtook the rebels 
 next day at Serai Ghaut, twenty-five miles from Cawn- 
 pore, where they were about to cross by the ferry into 
 Oude. Grant defeated them, and captured fifteen guns 
 belonging to the Gwalior Contingent, his own loss being 
 nil! The victor’s despatch was so remarkable for its 
 pious tone, that it deserves to be specially recorded. 
 “ 1 am truly grateful to God,” wrote the devout Briga¬ 
 dier, “ and happy to say, that though the fire of the 
 grape from the enemy was most severe, and well placed, 
 falling among the artillery like hail, I had not a single 
 man even wounded, and only one horse of Captain 
 Middleton’s Battery killed. It was truly marvellous 
 and providential.” 
 
 Thus did Grant honour his God in his professional 
 calling as a General. Would that all similarly placed 
 in authority did likewise ! But it is time now to return 
 to Agra. November passed with us in quiet. The 
 Jodhpore legion, defeated at Narnol by Colonel Ger- 
 rardj on the IGth of November, crossed the Jumna 
 
 * See Sir Hope Grant’s “ History of the Sepoy War.” 
 
 f Bithoor is north-west of Cawnpore; their retreat so far was, there- 
 foi'e, in a different direction to that pursued by the defeated right wing. 
 
 X Colonel Gerrard lost his life in the engagement. 
 
172 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 between Aljgurli and Agra, but witliout coming near 
 enough to disturb our equanimity. Next month a 
 detachment of iny regiment served with Brigadier 
 Seaton’s column at the battle of Gungeree (14th of 
 December), on which occasion the Carabiniers, in charg¬ 
 ing the enemy’s guns, lost three of their officers. Ward- 
 law, Hudson, and Vyse, who were killed, and Lieu¬ 
 tenant Head, who led a handful of Lancers, was danger¬ 
 ously wounded. The rebels were, however, completely 
 defeated, and lost their guns. The same detachment of 
 my regiment was also present at the battle of Puttialee, 
 on the 17th of December, on which occasion the rebels 
 were pursued for seven miles, and it was computed that 
 not less than 600 of them fell in the field or during the 
 pursuit. They also lost thirteen guns. But it is time 
 now to turn from chronicling the doings of my regi¬ 
 ment to an event of the greatest importance concerning 
 myself. This was my trial by Court-martial on the 10th 
 of December, 1S57, on the following charge :— 
 
 “ With having, at Agra, on the 10th of October, 
 1857, when under arrest, and expressly prohibited from 
 appearing in public, broken his arrest, and in violation 
 of it proceeded to the parade ground of his regiment 
 in the Fort of Agra, between the hours of 9 and 11 
 o’clock, at the time the regiment was assembled on the 
 parade.” My defence was based on three grounds. 
 First, the extreme unjustifiableness of the imposition of 
 the arrest in question, since I had committed no fault 
 whatever to deserve it, and which was on grounds so 
 utterly untenable, that it was not thought advisable to 
 have me tried thereon, and that the whole business, in 
 fact, arose from my right to appeal against the harsh 
 treatment of me by my Commanding Officer being denied 
 me, as I showed, by incorporating in my defence a true 
 copy of my letter to the Commander-in-Chief, for writing 
 which I was placed under arrest on a charge “ of un¬ 
 officer-like and litigious conduct.” But the Court did 
 not think it prudent that the Commander-in-Chief should 
 
TRIED BY COURT-MARTIAL. 
 
 
 see a true copy of his own letter! They therefore, for 
 fear of giving offence to the local authorities, expunged 
 the whole of this part of my defence bodily from the 
 Court-martial proceedings, and so my defence was there¬ 
 by shorn of part of its strength in consequence of the 
 embarrassing circumstances of my aiitagonism to the 
 station and divisional authorities, which made the Court 
 afraid to offend them by allowing to go up to Lead- 
 quarters this essential part of my defence. Thus I ex¬ 
 perienced once more that a subaltern has no chance of 
 getting strict impartial justice, when his judges have in 
 trying him to pass an indirect sort of judgment upon 
 their immediate superiors, who have it in their power 
 to do so much, either to advance or to mar the interests 
 of these temporary judges; and it only shows the 
 necessity of having a professional lawyer, qualified by 
 legal abilities, an independent position, and the posses¬ 
 sion of a judicious restraining power to secure the ends 
 of justice, so as to prevent the guilty from escaping 
 with impunity, and more especially to prevent the com¬ 
 mission of downright injustice towards the innocent 
 who happen to be obnoxious to the local military autho¬ 
 rities. The second ground of my defence was that I 
 had reason to expect that I should be allowed to go out 
 with my regiment to the battle then raging in canton¬ 
 ments, inasmuch as an officer when under arrest actu¬ 
 ally went out to the battle of Sussia on the 5th of July, 
 1857, without being brought to a Court-martial, whereas 
 I, on being refused permission to go out on the 10th of 
 October, manifested my subordination by going back 
 quietly to my quarters. The third reason adduced in 
 my defence was that my intentions were innocent and 
 honourable; that “ I did not leave my quarters to go to 
 a ball, picnic, card-table, billiard-room, or the mess; 
 but I went with the warm feelings of an English 
 soldier eager to do battle in a just cause.” 
 
 I protested my unconsciousness of harm in the fol¬ 
 lowing words, viz. : “ As an officer who is in the habit 
 
174 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 of making the performance of all known military duties 
 a matter of conscience (in the discharge of which duties, 
 I desire not merely to approve myself to my military 
 superiors, but also to my Heavenly superior). As such, 
 as a God-fearing man, I deny that I have been guilty 
 of anything mentally criminal in this matter.” This 
 solemn protestation of my innocence was treated as 
 long-winded cant, since the Court found me guilty, and 
 sentenced me to be cashiered. This was followed by a 
 recommendation to mercy “ on account of the peculiar 
 circumstances ” in which I broke my arrest, viz., my 
 desire to accompany my corps into action.* I have 
 no patience, even at this distance of time, to speak of 
 the hard-heartedness of several officers composing the 
 minority of the members of the Court, who, by their 
 declining to join in the recommendation to mercy, con¬ 
 demned an innocent man, as far as they could, to tem¬ 
 poral ruin. I consider their conduct worse than the 
 bitterest enemies I have ever had in my whole lifetime. 
 My Commanding Officer hated me with all his heart, 
 and, eonsequently, it was but natural that he should do 
 his best to get rid of me. But these officers (whose 
 names I am glad to be ignorant of) were supposed to be 
 impartial judges of the merits of the case, and were 
 sworn to administer justice without favour, partiality, 
 or affection, and therefore I cannot find the slightest 
 excuse for their hard-hearted conduct. It is very re¬ 
 markable, so at least I think, that nearly all who were 
 in any way concerned in bringing me to this Court- 
 martial on the 10th of December, 1857, met with 
 extraordinary deaths within a few months afterwards. 
 
 My Commanding Officer, it is true, did not die, but 
 not many months afterwards, when we were at Dhol- 
 pore, he was the talk of many mouths, because he did 
 not proceed with the 3rd Europeans to the attack on 
 Gwalior, in pursuance of the orders sent him by Sir 
 Hugh Bose, commanding the Central Indian Force. But 
 
 * See “ General Court-Martial Proceedings.” 
 
A BURIAL SERVICE DIFFICULTY. 
 
 175 
 
 though Colonel Eicldell lived to retire from the service 
 some years afterwards, a different fate befell the others. 
 The Adjutant of my regiment died of heat apoplexy on 
 the line of march, and here a sort of burial question 
 cropped up. For, by a strange coincidence, through 
 indisposition and oEier causes, I became the senior 
 available officer to command the burial party and con¬ 
 duct the funeral service. So here the difficulty arose, 
 for the Colonel knew that I should refuse to read the 
 Church of England burial service over the grave, since 
 I had given offence before in declining to read that 
 service over soldiers of my company I had buried. My 
 reason for this was that I considered it a solemn 
 mockery of God to use such words over the graves 
 of men I believed to be unconverted, as those in the 
 prayer speaking of the Almighty of his great mercy 
 taking unto Himself the soul of “ our dear brother,” 
 and of our therefore committing his body to the ground 
 “ in sure and certain hope of the resurrection to eternal 
 life through our Lord Jesus Christ.” 
 
 Colonel Riddell, not wishing to have anything un¬ 
 pleasant occurring at the funeral of his Adjutant, pro¬ 
 posed a compromise, Avhich I at once consented to; 
 which was, that having marched the funeral procession 
 to the grave, I should then request one of the junior 
 officers to read the burial service. Then Colonel Cotton, 
 commanding the fort and station of Agra, died suddenly 
 a few months after my trial. The General of Division 
 was killed in an ambuscade on the 30th of April, 1858. 
 He was marching by night to Dudaon when he was all 
 at once attacked in the dark at Kukraolee, whilst riding 
 at the head of the advanced guard. Penny was never 
 seen alive again ; his charger, it appears, took fright, 
 and carried him right into the ranks of the enem}^ 
 where his body was afterwards found, shot, stripped, and 
 gashed. The General’s military adviser, the Assistant- 
 Adjutant-General Meerut Division, was, I believe, 
 about a fortnight afterwards murdered by some rebels 
 
170 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 near FerozaLad in tlie middle of the night whilst 
 travelling by gharee with another officer. It is not 
 pleasant to speak of these sad matters, but I feel im¬ 
 pelled just to notice them, occurring under the particular 
 circumstances, and at the particular time they did, which 
 1 do without any comment. 
 
 But I must return to Agra, to mention its condition 
 at the beginning of 1858. British rule had some two 
 or three months before been re-established, and Anglo- 
 Indians had resumed their ordinary employments. In 
 January, the Fort was in the course of being abandoned 
 by every one who had a house which could be made 
 decently habitable. But many people were compelled 
 to prolong their residence within its walls, as so many 
 houses had been so completely destroyed that it would 
 take a considerable time before they could be made fit 
 to live in. 
 
 On the 22nd of this month (January) a strong force 
 left Agra for Cawnpore in charge of the siege train of 
 nineteen guns, and 1,500 carts loaded with stores, and 
 ammunition for the Commander-in-Chief’s use ; several 
 ladies here took advantage of this opportunity to pack 
 up, and go to Calcutta. January passed without my 
 hearing anything about the result of my Court-martial, 
 nor did I get the slightest hint about what that might 
 be. But, though I could not but be very anxious to 
 know whether I was to be cashiered or not, yet, thanks 
 be to God, I was surprisingly composed, considering it 
 involved a question of utter ruin in regard to temporal 
 concerns. I poured out my heart to God, and he heard 
 me. My heart was stayed, trusting in the Lord, so 
 that I enjoyed a considerable degree of mental tran¬ 
 quillity. I was certainly far more at ease than my dear 
 old mother at home, who was actually very ill with 
 anxiety on my account. “ My love to you is,” wrote 
 my mother, “ and ever has been, of so ardent and 
 tender a nature, that I feel if you were in the distress 
 that this (being cashiered) would involve you in, I 
 
SEVERE SENTENCE OE COURT-MARTIAL. 177 
 
 slioulcl either die or my mind would go.” Though 
 under arrest I was ordered to proceed with my regi¬ 
 ment to take part in the hot weather campaign of 1858. 
 But here two serious difficulties arose. The first was 
 that if I were cashiered, which is the sole and particular 
 punishment awardahle for breaking one’s arrest, that 
 then I might be kept for months without pay, without 
 being able to leave my regiment to return to Agra, 
 except at the imminent risk of being murdered on the 
 way by rebels. But this difficulty did not prevent my 
 Commanding Officer taking me with him. The second 
 difficulty was this, that all my tents had been looted by 
 the budmashes on the 5th of July, and, placed as I 
 was, I had no opportunity of purchasing such require¬ 
 ments for the line of march. 
 
 This embarrassment was disposed of by granting me 
 an exemption from my arrest for one da}^, to enable me 
 to purchase such tents as I might require, besides which 
 I required a pony. On the 11th of February I left 
 Agra with my regiment in company with the great 
 convoy of women and children (among whom were my 
 wife and children) that were bound for Calcutta. At 
 last, some days after leaving Agra, a letter came from 
 the Commander-in-Chief’s camp, then at Cawnpore, 
 relative to my Court-martial. I then heard wliat a 
 severe sentence had been passed by the Court, and that 
 the Commander-in-Chief had not confirmed it, but had 
 instead directed my release from arrest and my return 
 to duty without conveying the slightest censure to me 
 for anything I had done ! * On my sword being re¬ 
 stored to me, I returned at once to the performance 
 of my regimental duties; but 1 ought immediately to 
 have been appointed as Interpreter and Quartermaster 
 to my regiment, as that post had been vacated by 
 Lieutenant F. Stephenson, and I was the only qualifiedf 
 
 * See General Order, in my possession. See also “ Court-Martial Pro¬ 
 ceedings.” 
 
 t Duly qualified according to the regulations of the service, by having 
 passed the military interpreter’s examination. 
 
 N 
 
17S 
 
 INDIAN KEMINISCENCES. 
 
 officer of the 3rd Europeans present with the regi¬ 
 ment. 
 
 But Lieutenant S-, an officer more than six 
 
 years junior to me, and belonging to a regiment that 
 had mutinied, was suffered to hold an appointment that 
 
 was mine by right. Had Lieutenant S-been a high- 
 
 souled man, anything like Outram, he would at once 
 have thrown up the appointment, and told Colonel Eid- 
 dell that he could not think of depriving me of my 
 
 rights. Lieutenant S-, however, did nothing of the 
 
 sort; he was wise in his generation, and acted on the 
 principle that possession is nine-tenths of the law. I 
 thus lost an extra allowance of £200 a year which by 
 right was mine.* Acting under the impression that 
 I was entitled to the Interpretership and Quartermaster- 
 ship on the grounds already stated, I appealed to the 
 Commander-in-Chief against the Interpretership of my 
 regiment being held by an officer from another regiment 
 to my prejudice. But I was forestalled by my Com¬ 
 manding Officer’s making an unfavourable report of me 
 in those privileged communications which are received 
 as truths not to be questioned, and so instead of justice 
 I only got a reprimand for my pains. But still, though 
 I had no opportunity of rebutting the false report that 
 prejudiced my case, I was determined to wait patiently, 
 expecting that the time would come when my rectitude 
 would be acknowledged. Magna est veritas, etprevalebif. 
 I had to wait till the end of the following year for this 
 to happen, and in the interim things got worse and 
 worse, as the most ungenerous and cruel taunts were 
 heaped on me, such as his openly telling me at orderly 
 
 * The truth of this can he shown by what happened in 1870, when I 
 was appointed Interpreter to H.M. 4th Hussars, stationed at Meerut, and 
 when on my proceeding there to take up my appointment I found that 
 the Commanding Officer of that cavalry regiment would not acknowledge 
 my nomination, though it was made by the Coramander-in-Chief himself, 
 because a young officer of the 4th Hussars whom he wanted to be Inter¬ 
 preter had just passed the required examination ; and so the Comman¬ 
 der-in-Chief had to cancel his own appointment, and appointed me Inter¬ 
 preter to a regiment in the Punjaub instead. 
 
HARD USAGE AND UNEAIUNESS. 
 
 179 
 
 room, that I had better resign the service, as I should 
 be better off as a clerk on fifty ru])ees a month ; and in¬ 
 justice was added to injustice, till at last I was actually 
 compelled, when stationed in 1859 at Morar (Gwalior), 
 to perform Interpreter’s work in addition to my regi¬ 
 mental duties, without receiving an Interpreter’s pay, 
 and this at a time when qualified officers were in such 
 great demand that there were only six who had passed 
 the prescribed Interpreter’s examination with forty-nine 
 of H.M. Eoyal regiments of infantry and cavalry in 
 the Bengal Presidency. Moreover, in the most flagrant 
 defiance of the rules and regulations laid down on the 
 subject, there were no less than fifteen officers appointed 
 Interpreters to these regiments who had only passed in 
 the rudimental examination known as the colloquial 
 test (though it were more fitly described as the vernacu¬ 
 lar farce), whilst five more of these precious regimental 
 Interpreters had not even passed in this simplest of 
 examinations,* and this at a time when they might 
 have bad at any moment to interpret in cases of life and 
 death! Whilst I could not get even one of these con¬ 
 temptuously treated appointments, simply because my 
 Commanding Officer, who hated me like poison, stabbed 
 my character behind my back without my having any 
 opportunity given me of refuting his assertions. So 
 that in one way I was treated, more unfairly than even 
 the persecuted Apostle Paul, for he at least had the 
 opportunity of answering his accusers face to face 
 (Acts xxiv.). But I could not obtain this oppor¬ 
 tunity, not even when Colonel Bid dell had the assurance 
 to tell me, on the 28rd of February, 1859, that he had 
 reported to the Commander-in-Chief that he could not 
 trust me for any independent command on the grounds 
 of my incapacity as an officer. For, feeling that my very 
 livelihood was imperilled by such a malicious report, I 
 sent in an appeal to the Commander-iu-Chief through 
 the regular channels of communication, entreating as a 
 * See Bengal Army List, corrected to July, 1859. 
 
 N 2 
 
180 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 matter of justice to me that he would order a strict 
 inquiry into the matter. But, as usual could not get 
 my appeal forwarded by either Bri<'' ■ or General.* 
 If I had obtained an inquiry I co’ _ ^e completely 
 confounded my accuser by two qu^ ^; 
 
 1st. Why, if he could not trust me, was I allowed to 
 lead a company in every battle from 1857 to 1859? 
 
 2nd. In the hot weather campaign of 1858, when we 
 were facing the enemy at Sheregurh Ghaut with only 
 the river between us, and when Colonel Riddell on a 
 certain day appeared to be under great apprehensions 
 of a night attack, then if he could not trust me, why 
 did he on that particular night entrust me with the 
 responsible duty of ascertaining the designs of the 
 enemy ? and did I not perform this duty to his entire 
 satisfaction, and to the removal of his anxiety ?f 
 
 He must have answered in the affirmative, or he would 
 have been met with the question: Why, if he was not 
 satisfied with my report, did he not adopt such special 
 extra precautions as though he expected a night attack ? 
 I might also have asked. Why, if I was unworthy of 
 trust, was I employed to hold a village with my 
 company at the action at Sheregurh Ghaut on the 15th 
 of May, 1858? I should have also asked some very 
 awkward questions to answer, as to how my authority 
 had been upheld amongst my junior officers and the 
 men of the regiment. The fact is, that I was badgered 
 and worried to that degree, that there were some 
 moments when I have felt a strong inclination to do 
 something desperate. But excepting such transient 
 moments, when passion unknown to any human eye 
 shook my frame, I maintained an attitude of surprising 
 calmness; so that my mother, who was most anxious 
 for me to keep quiet, expressed her great satisfaction 
 
 * See public letter of Brigade Major and Assistant-Adjutant-General, 
 in my possession. 
 
 t Tbis I performed with much difficulty, groping about on hands and 
 knees in the rugged ravines of the river. 
 
INTERVIEW WITH COMMANDER-IN-CIIIEF. 151 
 
 with me. “ It is a manifest injustice,” she wrote, 
 “ making you do Interpreter’s work and not giving you 
 the pay, but your wise and temperate conduct is a match 
 for any that are unfriendly to you.” I attribute this to 
 the fact that I was trusting in the Lord, and expected 
 that matters would be so ordered by One above that it 
 would all come right in time ; and so it did, for towards 
 the end of 1859, Lord Clyde, Commander-in-Chief, 
 came to Morar (Gwalior), and thus I got the very 
 opportunity I wanted, for I was determined to have a 
 few quiet words with the Chief So, donning my full 
 dress, I went to the General’s house, where Lord Clyde 
 was staying as an honoured guest. I at once asked and 
 obtained an interview. Without giving the whole of 
 the long conversation that ensued (though it was so 
 verv interesting^ to me that I committed it to writing: 
 
 c/ ^ 
 
 verbatim immediately on my return home), 1 may yet 
 mention the salient portions thereof. In the first place 
 I told His Excellency about my very hard case in 
 having been kept out of an Interpretership so long, 
 and my having been made to do the work of Interpre¬ 
 ter without receiving the pay. I then went on to speak 
 of my grievance of the unredressed pei’sonal violence 
 done me, and said, that feeling myself aggrieved, I had 
 appealed to His Excellency. I laid stress on this part 
 of my speech, maintaining that the articles of war 
 allow an officer in such a case to appeal. 
 
 This his Lordship did not deny. It was then Lord 
 Clyde’s turn to speak. His Excellency told me that I 
 might have an inquiry. AVhereupon I expressed my 
 delight, and here the interview might have ended, only 
 the Chief, after making an observation about some 
 inconvenience to the serHce this would occasion, ad¬ 
 dressed me in the Ibllowing words ; “ What you want 
 now is an appointment. Send in an application 
 through your Commanding Officer.” I then, after a 
 little further conversation, took my leave, and im¬ 
 mediately sent in my application for an Interpreter- 
 
182 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 ship through Colonel Darvall, who had recently been 
 appointed to the command of the 3rd Europeans, and 
 next month my name appeared in General Orders as In¬ 
 terpreter to II.M. 6th Foot.* Moreover, some months 
 afterwards, when on his departure for England he gave 
 a grand levee at Calcutta, I had the honour of being 
 specially noticed by his Lordsliip, who entei’ed into a 
 kind conversation with me. I think all this shows that 
 Lord Clj^de felt that I was an injured man.f 
 
 But it is now full time to return from this long digres¬ 
 sion to give an account of the movable column I belonged 
 to, and of the hot weather campaign of 1858. Having 
 taken leave of my wife and children at Mynpoorie, I 
 marched afterwards with my regiment to Etawah, where 
 we stayed a considerable time. Our mess supplies were 
 good and abundant, notwithstanding the disturbed state 
 of the country. We had a good mess manager who 
 arranged things for us economically and well. In re¬ 
 gard to drinkable commodities, wine, beer, or brandy 
 were not to be had for love or money. The choice lay 
 between tea, water and country rum, and ginger beer. I 
 spent a good deal of my leisure time in the ruined church, 
 which was my favourite place of lounge. I think it was 
 whilst we were there that we heard of the conquest 
 of Lucknow by Sir Colin Campbell. This important 
 event must now be told. But first it will be desirable 
 to notice a few preliminary events; which may be 
 summed up briefly as follows:—On the 8rd January, 
 1858, Futtygurh was reoccupied by the Commander-in- 
 Chief after tlie rebels had been completely defeated, and 
 
 * See General Orders by Commander-in-Chief, 30th January, 1860. 
 
 t I feel sure that this was long afterwards the impression that pre¬ 
 vailed at the Adjutant-General’s Office, for towards the end of 1872, 
 when I applied for two years’ furlough, I had for the first time to send 
 in with my application, for the information of the Home Government, a 
 record of all my Courts-martial. I was then allowed, as a very special 
 case, to send it in interspersed with various pungent remarks of my own, 
 and stating a few grave facts comi^letely vindicating my conduct as an 
 officer, and showing how abominably I had been ill-used; and this docu¬ 
 ment, I suppose, may now be seen at the India Office, unless it had been 
 torn up on my retirement from the service in 1875. 
 
ASSISTANCE FROM JUNG BAHADUR. 
 
 183 
 
 pursued for several miles with terrible slaughter the 
 previous day. His Excellency then having ordered a 
 siege train to be sent from Agra for use against the 
 Lucknow rebels, returned to Cawnpore on the 4th 
 February, and on the 28th February Sir Colin crossed 
 the Granges for the conquest of the Oudean capital, at 
 the head of a splendid army, which comprised nearly 
 half of the whole force sent out from England* for the 
 suppression of the Mutiny. During this month the 
 enemy had been making a succession of desperate at¬ 
 tacks on the position of Sir James Outram, whom Sir 
 Colin, as already mentioned, had left behind at Alum 
 Bagh. Outram had with him H.M. 5th, 84th, bOth, and 
 y8th Begiments, the 1 st Madras Fusileers, the Ferozpore 
 Begiment, 27th Madras N.I., and the Madras Sappers. 
 Twenty thousand rebels attacked the Alum Bagh on 
 the 21st February, and were di’iven back with the loss 
 of three hundred and forty men killed and wounded; 
 and they were again defeated when they to the number 
 of thirty thousand made a desperate attack on Outram. 
 But it is time now to speak of an important diversion 
 which had been made in our favour by Jung Bahadur, 
 the Prime Minister and virtual ruler of the independent 
 Kingdom of Nepaul, who had already sent a force to our 
 aid, which had fought for us in the Azimgurh district 
 and had defeated tlie rebels in three engagements in 
 September and October. Afterwards, in conformity with 
 an agreement entered into with Earl Canning, Jung 
 Bahadur himself, in the last month of that most momen¬ 
 tous year, descended into the plains, and expelled the 
 rebels from Goruckpore,on the 6th January, 1858. Then, 
 having for several weeks been engaged in suppressing 
 bands of insurgents in the Goruckpore district, he and 
 Brigadier MacGregor with the Kepaulese army entered 
 Oude on the east to cut off the rebels in that direction, 
 
 * Throughout 1857 and up to April, 1858, there were sent over to 
 India forty-two thousand royal troops and five thousand Europeans 
 belonging to the service of the Honourable East India Company. 
 
184 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES, 
 
 and to join in the final capture of Lucknow. Notice 
 must here be taken of the Jaunpore Eield Force, 
 which wars marching from the east via Fj'-zabad to join 
 His Excellency before Lucknow. This strong division, 
 under the command of Brigadier-General Franks, C.B., 
 had been employed in expelling bands of rebels from the 
 Azimgurh, Allahabad, and Jaunpore districts, and had 
 defeated the insurgents in several engagements. His 
 force comprised H.M. 10th, 20th, and 97th Eegiments, 
 six regiments of Goorkhas, and twenty guns, represent¬ 
 ing a total of two thousand three hundred Europeans, 
 and three thousand two hundred Goorkhas. Franks, a 
 most energetic officer, having crossed the frontier of 
 Oude, defeated the rebel leader Bunda Hoosein on the 
 19th February at Chandah, and Nazim Hoosein the 
 same day at Humeerpore, in both which engage¬ 
 ments the enemy lost eight hundred men in killed and 
 wounded and six guns ; and on the 23rd February 
 Franks completely defeated the main body at Sooltan- 
 pore, consisting of twenty-five thousand men (of whom, 
 however, only six thousand were disciplined troops) and 
 twenty-five guns. In this battle the rebels lost eighteen 
 hundred men in killed and wounded, with twenty guns 
 and their camp, which were captured by the victors, 
 who then pushed forward unmolested towards Lucknow, 
 where they joined the Commander-in-Chief on the 5th 
 March. Before, however, coming to the narration of 
 the capture of that city mention must be made of the 
 gallant achievement of Sir Hope Grant, who, with a 
 movable column consisting of three thousand two hun¬ 
 dred and forty-six men, captured by storm the strongly 
 fortified town of Meeangunje (between Lucknow and 
 Futtygurh) on the 20th February. In the assault, 
 which was admirably and gallantly performed, not less 
 than five hundred rebels were killed, whilst Grant’s loss 
 was only two men killed and nineteen wounded. 
 
 And now I shall give an account of the closing event 
 in this chapter, the taking of Lucknow. But a few 
 
HUZRUT MUIIUL, BEGUM OF OUDE. 185 
 
 words must first be given to tlie state of affairs tliere. 
 Grant tells us that in the interval between Sir Colin 
 Gampbeirs return to Cawnpore and his final advance on 
 2nd March, 1858, “the rebels had fortified their strong¬ 
 hold to the utmost extent of which they were capable 
 and that in addition to the erection of earthworks and 
 stockades, every house had been loop-holed, and placed 
 in a state of defence.* That highly distinguished officer 
 computes the strength of the insurgents at thirty 
 thousand Sepoys, fifty thousand volunteers, and a hun¬ 
 dred pieces of ordnance. Whilst Colonel Malleson 
 estimates the number of men belonging to trained 
 regiments, new levies and irregulars, in Lucknow at 
 ninety-six thousand men, which with artillery and the 
 followers of the Talookdars he computes at not less 
 than a hundred and twenty thousand men.f Whilst 
 Mr. Charles Raikes, who was Civil Commissioner with 
 Sir Colin Campbell, estimates the number of armed men 
 in Lucknow at about two hundred thousand. The 
 rebels in Lucknow J were animated by the presence of 
 Huzrut Muhul, the Begum of Oude, a woman of in¬ 
 domitable energy but of impure morals, who had been 
 the soul of the insurrection. This lady, who professed 
 to be the regent for her son, a minor, the scion of 
 Wajid Aly, the deposed King of Oude (then a state 
 prisoner at Calcutta), was very naturally at the head of 
 the opposition against the English, since they had un¬ 
 justly deprived her husband of his throne. 
 
 The next leader of importance was the Moulvie, a 
 noted opponent of British rule. On the 1st March 
 Sir Colin Campbell arrived in the vicinity of Lucknow. 
 Several days were occupied with preliminary operations. 
 On being joined by Brigadier Franks’ division, the total 
 force at the disposal of the Commander-in-Chief on the 
 5th March, for the capture of the rebel city, amounted 
 
 * See Sir Hope Grant’s “ History of the Sepoy War.” 
 
 t Malleson’s “ History of the Indian Mutiny,” vol. ii. p. 3G0. 
 
 J Raikes’ “ Notes of Revolt of N.W. Provinces,” p. 98. 
 
ISO 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 to twenty-six thousand men and two hundred guns, 
 whicli six days afterwards was still further strengthened 
 by the arrival of the Nepaulese army under Maharajah 
 Jung Bahadur. On the 2nd March Sir Colin advanced 
 with a portion of his army against the Dilkhoosha 
 palace, which was occupied by our troops the follow¬ 
 ing day. On the 6th of March Sir James Outram 
 with a strong force* and thirty guns crossed the 
 river Goomtee, over two floating bridges made of 
 empty beer casks lashed to cross pieces of wood, covO’ed 
 with a firm roadway of planking, at a point of the 
 river where it was about forty yards wide, and pitched 
 his camp on the left bank near the Fyzahad road so as 
 to cut off access to the city from the north. This oper¬ 
 ation was accomplished with the loss of only a dozen 
 men killed and wounded. Next day (7th) Outram was 
 attacked by the enemy in great force. He, however, 
 repelled them, and fairly drove them back; and on the 
 9th March, after some further fighting, Outram advanced 
 to the Badshah Bagh, which he occupied, and whence 
 he commenced an enfilading fire on the Kaiser Bagh. 
 The Martiniere was the same day (9th) taken by storm 
 by the troops under the command of Sir E. Lugard, the 
 enemy making but a feeble resistance. The Begum 
 Kothee (Queen’s palace) next fell into our hands on the 
 11th March, being stormed by the 93rd Highlanders 
 and 4th Punjaub Eifles. The Sepoys fought well; but 
 the Highlanders and Sikhs, emulating each other in 
 bravery, expelled the enemy, who left six hundred corpses 
 behind them. This fight was described by Sir Colin as 
 “ the sternest struggle which occurred during the siege.” 
 Amongst those who fell on our side (and our loss was 
 comparatively small) was Captain Hodson, the captor 
 
 * Comprising H.M. 23rd Fusileers, 79th Highlanders, two battalions 
 Rifle Brigade, the 1st Bengal Fusileers, 3rd Punjaub Infantry, H.M. 
 2nd Dragoon Guards, 9th Lancers, detachments of l.st, 2nd, and 6th 
 Punjaub Cavalry, D’Aguilar’s troop Horse Artillery, Remington’s 
 troop R.A., M'Kinnon’s troop, Middleton and Gibbons’ light field bat¬ 
 teries. 
 
CAPTURE OF THE KAISER BAGH. 
 
 1S7 
 
 of tlie King of Delhi. The Imarahara of Ghazee- 
 oo-deen Hyder was taken by storm on the 14th March. 
 Directly this was done Brassier’s Sikhs, pressing forward 
 in pursuit of the fleeing enemy, entered the Kaiser 
 Bagh unopposed, which thus unexpectedly fell into our 
 hands with seventy guns. The booty found here was 
 immense, consisting of diamonds and emerald necklaces, 
 pearls, and jewels of every description,* and shawls, 
 which were quickly seized by the soldiers. Whilst this 
 was going on, Sir James Outram had been co-operating 
 on his side of the river by cannonading the enemy’s 
 position, and he had, moreover, occupied the left bank 
 of the river as far as the iron suspension bridge. 
 
 Next day (15th) twenty thousand rebels escaped from 
 Lucknow to Fyzabad. On the IGth Outram crossed 
 the river, and marched through the city amidst some 
 hard fighting at one point, and then he rested for 
 the night at Azof-oo-Dowlah’s Imambara. The Com- 
 mander-in-Chief was now virtually master of Lucknow, 
 and he was so in every sense on the 21st March, as on 
 that day the Oudean capital was completely cleared of 
 rebels after a sharp contest with the Moulvie, who was 
 dislodged from his stronghold in the city by the 9.3rd 
 Highlanders and 4th Punjaub Eifles, under Sir E. 
 Lugard, whose cavalry pursued and cut down the flying 
 rebels for six miles. The British loss from the 2ud 
 March up to this date amounted to one hundi-ed and 
 twentj'-seven officers and men killed, and five hundred 
 and ninety-five wounded. All resistance at Lucknow 
 was now at an end, and the Oude army was broken up 
 into several columns, which were dispatched in different 
 directions where they were needed. But Sir Colin 
 Campbell was deprived of the full fruit of his great 
 achievement by the escape of by far the greatest part of 
 the mutineers, a very inconsiderable part only of them 
 having been killed in all these operations leading to the 
 capture of the rebellious city. It may be open to some 
 * See Sir Hope Grant’s “ History of the Sepoy Revolt.” 
 
188 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 doubt as to whether a city of such magnitude as that 
 of Lucknow could be properly invested with the forces 
 at the Conimander-in-Chief’s disposal. But still I can¬ 
 not help thinking that tlie easy escape of the mutineers 
 was in a very considerable degree attributable to the 
 excessive caution of the cautious Scot, in wishing to 
 spare the lives of his men. For it appears that Sir 
 Colin Campbell would not sanction Outram’s plan for 
 cutting off their retreat, as Colonel Malleson informs us 
 that when, at a critical period of the advance, Outram 
 proposed to co-operate with the Commander-in-Chief, 
 in a manner that would have rendered the victory of 
 the latter absolutely decisive, the proposal was refused in 
 language unworthy of Sir Colin Campbell, he (Outram) 
 being forbidden to cross the iron bridge “if bethought 
 he should lose a man.”'* And Dr. Bussell says,t “Had 
 Sir Colin Campbell not bound Outram’s hands so 
 tightly the advance would have taken place, and a 
 tremendous slaughter of the enemy must hav^e followed.” 
 I have never seen Sir James Outram, and have never 
 been in any way benefited by him, but I never through¬ 
 out my Indian service knew personally or by reputation 
 any one whose character I so lovingly admired. He is 
 well known as the Bayard of India. This grand title 
 was spontaneously accorded to that noble man by the 
 general acclamation of the Indian public, who have 
 bestowed that proud appellative on no second individual. 
 It is time now to notice the grand doings of Sir H. 
 Bose. But the narration of the brilliant successes 
 achieved by that able commander must be told in the 
 next chapter. 
 
 * See 2nd volume Colonel Malleson’s “History of the Indian 
 Mutiny.” 
 
 t See “ My Diary in India,” by W. H. Russell. 
 
189 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Commander in-Cliief’s Operations in Bohilcund—Defeats Rebels and 
 Captures Bareilly—Brilliant Campaign of Sir H. Rose-—Defeats 
 Tantia Topee near Jhansi—Captures the City—Takes the Fort by 
 Storm—Victories of Koonch and Ghlowlie—Capture of Calpie— 
 Doings of our Column in co-operation with Sir H. Rose—Engage¬ 
 ment at Shereghur Ghaut—Narrow Escape of being Shot in Bed—■ 
 Defeat of the Maharajah of Gwalior by Tantia Topee—Flight of 
 Scindiah to Agra—We march to Dholpore—Remain there though 
 ordered to Gwalior—Sir H. Rose captures Gwalior—Napier’s Vic¬ 
 tory over Tantia Topee—Successful Operations of the Columns of 
 Showers, Stuart, and Rowcroft—Disaster of Colonel Milman—Vic¬ 
 tories of Lord Mark Kerr, Sir E. Lugai-d, and Brigadier Douglas- 
 Second Disaster of Arrah—Victories of Lugard, Havelock, Roberts, 
 and Whitlock—Blunder of Walpole—Victories of Walpole, Hope 
 Grant, Seaton, and Jones—We return to Agra—Illness—Placed 
 under Arrest—Released by the Brigadier—Transferred to the Ser¬ 
 vice of the Crown—Queen’s Proclamation—Cold Weather Cam¬ 
 paign of 1858-59—Defeats of Tantia Topee—Serve under Brigadier 
 Showers—Battle of Dowsa—Comjjlete Suppression of the Revolt— 
 Operations of Lord Clyde—Victory of Sir Hope Grant—The Nana 
 and other Leaders driven intoNepaul—Remarks—Ordered to Gwalior 
 —Curse of Drinking and Debt Exemplified—Ordered to Futtygurh 
 —Description of an Indian March—Leave my Regiment to take up 
 an Appointment at Benares—-Ordered to fiarrackpore—Stationed 
 there—Bitten by a Widow—Awfully Sudden Death of an Acquaint¬ 
 ance from Drinking — Capricious Conduct of Commanding Officer 
 —Ordered back to my Regiment at Futtygurh—Serious Embarrass¬ 
 ment—Interview with Sir Hugh Rose—His Kind Consideration of 
 my Hard Case—Appointed Garrison Interpreter, Fort William— 
 Pleasant Life at Calcutta. 
 
 In giving an account of the hot weather campaign of 
 1858, I shall describe rather more at large the brilliant 
 achievements of Sir H. Rose, commanding the Central 
 Indian Field Force, with which the column I belonged 
 to was supposed to be co-operating. But before 
 doing this, it will be well briefly to notice the move¬ 
 ments of the Commander-in-Chief, who, with the force 
 from Futtygurh, joined to that of Walpole, arrived at 
 
190 
 
 IN niAN lUiM IN ISCENCKS. 
 
 Slialijelianpore on the 30th of April, 1858, when he 
 found the place evacuated by the army commanded by 
 the notorious Moulvie, who departed towards Oude, 
 accompanied, as it was believed, by the Nana Sahib. 
 So, on the 2nd of May, Sir Colin resumed his march on 
 Bareilly. Next day he was joined by General Penny’s 
 column.* As Sir Colin was advancing towards 
 Bareilly, on the 5th of May, a most furious assault 
 was made by a band of a hundred and thirty-three 
 Ghazees upon the 42nd Highlanders. Uttering loud 
 cries of “ For God and Religion,” these fanatics, sword 
 in hand, rushed furiously and with impetuous speed 
 upon the 42nd. Sir Colin, who was with them, called 
 out “ Steady men, steady; close up the ranks, and 
 ba 3 mnet them as they come on.” A mortal struggle 
 with these fanatical mad dogs then ensued, which was 
 short and sanguinary. In a few minutes every one 
 of the Ghazees were killed on the spot, whilst some 
 eighteen or twenty of our men were wounded. This 
 fierce skirmish occurred in the vicinity of Bareilly. 
 Being joined on the 6th by the troops under the com¬ 
 mand of Brigadier Jones, who had fought his way 
 from Moradabad, the two forces next day advanced and 
 took undisputed possession of the city, since Khan 
 Bahadur Khan, who appears to have had no stomach 
 for fighting, fled to Pileebheet. It was, however, an 
 unsatisfactory business, inasmuch as the main body of 
 rebels with their leaders managed to escape. The Fyza- 
 had Moulvie, a man of ability, taking advantage of 
 Sir Colin’s departure from Shahjehanpore, suddenly 
 attacked it with about eight thousand men and twelve 
 guns. The British garrison under Colonel Hale, con¬ 
 sisting of a wing of H.M. 82nd Foot, De Kantzow’s 
 Irregular Horse with four guns, were driven into the 
 gaol, where they sustained an incessant bombardment 
 from the 3rd to the morning of the 11th May. On 
 which day Colonel Hale was relieved by Brigadier 
 
 * Who was killed in an ambuscade, as has already been narrated. 
 
BRILLIANT CAMPAIGN OF SIR II. ROSE. 191 
 
 Jones, who defeated a part of the rebel army at Shah- 
 jehanpore. But on the 15th May, Jones was attacked 
 by the whole united force of the enemy under the 
 Moulvie, Prince Ferozeshah and the Begum of Oude. 
 The struggle lasted all day, and so large was the force 
 of the rebels, that the Brigadier could do no more than 
 act on the defensive. Three days afterwards Jones 
 was joined by the Commander-in-Chief, who fought 
 an indecisive battle the same day with the Moulvie. 
 Through excessive caution Sir Colin resolved to post¬ 
 pone a decisive battle till he should have more cavalry; 
 so being joined by Brigadier Coke on the 22nd of May, 
 the Commander-in-Chief, on the 24th of May marched 
 out with his whole force to attack the Moulvie ; but 
 the latter was found to have prudently taken his 
 departure. Thus closed the summer campaign in 
 Bohilcund; and in less than a fortnight the Fyzabad 
 Moulvie was shot dead, in attempting to force an 
 entrance into Powain. It is now time to chronicle 
 the doings of the Central Indian Field Force which 
 General Sir H. Rose took command of on the 12th of 
 January, 1858, at Sehore in Bhopal.* That General 
 then marched towards the strong fort of Ratgurh, 
 which he took towards the end of the month. Then, 
 having effected the relief of Saugor, on the 3rd of 
 February, Rose’s next movement was the forcing of 
 the strong pass of Mudenpore, which he accomplished 
 after a short but vigorous resistance on the 3rd March, 
 inflicting on this occasion a severe loss on the Bundela 
 rebels, and a week later he took possession of the 
 territory belonging to the rebel Rajah of Shahgurh. 
 Afterwards, on the 21st of March, Rose arrived at 
 Jhansi, a city of about four miles in circuit, which was 
 surrounded by a wall of solid masonry, closely loop- 
 holed for musketry, and had inside a fort strongly 
 fortified by nature and art. The place was defended 
 
 * The Begum of this principality vras remarkable for her fidelity to 
 the British Government. 
 
192 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 by tlie talented Eanee of Jliansi, witli ten thousand 
 Bundelas, and fifteen liundred Sepoys. Sir H. Eose, 
 undaunted by all this, laid siege to the place. Tantia 
 Topee, a relative of the Nana Sahib, with a large rebel 
 force, which included that part of the Grwalior Contin¬ 
 gent that had escaped from the Commander-in-Chief 
 at Cawnpore, approached Jhansi to effect the relief of 
 the besieged Eanee. Whereupon Sir H. Eose, whose 
 united qualities of skill, dash, and energy constituted 
 him a consummate commander, leaving one-half of his 
 army to continue the siege, advanced against the 
 relieving force with the other half of his men, and 
 completely defeated them outside the walls of the town, 
 pursuing them to the river Betwa. This was an im¬ 
 portant victory ; since the rebels left fifteen hundred 
 corpses behind them, and all their guns were captured. 
 This Battle of the Betwa was capped by the capture 
 of Jhansi by storm on the 3rd of April. In the fierce 
 contest that ensued quarter was neither asked nor 
 given. The slaughter was terrible; for during the 
 storming of the fort and pursuit of the garrison, more 
 than three thousand of the rebels were killed. The 
 Eanee, however, managed to escape during the night 
 with some of her troops. Sir Hugh, after some delay, 
 departed for Calpie, and on the way he defeated Tantia 
 Topee and the Eanee of Jhansi at Koonch, on the 
 11th of May. The heat on this occasion was terrible. 
 Eose himself was three times disabled by the sun; but 
 on each occasion he rallied and resumed his saddle wet 
 with the buckets of water that had been dashed over 
 him; whilst thirteen of his gallant soldiers were killed 
 by sunstroke. He afterwards directed his march towards 
 Calpie, which he resolved not only to take, but that 
 all outlets for the escape of the enemy should, as far 
 as possible, be closed. To this end he arranged that 
 Colonel Eiddell’s column, consisting of my regiment,* 
 Alexander’s Horse, and two guns, should move from 
 * The Srd Europeans. 
 
CAPTURE OP CALPIK. 
 
 1U3 
 
 the North on Calpie, and that Colonel Maxwell, with a 
 column from Cawnpore, should advance from the east, 
 whilst General Whitlock was requested to keep a look¬ 
 out at tlie south. About a week afterwards Eose 
 approached Calpie, and on the 22nd May he completely 
 routed the enemy, nearly fifteen thousand strong, with 
 great loss, at the battle of Gulowlie, where they made 
 a determined attack on his camp. Next day the victor 
 captured Calpie almost without any resistance, as the 
 enemy fled, panic-stricken, after merely firing a few 
 shots. Before pursuing the narration of Sir H. Eose’s 
 brilliant performances it is proper that I should at this 
 point notice the doings of our column. In pursuance 
 of the plan for stopping the escape of the rebels, we 
 marched towards Sheregurh Ghaut, where we defeated 
 the enemy on the IGth of May, and drove them out 
 of the village right across the Jumna. Our loss was 
 trifling, and we had only one officer killed. He be¬ 
 longed to the cavalry, and lingered some days with the 
 bullet in his body before he died. 
 
 The enemy then took up a position on the other side 
 of the river. The victor’s despatch was a paltry affair; he 
 mentioned nearly every officer under his command. But 
 he in a marked manner left me totally unmentioned, 
 though I with a company of my regiment held the village 
 from which the enemy had been expelled, whilst the rest 
 continued the pursuit. We remained thus facing each 
 other for a whole week, which I thought very humili¬ 
 ating, considering that we ought to have crossed the 
 river in their teeth and chastised them well. But we 
 remained encamped close to the banks of the river, and 
 so near the enemy as to be within rifle-shot, so that 
 occasionally there was a good deal of firing going on ; 
 and once 1 remember Colonel Eiddell was very appre¬ 
 hensive of a night attack. On one occasion I had a 
 very narrow escape of being shot in my bed. It was at 
 early dawn, just as I awoke, when a ball from some far- 
 carrying rifle went whizzing close over my body, embed- 
 
 o 
 
194 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 ding itself in the earth a few yards from my bed. I 
 felt disgusted at this undignified inaction, to be braved 
 in this manner by a body of rebels who were scarcely 
 twice as many as we were. But our Commanding 
 Officer would not cross the river against them. Cham¬ 
 bers* in his history is quite wrong in stating that 
 Colonel Biddell sent the 2nd (3rd) Bengal Europeans 
 across on tlie 25th, and that they captured much of 
 the camp equipage of the rebels. The heat was fright¬ 
 ful. I, who have walked miles in the midday sun in 
 May, now felt the heat terribly. I do not know how 
 to describe what I suffered; it was certainly something 
 short of sunstroke. It seemed as if my whole nervous 
 system was paralyzed, so that during the heat of the 
 day I felt unfit for any mental exertion ; and what was 
 grievous to me was that I could not pray, for when I 
 attempted to do so aloud, as was my custom, it resulted 
 in a continued stammering. I believe that a repetition 
 of what I then endured from exposure to the sun in the 
 ravines of the Jumna would drive me mad.f During 
 the heat of the day I used to lie under the table of our 
 mess tent, inside of which the thermometer stood at 
 120°. And we had no cooling drinks, nothing but 
 country rum and ginger-beer, unless we preferred water 
 or tea. We marched northwards very soon after the 
 capture of Calpie by Sir H. Rose, whose work, so well 
 performed, was not yet finished. Supposing the cam¬ 
 paign to have been over, that General, on the 1st June, 
 1858, had issued the following eloquent and characteristic 
 farewell address to his troops, which he directed to be 
 read at the head of every corps and detachment of the 
 force :—“Soldiers! you have marched more than a thou¬ 
 sand miles, and taken more than a hundred guns ; you 
 have forced your way through mountain passes and 
 
 * Chambers’s “ History of the Sepoy Revolt,” p. 507. 
 
 f Even at this distance of time I am occasionally so wretchedly nervous 
 that I am obliged to decline taking any leading public part in matters I 
 am deeply interested in and conversant with. 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS OF SIR H. ROSE. 
 
 195 
 
 intricate jungles and over rivers; you captured the 
 strongest forts and beat the enemy, no matter what the 
 odds, whenever you met him; you have restored exten¬ 
 sive districts to the Government; and peace and order 
 now reign where before for twelve months were tyranny 
 and rebellion ; you have done all this, and you have 
 never had a check. I tliank you with all sincerity for 
 your bravery, your devotion, and your discipline. When 
 you first marched, I told you that you as British 
 soldiers had more than enough of courage for the work 
 which was before you, but that courage without dis¬ 
 cipline was of no avail, and I exhorted you to let 
 discipline be your watchword : you have attended to 
 my orders. In hardships, in temptations, and in 
 dangers you have obeyed your General, and have never 
 left your ranks. You have fought against the strong, 
 and you have protected the rights of tlie weak and 
 defenceless—of foes as well as friends. I have seen 
 you in the ardour of the combat preserve and place 
 children out of harm’s way. This is the discipline of 
 Christian soldiers; and this it is has brought you 
 triumphant from the shores of AVestern India to the 
 waters of the Jumna, and establishes without doubt that 
 you will find no place to equal the glory of your arms.” 
 
 But the gallant Sir Hugh’s conception of the arduous 
 labours of his army being ended for a time was soon 
 dispelled, by learning afterwards that on that very day 
 (1st June) Tantia Topee, the Banee of Jhansi, the 
 Nawab of Banda, and Bao Sahib, nephew of the Nana, 
 with four thousand cavalry, seven thousand infantry, 
 and twelve guns, fought a battle at Gwalior with our 
 faithful ally, tlie Maharajah. Scindiah had two or three 
 thousand cavalry, six thousand inl'antry, and eight 
 guns. But the Maharajah was completely defeated, 
 owing to the treachery of his infantry, who had been 
 previously tampered with by Tantia Topee. The 
 Maharajah’s body-guard proved faithful, and fought 
 manfully, till half of them were laid low, when the 
 
 o 2 
 
196 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES, 
 
 vest fled. Scindiali also sought refuge in flight, and 
 ha]')pily he escaped to Agra two days afterwards. The 
 rebels, on the flight of the Maharajah, took formal pos¬ 
 session of Gwalior. This was a great blow ; for Gwalior, 
 strong with its rock-built fortress, was a place of great 
 importance. The fittest man to undertake its recon¬ 
 quest was unquestionably the distinguished Commander 
 of the Central Indian Field Force. 
 
 At this time, however. Sir Hugh Hose was in ill- 
 health, suffering from the effects of repeated attacks of 
 sunstroke, and he was about to take leave on medical cer¬ 
 tificate. But in the true spirit of heroism Sir Hugh thrust 
 aside all thoughts of self for the promotion of the public 
 welfare, and set to work in right earnest. He organized 
 two brigades. The infantry consisted of H.M. 86th Foot, 
 a wing of the 71st Highlanders, a wing of the 3rd Bom¬ 
 bay Europeans, the 24th and 25th Regiments Bombay 
 N.I., and the 5th Hyderabad Infantry ; the cavalry com¬ 
 prised wings of the 4th and 14th Dragoons, the 3rd 
 Hyderabad Cavalry, and a detachment of the 3rd Bombay 
 Native Cavalry, a Company of Royal Engineers, some 
 Bombay and Madras Sappers and Miners, two light 
 Field Batteries, a troop of Bombay Artillery, and a 
 siege train consisting of five cannons, ten mortars, and 
 one howitzer. The first of these brigades was com¬ 
 manded by Brigadier Stuart; the second, under Brigadier 
 R. Napier.* Arrangements were also made for the 
 co-operation of a third brigade from Sipree, under 
 Brigadier Smith. Colonel Maxwell was requested to 
 march with his force from Cawnpore to Calpie, and 
 Colonel Riddell was instructed to march on Gwalior 
 with his column; but instead of doing so we remained 
 in shameful inactivity at Dholpore, about thirty-five miles 
 from Gwalior, as Colonel Riddell declared afterwards 
 that he had not received the order in question. It was 
 at all events a very queer business. Sir Hugh Rose 
 arrived at Gwalior on the 16th of June. He instantly 
 * Now Lord Napier of Magdala. 
 
CAPTURE OF GWALIOR. 
 
 197 
 
 attacked the rebels and gained a complete victory. The 
 main body of rebels, after being driven right through 
 the cantonments, were pursued over the plain. Brought 
 to bay, the enemy at one spot maintained a desperate 
 hand-to-hand struggle, until their fortified trench was 
 nearly brimful with dead and wounded bodies. Rose 
 was now in possession of Morar (cantonments). Next 
 day (17th June), Brigadier Smith with his brigade, 
 which comprised a wing of the &th Hussars, a wing 
 of the Bombay Lancers, H.M. 95th Foot, the 10th 
 Bombay N.I., and a troop of Bomliay Horse Artillery, 
 and Major Orr’s Sepoys of the Hyderabad Contingent, 
 engaged the rebels a few miles from Giwalior and drove 
 them before him. In this day’s lighting the Amazonian 
 Ranee of Jhansi fell to rise no more. In trying to 
 escape she was cut down by a hussar who was ignorant 
 of her sex. The following day (18th) the Brigadier 
 drove the enemy from some hills held by Tantia Topee. 
 Next day Sir Hugh Rose captured the heights com¬ 
 manding the city ; whereupon the enemy, struck with 
 panic, fled in all directions, pursued by our cavalry, who 
 cut down large numbers of the fugitives. Rose now 
 became master of Gwalior. 
 
 There was but little more fighting. On the following 
 day (20th) the rock-built fortress was taken by a handful 
 of men under Lieutenant Rose of the 25th Bombay N.I., 
 who perished in the attempt. Scindiah was now rein¬ 
 stated on his throne. The same day Brigadier Napier 
 left Gwalior in pursuit of Tantia Topee, with Captain 
 Lightfoot’s troop of Horse Artillery, a troop of the 14th 
 Dragoons, a wing of the Hyderabad Contingent Cavalry, 
 and three troops of Meade’s Horse, altogether about six 
 hundred men and six guns. With this force he attacked 
 and completely routed six thousand rebels at Jowra 
 Alipore on the 21st, and captured all their guns, twenty- 
 five in number. 
 
 Tantia Topee for several months more kept Central 
 India in agitation, and tSir H. Rose towards the end 
 
198 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 of June resigned his command on account of ill-health. 
 Before concluding my narrative of the hot weather 
 campaign of 1858, it will be in place just very briefly 
 to notice some further operations, which may thus be 
 summed up in the following methodical order. Briga¬ 
 dier Showers, on the 11th of March, 1858, defeated a 
 body of about four thousand rebels at Bah in the Agra 
 district. In Central India, Brigadier Stuart captured 
 the fort of Chendaree on the 17th March. And Briga¬ 
 dier Bowcroft completely defeated Nazim Mehndee 
 Hoosein with other rebel chiefs at the head of fourteen 
 thousand men, including two thousand five hundred 
 Sepoys at Amorha in the Goruckpore district, killing and 
 wounding near five hundred of the enemy, and captur¬ 
 ing eight guns. Rowcroft also defeated the rebels again 
 on the 17th of April, and once more on the 25th. 
 
 A disaster was, however, sustained on the 21st of 
 March in the defeat inflicted by Koonwur Singh at 
 Atrovvlia on a British force of nearly three hundred men 
 and two guns, under the command of Colonel Milman 
 of H.M. 37th Foot, who with the loss of his camp 
 equipage was driven back to Azimgurh, where he was 
 besieged by four thousand rebels. Another reverse befell 
 a small force comprising two companies of H.M. 54th 
 Foot, a hundred Sikhs, with a few Madras Cavalry and 
 guns, who towards the close of March were defeated by 
 a band of rebels with six guns at Suraon in the Allaha¬ 
 bad district. To retrieve Milman’s disaster. Lord Mark 
 Kerr, Colonel commanding 13th Light Infantry, left 
 Allahabad on the 27th of March with a wing of his 
 regiment for Benares, which he reached on the last day 
 of the month, and being joined there by a troop of the 
 Baj'S, and four guns, he left Benares on the 2nd of 
 April with this force, amounting to nearly five hundred 
 officers and men, and four days afterwards he defeated 
 four thousand rebels, comprising a large proportion of 
 Stpo}^^ of the Diuapore Brigade, in the vicinity of 
 Azimgurh. Azimgurh, however, needed the assistance 
 
DISASTER TO ENGLISH AT ARRAH. 
 
 199 
 
 of a larger force than that at the disposal of Kerr ; so 
 Sir E. Lugard, with a strong column, consisting of three 
 regiments of Infantiy, three of Sikh Horse, a military 
 train, and three batteries ol' Horse Artillery, started from 
 Lucknow towards the end of March, and after defeating 
 the enemy, he effectually relieved Azirngurh on the 
 15th of April. Next day Lugard despatched Brigadier 
 Louglas in pursuit of the enemy, with H M. 37th and 
 84th Begiments, some cavalry and artillery. This 
 officer on the 2(>th of April at Mannahar completely 
 defeated the rebels under Koonwur Singh, who fled to 
 his hereditary domain of Jugdeespore. The second 
 disaster of Arrah now occurred. For on the 23rd of 
 April Captain Le Grand, with one hundred and fifty 
 men of H.M. 35th Foot,one hundred and fifty Rattray’s 
 Sikhs, and fifty sailors of the Naval Brigade with 
 two 12-pounder howitzers, sallied out Irom Arrah, 
 and attacked Koonwur Singh’s force, consisting of 
 about two thousand men, without guns, in a jungle 
 two miles from Jugdeespore. The English were com¬ 
 pletely defeated, and abandoning the howitzers they 
 fled to Arrah, followed by the enemy, who shot and cut 
 down many of them. The detachment of H.M. 35th 
 suffered very severely, since no less than a hundred 
 and two officers and men, including Captain Le Grand 
 himself and two other officers, were killed or died 
 from apoplexy in their flight to Arrah. Nineteen of 
 the sailors, and nine Sikhs with their officers, were 
 also killed. This was indeed a miserable affair. This 
 disaster was retrieved by Sir F Lugard on the 
 9th of May, when be drove Koonwur Singh’s* brother 
 before him, and occupied Jugdeespore, and on the 
 27th of May Lugard defeated Ummur Singh and 
 recaptured the two howitzers lost by Le Grand. He 
 also defeated Ummur Singh with great slaughter on the 
 10th of June, and towards the end of June, Sir F. 
 
 * Koonwur Singh died three days after his victory from the effects of 
 the amputation of his wrist. 
 
200 
 
 INDIAN EEMINISCENCES. 
 
 Lugard resigned his command, entrusting to Brigadier 
 Douglas the arduous duty of the pursuit of the Jug- 
 deespore rebels from place to place. That officer grad¬ 
 ually organized arrangements for their suppression. 
 His right-liand man was Major Sir Henry Havelock, 
 who with a small body of mounted riflemen and cavalry 
 killed no less than five hundred of Ummur Singh’s 
 followers in three actions, viz., on the 19tb, 20tb, and 
 21st of October, 1858, and thereby he completely cowed 
 the rebels. We are informed that “the average daily 
 march of Havelock’s cavalry was scarcely less than 
 forty miles.”* We must now refer to Kajpootana, 
 Major-General H. G. Roberts, of the Bombay army, 
 commanding the Rajpootana Field Force, marched 
 from Nusseerabad on the lUth of March, and captured 
 Kotah on the 30th of the month with trifling loss. 
 The victory was gained by a clever flank movement, 
 whicli turned the enemy’s position, and rendered their 
 defences useless. In Bundelcund British prestige was 
 maintained by the capture of Banda on the 19th of 
 April, 1858 ; this was accomplished by General Whitlock 
 with a column of Madras troops, who on that day 
 defeated the Hawab of Banda at the head of seven 
 thousand men, killing five hundred of the enemy and 
 taking several guns. Affairs in Oude next require 
 attention, and here we have to chronicle a very morti¬ 
 fying repulse that befell our arms in that province, 
 which happened in the following manner. General 
 Walpole, with a strong column of about six thousand 
 men, marched from Lucknow on the 10th of April, and 
 four days afterwards (14th) he attacked the Fort of 
 Rooya, fifty miles distant from Lucknow, which was 
 defended by about four hundred rebels. This small 
 fort, with a high mud wall loop-holed for musketry, was 
 attacked by Walpole without using his artillery or 
 making any proper reconnoissance. 
 
 The attacking party, consisting of two companies of 
 * Malleson’s “ History of ttie Indian Mutiny,” vol. ii. p. 492. 
 
VICTORIES OVER THE MUTINEERS. 
 
 201 
 
 H.M. 42nd Highlanders, and a hundred and twenty 
 men of the 4th Punjaub Pities, as miglit have been 
 expected, were completely defeated, amidst yells of 
 triumph from their concealed foes. It was in this 
 most lamentable and wretched business that Brigadier 
 Adrian Hope, a most gallant officer, met his death. 
 The loss of the 42nd in killed and wounded was fifty- 
 seven officers and men, and that of the 4th Punjaub 
 Pifles was forty-six. The enemy quietly evacuated 
 the Ibrt during the night and Walpole resumed his 
 march towards Bareilly. He was more successful on 
 the 22nd of April, when he defeated a large body 
 of rebels at Sirsa. His cavalry and artillery on 
 this occasion attacked the enemy so vigorously, 
 that they captured their guns and camp, and drove 
 them across the Pamgunga river. A few days 
 afterwards, he effected a junction with the Comman- 
 der-in-Cliief. Sir Hope Grant on the 12th of June 
 marched by night from Lucknow, with a column con¬ 
 sisting of the 2nd and 3rd battalions Pifle Brigade, the 
 5th Punjaub Pifles, the 7tli Hussars, two squadrons 
 2nd Dragoon Guards, Hodson’s Horse, a squadron of 
 1st Sikh Cavalry, a troop of Horse Artillery, two field 
 batteries, and a detachment of Engineers and Sappers ; 
 and next day (13th) he attacked the enemy at Huwab- 
 gung, when a fierce combat ensued. The rebels 
 attempted to surround him, and destroy his men by 
 repeated volleys of musketry. The General frustrated 
 this manoeuvre with his accustomed address, by sending 
 a troop of artillery to the front, and a battery with two 
 squadrons to defend the left, whilst a larger party con¬ 
 fronted the enemy on the right. A band of Ghazees 
 made a most determined resistance, and were killed to 
 a man. After three hours’ fighting Grant gained a 
 complete victory. Six guns were captured, and about 
 six hundred of the enemy were killed, whilst the 
 wounded were much more numerous. The British loss 
 in killed and wounded amounted to sixty-seven, but in 
 
202 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 addition thirty-three men died from sunstroke. The 
 affairs in Rohilcund and the Futtygurh district may 
 be dismissed with the following notice. Brigadier 
 Seaton, with a column comprising six hundred men of 
 H.M. 82nd Foot, four hundred Sikhs, a hundred and 
 fffty cavalry, and two hundred mounted police with 
 five guns, marched from Futtygurh on the 6th of 
 April, and next day he defeated the Mynpoorie Eajah 
 at Kankur, who was at the head of a large but ill- 
 organized force. The rebels lost their camp and two 
 hundred and fifty men killed and wounded. In Rohil¬ 
 cund, Brigadier-General J. Jones of H.M. 60th Rifles, 
 commanding the Roorkee column, which consisted of 
 H.M. 60th Rifles, the 1st Sikh Infantry, Coke’s Rifles, 
 the 17th Punjaub Infantry, the Mooltanee Horse, with 
 fourteen guns, defeated the Rohilcund rebels at ISTagul, 
 on the 17th of April, and four days afterwards (21st) 
 Jones completely defeated twelve thousand rebels with 
 fifteen guns near Nugheena, and captured their guns; 
 and on the 26th Colonel Coke, who was the General’s 
 right-hand man, took several rebel chiefs. 
 
 But it is time to notice the affairs of our column. 
 After the capture of Gwalior, we returned to our 
 station at Agra. Here, as the result of the exposure 
 to the sun on service, I now fell into a state of ill- 
 health, which showed itself by constant attacks of fever 
 and ague, and just at this time I was placed under 
 arrest by my Commanding Officer, Colonel Riddell, for 
 a trifle light as air. It was on the assumption that I 
 had insulted the Assistant-Surgeon of my regiment, who 
 was attending me in his professional capacity. The 
 facts of the case are as follows:—I asked him one day 
 to recommend my obtaining leave on medical certificate, 
 which he might conscientiously have done, for I was 
 really in a bad state of health, and required a change; 
 but instead of attending in a reasonable manner to my 
 request, he made a rough and unfeeling reply, which so 
 provoked me that I indignantly dismissed him from 
 
THK QUEEN S PROCLAMATION. 
 
 203 
 
 attendance on me, and called in Dr. Crozier, the Surgeon 
 of the regiment, to attend on me instead. For this I 
 was placed under arrest. Happily for me, the officer 
 commanding the station happened to be an upright 
 man. Brigadier Showers,* a most gallant officer, who 
 had greatly distinguished himself at Delhi, fairly 
 examined the matter, and as he was totally averse to 
 oppress a subaltern, merely because he happened to be 
 obnoxious to his Commanding Officer, he very properly 
 directed my release from arrest, merely giving it as his 
 opinion that I should express my regret to Assistant- 
 
 Surgeon B-for what I had said, which I was quite 
 
 willing to do. We heard this year at Agra of the 
 passing of the India Bill, transferring the Giovernment 
 of the Honourable East India Company to the Crown, 
 whereby I at once became transformed into a Queen’s 
 officer. And on the 1st of November, 1858, the 
 Queen’s Proclamation, addressed to the princes, chiefs, 
 and people, was published at Allahabad, by Viscount 
 Canning, Her Majesty’s first Viceroy, in person, with 
 all due pomp and state. It announced the assumption 
 by Her Majesty of the Giovernment of India conducted 
 hithei’to by Her trustees, the Honourable East India 
 Company ; that the Giovernment was a Christian one, 
 but that no one would be either molested or benefited 
 by his creed, and an unconditional pardon was offered 
 to all in arms against the Government, with the excep¬ 
 tion of those who had directly taken part in the 
 murder of British subjects, and excepting those who 
 had willingly given an asylum to murderers, knowing 
 them to be such, whose lives alone could be guaranteed. 
 Ihese terms of grace were to be extended to those 
 concerned who should comply with the required condi¬ 
 tions before the 1st of January, 1859. I shall now give 
 an account of the cold weather campaign of 1858-59. 
 
 * Some years afterwards, when General Showers was commanding the 
 Presidency Division he recommended me to the Commander-in-Chief as 
 ail officer of studious habits and a good interpreter. 
 
20i 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Tantia Topee’s defeats require first to be noticed. He 
 was taken in hand by General Eoberts, who on the 8th 
 August routed a body of his troops near Sunganeer, 
 and six da 3 ’s afterwards Eoberts overtook and defeated 
 Tantia Topee at Kattara, on which occasion great num¬ 
 bers of the enemy were destroyed by our cavalry and 
 horse artillery, who continued the pursuit for ten miles. 
 And on the 15th September General Michel gained a 
 victory at Beora over Tantia Topee, who lost three hun¬ 
 dred men and a considerable number of guns. That 
 General defeated him at Sindwah on the 19th Octo¬ 
 ber, and again at Multhone on the 25th October, 1858. 
 Tantia Topee had become like a hunted beast of prey, 
 wandering about from place to place with a following 
 of several thousand rebels. It was necessary for the 
 pacification of Central India that this noted leader 
 should be put down. He was a desperate man, since 
 he was too deeply implicated in the Cawnpore massacre 
 to hope for mercy. The Queen’s proclaimed pardon 
 was not for men who like Tantia Topee had taken active 
 part in the treacherous murder of English men, women 
 and children. To annihilate this arch rebel with his 
 followers. Brigadier Showers left Agra in the cold season 
 of 1858-59 with a column which included a detachment 
 of the regiment to which I belonged. We marched 
 day and night over the roadless plains of Eajpootana 
 for several days; all which time I was literally half 
 starved. Once I, with my party on elephants, lost our 
 way, and were for a time in a most perplexing predica¬ 
 ment. I felt completely worn out with this constant 
 marching night and day, and was right glad when the 
 bugle sounded a halt for a couple of hours’ sleep on the 
 hard ground, bitterly cold as it was. The strain was 
 so great that at last I was on the point of completely 
 giving way; I felt it was no use trying to keep on the 
 elephant, as, despite the danger of falling and breaking 
 my neck, I felt 1 could not keep awake. I accordingly 
 got off and mounted my jiony; but this was no better, 
 
A RUN FOR LIFF. 
 
 205 
 
 for do what I would I could not keep awake. So I got 
 off and thought I would walk, but drowsiness so over¬ 
 powered me, that I could not keep from dozing, so let¬ 
 ting the column pass on, I fell on the ground, and slept 
 a sound sleep for I do not know how long. Un awaken¬ 
 ing I mounted my pony, and made all haste to join the 
 column, which I did just before dawn of day on the 
 14th of January, and then I learnt that we were close 
 to the camp of Tantia Topee, who was quite uncon¬ 
 scious of our nearness. We all fell in, and at early 
 dawn we made a sudden dash upon the enemy, and in 
 a few minutes our men killed about fifty or sixty 
 of them : we could not do more because they fled so 
 fast. I do not think they fired more than one volley 
 before they took to their heels. The pursuit was carried 
 on by the cavalry, who cut up some hundreds of them. 
 It was a singular circumstance that one man was taken 
 prisoner, and I well remember, after the action was over, 
 that they gave this rebel a run for his life; and run he 
 did, and several shots were fired before he was brought 
 down. But the rest, numbering several thousands, fled 
 such a distance that it was not considered necessary to 
 continue the pursuit; so our part being over I was glad 
 to go back to Agra. I returned with Captain Nixen, 
 an officer on political employ, with whom I dined in the 
 celebrated mud fort of Bhurtpore. The cold weather 
 campaign of 1858-59, witnessed the complete suppres¬ 
 sion of the great Sepoy revolt, which at this period was 
 quite stamped out. 
 
 Sir Colin Campbell, elevated to the peerage as Lord 
 Clyde, after attending the reading of the Queen’s Pro¬ 
 clamation at Allahabad, crossed the Ganges there on 
 the 2nd of November, 1858, and advanced into Oude 
 with a select force. The rebels in that province, how¬ 
 ever, had no heart to meet His Excellency, who could 
 find no worthy foe to contend with; since all the 
 Oudean rebels thought of was to get out of his way. 
 Once only did he succeed in coming up with the enemy, 
 
206 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 and defeating them. In fact the campaign in Oude 
 was rather a hard marching than a fighting one. Sir 
 Hope Grant, on the 27th November, 185S, with four 
 thousand men, forced a passage over the Gogra river, 
 stormed the enemy’s position, and compelled them to 
 retire. About a month after this victory {i.e. on the 
 4th January, 1859) Sir Hope again attacked the enemy 
 near the Nepaul frontier, on which occasion the faint¬ 
 hearted mutineers would not stand a moment, but 
 ran away, abandoning their fifteen guns, Avhich fell into 
 Grant’s possession. This was almost the closing act of 
 the Sepoy war. Grant tells us in his work* that the 
 wretchedness of the hunted mutineers was extreme. 
 The remainder were driven far away over the hills into 
 Nepaul, where they had leisure to bewail the day when 
 they turned against the hand that had fed and pam¬ 
 pered them for so many years. The high-spirited 
 Begum of Oude, for whom one cannot help feeling a 
 degree of compassion, found refuge in Nepaul. Tantia 
 Topee was caught asleep in the jungle on the 7th 
 April, 1859, being betrayed by his most trusted friend. 
 He was then tried and executed. Other insurgent 
 leaders of revolt were one after the other tracked to 
 their lairs and punished according to their deserts. It 
 is stated that the Nana Sahib died in the Nepaul jungle. 
 But there is no conclusive proof of this, and I, for my 
 part, so far discredit the report that I should not be 
 much surprised to hear some day of the veritable Nana 
 being unkennelled. 
 
 I do not think that there will ever be such an upheaving 
 again, unless we drive all classes to desperation by a 
 reckless taxation. But ever since the Mutiny I have 
 always thought that there will some day be a last out¬ 
 burst of Mahomedan fanaticism. For that creed has 
 a history of its own, and a bright future according to 
 their way of thinking; and just as we are taught to 
 believe in a glorious future for the Christian Church 
 * See Grant’s “ History of the Sepoy War.” 
 
CURSE OF DEBT EXEMPLIFIED. 
 
 207 
 
 at the second coming of our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
 Christ, so the Mussulmen believe in a glorious future 
 for their religion on the appearance of tlieir Iman, who 
 is to make Mahomedanism the religion of the whole 
 earth. Therefore should any Mahomed-like impostor 
 make his appearance professing to be this long-expected 
 Iman, then the news would unquestionably spread like 
 wildfire over every Mussulman town and village in 
 India, and would produce a general rising of Ghazees, 
 which must not be understood as a general rising of the 
 Mussulmen, since the Ghazees are to the general body 
 of Mahomedans what martyrs are to Protestants ; and 
 as comparatively few of the latter would be content to 
 burn for their religion were the times of Mary I. to 
 come over again, so the number of Ghazees represent 
 a very small portion of the Mussulman community 
 But the desperate courage of men excited to the higliest 
 degree by religious fanaticism, and stimulated by the 
 soothing bhang, is by no means to be despised. Soon 
 after our return to Agra we were ordered to Gwalior. 
 Here there were two Government Chaplains, the one a 
 Presbyterian for the Highlanders, the other an Episcopa¬ 
 lian for the rest of the community. Both were earnest 
 good men. I noticed a marked change in Lieutenant 
 
 B-of my regiment this year (1859.) He was 
 
 evidently very deeply impressed by the chaplain’s excel¬ 
 lent sermons. He seemed to be almost decided. But, 
 alas, in a little time I noticed an alteration, and I am 
 almost certain that I know what caused him to take a 
 fatal determination in religious matters. It was this, 
 that he was over head and ears in debt. This made 
 him desperate, he felt that things were against him, and 
 that his was a hopeless case. Even at this distance of 
 
 time it grieves me to think of poor B-. He w as a 
 
 most promising officer, and a very agreeable fellow to 
 have anything to do with. How many officers like him 
 have been ruined by debt, have left their homes honour¬ 
 able young men, and have been kicked out of the service 
 
203 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 for dishonesty. Why will young fellows buy expensive 
 horses, buggies, guns, &c., &c., that they know well, if 
 they chose to reflect for a moment, they cannot pay for ? 
 Then the temptations to get into debt used to be great, 
 and occasionally in some instances expenses ill befitting 
 his rank were forced upon him ; as, for example, I 
 remember on one occasion when my regiment gave a 
 ball to the station of Bareilly, I was forced to pay forty 
 rupees, or four pounds, as my share, which was much 
 more than I as Ensign could afford to pay; besides 
 which I was in reality paying for the benefit of the 
 Captains, and Eegimental staff, and such eligible parties 
 as the unmarried young ladies* would deign to dance 
 with. A poor Ensign like myself could not expect 
 such favours. I knew an officer of my regiment, a 
 Lieutenant drawing about £280 a year, who was re¬ 
 puted to be about three thousand pounds in debt. But 
 making every allowance for exaggeration, it is most 
 probable that he owed not less than fifteen hun¬ 
 dred pounds. Poor B—— did what many others have 
 done in like circumstances, and was dismissed the 
 service, and the last I heard of him was, that he was 
 leading the life of a wretched beggar in India. I have 
 also seen much of the evil of drinking; for I have 
 known officers who have died most awful deaths in a 
 state of drunkenness. As for the soldiers, my own 
 belief is that almost all the crimes they commit are 
 done under the influence of liquor. Strong drink is 
 the curse of the British army. When I was living this 
 year at Gwalior in our mess-house, I was once placed in 
 a rather awkward position, as late one evening a Captain 
 of my regiment had an attack of delirium tremens 
 when I was the next senior officer there. I, however, 
 kept a quiet tongue in my head, and let things take 
 their course, as there were some officers willing to take 
 him in hand. I think this was the most prudent thing 
 
 * Who in those days were scarce commodities in the North-West 
 Provinces. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF AN ENGLISH MARCH. 
 
 209 
 
 to be done under the circumstances; for had I reported 
 the state of my senior officer, very probably a base 
 motive w^ould have been imputed to me. At tlie end of 
 tlie year we were ordered to Futtygurli This was the 
 last march I made with my regiment. An Indian march 
 has its discomforts certainly, but it is not altogether 
 devoid of interest. It has its excitements in time of 
 war, and when, in the usual course of relief in the 
 olden time, a four months’ march was nothing like 
 so monotonous as a voyage round the Cape, for at all 
 events there was shooting on the way, seeing a great 
 number of towns and villages, and occasionally a British 
 cantonment, &c., &c. Then there was the free and 
 easy conversation, the early smoke, and cup of coffee. 
 Talking about smoking reminds me of one of my bon- 
 motsonthe line of march. I was then only an Ensign, 
 and therefore it was excusable. The fact is, that to 
 spare my own cigars I used always to accept one when¬ 
 ever it was offered to me. At last this attracted so 
 much observation, that my brother officers in a pleasant 
 way wanted to know how it was that I never refused 
 the gift of a cigar. “Why,” I replied unblushingly, “I 
 am just following the maxim of the Duke of Wellington 
 to live on the enemy.” “ Surely,” they laughingly 
 replied, “you don’t call us your enemies.” “Yes,” I 
 replied in the same strain, “you are ; for you are more 
 enemies to me than I am to myself.” I flatter myself 
 that on this occasion I had the better of the argument 
 in every point of view. 
 
 Another time I was held in great esteem for some 
 interesting information I happened to pick up whilst 
 going along, and by recounting to my amused hearers 
 a ludicrously stormy scene I had witnessed between 
 Brigadier Wheeler* and our Colonel. The conversa¬ 
 tion amongst us was generally good-humoured, though 
 light and somewhat frothy—anything serious and of a 
 melancholy nature was put aside. I shall never forget 
 
 * Afterwards Major-General Wheeler, massacred at Cawnpore. 
 
 P 
 
210 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 when poor Scott, who had only jnst been married, and 
 was marcliing with his wife in company with the I’egi- 
 ment, one day went out shooting, and killed a neelgau, 
 in doing which he accidentally shot himself dead, that 
 though Scott was much loved in the regiment, yet after 
 the first day all conversation about him seemed, by 
 general consent, to be tabooed, because the thought of 
 his untimely death made them feel melancholy. He 
 seemed almost to have a ]U'esentiment that something 
 was going to happen to him, as he two or three times 
 returned to take leave of his wife (who was a mis¬ 
 sionary’s daughter), which so impressed her, that she 
 begged her husband not to go out. But, poor fellow, 
 he went, and having mortally wounded the neelgau, he 
 impetuously rushed forward to secure his prize, when 
 his gun went off, and the contents entered his breast, 
 from the effects of which he expired before he could be 
 brought into camp. His last words were, “ Oh, whut 
 will become of my poor wife?” Serious conversation, 
 as I have said, was not liked, but once a question I put 
 to our gay Colonel sobered him for the time. 
 
 I said in an earnest manner to him one day on 
 the line of march, “Well, Colonel, have you never 
 been seriously impressed?” The earnest question 
 startled him into returning the quiet reply that he 
 had, and then he went on to relate to me how it 
 happened. It was easier marching with Native troops 
 than with European for one reason, because in the 
 case of European soldiers the officers have to look so 
 much after their comforts, whilst Native soldiers 
 are, or used to be, willing to be of use to their offi¬ 
 cers. Things, whether with a European or a Native 
 regiment, worked so much pleasanter when officers 
 pulled well together; then they resembled a large 
 family, each feeling for the honour of the other, and 
 esprit de corps bound them together like a band of 
 brothers. Then, when we arrived at the end of our 
 march, what appetites we had for our breakfast, which 
 
STATIONED AT BARRACKPORE. 
 
 211 
 
 was soon ready for ns in the greai mess tent! But I 
 must now bring my reminiscences of an Indian march 
 to a close. I remained but a short time at Futtygurh, 
 when I proceeded to take up my appointment as Inter¬ 
 preter to H.M. Gth Foot, stationed at Benares. How 
 glad I was to leave my regiment! I hired a dawk 
 gharee to take me to Cawnpore, and thence I went by 
 rail to Allahabad, for the line was then open that dis¬ 
 tance, and fi'om Allahabad I went by gharee to Benares. 
 I was here but a very short time when I had to leave 
 vvitli the Gth, which was ordered to Barrackpore. We 
 travelled all the way to Raneegunge in wretched jolting 
 country carts. I was very glad to be once more sta¬ 
 tioned at Barrackpore. I at once commenced studying 
 for high proficiency in Persian. But I eventually gave 
 up in disgust my prosecution of the study of the native 
 languages, because when I wrote to the Military Secre¬ 
 tary to the Governor-General, inquiring whether I 
 might hope to get any civil employment by passing 
 any further high examinations in the languages, I was 
 informed in reply that the examinations I had already 
 passed in were quite sufficient for anything, leaving me 
 to draw the inference that as I had already received the 
 money-prize of a thousand rupees for two languages, it 
 would be of no practical use for me to pass for high pro¬ 
 ficiency in Persian; so, metaphorically, I at once threw 
 my books to the dogs. At Barrackpore I was joined 
 by my family. Here I took a large house, sub-letting 
 part of it to a widow, who eventually left without pay¬ 
 ing her share of the rent. It was very provoking, 
 because I reckoned on her paying her quota. But, as I 
 took the house, I had to pay the landlord the whole 
 
 amount. Dishonestly as Mrs. - behaved, I never 
 
 for a moment thought of suing her for the money, 
 for I hate going to law if I can help it. An 
 awfully sudden death of an officer I knew occurred 
 this year at Barrackpore. I noticed his servant one 
 day rushing along in great haste, as if something 
 
213 
 
 INDIAN RF.MINISCENCKS. ' 
 
 serious had happened, so I asked liim what was the 
 matter; upon which lie informed me that his master 
 was taken alarmingl}’- ill, and that he was going for 
 the doctor So 1 went at once, till the surgeon should 
 
 come. I found poor-perfectly unconscious. He 
 
 had, as I was informed, been in the habit of taking a 
 bottle of brandy a chx}^ for a year past, which no doubt 
 accounted for the state I found him in. In about ten 
 minutes or a quarter of an hour the doctor came, and 
 having examined the prostrate body, he uttered the 
 dreadful words, “ He is dead.” He died, no doubt, the 
 victim of intemperance; but he was buried as though 
 he were a good Christian. Though it is hard to per¬ 
 ceive why a man who deliberately drinks himself to 
 death is more deserving of a Christian burial than the 
 man who, in his senses, from inability to face impend¬ 
 ing rain, blows out his brains. 
 
 I now desired to get something better than an Inter- 
 pretership, so I wrote on the 1st of June, 1860, to 
 Captain Rose, Officiating Military Secretary to Sir H. 
 Hose, K.C.B., Commander-in-Chief, requesting him to 
 solicit His Excellency to bestow on me an appointment 
 as Adjutant,or second in command of a Native regiment. 
 
 I was informed in reply, that His Excellency wished 
 to know my qualifications as an officer, and required on 
 this account a Commanding Officer’s certificate. Sir H. 
 Hose, moreover, was pleased to grant me an interview, 
 at which I particularly requested I might have an 
 examination to test ray qualifications as an officer. His 
 Excellency very kindly expressed his willingness to 
 accede to my request in this matter. But being in¬ 
 formed some time afterwards (2nd of July) by Colonel 
 H. J. Warre, C.B., Military Secretary, that the pro¬ 
 duction of a Commanding Officer’s certificate was abso¬ 
 lutely necessary, I wrote to Colonel Warre, acknow¬ 
 ledging my inability to procure such a document, on 
 account of the very peculiar and extraordinary circum¬ 
 stances of my case in relation to the records of my 
 
FAILURE TO PASS AN EXAMINATION. 
 
 213 
 
 regiment (the 3rcl Europeans), and requesting that, 
 under such peculiar circumstances. His Excellency 
 would graciously be pleased to dispense with the pro¬ 
 duction of a Commanding Officer’s certificate in my 
 particular case. This I requested the Military Secre¬ 
 tary to submit, when perfectly convenient, for the Corn- 
 mander-in-Chief’s consideration. The very next day 
 (3rd of July) Colonel AVarre sent me a letter informing 
 me that His Excellency had ordered a Board to assemble 
 at Barrackpore to report upon my proficiency as a mili¬ 
 tary officer as regards the interior economy of a regi¬ 
 ment, courts-martial, and field exercise, and evolutions 
 of infantry in the field.* In due time the Board of 
 examiners met. The examination lasted four days, and 
 I felt confident that I got thi’ough the first three days 
 with credit and success. But on the third day, being 
 told beforehand of the programme for the following 
 day, I veiy unwisely gave expression to my gladness at 
 finding I was well up in it. But when I came next 
 day to be examined I found, to my astonishment and 
 dismay, that advantage had been taken of my candour, 
 so that the programme was entirely changed, and I was 
 examined in something else that 1 was not at all well up 
 in. The result was that I failed to pass my examina¬ 
 tion. But this was so unfair and spiteful (so it appeared 
 to me), that had Sir H. Bose been acquainted with it, 
 I think he would have given me another chance. But 
 for this, 1 might, humanly speaking, have now been a 
 Commanding Officer of a Native regiment, instead of a 
 retired officer from a service I have dearly loved from 
 my boyhood. 
 
 This disappointment was followed by my being 
 ordered back to my regiment. This was owing to the 
 capricious conduct of the officer commanding H.M. fith 
 Foot, who informed the Commander-in-Chief that he 
 did npt want an interpreter to his regiment. This 
 placed me in a very serious embarrassment, as t had 
 
 * See letters in my possession. 
 
514 
 
 INDIAN REJIINISCENCES. 
 
 joined tlie regiment at Benares at my own expense, and 
 having' been there a very short time I had gone witli 
 the Gth to Barrackpore, where I had taken and furnished 
 a house, and now, after having held this poorly paid 
 ajjpointment"' only about half a year, I was, at the mere 
 caprice of a Commanding Officer, ordered hack to my 
 regiment at my own expense ! I was indeed in a most 
 doleful predicament; for my finances were quite ex¬ 
 hausted, and I liad not the means to go back. In such 
 a desperate case the only thing I could think of was 
 to obtain an interview with the Commander-in-Chief. 
 This I accordingly did, when Sir H. Bose received me 
 very graciously, and listened to the representation I 
 made of my hard case, and, what was still better, con¬ 
 siderate acts followed kind words ; since the kind-hearted 
 Sir Hugh appointed me Garrison Interpreter at Fort 
 William, Calcutta. This appointment I held from 1860 
 to 1865. Here I spent a very pleasant time. I got on 
 well with the General (Showers), who recommended me 
 favourably to the Commander-in-Chief,f and with the 
 Fort Adjutant, from whom I received my orders. This 
 was Captain Parlby, a capital fellow, enormously tall, 
 and very popular, being called as good as he was big. 
 I always found him very obliging, and I am very sorry 
 that he is dead. Instead of coming home for his health, 
 he went to the hills, where he died some years ago. I 
 also got on very well with the other officers. 1 had, 
 as Interpreter, two or three passages with officers con¬ 
 ducting the prosecution at Native Courts-martial, who 
 wanted to have some part of the evidence taken down 
 in a manner more consonant with their wishes than 
 what was deemed by me a faithful translation. And 
 though it mattered nothing to me whether the prisoner 
 was convicted or not, yet it did very much matter to 
 me, as one sworn to translate faithfully, that the evidence 
 
 * A hundred rupees or ^610 a month, out of which a moonshee had to 
 be kept, was the Interpreter’s allowance, in addition to the pay of his 
 rank. 
 
 t See true copy of letter in my possession. 
 
PLEASANT LIFE AT CALCUTTA. 
 
 215 
 
 should be correctly recorded. I therefore, when it came 
 to a push, declared that I would not sign the proceed¬ 
 ings, if they persisted in putting down as my transla¬ 
 tion that which was not mine but theirs. This had 
 the desired effect, as no sentence could have taken effect 
 without my signature. On one occasion a prosecutor so 
 far forgot himself as to endeavour to intimidate me by 
 threatening to report me as a bad Interpreter; but this 
 also failed. Surrounded by my family, and having some 
 esteemed friends, I enjoyed a thorough rest. My dearest 
 friend there was an old missionary, the Eev. A. Leslie. 
 He was a bluff, honest, plain-spoken man, who called a 
 spade a spade. For this fine Scotchman I conceived a 
 warm friendship, which was reciprocated. 1 regularly 
 attended his chapel, and taught in his Sunday-school, 
 and at his house I spent many a pleasant evening in 
 social conversation. One of his anecdotes, from my 
 fondness for history, was decidedly interesting to me ; it 
 was when he chatted about a very old pensioner, an 
 acquaintance of his, who died at Monghyr* about 
 the year 1830, at the age of lO-b This veteran as a 
 youth had taken up arms under James II.’s grandson. 
 Prince Charles, in the rebellion of 1745—40. After 
 which he fought in the American War of Independence; 
 and, lastly, this wonderful man served a long time in 
 India. 
 
 I have in a former chapter described Calcutta, there¬ 
 fore it would be superfluous to give a repetition of the 
 public places there which I now frequented. It will 
 suffice to say that I was perfectly content, finding 
 Calcutta to be a sort of earthly paradise. I never felt 
 dull that I can remember. Occasionally I partook of 
 the hospitalities of Government House,, where I saw 
 assembled all the great in Church and State. I felt 
 a particular interest in attending interesting trials at 
 the Supreme Court, where through my friend Mr. H. 
 
 * Monghyr was where my aged friend, Mr. Leslie, had been stationed 
 as a missionary. 
 
INDIAN HEMINISCENCKS. 
 
 ! 21(3 
 
 Belclunnbers holding’ a high position there, I always 
 managed to get a good seat. I remember two cases in 
 particular I was interested in, which at the time 
 attracted great attention in India. One was the cele¬ 
 brated Neel Durpun case, where a missionary was 
 fined and imprisoned. The other was the trial of a 
 military otiicer for perjury, arising out of the abduction 
 of a pretty and very young girl, the daughter of 
 
 Captain 0-. But here it will be well to end this 
 
 long chapter. 
 
217 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Amalgamation Scheme arrives in Calcutta—Its unsuitability to me— My 
 Regiment (3rd Europeans) becomes H.M. 107th Foot—Visit Chota 
 Nagpore—Spread of Christianity among the Coles—Their extraor¬ 
 dinary Belief in the Power of Witches—Arrival of Cannibals in Cal¬ 
 cutta—Become Lieutenant and Brevet-Major under Government 
 Scheme of 1864—Description of the Dreadful Cyclone at Calcutta 
 —Illness—Resign my Appointment—Appointed to Convalescent 
 Depot, Darjeeling—Journey there—The Hillmen—The Snowy Range 
 —Animal Life—Pleasant Society—Severe Affliction—Promoted to 
 Captain—Obtain Leave to England—Place my Infant at a Ladies’ 
 School—Strange Affair there—Embark for England—Description of 
 Affairs on Board the Blenheim —Nearly Wrecked in a Hurricane— 
 Pleasant Stay at St. Helena—Hospitable Reception there—Arrival 
 in England—Admitted to the Staff Corps as Major—Two Months’ 
 Continental Tour—Return to India—Last Passage round the Cape 
 —General Description of these Long Voyages—Arrival at Calcutta 
 —Suicide there of a Fellow-Passenger—Apply for the Vacant 
 Appointment of the Persian Translatorship to Government—Disap¬ 
 pointment for want of Interest—Ordered to Gwalior—Description 
 thereof—Appointed Interjweter to 92nd Highlanders at Jullundur 
 —Visit to Lahore—Strange Case of Suicide of an Officer—Pro¬ 
 moted to Lieutenant-Colonel—Resign the Interpretership—Visits to 
 Simla and Mussoorie—Take my Furlough to England—Stay at 
 Delhi—Description of the Palace, &c.—A Week at Bombay—Re¬ 
 marks on Missionary Work in India—Thoughts about Indian Ser¬ 
 vants—Overland Journey to Genoa, and through Europe—Retire¬ 
 ment from Service. 
 
 In 18G1 the Amalgamation Scheme and the institu¬ 
 tion of the Staff Corps came out. But though it 
 offered great advantages to those who had been for a 
 certain number of years in Staff employ, yet it was 
 totally unsuited to me; as under its provisions I 
 should have had to wait some years before I could get 
 my Captaincy, though I was then an officer of sixteen 
 years’ service; I therefore preferred to remain as I was. 
 Next year, 18G2, my regiment, the 3rd Europeans, 
 became H IM. 107th Foot, and had I chosen to he 
 
218 
 
 INDIAN IIEMINISCENCES. 
 
 transferred to that regiment, I might liave expected to 
 have got my promotion at once. But I still prudently 
 preferred to remain a local officer. This year I took 
 six months’ leave ; when I and my family then went 
 by train to Eaneegunge, and then by gharee dawk to an 
 obscure place on the Grand Trunk road; where we 
 got out and went by palkee dawk to Hussareebagh, 
 and after staying some time there, we proceeded thence 
 to Chota Nagpore, a district inhabited by the Coles, 
 who are said to be the aborigines of India. The Com¬ 
 missioner of this district, Lieutenant-Colonel E. T. 
 Dalton, Bengal Staff Corps, formerly belonged to my 
 regiment (3rd Europeans). I liked much what I saw 
 of the Coles. They appeared to be a simple people, 
 with, as far as I can remember, none of the stupid 
 caste prejudices of the Hindoos, and, what was still 
 better, they had by thousands embraced Christianity. 
 The honoured instruments in bringing about this most 
 important and happy change in them was a band of 
 German Missionaries. One of the most remarkable 
 characteristics about this simple race was their extra¬ 
 ordinary belief in the power of witches; and I was 
 informed on good authority that this belief resulted in 
 the commission of many murders, as they take the law 
 into their own hands, and kill the man whom they 
 believe by witchcraft to have killed some member of 
 their family. They have also a singular way of killing 
 wild beasts like the tiger, by setting a bent bow with 
 an arrow ready to go off, in such a manner, in a par¬ 
 ticular spot where they know the animal will pass, 
 that when some days afterwards they go there, they 
 frequently find the tiger lying dead, transfixed by their 
 arrow. Chota Nagpore, from its considerable altitude 
 above the sea-level, enjoys a pleasant climate, being 
 much cooler than the places of Bengal or Northern 
 India. Next year (1863) 1 attended the installation 
 of the Earl of Elgin at Government House, Calcutta. 
 There is nothing more worth recording of anything I 
 
WONDERFUL HAIL-STORM AT CALCUTTA. 
 
 219 
 
 did or saw this year, except it bo the arrival of a set 
 of reputed Cannibals from the Andaman islands, which 
 I think happened about this time. These si^^ht-seeing 
 savages walked about the fort as bold as brass. It was 
 of no use our trying to converse with them, as no one 
 knew their language, or it would have been somewhat 
 interesting to know what these uncouth barbarians 
 thought of the city of palaces. But as their language 
 was totally different to that spoken in India, it was 
 not the slightest use attempting to find out whether 
 they were capable of appreciating the magnificence of 
 the Metropolis of India. In the following year (1864) 
 the Government scheme for remedying the superces¬ 
 sion of local officers by the Staff Corps made its 
 appearance, and caused great dissatisfaction. We 
 asked for bread and they gave us a stone. Under its 
 operation, on the 10th of December I became a Brevet- 
 Major, though I was only a Lieutenant in the cadre of 
 my regiment, whilst Stephenson of the same regi¬ 
 ment, whose commission as Ensign bore the same date 
 as that of mine, was a Substantive Major on the Staff 
 Corps. Not only was the Government remedy a mere 
 mockery, but it was wmrse; for, as Lieutenant and 
 Brevet-Major, I had afterwards, at another station, to 
 perform double duty, one week as a Subaltern, and 
 another week as a Field Officer! But I must return 
 from this digression, to notice a curious meteorological 
 event which happened on the 24th March, 1864, on 
 which evening there was a wonderful hail-storm. I 
 never before saw such large hailstones as those I 
 gathered, and used as ice to cool my beer at dinner 
 that day, and the rest, which I preserved in a blanket, 
 I used up the following day. These hailstones were 
 really enormous; since they were considerably larger 
 than grapeshot, and some were nearly as large as small 
 orano-es. Next month I was on a Court-martial as 
 
 o 
 
 Interpreter for the trial of a European soldier, one of 
 the coolest fishes that ever I sawr His cheek was quite 
 
2,20 
 
 INDIAN REiMTNISCENCES. 
 
 remarkable. As, for instance, when asked whether he 
 pleaded guilty or not, he coolly said to the Court, “ I 
 leave you to find that out.” And on another occasion 
 he actually snapped his fingers in defiance at the Court, 
 saying, “ I don’t care that for yon.” The most note¬ 
 worthy event of 1804 was the dreadful cyclone which, 
 on the morning of the 5th October, burst upon Cal¬ 
 cutta, and lasted till evening, doing great injury on the 
 river. I thought by barring my door with a strong 
 iron bar, and placing a large box against it, that I 
 should be all right; but a sudden blast of the awful 
 storm blew the door open as if the iron bar and heavy 
 box were a straw. So we took to our heels, not know¬ 
 ing what in the world was going to happen ; and as 
 the masonry of the wall seemed to be giving way to 
 a rather alarming extent, we felt it advisable to 
 seek refuge in a more central room. Moreover, the 
 verandah had to some extent given way, and the other 
 corner of lioyal Barracks had suffered severely. The 
 Fort itself looked very much like a place taken hy 
 storm, the enemy being the stormy wind, which had 
 blown down a great many trees, which were lying 
 about in all directions inside the fortifications. Next 
 day (fith October) I walked a long way on the river 
 side, and most dismal were the sights of wrecks that 
 met my eyes; and the worst appeared to be on the 
 other side of the river, where the ships had run foul of 
 one another, and were in the most extraordinary state 
 of disorder conceivable. It was indeed an awfully 
 novel sight. I saw one large steamer driven right 
 ashore opposite the Metcalf Hall; and I saw part of 
 a ship that had gone right down. I do not know 
 whether the exceeding heat we experienced in June, in 
 consequence of the rains not setting in till the very 
 end of that month, had anything to do with this 
 marvellous commotion in the elements: this is for 
 meteorologists to decide. The previous month I was 
 taken very ill, and some months afterwards, in conse- 
 
MISERABLE JOURNEY TO DARJEELING. 
 
 221 
 
 quence of ill-health, I resigned my appointment of 
 Garrison Interpreter, and was appointed to do duty at 
 the Convalescent Depot, Darjeeling. So on the 24th of 
 February, 1865, I and my wife and children crossed 
 the river* to Howra, the railway terminus. Thence 
 we went by the morning train to Burdwan. 
 
 Here I left the train, hired a gharee for a didve, and 
 showed my children over the Bajah’s fine zoological 
 gardens. We returned the same evening to the station, 
 and left at midnight for Sahibgunge, which we reached 
 at 7 A.M. on the following morning. Here my wife 
 was greatly grieved by receiving a telegram informing 
 her of the death of her only brother. After ex- 
 [)eriencing a good deal of trouble in getting my bag¬ 
 gage, which had previously been sent by the goods 
 train, we left Sahibgunge, and having steamed about 
 twenty-six miles, we anchored. After which, having g'ot 
 a wretched two-wheeled cart with worthless springs 
 called a champooney, drawn by oxen, we jolted on to a 
 place of rest called Caragola, which we left about 8 p.m. 
 on the 26th of February, by palkee dawk, and after a 
 miserable stormy night we reached Purneah early next 
 morning, the 27th. Here we were provokingly detained 
 several da 3 ^s, for on going to the Purneah and Darjeel¬ 
 ing Transit Compan 3 '’s manager, I learnt that he had 
 not received the post-office order I had sent him for 
 160 rupees to lay our dawks, so we had to wait here 
 till the 1st of March, when our dawks being laid we 
 set off, and in a few days we reached Punkabarree, at 
 the foot of the hills. An accident befell my poor dear 
 wife on the way, which led to serious consequences in 
 her particular condition, as, whilst the bearers were 
 carrying her along, the palkee pole suddenly snapped, 
 when down came the palkee with such force to the 
 ground as to inflict a severe shock to her in the delicate 
 state she was in. At last we reached Darjeeling, on the 
 
 * There being no bridge over the Ganges at Calcutta, the passengers 
 had to cross to Howra either by the steam ferry or by native boat 
 
INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Gtli March. Our quarters were at Jullapuhar, the Con¬ 
 valescent Depot, where we were not at all comfortable, 
 as our furniture had not arrived. The dilatoriness of 
 the hill porters, men of immense strength in lifting 
 burdens, is something incredible. The supply being 
 very far below the demand, I was informed that a lot 
 of these stalwart fellows would at one and the same 
 time engage to take up to Darjeeling a great many 
 boxes, barrels of beer, &c., belonging it might be to 
 several parties, and there being comparatively few 
 porters to convey these things to their destination, 
 they would first carry a certain number of boxes a 
 certain distance, and then go backwards and forwards 
 for ever so long, till the whole were carried so far, and 
 so they would go on all the way to Darjeeling, a dis¬ 
 tance of about twenty miles from Punkabarree. I 
 believe their reputed dilatoriness was anything but 
 exaggerated, for what with other delays on the road, I 
 have been three or four months in getting heavy 
 packages from Calcutta. I was enchanted with the 
 beautiful view of the snowy range that met my eye. 
 Gazing at Kuuchunjingee (only fifty miles distant as 
 the bird flies), one cannot help feeling that it is the 
 grandest sight in the world. It is a great place for 
 a butterfly collector. For thirty rupees I bought a 
 splendid collection of the most magnificent butterflies 
 and beetles. But with so much in nature to please the 
 eye, there was one drawback, and that consisted in the 
 rats, which from their fierceness constituted a great 
 nuisance, since I heard at Darjeeling instances where 
 these bold animals had flown up and bitten at least two 
 people, one an English lady, and the other an English 
 tradesman. I was pleased in April to read in the 
 Home Neios my own case brought forward in an 
 editorial, extracted from the London Standard. And 
 next month I heard that the House of Commons, by 
 sixty-nine to thirty-six, had voted an address to the 
 Queen for the redress of our grievances. On the 5th 
 
PLKASANT SOCIETY. 
 
 223 
 
 of June I was one of the pall-bearers at the funeral 
 of Lieutenant-Greneral Loyd, who commanded at Dina- 
 pore during the Mutiny. This month I saw my name 
 in orders promoted to Captain in the cadre of my 
 regiment. I had some very pleasant Christian society 
 here. I was on particularly Iriendly terms with Lieu¬ 
 tenant-Colonel Shelton, an officer who had long been 
 sorely tried by a worthless wife, from whom, I believe, 
 he afterwards procured a divorce. I was also very 
 friendly with Mrs. Coombs, a pious lady, whom I knew 
 when I belonged to the 42nd Eegiment N.I., and with 
 Mr. Niebel, the Baptist Missionary. We had very 
 pleasant Bible meetings at the house of the Chaplain, 
 whose church I attended, as I much liked his preaching. 
 There was one sermon on wasted opportunities that 
 went straight to my heart, for I felt I was the man. I 
 can say from experience that it is a most bitter thing 
 to feel how much brighter one’s career would have 
 been but for one fatal step. The feeling is much the 
 same many years aiterwards, when the heart cries in 
 remorse — “ Oh that I had acted differently on that turn¬ 
 ing point of my life.” This year, 1865, was one of 
 great gloom to me, for in April I lost my dearest wife 
 in childbirth, and in June I lost my darling boy, my 
 only son, a handsome and sweet child of nearly two 
 years old. The Chaplain would not bury him because 
 he had not been baptized, but, for all that, there can be 
 no doubt that the dear one’s spirit, on quitting the 
 body, fled to the region of the blest. I now got 
 a medical certificate to England, so, on the 14th of 
 November, I left Darjeeling with my children. 
 
 But my youngest child, who was only an infant of 
 eight months, I left behind in charge of a Miss Wight, 
 who kept a ladies’ school there. That lady, about a year 
 after my departure, became (as I was informed) a bank¬ 
 rupt, and about a month after Miss Wight had re¬ 
 ceived from me a year’s payment in advance, my poor 
 Louie was turned adril't on the mercy of strangers, till 
 
224 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 I could be written to to make fresh arrangements for 
 her, which of course I lost no time in doing. But I must 
 return from this digression to say that I and the rest of 
 my children, three girls, reached Calcutta on the 22nd of 
 November, and put up at a very comfortable boarding¬ 
 house, where my daughter Annie was taken alarm¬ 
 ingly ill, but happily she recovered in time for me to 
 embark on the 9th of December on board tlie Blenheim, 
 which left next day full of passengers for London wm 
 Madras, which latter place we reached on the 18th. We 
 of course went ashore there amidst a good deal of ex¬ 
 citement whilst forcing our way in a Massoola boat 
 through the raging surf, I found Madras a very be¬ 
 nighted place in comparison with Calcutta, where I had 
 spent so many years of my life. \\'e left Madras on 
 the 23rd of December. It will be well now to say a 
 word or two about the parties on board. The Captain 
 of course comes first. Of him I have only to say this, 
 that I found him a most disobliging and very disagree¬ 
 able man. One consequence of his disagreeableness 
 was the difficulty I experienced in getting salt water for 
 my ablutions, I found him dreadfully stingy when¬ 
 ever I sent to him to be helped to anything nice; and 
 he used to watch the wine I drank in a most offensive 
 manner. I never experienced anything at all like it in 
 any of my five voyages round the Cape; and on one 
 occasion at least my children could not get enough 
 meat to eat. It was really too bad, considering the 
 large sum I had paid for our passage, and the Blenheim 
 was a regular A1 passenger ship. I have not much to 
 say regarding the passengers. There is nothing like a 
 long sea voyage for discovering the selfishness of human 
 nature. There was the usual amount of squabbling ; but 
 this I shall pass over as not of sufficient interest to re¬ 
 late. But there was one display of female vanity amus¬ 
 ing enough to be mentioned. It was the attempt made 
 
 by Mrs. E-n, the wife of a Major of the Bengal 
 
 staff corps to make the passengers believe she was 
 
TERRIFIC HURRICANE AT SEA. 
 
 225 
 
 twenty years younger than she really was. The conver¬ 
 sation happened to turn upon the ages of people, when 
 Mrs. E-n, who I believe was fifty, graciously volun¬ 
 
 teered information as to her own age. She did not care 
 about people knowing her age. The fact was (so she 
 said) she was thirty. This declaration was made in an 
 off hand manner, as though she were laying down the lav/ 
 on a matter of fact that admitted of no dispute. No one 
 of course openly manifested any incredulity; but this I 
 venture to affirm, that every one present must have been 
 laughing in his or her sleeve to hear a lady of ordinary 
 sense, who looked quite fifty, unblushingly declare, and 
 in such a manner, that she was only thirty. How can 
 sensible ladies tell such incredible falsehoods about them¬ 
 selves? I can only attribute such ridiculous folly to an 
 excess of feminine vanity resembling that of Queen Eliza¬ 
 beth, who was so vain in her old age as to be gratified 
 by receiving compliments on her good looks. The event 
 of the voyage, however, was the terrific hurricane we 
 encountered off the Mauritius on the night of the 12th 
 and morning of the 13th January, 1866. Just before 
 its commencement I saw a sailor fall from one mast to 
 another, and then from that to the deck. Poor man ! 
 he was taken up alive, but died two days afterwards. 
 Soon after the above-mentioned accident the fearful 
 storm broke upon us. Great and widespread was the 
 alarm when the stern cabin, occupied by Lady Leeds and 
 family, was burst in by the fury of the angry waves, and 
 the mizzen-mast went by the board. 1 was praying 
 most of the night, feeling that the Blenheim was in 
 great danger of being wrecked. Our clever carpenter, 
 however, managed to stave off’ the greatest source of 
 danger by fixing a substitute for a door, which stopped 
 the water from coming in through the breach in the 
 stern cabin. About 3 p.m. on the 13th, thiidviug the 
 danger of going to the bottom was over, I went to 
 sleep under a comparative sense of security. The fury 
 of the hurricane was, at least up to that time, truly 
 
INDIAN REMINISCENCKS. 
 
 0 0 A 
 
 fw\J 
 
 dreadful, and we were no doubt in great danger. But, 
 by tlie mercy of the Lord, it ended at last, and we were 
 safe. Next day we were becalmed. This was indeed 
 a most strange contrast. But is it not so sometimes 
 with the Christian, that after passing through a terri¬ 
 ble ordeal, wherein he was all but engulfed in absolute 
 ruin, the storm has passed away, the sky clears, and is 
 followed by a calm ? I have experienced this myself, 
 and have no doubt but that others have done so too. 
 The next event of interest was our arrival at St Helena 
 on the 24th February, after being seventy-seven days 
 from Calcutta. I went ashore to see my friend Mr. 
 Janisch,* with whom having dined I returned on board 
 in the evening. I experienced great hospitality from 
 Mr. and Mrs. Janisch, who next day welcomed most 
 kindly not only myself but all my children to their 
 house, where we stayed one night and two days; on one 
 of which I went with Mr. Janisch up the hill and saw 
 Napoleon’s tomb ; on which occasion my friend informed 
 me that we had gone up as high as two thousand 
 feet. After a pleasant visit we returned on board ship 
 on the evening of the 26th, and the Blenheim left St. 
 Helena the same day. I have nothing further to chron¬ 
 icle of the homeward voyage except that about a month 
 afterwards I was taken very ill with liver complaint, 
 and that on the 4th of April we turned about to go to 
 the Azores, having run short of provisions. But as on 
 the following day we came up with a ship from which 
 we got the provisions that were required, we returned 
 to our former homeward bound course. 
 
 On the 13th of April we took a pilot on board, and 
 next day I, with a number of the passengers, got into a 
 boat that came alongside (paying £1 12s. as my share), 
 and landed at Folkstone. It does not fall in with the 
 scope of this to say anything of my prolonged stay 
 in England beyond this: that I was this year, 1866, 
 admitted to the Staff Corps as Major, and that I went 
 
 * Now Governor of the island. 
 
MONOTONY OF VOYAGES TO INDIA. 227 
 
 for a two raontlis’ continental tour, first to Eotterdam, 
 thence to Cologne, then by steamer down the Ehine 
 to Mayence and St. Moritz in the Engadine, where 
 I stayed some weeks, and then turned my steps 
 homeward via Homburg, where I stayed a week or 
 two, and travelled home via Strasburg and Brussels. 
 Having taken my passage by the Shannon, one of 
 Green’s ships, I went on board on the 10th August, 
 18G9, and arrived after an uneventful passage at Calcutta 
 about the middle of November.* This being my last 
 and fifth voyage round the Cape of Good Hope, I will 
 take this opportunity of summing up what I have to 
 say on the subject of these long sea voyages, which 
 have occupied about twenty months of my Indian 
 service up to this time. The very strong distaste I have 
 conceived for them is not so much on account of the 
 miserable ordeal of sea-sickness one has to pass through, as 
 their dreadful monotony, unrelieved by any incident of 
 a more pleasing description than the occasional talking 
 by signals with a passing ship, as sometimes happens; 
 or of falling in with a ship in mid-ocean, and sufficiently 
 close as to be able to converse with those on board by 
 word of mouth. This, with an occasional glimpse of 
 land, watching the flight of the fearless albatrosses 
 coming so near the ship as to be easily shot into the 
 water by cruel sportsmen, or looking at the flying fishes 
 as they wend their flight out of the water and through 
 the air, probably to avoid some enemy of the finny 
 tribe, together with promenading the deck, eating and 
 drinking and smoking, constitute the maximum joys of 
 boardship life. There are, it is true, other incidents 
 which help to keep people alive, such as the quarrels 
 of passengers of various tempers and dispositions, who 
 are nolens volens forced to eat and drink and live 
 together for three or four months within the narrow 
 limits of their floating wooden cage; and I am bound 
 in truth to say that the fair sex were not far behind in 
 
 * After having been about a year without pay. 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 these rows. Those get on best who make the most 
 fuss, or who have some one to make a fuss for them. 
 Nothing brings out into full play one’s natural selfish¬ 
 ness like life on board ship. One source of the greatest 
 wretchedness, whilst it lasts, is of course sea-sickness. 
 But even after this is over, there are other serious dis- 
 comfoi-ts from the oppressive heat in the proximity of the 
 equatorial line, on which occasion I have sometimes been 
 compelled to have my port put down, which made it so 
 very close and hot as to be nearly suffocating, and was 
 certainly more unbearable than the heat in India. I have 
 therefore a strong repugnance to the wearisomeness and 
 monoton}^ of a long sea voyage. This being my case, 
 with nothing to complain of in respect to my food and 
 cabin, what must such a life be to the poor midshipman, 
 with his hard salt junk to eat and other hardships to 
 bear ? A blacksmith’s lot is far preferable, in my 
 opinion, to his. In short, the great event of the voyage, 
 which everybody with a grain of sense in his head looks 
 forward to, is its end; and next to this is the vessel’s 
 touching at some intermediate port, such as the Cape 
 or St. Helena. At Calcutta I put up at Mrs. Waters’s 
 boarding-house, where I spent a month very pleasantly. 
 Here I made the acquaintance of a very pleasant 
 American gentleman, of the name of Atterbury (a 
 descendant of the celebrated Jacobite Bishop of that 
 name), who was making the tour of the world. A few 
 days after my arrival in India I went to call on a fellow- 
 passenger of the Shannon, a weak-minded young Ensign, 
 and when I got to his room I found to my horror that 
 he had only just blown his brains out with his pistol. 
 It seems that he had by some folly or other lost every 
 rupee he had in the world, and that an engagement to 
 be married had been broken off, which things together 
 appear to have reduced him to such a state of despair 
 as to have emboldened him to commit suicide. About 
 this time, learning that the appointment of the Persian 
 translatorship to Government was vacant, I immediately 
 
APPLICATION FOR A TRANSLATORSHIP. 
 
 229 
 
 applied for it, on the strength of the examinations I 
 had passed in the Native languages, and I was in all fair¬ 
 ness entitled to it, which would have suited me exactly, 
 as translating was my particular forte. But here I met 
 with a cruel disappointment, as an objection was raised 
 against mj^ application on the grounds that I had not 
 passed for two examinations in “ honours.” This was 
 a technical objection, and showed me plainly that I 
 only missed the mark because I had no one to say a 
 single word in my favour; since the prize in two 
 languages which I had passed in, was quite as 
 difficult as the examination in honours. This 1 know, 
 because I have studied for honours in Hindee, when I 
 read throuyh the “ Subha Bilas,” one of the test books 
 for that examination, and partly read the celebrated 
 “ Ramayn,” which is the other. It was soon followed 
 by a second disappointment, because it resulted in a 
 serious injury to me. This was my application that 
 the time 1 had been on medical certificate might 
 count as service, on the grounds of my ill-health 
 being brought on by exposure to the sun on service, in 
 1857-58. But this was not acceded to by the Indian 
 Government, on the grounds of the number of years 
 that had intervened between 1858 and 1865, the year 
 of my taking furlough. This adverse decision proved 
 of serious consequence to me afterwards; for had I 
 obtained medical certificate in 1858, when I wanted 
 
 Assistant-Surgeon B-to recommend me for leave 
 
 on sick certificate, then I should eventually have re¬ 
 tired on a Lieutenant-Colonel’s pension, instead of that 
 of a Major. 
 
 Being ordered to do duty at Morar (Gwalior), I 
 crossed the river and went by train to Agra; whence I 
 travelled about sixty-five miles by gharee dawk to my 
 destination. A description of the capital of the Maha¬ 
 rajah Scindiah’s dominions may here fittingly be given. 
 The Mahratta town of Gwalior is not very interesting 
 to look at, being irregularly built and dirty. It is 
 
230 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 famed principally for its hill fortress, which is situated 
 hig'h up on a solid rock, a mile and a half long, by 
 about a quarter of a mile broad, which rises in some 
 places to a lieight of three hundred and forty feet, is 
 in many parts perpendicular, and is quite isolated from 
 the other hills in its vicinity. This fortress, once deemed 
 impregnable, has ever since the Mutiny been held by 
 British troops, and is a place which might be held by 
 ten thousand resolute soldiers against a hostile force 
 of hundreds of thousands. The city of Gwalior is 
 situated along the eastern base of the rock; and the 
 British Cantonment of Morar, where I was stationed, 
 was on the opposite side of the town, and completely 
 separated therefrom. I was here but a short time, and 
 was not sorry to leave Morar, on account of the great 
 scarcity of houses. In 1870 I was appointed Inter¬ 
 preter to H.M. 92nd Highlanders, cantoned at Jullundur 
 in the Punjaub. Here I was stationed three years. I 
 went this year by rail on leave for a short period to 
 Lahore, the capital of the Punjaub, a city of about a 
 hundred thousand inhabitants, situated about a mile 
 from the river Eavee. I put up at a very comfortable 
 hotel, kept by a Mrs. Goose, where I met an old Calcutta 
 friend, and in a few days I saw all that was worth see¬ 
 ing. It contains many large buildings, and is princi¬ 
 pally celebrated for the Shalimar Gardens. But the 
 Museum, to my mind, is the place most worth seeing. 
 My stay at Jullundur was a very uneventful one. The 
 only event out of the common was my being a Presi¬ 
 dent and Interpreter on a Court of inquest on a young 
 officer of the 92nd Highlanders who had committed 
 suicide. The apparent cause of his committing the 
 rash act was of a most trivial description, being nothing 
 more than a slight pecuniary embarrassment. But 
 before he expired he made a remarkable statement, 
 showing the terrible power which is exercised on earth 
 by the great enemy of souls. 
 
 On the 10th December, 1870, I became Lieutenant- 
 
VISITS TO SIMLA AND MUSSOORIE. 
 
 231 
 
 Colonel, and resigned my Interpretership. and was 
 appointed to do duty at Jullundur. I found Jullundur 
 very dull, but a bappy thought struck me which em¬ 
 ployed a good deal of my time, which was writing a 
 small History of England. I was President of the 
 (Station Prize Committee, and as such I paid many 
 scores of men prize-money for Delhi, Lucknow, and 
 Cal pie, which they ought to have had years ago. In 
 1871 I went to Simla. As I have in a former chapter 
 already described this most fashionable sanatorium, 
 there will be no occasion to say more than that I found 
 Simla charming, and thoroughly enjoyed the change. 
 I put up at a very comfortable boarding-house, where 
 all the meals were served a la mode table d’hote. I also 
 partook of the hospitalities of the Viceroy, Earl Mayo, 
 who a few months afterwards was assassinated on a 
 visit to the Convict Settlement of Port Blair. There 
 was this year an exhibition of paintings held at Simla, 
 which I attended. Next year I took six months’ leave 
 to Mussoorie, where, as at Simla, I put up at a comfort¬ 
 able boarding-house. I was delighted with the pictu¬ 
 resque hill scenery and cool climate of this lovely health 
 resort, and derived much enjoyment from picnicking ex¬ 
 cursions to various places. I also attended an interest¬ 
 ing trial which created a great sensation that year, in 
 which an attempt was made to destroy the reputation 
 of a young lady, a Colonel’s daughter. On one occasion 
 I made an excursion to the top of the Camel’s Back. 
 1 do not know what others have felt, but I remember 
 well that when I stood on the highest point of the 
 Camel’s Back I felt a particularly queer sensation, 
 which I should not care to experience again. One of 
 my picnics was to the Batta Waterfalls. The cascade 
 here was really charming, and repaid one for the trouble 
 of going down a break-neck sort of road to get to it. 
 This year a Government order appeared, offering a 
 j)Ound a day to all unemployed Lieutenant-Colonels 
 desirous of residing in England, till they should be 
 
232 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES, 
 
 entitled to Colonel’s off reckonings. The offer was in 
 due course made to me, and I accepted it conditionally, 
 that I should first enjoy the two years’ furlough I was 
 entitled to. This was undoubtedly the best thing for 
 me to do, for I felt nettled at having it thrown in my 
 teeth that I was drawing a large amount of pay for 
 doing very little work ; and sometimes, in the news¬ 
 papers, we unemployed officers were spoken of as mili¬ 
 tary loafers. Having obtained two years’ furlough, I left 
 Jullundur on the 6th February, and went by train to 
 Delhi, where I remained sight-seeing for several days. 
 I first put up at an hotel, but the fare was so disgusting 
 that I was Very glad to change my quarters, and go to 
 the Dak Bungalow, which I found decidedly better, 
 and the day after my arrival at this walled city I drove 
 to the Fort, where I saw the marble palace of the King 
 of Delhi. How charmed I was as I stood gazing with 
 admiration at the grandeur of a past age, when the 
 great Moghul sat on his magnificent peacock throne in 
 a palace of incomparable splendour ! The matchless 
 grandeur of this palatial building may to some extent 
 be imagined, if the reader will but picture to his mind’s 
 eye a superb hall of white marble, with pillars and 
 arches of exquisite symmetry, elaborately inlaid with 
 jewelled devices of birds, flowers and fruits arranged 
 with perfect taste, which is entered by a series of 
 beautiful gateways sculptured with flowers and inscrip¬ 
 tions from the Koran. At the same time I saw all 
 that was worth seeing in the Fort. My visit to the 
 Jumma Musjid must next be mentioned, as this build¬ 
 ing is certainly a masterpiece of the workmanship of 
 Islam. Passing over the various curiosities which the 
 Mussulman priest showed to me, I give instead the 
 following description of a building that is to the 
 Mahommedans of Delhi what St. Paul’s is to the 
 citizens of London. The Jumma Musjid, which is 
 situated in the centre of the city, was built more than 
 two hundred years ago by the Emperor Shahjehan. 
 
THE KOOTUB AND ANCIENT DELHI. 233 
 
 This immense Mahommedan mosque is built of a dark 
 red stone, with a mai’ble court containing a fountain 
 for purposes of ablution. It has three domes of white 
 marble, and two minarets of white and rose-tinted 
 marble, rising respectively to a height of 120 feet. 
 On the 12th I started in an open carriage, and drove 
 about ten miles to see the Kootub, a colossal column of 
 triumph, erected by the Mussulman conqueror Kutu- 
 boodeen, to commemorate his conquest of the Hindoo 
 capital.* It is a pillar of immense height, and one 
 must go to see it, otherwise he cannot boast of having 
 properly performed the sight-seeing business. Hear 
 the Kootub is a fine archway, built in the fourteenth 
 century. I also went over the ruins of ancient Delhi, 
 which is a few miles from the Kootub, and which was 
 the capital of a Hindoo kingdom long before its con¬ 
 quest by the Mussulmen. I saw several Hindoo 
 temples in ruins; one of which I took particular notice 
 of, because it was reputed to be two thousand years 
 old, and I noticed some graven images which it con¬ 
 tained were in a wonderful state of preservation, con¬ 
 sidering their great antiquity. To antiquarians there 
 is much in old Delhi that is well worth seeing. After 
 viewing all that was worth seeing in the ruins of this 
 ancient city, I went to the well to witness the wonderful 
 feats of the divers, who jump from an immense height 
 into the water to get bukhsheesh. It was a fearful- 
 looking performance. After all this sight-seeing I got 
 home about 6 p.m. Next day I visited some localities 
 of interest associated with the siege of Delhi; such as 
 the place where the gallant General Nicholson fell 
 mortally wounded, the tomb of that noble fellow, and 
 the monument erected to the memory of those officers 
 and men who fell during the memorable siege. After 
 seeing all this I drove back through the city. The streets 
 of Delhi are mostly narrow; the chief exception is that 
 of a handsome street full of fine shops, called the 
 * Delhi was occupied by Kutuboodeeii in 1206. 
 
234 INDIAN RKMINISCENCES. 
 
 “ Chandnee Choke,” which is about three-quarters of a 
 mile long and fifty j^ards wide, and is crowded all hours 
 of the day by well-dressed Mussuhnen and Hindoos. 
 Delhi has seven gates on the land side, viz., the Lahore, 
 Ajmere, Turcoman, Delhi, Moree, Cashmere, and Agra 
 gates. The population is computed at a hundred and 
 sixty thousand, half Hindoos and half Mussuhnen. 
 After seeing all the sights I went to see the Baptist 
 Mission here. My remarks on Missionary work will 
 he found further on, and therefore I shall pass on in 
 m.y narrative. I, like others, bought a lot of curiosities. 
 Here a word of caution is necessary, which is that 
 purchasers cannot be too cautious. For though I have 
 not bought much jewellery, yet on two occasions I was 
 regularly cheated. Once when I gave fifteen or sixteen 
 rupees for what I believed to he a gold locket, but 
 which, though resembling gold, was made of some base 
 metal, and was not worth sixpence. The other was 
 when I bought a gentleman’s gold ring, which turned 
 out to he made of sealing wax with a covering of gold. 
 On the 1 5th I arrived by train at Allahabad, and put 
 up at the Great Eastern Hotel, where I stayed a few 
 days. There is not anything of much interest to be 
 seen here. Of course I went and saw the stone Eort, 
 situated on the confluence of the two rivers Ganges 
 and Jumna, which is a place of great strength. On 
 the 19th I left Allahabad by train for Jubbulpore, 
 which I reached the same day, and put up at Kelner’s 
 Hotel, and on the morning of the 21st I left by the 
 train for Bombay, which 1 reached about seven on the 
 22nd February, when I put up at Watson’s Hotel. 
 Here I stayed a week. I liked Bombay very much. 
 It is certainly a very formidable rival to Calcutta, so 
 much so that I do not know which to award the palm 
 to. One would almost think, from its greater proximity 
 to London, its native population,* which somewhat 
 
 * The population of Bombay amounts to nearly six hundred thou¬ 
 sand. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF BOMBAY. 
 
 235 
 
 exceeds that of Calcutta, its great importance as the 
 general port of embarcation, and from its representing 
 the senior Presidency,* that it ought to take the place 
 of Calcutta as the metropolis of British India. The 
 chief drawback appears to be this, that Bengal is, and 
 according to precedent ever must be, the superior 
 Presidency, unless the three Presidencies became 
 amalgamated into one, with one Governor-General and 
 one Commander-in-Chief. There is one advantage 
 
 O 
 
 which Calcutta as a port of embarcation enjoj^s that 
 Bombay does not possess, or at least did not at the 
 time I am speaking of, which is, that I noticed all the 
 way from Jubbulpore to Bombay (which is more than 
 six hundred miles), there ajipeared to be no signs of an 
 hotel, which any one might be taken to in case of sick¬ 
 ness or over-fatigue; since I neither saw nor heard of 
 anything beyond a few station refreshment rooms; 
 whereas, were a traveller to be journeying towards 
 Calcutta the same distance, he would find three or 
 four hotels where he might break his journey. Bombay 
 does not require a lengthy description. Suffice it to 
 say, that it is a place where the Parsees represent a 
 very considerable part of the population. The island 
 on which the city is situated extends to about eight 
 miles, with an average breadth of some three miles or 
 thereabouts. The streets in Bombay are wide, and the 
 buildings are handsome. The most remarkable build- 
 ings besides the Fort, are Government House, Byculla 
 Club, and numerous churches, &c. Having first gone 
 to the pier, I hired a boat to see the steamer on which 
 I had taken my passage. Afterwards I went to the 
 public gardens, where the band was playing. The 
 scene was animating, great numbers of Parsees dressed 
 in a variety of colours, but all looking clean and nice. 
 I have often wondered at such a highly intelligent set 
 of people as the Parsees being fire-worshippers. The 
 chief object of interest at this time at Bombay was 
 * Being acquired in the reign of Charles II. 
 
236 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 the Exhibition, which of course I visited, and was 
 much pleased with wbat I saw; such as most gorgeously 
 worked cloth and velvet, and several large pieces of 
 brocaded carpets worked entirely in precious stones 
 and seed pearls, which were regarded as so valuable 
 that they were guarded by soldiers with fixed bayonets. 
 On the 1st of March I embarked on hoard one of the 
 Eubatino line of steamers, and arrived at Aden on the 
 9th. Here we stayed a week to repair some damage 
 that had happened to the machinery, in consequence of 
 the screw of the engine having gone down on entering 
 the harbour. The heat at Aden was truly frightful. 
 We left Aden with its oppressive heat (after seeing 
 everything that was worth looking at) on the evening 
 of the 17th, and arrived at Suez on the 24th, and leit 
 next day; but about an hour after starting, the steamer 
 grounded on a sandbank, rolled on one side, and so 
 completely stopped all traffic in the Suez Canal for 
 some time. This created considerable alarm ; several 
 of the passengers rushed out of their cabins to know 
 what had happened; everything rolled off the table, 
 and a grand smash took place. It was not till the 
 morning of the 28th that we were able to start again, 
 and we reached Port Said next day, and arrived at our 
 destination, Genoa, on the Gth April. I stayed three 
 days here sight-seeing, and then went to Turin, stay¬ 
 ing there part of a day, and then pushed on through 
 the Mont Cenis Tunnel to Paris, where I stayed four 
 days, and arrived in England on the 15th April, 1873, 
 and in April, 1875, I retired, after a service of thirty 
 years, on a Major’s pension, with the additional annuity 
 provided for by the retirement scheme, that had re¬ 
 cently come into operation. 
 
 In drawing ray narrative of Indian Eeminiscences 
 to a close, I feel I cannot do so without saying some¬ 
 thing about a matter of such great importance as the 
 work of evangelizing the people amongst whom so 
 great a part of my life has been spent, especially as I 
 
MISSIONARY WORK IN INDIA. 
 
 237 
 
 have taken so muc’i interest in the subject, and have 
 myself had much religious conversation with both 
 Mussulmen and Hindoos for many years. I have in¬ 
 variably taken an interest in the schools and other 
 efforts put forth to Christianize the people by the 
 missionaries, with whom I have ever maintained a 
 warm friendship. These workers in the Lord’s vine¬ 
 yard need no recommendation from my pen, since their 
 work is so well known now-a-days, that there is no 
 necessity for me to give any description thereof, which 
 at the best would be but an imperfect one. I may 
 remark, however, that I sympathize most with those 
 efforts that are made towards making the native churches 
 independent; increasing greatl}’’ the number of inde¬ 
 pendent native ministers ; educating the people in the 
 vernacular rather than an English education, as the 
 latter, which is given in the Grovernment schools, tends, 
 so it appears to me, to make them ungratefully self- 
 conceited ; educating as Christians the native women 
 by zenana visiting, and the formation of orphanages. 
 I shall commence by endeavouring to give a clear and 
 intelligible account of those influences which have 
 struck me after about twenty years’ religious conver¬ 
 sation with the Hindoos, to present the greatest 
 obstacles to the spread of the gospel in India. The 
 first evil influence on my catalogue is Hindoo pride, 
 and of all the difficulties which I am going to de¬ 
 scribe, that self-complacent pride so characteristic of 
 the Hindoo, which leads him to regard himself as of 
 pure birth and divine origin (and partaking of the 
 divine nature of a Brahmin), in conjunction with that 
 self-righteous pride, the trusting in something to do 
 to merit God’s favour, presents one of the greatest 
 barriers to the reception of the humbling doctrine of 
 the Cross brought to them by the foreigner whose very 
 touch he regards as pollution. To tell the Hindoo, 
 puffed up by the self-righteous belief taught him in his 
 Shastres that he is able to perform certain very virtuous 
 
238 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCKNCES. 
 
 and heaven-meriting works, such as venerating 
 and feeding Brahmins and cows, invocation of their 
 favourite deities, Ganges bathing, pilgrimages, idol 
 worship, &c.—to tell him that none of these are merito¬ 
 rious, but are on the contrary high treason in the sight 
 of God, whose will it is that man should entirely owe 
 his salvation to Christ’s atoning merits, is to arouse in 
 the Hindoo’s heart the most indignant and scornful 
 feeling; as in the case of my Pundit, for example, who 
 taught me Hindee for some years, whom I found to be 
 a most bitter enemy to the doctrine of the Atonement; 
 for when I told him of the blood of Christ Jesus 
 cleansing from all sin, he at once sunk the fawning 
 nature of the dependent, and quite forgot himself in 
 the intense hatred and rancour which he manifested to 
 a doctrine so repugnant to his Brahminical pride, 
 which he consequently hated with all the hatred of the 
 self-righteous fukeer (devotee), who said that rather 
 than owe his salvation to another, he would prefer to be 
 damned: there was no time-service with my Pundit on 
 this occasion, for he did not care to offend me, which 
 he rather did by somewhat worsting me in the argu¬ 
 ment by the indignant vehemence of his talk. Then 
 there are the Hindoo devotees, whom I saw a good deal 
 of when stationed with my regiment at Benares, who, 
 besides acquiring a high position as saints, expect to 
 obtain absorption into the Supreme Being as a reward 
 of their religious austerities ; such as the observance 
 of religious vows, like that of silence, abstinence of 
 rest taken in a recumbent position, and infliction of 
 bodily pain in certain prescribed modes, pilgrimages 
 performed by crawling all the way, &c. Now only 
 conceive with what scornful anger these wild-looking 
 Hindoo saints would regard the announcement of their 
 fancied righteousnesses being no better than filthy rags 
 in God’s sight, and that to be saved they must descend 
 from this pinnacle of their fancied merits, and take 
 their stand with the common herd of guilty, hell- 
 
HINDRANCRS TO SPREAD OF THE GOSPEL. 
 
 239 
 
 deserving sinners, and thankfully receive salvation as 
 God’s free, unmerited gift to sinners ! Could they find 
 words to express their rage, it would doubtless be in 
 the same strain as that of the self-righteous fukeer 
 already quoted. What a miracle of gi’ace it is for such 
 monsters of pride to be converted, and become humble 
 Christians ! When such trophies are won to redeeming 
 grace, let us see to it that we give God all the praise. 
 
 2nd. Another great hindrance arises from the Hin¬ 
 doo’s conscience being so blunted by the practice of the 
 grossest sensuality, and by the debasing and polluting 
 influences of his idolatrous creed, and being besides so 
 ill-informed that it requires to be reformed from its 
 chaotic state by being taught what sin really is, as the 
 words in the Hindee language for sin and holiness fail 
 to convey their proper meaning to the polluted mind of 
 the Hindoo. But dark and unenlightened as his con¬ 
 science undoubtedly is, yet after an experience of many 
 years’ religious conversation with the natives, I am 
 fully convinced that it is the most profitable plan to 
 make an earnest appeal in that quarter, looking to God 
 for blessing, and with a heart empty of self and full of 
 Christ. I do not say but that it may sometimes be 
 advisable to show up the absurd geographical errors of 
 their Purans or Shastres—such as the existence of seas 
 of milk and butter, and a mountain (Mount Sumeroo) 
 hundred of miles high; the description of the earth as 
 a plain surface, the Shastre account of sunrise and sun¬ 
 set being caused by a sort of game of “ bo-peep ” 
 between that luminary and a certain mountain ; and 
 to point out the veiy contradictory and irreconcilable 
 accounts of the Supreme Being recorded in their Shas¬ 
 tres, and that gods so vile and depraved as they are 
 described in those books can have no claim on our 
 respect or worship, and cannot be the god and judge of 
 the whole earth. Their belief in transmigration attbrds 
 matter for a good laugh, exercising, as it does, its influ¬ 
 ence in daily life. For instance, I have heard of an 
 
240 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 Indian king who, on the death of his queen, prohibited 
 the poor fishermen in his dominions from following 
 their occupation for a certain time, from the fear that 
 his deceased wife, wlio he believed had become a fish, 
 would be caught and eaten. Again, the uselessness of 
 all religious austerities, and in fact of all religious 
 duties beyond the invocation of one of their favourite 
 gods, may be urged ; for who would give a pound for 
 what he could get for a penny ? I have, therefore, 
 sometimes said, “ Why do anything beyond merely 
 calling out 'Earn! Earn!’ sitting at ease in your houses, 
 since that is all you need to do for your salvation 
 according to your Shastre ? ” But beating them soundly 
 with their own books causes warmth, and is often a 
 mere selfish, vainglorious proceeding; and reviling 
 their gods irritates them ; and though you may come 
 off with flying colours in the argument, yet it is the old 
 story : 
 
 “ He that’s convinced against his will 
 Is of the same opinion still.” 
 
 For instance, when I conceived I had quite overcome a 
 Hindoo, after much talk on the merits of Hindooism, 
 the same man has afterwards taken leave for the express 
 purpose of running back to his idol, the sin and folly 
 of worshipping which I had so clearly shown him. 
 
 3rd. Another hindrance is in reference to the deep 
 degradation of the female sex, the entire absence of 
 anything in them to work upon—nothing, for instance, 
 like the example of a pious father, the loving memory 
 of a pure-minded sister, or the remembrance of a 
 mother’s teaching and prayers, which in more favoured 
 lands have been productive of such blessed results. For 
 talk to a respectable and educated Hindoo about his 
 mother (the speaker being necessarily a lady, on account 
 of the strangely jealous temper of the Hindoo, who 
 cannot bear a man taking an interest in his female rela¬ 
 tions), and what reminiscences will that fond name 
 conjure up ? Well, certainly nothing of a purifying or 
 
HINDOO DOMESTIC RELATIONS. 
 
 241 
 
 ennobling nature for the missionary to ground an appeal 
 upon to the better feelings of his heart. There will be 
 the remembrance of feelings wounded by the foulest and 
 most telling abuse, through the vehicle of a mother’s 
 and sister’s name ; for it is a strange peculiarity of the 
 Hindoo to pour out the vials of his wrath through the 
 female relations of the object of his anger. Then there 
 will be the remembrance of his mother’s position in his 
 father’s household, viz., one of a group of his father’s 
 wives, a zenana prisoner, or, in other words, a domestic 
 slave, illiterate of course, and without much more intel¬ 
 lect than a cow, and hardly so much valued as that 
 animal, according to the following popular saying of 
 theirs, viz., “ If your house is on fire, save yourself 
 first, your cow next, and then your wife.” Again, 
 should his mother have been left a young widow, there 
 are most probably degrading reminiscences, owing to 
 the inveterate Hindoo prejudice against the remarriage 
 of widows, who, previous to the abolishment of suttee 
 by Lord William Bentinck in 1829, used to immolate 
 themselves on their husbands’ pyres. Such, no doubt, 
 are some of the things that present themselves to his 
 mental vision when he thinks of his mother; and no 
 thoughts of a more elevating nature will suggest them¬ 
 selves on thinking of a beautiful, bright-eyed sister; 
 for, to begin with, the Hindoosthanie word “ sala ” 
 (brother-in-law), denoting her husband’s relationship to 
 him, is, incomprehensible as it may seem, a very com¬ 
 mon term of bitter abuse, to understand which, one 
 must understand the very low estimate that is taken of 
 woman’s moral character in the East. Confinement 
 under lock and key, and not education or religion, being 
 the great Hindoo safeguard for the female honour of 
 between twenty and thirty millions of females, together 
 with the fear of summary vengeance for deviation from 
 the path of female rectitude. It will help to throw light 
 on the subject if we consider what are the Hindoo ideas 
 on womanly loveliness ; they all relate to the body, and 
 
242 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 not to the mind, for to be accomplished (except in a few- 
 isolated cases) would be scouted in one of the softer 
 sex, who best fills her proper place as the mere conveni¬ 
 ence and drudge of her husband and master. The 
 lovely female is invariably described as follows, viz., 
 one with hair like the clouds, deer’s eyes, parrot’s nose, 
 dove’s throat, teeth like a necklace of pearls, tiger’s 
 waist, a peek-bird’s voice, and the gait of an elephant, 
 with whom every one falls in love at sight. It is much 
 to be wished that a deputation of strong-minded women 
 from the “ women’s rights ” party could be induced to 
 proceed to India for the purpose of teaching the hus¬ 
 bands more correct views of what positions their wives 
 ought to fill. And should their representation of the 
 humane side of the question prove ineffectual, a forcible 
 appeal might still be made to their self-interest, for 
 they can never expect to ascend much in the social scale 
 so long as they hold their wives and daughters in such 
 deplorable bondage and ignorance, whose degradation is 
 their own, and that of their children. 
 
 Again, in addition to the vacuum of working 
 material in a social point of view, they are besides such 
 sophists and such adepts at evading an argument that 
 there is no grasping hold of them, for they elude your 
 grasp just when you think they must yield, by suddenly 
 attacking you with some sophism about the irresponsi¬ 
 bility of the Almighty, covered by objections regarding 
 the origin of sin and Satan, &c. Such cavillings I have 
 had to answer when insisting on the holiness of Grod, 
 and that consequently the gods of the Shastres, who 
 are depicted as monsters of impurity, cannot be God. 
 
 Another way they have of extricating themselves 
 from a dilemma is this: such as when they have told 
 me that this is the Kuljoog (the iron age), and that we 
 are all wandering about, under the power of “ Maya,” 
 a most subtle delusive influence, and know literally 
 nothing; and when, to expose this fallacy, I have 
 asked, “ Surely there can be no doubt that you are this 
 
DIFFICULTY OF CONVERTING HINDOOS. 243 
 
 moment talking with me, and that that [tapping my 
 table] is a table ? ” the reply has been, “ I think so, but 
 don’t know, being under the power of Maya.” Thus 
 they endeavour at the same time to evade your argu¬ 
 ment and to disown all responsibility, which is, besides, 
 almost obliterated by their fatalistic notions expressed 
 by their proverb, “ What Brahma has written in my 
 forehead can never be obliterated,” and the usual stoical 
 remark of “ What was to be, that has happened,” on 
 the occurrence of any dire calamity. I have found it 
 very difficult to make any deep and abiding impression 
 on the Hindoo mind; for during the twenty years I 
 have had religious talk with them I have not had tlie 
 pleasure of being the honoured instrument of effecting 
 a single conversion. I have seen some, to all appear¬ 
 ance, deeply impressed by the truth as I have set it 
 before them, but nothing more. I had great hopes of 
 the conversion of my Hindoo bearer, who went through 
 a regular course of instruction with me in Bible truths, 
 in which he succeeded in acquiring much head-know¬ 
 ledge ; but there, I am afraid, the matter ended, at least 
 as far as I know. 
 
 4tb. Caste, every one knows, is a great hindrance, as 
 the loss of it is regarded by Hindoos as the greatest 
 earthly calamity and disgrace. It has four primary 
 divisions—Priest, Soldier, Writer, and tlie Soodra, or 
 low caste; besides which there are a variety of sub¬ 
 divisions. But there is no such thing as promotion, 
 every Hindoo always remaining, and his descendants 
 after him, in the caste into which he is born. The 
 Hindoo, I need hardly say, has to submit to the loss of 
 this much-prized distinction when he makes a public 
 profession of the Christian Faith in baptism, and he 
 must be prepared to lose his wife and children, who 
 often abandon him, and refuse to hold any social inter¬ 
 course with him. And for such a sacrifice, wdiich may 
 also be attended with the loss of his vocation, he wdll 
 meet wdth little or no sympathy from the mass of mere 
 
244 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 professing Cliristians, and often the reverse, as I have 
 had frequently to defend their character against the 
 scorn heaped upon them as a body. Eenouncing caste 
 is the strongest proof of sincerity. I was informed by 
 a niissionary in 1873 that in the large native city of 
 Delhi, where he was stationed, he believed there were 
 a thousand secret Christians, who had given up Hin- 
 dooism for Christianity without making an open pro¬ 
 fession. 
 
 Gth. The Mussulmen, who, I should think, form 
 nearly a fourth of the population, have their objections, 
 which are different in their nature from those of their 
 Hindoo countrymen. Their principal objection is 
 against the divinity of Christ, whom they speak respect¬ 
 fully of as a good man, but inferior to Mahomet. I 
 say this subject to correction, as I have been told that 
 Christ is spoken of as the “Word of Giod ” in the 
 Koran, which is a hook I have not read. They hate us 
 politically for having wrested from them the country 
 which they obtained by conquest from the Hindoo, and 
 they are imbued with a feeling of strong hatred of our 
 religion. On the other hand, it must be admitted that 
 there are some exceptions, for I have sometimes met 
 with quiet attention from them. For instance, my 
 landlord at Bareilly, Sadut Ally, listened with the 
 most profound attention when 1 freely and earnestly 
 set before him the blessed doctrine of Bedemption 
 without uttering a single objection, which is the more 
 remarkable, because a Mussulman cannot bear to hear 
 the name of Jesus mentioned as the Son of Grod. He 
 confessed to me that he felt his heart inclining to the 
 doctrine propounded by me, and wished that I might 
 always he near to instruct him. I made him a present 
 of a Bible in his own language, and can only hope that 
 it, with my conversation, may have been blessed to him. 
 
 I always insist on Christ being Grod, and as the 
 Mahometans acknowledge the Old and New Testaments 
 to be a Divine Revelation, I generally quote the inspired 
 
HIRING A CONGREGATION. 
 
 245 
 
 words of the apostle in refutation of the claims of 
 Mahomed—“ But though we or an angel from heaven 
 preach any other doctrine to you than that which we 
 have preached to you, let him be accursed.” If the 
 Mussulman happens to be a man of education, a warm 
 contest then ensues, he declaring that the Old and New 
 Testaments in my possession are not the genuine Old 
 and New Testaments, which, he says, were destroyed 
 ages ago by order of a wicked king. I then warmly 
 contend that this could not he, on account of the early 
 multiplication of copies of the Scriptures all over the 
 known world. However, after all, I think the best plan 
 in dealing either with the Hindoo or Mussulman is to 
 make an earnest appeal to his conscience. I often used 
 to hire a congregation of the poor, the maimed, the 
 halt, and the blind, who, attracted by a small sum of 
 money which each would receive before leaving, would 
 gladly come into my compound to listen to a discourse 
 which I would preach to them from a text in my Hin- 
 doosthanie or Hindee Bible, and sometimes a leper 
 would appear standing afar off. By this means I was 
 able to make known to a good many poor people the 
 good tidings of salvation through faith in a crucified 
 Saviour. I hope that some text of Scripture may have 
 sunk deep into the hearts of some of these degraded 
 creatures, and that these efforts may not have been as 
 water spilt on the ground. The theme of my sermon 
 was almost always the atonement of Christ, which I 
 explained to them as simply and plainly as I could, and 
 eternity will show with what results. The very day I 
 left Jullunder for Bombay, on the occasion of my final 
 departure from India, I gave as earnest an address as I 
 could command to my assembled servants. Probably it 
 was my own fault that I did not see some conversions 
 amongst them ; at all events, God’s word, wherever it is 
 faithfully explained, is and must he productive of some 
 result; it must be either a savour of life unto life or a 
 savour of death unto death. 
 
246 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 And now, in conclusion, let me say that I think we 
 ought to give our warmest sympathies to the Lord’s 
 servants working in a tropical climate like India, with 
 such mighty obstacles and sometimes great discourage¬ 
 ments to contend with; for they much need our prayers 
 that their zeal fail not; for long years of daily contact 
 with idolatry has a deadening influence as the flrst fresh 
 impressions of abhorrence by degrees lose their strength. 
 Hence, as it appears to me, there is danger of deterio¬ 
 rating in Christian character ; for we can hardly help 
 suffering spiritual injury from becoming so familiarized 
 with any sin that has ceased to be as hateful as it once 
 was, for the less sin is hated the more must one’s spiri¬ 
 tuality suffer. 
 
 We should therefore uphold these workers in the 
 Lord’s vineyard with our prayers, that they may 
 increase rather than go back in zeal for the truth, and 
 be strong in faith, and possess a yearning compassion 
 for the perishing heathen, leading them to delight more 
 in testifying for Christ than in testifying against the 
 false gods of the heathen. 
 
 I shall conclude with making the following remarks 
 in regard to Native Servants :—As a general rule a good 
 master will generally get a good set of servants, whom 
 on the whole he will find honest—surprisingly so, con¬ 
 sidering the disadvantage of their creed. There are, no 
 doubt, masters who shamefully ill-treat their servants ; 
 and, on the other hand, there are others who treat them 
 well. But even a kind and considerate master will 
 sometimes, under great provocation, be driven to exercise 
 a little discipline, such as a slap for some grave fault, 
 when, in all probability, the bearer, or whoever the 
 offender may be, will virtually acknowledge his offence 
 by deprecatingly saying to his master, “ Ap ma bap 
 hain ” (you are my father and mother). I do not 
 defend the boxing of a native’s ears—I merely state 
 the facts of the case. Great supervision is required on 
 
THOUGHTS ABOUT INDIAN SERVANTS. 247 
 
 the part of parents to counteract the evil influence 
 brought to bear on little English children by the Ayahs, 
 who have charge of them most part of the day, and 
 who take every opportunity to initiate them into the 
 way of lying. The greatest care is necessary to guard 
 English girls of tender age against the seductive influ¬ 
 ences of tlie men-servants, who in every way may be 
 seen to take every opportunity of ingratiating them¬ 
 selves with the “ Missy babas.” The patience of the 
 Ayahs is something wonderful. You can see them for 
 hours together sitting with the little ones, amusing 
 them, and never seeming to get tired; and you may 
 see an Ayah perhaps for hours sitting with a baby in 
 her lap, trying to lull it to sleep. Many years ago I 
 had an Ayah of the name of Puddoo, a very simple 
 body, who I fancy scarcely knew more than one nursery 
 song. At all events, I heard it'so often—scores if not 
 hundreds of times—that I can’t get the stupid thing 
 out of my head. The inane lullaby was as follows :— 
 “ Kul ka muchlee Kiya Kiya Soono to baba Soono to; ” 
 the interpretation of which is, “ What have you done 
 with yesterday’s fish ? Listen, child, listen ! ” This 
 she would repeat over and over again by the hour 
 together ad nauseam. She used to shrink back at the 
 sight of me, either in real or affected modesty; but 
 when she had been drinking—which sometimes hap¬ 
 pened—then she became bolder in her demeanour. I 
 need say nothing about their lying propensities, this 
 being so well known. But sometimes one could not 
 help laughing to observe into what ludici'ous dilemmas 
 it landed them. For sometimes, in telling his master 
 something that was not true, a servant would forget 
 some previous lie he had told, which at once stamped 
 the falsehood of what he was now saying. But they 
 are so accustomed to utter untruths that a conviction 
 from their own mouths would not greatly abash them. 
 If he were a Hindoo, he might pull his ear as a tacit 
 acknowledgment of his fault. The natives are very 
 
248 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 polite in tlieir language, though very often they contra¬ 
 dict you, wliich is sometimes very provoking. They 
 are glib in such phrases as “ Ap kee Mihrbanee se,” or 
 “ Ikbal se,” &c., and such genteel modes of expression 
 as “ Sahib avam furmate bain ” (the Sahib is ordering 
 rest for himself); instead of saying simply, “Sahib sota 
 hai ” (the Sahib is asleep), which is a vulgarism. Also, 
 when a “bura Sahib” dies, it is unpardonably impolite 
 to state the plain fact. The polished form of express¬ 
 ing the melancholy fact is by the words “ Eehlut fur- 
 maye hain ” (he has ordered the march of departure to 
 the other world). 
 
 My narrative is now ended. I must now bid adieu 
 to the land of beautiful birds, wild beasts, snakes, and 
 amphibious creatures—a land swarming with animal 
 life, from the enormous elephant to the skunk-rat that 
 runs about near your bed at night with its hideous 
 squeak and nasty smell; the domestic lizard, that drops 
 from your walls to the floor with a gentle thud; the 
 paroquets and crows that come into your verandah, 
 down to the unwelcome, buzzing mosquito, ever on the 
 look-out for his sleepy prey; and yet, after all, to the 
 land where I have spent many happy days! 
 
249 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Narrative contimied of E. S. the Atheist—Our Final Meeting in Cal¬ 
 cutta—E. S. takes his Discharge—His Bright Prospects Kuined hy 
 his own Folly—He Ee-Enlists—His Wretched Death—Kemarks— 
 Concluding Argumentative Eemarks. 
 
 It is time now to continue the narrative of the Atheist, 
 E. S., who, having served as a private throughout the 
 Crimean War, returned to India in 1857, and took part 
 in the suppression of the Sepoy Revolt. I did not at 
 this time meet with him, for he served with his regi¬ 
 ment in Oude, wliilst I served with mine, as already 
 particularized, in the North-West Provinces from ’57 to 
 ’59. One would have thought tliat this opportunity of 
 seeing so much service would have proved the means of 
 his regaining a commission. But it was not the case, 
 and I have been informed on good authority that he 
 bore the character of a “discontented and ill-conditioned 
 soldier.” 
 
 Shortly after the complete suppression of the Mutiny 
 I was appointed Garrison Interpreter, Fort William, 
 Calcutta, and here at last, at the end of 1864, I met 
 my old Barrackpore neighbour. It was on the occasion 
 of his going home, previous to taking his discharge. 
 Although he had behaved so ill to me, when he was an 
 officer, yet I could not see him in such sadly altered 
 circumstances without trying to do sometliing for him. 
 Military etiquette prohibited my showing him Indian 
 hospitality, as I should of course have endangered my 
 own commission had I asked him to sit down and dine 
 with me. However, I helped him with money, which he 
 told me he was in need of, and I did my best to convince 
 
 0 
 
250 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 liim of the unreasonableness of Atheism, and got him 
 to read the best book on the subject I could procure in 
 Calcutta. All my efforts were, however, of no avail, 
 as this poor fellow (whose whole career was one of folly) 
 entirely refused to believe in the existence of an All¬ 
 wise God ; and one of the last things he said to me on 
 the subject was to deny the existence of any Supreme 
 Being, and to account for things as they are by some 
 absurd speculative theory of his own. Yet one would 
 think that any one with a grain of common sense must 
 perceive that such a beautifully constructed world as 
 ours, displaying such wonderful wisdom, order, and 
 grandeur, must be the work of some great designer; 
 since to think otherwise one may as well believe that a 
 watch is not the work of a watchmaker, or that some 
 cleverly constructed mechanical contrivance made itself. 
 And to see the incomparably superior workmanship of 
 the Almighty Creator of the Universe, let any one with 
 a good microscope compare the work of God as seen in 
 the dust of a butterfly’s wing with the finest workman¬ 
 ship that can be produced by man, and notice the 
 difference ! ! ! This meeting at Calcutta was a final 
 one; I never saw the unhappy Atheist again. S. went 
 to England, and was discharged in May, 1865, whilst I 
 went home on furlough the same year. I heard nothing 
 further about him till 1869, when, being again sta¬ 
 tioned at Gwalior, I met with an officer of the regiment 
 he originally belonged to, from whom I learnt the fol¬ 
 lowing surprising particulars, which I will now relate. 
 It seems that after taking his discharge a bright future 
 opened to him. Some friends interested in his welfare 
 agreed to give him a large sum of money on condition 
 that he would go and settle in the colonies. Now this 
 really was a splendid opening, affording a fine oppor¬ 
 tunity for retrieving his past follies, and one would 
 think it was the very thing for a man who had roughed 
 it as a private through the Crimean and Mutiny cam¬ 
 paigns, and must, consequently, be inured to hardship. 
 
BLIGHTING EFFECTS OF UNBELIEF. 
 
 251 
 
 being besides in the prime of life, and possession of 
 great pbj^sical strength. Well, what did E. S. do? 
 He accepted the money on these stringent conditions, 
 booked his passage to the colonies, and actually went 
 on board when the ship was near sailing, as if he really 
 meant to go in her. But it was all pretence, for when 
 the ship was on the point of departure, he slipped down 
 the side into a boat and went asliore. But he had been 
 watched, and he was pounced upon at once, and made 
 to refund the money he had taken on false pretences. 
 Now, how can such consummate folly be accounted for ? 
 Poor fellow, this was the last opportunity afforded him 
 of retrieving his lost position, as far as I am acquainted 
 witli his history. Indeed, after this it is not probable 
 that any friends would persist in trying to help one 
 who would not be helped; and thus it happened that 
 he re-engaged as a soldier in May, 18G5. Assuredly 
 he was under the influence of a withering blight, the 
 result of Atheism. And can we doubt but that the 
 curse of God, even in this world, does rest upon those 
 who totally deny the existence of any Supreme Being 
 whatever ! In corroboration of this view, I give the 
 following extract to show how Infidelity, though not 
 quite so bad as Atheism, brings with it blighted worldly 
 prospects :—“ I have,” says the writer, “ recently visited 
 the prison at Sing Sing. As I went from cell to cell I 
 
 met an old man.He said that when young 
 
 he was one of a company of youths who formed an 
 Infidel club, and who met once a week for talking 
 Infidelity, gambling, and drinking, and I was shocked 
 as he told me of the end to which his companions 
 came. ‘ One,’ said he, ‘ died by his own hand, another by 
 violence, some in State prisons, some in delirium tre¬ 
 mens, and, as far as I know, I am the only one of them 
 surviving; and here I am in the garb, and daily at tlie 
 work, of a felon.’ 
 
 I have not much left to say, having merely to add 
 * Dr. I’rinie’s “ Power of Pi-ayer,” p. 291. 
 
INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 .4' (J <6 
 
 that the subject of this sketch appears to have died a 
 violent death. For shortly after my arrival at Jul- 
 lunder, in 1870, I read of the death of E. S., at Ply¬ 
 mouth, in an English paper. It appeared from this 
 account that he was found lying in a solitary road in a 
 dying state, unable to speak; that there was every 
 appearance of a severe struggle for life with some one, 
 who had made good his escape; and that this wretched 
 man expired soon after in the hospital, without being 
 able to state how he came by his death. Poor fellow, 
 with his natural advantages, how different his career 
 might have been! Here, truly, was a melancholy end¬ 
 ing to an unhappy life! But there is a life beyond the 
 grave. But here, compassion to him we knew as a 
 young officer, full of life and strength, bids us drop the 
 curtain on this mournful scene. Let us hope that, like 
 the thief on the cross, he may have repented at the last. 
 More than this charity will not admit of our saying, in 
 consideration of some whom we hope may derive some 
 benefit from the solemn warning conveyed by the life 
 of an Atheist. I have never been able to learn any¬ 
 thing concerning his last days; but I have heard this, 
 that he never evinced any disposition to retrieve his 
 youthful follies, which certainly does not encourage the 
 hope that he repented of his evil ways. 
 
 In conclusion. One can hardly, we should think, read 
 the history of the life of E. S. without being convinced that 
 the surest way to blight one’s prospect for both worlds 
 is to become an Atheist. Beware of any attempt made 
 to undermine your belief in the truth of the Bible; do 
 not listen to people making jocose remarks on its con¬ 
 tents. Esteem the Bible as a treasure, and walk by its 
 precepts, in order to secure happiness lasting as eternity. 
 Eemember how short time is at the longest, and how 
 long eternity is ! How soon you may be summoned 
 from time to eternity, perhaps so suddenly as not to 
 leave you the opportunity of crying to God for mercy. 
 Make up your mind at once, for delay is dangerous; 
 
POWER OF THE CROSS. 
 
 253 
 
 defer it not; to-morrow may be too late, so now, while 
 it is called to-day, flee to the loving arms of Christ, who 
 stands ready to receive the sinner coming to Him. 
 
 “ The cross ! it takes our guilt away, 
 
 It holds the fainting spirit up ; 
 
 It cheers with hope the gloomy day, 
 
 And sweetens every bitter cup. 
 
 “ It makes the coward sphit brave, 
 
 And nerves the feeble arm for fight; 
 
 It takes the terror from the grave. 
 
 And gilds the bed of death with light.” 
 
 Come now, what shall he your answer? Is it for the 
 pleasures of sin, which are but for a season? Well, 
 but remember, that after death there is a judgment to 
 come, and hell is truth seen too late ! Does not your 
 heart creep at the very thought ? Think again, will 
 you deliberately barter your hopes of eternal happiness 
 for a few sinful delights, which last but for a season ? 
 As you have seen in the case of a companion cut off in 
 the hey-day of youth, and in the enjoyment of those 
 pleasures your heart is set upon ? Or will you embrace 
 the fanciful notions of poor E. S., and deny the exist¬ 
 ence of a Supreme Being? If so, you may expect 
 a blight to rest upon you; so that you will not prosper 
 even in this world. And think of the expected heaven 
 of the infidel; (viz.,) annihilation ; can you think of it 
 and hear the idea of such a thing? How much better 
 to decide for Christ; you will not desire annihilation 
 then, you will not fear the dreadful judgment-day then ; 
 for there is no condemnation to them who are in Jesus. 
 No, if you will but make a surrender of your heart to 
 Christ, you will expect, and receive in due time, that 
 incorruptible inheritance spoken of in the 1st chapter 
 of the 1st Epistle of Peter, which is reserved in heaven 
 for you, and will he upheld by the mighty power of 
 God through faith unto salvation. Should this fall 
 into a soldier’s hands, I have a word of advice suited to 
 his position. 
 
254 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 With such a prize before you, dare to he singular 
 in differing from your drunken, blaspheming, dis¬ 
 solute companions, and look up to God your Father 
 for help and strength in every difficulty, and He will 
 bless you, and He will most likel}?^ bless you to others, 
 if your life corresjionds with your profession. Go on, 
 therefore, in the strength of the Lord, who cares 
 for His people and will cause all things to work together 
 for their good. You must not expect things always 
 to go smoothly with you; or he disappointed if 
 some turn out differently to what you hoped and 
 expected; nor must you he dismayed by the difficul¬ 
 ties of the way; though doubtless you do find it a 
 hard struggle in the barrack-room, exposed as you are 
 to so much temptation; for remember that the Chris¬ 
 tian life is a warfare, which we must all wage in order 
 to obtain the crown. But though you have to fight, 
 you need not fear, when you know that you are on the 
 winning side. Look forward then to that happy coming 
 time, when you will receive the crown of victory, and 
 in the meantime keep out of the way of temptation; 
 for your safety consists in putting your trust in the 
 Lord, which you would show you were not doing were 
 you unnecessarily to put yourself in the way of tempta¬ 
 tion. Seek God’s help and guidance, however severe 
 may be the fight within and without, and you will 
 come out of the ordeal a conqueror through your 
 sympathizing Saviour, who will not allow any enemy 
 to pluck you out of His hand. Lastly, do not be dis¬ 
 couraged if you have seen some, who, after making 
 great professions, have turned back to their former 
 wicked ways; for, remember, that their backsliding in 
 no way alters the truth of God’s promises, so precious 
 to the believer. Think how foolish it would be to set 
 no value on the current coin of the realm, because you 
 have been deceived by the reception of a few counterfeit 
 shillings! We must not be kept from pursuing the 
 plain path of Christian duty because we fear we may 
 
COMPLETENESS OP SALVATION. 
 
 255 
 
 fall. I repeat it, therefore, go on in the strength of the 
 Lord; walk humbly with your God, and then when 
 your earthly pilgrimage is over your eternal holiday 
 will commence. Think of that bright future as much 
 as you possibly can, and take for your motto in life the 
 inspired words contained in Proverbs iii. 5, 6 : “ Trust 
 in the Lord with all thine heart; and lean not unto 
 thine own understanding. In all thy ways acknow¬ 
 ledge him, and he shall direct thy paths. I humbly 
 hope that what I have said may induce some who have 
 hitherto neglected their Bibles, to obey Christ’s com¬ 
 mand to search the Scriptures, which proclaims pardon 
 and peace through the blood of the Lamb, which 
 cleanseth from all sin. 
 
 “ There is life for a look at the Crucified One, 
 
 There is life at this moment for thee; 
 
 Then look, sinner, look unto Him and be saved, 
 
 Unto Him who was nailed to the tree. 
 
 Look ! look ! look and live! 
 
 There is life for a look at the Crucified One, 
 
 There is life at this moment for thee. 
 
 “ Oh, why was He there as the Bearer of sin, 
 
 If on Jesus thy guilt was not laid ? 
 
 Oh, why from His side flowed the sin-cleansing blood. 
 
 If His dying thy debt has not paid ? 
 
 “ It is not thy tears of repentance or prayers. 
 
 But the blood that atones for the soul; 
 
 On Him then who shed it, thou mayest at once 
 Thy weight of iniquities roll. 
 
 “ Then doubt not thy welcome, since God has declai'ed. 
 
 There remaineth no more to be done; 
 
 That once in the end of the world He appeared. 
 
 And completed the work He begun. 
 
 “ Then take with rejoicing from Jesus at once. 
 
 The life everlasting He gives; 
 
 And know with assurance thou never canst die. 
 
 Since Jesus, thy righteousness, lives.” 
 
 I shall conclude my book with the following re¬ 
 marks ;— 
 
 1st. Contrast the alleged discrepancies of Scripture 
 with the abundant discordant statements and inaccura- 
 
256 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 cies to be found in tlie works of the most celebrated 
 writers wbicli our enliglitened country lias produced, 
 and the contradictory utterances on important ques¬ 
 tions made by the most renowned of our statesmen 
 at different periods of their political careers. 
 
 2nd. Reflect, that a spiritual eye is required to under¬ 
 stand the paradoxes of Scripture, which, though they 
 appear to involve contradiction, are all really true in 
 the sense in which they are meant, such as the follow¬ 
 ing; 1 Cor. iii. 18 ; 2 Cor. vi. 10 ; and 2 Cor. xii. 10. 
 
 3rd. It must be borne in mind that there are some 
 difficulties arising from taking certain passages literally 
 which were never meant to be taken in that sense; bnt 
 figuratively, conveying a spiritual meaning, such as 
 those in John vi. 52 to 60; or which by comparison, 
 the highest duty of loving God above ought else is 
 taught, as in Luke xiv. 26; and it is obvious that 
 those verses speaking about God’s repenting are not to 
 be taken in a literal sense; since the Almighty is 
 immutable. He never changes, James i. 17. The same 
 remark applies to those passages where God conde¬ 
 scends to use language suitable to our finite compre¬ 
 hensions, such as those contained in Isaiah lix. 1 ; 
 Jeremiah xxi. 5 ; Luke i. 51; and 1 Peter iii. 12. 
 
 4th. There are some apparent contradictory state¬ 
 ments in regard to doctrine; but on careful examina¬ 
 tion it will be seen, that they all contain accurate views 
 of the same truth from different stand-points. 
 
 5th. Ho not for an instant admit the command for the 
 utter destruction of the Amalekites to be at variance 
 with the divine attribute of mercy; for remember it is 
 the prerogative of the Almighty to take away the life 
 he bestows in an}" way he pleases, and being unre¬ 
 stricted as to means, he may with equal propriety 
 employ the swords of the Israelites to execute his 
 rigliteous wrath upon the wicked Amalekites, as to call 
 for fire and brimstone from heaven to destroy the people 
 of Sodom and Gomorrah, or to put an end to human 
 
THE JUSTICE OP GOD. 
 
 257 
 
 existence in any way he pleases. Moreover, it was 
 necessary for the spiritual welfare of God’s own people 
 that the Israelites should show no mercy to the heathen, 
 since the return made by them was, that by enticing 
 them to serve their gods, they became thorns in the 
 sides of the Jewish nation. 
 
 6th. Do not be disconcerted by certain appeals to false 
 sentiment, contained in such insidious queries as : What 
 will become of the heathen world ? and do you believe 
 in the eternal punishment of the wicked? It is suf¬ 
 ficient to know this, that the weight of Scripture, even 
 the emphatic and reiterated words of our Saviour, sup¬ 
 port the doctrine of the everlasting punishment of the 
 finally impenitent, and that the Judge of the whole 
 Avorld will certainly deal rightly and justly by his 
 creatures. Moreover, I would submit this thouglit for 
 serious consideration, that, as sinners ourselves, we are 
 not in a position to gauge the magnitude of sin, and 
 the infinite guilt of transgression against God’s holy 
 law, and that the Almighty alone is competent to 
 decide this all-important qxrestion. Once more with 
 regard to those heathen who have never heard of Christ; 
 it may he observed, in the first place, that the inspired 
 apostle Paul tells us :— 
 
 “ For when the Gentiles which have not the law, do 
 by nature the things contained in the law, these, having 
 not the law, are a law unto themselves : which show the 
 work of the law written in their liearts, their conscience 
 also bearing witness, and their thoughts the meanwhile 
 accusing or else excusing one another, ” Rom. ii. 14, 15. 
 
 It is my belief, that the conscience of the heathen 
 does not acquit them of sin. For having lived long 
 and conversed much with them, I fearlessly assert, that 
 without punishing them for the rejection of a gospel 
 they have never heard, there is so much guilt con¬ 
 tracted in their daily lives, according to the standard of 
 their own consciences, as to demand heavy punishment; 
 for instance, a Hindoo has ingenuousl}’’ confessed to me 
 
 s 
 
258 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 the most gross impurities which are practised in the 
 families of his idolatrous countrymen. Then let any 
 one acquainted with the subject think of the atrocities 
 committed by the heathen during the Indian Mutiny !! 
 Moreover, what is the entire sacrificial system of 
 heathenism, but a confession that it feels guilty before 
 the bar of conscience ? 
 
 7th. Do not choke yourself with mysteries that are 
 well in their place, but don’t concern you. Leave it to 
 angry disputants to discuss the doctrines of election 
 and freewill; and waste not your time in arguing with 
 those who desire to mystify you with captious questions 
 about such things as the existence of sin and Satan in 
 God’s universe. Be content to leave all such matters 
 till the light of eternity clears up all mysteries (which 
 are now, as it were, secrets of state), and then everything 
 will be fully cleared up with universal satisfaction, and 
 cavillers will be speechless. For the present we may 
 safely leave these things with One who is too wise to 
 err, and too good to be unkind. 
 
 Caution is necessary to be observed against taking for 
 granted the correctness of infidel quotations of Scrip¬ 
 ture, or of anything they may state in depreciation of 
 the Bible upon the presumption of their superior learn¬ 
 ing ; and I remember several years ago, when spending 
 the hot season at Mussoorie, having a religious conver¬ 
 sation with a sceptical gentleman, who boldly asserted 
 that a considerable portion of the New Testament was 
 spurious, and gave the name of a well-known writer as 
 his authority. I consequently procured the book re¬ 
 ferred to, which I read only to find that his assertion 
 was as mendacious as it was audacious. 
 
 Moreover, it is necessary to be on one’s guard against 
 disjointed quotations from the Bible; since mischievous 
 notions might be founded on some fragmentary portions 
 severed from the concluding portion which supplies the 
 key to the meaning ; for instance, if an idle, ignorant 
 man read no further than the words, “ Labour not for 
 
THE MIRACLES OF THE BIBLE, 
 
 259 
 
 the meat that perisheth ” (John vi. 27), he might, if so 
 inclined, construe the passage to mean that he need not 
 work for his daily bread ; and a man of choleric dispo¬ 
 sition, reading just these words, “ Surely the wrath of 
 man shall praise thee ” (Psalm Ixxvi. 10), might possibly 
 say that he saw no harm in giving way to anger. 
 
 8th. There are several objections to the credibility 
 of miracles, overlooking the fact that the miracles of 
 the New Testament are attested to by witnesses of 
 unimpeachable integrity ; whilst the objectors readily 
 accept as truth statements regarding earthly matters 
 on much less evidence; whilst the integrity and sin¬ 
 cerity of the evangelists are shown by the surprising 
 ingenuousness with which they recorded events so much 
 to their discredit: and not only were they themselves 
 ready to give up their lives for the truth of the gospel, 
 but hundreds of thousands, at different times, have 
 endured torture and death, rather than deny those 
 truths. Some miracles are especially selected as objects 
 of ridicule or objection j such, for instance, as Joshua’s 
 miracle of the prolongation of day, recorded in Joshua 
 X. 12, 13; which I feel no difficulty in accepting in a 
 literal sense. Nor do I find any difficulty in believing 
 with regard to the 8th verse of the xxxviiith chapter 
 of Isaiah, that the shadow of the degrees of the sun¬ 
 dial of Ahaz was supernaturally brought back ten 
 degrees, and that the sun, as it were, returned ten 
 degrees, by the earth being stopped in its revolution, 
 and made to revolve backwards ten degrees. I care 
 not one atom what scientific men may say of the phy¬ 
 sical derangement this would cause if this globe were 
 made to revolve backwards; for the Bible tells me that 
 the Almighty “ turneth wise men backward, and maketh 
 their knowledge foolish,” Isaiah xliv. 25. It is only 
 cursed unbelief that makes a difficulty. The laws of 
 nature, as they are called, are under the absolute control 
 and disposal of the Great Creator, just as clay is in the 
 hands of the potter. 
 
2G0 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 I once heard an infidel officer, at the mess-table, 
 attempt to demolish all reverence for the Bible, by 
 turning into ridicule, what he looked upon as the absurd 
 story of Jonah’s being swallowed by a whale, as con¬ 
 taining a physical impossibility, on account of the 
 smallness of the whale’s throat. There is really no 
 force in the scoffings of that infidel, whose military 
 career, I may remark en passant, terminated in 
 infamy. The Scripture says, Jonah i. 17, that the 
 Lord prepared a great fish to swallow Jonah, and that 
 fish our Saviour called a whale, Matthew xii. 40. The 
 Almighty, as I conceive, therefore, either miraculously 
 removed the natural disqualification existing in that 
 particular whale, or else created a whale for the very 
 purpose, in whose stomach the prophet remained three 
 days. 
 
 9th. It will be well to allude to a Biblical reference 
 difficulty. At Benares, I was once puzzled for the time 
 by an unbeliever referring me to the 9th verse of the 
 27th chapter of Matthew, and requesting me to verify 
 the reference therein contained, which I could not do. 
 But there is a satisfactory solution of this difficulty, 
 which I gathered from Eyle:— 
 
 1. That the prophecy quoted by Matthew was really 
 delivered by Jeremiah, though not written, and only 
 handed down and recorded by Zechariah : or, 
 
 2. That the name of Jeremiah, as some think, was 
 applied by the Jews to the books of the prophets, 
 including, of course, Zechariah, in the 11th chapter of 
 which the reference is to be found; or, 
 
 3. That as some say that Matthew originally wrote 
 the words “ The prophet,” without quoting the name of 
 any one in particular, and that the word “Jeremy” was 
 inserted by an ignorant copyist. In favour of this view 
 the Syriac version, one of the oldest extant, simply says 
 “ The prophet,” and omits Jeremy’s name. The Per¬ 
 sian version also omits it. 
 
 10th. With regard to the various fulfilled prophe- 
 
THE HARMONY OE PROPHECY. 
 
 261 
 
 cies of the Bible. I cannot forbear asking the sceptic 
 to compare the 53rd chapter of Isaiah, containing the 
 prediction of Christ’s sufferings and expiatory death, 
 with its exact fulfilment more than seven hundred 
 years afterwards, as recorded in the New Testament; 
 remembering this, that the authenticity of these future 
 prophecies is fully established by the fact, that the pro¬ 
 phecies we have in our Bible are in perfect harmony 
 with the same which the Jews have in their Bible; and 
 it is impossible that there should be any collusion 
 between Jews and Christians. 
 
 11th. The truth of the Bible may be shown by 
 reasoning that a child may understand : as, for instance, 
 the Bible must be the word of God ; because if not, 
 who could have written it? Bad men would not have 
 written a book inculcating holiness and so totally con¬ 
 demning all their evil ways. And good men surely 
 would not be such wicked deceivers as to say, “ Thus 
 saith the Lord,” if the Lord had not spoken by them. 
 Consider the wonderful adaptability of the Gospel to 
 the temporal and spiritual necessities of the human 
 race; the predicted hostile reception it has encountered 
 throughout the world, and yet it has spread and 
 flourished, notwithstanding the terrible persecutions it 
 has suffered from Pagans and Papists; the veracity 
 of its description of the frightfully corrupt state of the 
 heart of man. We have not to go far to see the truth 
 of this. Whence arises all the misery and wretched¬ 
 ness that exist around us ? Sin is the cause of it all, 
 when traced to its source. What greater evidence can 
 we have of the intimate connection between sin and 
 misery, than the appalling suffering that not very long 
 since overspread Eastern Europe, where every conceiv¬ 
 able wickedness was wrought on defenceless men, women, 
 and children, showing unmistakably the bent of human 
 nature when free from restraint. Consider also the 
 transforming effect upon all people who obey the Gos¬ 
 pel. The recipient of the truth as it is in Jesus 
 
262 
 
 INDIAN REMINISCENCES. 
 
 experiences a real, and a wonderful change, which is 
 equivalent to a new birth, a passing from a state of 
 death to life—to becoming a new creature, a mighty 
 self-conqueror. Paul the persecutor, under its trans¬ 
 forming influence, contends mightily for the faith he 
 had before so zealously laboured to destroy (Eom. viii. 
 37 ; 2 Cor. v. 17; Gfal. v. 24). The passionate man is 
 influenced to curb his angry passions, the poor drunkard 
 becomes temperate, the profligate chaste, the churlish 
 man opens his purse-strings to relieve the poor, and 
 the proud man becomes humble. Faith in the Gospel 
 enables the believer to bear adversity with patience and 
 resignation, and affords solace in the hour of death. 
 May I ask. Do any of you, under trying circumstances 
 of no ordinary kind, know what it is to meet with some 
 one who has had precisely the same perplexities, and 
 who assures you from his own experience that you may 
 get out of your difficulty by following his directions ? 
 If so, you may well remember the confidence you felt 
 in his advice. Well, after all, this was not confidence 
 in your own experience, but in that of another. Accept, 
 then, the general testimony of believers, who will tell 
 you that the teachings of the Bible are in harmony 
 with, and are verified in, their experience. 
 
 12th. Proof of the truth of the divine origin of 
 the Bible, derived from personal experience, is com¬ 
 pleted when the poor sinner is translated from blindness 
 to sight, from darkness to light, from death to life, so 
 that he can rejoicingly affirm with the blind man whom 
 Christ healed, “ Whereas I was blind, now I see.” He 
 is able now to rejoice in Christ Jesus as his Saviour, 
 and enjoy the sweet feeling of having passed from a 
 state of awful danger to one of security and peace with 
 a reconciled God; he has soul experience of the truth 
 of God’s word, which teaches man’s depravity, his need 
 of atonement, and the sufficiency of the perfect expia¬ 
 tion of sin effected by our blessed Redeemer on Calvary’s 
 cross, “ who tasted death for every man,” and who bore 
 
ADDRESS OF THE GERMAN EMPEROR. 263 
 
 the wrath of God against the transgressions of the 
 whole world in His own person, when He bore onr sins 
 in His own body on the tree, and so put an end to sin 
 by the sacrifice of Himself. He is assured and con¬ 
 fident that it is the inspired word of God; for he has 
 found it to be the power of God to his salvation from the 
 time he believed in it (1 Eom. 16). And this con¬ 
 fidence is nowise affected because it contains some things 
 he cannot understand; for it is in the very nature of a 
 divine revelation that this should be the case. 
 
 The Christian understands the practical value of the 
 Bible, which is a light to his feet and a lamp unto his 
 path. As an illustration I shall conclude this chapter 
 with the following testimony of the German Emperor, 
 who, in the hall of a seminary for the education of 
 Protestant divines, recently delivered a long address to 
 the assembled clergymen and students, in which the 
 grand old veteran made use of the following words, 
 which deserve to be written in letters of gold :— 
 
 “ The one thing necessary was to believe in God, and 
 His only Son Christ Jesus. There was no mode of 
 ordering one’s life in a pious and conscientious way 
 unless upon the eternal foundations laid in the Bible.”* 
 May the Lord add his blessing to these remarks, in 
 so far as they are in harmony with Scripture. 
 
 * The Standard, 18th June, 1879. 
 
 Woodfall & Kinder, Printers, Milford Lane, Strand, London, W.C. 
 
'.V 
 
 
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