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 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 

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DOCUMENTS 
 
 RELATING TO THE 
 
 REIGN OF ELIZABETH, 
 
 ( 1558 - 1568 .) 
 
DOCUMENTS FROM SIMANCAS 
 
 RELATING TO THE 
 
 REIGN OF ELIZABETH, 
 
 (1558—1568.) 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE SPANISH OF DON TOMÁS GONZALEZ 
 AND EDITED, 
 
 SSEIitlj flotes anti an Introduction, 
 
 EY 
 
 SPENCER HALL, F.S.A., 
 
 LIBRARIAN TO THE ATHKNATM. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193, PICCADILLY. 
 
 1865. 
 
JOHN EDWARD 2A.YLOE, I'HINTKE. 
 
 LI1ILL QL'EEN SIKF.ET, LINCOLN’S INN ILK ¿.£3. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 <M.0Srsr 
 G¿^3 7> 
 
 Many years have passed since Mr. Patrick Fraser 
 Tytler, then engaged upon his ‘ History of Scotland,’ 
 called my attention to a very valuable series of His¬ 
 torical Documents printed in the seventh volume of 
 the ‘ Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia,’ 
 4to, Madrid, 1832, under the title of “Apuntamientos 
 para la historia del Rey Don Felipe Segundo de 
 España, por lo tocante á sus relaciones con la Reina 
 Isabel de Inglaterra desde el año 1558 hasta el de 
 1576, formados con presencia de la Correspondencia 
 Diplomática original de dicha época por Don Tomás 
 Gonzalez, Canónigo de Plasencia.” 
 
 These papers have never been translated, and were 
 first noticed by the late Mr. Henry Howard, of Corby 
 Castle, whose extensive researches to illustrate the 
 fortunes of that noble family of Howard, which form 
 so grand a picture in English history by every varied 
 charm of character and of incident, are familiar to 
 genealogists. They have been since quoted by Dr. 
 
 602863 
 
VI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Lingard, L. Ranke, and W. H. Prescott, and are in¬ 
 cluded in his work by Mr. Froude, with great addi¬ 
 tions from his own researches. But the references 
 in Lingard’s History, vol. vi., 8vo, 1849, are only cal¬ 
 culated to confuse the reader. These are sometimes 
 given as “ Memorias,” then as “ Gonzalez,” “ From 
 the documents at Simancas,” “ Feria to Philip,” 
 “ Apuntamientos apud Gonzalez,” whilst it is also 
 very certain that the work has been cited by others 
 by whom it has never been seen. The translator, 
 therefore, has ventured to submit a series of extracts 
 from these documents, with references to the histo¬ 
 ries of the authors by whom they have been quoted, 
 as illustrations of the policy of Elizabeth, or which 
 specially denote the state of parties, and of opinion, 
 during the earlier periods of her reign. To these 
 extracts notes have been added, without regard to 
 religious creed or to political opinion, but solely to 
 explain, correct, or to confirm the text. 
 
 The excerpts relating to Scotland and to Ireland 
 have been for the most part omitted. As regards 
 Scotland, the translator could not hope to add any 
 matter of interest to a period, the annals of which 
 have been recorded by the researches of Mr. Tytler, 
 and over which Mr. Froude now throws the light of 
 more extensive inquiry and the charm of a graceful 
 style. With respect to Ireland the case is somewhat 
 different. The history of Ireland in the sixteenth 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Vil 
 
 century is yet to be written; most certainly it is not 
 to be understood by a few extracts or memoranda, 
 copied as they occurred to the transcriber, who was 
 unacquainted with their value, and which are useless 
 unless accompanied with explanatory narrative. 
 
 It is for this reason also that the occasional no¬ 
 tices of the exploits of the Cobhams and of Sir John 
 Hawkins are omitted. The Cobhams are a type of 
 the younger sons of noble families, and of races now 
 honourable for centuries in their own counties, who 
 left many an ancient mansion, and many a pleasant 
 country-seat, thick-girt with patriarchal trees, accom¬ 
 panied with a few retainers, or alone, for brave ad¬ 
 venture on the “ Narrow Seas.” They set forth, 
 urged by the strong impulse of the age, to ravage 
 the coast of Spain or of her colonial possessions, to 
 intercept the fleet laden with the wealth of the In¬ 
 dies, and to fight beside the Huguenot in France, or 
 the persecuted in the Netherlands, or wherever there 
 was need of the stout heart, for that Reformed reli¬ 
 gion which to them was honour, fame,—ay, even Life 
 eternal. Religious zeal, once quickened, dies only 
 from lapse of faith or the languor of gratified suc¬ 
 cess. The spirit which impelled the Arab upon the 
 West, the cry which went forth as a trumpet-blast 
 to the Spaniard to raise on high the standard of 
 the true Faith, and to expel the Moors from Spain, 
 now thrilled the heart and nerved the stern reso- 
 
 6028G3 
 
Vlll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 lution of the Reformer. When the young heir de¬ 
 parted from the ancestral seat, it was amid the bless¬ 
 ings which were given of old to the Crusader. The 
 old hall was filled by the chiefs and the retainers of 
 his race. Age in its aspect of dignified repose, youth 
 in its sheen of beauty, brave men who had borne the 
 shock of foreign war, gathered around. In every 
 hamlet and town through which he passed, the case¬ 
 ments were opened, the street was full, and the benison 
 of the aged, the good wish of the stalwart yeoman, 
 and the cheering tenderness of women, bade him 
 “ God speed” on his way. When neAvs came from the 
 battle-field, it AA r as related until it became a gossip’s 
 tale in every cottage, in many a lonely hamlet, and 
 in many a hidden glen. If lie returned, the tenantry 
 trooped from afar to greet him; bonfires blazed 
 around, and he was received amid the hearty revelry 
 of every one allied to or born on the estate. If 
 Fortune had been adverse, and he had found a 
 nameless grave upon a barren strand, a trusty retainer 
 Avould bring home some relic of his leader, a casque, 
 a glove, a dinted sword, to be hung up in the church, 
 the manor-house, or hall, as a fond and proud memo¬ 
 rial. This which ivas true of the Reformer, Avas true 
 also of the Catholic. HoAvever we may be separated 
 in creed, every Englishman must regard with pride 
 the records of those great families of the old Faith 
 Avhose names impart so much interest to the history 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 of his land. The various classes of society were then 
 linked in closer bonds. The difference between each 
 grade was greater, but the sense of humanity was 
 stronger. The laws were imperfect, hut there was 
 much manly feeling, and a hearty unity among the 
 people. Rank, as being more assured, was less con¬ 
 ventional in sympathy, and the sense of power in a 
 noble mind always tempers its exercise. The convic¬ 
 tion of a common danger, the love of an imperilled 
 Faith, influenced alike both Catholic and Reformer, 
 and became a law, to unite the noble with the com¬ 
 moner, as that “touch of Nature which makes the 
 whole world kin.” 
 
 The maritime exploits of Drake and Hawkins far 
 exceed in interest the narratives of personal adven¬ 
 ture. These are of national import. No chapter in 
 English history is more attractive than that which 
 records the rise and the gallant progress of our En¬ 
 glish navy. Partly national, partly buccaneer and 
 pirate, it became a self-organized power in the State. 
 When Elizabeth hesitated, it was firm; whilst the 
 Council doubted, it struck. The hope, the courage, 
 and the confidence of England were with the fleet. 
 Had Spain destroyed this outward barrier, what re¬ 
 mained to retard victory? Troops whose numbers 
 figured upon paper, recruits hastily levied, led by the 
 conspicuous incapacity of Leicester, to oppose the 
 genius of Parma, and the disciplined legions of Spain ! 
 
X 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 A few extracts, therefore, could not convey to the 
 reader the greatness of the maritime chivalry of that 
 day,—it is an honour reserved for an abler hand. 
 And assuredly there is no narrative which should be 
 more cherished by the English nation. The defence 
 of our coast, of our land untrodden since the Con¬ 
 quest by the foot of the invader, the boasted domi¬ 
 nion of the seas, may become the struggle of the 
 Future. How better can a brave mind be trained 
 for action, than by reading the records of deeds of 
 consummate skill, disciplined courage, and unyielding 
 resolution l 
 
 “ And how can man die better 
 Than facing fearful odds, 
 
 For the ashes of his fathers 
 And the temples of his Gods?” 
 
 The ages return upon their cycles. Ariosto and 
 that chivalrous enthusiast Marc de Vulson, Sieur de 
 la Colombiére, mourned that— 
 
 “Yilianous saltpetre should be digged 
 Out of the bowels of the harmless earth, 
 
 Which many a good tall fellow had destroyed 
 So cowardly — 
 
 and regretted the disuse of the mailed panoply of 
 war. Science is now tasked to construct plate-armour 
 for our ships; how long will it be before Ave revive 
 the art of the armourers of Venice or of Milan, to 
 provide a defence against the unerring range of the 
 rifle'? We believe in progress, and there is progress ; 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XI 
 
 it is the vital law of intellectual duration. But our 
 forces seem at intervals driven back, to be again pro¬ 
 pelled, even as the waves sway with uneasy motion 
 until the pressure of the storm has subsided, when 
 their current resumes its channel and rushes onward 
 in its predestined course to find a shore. 
 
 The value of these documents becomes increased 
 when considered in relation to the political history 
 of the reign. They are fresh with the incidents of 
 the day. They have an awful reality in their as¬ 
 pect. We trace in them the gradual gathering of the 
 adherents of the Old and of the Reformed Faith. 
 We can recognize clearly the current of public opi¬ 
 nion in its eddies and deep strong-set flow. Over all, 
 the mind of Cecil seems luminously diffused. In 
 the overtures to Philip w 7 e detect another among the 
 basest of the many villanies of Leicester. They are 
 evidences of the strength of character and the weak¬ 
 ness of the great Queen. The stern Puritan spirit 
 is now seen, as the cloud no bigger than a man’s 
 hand, slowly rising above the horizon, dark with pre¬ 
 scient evil, now broken and apparently dispersed, 
 then suddenly rushing over space, sweeping onwards 
 with destructive power. The hand of Elizabeth was 
 strong upon the Puritan, but the hand of the Puritan 
 struck down the momentary power and the dream 
 of the duration of prerogative. To the Puritan we 
 mainly owe the establishment of the Reformation in 
 
Xll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 England, civil liberty, and, as a consequence, our pre¬ 
 sent toleration. Not perhaps of less interest is the 
 insight we acquire into the policy of Philip and the 
 intellectual qualities of those great diplomatic agents 
 by whom it was conducted. 
 
 Proud, implacable, and unscrupulous, hating Eliza¬ 
 beth, but wearing hatred beneath the mask of zeal 
 for her interests, De Feria appears. Crafty, false, 
 subtle, unwearied through every resource to become 
 the master of his position; watchful, by careful study 
 of the character of his opponents, to know how to 
 conduct events, ready to use religious conviction, or 
 the frailty of human passions, as ministers of his 
 Church ; an adroit casuist, insolent when he could 
 brave authority, supple when to submit was policy, 
 never faltering for one moment in any act enjoined 
 by spiritual or temporal interest; the political cour¬ 
 tier, and the accomplished statesman,—we see Don 
 Alvaro de la Cuadra, Bishop of Aquila. He was of 
 those men whom the Church of Pome has alone 
 created, able to survey events from the central point 
 to the circumference of the circle, and able to com¬ 
 mand them by the accurate knowledge and scien¬ 
 tific analysis of the value of details directed by a 
 mind calm, collected, inexorable, supreme. Such 
 men were Ximenes and Richelieu. His successor, 
 Don Guzman de Silva, was an amiable, accomplished 
 gentleman. He was cautious, experienced, diligent 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 XUl 
 
 in the management of affairs, skilful in negotiation, 
 and tempered zeal by disciplined moderation. But 
 lie was unable to sound the depth of the genius of 
 Cecil, possessed but little knowledge of women, and 
 was perfectly unequal to compete with the cultivated 
 coquetry, duplicity, and falsehood of Elizabeth. lie 
 stood well in public estimation and high in the 
 favour of the Queen, who, when she dismissed Don 
 Guerau de Espés from her court, contrasted ver) 
 unfavourably his conduct with that of Don Guzman 
 de Silva. After repeated solicitation, Philip allowed 
 him to retire, and he was accredited to the Eepublic 
 of Venice. These extracts do not extend to the 
 embassy of Don Guerau de Espés, Caballero de Ca- 
 latrava, an incompetent fanatic, nor to that of Don 
 Bernardino de Mendoza, to whose hatred of Eliza¬ 
 beth is mainly due the conspiracy of Babington, and 
 the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots. Amid all 
 these ministers of Philip’s will, we must not omit the 
 prime movers, Cardinal Granvelle and the Duke of 
 Alva. So long as he was in office, the Cardinal ap¬ 
 pears to have been the only man in whom Philip 
 had confidence. The letters and the counsel of his 
 ambassadors are sent to Granvelle, subjected to his • 
 consideration, but to be revised again by his own 
 suspicious judgment. The Duke of Alva appears 
 more as a statesman, hating but enduring,— 
 
 “ Willing to wound, but yet afraid to strike.” 
 
XIV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The extracts perhaps of the greatest interest are 
 those that relate to the policy which effected the 
 establishment of the Church of England. A severe 
 accusation, maintained by all the power of the most 
 cultivated rhetoric, and of a most high, dispassionate, 
 and manly judgment, has been advanced against the 
 policy of the government of Elizabeth, as regards the 
 Catholics. It was, no doubt, a bitter persecution, but 
 compared with that of the reign of Mary, it appears 
 mercy. To prohibit the exercise of the Catholic rites, 
 to pass a retrospective law compelling men to take 
 an oath from which their consciences revolted, was 
 tyrannous intolerance. But to burn men who con¬ 
 scientiously refused to confess a doctrine they could 
 not comprehend, and which they believed was con¬ 
 trary to the express authority of God, was no less 
 tyrannical and far more cruel. It is true that before 
 these cruel acts had passed, the Catholics were quies¬ 
 cent ;—quiescent as powder to which the match has 
 not been applied; quiescent as the tiger when it lies 
 with glaring eyes crouched in the jungle, before it 
 rushes upon the prey. They awaited the action of 
 Philip, whose interests were then in the scale. — and 
 lie awaited time. But no dispassionate reader can 
 doubt the dangerous attitude of the Catholics with 
 respect to the government of Elizabeth and to the 
 security of the Reformation. Moreover, is Intoler¬ 
 ance that particular sin not to be forgiven to the age 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XV 
 
 of Elizabeth? Tolerance is not enjoined by Divine 
 authority; it is not an innate conviction; it is not 
 a natural law. It was not of the Greek, nor of the 
 Roman, the great Eastern monarchies, of the Arab, 
 nor of the Jew. Religion has rarely ever been se¬ 
 parated from Government. Now Government rests 
 upon opinion, is opinion, whose force is nourished, 
 controlled, directed, and has been often subjugated, 
 by the dominant religion. Intolerance was the ne¬ 
 cessary consequence of religion associated with arbi¬ 
 trary power in ages of most imperfect civilization. 
 And as regards religions which depend upon dogmatic 
 teaching, toleration by these has seldom been fully 
 conceded. In proportion to our conviction of truth, 
 so is our hatred of falsehood. It is not only the evil 
 which heresy causes to the State, but the danger to 
 the soul of the heretic, which has been the justifi¬ 
 cation of intolerance. As light is gradually diffused 
 in space, so do the truths of God become manifest 
 only by their development through successive gene¬ 
 rations. Dazzled by the intellectual greatness of 
 the sixteenth century, we. conceive that moral truth 
 must have been equally supreme. But this is to as¬ 
 sume that the intellectual and the moral powers are 
 coequal in growth, simultaneous in progression, and 
 always combined in action. It is to ask of the child 
 the matured judgment of the man. It is refuted by 
 the history of every age. 
 
XVI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Can a writer of the nineteenth century who wit¬ 
 nessed the victory of “ Catholic Emancipation,” not 
 won entirely by moral force, but greatly through po¬ 
 litical fear, reproach the sixteenth with intolerance'? 
 Can a writer of the present day in the presence of 
 certain indications of opinion do so ? Given a cer¬ 
 tain amount of fanaticism, are we sure no Bonner 
 would arise, deprived it may be of his Smithfield,— 
 but Bonner in spirit ? And if Rome be charged 
 with the imprisonment of Galileo, are there none 
 ready to accuse the Church of indifference, because 
 she does not seek the power to constrain modern 
 Galileos who cannot reconcile their conviction with 
 the conviction of their opponents ? Fifty years ago, 
 ignorant men were hung for the cry of “No Corn 
 Laws.” They maintained roughly opinions which 
 had the sanction of Turgot, and were taught by 
 Adam Smith,—the successful advocacy of which is the 
 title of honour conferred on Mr. Cobden, whose death 
 was honoured by the sympathy and may have closed 
 the gates of the temple dedicated to the rivalry of 
 two great nations. Fifty years ago, men were im¬ 
 prisoned and transported for maintaining schemes of 
 Parliamentary Reform, for which others have since 
 been advanced to wealth, to rank, and to power. Our 
 way lies through the realms of darkness up to light. 
 
 “ Ach ! unsre Thaten selbst, so gut als uusre Leiden, 
 
 Sie hemrnen unsres Lebens Gang.” 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XVII 
 
 A great mind may exalt itself beyond the genius 
 of its age, but every generation is fettered by the 
 spirit which governs its cycle. Moral and political 
 truths are of slow development, and only become 
 dominant as they are freed from passion by educa¬ 
 tion and the stern experience of the past. Before 
 this can ensue, the spirit of true religion must be 
 fully understood, and the principles of civil liberty 
 widely accepted and firmly established. 
 
 With regard to the documents, the translator has 
 only to observe, his desire has been to render the text 
 correctly, without the slightest attempt at style. The 
 introductory narrative is designed to connect and 
 illustrate the evidence they adduce. 
 
 Some difficulty has been experienced in the duty 
 of affixing the right Proper Names for those given 
 by Gonzalez. These were doubtless first written in 
 cipher, and thence translated into Spanish, with the 
 usual success of a foreign transcriber and the unhesi¬ 
 tating boldness of a foreign printer. 
 
 Of Gonzalez some notice is given by Mr. Stirling 
 in the ‘ Cloister Life of Charles V.,’ page xi. The 
 best account of the castle and of the collections at 
 Simancas will be found in the able and elaborate 
 preface by M. Gachard, to his work entitled ‘ Cor- 
 respondance de Philippe II.,’ and the equally valu¬ 
 able preface of Mr. G. A. Bergenroth, in the ‘ Calen¬ 
 dar of State Papers, England and Spain,’ which dis- 
 
 b 
 
XV111 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 proves the statement made of the destruction of so 
 many documents by the soldiers of Kellerman, as 
 related by Mr. Ford. 
 
 It was the writer’s wish to continue the extracts, 
 and to add to the illustrations, but the claims upon 
 his attention in the discharge of his official duties, 
 and the few hours he can spare from other pursuits, 
 have compelled him to limit his design, and to con¬ 
 fine the notes to the information to be derived from 
 the collections in the Library of the “ Athenaeum.” 
 
 Moreover, with the advance of years arises the 
 desire of repose. We seek the shelter of the horizon 
 towards which our course has been directed. We 
 skirt the coast from amid whose placid bays and jut¬ 
 ting headlands we can discern the crested foam of 
 the billows we have traversed, and rejoice to hear 
 them breaking in their strength along the far re¬ 
 sounding shore. We have then exchanged Hope for 
 Memory, the stirring excitement of the present for 
 the calmer pleasure derived from the review of the 
 past years. 
 
 “ And thinking of the days that are no more.” 
 
 Thus we live more with the past, and in the remem¬ 
 brance of the struggles of our own career, and in 
 association with that of others, we revive that con¬ 
 sciousness of life which first impelled us to action, 
 and that now bids us, by the deeper sense of spiritual 
 duration, to draw nearer unto the Future. It is then 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XIX 
 
 we feel the gratitude which is due to “ the great 
 minds of former ages.” As they formerly imparted 
 strength, so do they now encourage confidence ; they 
 are still a solace,—still revive the sense of the Beau¬ 
 tiful, they are still the companions who encouraged 
 when success trembled in the scale, and who now 
 sustain the mind wearied down by sickness, the harsh 
 destiny of life, and the accident of inherited mis¬ 
 fortune. How calmly then the hour of release opens 
 upon the mind ! 
 
 “ Difi'ugiunt animi terrores, moenia mundi 
 Discedunt, .... 
 
 Apparet divum mimen sedesque quietso, 
 
 Quas noque concutiunt venti nec nubila nimbis 
 Aspergunt.” 
 
 The translator cannot conclude without the expres¬ 
 sion of his grateful sense of the kindness and of the 
 aid afforded to him by John Bruce, Esq.; J. A. Froude, 
 Esq. ; Thomas Duffus Hardy, Esq.; and Sir Charles 
 George Young; but particularly for the revision and 
 the suggestions with which he has been favoured by 
 the Rev. W. W. Skeat. 
 
 Nor should the valuable information derived from 
 the Calendars of the State Papers of this period, 
 edited by the late W. B. Turnbull, Esq., Robert Le¬ 
 mon, Esq., and the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, be passed 
 unnoticed. In the Venetian Papers edited by Rawdon 
 Brown, Esq., there is an account of the death of 
 
XX 
 
 PREFACE* 
 
 Elizabeth, derived from the letters of the Secretary 
 Scaramelli. He attributes it to the ambitious designs 
 of Arabella Stuart. The remainder cannot be better 
 related than in the words of the Editor. “The 
 letters which follow are very interesting. Some are 
 written in duplicate on slips of paper, to be smuggled 
 across the water as they can, for when the Queen’s 
 danger could not be concealed the ports were closed. 
 The various rumours; the alarm of the citizens; the 
 supposed movements and the actual arrests of the 
 Roman Catholics; the difficulty of maintaining order 
 in a town ‘ scarcely less than Paris, and incredibly ill 
 fortified the interview of the Council with the dying 
 Queen; her suggestion in favour of the King of 
 Scots; the decision of the Council and the departure 
 of Baron Gree, Sir R. Carey, for Scotland, when all 
 is over; the Queen’s own directions respecting her 
 person after death; the details of the Court cere¬ 
 monies previous to interment; the attempts made by 
 some of the Roman Catholics to claim the deceased 
 as a co-religionist, from her dying expressions of re¬ 
 gret, and the ornaments of her chapel when alive,— 
 all these and many more such particulars are told 
 with an awe-struck earnestness, which almost makes 
 the reader a contemporary witness, as the writer of 
 the dispatch was, of the events which marked the 
 last scene of the great Queen’s life.” 
 
LIST OF AUTHORS CONSULTED. 
 
 Aikiii: Memoirs of Elizabeth. 2 vols., 8vo. 1823. 
 
 Burgliley: State Papers; Haynes and Murdin. 2 vols., fol. 1740. 
 Ellis: Letters illustrative of English History. 11 vols., 8vo. 
 1824-1846. 
 
 Froude: History of England. Vols. 1-8, 8vo. 1856-64. 
 
 Forbes : State Papers of Elizabeth. 2 vols., fol. 1740. 
 Grrauvelle (Cardinal de) : Papiers d’Etat. 9 vols., 4to. 1842. 
 Hallam : Constitutional History. 3 vols., 8vo. 1829. 
 
 Hayward: Annals of Queen Elizabeth. 4to. 1S40. 
 
 Holinshed : Chronicles. 6 vols., 4to. 1807. 
 
 Howard: Memorials of the Howard Family. Folio. 1834. 
 Hume: History of England. 8 vols., 8vo. 1818. 
 
 Knight: Popular History of England. 8 vols., 8vo. 1862. 
 Lafueute: Historia General de España. Vols. 1-26. 1850. 
 
 Lemon: Calendar of State Papers. 8vo. 1856, 1865. 
 
 Lingard : History of England. 10 vols., 8vo. 1849. 
 
 Le Neve : Fasti. Hardy. 3 vols. 1854. 
 
 Lodge: Illustrations of British History. 3 vols., 8vo. 1838. 
 Machyn: Diary. 4to. 1848. 
 
 Mackintosh : History of England. 2 vols., 8vo. 1853. 
 
 Madden : Privy Purse Expenses of Queen Mary. 8vo. 1831. 
 Martin: Histoire de France. 17 vols., 8vo. 1S55-1860. 
 
XXII 
 
 LIST OF AUTHORS. 
 
 Mignet: Marie Stuart. 2 vols., 8vo. 1851. 
 
 Parry: Parliaments and Councils of England. 8vo. 1839. 
 Prescott: History of the Reign of Philip the Second. 3 vols., 
 8vo. 1855. 
 
 Ranke : Euglische Gfeschichte. Yols. 1-5, 8vo. 1859. 
 
 Raumer : Geschichte Europas. 7 vols., 8vo. 1832-1843. 
 
 --Beitrage zur neueren Geschichte. 5 vols., 12mo. 1836. 
 
 Stevenson: Calendar of State Papers. 2 vols., 8vo. 1863,1865. 
 Strickland : Queens of England. 12 vols., 8vo. 1841. 
 
 Strype : Annals of the Reformation. (Marked A.) 7 vols., 8vo. 
 
 1824. 
 
 -Ecclesiastical Memorials. (Marked M.) 6 vols., 8vo. 1822. 
 
 -- Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer. 2 vols., 8vo. 1812 
 
 -Life of Archbishop Grindal. 8vo. 1821. 
 
 -Life of Sir Thomas Smith. 8vo. 1820. 
 
 Teulet: Relations politiques de la France. 5 vols., 8vo. 1862. 
 Turner : History of Elizabeth. 8vo. 1829. 
 
 Tytler: History of Scotland. 9 vols., 8vo. 1841-44. 
 
 Wright: Queen Elizabeth and her Times. 2 vols., 8vo. 1838. 
 
 ERRATUM. 
 
 Page 9, line 21 : for over-raught read over-wrought. 
 
CoiTÍcmporanr princes. 
 
 GERMANY. 
 
 FERDINAND I. Born March 10, 1503; died July 25, 1564. 
 MAXIMILIAN II. Born August 1, 1527 ; died October 12, 1576. 
 
 PRANCE. 
 
 HENRY II. Born March 31, 1518 ; died July 10, 1559. 
 
 FRANCIS II. Born January 19, 1544; died December 5, 1560. 
 CHARLES IX. Born June 27, 1550 ; died May 30, 1574. 
 
 SPAIN. 
 
 PHILIP II. Born May 21, 1527 ; died September 13, 1598. 
 
 POPES. 
 
 PAUL IV., “ Caraffa.” Born June 28, 1476; died August 18, 1559. 
 PIUS IV., “ Medici.” Born March 31, 1499; died December 9, 
 1565. 
 
 SCOTLAND. 
 
 MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. Born December 8, 1542; beheaded 
 February 8, 1587. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 A citizen of London, estranged as he is by the lapse 
 of centuries, the changed aspects of the day, the con¬ 
 trast of laws, habits, social associations and events, 
 can hardly realize the scene when in the gloom of the 
 early morning of November 17th, 1558, to be here¬ 
 after for centuries called “ the Queen’s day,” the in¬ 
 habitants of London first heard the rumour of Queen 
 Mary’s death. Four days before, a woman had been 
 set in the pillory for simply repeating that—the Queen 
 was dead. The spy and the informer lurked privily 
 at the corners of the streets, and watched eagerly 
 for the light of joy on the face of the heretic. The 
 eager spread of the rumour was a sign of disaffection. 
 The Catholic feared the advent of the coming change, 
 and fear begets suspicion. The Reformer walked 
 with an unassured step, but nursed in his heart the 
 hope of the retribution to come. But at the hour of 
 the Queen’s death a few only were seen stealthily 
 
2 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 creeping through streets clim with the winter’s mist, 
 to whisper the glad tidings to the neighbour’s ear, 
 and exchange that grasp of the hand which certifies 
 the common feeling. Gradually the casements opened, 
 greetings were exchanged in the streets, the crowds 
 increased, the news was sure, the joy was affirmed. 
 Parliament was assembled at eight o’clock for the 
 morning session. Between eleven and twelve of the 
 forenoon, the Lady Elizabeth was proclaimed Queen 
 by divers heralds of arms and trumpeters, dukes, 
 lords, and knights, the Lord Mayor, and the aldermen. 
 Shouts of acclamation welcomed the procession. In 
 the afternoon every steeple poured forth its peal of 
 bells. As the evening closed in, bonfires were lighted, 
 tables were set in the streets, round which during 
 the long winter night the citizens did eat, drink, and 
 make merry. Strange faces, and of men once well- 
 known at Paul's Cross, hot gospellers of a former day, 
 emigrants from Flanders, or disciples of Geneva who 
 had long been hidden from public haunts, now reap¬ 
 peared and mingled with the crowd. Their presence 
 increased the common joy, it was evidence against 
 the Past, the argument of the Future. There was a 
 deeper sense of life in relation to events in those days, 
 more earnest convictions both as regards religion and 
 government. The sixteenth century had emerged 
 from the darkness, and had broken the traditions of 
 the past. Vague speculations were afloat. The spirit 
 of adventurous enterprise stirred the heart of a hardy 
 and brave class. Death had freed England from a 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 cruel tyranny; the power of the priesthood was gone. 
 Elizabeth, it was felt, would head the Reformation. 
 Those essential dogmas of faith upon which man 
 grounds his hopes of salvation, the principles of go¬ 
 vernment upon which the liberty, the very safety of 
 the citizen depend, were at issue. A man’s life was 
 then borne along by the strong current of each day’s 
 thought. Nor was this all. Earnest questions pressed 
 for decision. The country had been wasted by dis¬ 
 ease and famine. The loss of Calais was on every 
 lip. The exchequer had been drained to supply the 
 needs of the hated alliance with Philip, or wasted 
 upon monks and friars. The coast was unguarded; 
 the navy since the days of Henry had been studiously 
 neglected. The levies were imperfect, badly trained, 
 the officers of known incompetence. The nobility 
 had decayed, the middle class had not arisen. So¬ 
 ciety, from the crown to the lowest peasant, stood op¬ 
 posed in angry masses. The realm was cleft in two, 
 by the antagonism of religious convictions. When 
 the Catholic recalled the annals of his Church, its 
 antiquity, the divine sanctity of its origin, its spi¬ 
 ritual influence during the ages of faith,—when he 
 revived the memory of those devoted spirits who had 
 toiled and endured poverty, disease, and cruel death 
 for the overthrow of Paganism,—when he evoked 
 the greatness of that power which liad confronted 
 the tyranny of rulers, refused to the blood-stained 
 Emperor of the world the entrance into the temple, 
 controlled the barbarism of the feudal baron, and 
 
4 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 effected the manumission of the serf,—when in the 
 spirit of graceful association he attested that gene¬ 
 rous encouragement of art which awed the world 
 by its grandeur and development of religious feel¬ 
 ing, and felt as he must have felt its consecration 
 to the influence of his Church,—he looked down 
 upon the Reformer, with horror, with hate, and with 
 scorn. In the most sincere and devout conviction 
 of faith he held the Church to be its exponent. When 
 he looked around and meditated on the manifold 
 wickedness of man, the sensible want of the Deity 
 on earth, the fearful sense of that deficiency to his 
 mind, he realized the clemency which had appointed 
 the human Vicegerent, who could albeit faintly, even 
 as clouds reflect the greater glory of heaven, mani¬ 
 fest the truth, the love, and the mercy of his Spirit. 
 And when he saw around him so many monuments 
 of the piety of the past, the noble cathedral, the pa¬ 
 rish church, the abbey, and the convent, neglected, 
 destroyed, stripped of their ornaments, given over 
 to the spoiler and to premature decay, their inmates 
 driven out to exile and to beggary to gratify the 
 grasping covetousness of some needy courtier who 
 had bartered his soul for the possession of a rob¬ 
 ber’s wealth,—when he saw God's worship despoiled 
 of the means for its due celebration, the ritual and 
 the symbolism alike dishonoured,—his scorn and his 
 hate became more intense, and the shouts he heard 
 around him were as the driving rack of the cloud 
 which forebodes the fury of the coming storm. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 O 
 
 Thus thought the Catholic, through faith illumined 
 by the imagination and exalted by the religious sub¬ 
 mission of the will. The Protestant met both hate 
 and scorn with defiance. His mind was tempered 
 hard as the age, and his feelings had an edge of steel. 
 He reprobated the religion of Rome as idolatry. He 
 had no sympathy with the past. He described the 
 Pope as Antichrist. The priestly garments, the ritual, 
 and the symbolism were to him as the very marks 
 of the “ Beast.” He disowned the supremacy of the 
 Pope. 
 
 He rode sublime 
 
 Upon the seraph’s wings of ecstasy— 
 when he spoke of the courage of that great king, 
 
 “ Who broke the bondage of imperial Rome.” 
 
 He appealed to the authority of Bishop Gardiner 
 and of Bonner, who liad aided him in his cause, and 
 opposed the Papal assumption as a vain thing. He 
 reviled, he spat upon the doctrine of Transubstantia- 
 tion. He derided the claim of antiquity put forward 
 by the Roman Church. Spiritual truth, of which she 
 assumed to be the appointed teacher, was revealed in 
 the Bible, and what said that record \ — that Spiritual 
 truth was coeval with creation, coexistent with the 
 birth of the Founder of the Christian faith—the Son 
 of God. And what reverence was due to antiquity X 
 Antiquity, if antiquity be considered, could assert no 
 claim to unqualified obedience, since in that respect 
 the religion of Bouddha was equal to that of Christ. 
 He pointed to the luxurious lives, the dissolute con- 
 
6 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 duct of the clergy. He hinted at the illegitimate 
 offspring of Bonner, and noticed the avowed sale of 
 titles of nobility to the recognized children of the 
 clergy in Spain. He recalled with fearful energy the 
 horror of the recent persecutions, from which their 
 fellow-citizens the Catholics themselves shrank with 
 shame. He could attest, he dared not deny their 
 many virtues, and he knew they had not counselled 
 cruelties they could not control. Not for them, but 
 against them, had these deeds been done. Smithfield 
 Avas before them; the crowd saw the space as if still 
 red Avith the glare of the flames amid which the mar¬ 
 tyrs had perished. They had seen the sinews burst, the 
 flesh scorch, the blood gush forth seething upon the 
 ground, and triumphant above all had heard the gasp¬ 
 ing assertion of the sufferer’s faith. The prisons Avere 
 yet choked Avith croAvds rotting by disease engendered 
 by foul sewers, deprived of light and food, cruelly 
 beaten, and brought doAAm unto death by starvation. 
 The names of Cranmer, Hooper, LaAATence Sanders, 
 Rogers, Ridley, and of Latimer passed from lip to lip. 
 The London apprentices, a formidable band in those 
 days, dAvelt on the case of Hunter, the story of Avhose 
 sufferings presses upon the heart even to this day. 
 SorroAV for victims tortured and burnt still hovered 
 OA'er many a household, and its gloom darkened the 
 genial life of many a large toAvn. But to no city 
 Avere such scenes so discordant as to London. The 
 aspect of the metropolis was not then as it is now. 
 Situated in a fruitful valley, the ground gradually rose 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 7 
 
 fringed with woods, between which flowed the then sil¬ 
 very Thames. In Cowley’s days he speaks of the pollu¬ 
 tion of the river, a fact which has required the energy 
 of the nineteenth century (with some reluctance) to 
 overcome. But in 1558 the streets of London were 
 wont to ring with the revelry of the day. They were 
 constantly teeming with life by the processions and 
 the pageants of the City and the Court. Even the fu¬ 
 nerals were a gorgeous show. When the Queen rode 
 through, the houses were hung with cloth of gold, 
 costly silks, and tapestry, and she came accompanied 
 by the mayor and aldermen, the chief officers of her 
 household, the high court ladies, and her guards with 
 bands, whilst the crafts of London stood in a row with 
 banners and streamers, and a goodly array of knights 
 and nobles, all arrayed in the sumptuous costume of 
 the time. Then the setting up of the Maypole in the 
 spring, the great feasts of the Corporation and of the 
 City crafts (a disease even then endemic to those of 
 London), the pageants on Lord Mayor’s day, the gam¬ 
 bols of the Lord of Misrule, and the revelry of various 
 guilds, imparted a hearty joyous feeling to the citizens. 
 Many events of the past reign were also now revived. 
 Some had witnessed the entry of the Lady Elizabeth 
 when she rode into London on the 29th July, 1553, 
 through Fleet Street, to my Lord Somerset’s place. 
 Others recalled the 22nd February, 1553-54, when, 
 as light waned in the cheerless sky, she came riding 
 through Smithfield unto Westminster with a hundred 
 velvet coats afore her Grace. Her Grace rode in a 
 
8 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 chariot open on both sides, pale and ill, returning but 
 faintly the greetings of the people. This was done 
 to disprove the slander of Renard. A hundred more 
 retainers followed in coats of scarlet and fine red, 
 guarded with velvet, and so by way of Fleet Street 
 unto the Court by the Queen’s garden. And all along 
 the darkening streets the crowds accompanied her; 
 silent—for it was her hour of trial—to the rooms as¬ 
 signed to her at Westminster. And then a murmur 
 rose again from amid the serried crowds whilst one re¬ 
 lated how the Emperor Charles and his ambassador, 
 combined with Gardiner, had sought to induce Mary 
 to shed her blood ; or another recalled to willing lis¬ 
 teners that 18th of March, 1553, three days after sen¬ 
 tence on Sir Thomas Wyatt, how her Grace had been 
 carried to the Tower in the forenoon. Bitter were 
 the curses, bitter the mouthed hate mingled with un¬ 
 dissembled joy which arose as the funeral cavalcade 
 of Queen Mary passed along. It was the loth day 
 of December, 1558, “when the corpse of the late 
 Queen was brought from St. James's in a charett, 
 with the picture of images like her person adorned 
 with crimson velvet, and her crown on her head, her 
 sceptre in her hand, and many goodly rings on her 
 fingers, whilst up and down the long procession the 
 heralds rode to see all passed in order.” There was 
 no sound of sorrow. 
 
 “ The funeral 
 
 Made the attraction and the black the Wo.” 
 
 And yet the woman thus buried in pomp amid 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 D 
 
 hate and scorn—cut off from that sympathy, the 
 touch of nature, which awakens sorrow by the sense 
 of the common doom, and signed by that fearful note 
 of blood which has made her name execrable to all 
 time—may yet, to some extent, deserve the charity of 
 a later age. None can deny her piety, no one con¬ 
 test her pure unsullied life. The Sincerity of her 
 faith made her intolerant, a vitiated intellect made 
 her cruel. She was of the Spanish blood of her mo¬ 
 ther, a Catholic of that stern unhesitating faith which 
 endures no deviation from it, and dares all for its 
 extension. She looked upon heresy as a sin to be 
 extirpated only by fire and the sword. Was it not so 
 in Spain, in France'? Was it not authorized by the 
 Pope, sanctioned by Cardinal Pole ? Brooding over 
 her early wrongs increased the morbid gloom which 
 thickened on her mind. She was weary of solitude, 
 heart-broken by the neglect of Philip, subdued unto 
 despair by the death of hope of offspring. She believed 
 this to be the sign of God’s judgment upon her for 
 her kingdom’s sin, and thus, reason overraught by 
 sorrow, and her conscience excited and misled by 
 harsh spiritual guides, she enforced the persecution 
 she believed was expiation. The difficulty is great to 
 assign to each actor the relative measure of guilt. 
 The weight inclines towards Cardinal Pole. He was 
 the Legate, and Mary’s spiritual adviser. By his first 
 edict and the introduction of the register, he au¬ 
 thorized the acts which ensued. A subservient Par¬ 
 liament had granted the necessary powers. The 
 
10 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 work was committed to Gardiner, Bishop of Win¬ 
 chester, Bonner, Bishop of London, and Harpsfeld, 
 Archdeacon of Canterbury. Gardiner was a man of 
 high moral courage, of a firm, vigorous, and compre¬ 
 hensive mind. He won the confidence, he dared 
 the displeasure of Henry. He had written against 
 the supremacy, he had maintained the divorce of 
 Katherine before the Pope. He was pliant from 
 ambition, and inclined to conduct events more from 
 policy than principle. But once to be assured was 
 once to he resolved,—he wrought his purpose onward 
 with resolute will. Nurtured beneath the imperious 
 mind of Henry and the pride of Wolsey, he resolved 
 the heretics should submit or die. He believed that, 
 the leaders smitten, the baser sort would fly. He was 
 bitterly deceived ; as the men fell, the rank closed 
 up, firm, compact, defiant. Whether in contempt or 
 disgust, he desisted from the persecution and filing 
 to Bonner the shame of its continuance. Bonner’s 
 character has recently undergone the process of re¬ 
 habilitation. It was needed. That he has suffered 
 from the excitement of religious feeling there can 
 be no doubt. Exaggeration is the error of the after¬ 
 age which tracks the steps of eminence for good or 
 evil. Hate and affection grow on what they feed. 
 The credulity of the Puritan is not greater than the 
 credulity of many accepted lives of the early saints 
 and martyrs of the Church. Tiberius and Nero are 
 described to us as infamous, they have also met with 
 apologists, yet no one doubts that Tiberius and Nero 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 11 
 
 were bad men. Every man has his secret idol, and it 
 is well when his worship does not darken unto super¬ 
 stition) and cast the gloom of his intolerance over 
 the charitable estimation of the character of others. 
 With every allowance for party hate and religious 
 zeal, the evidence is irresistible that Bonner deserved 
 the infamy to which he has been consigned. He was 
 a man of ability, eminent for his knowledge of canon 
 law. With Gardiner he had maintained the doctrine 
 of the supremacy, and had supported the divorce of 
 Katherine. His temper was rough, passionate, and 
 violent. He stunned Sir Thomas Joscelyn with a 
 blow of his fist in Hadham Church, and treated Cran- 
 mer on his condemnation with indignity. His man¬ 
 ners were so coarse that when, in 1533, he was sent 
 to Rome to maintain Henry’s appeal to a General 
 Council, he so incensed Clement, that he threatened 
 to throw him into a caldron of boiling lead. He 
 felt himself hated, and therefore,—hated. Like Gar¬ 
 diner, he believed the terrible doom of fire through 
 the land would induce submission. Heresy scriptu- 
 rally was sin, politically rebellion. For this end he 
 was content to become the Inspector “ Titelmann,” 
 the “ Tom Boilman ” of the Government. The time 
 came when even Bonner loathed his task. It was too 
 late, he was hounded on by the insane misery of Mary 
 and the compliance of Pole. In vain Renard coun¬ 
 selled moderation, in vain Alva demurred, in vain 
 Philip withheld his sanction and bade his chaplain 
 inculcate tolerance,—the evil work went on; grief, 
 
12 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 sorrow, and dolour subsided into stern hate; many 
 noble minds turned with anguish from the church of 
 their fathers, and, as it has happened from the days 
 of St. Stephen, the blood of the martyr became the 
 baptism of the convert. Mary was buried with all the 
 pomp of her rank and the ceremonial of her Church. 
 No monument was raised to her honour. Her tomb 
 was formed of the altars which were destroyed. Two 
 small black tablets alone, at the west base of the 
 tomb of Elizabeth, denote the spot where she lies. 
 How often in succeeding years when the power of the 
 Puritan was mighty upon the land, did not his step 
 recoil, and the thought arise— 
 
 “ Caina attende chi vita ci spense” ! 
 
 Bishop Gardiner was buried at Winchester, where his 
 chantry remains. On the 21st day of November, 
 1555, his body was carried to St. Mary Overy’s. Bon¬ 
 ner presided, the knell, the dirge, and the requiem, 
 —ail the solemn and sacred ceremonial of his Church 
 were appointed to do him honour. But on the 18th 
 day in the early dawn of the cheerless December 
 morning, Archdeacon Philpot was carried to be burnt 
 at Smithfield, and on the 22nd January, 1555-6, be¬ 
 tween seven and eight o’clock, went into Smithfield 
 to be burnt five men and two women, and they were 
 all burnt by nine between three posts. In this 
 manner, with these rites, and such “ burnt-offerings,” 
 Gardiner was interred. Cardinal Pole died on the 
 19th November, 1558, and was honourably buried at 
 Canterbury by permission of Elizabeth. A mutilated 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 13 
 
 tomb on the north side of the Cathedral marks his 
 grave. No such respect was paid to Bonner. He 
 died on September 8th, 1569. On the accession of 
 Elizabeth, he presented himself to her,—she recoiled 
 from him with horror. He was soon after confined 
 in the Marshalsea. There he was liberally treated, 
 but the hate of the people encompassed him as a 
 shroud; he never dared to walk abroad, he would have 
 been torn to pieces in the streets. When his death 
 was known, the passions of the Catholic and the 
 Reformer were aroused. To avoid the tumult which 
 it was sternly rumoured his funeral would occasion, 
 Grindal ordered him to be buried at midnight with¬ 
 out the use of any ritual, in the churchyard of St. 
 George’s, Southwark. Shouts of derision accompanied 
 the bearers. By the glare of the torches, amid the con 
 fusion and the hasty pressure of friends and foes, his 
 body was cast into the Gehenna set apart for thieves 
 and murderers. Then the crowds rushed together, a 
 wild cry arose, and the corpse of Bonner was tram¬ 
 pled down in his grave beneath the pale stars. 
 
 Elizabeth was twenty-five years of age when she 
 ascended the throne. In stature she was rather above 
 the middle height, and of a well-proportioned figure. 
 Her features were more agreeable than handsome, 
 strongly defined almost to harshness in her later age, 
 her forehead high, the complexion fair, eyes good, 
 and her hair—the subject of much poetic flattery and 
 conceit—of a reddish-brown. Always stately, no one 
 more pleasingly united a winning grace with frank 
 
14 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 condescension. In her progresses or in public en¬ 
 trances, the offering of the poorest was as welcome as 
 that of the highest. She was endowed with a high 
 mental capacity, keen intuition into character, exer¬ 
 cised with great tact and discretion. Her judgment 
 was strong rather than sound, vitiated by flattery, and 
 made passionate by her imperious will. She was 
 frugal even to penuriousness in expenditure,—a good 
 principle, exercised wilfully and often with danger to 
 the State. Her attainments were great, she read and 
 spoke Latin, French, and Italian with fluency. John 
 Belmain was her master in French, Battista Castig- 
 lione in Italian. Scanarelli, the Venetian Ambassador, 
 praises the graceful manner in which she addressed 
 him at her last public audience, a few days before her 
 death. In no one have more opposite qualities been 
 combined. “ To-day, more than man—to-morrow, less 
 than woman.” To-day ready to meet whatever enemy 
 might threaten, on the morrow she revoked deci¬ 
 sion, recalled the instructions given, vacillated as to 
 the means, and frustrated measures of great pith and 
 moment by the most perverse self-will. The dangers 
 which broke around her were very great, decision was 
 hazardous, yet the higher the storm hurtled in its 
 force, so rode in its career her pride and courage. As 
 the flash struck harmless, or the clouds sunk in gloomy 
 masses on the horizon, her mind sprang back as if 
 overstrained by its tension, and was almost broken by 
 the recoil. At these moments she was unendurable. 
 She loaded her ministers with reproaches, and drove 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 15 
 
 them from her presence. Sick with vexation, Cecil, 
 whose motto was patience, and who said that by pa¬ 
 tience and judgment men might control the courses 
 of the stars, took to his bed, or sought in study and 
 retirement a release from care. Unabashed and false, 
 Leicester fawned and flattered. Throckmorton feigned 
 the danger he reported, to arouse her mind to firmer 
 action. Walsingham never relaxed the pursuit of his 
 policy, hut sat like a spider watching his web, through 
 which she ofttimes broke, and dashed aside its fine¬ 
 spun circles,—but in which she was often caught. But, 
 again, her high intelligence broke through the slum¬ 
 brous vapour of the cloud, she gracefully yielded and 
 confided in the council of those great men, by whom 
 the power of England was assured, that of Spain de¬ 
 fied, that of France dared to its issue. Rightly to 
 estimate the character of this great Queen, we must 
 view it in relation to the state of religion and the 
 domestic and foreign policy of her reign. 
 
 ller religion it is difficult to define. It was not based 
 upon deep conviction, but rather faith, influenced by 
 early association, governed by her mental qualities 
 and determined by policy. She appears to have fa¬ 
 voured the design of Henry and of Gardiner to esta¬ 
 blish a religion of Catholic acceptance, independent of 
 Rome, with the Crown as the Supreme Head. The 
 Parliament conceded to her full powers to ordain and 
 regulate the ritual and the ceremonial. Her inclina¬ 
 tions were towards Romanism. She told De Cuadra she 
 differed but little from him. She believed in the Real 
 
10 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Presence in the Sacrament. She had fully conformed 
 in the days of Mary, and retained the symbols of the 
 Church of Rome in her own chapel, so that after her 
 death its members claimed her as a communicant. 
 In fact, she desired to secure the conformity of the 
 moderate Romanist and Reformer, but forgot that 
 “ the spirits of great events stride on before the 
 eventsimperious as was her will, so was the demand 
 of the age, and she yielded to the control. Man is 
 never a free agent, 
 
 “ Deun ilm besiegen die gewalt’gen Stuflden.'’ 
 
 The influence of the sixteenth century was upon her 
 and around her. The invention of printing, the revival 
 of letters, the great and varied intellectual power of 
 the age, arose against the system of tradition and of au¬ 
 thoritative teaching which fettered the mind, forbade 
 inquiry, and excluded reason from the companionship 
 of faith. There was a time when it was feared the 
 darkness of the tenth century would oppress the mind, 
 as the “ cappe con cappucci bassi ” of the tortured 
 souls in the ‘ Inferno.’ There was a time when it was 
 feared that Europe would yield to the influence of 
 the intellectual sensuous paganism of the court of 
 Lorenzo. There was a time when the clergy were 
 the sole guardians of the oracles of God; these were 
 now voiced in rfiany lands, and had become the glad 
 tidings of salvation, by which knowledge should be 
 inspired, and ignorance disciplined. The Reformation 
 was an intellectual movement towards a deeper con¬ 
 viction of moral truth, the progress of knowledge, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 17 
 
 and the development of those faculties by which 
 man learns not only the laws of creation, which are 
 the revelations of God, but the duties his relative 
 position enjoins unto Deity. Elizabeth recognized 
 the movement; her interests were protected by her 
 policy. She was the enthroned opinion of her people 
 as regarded religion, and she gave it effect. With 
 her, the government of the Church was subordinate to 
 the civil power. She maintained the doctrines of the 
 Reformation, and tried at first to temper opposing 
 creeds with equal power. She withdrew abruptly 
 from the offertory when Bishop Oglethorpe was pre¬ 
 paring to say Mass, and silenced Dean Nowell in the 
 pulpit. She forbade preaching on irritating subjects 
 at Paul’s Cross. If she defied the Pope, she hated 
 Knox; and a Catholic found more favour in her sight 
 than a Puritan. For with the Puritan came greater 
 freedom of debate, the courage to confront preroga¬ 
 tive, and opinions as to the “ Monstrous Regiment ” 
 of women. Towards her own clergy her conduct was 
 harsh. There was much to justify her acts, for the 
 times required a firm control. The state of the 
 churches was deplorable; they had been left to fana¬ 
 tical neglect and ruin. The sacrament was adminis¬ 
 tered in the most irreverent manner, the service for 
 the altar was borrowed from the nearest house, and 
 the communicants took their seats at tables which the 
 Catholics termed oyster-boards.- The estates of the 
 church were alienated by the Bishops. The higher dig¬ 
 nitaries had availed themselves of the spoliation of 
 
 c 
 
18 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the churches, and shared the plate and costly carvings 
 with the nobility and gentry. Many parishes were 
 left without a clergyman, in almost all the sendee w T as 
 neglected. But it was upon the question of vestments 
 that the war raged. To many the surplice, the tippet, 
 and the corner cap, were the express symbol of Anti- 
 Christ ;—“ it was worse than the mickle deil.” The 
 Puritan influence was strong, the conforming clergy 
 were treated with contumely; hence the vestment was 
 worn according to the opinion of the incumbent. To 
 remedy these great abuses, the Queen resolved to en¬ 
 force the Act of Uniformity. Nothing however could 
 reconcile her to the marriage of the clergy. She 
 looked upon it as concubinage; a second marriage was 
 reproached by the decent term of bigamy. 
 
 It is with reluctance we approach the persecution of 
 her reign. It was bitterly severe, but a persecution not 
 so much for the maintenance of an intolerant creed, as 
 exacted by a policy imposed from necessity. The 
 kingdom was rent in twain. The Catholics gathered 
 together in gloomy force. The Reformers were eager 
 for their repression. Intolerance breeds intolerance. 
 So long as the salvation of man is held to depend upon 
 the acceptance of particular tenets as of divine truth, 
 any deviation from the faith is heresy, and in those days 
 heresy was the sin not to be remitted. This was the 
 creed of St. Augustine and of Dominic. It is not until 
 men recognize that as rivers flow into the sea and are 
 lost in the great depths of its expanse, so all creeds are 
 absorbed in the divine intelligence, the mercy and love 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 19 
 
 of God, that Toleration becomes a divine law. Man 
 should strive unto the truths of the Eternal, but rest in 
 the humility of awe, of love, and faith. The Catholics, 
 weak in the cities, were powerful in the country dis¬ 
 tricts. They were dangerous from their alliance with 
 Philip, and the intrigues of the house of Guise. They 
 looked to treason for their deliverance, and the re¬ 
 establishment of their creed by supporting the cause 
 of Mary Stuart. It cannot be doubted that on this 
 plea the Queen’s life was in constant danger from the 
 act of any fanatic. It was entirely in accordance with 
 the age. So fell Francis, Duke of Guise, William of 
 Orange, Henry III. and Henry IV. of France. The 
 Sacred College had offered rewards to any one who 
 would make away with the Queen, and from her 
 ascent to the throne to the conspiracy of Babington, 
 her life was in constant danger. Without consult¬ 
 ing Philip, the Pope deposed Elizabeth, and the te¬ 
 merity of Felton showed the spirit it awakened. Nor¬ 
 folk’s treason, his correspondence with Alva, his pro¬ 
 fession of the Catholic faith, his proffered allegiance 
 to the Pope and Philip, and the rebellion of the Earls 
 of Northumberland and Westmoreland, increased the 
 intolerant excitement against the Catholic party. The 
 laws increased in severity; they were made cruelly re¬ 
 trospective, and withdrew from the dissidents the 
 common rights and privileges of the citizen. The 
 Catholics were forbidden to use the rites and cere¬ 
 monies of their worship, and compelled to attend a 
 service which they were bound to hold sinful. In 
 
20 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 their distress they appealed to the Pope for permis¬ 
 sion to conform to the sendee as ordained; their ap¬ 
 peal was referred to the Inquisition, and refused. For 
 neglect they were fined £20 per lunar month. If a 
 priest said Mas^, he was fined, and his communicant 
 congregation, as well as himself, were to be imprisoned 
 until the fine was paid. The amount of the fines thus 
 levied has been estimated at £10,333. Oppressive 
 use was made of these laws to exact heavy contribu¬ 
 tions for the Crown. Finally the priests were banished. 
 To remedy this, the Society of Missionary Priests was 
 founded, and in a.d. 1577 came to England. Their 
 zeal stimulated the persecution. It was known they 
 were associated with the plots against the Queen, and 
 maintained the connection of the Catholic party with 
 the continent; hence they lived a life of constant 
 danger. They arrived, and went abroad in disguise 
 and under false names. They were met by guides si¬ 
 milarly concealed; they avoided towns and highways, 
 were led by unfrequented roads, over moss and moor, 
 the difficult pass of the mountain, from house to 
 house. Where they arrived, they were hidden in 
 trees amid tangled woods, or concealed in subterra¬ 
 nean vaults, in chambers constructed within walls 
 and chimneys, or in rooms screened by every device 
 to mislead the eye. Authority was given for their 
 pursuit. Upon any pretext, at any hour of the day 
 or night, an officer might demand entrance into the 
 house of a Catholic. Every room was searched, and no 
 respect shown to age or infancy, the sacredness of 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 21 
 
 retirement, the privilege of sickness. The walls were 
 struck with mallets, rapiers thrust into the chinks of 
 the wainscots. The narratives of Sir Nicholas Throck¬ 
 morton, of Sir Francis Tresham, and of Edward Rook- 
 wood, are illustrations of this cruel abuse of power. 
 Elizabeth endeavoured to mitigate the mutual hatred 
 of the opposing creeds. She ordered the Oath of 
 Supremacy not to be tendered a second time ; she 
 restrained the zeal of the Bishops, and acted with 
 rigour towards the Puritans. But so little was tole¬ 
 rance in accordance with public feeling, that the 
 Queen and those of her council in favour of a lenient 
 policy were in disfavour. Divines inveighed against 
 idolaters, the Puritans declaimed against Antichrist, 
 judges were ominous as to the transgression of the # 
 law. The life of Elizabeth was the ark of the Re¬ 
 formation ; every hour brought details of the bitter 
 persecution in Spain, the Netherlands, and France. 
 Crowds of exiles, escaping from death and the sack 
 of cities, made opinion more hostile, and the convic¬ 
 tion of danger induced the remorseless policy engen¬ 
 dered by fear. 
 
 The foreign policy of Elizabeth was founded solely 
 upon the principle of defensive aggression. The power 
 of Philip was projected like a dark shadow, with fear 
 of change eclipsing nations, over Europe. His fleet 
 was powerful, had contested the power of the Turks, 
 claimed to ride supreme over the narrow seas, and 
 kept the seaboard of England on the jocund watch 
 for brave adventure. The Spanish army was the 
 
99 , 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 most formidable in Europe; it had been led to vic¬ 
 tory by a succession of illustrious chiefs, and was 
 composed chiefly of an infantry, then the terror of 
 the world. Recruited from all quarters, of indo¬ 
 mitable courage, trained by severe discipline, muti¬ 
 nous for distinction, lustful and heartless, patient of 
 hunger and fatigue, reckless of danger, covetous of 
 spoil,—these men seemed to their age the incarnation 
 of Evil for the destruction of man. What the Huns 
 were to the Goths, the godless troopers of Dundee to 
 the Covenanters, these men appeared to the Reformer. 
 Such they stood, unmoved, compact, and firm in gloomy 
 grandeur, amid the changing fortune of the battle¬ 
 field, as men willing to conquer fortune or abide it, 
 until, their ranks thinned but unbroken, they surren¬ 
 dered victory on the plains of Rocroy. The resources 
 of the State were wielded with the unity of despotism. 
 The power of the nobles was gone. The indepen¬ 
 dence of the Commons passed away at Villalar. Yet 
 the power of Spain was external and unreal. It re¬ 
 sembled a royal mantle stretched over the beggar’s 
 sore. The nation was exhausted by the wars of the 
 Emperor and Philip. The exchequer was exhausted. 
 To meet this, Philip had recourse to the most rigid 
 expedients. Titles of nobility were sold, public of¬ 
 fices created expressly for sale, and made hereditary 
 to enhance the cost. Waste lands were sold, the 
 bastard children of the clergy legitimized, and allowed 
 to purchase titles. Loans were raised at an exorbitant 
 interest, and the property of merchants, on board the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 23 
 
 Indian fleet, sequestered for the King’s use. But it was 
 chiefly on the wealthier clergy that the King preyed. 
 They were as sheep in the hands of the shearer; the 
 wool on the flock was rich. Philip’s faith was sincere, 
 his obedience to the Pope undoubted; but he did not 
 hesitate to disobey his rescript, and his hand on the 
 clergy was that of Gideon on the Midianites. To him, 
 in this respect, the gleaning of the grapes of Ephraim 
 was better than the vintage of Abiezer,—the plunder 
 of the clergy than the taxation of Spain. His king¬ 
 dom was harassed by external danger. The coasts of 
 Spain were threatened by formidable pirates, and the 
 Turks imperilled his African possessions. The policy 
 of the Papal court was doubtful; that of France, 
 armed or disarmed, antagonism; the Netherlands were^ 
 in insurrection. Internally, Spain was wasted by a 
 bad economy and the expulsion of the Moriscos. In 
 this exigency he was unable to attempt the conquest, 
 but sought the alliance of England. Such an alliance 
 was hopeless. The stronger nation trails the fortune 
 of the weaker, a la remorque , for good or evil for¬ 
 tune. England had been allied with Spain, and the 
 result was debt, defeat, and the loss of Calais. Spain 
 was hateful to the Reformers ; her colonial possessions 
 were coveted; and the buccaneer and pirate, the 
 strength of the rising power of the English navy, 
 ravaged her possessions, impelled by the desire of 
 booty and the gratification of religious hate. 
 
 The power which Philip could not command lie 
 would not have possessed by another. France united 
 
24 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 with Scotland under the dominion of Mary Stuart, 
 England subdued or allied, would create a power 
 dangerous to his interests. He feared this above all 
 possible contingencies, and almost' wished on this ac¬ 
 count the death of the Queen of Scots. “ Si la jeune 
 reine [M. S.] venoit á mourir, elle nous tireroit de 
 graves embarras,” he writes to Granvelle. Not to sup¬ 
 port the claims of Mary, was to give stability to the 
 Reformation,to unite the Calvinist with the Huguenot 
 and the English reformers. Philip drifted with the 
 stream; he postponed occasion to exigency. Alva 
 promised the hour, hut its stroke never fell upon his 
 ear. Not even the genius of Parma could control or 
 command event. Had he struck at England at the 
 accession of Elizabeth, the pride of place of England 
 had been thrown back in the advance of nations. Had 
 lie united with the Guises, he might have coerced the 
 Reformation. Suspicious of France he proffered friend¬ 
 ship to, and sought to maintain by his able ministers 
 an influence over, Elizabeth. He depressed the En¬ 
 glish Catholics by his apparent neglect. He refused 
 the repeatedly proffered treason of the Irish, and 
 finally slunk into a plotter of schemes for the assassi¬ 
 nation of Elizabeth, and the elevation of Mary Stuart 
 to the throne, until he was compelled ingloriously 
 to abandon hope by a defeat, which scattered along 
 the sea-coast of his own possessions the wreck of the 
 Armada. 
 
 The policy of France was similar to that of Spain. 
 The depression of England, the re-establishment of 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 25 
 
 religion, the rooting out of the Calvinist heresy, were 
 all combined with the fate of Mary and her acces¬ 
 sion to the throne. Rome, France, and Spain were 
 united for this end. But the political condition of 
 France was worse than that of Spain. A succession 
 of weak kings, the influence of a crafty, scheming, 
 unprincipled woman, the civil war which paralysed 
 the functions of the State, jealousy of Philip, the un¬ 
 quiet of the Papal Court, rendered impossible a com¬ 
 mon action. It was not the design of Cecil to meet 
 the enmity of France or Spain by open war; for this 
 the resources of the country were inadequate. Hence 
 he commenced the system of “practices.” Well 
 served by spies of every rank, from the ambassador 
 to the suborned priest, the swashbuckler in a tavern 
 and the lowest informer of the streets, the designs of 
 every Court, the conspiracies of priest and fanatic, 
 and the temper of the people, were known and re¬ 
 gistered in his cabinet. The very papers of Philip 
 were not safe in his desk. De Cuadra has expressed 
 his regret he could not, out of regard to his priestly 
 vows, stain his hands with the blood of his secre¬ 
 tary, who had sold his secrets to Cecil. England was 
 defended by fostering the internal troubles of her 
 enemies. The Reformers in the Netherlands, the 
 Huguenot in France, the Calvinist in Scotland, were 
 abetted, subsidized, and aided when success would 
 repay, or danger weighed more with Elizabeth than 
 expenditure. But no defence can be offered for such 
 policy. State necessity is its only plea. She met her 
 
26 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 enemies with weapons forged in their own armoury. 
 For any advantage, Elizabeth did not scruple to abet 
 sedition, which as a principle she haughtily disavowed. 
 For any advantage, she denied the policy she had 
 authorized. It was thus that she disclaimed the acts 
 of Murray, that she disavowed her acts as regarded 
 the revolted N etherlands, that she repudiated the acts 
 of Drake and of Sir John Hawkins, the profits of 
 whose piracies she had shared. 
 
 It now remains to consider the conduct of Eliza¬ 
 beth in relation to Mary, Queen of Scots. Her im¬ 
 prisonment can be justified only as an act of State 
 necessity. There is no other plea. To have opened 
 her prison doors and bade her go forth free would 
 have made her the active chief and rallying-point 
 of Catholic disaffection, and of the power of Rome 
 against England. The same cause compelled her 
 execution. That Mary was guilty of promoting the 
 plan that Spain should “ set on ” England, her own 
 letter, which extorted for its ability the reluctant 
 praise of Cecil, fully proves. Mendo9a, to whom this 
 was addressed, was the confidant and the promoter of 
 the conspiracy of Babington, of which this plan was 
 part. That the death also of Elizabeth, a long pre¬ 
 meditated scheme of her enemies, was equally the 
 very principle of this plot urged by the Jesuit sec¬ 
 tion and supported by Mendoza, cannot be disputed. 
 That Mary knew and approved the special point of 
 the assassination may be doubted. A charge of this 
 kind adduced by Walsingham, and supported by 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 27 
 
 such agents as Philipps and Gregory, stands impugned 
 by the most just suspicion. But Mary knew that 
 concurrence in a part involved condemnation on the 
 whole. She played with Elizabeth for life or death: 
 “ Vita Marise—mors Elisabeth. Vita Elisabeth— 
 mors Mari®.” She was weary of solitude and of im¬ 
 prisonment. Her mind was restless to conceive plans 
 for her restoration to dignity of station; her devo¬ 
 tion to her faith made her ardent; her spirit of ad¬ 
 venture, the sense of wrong, the strong current of 
 passion which bore along the settled purpose of her 
 mind, all conjoined to urge her to seek the means 
 and to encourage every hope for her liberation. 
 For this end also it was natural and just that the 
 Catholic party should combine. They plotted for 
 their religion, the deposition of Elizabeth, and her life. 
 The cause of the Catholic faith was theirs, and with 
 that cause the life or death of Mary was inexorably 
 combined. Let the case be considered in relation to 
 Elizabeth and the Protestants. When the conspiracy 
 of Babington was known, and the conviction of Mary’s 
 guilt was universal, the stern deep cry of “ Death” 
 arose and swelled hoarsely across the land. It was 
 echoed back by the Council, repeated and ratified by 
 Parliament; the hate of the “ Association” sent it in 
 its thrilling strength from city to city, through every 
 hamlet, into every household. At no time was re¬ 
 ligious hate sterner, at no time the conviction of pub¬ 
 lic danger stronger. Every day brought with it fresh 
 rumours to increase the cruelty of hate, made sharper 
 
28 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 still by fear. The Spaniards had landed at Milford 
 Haven. The Catholics had joined them. Fotherin- 
 gay Castle was attacked. Mary was free. The north¬ 
 ern counties were in rebellion. A new conspiracy in 
 the train of L’Aubespine had been discovered, to fire 
 London and assassinate Elizabeth. When, therefore, 
 the death of Mary was determined, the utmost joy 
 prevailed. The bells were rung, bonfires were lighted 
 in the streets, even before the windows of the French 
 Ambassador. Mary had but little to expect from the 
 shallow false aid of the French Court. From her 
 own son she might have hoped some sense of duty, 
 some desire to save. But when this so-called Scottish 
 Solomon—as being the son of David —heard of the 
 trial, he simply remarked, “Mary must drink the ale 
 she had brew 7 ed.” When he consulted his council, 
 the Earl of Bothwell told him roundly he deserved 
 to be hanged the day after, if he allowed the execu¬ 
 tion to take place. He sent the Master of Gray to 
 Elizabeth, and Gray played the part of Judas unto 
 Pilate. He desired the clergy of Scotland to pray for 
 Mary’s safety;—they refused unless under the Spirit 
 of God. When Shrewsbury announced to Mary the 
 hour she was to suffer, she asked, “ If her son had 
 forgotten his mother in her distress'?” Now the son 
 had heard it was part of his mother’s plan to depose 
 him and constrain him to be a Catholic. True, he 
 threatened to avenge her execution; but the glim¬ 
 mer of the crown of the coming years induced for¬ 
 getfulness. He was needy, and he took gold from 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 29 
 
 the woman who had shed his mother’s blood. In all 
 history there is no more touching scene of dignified 
 sorrow, of the grandeur of mind which controls the 
 agony, and the resignation which disarms the terrors 
 of death, than the last hours of Mary Stuart. She 
 died for her religion with a martyr’s faith; the fitful 
 suffering of the hour over— 
 
 “ Eifatta si, come piante novelle 
 Einnovellate di novella fronda, 
 
 Pura e disposta a salire alie stelle.” 
 
 Refused the sacred consolation of her own Church, she 
 was by a refined cruelty exposed as life rushed on to 
 its close to the fanaticism of a church of which she 
 had been the consistent enemy, and was now T the 
 victim. Her spirit soared beyond this troubled sense 
 of earth. She stood apart. She prayed for Christ’s 
 church, for her son, and for Elizabeth. With the 
 holy symbol of her faith upheld before her, her eyes 
 upturned as in the presence of the Eternal, her voice 
 of anguish and of repentance rose clear and calm unto 
 heaven. “ As Thy arms, O God, were stretched out 
 upon the cross, so receive me into Thy mercy, and 
 forgive me my sins.” There was silence as from the 
 pain and oppression of grief, and of a terrible fear 
 upon the heart. It was broken by the coarse brutality 
 of the Earl of Kent, and the cry of nature which 
 vainly wailed in utterance around. And once again 
 that clear, calm, thrilling voice of supplication was 
 heard: “Into Thy hands, O Lord, I commend my 
 spirit.” For a moment there was that deep stillness 
 
30 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of awe which bears down almost the sense of the ac¬ 
 tual : nought was heard but the sound of the wintry 
 wind as it swept in sighing gusts against the walls 
 of Fotheringay. A dark figure broke the grey light 
 which fell with feeble shimmer on the scaffold draped 
 in black. The bright edge of the axe gleamed, 
 and the heart shrunk back at the sound of a heavy 
 blow. Nature, cruel in sorrow, had dimmed the eyes 
 of the headsman. And again the axe gleamed on 
 high, and fell now in mercy. The headsman stooped 
 —the beautiful features of Mary Stuart, the pride of 
 the French Court, the theme of the poet, the boast 
 of chivalry, were raised and upheld, convulsed, unre¬ 
 cognized, from amid the flowing pool of gore. 
 
 “So perish the enemies of Elizabeth!” said the 
 Dean of Peterborough. 
 
 “ So perish the enemies of the Gospel!” said the 
 Earl of Kent. 
 
 Not a voice responded. Yet surely it may be 
 thought that faith and mercy wdiispered—her soul 
 was home up to heaven by the angel ministrants of 
 expiation. It is impossible to refute the evidence of 
 her connivance with Darnley’s murder. It is impos¬ 
 sible to forego the conviction of her adulterous in¬ 
 tercourse with Bothwell. It is impossible to defend 
 the shameless marriage to conceal her shame. After 
 all the acute intelligence and laboured researches of 
 party spirit, the adverse evidence of her letters re¬ 
 mains unrefuted. It may be that all are not genuine. 
 It may be possible to imitate style, to simulate feel- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 31 
 
 ing, but it is not possible to narrate events which 
 could be known but to two, but which are confirmed 
 by testimony, accidental and independent. And who 
 can imitate the voice of Nature in those tones of 
 fear, of tenderness, and of affection which vibrate in 
 such varied notes of touching melody in a woman's 
 heart? These proofs against her were produced at 
 York. Was there a man amongst those stern, rude, 
 and uncultivated Scotch leaders equal to the forgery ? 
 Was such baseness in the nature of men, who had 
 struck Mary Stuart down less by their power than by 
 the conviction of her crime ? Were not the docu¬ 
 ments placed before those to whom her handwriting 
 was familiar l Detection could not have restored the 
 Queen of Scots to her throne, but the conviction that 
 the documents were false would have made Murray 
 and his coadjutors infamous. De Thou, Robertson, 
 Hume, Hallam, Ranke, and Raumer confirm the evi¬ 
 dence of these letters, and against such witnesses 
 what verdict can be returned ? The conviction of her 
 guilt was heavy in the world. It was feared by the 
 Spanish Ambassador, and by the Duke of Norfolk, 
 shared by the French, and only mitigated by the 
 knowledge of the worthlessness of the boy-king she 
 had stooped to raise. True, he deserved to die. In 
 that hour, when Ruthven, stricken with the pallor of 
 death, hectic with the flush of passion, stood before 
 her, as an apparition of evil, she had vowed revenge. 
 He deserved to die. Darnley had dishonoured her 
 by his suspicions; he spared her not, at a time when 
 
32 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Nature is most impressive even upon the brute, and 
 when man is most moved in tenderness towards 
 woman. To her he was base as a conspirator, baser 
 as the informer against those with whom he had con¬ 
 spired. She had a woman’s appreciation of the strong 
 mind; and, brave herself, a noble estimation of the 
 brave. She wrung from him the degrading confession 
 of his guilt, and then flung him from her, to be the 
 very scorn of her grooms. He deserved to die,—but 
 not so,—not betrayed by feigned affection, helpless 
 and ill at ease unto his murderer’s hand, signed unto 
 death by the kiss of the adulteress. But so great 
 were her temptations, so severe her trials, so stern her 
 destiny, that even now, after the long lapse of ages, 
 the spectator turns from her tomb with reluctant sor¬ 
 row, and silently unto himself whispers the prayer— 
 May God assoilze her ! 
 
 The memory of Elizabeth, on the other hand, is 
 dear to us as that of a great Queen. If we value 
 the condition of England now, we return to her with 
 grateful pride. If we value devotion to public duty, 
 the courage to defend, and the mind to comprehend 
 the varied interests of a State, our sense of gratitude 
 and of pride increases. She lived in the isolation of 
 grandeur, haughty and imperious. Too proud to en¬ 
 dure an equal, or to stoop to an inferior, she would 
 not marry. Vain, and fond of admiration, she could 
 not even in the wreck of age resist the feigned af¬ 
 fection of a suitor. Nor could she forego affection. 
 Her intrigue with Leicester, it will be seen from 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 33 
 
 these Documents, perilled her possession of the throne 
 and alienated the attachment of her people. Yet, in 
 the after age, which weighs unimpassioned the charac¬ 
 ters of rulers, opinion turns with respect unto her 
 memory. She presided over the destinies of England 
 in an age the most remarkable in the annals of civiliza¬ 
 tion. The spirit of commerce, the excited ambition of 
 new worlds to conquer, encouraged the enterprise of 
 the merchant, and aroused the energy of the noblest 
 and most daring spirits of the land. The lust of gain, 
 the pride of naval supremacy, deep hatred of the Spa¬ 
 niard, led to those piratical expeditions of Sir John 
 Hawkins and of Sir Francis Drake, which created that 
 noble maritime chivalry which broke the “ Invinci¬ 
 ble Armada/’ At the accession of Elizabeth, and fos¬ 
 tered by her appreciation, learning at the Universi¬ 
 ties began to revive. Inspired by the energy of the 
 Geneva exiles, it became a living influence among 
 the people. Not learning which fettered the mind 
 by an unreasoning idolatry of Classical excellence, but 
 which, nourished by its intellectual predominance, 
 careered in the freedom of conscious power, and 
 achieved the glories of the Romantic school. High 
 courage, faith in the future, the firm resolution as of 
 those “ apt to revel in peace and ride in Avar,” were 
 characteristic of the men of the day. The English 
 language suffered by foreign influence, yet gained in 
 fulness, copiousness, and strength, and grew up the 
 lofty utterance of the mind of Shakespeare, Burleigh, 
 Raleigh, Spenser, and of Bacon. The condition of all 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 classes gradually improved. The associations, the tra¬ 
 ditions of the past, were destroyed; but men pressed 
 onwards, buoyed up with the conviction, the seeds of 
 the truths they held would become the harvest of the 
 future. It has been so. If we consider the danger 
 to which England was exposed, the fierce zeal of the 
 time, the growing antagonism to the authority of the 
 Crown, the strong current of life which impelled ac¬ 
 tion, and then recall the manner in which Elizabeth 
 presided over all, controlled passion and governed 
 Event, our minds must dwell proudly upon one whose 
 character, sullied with many faults, is yet redeemed 
 by great qualities, which made her the protector of 
 that intellectual and moral freedom, to which England 
 owes her unequalled social condition, and an empire 
 greater than the Roman. 
 
RELATING TO THE 
 
 REIGN OF ELIZABETH, 
 
61 
 
 A.D. 1558. 
 
 When Pliilip the Second was in Flanders, occupied with A.D. 1558. 
 the conduct of the war against the King of France, and 
 relying upon aid from England, about which he had given 
 instructions, he received information at the same time of the 
 loss of Calais and the expected confinement of Queen Mary. 
 
 The fall of Calais caused in England great excitement. It 
 was said to be the result of the policy of making common 
 cause with Spain, and feeling rose high against Philip. On 
 these accounts the Count de Feria [Don Gomez Suarez de 
 Figueroa, created Duke 28th Sept., 1567] was sent imme¬ 
 diately to London. He was to express his gratulations to the 
 Queen on her condition; that no other news could impart to 
 Philip so much pleasure; that it alleviated the loss of Calais; 
 and to endeavour to impress upon the English, that even had Jan. 21. 
 there been no alliance between the Courts, Calais would 
 have been attacked. It was a plan meditated for more than 
 four years, which Philip knew the Constable of France had 
 confidentially avowed. [Dispatch, Brussels, Jan. 21, 1558.] 
 
 The Parliament met at Westminster, [Saturday] Novem¬ 
 ber 5th, 1 formed of a great number of prelates, nobles, Nov. 6. 
 knights, and deputies of the cities and towns of the king¬ 
 dom. The Treasurer [Marquis of Winchester] and the Lord 
 High Admiral [Edward Clinton] were among these, and 
 although others sought to excuse their attendance, they 
 
 1 Parry, p. 213. 
 
38 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1558. were summarily summoned to consider urgent matters— 
 peace or war, and, above all, the succession to the throne, 
 should Queen Mary die childless. She was then danger¬ 
 ously ill, and all symptoms of pregnancy had disappeared. 
 Nov. 7. On the 7th November the councillor Dasson-Levile wrote 
 to Philip, recommending the appointment of the Count de 
 Feria, who was much esteemed in England, and advised him 
 that upon the 6th, among other matters of political import, 
 they had especially pressed upon the Queen to declare Eli¬ 
 zabeth her successor. 3 To this Mary had given her ready 
 assent, subject to two requisitions: that Elizabeth would 
 maintain the Catholic religion as she had restored it, and 
 Nov. 9. discharge all her debts. 8 Upon November 9th, the Count 
 de Feria arrived in London, and found the Queen given up 
 by her medical attendants. She was unable to read the 
 letter addressed to her by Philip. 4 
 
 At De Feria’s instance, and in compliance with his in¬ 
 structions, a council was called. All the members of it were 
 present, except the Earl of Pembroke and Lord Paget, who 
 was ill. The Ambassador addressed them upon the affairs 
 with France, and because Sir John Mason was present, 
 whom he knew to be the confidant of Elizabeth, he dwelt on 
 the satisfaction which Philip would feel when he heard that 
 the succession to the Crown had been declared in her favour. 
 
 2 Dasson-Levile, or Assonleville. He was of the King’s Council of 
 State. Strype describes him as ambassador, which is inaccurate. It 
 is very probable that it is to this letter Philip refers in his undated 
 reply to one from Cardinal Granvelle, December 8, 1558, in which he 
 says, “ estas cartas vinieron de Dassonlevila,” and gives various instruc¬ 
 tions in his regard. The Apostillas of Philip upon Granvelle’s letter of 
 14th December, 1558, are of much interest. Granvelle, v. 381, 383. 
 
 3 Madden, pp. clxxxv. ccii. Sandys to Bullenger, Zurich Letters, 
 Parker Society. Strickland, vi. 142. Froude, vi. 527. Mem. Howard 
 Fam. Suppl. 13, note. 
 
 4 Strickland, v. 442. Turnbull, State Papers, ii. 405. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 39 
 
 It was a measure his Majesty had always desired, and which A.D. 1558. 
 in his opinion had been too long delayed. As a proof of 
 this, he was accredited to Elizabeth upon Philip’s part, to 
 act towards her as his good sister, to serve her on all occa¬ 
 sions, and to employ every effort to enable her to ascend the 
 throne, free from the disquiet which might be feared to 
 arise at this time, from the designs of some enemies of the 
 Crown and of the kingdom. The Council, however, ap¬ 
 peared very doubtful of the course that Elizabeth would take, 
 for De Feria says, “ They received me as a man who came 
 accredited with the Bulls of a dead Pope ” ( como á hombre 
 que iba con bulas de Papa muerto) . Upon November 10th, he Nov. lo. 
 visited Elizabeth, then at the house of the Admiral [Lord 
 Clinton], about thirteen miles from London [at Hatfield] . 5 
 She received him well, but not so cordially as she had done. 
 
 He supped with her and with the wife of the Admiral, who 
 was present. He conversed with her according to the secret 
 instructions he had received from Philip. Elizabeth expressed 
 her satisfaction at his visit, and her gratitude to Philip, to 
 whom she was much indebted—lstly. Because during her 
 imprisonment the King had favoured and greatly aided her. 
 
 2ndly. For the uninterrupted friendship which had existed 
 between the House of Burgundy and that of England. 3rdly. 
 
 Because, not only through him, but through Don Diego de 
 Acevedo, and Don Alonso de Cordova, the King, his master, 
 had always assured her of his friendly offices. De Feria 
 tried to persuade her that the announcement of her succes¬ 
 sion was not owing either to the Queen, or to the Council,— 
 but to Philip. He described her as a woman very vain and 
 very acute, and greatly impressed with her father’s course 
 of action. 6 He feared much, she would not act well as re- 
 
 5 Strickland, vi. 140, 141. 
 
 6 “ Débcnlc de haber predicado mucho la manera de proceder del 
 Rey su Padre.” Aikiu, i. 251. Strickland, vi. 141. 
 
40 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1558. garded religion, because he foresaw her inclination to be 
 influenced by those councillors who were suspected of heresy, 
 and they told him the women around her were all similarly 
 inclined. She expressed great indignation at the treatment 
 she had endured during the Queen’s life, declared she owed 
 her crown, not to Philip, not to the Peers, who had assured 
 her of their fidelity, but to the attachment of the people 
 of England, to whom she seemed much devoted. 7 He 
 adds, every traitor and heretic seems to have arisen from 
 his tomb to welcome her accession. He then describes the 
 councillors in whom she appeared to have most confidence. 
 These were—the Chancellor [Archbishop Heath], Lord 
 William Paget [Keeper of the Privy Seal], Sir William Petre 
 [Chancellor of the Order of the Garter], but particularly 
 Sir John Mason [Treasurer of the Chamber], but he inti¬ 
 mates also her resolution to be governed by—no one. He 
 mentions Dr. Wonton 8 as high in the Queen’s favour, and 
 adds, “ Paréceme que debería V. M. envialle muy con¬ 
 tento, y darle alguna pension.” Elizabeth spoke to him 
 as to the character of several nobles, and laughed with him 
 at the idea of her marriage with the Earl of Arundel. 9 
 She was on very bad terms with the Earl of Pembroke, 
 the Bishop of Ely, and others, but especially with Cardinal 
 Pole, of whom she spoke with great bitterness; and he 
 feared he would feel her resentment. He tried to mitigate 
 
 7 Rauke, Geschichte, i. 296. 
 
 8 This is do doubt Dr. Wotton, Deau of Canterbury and York, 
 Commissioner with the Earl of Arundel and the Bishop of Ely, for 
 the Treaty of Cambresis. He is often alluded to as Dr. Vothon, or 
 Wothon, in the Granvelle papers. He died in 1567, and was buried 
 at Canterbury. Whether he was gratified by the recommendation 
 does not appear. De Feria mentions many others more or less in favour 
 with the Queen. Strype, A., i. pt. ii. 246. Lodge, i. 411. 
 
 9 Raumer, Beitrage, i. 45. Aikin, i. 278, 296. Granvelle, v. 262. 
 Strickland, vi. 188,190. Froudc, vii. 44. Ranke, Geschichte, i. 304, note. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 41 
 
 the feeling without appearing to protect him, but as one A.D. 1558. 
 solely swayed by zeal towards her and the good government 
 of her estate. 10 He advised her to restrain all inclination of 
 revenge; suggested that, as regarded religion, it would be 
 highly impolitic to make any demonstration, since all in¬ 
 dulged the hope she would prove to be a good Catholic 
 Princess. She answered, she desired only to make these 
 councillors aware of their acts, and then to pardon. Speak¬ 
 ing of other councillors, who were in favour, as the Earl of 
 Bedford, Leicester, etc., he adds—they tell me, Cecil will 
 certainly be Secretary; he is a man of intellectual power 
 and moral worth, but a heretic. Gonzalez Perez knew him 
 intimately; he was his guest here. 11 Elizabeth complained 
 greatly of her sister’s illiberality; inasmuch as she had only 
 enjoyed an income of three thousand pounds, and said she 
 knew that Philip had received much more. The Count 
 denied this,—but it was true—for the Queen had given him 
 at one time seven thousand pounds and valuable jewels, 
 wherewith to pay some German troops. He sounded her 
 upon marriage; and was told, she was aware that Philip 
 had sought to marry her with the Duke of Savoy, but that 
 Mary had suffered in public opinion by marriage with a 
 foreigner. To this, he replied evasively. Speaking after¬ 
 wards with Lord Paget, who was ill of the Quartan, upon the 
 same theme, he said, that for his part he would have nothing 
 to do with the matter; he had meddled with the marriage of 
 Queen Mary with Philip, and had thereby suffered. Now, 
 although De Feria told him he had no authority to treat on 
 
 16 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 72. Phillips’s ‘Pole,’ ii. 277. Lingard, v. 526. 
 
 Froude, vi. 526. 
 
 11 Gonzalez Perez was born at Monreal d’Ariza, in Arragon; Secre¬ 
 tary of State to Charles V. and Philip II. He died in 1567. Antonio 
 Perez was his natural son. Granvelle, vi. 450. Llórente, iii. 368. 
 
 Mignet, page 10. 
 
42 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1558. such matters, there was no doubt he had, in case of the 
 Queen’s death. Every day, the current of public opinion set 
 more strongly against Philip. The Council, and the most 
 leading men showed themselves equally adverse, and spoke 
 in a high tone, “Que en vez de tener que contar ellos con él, 
 tendría él que contar con ellos.” Although even the Queen 
 [Mary] assured De Feria, that if the Commissioners signed 
 the treaty of peace without the surrender of Calais, she 
 would have their heads ( Ies cortaría la cabeza ) the Count 
 Not. 13 . asserted in his dispatch of the 13th of November, that never¬ 
 theless, all the Ministers of State held that peace should 
 be signed even without this stipulation; and by this means 
 they sought to increase and to direct the general indignation 
 against Philip. He also accused the Council of gross vena¬ 
 lity. 12 Extreme unction was administered to the Queen at 
 Nov. 17. twelve o’clock at night. She died on the 17th November at 
 six in the morning. 13 Symptoms of disrespect were instantly 
 shown, both to images and to religious fraternities. Cardinal 
 Pole died on the night of the same day. 14 His effects were 
 instantly seized (embargados) by the Queen’s orders, given 
 to the Earl of Eutland, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, and Sir 
 Gawen Carew. 15 
 
 This is entirely in the Tudor style, and more natural than the sen¬ 
 timental exclamation attributed to her. But upon her and her Council 
 rests the shame of the loss of Calais. Compare Mackintosh, ii. 227. 
 Froude, vi. 527. As regards the gross venality, it arose probably from 
 the donations made by Philip after his marriage with Mary. 
 
 13 Machyn’s Diary, 178. Madden, clxv. 
 
 14 There is some discrepancy as to the time and the date. On No¬ 
 vember 19th, Priuli thanks the Queen for her attention to the memory 
 of his late master. It is most probable it took place on the morning of 
 the 18th. Machyn’s Diary, 178, 181, and notes, page 368. Phillips’s 
 ‘ Pole,’ ii. 279. Lemon, p. 115. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 52. 
 
 15 This is erroneous. The Queen’s coronation was at hand. An order 
 was given to the Customers to stay all crimson-coloured silk which 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 43 
 
 Parliament was dissolved; Elizabeth proclaimed; the A.D. 1558. 
 chief officers of state nominated. 
 
 Rumours were now prevalent that Philip had exhausted 
 the exchequer, that for this cause Calais was lost, and that 
 the Queen had died of grief, the consequence of his indif¬ 
 ference. 
 
 Some of the Council now mooted the question of the 
 marriage of Elizabeth with the Archduke Ferdinand. 
 
 The late Queen had made many testamentary dispositions, 
 but, according to the custom of the country, these were not 
 carried into effect, except according to the orders of the 
 Council. 16 
 
 should come within their ports until the Queen should first have her 
 choice. At the same time, Priuli, the Cardinal’s executor, was en¬ 
 treated by the Council to suffer certain parcels of the Cardinal’s plate 
 which were thought mectest, to be bought, for which he was to receive 
 the value. An inventory was taken of the Cardinal’s effects. The 
 legacies appear to have been paid. The inquiry was probably directed 
 as to the Church lands he held. Documents, November 18, 19, 21. 
 
 Lemon, State Papers, 115. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 40, 53, 54. Phillips’s 
 ‘ Pole,’ ii. 275, 277. Burnet, ii. pt. i. 741. 
 
 16 In reply to Granvelle’s letter, December 8th, 1558, Philip writes— 
 
 “ You will also see the copy of the Will which the Queen sent me; 
 although I do not know whether this may be still valid, or whether she 
 afterwards made another.” He thinks he was therein named executor, 
 and desires he may be informed of any duty he may have to discharge.” 
 
 This is the Will, April 30th, 1558. Granvelle replies:—He found, 
 after much anxious search, the Will was in the care of Gonzalo Perez, 
 to whom he returned it for the copy to be made for De Feria. The 
 Will does not appear to be in good form, being based on the supposi¬ 
 tion of the Queen’s pregnancy. He fears the Queen will prefer a claim 
 as heiress of her father ; and therefore, that it will be held void. He 
 alludes to the difficulty of paying the legacies. He then notices “ the 
 Couut writes there is another Will drawn up in the form used by the 
 Sovereigns of England”— “que es harto ruj'n”—which is vilely bad. 
 
 This is probably the Codicil, 28t,h October, 1558. The Apostillas of 
 Philip are of interest; he alludes to the jewels Mary had bequeathed 
 
44 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1558. Elizabeth arrived in London [from Hatfield] upon 22nd 
 Nov. 22. November [Lodge says the 23rd], and stopped at the house 
 of Lord North, which had been the Carthusian Monastery 
 [the Charterhouse], near to the place “ de los Caballeros.” 17 
 She had previously written from Hatfield House, on the 
 22nd, a Latin letter, very elegantly expressed, in which she 
 announced to Philip the death of Queen Mary ; that she had 
 succeeded to the throne as the undoubted legitimate daugh- 
 Nov. 23. ter of Henry VIII., had accredited Lord Cobham [Nov. 23] 
 “ á darle el pésame ” personally, and to assure him that as a 
 good sister and relation, she pledged her royal honour to 
 maintain with him and his estates the good harmony and 
 alliance of her progenitors. 18 
 
 The people greeted her upon her entry [into the City] 
 with general acclamation ; and she showed far more feeling 
 towards them than to the nobility. 
 
 Sir Thomas Chaloner was sent to the Emperor [Ferdinand] 
 to notify her accession. 19 
 
 him. The Will may yet exist at Simancas. Compare Madden, clxviii., 
 clxx., clxxxv., ccv. Granvelle, v. 885, 387, 397. Strickland, v. 446. 
 
 17 Compare Strickland, vi. 150. Bruce’s Note, Hayward’s Annals, 
 9, 10. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 14. Lodge, i. 369. Machyn, 179. Holin- 
 shed, iv. 156. Aikin, i. 237. 
 
 ls William Brook, Lord Cobham, died 1596. Granvelle, December 
 8th, 1558, informs Philip that my Lord Cobham having nothing further 
 to communicate is anxious to return to England, and awaits only his 
 Majesty’s permission and the customary present. Philip, in reply, 
 wishes to know of what value the chain should be which is given in 
 accordance with diplomatic usage. Granvelle states this at 900 to 1000 
 crowns, and according to the Ambassador’s rank 1,500 or 2,000 crowns. 
 A chain was ordered by Philip for 800 crowns, with permission to in¬ 
 crease the amount to 1000; but Granvelle left the order unchanged— 
 “ pareciéndome bastará por agora, pues no parece que este será hombre 
 de muchos negocios.” Strype, Mem., iii.pt. ii. 143; A., iv. 376. Gran¬ 
 velle, v. 379, 380, 383, 397. 
 
 19 Aikin, i. 284. 
 
THE IlEIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 45 
 
 The Bishop of Ely was deposed as Dean of the Chapel a.D. 1558. 
 Royal, and the Archdeacon of Exeter appointed. 
 
 Queen Mary had ordered the tomb raised to the memory 
 of Henry VIII. to be destroyed; Elizabeth directed its re¬ 
 storation. 20 
 
 Philip now became anxious with regard to the many 
 important questions at issue, and by a dispatch, dated No¬ 
 vember 25th, from the monastery of Grumendal, appointed Nov. 25. 
 Don Alvaro de la Cuadra, Bishop of Aquila, to proceed to 
 London, and aid De Feria in his duties. The Bishop arrived 
 on the 7th of December, 21 the Earl of Arundel with him; Dec. 7. 
 who at once indicated his ambitious views, presented him¬ 
 self at Court, and was graciously received. 
 
 The Queen dismissed the late Councillors of the Crown, 22 
 but showed particular attention to the Marquis of Northamp¬ 
 ton, even to the extent of stopping on horseback to speak 
 to him under his window. The Catholics foresaw the com¬ 
 ing changes, but did not venture to speak; the spies were 
 numerous and active, and the Queen acted with great confi- 
 
 20 This statement appears to want direct authority. Edward VI. 
 had ordered a tomb to be “ set upp.” It obtains some support from 
 Dr. Weston’s accusation (if true?) against the clergy of Queen Mary, 
 “ that it was a purpose of theirs to have digged up the body of King 
 Henry at Windsor, and burned it for a heretic.” There is an elaborate 
 account of the tomb in Speed, and of the funeral in Gough. Gough, 
 Sep. Mon., ii. pt. i. p. cli. Strype, Mem., iii. pt. ii. 65. Strype, 
 A., i. pt. i. 41. Sandford, 494. Speed, 1037-1038. Ashmole, Berks, 
 iii. 200. Bankc, Geschichte, i. 298. 
 
 21 This date does not entirely correspond with a passage in Philip’s 
 reply to Granvelle, December 14, 1558. “ Mas él es necessario para el 
 Conde (De Feria), á lo menos fasta á tiempo que sea llegado el Obispo 
 de Laquila.” He was not then aware apparently of his arrival in 
 London. Granvelle, v. 383. 
 
 22 “ Isabel no solo apartó de su lado, sino que confinó á todos los 
 que servían en cosas públicas en tiempo de Felipe.” 
 
46 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 a.D. 1558. dence and resolution. Lord Paget did not meet such kind 
 treatment as he expected. The Council were divided with 
 respect to the Queen’s marriage. As regarded Arundel and 
 others of the nobility the idea was discarded, but whispers 
 arose touching Philip and his cousin the Archduke. They 
 could not ascertain whether Philip was indifferent or not as 
 to which of the two might be accepted; his agents were 
 certainly instructed to sound opinion, but Philip was so 
 unpopidar that De Feria was compelled to act with the 
 very greatest caution. One of the means proposed was to 
 endeavour to persuade the Queen that the principal cause 
 of the differences between Philip and Mary was jealousy. 
 Mary thought he affected Elizabeth more than herself, 
 etc.; but of this Philip disapproved, insisting solely on the 
 fact that the interests of both kingdoms counselled the 
 marriage. 33 
 
 Aware of the covetousness of Ehzabeth, Philip directed 
 that all Queen Mary’s jewels slioidd be delivered to her; 
 and he offered to her another large casket, his own pro¬ 
 perty, which he had left at Huital [Whitehall], and of 
 which he sent the key to De Feria. 24 Elizabeth accepted 
 the gift. In consequence of this, and of her having given 
 appointments to some of the retinue of Philip, but princi¬ 
 pally because she had repeatedly said in public she never 
 would be French ( seria nunca Francesa), the rumour ob- 
 
 " 3 This statement is important. The story of the jealousy of Mary, 
 and of its justification by the conduct of Philip, appears to have rested 
 mainly upon a statement made by Thomas Cecil, first Earl of Exeter, 
 to Bishop Goodman. Mr. Brewer allows its probability from the per¬ 
 sonal attractions of Ehzabeth. It appears, however, to have been an 
 official falsehood, from which Philip recoiled. Strickland, vi. 123. 
 Goodman, i. 4, and note. Eaumer, Geschichte, ii. 462, and the autho¬ 
 rities there quoted. 
 
 Strickland, vi. 142. Liugard, v. 525. 
 
THE EEIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 47 
 
 tained credit that either she would marry Philip,—or as he A.D. 1558. 
 advised. 
 
 The ambassadors of Sweden [December 16] who arrived 
 in London at this time appeared also to devise a matrimo¬ 
 nial alliance with the Court, but this was slighted (no se les 
 dio oido). 25 
 
 Many exiles suspected of heresy now returned from Ger- Dec. 26. 
 many. 26 
 
 Philip addressed to Elizabeth, on the 26th December [24th 
 December], a very courteous and friendly reply to her letter, 
 congratulating her upon her accession to the throne, etc. 27 
 Notwithstanding this, she showed much distrust both towards 
 Philip and his agents, and treated them with great reserve, 
 especially the Count de Feria, of whose pride she complained 
 “ como verdadero Español,” and seemed desirous some other 
 ambassador might be appointed. 
 
 The Reformers now took an active part in public affairs, 
 and began to preach publicly their doctrines. For this pur¬ 
 pose they availed themselves of the church of St. Augustine, 
 which had been conceded to the Italians; and because they Dec. 25. 
 would not give up the keys, they broke open the doors, and 
 began preaching on Christmas Day. 28 
 
 The Queen at Christmas ( un dia de Pascua), desirous to 
 attend Mass, sent to the Bishop of Carlisle (Oglethorpe) 
 an order not to elevate the Host for adoration. The Bishop 
 
 25 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 39. Stevenson, Calendar, ii. p. lxxxiii. 
 
 26 Holinshed, iv. 179. Soames, iv. 613. Macaulay, i. 59. 
 
 27 This date is incorrect. The letter, dated Bruselas, á 24 de De- 
 ciembrc, is in Spanish, very courteous, and friendly in its terms. Gran- 
 velle, v. p. 405. 
 
 28 The church of the late Augustine Friars was, in February, 
 
 1560, given over to the Bishop of London, for the use of strangers 
 in London. Lemon, 150. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 59. Camden, Annals, 
 i. 32. 
 
48 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1558. replied,—she should be mistress of his body, his life, but not 
 of his conscience. Whereupon the Queen left the chapel 
 at the conclusion of the Gospel. 29 In consequence of this, 
 the Count de Feria pressed constantly upon Philip to use 
 all the influence possible with the Pope to declare her he¬ 
 retic and bastard, and to give her kingdom to Mary, Queen 
 of Scots, who had many partisans in England. 30 
 
 There was at this time a kind of mania for every one 
 to support his opinions by prophecies or predictions. Some 
 old prophecy was quoted to qualify or confirm every in¬ 
 cident. According to some, Elizabeth would occupy the 
 throne of Europe; others announced, she would die very 
 soon, and that Philip would return to rule in England. 31 
 
 Elizabeth caused the funeral ceremonies of her sister 
 [Tuesday, December loth, 1558], and that of the Emperor 
 Charles V. [Christmas Eve, December 24], to be performed 
 with great pomp and solemnity; but directed that the 
 Lord’s Prayer, and other prayers, and some portion of the 
 Mass, should be said in English. 82 
 
 29 “La Reina se retiró concluido el Evangelio.” It was at the 
 Offertory, not at the Elevation, that she withdrew. Lingard, vi. 8. 
 Ellis, Second Series, ii. 262. Lemon, March 4, 123. Strype, A., i. 
 pt. i. 73. Ranke, Geschichte, i. 298. Strickland, vi. 155. Mackin¬ 
 tosh, ii. 250. 
 
 30 The Catholic clergy appear also to have publicly supported this 
 course of policy. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 63. 
 
 31 This custom was combined probably with the belief in sorcery 
 and astrological predictions, common in this age. The prophesyings 
 of the clergy were a source of much trouble to Elizabeth and her 
 Bishops, though chiefly Scriptural expositions. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 10, 
 87. Strickland, vi. 121, 156. 
 
 32 For an account of the ceremony, see Strickland, v. 444. Holin- 
 shed, iv. 158. Lemon, 117, according to which the interment was on 
 the 14th December. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 45. Machyn, 182. Hay¬ 
 ward, 12. Sandford, 506. Madden, clxvi. The Queen attended the 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 49 
 
 The Earl of Arundel took office as Lord High Treasurer, ad . 1558. 
 and Winchester that of Treasurer. 
 
 Towards the close of the year the subject of the marriage 
 of the Queen with the Duke Adolphus [Duke of Holstein], 
 brother of the King of Denmark, was discussed; but the 
 Count [De Feria] flattered himself he had averted this, by 
 representing the Duke to be a fervent Catholic. 33 
 
 service, and White, Bishop of Winchester, preached a very insolent ser¬ 
 mon, for which she ordered his arrest. Harington, ‘ Nugse Antiquae,’ 
 ii. 85. Strickland, vi. 153. Soames, iv. 617. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 48. 
 
 For Charles Y.’s funeral, see Holinshed, iv. 158. Strype, A., i. pt. 
 i. 46, who says on the 23rd. Lemon, 117, 118. Machyn, 184. There, 
 is some difference as to the day. 
 
 33 The question was revived March 20, 1560. “ That he loved and 
 
 was beloved” seems very doubtful. He was honourably received, 
 flattered, and dismissed. The Duke wrote to her so late as 1563. 
 
 Camden, Annals, i. 69. Lingard, vi. 66. Forbes, i. 443. Mackin¬ 
 tosh, ii. 271. Gonzalez writes, “Presentando al Duque como gran 
 Católico but compare this with his letter to Cecil, no. 1099, July 31, 
 
 1559. Stevenson, i. 432. 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1559. 
 
 During tlie negotiations for peace, the Courts of Spain and 
 France sought to induce Elizabeth to marry according to 
 their political interests. But she played her part so shrewdly, 
 as to compromise both without advantage to either. The 
 Count de Feria, although very distrustful, still indulged the 
 hope of a decision in Philip’s favour. Either personally, or 
 through agents, he held private conferences with the confi¬ 
 dants of the Queen. At times, it seems, they encouraged him, 
 as they believed she held Philip in high regard. Political 
 considerations made this probable. For should Philip marry 
 a princess of France, the danger would be great to the 
 kingdom. The revolt in the Netherlands, which the French 
 cabinet insidiously encouraged, being suppressed, Philip, 
 thus free from internal commotions in his estates, could 
 direct his power in aid of the Scots, and support the claims 
 to the succession to the throne asserted by the House of 
 Stuart, and the pretensions of the Daupliiness [Mary Stuart], 
 based on the bastardy of Elizabeth, and her defection from 
 the Roman faith. The question lingered. Philip at last, 
 whether from natural inclination towards Elizabeth, or in com¬ 
 pliance with the policy recommended by the ambassador, 
 the Duke of Alva, and others, or from his sincere desire to 
 re-establish the Roman Catholic religion in England, and 
 through peace to secure Flanders from all hostile aid, and to 
 protect the trade from Spain to South America, now become 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 51 
 
 important, from the piracy of English cruisers, determined A.D. 1559. 
 to open a formal negotiation of marriage, and directed the 
 ambassador, in a ciphered dispatch, dated Brussels, Ja- j a n. 10 . 
 nuary 10, 1559, countersigned by the Secretary of State, 
 
 Gonzalo Perez, father of Antonio Perez, to carry his resolu¬ 
 tion into effect. 1 In this document, he sets forth that, all 
 temporal considerations disregarded, he is induced to make 
 this proposal, solely because he believes that by so doing 
 he will acquit himself of a great duty towards God. The 
 marriage could be solemnized only upon the following 
 conditions:—The Queen must abjure all heretical errors 
 whatsoever, and become a faithful Catholic if she be not one. 
 
 That she must sue privately for absolution and dispensation 
 from the Pope. That he shall not be required to reside in 
 England, but only when without disadvantage to his other 
 estates he could do so. That it should not be stipulated,' if 
 a son were born, the child should be heir to Flanders, for al¬ 
 though this was done with Queen Mary, it could not on any 
 account be now conceded,—not to prejudice the right of 
 his son, Don Carlos {for no perjudicar al Principe suhijo). 
 
 The Count was directed to make this proposal, prudently, 
 openly, at a personal interview ( derechamente y cara á cara), 
 on no account in writing; and not to distrust its becoming 
 known, for although honour is not risked by a proposal of mar¬ 
 riage made to a woman, and not coming forth successful 
 {pues aunque no se aventura honra en requerir á una muqer 
 de casamiento, y no salirse con ello), — yet doing this as I do, 
 solely for the service of our Lord and the good of religion, 
 with no temporal object, it is not a case in which to moot 
 points of honour or of dignity, since I offer up all to this 
 end. At the same time hopeful of success, and that thus the 
 
 1 Aikin, i. 258. Strickland, vi. 173. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 141. Lingard 
 says the Spanish king was a wooer from policy: perhaps so;—but Philip 
 expressly denied it in the clearest terms. Lingard, vi. 63. 
 
52 
 
 DOCUMENTS DELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1559. war would be advantageously maintained by the aid of 
 England against France, he pressed his agents to induce 
 the English Cabinet to propose terms, which would be inad¬ 
 missible, and yet always without making him appear in it 
 whatever might be the issue. 2 The Count fulfilled his in¬ 
 structions. The proposal was not discouraged, since it appears 
 she expressly said ,—“ That Parliament must be consulted ; 
 but Philip might be assured that—should she marry—he 
 would be preferred to all.'’ 5 To this flattering speech Philip 
 Jan. 28. hopefully replied upon January 28th; he impressed upon her 
 the advantage of his friendship, and gave expression to the 
 interest he felt in the matter. 
 
 Parliament met on the 25th, and although it was the 
 custom of the Abbot and Monks of Westminster to go forth 
 in procession to meet the Sovereign, she commanded them 
 not to do so. 3 * Three questions were to be submitted, upon 
 the advice of the Secretary Cecil, and the Duke of Bed¬ 
 ford :—To reform or change religion. To repeal the laws 
 recently passed. To ask for a vote of supply. Before it 
 assembled, Elizabeth had been solemnly crowned. De Feria, 
 under the pretence of ill-health, did not attend at the ce¬ 
 remony, as well from the fear of being present when some 
 
 2 Sir James Mackintosh says—“ All attempts have proved unsuccess¬ 
 ful to recover the Count de Feria’s proposition of marriage, or Carne’s 
 dispatches, containing the account of Caraffa’s answer to Elizabeth.” 
 Mackintosh, ii. 269. Philip’s letter to De Feria, upon which his pro¬ 
 position was founded, is printed by Gonzalez from the original dispatch. 
 Documento, no. ii. 405. With respect to Caraffa’s answer, see P. 
 Sarpi, Hist. Trente, (Le Courayer,) ii. 49 ; Lingard, vi. 5 ; and Strype’s 
 account of Carne’s recall, A., i. pt. i. 50. 
 
 3 The Parliament was summoned for Monday, January 23rd, it was 
 
 prorogued by Sir Nicholas Bacon to the 25th, owing to the Queen’s 
 indisposition. Abbot Feckenham sat the first day, but neither he nor 
 any other Abbot or Prior afterwards. Parry, 214. Strickland, vi. 
 
 171. Holinshed, iv. 177. Strype, A., i., pt. i. 78. 
 
TIIE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 53 
 
 irreverence might be shown to his religion, and also on ac- A.D. 1559. 
 count of the etiquette (etiqueta ele preferencia) observed in 
 the chapel. 4 He was told that upon her coronation Eliza¬ 
 beth received the sacrament sub utraque specie, which proved 
 afterwards to be incorrect. 
 
 Among the members of the Cabinet a well-grounded 
 suspicion arose, thAt the Queen entertained the thought of 
 marriage with Philip, and they employed every means in 
 their power to dissuade her from the act. They repre¬ 
 sented to her the suspicious character of the king, his reli¬ 
 gious intolerance, the unhappiness of Mary, the deplorable 
 condition of his estates, the threatened rebellion in Flanders, 
 the doctrines of the Reformers pullulating in Spain, France 
 in arms against him, and his navy crippled. They added 
 —she should remember her father had broken entirely with 
 Spain, on account of his marriage with Catherine of Ar- 
 ragon, the wife of his brother Arthur, and that she should 
 not seek to dishonour his memory by marriage with the 
 husband of her sister. 5 The Catholics, aware of these sug¬ 
 gestions, were alarmed at their position, and looked to Philip 
 for relief from the injuries they endured. 
 
 When informed of the changes to be proposed in Parlia¬ 
 ment as regarded religion, Philip consulted the Duke of 
 Alva, the Bishop of Arras, and the Count of Melito—stating 
 that if such measures were legalized, he should withdraw the 
 consideration of marriage, for if these were once sanctioned 
 in Parliament, they could not be repealed except by convok¬ 
 ing another, and as the Houses met only in winter it would 
 much delay the proceedings. They all, especially the Duke, 
 replied—the marriage ought not to take place until the 
 Catholicity of the Queen had been first fully proved, but with 
 respect to the remaining points, they did not attach to these 
 
 * Lingard, vi. 10. 5 Lingárd, vi. 62. Wright, Elizabeth, i. 7. 
 
54 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1559. much importance. Acting upon this advice, Philip wrote 
 to De Feria, desiring him to press very earnestly upon the 
 Queen the grave results which must ensue upon similar 
 reforms and changes at the commencement of her reign, 
 and to tell her plainly, if these were persisted in, he could 
 not treat of marriage. The Count received the instructions 
 Feb. 17. on the 17th of February, and he urged as far as he could the 
 proposals of Elizabeth, who however resolutely told him— 
 she thought to remain unmarried, for she felt very scru¬ 
 pulous as regarded the dispensation of the Pope (que pen¬ 
 saba estar sin casarse, porque tenia mucho escrúpulo en lo 
 de la dispensa del Papa). The Count advised the king of 
 Feb. 20. this reply on the 20th of February. It was suspected that 
 during the negotiations, the French had proposed another 
 match to Elizabeth, as it was known a certain Guido Caval¬ 
 canti had brought her a portrait with which she appeared 
 much pleased. 0 Tho Count [George von Helfenstein, Baron 
 of Gundelfingen] arrived in London about this time, and 
 the Queen expressed her suspicions as to his motives. The 
 Count knew well his mission, and therefore replied as if 
 assured by Philip that his uncle, the Emperor, had sent 
 him merely upon a complimentary visit (no le enviaba sino á 
 meros cumplimientos) d 
 
 To make Philip thoroughly acquainted with what had 
 occurred, particularly with the private conferences with 
 the Queen, that the Parliament had declared her Head of 
 the Church, etc.. De Feria sent Don Alvaro de la Cuadra, 
 Bishop of Aquila, secretly instructed to inform him person¬ 
 ally of all. He was specially enjoined to do so, as regarded 
 the decline of his proposals, and further that with regard to 
 marriage the Queen had spoken in Parliament, stating it 
 
 6 He was a Florentine merchant, much engaged in negotiations. 
 Hayward, 35. Wright, i. 127. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 549. Froude, Hi. 59. 
 
 7 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 111. Teulet, ii. 129. Froude, vii. 199. 
 
THE KEIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 55 
 
 to be her wish to remain single ; that the Parliament had A.D. 1559. 
 affirmed her legitimacy, and had refused the tenths, deny¬ 
 ing the authority of the Pope. Although much annoyed 
 by her decision, Philip showed no anger, and wrote to her 
 on the 23rd (?) of March in very friendly terms. But the 
 refusal rankled in his heart; the evident depression of the 
 Catholic party, and the influence of the Court of Rome, 
 combined alike to cause an angry estrangement. Among 
 the reasons for her refusal of Philip, and upon which Eliza¬ 
 beth most insisted, were, that being a heretic ( siendo heré¬ 
 tica) she could not marry him, and that she was resolved to 
 restore religion precisely as it had been left by her father. 
 
 That, although she would not assume the title of Head of 
 the Church, she would not consent that money should be 
 withdrawn for Rome, and that she would have the Act of 
 Parliament sworn to by all who held public employments, 
 although they might be ecclesiastics, and by the graduates 
 of the Universities. To this all the Members of Parliament, 
 except the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Montague, the Bishops, 
 and the Abbot of Westminster [Feckenham], agreed. 8 The 
 Bishops held a synod, in which they swore to die for the 
 Catholic faith, and not to suffer such reforms and changes. 
 
 To encourage them, and other Catholics who relied solely 
 upon Philip, he sent to the Count sixty thousand crowns to 
 distribute among them. 
 
 On the 19th of March, Harman [sic) [Sir George Howard, Mar. 19. 
 Knt.] arrived in London with the news that the prelimi¬ 
 naries of the treaty of Cambresis had been agreed to, which 
 was celebrated with great rejoicings.* 
 
 After this, and upon the pressing requests of De Feria 
 regarding the religious questions at issue, Elizabeth ordered 
 
 8 See Hallam’s argument upon these measures, Const. Hist. i. 152. 
 Macaulay’s Essays, ii. Raumer, Geseliichtc, ii. 426. Strype, A., i. pt. i. 
 
 83, 86. Lingard, A'i. 15. Fronde, vii. 45. * See Appendix. 
 
56 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1559. that several divines should assemble to dispute publicly 
 ~ upon the following questions :—lstly. Whether the celebra¬ 
 tion of the Divine offices, and the administration of the Sa¬ 
 craments, should be in the vulgar tongue ? 2ndly. Whether 
 a national Synod can institute new ceremonies and rites, 
 and alter those in use ? 3rdly. "Whether it can be proved 
 from Holy Writ, that the Mass is a sacrifice for the living 
 and the dead? On the part of the Catholics appeared 
 [Heath], Archbishop of York; the Bishop of Wemminster 
 [John White, Bishop of Winchester]; “El de Cordes ” 
 [Thomas Watson, Bishop of Lincoln] ; [John de Fecken- 
 ham] the Abbot of Westminster; “ Eoolsall” [Dr. John 
 Boxall, Dean of Peterborough] ; Doctor Cool [Henry Cole, 
 Dean of St. Paul’s]; Doctor Harsfeld [John Harpsfield, 
 Archdeacon of Canterbury]; Doctor Getsé [William Chedsey, 
 Archdeacon of Middlesex], and two others. On the part of 
 the Protestants, Doctor Coxe [Dr. Richard Cox, Bishop of 
 Ely]; Gruyndal [Edmund Grindal, afterwards Archbishop 
 of Canterbury]; Horner [Dr. Robert Horn, afterwards Bishop 
 of Winchester]; Aysshed [David Whitehead]; Gost [Edmund 
 Guest, Gest, or Gheast] ; Lever, [Archdeacon Thomas ?] [or, 
 John Aylmer or Elmer, afterwards Bishop of London] ; San¬ 
 tón? [Edwin Sandys?] and Fewell [John Jewell, afterwards 
 Bishop of Salisbury]. The assembly was held in the choir of 
 Westminster Abbey. The Catholics understood the subjects 
 proposed were to be debated, but were told, cí j por el Baguen ,” 
 (sic) [i. e. Lord-Keeper Bacon] by order of the Queen, that 
 the discussion must be in writing, and in English, for which 
 they were unprepared. In consequence of the objections 
 urged by the Dean [of St. Paul’s] and the Archdeacon of 
 St. Paul’s, and some of the Bishops, no progress could be 
 made. They were not allowed to argue against the first 
 article, but were compelled to write upon the second, and 
 pressed to affirm it, which all refused to do except Fecken- 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 57 
 
 ham, the Abbot of Westminster, who said t he would ac-A.D. 1559. 
 quiesce, as in obedience. The result was, that all the others 
 were arrested, their property sequestered, and they were 
 deprived of their dignities ( confiscadas sus haciendas y dig¬ 
 nidades) , 9 
 
 On the 7th of April Sir John Mason arrived with the April 7. 
 news of the final conclusion of the treaty of peace, and of 
 the marriage of Philip with Isabel de Valois. Upon hearing 
 this Elizabeth was much nettled, and told De Feria that 
 his master could not have been much enamoured of her, 
 since he had not had jiatience to hope for scarce four 
 months. The Count replied, it was her fault. She denied 
 this, saying, “ She had never given a definite answer/ 5 To 
 this De Feria assented, but added, “although the refusal 
 was in a certain manner indirect, he had not sought so to 
 press her as to bring her to the point of saying roundly 
 No ! to avoid all cause of anger between two such great 
 Sovereigns/ 5 
 
 The imprisonment of the Catholic bishops and divines 
 caused so much excitement, that commotions were feared, 
 both in Wales and Ireland; and it is a fact that in this year 
 overtures were made to Philip, by the Irish, that he should 
 name as King of Ireland some catholic member of his own 
 family, who would be at once accepted and maintained to 
 the uttermost; but he discouraged the proposal. 
 
 On the part of the King of Sweden, the proposal of the 
 marriage of his son with the Queen was now renewed. 10 
 
 According to a letter of the Count de Luna, the Spanish 
 Minister at Vienna, it would appear that as soon as the 
 
 9 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 129, 133, 139, 140. Lingard, vi. 15. Holin- 
 slied, iv. 180, 183. Hayward’s Aunáis, 19-24. Froude, vii. 73-74. 
 
 Machyn, 192, 280, 389. Dodd, ii. 13(3. Collier, ii. 414. Zurich Let¬ 
 ters, 1st scr. 255. 
 
 10 Hayward’s Annals, 37. Aikin, i. 231. Machyn’s Diary, 214. 
 
58 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1559. Emperor knew that tlie proposal of Philip was declined, he 
 sought to persuade him it would be advantageous to co¬ 
 operate in effecting her marriage with one of his sous. 11 To 
 this Philip cordially assented, and wrote to recommend it 
 strongly to De Feria. To this, however, he was resolutely 
 opposed, and constantly insisted that active measures should 
 be taken to induce the Pope to declare Elizabeth a heretic, 
 and. deprive her of her kingdom. Nevertheless, the Queen 
 declined the title of Head of the Church, for which that of 
 Governess ( gobernadora ) was substituted. 12 The statute of 
 Praemunire was renewed, and its clauses compelled to be 
 sworn to, on pain of loss of goods and offices to all by whom 
 the oath was refused, or who aided the recusants. 13 
 
 The Emperor formally mooted the negotiation of a mar¬ 
 riage with one of his sons, and sent to Elizabeth the por¬ 
 trait of the Archduke Ferdinand. But at this time my 
 Lord Robert [Leicester] stood so high in the favour and con¬ 
 fidence of the Queen, that it was publicly bruited about that 
 his wife was sick ( enferma y mala da un pecho), and that 
 Elizabeth only awaited her death to marry her husband. 11 
 De Feria, vexed in some degree at the unsuccessful result 
 of the principal object of his mission, now wrote to Philip, 
 representing to him that even for the cause of religion, it 
 would be better that he should be recalled. In this Philip 
 May 8. entirely concurred; and, by a dispatch dated May 8th, in¬ 
 structed him, that upon the close of the Parliamentary 
 Session he should take leave of the Queen, presenting at 
 
 11 Haynes’s Letters, i. 216. 
 
 12 Strickland, vi. 180. Aikin, i. 301. 
 
 13 Hayward, 27. Lemon, 133. Lingard, vi. 14. Strype, A., i. 
 pt. i. 101. 
 
 14 Strickland, vi. 200, 203. Pettigrew, ‘ Inquiry into the Death of 
 Amy Eobsart,’ 8vo, 1859. Aikin, i. 289. Lingard, vi. 69. Froudc, vii. 
 148, 279. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 59 
 
 the same time the Bishop of Aquila, whom he accredited as A.H. 1559. 
 his successor. 15 To soften the appearance of his recall, from 
 due regard to his position, it was pretended that the Count 
 was one of the hostages named as the guarantee for tho 
 Treaty of Peace. 
 
 Upon the same day [May 8th] Parliament was dissolved; 
 the Queen retaining the title of Governor of the Church. 
 
 The offices of the ritual were now read in the vulgar 
 tongue; and although many Catholics sought to leave the 
 kingdom to avoid all appearance of adhesion to such 
 changes, permission was given to but very few, and this 
 with difficulty. 
 
 It was at this time that Peguerin [Sir William Pickering] 
 came to London, and was received with such evident favour 
 by the Queen, that bets were current, 1Ü0 to 25, that he 
 would be king. 16 
 
 In obedience to the commands of the King, De Feria 
 obtained a long and private conference at his audience 
 of leave. He represented to her the serious results conse¬ 
 quent upon the novelties introduced; and counselled her 
 upon the part of Philip to leave religion as it was settled at 
 the death of Mary. To this she answered privately (and 
 these are tho very words of the Count) “ that she desired to 
 establish in her kingdom the Augustine Confession of Faith, 
 or another, but similar form (i'o otra cosa como aquella). 
 
 That she, in fact, differed but little from us [the Catholic 
 faith], because she believed Bios [Christ] was present in 
 the sacrifice of the Eucharist; and that in the Mass she 
 disapproved of only two or three parts (cosas). That for 
 herself, she thought to be saved quite as much as the 
 Bishop of Rome. 17 
 
 ' 15 Wright, Elizabeth, i. 8, 39. 
 
 * 16 Aikin, i. 296. Strickland, vi. 181. Lingard, vi. 67. 
 
 17 Strypc, A., i. pt. i. 3. Lingard, vi. 22. 
 
60 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1559. 
 
 May 15. 
 
 Some scurrilous plays were at tliis time represented in 
 London, in wliicli Philip had a notable part; and in which 
 both his government and his policy were ridiculed. The 
 argument of the play was attributed to some of the Mem¬ 
 bers of Parliament. This, the Queen voluntarily offered to 
 punish; but the ambassador told her neither the King nor 
 he cared for such trifles. 18 
 
 The Count was very anxious to know whether any pro¬ 
 posal of marriage, especially with the Archduke, was now 
 entertained; but, although through the means of spies who 
 informed him of whatever passed even in the privacy 
 ( hasta en el retraimiento ) of the Queen, he understood she 
 never could hear children, 19 he nevertheless was of opinion 
 that the union should be effected, inasmuch as admitting 
 she should die childless he would remain King. 
 
 Upon St. George’s Day the Queen conferred the Order 
 of the Garter upon the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of 
 Northampton, the Earl of Rutland, and Lord Robert 
 [Leicester]. 
 
 In pressing upon Philip that energetic representations 
 should be made at Rome to proceed against the Queen, De 
 Feria pointed out to him, that, whilst, during the schism 
 in the reign of Henry VIII., only two ecclesiastics in Parlia¬ 
 ment were opposed to his reform, now there was not one 
 who supported her policy ; and that in both chambers there 
 had been many laymen who were similarly disposed. Upon 
 the 15th of May the Count had his audience of leave; and 
 upon the 21st she addressed a long letter to Philip, highly 
 commending his services, and intimating her desire that his 
 
 13 See on these plays, Froude, vii. S2. 
 
 19 This opinion was very general. Mary, Queen of Scots, was weak 
 enough, or woman enough, to communicate it to Elizabeth, who pos¬ 
 sibly forgave her—as a Tudor. The genuineness of the letter has been 
 doubted. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 61 
 
 successor, the Bishop of Aquila, should be received with all A.D. 1559. 
 due consideration. 20 
 
 Upon Corpus Christi Day [May 23rd], the Count de 
 Montmorenci was at the palace, and the treaty of peace with 
 France was confirmed. 21 The Bishop of Aquila was not 
 present, because the prayers were not in conformity with the 
 Catholic ritual. 
 
 Upon the following day the Baron of Babenstein 23 arrived 
 with dispatches from the Emperor and a letter from Philip, 
 proposing a marriage with the Archduke Charles. The 
 envoy was received very honourably. In conversation she 
 showed great annoyance at the proposal; saying, she did 
 not wish to marry; much less with an overgrown man like 
 the Archduke Ferdinand, (she misunderstood the proposal,) 
 whom she was informed was a head taller than the Earl of 
 Bedford; a man who knew only how to repeat prayers, 
 nothing whatever about government; that, should she marry, 
 she hoped to do so with a man of more masculine character; 
 or if not—she would turn nun. 23 When her misconcep¬ 
 tion was pointed out, and that it was the Archduke Carlos, September, 
 and not Ferdinand who was suitor, she became calmer and 
 changed her tone, but added, “ she had no faith in artists, 
 and before she expressed an opinion would prefer seeing 
 the original.” It was proposed to communicate this to the 
 Emperor; but she answered—No. She did not wish to 
 give so ranch trouble either to the Emperor or to his son, to 
 see a woman so ugly as she was. It was rumoured in Lon¬ 
 don that the carnerero of the ambassador was in fact the 
 
 20 Stevenson, Calendar, 699, 944. 
 
 21 Machyn’s Diary, 197, 198, 199, 373. Aikin, i. 270. Strype, A., 
 i. pt. i. 285. 
 
 22 Casper Preyner, Baron in Stibing, Fladnitz, and Eabenstein 
 Stevenson, Nos. 630, 813, 814, 817, 872, 895. 
 
 23 Froude, vii. 45. 
 
62 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1559. Archduke in disguise; but it was well known at the em¬ 
 bassy that this was a concerted trick to intimate that the 
 Archduke could thus come incognito. 24 
 
 The bishops were now required to take the civil oath; the 
 Bishop of London [Bonner] refused, and his goods were se¬ 
 questered. The same course was pursued towards Dr. Cole, 
 the Dean of St. Paul’s, and Feckenham, the Abbot of West¬ 
 minster. 25 The abbot spoke to the ambassador of Spain, and 
 told him the clergy were all ready to die rather than take the 
 oath. Elizabeth now began to nominate dignitaries to the 
 Church; and because there was some doubt whether a wo¬ 
 man could take the title and exercise the functions of the 
 “ Head of the Church,” it was arranged that the chapters of 
 cathedrals should collate, institute, and consecrate those 
 appointed by her, according to the recent authorized cere¬ 
 monies. This was very different from that which obtained 
 in the reigns of Henry VIII. and of Edward VI., since the 
 nomination of the Crown was then alone sufficient. The 
 June 11. 11th of June, the Sacrament [Eucharist] was removed from 
 the Cathedral of St. Paul. 26 The judges of England ( lla¬ 
 mados de Inglaterra ) also refused to take the oath. 27 Sir 
 Nicholas Bacon pressed repeatedly his resignation of the 
 seals. The majority of the Council were of opinion that too 
 much rigour was shown. 
 
 The religious orders ( los frailes) were suppressed, and 
 the monks for the most part left the kingdom. 28 Those of 
 July 12. Sion and the Carthusians took refuge at Louvain [July 12th]. 
 
 The Queen granted to Leicester an annual sum of twelve 
 thousand pounds as a gratuity [de ayuda de costa ). 
 
 24 Strickland, vi. 192. Lingard, vi. 64. Haynes, State Papers, i. 
 216. Eroude, “Ferdinand,” vii. 97; “Carlos,” vii. 148. 
 
 25 Strype, A., pt. i. 204, 208, 209, 215. Hayward’s Annals, 27. 
 
 26 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 254, 260, 287. 27 Froude, vii. 90. 
 
 23 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 211. Machyn, 204. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 6.3 
 
 The number of families fleeing from the persecution in A.D. 1559. 
 the Low Countries was now excessive. 
 
 By a dispatch, dated Greenwich, July 6th, the Queen ap- July 6. 
 pointed Sir Thomas Chaloner, her ambassador to the Court 
 of Spain. 29 
 
 Upon the 9th Don Juan de Ayala departed from Ghent July 9. 
 for London, to escort the Countess of Feria, who had 
 remained there; and Philip desired him, as before he had 
 De Cuadra, to make the Queen clearly understand “ that he 
 could not approve the changes in her government, especially 
 as regarded religion; and that, as her good brother ( buen 
 hermanó), he counselled her to restore all things as they 
 were at her accession.'” The death of the King of France, 
 which occurred at this time, and with whose aid Philip hoped 
 to coerce Elizabeth to adopt his views, disconcerted all his 
 plans. 30 
 
 A friar of the religious order of La Merced (un fraile 
 mercenario), Fr. Rodrigo Guerrero, came about this time 
 to London, fleeing from the Inquisition of Spain; he was 
 promised a professor’s chair ( una cátedra) at Oxford, but 
 returned to Spain on the promise of protection from the 
 King. 31 
 
 Philip re-claimed the collar of the Order of the Golden 
 Fleece which Henry VIII. had borne, and it was returned in 
 conformity with the statutes of the Order. 32 July 9. 
 
 Don Juan de Ayala arrived in London on the 12th; and July 12. 
 although in accord with the ambassador he forbore to ad¬ 
 dress Elizabeth as Philip had ordered, he now did so, in 
 conformity with his pressing injunctions; but the remon- 
 
 29 Aikin, i. 285. Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 5. 
 
 30 See account of funeral ceremonies, Strype, A., i. pt. i. 187. 
 
 31 See some interesting details upon Spanish Protestants in Strype, 
 
 A., i. pt. i. 354-357. 
 
 32 Stevenson, Calendar, No. 962. 
 
64 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1559. strance was useless,—so useless, that on the 13th of August 
 July 26. they removed the crosses, statues and altars from all the 
 August 13. churches. 33 Bishops G f Sandwich (sic)* and Exeter [Dr. 
 
 Turberville] were deposed. The Bishop of Durham [Cutli- 
 bert Tunstall], deprived September 29th, who was very old, 
 tried to persuade Elizabeth that her father had enjoined in 
 his will the maintenance of Catholicism, at which the Council 
 laughed, and he met only with derision. 34 Church property 
 was now sold; and with the returns and taxes levied, ex¬ 
 ceeding four hundred thousand ducats, and a loan raised in 
 Florence, the demands on the exchequer were met. 
 
 August 26. About the middle of August [26th], Philip, against the 
 advice of his council, embarked at [Flushing] to return to 
 Spain. The naval force which escorted him was powerful 
 (in all ninety vessels) and caused anxiety in England. Or¬ 
 ders were therefore given for the sea-coast and arsenals to 
 be put in a state of defence. 35 
 
 The Duchess of Parma was left Governess of Flauders, 
 and from the hour of Philip’s departure Elizabeth and her 
 ministers felt themselves safe. For neither the Duchess nor 
 De Cuadra could conduct affairs with the watchful sagacity 
 of the King, nor with the ability and courtesy of De Feria. 
 On the 8th of September Philip arrived at Laredo. 
 
 The marriage of the Queen with the Archduke Charles was 
 still discussed; but whenever pressed to give a direct reply 
 as to her desire to see him, she constantly refused to do so ; 
 and so she openly wrote to Philip upon the 3rd of October. 
 October 3. Elizabeth now ordered the cross and candles to be re¬ 
 placed in her chapel as before. This caused some dis¬ 
 agreement with her Council. 36 She said they had caused 
 
 33 Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 23. Stevenson, Calendar, nos. 1082, 1307. 
 
 34 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 211, 213. Froude, vii. 87. Machyn, 204, 238. 
 
 33 Stevenson, Calendar, nos. 1174, 1175, 1258. 
 
 36 Froude, vii. 145. # See Appendix. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 G5 
 
 her to adopt measures which had met with general disap- A.D. 1S5Ü. 
 probation, and that the order to burn all statues and pic¬ 
 tures had created great discontent, especially in Wales and 
 in the North. The motive for this was suspected to be the 
 state of affairs as regarded the Archduke; because, accord¬ 
 ing to all the confidential information of that day, it was 
 fully believed that he would be accepted if the Emperor 
 should consent to let him come. But to this Philip was op¬ 
 posed, and advised his uncle never to allow him to come,— 
 except solemnly betrothed; for otherwise, if detained, he 
 might become a hostage, which would cause great embarrass¬ 
 ment. It is a fact, that at the same time there were in 
 London no less than twelve ambassadors, all of whom repre¬ 
 sented different interests as regarded the marriage of Eliza¬ 
 beth. The son of the King of Sweden, one of the suitors for 
 Elizabeth’s hand, affronted by being kept waiting in an 
 anteroom of the palace, quitted it without a word, and did 
 not again appear at Court. 
 
 Elizabeth was now much disquieted by the intrigues of 
 the courtiers, especially against Leicester, and great divisions 
 existed in the Council. Amid these troubles the presence 
 of a powerful force of French troops in Scotland caused 
 a general anxiety, insomuch that the Council sought very 
 earnestly to induce Elizabeth to marry, as a measure of 
 public policy,—submitting to her consideration Don Carlos, 
 the eldest son of Philip, towards which end a special am¬ 
 bassador was to be appointed. 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1560. 
 
 In consequence of tlie events in Scotland, the increase of 
 the French army, and the accredited reports of their inten¬ 
 tion to seize Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight, great pre¬ 
 parations, both by sea and land, were made. The Duke 
 of Norfolk was sent to the frontiers. Many Frenchmen 
 were arrested in England. Elizabeth threatened never to 
 lay down arms until the King of France should evacuate 
 Scotland, surrender the chiefs of the rebellion, and cease 
 to entitle himself King of England. Finally, the Queen 
 adopted the advice of Paget, to rely chiefly upon the friendly 
 co-operation of Philip. For this end special ambassadors, 
 viz. Viscount Montague and Sir Thomas Chamberlain, 
 Jan. 30. Knight, Ambassador Ledger, were accredited [January 30] 
 with secret instructions to assure him that reasonable pro¬ 
 posals would be made as regarded religious affairs, but with 
 this restriction,—that they were not to commit themselves 
 by definite terms. 1 
 
 Jan. 22. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton was sent to France as Ambas¬ 
 sador Extraordinary, his mission being chiefly to unite him¬ 
 self with the Huguenot party. 2 At the same time, Eliza¬ 
 beth very adroitly compelled the appearance of the most 
 suspected of the Catholic party,—and among others, that of 
 
 1 Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 38, 49. Machyn’s Diary, 216,225. Strype, 
 A., i. pt. i. 294. Froude, vii. 192. 
 
 5 Lingard, vi. 47. Forbes, i. 307, 317. Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 32. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 67 
 
 the Earl of Salisbury, the Duke of Northumberland, andA.D.lSGO. 
 El Caballero Chamberlan [?'. e. George Chambrelayne] . 3 
 
 The Emperor sent a special ambassador {el Baron Prei- 
 mer ), 4 to press the Queen to declare formally her resolution. 
 
 Ay or No, as regarded her marriage with the Archduke 
 Charles. 5 Elizabeth, on the 11th January, replied in a very 
 courteous letter, but stated she had no inclination towards 
 marriage,—a decision not recently formed, but which dated 
 from the time of Queen Mary, when her freedom depended 
 upon a great alliance which was proposed to her. M. de 
 Glasson [Philippe de Stable, Seigneur de Glajon] was sent March 27. 
 by Philip to Elizabeth, to dissuade her from giving aid to the 
 Scotch malcontents. 6 
 
 The Irish, suspicious of Philip, irritated by his delay to 
 give them aid, entered into secret negotiations of alliance 
 with the King of France. De Cuadra gave notice of this 
 to the Duchess of Parma, through Dr. Turner, 7 adding that 
 the Cabinet were distrustful of the Duke of Norfolk, and 
 that the general desire of the English, considering the con¬ 
 duct of Elizabeth, was that [Darnley] the son of Lady Lenis 
 [Lennox] should be called to the throne. 8 
 
 The Reformers now preached publicly against the Pope ; 
 they called him Antichrist, and said that since the Gospel 
 had the support of so great a crown as that of England, 
 nothing remained but to enforce it by the sword. 
 
 The ambassadors of Philip arrived at Toledo, when Philip, 
 
 3 This was doubtless Sir George Chambrelayne or Chamberlayn. 
 
 He was apparently in communication with Lady Dormer, Countess 
 Feria, etc. See Lemon, p. 163. Froude, vii. 16, 398. 
 
 4 See page 61. 5 Haynes’s Letters, i. 212. 
 
 6 Cecil’s reply to De Cuadra and M. de Glasson on these matters, 
 
 April 11, 1560. Forbes, i. 387, 402. Haynes, i. 280-283. Teulet, ii. 
 
 82, 98. Granvelle, vi. 34. 
 
 7 Froude, vii. 397. 8 Froude, vii. 200, 329. 
 
 F 2 
 
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 08 
 
 A.D. 1560. somewhat indisposed, suffered tlie visitation of being both 
 purged and bled. Upon his convalescence he referred them 
 to the Duke of Alva. Their mission was to this effect, to 
 obtain the co-operation of Spain against France. They were 
 informed that the treaties between the Crowns contemplated 
 the invasion of one or the other estate ; no such condition 
 existed, since England was the invader. The ambassadors 
 were dismissed with flattering expressions, and Garcilaso de 
 la Vega was dispatched to France to effect a transition as 
 regards the affairs of Scotland. The Court of France charged 
 Elizabeth as the fautor of the troubles in that kingdom, and 
 of the changes in religion. 
 
 The persecution of the Catholics increased daily, in spite 
 of the remonstrances of De Cuadra. In consequence of the 
 conjoined representations to Elizabeth, made by him through 
 M. de Glasson and Garcilaso de la Vega, Philip, for this and 
 other reasons, determined to send Don Juan Pacheco, as 
 Special Ambassador to Elizabeth. He was accredited on the 
 23rd June, and ordered to confer with the Duchess de 
 Parma, and in London with De Cuadra and M. de Glas¬ 
 son, to press upon the Queen to desist from giving aid to 
 the Scotch rebels, and to forbear all persecution of the 
 Catholics, in which case he would aid her in all occasions. 9 
 Pope Pius IV. thought also of sending to England the Abbot 
 of Saluzzo. He had been the friend and confidant of Car¬ 
 dinal Pole. Elizabeth thought so badly of him, that she at 
 once refused to receive him. 10 
 
 Elizabeth now publicly announced her resolution shortly 
 
 9 Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 39. Froude, via. 216. 
 
 10 June 6, 1560. The Abbate de Salute (Abbot of St. Saviour’s?) is 
 dispatched from Rome, and a license will be requested for him to come 
 into England. The Queen desires to hear often of his health. Trea¬ 
 sure sent to him. Lemon, 154. Eroude, vii. 243, 245. Gonzalez calls 
 him the Abad de Saluzzo, but as the date of the fact agrees, it is appre¬ 
 hended the same person is meant, although the text is not confirmed. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 69 
 
 to marry, and the death of Leicester’s wife accredited the A.D. 1660 . 
 suspicion she had chosen him. The Secretary Cecil and 
 the Duke of Norfolk were ill affected towards her for the 
 lavish favours she bestowed upon him. Moreover, it was 
 bruited about that the Queen and Leicester had planned 
 the assassination of his wife, since she was found in a coun¬ 
 try house with a stroke from the point of a dagger in her 
 head. 11 The Catholics, impressed with these matters, now 
 urged Philip to interfere, and in particular to maintain that 
 if the Queen died without offspring, as might happen, her 
 sister ( su hermana) Lady Catherine Grey [daughter of Henry, 
 late Duke of Suffolk] ought to succeed, as regulated by the 
 will of Henry VIII. 12 
 
 Philip wrote to the Queen that permission might be given 
 to Lady Dormer, grandmother (?) to the Duchess of Feria, 
 and Madame Clarencieux, to leave England. The request 
 was refused, and Elizabeth declared the Court of Philip was 
 the refuge of all her enemies. 13 
 
 11 Hardwicke, State Papers, i. 121, 165. Froude, vii. 148, 279, 282. 
 
 12 Lemon, p. 64 and index ; and ii. 554. Lingard, vi. 678. Hallam, 
 
 Const. Hist. i. 167, "339. Nichols, Queen Jane, Ckron. C. S., vol. 48, 
 and Edward VI., pp. 561-573. The text is literally followed. The 
 statement as to the degree of relationship is obviously erroneous, un¬ 
 less “ hermana ” simply expresses affinity. 
 
 13 There is apparently an error here. Lady Dormer was the second 
 wife and widow of Sir Robert Dormer, sheriff, co. Bucks. She was the 
 mother of Jane Dormer, subsequently Duchess de Feria. See Noble’s 
 ‘College of Arms,’ pp. 117, 118. Madden’s Princess Mary, p. 227. 
 
 Madame Clarencieux was Susanna, daughter of Richard White, of 
 Hutton, in Essex. An interesting account of her is given in Noble’s 
 * College of Arms,’ p. 116, and Madden, p. 222, which coincides with the 
 statement here made. A portrait of the Duchess de Feria, representing 
 a woman of much grace and beauty, was exhibited at the Museum 
 formed at Warwick by the Archaeological Institute, July, 1864. Eliza¬ 
 beth was perfectly justified in her act. They were both noted intriguers 
 of strong Roman Catholic feelings, and the Conde de Feria was Eliza¬ 
 beth’s bitterest enemy. 
 
70 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1561. 
 
 Upon tlie death of the King of France, December 5th, 
 1560, [Francis II.,] the Scottish dissidents became more fer¬ 
 vent, conforming in almost all points with the religion 
 established in England. They conferred even upon the 
 choice of a successor to the throne, and named the Earl of 
 Arran. 
 
 Elizabeth sent several Protestant bishops to the Catholic 
 bishops then in durance, to intimate that if they would 
 but publicly conform to the offices and prayers of the 
 Church as established, she would not exact from them the 
 oath [of Supremacy ?]. They all refused, saying, “ It would 
 Feb. 25. be abjuration of communion with their Church.” Upon 
 this the Queen nominated bishops for York and other places, 
 which, because of the number of Papists in those parts, she 
 had hitherto avoided. 1 
 
 The rumours that Elizabeth now indulged in the most inti¬ 
 mate intercourse with Leicester became so brim, that in one 
 of the audiences with De Cuadra she tried to exculpate 
 herself, showing him the arrangement of her private apart¬ 
 ments, and seeking to persuade him the reports were un¬ 
 founded and calumnious. 2 Leicester on his part sought to 
 concíbate the ambassador, and sent sporting dogs and other 
 presents to Philip. The preachers now alluded in disparaging 
 
 1 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 370, 372. 
 
 : Sharon Turner's Elizabeth, p. 569. Strickland’s Elizabeth, vi. 257. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 71 
 
 terms to Elizabeth in their sermons, because of her conduct AD. 1561. 
 with Leicester. Henry Sidney, brother-in-law of Leicester, 
 confident of his marriage with the Queen, proposed to Philip, 
 that to obtain his support {para ganarle en su favor), he 
 should come himself to inform him of the aims of both parties, 
 and give out as a pretext his wish to visit his relation, the 
 Countess de Feria. Elizabeth sought to negotiate with 
 Philip more politically, by making favourable overtures to 
 France, for which end the Earl of Bedford was sent. 5 Mean- Jan. 25. 
 while Leicester was earnest in personal endeavours to induce 
 De Cuadra to persuade Elizabeth she ought to marry him ; 
 he broached the matter, but the Queen said, “ She should 
 first like to know how Philip would regard such a union.” 
 
 Leicester sought also to induce Philip to believe that by 
 marrying Elizabeth he could remedy the evils in regard to 
 religious questions, to which end they could propose the most 
 suitable measures in the General Council, and at which, if 
 requisite, he himself would attend. 4 At the beginning of 
 April, Elizabeth, under the pretext that Leicester’s apart¬ 
 ments, being low, were unhealthy, gave him others on an 
 upper story near to her own. Philip considered the overtures 
 made by Leicester and through his brother-in-law, Sidney, to 
 the effect he should induce Elizabeth to marry him as soon 
 as possible, and directed the Earl should be informed that 
 he would enter into no negotiation upon a matter of such 
 importance, unless the Queen should accredit a special am¬ 
 bassador to him. 
 
 Bumours were now prevalent of a conspiracy amongst the 
 Catholics against the Queen, in which even De Cuadra was 
 implicated, who elaborately exculpated himself in an official 
 letter of the 27th April. On this account, and lor other April 27. 
 
 3 ilaehyn, 245-270. Froude. vii. 315. 
 
 * Froude, vii. 3*18-313, 32-5-328. 
 
72 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1561. reasons, the Council resolved to refuse admission to the 
 Nuncio, despite the representations of De Cuadra. 5 
 
 The Courts of Elizabeth and Philip became daily more 
 estranged. 
 
 Several nuns, expelled from their convents, pensioned by 
 Philip to induce them to continue in their faith, now turned 
 Protestants. Others, more faithful, sued for permission to 
 retire to Flanders, which was refused, as they were sus¬ 
 pected of complicity in acts of sorcery against the life of 
 the Queen. 
 
 Injurious statements were now printed and circulated 
 against Philip and De Cuadra, which increased the coolness 
 between the Courts. 
 
 Lady Catherine Grey was committed to the Tower, under 
 the plea she meditated a marriage injurious to the interests 
 of the Queen. The Earl of Hertford also was arrested; he 
 confessed a marriage with Lady Catherine. She subse¬ 
 quently gave birth to a child in prison. 6 
 
 Oct. 24. Elizabeth sent a special embassy on the 24th of October 
 to Spain, with the view to effect an abatement of the export 
 dues, and the adjustment of reprisals. And, suspicious of 
 Lady Douglas [Lennox], and doubtful whether her son did 
 
 5 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 410. Froude, vii. 342-344. 
 
 * It is unnecessary to repeat the story of this unhappy lady, the 
 theme of so much eloquent condemnation of Elizabeth. Mr. Froude’s 
 researches now enable us more calmly to view the case. She was 
 evidently deeply compromised in the intrigues of De Feria and De 
 Cuadra. The latter merely used her as a tool, to use or to throw 
 aside as policy might dictate. She forgot Cecil, who knew her, and 
 Lady Catherine paid the penalty of a flighty ambition. She died 
 January 27, 1567. Froude, vii. 70, 92. Aikin, i. 347. Hallam’s 
 Const. Hist. i. 172. Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 69, 137, 140. Lemon, 230, 
 235, and index. Haynes, i. 369, 378, 404. Machyn, p. 300. Strype, 
 A., i. pt. ii. 88, 117, 121, 124. Ellis’s Letters, 2nd ser. ii. 277-290. 
 Stevenson, Calendar, ii. 2, 3. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 73 
 
 not design to marry with the Queen of Scots, she compelled A.D.1561. 
 her attendance in London and that also of the Duke of 
 Norfolk, and of the Earls of Northumberland and West¬ 
 moreland. 7 
 
 [Shan] O'Neill (el Grande) took the oath of allegiance on 
 the 6th of January, 1562. 
 
 7 Froude, rii. 387-389. 
 
74 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1562. 
 
 Elizabeth, with regard to the King of Sweden [Eric XIV.], 
 now stated definitively she neither wished to marry him, nor 
 Aug. 5th. that he should come to see her. 1 [August 5th, 1562.] In 
 the meantime Leicester incessantly pressed upon De Cuadra, 
 that he should importune Philip to persuade Elizabeth to 
 confirm, as soon as possible, his marriage with her. 
 
 The English Catholics now loudly complained, that whilst 
 in full reliance Philip would aid them in the restoration of the 
 Roman Catholic ritual, he had abandoned them entirely, and 
 had allowed himself to be misled by the artifices of Elizabeth 
 and that thus they had unwisely declined the protection of 
 the King of France, which he had repeatedly offered. In 
 fact, Philip’s position was changed. If at one period he had 
 followed the counsel of the Duke of Alva, and of his other 
 ministers, he would not have left Flanders at the time he 
 did; he might then have succeeded nrreducing England to 
 obedience to the Roman See, and have prevented the loss of 
 the United Provinces. But his policy at the beginning of 
 his reign was, perchance, less sagacious than at a later period. 
 The French Court wilily misled him, and for many years he 
 felt kindly inclined towards Elizabeth, notwithstanding her 
 slighting conduct. When he determined to invade England, 
 
 1 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 405. Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 85. Granvelle, 
 vii. 227, 550. Eric’s love-letter and Granvelle’s comment thereupon 
 are of great interest. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 75 
 
 the opportunity was gone. Twenty years of defensive arma- A.D.1562. 
 ment, the death of Don Alvaro de Bazan, of the Marquis 
 of Santa Cruz, and the tempestuous weather, defeated the 
 attempt. 
 
 The conduct of De Cuadra became now very suspicious at 
 Court, and great pains were taken to watch his proceed¬ 
 ings. For this purpose some religious refugees from Spain 
 were employed; amongst them was a renegade, named Cas- 
 siodoro, who was perhaps the well-known Cassiodoro de 
 Reina, of whom mention is made towards the close of the 
 year 1563. 2 
 
 The Earl of Lennox was imprisoned in the Tower [Fe¬ 
 bruary] ; he had been before in the custody of the Master 
 of the Rolls. 3 
 
 There was a prevalent rumour in the beginning of Fe¬ 
 bruary, that the King of Sweden seriously entertained the 
 question of marriage with the Queen of Scots. Tins gave 
 so much umbrage to Elizabeth, that she ordered a fleet to 
 be ready to sail to Verwich [Berwick] .* 
 
 Strong representations were made to De Cuadra, to obtain 
 indemnity for wrongs done to British subjects in Spain. 
 
 Towards the end of April, Cecil's project of recovering 
 Calais by any means gained strength. To further this, an 
 
 2 This is most probably the Cassiodorus mentioned by Strype in his 
 life of Cranmer. He was a refugee preacher, and it was doubtless 
 owing to his entreaty a church (St. Mary Axe) was granted for the 
 use of the Spanish Protestants. If so, he was compelled to fly, upon 
 an accusation “ de peccato sodomitico,” a.d. 1563. Strype’s Grindal, 
 p. 219. Annals, i. pt. i. 355. Cranmer, i. 352. 
 
 3 In Lemon’s Calendar, a letter dated Shene, May 14th, 1562, is cited, 
 from Margaret, his Countess, entreating Cecil to obtain his release. 
 
 There can be but little doubt he was engaged in many disloyal schemes. 
 
 Froude, vii. p. 388. 
 
 4 Verwich. This was most probably Berwick-upon-Tweed. See 
 Eric’s Letter, Granvelle, vii. 227. 
 
76 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1562. expedition against Normandy was proposed and favoured by 
 Condé. The King of France formally instructed the Queen she 
 must by no means encourage this design. Elizabeth com¬ 
 missioned Sir Henry Sidney to ascertain the views of the 
 Queen Mother, and, if she were inclined towards Condé, to 
 offer her all the aid of the English forces. 5 
 
 The day after St. George’s Day [April 24th], some of the 
 nobility presented a petition to the Queen, recommending 
 her to marry immediately, and suggesting Leicester. 6 
 
 The insults to De Cuadra increased daily, even to forbid¬ 
 ding any Englishman to enter his house, of which he loudly 
 complained, as a wrong, done not indeed to him, but to the 
 King his master, and a violation of the law of nations. The 
 restrictions on the bishops and others were increased; their 
 number exceeded three hundred and sixty. 
 
 The Secretary, Cecil, had at this time so completely over¬ 
 come the fidelity of a retainer of the ambassador’s, as even 
 to induce him to become a Protestant, and through him to 
 discover the secrets of the embassy. 7 A courier, dis¬ 
 patched to the Duchess of Parma, was seized, it was said 
 by the servants of Cobban [Cobham]. 8 It happened also 
 that in a brawl between certain men some pistol-sliets were 
 exchanged, whereupon it was asserted that De Cuadra had 
 given the delinquent an asylum in his house [Durham 
 House], In vain De Cuadra demanded personally of the 
 Queen redress for these proceedings,—no satisfaction was 
 
 6 Hayward’s Annals, p. 96. 6 Machyn’s Diary, p. 280. 
 
 7 This man was Borghese, De Cuadra’s Secretary. The Bishop’s 
 anxiety and conscientious scruples to murder him, the bland persuasion 
 with which he sought to induce him to go to Brussels, where he might 
 be at once gibbeted, reveal the mind of the man and the casuistry of 
 the priest. Nevertheless, De Cuadra was always equal to his position. 
 Froude, vii. 898. 
 
 8 Two of the younger Cobhams, of a gallant, brave, and adventurous 
 race ; they were disguised as highwaymen. Froude, vii. 398. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 77 
 
 given; moreover, Sir George Chamberlajm 9 and a certain A.D. 1562. 
 Valert were arrested as friends of the ambassador. The 
 intrigues against him multiplied, even to the extent of 
 forging a letter supposed to be addressed by Philip to the 
 Earl of Bedford, on the supposition he was high in his con¬ 
 fidence. But this excited but little attention, and the Earl 
 destroyed the letter. 10 Elizabeth, irritated, gave full utter- June, 
 anee to her anger against De Cuadra at a long audience to 
 which he was admitted, justifying herself very clearly for the 
 following reasons :—Firstly, because that he had maliciously 
 glossed the answer through her ministers relative to the 
 coming of the Pope’s Nuncio. Secondly, that he openly en¬ 
 couraged the Catholic party, particularly the recusant bishops, 
 exhorting them to impugn the Anglican confession of faith. 
 
 Thirdly, that he had sent to Philip the book of Dr. Baal 
 [Bale, J., Bishop of Ossory], in which he wrote wrongfully 
 of him and of the Spanish nation, adducing it as evidence 
 of the inimical inclination of the Queen. Fourthly, that he 
 had reported to his Government that she had given a church 
 for the use of the Spanish heretics in London. Fifthly, that 
 John O’Neill and twelve more Irishmen, together with many 
 English Catholics, had openly received the Blessed Sacrament 
 at the embassy. Sixthly, that he had written to Philip 
 describing her as his mortal enemy. Seventhly, that he 
 had asserted that the ships which had sailed to the Guinea 
 coast were hers, and sent for a political purpose. Eighthly, 
 that he had intimated to his Court it was her intention to 
 encourage the heretics in the Low Countries, with the intent 
 to expel therefrom the Spanish power. And lastly, that he 
 
 9 This is doubtless the Sir George Chamberlayn described by Strype 
 as one of the pensioners of the King of Spain, a restless intriguer with 
 De Feria and the Duke of Alva. See Index to Strype, p. 143. Froude, 
 vii. 397, 398. And see ante, p. 63. 
 
 10 Mr. Froude says the Earl of Derby. Froude, vii. 400. 
 
78 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 .D. 1562. had informed Philip that she had contracted a private mar¬ 
 riage with Leicester in the house of the Earl of Pembroke. 11 
 To these charges De Cuadra nobly replied. He admitted 
 what was true, and placed before her the evidence upon 
 which he had based his conclusions, and pointed out to her 
 that it was his duty and obligation to report such matters to 
 his Court. Philip showed himself greatly incensed at these 
 proceedings, and it may be said that from this hour he 
 became greatly estranged from Elizabeth. He wrote to her 
 at once, openly stating that he must assist the King of 
 France against his rebels, and that to this end he should 
 assign ten thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry, 
 which caused a great sensation in England; but although 
 the Duchess of Parma expressed very firmly her opinion, 
 that with due regard to the treaties then in force, Elizabeth 
 was also bound to declare herself against the rebels, the 
 replies were extremely ambiguous. 
 
 The Court of France dispatched a M. Yieilleville [see 
 Castelnau, book iv. 155] to require from Elizabeth a clear 
 exposition of her policy, and at the same time pointed out 
 various acts committed on behalf of the rebels against the 
 realm. She replied—these accusations were the mere re¬ 
 sults of the intrigues of Philip, who sought only the ruin of 
 her kingdom. For her part, she had garrisoned her coasts 
 to be ready for whatever might arise, and that, in any case, 
 it was not incumbent upon her to render an account of her 
 acts to any one. 12 
 
 Peter Meobis (sir) went to France, accredited by Elizabeth, 
 
 11 The account here given of this interview should he compared with 
 Froude’s History, vii. 401-404. 
 
 12 It is not probable such a reply was ever sent. The absence of 
 dates renders it difficult to fix the transaction. If it related to the affairs 
 debated by the ambassador in August, 1562, the statement can be re¬ 
 futed. See Forbes, State Papers, ii. 17. 
 
THE KEIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 79 
 
 to concert with the Duke of Orleans, who promised to deliver A.D. 1562. 
 up Havre de Grace, Dieppe, and Rouen; in consequence 
 troops were dispatched to these places. But the design was 
 known in Paris in time to prevent its success. 13 Philip alike 
 in private letters to the Queen, as well as informal con¬ 
 ference with her ambassadors at Madrid, constantly en¬ 
 joined her to forego such projects. But Elizabeth, puffed up 
 by the promises of the rebels, and at this time well supplied 
 with money, neglected all advice upon the matter. 
 
 Arthur Pole, nephew of the Cardinal, under pretext of 
 religion, but really desirous that his right to the succes¬ 
 sion should gain strength ( tomase cuerpo), sought to leave 
 England. 14 
 
 The church of St. Mary Axe (Santa Maria cle Hacqs) was 
 given to the Spanish Protestant refugees, for public service. 
 
 Cecil drew up ( ordenó ) a work, in which he attempted to 
 prove ( intentó probar ) the falsehood of the Romish doctrines, 
 and the intolerance of that Church in every country. 15 
 
 The expedition to Normandy set sail in the middle of Sep¬ 
 tember, notwithstanding the vehement representations of 
 the French ambassador. 
 
 The Queen was taken ill at Hampton Court, so much so 
 that her life was despaired of; frequent councils were held 
 to deliberate upon the succession to the throne, but the 
 smallpox, which had been kept back by a bath she had 
 taken, soon after broke out, and anxiety ceased. 
 
 Through the medium of De Cuadra, the English Catho¬ 
 lics solicited the decision of the Pope as to whether they 
 
 w This Peter Meobis was Sir Peter Mewtis, who arrived at Dieppe 
 on the 22nd July, 1562. Throckmorton’s Letters to the Queen explain 
 the details in relation to his embassy. Forbes, State Papers, ii. 5. 
 
 14 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 555. 
 
 15 This doubtless refers to Nowell’s Catechism, Edward’s Articles, 
 and Jewel’s Apology, lately written at Cecil’s instigation. Froude, 
 vii. 504. 
 
80 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1562. could attend tlie Protestant service. The question was re- 
 Oct. 10. f erre d to the Inquisitor-General, who replied—No. Where¬ 
 upon De Cuadra was authorized to absolve them from the 
 ecclesiastical censures they had incurred. 
 
 The troops sent against Normandy were landed, but 
 shortly after, Rouen and Dieppe were surrendered, and they 
 were concentred at Havre de Grace. The Earl of Warwick 
 [el Conde de Verwich) pressed for immediate reinforce¬ 
 ments, and the blame of the miscarriage of this expedition 
 fell upon Cecil, who took to his bed and absented himself 
 from the council. 
 
 Arthur Pole was taken, and declared that he went to 
 France to further the designs of the House of Guise, and 
 that if the Queen of Scots should ascend the English throne 
 he was to be created Duke of Clarence. 16 
 
 Elizabeth sought at this time to negotiate a loan both at 
 home and abroad, but the military successes of the French 
 discouraged the scheme. 
 
 The Queen’s anger was now so excited, that upon the 
 French ambassador’s refusing to agree to the restitution 
 of Calais, she determined to place a guard on him, and to 
 arrest others of his countrymen then in London. But the 
 news came at this juncture of the overthrow of Condé, and 
 of his being taken prisoner, so the resolution was given up. 
 
 Intimation was given to the prisoners in the Tower, that 
 if they did not take the sacrament at Easter as the Queen 
 did, their heads should fall on the scaffold—but they to a 
 man refused. 
 
 16 Dr. Lingard rather derides, and describes it as a supposed attempt. 
 We do not get over a difficulty by a slur. It certainly was wild and 
 visionary, but it was sincere. It bad the covert protection of the French 
 ambassador, and the actors were doubtless merely used to play off 
 against the Queen's policy in Normandy. See Lingard. vi. 80. Strype, 
 A., i. pt. i. 546. Memorials, ii. pt. ii. 67. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 81 
 
 A.D. 1563. 
 
 On the 9th of January, Elizabeth addressed an important 
 letter to Philip. In this she complains with asperity of 
 his ambassador, Don Alvaro de la Cuadra, Bishop of Aquila. 
 She allowed his extensive knowledge, admitted his pru¬ 
 dence and practical ability in the conduct of affairs, but 
 added that his residence at her Court was no longer agree¬ 
 able. He meddled with matters beyond his accredited 
 functions. He fomented disturbance in the kingdom, upon 
 which account she trusted another ambassador would be 
 appointed, better suited to the time, and free from the 
 suspicion now attached to the embassy. The Council [at 
 Cecil’s instigation] sought in consequence to compel his 
 recall, under the pretext that he had given asylum to a man 
 who had shot at a servant of the Yidame de Chartres. 1 
 The truth was De Cuadra had not granted him asylum, but 
 
 1 Le Yidame de Chartres, Seigneur de Ferrieres-Maligni. He was 
 suspected of au intimate liaison with Marie de Medici, accorded for 
 diplomatic purposes. This is merely doubtful. “ Elle n’avait de gout 
 sensuel que la bonne chere.” He escaped the massacre of St. Bartholo¬ 
 mew’, and was held in great estimation by Elizabeth, who granted him 
 a pension of £300 quarterly. August 9th, 1567, he recommends Pierre 
 Briet and Jean Carre to Cecil, who sought permission to erect glass¬ 
 works similar to those of Venice, which was forbidden by the Senate 
 beyond the limits of that State upon pain of death. The Queen au¬ 
 thorized him to receive wine duty-free. Leicester thought little of 
 him. Strype, index. Martin, France, ix. 52. Lemon, pp. 211, 297. 
 Wright’s Elizabeth, index. Froude, vii. 476. 
 
82 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.P. 1563. ordered him to be turned out by a private way [ puerta 
 accesoria ]. Nor in fact did it afford any ground for the 
 charge, for, according to his statement, both the aggressor 
 and the complainant were foreigners, and the shot did not 
 take effect. The Queen, nevertheless, gave orders the 
 bishop must give up the keys of his house [Durham House], 
 both of the doors which opened upon the street, as well 
 as upon the river. De Cuadra complained strongly of 
 this order, and solicited a private audience. But this she 
 refused point-blank, and referred him to her Council. At 
 their meeting, Cecil told him, the Queen was determined to 
 take from him the official residence [la casa real ] which he 
 occupied, well aware that conspiracies against her life were 
 therein concocted, and that every Papist in London resorted 
 thither to hear Mass; and that this was so well known, and 
 caused so much ill-feeling among the people, that had not the 
 Queen restrained it, the populace would have attacked the 
 house, and cut the throats of as many as they found therein. 2 
 
 To these charges De Cuadra calmly replied. He adduced 
 proof of their falsehood, and added that no threats whatever 
 should control him in the discharge of his duty. These 
 proceedings took place just prior to the meeting of Parlia- 
 Jan. 12. ment, with the view of intimidating the Catholics; and so 
 strong was the animosity against them, that upon the sen¬ 
 tences inflicted upon the Reformers in France becoming 
 known, there was not a sermon preached in London, in which 
 the populace was not incited to kill every Catholic. The Bi¬ 
 shop of London, conjointly with the Queen’s Commissaries, 
 now commenced publicly to persecute all foreigners who did 
 not follow the reformed ritual; and upon De Cuadra com¬ 
 plaining of this, he was told that since more than twenty- 
 six Englishmen had been burnt in Spain, it was but just to 
 make reprisals ! 
 
 - Froude, vii. 477, 479. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 83 
 
 On the opening of Parliament, it was proposed to pass a A.D. 1563. 
 penal law against the Papists, which was resolutely opposed j an 13 . 
 by the Earl of Northumberland, who asserted that the real 
 motive was to condemn to death the bishops and the 
 clergy, and next the leading chiefs of the party. 
 
 Upon the 2nd of February, as the ambassador was saying 
 Mass in the chapel of the embassy, the service was interrupted 
 by an armed mob, who tore down the doors, and finding no 
 Englishmen at the service, seized Spaniards, Flemings, 
 
 Italians, and others, and bore them away openly to prison 
 amid loud huzzas. 3 
 
 Overtures were made to De Cuadra by John O’Neill, that 
 if Philip would aid him with eight hundred Spaniards he 
 would make war against Elizabeth. The ambassador de¬ 
 clined the project, having regard to the delicate position in 
 which he stood. Notwithstanding this, the Council, fearing 
 the insults offered to De Cuadra might lead to bad results, 
 became more conciliatory, and granted a partial satisfaction. 
 
 A vote of supply to the Queen was unwillingly conceded, 
 
 3 Sir John Mason thus narrates the affair in a letter to Sir Thomas 
 Chaloner, February 27th, 1562. Thei’e must be some error in the date. 
 
 It is described as taking place February 2nd, 1563, and Mason’s letter 
 is printed among those of that month and year. Mason’s account is as 
 follows :—“It may fortune come to your ears that the Spanish Ambas¬ 
 sador hath lately been very ill-used, as indeed the matter might have 
 been better used by such as were put in trust who abused their com¬ 
 mission. The truth was, that on Candlemas Day the Queen’s Highness 
 being advertised that sundry of her subjects would to both the Ambas¬ 
 sadors’ houses to hear Mass, and to be present at the rest of the cere¬ 
 monies wont to be used on that day, took order by her Council that 
 certain should be sent to try the truth thereof. Who, mistaking their 
 instructions, went malapertly to the places where the Ambassadors were 
 at service, and there laid hands upon certain of her subjects. The 
 meaning .was they should not have entered within the gates, which 
 hath been declared to the Ambassador, and I suppose he is satisfied.” 
 
 Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 128. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1563. Parliament holding the succession to the crown should be 
 first settled. 
 
 The Commons almost unanimously passed a Bill that 
 .every public functionary, without exception, should take the 
 oath of supremacy in spiritual affairs, and that no one should 
 dare to defend the authority of the Pope, under pain of death 
 “ al reincidente. This passed with but little opposition. 
 
 Government now ordered that no foreigner or traveller 
 should attend Mass, under heavy penalties. The Spaniards 
 who met to hear it at the chapel of the embassy were ar¬ 
 rested and heavily fined, and held to bail in four hundred 
 pounds to appear personally every Tuesday to receive orders. 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Arundel gave a 
 partial support to the law against the Catholics, to which 
 the Earl of Montagu, with a noble Christian liberality, of¬ 
 fered the most determined opposition. 4 
 
 Arthur Pole and his associates were condemned- as 
 traitors. 5 
 
 Cecil avowed openly in Parliament that Philip threatened 
 to invade England. 
 
 Ledington, the Secretary of the Queen of Scots, passed 
 through London at this time for France, with the intent, 
 as it was rumoured, to propose the marriage of the Queen, 
 his mistress, with the Most Christian King. This pleased 
 Elizabeth. It would probably be a protracted negotiation, 
 and thus stop a similar offer with regard to Don Carlos, 
 which she feared the most. The news that the Duke of 
 Guise had been wounded was celebrated with tournaments. 
 Ledington remained in London longer than was expected, 
 without proceeding to France, and in a very intimate con¬ 
 ference with De Cuadra, he showed him clearly that public 
 
 4 Lingard, vi. 82. Hallam, i. 157. 
 
 5 Lingard, vi. 81. Forbes, Cecil to Throgmorton, ii. 186. Wright’s 
 Elizabeth, i. 129. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 85 
 
 policy, especially in relation to religion, counselled that the A D. 1563. 
 Queen of Scots should marry Don Carlos, and that compa¬ 
 ratively neither a union with the Archduke nor the King 
 of France was so advantageous, in which opinion both the 
 Scotch and English Catholics concurred. 6 
 
 Notwithstanding the irritation excited by the severe pro¬ 
 ceedings of Elizabeth towards De Cuadra, Philip, for reasons 
 not given, passed them over, and contented himself by 
 merely intimating his displeasure to Sir Thomas Chaloner 
 in general terms, and to the Queen in an official dispatch. 
 
 Elizabeth, fearful that Mary, Queen of Scots, treated se¬ 
 cretly with Philip, and of her marriage with Don Carlos, 
 intimated that she was not disinclined to declare her suc¬ 
 cessor to the throne, provided that the Protestant form of 
 worship as at present established was guaranteed. 
 
 Intimation was again given to the bishops in custody that 
 they must take the oath of supremacy in matters spiritual 
 to the Queen, under pain of death. They replied in common 
 accord, they would lose their bodies rather than peril then- 
 souls. 
 
 The Emperor interceded on their behalf [September 24th?] 
 and as at the same time it was rumoured Philip designed to 
 go to Flanders, this persecution was slightly restrained. 7 
 
 Doctor Story, commissary against the Lutherans, broke 
 from prison, and by the aid of the chaplain of the Spanish 
 embassy, escaped. 
 
 John Smith [of Essex], cousin-german of King Edward, 
 fled from England from dread of persecution. 
 
 Elizabeth conferred the Order of the Garter upon the 
 Earls of Northumberland and Warwick. 8 
 
 6 Eanke, Geschichte, i. 341. 7 Strype, A., i. pt. ii. 47. 
 
 8 Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick. A man, says Hayward, more 
 noble in birth than of any other ability, not noted for any vice nor 
 for any virtue, notably preferred to (his high place of charge, more 
 
86 
 
 DOCUMENTS DELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 15G3. In tlie beginning of June, a correspondence commenced 
 between Philip and Mary, Queen of Scots. In a dispatch of 
 the loth of that month, he intimates he had decided to treat 
 upon the question of her marriage with his son, for the good 
 of religion. But upon the 6th of August he changed his 
 mind, por la disposición de su hijo, and sought to direct the 
 question [ desviar la plática] towards his cousin the Arch¬ 
 duke. 9 
 
 Aluye (sic) [M. D’Alluy] pressed upon Elizabeth the re¬ 
 storation of Havre de Grace, but she resolutely refused un¬ 
 less Calais was surrendered. 10 
 
 The Prince of Orange and Count Egmont treated secretly 
 with Elizabeth, upon matters greatly prejudicial to the in¬ 
 terests of Philip. 11 
 
 Elizabeth informed Mary, Queen of Scots, “ that if she 
 married a Prince of the House of Austria she would be her 
 constant enemy; if on the contrary, she did so according to 
 her will, she would declare her successor to the throned’ 
 De Cuadra, aware of this, sought out a confidential agent, 
 and sent him [very secretly by way of Ireland] to Scotland 
 to know the Queen’s determination. This agent was Luis 
 de Paz. A meeting with the Queen was covertly arranged, 
 at which she told him she was not indisposed to consider 
 the proposal, but to acquaint Philip more clearly with her 
 own views and the present state of her kingdom, she would 
 accredit a confidential agent, as these matters could not bo 
 trusted to letters. 12 
 
 by favour of them who were in favour with the Queen than either upon 
 experience or expectation of his own worth. Hayward, page 101. 
 
 9 Lingard, vi. 95. 10 Liugard, vi. 87. Forbes, State Papers, ii. 435. 
 
 11 There is an interesting note relative to these nobles and their de¬ 
 signs about this time, in a letter of Grauvelle’s to G. Perez. But he does 
 not allude to any intrigues of theirs in England. Grauvelle, vii. 1GG. 
 
 12 Various notices of this proposed marriage, and a most important 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 87 
 
 The Bishop of Ross was sent. Mary had corresponded A.D. 1563. 
 also with Cardinal Granvelle and the Duchess of Arschot. 
 
 When Luis de Paz returned to London, he found the am¬ 
 bassador upon his death-bed; he died, in fact, four hours 
 after his arrival. Nevertheless Diego Perez, Secretary to 
 the Legation, went to Flanders, and informed Philip’s 
 council, pressing the immediate appointment of another 
 ambassador, well supplied with funds to sustain the hopes 
 of the Catholics and to increase their adherents. The last 
 letter of De Cuadra is dated July 17th, and in this he notices July 17. 
 the measures he had taken to prevent the sail of the mari¬ 
 time armaments destined to molest the Spanish ships trading 
 to the Indies, and to make discoveries prejudicial to the 
 acknowledged rights of Spain. The Bishop died towards 
 the end of August, and his loss was deeply felt both in 
 London and Madrid. 13 
 
 dispatch from Granvelle to Philip relating to Luis de Paz, will be found 
 in Granvelle, vii. 113, 143, 145, 167, and 208. Froude, vii. 524. See 
 also Alava’s letter to Philip, January 23rd, 1565. Teulet, v. 6 [1565]. 
 
 13 The death of De Cuadra is noticed to Philip by Cardinal Granvelle 
 in his dispatch dated September 7th, 1563. In this, he refers to the 
 event as having caused deep regret to all. He strongly presses the 
 Bishop’s services upon the King, and solicits the royal liberality for the 
 good of the soul of the defunct, and because he had died crippled with 
 debts and in extreme necessity, and hopes his relations may profit by 
 the Bishop’s devotion to his duties. De Cuadra died probably of the 
 plague. See letter from Cecil, August 20th, 1563. Wright’s Elizabeth, 
 i. 137,142. Granvelle, vii. 196, 203, 209, 215, 336. Stow’s Annals, 656. 
 
58 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1564. 
 
 At tlie beginning of this year, it was understood Elizabeth 
 would forego her demand for the restitution of Calais. 
 
 Jan. 19. On the 19th of January, Philip being then at Monzon, a 
 private dispatch was sent to Don Diego Guzman de Silva, 
 appointing him ambassador to the English Court. 1 His 
 instructions were to proceed to Paris, and seek an interview 
 with Don Frances de Alava, the ambassador, and make him¬ 
 self thoroughly acquainted with the state of political affairs. 
 From thence he was to go to Flanders, and consult the 
 Duchess of Parma and Cardinal Granvelle, especially relative 
 to the disputes about the shipping prizes, upon which there 
 had been such mutual angry reclamations. At London he was 
 to show the Queen the greatest respect, and endeavour as 
 much as possible to please her, and maintain the closest 
 amity; to intercede pressingly on behalf of the Bishops, 
 and to convince her it was opposed even to the very spirit 
 of the Reformed religion to compel men to renounce the 
 faith they held. To give the most minute information to 
 the King and to the Archbishop of Seville relating to the 
 Spanish heretics then at London, or who might subsequently 
 arrive there. 2 By every means within his power he was to gain 
 
 1 Granvelle, vii. 335, 673. 
 
 : Philip’s anxiety in this respect was incessant, and would have 
 qualified him for the office of Chief Inquisitor in Spain. There is a 
 curious illustration of this zeal in relation to one Amsted, who appears 
 to have escaped his clutches. Granvelle, vi. 272, 289. Strype, A., i. 
 pt. 1, 173. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 89 
 
 the confidence of Leicester and the other councillors of the A.D. 1564. 
 Queen. To be unremitting in his endeavours to bring the 
 commercial question to a successful issue. To be equally so 
 as regarded any instructions he might receive from the Em¬ 
 peror. Finally, to avail himself of the same confidential 
 agents whom the late Bishop Don Alvaro de la Cuadra had 
 employed. 
 
 Articles of peace were agreed upon, on the 11th of April, April 11. 
 between the French and English. 
 
 Peace was proclaimed in London on the 22nd. On St. 
 
 George’s Day, the Order of the Garter was conferred upon 
 Lord Henry Sidney, brother-in-law of Leicester, the King 
 of France, and the Earl of Bedford. 
 
 There was now a rumour that from Richmond Elizabeth 
 went to Verwich (sic) [Berwick ?]. Some said it was to re¬ 
 lieve herself from a womanly frailty [flaqueza] ; 3 others, that 
 it related to the marriage of the Queen of Scots. 
 
 The Bishop of London [Bonner] was cited to take the oath 
 of supremacy [el jar amento cívico], but absolutely refused. 
 
 Upon the 5th of June [7th?], Elizabeth confirmed the June 5. 
 treaty of peace with France, at her palace at Richmond, 
 with M. de Brissac, ambassador from Paris. 
 
 Guzman de Silva arrived in London on the 17th of June j uue 17 . 
 [the 18th]. He immediately reported that a MS. had been 
 circulated, the purport of which was to prove that the suc¬ 
 cession to the Crown descended to Lady Catherine Grey, and 
 to her sons by the Earl of Hertford. It was attributed to an 
 erudite writer, named Ales [Hailes]. The result was. Lord 
 
 3 Gonzalez says : “ It has been often stated these rumours were cir¬ 
 culated by the ministers of Philip, hut nothing can he more untrue ; 
 the entire correspondence proves they spoke with great reserve about 
 them, and in fact they discredited and disavowed many communications 
 they received.” Gonzalez, page 303. Lingard. vi. 659, and NoteE.E. 
 
 718, upon Arthur Dudley, a reputed child of Leicester and Elizabeth. 
 
90 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D.1561. John Grey, her uncle, the Lady Catherine, her husband, and 
 the Duke and Duchess of Somerset, were arrested. The Earl 
 of Bedford and even the Secretary Cecil were inculpated. 4 
 
 June 22. Upon [Thursday] the 22nd, De Silva was formally pre¬ 
 sented at Court. The Queen received and embraced him 
 with every appearance of satisfaction. She spoke to him in 
 Italian and Latin with elegance and ease. Leicester con¬ 
 fided to him immediately the secret of his enmity to Cecil, 
 believing him to be concerned with the book of Hailes, and 
 asked him to induce the Queen to reprove him. 5 
 
 July 5? Whilst residing at Richmond, the Queen invited De*Silva 
 there. She invited him to sup in the house of one of her 
 kindred [ deudo suyo ] named Sastil (sic) [Sir Richard Sack- 
 vile], and received him very graciously, inquiring after the 
 Royal family in Spain, especially after Don Carlos. Then 
 asking —“ How matters were as regarded his marriage with 
 the Queen of Scots ?” she added —“ What does it mean ? 
 Every one despises me.” [¿Como ha de ser ? Todos me des¬ 
 precian.'} 6 
 
 The Earl of Arundel resigned his office. 
 
 By proclamation it was now ordered all unlawful prizes 
 should be restored to their ports, a measure which tended to 
 improve the feeling between the two Courts. 
 
 The ambassador of Saxony still endeavoured to persuade 
 Elizabeth that Philip, the Emperor, and other princes were 
 meditating to declare war against the Protestants. 
 
 Sept.. 23. At the Emperor’s death [September 23rd, 1564], the 
 
 4 Strype, A., i. pt. ii. 117; Strype, Smith, page 92. Cecil to Sir 
 Thomas Smith, Wright, i. 173, 179. Haynes, i. 411, 415. Hallam, 
 i. 174. Birch, i. 10. Froude, viii. 84. 
 
 5 On September 12th of this year, Cecil alludes to the rumours “ that 
 things are not sound betwixt my Lord Robert and me,” which he rather 
 disavows. See Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 176. Froude. viii. 85. 
 
 # See a fuller detail of this meeting, Froude, viii. 81, 88. Aikin, i. 391. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 91 
 
 Austrian Court gave no official information of it to the Queen, 
 who, although offended, gave orders that a solemn service 
 should be performed in St. Paul’s. Throckmorton was sent 
 to offer condolences on her part, and it was suspected also 
 he took with him instructions relative to her marriage with 
 the Archduke. 7 
 
 On the 29th of September, the Queen conferred the rank 
 of Baron and Earl upon Leicester, a title hitherto restricted 
 to the second sons of the Royal family. 8 
 
 The Queen of Scots showed much discontent towards 
 Elizabeth because she postponed the meeting of Parliament, 
 in which she thought the succession to the Crown would 
 be debated. She sent an express message to her on the 
 matter, whereupon Elizabeth replied, “ She was not so old 
 that they should so constantly remind her of death.” [No 
 era tan vieja para que le presentase la muerte delante tan 
 continuamente. ] 
 
 De Silva exerted himself with great ability on behalf of 
 the Catholics, and in private conference with her on the 
 matter she said, “ She had been compelled to temporize at 
 the beginning of her reign upon many points repugnant 
 to her, but that God only knew the heart, and that she 
 thought of restoring the crucifixes to churches.” 9 Cecil also 
 advised the Protestant clergy, that they should not molest 
 the Catholics. 
 
 The Irish again renewed their overtures to Philip to take 
 them under his protection, which he declined, and desired 
 De Silva to set aside with fair words whatever they might 
 propose on the subject. 
 
 7 Lemon, page 245. Strype, A., i. pt. ii. 119. Cecil, Wright’s Eliza¬ 
 beth, i. 176, 177. 
 
 8 Lingard, vi. 101. Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 177. Lemon, pages 244, 
 245, 246. Strype, A., i. pt. ii. 120. 
 
 9 Strype, A., i. pt. i. 259. Ranke, Geschichte, i. 306. Froude, viii. 
 130, 141. 
 
 A.D. 1564. 
 
 Sept. 29. 
 
92 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1564. 
 
 Leicester now showed himself to De Silva well-inclined 
 to favour the cause of the Catholics, believing that he might 
 by this policy obtain the support of Philip to his marriage 
 with the Queen. But it was now well known she no longer 
 thought of it, and so she frankly told the ambassador. 10 
 
 The Bishop of London [ Bonal ] was arrested upon sus¬ 
 picion that he was inclined to favour the party on behalf 
 of Lady Catherine Grey’s succession to the Crown. 11 
 
 De Silva sought private interviews with the Queen, on 
 which occasions he explained to her that, although his in¬ 
 structions were not to meddle with religious questions, he 
 yet felt that it was his duty relative to the Bishops and 
 other principal men, and assured her the adherents of the 
 
 10 It would be difficult to assign the precise cause for Elizabeth’s 
 final rejection of Leicester. The papers from Simancas, subject to the 
 judgment of Mr. Froude, may perhaps show how the scheme finally 
 failed. No defence can be offered for Elizabeth’s conduct. She was 
 attached to Leicester. Her pride would not permit her to marry him. 
 The opinion of her people, the strong remonstrance of her Council 
 were opposed to the match, yet she dallied with his suit, vacillated 
 and decided to reject him, but not until Amy Eobsart had been re¬ 
 moved by death, and that she had allowed Leicester to make overtures to 
 Philip, which, if accepted, would have caused a long and bitter civil 
 war, or the entire subjection of tbe Protestants, In 1565, Cecil alludes 
 to the Queen’s misliking of my Lord of Leicester. Wright’s Elizabeth 
 i. 206. Compare Baumer, Beitrage, i. 45-53. 
 
 11 Bonal P—This must surely relate to Bonner. Grindal was at this 
 date Bishop of London. No authority is given for the statement. 
 Gi-indal, although he attainted John-Stow, the tailor, as a fautor of 
 Papistry, was not likely to be forward in political intrigue. Dr. 
 Bonner, the deprived Bishop, was detained in the Marshalsea, where 
 he died September 5th, 1569. In 1564 he was in the Xing’s Bench. 
 He was liberally treated, but was buried at St. George’s, Southwark, 
 among thieves and murderers. He owed his life to his imprisonment. 
 He was suspected of being a party to the rebellion in the North, and 
 it is probable that it is to this the statement refers. Strypc, A., i. pt. i. 
 214. Strype’s Grindal, i. 210. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 93 
 
 old faith were more dutifully inclined towards her than those A.D. 1561. 
 of the new. This she admitted, and gave orders to mitigate 
 the confinement of the Bishop of London [Bonner], and 
 assured De Silva she did not read libros Alemanes [the 
 works of the Reformers], hut St. Jerome and St. Augustine. 
 
 The body of Bishop Cuadra remained still unremoved 
 from England, his servants fearing it would be arrested if 
 they attempted to do so, on account of his unpaid debts. 
 
 Philip ordered two thousand crowns to be remitted for their 
 discharge. 
 
94 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1565. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, and it was thought with the concur¬ 
 rence of Cecil, Elizabeth showed some tendencies as regarded 
 religion, which the Reformers did not take in good part. 
 Among others, was the order given as regarded placing 
 an image [una imágen ] in her own chapel, and the use of 
 vestments by the clergy. 1 But either by the advice of Lei¬ 
 cester, or, as it was said, from other causes she recalled the 
 instructions. 
 
 In the [revived] Carnival of this year, jousts, tournaments, 
 and masquerades were held [on Shrove Tuesday], at which 
 Leicester was one of the maintainers. 
 
 Upon Ash-Wednesday the Dean of St. Paul’s [Dr. Nowell] 
 preached, but as he condemned images, and the cross [in 
 churches], the Queen ordered him to be silent. 2 Some of 
 the clergy resisted the injunction as regarded the ecclesias¬ 
 tical vestments, but the Queen insisted definitely upon their 
 compliance with her orders. 
 
 Upon occasion of the interview arranged with the Queen 
 of Spain, with her mother the Queen of France, in Fuenter- 
 rabia, Elizabeth revived again the question of her marriage. 
 She told Guzman de Silva she knew that Don Carlos was to 
 
 1 “ Entre ellas fue notable la de mandar poner una imágen en su 
 capilla, y permitir que el clero anduviese en trato honesto peculiar, y 
 usar sobrepellices en las boras.” For a full account of these orders see 
 Fronde, viii. 133-141. 
 
 2 Froude, viii. 136. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 95 
 
 marry a daughter of the Emperor, and the Archduke Charles A. I). 1565. 
 a princess of Portugal; that for herself, little inclined as she 
 was to matrimony, yet considering the urgent pressure of 
 her subjects, she thought of marriage with the King of 
 France; that it was not her fault if she had not married 
 Philip [que el no haberse casado con Felipe no quedó por ella], 
 and that she felt hurt because Don Carlos had not been pro¬ 
 posed to her. 
 
 The body of Bishop Cuadra was sent by way of Flanders 
 to Naples, under the charge of Luis Roman, who had been 
 his agent. 
 
 In this year Philip gave instructions to his ministers to 
 collect evidence to accredit his right to the throne of 
 England. Whereupon Guzman de Silva drew up a genea¬ 
 logical table. [Gonzalez, p. 308.] 
 
 On the 27th of April, the Queen, whilst hunting with 
 Leicester, fell from her horse and hurt her leg. 
 
 The ceremony of the Washing of Feet was celebrated [on 
 Easter Tuesday], with much pomp and devotion. 3 
 
 The Baron of Mitemburg [or Miterburg], i. e. Adam 
 Schwethowitz, arrived in London [May —], to return the 
 insignia of the Order of the Garter of the late Emperor. It 
 gave rise to the suspicion that the proposal of marriage with 
 the Archduke Charles would be again renewed. The answer 
 to be given to this embassy, the attitude of the Catholic party, 
 and the opinion which at that time prevailed that the mar¬ 
 riage of Darnley with the Queen of Scots would take place, 
 caused much embarrassment to Elizabeth and her Council. 
 
 I [Gonzalez ?] have seen a copy of a letter of the Queen 
 Mary Stuart, written to the Lady Margaret [Douglas] in 
 the Tower, in which she informs her “ that her son is well, 
 and that she had received the key which had been sent to 
 her, of which great care should be taken.” 
 
 3 See Pe Silra’s letter. Fronde, viii. 140. 
 
96 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1565. On the 24th of July, Queen Mary wrote to Philip, asking 
 July 24. support to her marriage with Darnley, for the good of 
 religion; for Elizabeth had compelled her to break off inter¬ 
 course, to make ordinances very prejudicial to the Faith, and 
 had instigated her subjects to rebellion. 4 
 
 In the month of August the question of the marriage of 
 Elizabeth with the Archduke was seriously discussed. The 
 Emperor proposed “ That the Archduke should be left en¬ 
 tirely free in the exercise of his religion both in public and 
 private, and that the title of King should be conceded.” 
 But to this no member of the Council would agree, so the 
 question was again deferred, on the pretext the Queen would 
 not marry until she had seen him. The Duke of Norfolk 
 took no part in this, and Cecil was the leading opponent. 
 There was a rumour at this time of her marriage with the 
 young King of France, who would in such case support her 
 with a powerful levy of troops for the conquest of Scotland. 
 
 Aug. 6. On the 6th of August, De Silva reports the marriage of 
 Mary with Darnley, on [Sunday] the 29th of July, and the 
 tumults which had occurred. The Queen of Scots sent a se¬ 
 cret dispatch to the Pope, informing him of the danger in 
 which the interests of the Catholic religion stood unless she 
 was promptly aided, and asking the aid of twelve thousand 
 infantry. The Pope answered in vague terms, stating that 
 before all things it was requisite to consult the opinion 
 of Philip. In the meantime party-spirit increased in Scot¬ 
 land, and Elizabeth knowing this, aided the “ Congrega¬ 
 tion” with two thousand crowns, formerly destined for Lord 
 Henry Sidney in Ireland. 
 
 The Lady Margaret [Douglas] was still a prisoner in the 
 Tower, sick, and not allowed the attendance of the physician 
 she desired. 
 
 It was now rumoured that Leicester’s influence and private 
 4 Froude, viii. 184. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 97 
 
 favour had declined, and that although this did not outwardly A.D. 1565. 
 appear, yet that Henniche [Sir Thomas Heneage, a prin¬ 
 cipal officer in the QueeiTs household] enjoyed her more 
 intimate confidence. 5 
 
 Upon the 26th of October [October 16 ?] Philip gave the Oct. 26. 
 first formal evidence of his rupture with Elizabeth, in reply 
 to Cardinal Pacheco [on a message from the Pope]. He 
 announces his intention to support the Queen of Scots in 
 concurrence with the Pope, of whose views he expresses his 
 satisfaction. First, to subdue the rebellion against her, about 
 which he anticipates no great difficulty. Secondly, to main¬ 
 tain the Roman Catholic religion. Thirdly, to support Mary’s 
 right to the throne of England, which required the gravest 
 consideration. He added, he was prepared to aid Mary both 
 with money and advice, according to circumstances, but 
 added that he was determined all should be done in the 
 name of the Pope,—no mention whatever being made of him. 
 
 This project was communicated to De Silva, who was charged 
 to keep it secret, and to give only general replies should the 
 Council speak of the matter. A sum of twenty thousand 
 crowns was also remitted, which he was to employ as he 
 thought fit on behalf of the Queen, neither specifying the 
 sum nor the purpose. He wrote also on the same day to the 
 Queen of Scots, felicitating her upon her marriage. 6 
 
 On the 24th of this month, Elizabeth addressed letters Oct. 24. 
 of congratulation to Philip on the meeting at Bayonne, and 
 the marriage of the Prince of Parma and the Princess of 
 Portugal. 
 
 Guzman de Silva quitted London at the end of October, 
 to assist at this marriage. 
 
 5 This was doubtless some waiting-woman’s scandal, who believed 
 what she herself desired. 
 
 6 Froude, viii. 228-232. Tytler, vii 9. 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 DOCUMENTS DELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 156G. 
 
 Leicester and Norfolk began at this timo to wear violet and 
 yellow sashes, to distinguish those of one party from those of 
 another. 
 
 It was reported that upon the occasion of the embassy of 
 Rambollet [Nicholas d’Angennes, Seigneur de Rambouillet] 
 to bring the Order of St. Michael for the King of Scotland, 
 Leicester, and the Duke of Norfolk, the arms of France had 
 been placed where formerly those of Spain were displayed, 
 which attracted much attention at Madrid. It was noticed 
 also that the ambassador appointed by Elizabeth to conduct 
 the ordinary business of the embassy, John Mann [Dean of 
 Gloucester, 1565], was of low extraction. 
 
 March 1G. The Earl of Arundel departed for Italy. It was suspected 
 that he had quitted the king-dom to enjoy the free exercise 
 of the Catholic religion, particularly when it was understood 
 his mayordomo had visited the Bishop of London [Bonner] 
 in prison, which caused his being held in stricter durance 
 and no one to be allowed to visit him. 
 
 It was said Riccio’s death had been planned, directed, and 
 rewarded by eight thousand crowns remitted from London, 
 as a proof of which, Cecil had mentioned the act to the Lady 
 Margaret the night before it had occurred. 
 
 It is worthy of note that when the Earl of Northumber¬ 
 land came this year to London at the festival of St. George, 
 although he did not visit De Silva, he sent him a messenger 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 99 
 
 to say lie might rely on him on all occasions in the interests A.D. 1566. 
 of King Philip. 1 
 
 Thomas Anet [Thomas Danett] who had left London on 
 May 12th, with dispatches from the Queen for the Emperor 
 [Maximilian II.], informing him that it was her intention to 
 confer the Order of the Garter upon him, and was accredited 
 also with instructions relative to her marriage with the Arch¬ 
 duke Charles, now returned with a very unfavourable reply. 
 
 For the Emperor wrote definitely to Elizabeth, “that since 
 no church was to be appropriated for the public service of his 
 [the Archduke’s] religion, and that the title of King of all 
 her realms was not to be conceded to him, he would not give 
 his consent.” Elizabeth felt the refusal extremely, and showed 
 much ill-feeling towards Philip, to whom she attributed the 
 decision. 2 
 
 In Parliament, the question of the succession was debated 
 with great animation. The Queen was extremely dissatisfied 
 with Leicester and other members. Of the former she said 
 
 1 The Duke of Norfolk's treason is entirely confirmed by the do¬ 
 cuments printed by Teulet. See, among others, Alva to Philip II., 
 
 May 7th, 1571, v. 74. 
 
 2 This Thomas Danett was probably a descendant or connected with 
 the Danetts, a respectable family in Leicestershire. Gerard Danett, of 
 Danett’s Hall, was one of the Council of King Henry VIII.; he died in 
 1520, leaving two sons, Sir John, who died before 1577, and Thomas, 
 who married Anne, the daughter of Sir Matthew Browne, and who died 
 in 1569. This Thomas left a son Thomas, who was under twenty-two 
 in 1556—and may be the person mentioned in the text. On the 18th 
 May, 1566, Cecil writes to Lord Henry Sidney that his cousin Danett 
 has been sent to the Emperor. There is also a letter from Thomas 
 Danett to Cecil, dated from Vienna, 4th July, 1566, and a copy of a 
 letter from the Queen to Thomas Danett, 29th July, 1566. On Oc¬ 
 tober 20th, 1586, Thomas Danett writes to Secretary Davison and 
 makes application for the Clerkship of the Council, then vacant, about 
 which he had spoken to Mr. Robert Cecil. Nichols, Leicester, iv. 
 
 570. Lemon, Calendar, ii. 364. 
 
100 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1566. that “he was a thankless fellow, who repaid very ungrate¬ 
 fully the favours she had conferred upon him, even to the 
 point of suffering her honour to become suspected on his 
 account [ hasta el punto de padecer su honra por causa de 
 él] 
 
 It was now discussed to forbid absolutely the service of 
 the Mass, even in the chapel of the embassy, at which De 
 Silva showed himself much aggrieved, believing it to be a 
 violation of the rights of ambassadors. 
 
 The Queen still seemed inclined to mitigate in some de¬ 
 gree the rigour against the Catholics, and in consequence 
 of the information received at Rome, every hope was held 
 out to induce the continuance of this feeling. 
 
 Dec. 1 . On December 1st, Guzman de Silva at a private aiidi- 
 ence pointed out how beneficial it would be for the Queen 
 to be reconciled to the Court of Rome,—“ That she should 
 not be suspicious of the Pope, for should the case arise [en 
 caso necesario], he would legitimize her, and would grant 
 her the investiture of the kingdom, and of this he could 
 give her the strongest assurance.” She replied ,—“ God 
 knows what this means. I am well aware of the goodwill 
 of the Pope, and, who knows ? it may happen that after 
 all we two may marry. [ Dios sabe lo que hay en esto. Estoy 
 segura de la buena voluntad del Papa, y podrá ser que to¬ 
 davía nos casemos los dos] . ,H 
 
 3 Froude, viii. 312-316. 
 
 4 Froude, viii. 330. 
 
THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH 
 
 101 
 
 A.D. 1567. 
 
 Suspicion gained ground in London, and even at tlie Spanish, 
 embassy, from private communications received from Spain, 
 that Queen Mary was a party to the death of Darnley. 
 
 As soon as Leicester heard the news, he endeavoured to 
 he a party in the discussion of the future marriage of the 
 Queen of Scots, and even offered himself as a suitor. 
 
 De Silva tried to induce Elizabeth to believe that the 
 act had been instigated by the French Court, with the view 
 of marrying the Queen more in accordance with its views. 
 Elizabeth released Lady Margaret Lennox from the Tower, 
 which gave general satisfaction. Monseigneur de Moreta, 
 envoy from the Duke of Savoy to Scotland, travelled thence 
 immediately after the death of the King, and although as he 
 passed through London he narrated at the embassy the facts 
 as described, he added thereto some details which in the 
 judgment of the ambassador either proved, or induced much 
 suspicion, that the Queen knew and had even sanctioned the 
 act, and Moreta showed he himself thought so. 1 
 
 Some celebrated English navigators made overtures to 
 Guzman de Silva to enter into the service of Philip, for the 
 discovery of a route to the East Indies by a way much shorter 
 than that known to the Portuguese. 
 
 1 This is rather doubtful. Compare the postscript of Guzman dc 
 Silva’s dispatch, March 1, 1567, to Don Frances de Alava. Moreta 
 appears to have been extremely reserved,—perhaps unwilling to speak. 
 Teulct, v. 20, 22, 23, note of Alava. 
 
102 
 
 DOCUMENTS DELATING TO 
 
 A.D. 1567. On tlie 23rd of June, the Earl of Sussex [Thomas Rat- 
 
 June 23. cliffe, 11th Earl], embarked for Germany, to carry the Order 
 of the Garter to the Emperor [Maximilian II.], with secret 
 dispatches relative to the marriage of Elizabeth with the Arch¬ 
 duke Charles. 2 At the same time, the Court of France rather 
 pressed a union with the King. 
 
 July 3. On the 3rd of July, however, Elizabeth told Don Guzman 
 she would not give the world cause for derision, at seeing at 
 the church door an old woman and a child for that purpose. 
 
 July 31. The 3i s t of July, the Conde de Mure [Earl of Moray] 
 went to Scotland, and conferring before he departed with 
 the Spanish ambassador, evinced much displeasure that the 
 Junta had seized the Queen. For himself, he had always 
 thought very badly of the Bothwell case, and that he knew 
 for a certainty of the existence of a letter of more than three 
 sheets, in the handwriting of the Queen, and addressed to 
 Bothwell, in which she pressed upon him to execute what 
 they had agreed upon as regarded the death of the King, 
 either by giving him some potion, or, in case of need, burn¬ 
 ing the house; adding, that for himself he had not read the 
 letter, but gave the statement from one who had [Elphin- 
 ston] . 3 
 
 1 Holinsbed, iv. 232. Lingard, vi. 116. Aslnnole, Garter, pp. 395, 
 401. Strickland, vi. 286. 
 
 3 Teulet, ii. 291, 297. Tytler, Scotland, vii. 147. 
 
TIIH REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 103 
 
 A.D. 1568. 
 
 Elizabeth was suspicious tliat the secret league between 
 the Pope, the Emperor, the Kings of France and Portugal, 
 was not motived to solely with a view to resist the Turk, 
 but to put down the insurrections in France and Belgium, 
 and, this done, to invade England, dethrone her, and re¬ 
 store the Roman Catholic religion. The envoys of Philip 
 endeavoured by every means to convince her no such design 
 was entertained. 
 
 The Queen showed a decided resolution to abate nothing 
 of the changes introduced as regarded religion. It would 
 seem it was this determination that made her refuse the 
 conditions proposed by the Emperor relative to her mar¬ 
 riage with the Archduke. For during the discussion of the 
 matter, being’ asked if she were really now convinced the 
 Archduke was neither a fool nor deformed, she replied, 
 “ She knew he was an intelligent man, and as for his per¬ 
 sonal defects she had never given credit to the rumours,— 
 and even if he were so, it was of no moment, as her own 
 constitution would freely supply whatever deficiencies this 
 might cause as regards offspring; but in fact she had to 
 attend to matters of far greater importance.” 
 
 At the conferences at York, the Regent Moray submitted 
 various documents relative to the complicity of the Queen 
 in the murder of Darnley, which in the judgment of some 
 were not authentic. 
 

APPENDIX 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 Page 42 .— Gross venality of the Council. That the Duke of 
 Alva and others seriously thought the councillors of Elizabeth 
 were open to bribes will be seen from Alva’s letters to Philip, 
 June 13, 1569, to Don Guerau de Espés, July 2, 1569, printed 
 in the Colección de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de 
 España, por los Señores Marqueses de Pidal, etc., tomo xxxviii. 
 pp. 133, 151. 
 
 Page 45 .— Bishop of Ely. Thomas Thirlby, deprived for re¬ 
 fusing to take the oath of supremacy, December 23,1559. He 
 was succeeded by Richard Cox, first Dean of Oxford, elected 
 July 28, 1559. His name does not appear as Archdeacon of 
 Exeter. Le Neve, Fasti; Hardy, vol. i. 
 
 Page 55.—March 19th. Harman was no doubt Sir George 
 Howard, Knight. On March 18th Sir J. Mason writes to the 
 Queen:—“Arriving here on 16th instant, found the Lord Cham¬ 
 berlain’s son newly dispatched to her with the conclusion of the 
 Peace,” etc. Stevenson, Calendar, i. Nos. 421, 596. 
 
 Page 56.— Lever. Archdeacon Thomas? or John Aylmer or 
 Elmer? These names are merely conjectural. Aylmer was a man 
 of known erudition, and was certainly one of those selected for 
 
 I 
 
106 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 the disputation. Holiushcd, iv. 183. Strype, Aylmer, p. 11. 
 Stevenson, Calendar, i. 278, No. 744. 
 
 Page 64 .—Bishop of Sandwich ? This perhaps relates to the 
 Suffragan Bishop of Dover, near Sandwich, and to the successor of 
 Richard Thornden, who probably died about 1557. Eoxe cites the 
 death of both Thornden and his successor as examples of punish¬ 
 ment for the sin of persecution. Strype, Cranmer, ii. 1046. 
 Memorials, iii. pt. ii. 28. Poxe’s Martyrs, iii. 801. 
 
 Page 86 .—Bon Carlos, “ por la disposición de su hijo.” Philip 
 may have acted under honourable feelings in this respect; but he 
 might fear the results of power in the hands of Don Carlos in 
 regard to his own policy. The character of this unhappy Prince 
 is still doubtful; it was clearly tinged with insanity, darkened by 
 violent passions, relieved by the light occasionally of a better 
 nature. 
 
 Page 96 .—The Lady Margaret Lennox [Douglas]. The late 
 Mr. J. H. Markland has copied an interesting inscription from 
 a room in the Tower, relative to the imprisonment of Lady Mar¬ 
 garet Lennox there, June 20, 1565, including the names of those 
 “ that do wayte upon her noble Grace in this place.” Amongst 
 these appears the name of Elizabeth Chambrelain, possibly a 
 relation of the Sir George Chambrelain mentioned in these do¬ 
 cuments. Lady Lennox died at Hackney, March 10, 1577, aged 
 62, and was honored by Elizabeth with “a stately funeral” in 
 Henry VII.’s Chapel. But does not the fact of attendants being 
 allowed her rather moderate the opinion, the imprisonment was 
 ordered in a tyrannical spirit ? The Lennoxes were disloyal 
 by interest, by religion, and by policy. It was a great misfor¬ 
 tune, but the Act was authorized for the protection of the State. 
 Archseologia, xxiii. 406. 
 
107 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Act of Supremacy, to be sworn to, 55, 84. 
 
 Alluy, M. d’, presses the restoration of 
 Havre de Grace, 86. 
 
 Alva, Duke of, advice to Philip on 
 marriage with Elizabeth, 55. 
 
 Arundel, Earl of, on his marriage with 
 Elizabeth, 40 ; arrives with De Cua¬ 
 dra, 45 ; takes office as treasurer, 49 ; 
 resigns his office, 90 ; leaves England, 
 98. 
 
 Augustine (St.), Church, appropriated 
 to the Italian Reformers, 47. 
 
 Axe, St. Mary, Church, appropriated to 
 the use of the Spanish Reformers, 79. 
 
 Ayala, Don Juan, departs from Loudon, 
 63 ; instructions from Philip, 63; re¬ 
 presentations to Elizabeth, 64. 
 
 Babington’s conspiracy, 27. 
 
 Bacon, Sir Nicholas, presses his re¬ 
 signation, 62. 
 
 Bedford, Earl of, inculpated withnailcs, 
 90. 
 
 Bonner, Bishop (of Loudon), his charac¬ 
 ter, 11 ; his funeral, 13 ; refuses the 
 oath of supremacy, 62; cited again to 
 take the oath of supremacy, 89 ; exa¬ 
 mined on suspicion of treason, 92. 
 
 Calais, to be attacked, 37; Mary’s threats 
 if surrendered, 42 ; Cecil’s designs 
 upon, 75 ; on the Restitution of, 80 ; 
 Elizabeth foregoes claims on, 88. 
 
 Cambresis, treaty of, 55, 57, 61. 
 
 Carnival, revived, 94. 
 
 Catholics (Roman), persecution of, 18, 
 21, 68 ; missionary priests, 20; foresee 
 the changes, 45 ; dangers to, 53 ; de¬ 
 sire to leave the kingdom, 59; urge 
 the claims of Lady Catherine Grey, 
 69 ; proposals made to, as to confor¬ 
 mity, 70 ; rumours of their conspira¬ 
 cies against the Queen, 71; complain 
 of Philip’s policy, 74; Pope’s deci¬ 
 sion on attendance at the Protestant 
 service, 80 ; intimations to those in 
 the Tower, 80 ; Queen desires to mi¬ 
 tigate their persecution, 100; Bi¬ 
 shops refuse to take the oaths, 55 ; 
 then- imprisonment, 57 ; ordered to 
 take Oath of Supremacy, 85. 
 
 Carlos, Charles, Archduke. See Elizabeth. 
 
 Cecil (Sir William), appointed Secretary 
 of State, 41; his projects as regards 
 Calais, 75 ; bribes the Secretary of De 
 Cuadra, 76; puts forth works against 
 Romish doctrines, 79; blamed for mis¬ 
 carriage of expedition to Normandy, 
 80 ; tries to compel De Cuadra’s recall, 
 81; asserts Philip intends to invade 
 England, 84 ; inculpated with Hailes, 
 90; advice to the clergy, 91. 
 
 Chaloner, Sir Thomas, sent to the Em¬ 
 peror Ferdinand, 44 ; appointed Am¬ 
 bassador to Spain, 63. 
 
 Chamberlan or Chambrelayne, Sir 
 
IOS 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 George, ordered to attend at Court, 
 67 ; arrested, 77. 
 
 Chamberlain, Sir Thomas, sent to Spain, 
 
 66 . 
 
 Charles V., Emperor, funeral ceremo¬ 
 nies in honour of, 48. 
 
 Chartres, Yidame de, servant shot at, 
 and note on, 81. 
 
 Church of England, state of, 17 ; dig¬ 
 nitaries, how to be appointed, 62. 
 
 Church property sold, 64. 
 
 Cobham, Lord William, accredited to 
 Philip II., 44. 
 
 -the Younger, arrests a courier, 76. 
 
 Cole, Doctor, Dean of St. Paul's, re- 
 tuses the oaths, 62. 
 
 Council of Elizabeth, accused of vena¬ 
 lity, 42 ; De Feria’3 opinions of, 40 ; 
 moot marriage between Elizabeth and 
 Ferdinand, 43 ; dismissed by Eliza¬ 
 beth, 45. 
 
 Cross and candles, replaced in the 
 Queen’s Chapel, 64; removed from 
 churches, 64. 
 
 Cuadra, Don Alvaro de la, Bishop of 
 Aquila, appointed to aid De Feria, 
 45 ; sent to inform Philip of affairs, 
 54; appointed Ambassador, 59; in¬ 
 forms Duchess of Parma of overtures 
 from Ireland, 67; implicated in 
 charge of conspiracy, 71; statements 
 against, 72 ; suspicions as to his con¬ 
 duct, 74; insults to, 75 ; gives asylum 
 to a foreigner, 76 ; demands redress, 
 77 ; his reply to Elizabeth’s charges, 
 78, 82 ; mob in his chapel, 83 ; over¬ 
 times to, from John O’Neil, 83 ; sends 
 Louis de Paz to Scotland, 86; his 
 death, 86 ; body remains unmoved, 
 93 ; body sent to Naples, 95. 
 
 Danett, Thomas, sent to the Emperor 
 Maximilian II., 99. 
 
 Darnley, Earl of, desire of the English 
 to place him on the throne, 67 ; his 
 
 marriage with Mary, Queen of Scots, 
 96. 
 
 Dasson-Leville, Councillor, Letter to 
 Philip, 38. 
 
 Douglas Lady Margaret: see Lennox. 
 
 Durham, Bishop of [Dr. Tunstall], 
 deposed, 64. 
 
 Elizabeth,Queen of England,proclaimed 
 Queen, 2, 43 ; her character, 13 ; her 
 religion, 15 ; danger of her assassina¬ 
 tion, 19 ; her foreign policy, 21, 25 ; 
 her conduct towards Mary, Queen of 
 Scots, 26 ; to be declared successor to 
 the throne, 38; interview with De 
 Feria, 39-41 ; her councillors de¬ 
 scribed,40 ; arrives in London,44 ; an¬ 
 nounces to Philip the death of Mary, 
 44 ; received in the City, 44 ; directs 
 the restoration of Henry YIII.’s tomb, 
 45; her covetousness, 46; complains of 
 De Feria’s conduct, 47 ; desires Bishop 
 of Carlisle not to elevate the host, 
 47 ; orders the funeral ceremonial for 
 Qneen Mary, 48 ; orders the funeral 
 ceremonial for Charles Y., 48; de¬ 
 clines the title of Head of the Church, 
 58; her confession of faith to De 
 Feria, 59; opinion as to measures 
 against the Catholics, 65 ; threatens 
 not to lay down arms, 66 ; compels 
 attendance of suspected Catholics, 67 ; 
 announces her intention to many,69 ; 
 her conduct towards Leicester, 70; 
 exculpates herself to De Cuadra, 70 ; 
 sends envoys to Spain in reprisals, 
 72 ; commits Lady Catherine Grey 
 and Lady Lennox to the Tower, 72 ; 
 compels the Duke of Norfolk’s at¬ 
 tendance, 73 ; complains to De Cua¬ 
 dra of his conduct, 77 ; her reply to 
 M. Yieilleville, 78 ; illness, 79 ; her 
 threats as regards Calais, 80; letter 
 to Philip, on De Cuadras conduct, 
 81 ; on marriage of Mary, Queen of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 109 
 
 Scots, 86 ; confers Order of tlie Gar¬ 
 ter on Northumberland, 85 ; refuses 
 to surrender Havre de Grace, 86 ; 
 writes to Mary, Queen of Scots, on 
 her marriage, 86; foregoes her de¬ 
 mands on Calais, 88 ; goes to Ber¬ 
 wick ?, rumours of the reason, 89; 
 confirms treaty with France, 89; 
 conferences with Guzman de Silva, 90 ; 
 creates Leicester an Earl, 91 ; reply 
 to Mary, Queen of Scots, on the Suc¬ 
 cession, 91; expresses regret on reli¬ 
 gious changes, 91; declines marriage 
 with Leicester, 92 ; conference on re¬ 
 ligion with De Silva, 93 ; her Catholic 
 tendencies, 94; silences Dr. Nowell, 
 94; confers with De Silva on her 
 marriage, 95; aids the “ Congrega¬ 
 tion ” of Scotland, 96; letter to 
 Philip on the meeting at Bayonne, 
 97 ; her anger towards Leicester, 99 ; 
 reply to De Silva on reconciliation 
 with Borne, 100 ; on marriage with 
 the French King, 102 ; her opinion 
 of the Archduke Carlos, 103. 
 
 ■- Marriage, questions upon, 46 ; 
 
 with Philip, 50, 51; ambassadors from 
 Sweden upon, 47 ; with the Duke of 
 Holstein, 49; her reply to Philip 
 upon, 52; opinions of her Council 
 upon, with Philip, 53 ; reasons for de¬ 
 clining, 55; reproaches De Feria for 
 Philip’s marriage with Isabella de 
 Valois, 57; Emperor Ferdinand’s 
 proposal, 58; with the Archduke 
 Carlos, 60, 61, 64; King of Sweden’s 
 son, 65; with Don Carlos, 65; re¬ 
 ply to Emperor Ferdinand, 67; on 
 marriage with Leicester, 71, 74 ; de¬ 
 clines marriage with Eric, 74; no¬ 
 bility recommend Leicester, 76 ; con¬ 
 fers with De Silva upon, 95 ; stipula¬ 
 tions on behalf of Archduke Carlos, 
 96 ; with the King of France, 96. 
 
 Ely, Bishop of [Thirlby], deposed, 45. 
 
 Eric XIV., King of Sweden ; Elizabeth 
 declines his proposals, 74 ; rumours 
 as to his marriage with Mary, Queen 
 of Scots, 75. 
 
 Eucharist, removed from St. Paul’s, 62. 
 
 Exeter, Bishop of [Dr. Turberville], 
 deposed, 64. 
 
 Exiles return from Germany, 47. 
 
 Fcckenham, John de, Abbot of West¬ 
 minster, refuses the oaths, 62. 
 
 Ferdinand I., Emperor of Germany, 
 councils upon Elizabeth’s marriage, 
 58 ; dispatches from, 61 ; intercedes 
 on behalf of the Catholics, 85; his 
 death, 90. 
 
 Feria, Count de, sent to London, 37 ; 
 instructions to, 37 ; arrival in Lon¬ 
 don, 38 ; calls a council, 38 ; visits 
 Elizabeth, 39; reports on her Coun¬ 
 cil and views, 39, 41 ; urges Philip 
 to declare Elizabeth a heretic, 48-58 ; 
 instructed to propose marriage by 
 Philip, 51 ; declines to attend Coro¬ 
 nation, 53; reply to Elizabeth on 
 Philip’s marriage, 57 ; opposes the 
 Emperor’s proposal upon, 58; his 
 recall, 58; audience with Elizabeth, 
 59-60; on the marriage with the 
 Archduke [Carlos], 60; counsels 
 proceedings against the Queen, 60. 
 
 France, foreign policy, 24. 
 
 Francis II., King of France, death of, 
 December 5, 1560, 70. 
 
 Garcilaso de la Vega sent to France, 68. 
 
 Gardiner, Bishop, his character, 10; 
 his funeral, 12. 
 
 Glasson [Glajon], M. de, sent to Eliza¬ 
 beth, 67. 
 
 Grey, Lady Catherine, committed to 
 the Tower, 72; arrested, 90. 
 
 Guerrero, Boderigo, returns to Spain, 63. 
 
 Guzman de Silva, Don Diego, accre¬ 
 dited to London, 88; arrives in Lou- 
 
 % 
 
110 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 don, 89; presented at Court, 90 ; 
 invited to Richmond, 90 ; exertions 
 on behalf of the Catholics, 91 ; inter¬ 
 view with the Queen, 92 ; seeks to re¬ 
 concile the Queen with Rome, 100; 
 opinions as to cause of Darnley’s 
 death, 101. 
 
 Hailes, John, his book on the succes¬ 
 sion, 89. 
 
 Helfenstein, Count George Yon, arrival 
 in London, 54. 
 
 Heneage, Sir Thomas, rumoured in¬ 
 fluence with Elizabeth, 97. 
 
 Henry II., King of France, death of, 
 G3. 
 
 Henry VIII., tomb to be restored, 45. 
 
 Holstein, Duke Adolphus of, marriage 
 with Elizabeth, 49. 
 
 Howard, Sir George, arrives in London, 
 55. 
 
 Ireland, proposal of surrender to Philip, 
 57; overtures made to the King of 
 France, 67 ; to Philip II., 91. 
 
 James I., his conduct on his mother's 
 condemnation, 28. 
 
 Judges refuse to take the oaths, 62. 
 
 Leicester, Earl of, Order of the Garter 
 conferred on, 60 ; grant to, 62 ; in¬ 
 trigues against, 65 ; his relations with 
 the Queen, 70; seeks to conciliate 
 Philip II., 71; urges De Cuadra to 
 press his marriage with Elizabeth, 
 71, 74 ; his offer to Philip to restore 
 Catholicism, 71; rumours on the 
 death of his wife, Amy Robsart, 58- 
 69; representation to Guzman de 
 Silva, 90; created an Earl, 91; fa¬ 
 vours the Catholics, 92; Elizabeth 
 declines marriage with, 92; puts 
 himself forward as suitor to Mary, 
 Queen of Scots, 101. 
 
 Lennox, Lady Margaret Douglas, Coun¬ 
 tess of, her attendance compelled, 73 ; 
 released from the Tower, 101; note 
 on, 106. 
 
 Lennox, Earl of, sent to the Tower, 75. 
 
 Low Countries, families flee from, 63. 
 
 Maitland, Sir William, of Lethington, his 
 conference with De Cuadra, 84. 
 
 Mary, Queen of England, state of opi¬ 
 nion on her death, 2-8 ; her funeral, 
 8-12 ; her character, 9 ; her illness, 
 38 ; assents to Elizabeth’s succession, 
 38 ; threats as regards Calais, 42 ; her 
 death, 42 ; her will, and note on, 43 ; 
 her “jealousy” of Elizabeth, 46 ; fu¬ 
 neral ceremonies, 48. 
 
 Mary, Queen of Scots, her complicity 
 with Babington, 26-27 ; joy in Lon¬ 
 don at her condemnation, 28 ; her 
 execution, 29; on her complicity 
 with Darnley’s death, 31; on the 
 genuineness of her letters, 30-31 ; 
 correspondence with Philip, 86 ; mar¬ 
 riage w T ith King of France, 84 ; mar¬ 
 riage with Don Carlos, 85 ; her dis¬ 
 content with Elizabeth, 91; letter 
 to Lady Douglas, 95; writes to 
 Philip on her marriage with Darnley, 
 96 ; account of her marriage, 96 ; 
 suspicions as to her complicity in 
 Darnley’s death, 101. 
 
 Mason, Sir John, arrives with news of 
 treaty of peace, 57. 
 
 Mass forbidden, and communicants 
 fined, 84, 100. 
 
 Maximilian II., Order of the Garter 
 conferred on, 99; replies on Don 
 Carlos’ marriage, 99. 
 
 Mewtis, Sir Peter, accredited to France, 
 
 79. 
 
 Mitemburg, Baron of, arrival in Lon¬ 
 don, 95. 
 
 Montague, Viscount, sent to Spain, 66 ; 
 opposes law against Catholics, 84. 
 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Moreta, M. de, liis opinion on Mary, 
 Queen of Scots’ complicity in Dam- 
 ley’s murder, 101. 
 
 Murray [Moray], Earl of, opinion on the 
 Botliwell case, and complicity of 
 Mary, 102 ; submits documents at 
 York, 103. 
 
 Navigators, English, overtures to Guz¬ 
 man de Silva, 101. 
 
 Norfolk, Duke of, Order of the Garter 
 conferred on, 60; Cabinet distrust- 
 fid of, 67 ; attendance compelled, 73 ; 
 supports law against Catholics, 81. 
 
 Normandy, expedition to, 79 ; troops 
 landed, 80. 
 
 Northampton, Marquis of, Order of the 
 Garter conferred on, 60. 
 
 Northumberland, Earl of, ordered to 
 attend at Court, 67 ; opposes penal 
 laws, 83 ; sends messenger to De 
 Silva, 98. 
 
 Nuncio from the Pope refused admis¬ 
 sion to the kingdom, 72. 
 
 Nuns become Protestants, 72; suspected 
 of sorcery, 72. 
 
 Oath of Supremacy to be taken, 55, 81. 
 
 Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlisle, reply to 
 Elizabeth, 48. 
 
 O’Neill, John, takes the Oath of Alle¬ 
 giance, 73 ; overtures to De Cuadra, 
 83. 
 
 Orange, Prince of, treats with Eliza¬ 
 beth, 86. 
 
 Order of the Garter conferred on Earl 
 of Northumberland, 85; Earl of 
 Warwick, 85 ; Lord Henry Sidney, 
 89 ; King of France, 89 ; Earl of Bed¬ 
 ford, 89; Emperor Maximilian II., 
 99, 102 ; return of insigniaof Emperor 
 Ferdinand, 95. 
 
 Pacheco, Don Juan, sent to London 
 with instructions, 68. 
 
 Pacheco, Cardinal, Philip’s reply to, 97. 
 
 Paget, Lord Henry, declines to act as 
 regards marriage of Elizabeth with 
 Philip, 41 ; treatment of, 46; ad¬ 
 vises the Queen to rely on Philip, 66. 
 
 Parliament held at Westminster, 37; 
 dissolved, 43; summoned, 52 ; ques¬ 
 tions proposed to, 52 ; dissolved, 59. 
 
 Parma, Duchess of, Governess of Flan¬ 
 ders, 64. 
 
 Party, state of, on Elizabeth’s acces¬ 
 sion, 2-8. 
 
 Philip II. of Spain, his foreign policy, 
 22-24; jewels given to, 41 ; feeling 
 of the people and Council against, 42 ; 
 rumours against, 43, 72 ; question of 
 his marriage with Elizabeth, 46 ; sup¬ 
 posed jealousy of Mary, 46 ; writes 
 to Elizabeth on her accession, 47 ; 
 proposal of marriage to Elizabeth, 
 and terms, 51; consults the Duke of 
 Alva, 53 ; instructions to De Feria 
 upon, 54; letter on Elizabeth’s de¬ 
 cline of her proposals, 55 ; marriage 
 with Isabel de Yalois, 57 ; overtures 
 from the Irish, 57; instructions to 
 Don Juan de Ayala, 63; reclaims 
 the Order of the Golden Fleece, 63 ; 
 returns from Low Countries to Spain, 
 64 ; arrives at Laredo, 64 ; on the 
 Archduke’s [Carlos] visit, 65 ; refers 
 Montague and Chamberlain to Duke 
 of Alva, 68 ; letter to the Queen in 
 behalf of the Duchess de Feria, 69; 
 refuses to consider Leicester’s pro¬ 
 posals, 71 ; considerations on his po¬ 
 licy, 74; anger on the charges against 
 De Cuadra, 78 ; dissuades Elizabeth 
 from aiding the Huguenots, 79 ; in¬ 
 timates his displeasure to SirT. Chal- 
 mer, 85 ; correspondence with Mary, 
 Queen of Scots, 86; orders on De 
 Cuadra’s funeral, 93 ; seeks to esta¬ 
 blish his claim to the English crown, 
 95 ; reply to Cardinal Pacheco, 97. 
 
 Pickering, Sir William, 59. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 112 
 
 Plays, scurrilous, on Philip, 60. 
 
 Pole, Cardinal, Elizabeth’s anger against, 
 40 ; death of, 42. 
 
 Pole, Arthur, treason of, 79-80; con¬ 
 demned as a traitor, 81. 
 
 Praemunire, statute renewed, 58. 
 
 Preimer , Baron. See Babenstein. 
 
 Prophecies and Predictions, mania 
 upon, 48. 
 
 Babenstein, Baron of, comes with dis¬ 
 patches from the Emperor Ferdinand 
 I., 61 ; instructions to, from the Em¬ 
 peror Ferdinand I., 67. 
 
 Eambouillet, Seigneur de, Embassy of, 
 98. 
 
 Eeformers, proceedings of, 47 ; preach 
 against the Pope, 67. 
 
 Eeligious Orders suppressed, 62. 
 
 Eiceio, David, death planned, 98. 
 
 Butland, Earl of, Order of the Garter 
 conferred on, 60. 
 
 Salisbury, Earl of, ordered to attend at 
 Court, 67. 
 
 Saluzzo, Abbot of, Elizabeth’s opinion 
 of, 68. 
 
 Sandwich, Bishop of? deposed, 64. 
 
 Scotch rebels, instructions to Pacheco 
 upon, 68. 
 
 Scotland, French troops in, 65; troubles 
 in, 66. 
 
 Smith, John, of Esses, leaves England, 
 
 86 . 
 
 Spain, political state of, 21-23 ; army 
 and finances, 22 ; foreign policy, 22- 
 24. 
 
 Story, Dr., escapes from prison, 86. 
 
 Succession Question debated in Parlia¬ 
 ment, 99. 
 
 Sussex, Thomas Eatcliffe, Earl of, sent 
 with Order of the Garter to Maxi¬ 
 milian II., 10?. 
 
 Sweden, King of, proposes his son to 
 Elizabeth, 57 ; who leaves the Court, 
 65. 
 
 Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas, sent to 
 France, 66 ; sent to offer condolence 
 on Ferdinand's death, 91. 
 
 Vestments, discussion upon, 18; the 
 Queen’s orders upon, 94. 
 
 Yieilleville, M. de, his instructions from 
 his Court, 78. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, requires reinforce¬ 
 ments, 80 ; character of, 85. 
 
 Westminster Abbey, meeting of divines 
 at, 56. 
 
 JOHN EDWARD TAYLOR, PRINTER, 
 
 LITTLE QUEEN STREET, LINCOLN’S INN* FIELDS.