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 Annual message 
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 ANISUAL MESSAGE 
 
 OF 
 
 GOVERNOR JOSEPH E. RROWN. 
 
 ■i 
 
 TO THE 
 
 GEORGIA LEGISLATURE, 
 
 ASSEMBLED .NOVEMBER 3RD, 1864. 
 
 f 
 
 liOU.JlITOX, XLSUKT. BARNES .'c MOORK, _Pjumei: 
 
 MIl.l KDCEVILi.K, C.X. 
 
 1861. 
 
 « BJ I . ' "! Ui f" « l «wi i tn i Mi r 
 
^l3 
 
 
 MESSAGE. 
 
 EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, > 
 
 MrLLKDGEVILLE, Ga., NoV. .'{D, ISol. \ 
 
 Senators and luprcsontatitrs: 
 
 The period for your annual meeting in General Assenibfy 
 having <irrived, it affords nie great pleasure to welcome yon 
 to the Capitol, and to assure you of my earnest desire to 
 unite with you harmoniously and cordiallv in all praccical 
 measures which may promote the general welfiire, aud re- 
 dound to the glory and honor of our beloved State. 
 
 We are passing through a trying ordeal, having staked 
 upon the issues of war all thftt can be valuable or dear to a 
 people. If we are subjugated, we lose liome, proportv, 
 liberry, reputation, and all, so far as this world is concerned, 
 that ntakt.'s life desirable or its burdens tolerable. 
 
 Our enemies have repudiated and trampled uiuler foot 
 the great principles of constitutional liberiy, and have at- 
 tempced to rear, upon the ruins of our republican institti- 
 tions, a consolidated empire, undt'r tlie popular name of a 
 union of the States. We havet^tkch upar;ns to resist this, 
 and to maintain republicanism in irs purity, with the sov- 
 ereignty of the States and the persorijl rights and libertit's 
 of the people. No people ever acc<^pted the alternativeof 
 war in a nobler cause, or exhibited to the world a more, 
 Bublime spectacle of moral grandeur and heroic valor. Our 
 gallant armies have won for these States a name which wilf 
 stand upon a bright page in history, w.'ien pyramids have 
 decayed, and marble monuments have crumbled into dust. 
 It should be the pleasure of the jiatrioo and pride of the 
 hero to contribute his property, his energies, and, if neeil 
 be, his life, for the success of so noble a cause, Upon our 
 success depends the last hope of republican institutions and 
 civil liberty, with constitutional guarantees. He who 
 would prove recreant to so sacred a cause, or from a desire 
 of personal aggrandizement or the gratification of personal 
 ambition, would trample under his feet and sacrilice thepe 
 great principles which underlie the very foundations of onr 
 
federative system, and upon the success of which the hap- 
 piness of unborn n:! I lions di'pcnds, deserves an eternity of 
 infamy with the everlasting execrations of niankiud upon 
 his head. 
 
 As a band of patriots, let us unite all our energies and 
 exert all our iuHuence for the success of our glorious cause, 
 and for the maintenance in th(Mr original purity of the great 
 principles of civil and religioux liberty, which form the very 
 pillars upon which tlie temple of our republicanisiu rests. 
 
 COXFEDEKAI K I.'KI.ATIONS. 
 
 The war is still waged against the {teople of the Confed- 
 erate k?tates, by the Goveriunent of the United States, with 
 a vindictiveness and cruelty which has tew parallels in his- 
 tory. For nearly four years we have met the mighty as- 
 saults of the Federal armies, and have repulsed and driven 
 ihenj back on many a hard-fought field. We have lost im- 
 portant points, but none which we can not temporaiily sur- 
 render to the enemy, and, with good nuiuagement. iinally 
 «uc<!eed. Atlanta was probably the most vital point to our 
 mccess that has bee« won by the superior nunibers of the 
 eiiemy. Its fall was a severe blow, and for a time caused 
 great despondency anioiig our people. I am happy to see, 
 however, that they are fast recovering from depressioUj 
 and confidence is being restored. 
 
 At the time of General Shernran's march from Dalton to 
 Atlanta, we had a large force west of the ]\Ii»sissip]>i of as 
 gallant troops as ever laced an enemy, which had been al- 
 most in a state of inactivity, since our splendid victcu-ies in 
 Louisiana last spring had driven the enemy, except a few 
 garrisons, from that department. Major General Early is 
 said to have had a force of t20,000 men, of the very best of 
 the Army in Virginia, with which he drove the Federal 
 General out of the valley of that ^ftate, and pressed for- 
 ward into Maryland and Pennsylvania, and remained tl^ere 
 till his presence provoked those and the adjoiidng States to- 
 organize a force suiiicicnt to drive him back and to threaten 
 Richmond in the rear. CJetieral Forrest, with a large cav- 
 alry force, was operating in North Missibsippi, repelling 
 raids from a country that had been overrun till there was 
 but little public property for the enemy to destroy; and 
 General Morgan was raiding in Kentucky. While our for- 
 ces were thus scattered from Pennsylvania to Texas, Gen'l 
 Sherman, strengthened by a concentration of the enemy's 
 forces from different departments, was steadily pres^sing for- 
 ward to Atlanta, the very heart and railroad centre of the 
 Confederacy, with a force sufficient, by reason of its superior 
 numbers, to continually flank and drive back the gallant 
 Army of Tennessee. During this whole campaign. General 
 Sherman's base of supplies at Nashville and Louisville was 
 hundreds of miles in his rear, and he was dependent for 
 
transportation upon a railroad constructed through an ex- 
 ceedingly rough country, with bridges, culverts and curves 
 along its entire line. In this condition, more than three 
 hundred miles from the border of Kentucky, in the midst 
 of an enemy's country, he was permitted to go forward^ 
 without serious interruption in his rear, and to accomplish 
 his grand design. 
 
 Georgians, whose homes liave been ov,errun, property 
 <lestroyed, and fields laifl waste, have naturall}' inquired, a» 
 doubtles:-! the future historians will, why part of the large 
 force unemployed west ot the Mississippi were not brought 
 to aid the Army of Tennessee during the summer months"? 
 And why. wlipn the enemy were driven from the Valley of 
 Virginia, the key points were not garrisoned and held by 
 part of Early's force, and the balance sent to Georgia, instead 
 of the whole being sent upon the campaign into Maryland 
 and Pennsylvania, which only served to stir up and unite 
 Northern sentiment against us, and to enable the Federal 
 Govei*n:nent to raise an additional force sufticient to drive 
 back the expedition with disaster to our arms. If this 
 whole force could be spared from Richmond to invade Penn- 
 sylvania, might not part of it have held the Valley of Virginia, 
 and the balance been sent to Georgia? And could not For- 
 rest, even at the expense of temporary loss in Mississippi, 
 have been sent to destroy the railroads in the rear,^ndjStop 
 the supplies of the Federal army"/ If we had adopted the 
 rule by which most great Generals in such emergencies 
 have succeeded, of the evacuation for the time of all points 
 not absolutely vital, and the rapid and vigorous concentra- 
 tion of every soldier in the Conl'ederacy not necessary to 
 hold Richmond and probably one or two other key points, 
 and had hastened the whole to Atlanta and to Sherman's 
 rear, and hurled them upon biiu in his exposed and critical 
 condition, the repulse and rout, if not the liestruction or 
 capture, of his army" could scarcely have been doubtful. 
 And as his army was the only defence provided by the 
 Federal Governn)ent for the Western States, such a con- 
 summation would not only have relieved Georgia, Tennessee, 
 North Alabama and North Mississippi from the presence of 
 the enemy, but it would have thrown open the '* green 
 fields" ot Kentucky wliicli have beeti more than once 
 promised to our troops, Tind would probably have opened 
 the way for an early pea(;e. Tiie powers that be deter- 
 mined upon a different line Of policy. The world knows 
 the results, and we must acquiesce. But the misfortunes 
 following the- misguided judgment of our rulers must not 
 have the eft'ect of relaxing our zeal, or chilling our love for 
 the cause. 
 
 We may, as we have a right to do, difler among ourselves 
 as to the wisdom of a certain line of policy, and of certain 
 
 n r» n i*^ 1 
 
G 
 
 acts of tlio Confederate administration ; and scnic of us 
 n»ay dt-plore its errors and niisnianiigenjent, wliile others 
 may aticuipt to justily all its mistaiies and defend all it« 
 errors, and may be ready in advance to approve everything it 
 may do, and still we may all, as one man, remain true to 
 our sacred causi-, and be prepared, if necessary, to expend 
 our last dollar and shed our last drop of blood in its delence. 
 
 While I am satisfied a large majority of the peojde of this 
 State disapprove many of the acts and much of the [)olicy 
 of the Confederate administration, I am of opinion there 
 are but a very small number of the people of (.{(iori^ia, who 
 nn- disloyal to the cause, or who would eonsoot to close the 
 war without the achievement of the great ends for which 
 we took, up arms — the independence of the Confederate 
 States and the vindication and establishment of the sover- 
 eignty of the several States. 
 
 Confederate independence with centralized power, with- 
 out iState sovereignty and constitutional and religious liberty, 
 would be very little better than subjugation, as it mattei"s 
 little who our n aster is, if we are to have one. We should 
 therefore keep constantly in view the great principles upon 
 which we entered into this unecjual contest, and should re- 
 buke every encroachment made upon them by our own 
 government, while we resist, with arms in our hands, like 
 assaults mtide upon them by our enemies. AVhile our 'gal- 
 lant troops in the li-i^ld are sacrificing the coj»'forts of liome, 
 property, health and even life itself, and ;. e enduring all 
 the privations, hardships, perils and danger^ of the service, 
 they should never once lose sight of the grt,,t principles of 
 <Mj[ualitv, liberty, and coustitutioual republicanism, for 
 which they unfurled freedom's banners in the lace of the 
 enemy. Nor should they ever consent to lay down their 
 arms till these principles are recognized by our foe, and 
 faithfully carried out in practice by our own government. 
 In other wojds, we should never be content till we have 
 established upon a firm basis the good old republican insti- 
 tutions of our fathers in all their purity, and should never, 
 under any circumstances, consent to accept in their place 
 strong centralized government with inilitar}' despotitim. I 
 do not see how it can be denied by any candid man that we 
 have, in practice, made fciirful strides, since the war began, 
 towards a centralized government with unlimited powers.' 
 
 The constant tendencies of the war seem to have been to 
 the subordination of the civil authorities and laws to the 
 military, and the concentratioil of the supreme power in the 
 hands of the Commander-in-Chief of the ariniovS. The 
 longer the war lasts, the greater the tendency to this result, 
 and the less probability at its terniiuation of a return to 
 the constitutional forms and republican simplicity which 
 existed at its commencement. 
 
lUit it may be a&ked, wli^n is tliis bloody struggle to ter- 
 minate ? No human forecast can so far penetrate the fu- 
 ture as to give a satisfactory reply to this question. The- 
 Northern States have, resources and men enough to enable- 
 them to continue the war for years to come, and we havt- 
 sufficient power of resistance and endurance to enable «:?■ 
 to continue to balHe all their schemes of subjugati)!). The* 
 sword can never make peace betsvoen the two contending 
 parties'. When this is done, it will be by nrs;>ifi"f't^/>. The 
 prospect seems to indicate that the war may probably last 
 till both sections are exhausted, before the passions of the 
 people will subside, and reason so far resume her sway as 
 to prepare the people of both countries for negotiation, as 
 the only means of adjustment which c?n terminate the 
 bloody strife. This may not take place till we have accu^ 
 mulated a debt on both sides greater than we or our poster- 
 ity can ever pay — till hundreds of thousands more men 
 have been slain, and millions of women and childreri 
 have been rcnluced to widowhood, orphanjigc and poverty 
 — till our taxes have become so burdensome, that endurance 
 is no longer possible — till the civil laws cease to be respec- 
 ted, and highway robbery and murder are the daily busi 
 ness of predatory bands, and till the Federal and Confed- 
 erate governments have usurped and exercise all the powers 
 claimed by the most absolute despots, each pleading in 
 extenuation of its usurpations the necessity growing out of 
 the like usurpations by the other. 
 
 There is reason to fear that President Lincoln, if re-elec- 
 ted, and President Davis, whose pa.^sions are inliamcd 
 against each otht-r, may never be able to agree upon terms 
 for the commencement of negotiations, and that the war 
 mtist continue to nige in all its fury till there is a change of 
 administration, unless the people of both countries, in their 
 aggregate capacity as sovereign Statos, biing their powerful 
 influence to bear, requiring both governments to stop the 
 war, and leave the question to be settled upon the princi- 
 ple's of 177G, as laid down in th.e Georgia resolutions, 
 passed at your late session. 
 
 These resolutions, in substance, propose that the treaty 
 making powers in both governments agree to stop the war, 
 and leave each or any one of the sovereign States, by a 
 convention of its own people, fairly chosen by the legal and 
 duly qualified voters, to determine fui' itself whether it will 
 unite its destinies with the one or tlie other Confederacy. 
 There may he doubts whether Missouri, Kentucky, or Maiy- 
 land wish to remain component parts of the government of 
 the United States, or to unite with the Confederate States. 
 If either one of those States shall refuse to unite with us, 
 we have no just right to demand such union, as we have 
 neither the right to coerce a sovereign State, nor to govern 
 
her witljout her consent. And, if we hud tho riirlit, we 
 (•ert.iinh- have not the power, as we can only govern a State 
 without her consent by subjugation, and we have no j»ower 
 to subjugate any one of tliose States, witii the whole power 
 of the United States at her back, prepared to defend her 
 against our attacks. 
 
 We should stand reiidy therefore at all tnnes to settle the 
 difficulty by a reference of t lie (piestion of future alliance, 
 to the States whose positions may be doubtful fordeterminft- 
 tion by them in their sovereign capacity. 
 
 Our Congress in its manifesto has virtually indorsed the 
 great principles of the Georgia Resolutions, and the Presi- 
 dent has said iti his messages that he desires peace upon the 
 principles to defend which we eiitered into the struggle. I 
 am not aware however, of any direct tender of adjust- 
 ment, upon these principles having been recently made 
 by the treaty making power of our Government 
 to the same power in the Federal Governnient. I re- 
 gret that the wish of Georgia as expressed through her 
 legislature has not been respected in this particular. Sm'h 
 a direct tender made through commissioners liy Presidi'ut 
 Davis to President Lincoln would place the question fiiirly 
 and properly before the States and peo[»le ol the Xortii for 
 discussion and action. Had it been done; months since it 
 could not have failed to have had a powerful influence upon 
 the Presidential election in the North, which m:iy have 
 much to do with the future course and conduct of the 
 war. 
 
 It may be said however, that the proposition to settle our 
 difficulties upon these terms niade by President Davis to 
 President Lincoln, would be a letting down of the dignity 
 of our Government, and might be construed as an evidence 
 of conscious weakness on our part. 1 confess my inability 
 to see how tho direct tender of settlement upon these great 
 and correct principles by the treaty making power in our 
 Government, to the likej)o\ver in tlie United States, Gov- 
 ernment, could compromit thedignit}' of our Governmerjr. 
 aiiy more than an //a/zV'YV tender of" the sanie proposition 
 through the irregular channel of an Executive message or a 
 Congressional manifesto. 
 
 There is certaiuly more true dignity in a direct open 
 manly tender through the constituted channel. But nice 
 questions of official etiquette and false notions of personal 
 dignity should be laid aside, when they intervene to prevent 
 action upon which the blood of thousands and the happi- 
 ness of millions may depend. 
 
 The democratic party of the North which is the only 
 party there claiming to maintain State right principles and 
 which has great strength and power whatever may be it« 
 fortunes in the coming election, has declared in favor of a 
 
suspension of hostilities, and a convention of all the States 
 as the best means of adjustment. And I see no good rea- 
 son wiiy the treaty making power in our Guvernmeot 
 should not tender tliis })Toposition to the Governmentofthe 
 United States. There can certainly be nothing like humilia- 
 tion or degredation in a proposition to leave the settlement 
 of a question whicli the General Governments, which Are 
 the creatures of the States, can net ugree upon, to their 
 creators — the sovereign States themselves. 
 
 However much the idea may be ridiculed to prejudice 
 the popular mind by the enemies of state sovereignty, the 
 convention if called would no doubt be one of the most 
 able and dignihed assemblages that ever met upon the con- 
 tinent. In so trying an emergency, involving issues of such 
 immense magnitude, the States would doubtless select 
 their wisest ablest and best men to represent them, men 
 whose passions have been subdued by age and reflection, 
 and who are alike distinguished for love of justice, balance 
 of mind and dignity of character. Such a convention com- 
 2>osed of the greatest and best men of the country, of mature 
 age and large experience, with tlie scenes of blood, carnage 
 and desolation through which we have passed fresh in their 
 recollection, and the present and prosi)ective condition of 
 the country well known to them, could hardly be expected 
 to decide in favor of a continuation of the war, with all its 
 blighting effects upon both the North and the South, or to 
 adjourn without submitting apian of settlement honorable 
 and just to the people of both Confederacies, and to all tiie 
 States. 
 
 All questions of boundary, and inliind navigation, and all 
 treaties of amity, commerce, and alliance, and all agree- 
 ments necessary to preserve in future the just balance of 
 power upon the continent, could be properly shaped in 
 such a convention and proposed to the treaty making 
 powers as the result of its deliberations. Grit might be 
 agreed in advance by the treaty making powers that the 
 convention settle the whole question and that its action be 
 final and conclusive when submitted back to the people of 
 the several States and ratified by them respectively. 
 
 In that event it must of ("ourse be understood that each 
 State would ent»M- the convention as a separate independent 
 Sovereign — the equal of every other State, — and that the 
 action of the body as in case of the conventions which . 
 formed the constitutions of the United States and of the 
 Confederate States would only be binding upon each State, 
 when submitted back to and freely ratified by the people 
 thereof in their sovereign capacity. 
 
 The propriety of submitting the question by the treaty 
 making powers to a convention of the Sovereign States is 
 the more obvious, in view of the want of power in the 
 
10 
 
 Prosidents and iScMiates of the two Governments to muke a 
 treaty ofpojice without the consent of the sovereign States 
 to be jiifected by ir. No permanent treaty of peace can be 
 niad«' whieh does not contain an article lixins^ the bounda- 
 ries of the two Governments, when tlic whole country is 
 inhabited as ours is, and one or the other Government 
 must t'xercise immediate jurisdiction over the inhabitants 
 of each State and eacli county. In other words we can 
 have no treaty of peace that does not <h'line the States or 
 parts of States that; are to be embraced iii each Govern- 
 ment. And this can only be done by the consent of the 
 States tiiemselves. The action o^ separate Staffs is there- 
 lore an inth'spensable preliminary to the validity of any 
 treaty of peace that can he m.uic. This action may by 
 k-greement of the treaty makiug powers t-ake place prior or 
 subsequent to the date of the treaty, but in either case the 
 efiiict is the same, as the validity of the treaty is dependent- 
 upon the action oi' Sr pa fntc States. 
 
 Suppose for instance it is aijreed by the treaty making 
 powers that the State of Ohio shall become part of the 
 Confederate States, when an overwhehning majority of her 
 people in convention called by the propef State authority, 
 decide by solemn ordinance to remain with the United States. 
 Gr suppose it is agreed by the treaty making powers that 
 Kentucky shall remain part of the United States, when two 
 thirds of her people decide'to go w'ith the Confederate 
 States. ^Vill any one contend that the treaty making 
 power has the right thus to dispose of States, and assign 
 them their future positions without tiieir consents And 
 will any body say that a treaty of peace can be made with- 
 out delining the Government with which Ohio or Kentucky 
 shall be associated in future.^ 
 
 Suppose again that the treaty making powers in fixing 
 t)ie boundaries of the two Confederacies should agree to a 
 division of ^''irginia,and that the territory embraced in' the 
 pretended new State formed of part of Virginia, shall be- 
 come part of the Utnted States, and that the balance shall 
 go with the Confederate States. Will any southern man 
 conteiid that she can be thus dismembered and part of her 
 territory ceded by the President and Senate to the Govern- 
 ment ot the United States without her consents He who 
 so contends denies the very fundamental principles upon 
 which the (I'overnment of the Confederate States was or- 
 ganized. What would the old Virginians of the Jeff Im- 
 sonian School say to this sort of State Sovereignty ? What 
 would Washington. Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Henry, Lee, 
 Mason, Randolph, and other Statesmen of their day have 
 said, if they had been told that the constitution of the 
 United States conferred upon tjie treaty making power, the 
 
11 
 
 ligiit to cede one half the territory of Virginia to a foreign 
 State, without consulting her or obtaining her consent/ 
 
 If President Davis and the Senate have the power to 
 cede part of Virginia to the United States in tixing the 
 boundaries of the two Confederacies without lier consent, 
 they have as much power to cede tlie whole State to Great 
 Britian or France for commercial advantages. Or to ctde 
 Georgia to the United States in consideration that the other 
 States shall be recognized and the war cease. Such a propo- 
 sition is too preposterous for serious argument. 
 
 He who claims such powers for the ['resident and Senate, 
 would not only degrade the States to the position of provin- 
 ces, but would clodie the treaty making power of the Con- 
 federacy with imperial dignity greater than the most en- 
 •lightened monarchs of the present day assume to them- 
 selves. It has been claimed as one of the prerogatives of 
 sovereigns that they could cede to each other their provin- 
 oes at will. But in the late treaty between the Emperors of 
 Franco and Austria the former refused to accept a province 
 ceded by the latter, and incorporate it into his P^mpire and 
 govern it till the qtiestion was submitted to the people ot 
 the Province and they gave their consent. 
 
 It isc-ertainly too clear to be successfully questioned that 
 the Governments of the two Confederacies have no power 
 to make a treaty of peace and fix the boundaries of the two 
 countries, which, situated as we arc is a necessaiy part of 
 the treaty, without the concurrence and consent of the in- 
 dividual States to be ailected by it. If this can net be done 
 without the consent of the States, where is the objection to 
 ^a convention of the States to settle in advance the necessa- 
 ry preliminaries to which their consent is indispensable be- 
 fore the treaty can be valid and binding ? In the , conven- 
 tion it could be agreed which States would go with the 
 North and which with the South, and the ratification of the 
 rtction of the convention by the treaty making powers, and 
 by the people of tlu; several States to be affected by it, wheu 
 of a character to require their separate action, would l.x 
 the future stofi/s of thediffertnt States, and the proper boun- 
 daries of the two Confederacies. 
 
 While I am satislied that separate State action may and 
 most probably will be a necessary preliminary to a treaty of 
 peace, I do not wish to be misunderstood upon tliis point. 
 The sovereign States of the Confederacy each seceded from 
 the old union. This they had a perfect right to do. And 
 each is as sovereign in the present Confedeiacy as she was 
 in tlie old, and has the same right under the like circum- 
 stances which she tlien exercised. lUit when these states* 
 seceiled and formed the present 'Confederacy, and entered 
 into the present defensive war together, they at least by strong 
 implication, pledged themselves to stand by and aid eacli 
 
1-3 
 
 other against the common enemy till the end of the strug- 
 gle. Thus situated I deny that any otie of the States can 
 honorably withdraw from the contest, without the consent 
 of her .sister states and make a separate treaty of peace with 
 tiie enemy. 
 
 Tlic people of the States can meet m convention and 
 .abolish the Confederate Government whenever its usurpa- 
 tions and abuses of [)Ower have reached a point, where the 
 s:)viireignty of the States and the rights and liberties of the 
 people are no longer secure under it. The people of th^ 
 Northen (government have a right to do the same by a like 
 convention, and to establish a new Government in place of 
 the present tyranny by which they are controlled. 
 
 If the people of the two Confederacies have this power 
 which will not I presume be denied D}' any one professing 
 the State rights doctrines of 177G, why may they not meet 
 together in convention, and agree upon the boundaries and 
 treaties necessarily growing out of a separation which is al- 
 ready an accomplished fact? 
 
 1 am well aware that the advocates of strong central 
 power both in the United States and the Confederate States, 
 including many of the oflice holders of both governments, 
 and the place hunters and large government contractors 
 who have made millions of dollars out of the government, 
 without once exposing their persons to danger in battle, 
 and the s'jcret spies in the employment of the governments 
 who are supjtorted out of the large secret sercicr funds at 
 the command of the two Presidents, to do their bidding, 
 and such officials as wear gold lace in cities and drive fine 
 iioraes and caniages sujtported out of the public crib, while 
 all around them is misery and want ; and tin; large provost 
 and pasS{)ort corps, scattered among our country villiVes 
 and upon our Railroads, jealous of the prerogatives of-th-e 
 central |)ovver, and anxious to luaintain and extend them, 
 are ready by their acti«)n to deny that the States have aoy- 
 thing lettbut the name, or that they can have any agency 
 in negotiating a treaty of [»eace, or that they can meet in 
 convention to consider of this subject without being guilty 
 us "traitorous States." Those minions of power protec- 
 ted from the dangers of the battlefield, never fail to im- 
 pugii the motives and ([uestion the loyalty of every one 
 who denies the legality of any act of the governinciit, or 
 questions the wisdom of any part of its policy. 
 
 They very cordially adopt the maxim "the King can d-o 
 MO wrong." Of course, all such are loud and clamorous in 
 their denunciations of those vvlio advocate a convention of 
 States to agree upon the terms of separation and stop the 
 effusion of blood. If the war should cease they must si nl;. 
 to their natural level, for then, "Othello's occupation's 
 gone." 
 
13 
 
 But the advocates of free governmeut may safely appeal 
 from all such to the sober sound judgment of the great mass 
 af the American people, North and South, who bear the 
 heavy burdens of the war, without the offices or patronage 
 of either government, whose sons have been conscribed and 
 torn from them and slaughtered, luany of whose homes have 
 been destroyed, and their farms and cities laid waste, who 
 are daily robbed of their property by in)pressment agents 
 or other government officials, without paying them any- 
 thing for it, who bear the burdens of the enormous taxation 
 necessary to carry on the war, and supjx)rt all the large 
 olasscs above mentioned in extravagant indulgences, and 
 whose posterity and property must pay the immense pub- 
 Uc^debt which is constantly augmented. And the appeal 
 may be made with still greater force to the gallant soldier 
 iu the storms of winter and in the weary march, while amid 
 the perils that surround him his thoughts recur to the suf- 
 ferings of loved ones at home ; as well as to all true chns- 
 tians in both countries. Shall this bloodshed, carnage and 
 desolation continue, to gratify the ambition and obstinacy 
 of those in power? Or shall the people of both countries 
 demand of their rulers that the war shall cease, and as it is 
 impossible that the people of the two sections can again 
 live together in harmony, that a convention of all the States 
 be held to agree upon terms of separation, and upon the 
 treaties necessary to the happiness and prosperity of neigh- 
 boring governments at peace with each other. 
 
 We may be told that the Northern Government will not 
 agree to such a convention, I very readily admit that neith- 
 er the Lincoln Government norourowu wiil probably agree 
 to it, till a stronger pressure of the people is brought to bear 
 upon both, and that the advocates of this policy in the 
 North cannot control it so long as our presses and official!*, 
 State and Confederate, denounce the movement and there- 
 by, put weapons in the hands of the Goverr.ment at AVasli- 
 Ington with which to crush out this growing sentiment 
 iu the North, and more ^ especially iu the North Western 
 States. But I think recent developments have shown that 
 this doctrine will soon bear down every tliijig before it in 
 the North, if met l)y demonstiations of approval in the 
 South. Stop the war and call a convention of the States 
 to negotiate, and the people of the North who are as tired 
 of it as we are, will agree to a proper adjustment upon the 
 terms above indicated sooner than resume hostilities. 
 
 In the mean time till proper arrangements can be made 
 to adjust our difficulties and stop the etiusion of blood by 
 negotiation, it is the duty of every man in the Confedera- 
 cy to do everything possibly in his power to strengthen and 
 ftustain the gallant and glorious armies of States and the 
 Confederacy. ' Every man able to bear arms who can be 
 
1\ 
 
 spared t'rom homo, should be sent to the Front either in the 
 Annies of the Cont'ederacv or as part ot the jMilitia of the 
 States and everything possible be done to provide for the 
 wants and comfort of our troops in the field and their loved 
 ones at home. To enable us to conduct negotiations success- 
 fully we must renew our etibrts to strengthen our arrnie* 
 and maintain our cause vvith ability and energy in the 
 field, cost what it may in blood or treasure. We must not, 
 however, expect the troops to do all by hard fighting, 
 bloodshed and the sacrifice of life. The Statesman and the 
 people at home have an important part to act, as well as 
 the General and the troops in the field in terminating the 
 struggle. If the troops liilter and fail to do their part in 
 the hour of battle, the Statesman is ready to cast censure 
 upon them. If the Statesman neglects his part in conduct- 
 ing wise negotiations to stop the war, the troops have great- 
 er cause to censure and condemn him, as he has no right to 
 trifle with their lives, and continue to expose them in bat- 
 tle, if the object cau be attained by negotiation without 
 the shedding of blood. In a crisis like the present States- 
 manship is even more important than Generalship. Ger>- 
 firals can never stop a war, though it may last twenty 
 years till one has been able to con<iaer the other. States- 
 wen terminate wars by negotiation. 
 
 HLOCKADE RUXNIXr,. 
 
 After the appropriation made by the General Assembly 
 for the exportation of cotton and the importation of such 
 supplies of clothing for troops, cotton cards, itc,, as the 
 State might need I sent Col. Wm. Schly of Augusta to En- 
 gland to purchase an interest in a StGiuner. Finding that 
 he was not successful by reason oftlie non-compliance of the 
 other party in getting tlie vessel fur half interest, in whicli 
 I had contracted at $185,000 in Confederate States 8 per 
 cent bonds, 1 made a coiitrafit with the Exporting and Im- 
 porting Company of which Col. C. A. L. L;imar, was agent 
 for the charter of three vessels, with the privilege of adding 
 two others which the company expected to have ready in a 
 few months. 
 
 This contract I considered advantageous to the State, and 
 if left free to carry it out I could have exported cotton 
 <inough to have purchased all the supplies the State might 
 r^eed, and could have imported them upon reasonable 
 terms. 
 
 At this point I was interrupted by the interposition 
 of the Secretary of the Treasury, who under the order of the 
 President refused to permit any vessel to clear unless she 
 carried out one half the cargo for the Confederate Govern- 
 ment upon terms which were below what the State was to 
 pay for the use of the vessels. This restriction was placed 
 
15 
 
 upon the vessels of the States as it was said, by authority 
 vested in the President by act of Congress of Gth, Feby. 
 J964 which prohibits the exportation of Cotton, &c., except 
 under such uniform regulations as shall be made by the 
 President of the Confederate States. This construction 
 Gould not be sustained however, upon any known rule, as 
 the 5th section of the act declares explicitly ''that nothing 
 in this act shall be construed to prohibit the Confederate 
 States or any of than from exporting any of the articles herein 
 enumerated on their own account." This provision in the 
 act therefore leaves the States as free to export on their own 
 account either upon vessels owned or chartered by them, a« 
 *hey were before the act was passed. But as the proviso in 
 the act had been virtually repealed by an Executive order^ I 
 in common with the Governors ofMississippi, Alabama and 
 North Carolina, (the Governor of South Carolina concurring 
 as shown by his letter) appealed to Congress to take up the 
 question and make such provisions as would enable the 
 States to exercise their just rights. After mature considera- 
 tion Congress passed a bill for that purpose which the 
 President vetoed. Congress then as I am informed by one 
 of the Representatives of this State passed a resolution 
 unanimously in the House, and with almost unanin)ii;y in 
 the Senate, declaring in substance that the States should be 
 ].>ermitted to export and import without interruption upon 
 vessels chartered by them prior to the date ofthe resolution, 
 which would have It (t the vessels chartered by tkis State 
 free. This resolution was passed near the close of the 
 jjcssiou, and the Presid nt refused, as the member informs 
 me either to sign it or t > return it, that Congress might be 
 permitted to vote to ov rrula his veto. Thus by the order 
 of the Excutive alone, i otwithsfcanding the action of Con- 
 gress and tiie provisio:i in the 5th Section of theact above 
 referred to, the States wt*re prohibited from exporting cot- 
 ton and importing blankets and clothing for their troops, 
 and other necessary supplies, unless they would conform to 
 8uch rules as the President thought proper to prescribe. 
 These rules I could not conform to under the provisions of 
 the contract made with the exporting and importing com- 
 pany without heavy loss to the State. As 1 was thus pro- 
 hibited by act of the Confederate Government from carry- 
 ing out the contract, I could not insiet upon ihf exclusive 
 use and control of the vessels. Finding the Exportations 
 of the State forbidden by the Lincoln Blockade, and placed 
 under a partial blockade by our own Executive, 1 encoun- 
 tered great embarrassment in carrying out the instructions 
 of the legislature in this particular. If the Company were 
 compelled to submit to the terms prescribed by the Presi- 
 dent, and give up one half the storage room of the steamers 
 chartered by the State, to the Confederacy, they were un- 
 
IG 
 
 willing to <liviclo the remaining half allowed thetn bj the 
 President with theState. lU' allowing the coinp;uiy to use 
 the nairie ofjtho State in their business which under the cir- 
 eumstauces I felt justitied induing, and by undertaking to 
 aid theni when necessary in the transportation of cotton to 
 the coast,^I was enabled to get thetn, after submitting to 
 the terms imposed by the Confederate (Government, to 
 carry out occasional lots for the State, upon the vessels 
 owned by them. I have also through the agency of Col. A. 
 Wilbur, exported some upon, small vessels from the coast of 
 this State. I havegiven one half to the vessels for carrying 
 out the other. Owing to the diHiculties in getting letters 
 from the other side, 1 have not yet received statements oC 
 the sales with the net amount of gold on deposit to the 
 credit of the State in England. Should the sa'e bills and 
 accounts current be received prior to your adjournment 
 I will immediateiy lay them before the General Assembly. 
 
 About three hundred bales of cotton were shipped upon 
 the Little Ada, (a steamer chartered by the State,) upon 
 the coast of South Carolina. This vessel after she ha*! 
 been loaded with State cotton, was detained in Port be- 
 tween two and three months by order of the Secretary of 
 the Treasury, supported as I am informed by a military or- 
 der from the office of the Adjutant (Jeneral in Richmond, t<» 
 the commardant of the Post, not to permit her to clear. 
 Thus this State vessel was doubly blockaded and threaten- 
 ed by Confederate guns in the harbor and by Federal guns 
 out side, if she attempted to go to sea with State cotton to 
 pay for blankets to be imported for Georgia troops in ser- 
 vice who have great need of theiu. 
 
 A complete statement of the amount expended by the 
 State tor the purchase of cotton, with tlie quantity pur- 
 chased under the appro[)riations, and the average; cost per 
 {>ound, togetlier withtiie number of bales exported on ac- 
 count of tlie State, and the number now in store, with ac- 
 count of expenditures for storage, freight, insurance, lighter- 
 age, bagging, rope, com^uessing, Sec, il'., will be laid befoi'c 
 tlie finance connnittee during the session. They are not 
 transmitted herewith because reports of the agents with ac- 
 counts current have not all been received. 
 
 I have purchased and had stored on one of the Islands 
 ;)0,()0() pairs of cottop cards, and oO.OOU soldiers blankets. I 
 havealso made contracts for soldiers clothing, enough I trust 
 with what are on hand to carry the troops through tlie 
 winter without suflering. j^Part of our goods were lost a few 
 days since near Charleston with the Florie, but I hope soon 
 to be able to import the balance. 
 
 I have lately been informed by Mr. Trenholra the present 
 liberal minded practical Secretary of the Treasury, that 
 Tessels owned by the State, will be permitted to clear with- 
 
17 
 
 out interruption by the Confederate Government. "Wex*- 
 the question an original one, lean not doubt that Mr. Tres- 
 holm with the act ofCbngress, before him would decftJe^ 
 that a vessel charfcred by a State has the same right to » 
 clearance, as no substantial distinction can be drawn be- 
 tween the right of a State to export upon a vessel ounte^^ 
 and one chartered by her, which is a temporary ownershm.-. 
 Nor can I suppose that this financial officer would wiIlJti«T- 
 ly throw obstacles in the way of the States in making Mh 
 the imjiortations in their power. Take the case of Georjv?a:, 
 as an instance. Her sons are in the hold. They DetnJ 
 blankets, show, clothing anli other necessaries. The Cc«i- 
 federate Government is often unable to furnish these, atnl 
 they suffer for them. The State by her legislature »aT^ 
 her sons shall not sufter, and if the Confederate Goreria- 
 ment can not supply these necessary articles, she will. S!:ye- 
 appropriates money for that purpose, and directs part of 
 her surplus productions exported to pay for these -artklte:*,, 
 wiiich she directs to be imported. She charters her vesseb.. 
 purchases cotton with her own money, and places it oa 
 board, to be carried abroad at her own risk and expense, tc-" 
 purchase that she may import, at her own risk and cost,. 
 the articles necessary to the comfort of her own gallant sons 
 who are under arms for her defence. She asks not a dolte- 
 from the Confederate Government, and even offers to j>ay 
 export and import duties, (which the Confederacy has mf 
 right to demand) o;i all she sends out and brings in. At tijjs 
 point she is met \/ith a refusal to permit her vessels tocJf»r„. 
 unless she will submit to such onerous terms as the Coiifet3!~ 
 erate Kxc-utive may choose to dictate. Can this action In: 
 sustained under any law of Congress, or upon any prinei]>k- 
 of enlightened or sound policy ? Is it not a palpable a;y- 
 sumption of power, and an utter disregard of every princi- 
 ple of State Rights and State Sovereignty? 
 
 I trust Conn;re8S when it again tissembles, acting upjoit» 
 priuciples of enlightened statesmanship, will not only rsv 
 move these obstacles by enactments too plain and striugea'V 
 to be disregarded, but that they will invite and encourage 
 the several States, free of hindrance or duty, to import" hUj 
 the arm}^ supplies and articles of absolute necessity, whi«b, 
 the means at their command may enable thein to tjo. 
 
 Should this expectation be disappr^inted lam aalisfied it 
 would be sound policy on the part of th;5 State to purchase- 
 several vessels, and to import upon them such su})plies s?. 
 raay be needed by our troops, and for Suite uso. The Sisfct*- 
 should also export a sufficient quai.ity of cotton, to plafrj? • 
 gold enough upon ihe other side, to enable her to a.gmn 
 equip the State R^d at the end of the war. In common wj^l; 
 other Southern Roads, its iron will be much worn, and it/i'- 
 rolling stpck nearly run down, and ifsoni;! forecast is n^t^ 
 2 
 
IS 
 
 exercised, the State will not have the means at her command 
 to put it in running order. This may be provided for in the 
 manner above indicated with but little cost. 
 
 If the legislature will appropriate^2, 000, 000 in currency, 
 and authorize me to purchase vessels and cotton, and to 
 draw upon the cotton on the other side when necessary to « 
 pay for them or to purchase more cotton for shipment, ifthc 
 blockade does not become more stringent, with the State's 
 tisual good luck when her affairs are well managed, I am 
 firmly impressed with the belief that I can put gold enough 
 to her credit in Europe in one year to repair the Roa<l 
 within six months after a treaty of peace, or to pay a large 
 proportion of the appropriations of the current year. To 
 accomplish this the State must not be interrupted by Cot>- 
 federate interference. The exchange which the cotton ex- 
 ported this year under all the embarrassments of a double 
 blockade places, to the credit of the State, with the cotton 
 now in store, is worth nearly double the whole sum expend- 
 ed by the State in the purchase of the cotton. 
 
 OUR nXlNCIAL CONDITION. 
 
 As will be seen by the Reports of the Treasurer and 
 Comptroller General, the public debt of Georgia, indepen- 
 dent of the ftppropriations of the past year for the payment 
 of which asufhcienttax has been assessed, and of the change 
 bills issued which are payable in Confederate States Treas- 
 ury notes, amounts to 814,474, 270. Of this the bonded 
 debt is SO, 086,250 of which $216,000 being part due is 
 drawing no interest. The remaining debt consists of $G,- 
 !193,00U in Treasury notes, and SI, 395, 000 in Treasury 
 Certiiicates of Deposit. These notes and certificates bear 
 110 interest and the State will not be called on to redeem 
 them in specie or bonds till six months after a treaty of 
 peace. 
 
 Of the above $2,070,750 is the old bonded debt which 
 existed at the commencement of the war, incurred chiefly 
 on account of the construction of the Western and Atlant- 
 ic Railroad which is the property of the State, and for 
 stock in the Atlantic and Gulf Road. 
 
 To meet her liabilities the State has public property 
 consisting of the Western and Atlantic Railroad, Bank 
 stock, and Railroad stock, valued before the depreciation of 
 the^currency at |S,S40, 124.68. And her whole taxable 
 property worth over $700,000,000 upon a specie basis. 
 
 The debt to be paid in Confederate Treasury notes is 
 $1,411,442 of change bills, and $3,095,000 payable in new 
 issue of Confederate Treasury notes 25th December next, 
 which by the terms of the contract are to be presented for 
 payment by 25th March next, or the State is not bound to 
 
19 
 
 redeem them, but they are to be receivable in payment of 
 public dues at any future time. 
 
 To redeem these notes and the undrawn appropriations 
 of the past year, there is »ow in the Treasury 82,146,087 
 and a balance still due on the tax digest, about sufficient to 
 cover the whole amount. But as some of the counties 
 ■whows d^ests kave been returned have since been thrown 
 ■within the en«mic8 lines, it may not be possible if the ene- 
 my is not driven back, to collect a sufficient sum within 
 the time to pay all these notes when presented. 
 
 In that erentl respectfully recommend that provision be 
 made for the Imuc and sale of seven per cent bonds running 
 20 year» with semi-annual coupons, to raise the Confede- 
 rate currency necessary to pay the debt, which it is believed 
 would command a high premium, or that new State notes 
 be issued upon the same terms as the notes to be redeemed 
 payable in new issue of Confederate notes one year after 
 date, which could be exchanged it is believed for Confed- 
 erate notes with which to make the payment. This would 
 enable the State to pay the debt in Confederate notes as 
 soon as the taxes can be collected. 
 
 I also recommend that the appropriations of the present 
 fiscal year be provided for by the issue of similar notes pay- 
 able in Confederate Treasury notes, so as to enable the 
 State to pay the appropriations out of the taxes of each 
 year when collected, and that sufficient tax be assessed to 
 meet all the appropriations made. A8 the money must be 
 used during the year an J the taxes of each year are paid 
 during the latter part of the year, it becomes necessary to 
 issue these notes to meet the demands of the Treasury till 
 the taxes can be collected. 
 
 As I stated in a former message no prudent man will 
 now give his note for property at present rates payable in 
 specie after the war ; nor will he borrow the , present cur- 
 rency if he is •bilged to use it, and give his note for it at 
 par payable in lawful money after the war, but he will sell 
 property even if it exposes him to much inconvenience and 
 raise the currency which he is obliged to use. If no mem- 
 ber of the General Assembly and no prudent constituent of 
 any member will raise currency for his own uses and give 
 for it his obligation for specie after the war, no legislator 
 should do it for the State, which is composed of the mem- 
 bers and their constituents. If ifc becomes necessary to 
 sell some portion of our property to raise the currency nec- 
 essary te meet the demands upon the Treasury we should 
 do it without hesitation, rather than incur an enormous 
 debt in currency to be paid out of our property and that of 
 our posterity in future at specie rates. In imposing the 
 necessary taxes the law should make provision for the ex- 
 emption of the property of the poor who cannot sell prop- 
 
20 
 
 erty to pay a heavy taxandliro; and should plact^ the 
 burden mainly upon the wealth of the State where it can 
 be borne witliout causing suIFeringor want. As the poor 
 have generally' paid their part of the cost of this war in 
 military service, exposure, fatigue and blood, tlie rich who 
 have been in a much greater degree exempt from these 
 should meet the money demands of the Government. 
 
 wi:.STi!:i:x & Atlantic kailuoad. 
 
 As will be seen by the Keport of the Superintendaiit of 
 the Westtirn & Atlantic Railroad the net earnings of the 
 road have been 8 1,11 7, -522. IS far the fiscal year. 
 
 In addition to this about halt a million of dollars have 
 been made to this date, by the use of the rolling stock 
 since the road was given up to t>lie enemy, by the pur- 
 chase of cotton mostly in localities threatened by the ene- 
 my, which was carried to points of greater safety and sold 
 for a profit. The sales had not been made nor had that 
 sum been realized at the date of the Superiutendant's re- 
 port. Part of the cotton now stored will soon be sold and 
 the money paid into the Treasury and accounted for in the 
 next report of the Superintendent. 
 
 "When we had rolling stock which could be spared from 
 Government transportatiou I thought tliis a legitimate busi- 
 ness. "When the road was taken possession of by the ene- 
 my and our engines and cars sent to the interior of the 
 State, I found it necessary to keep the most of the employ- 
 ees of the Road vriih the stock, that we might have them 
 at command in case we recovered tiie road. As they were 
 generally dependent upon their wages for the support of 
 their families it was necessary to keep them upon such pay 
 as would accom[)lish this object. 
 
 The loss of our engines and cars has been heav}'. The 
 raid under General Stonenian destroyed at Gsrdon and near 
 Griswoldville seventeen passenger cars and thirty freight 
 cars and seriously injured four engines. At the evacua- 
 tion of Atlanta three of our engines and eighteen cars vvhich 
 were in the employment of the Government transporting 
 ordnance and com missaiy stores v/ere destroyinl by order 
 of Gen. Hood, to prevent their falling into the hands of the 
 enemy, The families of part of the employees who have 
 been driven out without shelter have been permitted to oc- 
 cupy a portion of the freight cars. The balance of the 
 rolling stock when not engaged carrying cotton has been 
 used on other roads to carry government freights for the 
 supply of tlie army. 
 
 The Confederate Government owes the road, as will be 
 seen by the Superintendent's report the sum of $975,774.00, 
 I have made every effort in my power to collect this but 
 have not been successful. I trust the Government will not? 
 
21 
 
 much longer delay payment, which has been withheld from 
 time to time under various pretexts. 
 
 TAX ON BANKS. 
 
 As the act of the last regular session imposed a tax upon 
 both the assets and capital stock of the different Banks of 
 this tState, which amounts to a double tax, and as these cor- 
 porations have not the advantages over the other pursuits 
 in the State which they had before the war, on account of 
 the suspension of their regular business which has been 
 absorbed by the Confederate Treasury; and as they exchang- 
 ed large amountsof their own bills with the Government 
 at the commencement of the war for its notes as an accom- 
 modation, which have greatly depreciated in their hands; I 
 doubted whether it was the intention of the legislature to 
 make this discrimination against them. I therefore direct- 
 ed the Comptroller Gen ral to suspend the collection of the 
 tax upon their Capital Stock and collect only upon their as- 
 sets till your pleasure shall be known. 
 
 TAX ON COTTON. 
 
 As the law now stands cotton in the hands of all persons 
 other than producers is taxable, but the cotton held by the 
 producer in his gin-house from year to year as investment 
 pays no tax. lean see no just reason for this discrimina- 
 tion. If the planter sells his cotton and investsthe proceeds 
 in" bonds or other property they are taxable, as are almost 
 every other species of property, but if he considers the cot- 
 ton a better investment than currency bonds or other prop- 
 erty, and holds it from year to year, it is exemptin his hands 
 from taxation, while all other things of like value are taxed. 
 If A purchases cotton which he holds as investment and 
 B raises cotton which he holds from year to year for the 
 same purpose. I confess my inability to see any just reason 
 why the one should pay tax and the other be exempt. 
 
 INEQUALITY OF TAX RETURNS. 
 
 I call your special attention to that par of the Report of 
 the Comptroller General which points out the inequality of 
 the tax returns from the different counties under the present 
 law, and respectfully recommend the passage of the Bill 
 suggested by him, or one of like character, to remedy this 
 evil and prevent future inequality and injustice between 
 the people of the different counties. Each should bear its 
 just part of the public burdens, which is not and will not be 
 the case under the present law. 
 
 MILITARY APrROPlilATION. 
 
 As our state is invaded by a powerful, enemy audit is 
 impossible to foresee the exigencies which may arise within 
 the ensuing-year to require the use of our military force, or 
 the extremities to which we may be driven, I r.ecommend 
 
the appropriation of ten millions of dollars as a military 
 fund lor the political year. 
 
 RELIEF OF soldiers' FAMILIES. 
 
 I recommend the appropriation of six millions of dollars 
 as a fund for the relief of iiitligeut soldiers' families and sick 
 and wounded soldiers, and indigent exiles. 
 
 While hundreds and thousands of our patriotic fellow 
 citizens who are poor and without means to support their 
 families in their absence, are standing as a bulwark, between 
 the enemy and the safety and property of the wh»le peo- 
 ple whose homes have not been overrun, it is the impera- 
 tive duty of the people at home to see that their families do 
 not suffer for the necessaries of life. I have constantly ad- 
 vocated this policy and feel the impoitance of it the more 
 as the sufferings consequent upon the scarcity of provisions 
 are increased in the State. The wealth and property|of the 
 State must be taxed to any extent necessary to prevent 
 suffering among the families of our brave defenders. They 
 have freely shed their blood in their country's service, and 
 those who have money must be compelled to part with as 
 much of it as may be required to cheer the hearts of the 
 widows and orphans of the slain, and the distressed families 
 of those still upon the field. Let our soldiers know that 
 their loved ones at home are provided for, and you stimu- 
 late them to greater exertions and nerve tlu-m to nobler 
 deeds. 
 
 The law shouldbe so amended as to make it the duty of 
 the Inferior Courts of the respective counties to make 
 quarterly reports to the Comptroller General of the dis- 
 bursement of the funds received by them, with a statement 
 of the names of the indigent persons to whom the fund is 
 distributed and the amount received by each. It is be- 
 lieved that the courts aie not held by the present law to 
 sufficient accountability. 
 
 The law should provide for the prompt dismissal of the 
 courts from the trust, and the appointment of other agent* 
 to disburse the fund, when they fail to make legal and sat- 
 isfactory returns, or to discharge any other of the duties 
 imposed upon them by the statute. 
 
 Provision should also be made to enable the courts of 
 counties containing refugees to draw enough of the funds of 
 counties behind the enemies' lines to afford relief to such 
 refugees when entitled, without the certificate of the court 
 of the county of their former residence, upon other satisfac- 
 tory evidence when the certificate of the court can not be 
 obtained. 
 
 CLOTHING FUND. 
 
 I recomniend the appropriation of two millions of dol- 
 
23 
 
 lara as a clothing fund to be used for the supply of clothing 
 to Georgia troops in service when they cannot get what is 
 necessary to their comfort Irom tiie Confederate Govern- 
 ment- While it is the duty of that Government tn supply 
 all its troops with comfortable clothing, if it fails to dis- 
 charge that duty from inability or otht»rvvise, Georgia 
 should see that her sons do not suffer by such n<\i;jlect. This 
 fund should be used for the purchase of the nctrssary sup- 
 ply either in the Confederacy or in foreign markt^fM as cir- 
 cumstances may show the 6ne or the other to be the most 
 practical with the least cost. 
 
 PURCHASE OF PROVISIONS. 
 
 The conscript law having been extended to 50 years of 
 age, embraces much the greater portion of the planters of 
 this State. Most of these men who ma,ke surplus supplier 
 of provisions have received details from military service o» 
 condition that they sell to the Confederate Government all 
 their surplus at schedule prices, which are now so far below 
 market value as to afford nat even the appearance of just 
 compensation. In this way the Confederate Government 
 prohibits the citizens of Georgia from soiling their surplus 
 •productions to their own State, when the State needs these 
 productions and is ready to pay just compensation for them. 
 This makes it exceedingly difficult for the Quartermasters 
 aad Commissaries of the State to procure the supplies abso- 
 lutely necessary for the State troops, indigent exiles, and 
 others supported by the State. Under the order of Confed- 
 erate officers that detailed men should sell only to Confed- 
 erate Agents, the officers of the State during the past summer 
 were driven out of her own market?, and were obliged to go 
 to our sister state Alabama, and purchase corn and importit 
 at a very heavy expense to the Treasury to save the suffer- 
 ing poor from starvation. 
 
 For a rhore detailed statement of the difficulties growing 
 out of this prohibition you are respectfully referred to the 
 official Reports of the Quartermaster General and the Com- 
 missary General. 
 
 Some of the other States have enacted laws which au- 
 thorize the State officers to impress when in the hands of 
 producers such supplies as are needed for State use. This 
 in my opinion is the only mode of obviating the difficulty. 
 Such a law should make ample provision to secure Just 
 compensation to the owners whose property may be taken. 
 A confederate regulation cannot be defended upon any 
 principle of reason or justice which drives a State out of 
 her own markets for the purchase of her necessary sup- 
 plies. 
 
 THE EXILES DRIVEN OUT BY THE ENEMY. 
 
 Your attention is invited to the depl»rable condition of 
 
24 
 
 ihc unfortunate exiles, wlio have bfon driven from their 
 hc»aie« in Athinta, and other part^ of the 8tat<s by the sav- 
 ■a^e cruelty of the enemy. The inhumanity of the treat- 
 ^voeat to which these unfortunate sufierers have been sub- 
 jected, has probably no parallel in modern warfare, and but 
 Sew w the history of the world. Thousands of helpless 
 women and children, many of them widows and orphans of 
 ^iSir^vemen, who have sacriliced their lives in the defence of 
 ■ .tl?e liberties -of their country, have been driven from their 
 ' homes, with but little of their clothing and furniture, and 
 Ihrawfl out and exposed upon the ground to all sorts of 
 weather, without food, house, or shelter. 
 
 lE have had the best means in my power provided for 
 i:heir protection, and have ordered provisions issued to those 
 w]y& were entirely destitute. As I had no special appropri- 
 ation for this purpose, I have used the Military fund, or so 
 ffaaeh of itascould be spared, not doubting that my course 
 "sraald meet your a})prova!. Tents have been furnished to 
 ^ick as could not get shelter, and I have directed that log 
 «i)l»ins be constructed, at a suitable locality, by the Quarter- 
 sna-ster General, who has taken great interest in their be- 
 -Sfedf, for their comfort during the winter. The Quarter- 
 asvasterand Commissary .General have done all in their povv- 
 <er, with the means at their command, to mitigate the suf- 
 .feriags of this most unfortunate class of our fellow-citizens. 
 I recommend that proper provision be made by law, to sup- 
 ply tJiose who are destitute, with shelter, and the necessa- . 
 dsies of life, #ill they can provide for themselves. 
 
 <JEOROIA HOSPITAL AND RELIEF ASSaCIATION. 
 
 Your attention is invited to the Annual Report of the 
 Board of Superintendents of the Georgia Hospital and Re- 
 lief Association This association is composed of gentlemen 
 s-af the highest character who have labored faithfully and 
 -saceessfully to alleviate the suffering of our sick and wound- 
 ^ soldiers. Their efforts merit the thanks of our whole 
 'ptaple. It is duubted whether any other association with 
 the same amount of means at command has accomplished as 
 anuch good. 
 
 I respectfully recommend an approproation of $500,000 to 
 ^ expeuded by the association as heretofore, during the 
 «a8uing year. 
 
 SCHOOL rUND. 
 
 -As our schools cannot be conducted with success, till we 
 '^ave* vchange in the condition of the couutry, 1 recommend 
 ihafc the school fund, for the future, be applied to the sup- 
 -yxwt Off the widows and orphans of our soldiers, till we can 
 '-again revive our educational interests, with reasonable 
 ^raspects of the acconiplishment of good, by the distribu- 
 
26 
 
 tion of the fund among the counties, for ecluc«,tional pur- 
 poses. 
 
 DESERTERS AXD STRAGGLERS FROM THE ARMY. 
 
 It is a fact that requires no effert at concealment since the 
 late announcement of the President, in his speech at Macon, 
 that our armies have been weakened to an alarming extent 
 by desertion and str.iggling. The success of our cause, and 
 the safety of our people, require prompt action to remedy 
 this evil. Many of these men have fought gallantly, and 
 have left their commands, under circumstunces the most 
 trying, to which human nature can be exposed. As our ar- 
 mies have retreated and left large sections of country in 
 possession cf the enemy, they have found their homes and 
 their families thrown behind the enemy's lines, where the 
 latter are subject, not only to insult and injury, but to 
 great suffering, for the necessaries of life. Under these cir- 
 cumstances, their sympathy and care, for their families, tri- 
 umphed over their [)atriotism and sense of duty, and in an 
 unfortunate hour they yielded to their feelings, laid down 
 their arms and abandoned their colors. 
 
 A strong appeal should be made to these men to return to 
 their companies, and a free pardon should be extended to 
 each one who will do so. This is already ofTered to them by 
 Gen. Beauregard, and Gen. Hood audi have reason to believe 
 wouldHoe granted by the General in command of each of the 
 Military Departments. All who refuse to accept the par- 
 don, and return, should be arrested, and sent forward wnth 
 the least possible delay. 
 
 The civil ofTicers of the State, in their respective coun- 
 ties, with the aid of the Military oflicers, when at home, and 
 the patrol of each county, is believed to be the most eflec- 
 tive, for the arrest and return, of deserters and stragglers, 
 if placed by the laws of the respective States, under proper 
 legal obligations, to act in thiscapa(;ity. These officers, by 
 the Constitution of the country and laws of the States, and 
 of thii Confederate States, are exempt from Confederate 
 conscription, and should be required in consideration of the 
 exemption extended to them, to keep all deserters and strag- 
 glers out of their counties, when not overrun by the enemy. 
 
 To compel the civil officers to act, as many of them are 
 not inclined to do so, I recommend the passage of alaw, au- 
 thorizing the Governor to turn over the civil officers of any 
 county, or any portion of them to conscription, when they 
 refuse to act or to obey orders, for the apprehension of strag- 
 glers and deserters, from State or Confederate service, and 
 if they cannot be turned over to conscription from age or 
 otherwise, that they be subject to Militia duty, and to trial 
 b}' court martial, for neglect of duty or refusal to obey or- 
 ders. And that all necessary penal sanctions be added, to 
 
'2G 
 
 compel the discharge of this duty. Proper provision should 
 he made, by the Confederate authorities, to receive the dc- 
 xerters at convenient points, not too remote from any part 
 of the State, and to pay jail fees and other necessary expen- 
 ses promptly. The want of proper regulations, in this par- 
 ticular, deters many civil othcers, who would he willing to 
 act, from making arrests, as they have not money to spare, 
 to pay the expenses, and do not know to whom or where 
 they should deliver the persons arrested. 
 
 While it is the duty of the States to make provision to 
 compel deserters and persons absent without leave, to re- 
 turn to their commands, an imperative obligation rests up- 
 on them to make such provision for the families of the needy 
 as will secure them from want of the necessaries of life, io 
 the absence of their husbands and fathers. Whatever tax 
 upon the wealth of each State, may be necessary for this 
 purpose, should be assessed by legislators without hesita- 
 tion, and paid by property holders without complaint. 
 
 ROBnER BANDS OF DESERTERS IND STAGGLINQ CAVALRY. 
 
 It is a lamentable fact that bands of deserters 
 from our armies, and sniall bodies of cavalry belonging 
 to the Confederate service are constantly robbing and plun- 
 dering our people of their stock, provisions and other 
 property. This is generally done by these robber ^ands 
 under pretext of exercising the power of impressment, in 
 the name of the Government or of some General, who not 
 only knows nothing of their conduct but disapproves and 
 condemns it. They go armed and take what they please 
 by intimidation and force, having regard to neither age, 
 sex nor condition. The are not amenable to any civil .pro- 
 cess as there is not generally sufficient force at home to ar- 
 rest them, and they pass on and cannot in future be iden- 
 tified. If arrested and committed to prison they will aid 
 each other to escape by force if necessary. They arc law- 
 less banditti and should be so treated. 
 
 I therefore recommend the passage of an act declaring 
 all such outlaws, and authoring any citizen or asgociatiou 
 of citizens whom they may attempt to rob, to shoot them 
 down or slay them in any other way in their power, and to 
 band together and follow them when they have committed 
 a robbery in any neighborhood and slay them wherever 
 found. This is the only protection left our people at home 
 against the depredations of these incorrigible thieves. 
 
 RANK OK THE QUARTESMASTEH AND COMMISSARY GENERAL. 
 
 The gentlemen who fill these positions have labored in- 
 cessantly and faithfully to serve the State and promote the 
 public interest. I feel quite sure no two better officers 
 fill similar places in any State in the Confederacy. 
 
27 
 
 The Code only gives them the rank of Lieut. Colonel and 
 allows the Governor no discretion in raising their rank no 
 matter how deserving they may be of promotion. As I 
 know of no other State which has failed to give higher 
 rank to officers in these positions, I respectfully recommend 
 as an act of justice that their rank be raised to that of Brig- 
 adier General. 
 
 GEORGIA iMILITARY INSTITUTE. 
 
 Upon the advance of the enemy, in the direction of Mari- 
 etta, I directed the Superintendent, Professors commanding^ 
 and Cadets of the Georgia Military Institute, to report to 
 the Military commander for orders, and to aid in the de- 
 fence of Atlanta, or such other points as they might be as- 
 signed to. The order was obeyed with promptness and 
 cheerfulness, and they were, for a time, placed at the bridge 
 at West Point, then at a position-on the River in front of At- 
 lanta, and finally in the trenches. In every position, they 
 acted with coolness and courage, and won the respect and 
 confidence of their commanders. Finally, when it became 
 necessary to place troops at Milledgeville, for the defence 
 of the Capitol, against the raids ot the enemy, I ordered 
 them to this place, where they are covered with tents, enga- 
 ged in study part of each day, and the balance of the time 
 attending to their duties as a battalion of troops. I have 
 ordered them supplied with provisions by the Commissary^ 
 while engaged in this service, and it will be necessary to pay 
 the Professors out of the Military fund, or to make a specials 
 appropriation for that purpose. 
 
 STATE LINE. 
 
 The two Regiments of the State Line have greatly distin- 
 guished themselves, for cool courage and intrepid valor upou 
 the battle-field, and have rendered important service in the 
 defence of the State. The ranks of these gallant Regimentt 
 have been decimated, and they are now greatly reduced. In 
 the short period from the time they reported to General 
 Johnston at the front, till the fall of Atlanta, they lost upon, 
 the battle-field nearly 600 men, many of them as gallant a»^ 
 any who have bled in freedom's cause. For a more detail- 
 ed account of their services and losses, you are referred to- 
 the able report of the Adjutant and Inspector General of the- 
 State. 
 
 THE MILITIA. 
 
 The report of the Adjutant and Inspector General will 
 afford all necessary information, connected with the organ- 
 kation of the Militia, Which would have been a most thor- 
 ough and efficient one, but for the interruption growing out 
 of the Conscript Acts since their organization, and would 
 
28 
 
 have enabled the State to bring iuto the field, for her own 
 defence, when Athinta was threatened, a force of some 30-, 
 000 men, after making all reasonable allowance for disabili- 
 ty, &c. 
 
 Notwithstanding the diOiculties with which the State au- 
 thorities have had to contend, about 10,000 of the reserve 
 Militia were armed and sent to the front, to aid in the de- 
 fence of Atlanta, and other important points in the State. 
 No troops in the service discharged their duty more nobly 
 and faithfully. They received the commendation of Gener- 
 al Johnston, General Hoed, and their immediate con)mand- 
 er Major General Smith, for their gallantry and good con- 
 duct upon the battle-field. When Atlanta fell they held 
 the post of honor, consiituting the rear guard, which brought 
 off the reserve artillery of General Hood's army. After 
 they I'.ad been ordered back to Grilhn they were furlough- 
 ed for 30 days, and have again assembled under their gallant 
 leader, and are in the right place nobly defending the soil 
 of their State. 
 
 In the Constitution of the Confederate States each State 
 has reserved the right to keep troops in time of War, when 
 actually invaded, as Georgia now is. Our fathers who form- 
 ed the Constitution of the United States, from which we 
 have taken this provision of our present Constitution, fore- 
 saw that no State could part with this right without an 
 unconditional surrender of her sovereignty, which they were 
 careful to provide against. The right of the Confederate 
 States, if we admit the power of conscription, and of the 
 State to raise troops, is mutual and concurrent. Each, in 
 that case, has the same right in war when the State is inva- 
 ded, to enlist troops into its service, and neither has the 
 right to take them out of the custody of the other, when 
 regularly received into its military service. This does n jt 
 of course admit the right of the Confederate Government 
 to enrol or interfere, with the officers, or necessary agents, 
 of the State government. 
 
 As the present organization of reserve Militia is the only 
 remaining force left to the State, she should, under no cir- 
 cumstances, turn them over to the unlimited control of the 
 Confederate Government, or any other power. But she 
 should retain the control over them that she may send them 
 to the field, when the Militaiy exigencies require it, and 
 withdraw them at proper intervals, when her agricultural, 
 and other material interests, imperatively demand it 
 
 I turned over the organization first to General Johnston, 
 then to General Hood, and now to General Beauregard, 
 giving each the absolute command and control of the force, 
 reserving only the right to withdraw it from their com- 
 mand, when, in my judgment, the safety of the State no 
 longer required it in the fiel(J. This right will, of course, 
 
be exercised with due caution, after free conference with the 
 commanding General, as was the case when I granted the 
 thirty days furlough, after the fall of Atlanta. This.euabled 
 the troops to save a very importtint crop of the State, much 
 of which would otherwise have been lost, and caused no 
 embarrassment to General Hood, in the execution of his 
 plans. 
 
 CONVENTION OF OOVERNORS. 
 
 I transmit, herewith, a copy of Resolutions, adopted by 
 the Governor's of Virginia, North Carolina, South Caroli- 
 na, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, convened in Augus- 
 ta, on Monday, the 17th of October last, and respectfully 
 recommend the enactment of such laws as are nec-essary to 
 carry these resolutior)S into practical effect, so far as they 
 contemplate action by the Legislatures of the respective 
 States. I also request the exercise of your legislative influ- 
 ence ro induce Congress to carry out such portions of the 
 recommendations as are addressed to that body. It is prop- 
 er, in this connection, for me to remark, that I do not wish 
 to be understood by either of said resolutJous, that I advo- 
 cate the policy, in the present condition of our affairs, of 
 arming our slaves. I do however advocate the use of them 
 as teamsters, cooks, hospital servants, and in every other 
 menial capacity, in which their services can be made useful, 
 or in which they can relieve freemen from such pursuits that 
 they may take up arms. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 In conclusion I earnestly invoke the blessings of Almighty 
 God upon your deliberations ; and humbly pray that Re 
 will endow you with wisdom from above, and will guide 
 and direct all your councils, till they result in the adoption 
 of measures, and the enactment of laws, which, while they 
 strengthen our forces, and give victory to our arms, will 
 lead to wise and just negotiatioRS, which may stop the war, 
 with all its horrors, and secure the independence of the 
 Confederacy, with the rights and sovereignty of the States 
 unimpaired, thereby enabling us to maintain, to the latest 
 generation, the inestimable blessijigs of civil and religious 
 liberty, protected by adequate Cor.stitutional guarantees. 
 
 JOSEPH E. BROWN. 
 
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Hollinger 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 Mill Run F3-1 955