CR.' l''l» 2 
 
 
 Duke University Libraries 
 
 Report of the S 
 Conf Pam #473 
 
 DTT01bfiT3a 
 
li E P O R T 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SECEETARY OF ¥AR. 
 
 War Department, Co:.'federate States of A>fERicA, ) 
 lUchmond, Ncvembr 3, 18G4. > 
 
 Tv the President of the Confederate States : 
 
 Sir : The operations of the War Department, since the date of my 
 last report, embrace in their scope the events of the present campaign, 
 which at that time had not been fullj opened, and which has not yet 
 been brought to a close ; also, the measures instituted for the in- 
 crease, organization, equipment and supply of the army, under the 
 laws adopted at the last session of the first Congress. The impor- 
 tance of the elections to occur vrithin the United States during the 
 present year, tlie condition of their finances and a growing discon- 
 tent among their people, because of the duration of the war, induced 
 a belief that their executive and military authorities would prosecute 
 the campaign with extraordinary vigor, and seek to render it decisive 
 and final. Nor has this anticipation been disappointed. In the. 
 winter and spring, the enemy collected a larger body of men than he 
 had before assembled in the field, who were commanded by his favorite 
 generals. His fleets were enlarged, and their armaments embraced 
 all the improvements that naval architecture had discovered. His 
 arms and equipments were of the most improved model, and whatever 
 was required for the success of the campaign was supplied with lavish 
 profusion. He opened the campaign by an attempt to obtain com- 
 mand over the States bordering on the Gulf of Mexico. He invaded 
 Florida ; set on foot an expedition to sweep through Mississippi and 
 to effect the capture of Mobile; and he penetrated, with formidable 
 armies, to the weetcrn limits of Louisiana, to establish his dominion 
 over that State. The success of these enterprises was expected to 
 give him a firm hold upon these States, and to enable him to concen- 
 trate all his energies upon the campaigns in Virginia and Georgia. 
 But these invasions were defeated or repelled. My last report com- 
 urunicated the victories obtained in Florida and North Mississippi, 
 
2 
 
 that relieved Alabama and Florida from the invader, and I have now 
 to announce a series of brilliant triumphs obtained by our arms in 
 Louisiana and Arkansas, commencing -with the signal victories of 
 Mansfield and Pleasant Ilill, and extending into the interior of Mis- 
 Bouri, where our victorious troops were at the date of our latest 
 information. Almost the entire trans-Mississippi department enjoys 
 security and repose, and the troops, long engaged with invaders there, 
 may now, as in part they already are, be employed in formidable 
 olTensive operations. But the primary object of the enemy was to 
 effect the capture of Richmond, and the defeat and dispersion of the 
 armies of JNorthern Virginia and Tennessee. He assembled his main 
 srmy for this purpose in April last, on the Rappahannock, under 
 General Grant. Another was collected on the Peninsula, under com- 
 mand of General Butler, to co-operate on the south side of Richmond. 
 A third was designed to penetrate to the James river, through the 
 Valley of Virginia, and the forces in Western Virginia and Ken- 
 tuclcy w^ere to cross the mountains and join it on its march. 
 
 It is believed that more than two hundred thousand troops were 
 combined for the execution of this plan in April last, and that from 
 fifty to one hundred thousand men have since been added as rein- 
 forcements. The army of General Grant was mst at the Wilderness, 
 on the 5th of May last, and defeated ; it was encountered with the 
 same result at Spottsylvania Court-House, on the Po, the North Anna, 
 and at Cold Harbor, after which it abandoned its march on Richmond 
 and crossed the James river to form a junction with General Butler 
 near Petersburg. This army of General Butler had landed on the 
 south side of the James river, at Bermuda Hundreds, early in May, 
 to co-operate with the army of General Grant, which was expected 
 to arrive before Riqhmond in a short time. On the 1 6th day of May 
 this army met with a defeat at Drewry's Bluff, and was confined to 
 its entrenchments from that time until it was joined by the array of 
 General Grant. 
 
 The aimy of General Sigel, designated for the invasion of the 
 Valley of Virginia, was defeated at New Market, in May last, and 
 the troops from Western Virginia driven from the valley of the upper 
 Roanoke about the same time. At a later period, these armies were 
 united under General Hunter, and after a successful march np the 
 Valley of Virginia, were encountered by General Early at Lynch- 
 burg and driven to the Ohio river. General Early, finding "\Yashing- 
 ton City and Baltimore exposed, passed through the Valley, defeating 
 all opposing forces, crossed into Maryland, and penetrated to the 
 suburbs of Washington City and Baltimore. The cavalry raids of 
 k^heridan and Y/ilson were defeated, and the attempts to permanently 
 obstruct our communications have failed. The campaign, projected 
 by General Grant with such mighty preparation, has been frustrated, 
 and if he depended alone upon the means that were provided and 
 were deemed to be superabundant, his failure would be absolute. But 
 a proclamation has been made for the draft of five hundred thousand 
 men by the President of the United States, to recruit his defeated and 
 dispirited army and we cannot yet claim security or quiet. 
 

 In the great central State of Georgia, the campaign opened about 
 the surne time, but operations have been, so far, less favorable to our 
 arms. Preparation had been there made, early to meet, with adequate 
 forces, exceeding the relative disproportion ■which has usually existed 
 with all our armies, and repel the enemy on the threshhold 
 of the State, but prudence or strategy led the General entrusted 
 with the conduct of the campaign to prefer a retreating and defensive 
 line of action. In consequence, our forces, though not without, on 
 several occasions, severely checking and punishing their adversaries, 
 whenover venturing direct assault, were gradually manoeuvred or 
 pressed back towards Atlanta, the leading objective point of the 
 campaign. When that important central point of union to various 
 converging lines of communication had been nearly reached, and ap- 
 peared about to be abandoned, a change was made in the commander, 
 and a strenuous effort was made to hold and defend, by force of arms, 
 this place, which had become more important in a political and moral 
 than in a military view, from the significance the public of both sides 
 had attached to its possession. It was bravely held for several weeks, 
 and some successes, achieved with skill and valor, for a time seemed 
 to assure t© us its retention, when a hazardous movement of the 
 enera}^ which, with as much success to our arms as there was prompti- 
 tude in seizing the occasion by our commander, must have caused his 
 ruin, resulting in victory, compelled our evacuation of the city and its 
 occupancy by the enemy. This was felt as a serious reverse, and 
 caused some depression of feeling throughout the Confederacy, 
 while it was hailed v»ith unbounded acclamation and revived hopes by 
 the enemy. For the time, the loss of prestige and the political effects 
 were unquestionably adverse to us, but results may show that its 
 consequences were, on both sides, strangely misunderstood and ex- 
 aggerated. It has liberated our army for offensive operations, while 
 it has chained down our enemies to the tenure of a far inland position 
 of no real strategical value since the breaking up of its railroad con- 
 nections, in the mid.it of a hostile population, and to be sustained 
 only by fupplies drawn hundreds of miles by a single line of road. 
 The opportunities presented by such a situation have been seized anxl 
 used by our bold and enterprising leader with promptitude and energy. 
 Tho communications cf the enemy have been cut in many places. 
 Our army is in his rear, and he, instead of resting securely behind 
 the strong entrenchments of his recent capture, is forced to come forth 
 to encounter his skillful adversary on ground of his choice and where 
 defeat is ruin to the enemy, only reverse to us. 
 
 Meantime the necessity f jr concentration by the enemy of his 
 scattered forces for the invasion of Georgia, compelled the relaxation 
 of the bonds which have restrained the patriotic desires of the loyal 
 in Kentucky and Tennessee. In consequence, in different portions 
 of both States, with the encourajzement of some little aid from an 
 officer or company of our army, the people are organizing and arming 
 in force, to repel their oppressors and hold their own country. In 
 fact, at this time, we have possession of larger portions of both States 
 than at any period since they were overrun by the enemy, and, by the 
 
indignities and wrongs of their domination, tliey have roused all lojal 
 people to stern defiance and the resolve never to submit. Should dis- 
 aster overtake the army invading Georgia, the uprising of the people 
 behind him would probably be general, and the re-establishment of 
 the permanent ascendancy of the Confederacy over those important 
 and abundant States be fully secured. 
 
 Shortly after the fall of Atlanta, a series of disasters befel our 
 troops in the Valley of Virginia, and contributed to the discourage- 
 ment then existing. But when we consider the events of the entire 
 campaign — the brilliant achievements of our armies in Florida, Mis- 
 sissippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and >:issouri — the long, arduous and 
 successful resistance made by the army of Northern Virginia, in 
 which every virtue of an army and the genius of consummate general- 
 ship have been displayed — the glorious defence of Petersburg ami 
 llichmond, the numerous successes that have crowned our arms in 
 Maryland, Virginia, Georgia, South Carolina and Mississippi, the 
 adventurous, bold and effective efforts of our cavalry under Hampton, 
 Forrest, Lee and others, v*e have cause for congratulation and re- 
 joicing. We have resisted the mightiest of the efforts of our enemies ; 
 we have encountered and defeated his largest and best appointed 
 armies ; we have thwarted his best laid plans; we have shown our- 
 selves to be worthy of that separate and equal place among the nations 
 of the earth, which is our birthright, and which has been unjustly 
 withheld from us. 
 
 The superintendence of the measures for the increase, organization, 
 equipment, supply and movement of the army is devolved upon this 
 Department. The acts of Congress of April and September, 18G2, 
 "to make further provision for the public defence," and the act of 
 Congress in February last, "to organize forces to serve during the. 
 war," contain the authority of the Department, and designate the 
 means for maintaining the efficiency of the army as to men. The war 
 upon the part of the Confederacy being defensive, the proportions it 
 was to assume depended upon the character and extent of the means 
 employed by the enemy for its prosecution. His scheme for the pros- 
 ecution of the war was to overcome all opposition by the magnitude 
 of his armies, and the superiority of their supply and equipment. 
 Referring to the census tables, he estimated the arms-bearing popula- 
 tion of the Confederate States, accessible to their control in any form, 
 to be less than one million of men. lie determined to place forthwith 
 in the military and naval service some seven hundred thousand, and 
 thus to compel the Confederacy to put in requisition its entire strength ; 
 and since 1861 he has strained every nerve to maintain his armies.at 
 the same standard as to numbers. lie has recruiting agencies 
 throughout the continent of Europe, and he has enlisted from the 
 negroes of this continent, it is said, some two hundred thousand sol- 
 diers. It is evident, therefore, that to carry on the contest, the Con- 
 federacy was compelled to put its entire resources in requisition. 
 The acts of Congress of 1862, before mentioned, contain the princi- 
 ple, that in a struggle involving the being of a nation, every citizen 
 may be assigned to that position, and to perform that duty, in which 
 
he can render beat service. The exemption acts of 1862 and 1863, 
 which followed the acts of conscripticn, do not contradict this princi- 
 ple. They were designed to effect such an organization of the indus- 
 try nf the States as to enable us to defend ourselves with our own 
 resources. Cut off from the commerce of the world, and destitute as 
 we were, at the beginning of the war, of magazines and arsenals from 
 which to draw supplies, it became apparent that our safety depended 
 upon the activity and success'with which our internal resources could 
 be developed for use. There v.a3 an imperious necessity for a protec- 
 tion to manufacturing, mechanical and mining enterprises, and for the 
 devotion of agricultural industry to the production of subsistence for 
 the army and people. The exemption acts of 1862 and 1353 were 
 liberal in the promotion of this policy, and the Confederacy has 
 derived from them the most beneficial results. Notwithstanding the 
 embarrassment and obstruction that follow upon the use of a depre- 
 ciated currency, and that much of the territory of the Confederacy 
 has undergone the devastation of war, an adequate supply of provis- 
 ions has been obtained for the army. The mobility of our armies has 
 been maintained by the aid extended to railroads; the manufacturing 
 establishments have supplied a large portion of the clothing for sol- 
 diers, and the mechanical, mining and manufacturing industry em- 
 ployed upon the production of arms and munitions of war, have 
 enabled us to conduct our campaigns with security and confidence. 
 We have been enabled to compete with a nation of artizans and me- 
 chanics, whose invention and skill have been stimulated by the munifi- 
 cent bounty of their Government. Nor were these results achieved 
 by any sacrifice, nor even detriment to the claims of the armies in the 
 field. The muster and pay rolls of the armies show, that through the 
 campaigns of 1862 and 1863, if any undue diminution is discernablc, 
 it was due to desertion and absenteeism, more than to any deficiency 
 in the recruiting system that had been adopted. But it cannot be 
 disguised that the duration of this war for more than three years, and 
 the unparalleled largeness of its proportions, and the sanguinary 
 nature of the warfare, have become manifest in the official returns of 
 our armies and of the recruiting service. The acts of Congress 
 during the last winter contain admissions of the fact. They provide 
 in no indistinct terras for the contingency that was anticipated shortly 
 to occur, when the capacity of our people to contribute further recruits 
 to the army would be more heavily taxed than at any former period. 
 The regulation that discharged a principal who had furnished a sub- 
 stitute was abrogated, and the principal was required to return to the 
 army. The bureau service was curtailed in its efficiency by the with- 
 drawal of men able to perform duty in the field, and their places to 
 be supplied by the disabled, feeble and invalid. A large portion of 
 the exemptions were repealed, and details were limited to cases of: 
 public necessity or State expediency, or confined to experts and pei*- 
 sons of skill and craft. Tho Department was unable to execute the 
 law as soon as it was promulgated without deranging all branches of 
 the service, and seriously crippling the operations of the armies in the 
 field. The dependence of those armies upon the Departments of sup- 
 
ply, for efficiency and vigor, is too intimate to allow of any abrupt or 
 incautious disturbance of tbeir operations. Ti^ie reduction in their 
 service to the standard required by the act of Congress was, however, 
 progressing regularly in such mode as to assure against any shock or 
 arrest to essential operations. But the urgency of the field service, 
 the thinning of our own raiiks under the casualties and sufferings of 
 the campaign, and, above all, the call of the enemy for five hundred 
 thousand recruits, and the extraordinary efforts they were making to 
 assemble overpowering hosts on every arena, but especially before and 
 for the capture of our capital, demanded that all available means should 
 be promptly employed to increase the numbers and efficiency of our 
 army. It became necessary not only to expedite the removal to the 
 army of those -whom the act referred to had proposed to withdraAV 
 from their employment in the administrative branches of the service, 
 but also to extend the call to all others liable to conscription for active 
 service. The late legislation of Congress, while subjecting classes 
 before exempt to service, had given a large discretion of detail, and 
 had maniftsted a desire for the liberal allowance of such, with a view 
 to maintain the agriculture, manufactures and industrial operations of 
 the country. This discretion had been used as far as seemed, at the 
 time, compatible w-ilh the demands of the active service, and Lad 
 withheld for these important ends considerable numbers, not exempts, 
 from our armies. It has been, in view of the forces being mustered 
 against us, deemed necessary to revoke all such details, and to enforce 
 rigidly the laws of conscription limiting to men capable only of light 
 duty, and to reserves, employment in the departments of the public 
 service, and tbus to liberate for the field all liable to such duty, except 
 skilled artisans, experts, and men of science, and a few others actually 
 indispensable for the maintenance and supply of the armies. By sub- 
 jecting all others rigidly and promptly to the obligation of active ser- 
 vice which the law in)|:oses, it is believed verj considerable reinforce- 
 ments of the most efficient material are being afforded to our armies. 
 In addition, the law allowing the acquisition, even by impressment, if 
 necessary, of twenty thousand able-bodied male slaves, for employ- 
 ment with the armies as teamsters, cocks and the like, is being 
 enforced, and the substitution of such will allow the recall to the ranks 
 of many valuable men who have heretofore been detailed for such inci- 
 dental service. 
 
 The reserves, too, consisting of those between 17 and 18 and those 
 between 45 and 50 years of age, have been organized under a com- 
 mander for each State, and where the State is invaded, have been 
 called into active service. They have been found an efficient force to 
 supply guards to cities and public v.orks, and for the large number of 
 prisoners in our hands, and also as defenders of bridges, roads and 
 important points, and have thus liberated for the field many soldiers 
 who must otherwise have been withdrawn from the active armies. On 
 several occasions, too, portions of them have been thrown with the 
 armies in the field as active auxiliaiies. So far, wherever tried, they 
 haie exhibited the characteristic valor and aptitude of our people for 
 
military Lfe, and have couiparcil well vfitli their veteran comrades in 
 constaiicj and conduct. 
 
 These various meisures, sanctioned by existing legislation, must 
 materially incroase and reinvigorate our depleted armies, but it is 
 not to be disguisc<I that they must still leave those armies relatively 
 weak to encounter the hosts being summoned by the enemy for our 
 subjugation. Signs of exhaustion and despair ot' success were, until 
 some late unhappy reverses to cur arms, plainly manifested by our 
 malignant foes, and this is probably the last grand effort their means 
 or resolution will allow for their war of aggression and conquest. It 
 should be met and overcome by the early and full command of all our 
 men and means, and for this, additional legislation is required. It 13 
 my deliberate conviction, more than cnce expressed in former reports, 
 that the policy of exemp'ions to tho.'e capable of military service is 
 unwise, and that all men between the ages of 18 and 45, capable of 
 bearing arms, should, without distinction of occupation or profession, 
 be subjected to service, and called to the field. The few indispensa- 
 ble exceptions for the needs of society and the supply of the army 
 might be readily and mare conveniently provided by details. Ex- 
 emptioafii by classes necessirily coyer many not actually demanded 
 by society lor the needs that, on the average, miy have given plausi- 
 bility to the exoeprion'^, and such exception?', besides inducing invidi- 
 ous feelings and dissatioftction. compel a discrimination in the call 
 for sutvice, which both doliys and m.Msurably defeats its full accom- 
 plishment. It i? therefore urgently recommendod that all exemp- 
 tions, except of officers actually essential to the conduct of the Con- 
 faderato and Scute Governments, be abolished, and all of the military 
 age, physically capable, .vithout distinction or discrimination, be at 
 once devoted to the sacred duty of defending their country in the 
 field. They would probably constitute as large a draft for continu- 
 ous service in the field as the interests of society would allow, but it 
 14 not doubted that, Avith the aid of our slaves, those beyond and be- 
 low the ages prescribed for active service, with the large number cf 
 those fit only for light duty, and the partially disabled by service, 
 would suffice adequately to maintain necessary production and sup- 
 ply, both for the armies and the people. 
 
 With -a view to the increase of our armies in the field, the policy 
 has been suggested, and has attracted some public attention, of en- 
 listing our negro slaves as soldiers. No compunction could be felt in 
 so using them, for deeply as the whites of the South are interested ia 
 repelling the invasion, and forever liber.ating themselves from the 
 association or thraldom of our enemies, the negroes of the South are 
 even more vitally concerned. With the whites it is a question of 
 nationality, of honor and property. With the negroes, in its dread 
 issues in no distant future, it is a question of their existence as a 
 race. The friendship of a people so selfish, cruel and remorseless a9 
 our foes, would be to the unhappy negro more fatal than to us their 
 enmity. In contact with them, under their pretended freedom tn^fore 
 the law, Avhich in operation on an inferior race is but a license to 
 greed and oppression, exposed to all the vices, without the providence 
 
of the civilized man, they must soon, in the lanrruaire of a leader 
 among their professed friends, " be trampled out as a sickly exotic," 
 or ■wither a^-ay smid the blighting influences of debauchery, pauper- 
 ism, crime and disease. They have, besides, the homes they value, the 
 families they love, and the masters they respect and depend on to 
 defend and protect against the savagery and devastation of th<} en?my. 
 No fear is entertained of their fidelty, for the feeiings, as the interests 
 of the great mass of the nrgroes, have been conclusively manifested to 
 be ^Yith their protectors and masters. Neither is it doubted that, 
 under the leadership of those whites to vrhom they have been habit- 
 uated and in whom they have confidence, they would exhibit more 
 steadfastness and courage than they will ever attain as soldiers of the 
 enemy. If any added incentive were required, from the supposed 
 love of freedom natural to man, it might be readily afforded by the 
 assurance of emancipation to all who conducted themselves with 
 fidelity and courage during the war. For any such action, it would 
 of course require the concurring legislation of each State, from the 
 slave population of which the negro soldiers had been drawn, because 
 to the States belong exclusively the determination of the relations 
 "which their colored population, or any part of them, shall hold. It is 
 not doubted, however, should it be deemed expedient so to employ and 
 reward slaves enlisted as soldiers, that the necessary legislation would 
 be accorded, for there is no sacrifice of property or minor interests, 
 which would not be made by either our States or people, to assure 
 final separation from our hateful foes, and the achievement of our lib- 
 erty and independence. \Vhile it is encouraging to know this re- 
 source for further and future efforts is at our command, my ow^n ju'^J?'- 
 ment does not yet either perceive the necessity or approve the policy 
 of employing slaves in the higher duties of soldiers. They are con- 
 fessedly inferior in all respects to our white citizens, ia the qualifi- 
 cations of the soldier, and i have thought we have within the military 
 age as large a proportion of our whole population as will be required 
 or can be advantageously em.ployed in active military operations. IF, 
 then, the negro be employed in the war, the inferior is preferred to 
 the superior agent for the work. In such a w^ar as this, waged against 
 foes bent with malignant persistance on our destruction, and for. ail 
 that man holds priceless, the most vital xoork is that of the soldier, and 
 for it wisdom and duty require the most fitting wjorkmen. The supe- 
 rior instrumentalities should be preferred. It will not do, in ray 
 opinion, to risk our liberties and safety on the negro, while the white 
 man may be called to the sacred duty of defence. For the present, it 
 seems best to leave the subordinate labors of society to the negro, and 
 to impose its highest, as now existing, on the superior class. 
 
 The reserves might remain, as now constituted, for service through- 
 out each State ; but, in addition, it would seem expedient that all other 
 white males capable of bearing arms, in even local service, should.be 
 organized and armed, ready to maintain the police of the country, and 
 to resist, within the limits of their counties, or some restricted district 
 contiguous thereto, the actual raids or invasions of the enemy. No 
 serious interruptions would thus be caused to their industrial avoca- 
 
tions, or their relations to society, and yet a greater degree of fecu- 
 ritv and coufidence, and a universal sentiment of patriotic self-devo- 
 tion would be secured. In the war waged by nialir^nant foes, who aim 
 not merely against our national existence, but at the institutions of our 
 social system, at the property and means of subsistence of all. ar.d 
 contemplate nothing less than desolation to the country and expulsion 
 or extinction of itsii.habitants, all, of whatever age, have both in- 
 terest and duty compelling them to stand to arms in defence, acoording 
 the measure of tht.'ir ability. The country should be as one great 
 camp, and the whole people arranged in tie most efficient military 
 organizations compatible with the maintenance of the necessary works 
 and production of society, for unflinching resistance to the utmost 
 extremity. The subjugation of a brave people, so organized and re- 
 solved, is an utter impossibility. 
 
 Some measures of legislation are believed to be expedient to jnnin- 
 tain the number and increase the efficiency of the cavalry in the field. 
 The policy of requiring the men to furnish their own horses was at 
 all times doubtful, as while affording apparently an inducement to 
 ^'reater care of the animal, it interferes with discipline and impaiis 
 efficiency. It also cause?, almost of necessity, the dismounting for 
 loig periods of those who, having lost horses, arc unable to furnish 
 ihem speedily or at all, and the absence, often on protracted furloughs, 
 of the men who have sustained such losses, to procure other horses. 
 Under the weariness of protracted service, and the eager longing for 
 return home, which at times possesses even the best sobliers, this 
 chance cf a furlough is said to more than counteract the interest of 
 ownership in the horse, and to constitute a pTemium on neglect, or 
 the allowance of casualties to disable their animals. A worse conse- 
 quence, perhaps, is the tendency and temptation of the. system to 
 induce plundering and irregular modes of supplying themselves by 
 the men. Those mounted are aware of the constant liability to the 
 loss of their animals, and of the difficulty and expense of replacing 
 them, and are under constant inducement to obtain reserve horses, or 
 the means of purchasing them. Those dismounted are even more 
 strongly stimulated, by the inconveniences of their position and the 
 danger of being transferred to less acceptable branches of the service, 
 to provide themselves, even by illegitimate means. These induce- 
 ments are all enhanced by the limited class of casualties for which 
 the value of the horse lost is repaid under preseni; law, and the delays 
 and embarrassments encountered in affording proof and obtaining pay- 
 ment. Horses are paid for, too, only at the valuations assessed at 
 the time they are taken into service, and with the fluctuations in the 
 value of our currency and the enhancement of prices resulting from 
 the increasing scarcity of the proper horses, the value repaid is gene- 
 rally grossly inadequate. If the present system is to continue, it is 
 indispensable that there should be wider range to the casualties in 
 which the value is repaid, more liberality in the assessment of value 
 and greater facilities for prompt payment. 
 
 'Ihe class of men who constitute our cavalry, while among the most 
 spirited and active of our citizens, are yet generally, from previous 
 
10 
 
 intlependent habits of lifo, most difiicult to discipline and subject to 
 subordination. Entering immediately on service, they have enjoyed 
 feAv opportuities of previous drill or training, and from the detached 
 and oft-en irregular service ia which they are frequently employed, 
 they are much rerooved from the restraints and responsibilities of 
 large commands. They are but too apt, therefore, ■while individually 
 gallant at;d enterprising, to be wanting in organization, in discipline. 
 and in the efficiency and reliability which should belong to trained 
 troops. Our cavalry have pei formed many achievements of valor 
 and utilityjbut they have also, on occasions of great importance shown 
 v/ant of vigilance or constancy, nnd caused disaster. These defects 
 are believed to spring, not from deficiencies in the men, but in the 
 system of selection and of training. It ib believed it would be wiser 
 that the cavalry should gradually be constituted of men picked from 
 the trained and veteran soldiers for their peculiar qualifications, anil 
 that these should be mounted and equipped at the public expense. It 
 might be made a penalty for the loss of their horses, through neglect 
 or any other than the inevitnblc casualties of war, that the m n should 
 be returned to infantry service. This would probably be found more 
 efficient than, under the present system, private o'lvnership has proved. 
 to obviate neglect and secure due attention to the animals, while it 
 would remove all inducement, from self-interes<-, to undue cautioja or 
 escape under the legitimate hazards of war. There would b^ the cer- 
 tainty, too, that the men v.-ere trained and disciplined and habituateti 
 to fight as infantry, which in msny instance-^., our cavalry, from th«3 
 nature of the country or the like tactics of the enemy, are compelled 
 to do. I*; is not doubted that in this way the superiority of our cav- 
 alry over that of the enemy could be permanently establhshed. 
 
 It has been more than once heretofore urged by the department, 
 that to maintain the number and efficiency of our army organizations 
 it was essential there should be some power of reducing and consoli- 
 dating them. The d* pleticn of many of the organizations, during 
 the late wasting and bloody campaign, has made this more than ever 
 manifest. It is im.posj-ible adequately to recruit many of the reduced 
 regiments and companies, especially those from the distant and trans- 
 Missisaippi States, and not a few are so thinned in their ranks as to 
 cause despondency and inefficiency. There is necessarily, too, au 
 undue. proportion of officers to men, which adds to the expense while 
 weakening the force of the army. The evil is often so glaring that 
 a remedy is obliged, in some way to be applied. This is done at the 
 expense of subsequent embarrassments and confusion of legal nghts, 
 by the temporary union by the authority of the general in the field, 
 of fragmentary companies or regiments, or more legally, though 
 indirectly, under the sanction of the department, by the disbandment 
 of some depleted organizations and the assignment, as by conscrip- 
 tion, of the men to some other. In such case, however, there is no 
 chance of selecting the best officers of both organizations, but there 
 is the injustice of depriving all the officers, however meritorious, of 
 the one disbanded, of their commissions. It would evidently be much 
 more just and beneficial to the service, that the power should exist to 
 
11 
 
 consolidate tlie two, and retain the best officers of each. It is recom- 
 njcnded the pov\'er be granted. 
 
 It has been mentioned, ihat for the organization and control of tie 
 reserves, a commander has been assigned in each State. Thoy con- 
 stitute a peculiar and auxiliary force, which yet cannot, it is thought, 
 be justly deemed an independent army. Ilence an embarassment 
 results, which deraards the correction of legislation. They are not 
 entitled to order and revise the proceedings of courts martial, nor, if 
 a military court, as is authorized by law for each State, should be 
 appointed, could they have it attjiched to their commands, or review 
 its decisions. As the reserves are necessarily rather deficient in 
 order and training, the restraint and influence of such tribunals are 
 specially necessary for thiir control and subordination. It is proba- 
 bly not necessary to give any military court, or revision of the deci- 
 sion of any established for the States respectively, as the power to 
 appoint and revise the proceedings of courts martial would suffice. 
 Courts might then be constituted, to sit permanently, of di;atled or 
 invalided officers. 
 // The condition of our gallant soldiers in the hands of the enemy 
 continues to engage the sulicitude and interest of the Department. 
 The number of the captives on each side has been greatly swelled by 
 the vicissitudes of the present fearful campaign, though the dispro- 
 portion heretofore existing against us has been, by our superior suc- 
 ctsses, greatly reduced, if not entirely overcome. It has been the 
 ccuhtant dctire and effort of the Department to effect e.^chLinges on 
 any principle of equity, and the opportunity has never been lost to 
 make this known to the enemy, and to obtain his concurrence. Tae 
 obligations of the cartel and the faith pledged to its observance have 
 been repeatedly invoked; but in vain. To such demands intimations 
 were conveyed that the enemy would only agree to an exchange of 
 man for man. So long as the enemy held, as they claimed, a supe- 
 riority in the number of captives, it was seen that this mode of ex- 
 change would leav$ the surplus of our captive soldiers in their hands, 
 withuut, for the time, any adequate check on the inhumanity and 
 cruelty they have been ever prone to exhibit towards such captives. 
 Still, as the preponderance of numbers steadily diminished, confi- 
 dence increased that the prospect of speedy captures would soon ena- 
 ble us to check or avenge their malignity. Tliis consideration, in aid 
 of the powerful i^icentives, even more of humanity and gratitude 
 than of interest, that urged any practicable effort for the relief and 
 release of our imprisoned soldiers, induced us to overlook alike our 
 just rights under the cartel and apprehensions of the probable ill 
 treiituient of the surplus that might remain in the power of our vin- 
 dictive foes, and to propose exchange on the very terms intimated as 
 acceptable, of man for man. The offer only afforded another illus- 
 tration of the hypocrisy, faithlessness and inhumanity of the enemy, 
 for it was soon made apparent that their professed willingness was but 
 a pretext and a blind, and while they expected the plan would not be 
 acquiesced in, to conceal their own deterjaination to make no general 
 exchange. They have here and there consented to partial exchanges, 
 
12 
 
 generally effected between commanders in the field ; but the Govern- 
 ment appears to have deliberately adopted the remorseless and inhu- 
 man policy of enforcing the captivity, with all its attendant suiler- 
 ings, of the prisoners on both sides during the war. They pay thus 
 impliedly to our gallant soldiers the tribute of admitted superiority, 
 while they exhibit to the unhappy victims from their army their own 
 ingratitude, perfidy and cruelty. One of their favorite commanders 
 has not even hesitated to avow, with utter disregard cf the claims of 
 their captive soldiers on their consideration and protection, that as the 
 terms of service of many had expired, they were not to be regarded 
 as subjects of equal exchange. It likewise appears, that as they gloat 
 over the idea of being able, by their blockade and devastation, to starve 
 to submission a people whom they cannot subdue by artns, they cal- 
 culate, in utter indifference to the sufferings that may be entailed on 
 their own captive soldiers, on the supplies which must bo furnished 
 them, as an effective drain on our limited resources. Could we, in- 
 deed, be so straitened as they delude themselves into believing, how 
 fearful must they expect to be the privations and sufferings of their 
 soldiers in oar hands, since they could not expect us to starve our 
 gallant soldiers or people to nourish the malignant invaders, who had 
 sought to inflict on us the worst ills of war and famine. These cap- 
 tives would of course be the first unhappy victims of the famine, 
 ■which the barbarous warfare of their Government may cause. While 
 no such suffering has yet been entailed on them, but on the contrary, 
 they have, through the humanity of our Government, been provided 
 as our own soldiers, yet such privations as they have had to share 
 with them have been exaggerated by the enemy, in part from their 
 delusive conceptions of our straitened condition, but more from the 
 diligent invention of false tales, and have been made the pretext of 
 wantun privations to our faithful soldiers in their hands. , They com- 
 pel sufferings to their own soldiers by their malignant outrages against 
 civilized warfare, and then find in such, excuse for visiting cruelty and 
 starvation on our soldiers, to whom it is not pretended they could not 
 easily afford all the comforts and subsistence due to captives in war. 
 The ineffable baseness of such a course exceeds even its inhumanity, 
 and fur either it would be difficult to find a parallel in the history of 
 civilized, much less Christian nations. 
 
 It is gratifying to be able to state, that since the foregoing was 
 written, a prospect has been afforded of ameliorating the condition of 
 our captive sohHers. When all overtures to the Government of our 
 enemies seemed vain, General Lee was instructed to make directly to 
 General Grant a proposition that, without releasing either Government 
 from the obligation of affording due provision to its captives, each 
 , should have the right of furnishing to its own prisoners, in the posses- 
 sion of the other, under the direction of officers among them to be 
 paroled for the purpose, such additional supplies of necessary articles 
 as it might deem expedient to send. This was accepted, doubtless 
 through the influence of the commanding General of the Federal 
 armies, who, however, profuse of the lives of his men in battle, could 
 but have sympathy and interest for the imprisoned soldier. It is in- 
 
13 . 
 
 dicative of the remorseless policy of the hostile Government, that such 
 concessions to the claims of humanity should have been made sooner 
 by the stern soldier in the field than by their statesmen in the cabinet. 
 As the liberty is afforded by the agreement, with commendable liber- 
 ality, that supplies may be purchased in northern cities, or sent to our 
 soldiers in captivity directly from foreign ports, there can be but little 
 de]a3' or difficulty in affording to them all reasonable supplies for the 
 alleviation of their unhappy state. This arrangement will be as 
 gratifying to our Government and people, as it is conformable to 
 humanity and wise policy. "V* 
 
 The report of our Agent of Exchange is submitted in connection 
 with this subject. It will display the past course and present state of 
 negotiations for exchstnge. 
 
 Uhe operations of the several administrative bureaus of the depart- 
 ment have been conducted with zeal, ability and success, reflecting 
 great credit on their several heads. They have had grievous difficul- 
 ties and embarrassments to encounter from a depreciating currency, 
 deficiencies of labor and materials, and straitened means of transport- 
 ation and distribution. In addition, they have been constrained, by 
 the stringent legislation of Congress, to relinquish their most active 
 and experienced agents and employees, and substitute them from the 
 more infirm and aged classes. It was not practicable to do this 
 immediately, without a ruinous arrest of all the essential operations of 
 production and supply for the army ; but the obligation has been 
 steadily observed and as the exigencies of the campaign made recruit- 
 ment uf our armies necessary, its execution has been hastened and 
 enforced to the furthest point compatible with the preservation and 
 continuance of indispensable works. Interferences of this kind are 
 inevitably so prejudicial and disturbing, that it is hoped a well de- 
 vised and permanent system of providing and retaining in continuous 
 employment a sufficient number of artizans, experts and laborers for 
 all essential operations, may be devised and established. Great mis- 
 apprehension, it is believed, has prevailed in the public mind, both as 
 to the number and class of persons who have constituted the agents 
 and emplojees of the several bureaus, and much unmerited odium and 
 invidiousness have been excited by the erroneous supposition that 
 these bureaus have alTordcd a refuge and a shield from the legitimate 
 claims of military service. The aim has been steadily enjoined, and 
 i, is not doubted in the main has bean strictly obsarved, of engaging 
 and retaining as few as possible of military age, and with rare excep- 
 tions, it is confidently believed, the men now employed are rendering 
 mere ellicient service to the cause than they could do even in the field. 
 It should be thoroughly understood, that only in the last necessity, 
 v.ill they again be summoned or disturbed. The best vindication to 
 these bureaus is afforded by the results attained under all the impedi- 
 ments and embarrassments they have had to encounter. All essential 
 supplies have been afToriied, and neither manufacture nor production 
 has so f\ir materially diminished, notwithstanding the invasions and 
 barbarous ravages of tho enemy in many most important fields of ope- 
 ration. The army has been subsisted, clothed and provided ia 
 
14 
 
 adequate measure, and there has never been deficiency of transporta- 
 tion, munitions or supplies for all important operations. 
 
 Owing to the absence of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs on a 
 \nsit in discharge of his duties to the trans-Mississippi Department, 
 bis usual report can not be submitted. Letters received from him by 
 the department, give in the Tnain, satisfactory representations of the 
 feelings and condition of the Indian niitions. From other sonrees, 
 too, intelligence has been received of gallant services vrhich have boon 
 renderoti by their warriors, duritig the present campiign, and there is 
 every reason to believe that at no time has prevailed' among the nations 
 a stronger feeling of amity and connection with the Confederate 
 States. 
 
 Attention is invited to the accompanying estimates for the six 
 months commencing January 1st, and ending June 3'), 1865, which 
 although large, in the existing state of the currency, are not believed 
 to exceed the demands of the service. 
 
 After the full exposition m.ade in my last report of the embarrass- 
 ments and obstructions experienced from the disordered condition of 
 our currency, the impracticability of purchases without impressment, 
 and the deficient means of transportation and distribution, it is not 
 deemed necessary to repeat them. Attention, however, is specially 
 invoked to them, as they continue with increased and increasing 
 stringency, and remedial legislation, in some important particulars, 
 is very desirable. The impressment acts require revision and amend- 
 ment. There are not sufficient provisions against the removal of 
 property after notice of impressment, nor against its concealment 
 before or after, nor is the course prescribed in case of the refusal of 
 the owner to appoint appraisers as contemplated by law. The law is, 
 in biief, without adequate sanctions to ensure resj-ect and enforce- 
 ment. Special provisions should be made for the impressment of iron 
 from railroads. In order to maintain the more important roads, and 
 sometimes to construct others demanded by imperious military con- 
 sideiations, it is absolutely necessary to withdraw from local or branch 
 roads, their rails and equipments. Although such necessity may be 
 manifest and acknowledged by all, it is rare the proprietors of the 
 special road, whose property is thus sought to be appropriated,' are 
 prepared to acquiesce in its 'selection for the sacrifice. Each local 
 corporation finds abundant reasons for further delay or special ex- 
 emption in its own case, and on them base justification of refusal to 
 sell, and the interposition of all possible legal obstructions to seizure 
 by impressment. The machinery of the act is ill adapted to the set- 
 tlement of the questions that arise on such impressment, and pretextst 
 are readily found by the corporation for obtaining rnjuuctions and 
 suspending all action on the proverbially tedious proceedings of a 
 suit in chancery. Local influences combine, too, to thwart and delay 
 action, and more than once the gravest consequences to the Confede- 
 . racy have been risked by inability, at the juncture, to cvercorne such 
 impediments and command the required rails. The impressment of 
 slaves, too, should be regulated so as to secure uniformity in collec- 
 tion, and to relieve the authorities from dependence on the State 
 
15 
 
 agencies. These agencies dc not generally operate with promptitude 
 and efSciency, aivi sometimes prove fruatrative or abortive. 
 
 Appointments have been made under the net of Congress, approved 
 June 14, 186-*, " providing for the establishment and payment of 
 claims for a certain description of property taken or informally im- 
 pressed for the use of the army." In many instances, the ajjents 
 selected have refused to accept, and it has boon impracticable to 
 secure others competent, in consequence of the -wholly inadequate 
 compensation offered, which will pay a fraction only of the expenses 
 to be actually inourred. It is not probable the law can be executed 
 by the period prescribed, the 1st of January next, and it should be 
 continued, with a more equitable remuneration to the agents. 
 
 During the last year a few persons have gone to the United States 
 without permission from the Confederate authorities. Some of these 
 have no design hostile to the Confederacy, but others leave as in- 
 formers and as enemies. In some cases the act is treasonable, in 
 others more venial. A law is necessary to punish the cases which do 
 not amount to treason under existing laws. 
 
 An appropriation was made in February last for the payment for 
 loss of slaves who have been impressed by the Confederate authori- 
 ties or under State laws for the use of the Confederate Government, 
 and while engaged in laboring on the public defences have escaped to 
 the enemy or died or contracted diseases "which have after their dis- 
 charge resulted fatally. The act of Congress did not provide for the 
 mode of ascertaining these losses and for the withdrawal of the money 
 from the Treasury. Besides the slaves impressed, there is a class of 
 slaves who were received by contract and others under the act of 
 Congress of the 17th February last, by the consent of the owner, 
 upon the condition that the Confederate Government should indem- 
 nify for loss in cases similar to those mentioned in the appropriation 
 bill above quoted. I recommend that an net be passed for the a-ijast- 
 ment of all these claims, and that the mode of adjustment be pre- 
 scribed. 
 
 In view of the more numerous uses to which negroes are being put, 
 in connection with our armies, as well as of the proposition already 
 considered of employing them ris troops, it seems not inappropriate to 
 exan.ine the legislation and policy of our enemies in reference to the 
 recruitment of their armies from the same race, and especially from 
 our negro slaves. In July, 18G2, the Congress of the United St.ites 
 passed their act, ^* to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and re- 
 bellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other 
 purposes." The traitors under this act are all those concerned in the 
 war between the United States and the Confederate States.. The per- 
 sons attainted, and whose property was confiscated, are those who htld 
 any office of honor or trust, or agency under the Confederate Gov- 
 ernment, or any of the States, or in any municipality, or who may 
 be in anywise engaged or concerned in the armed rebellion to the 
 authority of the United States. The liberation of their slaves was 
 to be a consequence of their conviction, and the slaves of all such 
 persons, Yrho might escape or desert, or might be captured, or who 
 
16 
 
 might fall -witlun the places occupied by tlie arms of the Uniled 
 States, -wevG, by the act of Congress, liberated. The President wns 
 authorized '* to employ as many persons of African descent as he 
 might deem necessary and proper for the suppression of the rebel- 
 lion, and to organize and use them as he judged best for the public 
 welfare." This act of Congress ■was followed by the proclamatioua 
 of the President of the United States of the 22d September, 1862, 
 and of the 1st of January, IS63, in the last of which he ordered and 
 declared that *' all persons held as slaves in designated States and 
 parts of States are, and henceforward should be, free," and " that the 
 Executive Government of the United States, including the military 
 and naval authorities, will recognize and maintain their freedom." 
 The enlistment of a large number of slaves within the Confederate 
 States into the military service of the United States, followed upon 
 these acts. It was justly regarded by the Confederate Government as 
 a departure from the usages of nations, and an abandonment of the 
 rules of civilized warfare. In the better times of the United States, 
 their Executive Government had stigmatized conduct similar, but far 
 more venial, " as a warfare disclaiming all moral influence, and inflict- 
 ing an outrage upon social order, and giving a shock to the very 
 elements of humanity." "All belligerent nations," it declared, ''can 
 form alliances with the savage, the Africap and the bloodhound; but 
 what civilized nation has selected these auxiliaries in its hostilities ?" 
 If there were any legal proposition that had the unanimous con- 
 sent of that people, it was that the Federal Government had no power 
 to abolish slavery in any of the States. The proclamation of their 
 President does not proceed from any authority deiived from the Con- 
 stitution, but upon the assumed power to extend martial law over the 
 territory of the United States and the Confederate States. And the 
 usurpation even extends beyond this, for martial law has reference to 
 military operations and military relations. Its authority is temporary 
 and abnormal, and deals with the events of a season ; but this is an impe- 
 rial edict, determining arbitrarily upon civil, social and domestic in- 
 stitutions and relations for all time. For a term subsequent to the 
 independence of the United State?, negro slavery was recognized 
 among all the United States as a valid relation, and its commercial 
 population participated in the profits of the African slave trade, 
 under ibe laws of the Union, within the present century. The ratio 
 upon which representation in one branch of their Congress, and 
 direct taxes are apportioned, is adjusted upon a recognition of the 
 existence of a race of bondsmen within the limits of the Union. 
 Their highest judicial tribunal has determined that slavery and the 
 slave trade are not contrary to the law of nations, and that the vol- 
 untary removal of slaves by a master to a State where slavery does 
 not exist, does not prevent the renewal of the relation between mas- 
 ter and slave upon their return to the State of their origin or dom- 
 icil. The diplomatic correspondence and the solemn treaties of the 
 United States show reclamations for escaping slaves, abducted in 
 time of war and of peace, and the recognition of those claims by a 
 foreign power, and the payment of indemnity for the use of the mas- 
 
IT 
 
 ters, to the Federal Government. At this time the Constitution of 
 the United States contains a ptipulation for the return of slaves 
 escaping to one State, from their owner in another State, upon his 
 claim. The principle that a slave withdrawn from his master in war or 
 peace, by desertion, capture or other act not sanctioned by the law of 
 the State, or the will of the master, does not change his condition 
 within the State to which he belongs, or prevent the right of the 
 master from attaching upon his re-capture, is not an exceptional or 
 limited one. The municipal laws of one State have no more authority 
 nor recognition within the limits of another than it is compatible with 
 the laws or policy of that St«te to allow. And it would be contrary 
 to the universal usage and practice of nations for one nation to per- 
 mit another, and that other an enemy, to abrogate, impair or modify 
 relations between classes or individuals of her population, in time of 
 war, by any change in their resistance, forced or voluntary. The 
 principle o^ the jus post liminiuni in regard to persons, such as slaves, 
 serfs, villeins, deserters, or other person to whom it is in any wise 
 applicable, has been uniformly applied on the continent of Europe, 
 and as to slaves, was tbe law of Athens and of Rome, anl from their 
 jurisprudence has passed into the laws of European nations. 
 
 The enlistment of slaves as a part of the army of the United States 
 had but a single object. The act of Congress and proclamations which 
 authorized it, were formed to destroy political government and civil 
 society in the Confederate States. By declaring all officers and agents 
 of Confederate, State and municipal government to be outlaws, inca- 
 pable of holding or transferring property, and subject to ignominious 
 banishment, and declaring slaves to be emancipated and suitable for 
 service in their armies, they sought an entire overthrow of their so- 
 cial order, and determined this should be a war of massacres and con- 
 fusions, and not the highest trial of right between the peoples. It had 
 become a principle among Christian sovereigns that, however they 
 might prosecute their quarrels and debates by arms and acts of hos- 
 tility, and though they might seek the ruin and overthrow of the 
 forces of the State, yet they would so direct their passions as to pre- 
 serve the life and good name of each other. But from the beginning 
 our enemy has prosecuted the war with murderous design to take the 
 life and to destroy the fame of the peoples of the Conf^^derate States. 
 The crimes which determined the colonies to separate from Great 
 Britain, and to denounce her King as a tyrant unworthy to rule a 
 free people, are those which have been committed against us, under 
 circumstances of ten-fold ^trocitj', in the existing war, by our enemy. 
 "He has plundered our seas, ravnged our coasts, burnt our towns, 
 and destroyed the lives of our people. lie is at this time transport- 
 ing large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the work of death 
 and desolation and tyranny already begun, with circumstances of 
 cruelty and perfi<ly scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages. 
 He has excited domestic insurrections among us." Private property 
 is wantonly destroyed ; female honor outraged ; whole districts of 
 unarmed and unresisting population are ravaged and laid waste, old 
 men, helpless women, weak and feeble children, the infirm and super- 
 2 
 
18 
 
 anuated slave population, have been exposed to starvation and misery 
 by the systematic, cruel and persevering eflfort to destroy the food 
 and raiment of an entire poeple. A war conducted on such prin- 
 ciples, with such objects and by such alliances, involved necessarily 
 the abandonment of all laws, usages, conventions, mitigating influ- 
 CDces or humanizing considerations and restraints. The enemy who 
 adopts such a system proclaims in advance his desire, as well as his 
 design, that the war shall become one for mutual extermination. In 
 a contest with such an enemy, the Confederacy may exercise a very 
 liberal discretion in the employment of any agencies or instrumen- 
 talities that are within their reach for the public defence. Should, 
 therefore, either policy or necessity dictate it, the enlistment of slaves 
 or any other population as auxiliaries would be entirely justified by 
 the atrocities that we have suffered. It would be impossible to find 
 any ally so unrestrained as the enemy against whom he would be 
 employed. 
 
 Respectfully submitted. 
 
 JAMES A. SEDDON, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
m 
 
 REPORT OF THE mm OF EXCHMGE. 
 
 Richmond, Va., November 1, 1864. 
 
 lion. James A. Seddon, 
 
 Secretary of War : 
 
 On the 2d of May last, I had the honor to submit to you a detailed 
 report, not only of the operations of the Bureau of Exchange up to 
 that date, but also a full statement of the principles that had gov- 
 erned its action. Since that date, there have been several deliveries 
 of prisoners on both sides, embracing chiefly, but by no means ex- 
 clusively, sick and disabled men. I have assurances that further and 
 larger deliveries of this class of prisoners will be made during the fall 
 and winter. 
 
 At the time of my last report, we insisted upon the release of all 
 prisoners, the excess to be on parole. The enemy refused to comply 
 with this plain requirement of the Cartel, and demanded, when a de- 
 livery of prisoners was made, an equal number in return. Seeing a 
 persistent purpose on the part of the Federal Government to violate 
 its agreement, our authorities, moved by the sufferings of the brave 
 men who are so unjustly held in northern prisons, determined to abate 
 their just demands, and accordingly, on the 10th of August last, I 
 offered to exchange the prisoners respectively held by the two bel- 
 ligerents, officer for officer and man for man. I only stipulated that 
 the officers and men who had been longest in captivity should be the 
 first delivered, where it was practicable. Although this offer was 
 substantially what had often been proposed by the Federal authorities,, 
 and would have left in their hands whatever excess of prisoners they 
 might have had, yet it was not accepted. 
 
 Some time in September following, I received a reply from a quar- 
 ter to which I had not directed my communication, inquiring whether 
 the Confederate authorities intended to treat recaptured slaves as 
 prisoners of war, and suggesting that a favorable answer would re- 
 move ** a principal difficulty in effecting exchanges." My own firm 
 conviction is that even if we were to agree to the unjust demands of 
 the enemy in this respect, we would not secure a general exchange. 
 While the reason for their refusal is more truly stated in the letter of 
 General Sherman to General Hood, yet I think it very doubtful 
 whether they would agree to a general exchange, even if we consented 
 to treat recaptured slaves as prisoners of war and delivered those whoso 
 term of service had not expired. I am satisfied their course is the 
 result of a conviction forced upon them by the events of the war, that 
 a Confederate soldier is more valuable than a Federal. The miseries 
 
20 ^ 
 
 of tens of tbousands of their own people are as nothing when weighed 
 against a calculation. We can only hope that the pressure brought 
 to bear upon the Federal authorities by the friends and relatives of 
 the prisoners held by us may force a change of policy. 
 
 I cannot state with any certainty the relative proportion of pris- 
 oners respectively held by the two Governments. The Federal au- 
 thorities have as yet failed to furnish me with any reliable lists, 
 although often promising to do so. They hold an excess of officers, 
 and I think I can safely assert we have an excess of rank and file. 
 
 Lately, 1 have consummated an arrangement for the release and 
 exchange of all naval prisoners, A partial delivery has already been 
 made, and another is daily expected, which will fully carry out the 
 agreement. Some deliveries and exchanges have also taken place in 
 the trans-Mississippi country, through the agents of this office. They 
 will probably again occur, whenever the enemy has any prisoners in 
 that region to give as equivalents. An error respecting special 
 exchanges seems to prevail both amongst our people and captive sol- 
 diers. The Federal authorities, with a malignity congenial to them, 
 in the hope of causing irritation on the part of our prisoners towards 
 their Government, have basely and falsely represented to them, that 
 special exchanges are being constantly proposed by us. A long 
 time ago I communicated to you the many grave objections to any 
 3uch system. My views met your entire approval, and I have 
 accordingly constantly refrained from making special exchanges, 
 though frequently urged to do so. The officers and soldiers delivered 
 to us were in all cases selected by the enemy, and those of theirs 
 who were sent in return were designated by us. This was not a 
 system of special exchange in any sense of the term. If the 
 officers and soldiers sent to us had been specially asked for, or if 
 their return had been caused by any special action of the Confederate 
 authorities in their individual cases, there would have been ground 
 for the belief that special exchanges were being made. The efforts 
 of the Government have been directed to the release of all our 
 prisoners, without any discrimination in favor of particular per- 
 sons. To have pursued any other plan would not only have 
 showed partiality and favoritism, where all have tried to do their 
 duty faithfully, but would have given to the enemy the opportunity of 
 making selections from their own prisoners in our hands to such an 
 extent as would have precluded all hope of a general exchange. With 
 very rare exceptions, I have never known what officers or men were 
 on the flag of truce boat, until I visited it. Under your instructions, 
 all of our prisoners have been considered as occupying the same posi- 
 tion, and each one on his return has been received with as much wel- 
 come as any other, I repeat, therefore, that no special efforts have 
 been used to secure the release or exchange of particular per- 
 sons, and every line of policy which would put any one of our pris- 
 oners in a more favorable position than that occupied by the others, 
 has been carefully avoided. The published correspondence of this 
 office shows the entire readiness of our Government to return an 
 equivalent for any Confederate officer and soldier sent within our 
 
21 
 
 lines. Who that equivalent shall be, we have reserved the right to 
 determine, and when the selection is made and the party delivered to 
 the Federal authorities, it is simply the return of an equivalent, and 
 not a special exchange. To refuse to return the equivalent would be 
 to doom the oflScer or soldier to hopeless captivity, after liberty had 
 dawned upon him. 
 
 I am happy to be able to announce that an agreement has recently 
 been made with the Federal authorities, by which each Government 
 may send contributions of food and clothing to the prisoners held by 
 the adverse party. We are at liberty to make our purchases either in 
 Europe or a Northern city. When the details have been fully 
 arranged I will communicate them to you. 
 
 The enemy still continues the arrest of non-combatants. I have 
 been notified by the Federal authorities that " all white persons 
 between the ages of seventeen and fifty, residents of the Confederate 
 States, captured by United States forces, will be held and deemed to 
 be soldiers of the Confederate army, and will be treated as prisoners 
 of war and held for exchange." In view of their practice and this 
 declaration, the course to be pursued by us towards non-combatants 
 who are residents of the United States, or who, being citizens of the 
 Confederate States, are hostile to our cause, becomes a subject of the 
 gravest importance. After much reflection, I am fully convinced that 
 the only effectual method of preventing the outrages which are being 
 daily perpetrated upon our loyal non-combatant citizens, is to cause 
 the arrest of every citizen of the United States who may be within 
 our reach, and of such citizens of any one of the Confederate States 
 as are known to be inimical. We have tried every other plan without 
 much avail. At present, we have so small a number in confinement 
 that an exchange of man for man would release but very few of the 
 many held in Northern prisons. If the plan suggested worked no 
 other result, it would furnish us, in the event of an exchange, with 
 more material. I know there are very many grave objections to this 
 course, but yet I think it may almost be safely stated that the horrors 
 under which our non-combatant population are now suffering can 
 hardly be increased. When we have resorted to such arrests as are 
 made by the enemy, there is some chance that the whole system will 
 break down by the sheer weight of its gigantic misery. 
 Respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 ROBERT OULD, 
 Agent of Exchange. 
 
ESTIMATES. 
 
 War Department, C. S. A., ) 
 Richmond, October 8th, 18G4. S 
 
 ' I estimate that there will be required for the incidental and con- 
 tingent expenses of the army, during the six months commencing 
 January Ist, 1865, and ending June 3Uth, 1865, the sum of two 
 hundred and fifty thousand dollars. 
 
 JAMES A. SEDDON, 
 
 Secretary of War., 
 
 ESTIMATE for the War Department and its Bureaus for the half 
 year ending June 3(3, 1865. 
 
 There are at present employed two hundred and sixty clerkg, 
 but m consequence of the rapid increase of the business of 
 the Government, I would suggest that an appropriation be asked for 
 the payment of at least three hundred. These, with the Secretary of 
 War, Assistant Secretary, Chief of Bureau, Disbursing Clerk, and 
 hve messengers, will require, at the present rates paid, under the 
 head of 
 
 Compensation of Secretary of War, Assistant Secretary, Chief of 
 Bureaus, clerks, messengers, kc, $615,750 
 
 Under the present high charges, I must suggest that the contin- 
 gent fund be increased, viz. : 
 
 For incidental and contingent expenses of the War Depart- 
 ment, $175,000 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 ALFRED CHAPMAN, • 
 Disbursing Clerk War Departmcat. 
 To the Hon. James A. Seddon, 
 
 Secretary of War, 
 Approved : 
 
 James A. Seddox, 
 
 Secretary of War. -'^' ;>#«V«f>jilf^« .- 
 
24 
 
 ESTIMATE FOR FUNDS. 
 
 Time estimated 
 
 for 
 
 For what purpose 
 
 
 
 Six months commenoinc; the Stntioiiery, (r.f hU kinds,) 
 Ist, day of Jauuary, 18G5, and Tostage, 
 ending 30th day of June, 1805.:Telec;raphing, 
 
 For the fiscal year. (Cttrjienter's work, 
 
 For the use of the Adjutant Furniture, 
 and Inspector General's De- Watclimau's salary, 
 j.artmtnt, C. S. A. Hire of por*.ers. 
 
 
 $15,000 00 
 7,000 00 
 8,000 00 
 6,500 00 
 3,500 00 
 2,U00 00 
 5,000 00 
 
 
 Incidetal and miscellaneoua 
 
 expenses 
 
 5,000 00 
 
 
 
 
 $52,000 00 
 
 I certify, on honor, that the above estimate is correct and just, and that the 
 funds are required to meet the contingent expenses of this oihce, for the fiscal 
 vear ending June 30, 1865. 
 
 wS. COOPEE, 
 Aifjuiant and Intpector General. 
 A. AND 1. G. Office, Sept. 29, 1864. 
 Approved : 
 
 James A. Seddos, Secretary of War. 
 
 [A.] 
 
 ESTIMATE of the awcvvt required hy the Qxiarter w aster'' s Drpartment 
 for disbursement for the pvblic service of that Department for six 
 months, commencing January 1st and ending June ZOth, 1865, viz : 
 
 Regular Supplies. 
 
 l8t. In the regular supplies of the Quartermaster's Department, 
 consisting of fuel for the officers, enlisted men, guard, hospital stores 
 houses and officers, of forage in kind for the horses, mules and oxen 
 of the Quartermaster's Department at the several posts and stations 
 and with the armies in the field, and for the authorized number of offi- 
 cers horses, horses for the several corps of artillery, including bed- 
 ding for the animals, of straw for soldiers bedding and of stationery, 
 including blank books for the Quartermaster's Department, certificates 
 for discharged soldiers, blank forms for the Pay and Quartermaster's 
 Departments, and for printing of division and department orders and 
 reports : 
 
 Forage, $44,649,720 00 
 
 Fuel, 7,272,115 00 
 
 Straw, 2,742,292 00 
 
 Stationery, 1,725,900 00 
 
 $56,390,027 00 
 
 Carried forward, 
 
 $56,390,027 00 
 
 J 
 
Brought forward, .mm^ $56,390,027 00 
 
 Incidental Expenses. 
 
 For the incidental expenses of the Quartermaster's 
 Department, consisting of postage on letters and 
 packages received and sent by officers of the army 
 on public service, expenses of courts martial and 
 courts of inquiry, including the additional com- 
 pensation of judges advocate, recorders, members 
 and witnesses, while on that service, under the 
 act March 16, 1862, extra pay to soldiers em- 
 ployed under the direction of the Quartermaster's 
 Department in the erection of barracks, quarters, 
 storehouses and hospitals, in the construction of 
 roads and other constant Ltbor for periods of not 
 less than ten days, under the acts of August 4, 
 1854, and May 1, 1863, including those employed 
 at division and department headquarters, expenses 
 of expresses to and from the frontier posts and 
 stations and armies in the field, of escorts to pay- 
 masters and other disbursing officers, and to trains 
 ■where military escorts cannot be furnished, ex- 
 penses of the interment of officers killed in battle 
 or who may die when on duty in the field, or at 
 the posts on the frontiers, or at other posts and 
 places when ordered by the Secretary of War, and 
 of non-commissioned officers and soldiers, author- 
 ized office furniture, hire of laborers in the Quar- 
 termaster's Department, including the hire of in- 
 terpreters and guides for the army, compensation 
 to clerks of officers of the Quartermaster's De- 
 partment, compensation of wagon and forage mas- 
 ters, for the apprehension of deserters and ex- 
 penses incident to their pursuit. The purchase 
 of travelling forges, blacksmiths and shoeing 
 tools, horse and mule stores, and nails, iron and 
 steel for shoeing, hire of veterinary surgeons, 
 medicines for horses and mules, picket ropes and 
 for shoeing the horses of the corps named, 8,213,160 00 
 
 Transportation of Officers Baggage. 
 
 For mileage or the allowance made to officers of the 
 army for the transportation of themselves and 
 their baggage when travelling on duty without 
 troops, escorts or supplies, 500,000 Ot) 
 
 Carried forward, $65,103,187 00 
 
26 
 
 Brought forward, $65,103,187 00 
 
 Transportation Troops and Supplies. 
 
 For transportation of the army, including the bag- 
 gage of the troops, when moving either by land 
 or water, of clothing, camp and garrison equip- 
 age, from the several depots to the troops in the 
 field, of horse equipments and subsistence from 
 the places of purchase and from the places of de- 
 livery under contracts to such places as the cir- 
 cumstances of the servicemay require them to be 
 sent, of ordnance stores and small arms from the 
 foundries and armories to the arsenals, fortifica- 
 tions, frontier posts and army depots, freights, 
 wharfage, tolls and ferriages. The purchase and 
 hire of horses, mules and oxen, and the purchase 
 and repair of wagons, carts and drays, and of 
 ships and other sea-going vessels and boats re- 
 quired for the transportation of supplies and for 
 garrison purposes, for drayage and cartage at the 
 several posts, hire of teamsters, transportation of 
 funds for the pay and other disbursing depart- 
 ments, the expense of sailing public transports 
 on the various rivers and for procuring water at 
 such posts as, from their situation, require it to 
 be brought from a distance, and for clearing 
 roads, harbors and rivers to the extent which may 
 be required for the actual operations of the troops, 62,067,433 33 
 
 Barracks and Quarters. 
 
 For hire or commutation of quarters for officers on 
 military duty; hire of quarters for the troops, of 
 store-houses for the safe-keeping of military 
 goods ; of grounds for summer cantonments and 
 for temporary frontier stations, rents and repairs 
 of wharves for hutting troops ; and for repairing, 
 altering and enlarging buildings at the estab- 
 lished posts, and for the purchase of materials 
 therefor, 8,768,000 00 
 
 Clothing, Camp and Garrison Equipage. 
 
 For the purchase of the necessary materials for 
 clothing, camp and garrison equipage, and for 
 pay for labor, &c., necessary to the fabrication 
 of the same, 42,622,974 00 
 
 Carried forward, $178,561,644 33 
 
Brouglit forward, $178,561,644 S3 
 
 Property Impressed. 
 
 To pay for property impressed into the service of 
 the Confederate States, under appraisement, and 
 said property having either been lost or applied 
 to the public service, 1,000,000 00 
 
 Horses Killed. 
 
 To pay for horses of volunteers, killed in battle, 
 under act No. 48, sec. 7, and for which provision 
 is to be made, 2,000,000 00 
 
 Prisoners of War. 
 
 Hire of prisons for the safe-keeping of prisoners of 
 
 war, offices, &c., &c., act of 21st May, 1861, 500,000 00 
 
 Tax in Kind. 
 
 For the hire of clerks, agents, teamsters, laborers 
 and employees, rent of offices and store-houses, 
 purchase of material, labor for building, store- 
 houses, incidental expenses required in collect- 
 ing and receiving the tax in kind, 4,125,300 00 
 
 Total, $186,186,944 33 
 
 Form of Appropriation. 
 For service of the Quartermaster's Department, $186,186,9'I4 33 
 
 A. R. LAWTON, 
 
 MMUkU ■ Quartermaster General. 
 
 Quartermaster General's Office, ) 
 Richmond, Oct. 8, 1864. 5 
 Approved : 
 
 J. A. Seddon, ^tW^jMMF''. 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
[B.] 
 
 ESTIMATE of the amount required to pay the Army of the Confede- 
 rate States for six months, from the \sc January to the BOth June, 
 1865. 
 
 One Corps of Artillery. 
 
 1 colonel, $210 per month, $210 
 
 2 lieutenant colonels, $185 per 
 
 month, 370 
 
 12 majors, $162 per month, 1,944 
 
 40 captains, $140 per month, 5,600 
 80 first lieutenants, $100 per 
 
 month, 8,000 
 40 second lieutenants, $90 per 
 
 month, 3,600 
 4 assistant quartermasters, $140 
 
 per month, 560 
 4 assistant commissaries, $140 
 
 per month, 560 
 
 4 surgeons, $162 per month, 648 
 8 assistant surgeons, $110 per 
 
 month, 880 
 40 first sergeants, $27 per 
 
 month, 1,080 
 
 160 sergeants, $24 per month, 3,840 
 
 160 corporals, $20 per month, 3,200 
 
 80 buglers, $20 per month, 1,600 
 
 40 farriers, $20 per month, 800 
 
 40 blacksmiths, $20 per month, 800 
 
 3440 privates, $19 per month, 65,360 
 
 4 quartermaster sergeants, $28 
 
 per month, 112 
 4 sergeant majors, $28 per 
 
 month, 112 
 
 4 chief buglers, $28 per month, 1 1 3 
 
 4 adjutants, $110 per month, 440 
 
 Pay for one month, $99,828 
 
 One corps for six months, $598,968 
 
 Six corps for six months, $3,593,808 
 
 One Reglment of Cavalry. 
 
 1 colonel, $210 per month, $210 
 
 Amount carried forward, $210 $3,593,808 
 
2i« 
 
 Amount brought forward, $210 $3,593,808 
 1 lieutenant colonel, $185 per 
 
 month, 185 
 
 1 major, $162 per mopth, 162 
 
 10 captains, $140 per month, 1,400 
 10 first lieutenants, $100 per 
 
 month, 1,000 
 20 second lieutenants, $90 per 
 
 month, 1,800 
 
 1 surgeon, $162 per month, 163 
 
 2 assistant surgeons, $110 per 
 
 month, 220 
 10 first sergeants, $37 per 
 
 month, 270 
 
 40 sergeants, $24 per month, 960 
 
 40 corporals, $20 per month, 800 
 
 20 buglers, $20 per month, 400 
 
 10 farriers, $20 per month, 200 
 
 10 blacksmiths, $20 per month, 200 
 
 GOO privates, $19 per month, 11,400 
 1 quartermaster sergeant, $28 
 
 per month, 28 
 1 sergeant major, $23 per 
 
 month, 28 
 
 1 chief bugler, $28 per month, 28 
 
 1 adjutant, $1 10 per month, 110 
 1 assistant quartermaster, $140 
 
 per month, 140 
 1 assistant commissary, $140 
 
 per month, 140 
 40 cents per day for use and risk 
 
 of horse one month, 8,796 
 
 Pay for one regiment one month, $28,639 
 
 Pay for one regiment six months, $171,834 
 
 Paj for 104 regiments six months, $17,870,736 
 
 One Regiment of Infantrv, 
 
 1 colonel, $195 per month, $195 
 
 1 lieutenant colonel, $170 per 
 
 month, 170 
 
 1 major, $150 per month, 150 
 
 10 captains, $130 per month, 1,300 
 
 10 first lieutenants, $90 per 
 
 month, 900 
 
 20 second lieutenants, $80 per 
 
 month, 1,600 
 
 Amount carried forward, $4,315 $21^464,544 
 
so 
 
 Amount brought forward, $4,315 
 
 1 surgeon, $162 per month, 162 
 
 2 assistant surgeons, $110 per 
 
 per month, 220 
 1 assistant quartermaster, $140 
 
 per month, 140 
 1 assistant commissary, $140 
 
 per month, 140 
 
 1 adjutant, $100 per month, 100 
 1 sergeant major, $28 per 
 
 month, 28 
 1 quartermaster sergeant, $28 
 
 per month, 28 
 1 principal musician, $28 per 
 
 month, 28 
 
 10 first sergsants, $24 per month, 960 
 
 40 sergeants, $24 per month, 960 
 
 40 corporals, $20 per month, 800 
 
 20 musicians, $19 per month, 380 
 
 600 privates, $18 per month, 10,800 
 
 1 ensign, $90 per month, 90 
 
 $18,461 
 
 $21,464,544 
 
 Pay for one month, 
 Pay for six months, 
 Pay for six months, 547 regiments. 
 
 $110,766 
 
 60,589,002 
 
 Field and Staff. 
 
 200 generals, $500 per month, $100,000 
 400 aids-de-camp, $ 1 3 5 per 
 
 month, 54,000 
 163 brigade quartermasters, $162 
 
 per month, 26,406 
 159 brigade commissaries, $162 
 
 per month, 25,758 
 
 500 chaplains, $80 per month, 40,000 
 
 73 cadets, $90 per month, 6,570 
 
 Pay for one month. 
 Pay for six months. 
 
 $252,734 
 
 1,516,404 
 
 Signal Corps. 
 
 1 major, $150 per month, $150 
 
 10 captains, $130 per month, 1,300 
 10 first lieutenants, $90 per 
 
 month, 900 
 
 Amount carried forward, 
 
 $2,350 
 
 $83,569,950 
 
Amount brought forward, $2,350 $83,569,950 
 
 10 second lieutenants, $80 per 
 
 month, 800 
 
 30 sergeants, $24 per month, 720 
 
 Pay for one month, $3,870 
 
 Pay for six months, 23,220 
 
 Reserves. 
 
 Same as one regiment of infantry. 
 
 Pay for one month, 18,461 
 
 Pay for six months, 110,766 
 
 Pay for six months, 35 regiments, 3,876,810 
 
 Pat of officers ix Richmond. 
 
 Tax 
 
 IX KIND. 
 
 ^^^^P 
 
 Pay of officers on duty in the office of the Adjutant 
 and Inspector General's department, Quartermas- 
 ter General's, Medical, Engineer, Ordnance and 
 Subsistence Departments in Richmond,] 210,000 
 
 Pay of officers, etc., in receiving and collecting the 
 
 tax in kind, 1,226,418 
 
 Total, $88,9 06,398 
 
 Form of Appropriation. 
 
 Pay of officers and privates of the army, volunteers, militia, etc., 
 
 $88,906,398 
 
 A. R. LAWTON, 
 
 Quartermaster General, 
 <K'arterma9ter General's Office, ) 
 Richmond, Va., October 10, 1864. \ 
 
33 
 
 Confederate States of America, ) 
 
 Subsistence Department, \ 
 
 Richmond, Va., Oct. 4, 1S64. > 
 
 ESTIMATE OF FUNDS required for the purchase of Subsistence 
 Stores and Commissary Property for six months, ending June 30, 1865 : 
 
 For rations for 400,000 men for 181 days, at 
 
 $3.02375 per ration, 
 For six rations tobacco each for 400,000 men, at 
 
 two dollars. 
 
 $146,519,500 00 
 4,800,000 00 
 
 There will be furnished from the tax in kind, sub- 
 sistence worth, say, 
 
 Balance estimated to credit of the appropriation on 
 January 1st, 1865, 
 
 $151,319,500 00 
 
 31,319,500 00 
 
 $120,000,000 00 
 
 70,000,000 00 
 
 $50,000,000 00 
 
 Amount actually required to be appi;ppriated by Congress, fifty 
 million dollars. 
 
 The balance ($70,000,000) is caused by the fact that this bureau 
 has been unable to obtain for the army the full ration estimated for. 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 L. B. NORTHROP, 
 Commissary General of Subsistence. 
 Approved : 
 
 James A. Seddon, Secretary of War. 
 
 ESTIMATED cost of one hundred rations. 
 
 Kations. 
 
 Articles. 
 
 Quantity. 
 
 60 
 
 Meal, 
 
 75 
 
 jjounds. 
 
 40 
 
 Flour, 
 
 45 
 
 " 
 
 100 
 
 Bah, 
 
 2 
 
 quarts, 
 
 50 
 
 Beans, 
 
 4 
 
 " 
 
 50 
 
 Kicc, 
 
 5 
 
 pounds, 
 
 l(tO 
 
 Coffee, 
 
 6 
 
 «' 
 
 100 
 
 Suijiir, 
 
 12 
 
 " 
 
 100 
 
 Viaeciar, 
 
 4 
 
 quarts. 
 
 100 
 
 Candles, 
 
 L', 
 
 pounds, 
 
 100 
 
 Soap, 
 
 4 
 
 " 
 
 60 
 
 Bncon, 
 
 20 
 
 (( 
 
 25 
 
 Beef, 
 
 25 
 
 " 
 
 15 
 
 Sorghum, 
 
 45 
 
 gills, 
 
 Price. 
 
 S5 per bu>hcl, 
 
 50 cents per pound, 
 
 ^o per bushel, 
 
 6 " " 
 30 cents per pound 
 
 S5 
 
 2 50 per gallon, 
 
 3 per pound, 
 1 " 
 
 3 " " 
 75 cents per pound, 
 $10 per gallon. 
 
 Amount. 
 
 $ 7 50 
 22 60 
 31J 
 75 
 
 1 50 
 30 00 
 30 (lO 
 
 2 50 
 4 50 
 4 00 
 
 60 00 
 IS 75 
 14 06] 
 
 $202 37i 
 
S3 
 
 Confederate States ok America, ) 
 Surgcofi GeneraVs Office, Richmond, V». \ 
 
 ESTIMATE for funil,^ required for the Mediotl Department Covfedernte 
 Sl'dcs Ann//, for fhv period of six months, coinmendng Janxinry 1, 
 1865, and ending June, 3(1, 1865 : 
 
 For purchase of medical and hospital supplies : 
 Medicines, $8,()()(),0()0 
 
 Instruments, 2()1),<HM) 
 
 Books for hospital and regimental records, 100,01)0 
 Hospital stores, 2,000,000 
 
 Beddin<^, 2,000,000 
 
 Furniture, dressings, &c., 2,000,000 $14,300,000 
 
 For purchase of hoi^pital clothing required by act of 
 Congress, approved September 27, 1^62, entitled 
 ** An act to better provide for the sick and wounded 
 in the army, in hospitals,'" 500,000 
 
 For purchase of 312,000 gallons alcoholic stimulants^, 
 required for Medical Dopiirtinent. for medical and hos- 
 pital purpudes, for an army of 500, (Mill men, 4.000,000 
 For establishment and support of military hospitals, 100,000 
 For pay of private physicians employeil by contract, 250,000 
 For pay of nurses an<i ooks not enlisted or volunteer, 350,000 
 For pay of hospital stewards, 100,000 
 For pay of matron?, up^ist.uU matrons and ward-ma- 
 trons, $350,000 
 For pay of ward-mnsters, 200,000 
 For pay of hospital laundresses, 150,000 
 
 Total, $20,300,000 
 
 S. P. MOORE, 
 Surgeon General C. S. Army. 
 Approved : 
 
 J, A. Seddon, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 /ESTIMATE of funds required by the. Ordnance Department, C. S. A.y 
 f/oin \f:t January, I8G5, to 30M June, 1865 : 
 
 For ordnance service in all its branches, $30,000,000, namely: 
 
 For service at sirsonal:'. armories and depots, $15,000,000 
 
 For purchase of ordnance and ordnance stores abroad, 5,000,000 
 
 Carried forward. $20,000,000 
 
34 
 
 Brought forward, $20,tHK),(HiO 
 
 For purchase of ordnance and ordnance stores in the 
 
 Confederacy, 5,iil>0,()i>n 
 
 For service of the trans-Mississippi Department, 5,(I0U,IMHI 
 
 J. GORGAS, 
 Oolond, Chief of Ordnance. 
 Approved : 
 
 James A. Seddon, 
 
 Secreimy of War. 
 
 Richmond, Odol/er 10, 1864. 
 
 Hon. James A. Sedoon, 
 
 Secretary of War : 
 
 Sir: I have the honor to request that application maybe made to 
 Congress for an appropriation of fifteen millions of dollars, to be ex- 
 pended " for the purpose of making purchases of cotton, naval stores 
 and other produce, under the direction of the President, to meet the 
 engagements of the Government, and to purchase necessary army, 
 navy and other supplies." 
 
 Verv respectfully, your obedient servant. 
 
 THOS. L. BAYNE, 
 Lieutenant Colonel, in charge of Cotton and Foreign Supplies. 
 Approved : 
 
 James A. Seddon, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 Confederate States of America, \ 
 
 War Department, '. 
 
 Engineer Bureau, Richmond, Va., Oct. 27, 1864. ) 
 
 Hon. James A. Sepdon, 
 
 Secretary of War : 
 
 Sir : I respectfully request that the following mf.y be inserted after 
 the word "laws," in the estimate for loss of slaves, submitted by this 
 office: *' Or voluntarily sent to the Confederate authorities, and ac- 
 cepted by them, without other special contract," which estimate will 
 then read as follows : 
 
 Estimate for loss of slaves which have been impressed by Confederate 
 authorities, or under State laws, or voluntarily sent to the Confed- 
 erate authorities, and accepted by them, without other special con- 
 tract, for the use of the Confederate Government, and while en- 
 \ gaged in laboring on the public defences, or other public works. 
 
35 
 
 have escaped to the enemy, or died, or contracted diseases, which 
 have, after their discharge, resulted fatally, one million five hun- 
 dred thousand dollars, $I,500,UU0 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 J. F. GILMER, 
 Major General and Chief of Bureau. 
 Approved : 
 
 James A. Seddon, 
 
 Secretary/ of War. 
 
 Engineer Bureau, September 30, 1864, 
 
 Estimate for engineer service in all its branches, including the col- 
 laction and distribution of railroad iron for the six months, com- 
 mencing January 1st and ending June 30th, 1865, $10,000,000 
 
 (Ten million dollars.) 
 
 J. F. GILMER, 
 Major General and Chief Engineer Bureau, 
 Approved : 
 
 James A. Seddon, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 Engineer Bureau, September 30, 1864. 
 
 Estimate for loss of slaves which have been impressed by Confederate 
 authoiities, or uncer State laws, for the use of the Confederate 
 Government, and while engaged in laboring on the public defences 
 have escaped t.i the enemy, or died, or contracted diseases which 
 have, after their discharge, resulted fatally, !$1,500,<UU) 
 
 (One million five hundred thousand dollars.) 
 
 J. F. GILMER, 
 • Mijor (icnernl (Old Chief Engineer Bureau. 
 
 Approved : 
 
 James A. Seddon, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
36 
 
 ESTIMATE of funds required for Nitre and Mining service for six 
 months, comintndng Januury \st and endiv^ Jnve 3<'M, 1865. 
 
 Nitre, S2.6(Mi,0Ul> 
 
 Iron, cast and rolled, 6,r)!)0,(MIO 
 
 Lead, 1.7(iO,iM)U 
 
 Copper, . 1,3()(»,<MI() 
 
 Other metals, 500, DUO 
 
 Total required, " $12,500,000 
 
 Respectfully submittod, 
 
 J. M. St. JOHN, 
 Colonel and Chief Bureau. 
 Approved : 
 
 J.^MES A. Seudon, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 APPROXIMATE ESTIMATE of the expenses of conscrivtirn, and of 
 the arrest and return of deserters and absentees, and all the serxnces as- 
 signed to the Bureau of Conscription, indudistg pay of officers, i^vp- 
 porting forces, viileage, postage, Hctionery, telegrams, office rents, fuel, 
 and extuiordinary and contingent e.vp?.nses, in the States of Virginia^ 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Gaorgv;, Alabama, Mississippi, Ten- 
 nessee, Kentucky, Florida and East Louisiana. For six months, com- 
 mencing January \st, 1864, and ending June 30//i, 1864. 
 
 States. Total of Expenses. 
 
 Virginia, $257,828 
 
 North Carolina, 325,365 
 
 South Carolina, 197,828 
 
 Georgia. 408,440 
 
 Alabama, 408,440 
 
 Mississippi, 408,440 
 
 Tennes/ee, 100,000 
 
 Kentucky, 100,OUO 
 
 Florida, 100,000 
 
 East Louisiana, 75,000 
 
 Bureau of Conscription at Richmond, Va., 44,772 
 
 Grand total, $2,426,114 
 
 JOHN L. PRESTON, 
 Brigadier General and Superintendents 
 Approved : • 
 
 James A. Seddon, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 \ 
 
pH8.5