Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/curiositiesoflit41disr CURIOSITIES OF LITERATURE. • CURIOSITIES OF LITERATURE. BY ISAAC DISRAELI. WITH A VIEW OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF THE AUTHOR. BY HIS SON. IN FOUR VOLUMES. VOL. IV. FROM THE FOURTEENTH CORRECTED LONDON EDITION. NEW YORK: SHELDON AND COMPANY. BOSTON: WILLIAM VEAZIE. 1863. RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE: STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY H 0. HOUGHTON. CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV. PAGE LITERARY UNIONS 7 OF A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED 13 CAUSE AND PRETEXT 19 POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS . • • . 23 EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION • • • .29 AUTOGRAPHS 44 THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS 48 THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS 61 OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS 71 " TAXATION NO TYRANNY ! " 78 THE BOOK OF DEATH 87 HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH ... 95 THE RIVAL BIOGRAPHERS OF HEYLLN .... 105 OF LENGLET DU FRESNO Y Ill THE DICTIONARY OF TREVOUX 120 QUADRIO'S ACCOUNT OF ENGLISH POETRY . . .125 "POLITICAL RELIGIONISM" 131 TOLERATION 139 APOLOGY FOR THE PARISIAN MASSACRE .... 151 PREDICTION 157 DREAMS AT THE DAWN OF PHILOSOPHY . . . .179 ON PUCK THE COMMENTATOR . . . . .197 LITERARY FORGERIES • 205 OF LITERARY FILCHERS 219 OF LORD BACON AT HOME 224 SECRET HISTORY OF THE DEATH OF QUEEN ELIZABETH 233 JAMES THE FIRST, AS A FATHER AND A HUSBAND . 239 THE MAN OF ONE BOOK 244 vi CONTENTS. PAGE A BIBLIOGNOSTS 248 8ECRET HISTORY OF AN ELECTIVE MONARCHY . . 255 BUILDINGS IN THE METROPOLIS, AND RESIDENCE IN THE COUNTRY 275 ROYAL PROCLAMATIONS 284 TRUE SOURCES OF SECRET HISTORY 293 LITERARY RESIDENCES 310 WHETHER ALLOWABLE TO RUIN ONE'S SELF . . .317 DISCOVERIES OF SECLUDED MEN 327 SENTIMENTAL BIOGRAPHY 333 LITERARY PARALLELS 346 THE PEARL BIBLES, AND SIX THOUSAND ERRATA . .349 VIEW OF A PARTICULAR PERIOD OF THE STATE OF RE- LIGION IN OUR CIVIL WARS 356 BUCKINGHAM'S POLITICAL COQUETRY WITH THE PURITANS 367 SIR EDWARD COKE'S EXCEPTIONS AGAINST THE HIGH SHERIFF'S OATH 371 SECRET HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST AND HIS FIRST PARLIAMENTS 372 THE RUMP 412 LIFE AND HABITS OF A LITERARY ANTIQUARY — OLDYS AND HIS MANUSCRIPTS 425 INDEX 449 CUKIOSITIES OF LITEKATUEE. LITERARY UNIONS. SECRET HISTORY OF RAWLEIGH'S HISTORY OF THE WORLD, AND VASARl'S LIVES. A union of talents, differing in their qualities, might carry sgme important works to a more extended perfection. In a work of great enterprise, the aid of a friendly hand may be absolutely necessary to complete the labours of the projector, who may have neither the courage, the leisure, nor all neces- sary acquisitions for performing the favourite task which he has otherwise matured. Many great works, commenced by a master-genius, have remained unfinished, or have been de- ficient for want of this friendly succour. The public would have been grateful to Johnson, had he united in his diction- ary the labours of some learned etymologist. Speed's Chronicle owes most of its value, as it does its ornaments, to the hand of Sir Robert Cotton, and other curious researchers, who contributed entire portions. Goguet's esteemed work of the " Origin of the Arts and Sciences " was greatly in- debted to the fraternal zeal of a devoted friend. The still valued books of the Port-royal Society, were all formed by this happy union. The secret history of many eminent works would show the advantages which may be derived from that combination of talents, differing in their nature. 8 LITERARY UNIONS. Cumberland's masterly versions of the fragments of the Greek dramatic poets would never have been given to the poetical world, had he not accidentally possessed the manu- script notes of his relative, the learned Bentley. This treasure supplied that research in the most obscure works, which the volatile studies of Cumberland could never have explored ; a circumstance which he concealed from the world, proud of the Greek erudition which he thus cheaply pos- sessed. Yet by this literary union, Bentley's vast erudition made those researches which Cumberland could not ; and Cumberland gave the nation a copy of the domestic drama of Greece, of which Bentley was incapable. There is a large work, which is still celebrated, of which the composition has excited the astonishment even of the philosophic Hume, but whose secret history remains yet to be disclosed. This extraordinary volume is " The History of the World by Rawleigh." I shall transcribe Hume's observation, that the reader may observe the literary pheno- menon. " They were struck with the extensive genius of the man, who being educated amidst naval and military en- terprises, had surpassed in the pursuits of literature, even those of the most recluse and sedentary lives ; and they ad- mired his unbroken magnanimity, which at his age, and under his circumstances, could engage him to undertake and execute so great a work, as his History of the World." Now when the truth is known, the wonderful in this literary mystery will disappear, except in the eloquent, the grand, and the pathetic passages interspersed in that venerable volume. We may, indeed, pardon the astonishment of our calm philosopher, when we consider the recondite matter contained in this work, and recollect the little time which this adventurous spirit, whose life was passed in fabricating his own fortune, and in perpetual enterprise, could allow to such erudite pursuits. Where could Rawleigh obtain that familiar acquaintance with the rabbins, of whose language he was probably entirely ignorant ? His numerous publications, LITERARY UNIONS. S the effusions of a most active mind, though excellent in their kind, were evidently composed by one who was not abstracted in curious and remote inquiries, but full of the daily business and the wisdom of human life. His confinement in the Tower, which lasted several years, was indeed sufficient for the composition of this folio volume, and of a second which appears to have occupied him. But in that imprisonment it singularly happened that he lived among literary characters, with most intimate friendship. There he joined the Earl of Northumberland, the patron of the philosophers of his age, and with whom Rawleigh pursued his chemical studies ; and Serjeant Hoskins, a poet and a wit, and the poetical " father " of Ben Jonson, who acknowledged that "It was Hoskins who had polished him ; " and that Rawleigh often consulted Hoskins on his literary works, I learn from a manuscript. But however literary the atmosphere of the Tower proved to Rawleigh, no particle of Hebrew, and perhaps little of Grecian lore, floated from a chemist and a poet. The truth is, that the collection of the materials of this history was the labour of several persons, who have not all been discovered. It has been ascertained that Ben Jonson was a considerable contributor; and there was an English philosopher from whom Descartes, it is said even by his own countrymen, borrowed largely — Thomas Hariot, whom Anthony Wood charges with infusing into Rawleigh's volume philosophical notions, while Rawleigh was composing his History of the World. But if Rawleigh's pursuits surpassed even those of the most recluse and sedentary lives, as Hume observes, we must attribute this to a "Dr. Robert Burrel, Rector of Northwald, in the county of Norfolk, who was a great favourite of Sir Walter Rawleigh, and had been his chaplain. All, or the greatest part of the drudgery of Sir Walter's History for criticisms, chronology, and reading Greek and Hebrew authors, were performed by him, for Sir Walter." * Thus a simple fact, when discovered, clears * I draw my information from a very singular manuscript in the Lans- 10 LITERAKY UNIONS. up the whole mystery ; and we learn how that knowledge was acquired, which, as Hume sagaciously detected, required "a recluse and sedentary life," such as the studies and the habits of a country clergyman would have been in a learned age. The secret history of another work, still more celebrated than the History of the World, by Sir Walter Rawleigh, will doubtless surprise its numerous admirers. Without the aid of a friendly hand, we should probably have been deprived of the delightful history of Artists by Vasari : although a mere painter and goldsmith, and not a literary man, Vasari was blessed with the nice discernment of one deeply conversant with art, and saw rightly what was to be done, when the idea of the work was suggested by the celebrated Paulus Jovius as a supplement to his own work of the " Eulogiums of illustrious men." Vasari approved of the project ; but on that occasion judiciously observed, not blinded by the celebrity of the literary man who projected it, that " It would require the assistance of an artist to collect the materials, and arrange them in their proper order ; for although Jovius displayed great knowledge in his observa- downe collection, which I think has been mistaken for a boy's ciphering book, of which it has much the appearance, No. 741, fo. 57, as it stands in the auctioneer's catalogue. It appears to be a collection closely written, extracted out of Anthony Wood's papers ; and as I have discovered in the manuscript, numerous notices not elsewhere preserved, I am inclined to think that the transcriber copied them from that mass of Anthony Wood's papers, of which more than one sack full was burnt at his desire before him when dying. If it be so, this MS. is the only register of many curious facts. Ben Jonson has been too freely censured for his own free censures, and particularly for one he made on Sir Walter Eawleigh, who, he told Drum- mond, " esteemed more fame than conscience. The best wits in England were employed in making his History ; Ben himself had written a piece to him of the Punic War, which he altered and set in his book." Jonson's powerful advocate, Mr. Gifford, has not alleged a word in the defence of our great Bard's free conversational strictures; the secret history of Raw- leigh's great work had never been discovered; on this occasion, however, Jonson only spoke what he knew to be true — and there may have been other truths, in those conversations which were set down at random by Drummond, who may have chiefly recollected the satirical touches. LITERARY UNIONS. 11 tions, yet he had not been equally accurate in the arrange- ment of his facts in his book of Eulogiuras." Afterwards, when Vasari began to collect his information, and consulted Paulus Jovius on the plan, although that author highly ap- proved of what he saw, he alleged his own want of leisure and ability to complete such an enterprise ; and this was for- tunate : we should otherwise have had, instead of the rambling spirit which charms us in the volumes of Yasari, the verbose babble of a declaimer. Vasari, however, looked round for the assistance he wanted ; a circumstance which Tiraboschi has not noticed : like Hogarth, he required a literary man for his scribe. I have discovered the name of the chief writer of the Lives of the Painters, who wrote under the direction of Vasari, and probably often used his own natural style, and conveyed to us those reflections which surely come from their source. I shall give the passage, as a curious instance where the secret history of books is often detected in the most ob- scure corners of research. Who could have imagined that in a collection of the lives de' Santi e Beati delV or dine de' Predicatori, we are to look for the writer of Vasari's lives ? Don Serafini Razzi, the author of this ecclesiastical biogra- phy, has this reference : " Who would see more of this may turn to the lives of the painters, sculptors, and architects, written for the greater part by Don Silvano Razzi, my brother, for the Signor Cavaliere M. Giorgio Vasari, his great friend." * The discovery that Vasari's volumes were not entirely written by himself, though probably under his dictation, and unquestionably, with his communications, as we know that Dr. Morell wrote the " Analysis of Beauty " for Hogarth, will perhaps serve to clear up some unaccountable mistakes * I find this quotation in a sort of polemical work of natural philosophy, entitled " Saggio di Storia Litteraria Fiorentina del Secolo XVII. da Gio- vanne Clemente Nelli, Lucca, 1759," p. 68. Nelli also refers to what he had said on this subject in his " Piante ad alzati di S. M. del Fiore, p. vi. e. vii. ;" a work on architecture. See Brunet; and Haym, Bib. ItaL d£ Libri rari. 12 LITERARY UNIONS. or omissions which appear in that series of volumes, written at long intervals, and by different hands. Mr. Fuseli has alluded to them in utter astonishment ; and cannot account for Vasari's " incredible dereliction of reminiscence, which prompted him to transfer what he had rightly ascribed to Giorgione in one edition to the elder Parma in the subse- quent ones." Again : Vasari's " memory was either so treacherous, or his rapidity in writing so inconsiderate, that his account of the Capella Sistina, and the stanze of Raffaello, is a mere heap of errors and unpardonable con- fusion." Even Bottari, his learned editor, is at a loss how to account for his mistakes. Mr. Fuseli finely observes, " He has been called the Herodotus of our art ; and if the main simplicity of his narrative, and the desire of heaping anec- dote on anecdote, entitle him in some degree to that appella- tion, we ought not to forget that the information of every day adds something to the authenticity of the Greek historian, whilst every day furnishes matter to question the credibility of the Tuscan." All this strongly confirms the suspicion that Vasari employed different hands at different times to write out his work. Such mistakes would occur to a new writer, not always conversant with the subject he was com- posing on, and the disjointed materials of which were often found in a disordered state. It is, however, ' strange that neither Bottari nor Tiraboschi appear to have been aware that Vasari employed others to write for him-; we see that from the first suggestion of the work he had originally pro- posed that Paulus Jovius should hold the pen for him. The principle illustrated in this article might be pursued ; but the secret history of two great works so well known are as sufficient as twenty others of writings less celebrated. The literary phenomenon which had puzzled the calm in- quiring Hume to cry out " a miracle ! " has been solved by the discovery of a little fact on Literary Unions, which derives importance from this circumstance.* * Mr. Patrick Fraser Tytler, in his recent biography of Sir Waltef OF A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED. 13 OF A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED. There are objects connected with literary curiosity, whose very history, though they may never gratify our sight, is literary ; and the originality of their invention, should they excite imitation, may serve to constitute a class. I notice a book-curiosity of this nature. This extraordinary volume may be said to have contained the travels and adventures of Charles Magius, a noble Vene- tian ; and this volume, so precious, consisted only of eighteen pages, composed of a series of highly-finished miniature paintings on vellum, some executed by the hand of Paul Veronese. Each page, however, may be said to contain many chapters ; for, generally, it is composed of a large centre-piece, surrounded by ten small ones, with many apt inscriptions, allegories, and allusions ; the whole exhibiting romantic incidents in the life of this Venetian nobleman. But it is not merely as a beautiful production of art that we are to consider it ; it becomes associated with a more elevated feeling in the occasion which produced it. The author, who is,himself the hero, after having been long calumniated, re- solved to set before the eyes of his accusers the sufferings and adventures he could perhaps have but indifferently de- Kawleigh, a work of vigorous research and elegant composition, has dedi- cated to me a supernumerary article in his Appendix, entitled Mr. Z>' Is- raeli's Errors ! He has inferred from the present article, that I denied that Rawleigh was the writer of his own great work ! — because I have shown how great works may be advantageously pursued by the aid of " Literary Union." It is a monstrous inference ! The chimrera which plays before his eyes is his own contrivance ; he starts at his own phantasmagoria, and leaves me, after all, to fight with his shadow. Mr. Tytler has not contradicted a single statement of mine. I have care- fully read his article and my own, and I have made no alteration. I may be allowed to add that there is much redundant matter in tbe article of Mr. Tytler; and, to use the legal style, there is much " imperti- nence," which, with a little candour and more philosophy, he would strike his pen through, as sound lawyers do on these occasions. 14 OF A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED. scribed : and instead of composing a tedious volume for his justification, invented this new species of pictorial biography. The author minutely described the remarkable situations in which fortune had placed him ; and the artists, in embellish- ing the facts he furnished them with to record, emulated each other in giving life to their truth, and putting into action, be- fore the spectator, incidents which the pen had less impres- sively exhibited. This unique production may be considered as a model to represent the actions of those who may succeed more fortunately by this new mode of perpetuating their his- tory ; discovering, by the aid of the pencil, rather than by their pen, the forms and colours of an extraordinary life. It was when the Ottomans (about 1571) attacked the Isle of Cyprus, that this Venetian nobleman was charged by his republic to review and repair the fortifications. He was afterwards sent to the pope to negotiate an alliance: he returned to the senate to give an account of his commission. Invested with the chief command, at the head of his troops, Magius threw himself into the island of Cyprus, and after a skilful defence, which could not prevent its fall, at Famagusta he was taken prisoner by the Turks, and made a slave. His age and infirmities induced his master, at length, to sell him to some Christian merchants ; and after an absence of several years from his beloved Venice, he suddenly appeared, to the astonishment and mortification of a party who had never ceased to calumniate him ; while his own noble family were compelled to preserve an indignant silence, having had no communications with their lost and enslaved relative. Magius now returned to vindicate his honour, to reinstate himself in the favour of the senate, and to be restored to a venerable parent amidst his family ; to whom he introduced a fresh branch, in a youth of seven years old, the child of his mis- fortunes, who, born in trouble, and a stranger to domestic endearments, was at one moment united to a beloved circle of relations. I shall give a rapid view of some of the pictures of this OF A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED. 15 Venetian nobleman's life. The whole series has been elabor- ately drawn up by the Duke de la Valliere, the celebrated book-collector, who dwells on the detail with the curiosity of an amateur.* In a rich frontispiece, a Christ is expiring on the cross ; Religion, leaning on a column, contemplates the Divinity, and Hope is not distant from her. The genealogical tree of the house of Magius, with an allegorical representation of Venice, its nobility, power, and riches : the arms of Magius, in which is inserted a view of the holy sepulchre of Jeru- salem, of which he was made a knight ; his portrait, with a Latin inscription : " I have passed through arms and the enemy, amidst fire and water, and the Lord conducted me to a safe asylum, in the year of grace 1571." The portrait of his son, aged seven years, finished with the greatest beauty, and supposed to have come from the hand of Paul Veronese ; it bears this inscription : " Overcome by violence and arti- fice, almost dead before his birth, his mother was at length delivered of him, full of life, with all the loveliness of in- fancy ; under the divine protection, his birth was happy, and his life with greater happiness shall be closed with good fortune." A plan of the isle of Cyprus, where Magius commanded, and his first misfortune happened, his slavery by the Turks. — The painter has expressed this by an emblem of a tree shaken by the winds and scathed by the lightning ; but from the trunk issues a beautiful green branch shining in a brilliant sun, with this device — " From this fallen trunk springs a branch full of vigour." The missions of Magius to raise troops in the province of * The duke's description is not to be found, as might be expected, in his own valued catalogue, but was a contribution to Gaignat's, ii. 16, where it occupies fourteen pages. This singular work sold at Gaignat's sale for 902 livres. It was then the golden age of literary curiosity, when the rarest things were not ruinous ; and that price was even then con- sidered extraordinary, though the work was an unique. It must consist of about 180 subjects, by Italian artists. 16 OF A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED. la Puglia. — In one of these Magius is seen returning to Venice ; his final departure, — a thunderbolt is viewed falling on his vessel — his passage by Corfu and Zante, and his arrival at Candia. His travels to Egypt. — The centre figure represents this province raising its right hand extended towards a palm-tree, and the left leaning on a pyramid, inscribed " Celebrated throughout the world for her wonders." The smaller pictures are the entrance of Magius into the port of Alexandria; Rosetta, with a caravan of Turks and different nations ; the city of Grand Cairo, exterior and interior, with views of other places ; and finally, his return to Venice. His journey to Rome. — The centre figure an armed Pallas seated on trophies, the Tyber beneath her feet, a globe in her hands, inscribed Quod rerum victrix ac domina — " Because she is the Conqueress and Mistress of the World." The ten small pictures are views of the cities in the pope's dominion. His first audience at the conclave forms a pleasing and fine composition. His travels into Syria. — The principal figure is a female, emblematical of that fine country ; she is seated in the midst of a gay orchard, and embraces a bundle of roses, inscribed Mundi delicice — " The delight of the universe." The small compartments are views of towns and ports, and the spot where Magius collected his fleet. His pilgrimage to Jerusalem, where he was made a knight of the holy sepulchre. — The principal figure represents De- votion, inscribed Ducit. " It is she who conducts me." The compartments exhibit a variety of objects, with a correctness of drawing, which are described as belonging to the class, and partaking of the charms, of the pencil of Claude Lor- raine. His vessel is first viewed in the roadstead at Venice beat by a storm ; arrives at Zante to refresh ; enters the port of Simiso ; there having landed, he and his companions are proceeding to the town on asses, for Christians were not permitted to travel in Turkey on horses. — In the church at OF A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED. 17 Jerusalem the bishop, in his pontifical habit, receives him as a knight of the holy sepulchre, arraying him in the armour of Godfrey of Bouillon, and placing his sword in the hands of Magius. His arrival at Bethlehem, to see the cradle of the Lord — and his return by Jaffa with his companions, in the dress of pilgrims ; the groups are finely contrasted with the Turks mingling amongst them. The taking of the city of Famagusta, and his slavery. — The middle figure, with a dog at its feet represents Fidelity, the character of Magius, who ever preferred it to his life or his freedom, inscribed Captivat — " She has reduced me to slavery." Six smaller pictures exhibit the different points of the island of Cyprus, where the Turks effected their descents. Magius retreating to Famagusta, which he long defended, and where his cousin, a skilful engineer, was killed. The Turks compelled to raise the siege, but return with greater forces — the sacking of the town and the palace, where Magius was taken. — One picture exhibits him brought before a bashaw, who has him stripped, to judge of his strength and fix his price, when, after examination, he is sent among other slaves. He is seen bound and tied up among his companions in misfortune — again he is forced to labour, and carries a cask of water on his shoulders. — In another picture, his master, finding him weak of body, conducts him to a slave merchant to sell him. In another we see him leading an ass loaded with packages ; his new master, finding him loitering on his way, showers his blows on him, while a soldier is seen purloining one of the packages from the ass. Another ex- hibits Magius sinking with fatigue on the sands, while his master would raise him up by an unsparing use of the basti- nado. The varied details of these little paintings are pleas- ingly executed. The close of his slavery. — The middle figure kneeling to heaven, and a light breaking from it, inscribed " He breaks my chains," to express the confidence of Magius. The Turks are seen landing with their pillage and their slaves. — VOL. IV. 2 18 OF A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED. In one of the pictures are seen two ships on fire ; a young lady of Cyprus preferring death to the loss of her honour and the miseries of slavery, determined to set fire to the vessel in which she was carried; she succeeded, and the flames communicated to another. His return to Venice. — The painter for his principal figure has chosen a Pallas, with a helmet on her head, the aegis on one arm, and her lance in the other, to describe the courage with which Magius had supported his misfortunes, inscribed Reducit — " She brings me back." In the last of the compartments he is seen at the custom-house at Venice ; he enters the house of his father; the old man hastens to meet him, and embraces him. One page is filled by a single picture, which represents the senate of Venice, with the Doge on his throne; Magius presents an account of his different employments, and holds in his hand a scroll, on which is written Quod commisisti perfect; quod restat agendum, pare fide complectar — "I have done what you committed to my care ; and I will per- form with the same fidelity what remains to be done." He is received by the senate with the most distinguished honours, and is not only justified, but praised and honoured. The most magnificent of these paintings is the one attrib- uted to Paul Veronese. It is described by the Duke de la Valliere as almost unparalleled for its richness, its elegance, and its brilliancy. It is inscribed Pater mens etfratres met dereliquerunt me ; Dcminus autem assumpsit me ! — " My father and my brothers abandoned me ; but the Lord took me under his protection." This is an allusion to the accusa- tion raised against him in the open senate when the Turks took the isle of Cyprus, and his family wanted either the con- fidence or the courage to defend Magius. In the front of this large picture, Magius leading his son by the hand, conducts him to be reconciled with his brothers and sisters-in-law, who are on the opposite side ; his hand holds this scroll, Vos cogi- tastis de me malum; sed Deus convertit illud in bonum — CAUSE AND PRETEXT. 19 " You thought ill of me ; but the Lord has turned it to good." In this he alludes to the satisfaction he had given the senate, and to the honours they had decreed him. Another scene is introduced, where Magius appears in a magnificent hall at a table in the midst of all his family, with whom a general recon- ciliation has taken place : on his left hand are gardens open- ing with an enchanting effect, and magnificently ornamented, with the villa of his father, on which flowers and wreaths seem dropping on the roof, as if from heaven. In the per- spective, the landscape probably represents the rural neigh- bourhood of Magius's early days. Such are the most interesting incidents which I have selected from the copious description of the Duke de la Valliere. The idea of this production is new : an auto- biography in a series of remarkable scenes, painted under the eye of the describer of them, in which too he has preserved all the fulness of his feelings and his minutest recollections ; but the novelty becomes interesting from the character of the noble Magius, and the romantic fancy which inspired this elaborate and costly curiosity. It was not indeed without some trouble that I have drawn up this little account ; but while thus employed, I seemed to be composing a very uncommon romance. CAUSE AND PRETEXT. It is an important principle in morals and in politics, not to mistake the cause for the pretext, nor the pretext for the cause, and by this means to distinguish between the concealed and the ostensible motive. On this principle, history might be recomposed in a new manner ; it would not often describe circumstances and characters as they usually appear. When we mistake the characters of men, we mistake the nature of their actions, and we shall find in the study of secret history, 20 CAUSE AND PRETEXT. that some of the most important events in modern history were produced from very different motives than their osten- sible ones. Polybius, the most philosophical writer of the ancients, has marked out this useful distinction of cause and pretext, and aptly illustrates the observation by the facts which he explains. Amilcar, for instance, was the first au- thor and contriver of the second Punic war, though he died ten years before the commencement of it. " A statesman," says the wise and grave historian, " who knows not how to trace the origin of events, and discern the different sources from whence they take their rise, may be compared to a phy- sician, who neglects to inform himself of the causes of those distempers which he is called in to cure. Our pains can never be better employed than in searching out the causes of events ; for the most trifling incidents give birth to matters of the greatest moment and importance." The latter part of this remark of Polybius points out another principle which has been often verified by history, and which furnished the materials of the little book of " Grands Evenemens par les petites Causes." Our present inquiry concerns " cause and pretext." Leo X. projected an alliance of the sovereigns of Christen- dom against the Turks. The avowed object was to oppose the progress of the Ottomans against the Mamelukes of Egypt, who were more friendly to the Christians ; but the concealed motive with his holiness was to enrich himself and his family with the spoils of Christendom, and to aggrandize the papal throne by war ; and such, indeed, the policy of these pontiffs had always been in those mad crusades which they excited against the East. The Reformation, excellent as its results have proved in the cause of genuine freedom, originated in no purer source than human passions and selfish motives : it was the progeny of avarice in Germany, of novelty in France, and of love in England. The latter is elegantly alluded to by Gray : — " And gospel-light first beam'd from Bullen's eyes." CAUSE AND PRETEXT. 21 The Reformation is considered by the Duke of Nevers, in a work printed in 1590, as it had been by Francis L, in his Apology in 1537, as a coup-d'etat of Charles V. towards uni- versal monarchy. The duke says, that the emperor silently permitted Luther to establish his principles in Germany, that they might split the confederacy of the elective princes, and by this division facilitate their more easy conquest, and play them off one against another, and by these means to secure the imperial crown, hereditary in the house of Austria. Had Charles V. not been the mere creature of his politics, and had he felt any zeal for the Catholic cause, which he pretended to fight for, never would he have allowed the new doctrines to spread for more than twenty years without the least opposition. The famous league in France was raised for " religion and the relief of public grievances ; " such was the pretext ! After the princes and the people had alike become its vic- tims, this " league " was discovered to have been formed by the pride and the ambition of the Guises, aided by the machi- nations of the Jesuits against the attempts of the Prince of Conde to dislodge them from their " seat of power." While the Huguenots pillaged, burnt, and massacred, declaring in their manifestoes that they were only fighting to release the king, whom they asserted was a prisoner of the Guises ; the Catholics repaid them with the same persecution and the same manifestoes, declaring that they only wished to liberate the Prince of Conde, who was the prisoner of the Huguenots. The people were led on by the cry of " religion ; " but this civil war was not in reality so much Catholic against Hugue- not, as Guise against Conde. A parallel event occurred be- tween our Charles I. and the Scotch covenanters ; and the king expressly declared, in " a large declaration, concerning the late tumults in Scotland," that " religion is only pretended, and used by them as a cloak to palliate their intended rebel- lion" which he demonstrated by the facts he alleged. There was a revolutionary party in France, which, taking the name 22 CAUSE AND PRETEXT. of Frondeurs, shook that kingdom under the administration of Cardinal Mazarin, and held out for their pretext the public freedom. But that faction, composed of some of the discon- tented French princes and the mob, was entirely organized by Cardinal de Retz, who held them in hand, to check or to spur them as the occasion required, from a mere personal pique against Mazarin, who had not treated that vivacious genius with all the deference he exacted. This appears from his own Memoirs. We have smiled at James I. threatening the states-general by the English ambassador, about Vorstius, a Dutch profes- sor, who had espoused the doctrines of Arminius against those of the contra-remonstrants, or Calvinists ; the osten- sible subject was religious, or rather metaphysical-religious doctrines, but the concealed one was a struggle for predomi- nance between the Pensionary Barnevelt, assisted by the French interest, and the Prince of Orange, supported by the English. " These were the real sources," says Lord Hard- wicke, a statesman and a man of letters, deeply conversant with secret and public history, and a far more able judge than Diodati the Swiss divine, and Brandt the ecclesiastical historian, who in the Synod of Dort could see nothing but what appeared in it ; and gravely narrated the idle squabbles on phrases concerning predestination or grace. Hales, of Eaton, who was secretary to the English ambassador at this synod, perfectly accords with the account of Lord Hardwicke. " Our synod," writes that judicious observer, " goes on like a watch ; the main wheels upon which the whole business turns are least in sight ; for all things of moment are acted in pri- vate sessions ; what is done in public is only for show and entertainment.'" The cause of the persecution of the Jansenists was the jealousy of the Jesuits ; the pretext was la grace suffisante. The learned La Croze observes, that the same circumstance occurred in the affair of Nestorius and the church of Alex- andria ; the pretext was orthodoxy, the cause was the POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS. 23 jealousy of the church of Alexandria; or rather the fiery and turbulent Cyril, who personally hated Nestorius. The opinions of Nestorius, and the council which condemned them, were the same in effect. I only produce this remote fact to prove that ancient times do not alter the truth of our principle. When James II. was so strenuous an advocate for tolera- tion and liberty of conscience in removing the test act, this enlightened principle of government was only a pretext with that monk-ridden monarch ; it is well known that the came was to introduce and make the catholics predominant in his councils and government. The result, which that eager and blind politician hurried on too fast, and which therefore did not take place, would have been, that " liberty of conscience " would soon have become an " overt act of treason," before an inquisition of his Jesuits ! In all political affairs drop the pretexts and strike at the causes ; we may thus understand what the heads of parties may choose to conceal. POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS. A writer, whose learning gives value to his eloquence, in his Bampton Lectures has censured, with that liberal spirit so friendly to the cause of truth, the calumnies and rumours of parties, which are still industriously retailed, though they have been often confuted. Forged documents are still re- ferred to, or tales unsupported by evidence are confidently quoted. Mr. Heber's subject confined his inquiries to theo- logical history ; he has told us that " Augustin is not ashamed, in his dispute with Faustus, to take advantage of the popular slanders against the followers of Manes, though his own experience, for he had himself been of that sect, was sufficient to detect this falsehood." The Romanists, in 24 POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS. spite of satisfactory answers, have continued to urge against the English protestant the romance of Parker's consecration ; while the protestant persists in falsely imputing to the catholic public formularies the systematic omission of the second commandment. " The calumnies of Rimius and Stinstra against the Moravian brethren are cases in point," continues Mr. Heber. u No one now believes them, yet they once could deceive even Warburton ! " We may also add the obsolete calumny of Jews crucifying boys — of which a monument raised to Hugh of Lincoln perpetuates the memory, and which a modern historian records without any scruple of doubt; several authorities, which are cited on this occasion, amount only to the single one of Matthew Paris, who gives it as a popular rumour. Such accusations usually happened when the Jews were too rich and the king was too poor ! The falsehoods and forgeries raised by parties are over- whelming! It startles a philosopher, in the calm of his study, when he discovers how writers, who, we may presume, are searchers after truth, should, in fact, turn out to be searchers after the grossest fictions. This alters the habits of the literary man : it is an unnatural depravity of his pur- suits — and it proves that the personal is too apt to predom- inate over the literary character. I have already touched on the main point of the present article in the one on " Political Nick-names." I have there shown how political calumny appears to have been reduced into an art ; one of its branches would be that of converting forgeries and fictions into historical authorities. When one nation is at war with another, there is no doubt that the two governments connive at, and often encourage, the most atrocious libels on each other, to madden the people to preserve their independence, and contribute cheerfully to the expenses of the war. France and England formerly complained of Holland — the Athenians employed the same policy against the Macedonians and Persians. Such is the POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS. 25 origin of a vast number of supposititious papers and volumes, which sometimes, at a remote date, confound the labors of the honest historian, and too often serve the purposes of the dishonest, with whom they become authorities. The crude and suspicious libels which were drawn out of their obscurity in Cromwell's time against James the First, have over-loaded the character of that monarch, yet are now eagerly referred to by party writers, though in their own days they were obsolete and doubtful. During the civil wars of Charles the First, such spurious documents exist in the forms of speeches which were never spoken ; of letters never written by the names subscribed ; printed declarations never declared ; battles never fought, and victories never obtained ! Such is the language of Rushworth, who complains of this evil spirit of party forgeries, while he is himself suspected of having rescinded or suppressed whatever was not agreeable to his patron Cromwell. A curious, and, perhaps, a neces- sary list might be drawn up of political forgeries of our own, which have been sometimes referred to as genuine, but which are the inventions of wits and satirists ! Bayle ingeniously observes, that at the close of every century such productions should be branded by a skilful discriminator, to save the future inquirer from errors he can hardly avoid. " How many are still kept in error by the satires of the sixteenth century ! Those of the present age will be no less active in future ages, for they will still be preserved in public libraries." The art and skill with which some have fabricated a forged narrative, render its detection almost hopeless. When young Maitland, the brother to the secretary, in order to palliate the crime of the assassination of the Regent Murray, w r as employed to draw up a pretended conference between him, Knox, and others, to stigmatize them by the odium of advis- ing to dethrone the young monarch, and to substitute the regent for their sovereign, Maitland produced so dramatic a performance, by giving to each person his peculiar mode of 26 POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS. expression, that this circumstance long baffled the incre- dulity of those who could not in consequence deny the truth of a narrative apparently so correct in its particulars ! " The fiction of the warming-pan, inclosing the young Pretender, brought more adherents to the cause of the Whigs than the Bill of Rights," observes Lord John Russell. Among such party narratives, the horrid tale of the bloody Colonel Kirk has been worked up by Hume with all his eloquence and pathos ; and, from its interest, no suspicion has arisen of its truth. Yet, so far as it concerns Kirk, or the reign of James the Second, or even English history, it is, as Ritson too honestly expresses it, "an impudent and a barefaced lie ! " The simple fact is told by Kennet in a few words : he probably was aware of the nature of this political fiction. Hume was not, indeed, himself the fabricator of the tale ; but he had not any historical authority. The origin of this fable was probably a pious fraud of the Whig party, to whom Kirk had rendered himself odious ; at that moment, stories still more terrifying were greedily swallowed, and which, Ritson insinuates, have become a part of the history of England. The original story, related more circumstan- tially, though not more affectingly, nor perhaps more truly, may be found in Wanley's " Wonders of the Little World," * which I give, relieving it from the tediousness of old Wanley. A governor of Zealand, under the bold Duke of Burgundy, had in vain sought to seduce the affections of the beautiful wife of a citizen. The governor imprisons the husband on an accusation of treason ; and when the wife appeared as the suppliant, the governor, after no brief eloquence, succeeded as a lover, on the plea that her husband's life could only be spared by her compliance. The woman, in tears and in aversion, and not without a hope of vengeance only delayed, lost her honour ! Pointing to the prison, the governor told her, " If you seek your husband, enter there, and take him along with you ! " The wife, in the bitterness of her thoughts, * Book iii. ch. 29, sec. 18. POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS. 27 yec not without the consolation that she had snatched her husband from the grave, passed into the prison ; there in a cell, to her astonishment and horror, she beheld the corpse of her husband laid out in a coffin, ready for burial ! Mourn- ing over it, she at length returned to the governor, fiercely exclaiming, " You have kept your word ! you have restored to me my husband ! and be assured the favour shall be re- paid ! " The inhuman villain, terrified in the presence of his intrepid victim, attempted to appease her vengeance, and more, to win her to his wishes. Returning home, she assem- bled her friends, revealed her whole story, and under their protection she appealed to Charles the Bold, a strict lover of justice, and who now awarded a singular but an exem- plary catastrophe. The duke first commanded that the crim- inal governor should instantly marry the woman whom he had made a widow, and at the same time sign his will, with a clause importing that should he die before his lady he con- stituted her his heiress. All this was concealed from both sides, rather to satisfy the duke than the parties themselves. This done, the unhappy woman was dismissed alone ! The governor was conducted to the prison to suffer the same death he had inflicted on the husband of his wife ; and when this lady was desired once more to enter the prison, she beheld her second husband headless in his coffin as she had her first ! Such extraordinary incidents in so short a period overpow- ered the feeble frame of the sufferer ; she died — leaving a son, who inherited the rich accession of fortune so fatally obtained by his injured and suffering mother. Such is the tale of which the party story of Kirk appeared to Ritson to have been a rifacimento ; but it is rather the foundation than the superstructure. This critic was right in the general, but not in the particular. It was not necessary to point out the present source, when so many others of a parallel nature exist. This tale, universally told, Mr. Douce considers as the origin of " Measure for Measure," and was probably some traditional event ; for it appears sometimes 28 POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS. with a change of names and places, without any of incident. It always turns on a soldier, a brother, or a husband exe- cuted ; and a wife, or sister, a deceived victim, to save them from death. It was therefore easily transferred to Kirk, and Pomfret's poem of " Cruelty and Lust " long made the story popular. It could only have been in this form that it reached the historian, who, it must be observed, introduces it as a " story commonly told of him ; " but popular tragic romances should not enter into the dusty documents of a history of England, and much less be particularly specified in the index ! Belleforest, in his old version of the tale, has even the circumstance of the " captain, who having seduced the wife under the promise to save her husband's life, exhibited him soon afterwards through the window of her apartment suspended on a gibbet." This forms the horrid incident in the history of " the bloody Colonel," and served the purpose of a party, who wished to bury him in odium. Kirk was a soldier of fortune, and a loose liver, and a great blusterer, who would sometimes threaten to decimate his own regi- ment ; but is said to have forgotten the menace the next day. Hateful as such military men will always be, in the present instance Colonel Kirk has been shamefully calumniated by poets and historians, who suffer themselves to be duped by the forgeries of political parties ! While we are detecting a source of error, into which the party feelings of modern historians may lead them, let us confess that they are far more valuable than the ancient ; for to us, at least, the ancients have written history without pro- ducing authorities ! Modern historians must furnish their readers with the truest means to become their critics, by pro- viding them with their authorities ; and it is only by judi- ciously appreciating these that we may confidently accept their discoveries. Unquestionably the ancients have often introduced into their histories many tales similar to the story of Kirk — popular or party forgeries ! The mellifluous copi- ousness of Livy conceals many a tale of wonder; the graver EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. 29 of Tacitus etches many a fatal stroke ; and the secret history of Suetonius too often raises a suspicion of those whispers, Quid rex in aurem regince dixerit, quid Juno fabulata sit cum Jove. It is certain that Plutarch has often told, and varied too in the telling, the same story, which he has applied to dif- ferent persons. A critic in the Ritsonian style has said of the grave Plutarch, Mendax ille Plutarchus qui vitas oratorum, dolis et erroribus, co?isutas, olim conscribillavit* " That lying Plutarch, who formerly scribbled the lives of the orators, made up of falsities and blunders ! " There is in Italian a scarce book, of a better design than execution, of the Abbate Lancellotti, Farfalloni degli Antichi Historici. — " Flim-flams of the ancients." Modern historians have to dispute their passage to immortality step by step ; and how- ever fervid be their eloquence, their real test as to value must be brought to the humble references in their margin. Yet these must not terminate our inquiries ; for in tracing a story to its original source, we shall find that fictions have been sometimes grafted on truths or hearsays, and to separate them as they appeared in their first stage, is the pride and glory of learned criticism. EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. A people denied the freedom of speech or of writing, have usually left some memorials of their feelings in that silent language which addresses itself to the eye. Many ingenious inventions have been contrived, to give vent to their suppressed indignation. The voluminous grievance which they could not trust to the voice or the pen, they have carved in wood, or sculptured on stone ; and have sometimes even facetiously concealed their satire among the playful * Taylor, Armot. ad Lysiam. 30 EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. ornaments designed to amuse those of whom they so fruit- lessly complained ! Such monuments of the suppressed feel- ings of the multitude are not often inspected by the historian — their minuteness escapes all eyes but those of the phi- losophical antiquary : nor are these satirical appearances always considered as grave authorities, which unquestionably they will be found to be by a close observer of human nature. An entertaining history of the modes of thinking, or the dis- contents, of a people, drawn from such dispersed efforts, in every sera, would cast a new light of secret history over many dark intervals. Did we possess a secret history of the Saturnalia, it would doubtless have afforded some materials for the present article. In those revels of venerable radicalism, when the senate was closed, and the Pileus, or cap of liberty, was triumphantly worn, all things assumed an appearance contrary to what they were ; and human nature, as well as human laws, might be said to have been parodied. Among so many whimsical regulations in favour of the licentious rabble, there was one which forbad the circulation of money ; if any one offered the coin of the state, it was to be condemned as an act of madness, and the man was brought to his senses by a peni- tential fast for that day. An ingenious French antiquary seems to have discovered a class of wretched medals, cast in lead or copper, which formed the circulating medium of these mob lords, who, to ridicule the idea of money, used the basest metals, stamping them with grotesque figures, or odd devices — such as a sow ; a chimerical bird ; an imperator in his car, with a monkey behind him ; or an old woman's head, Acca Laurentia, either the traditional old nurse of Romulus, or an old courtesan of the same name, who bequeathed the fruits of her labours to the Roman people ! As all things were done in mockery, this base metal is stamped with s. c, to ridicule the Senatus consulto, which our antiquary happily explains,* in the true spirit of this government of mockery, * Baudelot de Dairval, de F UUUte des Voyages, ii. 645. There is a work, EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. 31 Satumalium consulto, agreeing with the legend of the re- verse, inscribed in the midst of four tali, or bones, which they used as dice, Qui ludit arram det, quod satis sit — " Let them who play give a pledge, which will be sufficient." This mock- money served not only as an expression of the native irony of the radical gentry of Rome during their festival, but had they spoken their mind out, meant a ridicule of money itself ; for these citizens of equality have always imagined that society might proceed without this contrivance of a medium which served to represent property, in which they themselves must so little participate. A period so glorious for exhibiting the suppressed senti- ments of the populace, as were these Saturnalia, had been nearly lost for us, had not some notions been preserved by Lucian ; for we glean but sparingly from the solemn pages of the historian, except in the remarkable instance which Suetonius has preserved of the arch-mime who followed the body of the Emperor Vespasian at his funeral. This officer, as well as a similar one who accompanied the general to whom they granted a triumph, and who was allowed the un- restrained licentiousness of his tongue, were both the organs of popular feeling, and studied to gratify the rabble, who were their real masters. On this occasion the arch-mime, representing both the exterior personage and the character of Vespasian, according to custom, inquired the expense of the funeral ? He was answered, " ten millions of sesterces ! " In allusion to the love of money which characterized the emperor, his mock representative exclaimed, " Give me the money, and, if you will, throw my body into the Tiber ! " by Ficoroni, on these lead coins or tickets. They are found in the cabinets of the curious medallist. Pinkerton, in referring to this entertaining work, regrets that " Such curious remains have almost escaped the notice of medallists, and have not yet been arranged in one class, or named. A special work on them would be highly acceptable." The time has perhaps arrived when antiquaries may begin to be philosophers, and philosophers antiquaries ! The unhappy separation of erudition from philosophy, and of philosophy from erudition, has hitherto thrown impediments in the progress of the human mind, and the history of man. 32 EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. All these mock offices and festivals among the ancients, I consider as organs of the suppressed opinions and feelings of the populace, who were allowed no other, and had not the means of the printing ages to leave any permanent records. At a later period, before the discovery of the art, which multiplies, with such facility, libels or panegyrics ; when the people could not speak freely against those rapacious clergy, who sheared the fleece and cared not for the sheep, many a secret of popular indignation was confided not to books (for they could not read), but to pictures and sculptures, which are books which the people can always read. The sculptors and illuminators of those times, no doubt shared in common the popular feelings, and boldly trusted to the paintings or the carvings which met the eyes of their luxurious and in- dolent masters, their satirical inventions. As far back as in 1300, we find in Wolfius,* the description of a picture of this kind, in a MS. of iEsop's Fables, found in the Abbey of Fulda, among other emblems of the corrupt lives of the churchmen. The present was a wolf, large as life, wearing a monkish cowl, with a shaven crown, preaching to a flock of sheep, with these words of the apostle in a label from his mouth, — " God is my witness how I long for you all in my bowels ! " And underneath was inscribed — " This hooded wolf is the hypocrite of whom is said in the Gospel, 1 Beware of false prophets ! ' " Such exhibitions were often introduced into articles of furniture. A cushion was found in an old abbey, in which was worked a fox preaching to geese, each goose holding in his bill his praying beads ! In the stone wall, and on the columns of the great church at Strasburg was once viewed a number of wolves, bears, foxes, and other mischievous animals, carrying holy water, crucifixes, and tapers ; and others more indelicate. These, probably as old as the year 1300, were engraven in 1617, by a protestant; and were not destroyed till 1685, by the pious rage of the catholics, who seemed at length to have rightly construed * Lect. Mem. I. ad an. 1300. EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. 33 these silent lampoons ; and in their turn broke to pieces the protestant images, as the others had done the papistical dolls. The carved seats and stalls in our own cathedrals exhibit subjects, not only strange and satirical, but even indecent. At the time they built churches they satirized the ministers ; a curious instance how the feelings of the people struggle to find a vent. It is conjectured that rival orders satirized each other, and that some of the carvings are caricatures of cer- tain monks. The margins of illuminated manuscripts fre- quently contain ingenious caricatures, or satirical allegories. In a magnificent chronicle of Froissart, I observed several. A wolf, as usual, in a monk's frock and cowl, stretching his paw to bless a cock, bending its head submissively to the wolf : or a fox with a crosier, dropping beads, which a cock is picking up ; to satirize the blind devotion of the bigots ; perhaps the figure of the cock alluded to our Gallic neigh- bours. A cat in the habit of a nun, holding a platter in its paws to a mouse approaching to lick it ; alluding to the allurements of the abbesses to draw young women into their convents ; while sometimes I have seen a sow in an abbess's veil, mounted on stilts : the sex marked by the sow's dugs. A pope sometimes appears to be thrust by devils into a caldron ; and cardinals are seen roasting on spits ! These ornaments must have been generally executed by the monks themselves ; but these more ingenious members of the eccle- siastical order appear to have sympathized with the people, like the curates in our church, and envied the pampered abbot and the purple bishop. Churchmen were the usual objects of the suppressed indignation of the people in those days ; but the knights and feudal lords have not always escaped from the " curses not loud, but deep," of their satir- ical pencils. As the Reformation, or rather the Revolution, was hasten- ing, this custom became so general, that in one of the dia- logues of Erasmus, where two Franciscans are entertained by their host, it appears that such satirical exhibitions were VOL. iv. 3 34 EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. hung up as common furniture in the apartments of inns. The facetious genius of Erasmus either invents or describes one which he had seen of an ape in the habit of a Francis- can sitting by a sick man's bed, dispensing ghostly counsel, holding up a crucifix in one hand, while with the other he is filching a purse out of the sick man's pocket. Such are " the straws " by which we may always observe from what corner the wind rises ! Mr. Dibdin has recently informed us, that Geyler, whom he calls " the herald of the Reforma- tion," preceding Luther by twelve years, had a stone chair or pulpit in the cathedral at Strasburg, from which he de- livered his lectures, or rather rolled the thunders of his anathemas against the monks. This stone pulpit was con- structed under his own superintendence, and is covered with very indecent figures of monks and nuns, expressly designed by him to expose their profligate manners. We see Geyler doing what for centuries had been done ! " In the curious folios of Sauval, the Stowe of France, there is a copious chapter entitled " Heretiques, leurs attentats" In this enumeration of their attempts to give vent to their suppressed indignation, it is very remarkable, that 'preceding the time of Luther, the minds of many were perfectly Lu- theran respecting the idolatrous worship of the Roman church ; and what I now notice would have rightly entered into that significant Historia Reformationis ante Reforma- tionem, which was formerly projected by continental writers. Luther did not consign the pope's decretals to the flames till 1520 — this was the first open act of reformation and in- surrection, for hitherto he had submitted to the court of Rome. Yet in 1490, thirty years preceding this great event, I find a priest burnt for having snatched the host in derision from the hands of another celebrating mass. Twelve years afterwards, 1502, a student repeated the same deed, tramp- ling on it ; and in 1523, the resolute death of Anne de Bourg, a counsellor in the parliament of Paris, to use the expression of Sauval, "corrupted the world." It is evident that the EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. 35 Huguenots were fast on the increase. From that period I find continued accounts which prove that the Huguenots of France, like the Puritans of England, were most resolute iconoclasts. They struck off the heads of Virgins and little Jesuses, or blunted their daggers by chipping the wooden saints, which were then fixed at the corners of streets. Every morning discovered the scandalous treatment they had undergone in the night. Then their images were painted on the walls, but these were heretically scratched and disfigured : and, since the saints could not defend themselves, a royal edict was published in their favour, commanding that all holy paintings in the streets should not be allowed short of ten feet from the ground ! They entered churches at night, tearing up or breaking down the prians, the benitoires, the crucifixes, the colossal ecce-homos, which they did not always succeed in dislodging for want of time or tools. Amidst these battles with wooden adversaries, we may smile at the frequent solemn processions instituted to ward off the ven- geance of the parish saint ; the wooden was expiated by a silver image, secured by iron bars and attended by the king and the nobility, carrying the new saint, with prayers that he would protect himself from the heretics ! In an early period of the Reformation, an instance occurs of the art of concealing what we wish only the few should comprehend, at the same time that we are addressing the public. Curious collectors are acquainted with " The Olive- tan Bible ; " this was the first translation published by the protestants, and there seems no doubt that Calvin was the chief, if not the only translator; but at that moment not choosing to become responsible for this new version, he made use of the name of an obscure relative, Robert Pierre Olivetan. Calvin, however, prefixed a Latin preface, re- markable for delivering positions very opposite to those tremendous doctrines of absolute predestination, which in his theological despotism he afterwards assumed. De Bure describes this first protestant Bible not only as rare, but 3G EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. when found, as usually imperfect, much soiled and dog-eared, as the well-read first edition of Shakspeare, by the perpetual use of the multitude. But a curious fact has escaped the detection both of De Bure and Beloe ; at the end of the volume are found ten verses, which, in a concealed manner, authenticate the translation ; and which no one, unless initi- ated into the secret, could possibly suspect. The verses are not poetical, but I give the first sentence : — " Lecteur entends, si v^rite* adresse Viens done ouyr instament sa promesse Et vif parler " &c. The first letters of every word of these ten verses form a per- fect distich, containing information important to those to whom the Olivetan Bible was addressed. " Les Vaudois, peuple eVangelique, Ont mis ce thr^sor en publique." An anagram would have been too inartificial a contrivance to have answered the purpose of concealing from the world at large this secret. There is an adroitness in the invention of the initial letters of all the words through these ten verses. They contained a communication necessary to authenticate the version, but which, at the same time, could not be sus- pected by any person not intrusted with the secret. When the art of medal -engraving was revived in Europe, the spirit we are now noticing took possession of those less perishable and more circulating vehicles. Satiric medals were almost unknown to the ancient mint, notwithstanding those of the Saturnalia, and a few which bear miserable puns on the unlucky names of some consuls. Medals illus- trate history, and history reflects light on medals ; but we should not place such unreserved confidence on medals, as their advocates, who are warm in their favourite study. It has been asserted, that medals are more authentic memorials than history itself ; but a medal is not less susceptible of the EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. 37 bad passions than a pamphlet or an epigram. Ambition has its vanity, and engraves a dubious victory ; and Flattery will practise its art, and deceive us in gold ! A calumny or a fiction on metal may be more durable than on a fugitive page ; and a libel has a better chance of being preserved, when the artist is skilful, than simple truths when miserably executed. Medals of this class are numerous, and were the precursors of those political satires exhibited in caricature prints. There is a large collection of wooden cuts about the time of Calvin, where the Romish religion is represented by the most grotesque forms which the ridicule of the early Reformers could invent. More than a thousand figures attest the exuberant satire of the designers. This work is equally rare and costly." * Satires of this species commenced in the freedom of the Reformation ; for we find a medal of Luther in a monk's habit, satirically bearing for its reverse Catherine de Bora, the nun whom this monk married ; the first step of his per- sonal reformation ! Nor can we be certain that Catherine was not more concerned in that great revolution than appears in the voluminous lives we have of the great reformer. However, the reformers were as great sticklers for medals as the " papelins." Of Pope John VIII., an effeminate volup- tuary, we have a medal with his portrait, inscribed Pope Joan! and another of Innocent X., dressed as a woman holding a spindle ; the reverse, his famous mistress, Donna Olympia, dressed as a Pope, with the tiara on her head, and the keys of St. Peter in her hands ! When, in the reign of Mary, England was groaning under Spanish influence, and no remonstrance could reach the throne, the queen's person and government were made ridic- ulous to the people's eyes, by prints or pictures, " represent- ing her majesty naked, meagre, withered, and -wrinkled, with every aggravated circumstance of deformity that could dis- * Mr. Douce possessed a portion of this very curious collection : for a complete one De Bure asked about twenty pounds. 38 EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. grace a female figure, seated in a regal chair ; a crown on her head, surrounded with M. R. and A. in capitals, accom- panied by small letters ; Maria Regina Anglice ! a number of Spaniards were sucking her to skin and bone, and a speci- fication was added of the money, rings, jewels, and other presents with which she had secretly gratified her husband Philip." * It is said that the queen suspected some of her own council of this invention, who alone were privy to these transactions. It is, however, in this manner that the voice, which is suppressed by authority, comes at length in another shape to the eye. The age of Elizabeth, when the Roman pontiff* and all his adherents were odious to the people, produced a remarkable caricature, and ingenious invention — a gorgon's head! A church bell forms the helmet ; the ornaments, instead of the feathers, are a wolfs head in a mitre devouring a lamb, an ass's head with spectacles reading, a goose holding a rosary : the face is made out with a fish for the nose, a chalice and water for the eye, and other priestly ornaments for the shoulder and breast, on which rolls of parchment pardons hang, f A famous bishop of Munster, Bernard de Galen, who, in his charitable violence for converting protestants, got him- self into such celebrity that he appears to have served as an excellent sign-post to the inns in Germany, was the true church militant : and his figure was exhibited according to the popular fancy. His head was half mitre and half helmet ; a crosier in one hand and a sabre in the other ; half a rochet and half a cuirass : he was made performing mass as a dragoon on horseback, and giving out the charge when he ought the Ite, missa est ! He was called the con- verter ! and the " Bishop of Munster " became popular as a sign-post in German towns ; for the people like fighting men, though they should even fight against themselves. * Warton's Life of Sir Thomas Pope, p. 58. f This ancient caricature, so descriptive of the popular feelings, is tolerably given in Malcolm's history of " Caricaturing," plate ii. fig. I. EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. 39 It is rather curious to observe of this new species of satire, so easily distributed among the people, and so directly ad- dressed to their understandings, that it was made the vehicle of national feeling. Ministers of state condescended to in- vent the devices. Lord Orford says, that caricatures on cards were the invention of George Townshend in the affair of Byng, which was soon followed by a pack. I am in- formed of an ancient pack of cards which has caricatures of all the Parliamentarian Generals, which might be not unuse- fully shuffled by a writer of secret history. We may be surprised to find the grave Sully practising this artifice on several occasions. In the civil wars of France the Duke of Savoy had taken by surprise Saluces, and struck a medal ; on the reverse a centaur appears shooting with a bow and arrow, with the legend Opportune! But when Henry the Fourth had reconquered the town, he published another, on which Hercules appears killing the centaur, with the word Opportunius. The great minister was the author of this retort ! A medal of the Dutch ambassador at the court of France, Van Beuninghen, whom the French represent as a haughty burgomaster, but who had the vivacity of a French- man and the haughtiness of a Spaniard, as Voltaire charac- terizes him, is said to have been the occasion of the Dutch war in 1672 ; but wars will be hardly made for an idle medal. Medals may, however, indicate a preparatory war. Louis the Fourteenth was so often compared to the sun at its meridian, that some of his creatures may have imagined that, like the sun, he could dart into any part of Europe as he willed, and be as cheerfully received. The Dutch min- ister, whose christian name was Joshua, however, had a medal struck of Joshua stopping the sun in his course, in- ferring that this miracle was operated by his little republic. The medal itself is engraven in Van Loon's voluminous Histoire Medallique du Pays Bas, and in Marchand's Die- tionnaire Historique, who labours to prove against twenty authors that the Dutch ambassador was not the inventor ; it 40 EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. was not, however, unworthy of him, and it conveyed to the world the high feeling of her power which Holland had then assumed. Two years after the noise about this medal, the republic paid dear for the device; but thirty years after- wards this very burgomaster concluded a glorious peace, and France and Spain were compelled to receive the mediation of the Dutch Joshua with the French Sun.* In these Vehicles of national satire, it is odd that the phlegmatic Dutch, more than any other nation, and from the earliest period of their republic, should have indulged freely, if not licentiously. It was a republican humour. Their taste was usually gross. We owe to them, even in the reign of Eliza- beth, a severe medal on Leicester, who, having retired in disgust from the government of their provinces, struck a medal with his bust, reverse a dog and sheep, " Non gregem, sed ingratos invitus desero ; " on which the angry juvenile states struck another, represent- ing an ape and young ones ; reverse, Leicester near a fire, 11 Fugiens fumum, incidit in ignzm.' 1 '' Another medal, with an excellent portrait of Cromwell, was struck by the Dutch. The protector, crowned with laurels, is on his knees, laying his head in the lap of the common- wealth, but loosely exhibiting himself to the French and Spanish ambassadors with gross indecency : the Frenchman, covered with Jleurs de lis, is pushing aside the great Don, and disputes with him the precedence — Retire-toy ; Vhonneur ap- parlient au roy mon maitre, Louis le Grand. Van Loon is very right in denouncing this same medal, so grossly flatter- ing to the English, as most detestable and indelicate ! But why does Van Loon envy us this lumpish invention ? why does the Dutchman quarrel with his own cheese ? The honour of the medal we claim, but the invention belongs to his country. The Dutch went on, commenting in this man- * The history of this medal is useful in more than one respect; and may be found in Prosper Marchand. EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. 41 ner on English affairs, from reign to reign. Charles the Second declared war against them in 1672 for a malicious medal, though the States- General offered to break the die, by purchasing it of the workman for one thousand ducats ; but it served for a pretext for a Dutch war, which Charles cared more about than the mala bestia of his exergue. Charles also complained of a scandalous picture which the brothers De Witt had in their house, representing a naval battle with the English. Charles the Second seems to have been more sensible to this sort of national satire than we might have expected in a professed wit ; a race, however, who are not the most patient in having their own sauce returned to their lips. The king employed Evelyn to write a history of the Dutch war, and " enjoined him to make it a little keen, for the Hollanders had very unhandsomely abused him in their pic- tures, books, and libels." The Dutch continued their career of conveying their national feeling on English affairs more triumphantly when their stadtholder ascended an English throne. The birth of the Pretender is represented by the chest which Minerva gave to the daughters of Cecrops to keep, and which, opened, discovered an infant with a ser- pent's tail : Infantemque violent apporrectumque draconem ; the chest perhaps alluding to the removes of the warming- pan ; and, in another, James and a Jesuit flying in terror, the king throwing away a crown and sceptre, and the Jesuit carrying a child, Ite missa est, the words applied from the mass. But in these contests of national feeling, while the grandeur of Louis the Fourteenth did not allow of these ludi- crous and satirical exhibitions ; and while the political idolatry which his forty academicians paid to him, exhausted itself in the splendid fictions of a series of famous medals, amounting to nearly four hundred ; it appears that we were not without our reprisals : for I find Prosper Marchand, who writes as a Hollander, censuring his own country for having at length adulated the grand monarque by a complimentary medal. He says, " The English cannot be reproached with a similar 42 EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. debonairete." After the famous victories of Marlborough, they indeed inserted in a medal the head of the French mon- arch and the English queen, with this inscription, Ludovicus Magnus, Anna Major. Long ere this one of our queens had been exhibited by ourselves with considerable energy. On the defeat of the Armada, Elizabeth, Pinkerton tells us, struck a medal representing the English and Spanish fleets, Hesperidum regem devicit virgo. Philip had medals dis- persed in England of the same impression, with this addition, Negatur. Est meretrix vulgi. These the queen suppressed, but published another medal, with this legend : " Hesperidum regem devicit virgo ; negatur, Est meretrix vulgi; res eo deterior." An age fertile in satirical prints was the eventful agra of Charles the First : they were showered from all parties, and a large collection of them would admit of a critical historical commentary, which might become a vehicle of the most curi- ous secret history. Most of them are in a bad style, for they are allegorical ; yet that these satirical exhibitions influenced the eyes and minds of the people is evident, from an extra- ordinary circumstance. Two grave collections of historical documents adopted them. We are surprised to find prefixed to Rushworth's and Nalson's historical collections, two such political prints ! Nalson's was an act of retributive justice ; but he seems to have been aware, that satire in the shape of pictures is a language very attractive to the multitude ; for he has introduced a caricature print in the solemn folio of the trial of Charles the First. Of the happiest of these political prints is one by Taylor the water-poet, not included in his folio, but prefixed to his " Mad fashions, odd fashions, or the emblems of these distracted times." It is the figure of a man whose eyes have left their sockets, and whose legs have usurped the place of his arms ; a horse on his hind legs is drawing a cart ; a church is inverted ; fish fly in the air ; a candle burns with the flame downwards ; and the mouse and rabbit are pursuing the cat and the fox ! EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OPINION. 43 The animosities of national hatred have been a fertile source of these vehicles of popular feeling — which discover themselves in severe or grotesque caricatures. The French and the Spaniards mutually exhibited one another under the most extravagant figures. The political caricatures of the French, in the seventeenth century, are numerous. The badauds of Paris amused themselves for their losses, by giving an emetic to a Spaniard, to make him render up all the towns his victories had obtained : seven or eight Span- iards are seen seated around a large turnip, with their frizzled mustachios, their hats en pot-a-beurre ; their long rapiers, with their pummels down to their feet, and their points up to their shoulders ; their ruffs stiffened by many rows, and pieces of garlick stuck in their girdles. The Dutch were exhibited in as great variety as the uniformity of frogs would allow. We have largely participated in the vindictive spirit, which these grotesque emblems keep up among the people ; they mark the secret feelings of national pride. The Greeks despised foreigners, and considered them only as fit to be slaves ; * the ancient Jews, inflated with a false idea of their small ter- ritory, would be masters of the world : the Italians placed a line of demarcation for genius and taste, and marked it by their mountains. The Spaniards once imagined that the conferences of God with Moses on Mount Sinai were in the Spanish language. If a Japanese become the friend of a foreigner, he is considered as committing treason to his emperor ; and rejected as a false brother in a country which, we are told, is figuratively called Tenka, or the Kingdom under the Heavens. John Bullism is not pecu- liar to Englishmen ; and patriotism is a noble virtue, when it secures our independence without depriving us of our humanity. * A passage may be found in Aristotle's Politics, vol. i. c. 3-7; where Aristotle advises Alexander to govern the Greeks like his subjects, and the barbarians like slaves ; for that the one he was to consider as companions, and the other as creatures of an inferior race. 44 AUTOGRAPHS. The civil wars of the League in France, and those in England under Charles the First, bear the most striking resemblance; and in examining the revolutionary scenes exhibited by the graver in the famous Satire Menippee, we discover the foreign artist revelling in the caricature of his ludicrous and severe exhibition ; and in that other revolu- tionary period of La Fronde, there was a mania for political songs ; the curious have formed them into collections ; and we not only have " the Rump Songs " of Charles the First's times, but have repeated this kind of evidence of the public feeling at many subsequent periods. Caricatures and 'polit- ical songs might with us furnish a new sort of history ; and perhaps would preserve some truths, and describe some par- ticular events, not to be found in more grave authorities. AUTOGRAPHS* The art of judging of the characters of persons by their handwriting can only have any reality, when the pen, acting without restraint, becomes an instrument guided by, and indicative of the natural dispositions. But regulated as the pen is now too often by a mechanical process, which the present race of writing-masters seem to have contrived for their own convenience, a whole school exhibits a similar handwriting; the pupils are forced in their automatic motions, as if acted on by the pressure of a steam-engine ; a bevy of beauties will now write such fac-similes of each other, that in a heap of letters presented to the most sharp-sighted lover, to select that of his mistress — though like Bassanio among the caskets, his happiness should be risked on the choice — he * A small volume which I met with at Paris, entitled " L'Art de juger du Caractere des Hommes sur leurs Ecritures," is curious for its illustra- tions, consisting of twenty-four plates, exhibiting fac-similes of the writing of eminent and other persons, correctly taken from the original autographs. AUTOGEAPHS. would despair of fixing on the right one, all appearing to have come from the same rolling-press. Even brothers of different tempers have been taught by the same master to give the same form to their letters, the same regularity to their line, and have made our handwritings as monotonous as are our characters in the present habits of society. The true physiognomy of writing will be lost among our rising generation : it is no longer a face that we are looking on, but .a beautiful mask of a single pattern ; and the fashionable handwriting of our young ladies is like the former tight- lacing of their mothers' youthful days, when every one alike had what was supposed to be a fine shape ! Assuredly Nature would prompt every individual to have a distinct sort of writing, as she has given a peculiar counte- nance — a voice — and a manner. The flexibility of the muscles differs with every individual, and the hand will follow the direction of the thoughts, and the emotions and the habits of the writers. The phlegmatic will portray his words, while the playful haste of the volatile will scarcely sketch them ; the slovenly will blot and efface and scrawl, while the neat and orderly-minded will view themselves in the paper before their eyes. The merchant's clerk will not write like the lawyer or the poet. Even nations are dis- tinguished by their writing; the vivacity and variableness of the Frenchman, and the delicacy and suppleness of the Italian, are perceptibly distinct from the slowness and strength of pen discoverable in the phlegmatic German, Dane, and Swede. When we are in grief, we do not write as we should in joy. The elegant and correct mind, which has acquired the fortunate habit of a fixity of attention, will write with scarcely an erasure on the page, as Fenelon and Gray and Gibbon ; while we find in Pope's manuscripts the perpetual struggles of correction, and the eager and rapid interlinea- tions struck off in heat. Lavater's notion of handwriting is by no means chimerical; nor was General Paoli fanciful, when he told Mr. Northcote, that he had decided on the 4G AUTOGRAPHS. character and dispositions of a man from his letters, and the handwriting. Long before the days of Lavater, Shenstone in one of his letters said, " I want to see Mrs. Jago's handwriting, that I may judge of her temper." One great truth must however be conceded to the opponents of the physiognomy of writing; general rules only can be laid down. Yet the vital principle must be true that the handwriting bears an analogy to the character of the writer, as all voluntary actions are charac-. teriitic of the individual. But many causes operate to counteract or obstruct this result. I am intimately ac- quainted with the handwritings of five of our great poets. The first in early life acquired among Scottish advocates a handwriting which cannot be distinguished from that of his ordinary brothers ; the second, educated in public schools, where writing is shamefully neglected, composes his sublime or sportive verses in a school-boy's ragged scrawl, as if he had never finished his tasks with the writing-master; the third writes his highly-wrought poetry in the common hand of a merchant's clerk, from early commercial avocations ; the fourth has all that finished neatness, which polishes his verses ; while the fifth is a specimen of a full mind, not in the habit of correction or alteration ; so that he appears to be printing down his thoughts, without a solitary erasure. The handwriting of the first and third poets, not indicative of their character, we have accounted for; the others are admirable specimens of characteristic autographs. Oldys, in one of his curious notes, was struck by the dis- tinctness of character in the handwritings of several of our kings. He observed nothing further than the mere fact, and did not extend his idea to the art of judging of the natural character by the writing. Oldys has described these hand- writings with the utmost correctness, as I have often verified. I shall add a few comments. " Henry the Eighth wrote a strong hand, but as if he had seldom a good pen." — The vehemence of his character AUTOGRAPHS. 47 conveyed itself into his writing ; bold, hasty, and command- ing, I have no doubt the assertor of the Pope's supremacy and its triumphant destroyer, split many a good quill. " Edward the Sixth wrote a fair legible hand." — We have this promising young prince's diary, written by his own hand ; in all respects he was an assiduous pupil, and he had scarcely learnt to write and to reign when we lost him. " Queen Elizabeth writ an upright hand, like the ba?tard Italian." She was indeed a most elegant caligrapher, whom Roger Ascham had taught all the elegancies of the pen. The French editor of the little autographical work I have noticed has given the autograph of her name, which she usually wrote in a very large tall character, and painfully elaborate. He accompanies it with one of the Scottish Mary, who at times wrote elegantly, though usually in un- even lines ; when in haste and distress of mind, in several letters during her imprisonment which I have read, much the contrary. The French editor makes this observation: " Who could believe that these writings are of the same epoch ? The first denotes asperity and ostentation ; the second indicates simplicity, softness, and nobleness. The one is that of Elizabeth, queen of England ; the other that of her cousin, Mary Stuart. The difference of these two handwritings answers most evidently to that of their char- acters." " James the First writ a poor ungainly character, all awry, and not in a straight line." James certainly wrote a slovenly scrawl, strongly indicative of that personal negligence which he carried into all the little things of life ; and Buchanan, who had made him an excellent scholar, may receive the disgrace of his pupil's ugly scribble, which sprawls about his careless and inelegant letters. " Charles the First wrote a fair open Italian hand, and more correctly perhaps than any prince we ever had." Charles was the first of our monarchs who intended to have domiciliated taste in the kingdom, and it might have 18 THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. been conjectured from this unfortunate prince, who so finely discriminated the manners of the different painters, which are in fact their handwritings, that he would not have been insensible to the elegancies of the pen. " Charles the Second wrote a little fair running hand, as if wrote in haste, or uneasy till he had done." Such was the writing to have been expected from this illustrious vaga- bond, who had much to write, often in odd situations, and could never get rid of his natural restlessness and vivacity. " James the Second writ a large fair hand/' It is charac- terized by his phlegmatic temper, as an exact detailer of occurrences, and the matter-of-business genius of the writer. "Queen Anne wrote a fair round hand;" that is the writing she had been taught by her master, probably without any alteration of manner naturally suggested by herself ; the copying hand of a common character. The subject of autographs associates itself with what has been dignified by its professors as caligraphy, or the art of beautiful writing. As I have something curious to com- municate on that subject, considered professionally, it shall form our following article. THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. There is a very apt letter from James the First to Prince Henry when very young, on the neatness and fairness of his handwriting. The royal father suspecting that the prince's tutor, Mr., afterwards Sir Adam, Newton, had helped out the young prince in the composition ; and that in this speci- men of caligraphy he had relied also on the pains of Mr. Peter Bales, the great writing-master, for touching up his letters ; his majesty shows a laudable anxiety that the prince should be impressed with the higher importance of the one over the other. James shall himself speak. "I confess I THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. 49 long to receive a letter from you that may be wholly yours, as well matter as form; as well formed by your mind as drawn by your fingers ; for ye may remember, that in my book to you I warn you to beware with (of) that kind of wit that may fly out at the end of your fingers ; not that I com- mend not a fair handwriting; sed hoc facito, Mud non omittito : and the other is multo magis prcecipuum" Prince Henry, indeed, wrote with that elegance which he borrowed from his own mind ; and in an age when such minute elegance was not universal among the crowned heads of Europe. Henry IV., on receiving a letter from prince Henry, immediately opened it, a custom not usual with him, and comparing the writing with the signature, to decide whether it were of one hand, Sir George Carew, observing the French king's hesitation, called Mr. Douglas to testify to the fact ; on which Henry the Great, admiring an art in which he had little skill, and looking on the neat elegance of the writing before him, politely observed, " I see that in writing fair, as in other things, the elder must yield to the younger." Had this anecdote of neat writing reached the professors of caligraphy, who in this country have put forth such pain- ful panegyrics on the art, these royal names had unquestion- ably blazoned their pages. Not indeed that these penmen require any fresh inflation ; for never has there been a race of professors in any art, who have exceeded in solemnity and pretensions the practitioners in this simple and mechani- cal craft. I must leave to more ingenious investigators of human nature, to reveal the occult cause which has operated such powerful delusions on these " Vive la Plume ! " men, who have been generally observed to possess least intellec- tual ability, in proportion to the excellence they have ob- tained in their own art. I suspect this maniacal vanity is peculiar to the writing-masters of England ; and I can only attribute the immense importance which they have conceived of their art, to the perfection to which they have carried the VOL. IV. 4 50 THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. art of shorthand writing; an art which was always better understood, and more skilfully practised, in England, than in any other country. It will surprise some, when they learn that the artists in verse and colours, poets and painters, have not raised loftier pretensions to the admiration of mankind. Writing-masters, or caligraphers, have had their engraved " effigies," with a Fame in flourishes, a pen in one hand, and a trumpet in the other ; and fine verses inscribed, and their very lives written ! They have compared " The nimbly-turning of their silver quill," to the beautiful in art and the sublime in invention ; nor is this wonderful, since they discover the art of writing, like the invention of language, in a divine original ; and from the tablets of stone which the Deity himself delivered, they trace their German broad text, or their fine running-hand. One, for " the bold striking of those words, Vive la Plume" was so sensible of the reputation that this last piece of com- mand of hand would give the book which he thus adorned, and which his biographer acknowledges was the product of about a minute, — (but then how many years of flourishing had that single minute cost him!) — that he claims the glory of an artist ; observing, — " We seldom find The man of business with the artist join'd." Another was flattered that his writing could impart immor- tality to the most wretched compositions ! — " And any lines prove pleasing, when you write." Sometimes the caligrapher is a sort of hero : — " To you, you rare commander of the quill, Whose wit and worth, deep learning, and high skill, Speak you the honour of Great Tower Hill! " The last line became traditionally adopted by those who were so lucky as to live in the neighbourhood of this Par- THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. 51 nassus. But the reader must form some notion of that charm of caligraphy which has so bewitched its professors, when, " Soft, bold, and free, your manuscripts still please." u How justly bold in Sxell's improving hand The pen at once joins freedom with command ! With softness strong, with ornaments not vain, Loose with proportion, and with neatness plain; Not swell' d, not full, complete in every part, And artful most, when not affecting art." And these describe those pencilled knots and flourishes, " the angels, the men, the birds, and the beasts," which, as one of them observed, he could u Command " Even by the gentle motion of his hand" all the speciosa miracula of caligraphy ; " Thy tender strokes, inimitably fine, Crown with perfection every flowing line; And to each grand performance add a grace, As curling hair adorns a beauteous face: In every page neio fancies give delight, And sporting round the margin charm the sight." One Massey, a writing-master, published, in 1763, " The Origin and Progress of Letters." The great singularity of this volume is " A new species of biography never attempted before in English." This consists of the lives of " English Penmen," otherwise writing-masters ! If some have foolishly enough imagined that the sedentary lives of authors are void of interest from deficient incident and interesting catastrophe, , what must they think of the barren labours of those, who, in the degree they become eminent, to use their own style, in the art of " dish, dash, long-tail fly," the less they become interesting to the public ; for what can the most skilful writing-master do but wear away his life in leaning over his pupil's copy, or sometimes snatch a pen to decorate the margin, though he cannot compose the page ? Montaigne has a very original notion on writing-masters : he says that 52 THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. some of those caligraphers who had obtained promotion by their excellence in the art, afterwards affected to write care- lessly, lest their promotion should be suspected to have been owing to such an ordinary acquisition! Massey is an enthusiast, fortunately for his subject. He considers that there are schools of writing, as well as of painting or sculpture ; and expatiates with the eye of frater- nal feeling on " a natural genius, a tender stroke, a grand performance, a bold striking freedom, and a liveliness in the sprigged letters, and pencilled knots and flourishes ; " while this Vasari of writing-masters relates the controversies and the libels of many a rival pen-nibber. " George Shelley, one of the most celebrated worthies who have made a shining figure in the commonwealth of English caligraphy, born I suppose of obscure parents, because brought up in Christ's Hospital, yet under the humble blue-coat he laid the founda- tion of his caligraphic excellence and lasting fame, for he was elected writing-master to the hospital." Shelley published his " Natural Writing ; " but, alas ! Snell, another blue-coat, transcended the other. He was a genius who would " bear no brother near the throne." — " I have been informed that there were jealous heart-burnings, if not bickerings, between him and Col. Ayres, another of our great reformers in the writing commonweal, both eminent men, yet, like our most celebrated poets Pope and Addison, or, to carry the compar- ison still higher, like Ccesar and Pompey, one could bear no superior, and the other no equal." Indeed, the great Snell practised a little stratagem against Mr. Shelley, for which, if writing-masters held courts-martial, this hero ought to have appeared before his brothers. In one of his works he pro- cured a number of friends to write letters, in which Massey confesses " are some satyrical strokes upon Shelley," as if he had arrogated too much to himself in his book of " Natural Writing." They find great fault with pencilled knots and sprigged letters. Shelley, who was an advocate for orna- ments in fine penmanship, which Snell utterly rejected, had THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. 53 parodied a well-known line of Herbert's in favour of his favourite decorations : — " A Knot may take him who from letters flies, And turn delight into an exercise." These reflections created ill-blood, and even an open differ- ence amongst several of the superior artists in writing. The commanding genius of Snell had a more terrific contest when he published his " Standard Rules," pretending to have de- monstrated them as Euclid would. " This proved a bone of contention, and occasioned a terrific quarrel between Mr. Snell and Mr. Clark. This quarrel about ' Standard Rules ' ran so high between them, that they could scarce forbear scurrilous language therein, and a treatment of each other unbecoming gentlemen! Both sides in this dispute had their abettors ; and to say which had the most truth and reason, non nostrum est tantas componere lites ; perhaps both parties might be too fond of their own schemes. They should have left them to people to choose which they liked best." A can- did politican is our Massey, and a philosophical historian too ; for he winds up the whole story of this civil war by describ- ing its result, which happened as all such great controversies have ever closed. " Who now-a-days takes those Standard Rides, either one or the other, for their guide in writing ? " This is the finest lesson ever offered to the furious heads of parties, and to all their men ; let them meditate on the noth- ingness of their " Standard Rules," by the fate of Mr. Snell. It was to be expected, when once these writing-masters imagined that they were artists, that they would be infected with those plague-spots of genius — envy, detraction, and all the jalousie du metier. And such to this hour we find them ! An extraordinary scene of this nature has long been exhibited in my neighbourhood, where two doughty champions of the quill have been posting up libels in their windows respecting the inventor of a new art of writing, the Carstairian, or the Lewisian ? When the great German philosopher asserted that he had discovered the method of fluxions before Sir 54 THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. Isaac, and when the dispute grew ?o violent that even the calm Newton sent a formal defiance in set terms, and got even George the Second to try to arbitrate (who would rather have undertaken a campaign), the method of fluxions was no more cleared up than the present affair between our two heroes of the quill. A recent instance of one of these egregious caligraphers may be told of the late Tomkins. This vainest of writing- masters dreamed through life that penmanship was one of the fine arts, and that a writing-master should be seated with his peers in the Academy ! He bequeathed to the British Museum his opus magnum — a copy of Macklin's Bible, pro- fusely embellished with the most beautiful and varied decora- tions of his pen ; and as he conceived that both the workman and the work would alike be darling objects with posterity, he left something immortal with the legacy, his fine bust, by Chantrey, unaccompanied by which they were not to receive the unparalleled gift ! When Tomkins applied to have Ins bust, our great sculptor abated the usual price, and, courte- ously kind to the feelings of the man, said that he considered Tomkins as an artist ! It was the proudest day of the life of our writing-master ! But an eminent artist and wit now living, once looking on this fine bust of Tomkins, declared, that " this man had died for want of a dinner ! " — a fate, however, not so lamentable as it appeared ! Our penman had long felt that he stood degraded in the scale of genius by not being received at the Academy, at least among the class of engravers ; the next approach to academic honour he conceived would be that of appearing as a guest at their annual dinner. These invita- tions are as limited as they are select, and all the Academy persisted in considering Tomkins as a writing-master ! Many a year passed, every intrigue was practised, every re- monstrance was urged, every stratagem of courtesy was tried ; but never ceasing to deplore the failure of his hopes, it preyed on his spirits, and the luckless caligrapher went down THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. 55 to his grave — without dining at the Academy ! This au- thentic anecdote has been considered as " satire improperly directed " — by some friend of Mr. Tomkins — but the criticism is much too grave ! The foible of Mr. Tomkins as a writing- master, presents a striking illustration of the class of men here delineated. I am a mere historian — and am only re- sponsible for the veracity of this fact. That " Mr. Tomkins lived in familiar intercourse with the Royal Academicians of his day, and was a frequent guest at their private tables," and moreover was a most worthy man, I believe — but is it less true that he was ridiculously mortified by being never invited to the Academic dinner, on account of his caligraphy ? He had some reason to consider that his art was of the ex- alted class, to which he aspired to raise it, when this friend concludes his eulogy of this writing-master thus — " Mr. Tomkins, as an artist, stood foremost in his own profession, and his name will be handed down to posterity with the Heroes and Statesmen, whose excellences his penmanship has contributed to illustrate and to commemorate." I always give the Pour and the Contre / Such men about such things have produced public contests, combats a Voutrance, where much ink was spilled by the knights in a joust of goose-quills ; these solemn trials have often occurred in the history of writing-masters, which is enlivened by public defiances, proclamations, and judicial trials by umpires ! The prize was usually a golden pen of some value. One as late as in the reign of Anne took place, between Mr. German and Mr. More. German having courteously insisted that Mr. More should set the copy, he thus set it, ingeniously quaint ! " As more, and More, our understanding clears, So more and more our ignorance appears.*' The result of this pen-combat was really lamentable ; they displayed such an equality of excellence that the umpires re- fused to decide, till one of them espied that Mr. German had ,36 THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. omitted the tittle of an i ! But Mr. More wa?. evidently a man of genius, not only by his couplet, but in his " Essay on the Invention of Writing," where occurs this noble passage : " Art with me is of no party. A noble emulation I would cherish, while it proceeded neither from, nor to malevolence. Bales had his Johnson, Norman his Mason, Ayres his Mat- lock and his Shelley; yet Art the while was no sufferer. The busy-body who officiously employs himself in creating misunderstandings between artists, may be compared to a turn-stile, which stands in every man's way, yet hinders no- body ; and he is the slanderer who gives ear to the slan- der." * Among these knights of the " Plume volante," whose chivalric exploits astounded the beholders, must be distin- guished Peter Bales in his joust with David Johnson. In this tilting-match the guerdon of caligraphy was won by the greatest of caligraphers ; its arms were assumed by the vic- tor, azure, a pen or ; while the " golden pen," carried away in triumph, was painted with a hand over the door of the caligrapher. The history of this renowned encounter was only traditionally known, till with my own eyes I pondered on this whole trial of skill in the precious manuscript of the champion himself ; who, like Caesar, not only knew how to win victories, but also to record them. Peter Bales was a hero of such transcendent eminence, that his name has en- tered into our history. Holingshed chronicles one of his cu- riosities of microscopic writing at a time when the taste pre- vailed for admiring writing which no eye could read ! In the compass of a silver penny this caligrapher put more things than would fill several of these pages. He presented Queen Elizabeth with the manuscript set in a ring of gold covered with a crystal ; he had also contrived a magnifying glass of such power, that, to her delight and wonder, her majesty read the whole volume, which she held on her thumb nail, * I have not met with More's book, and am obliged to transcribe this from the Biog. Brit. THE HIST OK Y OF WRITING-MASTERS. 57 and " commended the same to the lords of the council, and the ambassadors ; " and frequently, as Peter often heard, did her majesty vouchsafe to wear this caligraphic ring. " Some will think I labour on a cobweb " — modestly ex- claimed Bales in his narrative, and his present historian much fears for himself! The reader's gratitude will not be proportioned to my pains, in condensing such copious pages into the size of a " silver penny," but without its worth ! For a whole year had David Johnson affixed a challenge " To any one who should take exceptions to this my writing and teaching." He was a young friend of Bales, daring and longing for an encounter; yet Bales was magnanimously silent, till he discovered that he was " doing much less in writing and teaching " since this public challenge was pro- claimed ! He then set up his counter challenge, and in one hour afterwards Johnson arrogantly accepted it, " in a most despiteful and disgraceful manner." Bales's challenge was delivered " in good terms." " To all Englishmen and stran- gers." It was to write for a gold pen of twenty pounds val- ue in all kinds of hands, " best, straightest, and fastest," and most kind of ways ; " a full, a mean, a small, with line, and without line ; in a slow set hand, a mean facile hand, and a fast running hand ;" and further, "to write truest and speed- iest, most secretary and clerk-like, from a man's mouth read- ing or pronouncing, either English or Latin." Young Johnson had the hardihood now of turning the tables on his great antagonist, accusing the veteran Bales of arrogance. Such an absolute challenge, says he, was never witnessed by man, " without exception of any in the world ! " And a few days after meeting Bales, " of set purpose to af- front and disgrace him what he could, showed Bales a piece of writing of secretary's hand, which he had very much la- boured in fine abortive parchment," * uttering to the challen- * This was written in the reign of Elizabeth. Holyoke notices " virgin- perchment made of an abortive skin; membrano virgo." Peacham on Drawing, calls parchment simply an abortive. 58 THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. ger, these words : " Mr. Bales, give me one shilling out of your purse, and if within six months you better, or equal this piece of writing, I will give you forty pounds for it." This legal deposit of the shilling was made, and the challen- ger, or appellant, was thereby bound by law to the perform- ance. The day before the trial a printed declaration was affixed throughout the city, taunting Bales's " proud poverty," and his pecuniary motives, as " a thing ungentle, base, and mer- cenary, and not answerable to the dignity of the golden pen !" Johnson declares he would maintain his challenge for a thou- sand pounds more, but for the respondent's inability to per- form a thousand groats. Bales retorts on the libel ; declares it as a sign of his rival's weakness, " yet who so bold as blind Bayard, that hath not a word of Latin to cast at a dog, or say Bo ! to a goose ! " On Michaelmas day, 1595, the trial opened before five judges : the appellant and the respondent appeared at the appointed place, and an ancient gentleman was intrusted with " the golden pen." In the first trial, for the manner of teach- ing scholars, after Johnson had taught his pupil a fortnight, he would not bring him forward ! This was awarded in favour of Bales. The second, for secretary and clerk-like writing, dictating to them both in English and in Latin, Bales performed best, being first done ; written straightest without line, with true orthography : the challenger himself confessing that he wanted the Latin tongue, and was no clerk ! The third and last trial for fair writing in sundry kinds of hands, the challenger prevailed for the beauty and most " authentic proportion," and for the superior variety of the Roman hand. In the court-hand the respondent exceeded the appellant, and likewise in the set text ; and in bastard secretary was also somewhat perfecter. At length Bales, perhaps perceiving an equilibrium in the judicial decision, to overwhelm his antagonist presented what THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. 59 he distinguishes as his " master-piece," composed of secretary and Roman hand four ways varied, and offering the defend- ant to let pass all his previous advantages if he could better this specimen of caligraphy ! The challenger was silent ! At this moment some of the judges perceiving that the decision must go in favour of Bales, in consideration of the youth of the challenger, lest he might be disgraced to the world, requested the other judges not to pass judgment in public. Bales assures us, that he in vain remonstrated ; for by these means the winning of the golden pen might not be so fa- mously spread as otherwise it would have been. To Bales the prize was awarded. But our history has a more interest ing close ; the subtle Machiavelism of the first challenger ! "When the great trial had closed, and Bales, carrying off the golden pen, exultingly had it painted and set up for his sign, the baffled challenger went about reporting that he had won the golden pen, but that the defendant had obtained the same by " plots and shifts, and other base and cunning prac- tices." Bales vindicated his claim, and offered to show the world his " master-piece " which had acquired it. Johnson issued an " Appeal to all impartial Pen-men," which he spread in great numbers through the city for ten days, a libel against the judges and the victorious defendant ! He de- clared that there had been a subtle combination with one of the judges concerning the place of trial ; which he expected to have been " before pen-men," but not before a multitude like a stage-play, and shouts and tumults, with which the challenger had hitherto been unacquainted. The judges were intended to be twelve ; but of the five, four were the challenger's friends, honest gentlemen, but unskilled in judg- ing of most hands ; and he offered again forty pounds to be allowed in six months to equal Bales's master-piece. And he closes his " appeal " by declaring that Bales had lost in several parts of the trial, neither did the judges deny that Bales possessed himself of the golden pen by a trick ! Before judgment was awarded, alleging the sickness of his wife to be 60 THE HISTORY OF WRITING-MASTERS. extreme, he desired she might have a sight of the golden pen to comfort her ! The ancient gentleman who was the holder, taking the defendant's word, allowed the golden pen to be carried to the sick wife ; and Bales immediately pawned it, and afterwards, to make sure work, sold it at a great loss, so that when the judges met for their definite sentence, nor pen nor penny-worth was to be had ! The judges being ashamed of their own conduct, were compelled to give such a verdict as suited the occasion. Bales rejoins ; he publishes to the universe the day and the hour when the judges brought the golden pen to his house, and while he checks the insolence of this Bobadil, to show himself no recreant, assumes the golden pen for his sign. Such is the shortest history I could contrive of this chiv- alry of the pen ; something mysteriously clouds over the fate of the defendant ; Bales's history, like Caesar's, is but an ex- parte evidence. Who can tell whether he has not slurred over his defeats, and only dwelt on his victories ? There is a strange phrase connected with the art of the caligrapher, which I think may be found in most, if not in all modern languages, to write like an angel ! Ladies have been frequently compared with angels ; they are beautiful as an- gels, and sing and dance like angels ; but, however intelligible these are, we do not so easily connect penmanship with the other celestial accomplishments. This fanciful phrase, how- ever, has a very human origin. Among those learned Greeks who emigrated to Italy, and afterwards into France, in the reign of Francis I. was one Angelo Vergecio, whose beautiful caligraphy excited the admiration of the learned. The French monarch had a Greek fount cast, modelled by his writing. The learned Henry Stephens, who, like our Porson for cor- rectness and delicacy, was one of the most elegant writers of Greek, had learnt the practice from our Angelo. His name became synonymous for beautiful writing, and gave birth to the vulgar proverb, or familiar phrase, to write like an angel/ THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. 61 THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. It is remarkable that the country, which has long lost its political independence, may be considered as the true parent of modern history. The greater part of their historians have abstained from the applause of their contemporaries, while they have not the less elaborately composed their posthumous folios, consecrated solely to truth and posterity ! The true principles of national glory are opened by the grandeur of the minds of these assertors of political freedom. It was their indignant spirit, seeking to console its injuries by con- fiding them to their secret manuscripts, which raised up this singular phenomenon in the literary world. Of the various causes which produced such a lofty race of patriots, one is prominent. The proud recollections of their Roman fathers often troubled the dreams of the sons. The petty rival republics, and the petty despotic principal- ities, which had started up from some great families, who at first came forward as the protectors of the people from their exterior enemies, or their interior factions, at length settled into a corruption of power ; a power which had been con- ferred on them to preserve liberty itself ! These factions often shook, by their jealousies, their fears, and their hatreds, that divided land, which groaned whenever they witnessed the " Ultramontanes " descending from their Alps and their Apennines. Petrarch, in a noble invective, warmed by Livy and ancient Rome, impatiently beheld the French and the Germans passing the mounts. "Enemies," he cries, "so often conquered, prepare to strike with swords, which for- merly served us to raise our trophies : shall the mistress of the world bear chains forged by hands which she has so often bound to their backs ? " Machiavel, in his " Exhortations to free Italy from the barbarians," rouses his country against their changeable masters, the Germans, the French, and the Spaniards ; closing with the verse of Petrarch, that short 62 THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. shall be the battle for which patriot virtue arms to show the world — " che 1' antico valore Ne gl' Italici cuor non e ancor morto." Nor has this sublime patriotism declined even in more recent times ; I cannot resist from preserving in this place a sonnet by Filicaja, which I could never read without parti- cipating in the agitation of the writer, for the ancient glory of his degenerated country ! The energetic personification of the close, perhaps, surpasses even his more celebrated sonnet, preserved in Lord Byron's notes to the fourth canto of « Childe Harold." " Dov' e Italia, il tuo braccio? e a che ti servi Tu dell' altrui ? non e s' io scorgo il vero, Di chi t' offende il defensor men fero Ambe nemici sono, arabo fur servi. Cosl dunque 1' on or, cosl conservi Gli avanzi tu del glorioso Impero? Cosi al valor, cosi al valor primiero Che a te fede giuro, la fede osservi ? Or va ; repudia il valor prisco, e sposa L' ozio, e fra il sangue, i gemiti, e le strida Nel periglio maggior dormi e riposa ! Donni, Adultera vil ! fin die omicida Spada ultrice ti svegli, e sonnacchiosa, E nuda in braccio al tuo fedel t'uccida! " " Oh, Italy ! where is thine arm ? What purpose serves So to be helped by others ? Deem I right, Among offenders thy defender stands ? Both are thy enemies — both were thy servants ! Thus dost thou honour — thus dost thou preserve The mighty boundaries of the glorious empire? And thus to Valour, to thy pristine Valour That swore its faith to thee, thy faith thou keep'st? Go ! and divorce thyself from thy old Valiance, And marry Idleness : and midst the blood, The heavy groans and cries of agony, In thy last danger sleep, and seek repose ! Sleep, vile Adulteress ! the homicidal sword Vengeful shall waken thee! and lull'd to slumber, While naked in thy minion's arms, shall strike"! " THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. 63 Among the domestic contests of Italy the true principles of political freedom were developed ; and in that country we may find the origin of that philosophical history, which includes so many important views and so many new results unknown to the ancients. Machiavel seems to have been the first writer who dis- covered the secret of what may be called comparative history. He it was who first sought in ancient history for the materials which were to illustrate the events of his own times ; by fixing on analogous facts, similar personages, and parallel periods. This was enlarging the field of history, and open- ing a new combination for philosophical speculation. His profound genius advanced still further ; he not only ex- plained modern by ancient history, but he deduced those results or principles founded on this new sort of evidence, which guided him in forming his opinions. History had hitherto been, if we except Tacitus, but a story well told ; and by writers of limited capacity, the detail and number of facts had too often been considered as the only valuable por- tion of history. An erudition of facts is not the philosophy of history ; an historian unskilful in the art of applying his facts amasses impure ore, which he cannot strike into coin. The chancellor D'Aguesseau, in his instructions to his son on the study of history, has admirably touched on this distinc- tion. " Minds which are purely historical mistake a fact for an argument ; they are so accustomed to satisfy themselves by repeating a great number of facts and enriching their memory, that they become incapable of reasoning on prin- ciples. It often happens that the result of their knowledge breeds confusion and universal indecision ; for their facts, often contradictory, only raise up doubts. The superfluous and the frivolous occupy the place of what is essential and solid, or at least so overload and darken it, that we must sail with them in a sea of trifles to get to firm land. Those who only value the philosophical part of history, fall into an opposite extreme ; they judge of what has been done by that 04 THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. which should be done ; while the others always decide on what should be done by that which has been : the first are the dupes of their reasoning, the second of the facts which they mistake for reasoning. We should not separate two things which ought always to go in concert, and mutually lend an aid, reason and example I Avoid equally the con- tempt of some philosophers for the science of facts, and the distaste or the incapacity which those who confine them- selves to facts often contract for whatever depends on pure reasoning. True and solid philosophy should direct us in the study of history, and the study of history should give perfection to philosophy." Such was the enlightened opinion, as far back as at the beginning of the seventeenth century, of the studious chancellor of France, before the more recent designation of Philosophical History was so generally re- ceived, and so familiar on our title-pages. From the moment that the Florentine secretary conceived the idea that the history of the Roman people, opening such varied spectacles of human nature, served as a point of com- parison to which he might perpetually recur to try the ana- logous facts of other nations, and the events passing under his own eye ; a new light broke out and ran through the vast extents of history. The maturity of experience seemed to have been obtained by the historian, in his solitary medita- tion. Livy in the grandeur of Rome, and Tacitus in its fated decline, exhibited for Machiavel a moving picture of his own republics — the march of destiny in all human governments ! The text of Livy and Tacitus revealed to him many an imperfect secret — the fuller truth he drew from the depth of his own observations on his own times. In Machiavel's "Discourses on Livy," we may discover the foundations of our Philosophical History. The example of Machiavel, like that of all creative genius, influenced the character of his age, and his history of Flo- rence produced an emulative spirit among a new dynasty of historians. THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. 65 The Italian historians have proved themselves to be an extraordinary race, for they devoted their days to the com- position of historical works, which they were certain could not see the light during their lives ! They nobly determined that their works should be posthumous, rather than be com- pelled to mutilate them for the press. These historians were rather the saints than the martyrs of history ; they did not always personally suffer for truth, but during their protracted labour they sustained their spirit, by anticipating their glori- fied after-state. Among these Italian historians must be placed the illus- trious Guicciardini, the friend of Machiavel. No perfect edition of this historian existed till recent times. The history itself was posthumous ; nor did his nephew venture to publish it, till twenty years after the historian's death. He only gave the first sixteen books, and these castrated. The obnoxious passages consisted of some statements relating to the papal court, then so important in the affairs of Europe ; some account of the origin and progress of the papal power ; some eloquent pictures of the abuses and disorders of that corrupt court ; and some free caricatures on the government of Florence. The precious fragments were fortunately preserved in manuscript, and the Protestants procured tran- scripts which they published separately, but which were long very rare.* All the Italian editions continued to be re- printed in the same truncated condition, and appear only to have been reinstated in the immortal history, so late as in 1775 ! Thus it required two centuries, before an editor could venture to give the world the pure and complete text of the manuscript of the lieutenant-general of the papal army, who had been so close and so indignant an observer of the Roman cabinet. Adriani, whom his son entitles gentilnomo Fiorentino, the * They were printed at Basle in 1569— at London in 1595— in Amster- dam, 1663. How many attempts to echo the voice of suppressed truth \ —Haym's Bib. Ital. 1803. VOL. IV. 5 GG THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. writer of the pleasing dissertation " on the ancient painters noticed by Pliny," prefixed to his friend Vasari's biographies, wrote, as a continuation of Guicciardini, a history of his own times in twenty-two books, of which Denina gives the highest character for its moderate spirit, and from which De Thou has largely drawn and commends for its authenticity. Our author, however, did not venture to publish his history during his lifetime : it was after his death that his son became the editor. Nardi, of a noble family and high in office, famed for a translation of Livy which rivals its original in the pleasure it affords, in his retirement from public affairs wrote a history of Florence, which closes with the loss of the liberty of his country, in 1531. It was not published till fifty years after his death ; even then the editors suppressed many passages which are found in manuscript in the libraries of Florence and Venice, with other historical documents of this noble and patriotic historian. About the same time the senator Philip Nerli was writing his " Commentarj de' fatti civili? w r hich had occurred in Florence. He gave them with his dying hand to his nephew, who presented the MSS. to the Grand Duke ; yet although this work is rather an apology than a crimination of the Medici family for their ambitious views and their overgrown power, probably some state-reason interfered to prevent the publication, which did not take place till 150 years after the death of the historian ! Bernardo Segni composed a history of Florence still more valuable, which shared the same fate as that of Nerli. It was only after his death that his relatives accidentally dis- covered this history of Florence, which the author had care- fully concealed during his lifetime. He had abstained from communicating to any one the existence of such a work while he lived, that he might not be induced to check the freedom of his pen, nor compromise the cause and the interests of truth. His heirs presented it to one of the Medici family, THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. G7 who threw it aside. Another copy had been more care- fully preserved, from which it was printed, in 1713, about 150 years after it had been written. It appears to have excited great curiosity, for Lenglet du Fresnoy observes, that the scarcity of this history is owing to the circumstance "of the Grand Duke having bought up the copies." Du Fresnoy, indeed, has noticed more than once this sort of address of the Grand Duke ; for he observes on the Floren- tine history of Bruto, that the work was not common ; the Grand Duke having bought up the copies, to suppress them. The author was even obliged to fly from Italy, for having delivered his opinions too freely on the house of the Medici. This honest historian thus expresses himself at the close of his work : " My design has but one end ; that our posterity may learn by these notices the root and the causes of so many troubles which we have suffered, while they expose the malignity of those men who have raised them up, or prolonged them ; as well as the goodness of those who did all which they could to turn them away." It was the same motive, the fear of offending the great personages or their families, of whom these historians had so freely written, which deterred Benedetto Varchi from pub- lishing his well-known " Storie Florentine," which was not given to the world till 1721, a period which appears to have roused the slumbers of the literary men of Italy to recur to their native historians. Varchi, who wrote with so much zeal the history of his father-land, is noticed by Nardi as one who never took an active part in the events he records ; never having combined with any party, and living merely as a spectator. This historian closes the narrative of a horrid crime of Peter Lewis Farnese with this admirable reflection : " I know well this story, with many others which I have freely exposed, may hereafter prevent the reading of my history ; but also I know, that besides what Tacitus has said on this subject, the great duty of an historian is not to be more careful of the reputation of persons than is suitable 68 THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. •with truth, which is to be preferred to all thing?, however detrimental it may be to the writer." * Such was that free manner of thinking and of writing which prevailed in these Italian historians, who, often living in the midst of the ruins of popular freedom, poured forth their injured feelings in their secret pages ; without the hope, and perhaps without the wish, of seeing them published in their lifetime ; a glorious example of self-denial and lofty- patriotism ! Had it been inquired of these writers why they did not publish their histories, they might have answered, in nearly the words of an ancient sage, " Because 1 am not permitted to write as I would ; and I would not write as I am permit- * My friend, Mr. Merivale, whose critical research is only equalled by the elegance of his taste, has supplied me with a note which proves, but too well, that even writers who compose uninfluenced by party-feelings, may not, however, be sufficiently scrupulous in weighing the evidence of the facts which they collect. Mr. Merivale observes, " The strange and improbable narrative with which Varchi has the misfortune of closing his history, should not have been even hinted at without adding, that it is denounced by other writers as a most impudent forgery, invented years after the occurrence is supposed to have happened, by 'the 'Apostate 1 bishop Petrus Paulus Vergerius. See its refutation in Amiani, Hist, di Fano, ii. 149, et seq. 160. " Varchf s character, as an historian, cannot but suffer greatly from his having given it insertion on such authority. The responsibility of an author for the truth of what he relates should render us very cautious of giving credit to the writers of memoirs not intended to see the light till a distant period. The credibility of Vergerius, as an acknowledged libeller of Pope Paul III. and his family, appears still more conclusively from his article in Bayle, note K." It must be added, that the calumny of Verge- rius may be found in Wolfius's Lect. Mem. ii. 691, in a tract de Idolo Lauretano, published 1556. Varchi is more particular in his details of this monstrous tale. Vergerius's libels, universally read at the time, though they were collected afterwards, are now not to be met with, even in public libraries. Whether there was any truth in the story of Peter Lewis Farnese I know not ; but crimes of as monstrous a dye occur in the authentic Guicciardini. The story is not yet forgotten, since in the last edition of Haym's Biblioteca Italiana, the best edition is marked as that which at p. 639 contains " la sceleraiezza di Pier Lewis Farnese." I am of opinion that Varchi believed the story, by the solemnity of his proposition. Whatever be its truth, the historian's feeling was elevated and intrepid. THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. 69 ted." We cannot imagine that these great men were in the least insensible to the applause they denied themselves ; they were not of tempers to be turned aside; and it was the highest motive which can inspire an historian, a stern devo- tion to truth, which reduced them to silence, but not to inac- tivity! These Florentine and Venetian historians, ardent with truth, and profound in political sagacity, were writing these legacies of history solely for their countrymen, hopeless of their gratitude ! If a Frenchman wrote the English his- tory, that labour was the aliment of his own glory ; if Hume and Robertson devoted their pens to history, the motive of the task was less glorious than their work ; but here we dis- cover a race of historians, whose patriotism alone instigated their secret labour, and who substituted for fame and fortune that mightier spirit, which, amidst their conflicting passions, has developed the truest principles, and even the errors, of Political Freedom ! None of these historians, we have seen, published their works in their lifetime. I have called them the saints of history, rather than the martyrs. One, however, had the intrepidity to risk the awful responsibility, and he stands forth among the most illustrious and ill-fated examples of HISTORICAL MARTYRDOM! This great historian is Giannone, whose civil history of the kingdom of Naples is remarkable for its profound in- quiries concerning the civil and ecclesiastical constitution, the laws and customs of that kingdom. With some inter- ruptions from his professional avocations at the bar, twenty years were consumed in writing this history. Researches on ecclesiastical usurpations, and severe strictures on the clergy, are the chief subjects of his bold and unreserved pen. These passages, curious, grave, and indignant, were after- wards extracted from the history by Vernet, and published in a small volume, under the title of "Anecdotes Ecclesias- tiques," 1738. When Giannone consulted with a friend on the propriety of publishing his history, his critic, in admiring 70 THE ITALIAN HISTORIANS. the work, predicted the fate of the author. " You have," said he, " placed on your head a crown of thorns, and of very sharp ones." The historian set at nought his own personal repose, and in 1723 this elaborate history saw the light. From that moment the historian never enjoyed a day of quiet ! Rome attempted at first to extinguish the author with his work ; all the books were seized on ; and copies of the first edition are of extreme rarity. To escape the fangs of inquisitorial power, the historian of Naples flew from Naples on the publication of his immortal work. The fugi- tive and excommunicated author sought an asylum at Vienna, where, though he found no friend in the emperor, Prince Eugene and other nobles became his patrons. Forced to quit Vienna, he retired to Venice, when a new persecution arose from the jealousy of the state-inquisitors, who one night landed him on the borders of the pope's dominions. Escaping unexpectedly with his life to Geneva, he was pre- paring a supplemental volume to his celebrated history, when, enticed by a treacherous friend to a catholic village, Gian- none was arrested by an order of the king of Sardinia ; his manuscripts were sent to Rome, and the historian imprisoned in a fort. It is curious that the imprisoned Giannone wrote a vindication of the rights of the king of Sardinia, against the claims of the court of Rome. This powerful appeal to the feelings of this sovereign was at first favourably received ; but, under the secret influence of Rome, the Sardinian mon- arch, on the extraordinary plea that he kept Giannone as a prisoner of state that he might preserve him from the papal power, ordered that the vindicator of his rights should be more closely confined than before ; and, for this purpose, transferred his state-prisoner to the citadel of Turin, where, after twelve years of persecution and of agitation, our great historian closed his life ! Such was the fate of this historical martyr, whose work the catholic Haym describes as opera scritta con molto fuoco i troppa liberta. He hints that this history is only paralleled OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS. 71 by De Thou's great work. This Italian history will ever be ranked among the most philosophical. But, profound as was the masculine genius of Giannone, such was his love of fame, that he wanted the intrepidity requisite to deny himself the delight of giving his history to the world, though some of his great predecessors had set him a noble and dignified example. One more observation on these Italian historians. All of them represent man in his darkest colours ; their drama is terrific ; the actors are monsters of perfidy, of inhumanity, and inventors of crimes which seem to want a name ! They were all " princes of darkness ; " and the age seemed to afford a triumph of Manicheism ! The worst passions were called into play by all parties. But if something is to be ascribed to the manners of the times, much more may be traced to that science of politics, which sought for mastery in an unde- finable struggle of ungovernable political power ; in the remorseless ambition of the despots, and the hatreds and jealousies of the republics. These Italian historians have formed a perpetual satire on the contemptible simulation and dissimulation, and the inexpiable crimes of that system of politics, which has derived a name from one of themselves — the great, may we add, the calumniated, Machiavel ? OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS. Our ministers and court favourites, as well as those on the Continent, practised a very impolitical custom, and one likely to be repeated, although it has never failed to cast a popular odium on their name, exciting even the envy of their equals — in the erection of palaces for themselves, which outvied those of the sovereign ; and which, to the eyes of the pop- ulace, appeared as a perpetual and insolent exhibition of what they deemed the ill-earned wages of peculation, oppression, 72 OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS. and court-favour. We discover the seduction of this passion for ostentation, this haughty sense of their power, and this self-idolatry, even among the most prudent and the wisest of our ministers ; and not one but lived to lament over this vain act of imprudence. To these ministers the noble simplicity of Pitt will ever form an admirable contrast ; while his personal character, as a statesman, descends to posterity, unstained by calumny. The houses of Cardinal Wolsey appear to have exceeded the palaces of the sovereign in magnificence ; and potent as he was in all the pride of pomp, the " great cardinal " found rabid envy pursuing him so close at his heels, that he relin- quished one palace after the other, and gave up as gifts to the monarch, what, in all his over-grown greatness, he trem- bled to retain for himself. The state satire of that day was often pointed at this very circumstance, as appears in Skel- ton's " Why come ye not to Court ? " and Roy's " Rede me, and be not wrothe." Skelton's railing rhymes leave their bitter teeth in his purple pride ; and the style of both these satirists, if we use our own orthography, shows how little the language of the common people has varied during three centuries. " Set up the wretch on high In a throne triumphantly; Make him a great state And he will play check-mate With royal majesty The King's Court Should have the excellence, But Hampton Court Hath the pi-eeminence; And York's Place With my Lord's grace, To whose magnificence Is all the confluence, Suits, and supplications ; Embassies of all nations." Roy, in contemplating the palace, is maliciously reminded OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS. 73 of the butcher's lad, and only gives plain sense in plain words. " Hath the Cardinal any gay mansion ? Great palaces without comparison, Most glorious of outward sight, And within decked point-device,* More like unto a paradise Than an earthly habitation. He cometh then of some noble stock ? His father could match a bullock, A butcher by his occupation," Whatever we may now think of the structure, and the low apartments of Wolsey's palace, it is described not only in his own times, but much later, as of unparalleled magnifi- cence ; and indeed Cavendish's narrative of the Cardinal's entertainment of the French ambassadors, gives an idea of the ministerial prelate's imperial establishment very puzzling to the comprehension of a modern inspector. Six hundred persons, I think, were banquetted and slept in an abode which appears to us so mean, but which Stowe calls " so stately a palace." To avoid the odium of living in this splendid edi- fice, Wolsey presented it to the king, who, in recompense, suffered the Cardinal occasionally to inhabit this w r onder of England, in the character of keeper of the king's palace ; f so that Wolsey only dared to live in his own palace by a subterfuge ! This perhaps was a tribute which ministerial haughtiness paid to popular feeling, or to the jealousy of a royal master. * Point-device, a term explained by Mr. Douce. He thinks that it is borrowed from the labours of the needle, as we have point-lace, so point- device, i. e. point, a stitch, and devise, devised or invented; applied to describe any thing uncommonly exact, or woi*ked with the nicety and pre- cision of stitches made or devised by the needle. — Illustrations of Shakspeare, i. 93. But Mr. Gifford has since observed that the origin of the expres- sion is, perhaps, yet to be sought for; he derives it from a mathematical phrase, a point devise, or a given point, and hence exact, correct, &c. Ben Jonson, vol. iv. 170. See, for various examples, Mr. Nares's Glossary, art. Point-devise. t Lyson's Environs, v. 58. 74 OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS. I have elsewhere shown the extraordinary elegance and prodigality of expenditure of Buckingham's residences ; they were such as to have extorted the wonder even of Bassom- pierre, and unquestionably excited the indignation of those who lived in a poor court, while our gay and thoughtless minister alone could indulge in the wanton profusion. But Wolsey and Buckingham were ambitious and adven- turous ; they rose and shone the comets of the political horizon of Europe. The Roman tiara still haunted the imagination of the Cardinal : and the egotistic pride of hav- ing out-rivalled Richelieu and Olivarez, the nominal minis- ters but the real sovereigns of Europe, kindled the buoyant spirits of the gay, the gallant, and the splendid Villiers. But what " folly of the wise " must account for the conduct of the profound Clarendon, and the sensible Sir Robert Walpole, who, like the other two ministers, equally became the vic- tims of this imprudent passion for the ostentatious pomp of a palace. This magnificence looked like the vaunt of insolence in the eyes of the people, and covered the ministers with a popular odium. Clarendon-House is now only to be viewed in a print ; but its story remains to be told. It was built on the site of Graf- ton-street; and when afterwards purchased by Monk, the Duke of Albemarle, he left his title to that well-known street. It was an edifice of considerable extent and grandeur. Clar- endon reproaches himself in his life for " his weakness and vanity " in the vast expense incurred in this building, which he acknowledges had " more contributed to that gust of envy that had so violently shaken him, than any misdemeanour that he was thought to have been guilty of." It ruined his estate ; but he had been encouraged to it by the royal grant of the land, by that passion for building to which he owns " he was naturally too much inclined," and perhaps by other circum- stances, among which was the opportunity of purchasing the stones which had been designed for the rebuilding of St. Paul's ; but the envy it drew on him, and the excess of the OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS. 75 architect's proposed expense, had made his life " very uneasy, and near insupportable." The truth is, that when this palace was finished, it was imputed to him as a state-crime ; all the evils in the nation, which were then numerous, pestilence, conflagration, war, and defeats, were discovered to be in some way connected with Clarendon-House, or, as it was popularly called, either Dunkirk-House, or Tangier-Hall, from a notion that it had been erected with the golden bribery which the chancellor had received for the sale of Dunkirk and Tangiers. He was reproached with having profaned the sacred stones dedicated to the use of the church. The great but unfortu- nate master of this palace, who, from a private lawyer, had raised himself by alliance even to royalty, the father-in-law of the Duke of York, it was maliciously suggested, had per- suaded Charles the Second to marry the Infanta of Portugal, knowing (but how Clarendon obtained the knowledge his enemies have not revealed) that the Portuguese Princess was not likely to raise any obstacle to the inheritance of his own daughter to the throne. At the Restoration, among other enemies, Clarendon found that the royalists were none of the least active ; he was reproached by them for preferring those who had been the cause of their late troubles. The same reproach was incurred on the restoration of the Bour- bons. It is perhaps more political to maintain active men, who have obtained power, than to reinstate inferior talents, who at least have not their popularity. This is one of the parallel cases which so frequently strike us in exploring po- litical history ; and the ultras of Louis the Eighteenth were only the royalists of Charles the Second. There was a strong popular delusion carried on by the wits and the Misses, who formed the court of Charles the Second, that the government was as much shared by the Hydes as the Stuarts. We have in the state-poems, an unsparing lampoon, entitled, " Claren- don's House-warming ; " but a satire yielding nothing to it in severity I have discovered in manuscript ; and it is also remarkable for turning chiefly on a pun of the family name 76 OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS. of the Earl of Clarendon. The witty and malicious rhymer, after making Charles the Second demand the Great Seal, and resolve to be his own chancellor, proceeds, reflecting on the great political victim. " Lo ! his whole ambition already divides The sceptre between the Stuarts and the Hydes. Behold in the depth of our plague and wars, He built him a palace out-braves the stars; Which house (we Dunkirk, he Clarendon, names) Looks down with shame upon St. James ; But 'tis not his golden globe that will save him, Being less than the custom-house farmers gave him; His chapel for consecration calls, Whose sacrilege plundered the stones from Paul's. When Queen Dido landed she bought as much ground As the Hyde of a lusty fat bull would surround; But when the said Hyde was cut into thongs, A city and kingdom to Hyde belongs; So here in court, church, and country, far and wide, Here's nought to be seen but Hyde! Hyde ! Hyde! Of old, and where law the kingdom divides, 'Twas our Hydes of land, 'tis now land of Hydes ! " Clarendon-House was a palace, which had been raised with at least as much fondness as pride ; and Evelyn tells us, that the garden was planned by himself and his lordship ; but the cost, as usual, trebled the calculation, and the noble master grieved in silence amidst this splendid pile of architecture.* Even when in his exile the sale was proposed to pay his debts, and secure some provision for his younger children, he honestly tells us, that " he remained so infatuated with the delight he had enjoyed, that though he was deprived of it, he hearkened very unwillingly to the advice." In 1683, Clar- endon-House met its fate, and was abandoned to the brokers, who had purchased it for its materials. An affecting circum- stance is recorded by Evelyn on this occasion. In returning to town with the Earl of Clarendon, the son of the great * At the gateway of the Three Kings Inn, near Dover-street in Picca- dilly, are two pilasters with Corinthian capitals, which belonged to Cla- rendon-House, and are perhaps the only remains of that edifice. OF PALACES BUILT BY MINISTERS. 77 earl, " in passing by the glorious palace his father built but few years before, which they were now demolishing, being sold to certain undertakers, I turned my head the contrary way till the coach was. gone past by, lest I might minister occasion of speaking of it, which must needs have grieved him, that in so short a time this pomp was fallen." A feeling of infinite delicacy, so perfectly characteristic of Evelyn ! And now to bring down this subject to times still nearer. We find that Sir Robert Walpole had placed himself ex- actly in the situation of the great minister we have noticed ; we have his confession to his brother Lord Walpole, and to his friend Sir John Hynde Cotton. The historian of this minister observes, that his magnificent building at Houghton drew on him great obloquy. On seeing his brother's house at Wolterton, Sir Robert expressed his wishes that he had contented himself with a similar structure. In the reign of Anne, Sir Robert, sitting by Sir John Hynde Cotton, alluding to a sumptuous house which was then building by Harley, observed, that to construct a great house was a high act of imprudence in any minister ! It was a long time after, when he had become prime minister, that he forgot the whole result of the present article, and pulled down his family mansion at Houghton to build its magnificent edifice ; it was then Sir John Hynde Cotton reminded him of the reflection which he had made some years ago : the reply of Sir Robert is remarkable — " Your recollection is too late ; I wish you had reminded me of it before I began building, for then it might have been of service to me ! " The statesman and politician then are susceptible of all the seduction of ostentation and the pride of pomp ! Who would have credited it ? But bewildered with power, in the magnificence and magnitude of the edifices which their colossal greatness inhabits, they seem to contemplate on its image ! Sir Francis Walsingham died and left nothing to pay his debts, as appears by a curious fact noticed in the anonymous 78 " TAXATION NO TYRANNY! " life of Sir Philip Sidney prefixed to the Arcadia, and evidently written by one acquainted with the family history of his friend and hero. The chivalric Sidney, though sought after by court beauties, solicited the hand of the daughter of Walsingham, although, as it appears, she could have had no other portion than her own virtues and her father's name. " And herein," observes our anonymous biographer, " he was exemplary to all gentlemen not to carry their love in their purses." On this he notices this secret history of Walsing- ham : " This is that Sir Francis who impoverished himself to enrich the state, and indeed made England his heir ; and was so far from building up of fortune by the benefit of his place, that he demolished that fine estate left him by his ancestors to purchase dear intelligence from all parts of Christendom. He had a key to unlock the pope's cabinet ; and, as if master of some invisible whispering-place, all the secrets of Christian princes met at his closet. Wonder not then if he bequeathed no great wealth to his daughter, being privately interred in the quire of Paul's, as much indebted to his creditors, though not so much as our nation is indebted to his memory." Some curious inquirer may afford us a catalogue of great ministers of state who have voluntarily declined the augmen- tation of their private fortune, while they devoted their days to the noble pursuits of patriotic glory ! The labour of this research will be great, and the volume small ! "TAXATION NO TYRANNY ! 9 Such was the title of a famous political tract, which was issued at a moment when a people, in a state of insurrection, put forth a declaration that taxation was tyranny ! It was not against an insignificant tax they protested, but against taxation itself! and in the temper of the moment this abstract "TAXATION NO TYRANNY ! " 79 proposition appeared an insolent paradox. It was instantly run down by that everlasting party which, so far back as in the laws of our Henry the First, are designated by the odd descriptive term of acephali, a people without heads!* the strange equality of levellers ! These political monsters in all times have had an associa- tion of ideas of taxation and tyranny, and with them one name instantly suggests the other ! This happened to one Gigli of Sienna, who published the first part of a dictionary of the Tuscan language,f of which only 312 leaves amused the Florentines ; these having had the honour of being con- signed to the flames by the hands of the hangman for certain popular errors ; such as, for instance, under the word Gran Dnca we find Vedi Gabelli I (see Taxes !) and the word Gabella was explained by a reference to Gran Duca ! Grand-duke and taxes were synonymes, according to this mordacious lexicographer ! Such grievances, and the modes of expressing them, are equally ancient. A Roman consul, by levying a tax on salt during the Punic war, was nick- named Salinator, and condemned by " the majesty " of the people ! He had formerly done his duty to the country, but the salter was now his reward ! He retired from Rome, let * Cowel' s Interpreter, art. Acephali. This by-name we unexpectedly find in a grave antiquarian law-dictionary! probably derived from Pliny's description of a people whom some travellers had reported to have found in this predicament, in their fright and haste in attempting to land on a hostile shore among savages. To account for this fabulous people, it has been conjectured they wore such high coverings, that their heads did not appear above their shoulders, while their eyes seemed to be placed in their breasts. How this name came to be introduced into the laws of Henry the First remains to be told by some profound antiquary; but the allusion was common in the middle ages. Cowel says, " Those are called acephali who were the levellers of that age, and acknowledged no head or superior. t Vocabulario di Santa Caterina e della Lingua Sanese, 1717. This pun- gent lexicon was prohibited at Rome by desire of the court of Florence. The history of this suppressed work may be found in 11 Giornale de* Let- ierati d 1 Italia, tomo xxix. 1410. In the last edition of Haym's " Biblioteca Italiana," 1803, it is said to be reprinted at Manilla, nelV hole Fillippine! — For the book-licensers it is a great way to go for it! 80 "TAXATION NO TYRANNY!" his beard grow, and by his sordid dress and melancholy air evinced his acute sensibility. The Romans at length wanted the Salter to command the army — as an injured man, he re- fused — but he was told that he should bear the caprice of the Roman people with the tenderness of a son for the humours of a parent ! He had lost his reputation by a productive tax on salt, though this tax had provided an army and obtained a victory ! Certain it is that Gigli and his numerous adherents are wrong : for were they freed from all restraints as much as if they slept in forests and not in houses ; were they inhabitants of wilds and not of cities, so that every man should be his own law-giver, with a perpetual immunity from all taxation, we could not necessarily infer their political happiness. There are nations where taxation is hardly known, for the people exist in such utter wretchedness, that they are too poor to be taxed ; of which the Chinese, among others, exhibit remarkable instances. When Nero would have abolished all taxes, in his excessive passion for popularity, the senate thanked him for his good will to the people, but assured him that this was a certain means not of repairing, but of ruining the commonwealth. Bodin, in his curious work " the Repub- lic," has noticed a class of politicians who are in too great favour with the people. " Many seditious citizens, and de- sirous of innovations, did of late years promise immunity of taxes and subsidies to our people ; but neither could they do it, or if they could have done it, they would not ; or if it were done, should we have any common-weal, being the ground and foundation of one." * The undisguised and naked term of " taxation " is, how- ever, so odious to the people, that it may be curious to observe * Bodin's six Books of a Commonwealth, translated by Richard Knolles, 1606. A work replete with the practical knowledge of politics ; and of which Mr. Dugald Stewart has delivered a high opinion. Yet this great politician wrote a volume to anathematize those who doubted the existence of sorcerers and witches, &c. whom he condemns to the flames ! See his " Demonomanie des Sorciers," 1593. "TAXATION NO TYRANNY!" 81 the arts practised by governments, and even by the people themselves, to veil it under some mitigating term. In the first breaking out of the American troubles, they probably would have yielded to the mother-country the right of taxation, modified by the term regulation (of their trade) ; this I infer from a letter of Dr. Robertson, who observes, that " the dis- tinction between taxation and regulation is mere folly ! " Even despotic governments have condescended to disguise the contributions forcibly levied, by some appellative which should partly conceal its real nature. Terms have often in- fluenced circumstances, as names do things ; and conquest or oppression, which we may allow to be sytionymes, apes be- nevolence whenever it claims as a gift what it exacts as a tribute. A sort of philosophical history of taxation appears in the narrative of Wood, in his Inquiry on Homer. He tells us that " the presents (a term of extensive signification in the East) which are distributed annually by the bashaw of Da- mascus to the several Arab princes through whose territory he conducts the caravan of pilgrims to Mecca, are, at Con- stantinople, called a free gift, and considered as an act of the sultan's generosity towards his indigent subjects ; while, on the other hand, the Arab sheikhs deny even a right of pas- sage through the districts of their command, and exact those sums as a tax due for the permission of going through their country. In the frequent bloody contests which the adjust- ment of these fees produce, the Turks complain of robbery, and the Arabs of invasion." * Here we trace taxation through all its shifting forms, ac- commodating itself to the feelings of the different people; the same principle regulated the alternate terms proposed by the buccaneers, when they ashed what the weaker party was sure to give, or when they levied what the others paid only as a common toll. * Wood's Inquiry on Homer, p. 153. VOL. IV. 6 82 TAXATION NO TYRANNY! " When Louis the Eleventh of France beheld his country- exhausted bj the predatory wars of England, he bought a peace of our Edward the Fourth by an annual sum of fifty thousand crowns, to be paid at London, and likewise granted pensions to the English ministers. Holingshed and all our historians call this a yearly tribute ; but Comines, the French memoir-writer, with a national spirit, denies that these gifts were either pensions or tributes. " Yet," says Bodin, a Frenchman also, but affecting a more philosophical indiffer- ence, " it must be either the one or the other ; though I confess, that those who receive a pension to obtain peace, commonly boast of it as if it were a tribute ! " * Such are the shades of our feelings in this history of taxation and tribute. But there is another artifice of applying soft names to hard things, by veiling a tyrannical act by a term which presents no dis- agreeable idea to the imagination. When it was formerly thought desirable, in the relaxation of morals which pre- vailed in Venice, to institute the office of censor, three magis- trates were elected bearing this title ; but it seemed so harsh and austere in that dissipated city, that these reformers of manners were compelled to change their title ; when they were no longer called censors, but I signori sopra il bon vi- vere della citta, all agreed on the propriety of the office under the softened term. Father Joseph, the secret agent of Car- dinal Richelieu, was the inventor of lettres de cachet, disguis- ing that instrument of despotism by the amusing term of a sealed letter. Expatriation would have been merciful com- pared with the result of that billet-doux, a sealed letter from his majesty ! Burke reflects with profound truth — "Abstract liberty, like other mere abstractions, is not to be found. Liberty inheres in some sensible object ; and every nation has formed to itself some favourite point, which, by way of eminence, becomes the criterion of their happiness. It happened that the great * Bodin' s Common-weal, translated by R. Knolles, p. 14S. 1C06. "TAXATION NO TYRANNY ! " 83 contests for freedom in this country were from the earliest times chiefly upon the question of taxing. Most of the con- tests in the ancient commonwealths turned primarily on the right of election of magistrates, or on the balance among (lie several orders of the state. The question of money was not with them so immediate. But in England it was otherwise. On this point of taxes the ablest pens and most eloquent tongues have been exercised ; the greatest spirits have acted and suffered." * One party clamorously asserts that taxation is their griev- ance, while another demonstrates that the annihilation of taxes would be their ruin ! The interests of a great nation, among themselves, are often contrary to each other, and each seems alternately to predominate and to decline. " The sting of taxation," observes Mr. Hallam, " is wastefulness ; but it is difficult to name a limit beyond which taxes will not be borne without impatience when faithfully applied." In plainer words, this only signifies, we presume, that Mr. Hal- lam's party would tax us without " wastefulness ! " Minis- terial or opposition, whatever be the administration, it follows that " taxation is no tyranny ; " Dr. Johnson then was terribly abused in his day for a vox et prceterea nihil! Still shall the innocent word be hateful, and the people will turn even on their best friend, who in administration inflicts a new impost ; as we have shown by the fate of the Roman Salinator ! Among ourselves, our government, in its constitution, if not always in its practice, long had a considera- tion towards the feelings of the people, and often contrived to hide the nature of its exactions by a name of blandish- ment. An enormous grievance was long the office of pur- vej^ance. A purveyor was an officer who was to furnish every sort of provision for the royal house, and sometimes for great lords, during their progresses or journeys. His oppressive office, by arbitrarily fixing the market-prices, and compelling the countrymen to bring their articles to market, * Burke's Works, vol. i. 288. 84 TAXATION NO TYRANNY! " would enter into the history of the arts of grinding the labor- ing class of society ; a remnant of feudal tyranny ! The very title of this officer became odious ; and by a statute of Ed- ward III. the hateful name of 'purveyor was ordered to be changed into acheteur or buyer ! A change of name, it was imagined, would conceal its nature ! The term often devised, strangely contrasted with the thing itself. Levies of money were long raised under the pathetic appeal of benevolences. When Edward IV. was passing over to France, he obtained, under this gentle demand, money towards " the great jour- ney," and afterwards having " rode about the more part of the lands, and used the people in such fair manner, that they were liberal in their gifts, " old Fabian adds, " the which way of the levying of this money was after-named a benevo- lence." Edward IV. was courteous in this newly invented style, and was besides the handsomest tax-gatherer in his kingdom ! His royal presence was very dangerous to the purses of his loyal subjects, particularly to those of the females. In his progress, having kissed a widow for having contributed a larger sum than was expected from her estate, she was so overjoyed at the singular honour and delight, that she doubled her benevolence, and a second kiss had ruined her ! In the succeeding reign of Richard III. the term had already lost the freshness of its innocence. In the speech which the Duke of Buckingham delivered from the hustings in Guildhall, he explained the term to the satisfaction of his auditors, who even then were as cross-humoured as the livery of this day, in their notions of what now we gently call " sup- plies." " Under the plausible name of benevolence, as it was held in the time of Edward IV., your goods were taken from you much against your will, as if by that name was under- stood that every man should pay, not what he pleased, but what the king would have him ; " or, as a marginal note in Buck's Life of Richard III. more pointedly has it, that " the name of benevolence signified that every man should pay, not what he of his own good will list, but what the king of his "TAXATION NO TYRANNY! " 85 good will list to take." * Richard III., whose business, like that of all usurpers, was to be popular, in a statute even con- demns this " benevolence " as " a new imposition," and enacts that " none shall be charged with it in future ; many families having been ruined under these pretended gifts." His suc- cessor, however, found means to levy " a benevolence ; " but when Henry VIII. demanded one, the citizens of London appealed to the act of Richard III. Cardinal Wolsey in- sisted that the law of a murderous usurper should not be enforced. One of the common-council courageously replied, that " King Richard, conjointly with parliament, had enacted many good statutes." Even then the citizen seems to have comprehended the spirit of our constitution — that taxes should not be raised without consent of parliament ! Charles the First, amidst his urgent wants, at first had hoped, by the pathetic appeal to benevolences, that he should have touched the hearts of his unfriendly commoners ; but the term of benevolence proved unlucky. The resisters of taxation took full advantage of a significant meaning, which had long been lost in the custom : asserting by this very term, that all levies of money were not compulsory, but the voluntary gifts of the people. In that political crisis, when in the fulness of time all the national grievances which had hitherto been kept down, started up with one voice, the cour- teous term strangely contrasted with the rough demand. Lord Digby said " the granting of subsidies, under so pre- posterous a name as of a benevolence, was a malevolence." And Mr. Grimstone observed, that " They have granted a benevolence, but the nature of the thing agrees not with the namer The nature indeed had so entirely changed from the name, that when James I. had tried to warm the hearts * Daines Barrington, in " Observations on the Statutes," gives the marginal note of Buck as the xoords of the duke ; they certainly served his purpose to amuse, better than the veracious ones ; but we expect from a grave antiquary inviolable authenticity. The duke is made by Barrington a sort of wit, but the pithy quaintness is Buck's. 86 "TAXATION NO TYRANNY! ' of his " benevolent " people, he got little money, and lost a great deal of love." " Subsidies," that is, grants made by- parliament, observes Arthur Wilson, a dispassionate his- torian, " get more of the people's money, but exactions en- slave the mind." When benevolences had become a grievance, to diminish the odium they invented more inviting phrases. The sub- ject was cautiously informed that the sums demanded were only loans ; or he was honoured by a letter under the Privy Seal ; a bond which the king engaged to repay at a definite period ; but privy seals at length got to be hawked about to persons coming out of church. " Privy seals," says a manu- script letter, " are flying thick and threefold in sight of all the world, which might surely have been better performed in delivering them to every man privately at home." The gen- eral loan, which in fact was a forced loan, was one of the most crying grievances under Charles I. Ingenious in the destruc- tion of his own popularity, the king contrived a new mode of " secret instructions to commissioners" * They were to find out persons who could bear the largest rates. How the commissioners were to acquire this secret and inquisitorial knowledge appears in the bungling contrivance. It is one of their orders that after a number of inquiries have been put to a person, concerning others who had spoken against loan- money, and what arguments they had used, this person was to be charged in his majesty's name, and upon his allegiance, not to disclose to any other the answer he had given. A striking instance of that fatuity of the human mind, when a weak government is trying to do what it knows not how to perform: it was seeking to obtain a secret purpose by the most open and general means : a self-destroying principle ! Our ancestors were children in finance ; their simplicity has been too often described as tyranny ! but from my soul do I believe, on this obscure subject of taxation, that old * These " Private Instructions to the Commissioners for the General Loan " may be found in Rush worth, i. 418. THE BOOK OF DEATH. 37 Burleigh's advice to Elizabeth includes more than all the squabbling pamphlets of our political economists, — " Win HEARTS, AND YOU HAVE THEIR HANDS AND PURSES ! " THE BOOK OF DEATH. Montaigne was fond of reading minute accounts of the deaths of remarkable persons ; and, in the simplicity of his heart, old Montaigne wished to be learned enough to form a collection of these deaths, to observe "their word-, their actions, and what sort of countenance they put upon it." He seems to have been a little over curious about deaths, in ref- erence, no doubt, to his own, in which he was certainly deceived ; for we are told that he did not die as he had prom- ised himself, — expiring in the adoration of the mass ; or, as his preceptor Buchanan would have called it, in " the act of rank idolatry." I have been told of a privately printed volume, under the singular title of " The Book of Death," where an amateur has compiled the pious memorials of many of our eminent men in their last moments : and it may form a companion- piece to the little volume on " Les grands hommes qui sont morts en plaisantant." This work, I fear, must be monot- onous ; the deaths of the righteous must resemble each other ; the learned and the eloquent can only receive in silence that hope which awaits " the covenant of the grave." But this volume will not establish any decisive principle ; since the just and the religious have not always encountered death with indifference, nor even in a fit composure of mind. The functions of the mind are connected with those of the body. On a death-bed a fortnight's disease may reduce the firmest to a most wretched state ; while, on the contrary, the soul struggles, as it were in torture, in a robust frame. Nani, the Venetian historian, has curiously described the death of 88 THE BOOK OF DEATH. Innocent the Tenth, who was a character unblemished by vices, and who died at an advanced age, with too robust a constitution. Dopo lunga e terribile ago?iia, con dolore e con pena, seperandosi Vanima da quel corpo robusto, egli spiro ai sette di Genuaro, nel ottantesimo primo de suoi anno. " After a long and terrible agony, with great bodily pain and difficulty, his soul separated itself from that robust frame, and expired in his eighty-first year." Some have composed sermons on death, while they passed many years of anxiety, approaching to madness, in con- templating their own. The certainty of an immediate separation from all our human sympathies may, even on a death-bed, suddenly disorder the imagination. The great physician of our times told me of a general, who had often faced the cannon's mouth, dropping down in terror, when in- formed by him that his disease was rapid and fatal. Some have died of the strong imagination of death. There is a print of a knight brought on the scaffold to suffer ; he viewed the headsman; he was blinded, and knelt down to receive the stroke. Having passed through the whole ceremony of a criminal execution, accompanied by all its disgrace, it was ordered that his life should be spared. Instead of the stroke from the sword, they poured cold water over his neck. After this operation the knight remained motionless ; they discovered that he had expired in the very imagination of death ! Such are among the many causes which may affect the mind in the hour of its last trial. The habitual associa- tions of the natural character are most likely to prevail, though not always. The intrepid Marshal Biron disgraced his exit by womanish tears and raging imbecility ; the vir- tuous Erasmus, with miserable groans, was heard crying out, Domine ! Dominef fac finem! fac Jinemf Bayle having prepared his proof for the printer, pointed to where it lay, when dying. The last words which Lord Chesterfield was heard to speak were, when the valet, opening the curtains of the bed, announced Mr. Dayroles, " Give Dayroles a chair ! " THE BOOK OF DEATH. 89 " This good breeding/' observed the late Dr. Warren, his physician, " only quits him with his life." The last words of Nelson were, "Tell Collingwood to bring the fleet to an anchor." The tranquil grandeur which cast a new majesty over Charles the First on the scaffold, appeared when he declared, " I fear not death ! Death is not terrible to me ! " And the characteristic pleasantry of Sir Thomas More ex- hilarated his last moments, when, observing the weakness of the scaffold, he said, in mounting it, " I pray you, see me up safe, and for my coming down, let me shift for myself!" Sir Walter Rawleigh passed a similar jest when going to the scaffold. My ingenious friend Dr. Sherwen has furnished me with the following anecdotes of death : — In one of the bloody battles fought by the Duke d'Enghien, two French noblemen were left wounded among the dead on the field of battle. One complained loudly of his pains ; the other, after long silence, thus offered him consolation : " My friend, whoever you are, remember that our God died on the cross, our king on the scaffold ; and if you have strength to look at him who now speaks to you, you will see that both his legs are shot away." At the murder of the Duke d'Enghien, the royal victim, looking at the soldiers, who had pointed their fusees, said, " Grenadiers ! " lower your arms, otherwise you will miss, or only wound me ! " To two of them who proposed to tie a handkerchief over his eyes, he said, " A loyal soldier who has been so often exposed to fire and sword, can see the approach of death with naked eyes and without fear." After a similar caution on the part of Sir George Lisle, or Sir Charles Lucas, when murdered in nearly the same manner at Colchester, by the soldiers of Fairfax, the loyal hero, in answer to their assertions and assurances that they vvould take care not to miss him, nobly replied, " You have often missed me when I have been nearer to you in the field of battle." 00 THE BOOK OF DEATH. When the governor of Cadiz, the Marquis de Solano, was murdered by the enraged and mistaken citizens, to one of his murderers, who had run a pike through his back, he calmly turned round and said, " Coward, to strike there ! Come round — if you dare face — and destroy me ! " Abernethy, in his Physiological Lectures, has ingeniously observed, that " Shakspeare has represented Mercutio con- tinuing to jest, though conscious that he was mortally wounded ; the expiring Hotspur thinking of nothing but honour; and the dying Falstaff still cracking his jests upon Bardolph's nose. If such facts were duly attended to, they would prompt us to make a more liberal allowance for each other's conduct, under certain circumstances, than we are accustomed to do." The truth seems to be, that whenever the functions of the mind are not disturbed by " the nervous functions of the digestive organs," the personal character predominates even in death, and its habitual associations exist to its last moments. Many religious persons may have died without showing in their last moments any of those exterior acts, or employing those fervent expressions, which the col- lector of " The Book of Death " would only deign to chron- icle ; their hope is not gathered in their last hour. Yet many have delighted to taste of death long before they have died, and have placed before their eyes all the furniture of mortality. The horrors of a charnel-house is the scene of their pleasure. The " Midnight Meditations " of Quarles preceded Young's " Night Thoughts " by a cen- tury, and both these poets loved preternatural terror. " If I must die, I'll snatch at every thing That may but mind me of my latest breath; Death's-heads, Graves, Knells, Blacks,* Tombs, all these shall bring Into my soul such useful thoughts of death, That this sable king of fears Shall not catch me unawares." — Quarles. * Blacks was the term for mourning in James the First and Charles the First's time. THE BOOK OF DEATH. 91 But it may be doubful whether the thoughts of death are useful, whenever they put a man out of the possession of bis faculties. Young pursued the scheme of Quarles : lie raised about him an artificial emotion of death : he darkened his sepulchral study, placing a skull on his table by lamp-light; as Dr. Donne had his portrait taken, first winding a sheet over his head and closing his eyes ; keeping this melancholy picture by his bed-side as long as he lived, to remind him of his mortality. Young, even in his garden, had his conceits of death : at the end of an avenue was viewed a seat of an admirable chiaro-oscuro, which, when approached, presented only a painted surface, with an inscription, alluding to the deception of the things of this world. To be looking at " the mirror which flatters not ; " to discover ourselves only as a skeleton with the horrid life of corruption about us, has been among those penitential inventions, which have often ended in shaking the innocent by the pangs which are only natural to the damned. Without adverting to those numer- ous testimonies, the diaries of fanatics, I shall offer a picture of an accomplished and innocent lady, in a curious and un- affected transcript she has left of a mind of great sensibility, where the preternatural terror of death might perhaps have hastened the premature one she suffered. From the " Reliquiae Gethinianae," * I quote some of Lady Gethin's ideas on " Death." — " The very thoughts of death disturb one's reason ; and though a man may have many excellent qualities, yet he may have the weakness of not commanding his sentiments. Nothing is worse for one's health than to be in fear of death. There are some so wise as neither to hate nor fear it; but for my part I have an aversion for it ; and with reason ; for it is a rash inconsider- ate thing, that always comes before it is looked for; always comes unseasonably, parts friends, ruins beauty, laughs at youth and draws a dark veil over all the pleasures of life. — * My discovery of the nature of this rare volume, of what is original und what collected, will be found in a previous article. 92 THE BOOK OF DEATH. This dreadful evil is but the evil of a moment, and what we cannot by any means avoid ; and it is that which makes it so terrible to me ; for were it uncertain, hope might diminish some part of the fear ; but when I think I must die, and that I may die every moment, and that too a thousand several ways, I am in such a fright as you cannot imagine. I see dangers where, perhaps, there never were any. I am per- suaded 'tis happy to be somewhat dull of apprehension in this case ; and yet the best way to cure the pensiveness of the thoughts of death is to think of it as little as possible." She proceeds by enumerating the terrors of the fearful, who " cannot enjoy themselves in the pleasantest places, and al- though they are neither on sea, river, or creek, but in good health in their chamber, yet are they so well instructed with the fear of dying, that they do not measure it only by the 'present dangers that wait on us. — Then is it not best to sub- mit to God ? But some people cannot do it as they would ; and though they are not destitute of reason but perceive they are to blame, yet at the same time that their reason condemns them, their imagination makes their hearts feel what it pleases." Such is the picture of an ingenious and a religious mind, drawn by an amiable woman, who, it is evident, lived always in the fear of death. The Gothic skeleton was ever haunt- ing her imagination. In Dr. Johnson the same horror was suggested by the thoughts of death. When Boswell once in conversation persecuted Johnson on this subject, whether we might not fortify our minds for the approach of death ; he answered in a passion, " No, sir ! let it alone ! It matters not how a man dies, but how he lives ! The art of dying is not of importance, it lasts so short a time ! " But when Bos- well persisted in the conversation, Johnson was thrown into such a state of agitation, that he thundered out " Give us no more of this ! " and, further, sternly told the trembling and too curious philosopher, " Don't let us meet to-morrow ! " It may be a question whether those who by their prepara- THE BOOK OF DEATH. 93 tory conduct have appeared to show the greatest indifference for death, have not rather betrayed the most curious art to disguise its terrors. Some have invented a mode of escap- ing from life in the midst of convivial enjoyment. A mortu- ary preparation of this kind has been recorded of an amiable man, Moncriff, the author of " Histoire des Chats " and " L'Art de Plaire," by his literary friend La Place, who was an actor in, as well as the historian of, the singular nar- rative. One morning La Place received a note from Mon- criff, requesting that " he would immediately select for him a dozen volumes most likely to amuse, and of a nature to with- draw the reader from being occupied by melancholy thoughts." La Place was startled at the unusual request, and flew to his old friend, whom he found deeply engaged in being meas- ured for a new peruke, and a taffety robe-de-chambre, ear- nestly enjoining the utmost expedition. " Shut the door ! " — said Moncriff, observing the surprise of his friend. "And now that we are alone, I confide my secret : on rising this morning, my valet in dressing me showed me on this leg this dark spot — from that moment I knew I was 4 condemned to death ; ' but I had presence of mind enough not to betray myself." " Can a head so well organized as yours imagine that such a trifle is a sentence of death ? " — " Don't speak so loud, my friend ! or rather deign to listen a moment. At my age it is fatal ! The system from which I have derived the felicity of a long life has been, that whenever any evil, moral or physical, happens to us, if there is a remedy, all must be sacrificed to deliver us from it — but in a contrary case, I do not choose to wrestle with destiny and to begin complaints, endless as useless ! All that I request of you, my friend, is to assist me to pass away the few days which remain for me, free from all cares, of which otherwise they might be too sus- ceptible. But do not think," he added with warmth, " that I mean to elude the religious duties of a citizen, which so many of late affect to contemn. The good and virtuous cu- rate of my parish is coming here under a pretext of an an- 94 THE BOOK OF DEATH. nual contribution, and I have even ordered my physician, on whose confidence I can rely. Here is a list of ten or twelve persons, friends beloved ! who are mostly known to you. I shall write to them this evening, to tell them of my condem- nation ; but if they wish me to live, they will do me the fav- our to assemble here at five in the evening, where they may be certain of finding all those objects of amusement, which I shall study to discover suitable to their tastes. And you, my old friend, with my doctor, are two on whom I most de- pend.'' La Place was strongly affected by this appeal — neither Socrates, nor Cato, nor Seneca looked more serenely on the approach of death. " Familiarize yourself early with death ! " said the good old man with a smile — "It is only dreadful for those who dread it ! " During ten days after this singular conversation, the whole of MoncrifF's remaining life, his apartment was open to his friends, of whom several were ladies ; all kinds of games were played till nine o'clock ; and that the sorrows of the host might not disturb his guests, he played the chouette at his favourite game of picquet ; a supper, seasoned by the wit of the master, concluded at eleven. On the tenth night, in taking leave of his friend, MoncrifF whispered to him, " Adieu, my friend ! to-morrow morning I shall return your books ! " He died, as he foresaw, the following day. I have sometimes thought that we might form a history of this fear of death, by tracing the first appearances of the skeleton which haunts our funereal imagination. In the modern history of mankind, we might discover some very strong contrasts in the notion of death entertained by men at various epochs. The following article will supply a sketch of this kind. HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. 95 HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. Euthanasia ! Euthanasia ! an easy death ! was the excla- mation of Augustus ; it was what Antoninus Pius enjoyed ; and it is that for which every wise man will pray, said Lord Orrery, when perhaps he was contemplating the close of Swift's life. The ancients contemplated death without terror, and met it with indifference. It was the only divinity to which they never sacrificed, convinced that no human being could turn aside its stroke. They raised altars to Fever, to Misfortune, to all the evils of life ; for these might change ! But though they did not court the presence of death in any shape, they acknowledged its tranquillity; and in the beautiful fables of their allegorical religion, Death was the daughter of Night, and the sister of Sleep ; and ever the friend of the unhappy ! To the eternal sleep of death they dedicated their sepulchral monuments — JEternali somno ! * If the full light of reve- lation had not yet broken on them, it can hardly be denied that they had some glimpses and a dawn of the life to come, from the many allegorical inventions which describe the transmigration of the soul. A butterfly on the extremity of an extinguished lamp, held up by the messenger of the gods, intently gazing above, implied a dedication of that soul; Love, with a melancholy air, his legs crossed, leaning on an inverted torch, the flame thus naturally extinguishing itself, elegantly denoted the cessation of human life ; a rose sculp- tured on a sarcophagus, or the emblems of epicurean life traced on it, in a skull wreathed by a chaplet of flowers, such as they wore at their convivial meetings, a flask of wine, a patera, and the small bones used as dice : all these symbols were indirect allusions to death, veiling its painful recollec- tions. They did not pollute their imagination with the con- tents of a charnel-house. The sarcophagi of the ancients * Montfaucon, L' Antiquity Expliqu^e, I. 362. 96 HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. rather recall to us the remembrance of the activity of life ; for they are sculptured with battles or games, in basso relievo ; a sort of tender homage paid to the dead, observes Mad. de Stael, with her peculiar refinement of thinking. It would seem that the Romans had even an aversion to mention death in express terms, for they disguised its very name by some periphrasis, such as discessit e vita, " he has departed from life ; " and they did not say that their friend had died, but that he had lived ; vixit! In the old Latin chronicles, and even in the Fcedera and other documents of the middle ages, we find the same delicacy about using the fatal word Death, especially when applied to kings and great people. " Transire a Scecido — Vitam suam mutare — Si quid de eo humanities contigerit, fyc." I am indebted to Mr. Merivale for this remark. Even among a people less re- fined, the obtrusive idea of death has been studiously avoided : we are told that when the Emperor of Morocco in- quires after any one who has recently died, it is against etiquette to mention the word " death ; " the answer i.-, kk his destiny is closed ! " But this tenderness is only reserved for "the elect" of the Mussulmen. A Jew's death is at once plainly expressed : " He is dead, sir ! asking your pardon for mentioning such a contemptible wretch ! " i. e. a Jew ! A Christian's is described by « The infidel is dead ! " or, " The cuckold is dead ! " The ancient artists have so rarely attempted to personify Death, that we have not discovered a single revolting image of this nature in all the works of antiquity.* — To conceal its deformity to the eye, as well as to elude its suggestion to the mind, seems to have been an universal feeling, and it * A representation of Death by a skeleton appears among the Egyp- tians: a custom more singular than barbarous prevailed, of inclosing a skeleton of beautiful workmanship in a small coffin, which the bearer carried round at their entertainments ; observing, " after death you will resemble this figure: drink, then! and be happy; " a symbol of Death in a convivial party was not designed to excite terrific or gloomy ideas, but a recollection of the brevity of human life. HISTOKY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. 07 accorded with a fundamental principle of ancient art ; that of never permitting violent passion to produce in its repre- sentation distortion of form. This may be observed in the Laocoon, where the mouth only opens sufficiently to indicate the suppressed agony of superior humanity, without express- ing the loud cry of vulgar suffering. Pausanias considered as a personification of death a female figure, whose teeth and nails, long and crooked, were engraven on a coffin of cedai-j which inclosed the body of Cypselus ; this female was un- questionably only one of the Parcce, or the Fates, " watchful to cut the thread of life." Hesiod describes Atropos indeed as having sharp teeth, and long nails, waiting to tear and devour the dead ; but this image was of a barbarous era. Catullus ventured to personify the Sister Destinies as three Crones ; " but in general,'' Winkelmann observes, " they are portrayed as beautiful virgins, with winged heads, one of whom is always in the attitude of writing on a scroll." Death was a nonenity to the ancient artist. Could he ex- hibit what represents nothing ? Could he animate into action what lies in a state of eternal tranquillity ? Elegant images of repose and tender sorrow were all he could invent to indi- cate the state of death. Even the terms which different nations have bestowed on a burial-place are not associated with emotions of horror. The Greeks called a burying- ground by the soothing term of Coemeterion, or, " the sleep- ing-place;" the Jews, who had no horrors of the grave, by Beth-haim, or, "the house of the living;" the Germans, with religious simplicity, " God's-field." The Scriptures had only noticed that celestial being " the Angel of Death," — graceful, solemn, and sacred ! Whence, then, originated that stalking skeleton, suggesting so many false and sepulchral ideas, and which for us has so long served as the image of death ? When the Christian religion spread over Europe, the world changed ! the certainty of a future state of existence, by the artifices of wicked worldly men, terrified instead of VOL. IV. 7 98 HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. consoling human nature ; and in the resurrection the ignorant multitude seemed rather to have dreaded retribution, than to have hoped for remuneration. The Founder of Christianity everywhere breathes the blessedness of social feelings. It is "Our Father!" whom he addresses. The horrors with which Christianity was afterwards disguised arose in the corruptions of Christianity among those insane ascetics, who, misinterpreting " the Word of Life," trampled on nature ; and imagined that to secure an existence in the other world it was necessary not to exist in the one in which God had placed them. The dominion of mankind fell into the usurp- ing hands of those imperious monks whose artifices trafficked with the terrors of ignorant and hypochondriac " Kaisers and kings." The scene was darkened by penances and by pil- grimages, by midnight vigils, by miraculous shrines, and bloody flagellations ; spectres started up amidst their tene- bres ; millions of masses increased their supernatural influ- ence. Amidst this general gloom of Europe, their troubled imaginations were frequently predicting the end of the world. It was at this period that they first beheld the grave yawn, and Death, in the Gothic form of a gaunt anatomy, parading through the universe ! The people were frightened, as they viewed everywhere hung before their eyes, in the twilight of their cathedrals, and their " pale cloisters," the most revolting emblems of death. They startled the traveller on the bridge ; they stared on the sinner in the carvings of his table and chair ; the spectre moved in the hangings of the apartment ; it stood in the niche, and was the picture of their sitting- room ; it was worn in their rings, while the illuminator shaded the bony phantom in the margins of their " Horae," their primers, and their breviaries. Their barbarous taste perceived no absurdity in giving action to a heap of dry bones, which could only keep together in a state of immova- bility and repose ; nor that it was burlesquing the awful idea of the resurrection, by exhibiting the incorruptible spirit under the unnatural and ludicrous figure of mortality drawn out of the corruption of the grave. HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. 99 An anecdote of these monkish times has been preserved by old Gerard Leigh ; and as old stories are best set off by old words, Gerard speaketh ! " The great Maximilian the emperor came to a monastery in High Almaine, (Germany,) the monks whereof had caused to be curiously painted the charnel of a man, which they termed — Death ! When that well-learned emperor had beholden it awhile, he called unto him his painter, commanding to blot the skeleton out, and to paint therein the image of— *a fool. Wherewith the abbot, humbly beseeching him to the contrary, said 4 It was a good remembrance ! ' — ' Nay,' quoth the emperor, 1 as vermin that annoy eth man's body cometh unlooked for, so doth death, which here is but a fained image, and life is a certain thing, if we know to deserve it.' " * The original mind of Maxi- milian the Great is characterized by this curious story of con- verting our emblem of death into a parti-coloured fool ; and such satirical allusions to the folly of those who persisted in their notion of the skeleton were not unusual with the artists of those times ; we find the figure of a fool sitting with some drollery between the legs of one of these skele- tons. | This story is associated with an important fact. After they had successfully terrified the people with their charnel- house figure, a reaction in the public feelings occurred, for the skeleton was now employed as a medium to convey the most facetious, satirical, and burlesque notions of human life. Death, which had so long harassed their imaginations, sud- denly changed into a theme fertile in coarse humour. The Italians were too long accustomed to the study of the beau- tiful to allow their pencil to sport with deformity ; but the Gothic taste of the German artists, who could only copy their own homely nature, delighted to give human passions to the hideous physiognomy of a noseless skull ; to put an eye of mockery or malignity into its hollow socket, and to stretch * The Accidence of Armorie, p. 199. f A woodcut preserved in Mr. Dibdin's Bib. Dec. i. 35. 100 HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. out the gaunt anatomy into the postures of a Hogarth ; and that the ludicrous mifdit be carried to its extreme, this ima£- inary being, taken from the bone-house, was viewed in the action of dancing ! This blending of the grotesque with the most disgusting image of mortality, is the more singular part of this history of the skeleton, and indeed of human nature itself ! " The Dance of Death," erroneously considered as Hol- bein's, with other similar Dance's, however differently treated, have one common subject which was painted in the arcades of burying-grounds, or on town-halls, and in market-places. The subject is usually " The Skeleton " in the act of leading all ranks and conditions to the grave, personated after na- ture, and in the strict costume of the times. This invention opened a new field for genius ; and when we can for a mo- ment forget their luckless choice of their bony and bloodless hero, who to amuse us by a variety of action becomes a sort of horrid Harlequin in these pantomimical scenes, we may be delighted by the numerous human characters, which are so vividly presented to us. The origin of this extraordinary invention is supposed to be a favourite pageant, or religious mummery, invented by the clergy, who-in these ages of bar- barous Christianity always found it necessary to amuse, as well as to frighten the populace ; a circumstance well known to have occurred in so many other grotesque and licentious festivals they allowed the people. The practice of dancing in churches and churchyards was interdicted by several councils ; but it was found convenient in those rude times. It seems probable that the clergy contrived the present dance, as more decorous and not without moral and religious emotions. This pageant was performed in churches, in which the chief characters in society were supported in a sort of masquerade, mixing together in a general dance, in the course of which every one in his turn vanished from the scene, to show how one after the other died off. The subject was at once poetical and ethical ; and the poets and painters of Ger- HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. 101 many adopting the skeleton, sent forth this chimerical Ulysses of another world to roam among the men and manners of their own. A popular poem was composed, said to be by one Macaber, which name seems to be a corruption of St. Macaire ; the old Gaulish version, reformed, is still printed at Troyes, in France, with the ancient blocks of woodcuts, under the title of " La grande Danse Macabre des Hommes et des Femmes." Merian's " Todten Tanz," or the " Dance of the Dead," is a curious set of prints of a Dance of Death from an ancient painting, I think not entirely defaced, in a cemetery at Basle, in Switzerland. It was ordered to be painted by a council held there during many years, to com- memorate the mortality occasioned by a plague in 1439. The prevailing character of all these works is unquestionably grotesque and ludicrous ; not, however, that genius, however barbarous, could refrain in this large subject of human life from inventing scenes often imagined with great delicacy of conception, and even great pathos. Such is the new-married couple, whom Death is leading, beating a drum ; and in the rapture of the hour, the bride seems, with a melancholy look, not insensible of his presence ; or Death is seen issuing from the cottage of the poor widow with her youngest child, who waves his hand sorrowfully, while the mother and the sister vainly. answer ; or the old man, to whom Death is playing on a psaltery, seems anxious that his withered fingers should once more touch the strings, while he is carried off in calm tranquillity. The greater part of these subjects of death are, however, ludicrous ; and it may be a question, whether the spectators of these Dances of Death did not find their mirth more excited than their religious emotions. Ignorant and terrified as the people were at the view of the skeleton, even the grossest simplicity could not fail to laugh at some of those domestic scenes and familiar persons drawn from among themselves. The skeleton, skeleton as it is, in the creation of genius, gesticulates and mimics, while even its hideous skull is made to express every diversified character, and 102 HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. the result is hard to describe ; for we are at once amused and disgusted with so much genius founded on so much barbarism.* When the artist succeeded in conveying to the eye the most ludicrous notions of death, the poets also discovered in it a fertile source of the burlesque. The curious collector is acquainted with many volumes where the most extraordinary topics have been combined with this subject. They made the body and the soul debate together, and ridicule the com- plaints of a damned soul ! The greater part of the poets of the time were always composing on the subject of Death in their humorous pieces.f Such historical records of the public mind, historians, intent on political events, have rarely noticed. Of a work of this nature, a popular favourite was long the one entitled " Le faut mourir, et les Excuses Inutiles qvton apporte a cette Necessite ; Le tout en vers burlesques, 1658 : " Jacques Jacques, a canon of Ambrun, was the writer, who humorously says of himself, that he gives his thoughts just as they lie on his heart, without dissimulation ; " for I have nothing double about me except my name ! I tell thee some of the most important truths in laughing ; it is for thee d'y penser tout a bon." This little volume was procured for me with some difficulty in France ; and it is considered as one of the happiest of this class of death-poems, of which I know not of any in our literature. Our canon of Ambrun, in facetious rhymes, and with the naivete of expression which belongs to his age, and an idiomatic turn fatal to a translator, excels in pleasantry ; his haughty hero condescends to hold very amusing dialogues * My greatly-lamented friend, the late Mr. Douce, has poured forth the most curious knowledge on this singular subject, of " The Dance of Death." This learned investigator has reduced Macaber to a nonentity, but not " The Macaber Dance," which has been frequently painted. Mr. Douce's edition is accompanied by a set of woodcuts, which have not unsuccessfully cop- ted the exquisite originals of the Lyons woodcutter. f Goujet, Bib. Francoise, vol. x. 185. HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. 103 with all classes of society, and delights to confound their " excuses inutiles." The most miserable of men, the galley- slave, the mendicant, alike would escape when he appears to them. " Were I not absolute over them," Death exclaims, " they would confound me with their long speeches ; but I have business, and must gallop on ! " His geographical rhymes are droll. " Ce que j'ai fait dans 1' Afrique Je le fais bien dans l'Amdrique; On l'appelle monde nouveau Mais ce sont des brides a veau; Nulle terre a moy n'est nouvelle Je vay partout sans qu'on m'appelle; Mon bras de tout temps commanda Dans le pays du Canada; J'ai tenu de tout temps en bride La Virginie et la Floride, Et j'ai bien donne" sur le bee Aux Francais du fort de Kebec. Lorsque je veux je fais la nique Aux Incas, aux rois de Mexique; Et montre aux Nouveaux Gr^nadins Qu'ils sont des foux et des badins. Chacun sait bien comme je matte Ceux du Br£sil et de la Plate, Ainsi que les Taupinembous — En un mot, je fais voir a tout Que ce que nait dans la nature, Doit prendre de moy tablature! " * The perpetual employments of Death display copious invention with a facility of humour. " Egalement je vay rangeant, Le conseiller et le serjent, Le gentilhomme et le berger, Le bourgeois et le boulanger, Et la maistresse et la servante, Et la niece comme la tante; Monsieur l'abbe\ monsieur son moine, Le petit clerc et le chanoine; * Tablature d'un luth, Cotgrave says, is the belly of a lute, meaning " all in nature must dance to my music ! " 104 HISTORY OF THE SKELETON OF DEATH. Sam choix je mets dans mon butin Maistre Claude, maistre Martin, Dame Luce, dame Perrette, cfc. J'en prend3 un dans le temps qu'il pleure A quelque autre, au contraire a l'lieure Qui d£m£sur£ment il rit; Je donne le coup qui le frit. J'en prends un, pendant qu'il se leve; En se couchant l'autre j'enleve. Je prends le malade et le sain L'un aujourd'hui, l'autre le demain. J'en surprends un dedans son lit, L'autre a 1'estude quand il lit. J'en surprends un le ventre plein Je mene l'autre par la faim. J'attrape l'un pendant qu'il prie, Et l'autre pendant qu'il renie; J'en saisis un au cabaret Entre le blanc et le clairet, L'autre qui dans son oratoire A son Dieu rend bonneur et gloire: J'en surprends un lorsqu'il se psame Le jour qu'il e'pouse sa femme, L'autre le jour que plein de deuil La sienne il voit dans le cercueil; Un a pied et l'autre a cheval, Dans le jeu l'un, et l'autre au bal; Un qui mange et l'autre qui boit, Un qui pave et l'autre qui doit, L'un en £te lorsqu'il moissonne, L'autre en vendanges dans rautomne, L'un criant almanachs nouveaux — Un qui demande son aumosne L'autre dans le temps qu'il la donne, Je prends le bon maistre Clement, Au temps qu'il prend un lavement, Et prends la dame Catherine Le jour qu'elle prend m^decine." This veil of gaiety in the old canon of Ambrun covers deeper and more philosophical thoughts than the singular mode of treating so solemn a theme. He has introduced many scenes of human life, which still interest, and he ad- dresses the " teste a triple couronne," as well as the " forcat de galere," who exclaims, u Laissez-moi vivre dans mes THE KIVAL BIOGRAPHERS OF HEYLIN. 105 fers," "le gueux," the "bourgeois," the "chanoine," the "pauvre soldat," the "medecin;" in a word, all ranks in life are exhibited, as in all the "Dances of Death." But our object in noticing these burlesque paintings and poems is to show, that after the monkish Goths bad opened one gen- eral scene of melancholy and tribulation over Europe, and given birth to that dismal skeleton of death, which still terri- fies the imagination of many, a reaction of feeling was experienced by the populace, who at length came to laugh at the gloomy spectre which had so long terrified them ! THE RIVAL BIOGRAPHERS OF HEYLIN. Peter Hetlin was one of the popular writers of his times, like Fuller and Howell, who devoting their amusing pens to subjects which deeply interested their own busy age, will not be slighted by the curious. We have nearly outlived their divinity, but not their politics. Metaphysical absurdi- ties are luxuriant weeds which must be cut down by the scythe of Time ; but the great passions branching from the tree of life are still " growing with our growth." There are two biographies of our Heylin, which led to a literary quarrel of an extraordinary nature ; and, in the pro- gress of its secret history, all the feelings of rival authorship were called out. Heylin died in 1662. Dr. Barnard, his son-in-law, and a scholar, communicated a sketch of the author's life to be pre- fixed to a posthumous folio, of which Heylin's son was the editor. This life was given by the son, but anonymously, which may not have gratified the author, the son-in-law. Twenty years had elapsed when, in 1682, appeared "The Life of Dr. Peter Heylin, by George Vernon." The writer, alluding to the prior life prefixed to the posthumous folio, asserts, that in borrowing something from Barnard, Barnard 106 THE RIVAL BIOGRAPHERS OF HEYLIN. had also " Excerpted passages out of my papers, the very words as well as matter, when he had them in his custody, as any reader may discern who will be at the pains of com- paring the life now published with what is extant before the Keimalea Ecclesiastica ; " the quaint, pedantic title, after the fashion of the day, of the posthumous folio. This strong accusation seemed countenanced by a dedica- tion to the son and the nephew of Heylin. Roused now into action, the indignant Barnard soon produced a more com- plete Life, to which he prefixed "A necessary Vindication." This is an unsparing castigation of Vernon, the literary pet whom the Heylins had fondled in preference to their learned relative. The long smothered family grudge, the suppressed mortifications of literary pride, after the subterraneous grum- blings of twenty years, now burst out, and the volcanic par- ticles flew about in caustic pleasantries and sharp invectives ; all the lava of an author's vengeance, mortified by the choice of an inferior rival. It appears that Vernon had been selected by the son of Heylin, in preference to his brother-in-law, Dr. Barnard, from some family disagreement. Barnard tells us, in de- scribing Vernon, that " No man, except himself, who was totally ignorant of the Doctor, and all the circumstances of his life, would have engaged in such a work, which was never primarily laid out for him, but by reason of some un- happy differences, as usually fall out in families ; and he, who loves to put his oar in troubled waters, instead of closing them up, hath made them wider." Barnard tells his story plainly. Heylin, the son, intending to have a more elaborate life of his father prefixed to his works, Dr. Barnard, from the high reverence in which he held the memory of his father-in-law, offered to contribute it. Many conferences were held, and the son intrusted him w r ith several papers. But suddenly his caprice, more than his judgment, fancied that George Vernon was worth John Barnard. The doctor affects to describe his rejection with THE RIVAL BIOGRAPHERS OF HEYLIN. 107 the most stoical indifference. He tells us, " I was satisfied, and did patiently expect the coming forth of the work, not only term after term, but year after year, a very considerable time for such a tract. But at last, instead of the life, came a letter to me from a bookseller in London, who lived at the sign of the Black Boy, in Fleet Street." Now it seems that he who lived at the Black Boy had combined with another who lived at the Fleur de Luce, and that the Fleur de Luce had assured the Black Boy that Dr. Barnard was concerned in writing the Life of Heylin, — this was a strong recommendation. But lo ! it appeared that "one Mr. Vernon, of Gloucester," was to be the man ! a gentle, thin-skinned authorling, who bleated like a lamb, and was so fearful to trip out of its shelter, that it allows the Black Boy and the Fleur de Luce to communicate its papers to any one they choose, and erase or add at their pleasure. It occurred to the Black Boy, on this proposed arith- metical criticism, that the work required addition, subtraction, and division ; that the fittest critic, on whose name, indeed, he had originally engaged in the work, was our Dr. Barnard ; and he sent the package to the doctor, who resided near Lincoln. The doctor, it appears, had no appetite for a dish dressed by another, while he himself was in the very act of the cookery ; and it was suffered to lie cold for three weeks at the carrier's. But intreated and overcome, the good doctor at length sent to the carrier's for the life of his father-in-law. " I found it, according to the bookseller's description, most lame and im- perfect ; ill begun, worse carried on, and abruptly concluded." The learned doctor exercised that plenitude of power with which the Black Boy had invested him ; — he very obligingly showed the author in what a confused state bis materials lay together, and how to put them in order ; " Nec facundia deseret hunc, nec lucidus ordo." If his rejections were copious, to show his good will as well as 108 THE RIVAL BIOGRAPHERS OF HEYLIN. his severity, his additions were generous, though he used the precaution of carefully distinguishing by "distinct para- graphs " his own insertions amidst Vernon's mass, with a gentle hint that " He knew more of Heylin than any man now living, and ought therefore to have been the biographer." He returned the MS. to the gentleman with great civility, but none he received back ! When Vernon pretended to ask for improvements, he did not imagine that the work was to be improved by being nearly destroyed ; and when he asked for correction, he probably expected all might end in a com- pliment. The narrative may now proceed in Vernon's details of his doleful mortifications, in being "altered and mangled" by Dr. Barnard. "Instead of thanks from him (Dr. Barnard), and the re- turn of common civility, he disfigured my papers, that no sooner came into his hands, but he fell upon them as a lion rampant, or the cat upon the poor cock in the fable, saying, Tu Iiodie mihi discerperis — so my papers came home miser- ably clawed, blotted, and blurred ; whole sentences dismem- bered, and pages scratched out ; several leaves omitted which ought to be printed, — shamefully he used my copy ; so that before it was carried to the press, he swooped away the second part of the Life wholly from it — in the room of which he shuffled in a preposterous conclusion at the last page, which he printed in a different character, yet could not keep himself honest, as the poet saith, ' Dicitque tua pagina, fur es.' Martial. For he took out of my copy Dr. Heylin's dream, his sick- ness, his last words before his death, and left out the burning of his surplice. He so mangled and metamorphosed the whole Life I composed, that I may say as Sosia did, Egomet mihi non credo, ille alter Sosia me malis mulcavit modis. — Plaut." THE RIVAL BIOGRAPHERS OF HEYLIN. 109 Dr. Barnard would have " patiently endured these wrongs ; " but the accusation Vernon ventured on, that Barnard was the plagiary, required the doctor " to return the poisoned chalice to his own lips," that "himself was the plagiary both of words and matter." The fact is, that this reciprocal accusa- tion was owing to Barnard having had a prior perusal of Heylin's papers, which afterwards came into the hands of Vernon : they both drew their waters from the same source. These papers Heylin himself had left for " a rule to guide the writer of his life." Barnard keenly retorts on Vernon for his surreptitious use of whole pages from Heylin's works, which he has appropri- ated to himself without any marks of quotation. " I am no such excerptor (as he calls me) ; he is of the humour of the man who took all the ships in the Attic haven for his own, and yet was himself not master of any one vessel." Again : — " But all this while I misunderstand him, for possibly he meaneth his own dear words I have excerpted. Why doth he not speak in plain downright English, that the world may see my faults ? For every one does not know what is ex- cerpting. If I have been so bold to pick or snap a word from him, I hope I may have the benefit of the clergy. What words have I robbed him of? — and how have I become the richer for them ? I was never so taken with him as to be once tempted to break the commandments, because I love plain speaking, plain writing, and plain dealing, which he does not : I hate the word excerpted, and the action imported in it. However, he is a fanciful man, and thinks there is no elegancy nor wit but in his own way of talking. I must say as Tully did, Malim equidem indisertam prudentiam qitam stultam loquacitatem." In his turn he accuses Vernon of being a perpetual tran- scriber, and for the Malone minuteness of his history. " But how have I excerpted his matter ? Then I am sure to rob the spittle-house ; for he is so poor and put to hard 110 THE RIVAL BIOGRAPHERS OF HEYLIN. Bhifts, that he has much ado to compose a tolerable story, which he hath been hammering and conceiving in his mind for four years together, before he could bring forth his foetus of intolerable transcriptions to molest the reader's patience and memory. How doth he run himself out of breath, some- times for twenty pages and more, at other times fifteen, ordi- narily nine arid ten, collected out of Dr. Heylin's old books, before he can take his wind again to return to his story ! I never met with such a transcriber in all my days ; for want of matter to fill up a vacuum, of which his book was in much danger, he hath set down the story of Westminster, as long as the Ploughman's Tale in Chaucer, which to the reader would have been more pertinent and pleasant. I wonder he did not transcribe bills of Chancery, especially about a tedi- ous suit my father had for several years about a lease at Norton." In his raillery of Vernon's affected metaphors and com- parisons, "his similitudes and dissimilitudes strangely hooked in, and fetched as far as the Antipodes," Barnard observes, " The man hath also a strange opinion of himself that he is Dr. Heylin ; and because he writes his life, that he hath his natural parts, if not acquired. The soul of St. Augustin (say the schools) was Pythagorically transfused into the corpse of Aquinas ; so the soul of Dr. Heylin into a narrow soul. I know there is a question in philosophy, An animce sint cequales ? — whether souls be alike ? But there's a difference between the spirits of Elijah and Elisha : so small a prophet with so great an one ! " Dr. Barnard concludes by regretting that good counsel came now unseasonably, else he would have advised the writer to have transmitted his task to one who had been an ancient friend of Dr. Heylin, rather than ambitiously have assumed it, who was a professed stranger to him, by reason of which no better account could be expected from him than what he has given. He hits off the character of this piece of biography — "A Life to the half; an imperfect creature, OF 'LENGLET DU FRESNOY. Ill that is not only lame (as the honest bookseller said), bat wanteth legs, and all other integral parts of a man ; nay the very soul that should animate a body like Dr. Heylin. So that I must say of him as Plutarch doth of Tib. Gracchus, ' that he is a bold undertaker and rash talker of those mat- ters he does not understand.' And so I have done with him, unless he creates to himself and me a future trouble ! " Vernon appears to have slunk away from the duel. The son of Heylin stood corrected by the superior Life produced by their relative ; the learned and vivacious Barnard prob* ably never again ventured to alter and improve the works of an author kneeling and praying for corrections. These bleating lambs, it seems, often turn out roaring lions ! OF LENGLET DU FRESNOY. The " Methode pour etudier VHistoire" by the Abbe Lenglet du Fresnoy, is a master-key to all the locked-up treasures of ancient and modern history, and to the more se- cret stores of the obscurer memorialists of every nation. The history of this work and its author are equally remarkable. The man was a sort of curiosity in human nature, as his works are in literature. Lenglet du Fresnoy is not a writer merely laborious ; without genius, he still has a hardy origi- nality in his manner of writing and of thinking; and his vast and restless curiosity fermenting his immense book- knowledge, with a freedom verging on cynical causticity, led to the pursuit of uncommon topics. Even the prefaces to the works which he edited are singularly curious, and he has usually added bibliotheques, or critical catalogues of authors, which we may still consult for notices on the writers of ro- mances — of those on literary subjects — on alchymy, or the hermetic philosophy; of those who have written on appari- tions, visions, &c. ; an historical treatise on the secret of con- 112 OF LENGLET DU FRESNOY. fession, &c. ; besides those " Pieces Justificatives," which constitute some of the most extraordinary documents in the philosophy of history. His manner of writing secured him readers even among the unlearned ; his mordacity, his sar- casm, his derision, his pregnant interjections, his unguarded frankness, and often his strange opinions, contribute to his reader's amusement more than comports with his graver tasks; but his peculiarities cannot alter the value of his knowledge, whatever they may sometimes detract from his opinions ; and we may safely admire the ingenuity, without quarrelling with the sincerity of the writer, who having com- posed a work on U Usage des Romans, in which he gaily impugned the authenticity of all history, to prove himself not to have been the author, ambi-dexterously published an- other of V Histoire justifiee contre les Romans ; and perhaps it was not his fault that the attack was spirited, and the justi- fication dull. This " Methode" and his "Tablettes Chronologiques," of nearly forty other publications are the only ones which have outlived their writer; volumes, merely curious, are exiled to the shelf of the collector; the very name of an author merely curious — that shadow of a shade — is not always even preserved by a dictionary-compiler in the universal charity of his alphabetical mortuary. The history of this work is a striking instance of those imperfect beginnings, which have often closed in the most important labours. This admirable u Methode " made its first meagre appearance in two volumes in 1713. It was soon reprinted at home and abroad, and translated into various languages. In 1729 it assumed the dignity of four quartos ; but at this stage it encountered the vigilance of government, and the lacerating hand of a celebrated censeur, Gros de Boze. It is said, that from a personal dislike of the author, he cancelled one hundred and fifty pages from the printed copy submitted to his censorship. He had formerly approved of the work, and had quietly passed over some of these ob- OF LENGLET DU FEESNOY. 113 noxious passages : it is certain that Gros de Boze, in a dis- sertation on the Janus of the ancients in this work, actually erased a high commendation of himself,* which Lenglet hud, with unusual courtesy, bestowed on Gros de Boze ; for as a critic he is most penurious of panegyric, and there is always a caustic flavour even in his drops of honey. This censeur either affected to disdain the commendation, or availed him- self of it as a trick of policy. This was a trying situation for an author, now proud of a great work, and who himself partook more of the bull than of the lamb. He who winced at the scratch of an epithet, beheld his perfect limbs bruised by erasures and mutilated by cancels. This sort of troubles indeed was not unusual with Lenglet. He had occupied his old apartment in the Bastile so often, that at the sight of the officer who was in the habit of conducting him there, Lenglet would call for his night-cap and snuff ; and finish the work he had then in hand at the Bastile, where, he told Jordan, that he made his edition of Marot. He often silently resti- tuted an epithet or a sentence which had been condemned by the censeur, at the risk of returning once more ; but in the present desperate affair he took his revenge by collecting the castrations into a quarto volume, which was sold clandes- tinely. I find, by Jordan, in his Voyage Litteraire, who visited him, that it was his pride to read these cancels to his friends, who generally, but secretly, were of opinion that the decision of the censeur was not so wrong as the hardihood of Lenglet insisted on. All this increased the public rumour, and raised the price of the cancels. The craft and mystery of authorship was practised by Lenglet to perfection ; and he often exulted, not only in the subterfuges by which he parried his censeurs, but in his bargains with his booksellers, who were equally desirous to possess, while they half-feared to enjoy, his uncertain or his perilous copyrights. When the unique copy of the Methode, in its pristine state, before it had suffered any dilapidations, made its appearance at the * This fact appears in the account of the minuter erasures. VOL. iv. 8 114 OF LENGLET DU FRESNOY. sale of the curious library of the censeur Gros de Boze, it provoked a Roxburgh competition, where the collectors, eagerly outbidding each other, the price of this uncastrated copy reached to 1500 livres ; an event more extraordinary in the history of French bibliography than in our own. The curious may now find all these cancel sheets, or castra- tions, preserved in one of those works of literary history, to which the Germans have contributed more largely than other European nations, and I have discovered that even the erasures, or bruises, are amply furnished in another biblio- graphical record.* , This Methode, after several later editions, was still en- larging itself by fresh supplements ; and having been trans- lated by men of letters in Europe, by Coleti in Italy, by Mencken in Germany, and by Dr. Rawlinson in England, these translators have enriched their own editions by more copious articles, designed for their respective nations. The sagacity of the original writer now renovated his work by the infusions of his translators ; like old ^Eson, it had its veins filled with green juices ; and thus his old work was always undergoing the magic process of rejuvenescence. f The personal character of our author was as singular as many of the uncommon topics which engaged his inquiries; these we might conclude had originated in mere eccentricity, or were chosen at random. But Lenglet has shown no defi- * The castrations are in Beyeri Memorial historico-critica Librorum vario- rum, p. 166. The bruises are carefully noted in the Catalogue of the Duke de la Valliere, 4467. Those who. are curious in such singularities will be gratified by the extraordinary opinions and results in Beyer; and which after all were purloined from a manuscript "Abridgment of Universal History," which was drawn up by Count de Boulainvilliers, and more adroitly than delicately inserted by Lenglet in his own work. The orig- inal manuscript exists in various copies, which were afterwards dis- covered. The minuter corrections, in the Duke de la Valliere's catalogue, furnish a most enlivening article in the dryness of bibliography. t The last edition, enlarged by Drouet, is in fifteen volumes, but is not later than 1772. It is still an inestimable manual for the historical student, as well as his Tablettes Chronologiques. OF LENGLET DU FRESNOY. 115 ciency of judgment in several works of acknowledged utility; and his critical opinions, his last editor has shown, have, foi the greater part, been sanctioned by the public voice. It is curious to observe how the first direction which the mind of a hardy inquirer may take, will often account for that variety of uncommon topics he delights in, and which, on a closer examination, may be found to bear an invisible connection with some preceding inquiry. As there is an association of ideas, so in literary history there is an association of re- search ; and a very judicious writer may thus be impelled to compose on subjects which may be deemed strange or in- judicious. This observation may be illustrated by the literary history of Lenglet du Fresnoy. He opened his career by addressing a letter and a tract to the Sorbonne, on the extraordinary affair of Maria d'Agreda, abbess of the nunnery of the Im- maculate Conception in Spain, whose mystical Life of the Virgin, published on the decease of the abbess, and which was received with such rapture in Spain, had just appeared at Paris, where it excited the murmurs of the pious, and the inquiries of the curious. This mystical Life was declared to be founded on apparitions and revelations experienced by the abbess. Lenglet proved, or asserted, that the abbess was not the writer of this pretended Life, though the manuscript existed in her handwriting ; and secondly, that the appari- tions and revelations recorded were against all the rules of apparitions and revelations which he had painfully dis- covered. The affair was of a delicate nature. The writer was young and incredulous ; a grey-beard, more deeply versed in theology, replied, and the Sorbonnists silenced our philosopher in embryo. Lenglet confined these researches to his portfolio ; and so long a period as fifty-five years had elapsed before they saw the light. It was when Calmet published his Dissertations on Apparitions, that the subject provoked Lenglet to return to his forsaken researches. He now published all he had 116 OF LENGLET DU FRESNOY. formerly composed on the affair of Maria d'Agreda, and two other works ; the one, " Traite historique et dogmatique sur les Apparitions, les Visions, et les Revelations particulieres," in two volumes ; and " Recueil de Dissertations anciennes et nouvelles, sur les Apparitions, fyc," with a catalogue of authors on this subject, in four volumes. When he edited the Roman de la Rose, in compiling the glossary of this ancient poem, it led him to reprint many of the earliest French poets ; to give an enlarged edition of the Arrets oV Amour, that work of love and chivalry, in which his fancy was now so deeply imbedded ; while the subject of Romance itself naturally led to the taste of romantic productions which appeared in " X' Usage des Romans," and its accompanying copious nomenclature of all romances and romance-writers, ancient and modern. Our vivacious Abbe had been be- wildered by his delight in the works of a chemical philo- sopher ; and though he did not believe in the existence of apparitions, and certainly was more than a skeptic in history, yet it is certain that the " grande ouvre " was an article in his creed ; it would have ruined him in experiments, if he had been rich enough to have been ruined. It altered his health ; and the most important result of his chemical studies appears to have been the invention of a syrup, in which he had great confidence ; but its trial blew him up into a tym- pany, from which he was only relieved by having recourse to a drug, also of his own discovery, which, in counteracting the syrup, reduced him to an alarming state of atrophy. But the mischances of the historian do not enter into his history : and our curiosity must be still eager to open Lenglet's " Histoire de la Philosophic Hermetique," accompanied by a catalogue of the writers in this mysterious science, in two volumes : as well as his enlarged edition of the works of a great Paracelsian, Nicholas le Fevre. This philosopher was appointed by Charles the Second superintendent over the royal laboratory at St. James's : he was also a member of the Royal Society, and the friend of Boyle, to whom he com- OF LENGLET DU FRESNOY. 117 municated the secret of infusing young blood into old veins, with a notion that he could renovate that which admits of no second creation.* Such was the origin of Du Fresnoy's active curiosity on a variety of singular topics, the germs of which may be traced to three or four of our author's princi- pal works. Our Abbe promised to write his own life, and his pug- nacious vivacity, and hardy frankness, would have seasoned a piece of autobiography ; an amateur has, however, written it in the style which amateurs like, with all the truth he could discover, enlivened by some secret history, writing the life of Lenglet with the very spirit of Lenglet : it is a mask taken from the very features of the man, not the insipid wax- work of an hyperbolical eloge-maker.f Although Lenglet du Fresnoy commenced in early life his career as a man of letters, he was at first engaged in the great chase of political adventure ; and some striking facts are recorded, which show his successful activity. Michault de- scribes his occupations by a paraphrastical delicacy of lan- guage, which an Englishman might not have so happily composed. The Minister for foreign affairs, the Marquis de * The Dictionnaire Historique, 1789, in their article Nich. Le Fevre, notices the third edition of his " Course of Chemistry," that of 1664, in two volumes: but the present one of Lenglet du Fresnoy's is more recent, 1751, enlarged into five volumes, two of which contain his own additions. I have never met with this edition, and it is wanting at the British "Museum. Le Fevre published a tract on the great cordial of Sir Walter Eawleigh, which may be curious. t This anonymous work of " Mdmoires de Monsieur l'Abbe" Lenglet du Fresnoy," although the dedication is signed G. P., is written by Michault, of Dijon, as a presentation copy to Count de Vienne in my possession proves. Michault is the writer of two volumes of agreeable " Melanges Historiques et Philologiques; " and the present is a very curious piece of literary history. The Dictionnaire Historique has compiled the article of Lenglet entirely from this work ; but the Journal des Sgavans was too ascetic in this opinion. Etoit-ce la peine defaire un livre pour apprendre au public gu'un homme de lettres fut espion, escroc, bizarre, fougueux,cynique, incapable d'amitie, de decence, de soumission aux Mx? cfc. Yet they do not pretend that the bibliography of Lenglet du Fresnoy is at all deficient in curiosity. 118 OF LENGLET DU FRESNOY. Torcy, sent Lenglet to Lille, where the court of the Elector of Cologne was then held : " He had particular orders to watch that the two ministers of the elector should do nothing prejudicial to the king's affairs." He seems, however, to have watched many other persons, and detected many other things. He discovered a captain, who agreed to open the gates of Mons to Marlborough, for 100,000 piastres ; the captain was arrested on the parade, the letter of Marlborough was found in his pocket, and the traitor was broken on the wheel. Lenglet denounced a foreign general in the French service, and the event warranted the prediction. His most important discovery was that of the famous conspiracy of Prince Cellamar, one of the chimerical plots of Alberoni ; to the honour of Lenglet, he would not engage in its detection, unless the minister promised that no blood should be shed. These successful incidents in the life of an honourable spy were rewarded with a moderate pension. — Lenglet must have been no vulgar intriguer ; he was not only perpetually confined by his very patrons when he resided at home, for the freedom of his pen, but I find him early imprisoned in the citadel of Strasburgh for six months : it is said for pur- loining some curious books from the library of the Abbe Bignon, of which he had the care. It is certain that he knew the value of the scarcest works, and was one of those lovers of bibliography who trade at times in costly rarities. At Vi- enna he became intimately acquainted with the poet Rousseau, and Prince Eugene. The prince, however, who suspected the character of our author, long avoided him. Lenglet in- sinuated himself into the favour of the prince's librarian ; and such was his bibliographical skill, that this acquaintance ended in Prince Eugene laying aside his political dread, and pre- ferring the advice of Lenglet to his librarian's, to enrich his magnificent library. When the motive of Lenglet's residence at Vienna became more and more suspected, Rousseau was employed to watch him ; and not yet having quarrelled with his brother spy, he could only report that the Abbe Lenglet OF LENGLET DU FRESNOY. 119 was every morning occupied in working on his " Tablettes Chronologiques," a work not worthy of alarming the govern- ment ; that he spent his evenings at a violin player's married to a French woman, and returned home at eleven. As soon as our historian had discovered that the poet was a brother spy and news-monger on the side of Prince Eugene, their reciprocal civilities cooled. Lenglet now imagined that he owed his six months' retirement in the citadel of Strasburgh to the secret officiousness of Rousseau : each grew suspicious of the other's fidelity ; and spies are like lovers, for their mu- tual jealousies settled into the most inveterate hatred. One of the most defamatory libels is Lenglet's intended dedication of his edition of Marot to Rousseau, which being forced to suppress in Holland, by order of the States-general ; at Brus- sels, by the intervention of the Duke of Aremberg ; and by every means the friends of the unfortunate Rousseau could contrive; was however many years afterwards at length subjoined by Lenglet to the first volume of his work on Romances ; where an ordinary reader may wonder at its appearance unconnected with any part of the work. In this dedication, or " Eloge historique," he often addresses " Mon cher Rousseau," but the irony is not delicate, and the calumny is heavy. Rousseau lay too open to the unlicensed causticity of his accuser. The poet was then expatriated from France for a false accusation against Saurin, in attempting to fix on him those criminal couplets, which so long disturbed the peace of the literary world in France, and of which Rousseau was generally supposed to be the writer; but of which on his death-bed he solemnly protested that he was guiltless. The coup-de-grace is given to the poet, stretched on this rack of invective, by just accusations on account of those infamous epigrams, which appear in some editions of that poet's works ; a lesson for a poet, if poets would be lessoned, who indulge their imagination at the cost of their happiness, and seem tc invent crimes, as if they themselves w T ere criminals. But to return to our Lenglet. Had he composed his own 120 THE DICTIONARY OF TREVOUX. life, it would have offered a sketch of political servitude and political adventure, in a man too intractable for the one, and too literary for the other. Yet to the honour of his capacity, we must observe that he might have chosen his patrons, would he have submitted to patronage. Prince Eugene at Vienna ; Cardinal Pa-sionei at Rome ; or Mons. Le Blanc, the French minister, would have held him on his own terms. But " Liberty and my books ! " was the secret ejaculation of Lenglet ; and from that moment all things in life were sacri- ficed to a jealous spirit of independence, which broke out in his actions as well as in his writings ; and a passion for study for ever crushed the worm of ambition. He was as singular in his conversation, which, says Jordan, was extremely agreeable to a foreigner, for he delivered him- self without reserve on all things, and on all persons, seasoned with secret and literary anecdotes. He refused all the con- veniences offered by an opulent sister, that he might not endure the restraint of a settled dinner-hour. He lived to his eightieth year, still busied, and then died by one of those grievous chances, to which aged men of letters are liable : our caustic critic slumbered over some modern work, and, falling into the fire, was burnt to death. Many characteristic anecdotes of the Abbe Lenglet have been preserved in the Dictionnaire Historique, but I shall not repeat what is of easy recurrence. THE DICTIONARY OF TREVOUX. A learned friend, in his very agreeable " Trimestre, or a Three Months' Journey in France and Switzerland," could not pass through the small town of Trevoux without a liter- ary association of ideas which should accompany every man of letters in his tours, abroad or at home. A mind well in- formed cannot travel without discovering that there are ob- THE DICTIONARY OF TREVOUX. 121 jects constantly presenting themselves, which suggest literary, historical, and moral facts. My friend writes, " As you pro- ceed nearer to Lyons you stop to dine at Trevoux, on the left bank of the Saone. On a sloping hill, down to the water- side, rises an amphitheatre, crowned with an ancient Gothic castle, in venerable ruin ; under it is the small town of Tre- voux, well known for its Journal and Dictionary, which latter is almost an encyclopaedia, as there are few things of which something is not said in that most valuable compilation, and the whole was printed at Trevoux. The knowledge of tins circumstance greatly enhances the delight of any visitor who has consulted the book, and is acquainted with its merit ; and must add much to his local pleasures." A work from which every man of letters may be continu- ally deriving such varied knowledge, and which is little known but to the most curious readers, claims a place in these volumes ; nor is the history of the work itself without interest. Eight large folios, each consisting of a thousand closely printed pages, stand like a vast mountain, of which, before we climb, we may be anxious to learn the security of the passage. The history of dictionaries is the most mutable of all histories ; it is a picture of the inconstancy of the knowledge of man ; the learning of one generation passes away with another ; and a dictionary of this kind is always to be repaired, to be rescinded, and to be enlarged. The small town of Trevoux gave its name to an excellent literary journal, long conducted by the Jesuits, and to this dictionary — as Edinburgh has to its Critical Review and Annual Register, &c. It first came to be distinguished as a literary town from the Due du Maine, as prince sovereign of Dombes, transferring to this little town of Trevoux not only his parliament and other public institutions, but also estab- lishing a magnificent printing-house, in the beginning of the last century. The duke, probably to keep his printers in constant employ, instituted the " Journal de Trevoux ; " and this, perhaps, greatly tended to bring the printing-house into 122 THE DICTIONARY OF TEEVOUX. notice ; so that it became a favourite with many good writers, who appear to have had no other connection with the place ; and this dictionary borrowed its first title, which it always preserved, merely from the place where it was printed. Both the journal and the dictionary were, however, consigned to the cares of some learned Jesuits ; and perhaps the place always indicated the principles of the writers, of whom none were more eminent for elegant literature than the Jesuits. The first edition of this dictionary sprung from the spirit of rivalry, occasioned by a French dictionary published in Holland, by the protestant Basnage de Beauval. The duke set his Jesuits hastily to work; who, after a pompous an- nouncement that this dictionary was formed on a plan sug- gested by their patron, did little more than pillage Furetiere, and rummage Basnage, and produced three new folios with- out any novelties ; they pleased the Due du Maine, and no one else. This was in 1704. Twenty years after, it was republished and improved ; and editions increasing, the vol- umes succeeded each other, till it reached to its present mag- nitude and value in eight large folios, in 1771, the only edi- tion now esteemed. Many of the names of the contributors to this excellent collection of words and things, the industry of Monsieur Barbier has revealed in his " Dictionnaire des Anonymes," art. 10782. The work, in the progress of a century, evidently became a favourite receptacle with men of letters in France, who eagerly contributed the smallest or largest articles with a zeal honourable to literature and most useful to the public. They made this dictionary their com- monplace book for all their curious acquisitions ; every one competent to write a short article preserving an important fact, did not aspire to compile the dictionary, or even an en- tire article in it ; but it was a treasury in which such mites collected together formed its wealth ; and all the literati may be said to have engaged in perfecting these volumes during a century. In this manner, from the humble beginnings of three volumes, in winch the plagiary much more than the THE DICTIONARY OF TREVOUX. 123 contributor was visible, eight were at length built up with more durable materials, and which claim the attention and the gratitude of the student. The work, it appears, interested the government itself, as a national concern, from the tenor of the following anecdotes. Most of the minor contributors to this great collection were satisfied to remain anonymous ; but as might be expected among such a number, sometimes a contributor was anxious to be known to his circle ; and did not like this penitential abstinence of fame. An anecdote recorded of one of this class will amuse : a Monsieur Lautour du Chatel, avocat au parlement de Normandie, voluntarily devoted his studious hours to improve this work, and furnished nearly three thou- sand articles to the supplement of the edition of 1752. This ardent scholar had had a lively quarrel thirty years before with the first authors of the dictionary. He had sent them one thousand three hundred articles, on condition that the donor should be handsomely thanked in the preface of the new edition, and further receive a copy en grand papier. They were accepted. The conductors of the new edition, in 1721, forgot all the promises — nor thanks, nor copy ! Our learned avocat, who was a little irritable, as his nephew who wrote his life acknowledges, as soon as the great work ap- peared, astonished, like Dennis, that " they were rattling his own thunder," without saying a word, quits his country town, and ventures, half dead with sickness and indignation, on an expedition to Paris, to make his complaint to the chancellor ; and the work was deemed of that importance in the eye of government, and so zealous a contributor was considered to have such an honourable claim, that the chancellor ordered, first, that a copy on large paper should be immediately de- livered to Monsieur Lautour, richly bound and free of car- riage ; and secondly, as a reparation of the unperformed promise, and an acknowledgment of gratitude, the omission of thanks should be inserted and explained in the three great literary journals of France ; a curious instance, among others, 124 THE DICTIONARY OF TEEVOUX. of the French government often mediating, when difficulties occurred in great literary undertakings, and considering not lightly the claims and the honours of men of letters. Another proof, indeed, of the same kind, concerning the present work, occurred after the edition of 1752. One Jamet l'aine, who had with others been usefully employed on this edition, addressed a proposal to government for an improved one, dated from the Bastile. He proposed that the government should choose a learned person, accustomed to the labour of the researches such a work requires ; and he calculated, that if supplied with three amanuenses, such an editor would accomplish his task in about ten or twelve years, the produce of the edition would soon repay all the expenses and capital advanced. This literary projector did not wish to remain idle in the Bastile. Fifteen years after- wards the last improved edition appeared, published by the associated booksellers of Paris. As for the work itself, it partakes of the character of our Encyclopaedias ; but in this respect it cannot be safely con- sulted, for widely has science enlarged its domains and cor- rected its errors since 1771. But it is precious as a vast collection of ancient and modern learning, particularly in that sort of knowledge which we usually term antiquarian and philological. It is not merely a grammatical, scientific, and technical dictionary, but it is replete with divinity, law, moral philosophy, critical and historical learning, and abounds with innumerable miscellaneous curiosities. It would be difficult, whatever may be the subject of inquiry, to open it, without the gratification of some knowledge neither obvious nor trivial. I heard a man of great learning declare, that whenever he could not recollect his knowledge he opened Hoffman's Lexicon Universale Historicum, where he was sure to find what he had lost. The works are similar; and valuable as are the German's four folios, the eight of the Frenchman may safely be recommended as their substitute, or their supplement. As a Dictionary of the French Lan- QUADRIO'S ACCOUNT OF ENGLISH POETRY. 125 guage it bears a peculiar feature, which has been presumptu- ously dropped in the Dictionnaire de PAcademie ; the last invents phrases to explain words, which therefore have no other authority than the writer himself! this of Trevoux is furnished, not only with mere authorities, but also with quo- tations from the classical French writers — an improvement which was probably suggested by the English Dictionary of Johnson. One nation improves by another. QUADRIO'S ACCOUNT OF ENGLISH POETRY. It is, perhaps, somewhat mortifying in our literary re- searches to discover that our own literature has been only known to the other nations of Europe comparatively within recent times. We have at length triumphed over our con- tinental rivals in the noble struggles of genius, and our authors now see their works printed even at foreign presses, while we are furnishing with our gratuitous labours nearly the whole literature of a new empire ; yet so late as in the reign of Anne, our poets were only known by the Latin versifiers of the " Musse Anglicanas ; " and when Boileau was told of the public funeral of Dryden, he was pleased with the national honours bestowed on genius, but he de- clared that he never heard of his name before. This great legislator of Parnassus has never alluded to one of our own poets, so insular then was our literary glory ! The most remarkable fact, or perhaps assertion, I have met with, of the little knowledge which the Continent had of our writers, is a French translation of Bishop Hall's " Characters of Vir- tues and Vices." It is a duodecimo, printed at Paris, of 109 pages, 1610, with this title, Characteres de Vertus et de Vices ; tires de VAnglois de M. Josef Hall. In a dedication to the Earl of Salisbury, the translator informs his lordship that "ce livre est la premiere traduction de 1' Anglois jamai s 12G QUADRIO'S ACCOUNT OF ENGLISH POETRY. imprimee en aucun vulgaire " — the first translation from the English ever printed in any modern language ! Whether the translator is a bold liar, or an ignorant blunderer, re- mains to be ascertained ; at all events it is a humiliating: demonstration of the small progress which our home literature had made abroad in 1610 ! I come now to notice a contemporary writer, professedly writing the history of our Poetry, of which his knowledge will open to us as we proceed with our enlightened and ama- teur historian. Father Quadrio's Delia Storia e deW ragione