DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Che International Critical Commentary on the §olv Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. EDITORS PREFACE. THERE are now before the public many Commentaries, written by British and American divines, of a popular or homiletical character. Zhe Cambridge Bible for Schools, the Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students, The Speaker's Commentary, The Popular Commentary (Schaff), The Expositor’s Bible, and other similar series, have their speciai place and importance. But they do not enter into the field of Critical Biblical scholarship occupied by such series of Commentaries as the Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum A. T.; De Wette’s Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum N. T.; Meyer’s Kritisch-exegetischer Kom- mentar; Keil and Delitzsch’s Brblischer Commentar tiber das A.T.; Lange’s Theologisch-homiietisches Bibelwerk ; Nowack’s Handkommentar zum A. T.; Holtzmann’s Handkommentar zum N. T. Several of these have been translated, edited, and in some cases enlarged and adapted, for the English- speaking public; others are in process of translation. But no corresponding series. by British or American divines has hitherto been produced. The way has been prepared by special Commentaries by Cheyne, Ellicott, Kalisch, Lightfoot, Perowne, Westcott, and others; and the time has come, in the judgment of the projectors of this enterprise, when it is practicable to combine British and American scholars in the production ef a critical, comprehensive EDITORS PREFACE Commentary that will be abreast of modern biblical scholar- ship, and in a measure lead its van. Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons of New York, and Messrs. T. & T. Clark of Edinburgh, propose to publish such a series of Commentaries on the Old and New Testaments, under the editorship of Prof. C. A. Brices, D.D., in America, and of Prof. S. R. Driver, D.D., for the Old Testament, and the Rev. ALFRED PLumMMER, D.D., for the New Testament, in Great Britain. The Commentaries will be international and inter-con- fessional, and will be free from polemical and ecclesiastical bias. They will be based upon a thorough critical study of (he original texts of the Bible, and upon critical methods of interpretation. They are designed chiefly for students and vlergymen, and will be written in a compact style. Each book will be preceded by an Introduction, stating the results of criticism upon it, and discussing impartially the questions still remaining open. The details of criticism will appear in their proper place in the body of the Commentary. Each section of the Text will be introduced with a paraphrase, or summary of contents. Technical details of textual and philological criticism will, as a rule, be kept distinct from matter of a more general character; and in the Old Testa- ment the exegetical notes will be arranged, as far as possible, so as to be serviceable to students not acquainted with Hebrew. The History of Interpretation of the Books will be dealt with, when necessary, in the Introductions, with critical notices of the most important literature of the subject. Historical and Archeological questions, as well as questions of Biblical Theology, are included in the plan of the Commentaries, but not Practical or Homiletical Exegesis. The Volumes will constitute a uniform series, THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY. Tue following eminent Scholars are engaged upon the Volumes named below: Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Samuel Kings Chronicles Ezra and Nehemiah Psalms Proverbs Job Isaiah Isaiah Jeremiah Ezekiel Daniel THE OLD TESTAMENT. The Rev. JoHN SK1nnER, D.D., Professor of Old Tes- tament Language and Literature, College of Pres- byterian Church of England, Cambridge, England. The Rev. A. R. S. KenneEpDy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, University of Edinburgh. J. F. Srennine, M.A., Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford. G. BUCHANAN GrRAy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, Mansfield College, Oxford. [Vow Ready, The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., D.Litt., Regius Pro- fessor of Hebrew, Oxford. [Now Ready. The Rev. GEorGE ADAM SMITH, D.D., LL.D., Pro- fessor of Hebrew, Free Church College, Glasgow. The Rev. Georce Moore, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Theology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [Mow Ready. The Rev. H. P. Smiru, D.D., Professor of Biblical History, Amherst College, Mass. [Vow Ready. The Rev. Francis Brown, D.D., D.Litt., LL.D., Professor of Hebrew and Cognate Languages, Union Theological Seminary, New York City. The Rev. Epwarp L. Curtis, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. The Rev. L. W. BATTEN, Ph.D., D.D., Rector of St. Marks Church, New York City, sometime Professor of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia. The Rev. Cuas. A. Brices, D.D., D.Litt., Pro- fessor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological Seminary, New York. The Rev. C. H. Toy, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Hebrew, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [Now Ready. The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., D.Litt., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford. Chaps. I-XXXIX. The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., D.Litt., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford. Chaps. XL-LXVI. The late Rev. Prof. A. B. Davipson, D.D., LL.D. The Rev. A. F. Kirxpatrick, D.D., Master of Selwyn College, Regius Professor of Hebrew, Cambridge, England. By the Rev. G. A. Cooke, M.A., Fellow Mag- dalen College, and the Rev. CHARLEs F. BURNEY, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer in Hebrew, St. Johns College, Oxford. The Rev. Joun P. PETERS, Ph.D., D.D., sometime Professor of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, now Rector of St. Michael’s Church, New York City. Amos and Hosea W. R. Harper, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the University of Chicago, Illinois. [Now Ready. Micah to Malachi W. R. Harper, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the Esther University of Chicago. The Rev. L. B. PATon, Ph.D., Professor of Hebrew, Hartford Theological Seminary. The Internationa Critica? Commentary, Ecclesiastes Ruth Song of Songs and Lamentations St. Matthew € St. Mark St. Luke St. John Harmony of the Gospels Acts Romans Corinthians Galatians Ephesians and Colossians Philippians and Philemon Thessalonians The Pastoral Epistles Hebrews St. James Peter and Jude The Epistles of St. John Revelation Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Ph.D., Professor of Biblical Literature, Bryn Mawr College, Pa. Rev. CHARLES P. FAGNANI, D.D., Associate Profes- sor of Hebrew, Union Theological Seminary, New York. Rev. CHARLES A. Brices, D.D., D.Litt., Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological Seminary, New York. THE NEW TESTAMENT. The Rev. WILLoucHBY C. ALLEN, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. The late Rev. E. P. Goutp, D.D., sometime Professor of New Testament Literature, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia. [Wow Ready. The Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, D.D., sometime Master of University College, Durham. [Vow Ready. The Very Rev. JoHN HENRY BERNARD, D.D., Dean of St. Patrick’s and Lecturer in Divinity, University of Dublin. The Rev. WiLL1AM SanpDAy, D.D., LL.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, Oxford, and the Rev. WILLOUGHBY C. ALLEN, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. The Rev. FREDERICK H. CHASE, Norissonian Pro- fessor of Divinity, President of Queens College and Vice-Chancellor, Cambridge, England. The Rev. WiLL1AM SanpaAy, D.D., LL.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, and the Rev. A. C. HEADLAM, M.A., D.D., Principal of Kings College, London. [Vow Ready. The Right Rev. ArcH. RoBERTsoN, D.D., LL.D., Lord Bishop of Exeter, and the Rev. RICHARD J. KNow Linc, D.D., Professor of New Testament Exegesis, Kings College, London. The Rev. Ernest D. Burton, D.D., Professor of New Testament Literature, University of Chicago. The Rev. T. K. Assott, B.D., D.Litt., sometime Professor of Biblical Greek, Trinity College, Dublin, now Librarian of the same. [Mow Ready. The Rev. Marvin R. VINCENT, D.D., Professor ot Biblical Literature, Union Theological Seminary, New York City. [Now Ready. The Rev. JAMes E. FRAME, M.A., Associate Profes- sor in the New Testament, Union Theological Seminary, New York. The Rev. WALTER Lock, D.D., Warden of Keble College and Professor of Exegesis, Oxford. The Rev. A. NArIRNE, M.A., Professor of Hebrew in Kings College, London. The Rev. JAmes H. Ropes, D.D., Bussey Professor of New Testament Criticism in Harvard University. The Rev. CHARLES Bice, D.D., Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. [Wow Ready. The Rev. S. D. F. SALMonpD, D.D., Principal of the United Free Church College, Aberdeen. The Rev. Ropert H. Cuar.es, M.A., D.D., Profes- sor of Biblical Greek in the University of Dublis: Tab COSEED ACCORDING TO Sy LURE Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, M.A., D.D. THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY A CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL COMMENTARY ON THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. LUKE BY THE Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, M.A., D.D. MASTER OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, DURHAM FORMERLY FELLOW AND SENIOR TUTOR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD SEVENTH EDITION NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS 1906 PREFACE Gz ee THIs volume has no such ambitious aim as that of being a final commentary on the Gospel according to S. Luke. The day is probably still far distant when any such com- mentary can be written. One of the difficulties with which the present commentator has had to contend is the im- possibility of keeping abreast of all that is constantly appearing respecting the Synoptic Gospels as a whole and this or that detail in them. And the Third Gospel abounds in details which have elicited special treatment at the hands of a variety of scholars. Every quarter, indeed almost every month, brings its list of new books, some of which the writer wishes that he could have seen before his own words were printed. But to wait is but to prolong, if not to increase, one’s difficulties: it is waiting dum defluat amnis. Notes written and rewritten three or four times must be fixed in some form at last, if they are ever to be published. And these notes are now offered to those who care to use them, not as the last word on any one subject, but simply as one more stage in the long process of eliciting from the inexhaustible storehouse of the Gospel narrative some of those things which it is intended to convey to us. They will have done their work if they help someone who is far better equipped entirely to supersede them. The writer of this volume is well aware of some of its shortcomings. There are omissions which have been knowingly tolerated for one or other of two adequate reasons. (1) This series is to include a Commentary on 472848 iv PREFACE the Synopsis of the Four Gospels by the Rev. Dr. Sanday, Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, Oxford, and his dis- tinguished pupil, the Rev. W. C. Allen, Fellow and Lecturer of Exeter College. Various questions, especially as regards the relations of the Third Gospel to the First and Second, which have been but slightly touched or entirely passed over in this volume, can be more suitably treated, and will be much more efficiently treated, by those who are to com- ment on the Synopsis. (2) Economy of space has had to be considered and rigorously enforced. It has been thought undesirable to allow more than one volume to any one book in the New Testament: and therefore sub- jects, which might with propriety be discussed at some length in a work on the Gospel of S. Luke, have of necessity been handled very briefly or left entirely un- touched. Indeed, as editor of those New Testament volumes which are written by British scholars, the present writer has been obliged to strike out a good deal of what he had written as contributor to this series. And it has been with a view to economize space that the paraphrastic summaries, which are so very valuable a feature in the commentary on Romans, have been altogether omitted, as being a luxury rather than a necessity in a commentary on one of the Synoptic Gospels. For the same reason separate headings to sections and to special notes have been used very sparingly. The sub-sections have no separate head- ings, but are preceded by an introductory paragraph, the first sentence of which is equivalent to a heading. The fact of the same person being both contributor and editor has, in the case of this volume, produced short- comings of another kind. Two heads are better than one, and two pairs of eyes are better than one. Unintentional and unnecessary omissions might have been avoided, and questionable or erroneous statements might have been amended, if the writer had had the advantage of another’s supervision, Even in the humble but important work of PREFACE v detecting misprints the gain of having a different reviser is great. Only those who have had the experience know how easy it is for the same eye to pass the same mistakes again and again. If this commentary has any special features, they will perhaps be found in the illustrations taken from Jewish writings, in the abundance of references to the Septuagint and to the Acts and other books of the New Testament, in the frequent quotations of renderings in the Latin Versions, and in the attention which has been paid, both in the Introduction and throughout the Notes, to the marks of S. Luke’s style. The illustrations from Jewish writings have been sup- plied, not because the writer has made any special study of them, but because it is becoming recognized that the pseudepigraphical writings of the Jews and early Jewish Christians are now among the most promising helps towards understanding the New Testament; and because these writings have of late years become much more accessible than formerly, notably by the excellent editions of the Book of Enoch by Mr. Charles, of the Psa/ms of Solomon by Professor Ryle and Dr. James, and of the Fourth Book of Ezra by the late Professor Bensly and Dr. James.? A very eminent scholar has said that the best com- mentary on the New Testament is a good Concordance; and another venerable scholar is reported to have said that the best commentary on the New Testament is the Vulgate. There is truth in both these sayings: and, with regard to the second of them, if the Vulgate by itself is helpful, a2 fortiori the Vulgate side by side with the Latin Versions which preceded it is likely to be helpful. An effort has 1 For general information on these Jewish writings see Schiirer, Hast. of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, Edinburgh, 1886, Div. II. vol. iii. ; W. J. Deane, Pseudepigrapha, Edinburgh, 1891 ; J. Winter und A. Wiinsche, Die jidische Literatur sett Abschiuss des Kanons, Trier: Part III. has just appeared. 472848 vi PREFACE been made to render those who use this commentary to a large extent independent of a Concordance, and to some extent independent of the invaluable edition of the Vulgate now being produced by the Bishop of Salisbury and Mr. White. Great trouble has been taken with the numerous references to the Septuagint, the books of the New Testa- ment, and other writings. The large majority of them have been verified at least twice. But the difficulty of excluding error in such things is so great that the writer cannot suppose that he has succeeded in doing so. It is possible that a few references have accidentally escaped verification. A very few have been knowingly admitted without it, because the reference seemed to be of value, the source was trustworthy, and verification was not easy. | Reasons are stated in the Introduction for regarding a study of S. Luke’s style as a matter of great interest and importance; and it is hoped that the analysis given of it there will be found useful. A minute acquaintance with it tells us something about the writer of the Third Gospel. It proves to us that he is identical with the writer of the Acts, and that the whole of both these books comes from his hand. And it justifies us in accepting the unswerving tradition of the first eight or nine centuries, that the writer of these two books was Luke the beloved physician. Dogma in the polemical sense is excluded from the plan of these commentaries. It is not the business of the com- mentator to advocate this or that belief. But dogma in the historical sense must of necessity be conspicuous in a com- mentary on any one of the Gospels. It is a primary duty of a commentator to ascertain the convictions of the writer whose statements he undertakes to explain. This is specially true of the Third Gospel, whose author tells us that he wrote for the very purpose of exhibiting the historical basis of the Christian faith (i. 1-4). The Evangelist assures Theophilus, and with him all other Christians, that he knows, upon first-hand and carefully PREFACE vil investigated evidence, that at a definite point in the history of the world, not far removed from his own time, a Prophet of God once more appeared in Israel to herald the coming of the Christ (iii. 1-6), and that his appearance was im- mediately followed by that of the Christ Himself (iii. 23, iv. 14, 15), whose Ministry, Passion, Death, and Resur- rection he then narrates in detail. On all these points the student is again and again met by the question, What does the Evangelist mean? And, although about this or that word or sentence there may often be room for discussion, about the meaning of the Gospel as a whole there is no doubt. If we ask what were “the things wherein” Theophilus “was instructed” and of “the certainty ” concerning which he is assured, the answer is not difficult. We may take the Old Roman Creed as a convenient summary of it. Muotevw eis Gcdv watépa mavroxpdtopa (i. 37, iii. 8, xi. 2—4, xii, 32, etc.). Kat eis Xprotév “Inoniy, uidv adtod tdv povoyerh (i. 31, fi. 21, 49, ix. 35, X. 21, 22, xxii, 29, 70, xxiii. [33] 46: comp. iv. 41, Vili. 28), Tov KUpioy tpov (i. 43, ii. 11, Vii. 13, xX. 1, xi. 39, xii. 42, xvii 5, 6, xix. 8, 31, xxii, 61, xxiv. 3, 34) Tov yevrnPévra éx mvedpatos dyiou Kal Mapias tis mapOdvou (i.31-35, 43, ii, 6, 7), tev éwt Movtiou Mudtou oraupobévra Kai tapévta (xxii, Xxili.), TH tpity hepa dvactdvra éx vexpav (xxiv. 1-49), dvaBdvra cis Tods odpavots (xxiv. 50-53), Ka0jpevoy év Seéia tod marpds (xxii. 69), S0ev Epxetat Kpivar Lavras Kal vexpods (comp. ix. 26, xii. 35-48, xviii. 8). Kat eis mvedpa dyvov (i. 15, 35, 41, 67, ii. 26, iv. I, 14, Xl. 13, Xli, 10, 12)* dytav éxxAnolav (comp. i. 74, 75, ix. 1-6, x. 1-16, xxiv. 49)" ddeow duaptiay (i. 77, iii. 3, xxiv. 47)° capKos dvdotacw (xiv. 14, XX. 27-40). The Evangelist’s own convictions on most of these points are manifest; and we need not doubt that they include the principal things in which Theophilus had been instructed, and which the writer of the Gospel solemnly affirms to be well established. Whether in our eyes they viii PREFACB are well established depends upon the estimate which we form of his testimony. Is he a truth-loving and competent witness? Does the picture which he draws agree with what can be known from other authorities? Could he or his informants have invented the words and works which he attributes to Jesus Christ? A patient and fair student of the Third Gospel will not be at a loss for an answer. ALFRED PLUMMER. University College, Durham, Feast of S. Luke, 1896. mi i) CONTENTS INTRODUCTION “Shoe kesh § 1. The Author Gout Ma kd fo was the Author of the Acts . a Companion of S. Paul SKE rich, - a) she S. Luke the Evangelist . . § The Sources of the Gospel ° No Ebionite Source . e Supposed Dislike of Duplicates § 4. Time and Place. = : e So Object and Plan. ~. «. « Analysis of the Gospel. § 6. Characteristics, Style, and Language The Gospel of S. Paul. of Prayer. . of Praise . . “terary, historic, domestic S. uke’s Command of Greek Ex; essions peculiar to S. Luke tohimandS. Paul. . to both with Hebrews . to S. Luke with Hebrews Expressions frequent in S. Luke possibly medical . His Diction compared aa that of andS. Mark . § 7. The Integrity of the Gospel Soo.Phe:rext (03!) <. *' § 9. Literary History ° Clement of Rome. The Didaché . ° Gospel of Peter . Testaments of XII. Patriarchs ix Sel sta ewel alnseel c. wvine We pita ele ese “ee te a6 As (Ole ae nee : i EEE, oReubttebul lela blues EI ay Ei ey $10. Commentaries . .« «© ec Abbreviations . « eo e COMMENTARY e e e e e SPECIAL NOTES On the use of éyévero «lw The Decree of Augustus ° The fifteenth year of Tiberius The Genealogy . ° - Demoniacal Possession. . The Miraculous Draught of Fishes The title “Son of Man” ears The word devrepompdro. . e The Sermon éri rérov redtyod =n Christ’s Raising the Dead . The Journeyings towards Jerusalem The word dvadnpis 2. wi‘ The Mission of the Seventy... The Idea of Hades or Sheol in the O. The Blind Manat Jericho . . The Parable of the Pounds . The Question about Psalmcx. . The Apocalypse of Jesus . . Readings in Chapters xxii. and xxiii. The Narratives of the Resurrection Western Non-interpolations . . Interpolations in the Sinaitic Syriac INDEX TO THE NOTES I. General . . 1. II. Writers and Writings . III. Greek Words . - IV. English and Latin Words T. e oe @ e e e e e INTRODUCTION. § 1. THE AUTHOR. As in the case of the other Gospels, the author is not named in the book itself. But two things may be regarded as practically certain, and a third as highly probable in itself and much more probable than any other hypothesis. (i.) The author of the Third Gospel is the author of the Acts. (ii.) The author of the Acts was a companion of S. Paul. (iii.) This companion was S. Luke. (i.) Zhe Author of the Third Gospel is the Author of the Acts. This position is so generally admitted by critics of all schools that not much time need be spent in discussing it. Both books are dedicated to Theophilus. The later book refers to the former. The language and style and arrangement of the two books are so similar, and this similarity is found to exist in such a multitude of details (many of which are very minute), that the hypothesis of careful imitation by a different writer is absolutely excluded. The idea of minute literary analysis with a view to discover peculiarities and preferences in language was an idea foreign to the writers of the first two centuries; and no known writer of that age gives evidence of the immense skill which would be necessary in order to employ the results of such an analysis for the production of an elaborate imitation. To suppose that the author of the Acts carefully imitated the Third Gospel, in order that his work might be attributed to the Evangelist, or that the Evangelist carefully imitated the Acts, in order that his Gospel might be attributed to the author of the Acts, is to postulate a literary miracle. Such an idea would not have occurred to any one; and if it had, he would not have been able to execute it with such triumphant success as is conspicuous here. Any one who will underline in a few chapters of the Third Gospel the phrases, words, and constructions which are specially frequent in the book, and then underline the x1 xii THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 1. same phrases, words, and constructions wherever they occur in the Acts, will soon have a strong conviction respecting the identity of authorship. The converse process will lead to a similar result. Moreover, the expressions which can be marked in this way by no means exhaust the points of similarity between the two books. There are parallels of description ; e.g. about angelic appearances (comp. Lk. i. 11 with Acts xii. 7; Lk. i. 38 with Acts 1. 11 and x. 7; Lk. ii. 9 and xxiv. 4 with Acts i. 10 and x. 30); and about other matters (comp. Lk. i. 39 with Acts i. 15; Lk. ii. 39 with Acts xiii. 29; Lk. ili. 8 with Acts xxvi. 20; Lk. xx. 1 with Acts iv. 1; Lk. xxi. 18 with Acts xxvii. 34; Lk. xxi. 35 with Acts xvii. 26; Lk. xxiii. 2 with Acts xxiv. 2-5; Lk. xxiii. 5 with Acts x. 373 Lk. xxiv. 27 with Acts viii. 35).! And there are parallels of arrangement. The main portion of the Gospel has three marked divisions: The Ministry zz Gadilee (iii. 1-1x. 50), between Galilee and Jerusalem (ix. 51—xix. 28), and im Jerusalem (xix. 29-Xxiv. 11). And the main portion of the Acts has three marked divisions: Hebraic (ii.—v.), Transitional (vi.—xii.), and Gentile (xiti.—xxviii.). In the one case the movement is from Galilee through Samaria, etc. to Jerusalem: in the other from Jerusalem through Samaria, etc. to Rome. And in both cases there is an introduction con- necting the main narrative with what precedes. (ii.) Zhe Author of Acts was a Companion of S. Paul. A full discussion of this statement belongs to the commentary on the Acts rather than to the present volume: but the main points in the evidence must be noted here. It is perhaps no exaggeration to say that nothing in biblical criticism is more certain than this statement. There are the “we” sections in which the writer uses the first person plural in describing journeys of S. Paul. This “we” is found in Codex Bezae as early as xi. 28 at Antioch, and may represent a true tradition without being the original reading.” It appears certainly xvi. 10 at Troas* and continues to Philippi (xvi. 17). Several years later it reappears at Philippi (xx. 5)® and continues to Jerusalem (xxi. 18). Finally, it reappears at the departure for Italy (xxvii. 1)* and continues to Rome (xxviii. 16).® 1 J. Friedrich, Das Lukasevangelium und die Afostelgeschichte Werke desselben Verfassers, Halle a.S., 1890. The value of this useful pamphlet is somewhat lessened by want of care in sifting the readings. The argument as a whole stands; but the statistics on which it is based are often not exact. 2 For dvacras 6é els €€ atrav D has oUvEoT pay pevey 6é quay épn els && airay, revertentibus autem nobis ait unus ex ipsis. This reading is also found in Augustine (De Serm. Dom. ii. 7 [xvii. )). 3 étprjcaper éfehOeciv. iuiv expafer. 5 uevoy Hpas. 6 elayer 6 Laddos ody quiv. 770d dwomdety quads. * elofdOapev els ‘Puynr. §1.] THE AUTHOR xiii The “we” necessarily implies companionship, and may possibly represent a diary kept at the time. That the “we” sections are by the same hand as the rest of the book is shown by the simple and natural way in which they fit into the narrative, by the refer- ences in them to other parts of the narrative, and by the marked identity of style. The expressions which are so characteristic of this writer run right through the whole book. They are as frequent inside as outside the “we” sections, and no change of style can be noted between them and the rest of the treatise. The change of person is intelligible and truthlike, distinguishing the times when the writer was with the Apostle from the times when he was not: but there is otherwise no change of language. To these points must be added the fact that thé author of the Acts is evidently a person of considerable literary powers, and the probability that a companion of S. Paul who possessed such powers would employ them in producing such a narrative as the Acts. (iii.) Zhe Companion of S. Paul who wrote the Acts and the Third Gospel was S. Luke. Of the companions of S. Paul whose names are known to us no one is so probable as S. Luke; and the voice of the first eight centuries pronounces strongly for him and for no one else as the author of these two writings. If antiquity were silent on the subject, no more reasonable conjecture could be made than “ Luke the beloved physician.” He fulfils the conditions. Luke was the Apostle’s companion during both the Roman imprisonments (Col. iv. 14; Philem. 24; 2 Tim. iv. 11), and may well have been his companion at other times. That he is not mentioned in the earlier groups of Epistles is no objection ; for none of them coincide with the ‘‘ we” sections in the Acts. Moreover, the argument from medical language, although sometimes exaggerated, is solid and helpful. Both in the Acts and in the Third Gospel there are expressions which are distinctly medical; and there is also a good deal of language which is perhaps more common in medical writers than elsewhere. This feature does not amount to proof that the author was a physician ; still less can it prove that, if the author was a physician, he must have been Luke. The Apostle might have had another medical companion besides the beloved physician. But, seeing that there is abundance of evidence that Luke was the writer of these two documents, the medical colour which is discernible here and there in the language of each of them is a valuable con- firmation of the evidence which assigns the authorship of both to Luke. xiv THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 2. For the voice of antiquity is not silent on the subject ; and we are not left to conjecture. There is no need to argue whether Timothy, or Titus, or Silas, or some unnamed companion of the Apostle is more likely than S. Luke to have written these two books. The evidence, which is both abundant and strong, is wholly in favour of Luke. Until we reach the blundering state- ment in Photius near the end of the ninth century, there is no hint that any one ever thought of any person but Luke as the author of either treatise. Photius has this statement: “Some say that the writer of the Acts was Clement of Rome, others Barnabas, and others again Luke the Evangelist; but Luke himself decides the question, for at the beginning of his preface he mentions that another treatise containing the acts of the Lord had been composed by him” (Ampfi?. Qu. 123). Here he seems to be transferring to the Acts conjectures which had been made respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews. But at any rate the statement shows that the Third Gospel was regarded as un- questionably by Luke. The Pauline authorship of Romans and Galatians is now com- monly regarded as certain, and the critic who questions it is held to stultify himself. But is not the evidence for the Lucan author- ship of the Third Gospel and the Acts equally strong? If these are not named by any writer earlier than Irenzeus, neither are those Epistles. And the silence of the Apostolic Fathers respect- ing the Third Gospel and the Acts is even more intelligible than their silence respecting Galatians and Romans, because the two former, being addressed to Theophilus, were in the first instance of the nature of private writings, and because, as regards the Gospel narrative, the oral tradition still sufficed. But from Irenzus onwards the evidence in all these cases is full and unwavering, and it comes from all quarters of the Christian world. And in considering this third point, the first point must be kept steadily in view, viz. the certainty that the Third Gospel and the Acts were written by one and the same person. Con- sequently all the evidence for either book singly is available for the other book. Every writer who attributes the Third Gospel to Luke thereby attributes the Acts to Luke and vice verséd, whether he know anything about the second book or not. Thus — in favour of Luke as the author of the Third Gospel we have three classes of witnesses: viz. those who state that Luke wrote the Third Gospel, those who state that Luke wrote the Acts, and those who state that he wrote both treatises. Their combined testimony is very strong indeed; and there is nothing against it. At the opening of his commentary on the Acts, Chrysostom says that many in his day were ignorant of the authorship and even of the existence of the book (Migne, lx. 13). But that statement §1]} THE AUTHOR xv creates no difficulty. Many could be found at the present day, even among educated Christians, who could not name the author of the Acts. And we have seen that the late and confused state- ment in Photius, whatever it may mean respecting the Acts, testifies to the universal conviction that the Third Gospel was written by Luke. But we obtain a very imperfect idea of the early evidence in favour of the Third Gospel when we content ourselves with the statement that it is not attributed to Luke by any one before Irenzeus and the Muratorian Fragment, which may be a little earlier than the work of Irenzus, but is probably a little later. We must consider the evidence of the existence of this Gospel previous to Irenzus; and also the manner in which he himself and those who immediately follow him speak of it as the work of S. Luke. That Justin Martyr used the Third Gospel (or an authority which was practically identical with it) cannot be doubted. He gives a variety of particulars which are found in that Gospel alone ; ¢.g. Elizabeth as the mother of the Baptist, the sending of Gabriel to Mary, the census under Quirinius, there being no room in the inn, His ministry beginning when Jesus was thirty years old, His being sent by Pilate to Herod, His last cry, “ Father, into Thy hands I commend My spirit” (1 Afol. xxxiv.; Z7ry. Ixxxvili., C., Ciii., cv., cvi.). Moreover, Justin uses expressions respecting the Agony, the Resurrection, and the Ascension which show that the Third Gospel is in his mind. That his pupil Tatian possessed this Gospel is proved by the Diatessaron. See Hemphill, Diatessaron of Tatian, pp. 3 ff. Celsus also knew the Third Gospel, for he knew that one of the genealogies made Jesus to be descended from the first man (Orig. Con. Cels. ii. 32) The Clementine Homilies contain similarities which are pro- ably allusions (iii. 63, 65, xi. 20, 23, xvii. 5, xvili. 16, xix. 2). The Third Gospel was known to Basilides and Valentinus, and was commented upon by Heracleon (Clem. Alex. S¢vom. iv. 9, p. 596, ed. Potter). Marcion adopted this Gospel as the basis for what he called the “Gospel of the Lord” or “Gospel of Christ.” He omitted a good deal as being inconsistent with his own teaching, but he does not appear to have added anything. See § 7; also Wsctt., is to Gospels, App. D; Sanday, Gospels in the Second Century, Pp: In the Epistle of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne to the Churches in Asia there is a quotation of Lk. i. 6 (Eus. HZ. v. 1. 9). 1 What Pseudo-Tert. says of Cerdo is perhaps a mere transfer to Cerdo of what is known of Marcion. xvi THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 1. These instances, which are by no means exhaustive, may suffice as evidence for the early existence of the Third Gospel. It re mains to notice the way in which Irenzus and his later contem- poraries speak of the book. Irenzus, who represents the traditions of Asia Minor and Rome and Gaul in the second half of the second century, quotes it many times and quotes from nearly every chapter, especially from those which are wholly or in the main peculiar to this Gospel, e.g. i., ii., ix—xix., xxiv. In a very remark- able passage he collects together many of the things which this Gospel alone narrates and definitely assigns them to Luke: “ Now if any one reject Luke, as if he did not know the truth, he will manifestly be casting out the Gospel of which he claims to be a disciple. For very many and specially necessary elements of the Gospel we know through him, as the generation of John, the history of Zacharias, the coming of the angel to Mary,” etc. etc. (ili. 14. 3. Comp. iii. 10. 1, 22. 4, 12. 12, 14. 4, etc.). It will be observed that he does not contemplate the possibility of any one denying that Luke was the author. Those who may reject it will do so as thinking that Luke’s authority is inadequate; but the authorship is unquestioned. Clement of Alexandria (A.D. 190-202) had had teachers from Greece, Egypt, Assyria, Palestine, and had received the tradition handed down from father to son from the Apostles (Strom. i. 1, p- 322, ed. Potter). He quotes the Gospel very frequently, and from many parts of it. He definitely assigns it to Luke (Strom. i. 21, p. 407, ed. Potter). Tertullian (A.D. 190-220) speaks for the African Church. He not only quotes the Gospel frequently in his other works, but in his treatise against Marcion he works through the Gospel from ch. iv. to the end, often calling it Luke’s. The Muratorian Fragment (A.D. 170-200) perhaps represents Rome. The first line of the mutilated Catalogue probably refers to S. Mark; but the next seven unquestionably refer to S. Luke, who is twice mentioned and is spoken of as medicus. (See Lft. on Supernatural Religion, p. 189.) It would be waste of time to cite more evidence. It is mani- fest that in all parts of the Christian world the Third Gospel had been recognized as authoritative before the middle of the second century, and that it was universally believed to be the work of 5. Luke. No one speaks doubtfully on the point. The possibility of questioning its value is mentioned; but not of questioning its authorship. In the literature of that period it would not be easy to find a stronger case. The authorship of the four great Epistles of S. Paul is scarcely more certain. In all these cases, as soon as we have sufficient material for arriving at a conclusion, the evidence is found to be all on one side and to be decisive. And exactly §1.) THE AUTHOR xvii the same result is obtained when the question is examined as to the authorship of the Acts, as Bishop Lightfoot has shown (art. “ Acts” in D.Z.*). Both the direct and the indirect argument for the Lucan authorship is very strong. With this large body of historical evidence in favour of S. Luke before us, confirmed as it is by the medical expressions in both books, it is idle to search for another companion of S. Paul who might have been the author. Timothy, Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius, Tychicus, and Trophimus are all excluded by Acts xx. 4, 5. And it is not easy to make Silas fit into the “ we” sections. ‘Titus is possible: he can be included in the “we” and the “us” without contradiction or difficulty. But what is gained by this suggestion? Is a solution which is supported by no evi- dence to be preferred to an intrinsically more probable solution, which is supported by a great deal of evidence, and by evidence which is as early as we can reasonably expect? Those who neglect this evidence are bound to explain its existence. Irenzeus, Clement, and Tertullian, to say nothing of other authorities, treat the Lucan authorship as a certainty. So far as their knowledge extends, Luke is everywhere regarded as the writer. How did this belief grow up and spread, if it was not true? There is nothing in either treatise to suggest Luke, and he is not prominent enough in Scripture to make him universally acceptable as a conjecture. Those who wanted apostolic authority for their own views would have made their views more conspicuous in these books, and would have assigned the books to a person of higher position and influence than the beloved physician, e.g. to Timothy or Titus, if not to an Apostle. As Renan says, ‘There is no very strong reason for supposing that Luke was not the author of the Gospel which bears his name. Luke was not yet sufficiently famous for any one to make use of his name, to give authority to a book” (Les Lvangzles, ch. xiii. p. 252, Eng. tr.. p. 132). “The placing of a celebrated name at the head of a work . . . was in no way repugnant to the custom of the times. But to place at the head of a document a false name and an obscure one withal, that is inconceivable. . . . Luke had no place in aa in legend, in history” (Les Ajétres, p. xvii., Eng. tr. Pp 1).? 1 Even Jiilicher still talks of ‘‘ the silence of Papias” as an objection (Zzv/. tn das N.T. § 27, 3, Leipzig, 1894). In the case of a writer of whose work only a few fragments are extant, how can we know what was not mentioned in the much larger portions which have perished? The probabilities, in the absence of evidence, are that Papias did write of Luke. But we are not quite without evidence. In the ‘‘ Hexeemeron” of Anastasius of Sinai is a passage in which Papias is mentioned as an ancient interpreter, and in which Lk, x. 18 is quoted in illustration of an interpretation. Possibly the illustration is borrowed from oe Lft. Supernatural Religion, pp. 186, 200. Hilgenfeld thinks xV111 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 2. § 2. S. LUKE THE EVANGELIST. The name Lucas is probably an abbreviation of Lucanus, but possibly of Lucilius, or Lucius, or Lucianus. ‘There is, however, no froof that Iucanus was shortened into Lucas.!_ Nevertheless some of the oldest Latin MSS. (e.g. Cordetensis and Vercellensis) have secundum Lucanum as the title of the Third Gospel. Lucas, like Apollos, Artemas, Demas, Hermas, and Nymphas, is a form not found in classical literature, whereas Lucanus is common in inscriptions. Lobeck has noticed that these contracted proper names in -és are common in the case of slaves (Fatholog. Proleg. p- 506). Slaves were sometimes physicians, and S. Luke may have been a freedman. Antistius, the surgeon of Julius Cesar, and Antonius Musa, the physician of Augustus, were freedmen. That Lucas=Lucanus is probable. But that Lucanus=Silvanus, because lucus=stlva, and that therefore Luke and Silas are the same person (Van Vloten), looks like a caricature of critical ingenuity. Equally grotesque is the idea that Luke is the Aristion of Papias (Eus. Z. Z. iii. 39. 4, 6), because dpic- Tevew =lucere (Lange). Only in three places is Lk. zamed in Scripture ; and it is worth noting that in all three of them the other Evangelist who is not an Apostle is named with him (Col. iv. 10, 14; Philem. 24; 2 Tim. iv. 11). These passages tell us that “the physician, the beloved one” (6 iatpds 6 dyayrds),® was with S. Paul during the first Roman imprisonment, when the Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon were written, and also during the second imprisonment, when 2 Timothy was written. Besides telling us that Luke was a physician very dear to the Apostle, they also tell us that he was his “ fellow-worker ” in spreading the Gospel. But apparently he was not his ‘fellow-prisoner.” In Col. iv. 10 Aristarchus is called ovvatxudAwros, and in Philem. 23 Epaphras is called such ; but Lk. in neither place. Almost all critics are agreed that in Col. iv. 14 Luke is that the preface to Papias shows that he was acquainted with the preface to Luke. Salmon is disposed to agree with him (Zr. p. 90, ed. 5). 1The argument from the Greek form (that Aevxavds, not Aovuxarés, is the equivalent of Lucanus) is inconclusive. After about A.D. 50 forms in Aovx- begin to take the place of forms in Aeuk-. 2Comp. Annas for Ananus; Apollos for Apollonius (Codex Bezae, Acts xviii. 24); Artemas for Artemidorus (Tit. iii, 12; Mart. v. 40); Cleopas for Cleopatros; Demas for Demetrius, Demarchus for Demaratus, Nymphas for Nymphodorus, Zenas for Zenodorus, and possibly Hermas for Hermodorus, For other examples see Win. xvi. 5, p. 127; Lft. on Col. iv. 15 ; Chandler, Grk, Accent. § 34. 3 Marcion omitted these words, perhaps because he thought that an Evan- gelist ought not to devote-himself to anything so contemptible as the human body ( Zexte und Unters. viii. 4, p. 40). 22.] Ss. LUKE THE EVANGELIST xix separated from ‘‘those of the circumcision,” and therefore was a_ Gentile Christian.1 Hofmann, Tiele, and Wittichen have not suc- ceeded in persuading many persons that the passage does not necessarily imply this. Whether he was a Jewish proselyte before he was a Christian must remain uncertain: his knowledge of Jewish affairs and his frequent Hebraisms are no proof. That he was originally a heathen may be regarded as certain. He is the only one of the Evangelists who was of Gentile origin; and, with the exception of his companion S. Paul, and possibly of Apollos, he was the only one among the first preachers of the Gospel who had had scientific training. If Luke was a Gentile, he cannot be identified with Lucius, who sends a salutation from Corinth to Rome (Rom. xvi. 21). This Lucius was Paul’s kinsman, and therefore a Jew. ‘The identifica- tion of Luke with Lucius of Cyrene (Acts xiii. 1) is less impossible. But there is no evidence, and we do not even know that Lucas was ever used as an abbreviation of Lucius. In . | xxii, 25 Aelrevy = fail ; . | xviii. 22 papripecba. F é xx. 26 peQoTdvas -ew =, . | xvi. 4 2 peGtoKer Gar ° o | xii. 45 pépts . ° ° o | X. 42 2 peraddbvat . 5 | iii. er vomod.ddoKahos . - |v. 17 v. 34 vorglferbar. ° . 2 voulerew . ° . xXx. 31 . 8 TO S. LUKE (§ 6 S. Pav. Main. Past. Rom. ix. 17 1 Cor. xii, 11 Rom. xiii. 2 4 2 4 Rom, x. 20 2 14 5 1 Cor, ix. 21 8 Col. i. 13 3 4 Rom. ii. 17 Phil. ii. 16 2 Cor. x. I 2 Cor. xi. 28 Eph. iv. 11 1 Cor. i. 26 Rom, xii, 11 2 1 Cor, iv. 9 Rom. i. 28 2 1 Cor. xv. 30 -bvwHHH WN Xxvili. 23| Philem. 22 xxi. 24 2 2 Tim. iv. 7 1 Tim. vi. 15 2 Tim. iii. 17 1 Tim, iv. 16 1 Tim. iii. 5 2 1 Tim. v. 4 2 Tim. ii, 26 I Tim, vi. 13 1 Tim. vi. 15 1 Tim. i. 7 Tit. ii, 10 §6.] CHARACTERISTICS, STYLE, AND LANGUAGE iv dvoudter . F . 2 xix. 13 6 2 Tim. ii. 19 értacla Sn e ° 2 xxvi, 19 | 2 Cor. xii. I dovérns Bal Ks >| 75 Eph. iv. 24 éyouoy . » | iii, 14 ways : ° ° . | xxi. 34 Rom, xi. 9 3 mavot\la . ° » | xi. 22 mavoupyla . 2 e | Xx. 23 4 awavTws ° e e | iv. 23 3 5 mwaparyyerla - ° 2 1 Th. iv. 2 2 Tapackevafey 4 e x. 10 3 mapaxepdvey . ’ 2 1 Cor. xvi. 6 | Tit. iii. 32 mapokiver bat - ° xvii. 16 | 1 Cor. xiii. 5 mappnoidgerbas . . 2 matpla ° . - | i. 4 iii, 25 Eph. iii. 15 mweOapxe . - . 3 Tit. iii, 1 meplepyos . e ° xix. 19 1 Tim. v. 13 mwepmoetcOas = « ~— o || XVil. 33 | xx. 28 1 Tim. iii. 13 éml mretov . . 3 2 wAnpodpopety ° «|i I 2 mwonTela = g wks xxii, 28 | Eph. i. 12 moNreverOas - ~ xxiii. I Phil, i. 27 mopety : ° e ix, 21 2 mpecBurépioy ° » | xxii, 66 | xxii. 5 1 Tim. iv. 14 mpecBirys » : obi. IS Philem. 9 Tit. ii. 2 mpodorns . . - | vi. 16 vii. 52 2 Tim. iii. 4 mMpoemeiyp 5 ele i, 16 2 Tpobuula « e > xvii. II mpoLoem te ge ii, 31 Gal. iii. 8 WpoKbTTEw « . e | i. 52 2 3 Tpbvowa ° . . xxiv. 2 | Rom. xiii. 14 mpoopliew . ° . iv. 28 5 powers e ° xix. 36 2 Tim. iii. 4 kara mpbcwrop » | i. 31 2 2 : papolvew . s . xvi. 22 2 Cor. xL 25 céBacua ln ° ° xvii. 23 | 2 Th. ii. 4 oKorety ° 2 » | xi. 35 5 oroxety =n ~ - xxi. 24 ovyxadifew , ° » | xxi. 55 Eph. ii. 6 ouykrelew . «| Ve 3 ovyxaipev .» ° . 3 4 ouppiBagevr. - - 3 4 ouvavrihauBdverr . » | X. 40 Rom. viii. 26 civiecuos . ° ° Vill. 23 3 ouvéKdtuos » - - xix. 29 | 2 Cor. viii. 19 cuvecblew - e | xv. 2 xi5 4 cuvevookely » ° 2 | xi. 48 2 3 ovvoxy ° ° e | xxi. 25 2 Cor. ii. 4 auoré\e e e v. 6 I Cor. vii. 29 — viii cwparik6s » 70 TWTNPLOP « cwppoovvn » TETpaTOOa « *ripnots 2 Sotvat Tbrop UBpis . vm7}Koos brwmidgev vorépnua paokew gravOpurla pirdpyupos . popos . ° ppbyynois =. xaplferOas « Xapiroov XEltporovety Xp7TOat ee eersrpeeeeseveeeeeeeeete THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [S6. 1 Tim. iv. 8 xxviii. 28] Eph. vi. 17 XXVi. 25 2 2 Rom. i. 23 2 1 Cor. vii. 19 2 2 2 Cor. xii. 10 vii. 39 2 1 Cor. ix. 27 8 2 Rom. i, 22 XXVill. 2 Tit. ili, 4 2 Tim. iii. 2 2 Eph. i. 8 4 15 Eph. i. 6 xiv. 23 | 2 Cor. viii. 19 2 3 (2) Expressions peculiar to S. Luke and S. Paul and the Lpisile to the Hebrews. dueurros s dvaykatos advdpyvnows =, dvramod.dévas adéiotv . ° amoketcbat . GrohUTpwos » ao pahns e agiuTdvas BovA} . ° Orapapriper Gas Ov Av airlay . expepery . éxpevyery évduvayotv évrvyxavew émlOeats ° Karapyev =e Aecroupyety » NhWON AW Tit. iii, 14 2 Th. i Col. i. 5 7 Phil. iii. 1 2 Cor. xii. 8 2 1 Th. iv. 6 3 1 Tim. vi. 7 3 Sy 2 2 Tim. i. 10 Rom, xv. 27 §6.] CHARACTERISTICS, STYLE, AND LANGUAGE lix 2 4 2 2 18? ii. 6 = 5 Rom. i. 4 iv. 7 mapatretcOat » 3 xxv. II 4 3 mapdKAnots . 2 4 19 1 Tim. iv. 13 3 jepuaipey =e 2 2 Cor. iii. 16 x. 55 mepépxerOae « 2 1 Tim, v. 13| xi. 37 oxhnpiver | xix. 9 | Rom. ix, 18 4 . 2 : 3 2 Tim. ii. 10 2 ° Gal. ii. 12 x. 38 . 2 Cor. i, 21 i (3) Expressions peculiar to S. Lukes Writings and to the Epistle to the Hebrews. dvadéyecOart, dvafewpeiv}, dvactdcews tvyxdvew, *dvopfotvd, dvurepor}t, * dradddooew F, dmoypagerBbact, dpxmyés$, doddevrost, doreost, dorpor ¥, *Bojbea4, duaridecPart, per’ elpivnst, elovévar?, éxdelrew?, * evoxdeiv}, Evrpo- pos?, émiaré\derv?, eowrepost, * edOeros}, leparela}, iidoxecOart, xatarwavery, Karapevyery ; 4, xKepdratov f, AUTpworst by péroxort, dp0dst, madasodvd, els rd mavrenést, *wapadteobast, mapokeiv}, *mapotvoudst, rarpidpyns?, meptxetoGal rt, woppwOevt, cvvarrgv $, cxedbr FZ, Tedelwoist, Urapiist, Excepting dvaGewpeiv, dvacrdcews Tuyxdvewv, dvwtepov, éowrepos, and els rd wavTedés, all the above are in LXX. (4) Expressions not found in the other Gospels and more frequent in S. Luke's Writings than in all the rest of N.T. dyadNlacts$, alveiv$, *dvardurewt, av0’ Gv, droroyeicbas, dogpddrea?, * drevifew 12, * dromwos}, agiordvat 4, Bovn$, Bpédos$, dtawapriperbar 4, Starrop- everOart, éyxadeiv$, EupoBosF, eLamooréNew 19, éwépxer Oars, *épyacia $, écOjs#, evayyerlferGat i, ediordvat 3, * novydfevF, xaTayev $, KaTavTGy £, * xatépxerOar ¢. 44, 6 Adyos Tod Kuplov$, pePiordvar§, wépis§, wjv+P, awd tov viv}, érraciat, * oplfew$, maverOa$, Ta mepl 3, mpeoBurépovt, mpotpxeras c. $, *mpood-yeuv c.F, awukvos $, ovyar t, omevdew }, *creipat, cvvavrgvs, vrdpxew (excluding 7a brdp- xovra) 22, *drodéxecOar}, *drodapPdvewt, broorpépe ’ : and several others which occur twice in Luke and once elsewhere. All of these occur in LXX, except dvaréurew, (5) Expressions found in one or more of the other Gospels, but mor eect in S. Luke's Writings than in all the rest of N.T. ayev 6. exo SEER, 35> 38, ix. 5, etc.), and for Oavyalew zu he prefers Barpdew éri tive (il. 33, IV. 22, ix. 43, xx. 26). For Gepazeveww vécous he sometimes has Oepareveww a7 voowy (V. 15, Vil. 21, viii. 2). He is fond of the infinitive after dua 76 (ii. 4, Vill. 6, ix. 7, xi. 8, xvill. 5, etc.), wera 7d (xii, 5, xxii 20), and zpo rod (il. 21, xxil. 15). The quite classical éyew tu is common (vii. 42, ix. 58, xi. 6, xli. 17, 50, xiv. 14). His use of the optative has been mentioned above (p. li). Participles with the article often take the place of substantives (ii. 27, iv. 16, viii. 34, xxii. 22, xxiv. 14). They are frequently added to verbs in a picturesque and classical manner: avacravrtes e¢Bador (iv. 29); kaioas ediSackev (Vv. 3), orabels exeAevoer (xviii. 40), otpadeis éreripnoe (ix. 55), etc. They are sometimes strung together without a conjunction (ii. 36, iv. 35, V. IT, 19; 25 ,ebe)- S. Luke is very fond of vds, and especially of the stronger form das. It is not always easy to determine which is the right reading ; but amas is certainly very common (iii. 21, iv. 6, v. 26, vill. 37, ix. 15, Xix. 37, 48, xxill. 1; also in Acts). Elsewhere in N.T. azas is rare. Not unfrequently Luke has zs or das where the others have nothing (iil. 155 16,25; iv. 37, V- 11, 28, VL 4 Eo. 17, 19, 30, Vil. 35, etc.). mas 6 Aads and amas 6 X. are very freq. In the use of certain prepositions he has some characteristic expressions : els 7a Gra (i. 44, ix. 44) and avoléas. To the examples given in the Gentleman’s Magazine may per- haps be added such instances as daxtiAw rpoowavew (xi. 46), where Mt. has daktvAw Kwjoat: did Tpypatros BeAdvys (xvili. 25), Where Mk. has dua tTpvpadsas padidos: earn 7 plots TOD aiparos (vill. 44), Where Mk. has éénpdv0n 7 myyi tT. aiwatos: éotepedOyoav at Baces adrovd kal Ta ovodpa (Acts il. 7); and more doubtfully é60vnv técoapow dpxais kaenevov (Acts x. 11) and avexd@cev (vii. 14; Acts ix. 40). Luke alone relates what may be called the surgical miracle of the healing of Malchus’ ear (xxi. 51). And perhaps the marked way in which he distinguishes demoniacal possession from disease (vi. 18, xili. 32; Acts xix. 12) may be put down to medical train- ing. His exactness in stating how long the person healed had been afflicted (xili. 11 ; Acts ix. 33) and the age of the person healed (vill. 42; Acts iv. 22) is a feature of the same kind. For other possible instances see notes on iv. 35, V. 12, Vii. Io. The coincidences between the preface of the Gospel and the opening words of some medical treatises are remarkable (see small print, pp. 5, 6). And it is worth noting that Luke alone records Christ’s quotation of the proverb, “Iatpé, Oeparevoov ceavrov e Ixvi THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 6 (iv. 23); and that almost the last words that he records in the Acts are S. Paul’s quotation from Is. vi., which ends kai idcopar airovs (xxviii. 26, 27). The following table will illustrate some characteristics of S. Luke’s diction as compared with that of the other Synoptists :— S. MATTHEW. iii. 10. 457 dé. ili. 16. rvetua Geod. iii. 17. pwvh éx 7. ovp- wor. iv. 1. Gv}xOn. iv. 5, 8. maparapBdvet. iv. 12. dvexwpycer. iv. 18. Thy Oddaccapy. iv. 20. adpévres Ta Slxrva. viii. 2. Aempds mporehOwp tpocktve aire. Vili. 4. kal Aéyee 6 Inoois. ix. 2. mpocégepoy atre trapahurexéy. ix. 7. éyepOels, ix, 8. époBHOncar, ix. 9. Ma06atov Xeyouévor. xii, 50. 7d OAnua 7. war- $s ou. xiii. 7. éxt ras dxdvOas. xiii, 19. T Adyor 7. Ba- osdelas. xiii. 20. AapBdvwv, xili. 21. oxavdarlferas, v. 15. Kalovow dixvor. vill. 21. KUpte. viii. 30. dyé&\n xolpwr ToNAGr. ix. 18. l50) d&pxwv [els] cove Pav mpockiver aiTy. x. 18. éredetrycer, x. 14. Eepxdpeva EEw. avi. 15. Aéyets S. MARK. i. 10. 7d wvedpa. i, 11. gwyh éx 7. obpa- yu. i. 12. 7d zy. abrov éxBdd- Ae. i, 14. #AGer. i. 16. Thy Oddaccapy. i. 18. ddévres 7a Slxrva, i, 40. Nempds mapaxadav atrév Kal yovuTerar. i. 44. wal A\éyet, ii, 3. pépovres mpds abror mwapadurikdr. li. 12. 77yép8n Kal evdus. ii. 12, é&loracbat ii, 14. Aevely. iii, 35. 7d O&qya TF. Gcod. iv. 7. els Tas dxdvOas. iv. 14. rdv Adbyor. iv. 16, AapBdvovow. iv. 17. oxavdanlfovrat, iv. 38. d:ddoxade. v. 7. dpklfw ce. v. II. dy&q Xolpav pey- dd. v. 22. Epxerat eis Tv dp- xXiowayayw Kal alate apods Tods 76das avrov. ¥. 23. éoxdrws Exel. v. 29. evOds eEnpdvOn 7 vi. II. éxmopevdpevot éxet- Gev, Vili. 29, érnpwra. S. LuKgE. iii. 9. 4dn 5é nal, iii, 22. 7d wv. Td Bycor, iii. 22. @wv hy €& odpavod yevéo Oar iv. i. bréorpeper iv. 5, 9. Fyayer, ava yayav. iv. 14. bréorpeper. v. I. Thy Aluvny v. Il. agévres wWavTa. v. 12, dvip wdAhpns Admpas weoav él mpbe- wrov €6e407 avtov. v. 14. kal atrds rap hyyetrev. v. 18. dvdpes pépovres ee » TapadedAupévos. Vv. 25. TapaxpyHya ave aoras éveimiov altar. v. 26. €wAcOnoar pb- Bov. v. 27. 6véuare Acvelv, viii. 21. Tov Adyor 7. @cod. viii. 7. év wéow T. dkav- Oay. viii. 11.6 Ad6yosT. Oeod. SéxovTau adgloravran Avxvov &Was. éTLoTaTa. déopal cov. ayn xolpwr viii. 13. Viii. 13. viii. 16. viii. 24. viii. 28. viii. 32. tkavar. vili. 41. kal ldod 7dOev dvyp kal odros &pxwy Tis ouwaywyns um7pxev Kak meow Tape Tos wbdas "Inood. viii. 42. kal adrh daé- OvncKev. viii. 44. mWapaxpyjua orn F piots. ix. 5. éfepxduevar ard, ix. 20. efwrev 84 § 7.] S. MATTHEW. Xvi. 20. éwerlunoer, xvi. 28, duhv \éyw duiv. XVil. 4. KUpte. XVil. 16, mpoojveyka. xvii, 18, €OepamrevOn 4 mais. xix. 13. masdla. xxii, 18. yvods Thy mov- nplav. XXVi. 20, pera T, OWdexa padnrov. Xxvi. 27. AaBwr. XXVi. 29. ov ph dm’ prt. XXvVi. 41. Ypryopetre kat mpocevxeobe. xxvi. 64. da dprt. XXVli. 2. dmijyayov Kat mapédwkay Ilewidry. xxvii. 13. Aéyet. XXVil. 57. dvOpwiros m\ov- clos, Tobvoua "Iwan. xxviii. 8. dreAOodoar... ESoapov damaryyethas ois uadyrais avroi. THE INTEGRITY OF THE THIRD GOSPEL S. MARK. vill, 30. éxerlunoer. ix. I. dpuhv A\éyw dyer. ix. 5. “PafBel, ix. 18. elza. ix. 27. avéorn. x. 13. matdla, xii. 15. eldws thy bré- Kpiowv. xiv. 17. weTa TOV SwdeKa, . 23. Aaa. Xiv. 25. ovxért od 11%}. - 38. ‘ypnyopetre xat mpooevxer Oe, xv. I. damrijveykay Kal mapédwxav Teddy. XV. 4. emnpora, XV. 43. "Iwonp evox nuwv Bovdeuris. xvi. 8. é&eAOotdoat « » » ovdevi ovdér elrav. Ixvii S. Luxe. ix. 21. émiryjoas wap- hyvetdrev. ix. 27. Aéyw byuiv ad7- Oas. ix.. 33. €miotdara, ix. 40. €deHOn». ix. 42. ldoaro waitda, xviii. 15. Ta Bpédn. XX. 23. KaTavOyoas THY mwavoupylav. xxil. 14. of drédoToAot ovr atte. xxii. 17. deEdwevos. xxii, 18. ob uh dad Tod vor. xxii. 46. dvacrdyres mpocevxeobe, xxii, 69. dd Tod viv. xxiii. I. dvacrTav érav TO TARGOS atrav #yayor avrov éml r. TlecdGrov. xxiii. 9. eanpdéra ev é- yous ikavots. xxii. 50. kat ldod avnp évéuatet I., Bovdeurys Umdpxwr. Xxiv. 9. JrocrpéVacat oe. GTHYyElAay TavTa mdvra Tos evdexa Kal @ Gov Tots Aovrots. Top These are only specimens taken from a large number of instances, and selected for their brevity and they admit of comparison. the ease with which The student who has mastered tne main features of Luke’s style will be able to find many more for himself. § 7. THE INTEGRITY OF THE THIRD GOSPEL. This question may be regarded as naturally following the dis- cussion of S. Luke’s peculiarities and characteristics, for it is by a knowledge of these that we are able to solve it. The question has been keenly debated during the last forty years, and may now be said to be settled, mainly through the exertions of Volkmar, Hilgenfeld; and Sanday. Dr. Sanday’s,article in the Fortnightly Review, June 1875, in answer to Supernatural Religion, was pro- nounced by Bishop Lightfoot to be ‘“‘able and (as it seems to me) unanswerable” (On Sup. Fel. p. 186). This article was incor- Ixviii THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S, LUKE [§ 7. perated in Zhe Gospels in the Second Century, Macmillan, 1896, now unfortunately out of print, and it remains unanswered. It is now conceded on all sides' that Marcion’s Gospel does not represent the original S. Luke, and that our Third Gospel has not been largely augmented and interpolated, especially by the addition of the first three chapters and the last seven verses ; but that Marcion’s Gospel is an abridgment of our S. Luke, which therefore was current before Marcion began to teach in Rome in or before a.D. 140. The statements of early Christian writers (not to be accepted as conclusive without examination) have been strongly confirmed, and it is right to speak of Marcion’s Gospel as a “mutilated” or “ amputated ”’ edition of S. Luke. Trenzeus says of Marcion: zd guod est secundum Lucam evangelium circumcidens (i. 27. 2, iil. 12.7); and again: Marcion et gui ab co sunt, ad intercidendas converst sunt Scripturas, quasdam quidem in totum non cog- noscentes, secundum Lucam autem evangelium et epistolas Pauli decurtantes, hec sola legitima esse dicunt, que ipst minoraverunt (iil. 12.12). Similarly Tertullian: Qzzs tam comesor mus Ponticus quam qui evangelia corrosit? (Adv. Marcion. i. 1). Marcion evangelio suo nullum adscribit auctorem. ... ex tis commentatoribus quos habemus Lucam videtur Marcion elegisse quem cederet (ibid. iv.2). Epiphanius also: 6 wév yap xapaxryp Tov Kara AouKay onualver 76 evayyéduov: ws 6 AKpwrnplacTrar TE GpXHy EXwWY, MITE “eo, UATE Tédos, tuatlov BeBpwuévou vrd wodAdGy onT Gy éréxe Tov Tpbrov (Her. i. 3. II, Migne, xli. 709). Epiphanius speaks of additions, 7a d€ rpoorl@ynouv: but these were very trifling, perhaps only some two or three dozen words. The evidence of Tertullian and Epiphanius as to the contents of Marcion’s Gospel is quite independent, and it can be checked to some extent by that of Irenzeus. ‘Their agreement is remark- able, and we can determine with something like certainty and exactness the parts of the Third Gospel which Marcion omitted ; not at all because he doubted their authenticity, but because he disliked their contents. They contradicted his doctrine, or did not harmonize well with it, or in some other way displeased him. In this arbitrary manner he discarded i. ii. and ili. excepting Iii. 1, with which his Gospel began. Omitting ili. 2-iv: 13, 17-20, 24, he went on continuously to xi. 28. _ His subsequent omissions were xi. 29-32, 49-51, xiil. I-9, 29-35, XV. LI—32, XVll. 5—I0, XVili. 31-34, xix. 29-48, xx. 9-18, 37, 38, xxl. I-4, 18, 21, 22, xxii. 16-18, 28-30, 35-38, 49-51, xxlv. 47-53. Perhaps he also omitted vii. 29-35 ; and he transposed iv. 27 to xvii. 18. It should be observed that not only does Marcion’s Gospel 1 An exception must be made of the author of Zhe Four Gospels as Historical Records, Norgate, 1895, pp. 93-95. The work is retrograde, and rakes together criticisms and ‘positions which have been rendered impotent and untenable. One is tempted to apply to it the author’s own words (respecting a volume of very real merit and ability, which has rendered signal service to the cause of truth), that it “may be said, without much injustice, to beg every question with which it deals” (p. 491). § 7.] THE INTEGRITY OF THE THIRD GOSPEL Ixix contain nearly all the sections which are peculiar to Luke, but it contains them in the same order. Where Luke inserts something into the common tradition, Marcion has the insertion ; where Luke omits, Marcion omits also. This applies in particular to “the great intercalation” (ix. 51—xvili. 14) as well as to smaller insertions; and this minute agreement, step by step, between Marcion and Luke renders the hypothesis of their independence incredible. The only possible alternatives are that Marcion has expurgated our Third Gospel, or that our Third Gospel is an expansion of Marcion’s; and it can be demonstrated that the second of these is untenable. (1) In most cases we can see why Marcion omitted what his Gospel did not contain. He denied Christ’s human birth; therefore the whole narrative of the Nativity and the genealogy must be struck out. The Baptism, Temptation, and Ascension involved anthropomorphic views which he would dislike. All allusions to the O.T. as savouring of the kingdom of the Demiurge must be struck out. And so on. In this way most of the omissions are quite intelligible. The announcement of the Passion (xviii. 31-34) and the triumphal entry into Jerusalem, ete. (xix. 29-48), were probably disliked as being fulfilments of O.T-. prophecy. It 1s less easy to see Marcion’s objection to the Prodigal Son (xv. 11-32) and the massacre of Galileans, etc. (xiii. 1-9) ; but our knowledge of his strange tenets is imperfect, and these passages probably conflicted with some of them. But sach changes as “‘all the righteous” for “ Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and ali te prophets” (xiii. 28), or “the Lord’s words” for “the law” (xvi. 17), or “those whom the god of that world shall account worthy” for “they that are accounted worthy to attain to that world” (xx. 35), are thoroughly intelligible. Others which his critics supposed to be wilful depravations of the text are mere differences of reading found in other authorities ; e.g. the omission of aidvov (x. 25) and of 7 pepioryy (xii. 14) ; and the insertion of kal kaTadvovta Tov vomov Kal TOvs mpopyTas (Xxili. 2). (2) But the chief evidence (in itself amounting to something like demonstration) that Marcion abridged our S. Luke, rather than the Evangelist expanded Marcion, is found in the peculiari: zs and characteristics of Luke’s style and diction. These run through our Gospel from end to end, and on the average are as frequent in the portions which Marcion omitted as in the rest. In the first two chapters they are perhaps somewhat more frequent than else- where. It is quite incredible that the supposed interpolator made a minute analysis of the style and diction of Marcion’s Gospel, practised himself in it, and then added those portions of our Gospel which Marcion did not include in his Gospel: and that he accomplished this feat without raising a suspicion. Such a feat in Ixx THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 8. that age would have been a literary miracle. Only those who have worked through the passages expunged by Marcion, carefully marking what is peculiar to Luke or characteristic of him, can estimate the full force of this argument. But the analysis of a few verses will be instructive. The dotted lines indicate that the expression is found more often in Luke’s writings than in the rest of N.T., and the fraction indicates the proportion: eg. the § with xa6eiAev means that kaGaipety occurs six times in Lk. and Acts, and three elsewhere in the rest of N.T. The plain lines indicate that the expression is peculiar to Luke in N.T., and the figure states the number of times in which it occurs in his writings: e.g. xara 76 €80s occurs thrice in Lk. and Acts, and nowhere else in N.T. eee nw ewencnsees Pe , evérhyoev 2" ayaddv, kat rhovrotrtas eLarréoretAcv 19 Kevovs. davte\d- iréotpaper 38 cis Tov otxov abris (i. 52-56). oa ee I éoptj Tod mdoxa, Kal Gre eyévero érdvZ$ dwoexa, dvaBawdvTwv RN ere Slee co steay : a a 4, ‘5 ¢ aitav «ata TO e0s3 THs éopTns, Kal TehewodvTwy Tas Hmepas, Trois 2 yvworois' 42 Kal pa evpovtes tréotpeav %3 eis “IepovoaAnp, § 8. THE TEXT, The authorities quoted for the various readings are taken from different sources, of which Tischendorf’s /Vov. Zest. Gree. vol. i. ed. 8, Lipsiz, 1869, and Sanday’s App. ad Wov. Test, Sieph., Oxonii, 1889, are the chief. The Patristic evidence has been in many cases verified. Gregory’s /rolgomena to ‘Tischendorf, Lipsiz, 1884-94, and Miller’s edition of Scrivener’s /utroduction to the Criticism of N.T., Bell, 1894, must be consulted by_ those who desire more complete information respecting the authorities. + § 8] THE TEXT Ixxi (1) GREEK MANUSCRIPTS. Primary uncials. & Cod. Sinaiticus, sec. iv. Brought by Tischendorf from the Convent of St. Catherine on Mt. Sinai; now at St. Peters- burg. Contains the whole Gospel complete. Its correctors are x* contemporary, or nezriy so, and representing a second MS. of high value ; x” attributed by Tischendorf to sxc. vi. ; &° attributed to the beginning of sec. vii. Two hands of about this date are sometimes distinguished as »@ and Roe. A. Cod. Alexandrinus, sec. v. Once in the Patriarchal Library at Alexandria ; sent by Cyril Lucar as a present to Charles 1. in 1628, and now in the British Museum. Complete. B. Cod. Vaticanus, sec. iv. In the Vatican Library certainly since 1533! (Batiffol, Za Vaticane de Paul itt, etc., p. 86). Complete. The corrector B? is nearly of the same date and used a good copy, though not quite so good as the original. Some six centuries later the faded characters were retraced, and a few new readings introduced by B?. C. Cod. Ephraemi Rescriptus, seec. v. In the National Library at Paris. Contains the following portions of the Gospel: i. 2-ii. 5, ii. 42-ili. 21, iv. 25-vi. 4, vi. 37-vii. 16 or 17, Vili. 28-xii. 3, xix. 42—-XX. 27, Xxi. 2I-xxil. 19, xxiii, 25- xxiv. 7, xxiv. 46-53. These four MSS. are parts of what were once complete Bibles, and are designated by the same letter throughout the LXX and N.T. D. Cod. Bezae, sec. vi. Given by Beza to the University Library at Cambridge 1581. Greek and Latin. Contains the whole Gospel. L. Cod. Regius Parisiensis, sec. viii. National Library at Paris. Contains the whole Gospel. R. Cod. Nitriensis Rescriptus, sec. viii. Brought from a convent in the Nitrian desert about 1847, and now in the British Museum. Contains i. 1-13, i. 69-11. 4, 16-27, iv. 38-v. 5, V. 25-vi. 8, 18-36, 39, Vi. 49-Vil. 22, 44, 46, 47, Vill. 5-15, Viii. 25-ix. T, 12-43, X . 3-16, xi. 5727, XU. 4-15, 40-52, xiii. 26-xiv. I, xiv. 12—-xv. I, xv. 13-Xvi. 16, XVii. 21—Xxvili. 10, xviii. 22—XX. 20, XX. 33-47, XXL. I2-xxii. 15, 42-56, xxii. 71- wail. 11, 38-51. By a second hand xv. 19-21. T. Cod. Borgianus, sxc. vy. In the Library of the Propaganda at Rome. Greek and Egyptian. Contains xxii. 20-xxiii. 20, Ixxii THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 8. X. Cod. Monacensis, sec. ix. In the University Library at Munich. Contains i. 1-37, ii. 19-iii. 38, iv. 21-x. 37, xi. I-XVili. 43, XxX. 46—-xxiv. 53. A. Cod. Sangallensis, seec. ix. In the monastery of St. Gall in Switzerland. Greek and Latin. Contains the whole Gospel. =. Cod. Zacynthius Rescriptus, szec. viii. In the Library of the Brit. and For. Bible Soc. in London. Contains i. 1-9, 19-23, 27; 28, SJE 36-66, 1. 77-ii. 19, 21, 22, 33-39) iii. 5-8, 11-20, iv. 1, 2, 6-20, 32-43, v. 17-36, vi. 21- vii. 6, 11-37, 39-47, Vili: 4-21, 25-35, 43-50, ix. 1-28, 32, 33) 35, ix. 41-x. 18, 21-40, xi, I; 4; § 4) 24-30, 31, 32; 33: If these uncials were placed in order of merit for the textual criticism of the Gospel, we should have as facile princeps B, with ® as equally easily second. Then T, 2, L, C, R. The Western element which sometimes disturbs the text of B is almost entirely absent from the Gospels. Secondary Uncials, E. Cod. Basileensis, sec. viii. In the Public Library at Basle. Contains the whole Gospel, except iii. 4-15 and xxiv. 47-53. F. Cod. Boreeli, sec. ix. In the Public Library at Utrecht. Contains considerable portions of the Gospel. G. Cod. Harleianus, sec. ix. In the British Museum. Contains considerable ortions. K. Cod. Cyprius, sec. ix. In the National Library at Paris. Contains the whole Gospel. M. Cod. Campianus, sec. ix. In the National Library at Paris. Contains the whole Gospel. S. Cod. Vaticanus, sec, x. In the Vatican. The earliest dated MS. of the Greek Testament. Contains the whole Gospel. U. Cod. Nanianus, sec. x. In the Library of St. Mark’s, Venice. Contains the whole Gospel. Only six uncials MSS., SBK MSU, afford complete copies of all four Gospels. (2) VERSIONS, The Versions quoted are the following: The Latin (Lat.). The Vetus Latina (Lat. Vet} The Vulgate (Vulg.). The Egyptian (Aegyptt.). The Bohairic (Boh.), The Sahidic (Sah.). The Syriac (Syrr.). The Curetonian (Cur.) The Sinaitic (Sin.). The Peshitto (Pesh.). § 9.) LITERARY HISTORY bodii The Harclean (Harcl.). The Palestinian (Hier.). The Armenian (Arm.), The Ethiopic (Aeth.). The Gothic (Goth.), We are not yet in a position to determine the relation of the recently discovered Sinaitic Syriac (Syr-Sin.) to the other Syriac Versions and to other representatives of primitive texts: and it would be rash for one who is ignorant of Syriac to attempt a solution of this problem. But the readings of Syr-Sin., as given in the translation by Mrs. Lewis, are frequently quoted in the notes, so that the reader may judge to what extent they support the text adopted in this commentary. It should be noticed that four of the seven instances of Con- fiate Readings, cited by WH. (ii. pp. 99-104) as proof of the comparative lateness of the traditional text, are found in this Gospel (ix. 10, xi. 54, xii. 18, xxiv. 23). Mr. Miller, in his new edition of Scrivener’s Jutroduction to the Criticism of the N.T. (Bell, 1894), denies the cogency of the proof; but the only case with which he attempts to deal, and that inadequately (ii. pp. 292, 293), is Lk. xxiv. 53. See the Classical Review, June 1896, p. 264. §9. LITERARY HISTORY. It is not easy to determine where the literary history of the Third Gospel begins. The existence of the oral tradition side by side with it during the first century of its existence, and the existence of many other documents (i. 1) previous to it, which may have resembled it, or portions of it, very closely, are facts which render certainty impossible as to quotations which bear considerable resemblance to our Gospel. They may come from this Gospel; but they may also have another source. Again, there are possibilities or probabilities which have to be taken into account. We do not know how soon Harmonies of two, or three, or four Gospels were constructed. The Third Gospel itself is a combination of documents; and there is nothing improbable in the supposition that before Tatian constructed his Diatessaron others had made combinations of Matthew and Luke, or of all three Synoptic Gospels (Sanday, Bampton Lectures, p. 302). Some early quotations of the Gospel narrative look as if they may have come either from material which the Evangelists used, or from a compound of their works, rather than from any one of them as they have come down to us. On the other hand the difficulty of exact quotation must be remembered. MSS. were xxiv THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 9. not abundant, and even those who possessed them found a diffi culty in “verifying their references,” when rolls were used and not pages, and when neither verses nor even chapters were num- bered or divided. In quoting from memory similar passages of different Gospels would easily become mixed ; all the more so, if the writers who quote were in the habit of giving oral instruction in the Gospel narrative ; for in giving such instruction they would be in the habit of constructing a compound text out of the words which they chanced to remember from any two or three Gospels. What they wanted to convey was the substance of “the Gospel,” and not the exact wording of the Gospel according to Matthew, or Mark, or Luke. There is nothing in the Epistle of Barnabas which warrants us in believing that the writer knew the Third Gospel : and the co- incidence of Kowwvyces év racw TO TAnTIoV Gov, Kal OK épets i8ua elvae (xix. 8) with Acts iv. 32 is too slight to be relied upon. Comp. Didaché iv. 8. Indeed it is not impossible that this Epistle was written before our Gospel (a.D. 70-80). In the Epistle of Clement, which doubtless is later than the Gospel (A.D. 95, 96), we have the perplexing phenomena alluded to above. MT. v, 7, Vil. 1, 2 pakdpres of édehwoves, ore abrot &denOjoovrat, uh Kplvere, ta ph kptOjre® év @ yap Kplua- Tt Kplvere xpiOjoecBe, kal év @ pérpw perpetre Crem. Rom. Cor, xiii. 2, otrws yap elrev’ éde- Gre, iva éhenOjre: adlere, ta dgeOg dutv* ws mot- etre, odTw mornOijocerat buivy ws Oldore, obrws Sobjoerae byivs ws xpl- vere, obrws xpiOjaec be" os xpnoreverde, obrws XpnorevOjoerat byiv* @ Lx, vi. 36-38 +lvecbe olxrippoves Kab- os Tmarhp vpav olK- tipuwv éorly' kat ph kplvere, kal ov wh KpiO7jre* kal ph kaTadixdgere, kat ob} ph KaradikacO7re, dmodvere, Kal dodu- O@jcecbe* Sldore, Kal do- werpnOhoeras duiv. perp pepe: é&v alte Ofoerartpiv. .. @ yap perpnOioerar duty. pérpy petpetre dvTimerpy- Ojoeras [or peTpnOjoerat] byir. This quotation is found in the Epistle of Polycarp (ii. 3) i in this form : pynpovedovres 8 & dv elev 6 _icbptos Sddoxwv" HN Kpivere, iva ft) Kpubijre® adiere, kat apeOjorat byiv’ édeGre, va éhenOjre’ o HeTpw peTpette, avTyerpyOnoerat dpiv. And Clement of Alexandria (Strom. il. 18, p. 476, ed. Potter) has it exactly as Clement of Rome, with the exception of dvrierpyOycerar for petpyOycerat: but he is perhaps quoting his namesake. If not, then the probability that both are quoting a source different from any of our Gospels becomes much greater (Resch, Agrapha, pp. 96, 97). \ §9.] MrT. xviii. 6,7, xxvi. 24. és 8 ay cxavdarloy eva TOV pukpOv TOUTWY, TOY miorevovrwy els gud, cup- géper air@ Wa Kxpeyacdn poidros dvixds mepl tpd- xnrov avrov Kal Kara- mwovriaOn év TH Tedder Ths Oaddoons. oval TE Koop. . » » oval d& rye dvOpwry éxelvy dv o5 6 vids Tov LITERARY HISTORY Cem. Rom. Cor. xlvi. 8. elrey ydp* oval Tp avOpamp éxelvp* Kaddv hv atre@ el ovx éyevv On, h éva trav éxdexTGv prov oxavdadloa* Kpetrrov hy avria mepireOqvar pido kal KaramovrigOjvar els Thy Oddaccav, h Eva Tov éx\exT@v gov diaoTpéyat. boxy LK. xvii, 1, 2, xxii. 22. dyéviexrby éorw Toi 7a oxdviara ph Oe, Any oval du’ od Epxerat* Avotrede? atr@ el AlBos Pudxds meplkerrae rept Tov Tpdxnrov atrovd Kat Eppirras els Thy Oddaccar, h wa oKxavdartlog trav paxpov TovTwy Eva. odalr@ dvOpary éxelvp 8’ ob xapadldoras, avOpwrov mapadldoorar® Kandy qv atr@ el ove éyevv}0n & AvOpwros éketvos. Here again Clement of Alexandria (Strom, iii. 18, p. 561) quotes exactly as Clement of Rome, with the exception of 7 for ovx after «i, and the omission of tyv before GaAdocav. In Clem. Rom. Cor. lix. 3 we have a composite quotation (Is. xiii. 11; Ps. xxiii, 10; Job v. 11, etc.), which may possibly have been in- fluenced by Lk. i. 52, 53, xiv. 11, xviii. 14; but nothing can be built on this possibility. We must be content to leave it doubtful whether Clement of Rome knew our Gospel according to Luke; and the same must be said of Polycarp (see above) and of Ignatius. In Zph. xiv. we have gavepov 76 Sévdpov ard Tod Kaprov airod, which recalls ék yap rod kaprov 76 Sévdpov ywwdoxerat (Mt. xii. 33) and éxacrov yap Sévdpov éx Tod idiov Kaprod ywdaKerar a vi. 44). Smyr. iii. we have the very remarkable passage which perplexed Origen, Eusebius, and Jerome as to its source: 6re mpéds Tovs zept Ilérpov 7AOev, epy airois’ AdBere, pyrapyoaré pe, kal dere Ste ovK eit Sausdviov dowpatov. This may be a condensation of Lk. xxiv. 36-39, or may come from oral tradition or a lost document. Of other possibilities, 76 wip 7d doBeorov (Eph. xvi.) recalls Mk. ix. 43 rather than Lk. ili. 17: xadots padyras cay PirAqs, xdpts oor ovx éorw (Folyc. ii.) is not very close to Lk. vi. 32: jdovat tod Biov (Rom. vii.) is found Lk. viii. 14, but is a common phrase: and other slight resemblances (e.g. J/agn. x.) may as easily come from other Gospels or from tradition. We are on surer ground when we come to the Didaché and the Gospel of Peter, the dates of which remain to be determined, but which may be placed between a.p. 75 and 125. In the former we find further evidence of a combination of passages from Matthew and Luke, of which we have seen traces in Clement of Rome, and which suggests the possibility of a primitive Harmony of these two documents. ( bexvi MT. xxv. 13 ‘vervopeire ods, rt ote §«6oldare Th quépav ode rhv Spay. THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE DIDAcHE xvi. 1. ‘yprryopetre dxtp ris fons tudvs of dAdyvoe tuav ph cBecPjowoar, kal al dodves Suv ph éxdvécOwoav, GAA yev- ea0e Erotpor® ov yap oldare Thy Gpav év @ 6 Kuptos hua Epxerat. Ise LK. xii. 35. Ecrucay bpGr al dopves meprefwopévas Kat ol AVX- vot Kathuevot, Kal vpets Suoroe avOpwras mpoc- Sexouévors Tov Kuptoy éaurar. Here the acquaintance with our Gospel is highly probable, for of the Evangelists Luke alone has the plural of Avyvos and of éodus. In giving the substance of the Sermon on the Mount, the Didaché again seems to compound the two Gospels. MT, vil, Vv. 8gdyra oby Soa ear Ogre va woidow dpiv ol dvOpwra, ottws Kal bpets rovetre avrois. 4 dyamare Tods éxOpods buav Kal mpocevxerbe wxep Toy SiwwKdvTwy das. dav yap ayamrjonte To’s ayaTavras wvpas, tiva pacOdv ExeTE;.. a7... otxt Kal ob €Ovixol 7d atrd Totovaty ; ® Soris oe pamlte els Thy Setiav odyova, oTpé- yr atr@ kal Thy &dAdAnv. Boris ge dyyapeioe puoy &y, Braye per’ avrov dv0. 7G Gedovtl cot KpOjvas Kal Tov xI- Travd gov aBeiv, aes aire xal 7d ludriov. © + alrobytl ce dbs, Kat roy Oé\ovTa dd cov da- vlcacbat uh dmooTpagpys. DipacuHe i. 2-5. wdvra 5¢ Soa dv Oed- hons wh ylvec@al cot, Kat od) Gd\Aw ph mole... ev\oyeire Tos KkKaTapw- pévous duty Kal mpoced- xecbe brép Tav éxOpav dua, vnorevere 5 vrép TOV SiwkdovTwv bpas* ola yap xdpis, dav ayarare Tos dayamavras vps; ovxt Kal Ta EOvn 7d adrd To.ovow ; vets dé dya- Ware TOUS pucovvTas buas Kal obx eere ExOpiv... édy Tis gor O@ pdmiopa els Ti Sekidv ovarydva, orpéy* atr@ kal Thy GdAnv, Kak &rn rédetos* ey ayya- peton oé€ tis puldrov ev, Umarye wer’ avrov dvo* day G&py tis Td tudridy cov, dds adr@ Kal rdv xiTGva" éav AdBy Tis dd cov 7d abv, ph daralre ovdé yap Stvaca. mavtl TO alrobytl ce dldov, kal ph dmalret. Lx, vi, 81 Kas Oédere Iva wot- Gow byiv of &vOpwrot, moveire abrois dpolws. 8 ed\oyeire Tovs KaTa- pwpuévous buds, mpocev- xecbe wept Trav émnpea- Cévrwv tpas. 7 ada dyanGre ods éxOpods Uuav. 32 kal el d-yamare Tos dyaravras duds, ola duly xdpts dorly ; Kal yap of duaprwrol rods d-ya- movras avrovs dyamraouw. 35 hiv dyarare Tovs éx9pods duaGy ... Kal écrar 6 = yuoOds = bpaov onus. 27@ TUmTovTl ce éml Thy ovaybva mapexe Kal Thy dddAnv, kal dard rou alpovrés cou 76 ludriov Kal Tov xiTGva Bh Kwdvoys. ™ ravri al- rouvrl ce dldov, Kal dard tov alpovrés Ta oh ph dmalret. Expressions which are peculiar to each form of the Sermon are here so abundant that we conclude that this doctrine of the_ Two Ways has been influenced by both forms. But the order in which the several precepts are put together is so different from both Gospels, that the editor can scarcely have had either Gospel before him. Very possibly the order and wording have been disturbed by oral instruction in Christian morality given to cate- chumens (Sanday, Bamptons, p. 302). But the evidence of § 9.] LITERARY HISTORY Ixxvii acquaintance with the Third Gospel is strong ; and it is somewhat strengthened by the fact that in the Dzdaché Christ is called the “Servant (ats) of God” (ix. 2, 3, x. 2, 3), a use of wats which in N.T. is almost confined to Luke (Acts ill, 11.34) 26, Ive 27," 30); comp. iv. 23; Lk. i. 54, 69). But this use is common in LXX, and may easily be derived from Isaiah or the Psalms rather than from the Acts. Nevertheless there is other evidence of the in- fluence of the Acts on the Didaché, and scarcely any evidence of the influence of Isaiah or of the Psalms: indeed the references to the O.T. are remarkably few. And this not only makes it quite possible that the use of 6 zais cov comes from the Acts, but also still further strengthens the conviction that the Dzdaché is in- debted to the writings | of S. Luke. Comp. gvyKowovynoes O€ mdyra TO depos gov Kal ovk épeis ida elva (Did. IV. 8) with ovdé eis TL TOV brapxovrwv aitd eeyey idiov elvor, GAN jv avrois ravTa kowa (Acts iv. 32). Bryennios and Wiinsche see traces of Lk. ix. 1-6 and x. 4-21 in Lid. xi.; but this chapter might easily have stood as it does if Luke had never written. Yet there is enough in what has been quoted above to establish the fact of the influence of Luke on the Didaché. It is generally admitted that the fragment of the Gosfe/ of eter suffices to show that the writer of that apocryphal narrative was acquainted with all four of the Canonical Gospels. But it will be worth while to quote some of the expressions and state- ments which have a marked resemblance to Luke in particular. GOSPEL OF PETER, LK, xxiii., xxive @ edaros réuwas mpods ‘Hpwdnr. 7. IewGros , » » avéreupev abrdov mpos ‘Hpwdnv. 54. Kal cdBBarov érépwoxer. 32. Hyovro 6é Kal Erepa KaKxodpyo Svo. §. xal cdBBarov émipwoxet. 10. #veyKov Svo Kkakovpyous. 13. els 6é Ts TOV Kakovpywy éxelvwr aveldicev atrous, Aéywv" tueis Sud Td kaka & éroujoapev olTw memdvOapuer, ovTos 6¢ owrhp yevouevos TGV avOpwTwv rl nolknoev Has ; 15. 6 HAvos du. 28. 6 dads Amas yoyyute Kal xéz- TeTat TA OTHON. 34. mpwlas dé émipwoxorros Tod caB- Barov. 36. dvo dvdpas KareNObvras éxetOev FOND dévyyos eXovras. (50. SpOpov oe THs Kupiakfis . . . em TP wvhpari. 54. & pépomer els uynuocuvny atrod, 39. els 6¢ TGv KpeuacbévTwy Kaxovp- youv epraopruet avréy. . . 41. d&ia yap ov émpdtapev drohap- Bavopev* odros dé ovdév dromov érpaker. 45. Tov Alou éxelmrovTos. 48. mdvres ol cuvmapayevopuevor 5x Aor 2» « TUMTOVTES TA OTHON. 54. kal odBBarov érépwoxev. 4. vdpes Sto éxécrncay atrais év écOnri dorparTovcy. I. TH O¢ pug Tov caBBdrwv BpOpov Babéws ert 7d pvtua 7FAGav Pépovon 4 7jrolpacay dpwpyara. These resemblances, which are too close and too numerous to be accidental, are further emphasized when the parallel narratives lxxviii © THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S, LUKE [s 9. are compared. S. Luke alone mentions the sending to Herod. He alone uses the expression ca@arov erépwokey (contrast Mt. xxviii. 1). He alone calls the two robbers xaxodpyo.. He alone tells us that ove of the robbers reviled, and that one contrasted the justice of their fate with the innocence of Jesus. He alone mentions the sun in connexion with the darkness. He alone speaks of a// the multitudes of spectators, and of their beating their breasts. He alone calls the two Angels at the tomb avdpes (Mt. and Mk. mention only one), and calls the tomb pvjya; and he alone uses ¢épew of the women bringing the spices. There are other passages in which the Gosfel of Peter resembles Luke with one or more of the other Gospels; but what has been quoted above is sufficient to show that the writer of the apocryphal gospel was influenced by S. Luke’s narrative. It must be remembered that these ten coincidences are found within the compass of fifty- five verses, and that they are not exhaustive. The inscription on the cross, otrés €or 6 BaciAcis Tod “IopayaA (11), is closer to that given by S. Luke, 6 B. ray "Iovdaiwy otros (xxiii. 38), than to any of the other forms ; and perhaps the words of the robber, cwryp yevopevos (see above, 13), are suggested by cScov ceavTov Kal Has (xxili. 39). The use of peony fpia for “midday” (15) is found in N.T. nowhere but Acts xxii. 6. The cry of the Jews after Christ’s death, tere ore wocov Sikatds éorw (28), looks like an adaptation of the centurion’s confession, évTws 6 dv6purros ovTos dikavos Hv (xxiii. 47); and perhaps ee jaar mdvra. dep eldov (45) is an echo of efyyovvTo Ta ey TH 600 (xxiv. 35)- And, as already pointed out (§ 1), Pseudo-Peter always speaks of Jesus Christ as 6 KUptos, a use which begins to be common in the Third Gospel. The evidence of another interesting document of about the same date is worth quoting. The Zestaments of the XII. Patri- archs is a Jewish Christian writing which almost certainly was composed between the two destructions of Jerusalem, A.D. 70 and 135. It shows marked traces of a knowledge of the Synoptic traditions and of S. Luke’s Gospel in particular. Some of the coincidences given below are probably the result of independent citation of the O.T. But the citation may have been suggested to the later writer by acquaintance with it in the Gospel narrative. Test. XII. PATR. S. LUKE. otvoy xal olxepa ov Extov (Reubeni.). olvov kal cikepa ob ph aly (i. 153 Num. vi. 3). Eyrr Bre Stxalws rdoxw (Sim. iv.). kal jets wev dixalws Gar 41). EcecOe evpicxovres xdpw évuwrioy "Inoods mpoéxomrev . . . XdpiTt mapa Be08 xat dvOpwixwv (Sim. v.). 04 Kal dvOpdmros (ii. 523 1 Sam. ii. 26). § 9.) LITERARY 6 chs cua AaBav Kal cuvecOlwy avOpwrors Ecwoev avrovs (Sim. vi.) dvedxOncav of ovpavol (Levi ii., xviii. ). mepl Tob wéANovTos AuTpodcOar Tov ‘Topa7yd (Lbzd.). ws émickéynrat Kipios mévra Td Fyn & omddyxvos viod atrod Ews aldvos (Levi iv.). cuverjpouy Tods Adyous ToUTous ev TH xapola pou (Levi vi.). “ kalye éxpuya Totro év Ty Kapdla pov, kal ovK dv7yyye\a attd mavTl ay- Oper (Levi viii.). dvvapus ‘Tylorov (Levi xvi.). érémecev éx’ atrovds Tpouds (Judah iii. ). moet TayvrTa Ta Oikarmpata Kuplov cat trakovew évtddas Geod (Judah xiii.). dvovynoovrat ém’ avrdy ol ovpavol, éxxéat mvedua, evAoylav Ilarpés aylov (Judah xxiv.). of év mrwyxela did Kipiov mdouric- Ojoovrat, Kal of év meng xopracby- govTa, Kal of év dobeveig loxvcover (Judah xxv.). émioTpéver Kapdlas Kvprov (Dan v.). dmeGeis + mpds kal édy duoroyjoas petavojcy Ades atr@ (Gad vi.). kal airés A\Oay ws &vOpwiros, éo8iwv kal xlywy pera TOv avOpwHmwv (Asher vii.). See above, Sim. vi. HISTORY xxix auvecOle abrots (xv. 2) comp. cuve- payouevy xal ouverloyev aitm (Acts x. 41). dvewx Siva. Tov ovpavéy (ili, 21; Is. Ixiv. 1). atrbs éoriwv 6 wé\Nwr AuTpovcGat Tov "Iopand (xxiv. 21). Oia omddyxva éddouvs Beod judy év ols émicxéperas Nuas avarody &€ tous (i. 78). cuvernper TA pyuata Tatra... ey TQ Kapolg atrfs (ii. 19; comp. ii. 51). kal atrol éclynoay kal ovdevl am7y- yerlav év éxelvats tais juépas ay éwpaxay (ix. 36). dvvapus “LWlorov (i. 35). poBos érérecev ém’ airéy (i. 12; comp. Acts xix. 17). mopevouevoe év wdcats Tats évTodais kal dixarmuacw Tod Kuplov (i. 6). dvewxOjvac Tov ovpaydv Kal kara- Bava 7d rvedpa 7d Gyop (ii. 21, 22). paxdprot ol wruryol, bre buetépa eoriv % Bacthela Tod Geov, paxdpioe ol mec- vavTes viv, bre xoprac@yjcovra (vi. 20, 21; Mt. v. 3-6). émioTpéyat Kapdlas matépwv éri rékva* Kal dmeBets ev Ppovycet dixalwy (i. 17; Mal. iv. 5). kal éay peravoncn, (xvii. 3). €drjrvbev 6 vids Tod avOpwrov écOwv kal wlywy (vii. 343 Mt. xi. 19). ages avT@ Besides these verbal coincidences there are many coincidences in thought, especially respecting the admission of the Gentiles to the Kingdom through the Messiah, who is the Saviour of all, Jew and Gentile alike. ‘The Lord shall raise up from Levi a Priest, and from Judah a King, God and man. He shall save all the nations and the race of Israel” (Simeon vii.). ‘A King shall rise from Judah and shall make a new priesthood . . . unto all the nations (Levi viii.). Comp. Judah xxiv. ; Zebulon ix.; Dan. vi. ; Naphtali iv., viii.; Asher vii.; Benjamin ix. Moreover, there are passages which are very similar in meaning, although not in word- ing, to passages in Luke: comp. the end of Joseph xvii. with Lk. xvii. 27, and the beginning of Joseph xviii. with Lk. vi. 28. It is hardly necessary to trace the history of the Third Gospel in detail any further. It has been shown already (pp. xv—xvii) that Justin Martyr, Tatian, Celsus, the writer of the Clementine Homilies, Basilides, Valentinus, Marcion, and the Churches of Lyons and Vienne, knew the Third Gospel, and that Irenzus, the boxx * THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 10. Muratorian Canon, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and others definitely assign it to S. Luke. In the second half of the second century this Gospel is recognized as authentic and authoritative ; and it is impossible to show that it had not been thus recognized at a very much earlier date. The order of the Gospels has not always been the same. But, just as in the interpretation of the four symbolical creatures, the calf has uniformly been taken as indicating S. Luke, so in the arrangement of the Gospels his has almost invariably been placed third. The order with which we are familiar is the common order in most MSS. and Versions: but in D 594, abcdefff,igr and the Gothic Version, and in the Apostolic Constitutions, what is called the Western order (Matthew, John, Luke, Mark) prevails. The obvious reason for it is to have the two Apostles together and before the other two Evangelists. In a few authorities other arrangements are found. X and the Latin & have John, Luke, Mark, Matthew, while 90 has John, Luke, Matthew, Mark, and 399 John, Luke, Matthew. The Curetonian Syriac has Matthew, Mark, John, Luke. § 10. COMMENTARIES, A good and full list of commentaries on the Gospels is given by Dr. W. P. Dickson.in the English translation of Meyer’s Com- mentary on S. Matthew, i. pp. xxili—-xlili and of commentaries on S. Mark and S. Luke in that of Meyer’s Commentary on S. Mark end S. Luke, i. pp. xiii-xvi. It will suffice to name a few of the chief works mentioned by him, especially those which have been in constant use during the writing of this commentary, and to add a few others which have appeared since Dr. Dickson published his lists (1877, 1880), or for other reasons were omitted by him.* Of necessity the selection here given in many cases corresponds with that in the volume on Romans by Dr. Sanday and Mr. Headlam; and the reader is referred to that (pp. xcix—cix) for excellent remarks on the characteristics of the different com- mentaries, which need not be repeated here. 1. GREEK WRITERS. OricEN (Orig.); + 253. Homilix in Lucam in Origenis Opp. ed. Delarue, iii. 932; Lommatzsch, v. 85; Migne, xili. 1801, 1902. These thirty-nine short Homilies are an early work, and have been preserved in the Latin translation made by Jerome. A few fragments of the original Greek survive in the PAz/ocalia (ed. 1 See also Jrtroduction to the Synoptic Gospels by Dr. P. J. Gloag, T. & T- Clark, 1895, and the literature quoted p. 200 § 10.] COMMENTARIES IXxXx1 J. A. Robinson, Camb. 1893) and elsewhere. The genuineness of these Homilies has been disputed, but is not doubtful. A sum- mary of the contents of each is given in Westcott’s article OricengEs, D. Chr. Biog. iv. 113. The first twenty are on Lk. i., ii., and the next twelve on Lk. iii., iv., leaving the main portion oi the Gospel almost untouched. Besides these there are frag- ments of notes in the original Greek, which have been preserved in Venice MS. (28, 394); Migne, xviii. 311-370. They extend over chapters i.—xx. Eusesius of Czsarea (Eus.); t before 341. Eis 76 xara Aovkéy ebayyéAvov in Migne, xxiv. 529. Only fragments remain: on Lk: i. 5, 18, 19, 32, 35, 38, ll. 32, iv. 1SMvi. 18, 20, vil. 29, 30, Vill. 31, 43, 1X. I, 3, 4, 7, 26, 28, 34, x. 6, 8, xi. 21, xii. 11, 22, 34, 36) 37) 42) 45, Xili. 20, 35, xiv. 18, xvii. 3, 23, 25-31, 34, 37) XVili. 2, Xix. 12, 13, 17, XX. 2, 3, XX1. 25, 26, 28-32, 36, xxii. 30, 57, Xxiv. Cram of Alexandria (Cyr. Alex.); + 444. “E&jynois «is 7d kata Aovkay evayyéAvov in Migne, Ixxil. 475. Only portions of the original Greek are extant, but a Syriac version of the whole has been edited by Dr. R. Payne Smith, who has also translated this version into English (Oxford, 1859). The Syriac version shows that many Greek fragments previously regarded as part of the com- mentary are from other writings of Cyril, or even from other writ- ings which are not his. The Greek fragments which coincide with the Syriac prove that the latter is a faithful translation, The com- mentary is homiletic in form. THEopHy.act (Theoph.), archbishop of Bulgaria (1071-1078); tafter 1118. Migne, cxxili. EvuTHYMIUS ZIGABENUS (Euthym.); fafter 1118. Migne, cxxix. 853. These two almost contemporaneous commentaries are among the best of their kind. They draw much from earlier writers, but do not follow slavishly, and are far superior to medizval Latin commentaries. The terseness of Euthymius is not unlike that of Bengel. 2. LaTIN WRITERS. AmprosE (Ambr.); 1397. Z£xfositio Evang. sec. Lucam; Migne, xv. 1525. Ambrose follows Philo and Origen in seeking for spiritual or mystical meanings under the natural or historical sense, and these are sometimes very far-fetched : 2” verbis ludtt, in sententits dormitat (Jerome, Prol. in Hom. Orig. in Luc.). EvucHERIUS; +449 or 450. Liber instructionum in Luce Evang. ; Migne, 1. 799. ARNOBIUS JUNIOR; tafter 460. Amnmnotationes ad quedam oe Joca ; Migne, liii. 570, 578. Ixxxii -THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [§ 10. PaTERIus of Brescia; friend of Gregory the Great. He col- lected from the writings of Gregory an Lxfositio Vet. et (Nov. Test., of which Book III. is a catena of Passages on S. Luke; Migne, Ixxix. 1057. In the eleventh century the monk ALULF made a similar collection ; Migne, Ixxix. 1199. None of these works are very helpful as regards exegesis. Eucherius and Arnobius do not repay perusal. The extracts from Gregory are mainly from the J/ova/ia or commentary on Job, full of allegorical interpretation. Breve, the Venerable; +735. Jn Lucam Exp. Libri VI.; Migne, xcii. 397; Giles, xi., xii.; ed. Colon. 1612, v. 217. The character of the work may be given in his own words: “I have made it my business, for the use of me and mine, briefly to com- pile out of works of the venerable Fathers, and to interpret accord- ing to their meaning (adding somewhat of my own) these following pieces ”—and he gives a list of his writings (A. Z. sub jin. See also the Prol. in Marc.). This commentary is far superior to those just mentioned, and is an oasis in a desert. SEDULIUS Scotus; + ¢. 830. A mere compiler, often from Origen; Migne, ciii. 27, WALAFRID STRaABUS of Reichenau ; +849. Glossa ordinaria, a compilation with some original matter ; Migne, cxiv. 243, 893. It became very famous. We may pass over with bare mention CHRISTIANUS DRUTHMARUS; ¢ 850; Migne, cvi. 1503: BRUNO ASTENSIS; ¢. 1125; Migne, clxv. 33: and PETRUS CoMESTOR ; ¢. 1180; Migne, cxcviii. 1537. THomas Aquinas, Doctor Angelicus; +1274. Lxpositio continua or Catena aurea in Evangelia, a mosaic of quotations (to be accepted with caution) from over eighty Christian writers, from Ignatius to Euthymius, so arranged as to form a summary of patristic theological teaching. O#. ed. Venet. iv. 5 ; translated Oxford, 1845. ALBERTUS Macnus of Ratisbon; ¢ 1280. 3. REFORMATION AND PosT-REFORMATION WRITERS. Erasmus, Desiderius; 11536. Adnotationes in NV.T., 1516; Paraphrases, 1522. BuTZER or Bucer, Martin; 1551. Jn sacra quatuor Evan- gelia Enarrationes, 1551. Catvin, John; +1564. Jn harmoniam ex Matt. Marc. et Luc. compositam Commentarit, 1553; Brunsvige, 1868; translated by the Calvin Trans. Society, 1842; strong and independent. Beza, Theodore; +1605. f the just.” For gpéynois see Lft. on Col. i. g: the word 16 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [1 17-19. occurs only here and Eph. i. 8in N.T. De Wette, Bleek, and others main- tain that ¢péynots here means simply ‘‘ disposition,” Gesézzmung. In what follows it is better to make érowudcar dependent upon émorpéya, not co-ordinate with it. The preparation is the consequence of the conversion, and the final object of the mpoekevoerar: ne Dominus populum tmparatum majestate sua obterat (Beng.). 18. Kata ti yvécopat todto; The very question asked by Abraham (Gen. xv. 8): “In accordance with what shall I obtain knowledge of this?” #e¢. What shall be in harmony with it, so as to be a sign of it? Comp. the cases of Gideon (Judg. vi. 36-39) and of Hezekiah (2 Kings xx. 8), who asked for signs; also of Moses (Exod. iv. 2-6) and of Ahaz (Is. vii. 11), to whom signs were given unasked. The spirit in which such requests are made may vary much, although the form of request may be the same, and the fact that Zacharias had all these instances to instruct him made his unbelief the less excusable. By his éy@ ydp ety, x.7.A., he almost implies that the Angel must have forgotten the fact. 19. Groxpilels 6 Gyyehos ciev. In Attic droxplyowas, in Homeric and Tonic droxplyouat, is used in the sense of ‘‘answering.” In N.T. broxpl- vouot occurs only once (xx. 20), and there of ‘‘acting a part,” not ‘‘ answer- ing”: comp. 2 Mac. v. 25. But dsoxpiOels for the class. dmoxpwdpevos (which is rare in N.T.) marks the decay of the middle voice. In bibl. Grk. the middle voice is dying ; in mod. Grk. it is dead. Machon, a comic poet about B.c. 250, is perhaps the earliest writer who uses daexpl@yy like dmexpivdunv in the sense of ‘‘replied, answered.” In LXX, as in N.T., dwexpwapny is rare (Judg. v. 29 [A]; 1 Kings ii. 13 1 Chron. x. 13). See Veitch, Greck Verbs, p. 78. 19. "Eyd eipt FaBpmr. Gabriel answers his éyd eiwe with another. “Thou art old, and not likely to have children, but I am one whose word is to be believed”: dyyéAw amuoteis, kat 7a aroareihavtt (Eus.). The names of two heavenly beings are given us in Scripture, Gabriel (Dan. viii. 16, ix. 21) and Michael (Dan. X. 13, 21, xii. 1; Jude 9; Rev. xii. 7); other names were given in the later Jewish tradition. It is one thing to admit that such names are of foreign origin, quite another to assert that the belief which they represent is an importation. Gabriel, the “Man of God,” seems to be the representative of angelic ministry to man ; Michael, ‘ Who is like God,” the representative of angelic opposi- tion to Satan. In Scripture Gabriel is the angel of mercy, Michael the angel of judgment. In Jewish legend the reverse is the case, proving that the Bible does not borrow Jewish fables. In the Targums Gabriel destroys Sennacherib’s army; in the O.T. he instructs and comforts Daniel. The Rabbis said that Michael flies in one flight, Gabriel in two, Elijah in four, and Death in eight ; fe. mercy is swifter than judgment, and judgment is swifter than destruction. & mapeotnkds evdmov Tod Gcod. See on ver. 15. Gabriel is “the I. 19, 20.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY i7 angel of His presence” (Is. lxiii. 9; comp. Mt. xviii. 10). “*Stand- ing before” implies ministering. In LXX the regular phrase is mapacrhvat evwrvov (Jobi. 6, which is a close parallel to this; 1 Kings XVil. 1, xvili. 15; 2 Kings iii. 14, v. 16). It is also used of service to a king (1 Kings x. 8). But when Gehazi “stood before his master,” we have wapeuoryKet mpos Tov KUptov adrod (2 Kings v. 25). Only here and ix. 27 does Lk. use the unsyncopated form of the perf. part. of Yornws and its compounds. Elsewhere he prefers éarws to éornKws (i. II, v. I, 2, xviii. 13; Acts iv. 14, vii. 55, etc.) In Mt. xxvii. 47 and Mk. ix. I and xi. 5, éoryxérwy is the right reading. In Jn. the unsyncopated form is common. émeotddny Aaijoat mpds cé kal edayyeNicacbat cor taita. This reminds Zacharias of the extraordinary favour shown to him, and so coldly welcomed by him. It is the first use in the Gospel narrative of the word which was henceforward to be so current, and to mean so much. In LXX it is used of any good tidings (2 Sam. i. 20; 1 Chron. x. 9), but especially of communications respecting the Messiah (Is. xl. 9, lii. 7, 1x. 6, lxi. 1). See on i. 10 and iv. 18. 20. kai i800 gon crwrdy Kal pi Suvdpevos Nadjoar. The idod is Hebraistic, but is not rare in class. Grk. It introduces something new with emphasis. Signum poscenti datur congruum, quamvis non optatum (Beng.). The analytical form of the fut. marks the dura- tion of the silence (comp. v. 10, vi. 40?, xvii. 35 ?, xxi. 17); and py Suvdpevos, x.7.A., is added to show that the silence is not a voluntary act, but the sign which was asked for (comp. Dan. x. 15). Thus his wrong request is granted in a way which is at once a judgment and a blessing ; for the unbelief is cured by the punishment. For ow7dw of dumbness comp. 4 Mac. x. 18. We have here one of many parallels in expression between Gospel and Acts. Comp. this with Acts xiii. 11; i. 39 with Acts i. 15; i. 66 with Acts xi. 21; ii. 9 with Acts xii. 7; xv. 20 with Acts xx. 37; xxi. 18 with Acts XXVil. 343 xxiv. 19 with Acts vii. 22, In N.T. 47 with the participle is the common constr., and in mod. Grk. it is the invariable use. In Lk. there is only one instance of od with a parti- ciple (vi. 42). See Win. lv. 5. 8, pp. 607-610; Lft. Zp. a St. Paul, p. 39, 1895. The combination of the negative with the positive statement of the same thing, although found in class. Grk., is more common in Heb. literature. In Acts xiii. 11 we have éon Tuddds wi) Bérwy ; comp. Jn. i. 3, 20, iii. 16, x. 5, 18, xvilil. 20, xx. 27; Rev. ii. 13, ili. 9; Ps. Ixxxix. 30, 31, 48; 2Sam. xiv. 5; Is. xxxviii. I, etc. &Xpt hs hpépas. Gal. iii. 19 is the only certain exception to the rule that dypr, not &xpis, usually precedes vowels in N.T. Comp. xvii. 27, xxi. 24, and see on xvi. 16. For the attraction, comp. Acts i. 2; Mt. xxiv. 38. Attractions are specially freq. in Lk. Seeoniii. 19. ~ av@ ov. Only in this phrase does dy7t suffer elision in N.T. It is equivalent to dvri rovTwy 871, ‘‘for that, because” (xix. 44; Acts xii. 23; 2 Thes. ii. 10; Lev. xxvi. 43; 2 Kings xxii. 17; Ezek. v. 11). It is found in class. Grk. (Soph. Am. 1068; Aristoph. P/ut. 434). 2 18 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [LI 20-23 ofties. Stronger than the simple relative: ‘which are of such a character that.” Comp. ii. 10, vii. 37, 39, viii. 3, 15. Almost always in nom, els tov Karpov aitav. That which takes place in a time may be regarded as entering into that time: the words go on to their fulfilment. Comp. els 7d BéNoy (xiii. 9) and els 7d werakd) odBBarov (Acts xiii. 42). QL. jv 5 Aads mpoodoxay. As in ver. 20, the analytical tense marks the duration of the action. Zacharias was longer than was customary; and the Talmud states that the priests were accustomed to return soon to prevent anxiety. It was feared that in so sacred a place they might incur God’s displeasure, and be slain (Lev. xvi. 13). Hence éQavpatov év ta xpovitervy, “They were wondering while he tarried.” Comp. ver. 8, and see on iii. 21. The common rendering, “ a¢ his tarrying,” or “ because he tarried,” guod tardaret, is improbable even if possible. This would have been otherwise expressed: éOavpalov émi (ii. 33, iv. 22, ix. 43, etc.), which D reads - here; or dia (Mk. vi. 6; Jn. vii. 21); or Sze (xi. 385; Jn. iii. 7, iv. 27); Or epi (ii. 18). 22. odk eduvato Nahijoar adtois. He ought to pronounce the benediction (Num. vi. 24-26) from the steps, either alone or with other priests. His look and his inability to speak told them at once that something extraordinary had taken place ; and the sacred circumstances would suggest a supernatural appearance, even if his signs did not make this clear to them. The compound éréyvwoay implies clear recognition and full knowledge (v. 22, xxiv. 16, 31); and the late form émtactay (for dyxv) is commonly used of supernatural sights (xxiv. 23; Acts xxvi. 19; 2 Cor. xii. 1; Dan. ix. 23, x. I, 7, 8, 16). For kal avrds, “‘he on his part,” as distinct from the con- gregation, see on ver. 17, and Win. xxii. 4. b, p. 187. The periphrastic tense jv Suavevwv again calls attention to the continued action. The verb is found here only in N.T., but occurs twice in LXX (Ps. xxxiv. 19; Ecclus. xxvii. 22). In Stduerve kapds both the compound and the tense emphasize the fact that it was no mere temporary seizure (xxii. 28; Gal. ii. 5; 2 Pet. iii. 4). 28. ds ewryjoOyoav at Hpepar THs Aevtoupytas adtos. When the week for which the course of Abijah was on duty for public service was at an end. See on v.15 and 57. In class. Grk. Aeroupyia (Xeds, Epyov) is freq. of public service undertaken by a citizen at his own expense. In bibl. Grk. it is used of priestly service in the worship of God (Heb. viii. 6, ix. 21; Num. viii. 22, xvi. 9, xviii. 4; 2 Chron. xxxi. 2), and also of service to the needy (2 Cor. ix. 12; Phil. ii. 30). daqOev ets Tdv otkov attos. This was not in Jerusalem, in the Ophel quarter, where many of the priests resided, but in an un- named town in the hill-country south of Jerusalem (ver. 39). It is probable that most of the priests who did not live in the city itself resided in the towns and villages in the neighbourhood. Con- venience would suggest that they should live inside Judea. In Neh. xi. 10-19 we have 1192 priests in Jerusalem ; in 1 Chron. ix I, 23-25.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 19 13 we have 1760. Later authorities speak of 24,000; but such figures are very untrustworthy. The whole question of the resi- dences of the priests is an obscure one, and Josh. xxi. must not be quoted as evidence for more than a projected arrangement. That it was carried into effect and maintained, or that it was revived after the Exile, is a great deal more than we know. Schiirer, Jewish People in the T. of J. C. ii. 1, p. 229. 24, cuvé\aBev. The word occurs eleven times in Lk. against five times elsewhere. He alone uses it in the sense of conceiving offspring, and only in these first two chapters (vv. 31, 36, ii. 21). This sense is common in medical writers and in Aristotle. Hobart remarks that the number of words referring to pregnancy and barrenness used by Lk. is almost as great as that used by Hippo- crates: év yaorpl éxewv (xxi. 23), €yxvos (ii. 5), oretpa (i. 7), drexvos (xx. 28). And, excepting év yaorpi éxev, all of these are peculiar to himself in N.T. (Zed. Lang. of LR. p. 91). meptexpuBev éautyy pivas wévte. The reflexive pronoun brings out more forcibly than the middle voice would have done that the act was entirely her own (Acts xxiii. 14; 1 Cor. xi. 31; 1 Jn. i. 8); and the compound verb implies a// round, complete concealment. Her motive can only be conjectured ; but the enigmatical conduct and remark are evidence of historic truth, for they would not be likely to be invented. The five months are the first five months ; and at the end of them it would be evident that she had ceased to be % oretpa (ver. 36). During these five months she did not wish to risk hearing a reproach, which had ceased to be true, but which she would not care to dispute. She withdrew, therefore, until all must know that the reproach had been removed. The form éxpvBoy is late: in class. Grk. Expuya is used. But a present xpUBw is found, of which this might be the imperfect. It can hardly be accidental that my is scarcely ever used in N.T. in a literal sense by any writer except Lk., who has it five times in his and five times in the Acts. The chronological details involved in thi frequent use are the results of the careful investigation of which he writes in the preface. The other passages are Gal. iv. 10; Jas. v. 17, and six times oS aa So also éros occurs fifteen times in Lk. and six in Mt. Mk. and Jn. 25. émeidev ddedetv Sverdds pou ev dvOpdros. The object of ércidey is neither éué understood (as all English Versions except Wic. and Rhem.) nor 76 dveidés pov (Hofmann), but ddedciy: “watched to take away, taken care to remove.” The constr. seems to be unique; but comp. Acts xv. 14. Alford and Holtzmann translate “hath designed, condescended to remove”; but can éetdev mean that? Elsewhere in N.T. it occurs only Acts iv. 29; but in class. Grk. it is specially used of the gods regarding human affairs (Aesch. Suppl. 1. 1031; Sept. 485). Hdt. «124. 2 is not 20 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [L 2%, 26. rightly quoted as parallel. Omitting éweidev, Rachel makes the same remark: “AdeiAev 6 @eds prov 76 dveidos (Gen. xxx. 23 ; comp. Ps. cxiii. 9; Is. iv. 1); but the different position of the pov is worth noting. In é& dvOpwros we have another amphibolous expression (see on ver. 8). It may be taken with ddeAciv, but more probably it belongs to 76 évetdds pov (ver. 36). 26-88. Zhe Annunciation of the Birth of the Saviour. The birth of the Baptist is parallel to the birth of Isaac; that of the Messiah to the creation of Adam. Jesus is the second Adam. But once more there is no violent breach with the past. Even in its revolutions Providence is conservative. Just as the Prophet who is to renovate Israel is taken from the old priesthood, so the Christ who is to redeem the human race is not created out of nothing, but “ born of a woman.” 26. eis modu THs TodtNatas 4 dvopa Nafapér. The description perhaps implies that Lk. is writing for those who are not familiar with the geography of Palestine. There is no reason for believing that he himself was unfamiliar with it. Comp. ver. 39, iv. 31, Vil. /I1, Vill.''26, 1X. 10, XVI. EL, 31%29;/37, 40 Galilee is one of many geographical names which have gradually extended their range. It was originally a little ‘‘circuit” of territory round Kadesh- Naphtali containing the towns given by Solomon to Hiram (1 Kings ix. 11). This was called the ‘‘circuit of the Gentiles,” because the inhabitants were strangers (I Mac. v. 15, Tad. dd\d\oPiAwy). But it grew, until in the time of Christ it included the territory of Naphtali, Asher, Zebulon, and Issachar (D.Z.7 i. p. 1117). For a description of this region see Jos. B. /. iii. 3. 1-3. Nazareth is mentioned neither in O.T. nor in Josephus, but it was probably not a new town in our Lord’s time. The site is an attractive one, in a basin among the south ridges of Lebanon. The sheltered valley is very fruitful, and abounds in flowers. From the hill behind the town the view over Lebanon, Hermon, Carmel, the Mediterranean, Gilead, Tabor, Gilboa, the plain of Esdraelon, and the mountains of Samaria, is very celebrated (Renan, Vze de /. p- 27). It would seem as if Mt. (ii. 23) was not aware that Nazareth was the original home of Joseph and Mary. 1¢°Tt has been argued that the different modes in which God is recorded to have communicated with men, in St. Matthew by dreams and in St. Luke by Angels, show the extent of the subjective influence of the writer’s mind upon the narrative. But surely those are right who see in this difference the use of various means adapted to the peculiar state of the recipient. Moreover, as St. Matthew recognizes the ministry of Angels (xxviii. 2), so St. Luke relates Visions (Acts x. 9-16, xvi. 9, xviii. 9, 10). . . . It is to be noticed that the contents of the divine messages (Matt. i. 20, 21; Luke i. 30-33) are related conversely to the general character of tne Gospels, as a consequence of the difference of character in those to whom they are addressed. The promise of Redemption is made to Joseph ; of a glorious Kingdom to the Virgin” (Wsctt. Int. to Gospels, p. 317, 7th ed.). I. 26-28.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 21 The form of the name of the town varies much, between Nazareth, Nazaret, Nazara, and Nazarath. Keim has twice contended strongly for Nazara (/. of Naz., Eng. tr. ii. p. 16, iv. p. 108); but he has not persuaded many of the correctness of his conclusions. WH. consider that ‘‘the evidence when tabulated presents little ambiguity” (ii. App. p. 160). Nafapd@ is found frequently (eight out of eleven times) in Codex A, but hardly anywhere else. Nafapd is used once by Mt. (iv. 13), and perhaps once by Lk. (iv. 16). Nagapé@ occurs once in Mt. (xxi. 11) and once in Acts (x. 38). Everywhere else (Mt. ii. 23; Mk. i. 9; Lk. i. 26, ii. 4, 39, 51; Jn. i. 46, 47) we have certainly or probably Nafapér. Thus Mt. uses the three possible forms equally ; Lk. all three with a decided preference for Nazaret; while Mk. and Jn. use Nazaret only. This appears to be fairly conclusive for Nazaret. Yet Scrivener holds that ‘‘regarding the orthography of this word no reasonable certainty is to be attained” (Jt. ¢o Crit. of N.T. ii. p. 316); and Alford seems to be of a similar opinion (i. Prolegom. p. 97). Weiss thinks that Nazara may have been the original form, but that it had already become unusual when the Gospels were written. The modern town is called 2” Nazzrah, and is shunned by Jews. Its population of 5000 is mainly Christian, with a few Mahometans. 27. éuvnoteupévnv. This is the N.T. form of the word (ii. 5): in LXX we have peuvyorevp. (Deut. xxii. 28). The interval between betrothal and marriage was commonly a year, during which the bride lived with her friends. But her property was vested in her future husband, and unfaithfulness on her part was punished, like adultery, with death (Deut. xxii. 23, 24). The case of the woman taken in adultery was probably a case of this kind. ef oixou Aaveid. It is unnecessary, and indeed impossible, to decide whether these words go with avdpi, or with wap@évoy, or with both. The. last is the least probable, but Chrysostom and Wieseler support it. From vv. 32 and 69 we may with probability infer that Lk. regards Mary as descended from David. In ii. 4 he states this of Joseph. Independently of the present verse, therefore, we may infer that, just as John was of priestly descent both by Zacharias and Elisabeth, so Jesus was of royal descent both by Mary and Joseph. The title “Son of David” was publicly given to Jesus and never disputed (Mt. i. 1, ix. 27, xil. 23, xv. 22, xx. 30, 31; Mk. x. 47, 48; Lk. xviii. 38, 39). In the Zest. XZZ. Patr. Christ is said to be descended from Zevé and Judah (Simeon vii.); and the same idea is found in a fragment of Ireneeus (frag. xvii., Stieren, p. 836). It was no doubt based, as Schleiermacher bases it’ (S¢. Zuke, Eng. tr. p. 28), on the fact that Elisabeth, who was of Levi, was related to Mary (see on ver. 36). The repetition involved in ts mapOévou is in favour of taking e& oixov Aaveid with dvdp/: otherwise we should have ex- pected airjs. But this is not conclusive. 28. Xaipe, kexapitwpévyn.t Note the alliteration and the con- 1 The Ave Maria as a liturgical address to the Virgin consists of three parts, two of which are scriptural and one not. The first two parts, ‘‘ Hail, Mary, full of grace: the Tord is ~ith thee,” and ‘‘ Blessed art thou among 22 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [I. 28-30. nexion between xafpe and xdpis. The gratiz plena of the Vulg. is too indefinite. It is right, if it means “full of grace, which thou hast reetved”; wrong, if it means “full of grace, which thou hast to bestow.” From Eph. i. 6 and the analogy of verbs IN -w, Kexapitwpévy must mean “endued with grace” (Ecclus.- xviii. 17). Von ut mater gratiz, sed ut filia gratie (Beng.). What follows explains xeyapitwpévn, for with pera cod we under- stand éo7, not éorw (comp. Judg. vi. 12). It is because the Lord is with her that she is endued with grace. Tyn., Cov., and Cran., no less than Wic. and Rhem., have “full of grace”; Genev. has “freely beloved.” The familiar edAoynuévn od ev yuvasély, although well attested (A C DX PAT, Latt. Syrr. Aeth. Goth., Tert. Eus.), probably is an interpolation borrowed from ver. 42: 8 BL, Aegyptt. Arm. omit. 29. Here also léofca (A), for which some Latin texts have cum audisset, is an interpolation borrowed perhaps from ver. 12. It is not stated that Mary saw Gabriel. The pronominal use of the article (7 65é) is rare in N.T. (Acts i. 6; Mt. ii. 5, 9). It is confined to phrases with wév and 6é, and mostly to nom. masc. and fem. SvetapdxOy. Here only in N.T. It is stronger than érapay6n in ver. 12. Neither Zacharias nor Mary are accustomed to visions or voices: they are troubled by them. There is no evidence of hysterical excitement or hallucination in either case. The Stedoyifero, “reckoned up different reasons,” is in itself against this. The verb is confined to the Synoptic Gospels (v. 21, 22; Mk. ii. 6, 8): Jn. xi. 50 the true reading is AoyieoOe. mwotamés. In N.T. this adj. never has the local signification, “from what country or nation?” cujas? (Aesch. Cho. 575; Soph. O.C. 1160). It is synonymous with zotos, a use which is found in Demosthenes ; and it always implies astonishment, with or without admiration (vii. 39; Mt. viii. 27; Mk. xiii. 1; 2 Pet. iii. 11; 1 Jn. iii. 1). In LXX it does not occur. The original form is zodazés, and may come from zod ad; but -damos is perhaps a mere ter- mination. ety. It is only in Lk. in N.T. that we find the opt. in indirect questions. In him it is freq. both without dy (iii. 15, viii. 9, xxii. 23; Acts xvii. I1, xxi. 33, xxv. 20) and with dy (vi. 11; Acts v. 24, x. 17). In Acts viii. 31 we have opt. with dy in a direct question. Simcox, Lang. of N.T. p. 1123 Win. xli. 4. c, p. 374. 80. Mi poBod, Mapidp, eSpes yap xdpw mapd ta Ocg. See on women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb” (ver. 42), are first found in the Liber Antiphonianus attributed to Gregory the Great ; and they were authorized as a formula to be taught with the Creed and the Lord’s Prayer, ¢. A.D. 1198. The third part, ‘‘ Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners now and at the hour of death,” was added in the fifteenth century, and was authorized by Pope Pius v. in 1568. L 80-33.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 23 ver. 13. The etpes xdpw 7. 7.®. explains xexapitwpevy. The phrase is Hebraic: Nde etpev xdpw evavriov Kupiov tod @eod (Gen. vi. 8; comp. xviii. 3, xxxix. 4). See on iv. 22. ovhAypayy. For the word see on ver. 24, and for the form comp. ii. 21, xx. 47; Acts i. 8, ii. 38, xxiii. 27; Jn. v. 43, xvi. 14, 15, 24. In Ionic we have fut. Adupount. Veitch, p. 359; Win. v. 4. f, p. 54. év yaotpt kat TéEn vidv, Kat Kahécets 76 Svowa. The same word- ing is found Gen. xvi. 16 of Ishmael, and Is. vil. 14 of Immanuel. Comp. Gen. xvii. 19 of Isaac, and Mt. i. 21 of Jesus. In all cases the xaAéoeis is not a continuation of the prophecy, but a command, as in most of the Ten Commandments (Mt. v. 21, 27, 33; comp. Ek iv. 12; Acts xxiii. 5, etc.). Win. xii. 5. c, p. 396. The name "Ingots was revealed independently to Joseph also (Mt. i. 21). It appears in the various forms of Oshea, Hoshea, Jehoshua, Joshua, Jeshua, and Jesus. Its meaning is “ Jehovah is help,” o1 “God the Saviour.” See Pearson, Om the Creed, art. ii. sub init. p- 131, ed. 1849. 32. obtos gota: péyas. As in ver. 15, this is forthwith ex- plained; and the greatness of Jesus is very different from the greatness of John. The title vids ‘Ywiorou expresses some very close relation between Jesus and Jehovah, but not the Divine Son- ship in the Trinity ; comp. vi. 35. On the same principle as @eés and Kvptos, “Yyoros is anarthrous: there can be only one Highest (Eeclus, vil. 15, xvil. 26, xix. 17, Xxiv. 2, 23, xxix. 11, efc.). The kAnPyjceTar is not a mere substitute for ora: He not only shall be the Son of God, but shall be recognised as such. In the Acti Pauli et fi heclee we have Makdpuot of codiavy AaBdvtes “Inood Xprorod, Ste abrtoi viol iyiorou KAyOycovrat (Tischendorf, p. 239). For t3v Opévov Aaveid comp. 2 Sam. vii. 12, 13 ; IShixs 6,775 xvii; AavelS tod matpds adtod. This is thought to imply the Davidic descent of Mary; but the inference is not quite certain. Jesus was the heir of Joseph, as both genealogies imply. Comp. Ps. cxxxii. 11; Hos. iii. 14. There is abundant evidence of the belief that the Messiah would spring from David: Mk. xii. 35, x. 47, xi. 10; Lk. xviii. 38, xx. 41; 4 Ezra xii. 32 (Syr. Arab. Arm.) ; Ps. Sol. xvii. 23, 24; Talmud and Targums. See on Rom. i. 3 83. Baotledoer . . . els Tods aidvas. Comp. “ But of the Son he saith, God is Thy throne for ever and ever” (Heb. i. 8, where see Wsctt.); also Dan. ii. 44, vii. 14; Jn. xii. 34; Rev. xi. 15. The eternity of Christ’s kingdom is assured by the fact that it is to be absorbed in the kingdom of the Father (1 Cor. xv. 24-28). These magnificent promises could hardly have been invented by a writer who was a witness of the condition of the Jews during the half century which followed the destruction of Jerusalem. Indeed, we may perhaps go further and say that “it breathes the spirit of 24 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [I. 33-36, the Messianic hope before it had received the rude and crushing blow in the rejection of the Messiah” (Gore, Dissertations, p. 16). Comp. 2. 17, 54, 55, 68-71, li. 38. ; _ The constr. Bagthevew éml c. acc. is not classical. We have it again xix. 14, 27. 834, Mas €otor todto. She does not ask for proof, as Zacharias did (ver. 18); and only in the form of the words does she ask as to the mode of accomplishment. Her utterance is little more than an involuntary expression of amazement: zon dubitantis sed admir- antis (Grotius). In contrasting her with Zacharias, Ambrose says, Hee jam de negotio tractat; wWle adhuc de nuntio dubitat. It is clear that she does not doubt the fact promised, nor fora moment suppose that her child is to be the child of Joseph. émet Gvdpa ob ywdoxw. Comp. Gen. xix. 8; Judg. xi. 39; Num. xxxi. 17. The words are the avowal of a maiden conscious of her own purity; and they are drawn from her by the strange declaration that she is to have a son before she is married. It is very unnatural to understand the words as a vow of perpetual virginity, or as stating that such a vow has already been taken, or is about to be taken. It is difficult to reconcile ov« éyivwoxey (im- perf., not aor.) adriy ews (Mt. i. 25) with any such vow.! 35. Mveipa a&yrov émehedcetat emt o€. It may be doubted whether the article is omitted “‘ because Holy Spirit is here a proper name” ; rather because it is regarded impersonally as the creative power of God. Comp. kat rvetpya cod érepépero éxdvw Tod vdatos (Gen. i. 2): the two passages are very parallel. See on ver. 15. Both zvedua and dy.ov have special point. It is spirit and not flesh, what is holy and not what is sinful, that is to produce this effect in her. With éredctoera eri cé comp. Acts i. 3. Excepting Eph. ii. 7 and Jas. v. i, the verb is peculiar to Lk. (xi. 22, xxi. 26; Acts i. 8, Vili. 24, Xiil. 40, Xiv. 19). Sdvapis ‘Ywiorou émoxidcer gor. For Suvapis see on iv. 143 for émokidcer comp. the account of the Transfiguration (ix. 34), and for the dat. comp. the account of Peter’s shadow (Acts v. 15). It is the idea of the Shechinah which is suggested here (Exod. xl. 38). The cloud of glory signified the Divine presence and power, and it is under such influence that Mary is to become a mother. 8.6. This illative particle is rare in the Gospels (vii. 7; Mt. xxvii. 8); not in Mk. or Jn. Td yevvevov Gytov KAnOAceTaL vids Geos. “ The holy thing which shall be born shall be called the Son of God,” or, ‘‘That which 1H. Lasserre renders pucsque je n'ai nul rapport avec mon marz, and ex- plains that avy s¢guzfie mari, epoux; et la phrase marque la voeu de virginite conjugale fait par Marie (pp. 265, 564, ed. 1887). It is impossible that dvdpa, without either article or possessive pronoun, can mean ‘‘ my husband,” L. 35-37.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 25 shall be born shall be called holy, the Son of God.” The latter of these two renderings seems to be preferable. Comp. &y:ov t6 xupiw KAnOyoerar (ii. 22); Nalwpaios xAnOyoerar (Mt. il. 23); viol Ocod KAnOnoovra (v. 9); eAdxuoros KAnOyoerat and péyas KX. (v. 19). In all cases the appellation precedes the verb. The unborn child is Ee dy.ov as being free from all taint of sin. De hoc Sancto idem ngelus est locutus, Dan. ix. 24 (Beng.). The é« ood, which many Bathorities insert after yevvdpevoy, is probably an ancient gloss, de- rived perhaps from Mt. i. 16: 8 AB C?D and most versions omit. The title “Son of God,” like “Son of Man,” was a recognized designation of the Messiah. In £xoch, and often in 4 Ezra, the Almighty speaks of the Messiah as His Son, Christ seldom used it of Himself (Mt. xxvii. 43; Jn. x. 36). But we have it in the voice from heaven (ill. 22, ix. 35); in Peters confession (Mt. xvi. 16); in the centurion’s exclamation (Mk. xv. 39); in the devil’s challenge (iv. 3, 9); in the cries of demoniacs (Mk. iii. 11, v. 7). Very early the Christian Church chose it as a concise statement of the divine nature of Christ. See on Rom. i. 4, and Swete, Apost. Creed, p. 24. For éywov see on Rom.i. 7. The radical meaning is “set apart for God, consecrated.” 86. Kal idod "EXewdBer auyyevis cov. Comp. ver. 20. Mary, who did not ask for one, receives a more gracious sign than Zacharias, who demanded it. The relationship between her and Elisabeth is unknown. *€Cousin,” started by Wiclif, and continued until RV. substituted ‘‘kins- woman,” has now become too definite in meaning. The kinship has led artists to represent the two children as being playmates; but Jn. i. 31 seems to be against such companionship. It has also led to the conjecture that Jesus was descended from both Levi and Judah (see on ver. 27). But Levites might marry with other tribes; and therefore Elisabeth, who was descended from Aaron, might easily be related to one who was descended from David. This verse is not evidence that Mary was not of the house of David. The late form cuyyevis (comp. evyevis), and the Ion. dat. yjpet for yipg (Gen. xv. 15, xxi. 7, xxv. 8), should be noticed ; also that obros being the subject, the noun has no article. Comp. xxi. 22. The combination kat odros is peculiar to Lk. (viii. 41?, xvi. I, xx. 28). The relative ages cf Jesus and of John are fixed by this statement. We may take xadXouuévy as imperf. part., ‘‘ Used to be called.” This reproach would cease when she reappeared at the end of the five months (ver. 24). xaXoUmevos with appellations is freq. in Lk. 87. odk dduvatjcet Tapa Tod Gcod wav Aya. The negative and the verb are to be closely combined and taken as the predicate of wav phya. We must not take ot« with wav. This is plain from Gen. xviii. 14: py addvvaret wapa Td Ocd wav ppya; “ Hath God said, and can He not do it?” ze. Is anything which God has pro- mised impossible? RV. here has “be void of power” for ddvvarety ; but it is doubtful whether the verb ever has this signification. Of things, it means “to be impossible” (Mt. xvii. 20); and of persons, 26 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [L. 87, 88. “to be unable” ; in which case, like Suvareiy (Rom. xiv. 4; 2 Cor. ix. 8), it is followed by the infin. That “be impossible” is the meaning, both here and Gen. xviii. 14, is probable from Job xlii. 2, olda Ore mavta Svvacat, advvarel 5é cor ovf&v ; and from Zech. viii. 6, where ddvvaryjce is used of a thing being too hard for man but not too hard for God; and from Jer. xxxii. 17, where both Aquila and Symmachus have ov« advvaryce for ob px) aroxpyBy of LXX. We render, therefore, “ From God no word shall be impossible.” The idiom ov - . . was, in the sense of “all . . . not,” ze. “none,” is probably Hebraic. Comp. Mt. xxiv. 22. It is less common in N.T. than in LXX (Exod. xii. 16, 44, xx. 16; Dan. ii. 10, etc.), Win. xxvi. I, p. 214. 38. “150d % SouAn Kupiov. That idov is not a verb, but an exclamation, is manifest from the verbless nominative which follows it. Comp. v. 12, 18. . “Handmaid” or “servant” is hardly adequate to SovAn. It is rather “bondmaid” or “slave.” In an age in which almost all servants were slaves, the idea which is represented by our word “servant” could scarcely arise. In N.T. the fem. SovAy occurs only here, ver. 48, and Acts ii. 18, the last being a quotation. yévoTsd por kata Td fApd cov. This is neither a prayer that what has been foretold may take place, nor an expression of joy at the prospect. Rather it is an expression of swbmission,—“ God’s will be done”: zivag eiue ypdpomevos: 6 Bovderar 6 ypadeds, ypadérw (Eus.). Mary must have known how her social position and her relations with Joseph would be affected by her being with child before her marriage. There are some who maintain that the revelation made to Joseph (Mt. i. 18-23) is inconsistent with what Lk. records here ; for would not Mary have told him of the angelic message? We may reasonably answer that she would not do so. Her own inclination would be towards reserve (ii. 51); and what likelihood was there that he would believe so amazing a story? She would prefer to leave the issue with regard to Joseph in God’s hands. dmjdOev am adits 6 dyyedos. Ut peracta legatione. Comp. Acts xii. 10; Judg. vi. 21. On the whole of this exquisite narrative Godet justly remarks: ‘* Quelle dignité, quelle pureté, quelle simplicité, quelle délicatesse dans tout ce dialogue! Pas un mot de trop, pas un de trop peu. Une telle narration n’a pu émaner que de la sphere sainte dans laquelle le fait lui-méme avait eu leu” (i. p. 128, 3eme ed. 1888). Contrast the attempts in the apocryphal gospels, the writers of which had our Gospels to imitate, and yet committed such gross offences against taste, decency, and even morality. What would their inventions have been if they had had no historical Gospels to guide them? Dr. Swete has shown that the doctrine of the Miraculous Conception was from the earliest times part of the Creed. Beginning with Justin Martyr (Afo/. i. 21, 31, 32, 33, 63; Z7y. 23, 48, 100), he traces back Lt 38, 39.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 27 through Aristides (J. R. Harris, p. 24; Hennecke, p. 9; Barnes, Canon. and Uncanon. Gospfp. p. 13), Ignatius (Eph. xix.; Trall. ix.; Smyr. i.), the Valentinians, and Basilides, to S. Luke, to whom these Gnostics appealed. The silence of S. Mark is of no weight; his record does not profess to go farther back than the ministry of the Baptist. In the Third Gospel we reach not merely the date of the Gospel (A.D. 75-80), but the date of the early traditions incorporated in these first chapters, traditions preserved (possibly in writing) at Jerusalem, and derived from Mary herself. The testimony of the First Gospel is perhaps even earlier in origin, and is certainly independent. It probably originated with Joseph, as the other with Mary (Gore, Bampton Lectures, p. 78; Dissertatzons on Subjects connected with the Incarnatzon, pp. 12-40). Greatly as the two narratives differ, both bear witness to the virgin birth (Swete, Zhe Apostles’ Creed, ch. iv.). 89-56. Zhe Visit of the Mother of the Saviour to the Mother of the Forerunner. This narrative grows naturally out of the two which precede it in this group. The two women, who through Divine interposition are about to become mothers, meet and confer with one another. Not that a desire to talk about her marvellous experience prompts Mary to go, but because the Angel had suggested it (ver. 36). That Joseph’s intention of putting her away caused the journey, is an unnecessary conjecture. It is not easy to see why the Song of Elisabeth is not given in metrical form either in WH. orin RV. It seems to have the characteristics of Hebrew poetry in a marked degree, if not in so full a manner as the Magnificat, Benedictus, and Nunc Dimittis. It consists of two strophes of four lines each, thus— Rindoynuévn od ev yuvaséely, kal evAoynuévos 6 Kapmds Tis KoiAlas cov. kal 1é0ev por TOTO ta Eq H warp Tod Kuplov pou mpds eué 5 Sod yap ws éyévero 7) Pwvh Tod doracpod cov els TA Grd pov, éoxlprnoev év dryaddidoet Td Bpédos ev TH Kotla pov. kal paxapla 7 mictevoaca bre €orar TeAElwors Tots Aadypévots avty mapa Kuplov. On all four songs see a paper on ‘‘ Messianic Psalms of the N.T.,” ty B. B. Warfield, Zxfosztor, 3rd series, ii. pp. 301, 321 ff. 89. “Avactaoa. A very favourite word with Lk., who has it about sixty times against about twenty-two times in the rest of N.T. It occurs hundreds of times in LXX. Of preparation for a journey it is specially common (xv. 18, 20; Acts x. 20, xxii. Io, etc.). Lk. is also fond of such phrases as év tats tpépats TavTats, Or €v Tais ypépats Twos (Ver. 5, li. I, iv. 2, 25, V. 35, Vi. 12, ix. 36, eres Acts 1. £5, i) 18, Vv. 37, Vi. I, Vil. az, etc.). ‘They are: not found in Jn., and occur only four times in Mt., and the same in Mk. Here “in those days” means soon after the Annunciation. As 28 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [IL 39-42. the projected journey was one of several days, it would require time to arrange it and find an escort. See small print note on ver. 20. émopedOn eis Thy puny. There is no trace of “Opewy as a proper name; 7 épwy means the mountainous part of Judah as distinct from the plain (ver. 65; Gen. xiv. 10; Num. xiii. 29; Josh. ix. 1, x. 40; comp. Judith 1. 6, ii. 22, iv. 7). It is worth noting that in this narrative, which is from an independent source, Lk. twice uses 4 dpw7. Elsewhere, When he is on the same ground as Mt. and Mk., he uses, as they do, 70 6pos (vi. 12, Vili. 32, ix. 28, 37). None of them use either é 6pos or Ta Opn. Lft. On a Fresh Revision of NV. TZ. pp. 124, 186, 3rd ed. 1891. For the shortening of Opewn} to épwy see WH. ii. App. p. 154. Grotius rightly remarks on peta omroudys, 7e negligeret signum quod augende ipsius jiduciz Deus assignaverat. Comp. Mk. vi. 25 ; Exod. xii. 11 ; Wisd. xix. 2. eis 7éAuv “lovda. Lk. does not give the name, probably because he did not know it. It may have been Hebron, just as it may have been any town in the mountainous part of Judah, and Hebron was chief among the cities allotted to the priests. But if Lk. had meant Hebron, he would either have named it or have written tiv 7oAw in the sense of the chief priestly dwelling. But it is very doubtful whether the arrangement by which certain cities were allotted to the priests was carried into effect; and, if so, whether it continued. Certainly priests often lived elsewhere. Eli lived at Shiloh, Samuel at Ramathaim-Zophim, Mattathias at Modin. None of these had been allotted to the priests. See on ver. 23. That ’Io’da is the name of the town, and represents Juttah ("Irdv or "Ierrd or Tay’), which was in the mountain region of Judah (Josh. xv. 55), and had been allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 16), is possible. Reland (1714) was perhaps the first to advocate this. Robinson found a village called Yztah in that region (Zes. 2 Fal. ii. p. 206), and the identification is attractive. But the best authorities seem to regard it as precarious. A tradition, earlier than the Crusades, makes Azz Karim to be the birthplace of John the Baptist. Didon (/ésus Christ, App. D) contends for this, appealing to V. Guerin, Description de la Palestine, i. p. 83, and Fr, Liévin, Gucde de la Palestine, ii. But it is best to regard the place as an unknown town of Judah. In any case, the spelling ‘‘Juda” (AV.) is indefensible ; comp. iii. 33. 41. éyéveto . . . eoxiptncev. See detached note at the end of the chapter. It is improbable that in her salutation Mary told Elisabeth of the angelic visit. The salutation caused the move- ment of the unborn child, and Elisabeth is inspired to interpret this sign aright. Grotius states that the verb is a medical word for the movement of children in the womb, but he gives no instances. It is used Gen. xxv. 22 of the unborn Esau and Jacob, and Ps. cxili. 4, 6 of the mountains skipping like rams. In class. Grk. it is used of the skipping both of animals and of men. For émAjo8n mveupatos Gyiou see ON ver. 15. as = “ when ” is very freq. in Lk. 42, dvepwvncev. 1 Chron. xv. 28, xvi. 4, 5, 42; 2 Chron. L 42-45. | THE GOSPEL OF TIIE INFANCY 29 v. 13; here only in N.T. Lk. frequently records strong expres- sions of emotion, adding peydAn to kpavyn, wry, xapd, etc. (il. 10, iv. 33, Vili. 28, xvil. 15, XIX. 37, xxii, 23, 46, xxiv. 52). It is perhaps because kpavyy seemed less appropriate to express a cry of joy that it has been altered (A C D) to the more usual ¢wv7. But it is convincingly attested (s BL). It means any cry of strong feeling, whether surprise (Mt. xxv. 6), anger (Eph. iv. 31), or distress (Heb. v. 7). Edhoynpévy od év yuvorgiv, A Hebraistic periphrasis for the superlative, “‘Among women thou art the one who is specially blessed.” Mary has a claim to this title ar’ é&oxjv. Comp. vii. 28. Somewhat similar expressions occur in class. Grk., esp. in poetry: & ira yuvatkGv (Eur. Alc. 460); & oxérAv avdpdv (Aristoph. Ran. 1048). In N.T. cidAoynuevos is used of men, etAoyyros of God: see on ver. 68. With eddoynpevos 6 kaptds Tis KoNias cou comp. evAoynuéva Ta exyova THs K. cov (Deut. xxviii. 4) and kaprév kotAtas (Gen. xxx. 2; Lam. ii. 20). See small print on ver. 15. 43. kat mé0ev por todto. We understand yéyovey: comp. Mk. xii. 37. MModestix filii preludens gut olim Christo erat dicturus, ov épxn mpos pe; (Grotius). It is by inspiration (ver. 41) that Elisabeth knows that she who greets her is 7 pjryp tod Kupiov, Ze. of the Messiah’ (Ps. cx. 1). The expression “ Mother of God” is not found in Scripture.} Tn tva €\Oy we have a weakening of the original force of tva, which begins with the Alexandrine writers as an alternative for the infinitive, and has become universal in modern Greek. Godet would keep the telic force by arbitrarily substituting ‘* What have I done?” for ‘‘ Whence is this to me?” ‘‘What have I done in order that?” ete. Comp. the Lucan constr., toiro Gru (x. II, xii. 39; Acts xxiv. 14). 44, *I80d yap as eyéveto wv) Tod domacpod cov. On this yap Bengel bases the strange notion that the conception of the Christ takes place at the salutation: ydp vationem experimens, cur hoc ipso temporis puncto Elisabet primum “ Matrem Domini sui” proclamet Mariam. . . . Nunc Dominus, et respectu matris et progenitorum, et respectu locorum, ubi conceptus xque ac natus est, ex Juda est ortus. It is a mark of the delicacy and dignity of the narrative that the time is not stated; but ver. 38 is more probable than ver. 40. Excepting 2 Cor. vii. 11, ido ydp is peculiar to Lk. (ver. 48, ii. 10, vi. 23, xvil. 21; Acts ix. 11). For éyéveto hwy see on lili. 22 and 36. 45. pakapia 4 motevcaca St. Latin texts, both of Lat. Vet. and of Vulg., vary much between deata gue credidit quoniam and beata que credidisti guoniam. English Versions are equally varied, even Wic. and Rhem. being different. “ Blessed is she that SE. Didon inaccurately renders this, Comment se fact-2l que la mére de mon Dieu vienne a mot (p. 111). 30 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [I 45. believed” is probably right. This is the first beatitude in the Gospel; and it is also the last: paxdpuoe of pay tdvres Kal muotev- gavtes (Jn. xx. 29). In Mk. paxdpios does not occur; and in Jn. only xii. 17 and xx. 29. It is specially common in Lk. This verse is one of many places in N.T. in which 67: may be either ‘‘ that” or ‘‘ because”: see on vii. 16. There can be little doubt that Luther, Erasmus, Beza, and all Latin and English Versions are right in taking the latter sense here. The 67: introduces the reason why the belief is blessed and not the contents (Syr. Sin.) of the belief. There is no need to state what Mary believed. Elisabeth adds her faith to Mary’s, and declares that, amazing as the promise is, it will assuredly be fulfilled. Only a small portion of what had been promised (31-33) nad as yet been accomplished ; and hence the éorat teAeiwors, ‘‘ There shall be a bringing to perfection, an accomplishment” (Heb. vii. 11). Comp. éfeAed- couar els Tehelwow TOv Adyww Gv éadjcare per’ éuod (Judith x. 9). 46-56. The Magnificat or Song of Mary. This beautiful lyric is neither a reply to Elisabeth nor an address to God. It is rather a meditation; an expression of per- sonal emotions and experiences. It is more calm and majestic than the utterance of Elisabeth. The exultation is as great, but it is more under control. The introductory Jn. xii--38 (from Is. liii. 1); Ps. xliv. 3, xcvili. I, etc. The phrase év xepl xparaig Kal év Bpaxlom symrg is freq. in LXX (Deut. iv. 34, v. 15, vi. 21, xxvi. 8). This use of é is in the main Hebraistic (xxii, 49; Rev. vi. 8; Judg. xv. 15, xx. 16;-1 Kings xii. 18 3 Fadith vi. 12, viii. 33). Win. xlviii. 3. d, p. 485. trrepndavous Siavolqa Kapdias aitav. The dat. limits drepnpavous: they arg proud and overweening in thought. In N.T. drepijpavos is never ‘* conspicttous above” others, but always in a bad sense, ‘‘ looking down on” others (Jas. iv. 6; 1 Pet. v. 5; Rom. i. 30; 2 Tim. iii. 2. It is freq. in LXX.. Comp. Ps. Sol. ii. 35, xoulfwv brepnddvous els dwddeay alivov ép driulg ; also iv. 28. See Wsctt. on I Jn. ii. 16, and Trench, Sym. xxix. 52. kafethev Suvdotas dad Opdvav Kai dpwoev tatewots. “He hath put down potentates from thrones.” ‘ Potentates” rather than “princes” (RV.), or “the mighty” (AV.), because of 1 Tim. vi. 15. Comp. duvdcrat Papaw (Gen. |. 4). In Acts viii. 27 it is an adj. It is probable that tazewovs here means primarily the oppressed poor as opposed to tyrannical rulers. See Hatch, Bidsical Greek, pp. 73-77. Besides the parallels given in the table (p. 31) comp. ava\apBdavev zpacis 6 Kiptos, Tarewvav S& duaptwAovs Ews TAS yis (Ps. cxlvii. 6); Opovots dpxdvrwv Kabetrev 6 Kiptos, kal éxdbicey mpgets avr att&v (Ecclus. x. 14); also Lk. xiv. 11, xviii. 14; Jas. i.9, 10. In Clem. Rom. Cor. lix. 3 we have what looks like ax paraphrase, but may easily come from O.T. Comp. Zxoch xlvi. 5.~ 58. tewavtas évém\yoev Gyadv. Both material and spiritual goods may be included. Comp. wAjpes dprwv AAattadOnoav, Kat aobevotvres tapyxav yv (1 Sam. ii. 5); also Ps. Sol. v. 10-12, x. 7. 54. *AvtehdBeto “lopaijA madds adrot. The fourth strophe. The regular biblical meaning of dvriAapBavoya is “lay hold of in order to support or succour” (Acts xx. 35; Ecclus. ii. 6); hence avriAnwus is “succour, help” (1 Cor. xii. 28 ; Ps. xxi. 20, lxxxiii. 8), and dy7iAjmrwp is “helper” (Ps. xviii. 3, liv. 6). There is no doubt that zadds airod means “ His servant,” not “His son.” The children of God are called réxva or viot, but not zatSes. We have vais in the sense of God’s servant used of Israel or Jacob (Is. xli. 8, 9, xlii. 1, xliv. 1, 2, 21, xlv. 4); of David (Lk. i. 693 3 34 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [I. 54-56, Acts iv. 25; Ps. xvii. 1; Is. xxxvii. 35); and of Christ (Acts iii. 13, 26, iv. 27, 30). Comp. Ps. Sol. xii. 7, xvii. 23; Didaché, IX. 2, 3, X. 2, 3. prnoPivat éhéous. “So as to remember mercy,” Ze. to prove that He had not forgotten, as they might have supposed. Comp. Ps. Sol. x. 4, kai pvncOynoerar Kipios tav SovAwv avrod ev édee. 55. kaOas éhddynoev mods. ‘‘ Even as He spake unto”: see on gv. 2 and 13. ‘This clause is not a parenthesis, but explains the extent of the remembrance of mercy. RV. is the first English Version to make plain that to “ABpadp, x.t.X., depends upon pvnoOjvac and not upon éAdAyoev by rendering zpés “unto” and the dat. “toward.” To make this still more plain, “As He spake unto our fathers” is put into a parenthesis, which is not necessary. The Genevan is utterly wrong, “(Even as He promised to our fathers, ¢o wz, to Abraham and his sede) for ever.” It is im- probable that Lk. would use both zpés and the simple dat. after é\dA\yoev in the same sentence; or that he means to say that God spoke to Abraham’s seed for ever. The phrase eis tév aidva is common in the Psalms, together with «is tov aidva Tod aidvos (Heb. i. 8) and «is aidva aiévos. It means “unto the age,” ze. the age xar efoynv, the age of the Messiah. The belief that whatever is allowed to see that age will continue to exist in that age, makes «is tov aidva equivalent to “‘for ever. This strophe, like ver. 72, harmonizes with the doctrine that-Abraham is still alive (xx. 38), and is influenced by what takes place in the development of God’s kingdom on earth (Jn. viii. 56; comp. Heb. Si rs Is. xxix, 22.123). For els rév alava ACF MS here have @ws aldvyos (1 Chron. xvii. 16; Ezek, xxv. 15?), which does not occur in N.T. 56. “Evewev S¢ Maprap odv aity- Lk. greatly prefers vv to d. He uses ovv much more often than all N.T. writers put together. In his Gospel we find him using ovv where the parallel passage in Mt. or Mk. has perd or kat ; ¢.g. vill. 38, 51, XX. I, XXil. 14, 56. We have ovy three times in these first two chapters ; here, ii. 5 and 13. It is not likely that an interpolator would have caught all these minute details in Lk.’s style: see Introd. § 6. és pvas tpets. This, when compared with piy éxros (ver. 36), leads us to suppose that Mary waited until the birth of John the Baptist. She would hardly have left when that was imminent. Lk. mentions her return before mentioning the birth in order to complete one narrative before beginning another; just as he mentions the imprisonment of the Baptist before the Baptism of the Christ in order to finish his account of John’s ministry before beginning to narrate the ministry of Jesus (iii. 20, 21). That Mary is not named in vz. 57, 58 is no evidence that she was not L 56, 57.] |§THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 3, present. It would be unnatural to say that one of the ..ousehold heard of the event; and, in fact, of ovyyevets would include her, whether it is intended to do so or not. Origen, Ambrose, Bede, and others believe that she remained until the birth of John. For the patristic arguments for and against see Corn. & Lap. Lk. leaves us in doubt, probably because his authority left him in doubt ; but Didon goes too far in saying that Lk. insinuates that she was not present.} For this use of és comp, viii. 42 (not ii. 37); Acts i. 15, v. 7, 36. Lk. more often uses ®cel in this sense (iii. 23, ix. 14, 28, xxii. 41, 59, xxiii. 44; Acts ii. 41, etc.). In baéorpeyev we have another very favourite word which runs through both Gospel and Acts. It does not occur in the other Gospels, and is found elsewhere only Gal. i. 17 and Heb. vii. 1. Meyer rightly remarks that ‘‘the historical character of the Visitation of Mary stands or falls with that of the Annunciation.” The arguments against it are very inconclusive. I. That it does not harmonize with Joseph’s dream in Mt. i. 20; which has been shown to be incorrect. 2. That there is no trace elsewhere of great intimacy between the two families ; which proves absolutely nothing. 3. That the obvious purpose of the narrative is to glorify Jesus, in making the unborn Baptist acknowledge Him as the Messiah; which is mere assertion. 4. That the poetic splendour of the narrative lifts it out of the historical sphere ; which implies that what is expressed with great poetic beauty cannot be historically true,—a canon which would be fatal to a great deal of historical material. We may assert oi this narrative, as of that of the Annuncia- tion, that no one in the first or second century could have imagined either. Least of all could any one have given us the A/agnzjicat,—‘“‘ the most magni- ficent cry of Joy that has ever issued from a human breast.” Nothing that has come down to us of that age leads us to suppose that any writer could have composed these accounts without historic truth to guide him, any more than an architect of that age could have produced Milan cathedral. Comp. the Prot- evangelium of James xii.-xiv.; the Pseudo-Matthew ix.-xii.; the Hist. of Joseph the Carpenter iii.-vi. 57-80. The Birth and Circumcision of the Forerunner. 57. émdyobn 6 xpdvos tod téxew adtyv. Expressions about time or days being fulfilled are found chiefly in these two chapters in N.T. (ver. 23, li. 6, 21, 22). They are Hebraistic: e.g. érAyps- Oncav ai juepar Tod téxew airyv (Gen. xxv. 24 ; comp. xxix. 21; Lev. xii. 4,6; Num. vi. 5, etc.). And rod réxew is gen. after 6 xpovos. 1Didon has some excellent remarks on the poetical portion of this narrative. La podsze est le langage des impressions véhémentes et des idées sublimes. Chez les Juifs, comme chez tous les peuples d Orient, elle jaillait inspiration. Tout Ame est podte, la joe ou la douleur la fait chanter. St jamats un coeur a di faire explosion dans quelque hymne inspirée, Cest bien celui de la jeune fille clue de Dieu pour étre la mére du Messie. Elle emprunte a [histotre bibligue des femmes gut, avant elle, ont tressaill dans leur maternité, comme Liah et la mére de Samuel des expressions qu elle élargit et transfigure. Les hymnes nationaux gui célébrent la gloire de son peuple, la miséricorde, la puissance, la sagesse et la fid'lité de Dieu, reviennent sur ses lévres habituces a les chanter (Jésus Christ, p. 112, ed. 1891). The whole passage is worth consulting. 36 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE |L. 57-62. épeydduvey Kuptos Td eXeos adtod pet adtas. The verb is not used in the same sense as in ver. 46, nor yet quite literally as in Mt. xxiil. 5, but rather “made conspicuous,” ze. bestowed con- spicuous mercy. Comp. eueyaAvvas tiv Sucatootvvyy cov (Gen. xix. 19). The mer air7s does not mean that she co-operates with God, but that He thus deals with her. Comp. ver. 72, x. 37, and cidere & Cueyadvvey pe tudv (1 Sam. xii. 24). In ocuvéxatpov aéty we have the first beginning of the fulfilment of ver. 14. It means “rejoiced with her” (xv. 6, 9; 1 Cor. xii. 26), rather than “congratulated her” (Phil. ii. 17). 59. AOav wepitepety TO Taidiov. The nom. must be under- stood from the vontext, amici ad eam rem advocati, viz. some of those mentioned ver. 58. Circumcision might be performed anywhere and by any Jew, even by a woman (Exod. iv. 25). On the mixture of first and second aorist in such forms as 7\@ap, éreca, eldapev, dvetday, etc., see Win. xiil, I. a, p. 86; WH. ii. App. p. 164; and comp. ver. 61, ii. 16, v. 7, 26, vi. 17- Vil. 24, Xi. 2, 52, xxii. 52; Acts Tig 235 XUls 75) XV1e 97 XXL 7g ELC, exddouv atts ért TH dvdpatt tod tatpds attoé. Not merely “they wished to call,” but “they began to call, were calling ” ; comp. v. 6; Acts vii. 26; Mt. iii, 14. The custom of com- bining the naming with circumcision perhaps arose from Abram being changed to Abraham when circumcision was instituted. Naming after the father was common among the Jews (Jos. Vita, 1; Anz. xiv. 1. 3). For the éwé comp. éxAnOy éw évopate attav (Neh. vii. 63). 60. kAnPycetar “lwdvys. It is quite gratuitous to suppose that the name had been divinely revealed to her, or that she chose it herself to express the boon which God had bestowed upon her. Zacharias would naturally tell her in writing what had taken place in the temple. With kadetrat TG dvéuare comp. xix. 2. 62. évévevov. Here only in N.T., but we have vevw similarly used Acts xxiv. ro and Jn. xiii. 24. Comp. éweve dpfarpo, oypaiver de Tool, duddoKer Oe evvevpacw daxTvAwy (Prov. vi. 13), and 6 évvevwv eau pera. SdXov (Prov. x. 10). Some infer that Zacharias was deaf as well as dumb; and this is often the meaning of xwdds (ver. 22), viz. “/unted in speech or hearing, or both” (vii. 22). But the question is not worth the amount of discussion which it has received. To tt dv Oko. The art. turns the whole clause into a sub stantive. “They communicated by signs ¢he question, what he,’ etc. Comp. Rom. viii. 26; 1 Thes. iv. 1; Mt. xix. 18. The ro serves the purpose of marks of quotation. This use of 76 with a sentence, and especially with a question, is common in Lk. (ix. 46, xix. 48, xxii. 2, 4, 23, 24, 37; Acts iv. 21, xxii 30). Note I. 62-65.] | THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 37 the dy: “what he would Jerhags wish, might wish.” We have exactly the same use of dy Jn. xiii. 24; comp. Lk. vi. 11; Acts v. 24, xxi. 33. Win. xlii. 4, p. 386. 63. aitjoas mivaxidiov. Postulans pugillarem (Vulg.), cum petis- set tabulam (ad). Of course by means of signs, évvevpacw daxridov. One is inclined to conjecture that Lk. or his authority accidentally put the évvevew in the wrong place. Signs must have been used here, and they are not mentioned. They need not have been used ver. 62, and they are mentioned. The zwaxidiov would probably be a tablet covered with wax: Joguitur in stylo, auditur in cera (Tert. De idol. xxiii.). All four forms, rivat, riaxls, wivdxcov, and rwaxlé.ov, are used of writing- tablets, and mivaxida is v./.(D) here. But elsewhere in N.T. rivat isa ‘‘ dish” or ‘‘ platter” (xi. 39; Mt. xiv. 8,11; Mk. vi. 25, 28). Note the Hebraistie particularity in €éypawev Aéywv, and comp. 2 Kings x. 6; 1 Mac. x. 17, xi. 57. This is the first mention of writing in N.T. *Iwdvys éotiv dvopa adtod. Not éora, but éoriv: habet vocabulum suum quod agnovimus, non quod elegimus (Bede) ; quasi dicat nullam superesse consultationem in re quam Deus jam definitsset (Grotius) ; non tam jubet, quam jussum divinum indicat (Beng.). The é@atpacav awdvtes may be used on either side of the question of his deafness. They wondered at his agreeing with Elisabeth, although he had not heard her choice of name; or, they wondered at his agreeing with her, although he had heard the discussion. 64. dvedxOn 8é€ Td otdpa attod mapaxpjpa. The prophecy which he had refused to believe was now accomplished, and the sign which had been granted to him as a punishment is withdrawn. That the first use of his recovered speech was to continue blessing God (éAdAer ebAoyGv), rather than to complain, is evidence that the punishment had proved a blessing to him. The addition of kat yAGéooa attod involves a zeugma, such as is common in all lan- guages: comp. 1 Cor. iii. 2; 1 Tim. iv. 3; Win. lxvi. 1. e, p. 777. The Complutensian Bible, on the authority of two cursives (140, 251), inserts dijpOpaOy after 7 yAdooa airod: see on i. 22. For Tapaxphpa see on v. 25 and comp. iv. 29. We are left in doubt as to whether éAddex eddoyay refers to the Benedicfus or to some evAoyia which preceded it. The use of ézpodyrevee and not evAdynoev in ver. 67 does not prove that two distinct acts of thanks- giving are to be understood. 65. éyéveto éwit mavtas péBos. See on iv. 36. Zacharias (ver. 12) and Mary (ver. 30) had had the same feeling when conscious of the nearness of the spiritual world. A writer of fiction would have been more likely to dwell upon the joy which the wonderful birth of the future Prophet produced; all the more so as such joy had been predicted (ver. 14). The adrods means Zacharias and Elisabeth. 38 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [I. 65, 66. Stehahetro mdvta Ta pyyata tadra. This need not be confined to what was said at the circumcision of John. It is probably the Hebraistic use of pyyata for the ¢hings which are the subject- matter of narration. Comp. ii. 19, 51, where RV. has “sayings” in the text and “things” in the margin ; and Acts v. 32, where it has “things” in the text and “sayings” in the margin. Comp. LXX Gen. xv. I, xxil, I, 16, poodx. 7, xl. 1, xlviii. 1, and esp. xxiv. 66, ravra Ta pypata & éxoinoev. The verb diadaXely occurs only here and vi. 11: not in LXX, but in Sym. several times in the Psalms. 66. W@evto mdvres of Axovcavtes év TH Kapdiq av’tay. Comp. ii. 19. We find all three prepositions with this phrase, év, éml, and els: &@ero Aaveld Ta phyara &v Hh kapola avrod (1 Sam. xxi. 12); 20eTo Aaveyn éml Thy kapelav avrov (Dan. i. 8); rideade els riv kapdlay vuay (Mal. ii. 2). Lk. is fond of constructions with évy rq x. or év Tats x. (ii. 19, ili. 15, v. 22, xxi. 143 comp. ii. 51, xxiv. 38). In Hom. we have both @eival 7s and @écOae m1, either év ¢peol or év or7Oecot. Note that, not only is rds or drasa favourite word with Lk., but either form combined with a participle of dkotw is also freq. and characteristic (ii. 18, 47, iv. 28, vi. 47, vil. 29, xx. 453 Acts v. 5, TI, ix. 21, x. 44, XXVi. 29; comp. Acts iv. 4, xviii. 8). See on vi. 30. Tt dpa 15 watdiov tovTo ota; Not ris; the neut. makes the question more indefinite and comprehensive: comp. 7! dpa 6 Ilérpos éyévero (Acts xii. 18). The dpa, zgetur, means ‘‘in these circumstances” ; viii. 25, xii. 42, xxii. 23. kal yap xelp Kuptou nv pet attod. ‘‘ For besides all that,” #.e. in addition to the marvels which attended his birth. This is a remark of the Evangelist, who is wont now and then to interpose in this manner: comp. ii. 50, ili. 15, Vil. 39, XVi. 14, XX. 20, xxiii, 12. The recognition that John was under special Divine influence caused the questioa, ti dpa éorar; to be often repeated in after times. Here, as in Acts xi. 21, xelp Kupiov is followed by pera, and the meaning is that the Divine power interposes to guide and bless. See small print on i. 20 for other parallels between Gospel and Acts. Where the preposition which follows is ézé, the Divine interposition is generally one of punishment (Acts xill. 11; Judg. ii. 15; 1 Sam. v. 3, 6, vil. 13; Exod. vii. 4, 5). But this is by no means always the case (2 Kings iii. 15; Ezra vii. 6, viil. 22, 31); least of all where xelp has the epithet éya@y (Ezra vii. 9, 28, vill. 18). In N.T. xelp Kupiov is peculiar to Lk. (Acts XL 21, Xill. 12; comp. iv. 28, 30). 67-79. The Benedictus or Song of Zacharias may be the ev- Aoyia mentioned in ver. 64.1 To omit it there, im order to continue the narrative without interruption, and to give it as a solemn conclusion, would be a natural arrangement. As the Magnificat is modelled on the psalms, so the Benedictus is modelled on the 1 Like most of the canticles, the Benedéctus was originally said at Lauds: and it is still said at Lauds, in the Roman Church daily, in the Greek Church on special occasions. See footnote on p. 67. L 66.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 39 prophecies, and it has been called “the last prophecy of the Old Dispensation and the first in the New.” the Magnificat is regal, that of the Benedictus is sacerdotal. And while the tone of The one is as appropriate to the daughter of David as the other to the son of Aaron. seen in a table. THE BENEDICTUS. EvAoynrds Kuptos 6 Geds rod Iopann, drt emecxéyaro Kal émolnoev NiTpwow To daw aurov, kal ityeipev képas owrnplas 7; piv év olky Aaveld matdds avrod, Kaas edddnoev id orbyaros TOv aylup am’ aldvos Tpopyr av | avTod ouwrnplav é& €xOpav quay Kal éx XElpds TavTWY THY MecouyTey pas, mounoar €Aeos pera TOV TaTépw meav kal penoOjvat diadjKns aylas avTod, 8pxov dv Spocev mpds ABpady Tov TaTépa Huar, Tov Sodvat juiv dpoBws éx xerpds €xOpav pucbévtas Aarpevew avT@ év dordryre kal dixacootyy évériov avtod macats Tats Teepats NOv. Kal od 6é, masdlov, rpopyrns ‘YWlorov krnOjon, mpotopevon yap évw7mov Kuplou éroupdoat ddovs avTod, Tod dodvar yvGouw owrnplas T@ Aaw avrov év adécet dpaptlov, 61a omAdyxva édéous Oeod judy, év ols emirkéWerar Huds dvaronrh ef dpous, émipavat Tots év oxére Kal oxig Oavdrov Kadnuévors Tov KaTevOdvat Tovs mbdas NUdY els ddv elpyyys. There is a manifest break at the end of ver. 75. The relation between new and old may again be THE OLo TESTAMENT. 1 3 Buhoyaras Kipios 6 Oeds "Ioparnr. AUTpwow dméorerhev TO NaG avrod. 8 exe? eEavater® Képas T@ Aaveld, 4 Gvarene? Képas Tavtl TH oikwIopahh. 5 SWdoe Képas Xpiorob avrod. 6 Eowoev avTons € ex xewpav pucotyruv Kar éurpwaaTto avrovs ek Xetpos €xOpod. 1 dca els ahyBevav 7T@ laxwB, &eov TQ ABpadp, Kabdre Gpmooas TOUS TATPAL LOY. 8 éuvicOn Tis dia dHKns auTov. 9 € nyo On o 6 Beds Tis, SiaOnkns avrov ris mpos "ABpady, kal Ioadk, cal laxwp, 0 Srrws oTjow Tov Spkov Hou, bv @poca Tots TaTpdow buav, Tod Sodvat auTots yiv péovcay yadda Kal wére, U1 euvjcOn els Tov aldva diaOhKns avrou Abyou ob éverelharo els xuAlas yeveds, dy débero TH ’ABpadu, kal Tov Spkov avrou TH ’Ioadk. LD -Rya efarrocré\Xw Tov Ayyeddv pov kal emiBdéperat oddv mpd mpoowmov pov. B éroudoare Thy oddv Kuplov. 14 kaOnuévous év oxéret, 1 ol karouxovytes ev xdpa kal oxlg Oavdrou pas Adupe ed’ duds, 16 kaOnuevous ev oxéret kal oxla Gavdrov. The first of these two portions thus separated may be divided into three 1 Ps, xli. 14, Ixxii. 18, evi. 48. 4 Ezek. xxix. 21. 51 Sam. ii. 10, 8 Ps. cvi. 45. 9 Exod. ii. 24. 12 Mal. ili. 1. Ys. xl. 3. 16 Ps, cvii. 10. 7 Ps. cxi. 9. § Ps. cvi. 10, nO er xin 5s 1 Ts, xlii. 7. 8 Ps. cxxxii. 17. 7 Mic. vii. 20. 1 Ps. cv. 8, 9. 15 Ts, ix. 1. 40 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE |I. 66-70. strophes (68, 69; 70-72; 73-75), and the second into two (76, 773 78, 79): 67. émdjobn mvedpatos dyiou Kat énpopyteucev. See on ver. 15. The prophesying must not be confined to the prediction of the future ; it is the delivery of the Divine message; speaking under God’s influence, and in His Name. Zacharias sees in his son the earnest and guarantee of the deliverance of Israel. In some texts érpog¢jrevcev has been altered into the more regular poeg7)- tevoev, but everywhere in N.T. (even Jude 14) the augment should precede the prep. in this compound. This is intelligible, seeing that there is ne simple verb ¢yrevw. Comp. Num. xi. 25, 26; Ecclus. xliii. 13, and the similar forms #gcev and qvoEev. Win. xii. 5, p. 84. 68. Eddoyntés Kupios 6 Ocds tod “Iopand. Not éoriv but ef is to be supplied. The line is verbatim as Ps. xli. 14, lxxii. 18, cvi. 48, excepting that in LXX rod is omitted. In N.T. eidAoyyrés is used of God, but never of men: see on ver. 42. In LXX there are a few exceptions: Deut. vii. 14; Ruth ii. 20; 1 Sam. xv. 13, XXV. 33. emecképato Kal émoincev AUtpwow To Aad adtod. Here, as in Ecclus. xxxil. 17, an acc. is to be supplied after érecxéparo; there Tov tamewov, here tov Aadv. See on vii. 16. Excepting Heb. ii. 6, where it is a quotation from Ps. viii. 5, this verb is used in the Hebrew sense (Exod. iv. 31) of Divine visitation by Lk. alone in N.T. Comp. Ps. SoZ. iii. 14. No doubt Avtpwow has reference to political redemption (ver. 71), but accompanied by and based upon a moral and spiritual reformation (vv. 75, 77). Comp. IPSHEXxXiy 75 69. kal jyetpev képas cwtnpias jpiv. For this use of éyeipw comp. 7yepev Kvpios cwrjpa 76 “Iopaynd (Judg. ili. 9, 15). In Ezek. xxix. 21 and Ps. cxxxii. 17 the verb used is dvaréAAw or éfavaréAAw (see table). The metaphor of the horn is very freq. in O.T. (x Sam. ii. 10; 2 Sam. xxii. 3; Ps. Ixxy. 5, 6, Tete) ane is taken neither from the horns of the altar, nor from the peaks of helmets or head-dresses, but from the horns of animals, especially bulls. It represents, therefore, primarily, neither safety nor dignity, but strength. The wild-ox, wrongly called “unicorn” in AV., was proverbial for strength (Num. xxiv. 22; Job xxxix. 9-11; Deut. xxxiii. 17). In Horace we have addis cornua pauperi, and in Ovid tum pauper cornua sumit. In Ps. xviii. 3 God is called a xépas cwrypias. See below on ver. 71. For matdds adtod see on ver. 54. “Tn the house of His servant David” is all the more true if Mary was of the house of David. But the fact that Jesus was the heir of Joseph is sufficient, and this verse is no proof of Mary’s descent from David. 70. Second strophe. Like ver. 55, this is not a parenthesis, but determines the preceding statement more exactly. Asa priest, L 70-74.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 41 Zacharias would be familiar with O.T. prophecies. Even if the ray before aa aiévos (A C D) were genuine, it would be unlikely that Tav dyiwv means “the saints” in app. with tay az aidvos tpopyrar. Lk. is fond of the epithet dycos (ver. 72, ix. 26; Acts ill. 21, x. 22, xxi. 28). He is also fond of the periphrasis Ba sae (Acts i. 16, ii. 18, 2h iv. 25): comp. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22. And the expression dm aidvos is peculiar to him in N.T. (Acts iii. 21, xv. 18). It is used vaguely for “of old time.” Here it does not mean that there have been Prophets “since the world began.” Comp. oi yeyavres | ot ar aidvos (Gen. vi. 4), and Peeper Kal ratadéyyet Tous am’ aidves pyropas (Longin. xxxiv.), and adverbially Hes. Theog. 609). 71. cwrmpiay é& éxOpav fpav. This is in app. with xépas owrnpias and epexegetic of it. That the eyOpdv judy and trav pucovvTwy qpas are identical is clear from Ps. xviii. 18 and cvi. 10 (see table). ‘The heathen are meant. Gentile domination prevents the progress of God’s kingdom, and the Messiah will put an end to this hindrance. Comp. Exod. xviii. 10. Neither cwrnpla (vv. 69, 77, xix. 9; Acts iv. 12, etc.) nor Td cwrypiov (ii. 30, ili. 6; Acts xxviii. 28) occur in Mt. or Mk. The former occurs once in Jn. (iv. 22). Both are common in LXX. The primary meaning is preservation fsom bodily harm (Gen. xxvi. 31; 2 Sam. xix. 2), especially of the great occasions on which God had preserved Israel (Exod. xiv. 13, xv. 2; 2 Chron. xx. 17); and hence of the deliverance to be wrought by the Messiah (Is. xlix. 6, 8), which is the meaning here. Comp. tod xupiov 7 owrnpla én’ olxov "Iopanr els eddppoctvnv aldvioy (Ps. Sol. x. 9; and very similarly xii. 7). As the idea of the Messianic salvation became enlarged and purified, the word which so often expressed it came gradually to mean much the same as ** eternal life.” See on Rom. i. 16, 72. wovnoa EXeos peta, x.t-A, This is the purpose of jyepev xépas. The phrase is freq. in LXX (Gen. xxiv. 12; Judg. i. 24, vill. 35; Ruth i. 8; 1 Sam. xx. 8, etc.). Comp. per’ airijs, ver. 58. ‘In delivering us God purposed to deal mercifully with our fathers.” ‘This seems to imply that the fathers are conscious of what takes place: comp. vv. 54, 55. Besides the passages given in the table, comp. Lev. xxvi. 42, and see Wsctt. on Heb. ix. 15, 16. 73. Spkov Sv Gpocev mpos “ABpadp. Third strophe. The oath is recorded Gen. xxii. 16-18: comp. xxvi. 3. It is best to take dpxov in app. with diafijxns, but attracted in case to éy: comp zz. 4, 20, and see on ii. 19. It is true that in LXX prycO va is found with an acc. (Exod. xx. 8; Gen. ix. 16). But would Lk. give it first a gen. and then an acc. in the same sentence? For the attraction of the antecedent to the relative comp. xx. 17 and Acts x. 36. Gpooev pds ’A. So also in Hom. (Od. xiv. 331, xix. 288): but see on ver. 13. 74. tod Sotvar qpiv. This is probably to be taken after dpxoy as the contents and purpose of the oath; and the promise that ‘‘thy seed shall 42 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [I. 74-77. possess the gate of his enemies” (Gen. xxii. 17) is in favour of this. But it is possible to take ro dodvat as epexegetic of ver. 72; or again, as the purpose of #fyetpev xépas, and therefore parallel to ver. 72. This last is not likely, because there is no rod with rovjom. This Tod c. zz/fin. of the purpose or result is a favourite constr. with Lk. (vv. 77, 79, ii. 24, where see reff.). It marks the later stage of the language, in which aim and purpose become confused with result. Perhaps the gen. of the aim may be explained on the analogy of the part. gen. after verbs of hitting or missing. €x xetpos €xOpav. It does not follow from écudrynte cai dSixae- oovvy that spiritual enemies are meant. The tyranny of heathen conquerors was a hindrance to holiness. In addition to the parallel passages quoted in the table, comp. Ps. xviii. 18, picerat pe &€ €xOpadv pov Suvaray kal éx tov pucovyTwv pe. For the acc. pucdévras after juty comp. col 6¢ cvyyveéun Aévew 745” orl, Bi) TaoxXoveay ws éy@ kaxGs (Eur. AZed. 814). 75. Natpevew atts. Comp. Aarpetoere 75 Ocd ev TH Sper TovT (Exod. ili. 12). We must take évdm-ov aitod with Aatpevew aira. The service of the redeemed and delivered people is to be a priestly service, like that of Zacharias (ver. 8). For évémoy see on ver. 15, and for \atpedew on iv. 8. The combination 6ovdtys kal Sikarocdvy becomes common ; but perhaps the earliest instance is Wisd. ix. 3. We have it Eph. iv. 24 and Clem. Rom. xlviii.: comp. Tit. i. 8 and 1 Thes. ii. ro. 76. Kal od 8€, matdiov. Here the second part of the hymn, and the distinctively predictive portion of it, begins. The Prophet turns from the bounty of Jehovah in sending the Messiah to the work of the Forerunner. ‘‘ Buz thou also, child,” or “ Yea and thou, child” (RV.). Neither the xaé nor the dé must be neglected. There is combination, but there is also contrast. Not “ my child”: the personal relation is lost in the high calling. The xAy@yon has the same force as in ver. 32: not only “shalt be,” but “shalt be acknowledged as being.” Tpotropedon yap évdmuov Kuptov. Comp. Kupios 6 @eds cov 6 MpoTropevdmevos TPO Tpoowrov gov, Kaha eAdAnoev Kvpuos (Deut. xxxi. 3). Here Kvpfov means Jehovah, not the Christ, as is clear from vv. 16, 17. , 77. Tod Sodvar yvdouw owrnptas TH Naw aitos. This is the aim and end of the work of the Forerunner. In construction it comes after érouudoat ddovs aitod. We may take év apécer dpaptiwv aitav with either dotva, or yv@ouw, Or gwrypias. The last is best. John did not grant remission of sins; and to make “&zxozw/ledge of salvation” consist in remission of sins, yields no very clear sense. But that sa/vation is found in remission of sins makes excellent sense (Acts v. 31). The Messiah brings the cwrnpta (vv. 69, 71): the Forerunner gives the knowledge of it to the people, as consist- ing, not in a political deliverance from the dominion of Rome but I 77-79.| THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 43 in a spiritual deliverance from the dominion of sin. This is the irst mention of the “remission of sins” in the Gospel narrative. 78. Sa omAdyxva éddous Ceod Hpav. ‘Che concluding strophe, referring to the whole of the preceding sentence, or (if we take a single word) to zporopevoy. It is decause of God’s tender mercy that the child will be able to fulfil his high calling and to do all this. Comp. Zest. X/Z. Patr. Levi iv., €ws émurxépytar Kipios mavra ra vn ev orAdyvots viod aitovd Ews aidvos. Originally the or\dyxva were the ‘‘inward parts,” esp. the upper portions, the heart, lungs, and liver (uzscera thoracts), as distinct from the év7epa or bowels (wiscera abdominis). The Greeks made the ox\dyxva the seat of the emotions, anger, anxiety, pity, etc. By the Jews these feelings were placed in the évrepa; and hence in LXX we have not only omAdyxva (which may include the év7epa), but also xovAla and éyxara used for the affections. Moreover in Hebr. literature these words more often represent compassion or love, whereas orAdyxva in class. Grk. is more often used of wrath (Aristoph. Raz. 844, 1006; Eur. 4/c. 1009). ‘‘ Heart” is the nearest English equivalent for omAdyxva (RV. Col. iii. 123 Philem. 12, 20). See Lft. on Phil. i. 8. ‘* Because of our God’s heart of mercy,” z.¢. merciful heart, is the meaning here. For this descriptive or characterizing gen. comp. Jas. i. 25, ii. 4; Jude 18. Some would make yvaouw cwrnplas an instance of it, “‘ saving knowledge,” z.e. that brings salvation. But this is not necessary. For év ois see on év Bpaxlov, ver. 51. For émuokéetar! comp. vii. 17; Ecclus. xlvi. 14; Judith vill. 33 ; and see on ver. 68. dvatoh} é€ dipous. “Rising from on high.” The word is used of the rising of the sum (Rev. vil. 2, xvi. 12; Hom. Od. xii. 4) and of stars (Aésch. P.V. 457; Eur. Phen. 504). Here the rising of the heavenly body is put for the heavenly body itself. Comp. the use of dvareAdw in Is. lx. 1 and Mal. iv. 2. Because sun, moon, and stars do not rise from on high, some join e€ tous with émiaxewerat, which is admissible. But, as dvarody means the sun or star itself, whose light comes from on high, this is not necessary. Seeing that dvaré\Aw is used of the rising or sprouting of slants, and that the Messiah is sometimes called “the Branch” (Jer. xxiii. 5) XXxili. 15; Zech. ili. 8, vi. 12), and that in LXX this is expressed by dvaroA7, some would adopt that meaning here. But e& tous, éripavat, and xarevfdvae are conclusive against it. These expres- sions agree well with a rising sun or star, but not with a sprouting branch. 79. émupavat Tots ev oxdter Kal ota Oavdrou Kadynpévous. For émipavar comp. Acts xxvii. 20, and for the form Ps. xxx. 17, cxvii. 27. In 3 Mac. vi. 4 we have 30 @apad. . . drddeoas, Béyyos emipavas éAéous IopaiA yéve. Note that the xa@ypevous ev oxdret of Is. xlii. 7 and the oxia @avdrov of Is. ix. 1 are combined here as in Ps. cvii. 10 (see table). Those who hold that these hymns are 1 This is the reading of § B Syr. Arm. Goth. Boh. and virtually of L, which has émecxéWarrar. Godet defends éreoxéyiiro, because Zacharias would not suddenly turn from the past to the future; but this thought would lead to the corruption of the more difficult reading. 44 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [LZ 79, 80. written in the interests of Ebionism have to explain why zremedype vous év mTwxela (Ps. cvil. 10) is omitted. Tob KaTeuOdvar Tols Tddas Hav eis 68dv eipyyns. For the constr comp. vv. 74, 77. Those who sat in darkness did not use their feet: the light enables them to do so, and to use them profitably. The 74 shows that Jews as well as Gentiles are regarded as being in darkness until the Messianic dawn. ‘The way of peace” is the way that leads to peace, especially peace between God and His people (Ps. xxix. 11, Ixxxv. 9, cxix. 165; Jer. xiv. 13). It was one of the many blessings which the Messiah was to bring (ii. 14, x. 5, xxiv. 36). See on Rom.i. 7 and comp. 606v owrnpias (Acts xvi. 17). 80. TS 8é madiov nugave kal expatatodro mvedpatt. The verse forms a set conclusion to the narrative, as if here one of the Aramaic documents used by Lk. came to an end. Comp. ii. 40, 52; Judg. xiii. 24, 25; 1 Sam. ii. 26. In LXX avdédvw is never, as here, intrans. Thus avfavé oe opddpa (Gen. xvii. 6); niéyOy ro ma.dtov (Gen. xxi. 8). In N.T. it is used of physical growth (ii. 40, Xil. 27, xiii. 19), and of the spread of the Gospel (Acts vi. 7, xii. 24, xix. 20). With éxparaodro rvevuare comp. Eph. iii. 16; and for the dat. Rom. iv. 20 and 1 Cor. xiv. 20. jv ev tais epnpots. The wilderness of Judzea, west of the Dead Sea, is no doubt meant. But the name is not given, because the point is, not that he lived in any particular desert, but that he lived in desert places and not in towns or villages. He lived a solitary life. Hence nothing is said about his being “in favour with men”; for he avoided men until his dvadeéts brought him disciples. This fact answers the question whether John was influenced by the Essenes, communities of whom lived in the wilderness of Judza. We have no reason to believe that he came in contact with them. Excepting the ascetic life, and a yearning for something better than obsolete Judaism, there was little resemblance between their principles and his. He preached the Kingdom of God; they preached isolation. They abandoned society ; he strove to reform it. See Godet zz /oco and D.Z.? art. “Essenes.” Lk. alone uses the plur. ai épypor (v. 16, viii. 29). €ws pepas avadelgews attod mpos tov “lopaynh. John probably went up to Jerusalem for the feasts, and on those occasions he and the Messiah may have met, but without John’s recognizing Him as such. Here only in N.T. does avadeérs occur. In Ecclus. xlii. 6 we have avadeéw xpdvwv as a function of the moon. In Plut. the word is used of the proclaiming or inauguration of those who are appointed to office (Alar. viii. ; C. Grac. xii.). It is also used of the decication of a temple (Strabo, viii. 5. 23, p. 381). Comp. avédeéev Of the appointment of the Seventy (x. 1). It was John himselt sho proclaimed the inauguration of his office by manifesting hims:f o the people at God’s command (iii. 2). THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 45 NoTE ON THE USE OF éyévero. More than any other Evangelist Lk. makes use of the Hebr. formula, éyévero dé or kal éyévero. But with it he uses a variety of constructions, some of which are modelled on the classical use of ovvé8n, which Lk. himself employs Acts xxi. 35. The following types are worth noting. (a) The éyévero and that which came to pass are placed side by side as _ parallel statements in the indicative mood without a conjunction. i. 8. éyévero 6¢ év TG leparevew airdv . . . Adaxe TOD Oumaca. i. 23. Kal éyévero ws émdjobnoay ai juépar Tis Aecroupylas avrov, ar7AdOer. - i. 41. Kal éyévero ws Hxoucev Tov doracpuov THs M. 7’E., éoxlprncev 7d Bpégos. ii. 1. éyévero dé év tats juépars éxelvaus €E7pAOev dbyua. Of the same type are i. 59, il. 6, 15, 46, vii. II, ix. 18, 28, 29, 33, 37, xi. I, 14, 27, XVil. 14, XViil. 35, XIX. 29, xx. I, xxiv. 30, 51. In viii. 40, ix. 57, x. 38 the éyévero 6€ is probably spurious. In the Acts this type does not occur. (8) The éyévero and that which came to pass are coupled together by xal, which may be regarded as (I) uniting two co-ordinate statements; or (2) epexegetic, “It came to pass, zamely” ; or (3) introducing the apodosis, as often in class. Grk., ‘‘ It came to pass that.” v. I. éyévero 56 &v TQ Tov BxAOv emixeioba aiT@ . . . Kal abrds Fv éorws. v. 17. Kal éyévero év pug TOy Huepwv kal abrds qv diddoKwy. viii. I. Kal éyévero €v TH Kabek7s Kal abrds duddever. viii. 22. éyévero 6¢ év pug T&v juepwv Kal abrds dvéBy els motor. Of the same type are v. 12, ix. 51, xiv. I, xvil. II, xix. 15, xxiv. 43 Acts y. 7. It will be observed that in nearly all cases the xal is followed by avrés or avrol. Inv. 12 and xxiv. 4 it is followed by the Hebraistic /dov, and in xix. 15 we have simply xal trey. (y) That which takes place is put in the infinitive mood, and this depends upon éyévero. iii, 21. éyévero O¢ év TQ BarricOjvar dravta Tov Aadv . . . dvewxORvar Tov ovpavdr. vi. 1. evyévero 58 év caBBdrw SiamopeterOar avrdy did orropluwy. vi. 12. éyévero dé év tats nuépats Tavrass eEehOetv avrdv els Td bpos. Xvi. 22. éyévero 6¢ drrobavety Tov Trwx bv. This type of construction is common in the Acts: iv. 5, ix. 32, 37, 43, xi 26, xiv. I, xvi. 16, xix. I, xxii. 6, 17, xxviii. 8, 17. (6) In the Acts we have several other forms still more closely assimilated to classical constructions, the éyévero being placed later in the sentence, or being preceded by as or dre. ix. 3. év d¢7@ ropevecOar éyévero abrov éyylfew TH Aayacke. xxi. I. ws 0¢ éyévero dvaxOjvat juds . . . HAGouer els Thy KG. xxi. 5. dre de éyévero ebaprioa: judas Tas Tuepas, eEEPovTes erropevducbo. x. 25. ws dé éyévero Tov eloeNOeiv tov Ilérpov, . . . mpocextvncer. In these last three instances we are far removed from the Hebraistic types (a) and (8). The last is very peculiar ; but comp. xxvii. I and the exact parallel in Acta Barnab. Apocryp. vii. quoted by Lumby, os dé éyévero Tod Tedécar airovs dcdaoKovras. We have obtained in this analysis the following results. Of the two Hebra- istic types, (a) is very common in the first two chapters of the Gospel, where Lk. is specially under the influence of Hebrew thought and literature, and is probably translating from the Aramaic ; but (a) is not found at all in the Acts, and (8) occurs there only once. On the other hand, of the more classical types, (y) is much less common in the Gospel than in the Acts, while the forms grouped under (6) do not occur in the Gospel at all. All which is quite what we might have expected. In the Acts there is much less room for Hebrew influences than there is in the Gospel ; and thus the more classical forms of construction become there the prevailing types. 46 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S, LUKE [TL Il. 1-20. Zhe Birth of the Saviour, its Proclamation by the Angels, and tts Verification by the Shepherds. The second of the narratives in the second group (i. 57-ii. 40) in the Gospel of the Infancy (i. 5-ii. 52). It corresponds to the Annunciation (i. 26-38) in the first group. Like the sections which precede and which follow, it has a clearly marked conclusion. And these conclusions have in some cases a very marked resemblance. Comp. ii. 20 with i. 56, and ii. 40 and 52 with i. 80. This similarity of form points to the use of material from one and the same source, and carefully arranged according to the sub- ject-matter. This source would be some member of the Holy Family (see on i. 5). The marks of Lk.’s style, accompanied by Hebraistic forms of expression, still continue; and we infer, as before, that he is translating from an Aramaic document. The section has three marked divisions: the Birth (1-7), the Angelic Proclamation (8-14), and the Verification (15-20). The con- nexion with what precedes is obvious. We have just been told how the promise to Zacharias was fulfilled ; and we are now to be told how the promise to Mary was fulfilled. 1-7. The Birth of the Saviour at Bethlehem at the Time of the Enrolment.. The extreme simplicity of the narrative is in very marked contrast with the momentous character of the event thus narrated. We have a similar contrast between matter and form in the opening verses of S. John’s Gospel. The difference between the evangelical account and modern Lives of Christ is here very remarkable. The tasteless and unedifying elaborations of the apocryphal gospels should also be compared.! 1-3. How Bethlehem came to be the Birthplace of Jesus Christ, although Nazareth was the Home of His Parents. This explanation has exposed Lk. to an immense amount of criticism, which has been expressed and sifted in a manner that has produced a voluminous literature. In addition to the commentaries, some 1 “Such marvellous associations have clung for centuries to these verses, that it is hard to realise how absolutely naked they are of all ornament. We are obliged to read them again and again to assure ourselves that they really do set forth what we call the great miracle of the world. If, on the other hand, the Evangelist was possessed by the conviction that he was not recording a miracle which had interrupted the course of history and deranged the order of human life, but was telling of a divine act which explained the course of history and restored the order of human life, one can very well account for his calmness” (F. D. Maurice, Lectures on S. Luke, p. 28, ed. 1879). pa oe | THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 47 of the following may be consulted, and from Schtirer and Herzog further information about the literature may be obtained. S. J. Andrews, Zzfe of our Lord, pp. 71-81, T. & T. Clark, 1892; T. Lewin, ast Sacri, 955, Longmans, 1865; J. B. McClellan, Zhe New Testament of our Lord and Saviour, i. pp. 392-399, Macmillan, 1875; C. F. Nosgen, Geschichte Jesu Christi, pp. 172-174, Beck, 1891; *E. Schiirer, Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, i. 2, pp. 105-143, T. & T. Clark, 1890; B. Weiss, Leben Jesu, i. 2. 4, "Berlin, 1882; Eng. tr. pp. 250-252; K. Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis of the "Four Gospels, pp. 66-106, 129-135, Deighton, 1864; O. Zockler, Handbuch der Ti heologischen Wissen- schaften, 1. 2, pp. 188-190, Beck, 1889; A. W. Zumpt, Das Geburtsjahr Christi (reviewed by Woolsey in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1870), Leipzig, 1869; D.B.? art. “ Cyrenius”; Herzog, PREZ? xiii. art. “Schatzung”; P. Schaff, Azstory of the Church, i. pp. 121-125, T. & T. Clark, 1883; Ramsay, Was Christ Born at Bethlehem ? 1899; Hastings, D.B. art. Chronology of N.T. 1. *Eyéveto 8€ ev tais Hpepats exelvars e&AOev Sédypa mapa Kat- capos Adyovorou atroypddecbar tacav Thy oikounévny. For the constr. see detached note at the end of ch. i.; and for & rais jpépais éxeivats see On i. 5 and 39. The time of the birth of John is roughly indicated. Even in class. Grk. the first meaning of 8dypa, as “opinion, philosophic tenet,” is not very common (Plat. Aef. 538 C); it is more often a “public decree, ordinance.” This is always the meaning in N.T., whether an ordinance of the Roman Emperor (Acts xvii. 5), or of the Apostles (Acts xvi. 4; comp. Ign. Mag. xiii.; Didaché, xi. 3), or of the Mosaic Law (Col. ii. 14; Eph. ii. 15; comp. 3 Mac. i. 3; Jos. Anz. xv. 5. 3). For é&\ev Séypa comp. Dan. ii. 13 (Theod.). In Daniel doypa is freq. of a royal decree (iii. 10, iv. 3, vi. 9, 10). See Lft. on Col. ii. 14. dmoypdpec8ar. Probably passive, ut describeretur (Vulg.), not middle, as in ver. 3. The present is here used of the continuous enrolment of the multitudes ; the aorist in ver. 5 of the act of one person. The verb refers to the writing off, copying, or entering the names, professions, fortunes, and families of subjects in the public register, generally with a view to ¢axation (drotipnots or tiunua). It is a more general word than dzotiudw, which implies assessment as well as enrolment. But it is manifest that the dze- yeay here and in Acts v. 37 included assessment. The Jews were exempt from military service; and enrolment for that purpose cannot be intended. In the provinces the census was mainly for purposes of taxation. macav Thy oikounevnv. ‘The whole inhabited world,” ze. the Roman Empire, ordis terrarum.. Perhaps in a loose way the ex- pression might be used of the provinces only. But both the zacav and the context exclude the limitation to Palestine, a meaning 48 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S, LUKE [I1.1. which the expression never has, not even in Jos. Avzé. viii. 3. 4. See on iv. 5 and xxi. 26. In inscriptions Roman Emperors are called kvptou THs oixovjévns. The verse implies a decree for a general census throughout the empire. It must be confessed that mo direct evidence of any such decree exists beyond this statement by Lk., and the repetitions of it by Christian writers. But a variety of items have been collected, which tend to show that a Roman census in Judeea at this time, in accordance with some general instructions given by Augustus, is not improbable. 1. The rationarium or rationes tmberii, which was a sort of balance-sheet published periodically by the emperor (Suet. Aug. xxviii.; Cal. xvi.). 2. The libellus or breviarium tottus tmperiz, which Augustus deposited with his will (Tac. Aum. i. 11. 5,6; Suet. Aug. ci.). 3. The zxdex rerum gestarum to be inscribed on his tomb, which was the original of the M/armor Ancyranum. But these only indicate the orderly administration of the empire. A general census would have been useful in producing such things; but that does not prove that it took place. Two passages in Dion Cassius are cited; but one of these (liv. 35) refers to a registration of the emperor’s private property, and the other (lv. 13) to a census of Roman citizens. If Augustus made a general survey of the empire, of which there is evidence from the commen- tarit of Agrippa mentioned by Pliny (Vat. Hist. iii. 2. 17), this also would have been conveniently combined with a general census, although it does not show that such a census was ordered. Of some of the provinces we know that mo census was held in them during the reign of Augustus. But it is probable that in the majority of them a census took place; and the statement of so accurate a writer as Lk., although unsupported by direct evi- dence, may be accepted as substantially true: viz. that in the process of reduc- ing the empire to order, Augustus had required that a census should be held throughout most of it. So that Lk. groups the various instances under one ex- pression, just as in Acts xi. 28 he speaks of the famines, which took place in different parts of the empire in the time of Claudius, as a famine 颒 6p olkov- pévnv. Of the Christian witnesses none is of much account. Riess seems to be almost alone in contending that Orosius (A/7st. Rom. vi. 22. 6) had any authority other than Lk. Cassiodorus (Varéarwm Epp. iii. 52) does not men- tion a census of persons at all clearly ; but if ovd2s Romanus agris divisus cen- suque descriptus est means such a census, he may be referring to Lk. ii. 1. The obscure statement of Isidore of Spain (Ztymologzarum, v. 26. 4; Opera, ili. 229, ed. Arevallo) may either be derived from Lk. or refer to another period. What Suidas states (Lex. s.v. dmoypag7) partly comes from Lk. and partly is improb- able. At the best, all this testimony is from 400 to 1000 years after the event, and cannot be rated highly. The passages are given in full by Schiirer (Jewzsh People in the T. of J. C. i. 2, pp. 116, 117). But it is urged that a Roman census, even if held elsewhere, could not have been made in Palestine during the time of Herod the Great, because Palestine was not yet a Roman province. In A.D. 6, 7, when Quirinius certainly did undertake a Roman census in Judea, si-h a proceeding was quite in order. Josephus shows that in taxation Herod act:d independently (Azz. xv. 10. 4, xvi. 2. 5, xvii. 2. I, 11. 2; comp. xvil. 8. 4). Vaat Ilerod paid tribute to Rome is not certain ; but, if so, he would pay it out of taxes raised by himself. The Romans would not assess his subjects for the tribute which he had to pay. Josephus, whose treatment of the last years of ITerod is very full, does not mention any Roman census at that time. On the contrary, he implies that, even after the death of Herod, so long as Palestine was ruled by its own princes, there was no Roman taxation ; and he states that 11. 1, 2.] THE GOSPEL OF: TIE INFANCY 49 the census undertaken by Quirinius A.D. 7 excited intense opposition, presum- ably as being an innovation (Av#. xviii. I. I, 2. I). In meeting this objection, let us admit with Schiirer and Zumpt that the case of the Clitz is not parallel. Tacitus (Avz. vi. 41. 1) does not say that the Romans held a census in the dominions of Archelaus, but that Archelaus wished to have a census after the Roman fashion. Nevertheless, the objection that Augustus would not interfere with Herod’s subjects in the matter of taxation is untenable. When Palestine was divided among Herod’s three sons, Augustus ordered that the taxes of the Samaritans should be reduced by one-fourth, because they had not taken part in the revolt against Varus (Aw#. xvil. 11. 4; B. /. ti. 6. 3); and this was before Palestine became a Roman province. If he could do that, he could require information as to taxation throughout Palestine ; and the obsequi- cus Herod would not attempt to resist. The value of such information would be great. It would show whether the tribute paid (if tribute was paid) was adequate ; and it would enable Augustus to decide how to deal with Palestine in the future. If he knew that Iferod’s health was failing, he would be anxious to get the information before Herod’s death; and thus the census would take place just at the time indicated by Lk., viz. in the last months of the reign of Herod. 2. airn dmoypady mpdrn éyévero. This may be accepted as certainly the true reading ;2 and the meaning of it is not really doubtful. ‘This took place as a first enrolment, when Q. was governor of Syria.” The object of the remark is to distinguish the census which took Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem from the one undertaken by Q. in A.D. 6, 7, at which time Q. was governor of Syria. But was he governor B.c. 4, when Herod died? It is very difficult to establish this. From B.c. 9 to 6 Sentius Saturninus was governor; from B.c. 6 to 4 Quinctilius Varus. Then all is uncertain until a.p. 6, when P. Sulpicius Quirinius becomes governor and holds the census mentioned Acts v. 37 and also by Josephus (Ax¢. xviii. I. I, 2. 1). It is quite possible, as Zumpt and others have shown, that Quirinius was governor of Syria during part of the interval between B.c. 4 and A.D. 6, and that his first term of office was B.C. 3, 2. But it seems to be impossible to find room for him between B.c. 9 and the death of Herod; and, unless we can do that, Lk. is not saved from an error in chronology. Tertullian states that the census was held by Sentius Saturninus (Adv. Mare. iv. 19); and if that is correct we may suppose that it was begun by him and continued by his successor. On the other hand, Justin Martyr three times states that Jesus Christ was born ézi Kvupyviov, and in one place states that this can be officially ascer- tained é« tav droypaday tév yevopévew (Afol. i. 34, 46; Dial. 1 See the treatment to which Herod had to submit in the matter of Sy!leus (Jos. Ant. xvi. 9. 3, 4)- 2 B (supported by 81, 131, 203) has airy droypagh rpcirn éyévero. NS has the impossible alrhy amoypagihy éyévero rpdrn. D (supported by Orig-Lat.) has atirn éyévero droypagh mpiry. Thus all three are against the 7 before droypa¢7 inserted in ACLRZ. 4 50 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [IZ 2. We must be content to leave the difficulty unsolved. But it is monstrous to argue that because Lk. has (possibly) made a mistake as to Quirinius being governor at this time, therefore the whole story about the census and Joseph’s journey to Bethlehem is a fiction. Even if there was no census at this time, business con- nected with enrolment might take Joseph to Bethlehem, and Lk. would be correct as to his main facts. That Lk. has confused this census with the one in A.D. 6, 7, which he himself mentions Acts v. 37, is not credible. We are warranted in maintaining (1) that a Roman census in Judea at this time, in accordance with instructions given by Augustus, is not improbable; and (2) that some Official connexion of Quirinius with Syria and the holding of this census is not impossible. The accuracy of Lk. is such that we ought to require very strong evidence before rejecting any statement of his as an unquestionable blunder. But it is far better to admit the possibility of error than to attempt to evade this by either altering the text or giving forced interpretations of it. The following methods of tampering with the ext have been suggested: to regard mpwry as a corruption of mpérw éree through the intermediate wpwret (Linwood); to insert mpd ris after éyévero (Michaelis) ; to substitute for Ku- pnvlov either KuytiAlov (Huetius), or Kpovlov=Saturnini (Hleumann), or Zaroup- vivov (Valesius) ; to omit the whole verse as a gloss (Beza, Pfaff, Valckenaer). All these are monstrous. The only points which can be allowed to be doubtful in the text are the accentuation of airy and the spelling of Kupyvlov, to which may perhaps be added the insertion of the article. Among the various z/evpretations may be mentioned— (1) Giving mp&ros a comparative force, as in Jn. i. 15, 30: “‘ This taxing took place before Quirinius was governor of Syria” (Huschke, Ewald, Caspari) ; or, as éoxdrn Tov vidy 7 mirnp éeTedcbTyce (2 Mac. vii. 41) means ‘‘ The mother died last of all, and later than her sons,” this may mean, ‘‘ This took place as the first enrolment, and before Q. was governor of S.” (Wieseler). But none of these passages are parallel: the addition of jyeuovevovros is fatal. When mp@tos is comparative it is followed by a simple noun or pronoun. It is incredible that Lk., if he had meant this, should have expressed it so clumsily. (2) Emphasizing éyévero, as in Acts xi. 28: ‘‘This taxing took effect, was carried out, when Q. was governor of S.” (Gumpach, etc.) ; ze. the decree was issued in Herod’s time, and executed ten or twelve years later by Q. This makes nonsense of the narrative. Why did Joseph go to Bethlehem to be enrolled, if no enrolment took place then? There would be some point in saying that the census was fizzshed, brought to a close, under Q., after having been begun by Herod ; but éyévero cannot possibly mean that. (3) Reading and accentuating adr) 7 daoypagy: ‘‘ The raising of the tax itself (as distinct from the enrolment and assessment) first took place when Q.,” etc. ‘* Augustus ordered a census and it took place, but no money was raised until the time of Q.” (Ebrard). This involves giving to daroypa¢7 in ver. 2 a totally different meaning from dmoypdpeoOa: in ver. I and dmoypdyac@at in ver. 5; which is impossible. (4) With avrh 7 dwoypagi}, as before: ‘‘The census itself called the first took place when Q.,” etc. The better known census under Q. was commonly regarded as the first Roman census in Judza: Lk. reminds his readers that there had really been an earlier one (Godet). This is very forced, requires the insertion of the article, which is almost certainly an interpolation, and assumes IL. 2-4.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 51 that the census of A.D. 6, 7 was generally known as “‘the fivs¢ census.” From Acts v. 37 it appears that it was known as “‘¢he census”: no previous or subsequent enrolment was taken into account. In his earlier edition Godet omitted the 7: in the third (1888) he says that this interpretation requires the article (i. p. 170). McClellan quotes in illustration of the construction: al7la 6¢ atrn mpwrn éyévero To modéuou (Thuc. i. 55. 3); alrn trav mepl OnBas éyévero dpxh kal kardoracis mpwrn (Dem, 291. 10); mpurn wey pqvvots evyévero ality Kard ToUTOW trav dvdpav (Andoc. iii. 5); atrn mpurn Snuoredhs Kplois éyévero dperfs mpds mwAabrov (Aristid. i. 124); and adds the curious remark that ‘‘the Holy Spirit would have us note that the Saviour of the World was registered in the jirst census of the World !” Hyyepovevovtos THs Xupias Kupyviov. Like wjyeudv (xx. 20, xxi. 12, etc.) and jyepovia (iii. 1), the verb is generic, and may express the office of any ruler, whether emperor, propretor, procurator, etc. It does not tell us that Quirinius was /egatus in B.c. 4 as he was in a.D. 6. And it should be noted that Justin (see above) states that Quirinius was procurator (éritporos) at the time of this census (Afo/. i. 34); and that in the only other place in which Lk. uses this verb he uses it of a procurator (iil. 1). This gives weight to the suggestion that, although Varus was legatus of Syria at the time of the enrolment, yet Quirinius may have held some office in virtue of which he undertook this census. Lk. is probably not giving a mere date. He implies that Quirinius was in some way connected with the enrolment. For what is known about P. Sulpicius Quirinius see Tac. Azza. ii. gomAyelll. 22. 1, 2, 23. 1, and esp. 48; Suet. .77. xlix. . Dion Cassius (liv. 48) calls him simply IomAvos ZovArixios. But he was not really a member of the old patrician gems Su/picia. The familiar word Quirinus (Kvpivos) induced copyists and editors to substitute Quirinus for Quirinius. B has Kupelvov, but there is no doubt that the name is Quirinius and not Quirinus. This is shown, as Furneaux points out in a note on Tac. Azz. ii. 30. 4, by the MS. readings in Tacitus; by the Greek forms Kuplyios (Strabo, 12, 6, 5, 569) and Kupijwos (here and Jos. Avz?. xviii. 1. 1), and by Latin inscriptions (Orell. 3693, etc.). Quirinius is one of the earliest instances of a person bearing two Gentile names. 8. Kat éemopevovto mdvtes arroypdpeoOar, Exaotos eis Thy EauTOd mékw. The «af looks back to ver. 1, ver. 2 being a parenthesis. The zavres means all those in Palestine who did not reside at the seat of their family. A purely Roman census would have required nothing of the kind. If Herod conducted the census for the Romans, Jewish customs would be followed. So long as Augustus obtained the necessary information, the manner of obtaining it was immaterial. Where does Lk. place the death of Herod? 4. *AvéBy S€ Kat “Iwotp dad tis TadtNaias ex médews NaLapér. For dvéBy comp. ver. 42, xvili. 31, xix. 28; Acts xi. 2; and for 52 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [IL 4,5 Sé kat see on iii. 9. Note the change of prep. from do to é But dzé is used of towns (x. 30; Acts villi. 26, xli. 14, xx. 17, etc.), and ék of districts (xxiii. 55; Acts vii. 4, etc.); so that there is no special point in the change, although it should be preserved in translation. Comp. Jn. i. 45 and xi. 1; also the ex of Lk. xxl. +@ with the azo of Acts xxvil. 34. eis wow Aauveid. That Bethlehem was David’s birthplace and original home is in accordance with 1 Sam. xvii. 12 ff. and xvii. 58 ; but both passages are wanting in LXX. In O.T. “the city of David” always means the fortress of Zion, formerly the stronghold of the Jebusites (2 Sam. v. 7,9; 1 Chron. xi. 5, 7), and in LXX moXts in this phrase commonly has the article. Bethlehem 1s about six miles from Jerusalem. Note that Lk. does not connect (~hrist’s birth at Bethlehem with prophecy. fits kadcirar ByOdecp. In late Greek 8o7us is sometimes scarcely dis- tinguishable from 8s: comp. Acts xvii. 10, But in ix. 30 (as in Acts xxiii. 14, xxvill. 18, and Eph. i. 23, which are sometimes cited as instances of éo7s= 8s) there may be special point in doris. Even here it may ‘‘denote an attribute which is the essential property of the antecedent,” and | may possibly refer to the meaning of Bethlehem. Comp. wédw xrioas TQUTHV, Tes vov Méug¢is kadetroe (Hdt. ii. 99. 7). ByOdeeu. “House of Bread”; one of the most ancient towns in Palestine. It is remarkable that David did nothing for Bethlehem, although he retained affection for it (2 Sam. Xxlil. 15); and that Jesus seems never to have visited it again. In Jn. vii. 42 it is called a xan, and no special interest seems to have attached to the place for many years after the birth of Christ. Hadrian planted a grove of Adonis there, which con- tinued to exist from A.D. 135 to 315. About 330 Constantine built the present church. D.ZB.? art. “Bethlehem.” The modern name is Beit Lahm; and, as at Nazareth, the population is almost entirely Christian. oixou k. Tatpias. Both words are rather indefinite, and either may include the other. Here otxos seems to be the more com- prehensive ; otherwise «ai zatpiaés would be superfluous. Usually matpia is the wider term. That a village carpenter should be able to prove his descent from David is not improbable. The two grandsons of S. Jude, who were taken before Domitian as descendants of David, were labourers (Eus. @. £. iii. 20. 1-8). 5. droypdpaca. ‘To get himself enrolled.” The aorist of his single act, the present (ver. 3) of a series of such acts. Both are middle, while droypdédeofar in ver. 1 is probably passive. We must not take otv Mapidp with droypdpacfa: it belongs to avéBy. It is essential to the narrative that she should go up with with him; not so that she should be enrolled with him. In a Roman census women paid the poll-tax, but were not obliged to II. 5-7.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 53 come in persun. That Mary had property in Bethlehem is a con- jecture which 1s almost disproved by her resourcelessness in the place. And if it was necessary for her to come, because she also was of David’s line, would not Lk. have written d1a 76 elvat adtous e€ oixov x. 7. A.P This reading is found in Syr-Sin.: ‘ because they were both of the house of D.” It is fuiile to argue that a woman in her condition would not have gone unless she was com- pelled: therefore Lk. represents her as being compelled: there- fore he has made a mistake. She would be anxious at all risks not to be separated from Joseph. Lk. does not even imply that her presence was obligatory ; and, if he had said that it was, we do not know enough about the matter to say whether he would have been wrong. Had there been a law which required her to remain at home, then Lk. might be suspected of an error. For avy see on 1. 56. TH epvyoteupévy atte, ovon éyxvw. The yvvarxi of A, Vulg. Syr. and Aeth. is a gloss, but a correct one. Had she been only his betrothed (i. 27; Mt. i. 18), their travelling together would have been impossible. But by omitting yuvac«i Lk. intimates what Mt. states i. 25. The ovoy introduces, not a mere fact, but the reason for what has just been stated. Not, he had her with him, and she happened to be with child; but, he took her with him, “‘ decause she was with child.” After what is related Mt. i. 19 he would not leave her at this crisis. See on i. 24. 6, 7. The Birth of the Saviour at Bethlehem. The Gosfe/ of Pseudo-Matthew (xiii.) represents the birth as taking place before Bethlehem is reached. So also apparently the Protevangelium of James (xvii.), which limits the decree of Augustus to those who lived at Bethlehem! For éw\yjo@noav see on i. 15 and 57. 7. Tov vidv adits tov mpwtdtoKov. The expression might certainly be used without implying that there had been subsequent children. But it implies the possibility of subsequent children, and when Luke wrote this possibility had been decided. Would he have used such an expression if it was then known that Mary had never had another child? He might have avoided all ambiguity by writing povoyevyjv, as he does vii. 12, viil. 42, ix. 38. In considering this question the imperf. éyivwoxev (Mt. i. 25) has not received sufficient attention. See Mayor, Zp. of Si. James, Pp. Xix—xxil. éorapydvwcev aitév. It has been inferred from her being able to do this thatthe birth was miraculously painless (rqv dévddwov Kino, Euthym. ), of which there is no hint. For the verb comp. opixdyn abriy éorapydvoca, “T made thick darkness a swaddling band for it” (Job xxxviii. 9). év $dtvy. ‘The traditional rendering “in a manger” is right ; not “a stall » either here or in xili. 15. The animals were out at BA THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [1I. 7% pasture, and the manger was not being used. Justin (77. Ixxviii.) and some of the apocryphal gospels say that it was in a cave, which is not improbable. In Origen’s time the cave was shown, and the manger also (Com. Ceds. i. 51). One suspects that the cave may be a supposed prophecy turned into history, like the vine in xix. 31. Is. Xxxill. 16 (obros oikjoe: ev tYyAG omAalw wérpas dxvpas) was supposed to point to birth in a cave, and then the cave may have been imagined in order to fit it, just as the colt is represented as “tied ¢o a vine,” in order to make Gen. xlix. 11 a prediction of Lk. xix. 30-33 (Justin, AZo/. i. 32). ok qv abtots Témos év TH KaTahUpatt. Most of the Jews then residing in Palestine were of Judah or Benjamin, and all towns and villages of Judah would be very full. No inhospitality is implied. It is a little doubtful whether the familiar translation “in the inn” is correct. In x. 34 “inn” is wavdoxeiov, and in xxii. 11 kardAvpa is not “inn.” It is possible that Joseph had relied upon the hospitality of some friend in Bethlehem, whose “‘ suest-chamber,” however, was already full when he and Mary arrived. See on xxii. 11. But xaradAvua in LXX represents five different Heb. words, so that it must have been elastic in meaning. All that it implies is a place where burdens are loosed and let down for a rest. In Polybius it occurs twice in the plural: of the general’s quarters (ii. 36. 1), and of reception rooms for envoys (xxxll. 19. 2). It has been suggested that the “inn” was the Geruth Chimham or “lodging-place of Chimham” (Jer. xli. 17), the [son] of Barzillai (2 Sam. xix. 37, 38), “which was dy Bethlehem,” and convenient for those who would “go to enter into Egypt.” See Stanley, Siz. & Pal. pp. 163, 529. Justin says that the cave was ovveyyuvs THs Kwuns, which agrees with “by Bethlehem.” The Mandra of Josephus (Azzé. x. 9. 5) was perhaps the same place as Geruth Chimham. 8-14. The Angelic Proclamation to the Shepherds: zrwxoi eiayyeAtCovrat (vii. 22). It was in these pastures that David spent his youth and fought the lion and the bear (1 Sam. xvii. 34, 35). “A passage in the Mishnah (Shek. vii. 4; comp. Baba K. vii. 7, 80 a) leads to the conclusion that the flocks which pastured there were destined for Temple-sacrifices, and accordingly, that the shepherds who watched over them were not ordinary shepherds. The latter were under the ban of Rabbinism on account of their necessary isolation from religious ordinances and their manner of life, which rendered strict religious observance unlikely, if not absolutely impossible. The same Mischnic passage also leads us to infer that these flocks lay out a// the year round, since they are spoken of as in the fields thirty days before the Passover—that is, in the month of February, when in Palestine the average rainfall is nearly greatest” (Edersh. Z. & TZ. i. pp. 186, 187). For details of S IL. 8, 9.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 55 the life of a shepherd see D.Z. art. “Shepherds,” and Herzog, PRE.? art. “ Viehzucht und Hirtenleven.” 8. dypavdodvtes. Making the dypds their aiAy, and so “ spend- ing their life in the open air”: a late and rare word, whereas dypavdos is class. This statement is by no means conclusive against December as the time of the year. The season may have been a mild one; it is not certain that all sheep were brought under cover at night during the winter months It is of the flocks in the wz/derness, far from towns or villages, that the often quoted saying was true, that they were taken out in March and brought home in November. These shepherds may have returned from the wilderness, and if so, the time would be between November and March. But the data for determining the time of year are so very insufficient, that after minute calculation of them all we are left in our original uncertainty. Among those who have made a special study of the question we have advocates for almost every month in the year. The earliest attempts to fix the day of which we have knowledge are those mentioned (and apparently condemned as profane curiosity) by Clement of Alexandria (Stvom. i. 21 sub fin.). In his time some took April 21, others April 22, and others May 20, to be the day. What was unknown in his time is not likely to have been discovered afterwards respecting such a detail. December 25th cannot be traced higher than the fourth century, and it seems to have been adopted first in the West. We must be content to remain in ignorance as to the date of the birth of Christ. See on é¢nueplasi. 5; D. of Chr. Ant. art. ‘‘ Christmas” ; Andrews, L. of our Lord, pp. 12-21, ed. 1892. guddocovtes pudaxds. The plural refers to their watching in turns rather than in different places. The phrase occurs Num. vill. 26; Xen. Anad. ii. 6. 10; but in LXX tas gvAakas dvd. is more common; Num. iii. 7, 8, 28, 32, 38, etc. Comp. Plat. Phedr. 240 E; Laws, 758 D. The fondness of Lk. for such combinations of cognate words is seen again ver. 9, Vil. 29, XVil. 24, Xxil. 15, and several times in the Acts. See on xi. 46 and xxiii. 46. We may take ris vuxrds after puAaxds, “ night-watches,” or as gen. of time, “by night.” 9. dyyehos Kupiou énéotn adtois. The notion of coming suddenly is not inherent in the verb, but is often derived from the context: see on ver. 38.1 In N.T. the verb is almost peculiar to Lk., and almost always in 2nd aor. In class. Grk. also it is used of the appearance of heavenly beings, dreams, visions, etc. Hom. Z1. x. 496, xxiii. 106; Hadt. i. 34. 2, vil. 14. 1. Comp. Lk. xxiv. 4; Aes Xi 7, XXII. 11. Sofa Kupiou. The heavenly brightness which is a sign of the presence of God or of heavenly beings, 2 Cor. iii. 18: comp. Lk. 1X. 31, 32. In O.T. of the Shechinah, Exod. xvi. 7, 10, xxiv. 17, 4 In Vulg. it is very variously translated: e.g. stare juxta (here), supervenire (ii. 38, xxi. 34), s¢ave (iv. 39, x. 40, xxiv. 4), convenzre (xx. 1), concurrere (Acts vi. 12), adstare (Acts x. 17, xi. II, xii. 7), adséstere (Acts xvii. 5, xxiii. 11), zazmznere (Acts xxviii, 2). 56 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [IZ 9-11 xl. 34; Lev. ix. 6, 23; Num. xii. 8, etc. This glory, according to the Jews, was wanting in the second temple. 10. 6 Gyyedos. The art. is used of that which has been mentioned before without the art. Comp. 76 Bpégos and ry ¢drvp in ver. 16. M} doBetcbe. Comp. i. 13, 30, v. 10; Mt. xiv. 27, xxviii. 5, 10.1 For i800 ydp see on i. 44. evayyeAiLopat suiv xapdv peyddynv. The verb is very freq. in Lk. and Paul, but is elsewhere rare; not in the other Gospels excepting Mt. xi. 5, which is a quotation. See oni. 19. The act. occurs Rev. x. 7, xiv. 6; the pass. Lk. vii. 22, xvi. 16; Gal. i. 11; Heb. iv. 2, 6; 1 Pet. i. 25, iv. 6; the mid. is freq. with various constructions. As here, dat. of pers. and acc. of thing, i i. 19, iv. 43; Acts viii. 35; acc. of thing only, viii. 1; Acts v. 42, viii. 4, 12; acc. of person, iii. 18; Acts viii. 25, 40; acc. of person and of thing, Acts xiii. 32. ijtts Eorat watt 76 hag. “Which shall have the special char- acter of being for all the people.” The 77s has manifest point here (see on ver. 4); and the art. before Aad should be preserved. A joy so extensive may well banish fear. Comp. 76 Aad, i. 68, 77, and rév Aady, vii. 16. In both these verses (9, 10) we have instances of Lk. recording intensity of emotion: comp. i. 42, Vill. 37, xxlv. 52; Acts v. 5, 11, xv. 3. Dat. after ety is freq. in Lk. 11. eréxOn butv ojpepov cwmp. ‘lo the shepherds, as a part, and perhaps a specially despised part, of the people of Israel. Here first in N.T. is owryjp used of Christ, and here only in Lk. Not in Mt. er Mk., and only once in Jn. (iv. 42): twice in Acts (¥. 31, xiii. 23), and freq. in Tit. and 2 Pet. The 1st aor. of rixro, . both act. and pass., is rare: see Veitch. Xptotés kptos. The combination occurs nowhere else in N.T., and the precise meaning is uncertain. Either “ Messiah, Lord,” or “ Anointed Lord,” or “the Messiah, the Lord,” or ‘an anointed one, a Lord.” It occurs once in LXX asa manifest mistranslation. Lam. iv. 20, “The breath of our nostrils, the anointed of the Lord,” is rendered rvetua mpoowrov jpdv Xpictos kvpios. If this is not a corrupt reading, we may perhaps infer that the expres- sion Xpuords xvpios was familiar to the translator. It occurs in the Ps. Sof, where it is said of the Messiah kai ov« éorw dduxia év Tails Huepais adrod év péow aitdv, ott wavTes ayvol, Kal Bactreds airdv Xprords kvpwos (xvii. 36: comp. the title of xviii.). But this may easily be another mistranslation, perhaps based on 1 «This Gospel of Luke is scarce begun, we are yet but a little way in the second chapter, and we have already three wold t2meres in it, and all, as here, at the coming of an Angel (i. 13, 30, ii. 10). . . . What was it? It was not the fear of an evil conscience; they were about no harm... . It is a plain sign our nature is fallen from her or iginal ; Ileaven and we are not in the terms we should be, not the best of us all” (Bishop Andrewes, Serv. V. On the Nativity). 20 11-14.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 57 that in Lam. iv. 20. Comp. . This need not be limited to the saying of the Angel. It is rather the thing of which he spoke: see oni. 65. In class. Grk. Adyos is used in a similar manner; e.g. Hdt. i. 21. 2. Videamus hoc verbum quod factum est (Vulg.). 16. 7A8av omevcavtes Kal Gvevpav. For these mixed forms of the aor, see oni. 59. Lk. alone in N.T. uses omevdew in its class. intrans. sense (xix, 60 THE GOSPEL AZSCORDING TO S. LUKE [II 16-20. 5,6; Acts xx. 16, xxii. 18). In 2 Pet. iii. 12 it is intrans. as in Is. xvi. 5. Lk. alone uses dveuvploxew (Acts xxi. 4), but the mid. occurs 4 Mac. iii. 14: 2nd aor. in all three cases. The compound implies a search in order to find. In his Gospel Lk. never uses te without xal (xii. 45, xv. 2, xxi. ITI, etc.). Here both Bpégos and ¢arvy, having been mentioned before, have the article. 17. éyvdpicav. “They made known,” not merely to Mary and Joseph, but to the inhabitants of Bethlehem generally. Both in N.T. and LXX yvwpifw is commonly trans. ; but in Phil. i. 22 and Job xxxiv. 25, as usualiy in class. Grk., it is intrans. Vulg. makes it intrans. here: cognoverunt de verbo guod dictum erat tllis de puero hoc. But ver. 14 makes this very improbable. 18, mdvtes ot dxodcavtes. See oni. 66. This probably includes subsequent hearers, just as ver. 19 includes a time subsequent to the departure of the shepherds. The constr. €0atvpacav mepi is unusual. But in English “about,” which is common after “ perplexed,” might easily be transferred to such a word as “astonished.” 19. 4 8€ Mapia mdvta cuveTnper TA PHuata taita. ‘ But Mary” could have no such astonishment; neither did she publish her impressions. The revelations to Joseph and herself precluded both. Note the change from momentary wonder (aor.) to sus- tained reticence (imperf.): also that rdévra is put before the verb with emphasis. Comp. Dan. vii. 28; Ecclus. xxxix. 2.—cuvBd\\ouca év TH Kapdia adtas. Conferens in corde suo. From whom could Lk. learn this? The verb is peculiar to him (xiv. 31; Acts iv. 15 ; xvii. 18, xviii. 27, xx. 14). See small print note on i. 66. 20. So0fdLovtes Kal aivodvtes. The latter is the more definite word. The former is one of the many words which have acquired a deeper meaning in bibl. Grk. Just as ddéa in bibl. Grk. never (except 4 Mac. v. 18) has the class. meaning of “ opinion,” but rather “ praise” or “glory,” so doa in bibl. Grk. never means “form an opinion about,” but “praise” or “glorify.” It is used of the honour done by man to man (1 Sam. xv. 30), by man to God (Exod. xv. 2), and by God to man (Ps. xci. 15). It is also used of God glorifying Christ (Acts iii. 13), a use specially common in Jn. (viii. 54, x1. 4, etc.), and of Christ gloryfying God (xvii. 4). See on Rom. i. 21. For the combination comp. aiverdy kat dedogac- pevov (Dan. iii. 26, 55). For aivety see on ver. 13. waco. ois. For the attraction see on iii. 19. If jxoucav refers to the angelic announcement, then ka@ds refers to eiSov only. But qkovcay Kal eioov May sum up their experiences at Bethlehem, which were a full confirmation (xa$dés= “even as, just as”) of what the Angel had said. Schleiermacher points out that, if this narrative had been a mere poetical composition, we should have had the hymn of the shepherds recorded and more extensive hymns assigned to the Angels (5. Zwke, Eng. tr. p. 31). He regards the shepherds as the probable source of the narrative ; “‘for that which to them was most material and obvious, the nocturnal vision in the fields, is the only II. 20, 21.] THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 61 circumstance treated in detail” (p. 33). But any narrator would give the vision, and could hardly give it more briefly without material loss. The brevity of it, especially when contrasted with the apocryphal gospels, is strong guarantee for its truth. How tempting to describe the search for the Babe and the conversa- tion between the parents and the shepherds! Of the myth-hypothesis Weiss rightly says that ‘‘it labours in vain to explain the part played here by the shepherds by means of the pastoral tales of the ancients, and is driven to drag in, awkwardly enough, the legends of Cyrus and Romulus” (Leben Jeszt, i. 2. 4, note, Eng. tr. p. 255). As for the old rationalism, which explained the angelic vision by 2gvzs fatuzs or other phosphoric phenomena, which travellers have said to be common in those parts; ‘‘ the more frequent such phenomena, the more familiar must shepherds above all men, accustomed te pass their nights the whole summer long in the open air, have been with them, and the less likely to consider them as a sign from heaven pointing at a particular event” (Schleierm. p. 36). 21-40. The Circumcision and the Presentation in the Temple. This forms the third and last section in the second group of narratives (i. 57-li. 40) in the Gospel of the Infancy (i. 5-ii. 52). It corresponds to the Visitation (i. 39-56) in the first group. Its very marked conclusion has close resemblance to i. 80 and ii. 52. See introductory note to vv. 1-20 (p. 46). The absence of parallel passages in the other Gospels shows that at first this portion of the Gospel narrative was less well known. An oral tradition respect- ing the childhood of the Christ (when hardly anyone suspected that He was the Christ) would be much less likely to arise or become prevalent than an oral tradition respecting the ministry and cruci- fixion. We can once more trace a threefold division, viz. a longer narrative between two very short ones: the Circumcision (21), the Presentation in the Temple (22-38), and the Return to Home Life at Nazareth (39, 40). 21. The Circumcision. The verse contains an unusual number of marks of Lk.’s style. 1. Kai dre (vv. 22, 42, vi. 13, xxii. 14, xxili. 33); 2. gAnOevv (twenty-two times in Lk. and Acts, and thrice elsewhere in N.T.); see oni. 57; 3. row c¢. zmjin. to express aim or purpose (i. 74, 77, 79, ii. 24, iv. 10, v. 7, Vili. 5, etc.); see on i. 74; 4. kai introducing the apodosis (v. 1, 12, 17, vii. 12, ix. 51, etc.); 5. cvAAapBaverr (eleven times in Lk. and Acts, and five times elsewhere). See on v. I. 21. toi mepiteuetv atdtdv. There being no art. with jpépac (contrast ver. 22), we cannot, as in ver. 6 and i. 57, make the gen. depend on at.7épar or 6 ypovos. The éx7a does not take the place of the art. As Jesus was sent “in the likeness of sinful flesh” (Rom. vill. 3), and “it behoved Him in all things to be made like unto His brethren” (Heb. ii. 17), He underwent cir- cumcision. He was “born under the law” (Gal. iv. 4), and ful- filled the law as a loyal son of Abraham. Had He not done so, adk av GAws TapedexOy SiddoKwv, GAX’ droméugdOn dv ws GAASPvA0s 62 TIlE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [IL 21, 22. (Euthym.) His circumcision was a first step in His obedience to the will of God, and a first shedding of the redeeming blood. It was one of those things which became Him, in order “to fulfil all righteousness” (Mt. iii. 15). The contrast with the circumcision of the Baptist is marked. Here there is no family gathering of cejoicing neighbours and kinsfolk. Joseph and Mary are strangers in a village far from home. The reading 7d raldvov (D E G H) for avrés (N AB R & and versions) prob- ably arose from this being the beginning of a lection, ‘‘ Him” being changed to ‘‘the child” (AV.) for greater clearness. The same kind of thing has been done at the beginning of many of the Gospels in the Book of Common Prayer, ‘‘ Jesus” being substituted for ‘‘ He” or ‘‘Ilim”: e.g. the Gospels for the 6th, gth, 11th, 12th, 16th, 18th, 19th, and 22nd Sundays after Trinity. kat exdynOy. The xai is almost our “then” and the German da: but it may be left untranslated. It introduces the apodosis, as often in Grk., and esp. in Lk. This is simpler than to explain it as a mixture of two constructions, “ When eight days were ful- filled . . . He was called” and “Eight days were fulfilled... and He was called” (Win. hii. 3. f, p. 546, lxv. 3. c, p. 756) Comp. Acts i. 10. “ He was a/so called” is not likely to be right. The Vulgate and Luther are right. £7 postguam consummati sunt dies octo ut circumcideretur vocatum est nomen ejus Jesus. Und da achi Tage um waren, dass das Kind beschnitten wiirde, da ward sein Name genannt Jesus. This passage, with that about John the Baptist (i. 59), is the chief biblical evidence that naming was connected with circumcision: comp. Gen. xvii. 5, ro. Among the Romans the naming of girls took place on the eighth day: of boys on the ninth. The purification accompanied it ; and hence the name des lustricus. ‘Tertullian uses zominalia of the naming festival (Zdo/. xvi. 1). Among the Greeks the naming festival was on the tenth day ; Sexaryny éoriav or Ove. ovd\AnppOAvat This and corresponding forms, such as A7juPouat, mpoocw- mo\nuwia, and the like, are abundantly attested in good MSS. both of LXX and of N.T. See on i.31. xockla=“ womb” is specially freq. in Lk. 22-38. The Purification and the Presentation in the Temple. Here also we have a triplet. The Ceremony (22-24); Symeon and the Nunc Dimittis (25-35); and Anna the Prophetess (36-38). Symeon and Anna, like Zacharias and Elisabeth, with those spoken of in ver. 38, are evidence that Judaism was still a living religion to those who made the most of their opportunities. 22. ai fpépar tod x. Lev. xii. 6. Lk. is fond of these peri- phrases, which are mostly Hebraistic. Comp. 7 jmépa rév oa Ba- I. 22.) TIE GOSPEL OF TIE INFANCY 63 tov (iv. 16), or Tod caBBarov (xiii. 14, 16, xiv. 5), } 7uépa Taw afvpwv (xxii 7), and the like. rod KaSapiopod attay. “Of ‘heir purification.” The Jewish law (Lev. xii.) did not include the child in the purification. This fact, and the feeling that least of all could Jesus need purifying, produced the corrupt reading aiz7js, followed in AV. No uncial and perhaps only one cursive (76) supports the reading aurjs, which spread from the Complutensian Polyglott Bible (1514) to a number of editions. It is a remarkable instance of a reading which had almost no authority becoming widely adopted. It now has the support of Syr-Sin. The Complutensian insertion of dinp9pw6n alter 4 YAGooa avrov in i. 64 was less successful, although that has the support of two cursives (140, 251). D here has the strange reading avro8, which looks like a slip rather than a correction. No one would alter av7&v to avrov. The Vulgate also has purgationis ejus, but some Lat. MSS. have corum. The aurjs might come from LXX of Lev. xii. 6, drav dvamAnpwhGow al juépar kabdpoews auras. Note that Lk. uses xa@apioués and not xd@apots, which is a medical term for menstruation, and which Gentile readers might misunderstand, The meaning of airéy isnot clear. Edersheim and Van Hengel interpret it of the Jews; Godet, Meyer, and Weiss of Mary and Joseph. ‘The latter is justified by the context: “When the days of ¢heir purification were fulfilled . . . they brought Him.” Con- tact with an unclean person involved uncleanness. Purification after childbirth seems to have been closely connected with purifica- tion after menstruation; the rites were similar. Herzog, PRZ.? art. Reinigungen. After the birth of a son the mother was unclean for seven days, then remained at home for thirty-three days, and on the fortieth day after the birth made her offerings. Kata Tov vopov Mwucéws. These words must be taken with what precedes, for the law did not require them to bring Him to Jeru- salem (Lev. xii. 1-8). We have already had several places in ch. i. (vv. 8, 25, 27) in which there are amphibolous words or phrases: comp. Vill. 39, ix. 17, 18, 57, x. 18, xi. 39, Xli. I, xvii. 22, XVIii. 31, XIX. 37, Xxl. 36, etc. The trisyllabic form Mwiicojs is to be preferred to Mwofs. The name is said to be derived from two Egyptian words, mo = ‘‘ water,” and ugaz = ‘to be preserved.” Hence the LXX, a version made in Egypt, and the best MSS. of the N.T., which in the main represent the text of the N.T. that was current in Egypt, keep nearest to the Egyptian form of the name by preserving the v. Josephus also has Mwvo7jjs. But Mwo7js is closer to the Hebrew form of the name, and is the form most commonly used by Greek and Latin writers. Win. v. 8, pe 472” évjyayov. One of Lk.’s favourite words (iv. 5, viii. 22, and often in Acts). It is here used of bringing Him x éo the capital, like dvaBavévrwv in ver. 43. In the literal sense they went down; for Bethlehem stands higher than Jerusalem. This journey is the first visit of the Christ to His own city. 64 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [IL 22, 23, *lepood\upa. In both his writings Lk. much more often uses the Jewish form ‘Iepovoadyjp (vv. 25, 38, 41, 43, 45, etc.), which Mt. uses only once (xxiii. 37), and Mk. perhaps not at all (? xi. 1). Jn. uses the Greek form in his Gospel, and the Jewish form in the Apocalypse. The Jewish form is used wherever the name is not a geographical term, but has a specially religious signification (Gal. iv. 25; Heb. xii. 22). The Greek form is neut. plur. In Mt. ii. 3 it may be fem.; but perhaps zaca % woXus was in the writer’s mind. Neither form should have the aspirate, which a “ false association with iepds” has produced (WH. ii. 313; App. p. 160). This visit to Terusalem probably preceded the arrival of the Magi, after which Joseph and Mary would hardly have ventured to bring Him to the city. If this is correct, we must abandon the traditional view that the Epiphany took place on the thirteenth day after the Nativity. There is no improbability in Joseph’s going back to Bethlehem for a while before returning to Nazareth. See Andrews, Lie of our Lord, p. 92, ed. 1892; Swete, Zhe Afostles Creed, p. 50, ed. 1894. In any case the independence of Mt. and Lk. is manifest, for we do not know how to harmonize the accounts. Lk. seems to imply that “ the law of Moses” was kept in all particulars; and if so, the purification did not take place before the fortieth day. Mt. implies that the flight into Egypt took place immediately after the visit of the Magi (ii. 14). As Bethlehem is so close to Jerusalem, Herod would not wait long for the return of the Magi before taking action. We adopt, therefore, as a tentative order the Presenta- tion on the fortieth day, Return to Bethlehem, Visit of the Magi, Flight into Egypt, without any return to Nazareth. Tapacticat Tt Kupiw. The Heb. verb in Ex. xiii. 12 means “cause to pass over.” It is elsewhere used of parents causing their children to pass through the fire in offering them to Moloch, but is not then translated by zapiornps (Deut. xviii. 10; 2 Kings xvi. 3, XVli. 17, xxiii. 10, etc.). For rapaorjoa of offering to God comp. Rom. xii. 1. This rapacrjcat 7 xvpiw is quite distinct from the purification, which concerned the mother, whereas the presentation concerned the son. It is evident that the presentation is the main fact here. Not, “she came to offer a sacrifice,” but “they brought Him up to present Him to the Lord,” is the principal statement. The latter rite points back to the primitive priesthood of all first- born sons. Their functions had been transferred to the tribe of Levi (Num. ili. 12); but every male firstborn had to be redeemed from service in the sanctuary by a payment of five shekels (Num. Xviii. 15, 16), as an acknowledgment that the rights of Jehovah had not lapsed. This sum would be about twelve shillings accord- ing to the present worth of that amount of silver, but in purchasing power would be nearly double that. 23. The quotation (which i is not a parenthesis) is a combination of Ex. xiii. 2 with Ex. xiii. 12, and is not exact with either: KhyOyoerar a ay. perhaps comes from Ex. xii. 16; comp. Lk. i. 35. For wav apoev see Gen. vii. 23; II. 23, 24.| THE GOSPEL OF THE INFANCY 65 Ex. i. 22. The Stavotyov pytpav seems to be fatal to patristic speculations respecting Mary’s having given birth to the Christ c/awso utero, and therefore painlessly : see on ver. 7. Excepting Mk. vii. 34, dtavolyw is peculiar to Lk. (xxiv. 31, 45; Acts vii. 56, xvi. 14, xvii. 3); freq. in LXX (Gen. iii. 5, 7; Exod. xiii. 15; Num. iii. 12, etc.). 24. tobi Sodvar Ouciav. See on i. 74, and to the reff. there given addive7, Will. 5, 1X. 51,.xil. 42, xxi. 22, xxii. 6, 31, XXIV. 15, 25, 29, 45. This is Mary’s offering for her own purification: it has nothing to do with the ransom of the firstborn. The record of the offerings is considerable guarantee for the truth of the history. A legend would very probably have emphasized the miraculous birth by saying that the virgin mother was divinely instructed of to bring the customary offerings, which in her case would not be required. Ledyos tpuyovwr. ‘The offering of thepoor. It has been argued that this is evidence that the Magi had not yet come. But their gifts, even if they had already offered them, would not have raised Mary’s condition from poverty to riches. Only well-to-do people offered a lamb and a pigeon. Neither here nor elsewhere in N.T. have we any evidence that our Lord or His parents were among the abjectly poor. ‘©The pigeon and turtle-dove were the only birds enjoined to be offered in sacrifice by the law of Moses. In almost every case they were permitted as a substitute for those who were too poor to provide a kid ora lamb. . . . But while the turtle-dove is a migrant, and can only be obtained from spring to autumn, the wild pigeons remain throughout the year; and not only so—they have young at all times. Consequently, at any time of the year when the turtle- dove was unattainable, young pigeons might be procured. There is also a force in the adjective ‘ young’; for while the old turtle-dove could be trapped, it was hopeless to secure the old pigeon” (Tristram, Wat. Hzst. of the B. pp. 211, 213). 25-35. The Benediction of Symeon. He and Anna are repre- sentatives of the holiness which, in a time of great spiritual deadness, still survived among the men and women of Israel. They are instances of that ‘spontaneous priesthood” which sometimes springs up, and often among the lower orders, when the regular cziyy Have become corrupt and secularized. To identify Symeon with any other Symeon is precarious, the name being exceedingly common. He is introduced rather as an unknown person (av@pwzros #v). It is sometimes said that Symeon, son of Hillel and father of Gamaliel, would hardly have been old enough; he was president of the Sanhedrin a.D. 13. But ver. 29 does not necessarily imply that Symeon is very old. What we know of the Sanhedrin at this period, however, does not lead us to expect to find saints among its presidents. In the Gospel of Nicodemus he is called sacerdos magnus, and it is his two sons who are raised from the dead by oe and reveal what they have seen in Hades (Pars altera, bods) 5 66 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE [IL 25, 26. 25. év “lepoucadnp. It is remarkable that with one excep- tion (Rom. xv. 26) this expression is used in N.T. by no one but Lk., who has it very often (ver. 43, ix. 31; Acts 1. 8, ii. 5, VIET ix. £3, 21,,X: 30, xill. 27, Xvi 4, 3x0 11). In LXX it is common. ed\aBys. The word is peculiar to Lk. in N.T. (Acts ii. 5, Vili. 2, xxii. 12): lit. “taking hold well,” and so “cautious.” Lat. timoratus (Vulg.), ¢imens (e), metuens (d), timens deum (tr). Plutarch uses edAd@ea in the sense of “ carefulness about religious duties, piety”; but edAaBys is not thus used in class. Grk. We find the combination of these same two adjectives, Sixaros and evans, twice in Plato’s sketch of the ideal statesman. He ought to have both moderation and courage ; and of moderation the two chief elements are justice and circumspection. If he is merely courageous, he will be wanting in 76 dikasov kat evrAaBes (Polit. 311 B). See also Philo, Quis rer. div. her. vi., of the