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The Public Archives of Nova Scotia PREFACE oes purpose of this study was to assemble in one small volume all information that could be found in the Archives about the number of immigrants to Nova Scotia, in the period between the War of 1812 and the census of 1838, when the population of the province was assuming a more modern complexion and a Nova Scotian character was being formed. The study was necessary because, in the absence of specific returns of immigrants amongst official records, more vague and varied statements have been made about this period than about any other period before or since, and no one had hitherto made a sustained effort to collate the incomplete official records with the considerable amount of information given in contemporary newspapers. In undertaking this arduous task it was not expected that absolute certainty would be reached as to either the total number of immigrants in the period or the amount of personal property that they brought with them, but it was hoped that future estimates would have a better foundation in fact than previous conjectures, and this hope, at least, has been realized. In the appendices of this volume Dr. Martell has compiled with pains- taking care every item he could find in the documents and newspapers, and in the introductory chapters he has discussed the conditions under which these immigrants arrived as well as the attitude of local officials towards their reception and settlement. Incidentally, in looking for information on immigration, a number of references to emigration were found; and these also have been included as they shed some light upon the exodus to a Canadas and the United States as well as upon net immigration to Nova cotia. As a result of this prolonged research more than one persistent conjecture has been proved wrong. For example, the statement has been made repeatedly that Scottish immigration to Nova Scotia reached its peak in 1817 and ceased abruptly in 1828. These statistics show that, in the ten years subsequent to 1828, there were at least 8,066 Scottish immigrants. Moreover, we know from the reports of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, which were published annually after 1840, and from casual references in the Archives that almost as many Scots came to Nova Scotia in the decade subsequent to 1838 as in the previous decade, although more than half of them came between 1839 and 1843. It was only after the latter date that Scottish immigration gradually ceased. Similar revisions have been made in the traditional view of Irish immigration, which is shown to have been much greater in this period than was generally believed. _It is remarkable how many immigrants came to Nova Scotia in this period, in view of the fact that no effort was made on the part of the local government to encourage immigration, while the inept land policy of the Imperial government was a source of grief to both the local officials and the immigrants themselves. It was not until the 1860’s that the local govern- ment appointed an immigration agent to solicit and care for immigrants, and not until the 1840’s that immigration began to be considered as more than a necessary evil. Prior to that date only immigrants of moderate means, who could pay their fees on grants of land or purchase outright, were welcome; and the opinion was expressed frequently that the unoccupied lands of the province would all be required for the natural increase of the population. It was only when the reformers gradually made their views prevail that the annual sale of crown lands by auction was dispensed with and that these lands were sold promptly to immigrants, at any time and at a nominal fixed price within the reach of all. To achieve this boon, the reformers insisted that every newcomer added to the value of the province and that even the penniless immigrant, though at first he might appear a burden, if put readily to work on the land, by persevering industry he would soon lay the foundation of a happy home. On the whole, this study presents a dark picture, no doubt because only instances of hardship or abuse came to the attention of the public, while © those immigrants who arrived in good health and were able to get settled without appeals to charity wrote quietly to their fellow countrymen to come and do likewise. But the majority of those who came after 1827, when the sale of crown lands was commenced, were blessed with only good health, rugged constitutions and the will to independence. In this spirit, they were able to triumph over all difficulties and, in the second generation, to justify the faith of those Nova Scotians who objected to the exclusive policy of the Family Compact and its land-jobbing supporters. D. C. Harvey Halifax, October 15, 1942 CONTENTS MePENMIGRATION - = = = = 3 =) = Ss = = = II. AvritupE AND Pouicy or Nova ScoTIA - - - = - MEEDEMSIGHATION = -. = = =) = ‘Sse 8 oe oe APPENDICES: I. Immigration (detailed information with references) - - II. Passengers from the British Isles and Newfoundland (totals) III. Passengers from Newfoundland (totals) =! Slate gece IV. Passengers from other British North American Colonies—to Rialitass (GOtals)) Yas See Pe i V. Passengers from the United States—to Halifax (totals) - - VI. Grand Totals for immigration - - - - - - - - VII. Emigration (detailed information with references) - - - VII. ‘Totalsfor emigration - - - - - = = = = = 15 100 101 ABBREVIATIONS P.A.N.S.—Public Archives of Nova Scotia, Halifax, Nova Scotia. C.O. —Records of the Colonial Office, Public Record Office, London, England. I IMMIGRATION Of the great movements of population to Nova Scotia, the last, which began directly after the Napoleonic Wars and had run the best part of its course by the late 1830’s although it continued with diminishing vigour for another decade or so, was the largest and most tragic. Unlike many of the Pre-Loyalists and all or nearly all the Loyalists, the immigrants after 1815 who came to Nova Scotia from the British Isles were not, with a few exceptions, transported at the expense of the Imperial or Provincial govern- ment, land companies, or interested individuals. They received no implements or utensils to start them off, no regular rations to carry them over the first hard year or more, and no land laid out free of charge. Even the Scots who had arrived at the end of the eighteenth century and during and shortly after the Peace of Amiens, while obliged to pay for their passage and to fend for themselves in the uncleared forests on the Gulf Shore, had sailed in ships which, although often crowded, were not reputed for the mass misery, filth, and disease that marked the immigrant “‘coffins’”’ of later years, and on their arrival they had found plenty of good land. Settlers from the old country, no matter how indigent, were then a welcome addition to the population. Not until the late 1820’s and the 1830’s, when the post- war immigration from Britain had been going on for ten and fifteen years, were Nova Scotians upset by.the very sight of another shipload of poor, sickly souls. How many would need hospital care this time? How many would have to be put in the poor house? Where would the rest be settled? Land was supposed to be sold, not granted, after 1827, and the new-comers some- times had seareely a shilling between them. Even if grants were still allowed, they couldn’t afford the fees. These were the problems faced at the main ports of immigration, Halifax, Sydney, and Pictou. In the out-of-the-way places, where there were no Customs officers, no surveyors, no magistrates, no officials, in fact, on hand to see the shipmasters dump their human cargoes on the shore, and only a few settled people with scanty provisions which generosity soon scaled down to a minimum for home consumption, in these places immigrants had to rely largely on their own initiative and willingness to co-operate in order to keep alive. Many of them must have died, for these trying conditions came hard upon the ill effects of the voyage; but the survivors, having squatted on Crown land or, better still, on the large grants of absentee owners, found that they could eke out a living and, if in great want, secure from the authorities at Halifax or in the nearest town a measure of oat meal or corn meal and seed potatoes. The total number of immigrants in this period, 1815-38, will probably always be a matter for conjecture. One may well hesitate to hazard even an estimate, although, needless to say, estimates have been made and even 8 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA positive statements, based for the most part on little other authority than previous estimates and statements. The fact is that the authorities of the time did not know the extent of immigration. Some of them admitted that they had no idea of the numbers who arrived at the outports and disappeared into the woods. But not all of them were so frank. When the Imperial government in 1830 asked for a report on immigration to the province, the Customs officers at Halifax in order to cover their ignorance sent figures for the years 1810-31 which were purportedly for the whole province but in fact only for Halifax—and even for that port they were inadequate! This study accounts for 37,500 immigrants direct from the British Isles, over 1,700 from Newfoundland most of whom had probably come from Ireland a few years earlier, about 1,400 “‘passengers,’”’ nearly all in the steerage, from the United States, Quebec, and New Brunswick, some of whom were doubtless British immigrants who had relatives or who had heard of particular opportunities in Nova Scotia, about 1,700 refugee Negroes taken from the United States, and 600 to 700 disbanded soldiers and pensioners, making a total of 43,000. All but 1,700 of these were counted at Halifax, Sydney, and Pictou. The shipping and customs records for these ports are incomplete, and there are practically no such records for other ports. It is possible that there may have been ten or twenty thousand more immigrants, perhaps less than ten or even more than twenty, there is now no way of telling. Whatever the additional number, it was offset by early death and emigration, for the established population of the province in this period increased from about 75,000 in 1815" to about 200,000 in 1838, an advance of about 125,000 of which 85,000 more or less may be attributed to natural increase. Immigration, therefore, made a permanent addition that was at least in the vicinity of 40,000. This study shows further, what has long been taken for granted but never confirmed, that among the immigrants to Nova Scotia in these years, the Scots predominated, the Irish were a fair second, and the English a poor third. Most of the Scots came from the Highlands and Western Isles, most of the Irish from Southern Ireland, and most of the English probably 1. The census of 1817 accounted for a population of 86,668 in the peninsula. The figures found in the course Of this study show that at ieast 7,682 immigrants, Negroes, and disbanded soldiers came to the province in the years 1815-17. Immigration was doubtless offset to some degree by emigration, but when the natural increase is considered, the population of the i a and Cape Breton in 1815 would seem to have been about 75,000. The six to seven thousand people who were in Cape Breton, a separate colony from 1784 to 1820, are included for the purpose of comparison with the population of the united province in 1838. The figure usually given for the population of the peninsula in 1817 is 82,053. Only a few of the census returns for 1817 are extant, but when the census of 1827 was tabled, the com- ees figures for 1817 were given. These totalled 82,052 and have been accepted as correct. ut in the General Information Book of Charles Morris, Surveyor-General of Nova Scotia, published in part in the Appendix to Colonel Cockburn’s Reportin | 827 ig Blue Book), the figures for the population in 1817 add up to 86,668. The difference lies mainly in the fact that Morris included under the head of ‘‘Counties,”’ the districts of Yarmouth and Argyle (population: 5,892) which are omitted in the list for 1817 accompanying the census table for 1827 (Council Minutes, April 7, 1828). Up to now, there has been no reason to suspect this omission in the Jater list because Shelburne County, which is included, then took in the districts of Yarmouth and Argyle. In Morris’s list, Shelburne has a population of 7,719. In the later list, it is 8,440. Only in three cases, Halifax, Annapolis and Queens, do the two lists tally. An unsigned manuscript list found among the Halifax County Land Grants in the Public Archives of Nova Scotia is the same as Morris’s and was probably prepared by or for him. It gives the ‘‘Population of Counties’ in 1817 as follows: Lunenburg: 6,428; Sydney: 7,090; Cumberland: 2,965; Kings: 7,145; Shelburne: 7,719; Annapolis: 9,817; Hants: 6,318; Queens: 3,098; Halifax: 30,196; Yarmouth & Argyle: 5,892; Total: 86,668. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1816-1838 9 from Southern England. Of the total figure of 39,000 for the British Isles and Newfoundland, nearly 22,000 are thought to be Scots, 13,000 Irish, and 2,000 English. This proportion probably held for the 2,000 ‘‘Passengers”’ whose ports of departure were not recorded. Only a handful of people came from Wales. An unexpected revelation of this research is that half of these 39,000 entered the province at Halifax. Sydney had 13,000, and Pictou 5,000. This may be explained by the fact that some of the returns for Sydney and Pictou are inadequate and that no returns were found for Pictou for five years and no returns for Sydney for four years. Little could be done about Sydney where the Customs’ officers did not keep records of immigration until 1821 and where there were no newspapers to supply local shipping news. It is known that immigrants were arriving at Sydney in these years, but no definite records were discovered. This is also true of Pictou. The suspicion that perhaps these years were really blank for Pictou was dispelled by the occasional reference in Halifax newspapers and by a perusal of the first Pictou paper, the Colonial Patriot, which began publication late in 1827. Then too there are the facts given by Helen I. Cowan in her British Emigration to British North America 1783-1837 (pp. 121-2): . . In the first six years after the war [1815] at least 19,000 passengers had sailed from the customs ports of Scotland to British North America. The greatest movement in the first years, 1816 and 1817, had been from the Caithness and Sutherland port, Thurso, to Pictou in Nova Scotia ... In 1819, consequent upor the removal of the Marquess of Stafford’s tenantry from their farms inland to small holdings on the coast, an even greater emigration took place to Nova Seotia. Notices of eviction were served in November, 1817; local papers gave touching accounts of the cruelty of the removals in 1819, though it now appears that all were given an opportunity to take up coast lands at a low rental. Some were enabled to remove by the activities of Donald Logan, a kinsman from Pictou; others by assistance furnished from the Sutherland and Transatlantic Association formed at Meikle-ferry-inn. By 1820 small tradesmen, mechanics, men of every occupation were joining the throngs of emigrating small farmers, and every port in the north and west was sending hundreds annually to Nova Scotia and Quebec. When comparing the census figures for Pictou in 1827 and 1838, Joseph Howe stated that immigration to that district was ‘‘probably greater than to any other part of the Province.’’® Possibly he was not thinking of Cape Breton but only of the peninsula, although the increase of people in Pictou had indeed been remarkable. According to the official count, it stood at 8,737 in 1817, 13,949 in 1827, and 21,449 in 1838. These census returns, while by no means accurate, indicate the changes in the population. They show that the rise in Cape Breton from 7,000 or 8,000 in 1817 to nearly 38,000 or more in 1838 was more rapid than in the District of Pictou. Although the high birth rate must always be taken into account and although there are relatively few facts about immigration to Pictou, it may be safely assumed that in this period Cape Breton received more immigrants than 2. Novascotian, Jan. 23, 1839 10 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Pictou. Also, although there is no proof, it is probable that more newcomers landed on the Island than at Halifax. If there are serious gaps in our information about immigration through the main ports, what can be said of the outports? Simply this, there is no means of knowing, even roughly, the numbers who landed there. It is quite certain, however, that immigrants were set down mostly on the coasts of Cape Breton and the shore of Northumberland Strait where the timber ships went, often with passengers for ballast, and the immigrant ships for Quebec which sometimes dropped off passengers for Nova Scotia. Archibald MeNiven, ‘‘the principal Emigrant Agent in the Highlands,” declared in 1832 that in the past twelve years he had transported 12,000 Highlanders to the Island of Cape Breton, the peninsula of Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and Canada, and that of these 7,000 had gone to Cape Breton alone.? If Mr. McNiven was not given to exaggeration, it is evident that he did not direct all his ships to Sydney where the Customs’ officers counted only 6,513 immigrants in all for the years 1821-1830, but, like other agents, allowed his charges to be left at the outports where there was no bother and no questions were asked. In their report for the above years, the Customs’ officers at Sydney admitted that “several Vessels arrive annually and land their passengers on the Western Shore of this Island, the Masters neglecting to make any report of the number, in consequence of an Officer not being stationed at Ship Harbour.’ Immigrant agents in the old country apparently had no compunction in sending immigrants to the most convenient ports regardless of promises to take them to particular destinations. A correspondent in Wallace, Nova Scotia, whose “integrity and veracity’’ was vouched for by the editor of the Colonial Patriot, wrote to that paper on July 29 (published August 4), 1832: The Brigatine John & Mary, from Belfast, arrived here on Thursday with 68 passengers. The deception practised on these poor people should be made public. They took passage for Halifax, where most of them have relations, but about an hour before they sailed, the Agent came on board and demanded their tickets, for the purpose, he said, of depositing them with the Captain, who, on their arrival at Halifax, would return them. Compliance with this demand was enforced by the threat of being turned on shore in ease of refusal. The vessel has now arrived at her real port of destination, Wallace. This statement the people made on board, to one of our Magistrates, in presence of the Captain, who assented to its truth, adding, that he himself, until within a few hours of sailing, thought that the vessel was bound to Halifax, and that the tickets had not been given to him. The emigrants are in a starving condition, and many of them pennyless;—among others, one poor widow, with 7 children, having a son in Halifax who wrote for her, paid £15 passage money— every shilling she could scrape together—and though she was promised a comfort- able berth, had to sleep on a box during a passage of 50 days, and destined to be east adrift one hundred miles from the place at which she was to be landed, without 3. C.O. 217/154 Alex. McIvor to Goderich, Stornaway, April 5, 1832. 4. C.O. 217/152, p. 413. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 11 a shilling to buy a loaf for her children. What completes the hardship of the transaction is, that 5s each, extra, was extracted from the poor wretches in conse- quence of our Colonial emigrant tax. Another type of deception was brought out by a correspondent in the Acadian Recorder of 1817 in connection with a ship that had carried passengers from Londonderry to Halifax. A hand-bill circulated in London- derry on March 31 of that year by “the agents and owners of the New- Brunswick Packet’’ which the correspondent enclosed was published with his comments: THE FIRST SHIP FOR AMERICA [Illustration of a Fine Ship Inserted Here] For Halifax & Prince Ed. Island, the beautiful fast-sailing ship New- Brunswick Packet, burthen 600 tons, copper-fastened and coppered to the bends, James Walker, master, will sail hence for the above Ports the first of May, and as most of the Passengers are already engaged, an early application will be necessary. For Freight or Passage apply to Mr. John M’Cleery, Broker, or to James Wilson Derry, March 31, 1817 Thomas Lindsay There is no part of the Continent of America that affords so great encourage- ment to Mechanicks, Farmers, Labourers as what British America does; on arrival out, an application being made to the Governor, grants of Land from 200 to 1000 Acres will be made out for EVER, according to the number in each respective Family —Mechanicks can earn 8 to 12 Dollars per Week, and Labourers six to seven shillings per day.” [Correspondent’s Comments] Now Mr. Editor, if any of your readers will take the trouble to go to Belcher’s wharf, they will see this “beautiful and fast- sailing ship” described as “‘copper-fastened and coppered to the bends and of 600 Tons burthen,” an old worm-eaten vessel with her rotten sides open to be repaired, leaky so as to require a continual working of the pumps, searcely a dollar’s worth of sound copper on her bottom, and in measurement about 350 Tons!! The falsity of the remainder of the bill is to the regret of many long resident mechanics, too well known already; and whatever disappointment the deluded passengers may feel upon the occasion, they ought at all events be grateful to a kind Providence for suffering such a bark to convey them in safety across the Ailantie$ Some of the shipmasters were unbelievably callous. One of them in 1831, bound from Galway, Ireland, to St. John, New Brunswick forced about sixty of his poorest and most sickly passengers to land on the uninhabited shore line near Digby Gut, Nova Scotia. The people of Digby and vicinity were soon startled to see “in detached parties, a number of wretched stragglers, men, women and children utter strangers to the country, without a guide, and without money or provisions of any kind.’’* Some- times the masters got the worst of it, as in the following case reported in the Acadian Recorder of May 30, 1818: ““Boston, May 19. Arrived Brit. brig Prince of Coburg, Hutchinson, 31 days from Cork, bound for Quebec; but was to have landed 95 passengers at Halifax; off which port May 13, the passengers took possession of the brig, drove the officers below; then 5. Acadian Recorder, July 26, 1817. 6. P.A.N_S., Assembly Petitions, Misc. B., P. Wiswall to R. D. George, Digby, Jan- 15, 1832 12 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA threatened to throw them overboard, if they made any resistance, and brought the brig into this port.” The deplorable conditions of life among the ordinary people in the British Isles in this period compelled many of them to clutch at the promise of the new world. Poor land, high rent, and, worst of all, the wholesale clearances made men miserable in the Highlands and Isles of Scotland, and over-population and periodic failures of the all-important potato crop caused wide-spread suffering in Southern Ireland, while for a time after the Napoleonic Wars the whole of Britain was in the grip of a severe depression. There was little or no provision for local relief. ‘In Ireland there was no poor law; in Scotland the mere rudiments of a system, and in England pauper legislation offered not assistance so much as additional difficulties.’’7 No wonder thousands left their homeland after hearing the stories of success among the earlier immigrants and thinking of the free land across the sea. The Atlantic crossing a century ago, especially in an immigrant ship, involved dire risk of death by disease or drowning. Perhaps the worst year was 1827 when the few regulations to protect immigrants were temporarily removed by the Imperial Government. The total disregard of many who dealt in this traffic for the welfare and fate of their passengers then became glaringly apparent. Although, like other immigrants, inured since child- hood to hardship, the Irish and Scots who arrived at Halifax and Sydney that summer were in a condition to excite the pity and wrath of all who saw or heard about them. Those who were not laid low by small pox, typhus, or dysentery were in an obvious state of exhaustion and weakness. The spread of disease among the local inhabitants and the consequent increase in the cost of public hospitalization and medical relief strengthened the determination of Nova Scotians that this should not happen again. A “Passenger Act’? was drawn up and went through the Legislature the following year. Local or Imperial enactments or both were in force after 1827 to curb ‘‘the cupidity”’ of the immigrant agents who for the extra gain were only too ready to crowd their ships to the gunwales and let them sail without doctors or even enough food; but while the excesses of 1827 were after that date against the law, they did occur. Passage on a small vessel when the captain was humane and picked up immigrants on his own was tolerable if the voyage did not outlast the provisions or, like not a few of the regular immigrant ships, end in a dismal wreck on the rocky islands and lonely coasts of the new world. After the ordeal on the Atlantic came the difficulty of getting a foothold in strange surroundings. Usually in a bad state of health, with little if any money and no influence, and but a few household goods, these immigrants would have been unequal to the task had they been less tough and persevering. Those who arrived at Halifax, Sydney, or Pictou could 7. J. L. Morison, ‘‘Emigration and Land Policy, 1815-1873,’’ Cambridge History of the British Empire, Vol. II, p. 445. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 13 if necessary secure medical care, temporary residence if not in a hospital at least in a poor house, comfort aad aid that were beyond the reach of those who landed elsewhere and walked straight from the shore into the forest; but friendly sympathy and help offered by older settlers served to brighten the lives of new-comers in the wilderness. Even mutual assistance and practical co-operation, however, could not cope with the failure of the crops which, whether owing to inexperienced calculation or unseasonable weather, happened frequently and necessitated an appeal to the authorities for enough provisions to avert starvation. Many a petition in this period was drafted in words as urgent as those sent from St. Peter’s, Cape Breton, on June 20, 1832: ‘The people of this neighbourhood are actually in a state of starvation, many families have not tasted bread or potatoes for several weeks, their whole.subsistence, being the fish they take in their nets, and even this support is seanty.’” The spring and winter were the times of extreme want. The magis- trates of Sydney wrote to the Provincial Secretary at Halifax in May, 1837, to tell him that during the past few months “‘the Distress amongst Emigrants in this quarter” had been so alarming that the magistrates had on their own account bought and distributed meal. They now sent the bill, £41 odd, to the Government, pointing out that The many eases of extreme distress which this purchase enabied us to relieve, convinced us that we should have been guilty of a neglect of duty had we failed to make the purchase. Many of the persons who obtained this aid came 40 or 50 miles for it, and carried the Meal from hence to their homes on their backs, during the worst travelling of last winter; which they would not have done had ’ not their necessities been very urgent; but so numerous were the applications that we could only very partially relieve any of them—and even some cases that requir- ed aid we could not at all relieve; for notwithstanding this purchase, many who applied to us we had it not in our power to give any relief to—the most extreme cases of want requiring aJl we had to give.® Hardship of this nature was particularly prevalent in Cape Breton where the climate and soil were more backward than in many parts of the peninsula and the inroads on nature, in the form of settlement, cultivation, and communication, still very slight. As the rest of the province had by this time largely emerged from the pioneering state, Cape Breton attracted the poorest immigrants. The poverty and insignificance of many of the new-comers in this period were as marked as the wealth and position of many of the Loyalists who had come in the eighteenth century. If Nova Scotia had been favoured by American gentlemen after the American Revolution, when the backwoods- men of the old colonies made their way to Canada, the position was now reversed. The aristocratic Lieutenant-Governor, Viscount Falkland, writing from Halifax in 1841, made it clear that ‘‘the greater number’’ of 8. Halifax Journal, July 9, 1832. 9. P.A.N.S., Vol. 252, Doc. 116, 14 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA immigrants to Nova Scotia, who “‘frequently’’ possessed ‘‘no wealth but their labour,’’ were in ‘‘a different class from those who emigrate to New Brunswick or to Canada.’’ Nova Scotia got the poverty-stricken immigrants, he thought, because of ‘‘the fisheries that are established all around the Coasts of Cape Breton, and on the western shore of Nova Scotia, which at once afford a subsistence to those accustomed to similar pursuits in Europe. [;] The inferiority of the disposable Land in this Province, as com- pared with that to be obtained either in Canada or New Brunswick and lastly the greater obstacles which are here opposed to the speedy settlement of the Agricultural Emigrant by the want of general surveys, and the system of sales [of land] by auction.’ Also, as may be gathered from Falkland’s letter and numerous other contemporary accounts, the short voyage to the province and the low fare,together with the prospect of a squatter’s paradise in Cape Breton, caught the attention of the well nigh penniless Scots and Irish who looked longingly towards America. Although the authorities in Nova Scotia did not welcome the influx of poor immigrants, they recognized that people who somehow managed to come on their own had a better chance of success than “‘assisted’’ paupers. The suggestion of the Imperial government in 1827 that the latter be established in Nova Scotia with the help of the British and Nova Scotian governments was effectively discouraged by the unanimity of local opinion. Everyone pointed out that the Crown in Nova Scotia no longer held large tracts of land that could be easily cleared and cultivated, and it was obvious, as Surveyor-General Crawley of Cape Breton said, that “the lazy inmates”’ of the poor houses [of England] would ‘sink into despair at the sight of stubborn forests and terrific winters.”” Then they would become a dead weight on public and private charity. But, as Crawley testified, even the voluntary immigrants who began as squatters valued their independence and only asked to be left in ‘‘undisturbed possession of a portion of the Crown Lands until they be enabled by incessant toil to obtain the means of securing a Title.’" © 10. P.A.N.S., Vol. 116, Falkland to Stanley, Dec. 21, 1841. 11. P.A.N.S., Vol. 335, Doc. 112, Crawley to George, Sydney, May 28, 1827. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 15 II ATTITUDE AND POLICY OF NOVA SCOTIA The attitude of Nova Scotia towards immigration, friendly at first, underwent such a radical change in this period that by the late 1820’s it had hardened into a policy of discouragement. The relatively few arrivals since the Peace of Amiens and the ease with which they had established themselves had given no hint of the trouble and cost connected with the influx of many indigent and often sickly people, particularly in a small province that could ill afford to give them the help they needed, whether medical treatment, hospitalization, shelter in poor houses, provisions before the first harvest and after crop failures, or even much good land. The experience after 1815, however, soon convinced Nova Scotians that they were in no position to encourage immigration (as the legislature had proposed in 1814). Little was done indeed to aid the settlement of those who came without invitation, and the passing on of many of them to the United States was generally regarded with indifference if not relief. The opinion was freely expressed in the 1820’s that, while small capitalists were always wanted, the province had had its fill of poor people. Although Attorney- General Uniacke while in London in 1826 assured the Parliamentary Committee on Emigration that Nova Scotia could easily take in thousands of new-comers every year, Colonel Cockburn, who on the strength of this statement came out to investigate, was told in very plain terms by the Lieutenant-Governor and other officials that Uniacke’s enthusiasm for settling the province had overcome his judgment. When Mr. Richards, another agent of the Home Government, reported in 1831 on the possibilities of settlement in British North America, a special Committee of the Council in Halifax stated emphatically that it would be unwise to promote immigra- tion to Nova Scotia. Finally, the Imperial authorities awoke to the fact that the province did not welcome immigrants, a fact that was sharply driven home in 1835 when some unwanted Chelsea pensioners were sent back to England. These actions of later years were in strange contrast to the words from Nova Scotia in 1814. Then, when the war in Europe seemed about to end, the Council and Assembly of Nova Scotia, speaking as was their wont for all British North America, “humbly” told the Imperial Government that henceforth immigration from Britain should be directed to the colonies. The United States, they said, had already derived too much strength from British immigration, and British colonies in America were now feeling its adverse effects. Local encouragement, they realized, should also be forth- coming, so they referred the matter to the Joint Committee on the Agricul- ture, Commerce, and Fisheries of the Province which on March 14 recom- mended that bounties be offered to immigrants from any part of Europe 1. Steely of the Council & Assembly to H.R.H. Prince of Wales, Journal of Assembly, March 16 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA except France, that circulars advertising the advantages of British North America be prepared in co-operation with the other colonies and distributed throughout Europe, and that local Committees be set up in the Counties and Districts of Nova Scotia to give the strangers a helping hand.? The time appeared favourable for the carrying out of these recommendations, but nothing was done in 1814, and after that it was too late because the practical impact of immigration during the next few years gave the legis- lators good reasons to revise their views. The Negroes who arrived during and directly after the War of 1812 presented the first problems. Former slaves in the southern American states, some of them had been enticed away by British offers of freedom and others, not so easily influenced, had been seized by British sailors and marines. Before the war ended about 1,200 of them were shipped to Nova Scotia. As slavery in the province had been for some years a dead institution, it was necessary for them to find employment. This was easy for the first arrivals, but by the autumn of 1814 there was no longer any demand for Negro labour. Writing to Admiral Cochrane on October 5th, Lieutenant- Governor Sherbrooke said that a number of the ‘Black Refugees’’ who could not get work had become ‘‘destitute of Food and Clothing” and in need of ‘Medical Assistance’ and he had, in consequence, been obliged to place them in the Halifax Poor House.‘ Probably excited by rumours or the knowledge that more Negroes were coming, the Assembly in an address to Sherbrooke on April 1, 1815, pointed out that ‘‘the proportion of Africans already in this country is productive of many inconveniences; and that the introduction of more must tend to the discouragement of white labourers and servants, as well as to the establishment of a separate and marked class of people, unfitted by nature to this climate, or to an association with the rest of His Majesty’s Colonists.’”’ They urged His Excellency to do all he could “‘to prohibit the bringing any more of these people, into this Colony.” A day or so later, Sherbrooke received word from Cockrane that, “agreeably to the Instructions” of the Imperial government, fifteen hundred to two thousand of the American Negroes were being sent from Bermuda to Nova Scotia.® Realizing that nothing could now be done except to make the best of a bad situation, Sherbrooke hurriedly arranged to send 500 of the new lot of Negroes to New Brunswick and to place the others temporarily under the care of the Collector of Customs at Halifax who, as an Imperial official, was to draw on the Treasury in London for his expenses.* In the post- war slump that was beginning to be felt in the province, there was no thought of trying to get jobs for Negroes. The Colonial Secretary, Lord Bathurst, was unable to understand how there could be unemployment in a new 2. Journal of Assembly, March 14. 3. P.A.N.S., Vol. 112, Dalhousie to Bathurst, Dec. 29, 1816 4. P.A.N.S., Vol. 111, p. 101. 5. C.O. 217/96. Sherbrooke to Bathurst, April 6, 1815. Cochrane’s letter enclosed. 6. C.O. 217/96, Sherbrooke to Bathurst, April 6, May 6, 1815 IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 17 country, but he said that this state of affairs would soon be remedied by the fortunate coincidence of His Majesty’s decision to allow the opening of coal mines. If the Negroes did not wish to become miners, but preferred to be farmers, then, Bathurst continued, they were to be given the same encouragements—free land, implements, and (for a limited time) provisions —that had been given in the eighteenth century to disbanded soldiers.? Accordingly, the Negroes, who no doubt wisely insisted on being near the centre of Government, were settled at Preston, Hammond’s Plains, and along the Windsor and Truro roads. Clothing for 1,000 men, 500 women and 500 children which had been sent by the Imperial government to Bermuda finally arrived at Halifax in the autumn of 1815 and helped to make the first winter bearable, although there were no shoes for the women and children.® The hope that the cold winter would make the so-called ‘‘Chesapeake Blacks’”’ seek a clime more suited to their constitution and abilities was not realized. The Imperial government offered them free transportation to Trinidad in 1816° and in later years, but, owing to their unfounded fear that this meant a return to slavery, very few left. Life in Nova Scotia was not easy but at least they could do as much or as little as they pleased, secure in the knowledge that the government would not let them starve. In response to their frequent appeals for help, hundreds of pounds were of necessity voted for them by the local legislators.” Another discouraging experience soon after the war was the settlement of disbanded soldiers. Placed along a projected road leading straight from Halifax to Annapolis and given every possible assistance, they were expected to establish thriving communities that would eventually make the road the main thoroughfare between the old and new capitals. How these high hopes were disappointed has been told at length,!! so it is unnecessary here to go into the details of the dismal story. Suffice it to say, that after great expenditure of public money—the Imperial government paid for the rations and implements—the net result was two straggling villages, Sherbrooke (now New Ross) and Dalhousie. The third, Wellington, had practically 7 CO. 217/96, Bathurst to Sherbrooke, May 10, 1815. 8. C.O. 217/96, Sherbrooke to Bathurst, Oct. 16, 1815. 9. P.A.N.S., Vol. 63, Bathurst to Sherbrooke, Nov. 10, 1815. Bathurst says that ‘‘“many Negroes from the more Southern parts of the United States’’ were ‘‘conveyed to Halifax contrary to the Intention of His Majesty's Government.’’ The Government was ready to take them to Trinidad ‘‘where every preparation has long since been made for their reception.’ 10. If the Legislature acted too late in 1815, they lost no time after they heard in 1833 of the emancipation of slaves in the West Indies, Bermuda and the Bahamas. Instead of petitioning the Lieutenant-Governor, they passed an Act (early in 1834) to prevent the “Clandestine Landing” in Nova Scotia of ‘‘Slaves, liberated Slaves, Felons or Convicts or persons having been Felons or Convicts.”’ Masters of all vessels (His Majesty’s ships and regular Government and Packet boats excepted) were obliged to go bond (£15) for every such person set down in the province, the condition being that the said person should not within a year become charge- able on any settlement ‘‘by reason of disease, bodily infirmity, age, child-hood or indigence or became a pauper or common beggar. On the ground of unfair discrimination against some of His Majesty’s subjects, this Act was disallowed in London, and the Royal pleasure made known to the Lieutenant-Governor early in 1836 in time for him to refuse his assent to a continuation of the Act. The re-opening of the gates, however, was not followed by the dreaded innundation. Nova Scotians had overlooked the fact that in the past most of the Negroes had been driven rather than drawn to the province. 11. J. S. Martell, ‘‘Military Settlements in Nova Scotia after the War of 1812,’’ The Nova Scotia Historical Society, Collections, Vol. 24. 18 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA disappeared by the 1830’s, and in time the spreading forest was also to reclaim much of the unfinished road. Except for a small Welsh community started behind Shelburne in 1818, the government sponsored no other settlements; but beyond counting were the individual immigrants who required and received assistance. Having exhausted most of their scanty resources in making the journey, many of them literally threw themselves on the mercy of the local authorities. The Scots who arrived at Pictou in 1815 were so destitute that the legislature voted £500 for their relief during the following winter, and still in May, 1816, the magistrates of Pictou wrote that every family, if not in “‘absolute want,’ was suffering from ‘“‘the extraordinary Searcity of provision.’ That happened to be ‘‘the year without a summer’’ when the whole province felt the pinch, and as a result food had to be imported in 1817 which turned out to be another bad year for crops because of the ravages of mice; but every year brought its demands from desparate clansmen trying to wring a living from the land with little more than the strength of their hands. Even more affecting than the reported plight of poor immigrants far away in the forest was the sight of those who landed at the capital. The legislators who watched the wretched Irish arriving from Newfoundland in the first winters after the war could do little else but loosen the purse strings. Finally, in 1818, the Council undertook to make it known in Newfoundland that Nova Scotia could no longer afford to look after the overflow from that colony.’ Evidently this situation had improved by 1831 when the Council stated that the only acceptable new-comers in Nova Scotia were “the emigrants who annually come from Newfoundland with acquired means to enable them to distribute and form settlements without any expense or burthen to the government or the Country.’ The others, who were given aid when it could scarcely be denied, had long been made to feel they were not officially welcome. The lack of preparation for immigrants, particularly in and around Halifax, naturally caused many of them to move on to the United States. Writing to the Acadian Recorder in April, 1818, one of the new-comers who styled himself a “‘Friendless Emigrant”’ stated that of the “immense number of emigrants, from the mother country, especially from the north of Ireland” who had arrived at Halifax the previous summer, only about “‘ten out of every hundred, or scarcely so many’’ were still in the provinee. His explanation of this exodus was clear: What is the reason that said emigrants have gone to the United States? why when they arrived in Halifax, and began to make enquiries for employment, instead of receiving any encouragement, their most sanguine hopes were entirely frustrated by finding many unemployed, and the farmers finding the country like to be glutted with emigrants, and concluding consequently, that labour would be for what they pleased, offered them very trifling wages in some instances (that I knew) less than they could have had at home, some travelled a Dozen or perhaps 12. P.A.N.S., Vol. 227, Doc. 116. 13. Minutes of Council, Oct. 12, 1818. 14. Idem, June_3, 1831. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 19 Twenty miles into the country, and seeing the barren aspect of the surrounding soil, (as it is well known that the land in the immediate neighbourhood of Halifax is perhaps the worst in the province) concluded they were in an unfruitful, inhospit- able clime, wished themselves at home in their native fields—but as that wish was then vain they (having none to give them suitable advice or reeommend them where they could find employment) immediately formed the ‘‘rash resolve” of proceeding to the United States, where they hoped to meet with friends and employment, and I believe many of them on arrival there, wished that they had made a farther trial in this province. . . . Those who emigrate with the intention of cultivating the soil, are told (or at least persuade themselves) that they will get grants of land free from expence —but they are not aware that a very considerable expence attends the receiving of a grant of land. I knew many who even intended to join farming who were quite discouraged and finally gave it up when they learned the difficulties attend- ing it; their pockets are completely drained by . . . interested speculators . . .” Although this statement seems rather strong, it was no doubt substantially true. A few months later, Agricola in one of his Letters protested that the strangers who had come to the province in the past two years had been allowed to wander neglected “‘through our streets [in Halifax] —the outcasts of the old world, and intruders on the new”’ until they had been forced to seek “‘in other regions the rest which was denied them here.”’ Most of them, he believed, would have ‘‘remained amongst us, had an Agricultural Society existed to point out their views, and find employment for their industry.’® Agricola’s confidence that an agricultural society would solve the problem was probably not shared by the ‘Resident Mechanic”’ of Halifax who in 1817 had expressed grave concern over the arrival of so many immigrants: What is to become of them, how are they to obtain a subsistence, is a question that not only concerns themselves but becomes our duty to consider as fellow Beings and friends of humanity. A great proportion of these Emigrants [the 1254 passengers who in the first three weeks of July, 1817, came on four ships from Scotland, four ships from Ireland, and one ship from England] are mechanies, viz. Carpenters, Taylors, Cordwainers, and Weavers, and it is a fact too glaring to be disputed that there is scarce half employment in their respective professions, for those who have been born in the Province, or become long and established residents—The only branch above enumerated that at present wears an APPEAR- ANCE of activity is that of a Carpenter, and God knows if it had not been for an unforseen Calamity, THEY would have been involved in the general Gulf .. . What Farmers there are, and of others that would be Farmers, the number is com- paratively small, they have arrived at a season when it is almost too late to obtain employment as husbandmen, much less to take advantageous possession of that “Grant of Land” they were led to believe would be so easily obtained upon their arrival.—Thus situated, it is but rational to presume, nearly the whole must become, in the winter season, a burthen upon the community; for at present, scores are obliged to sleep on the wharves—without a home—without shelter— without afriend, and without money . . . allowing that they obtain an immediate Grant of Land, how are they to settle upon it without implements of husbandry —without money to provide for their wants in winter, or without even the means to transport themselves to the ‘‘PROMISED LAND,” into a back country, without roads or any regular communication with the Capital?1® 15. Acadian Recorder, Aug. 8, 1818. 16. Idem, July 26, 1817. 20 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Here, again, a grain of salt may be taken, for this writer, like Agricola and the Friendless Emigrant, had his own object in view; but it seems certain from this and other evidence that immigrants arriving at Halifax at this time were disappointed by their reception and prospects. The Assembly of Nova Scotia, in response to a request of the Colonial Secretary, pointed out early in 1817 that the cost of getting a grant discour- aged immigrants in Nova Scotia and that other difficulties arose from the fact that the land being granted was far from the main roads and established settlements. To remedy this, they proposed that the new-comers should be given land “‘free from any expense,’ a few ‘‘Implements of Husbandry,”’ and provisions for at least the first eighteen months. The province, they were careful to add, could not afford to do more than build some roads and make available certain tracts of land by means of escheat.” The implication that the Imperial government should do the rest apparently made no impres- sion in London, and after a time the local government held ahead with its own plans. In the meanwhile, some individual Nova Scotians showed that they were not indifferent to the problems of immigrants. Early in August, 1817, four Haligonians, James Fraser, John Liddell, Michael Tobin and Samuel Cunard, inserted the following advertisement in the newspapers: EMIGRANTS In consequence of the difficulties into which some of the Emigrants from the Mother Country have been thrown, upon their first landing in this place; and of repeated applications from different quarters, several individuals have under- ‘taken to assist those Emigrants with information and advice—Their principal object will be to distribute them as generally as possible throughout the Province, that their labour may be more valuable to themselves and the country. In cases of extreme distress, it will also be the endeavour of these individuals to procure some small funds, from which a Loan may be made to those Emigrants who have no money, of as many shillings as may be sufficient to bear their expences in those parts of the country, in which they will be reeommended to seek for employment. —It is confidently hoped, that every encouragement will be given by the Magis- trates and other Landholders throughout the Province, to the persons who will be thus distributed among them, and especially by assisting in procuring employ- ment for them at fair and moderate wages... . From the tenor of these words, one would have reason to hope that the rate of interest on the loans was also ‘fair and moderate.’ Later that year, Lieutenant-Governor Dalhousie entrusted Tobin and Cunard with some of the public funds to aid immigrants arriving at Halifax to find places for them in different parts of the province.'8 Believing that immigrants needed even more help, some gentlemen in Windsor, the Rev. Dr. Cochrane of King’s College, the Rev. Christian 17. Journal of Assembly, Feb. 27, 1817. 18. P.A.N.S., Vol. 305, Docs. 121 & 122. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 21 Milner and several others approached the Council in 1819 with a petition in which they offered, in return for grants of 500 acres each, to convey out of each grant ‘50 acres in fee simple to any competent settler; to find him a house; and to give him as much work, at the usual price of the Country, as he can do in the space of two years from his settlement; during which time he may put his own lot in a state to maintain himself and family.’’ As each petitioner evidently expected at the end of two years to have for himself 450 acres of half improved land, the scheme was frankly one of speculation, but it was well calculated to clear the interior. It caught the favour of Surveyor-General Morris, and to encourage the petitioners, he was ready to grant their request for a cut-rate in the surveying fees and . “‘some aid’”’ towards opening a road in the proposal location, a section south west of the Ardoise Hills. Lord Dalhousie, however, was quite definitely opposed to the idea. ‘‘I do not think it expedient or advisable to counten- ance any such plan for settling this Province.’’ The majority of the Council agreed with the Governor.” The government of Nova Scotia was now taking its own steps to facilitate the settlement of immigrants. Escheats, mostly of Loyalist land, freed over 70,000 acres in 1819 and perhaps 20,000 acres in the two years that followed”!, and thousands of pounds were being spent annually in improving the old highways and making new roads. The Central Board of Agriculture, incorporated in 1819 and supported by provincial grants, lost no time in seeking information on the prospects of settlement and employ- ment. Nova Scotians wishing to let or sell their farms or in need of labour were asked to send particulars to the Board. Few immigrants, however, had enough money to rent or buy property. ‘‘They seemed rather inclined to accept of situations as labourers or servants, than to enter on the manage- ment of farms,’’ the Secretary of the Board stated in June, 1819.22 Two years later the government made what was probably its most helpful move. Boards of Land Commissioners were set up in the different localities to iron out irregularities in settlement, discourage land-jobbing, and assist poor people and immigrants in becoming established. Henceforth, instead of petitioning the Governor for land or walking many miles to the capital to - make a personal appeal, prospective settlers could apply to their local Board for a temporary ticket of location, and when the time came to take permanent possession, they were allowed to join with others (five was the limit) in one grant for the ordinary fee which was split between them. This system remained in effect until 1827 when, in reluctant conformity with Imperial instructions, the Surveyor-General of the peninsula (in Cape Breton, Crawley managed to delay the change until 1832) ordered that Crown Lands be sold. 19. P.A.N.S., Vol. 228, Doc. 120. The remarks of Morris and Dalhousie are written on the petition. 20. Minutes of Council, March 18, 1819. 21. P.A.N.S., Vol. containing records of the ‘‘Court of Escheats and Forfeitures.’’ In some of these records, the exact number of acres escheated is not given. 22. Minutes of the Provincial Agricultural Society, June 8, 1819. 22 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA While Nova Scotians were unable to avoid the land policy laid down by the Home government, they managed to persuade the powers in London that the province was no place to try out experiments in pauper immigration. Nova Scotia might never have been considered in this connection if it had not been for its own Attorney-General, Richard John Uniacke. Uniacke happened to be in London when the Parliamentary Committee on Emigration was sitting in 1826, and on being asked by the Committee to give his views, he declared that Nova Scotia could absorb fifteen to twenty thousand immigrants a year. He thought that they should leave voluntarily, however, and be willing to work after their arrival for the payment of their passage. He stressed the short voyage and the general saving of expense. Antipathy towards the United States made Uniacke anxious to build up British North America and his advocacy on this occasion certainly impressed his listeners. Summing up the evidence, Colonel Cockburn said: “If then, these cireum- stances are considered, together with the relative expenses of sending settlers to Canada or to Nova Scotia, it will, I think, appear manifest to the Commit- tee that the latter place holds too many advantages to be overlooked, if any general emigration should be decided on.” The following year, the Colonel crossed the Atlantic to prepare 300,000 acres in the Maritime Provinces for the reception of ten thousand people. It was hoped that the local governments would pay for the surveying and construction of roads. Thus as a result of the irresponsible words of one of its high officials, Nova Scotia was ‘“‘on the spot.” But the comments of the other authorities in the province soon disil- lusioned Cockburn. Lieutenant-Governor Kempt ‘“‘stated at once, that in his opinion the numerous grants of Land already made in Nova Scotia . would preclude the possibility of finding any disposable tract adapted to the purposes of extensive Emigration.’”**? Surveyor-General Morris, writing as ‘“‘a faithful officer of His Majesty’s Government,” confidently assured the Colonel that “‘as regards the Settlement of Emigrants in this Province, except on a limited scale & confined to the Counties of Sydney & Halifax and then of a particular Class of sober Moral habits and well disposed to labor—it will be found a delusive Project! but with regard to the Canadas & New Brunswick ... in these will be found an ample Field for the Redundant Population of the Parent Kingdom . . .”*4 When conversing with the Surveyor-General of Cape Breton, Cockburn said that it was very probable that no settlers would be sent there, to which Crawley replied that he would be “‘very glad”’ if the Island were overlooked because “‘the people who had of late years settled among us and who had numbers of relatives and countrymen that would gladly join them, if not prevented by restrictions and regulations [re. land], were much better suited to this climate and soil than any that the Parent State was desirous of removing.””® 23. C.O. 384/17, Cockburn’s General Report, London, Sept. 17, 1827. 24. P.A.N.S., Vol. 234, Doc. 39. 25. P.A.N.S., Vol. 335, Bundle 112, Crawley to George, June 11, 1827. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 23 In a letter published in the Acadian of April 20, 1827, one Nova Scotian undertook to point out for Colonel Cockburn’s benefit that the peninsula was ‘in a great measure settled, long before the foot of a European [settler] had left its print in the wilds of Upper-Canada, or in the forests of New- Brunswick.” “It cannot, therefore, be a matter of surprise if in this Province, (comparatively small and seabound) you find almost every spot, at all -ealeulated for Cultivation, already occupied, and all the best Land in the Country disposed of.’”’ There was still room for ‘industrious men, with industrious families, bringing in ready money from £500 to £1000” and for “‘a man with an industrious family, but with little or no capital, who would be content to be a Tenant.’”’ But Nova Scotia did not want assisted immigrants. ‘Do not send us a population here, who when you cease to feed them, become a burden on us.”’ The advice was not needed. Cockburn had already written to the Colonial Office to say that ‘“There has been such a general sprinkling of Settlers over the whole of Nova Scotia that I much doubt our finding any considerable tract of good land remaining there.’’® While Nova Scotians were evidently prepared to put off the sponsors of assisted immigration, they were caught napping by the laissez-faire | extremists in England whose success in removing all passenger regulations in 1827 led to the rush to the colonies of unassisted immigrants. The unexpected influx of people, miserable from the awful effects of their voyage, usually without money, and often suffering from small pox or fever, aroused the anger of Nova Scotians and led to demands for local restrictions on immigration. In Halifax, where, despite the establishment of a temporary hospital, disease spread among the inhabitants and hundreds of immigrants and residents died, the Acadian Recorder proposed that the masters of ships be obliged “‘to give security that their passengers shall not become chargeable upon the country within a certain time.’”’ ‘‘By some such measure,’’ the editor thought, ‘‘we should be freed from the burthen of supporting paupers without number and from the alarms excited by the annual introduction of fevers and small pox in their most malignant stages.’’?? The temper of Nova Scotians showed even in the official reports. After deploring the with- drawal of “‘the wholesome restraint which was formerly imposed upon the cupidity and want of principle of those who engage to provide them fimmigrants] with passages across the Atlantic,” the investigating Committee of the Council stated bluntly that something had to be done by either the British or Nova Scotian government.” Although an Imperial statute, because of pressure from all sides, was passed in 1828 to regulate the transportation of passengers, the Nova Scotian legislature deemed it wise to lay down their own law. The provincial act of 1828 provided that before any passengers could be landed in Nova Scotia, the master of the ship had to enter a bond to pay £10 for every person who 26. C.O. 384/17, Cockburn to Horton, April 8, 1827. 27. Acadian Recorder, July 7, 1827. 28. Minutes of Council, Dec. 21, 1827. 24 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA within a year became ‘‘chargeable to any Township or Townships in this Province by reason of disease bodily infirmity Age Childhood or indigence.” Heavy penalties were to be imposed on any master caught trying to evade this condition. Unless the Lieutenant-Governor saw fit at any time to suspend its operation, this act was to remain in effect for two years, which it did. In 1830 it was the first on the Assembly’s list of bills to be continued and was promptly passed; but in the Council, on the motion of Attorney- General Uniacke, its renewal was indefinitely postponed. The Council was apparently satisfied that the Imperial regulations of 1828, although not as strict as those of 1823,29 were sufficient to prevent a repetition of the experiences of 1827. The Councillors were still very definitely opposed to the idea of large scale immigration to Nova Scotia and when the oceasion arose in 1831 were not backward in expressing their views. On being informed in May of that year that the Imperial Government, after considering Mr. Richards’ recent report on British North America, thought it might be “‘adviseable to send out settlers in the course of the summer to Nova Scotia,” they appointed a Committee to bring in a report on the local situation “‘with as little delay as possible’ so that it could be forwarded to the Colonial Secretary.*° On June 3, the Committee reported that immigrants who needed help should be sent to the Canadas and New Brunswick where great tracts of untouched fertile land were easily accessible. What land was left in the interior of Nova Scotia, they said, could best be settled by the native population and immigrants from Newfoundland. The Surveyor-General of Cape Breton, writing on May 30 at the request of the Lieutenant- Governor, stressed the difficulties and expense of preparing big areas of land for settlers, and added that if ‘‘His Excellency can place any confidence in my opinion, he will advise His Majesty’s Ministers to send no more large bodies of emigrants hither, nor any numbers at the expense of Government until the vacant lands have been explored and sufficient time allowed to select situations.’’*! Both the Council’s report and Crawley’s letter were enclosed in Governor Maitland’s dispatch of June 6 in which he assured Lord Goderich that if the Colonial Office had determined to send out immigrants in 1831, he would do all he could to look after their accom- modation. The Imperial reaction, or lack of it, to the carefully considered statements of the Nova Scotian officials evoked from the Council in Halifax one of the most pessimistic documents of the period. Goderich wrote to Maitland on August 1 that His Majesty had appointed a Committee to collect information on immigration. Would Maitland therefore be kind enough to ask the Immigration Agent (by this time, the Colonial Office might have known there was no such agent in Nova Scotia) to give an 29. Three persons were now allowed for every four tons instead of one person for every five tons. 30. Minutes of Council, May 10, 1831. The Committee was composed of Charles Morris, Surveyor- General of the peninsula, T. N. Jeffery, Collector of Customs at Halifax, and Enos Collins, the wealthiest merchant and banker in the province. 31. Vol. 337, Doc. 33. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 25 estimate of ‘‘the Number of People of the Working Classes for whom it is probable that employment could be found next year in Nova Scotia?” If Maitland thought it desirable to send additional information for the immigrants before they embarked, Goderich would be glad to pass it on to the new Commissioners for Emigration. There was no reference whatever to the representations sent from Nova Scotia in June. Goderich’s dispatch and an accompanying statement of the Emigration Commissioners were laid before the Council on September 26, 1831, and were turned over to virtually the same Committee as before for ‘‘“more mature consideration.’’*? Not until November 26 did the Committee bring in their long, gloomy report in which they blamed Imperial policy for creating many of the conditions that, in their opinion, effectively discouraged the idea of further immigration. They concluded with these words: So little prospect does the present state of this Province and the Commerce in which its merchants are engaged afford for the encouragement of Emigrants that no Agent for Emigration has been appointed and the Committee conceive that all persons who will duly consider the circumstances of the Province must ultimately be of opinion that it would occasion great disappointment and distress to Emigrants who may come here to depend upon any encouragement or prospect of success not authorized and sanctioned by the British Government, inasmuch as, Ist. The Commerce of the Province, including the export produce of the industry of the inhabitants to foreign markets is under the control of the Imperial Parliament. 2ndly. The benefits to be derived from our fisheries can be enlarged restrained or annulled by Treaties or Acts of the Imperial Parlia- ment. 3rdly. The timber trade and the welfare of all the establishments branches of industry and shipping interests connected therewith de- pend upon the same tenure. 4thly. The power of granting Crown Lands ean be restrained or modi- fied at pleasure by His Majesty’s Government and from the existing mode the Emigrant cannot entertain a hope of benefit. The extent of human labor and the consequent encouragement of Emigrants in this Province must for the foregoing reasons entirely depend upon the pleasure of His Majesty’s Government. This forthright statement, doubtless reinforced in subsequent conversa- tions between Nova Scotians and the authorities in London, had, so far as immigration was concerned, the desired effect. When the well known land promoter, John Galt, approached the Colonial Office in 1834 with a proposal for a Land and Emigration Company ia Nova Scotia, he was turned down flatly. The official note reeommending the refusal pointed out that it had been “conclusively proved to the Emigration Commission that Nova Scotia is unfit for the reception of large numbers of Emigrants. It contains little good [unsettled] land in all, and that little is seattered in patches separated from each other by Rock and Impenetrable Forest. People in this Province 32. ors and Jeffery were on this Committee and H. H. Cogswell who was Collins’ partner in usiness. 26 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA frequently become dependent on charity, and the arrival of a ship full of Passengers is looked for [by] the Inhabitants with dread.’’% The protests of the Council, however, did not shake the Imperial officials out of their habit of thinking that what applied to the Canadas applied also to Nova Scotia. A harmless instance of this appears in the correspondence of the Colonial Office in the latter part of 1831. In a confi-: dential circular addressed to Maitland on September 10, Goderich asked about the likely attitude of the colonists if the Imperial government imposed further restrictions on ‘“‘the present irregular course of Emigration.” Perhaps, he said, the province itself wished to levy ‘‘a tonnage duty in the Port of St. Lawrence on the Shipping in which Emigrants are conveyed”’ or to compel ‘“‘the Emigrant to make some arrangement either immediate or prospective, for reimbursing the outlay which may be made by the Provinee in sending him to his ultimate destination.’’ Clearly these words did not apply to Nova Scotia, but in his polite reply Maitland stated that he had no doubt that any Imperial regulations based on the principle of the Nova Scotian Act of 1828 would be “favorably received.” Long before he received Maitland’s answer, Goderich made up his mind as to the best procedure. In another circular of December 11, he urged the local legis- lature to impose a small head tax, at the most no more than a dollar, payable by the master of the ship on all immigrants. The tax, he thought, should be doubled in the case of those who left the Old Country ‘without the sanction of the Government signified by a Certificate from one of the Officers of Customs at the port of clearance.’”’ Although Nova Scotians had had reason in the past, and would have reason in the future, to complain that the authorities io London failed to take into account the different local conditions across the Atlantic, they were only too ready to carry out this recom- mendation. The Nova Scotian legislature went to the very limit of His Lordship’s suggestion in imposing a tax on immigrants. Their Act, which was passed in short order in the session of 1832, provided that the owner or master of every ship from Great Britain and Ireland should pay for ‘‘each and every passenger” the sum of five shillings, Halifax currency. This was to be doubled if there were no certificate of clearance. The money thus collected was to be for “‘the benefit of poor Emigrants arriving in this Provinee.”’ When the news of this tax was published in the Scottish papers, Archibald MeNiven of Inverness-shire, one of the chief Immigrant agents, is reported to have said that it would be ‘‘the Cause of stopping emigration entirely to that provinee.’’*4 Although McNiven apparently intended to send elsewhere the 1,500 poor Highlanders then under his wing, most of whom were to have gone to Cape Breton in June, 1832, other agents continued to ship some of the charges to Nova Scotia. The unfortunate passengers paid . the tax. During an attempt to repeal the Act in 1834, Richard John Uniacke, 33. C.O. 217/157, Note of ‘‘F.F.E.,’’ Jan. 14, 1834. 34. C.O. 217/154, Alex. MeIvor to Goderich, April 5, 1832. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 27 Jr., member for the County of Cape Breton, declared that he had seen “the bedding sold from under a poor woman, to raise the money to pay back to the shipmaster the amount of that tax—and he had seen poor children begging through the streets of Sydney for the means of paying that exaction to which they become liable; by venturing from one part of the Empire to another.’’*> Children were given more consideration when the Act was renewed in 1836. The amendment provided that “two children, each being under the age of fourteen years,.but above the age of seven years, or three children, each being under the age of seven years, shall in all cases be computed as one person only; and that children under the age of one year shall not be included in the computation of the number of persons.’’%6 Nova Scotians would have been even more anxious to place a tax on immigrants in 1832, if they could have foreseen the expenses the province was about to incur on account of Asiatic Cholera. Warned early that year of the appearance of this dreadful disease in Britain, the local legislature passed, in addition to the ordinary Quarantine Act, a special Act laying down strict regulations and establishing fees to be collected by the Health officers when inspecting incoming ships. Suspicious symptoms among some Irish immigrants who arrived at Halifax at the end of April, 1832, were sufficient to send them to the hospital on Melville Island, but it turned out to be small pox and the patients were well by the end of May. The 23rd of the latter month was a day of public fasting and humiliation. But on hearing a month later of the outbreak of cholera in Quebec and Montreal, the Council decided that prayers were not enough, and accordingly, under the authority of the new Act, they set up a Central Board of Health at Halifax and local Boards throughout the province. Boats with full crews were ordered to be on the look-out for ships to take them into quarantine. On shore, medical supplies and hospital equipment were purchased and distributed. Where there were no Boards, local officials were empowered to carry out the intent of the Act. The Halifax Board of Health reported to the Council on July 31 that they had three hospitals ready. All these efforts were rewarded. In a message to the Assembly in the New Year, President Jeffery was able to say that the province had been spared the “awful visitation.’’ In view of this, he hoped that the members would “cheerfully”’ pay for the many measures of protection, but consternation must have been written over the faces of most of them when they heard that the total cost had been nearly £3,000. The immigrant tax and a few other receipts reduced the charge on the province to £2,436, but it was still unexpectedly high. . The expenditure of 1832, however, proved to be a good investment when, after a breathing spell in 1833, cholera again came to British North America and this time entered Halifax for a brief but deadly stay in August and September, 1834. On the 4th of the latter month, the Novascotian 35. Novascotian, Feb. 6, 1834. 36. This Act was kept on the statute books in a modified form until 1856. 28 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA reported an average of 35 new cases and 17 and 18 deaths a day. The first six weeks were the worst with at least 762 cases and 284 deaths. Fortunately the plague did not spread into the country. Except for a small bill for a cholera hospital in Lunenburg, there do not appear to have been any charges sent in by the local Boards of Health which still had the supplies and equip- ment purchased two years earlier. But trying to check the disease in Halifax was costly enough. Lieutenant-Governor Campbell informed the Colonial Office in a letter of September 30 that he was drawing the balance (nearly £470) of the £500 that the Imperial Treasury had granted to the province during the cholera scare of 1832. The provincial Treasury and private donors, he said, had already contributed more than £1,500, ‘‘by far the greater part” of which had been ‘‘applied in relieving destitute and half starved Emigrants either suffering from the disease or thrown out of Employ- ment owing to the almost entire cessation of business which it occasioned, and who as absolute Strangers in the Province, had established no claim to support or assistance at its expense.”’ The threat of cholera, small pox, typhus and other virulent diseases hovered over Nova Scotians so long as immigration continued. They felt uneasy whenever immigrants were reported at quarantine. There was always the possibility, which became an actuality at times, that some of them would tire of the interminable waiting and make a break for land. Immigrant ships bound for the United States, New Brunswick, or Canada but shattered by storm or in need of provisions, put into Halifax and other Nova Scotian ports where the Health Officers occasionally found disease among the passengers and, in spite of the most pitiful pleas, refused to allow anyone on shore, although days and even weeks passed before the vessel proceeded to sea. The quarantine regulations, especially after 1834, were quite effective, but this entailed expense which the province had to shoulder. Yet there could be a few complaints while Nova Scotia avoided a repetition of the attacks of 1827 and 1834 which, as it turned out, were by far the worst years. Although grateful for their relative freedom from immigrants and their attendant ills, Nova Scotians, after acknowledging the advantage of having a small colony already well settled, had themselves to thank. The Imperial government had shown little concern over their protests against the arrival of paupers and had done little to lighten the heavy cost of looking after these new-comers. The province did not even receive recompense for the time and money spent in saving shipwrecked passengers on their way to other places and sending them to their destination, or for the time and money spent in trying to stamp out sickness on ships that sought a temporary refuge in its harbours. Yet the Lords of the Treasury were greatly annoyed when Governor Campbell took matters into his own hands in 1834 and at the expense of their Lordships sent back to England 29 widows and orphans of Chelsea pensioners who had died of the cholera, a few pensioners (with their families they numbered 20) who were unable to find the work they IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 29 expected, and some ‘‘Commuted”’’ pensioners (with their families they numbered 27) who before they arrived had spent most of the lump sum they had received in lieu of an annual remittance.*” Stewart of the Treasury told Grey at the Colonial Office that immigrants like the pensioners who were shipped to the colonies at the expense of His Majesty should be kept there. The Secretary for War, Stewart said, was of the same opinion.* But the officials at the Colonial Office, although asked to make this clear to Campbell, apparently decided to let the incident pass without comment. The silence of the Colonial Office, it may be, indicated some sympathy for Nova Scotians in their trials with unwanted immigrants or at least some understanding of the local attitude and policy. 37. C.O. 217/159, Campbell to Stewart, Oct. 28, 1834, enciosed in Stewart to Hay, May 13, 1835. 38. C.O. 217/159, Stewart to Grey, June 24, 1835. 30 . PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA’ Il EMIGRATION Few definite records have been found of emigration from Nova Scotia in this period. Such statistics as were discovered are set down in appendix VII. Some general statements and observations made by contemporaries on this subject are recorded here for what they are worth. Not many established Nova Scotians moved at this time to the Canadas. Those who did seem to have been mostly from the Gulf Shore and Cape Breton where it was easy to get a ship going up the St. Lawrence. “The truth,”’ according to the Colonial Patriot of Pictou in 1831, was that ‘from time to time’’ the province was “‘thinned by emigration to the Canadas, the Ohio, and other remote parts, and in all ends of the earth, our young men are to be found, in quest of a living which they did not find at home.’ Officials at the port of Quebec during the years 1829-1838 inclusive counted 3,235 passengers from ‘‘Newfoundland, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, West Indies, etc.’”’ There is no saying how many they missed or what portion came from Nova Scotia, or how many of those who came from Nova Scotia had been shipwrecked while on their way to Canada or had been landed in Nova Scotia instead of Quebec. There are occasional references to Scots in Cape Breton migrating to Canada. The Justices of the Peace at Whycocomagh, for instance, when petitioning the Government for supplies for distressed immigrants in June, 1836, stated that the people were “hard working industrious highlanders well used to hard work in their own > country.” ‘‘They are however comparatively new Settlers and notwith- standing their constant toil the early frosts and heavy rains in autumn destroy their crops. Such of them as are able to procure passages are daily Emigrating to Upper Canada, but the great body of them cannot for want of means.’ Accounts of fine land in Upper Canada had led a number of Loyalists in other parts of the province to join their fellows in the “Lake Country.” The historian of Digby County, Isaiah Wilson, who lists about thirty Loyalists or their descendants who left Digby between 1822 and 1845, says that a good proportion of these were ‘“‘among the early citizens of the District of London,” and adds that since ‘‘a very large number from various other sections of this Province were also pioneers of a village in that vicinity, it was named ‘Nova Scotia Settlement,’ and is located in the County of Elgin, being now called ‘Vienna’.’’*? The shipping news of Halifax reveals very few people going to Quebec. Seventy in the steerage was the most for any one year, and they were all taken in one trip of the Royal William in 1833. So far as Halifax was concerned, there appear to have been more passengers coming from Quebec. In general, the people in Nova Scotia, 1. Colonial Patriot, May 7, 1831. 2. P.A.N.S., Vol. 252, Doc. 82. ; 8. Isaiah W. Wilson, A Geography and History of the County of Digby (Halifax, 1900), pp. 152-3. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 31 especially the descendants of the Pre-Loyalists and the newly arrived Irish, preferred the United States to Canada. Immigrants who were disappointed in Nova Scotia, and many of them were, did not hesitate, when it lay in their power, to go to the United States. Many of the Irish never had any intention of staying in the province. They made Halifax, and often St. Johns, Newfoundland, before it, a convenient resting place on their way to wealth and freedom under the stars and stripes. It was of these Irish that Captain Henry W. Scott, R.N., Assistant Surveyor- General of the peninsula for seven or eight years after the War of 1812, must have been thinking when he told the Parliamentary Committee on Emigra- tion in 1827 that the greater number of immigrants landing in Nova Scotia proceeded to the United States. Those who got land, he said, usually stayed. In other words, not many of the Scots went south of the border. At least the Scots who came after the war and in the 1820’s were content in Nova Scotia. But in the 1830’s, when land had to be bought from the government and there was not much room or encouragement for squatters, even the Scots, after a dismal year or two, felt like pulling up stakes and those who could, did. Some went to Canada, and others to the United States.® When native sons and established residents of Nova Scotia also began to leave for the United States there was considerable alarm. The emigration of poor immigrants had not troubled Nova Scotians overmuch, but the loss of young people born and bred in the province and settlers of long standing was another matter. The close personal bonds and commercial connections between many of the Bluenoses and the Yankees had long meant a coming and going between the populations of Nova Scotia and New England. The net result, Lieutenant-Governor Wentworth thought in 1806, was in favour of Nova Scotia.* There was probably little difference then or for some time to come. Not until the 1830’s did the tide, which in the eighteenth century had carried thousands of New Englanders to Nova Scotia, turn definitely in the other direction and take away thousands of Nova Scotians. The Acadian Recorder estimated on August 1, 1835, that ‘within the last 12 months, not less than 2500 individuals have emigrated from hence to the United States, and these too, mostly of a different description of persons than have usually been the case: we allude to the mechanie.”’ This may have been exaggerated, but the regular packet boats from Halifax alone in 1835 took more than 600 steerage passengers to Boston and New York and brought back less than seventy. Over 600 again left the capital in this way the follow- ing year. Those who went by twos and threes in small trading ships were not mentioned in the newspapers, nor were the people in the outports who boarded vessels bound for the States or shipped on American fishing schooners. 4. Third Report of the Select Parliamentary Committee on Emigration from the United Kingdom, June 29, 1827. 5. C.O. 217/161, Campbell to Glenelg, July 16, 1836. 6. P.A.N.S., Vol. 54, Wentworth to Castlereagh, Feb. 3, 1806. 32 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA This last practice, William Crichton of Little Arichat told a Committee of the Assembly, had by 1836 become “‘general in Manchester Bay, the Gut of Canso, and the western Coast of Cape-Breton.’’ In June of that year, he had had ‘‘much difficulty in getting a crew of eight good Fishermen to man a Vessel for a Mackerel Jigging Voyage; though I searched the Gut of Canso from one end to the other, most of the best Fishermen were either already gone with the Americans, or engaged and waiting their arrival”. On the basis of this and other testimony, the Committee reported to the House in the spring of 1837 that ‘‘the Youth of the Province are daily quitting the Fishing Stations and seeking employment on board United States Vessels.’’ They agreed with Crichton that it wasa matter for “serious consideration.’ Nova Scotians left the province in the 1830’s for different reasons. The fishermen found that the Americans had better equipment and offered fairer terms, but it often happened, Crichton said, that when the voyage was over, the American skipper had no money on his ship to pay any men off at a provincial port, so the Nova Scotian, especially if a young man, “rather than leave his wages unpaid, and wait their uncertain remittance, concluded to proceed with the Vessel.’’ A winter’s residence in the States, Crichton stated, “generally terminates in his becoming an American Citizen, and paves the way for others of his family and former companions to follow.” Crichton’s fear that ultimately the shore population would be drawn off to the United States seems to have been shared by the Committee which accused the erstwhile Nova Scotians not only of deserting the province but also of ‘‘carrying on [illicit] trade and traffic for their new employers with the Inhabitants [of Nova Scotia], and injuring their Native Country by defrauding its Revenue, diminishing the operative class, and leaving the aged and infirm to burthen the Community they have forsaken and deserted.”” The extensive introduction of American manufactured goods and foodstuffs without payment of duty was, as Governor Campbell told the Colonial Office in 1836, extremely discouraging to ‘‘the Industrious Mechanic and Laborious Husbandman, who are now daily migrating to other Countries in search of Employment.’’® The blame for the emigration of mechanics is placed by the Acadian Recorder principally on the bankers who in hard times restricted credit. This applied largely to Halifax where the only banks were located, but other people who left other places were also influenced by “‘reasons of finance.”’ In 1837, James Skinner of Pictou wrote that there were “So many persons absconding from the Province in American Vessels, and the Steam Packet plying between Merimichi Prince Edward Island and this place’’ that the masters and owners of vessels were being involved in ‘“‘litigation and expence from the want of a person duly authorized to grant passes in Terms of the Act of the Legislature.’® As Skinner wanted the appointment, he probably did not understate the situa- tion. But conditions had not been good since 1830, the year that the de a of seats 1837, App. Vol. 114, Campbell to Gienelg, April 24, 1836. 3. P.A.N.S., Financial Mss., Treasurer’s Correspondence, Skinner to Wallace, Sept. 18, 1837. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 33 Imperial government admitted the Americans to the lucrative trade of the West Indies. A general gloom settled over Nova Scotians at that time, particularly those engaged in mercantile pursuits, as is evident in the disillusioned Report of the Committee of the Council in 1831. What with banking and currency difficulties and other troubles, there was an acute commercial crisis in- 1834. Commenting on the cause of the extraordinary emigration in 1835, Joseph Howe declared that it was ‘‘a very natural result of the state of things which had been created.’’!° Howe said there was no reason to be despondent because “emigration ceases so soon as the supply of labour is no greater than the demand; and population pours in again, and confidence is restored and business revives.” When a depression struck the United States in 1837, Howe reported with some satisfaction that ‘‘The tide of emigration is turning. The Acadian [from Boston] brought down 13 steerage passengers; the Pictou from New York, 10; and we understand that a great many more may be expected.” But this was only a slight back eddy. While patriotic Nova Scotians preferred ‘to ignore the fact, when-they were not fighting to overcome it, the most powerful force behind emigration, which became stronger in times of local distress, was the attraction of the United States with its booming mill towns and building projects and its free land in the wide open spaces of the west. 10. Novascotian, Sept. 10, 1835. 34 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA IMMIGRATION APPENDIX I The chief sources of the following material are the shipping not in the newspapers and the Customs Returns. As the comparative figures given for the year 1833 illustrate, tl information afforded by these two sources was not always the same. Whe there are conflicting figures, the mean number is taken in making up tl totals. The Customs Returns are so inadequate that they are only include when reports in the newspapers appear to be incomplete. Overlappir references were noted when making up the totals. When “‘passengers”’ or ‘‘a number of passengers’’ were reported withot reference to their numbers, they are included in the totals on the followir basis: 50 for ships from Scotland and Ireland, 25 for ships from England ar Newfoundland, and 5 for ships from Canada and the United States. The: would seem to be very conservative allowances. Any excess would be moi than offset by the fact that from 1836 on (three years of this period), tw children and, if young enough, three children counted as one passenge The shipping news did not make this distinction, merely listing so man ““passengers.”’ Cabin passengers listed as such or thought to be such are not include Passengers mentioned by name in the newspaper, most of whom wet probably visitors, residents of the province, or military people, are nc included. Passengers on ships bound for other places that put into Nova Scotia ports are not included. Shipwrecked passengers, unless there is good reason to think they staye in the province, are not included. Some references to survivors of shij wrecks are given below, but in the totals most of them are not inecludec Any doubtful items, recorded below but not included in the total are marked with an asterisk. Wherever it is possible to be brief and yet give a verbatim report quotation marks are used, when the number of passengers, for instance is not spelt out in the original, viz. “143 passengers.”’ It is arbitrary perhaps to list all immigrants from Scottish ports a Scots, all immigrants from English ports as English, but by and large thi IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 35 was probably true. The results afford at least a rough guide to the national- ty of the newcomers. Some Irish, it is quite likely, sailed from Liverpool, England, but any loss to their number there is made up by putting down all passengers from Newfoundland as Irish. The great majority from the Old Dominion, it is certain, were Irish, but no doubt there were also some English. _. In looking up references in the Novascotian, it should be kept in mind hat in the 1830’s there was at times a ‘Wednesday’ and ‘“Thursday”’ dition. The shipping news that appeared in one was not always in the yther. 36 | PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA 1815 HALIFAX Negroes Public Record Office, London, C.O. 217/96, Sherbrooke to Bathurst, April 6, 1815 About 1,200 Negroes had been brought to Nova Scotia during the War of 1812 in the King’s Ships. [See, for instance, Acadian Recorder, Sept. 3, 1814: “Thursday, Sept. 1—arr. H.M. Brig Jaseur, Capt. Watt, 10 days from the Chesapeake; also, a Transport with a few hundred Negroes (dead and alive)’’] Vice-Admiral Cochrane had written from Bermuda (March 25) to say that he was sending to Nova Scotia 1,500 to 2,000 more Negroes. Idem, Sherbrooke to Bathurst, May 6, 1815 New Brunswick had agreed to take 500 of the Negroes. Acadian Recorder, (Halifax), April 1, 1815 H.M.S. Erebus, 12 days, Amelia Island, ‘‘62 refugee Blacks, from the island”’ Idem, April 29, 1815 H.M.S. Brune, 7 days, Bermuda, ‘‘200 blacks”’ Idem, May 13, 1815 H.M.S. Ceylon, 6 days, Bermuda. ‘‘The Ceylon brought 250 blacks; and a ship was to sail in a few days for Annapolis with a number more.”’ (His Majesty’s warships and transports continued during the summer and autumn of 1815 to arrive from the south, but the number of Negroes they carried was not recorded in the shipping news.) C.O. 217/96, Sherbrooke to Bathurst, Oct. 16, 1815 Winter clothing and blankets for the Negroes had come from Bermuda where they had been sent from England. More Negroes were in the provision ship and a frigate. In fact, almost ‘‘every Ship from the South- ward” had been bringing some Negroes, and “great numbers in addition”’ were expected. (The Acadian Recorder of Aug. 24, 1816, noted the arrival of the Brig Ceres from Charleston, S. C., and Cape Fear ‘‘with about 40 Negroes, captured by the British during the war.’’) C.O. 217/98, Dalhousie to Bathurst, Dec. 29, 1816; P.A.N.S. Council Minutes, Nov. 29, 1816 New regulations for rationing refugee Negroes were established by Lieutenant-Governor Dalhousie late in 1816. Only the Negroes who had been sent by Admiral Cochrane since April, 1815, were to be consider- ed refugees. Three principal depots for rations (which were to cease June 1, 1817) were established at Halifax, Nine Mile River, Preston. Negroes at Hammond’s Plains, Preston, Refugee Hill (St. Margaret’s Bay Road), Waterloo Farm (Colchester Road), and on lands of individual proprietors were to continue to receive rations if they had been receiving them up to this date. But there were to be no rations for Negroes idling on the streets of Halifax unless they were too infirm to settle. A full IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 37 weekly ration was to consist of 7 pounds of biscuit, 4 10/16 pounds of pork, 2 pounds of rice. woman a half ration, and each child a third ration. Clerk in the Commissariat Department, was to superintend the issue of rations. Each man was to receive a full ration, each Richard Inglis, Return of Negroes made by Richard Inglis, Dec. 30, 1816 Where Settled Preston........ Hammond’s Plains.............. ‘Refugee Hill... . Town of Halifax Men Women Children a0 SOa laid aereT ae 319 257 348 201 131 172 RY ee lhe, Shae: 20 23 33 Ee te es 50 28 37 590 439 590 Total (It seems safe to say that at least 1,700 to 2,000 refugee negroes came to Nova Scotia after the war and stayed in the province.) Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1815 Idem CTOU 236 Scots Irish 94 Irish Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 227, Doc. 118 The following is a list of ‘“‘the Emigrants from Gt Britain” (Scotland) in 1815 settled or residing in the District of Pictou in the spring of 1816. Married, | Number th Names Age | Single or of Trade Where residing General Remarks Years| Widow | Children or settled a1 McLellan........ 25 | married 1 Labourer eae poor (0B Goraeaeas Cot Ree liam Murray........ 25 | single Farmer do m Cameron......... 18 do Labourer Lower peclomt at Service East River wion McLean........| 70 | widow maintained by Charity igus Cameron........ 31 | single Labourer at Service liam Cameron....... 25 do do do m Cameron.......... 60 | widow poor maintained by her friends igus Cameron....... \ 30 | married 3 do poor Swift () cc Oo.ba oon Cieueneee PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA 38 Married, | Number Names Age | Single or of Trade Where residing General Remarks Years} Widow |Children or settled wate Sutherland.. aa 56 do 3 Hoy West Branch very poor oan eee eeeeoties East River ie ore MeKay . 7 35 | married 3 do Lower Settlement} do do eee eae ‘)| 40 | married do do very poor t (Onis AG Sais: William McKenzie..... 22 | married Taylor do able to maintain his) wife:.c)Jone ee If John McKenzie....... 25 do Labourer do aa Ret InistwilGi ner ccs John McKay......... i 35 do 6 do do very poor Wile. howe tetera nee McKay uccin: 21 | single Taylor do Simon Fraser.......... 24 do Blacksmith do John Mathewson....... 21 do Labourer do Peter McCallum....... 17 do Clerk do Alexander Munro...... 22 do_ Carpenter do John McKay ......... \ 60 | married 8 Labourer Fishers Grant ae cas the Cate- ag Cieaisoguencogc ss chists or Instructors saan of the Parish from whence these Mc- : Kays came. William Ross . 30 | married 3 da do able to work but his wife ...... ; poor apne McKay . 32 | married 6 do do do is wife...... Hugh McKay 22 | single Weaver do John McKay 20 do Labourer do James McKay ......... 18 do do do Bee McKay <2... . \ 45 | married 5 Shoemaker do a@ very poor man Catherine McKay ......| 52 | widow Christian McKay..... .. 24 | single Fishers Grant Margaret McKay...... 20 do. do John McKay....-..-.. } 40 | married 7 Labourer do a poor Family hisiwitee ere Catherine McKay...... 65 | single do poor Mrs. Kirby...........- 40 {widow 3 Little Harbour since \ married ; Donald Ross........... 22 | single Labourer Fishers Grant sick from a Fall of a vee poe en ee support oO fa: James Ross.........-- \ 51 | married 9 do do TAU CEEH patie pickeetaeee dor Robert McKenzie . sac 60 do 2 do do Hhisiwiteeieen eee ero : Tonner Aeiiyn Ae } 25 do do Little Harbour igiwifemeei ieee Donald McKenzie...... 24 | single do do } William McKenzie..... } 22 | married Taylor hisiwife see ses oe ; ion IMiCK a yileere eect } 30 | married 1 Labourer Middle River very poor indeed his wif6.. Siew eiess tse we Christian Campbell.... . 38 | single do at service Siearel McKay ...... a0 do. 7 5 do oO John Fraser........... marrie } hisiwifOre nol eee } Weaver West River very poor ) aparece Hendry....... \ 30 | married 2 Shoemaker do ; IR iwilelercrswietesgas poo Alexander McKay.... } 40 | married 5 Labourer do These two Family | his wifes. 2.00.62 52. .- very oor indeed Donald Murray ....... \ 25 do 2 do do having lived entirely | isiwife ee sa aoe ue on at - pane | oO are able to hap them. Donald McKay ........ 23 | single do William BCR: ate ea E28, do do fexavdcr Ross . y 60 | married 5 Milwright do poor William Graham . . = : } 50 | married Labourer do very poor but in- his wife.......... aye i dustrious John McKay i i 25 | married do do poor his wife....... Ale | fee Murray........ } 72 | married Rogers Hill very poor Donald McKay .......\| 62 | married 1 Labourer do very poor ialesenties McKay.. ae 30 | married Taylor do Isiwile/cicesatee seioustee ee McKay....... } 23 | married 2 Labourer do Catnerinni Nein eh) Boll iwidew 1 do very poor William McKay....... \ 54 | married 3 Labourer do his;aife ta site pee tie E William Douglas...... } 26 | married 2 do do his) wife 05) ae Sees IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 39 Married, | Number Names Age | Single or of Trade Where residing Years| Widow |Children or settled mald Douglas........ 24 | single - Blacksmith do ne Douglas.......... 50 | widow 4 do nald Murray ....... } 40 | married 5 Labourer do Bk eawdicis tah’. an Fraser. } 40 | married 6 Weaver do Gis eritete Meld wie SMUROSS) crs we ees 70 | married 3 Farmer do eel aaies lliam Nicol......... } 40 | married 4 Labourer Mount Tom) Tl Gigs 6 7 teens chibald Gunn........ 21 | single do do zabeth Gunn........ 24 | widow 1 do mes Cameron....... \ 23 | married 2 Sawmiller do BwifOleccets visi s Mes RCI... 5 <= 05% ~ \ 28 | married 4 Labourer do an Simpson er. A ‘| 62 | married 7 Farmer do m Scot..... Tllllil.} 44 | married Labourer do on McKenzie........ 29 | single Carpenter do ed Sutherland. ‘| 45 | married 4 Labourer Scots Hill liam Sutherland... 3 60 | married 2 Farmer do org Munro ....... “4 36 | married 3 Weaver Caribou bert paiehericada .. } 46 | married 6 Labourer do bn n Sutherland... e,. 3} 45 | married 4 do do a MclIntosh....... \ 70 | married 1 do do sxander Munro..... } 30 | married 1 do do few ‘McKenzie. be. 4 35 | married 4 do do | TH Geos Sea nee nneth McKenzie. . a 48 | married 6 do do mes Ferguson. ee “| 33 | married Mason Harbour Mouth | WH Heise Aaeearerer sea omas McKay........| 20 | single Labourer do mnald iiaunbar Bee seenlieks 27 | married Labourer Harbourmouth RAWAL OMS eel nen gies. fherine McKay ...... 70 | widow do McKay .......... 60 | widow 5 do ip Munro). 62 =. ..-. married 1 Joiner Pictou Town a n McCailum. ae 4 45 | married 4 do mes Leaper. ee ic) 46 single a, Chainmaker do nlay Ross........... \ 50 | married 2 Shoemaker do ald Ross.......-. 5 60 | married Labourer do hn Rutty Cone 30 | married Shoemaker do ATG: icaapeueiaieseieh= +. aander Ross....... } 35 | married 5 Blacksmith do i ‘Thompson. rade 3 54 | married 4 Mason do lentine Laws eed: 3 29 | married 2, house Car- do BS bot Ge ee penter onge ; Paterson Site eR } 36 | married 4 ditto do hn Grant............| 23 | single ditto do illiam Fraser......... 29 |- Schoolmaster do illiam McKay........ 26 Clerk eanor Sutherland..... 21 Servant do argaret Sutherland. . 19 do | risty Sutherland . 36 do m McKay........... 20 do bella Menerzie.. 18 do argaret MeKay . . Bee sine as a ora Gally............ an McKay........... 18 r do do J ee eee Reiet ces \ 22 | married Taylor do mes Brown..........| 63 | single Mason do PROG Arh terercre.s, sdaigis seis; aes 5s 166 men & women.............. 200 children. General Remarks very poor These are all poor Families poor but industrious 3 Children able to support themselves his Family in Scot- land poor very poor very poor do do do do supported by his neighbours’ Charity very poor Industrious but now very poor sick since his arrival and very poor poor poor very poor frequently sick a great object of Charity an Industrious man a very industrious man poor able to support themselves not need- ing any assistance do works at his trade but poor 40 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA CAPE BRETON D. C. Harvey, ‘‘Holland’s Description of Cape Breton Island and Other Documents,” Public Archives of Nova Scotia, Publication No. 2, Appendix B, Census Rolls Cape Breton Island 1818 ; These rolls are incomplete (there is no return for Sydney, for saaieice): but in the absence of shipping lists, they indicate, in the column headed “Time on the Island,’ when some settlers arrived. A count reveals 28 Scots, 25 Irish, and 6 English who came in 1815. 1816 HALIFAX Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1816 201 Scots Acadian Recorder, June 1, 1816 Brig William, 43 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘4 passengers” Idem, Sept. 21, 1816 Brig Aimwell, 35 days, Thurso, 139 pastene “mostly farmers and mechanics”’ Idem, Oct. 26, 1816 Ship Lord Gardner, 59 days, Greenock, ‘Passengers’ Irish Acadian Recorder, Nov. 2, 1816 Hibernia, Cork, ‘105 farmers and mechanics, with their families’’ C.O. 217/98, Dalhousie to Bathurst, Jan. 2, 1817 ‘About 500 fine young men chiefly Irish’’ had lately arrived at Halifax “totally destitute of bread or means of subsistence.’”’ They were the overflow of ‘‘an immense Emigration to Newfoundland last summer.” Acadian Recorder, Dec. 14, 1816 Schooner Industry. and Susan, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘150 Passengers” Idem, Dee. 21, 1816 Schooner William-&-Jane, St. Johns, Nfid., “51 Passengers’ Schooners Haron, Susan, and Union had cleared St. Johns for Halifax with ‘‘Passengers’”’ (The Acadian Recorder for Dec. 28 is not in the P.A.N.S.) PICTOU Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 227, Doc. 116, Hugh Denoon & Others to H. H. Cogswell (Deputy Provincial Secretary), Pictou, May 12, 1816 “On Friday last seventy Emigrants arrived here from Leith in the ship Aurora most of them are of a superior class to those who arrived last year and it is probable that but few of them will remain in this IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 41 district but we understand that a great number more are to be expected in the course of this Summer.’’ Idem, Doc. 129, Denoon & Others to Cogswell, Oct. 15, 1816 “One Ship and one Brig has arrived here from N Britain with Passengers amounting as we understand to three hundred souls. . . another Vessel with One hundred and fifty more may be daily expected. —A great part of these people are of the most indigent Class without funds in this country .. ~”’ Colin S. MacDonald, “Early Highland Emigration to Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island from 1770-1853,’ The Nova Scotia Historical Society, Collections, Vol. 23 In 1816, the ship The Good Intent arrived at Pictou from Aberdeen after a two to three months crossing. In 1816, also, the ship The Three Brothers arrived at Nova Scotia from Hull with ‘‘some settlers.” C.O. 217/98, Dalhousie to Bathurst, Jan. 2, 1817 “In the course of last Summer a very considerable number of High- landers from Scotland landed on the Eastern shores, about Pictou, & joined a settlement of their Countrymen in that district .. .” ' HALIFAX-ANNAPOLIS ROAD Disbanded Soldiers & Pensioners J. S. Martell, ‘““Military Settlements in Nova Scotia after the War of 1812,” The Nova Scotia Historical Society, Collections, Vol. 24 The Royal Newfoundland Fencibles were disbanded at Halifax in June, 1816. Two captains, five heutenants, one ensign, one quarter- master, seven sergeants, and eighty-three of the rank and file, 99 in all, accepted the offer of free land in Nova Scotia. Most of them went to the new military settlement laid out for them at Sherwood and Sherbrooke (now New Ross) in Lunenburg County. The Nova Scotia Fencibles were disbanded at Halifax in July, 1816. Led by Captain William Ross, 172 of them are said to have arrived at Sherbrooke on August 7, 1816 C.O. 217/98, Dalhousie to Bathurst, Jan. 2, 1817 Many out-pensioners of the Chelsea Hospital had arrived and expected lands and rations. ‘I have no authority to grant them any support, —they are now here many of them in the most pitiful distress.”’ They said a great number were coming in the spring. Dalhousie recommended that they be treated lke disbanded Fencibles and located with them. =; BRETON D. C. Harvey, op. cit. The extant census rolls for Cape Breton in 1818 list 129 Scots, 47 Irish, and 4 Frenchmen (two from France and two from the Magdalene Islands) who settled in the Island in 1816. 42 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA 1817 HALIFAX In a letter of ‘‘A Resident Mechanic” of Halifax, dated July 25, 1817, and published in the Acadian Recorder of the following day, it is stated that since the first of July, 1817, ‘‘not less than nine Vessels have arrived from Europe, viz. 4 from Scotland, 4 from Ireland, and 1 from England, having on board 1254 passengers; the last arrival bringing advice that there are 5 Vessels taking in passengers for this Province, at Londonderry, and of 4 others at Belfast . . .”’ It is clear that the nine vessels between July 1 and 25 came to Halifax; but those that came after that date may have gone to other ports, Pictou or Sydney or elsewhere. Irish Acadian Recorder, Jan. 4, 1817 Schooner Isabella, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘55 Passengers”’ Idem, Jan. 25, 1817 Schooner Consolation, St. Johns, Nfid. (bound for Halifax, forced into Pope’s Harbour, Halifax Co.), ‘30 Passengers, principally Mechaniecs”’ *Schooner Shamrock, which left St. Johns for Halifax about Dee. 1st, 1816 with 49 passengers, believed lost. Idem, Feb. 8, 1817 Schooner Lively, St. Johns, Nfld. (bound for Halifax, forced into Beaver Harbour, Halifax Co.), “about 20 passengers” Idem, July 12, 1817 Schooner Angelique, 12 days, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘30 passengers” Idem, July 19, 1817 Ship Brunswick, Londonderry, ‘‘Passengers”’ ‘“’. . six ships with Passengers, were to sail shortly [from London- derry] after the B.”’ Idem, July 26, 1817 ; Ship Halifax Packet, Londonderry, ‘171 passengers”’ Idem, Aug. 2, 1817 Ship Marcus Hill, 53 days, Londonderry, ‘‘250 passengers’”’ Idem, Aug. 30, 1817 Schooner Critic, 28 days, St. Johns, Nfid. “36 passengers’”’ Idem, Sept. 138, 1817 Brig Mary, 63 days, Dublin, ‘88 passengers”’ Amelia, Colerain (North Ireland), ‘84 passengers’ Brig Hibernia, 55 days, Londonderry, ‘17 passengers’ Idem, Oct. 18, 1817 Schooner Union, 105 days, Dublin ‘‘via Newfoundland,” ‘65 passengers”’ IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 43 Idem, Nov. 1, 1817 Schooner Angelique, 10 days, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘“‘about 50 passengers, mostly labourers”’ Several vessels were to sail from St. Johns to Halifax shortly ‘‘with passengers” Idem, Nov. 29, 1817 Sisters, Burin (Nfid.), ‘46 passengers” Schooner Elizabeth, 21 days, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘28 passengers’’ P.A.N.S., Vol. 305, Doc. 121, Michael Tobin and Samuel Cunard to Dalhousie, Halifax, Feb. 9, 1818 “Tn the month of December last we were visited by above 300 Men, Women & Children from Newfoundland most of whom landed amongst us in a destitute State many of them being shipwreckd on their way here, & had lost the Remains of what they may have saved from the fires of 7th & 21 Novem’.” Acadian Recorder, Dec. 13, 1817 Brig Comet, 45 days. Cork, ‘30 Passengers” Idem, Jan. 3, 1818 “A sch. from Newfoundland, from Prince Edward Island, with 60 Passengers, was lost at Petit de Grate.’’ This was probably the Argyle which, according to Peter DeLisle of Arichat (P.A.N.S., Vol. 329, Doc. 47), was wrecked near “Petit Degrat’’ in December, 1817. The passengers and crew (64 in all) of the Argyle were given passage to Antigonish whence they probably made their own way to Halifax. ‘. . another sch. from the same place with 30 Passengers, [wrecked] on Antigonish Bar, about 3 weeks since; 5 men perished.”’ “A sch. from Newfoundland with 120 passengers, for Halifax, has been lately wrecked on Green Island.” x Scots Idem, May 3, 1817 Ship Protector, Greenock, ‘“‘a number of farmers and mechanics” Idem, July 5, 1817 Brig Helen, Kirkaldy, ‘‘North Britain,” “93 passengers”’ Brig Douglas, 63 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘several passengers’’ Idem, July 12, 1817 Ship Nancy, 80 days, Leith, ‘130 passengers’’ Brig Amity, 25 days, Kirkness (Scotland?), ‘125 passengers” *Brig Traveller, bound from Leith to Halifax, foundered about May 23. Crew and 30 passengers saved and landed at Charlottetown, P. EH. I. Idem, Aug. 30, 1817 Brig Prompt, 49 days, Leith, ‘‘bound for Quebec, with sixty passengers, —parted company several days since with four brigs for this place [Halifax], with passengers.’’ (When a ship was forced into Halifax - for provisions or repairs, the fact seems to have been always noted in the shipping news. As this was not the case with the Prompt, it may 44 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA be assumed that she entered Halifax to land sixty passengers. Other ships bound elsewhere occasionally did this.) Idem, Sept. 13, 1817 Brig Scotia, Leith, ‘120 passengers’ Idem, Oct. 11, 1817 Brig Prince Leopold, 42 days, Leith, ‘‘30 passengers” English P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1817 387 English Acadian Recorder, July 5, 1817 Ship Thomas, 58 days, Bristol, ‘‘between .30 and 40 passengers” Idem, Sept. 20, 1817 Ship Hercules, 56 days, Landon: about 10 passengers SYDNEY Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 329, Doe. 109 July 23, Hope, Greenock, ‘161 Male and Female Passengers”’ July 25, William Tell, Greenock, ‘‘221 Do Do Do,” Acadian Recorder, Aug. 2, 1817 “A ship and brig’”’ arrived at Sydney with “400 passengers, from — the Orkney Islands.’”’ (This ship and brig no doubt were the Hope and William Tell, before mentioned). Another ship with 250 passen- gers was expected at Sydney from the same place. CANSO Scots Colin 8. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 “Ship ‘William Tell’ came out to Canso, N. S. with settlers from Barra”’ in 1817. NEW HALIFAX-ANNAPOLIS ROAD Disbanded Soldiers J. S. Martell, op. cit., p. 93 ff. More disbanded soldiers were placed along the projected Halifax- Annapolis Road in 1817. In April of that year, Surveyor-General Morris wrote to Captain Ross of Sherbrooke: ‘‘You may soon expect —Many Setlers Germans and Highlanders on your Road between Gold River and Annapolis...’ In the same month, Dalhousie asked Lord Bathurst for permission (received) to grant free land to IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 45 _about fifty Germans of the 7th Batt., 60th Regiment. Another military settlement on this road, Dalhousie, seems to have been started late in 1817. . PETER’S Disbanded Soldiers P.A.N.S., Vol. 328, Doc. 31, John Luce to William Bruce, St. Peter’s. June 17, 1817 * “A party of the disbanded 104th Regt arrived here, last friday, from Quebec.” 2 Sergeants, 12 Privates, 4 Women, 4 Children. Where would Lieutenant-Governor Ainslie allow them to settle? Writing some years later (P.A.N.S., Vol. 330, Doc. 104), Surveyor- General Crawley said that he knew of “‘but one Settlement that has the smallest claim to the title of Military’’ in Cape Breton, and that was where “four or five Soldiers obtained free Grants during the Administration of General Ainslie.’’ Ainslie was the Governor in 1817. SEWHERE C.O. 217/99, Report of Surveyor-General Morris, enclosed in Dalhousie to Bathurst, Dee. 14, 1817 The Surveyor-General stressed the importance of preparing suitable lands for immigrants at ‘‘this interesting Crisis, when so many hundred Families of Emigrants are daily arriving in different parts of this Country, and desirous of being placed on Lands as near to the Public Roads, Harbours and Rivers as possible . . .”’ This may mean the scattering of immigrants after their landing, but more likely it means what we have every reason to believe that they were arriving at various places. Although no specific records were found for Pictou in 1817, it is known that immigrants were arriving there. 1818 LIFAX Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1818 1,637 Scots Acadian Recorder, April 25, 1818 Brig Louisa, 24 days, Aberdeen, “25 passengers” Aimwell, Aberdeen, ‘‘33 passengers” Idem, May 16, 1818 Brig Skeene, 40 days, Leith, ““85 passengers” PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, Aug. 29, 1818 Louisa, Aberdeen, ‘‘15 passengers”’ Ann, Leith, ‘‘129 passengers” British Queen, Leith, ‘131 passengers”’ Irish P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doe. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1818 ; 559 Irish C.O. 217/101, p. 441 In a letter of May 30, 1818, W. H. Reed, H. M. Consul General for the Azores, stated that he had sent 51 shipwrecked Irish immigrants to Halifax on the British schooner Swift. Acadian Recorder, June 13, 1818 Industry, Newry (North Ireland), ‘157 passengers.” The Industry some days later cleared for Philadelphia with “65 passengers.” Fame, Waterford, ‘103 passengers.” Idem, July 11, 1818 Brig Four Brothers, 47 days, Waterford, ‘‘50 Passengers’”’ Idem, Sept. 5, 1818 Brig Clyde, Dublin, ‘‘85 passengers”’ Idem, Oct. 10, 1818 Brig Marinhull, 9 days, Burin, Nfid., “‘22 settlers” Brig Fame, “‘from Belfast, for this place, out 49 days, with 114 pas- sengers, went on shore... at Cole-Harbour.—Passengers and Crew saved.” Idem, Oct. 24, 1818 Brig Martha, 49 days, Newry (North Ireland), “84 settlers” Fishing vessel Triton, ‘“Spoke, Saturday last, a brig from Dublin for this place with a number of passengers on board.” English P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1818 320 English Acadian Recorder, July 11, 1818 Schooner Lavinia, 40 days, Plymouth, “50 Passengers” Schooner Speculator, 42 days, Plymouth, ‘‘62 Passengers” Idem, Aug. 29, 1818 Ship Thomas, London, ‘31 passengers” Brig Commerce, London, ‘‘12 passengers”’ Brig Mary, Plymouth, ‘38 passengers” IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 47 Welsh Idem, May 16, 1818 Fanny, 42 days, Carmarthen (Wales), ‘“‘112 passengers” V HALIFAX-ANNAPOLIS ROAD \ Disbanded Soldiers J.S. Martell, op. cit., pp. 99-100 More former soldiers, mostly of the 98th (99th prior to 1816) Regt. disbanded in 1818, were placed on this road particularly at Dalhousie where 189 men were listed in the autumn of 1818. In the same year, a few soldiers from various units began the small settlement of Welling- ton at the Halifax end of the road. EWHERE No records have been found of immigration at Sydney or Pictou. *The following item in the Acadian Recorder of March 28, 1818, may indicate that immigrants landed at Canso in that month: “The brig Endeavour, Scott, which arrived on Thursday, spoke a schooner on the 21st, from Belfast for Newfoundland, full of passengers, which afterwards put into Canso, after having been six weeks in the ice.”’ *Another item in the Acadian Recorder of June 27, 1818, stated that a brig from the North of Ireland bound for New Brunswick with 200 passengers went ashore on June 14 near Yarmouth. The passengers were taken to that town where some of them may have stayed because their vessel had been ‘‘totally lost, and with her, the whole of the Passengers effects.”’ 1819 IFAX Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1819 974 Scots Acadian Recorder, April 24, 1819 Brig Louisa, 30 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘Passengers”’ Idem, May 1, 1819 Brig Skeene, 33 days, Leith, “‘113 passengers” Idem, June 26, 1819 Ship Agincourt, Leith, “135 passengers” Idem, July 17, 1819 Brig Leopold, 44 days, Leith, ‘‘89 passengers”’ Idem, Aug. 28, 1819 Brig Caledonia, Greenock, “‘passengers”’ PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, Sept. 4, 1819 Brig Garland, Leith, “‘90 passengers”’ Brig Minerva, Leith, “47 passengers” Irish P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doe. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1819 912 Irish Acadian Recorder, June 12, 1819 Ship Halifax Packet, 38 days, Londonderry, “113 passengers” Enterprise, Dublin, 103 passengers The ship Lord Gardner with passengers was to have sailed from Ireland for Halifax and New Brunswick on May 15, 1819. Idem, June 26, 1819 Brig Sir John Cammeron, Waterford, “‘112 passengers” Brig Johns, Kinsale (S. Ireland), 130 passengers Idem, July 10, 1819 Schooner Mary, 21 days, St. Johns, Nfid., “several” passengers Idem, July 31, 1819 Brig Frances-Ann, 49 days, Londonderry, “‘120 passengers’”’ Idem, Sept. 11, 1819 Brig Chatty, Dublin, “113 passengers” English P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1819 197 English Acadian Recorder, April 24, 1819 Ship Northumberland, London, ‘‘14 days from the Isle of White,” “Passengers” Idem, June 26, 1819 Brig Integrity, Workington, “‘55 passengers” Idem, July 17, 1819 Schooner Lavinia, 17 days, Plymouth, ‘‘32 passengers” Idem, Sept. 4, 1819 “The Passengers on the Brig Amelia, take this public method of expressing the high sense they entertain of Capt. King’s polite and kind attention to them, during their passage from Liverpool, - B. to this Port. Halifax, Sept. 4th, 1819” (This advertisement, noted by chance, is the only indication that the Amelia brought passengers to Halifax. The Amelia, in fact, is not even listed among arrivals. This is one instance of the incomplete- ness of the shipping lists published in the newspapers.) Welsh Idem, May 29, 1819 Brig Fanny, Caermarthen, Wales, “‘94 passengers”’ IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 49 Passengers from the United States Idem, Aug. 7, 1819 Schooner Harriett Newell, New York, 6 steerage Idem, Aug. 28, 1819 Schooner Cherub, Boston, 7 steerage Schooner Rambler, Boston, 4 steerage Idem, Oct. 9, 1819 Schooner Cherub, Boston, 6 steerage Schooner Eliza & Nancy, New York, 3 steerage CTOU Scots No lists were found of shipping at Pictou, only the casual reference in the Halifax Acadian Recorder. Acadian Recorder, Aug. 28, 1819 Ship Speculator, Scotland, ‘with 150 Highland passengers; 23 were landed, and the remainder would go to Quebec in the ship.’’ (Colin S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45, records that in 1819 the ‘Ship ‘Speculation’ came out to Nova Scotia, sailing from Greenock with emigrants from Lochaber.’’) Idem, Sept. 4, 1819 Brig Louisa, 31 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘120 passengers”’ Idem, Oct. 16, 1819 Advertisement: ‘‘THE PASSENGERS in the ship Economy of Aber- deen from Tobermorry to Pictou, desire in this public manner to express their gratitude to captain James Fraser, the master, for the kind treatment they received from him during the passage, which consisted of five weeks. Two hundred and eighty-five souls embarked at Tobermorry, and were landed in good health and spirits, together with four children born upon the passage. Pictou, October 4, 1819.” Idem, Oct. 30, 1819; May 5, 1821 Schooner Ann, Cromarty, “about sixty Emigrants.” Later it was stated that the number was 79. Colin S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Victory, ‘‘settlers from Canna’ SEWHERE In the winter of 1820, Surveyor-General Morris recommended an accurate survey of the forest lands of the province so that they could be divided into “regular alotments for the immediate Reception of the many hundreds of hardy Emigrants arrived and continually landing upon our Coast and too many of them Wandering without a home or place of Rest —& for want of the necessary Aid and encouragement seeking an Asylum in a foreign Country.” (P.A.N.S., Vol. 306, Doe. 60). Acadian Recorder, July 31, 1819 *Brig Mermaid, Dublin, ‘‘73 passengers,” went ashore near Cape Negro on July 16. Passengers and Crew saved. 50 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA 1820 HALIFAX Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1820 803 Scots Acadian Recorder, June 3, 1820 Brig Manchester, 28 days, Leith, ‘‘26 passengers’” Idem, Oct. 7, 1820 Brig Recovery, 38 days, Greenock, ‘14 in the steerage”’ Irish Idem, June 3, 1820 Brig Oliphit, Belfast, ‘“‘43 passengers’’ Idem, Sept. 16, 1820 Brig Frances & Lucy, 45 days, Londonderry, “‘passengers’ English Idem, June 24, 1820 Brig Wharton, 53 days, London ‘Passengers’ Idem, Aug. 5, 1820 Brig Alice, 49 days, London, ‘‘passengers”’ Idem, Oct. 14, 1820 Fame, Liverpool, ‘“‘Passengers’”’ Passengers from the United States Idem, March 11, 1820 Schooner Victory, Boston, ‘‘4 in the steerage.” (The Victory, General Greene, and Cherub were regular Halifax and Boston packets in 1820.) PICTOU Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 229, Doc. 34, George Smith to R. D. George, (Provincial Secretary), Pictou, June 30, 1820 Pictou was the landing place for immigrants settling in Pictou, Colchester and Cumberland. “. .. they are the most useful description of Settlers that come here mostly from Scotland—with a determination to settle immediate- (bie ed IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1816-1838 51 T. ANNS, C. B. Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 334, Doel 34, Oct. 26, 1820 List of 15 Scots who with their families totalled 78 people who had “lately Arrived at St Anns” T. PETERS, C. B. Scots Idem, Doe. 48, Laurence Kavanagh to R. D. George, St. Peters, Jan. 10, 1821 Kavanagh wrote that in obedience to the commands given by Lt. Gov. Kempt in December, 1820, he had distributed Indian meal among ‘‘the poor emigrants lately from Scotland.” 1821 ALIFAX Irish Acadian Recorder, May 19, 1821 Brig Rob Roy, 31 days, Belfast, ‘139 Emigrants” Idem, May 26, 1821 Brig Amicus, 43 days, Cork, ‘98 emigrants’’ P.A.N.S., Vol. 230, Doc. 132, Sir Charles Hamilton to Sir James Kempt, Fort Townshend, St. Johns, Nfid., Dee. 8, 1821 Immigrants (mostly Irish) were evidently still coming into Halifax from Newfoundland. This letter explains the situation: “T have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency’s Letter of the 24th October transmitting a Copy of a Representation made to you by the Magistrates and Commissioners of the Poor for the town of Halifax, on the subject of the removal of poor people from Newfound- land to the province of Nova Scotia; and in reply to acquaint Your Excellency that a very Considerable Number of the people who are employed in the fisheries of this Island are unable to obtain employment here in the Winter and are necessitated to remove elsewhere. This year it is more eminently the Case from the general failure of the fishery throughout the Island—but aware of the increased burden it must bring on the Community of Nova Scotia, whose humane consideration for these unfortunate people has on many occasions been conspicuous, I have discouraged as far as possible, and shall continue so to do, their removal to Nova Scotia—and have not except in a very few Instances where proof has been laid before me of ability to provide for themselves, granted passes, without which document the Master of the Vessel is liable to a penalty of £200—by the 15 Geo 3 Cap 31 See 12 for conveying to the continent of America any person of the description above mentioned, which by the 33rd Section of the same Act I presume may be recovered by the Vice Admiralty Court at Halifax. Your Excellency will 52 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA be aware that Vessels may sail from the Out Ports of this Island with passengers without my knowledge or controul, and the offence against the Act can only be complete on their arrival in the Colony on the Continent.”’ Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1821 60 Scots Acadian Recorder, May 12, 1821 Brig Louisa, 43 days, Aberdeen, 9 steerage Colin 8S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Tamarlin “arrived at Halifax’’ in 1821 Passengers from the United States Acadian Recorder, July 14, 1821 . Schooner Victory, Boston, 3 steerage Idem, Oct. 27, 1821 Schooner Cherub, 4 days, Boston, ‘“‘a number in the steerage”’ SYDNEY Scots C.O. 217/152, p. 4138, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1821 276 Scots Colin S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 In 1821, the ship Harmony “sailed from Barra and arrived at Sydney, Nova Scotia, with 350 settlers from Barra.” PICTOU Scots Acadian Recorder, May 12, 1821 Brig Thompson Packet, 30 days, Dumfries, “‘80 passengers” 7 1822 HALIFAX Irish P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1822 74 Irish Scots Idem 42 Scots IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 53 English Acadian Recorder, May 25, 1822 Ship Frindsbury, 42 days, London, 11 steerage **Passengers’’ from British North American Colonies Idem, July 27, 1822 Schooner Good Intent, 17 days, Miramichi, ‘‘50 passengers” TOU Scots Idem, June 15, 1822 Brig Union, 48 days, Greenock, ‘14. passengers” Brig Thompson’s Packet, 35 days, Dumfries, ‘133 passengers’’ English Idem Brig Mary, 52 days, Whitehaven, ‘39 passengers’”’ DNEY Scots C.O. 217/152, p. 413, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1822 181 Scots iSTER ROCK Scots Colin S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Commerce, Tobermory, ‘“‘settlers from Muck’”’ ; 1823 LIFAX Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1823 403 Scots Irish Acadian Recorder, Nov. 29, 1823 Some Irish and others were probably coming in from Newfoundland. In the Acadian Recorder of this date it is noted that two ships, the schooner St. John’s Packet and the schooner Mayflower, bound from - Newfoundland to Halifax,. with passengers, were wrecked, the first off Newfoundland and the other off Cape Breton. Only three people lost their lives. 54 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA 1824 HALIFAX English P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doe. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1824 106 English Acadian Recorder, July 17, 1824 Brig Trafalgar, 42 days, Liverpool, “5 in the steerage’ Irish Idem, July 24, 1824 Packet Schooner Brothers, 11 days, St. Johns, Nfid., ““3 in the steerage’”’ Passengers from the United States Idem, July 17, 1824 Schooner, Billow, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, July 24, 1824 Packer Schooner George Henry, 6 days, Boston, 6 steerage SYDNEY Scots C.O. 217/152, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1824 215 Scots Colin S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Dunlop, ‘‘with settlers” PICTOU English Acadian Recorder, June 12, 1824 ‘ Brig Enterprise, 59 days, Liverpool, ‘‘a number in the steerage” BARRINGTON ~ Irish *Idem, Sept. 4, 1824 Ship Elizabeth, bound from Sligo to St. John, N. B., ‘‘112 passengers,”’ struck ledge near Cape Sable. Ship disabled and towed in Barrington. Some of the passengers may have stayed in Nova Scotia. 1825 HALIFAX Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1825 92 Scots IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 55 Irish Acadian Recorder, June 4, 1825 Schooner Brothers, 9 days, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘16 steerage passengers”’ Idem, July 23, 1825 Brig Resolution, 34 days, Dublin, “34 passengers’’ English Idem, Oct. 1, 1825 Brig Louisa, 40 days, Liverpool, 2 steerage YDNEY Scots C.O. 217/152, p. 413, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1825 429 Scots 1826 [ALIFAX Irish Acadian Recorder, May 20, 1826 Ship Rubicon, 28 days, Waterford, “150 passengers’’ Idem, June 3, 1826 Brig Thomas, 35 days, Waterford, “91 passengers”’ Idem, June 10, 1826 Ship Nassau, wrecked on Sable Island. The schooner Two Brothers arrived at Halifax with ‘95 of the survivors from the ship Nassau.”’ From “20 to 30” still remained on the Island. A letter from R. D. George to Thomas G. Pyke on June 10, 1826 (P.A.N.S., Inland Letter Books) indicates that these were Irishmen. On the application of the magistrates and other gentlemen of Halifax, Lieutenant-Governor Kempt agreed to grant £100 for the relief of ‘‘the destitute state of the Irish Emigrants who were lately shipwrecked on the Isle of Sable.’’ Idem, June 17, 1826 Schooner Mary, Sable Island, with ‘‘the remainder of the crew and passengers of the ship Nassau.”’ Idem, June 24, 1826 Brig Maria, 31 days, Cork, “‘27 in the steerage” Sloop Acadia, bound from St. Johns, Nfid., to Halifax, with ‘“‘a number of passengers,’ struck on a rock near Canso Light. Towed to safety. “Some of the passengers” arrived at Halifax in the Eliza. Idem, July 22, 1826 Brig Albion, 32 days, Cork, ‘‘47 passengers’’ Idem, July 29, 1826 Brig Nancy, 45 days, Dublin, “116 passengers” Idem, Oct. 21, 1826 Schooner Mary, 20 days, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘‘31 passengers”’ 56 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, Nov. 25, 1826 Brig Admiral Lake, 15 days, St. Johns, Nflid., ‘‘13 in the steerage”’ Schooner William Hunter, 10 days, St. Johns, Nfld., “53 in the ’ steerage”’ Passengers from the United States Idem, July 22, 1826 “In the Packet from New York’’—“several steerage passengers’’ Idem, Sept. 9, 1826 Schooner Billow, 5 days, Boston, “‘5 in the steerage” Idem, Nov. 4, 1826 ; Brig James, 6 days, Philadelphia, ‘3 in the steerage”’ English Idem, Oct. 28, 1826 Brig Aurora, 33 days, London, ‘‘several in the steerage” Scots Idem, May 13, 1826 Brig Mercator, 42 days, Greenock, 2 steerage LIVERPOOL Irish Idem, Nov. 25, 1826 Brig Caledonia, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘84 in the steerage’. PICTOU Irish Idem, July 15, 1826 Brig Hopewell, Belfast, ‘“‘passengers’’ SYDNEY Scots C.O. 217/152, p. 4138, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1826 342 Scots Colin 8. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Tamarlin, ‘‘passengers from North Morar” MCNAB’S, C. B. Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 335, Doc. 64, Charles McNab to Sir James Kempt, MeNab’s, Sept. 28, 1826 “About four hundred emigrants from the Hebrides lately arrived at this Island are now in the lake, and it is said that two more vessels with an equal number are daily expected .. .” IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 57 SEWHERE Scots Colin S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Northumberland, Greenock, landed passengers from the Hebrides at St. Andrew’s, N. B. ‘‘Many of the settlers removed later on to Inverness County, N. S.” Ships Highland Lad and Dove of Harmony “arrived at Nova Scotia this year.” C.O. 217/146, Sir James Kempt to Wilmot Horton, Sept. 14, 1826 Of late years, immigrants had not been coming to the peninsula in very considerable numbers, but Scots, mostly from the Western Islands, had continued to arrive in steady numbers at Cape Breton. In 1826, nearly 500 of them had come to Cape Breton at their own expense. They landed at Sydney, Ship Harbour, and other places, and immediately disappeared in search of their friends and unoccupied land. 1827 LIFAX Irish Novascotian, (Halifax), May 3, 1827 | Barque Liberty, 21 days, Waterford, ‘‘127 passengers’ “Two other ships were to follow [from Waterford] with Passengers for this Port.’ Idem, June 7, 1827 Brig Cherub, 37 days, Waterford, ‘‘200 passengers”’ “the ship Bolivar, with 400 passengers was to sail [from Waterford] next day, and a second ship with the same number to sail about the 10th April.’ Idem, June 14, 1827 Ship Bolivar, 40 days, Waterford, ‘350 passengers” Idem, June 21, 1827 Ship Letitia, 48 days, Dublin, 210 passengers Idem, June 28, 1827 “A brig from Derry, Ireland, bound to St. John, N. B., with Passengers, put into Shelburne last week, and landed a number there, some of whom arrived here [Halifax] on Sunday night last,—others we understand are on their way.” Idem, July 5, 1827 Ship Cumberland, 43 days, Waterford, ‘‘350 passengers”’ P.A.N.S., Vol. 307, Doc. 124, Sir James Kempt to Lord Goderich, Sept. 7 1827 “There arrived this day in the Brig James from Waterford One hundred and twenty Passengers of the most wretched description, all of whom, as well as the whole Crew . . . are labouring under Typhus Fever. One hundred and sixty embarked in Ireland—five died at Sea,—and 58 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA the Vessel being obliged to put into St. John[s] Newfoundland for Medical Assistance and Provisions, thirty-five were left behind there too ill to proceed.” The Novascotian (Sept. 13, 1827) reported that the James came from Belfast and had 130 immigrants. The Acadian Recorder (Sept. 8, 1827) was apparently referring to the same ship in the following note: “The brig Fame, arrived yesterday from Newfoundland—crew and passengers to the number of 130 ill of Typhus Fever.” Novascotian, Sept. 13, 1827 Government Brig Forte, 43 days, St. Johns, Nfid., “forty masons (with their families) for the [Shubenacadie] Canal” Scots. P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1827 205 Scots Acadian Recorder, May 5, 1827 Brig Aberdeenshire, 54 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘23 passengers” Brig Mercator, 29 days, Greenock, ‘18 passengers’”’ Idem, Sept. 8, 1827 Brig Corsair, 29 days, Greenock, ‘‘80 passengers”’ English P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1827 8 English Novascotian, May 3, 1827 Adelphi, 25 days, Liverpool, 2 steerage ‘*Passengers’’ from British North American Colonies Acadian Recorder, Aug. 11, 1827 Schooner Experiment, 13 days, Quebec, “‘six passengers’’ Novascotian, Sept. 6, 1827 Schooner Greyhound, Miramichi, ‘31 passengers” Passengers from the United States Acadian Recorder, June 9, 1827 Schooner Billow, 4 days, Boston, “‘three in the steerage”’ SYDNEY Scots : C.O. 217/152, p. 413, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1827 944 Scots IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 59 Novascotian, Sept. 13, 1827 “Seven hundred emigrants were to embark in the end of July at Tobermory, destined for the Island of Cape Breton. 600 emigrated from the same place last year, and it is stated that 1000 more individuals have ‘determined to follow their friends and relations to their transatlantic settlement next year’.” P.A.N.S., Vol. 307, Doc. 126, John Whyte, Surgeon, to R. D. George, Sydney, Dec. 19, 1827 “ . . I find that the Brig Stephen Wright, of Newcastle which per- formed Quarantine in this port during the past season [September] had on board 170 passengers [from Tobermory] More than one third of whom were afilicted with Small Pox, and many now with Dysentery and other diseases—that during the passage 3 deaths occured, while in port 10, and 2 after landing... “| . the Ship Harmony of Whitehaven also arrived at a neighbour- ing port in August last having taken on board at Leith & Stornoway above 200 Emigrants, 13 of whom died on the passage—5 were dead on board & 22 were cut off after landing on an uninhabited Spot by measles—Dysentery and Starvation. “The Cause of such dire fatality, can, I imagine, be readily traced to the confined, crowded & filthy state of the vessels—the quantity & quality of food in the case of one of them at least the scarcity of water. It was stated here by the Captains of the Vessels that a very extensive emigration was contemplated in the ensuing Spring & that 10 to 15 vessels belonging to the Owners of the Stephen Wright had been chartered to convey these poor Creatures from the Highlands & Islands of Scotland to meet famine, disease and death on the shores of Cape Breton.” Scots and Irish Acadian Recorder, Dec. 1, 1827 “Sydney, C. B. October 23 . . . several vessels have arrived this season from Scotland and Ireland with passengers.”’ ' ANDREW’S CHANNEL, C. B. Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 336, Doc. 22, May 2, 1828 Petition of twenty-four families (127 persons) “from Scotland” who had arrived in Cape Breton “during the last Autumn.” They ask the Government for provisions to hold them over to the harvest of 1828. RT HASTINGS Colin S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Aurora, “passengers from Edinburgh”’ 60 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA PICTOU English Acadian Recorder, June 16, 1827 Brig Margaret, Liverpool, ‘“‘with 85 Miners and all the necessary Engines, and Mazehinery to work the Mines of this place.’”’ The Novascotian (June 14, 1827) has the same item but states that there were “35 Miners.” Novascotian, Oct. 4, 1827 “A vessel was about being taken up at Liverpool, 24th August, to carry to Pictou, forty workmen and materials for the Mining Company.” - Idem, Oct. 18, 1827 Mary, Liverpool, ‘‘with men and machinery, to the Mining Company ” . 1828 HALIFAX Irish Acadian Recorder, May 31, 1828 Brig Saltern’s Rock, 35 days, Cork, ‘‘80 passengers.”’ (The Novascotian, May 29, 1828, gives “70 passengers.’’) Idem, June 7, 1828 Brig Dale, 30 days, Dublin, ‘‘100 passengers’”’ Idem, Aug. 2, 1828 *H.M.S. Tyne—with 152 men, women and children (including 10 of the crew and the mate) saved from the Brig Dispatch, bound from Londonderry to Quebec, wrecked off Newfoundland. ‘‘The whole of these unfortunate people, we learn, were in comfortable cireum- stances, one of whom, a Scotchman, had property to the amount of £500 on board, and he is now left, with a family of 13 children, entirely destitute; indeed all that any of them have saved are a few clothes which were washed on shore.” Novascotian, Sept. 18, 1828 Brig Henry Arnot, 52 days, Rio de Janeiro, ‘with 233 passengers (men, women and children)—these unfortunate people are part of the 2000, some of whom have arrived at New Brunswick”’ “From New-Brunswick Papers, received by yesterday’s Stage, it appears that a subscription has been set on foot for the relief of the Irish Emigrants who have arrived at that port [St. John] from Brazil; 6.7" Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1828 142 Scots IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 61 ' Acadian Recorder, April 26, 1828 Barque Isabella, 48 days, Greenock, ‘‘4 spinners for Messrs. Piers’ Rope Walk” Novascotian, June 26, 1828 Brig Mercator, 30 days, Greenock, ‘‘12 in the Steerage”’ Idem, Sept. 4, 1828 Brig Aberdeenshire, 28 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘8 in the steerage” Idem, Sept. 25, 1828 Ship Isabella, 28 days, Greenock, ‘‘several in the steerage”’ English Idem, May 22, 1828 Ship Atlantic, 32 days, Liverpool, ‘‘5 in the steerage”’ Idem, Aug. 21, 1828 Brig Penelope, 60 days, Liverpool, ‘79 passengers”’ Acadian Recorder, Nov. 22, 1828 Ship Halifaz, 32 days, Liverpool, “7 steerage passengers” YDNEY Scots C.O. 217/152, p. 413, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1828 2,413 Scots They were from ‘“‘the Western parts of Scotland”. (P.A.N.S., Vol. 336, Doc. 75, Magistrates of Sydney to Lt. Gov. Maitland, Feb. 16, 1829.) Acadian Recorder, July 12, 1828 “Port of Sydney, June 26...” Ship Universe, Stornoway, ‘“464 passengers” Brig Ann, Stornaway, ‘‘209 passengers”’ “Two other vessels were to leave Scotland with Passengers for the Bras’dore Lake shortly after the Universe sailed; such were [sic] the crowded state of the Passengers in the Universe, that six families were obliged to live in the long boat during the whole voyage.” P.A.N.S., Vol. 336, Doc. 48, John G. Marshall to R. D. George, Sydney, Sept. 9, 1828 Brig Two Sisters, Greenock, arrived at Sydney on Sept. 7, 1828, “with about 160 Scotch passengers, Several of whom are now under the Small-pox.”’ Idem, Doc. 56 Brig Mary, Stornoway, ‘135 Emigrants” Brig Commerce, Immigrants Acadian Recorder, Oct. 18, 1828 “1480 Passengers arrived at Sydney, Cape Breton, between the 6th August and 8th September. 2500 have landed in the Island since the first of June.” 62 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Irish C.O. 217/143, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1828 90 Irish SHIP HARBOUR (PORT HAWKESBURY) Scots Colin S. MaeDonald, op. cit., p. 45; J. L. MacDougall, History of Inverness County, p. 126 Ship St. Lawrence, Tobermory, ‘‘208 passengers” PICTOU Scots Colonial Patriot (Pictou), May 14, 1828 Brig Thetis, Greenock, ‘‘30 steerage passengers” Idem, June 4, 1828 Brig Caroline, 30 days, Fort William, ‘36 passengers” English Idem, May 14, 1828 Brig Maria, Liverpool, “eight artificers for the mines” Idem, Aug. 6, 1828 Brig Thomas Battersby, 51 days, Liverpool, ‘Miners and machinery for the Albion Mining Company’”’ 1829 HALIFAX Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doce. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1829 218 Seots Novascotian, April 23, 1829 Brig Albion, 35 days, Aberdeen, ‘18 in the steerage”’ Idem, Sept. 3, 1829 Brig Aberdeenshire, 38 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘27 Passengers” Irish P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1829 138 Irish Novascotian, Nov. 6, 1828 “Notice to Irish Immigrants” PERSONS wanting their Friends out to. this Country, from the Counties of CORK, LIMERICK, and KERRY, are informed that a IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 63 large Vessel, of the first class, will sail from Tralee for St. John, New Brunswick and Halifax, on or about the Ist of April next [1829]. Persons wishing to avail themselves of this desirable opportunity, will please make early application for particulars of passage, &e. &e. &e. to T. & E. KENNY Halifax, Oct. 29, 1828 Acadian Recorder, Dec. 5, 1829 Brig Gleaner, 6 days, St. Johns, Nfid., “‘passengers”’ Passengers from the United States Idem, May 9, 1829 Brig George Henry, 6 days, Boston, 1 steerage Idem, June 20, 1829 Brig James, 5 days, Boston, 4 steerage Idem, Nov. 14, 1829 Brig James, 4 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, Dee. 5, 1829 Brig James, 55 hours, Boston, 6 steerage English Novascotian, May 21, 1829 Brig Ovington, 45 days, London, 6 steerage *‘Passengers”’ from British North American Colonies Acadian Recorder, June 27, 1829 Brig Ambassador, 11 days, Quebec, 2 steerage DNEY Scots C.O. 217/152, p. 413, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1829 719 Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 336, Doc. 90, C. E. Leonard & T. H. Clarke, J.P.’s, to R. D. George, Sydney, May 26, 1829 Brig Louisa, Stornaway, ‘170 Emigrants (Seventy of whom have proceeded to P E Island)...” ICHAT Scots Colin 8. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Thetis, Greenock, “‘settlers”’ 64 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA CAPE BRETON Scots Idem Ship Mary Kennedy, ‘‘from Skye to Cape Breton and then to Prince Edward Island, with 84 heads of families .. .” PICTOU Scots Colonial Patriot, May 20, 1829 Schooner Mermaid, Arichat, with the passengers from the Thetis, from Greenock, wrecked off Cape Breton—‘“‘no lives lost’ Idem, July 8, 1829 Brig Hero, Greenock, ‘157 passengers to the Mining Company” Idem, July 22, 1829 Brig Nero, Greenock, “‘passengers”’ Irish Idem, May 20, 1829 Ship Marchiness of Donegal, 28 days, Belfast, ‘42 passengers” 1830 HALIFAX Irish my . P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1830 174 Irish Novascotian, June 3, 1830 Brig Solon, 30 days, Waterford, ‘‘150 passengers” Idem, Supplement, Aug. 5, 1830 John and Mary, Belfast, “‘passengers’’ Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 238, Doc. 27, Customs Return of Immigrants at Halifax, 1830 115 Scots Acadian Recorder, April 17, 1830 Brig Aberdeenshire, 35 days, Aberdeen, 6 steerage Ship Romulus, 16 days, Greenock, 1 steerage Idem, April 24, 1830 Brig Albion, 34 days, Aberdeen, 7 steerage English : Idem, April 17, 1830 2 Packet Ship Atlantic, 19 days, Liverpool, 2 stocky IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 65 Idem, May 8, 1830 Packet Ship Halifax, 30 days, Liverpool, 10 steerage Idem, May 29, 1830 Brig Blagdon, 59 days, London, 23 passengers Ship Justinian, 42 days, London, 10 steerage Brig Margaret Ritchie, 48 days, Liverpool, 7 steerage Idem, Aug. 14, 1830 Packet Ship Halifax, 40 days, Liverpool, 7 steerage Novascotian, Oct. 14, 1830 Ship London, 52 days, Liverpool, 5 steerage Idem, Oct. 28, 1830 Ship Thalia. 50 days out of London, bound for Halifax, went ashore near “‘Chizencook’”’ on Oct. 23. “Two of the passengers” arrived at Halifax that day. The Thalia got to sea again and reached Halifax the following week (Nozascotian, Nov. 4, 1830) Idem, Nov. 4, 1830 Packet Ship Atlantic, 24 days, Liverpool, 8 steerage Passengers from the United States Acadian Recorder, April 17, 1830 Brig James, 12 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, Aug. 14, 1830 Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 5 steerage Idem, Oct. 23, 1830 Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 3 steerage TDNEY Scots C.O. 217/143, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1830 994 Scots P.A.N.S., Assembly Mss., Miscellaneous B, 1832, Petition of T. EK. James, Health Officer at Sydney, Jan. 20, 1832. Scots Brig Malory, ‘‘211 Passengers from Scotland’’—August 28, 1830 English Brig Margaret, ‘37 passengers from Liverpool’’—Sept. 9, 1830 ARGAREE Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 67, Docs. 19 & 20, R. H. Hay to Lt. Gov. Maitland, June 14, 1830 “T am directed by Secretary Sir George Murray to transmit to you herewith enclosed a List of Forty nine families who are proceeding 66 ARICHAT PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA as Settlers from the Isle of Skye to Cape Breton; and I am to convey to you Sir George Murray’s authority for granting One hundred Acres of Land to each of these families in Cape Breton, and three hundred Acres to the head of the Party, free from all charges other than the usual fees.’’ List follows. 220 people in all. Alex Beaton was the leader. They settled at Margaree. On Nov. 16, 1830, the Council in Halifax considered a petition from ‘‘Alexander Beaton and other Emigrants lately arrived from Scotland at Margaree in the County of Cape Breton setting forth their distressed situation...” £100 was granted for their relief out of the King’s Casual Revenue. (Council Minutes). Irish P.A.N.S., Vol. 337, Doc. 20, Clement Hubert, J.P. to Lt. Gov. Maitland, PICTOU Arichat, Oct. 15, 1830 ““... . The peaceable inhabitants of this community are threatened with instant destruction of their lives and property by a lawless and merciless mob of Irishmen, many of them just arrived from Newfound- land, and a great number yet expected—This feeling has been caused by the Election which terminated here yesterday. Many have been wounded and one of the Irishmen killed, by the Scotch party, when attacked by the Irish—the Scotch remaining peaceable when left alone—The Scotch have all gone home and the Irish [are] left to act. as they please...” Irish Colonial. Patriot, May 29, 1830 Brig Benjamin Shaw, Waterford, ‘‘300 passengers’’ Brig Bittern, Wick, ‘‘Passengers’’ GUT OF CANSO Scots Idem, Oct. 2, 1830 Brig Corsair, Greenock, Address of 38 ‘‘Passengers and Heads of Families,’ dated at the Gut of Canso, Sept. 11, 1830, thanking the the Captain and Chief Mate of the Corsair for “their unremitting attention to us.” PUGWASH Irish Novascotian, July 15, 1830 Charlotte Keen, 41 days, Belfast, ‘“‘passengers” IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 67 RT HEBERT Irish *Idem, June 10, 1830 Brig Kelton, 35 days from Cork, bound for St. John, N. B., wrecked at “little Port le Bear’ on June Ist. ‘175 passengers,’ 12 lost their lives. SEWHERE? Scots *Colin S. MacDonald, op. cit., p. 45 Ship Dunlop, Greenock, “settlers for Nova Scotia”’ 1831 LIFAX Irish Novascotian, April 21, 1831 Brig Adelphi, 18 days, Cork, ‘‘241 passengers” Idem, May 26, 1831 Ship Argyle 40 days, Waterford, ‘‘240 passengers” (The Acadian Recorder, May 21, 1831, reported “‘225 passengers.’’) Brig Don, 38 days, Waterford, ‘‘153 passengers” (The Acadian Recorder, May 28, 1831, reported ‘135 passengers.’’) Idem, June 9, 1831 Brig Aurora, 29 days, Waterford, ‘101 passengers” Idem, June 16, 1831 Brig Archibald, 32 days, Belfast, ‘31 passengers” Idem, June 30, 1831 Brig Hibernia, 42 days, Kinsale, ‘“‘with 200 passengers, hove to off the mouth of the harbor . . . and landed about 50 of them in boats. and then proceeded on her passage’’ Idem, July 14, 1831 Schooner Carleton, 15 days, St. Johns, Nfid., 4 steerage Idem, Aug. 4, 1831 On July 25, the Acadia, out of Sydney, C. B., spoke the Brig Duncan, 42 days out of Dublin, bound for St. John, N. B., 250 passengers, short of provisions, ‘‘supplied her with fish, water, &c.; was informed by the passengers that the captain had been for several days in a state of intoxication, and did not know where the vessel was; that they [the passengers] intended next day to put her in charge of the mate and make for the first port.—The Govt. brig Chebucto sailed [from Halifax] on Friday evening in search of the above vessel, and has not yet returned [July 30].” “The master of a Schooner from Arichat, reports that the brig Duncan from Ireland, bound to New Brunswick, landed about 100 passengers at Mary Joseph and then proceeded on her passage—about 70 of these had taken passage for Halifax.” PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, Aug. 11, 1831 “The Chebucto fell in with the brig Duncan, on the Ist, off Beaver Harbor, and supplied her with provisions; she had only about 60 passengers on board, bound to St. John, the remainder, about 200, had left her, and were on their way to this place [Halifax].” *Barque Lady Sherbrooke, out of Londonderry, bound for Quebec, ‘“‘about 300 passengers’’, was wrecked near Cape Ray, Nfid., in July, 1831. Only 27 passengers survived. They were taken to Sydney, C. B., and then to Halifax, arriving at the latter place on August 8 in the schooner Pomona. Idem, Aug. 25, 1831 Schooner Success, 36 days, St. Johns, Nfld., ‘‘passengers”’ Scots Acadian Recorder, April 23, 1831 Brig Albion, 30 days, Aberdeen, 17 steerage Idem, April 30, 1831 Barque Romulus, out of Greenock, bound to Halifax, ‘“‘with a general cargo and Passengers,’’ went ashore in the Bay of Islands, about 70 miles east of Halifax. Passengers and crew saved. Idem, Sept. 3, 1831 Brig Aberdeenshire, 39 days, Aberdeen, 20 steerage English Novascotian, June 30, 1831 Brig Hope, 48 days, Liverpool, ‘‘20 passengers” Idem, Sept. 1, 1831 Ship Minstrel, 59 days, London, ‘50 in the steerage” Idem, Nov. 3, 1831 Ship Halifax, 35 days, Liverpool, 9 steerage Idem, Sept. 8, 1831 Brig Polperro, 69 days, Jersey, 6 steerage Passengers from the United States Acadian Recorder, Feb. 26, 1831 Brig Cordelia, 60 hours, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, June 11, 1831 Brig Cordelia, 10 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, July 23, 1831 Schooner Mary Ann, New York, ‘‘20 passengers Idem, Aug. 13, 1831 Brig Cordelia, 8 days, Boston, 15 steerage Idem, Nov. 12, 1831 Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 5 steerage Idem, Dee. 10, 1831 Brig Cordelia, 48 hours, Boston, 2 steerage ” IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA 1815-1838 69 Passengers from British North American Colonies In the Novascotian of July 21, 1831, there was the following notice: TO CARPENTERS, MASONS, &c.—Some years since, when the rage for Ship building gave such an impulse to every kind of business, many of our mechanics emigrated to the adjoining Provinces, where employment was to be had on better terms than at home. Should this meet the eye of any who are out of employ, we would advise them to make their way back as fast as possible. The works at the Canal and the Citadel—the numerous houses in course of erection, and the laying down of platforms on the side walks of the town [Halifax], keep our Masons and Carpenters in constant and profitable activity—and so great is the demand for labor, that we know several persons who delay to build or repair, because it is almost impossible to procure mechanics.” Acadian Recorder, July 2, 1831 Brig Marie Catherine, 8 days, Quebec, ‘‘passengers’’ Novascotian, July 21, 1831 Schooner Aurora, 14 days, Quebec, ‘20 passengers’ Idem, Aug. 11, 1831 Schooner James McDonald, Miramichi, ‘‘12 passengers” Idem, Sept. 1, 1831 Schooner Favourite, Quebec and Miramichi, ‘18 passengers” Idem, Oct..13, 1831 Schooner Relief, 21 days, Quebec, ‘14 passengers’’ Idem, Oct. 27, 1831 Schooner Lavinia, 8 days, St. John, N. B., ‘10 women and 14 children, passengers”’ NEY P.A.N.S., Assembly Mss., Miscellaneous B, 1832, Petition of T. E. James, Health Officer at Sydney, Jan. 20, 1832 Scots June 19, 1831 Schooner Siz Sisters, “106 passengers from Scotland,” landed at “Great Bras d’or”’ Sept. 3, 1831 Ship Cumberland, ‘‘392 passengers from Scotland”’ Sept. 24, 1831 Brig Breeze, ‘‘267 passengers from Scotland”’ Irish June 8, 1831 Schooner Powels, ‘‘Passengers from Newfoundland” Aug. 20, 1831 Brig Hybernia, ‘‘180 Irish Passengers”’ **Passengers’”’ Aug. 11, 1831 Brig Mary Ann, ‘‘250 passengers” 70 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA PICTOU Irish Colonial Patriot, May 28, 1831 Brig Pandora, 32 days, Waterford, ‘130 passengers” Idem, Aug. 20, 1831 Barque Wm. Harrington, 45 days, Limerick, ‘115 passengers’’ Scots Colonial Patriot, Aug. 20, 1831 Brig Corsair, 49 days, Cromarty, ‘“‘bound to Quebee with passengers, 161 of whom landed here in good health”’ Idem, Aug. 27, 1821 Brig Rover, Cromarty, ‘“‘116 Highland emigrants” Idem, Sept. 10, 1831 Brig Lord Brougham, Inverness, ‘‘emigrants”’ Idem, Sept. 17, 1831 Barque Industry, 43 days, Inverness, “emigrants” GRANVILLE Irish P.A.N.S., Assembly Mss., Miscellaneous B, 1832, Petition of Jacob Woster of Granville ‘“« . . about the middle of the Month of July 1831 Captn McDonough of the schooner Adelaid landed near the Gut of Annapolis about 60 Emigrants from Galway in Ireland. . .” WALLACE Scots Novascotian, July 14, 1831 Schooner Six Sisters, Stornaway, ‘‘with 20 passengers, having landed ~— 120 at Cape Breton.”’ LIVERPOOL English Idem, Nov. 10, 1831 Ship Nautilus, 50 days, Liverpool, 14 steerage 1832 HALIFAX ye Irish Novascotian, April 12, 1832 Barque Pallas, 43 days, Cork, ‘‘passengers,’’ at quarantine. The Novascotian of the 19th of April says that the Pallas cleared for St. John, N. B., with ‘‘passengers.’”’ As there is no suggestion that the Pallas was forced into Halifax, it may be assumed that she left some passengers there. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 71 Idem, April 26, 1832 Brig Wellington, 26 days, Cork, ‘‘128 passengers’”’ Idem, May 31, 1832 Brig Betock, 47 days, Waterford, “126 passengers” Idem, June 7, 1832 Brig Jane, 38 days, Waterford, ‘‘111 passengers” Brig Jane, 55 days, Cork, ‘‘101 passengers” “The brig Susan was to sail from Cork for this port with passengers’”’ “The Betock left at Waterford, a ship of 450 tons to sail in 10 days, with passengers for this port.’ Acadian Recorder, June 9, 1832 Brig Friends, 34 days, Waterford, ‘‘181 passengers” “the barque Hippo was to leave [Waterford for Halifax] in about 10 days with passengers.”’ Novascotian, Aug. 23, 1832 Barque Minstrel, 62 days, Cork, “145 passengers” Acadian Recorder, Dec. 8, 1832 Schooner Betsy and Nancy, 25 days, St. Johns, Nfid., “‘14 passengers’’ Scots Novascotian, April 19, 1832 Brig Albion, 42 days, Aberdeen, 31 passengers Idem, April 26, 1832 Brig Clyde, 26 days, Greenock, ‘‘14 passengers”’ Barque Isabella, 23 days, Greenock, ‘‘10 in the steerage”’ Brig Aberdeenshire, 35 days, Aberdeen, “40 Steerage passengers”’ Idem, Sept. 20, 1832 Brig Aberdeenshire, 43 days, Aberdeen, “‘39 passengers” Acadian Recorder, Oct. 6, 1832 Ship Acadia, 33 days, Greenock, 9 passengers English Novascotian, April 5, 1832 Brig Mary-Ann, 41 days, Liverpool, ‘‘44 in the steerage”’ Idem, April 19, 1832 Ship Halifax, 34 days, Liverpool, “4 in the steerage’’ Idem, May 3, 1832 Ship Jean Hastie, 28 days, Liverpool, 26 passengers Idem, May 10, 1832 Ship Janet, 30 days, Liverpool, 8 passengers Halifax Journal, May 28, 1832 Brig Lady Dunmore, 23 days, Liverpool, “32 in the steerage’ Acadian Recorder, July 28, 1832 Brig Walker, 60 days, London, ‘4 passengers’”’ Novascotian, May 31, 1832 Brig Argus, 47 days, Jersey, ‘8 passengers” ? 72 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Welsh Acadian Recorder, Schooner Naomi, 49 days, “‘Aberswaish, (Wales),’’ “22 passengers’”’ Passengers from the United States Novascotian, May 24, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 70 hours, Boston, 2 steerage Acadian Recorder, Aug. 4, 1832 Schooner Wm Henry, 9 days, New York, “‘7 passengers” Novascotian, Aug. 16, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 1 steerage Acadian Recorder, Sept. 8, 1832 Brig Jane, 12 days, New York, ‘‘7 passengers” Novascotian, Sept. 27, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 2 steerage Idem, Nov. 8, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 1 steerage Passengers from British North American Colonies Idem, May 31, 1832 Schooner Lavinia, St. John, N. B., “13 passengers” Idem, June 28, 1832 Schooner Marie Catherine, 21 days, Quebec, ‘‘passengers”’ Acadian Recorder, July 21, 1832 S.S. Royal William, 23 days, Miramichi, ‘‘40 steerage passengers” Novascotian, Aug. 2, 1832 Schooner Thos. Wyer, St. John, N. B., ‘14 passengers” Idem, Aug. 23, 1832 Schooner Lavinia, 11 days, St. John, N. B., ‘22 passengers” Acadian Recorder, Aug. 25, 1832 Brig Kate, 14 days, Quebec, ‘‘42 passengers.’ (The Novascotian of Aug. 23 reported ‘‘12 passengers.’’) Novascotian, Sept. 6, 1832 Schooner Messenger, Miramichi, ‘‘30 passengers’’ Idem, Dee. 13, 1832 Brig Mary, 14 days, Quebec, ‘‘14 passengers” SYDNEY Scots P.A.N.S., Vol. 282, Doc. 48 July 1—October 10 Port of Departure Passengers Immigrant Tax July Wii Sze Sisters. 3. Stornaway 102 £ 25/10/0 Mary Ann........Stornaway 121 30/ 5/0 Aurs Bic Albion . occ ee Tobermory 59 14/15/0 Earl of Fife....... Stornaway 20 5/ 0/0 epi LO: Wesse. <2... ee Tobermory 313 78/ 5/0 Northumberland. . . Tobermory 355 88/15/0 Pildone 523 eek Tobermory 121 30/ 5/0 1,091 £272/15/0 : IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 73 English Novascotian, July 19, 1832 Brig Cartha, Liverpool, ‘‘344 passengers, 105 landed, the remainder for Quebec”’ TOU Scots Idem, May 17, 1832 Brig Phoenix, Greenock, “bound to Bay Chaleur,” ‘‘most’’ of the 132 passengers to be landed at a “all in good health”’ Idem, July 19, 1832 Brig Sylvanus, Cromarty, “196 highland emigrants”’ Idem, Aug. 9, 1832 Brig Canada, Inverness, bound for Quebec, ‘landed 130 passengers”’ Colonial Patriot, July 28, 1832 Brig Blagdon, Cromarty, “‘passengers.’”’ Like the Canada, she went on to Quebec with “‘passengers,’’ but some were presumably left at Pictou. LACE Irish Idem, Aug. 4, 1832 Brig John & Mary, Belfast, ‘68 passengers” IGONISH English Novascotian, July 19, 1832 Lucas, Manchester, ‘‘passengers”’ *-RPOOL ““Passengers”’ P.A.N.S., Financial Mss., Provincial Treasurer’s Account Book, 1830-32, p. 58 Passenger money totalling £4/10/0 was received from the Customs Collector at Liverpool on Oct. 4, 1832. The number of passengers is not given, but at 5/ a head it would be 18. OF CANSO *“Passengers”’ *P.A.N.S., Lieutenant-Governor, Incoming Correspondence, Nathaniel Clough to Maitland, Canso, May 12, 1832 Asks for appointment as Health Officer for the Gut of Canso where vessels were “almost daily arriving, anchoring and sometimes landing passengers.” 74 HALIFAX PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA 1833 Customs Return of Passengers and Passenger Money P.A.N.S., Vol. 282, Doc. 81, “An Account of Money Received at this Office under the Provincial Statute of the 2 William 4—ch 18—on passengers arriving from Great Britain between the 13 April & 25 Oct 1833” (The type of ship, port of departure, and days of passage when found in the newspapers have been inserted in brackets.) Date 1833 13 April 15 April 19 April 22 April 23 April 29 May 30 May 31 May 11 June 15 June Vessel (Brig) Albion......... (30 days, Aberdeen) (Brig) Aberdeenshire... (30 days, Aberdeen) (Ship) Jean Hastie.... (20 days, Greenock) Acadian «see tee (Greenock) HiGlifaaenn nn ieee [Probably Liverpool] (Brie) ones eee (23 days, Greenock) (Barque) Lunenburg... (29 days, Liverpool) (Brig) St Catherine... . (88 days, Waterford) INiautilus)..ikerea tees OTSOIT eae hee (Brig) Highlander..... (41 days, Leith) (Ship) John Porter...... (35 days, Liverpool) John & Mary......... No. of With Without Passengers Certificates Certificates 26 26 (Novascotian and Acadian Recorder reported 52 passengers) op 13 13 ate (No passengers reported in the Novascotian) 6 cae 6 (No passengers reported in the Novascotian) 8 8 ( Novascotian reported 5 cabin & 2 steerage passengers) ae 13 13 ae (Novascotian reported 12 pas- sengers) she 3 3 Ss (No passengers reported in the Novascotian) 2 aoe 2 (No passengers reported in the Novascotian) a 138 138 ( Novascotian and Acadian Recorder reported 134 passengers) ne 2 2 (Not reported in the MNovascotian) - 8 8 (Not reported in the Novascotian) su 6 ae 6 (Not reported in the WNovascotian) i 3 3 (Not reported in the Novascotian) es 41 41 ( Novascotian reported 3 cabin & 40 steerage passengers) 2 2 1 1 (Not reported in the WNovascotian) Amount received in Currency £ 6100 3 50 IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 Date 1833 17 June 18 June 19 July 22 July 20 Aug 2 Sept 16 Sept 20 Sept 11 Oct 23 Oct 75 Vessel (Brig) Union...... (53 days, Cork) (Brig) Magdaline (53 days, Jersey) (Ship) Jean Hastie. (33 days, Greenock) (Brig) Corsair (27 days, Liverpool) (Brig) Albion...... (31 days, Aberdeen) (Brig) Aberdeenshire (39 days, Aberdeen) (Barque) Acadian. . (33 days, Greenock) (Barque) Thalia........ (41 days, London) (Barque) James.... (44 days, Liverpool) Mary Ann Novascotian, June 6, 1833 Schooner Sydney, 14 days, St. Johns, Nfid., “30 passengers” Idem, June 20, 1833 Schooner Dolphin, 10 days, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘10 passengers” Idem, Aug. 22, 1833 Brig Creole, 13 days, St. Johns, Nfid., ‘“‘nassengers”’ Idem, Aug. 25, 1833 Brig Castlecalm, 61 days, London, ‘21 passengers.” English Recorder of July 27, 1833, reported ‘‘11 passengers.”’) Passengers from the United States Idem, March 21, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 5 days, Boston, 1 steerage Amount No. of With Without received in Passengers Certificates Certificates Currency ee 30 30 : 7100 (Novascotian and Acadian Recorder reported ‘11 passengers’’) ape 22, 22 11 00 (No passengers reported in the Novascotian) aaa Ra 2 af: 2 100 (Not reported in the Novascotian) SARE 8 8 Ae. 2 00 ( Novascotian reported 3 passengers) Sri Be 7 sf 1150 (Not reported in the Novascotian) aot ase 6 6 aw 1100 (Novascotian reported 4 cabin and 4 steerage passengers) : rear 31 30 1 7 00 (Novascotian reported ‘43 pas- sengers’’) fe eo 21 21 ; 5 50 (No passengers reported in the Novascotian) oe 11 10 1 3 OO (Novascotian reported 1 passenger) a 7 1150 Roe 5 5 ae 1 50 ( Novascotian reported 3 passengers) Soci 1 foe 100 (Not reported in the Novascotian) 423 373 50 £118 50 Irish (The Acadian 76 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, May 16, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 1 steerage Idem, June 6, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 60 hours, Boston, 2 steerage Idem, June 20, 1833 Schooner Eclipse, 6 days, New York, 2 steerage Idem, July 4, 1833 ‘S.S. Royal William, 2 days, Boston, 1 steerage Idem, Aug. 1, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 4 steerage Idem, Aug. 29, 1833 < Schooner Agenoria, 12 days, New York, 4 steerage Idem, Nov. 14, 1833 Brig Cordelia, Boston, 12 steerage Passengers from British North American Colonies Idem, May 23, 1833 PICTOU Schooner John, 18 days, Quebee, “12 passengers’’ Scots Colonial Patriot, June 18, 1833 Brig Charlotte Kerr, Glasgow, ‘‘Passengers”’ Hugh Denoon of Pictou writing to the Provincial Treasurer, Charles Wallace, on June 19, 1833, said: “‘a few Emigrants Say above 40— have landed here from Greenock.’ (P.A.N.S., Financial Mss., Revenue, Temporary Duties, Passenger Money, 1833). The Collector of Customs at Pictou, J. H. Noonan, collected passenger money from 50 people on the Charlotte Kerr. His date of entry, July 10, 1833, is evidently incorrect. (P.A.N.S., Vol. 282, Doe. 85) Idem, July 23, 1833 Brig Jane Key, 46 days, Cromarty and Thurso, ‘‘106 Passengers for Pictou and 60 for Quebec—all in good health” Idem, July 30, 1833 Brig ““Zeyphen’’ (Zephyr), Inverness, ‘125 passengers for Quebec, and 51 passengers for Pictou’’ P.A.N.S., Vol. 282, Doc. 85 Oconomist, Leith, 42 passengers Idem Robert and M argaret, Cromarty, 66 passengers Idem Brig Charlotte Kerr, Islay, 2 passengers Irish Colonial Patriot, Aug. 27, 1833 Ship Molly Moore, Waterford, ‘‘38 passengers”’ IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 77 DNEY No reports were found of immigration at Sydney, but the following extracts from correspondence have a bearing on the problems faced by the authorities in Cape Breton in dealing with shipwrecked and poor immigrants. P.A.N.S., Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., C. E. Leonard to [Charles Wallace], Sydney, June 8, 1833 “We are now sending to Halifax upwards of 200 out of 400 [immigrants] who have been wrecked within the last 3 weeks . . . [The sight of] the starving Emigrants of last year wandering about the Country looking for food is distressing beyond conception. Some of them [are] digging up the few seed potatoes which they had planted to keep them- selves alive. Such casualties connected with the increase of the mines establishment have almost caused a famine in this small Community.” P.A.N.S., Financial Mss., Import and Excise, C. E. Leonard to [Charles Wallace], Sydney, Aug. 12, 1833 “The expense for provisions & Supplies [for] the wrecked Emigrants here amounted to upwards of £100—£45 of which has been paid to Judge Marshall from the Emigrant fund by Sir Rupert George’s order with directions to the Collector [of Customs and passenger money] to pay such monies as he may collect from that fund to Mr. M[arshall] until the demand is paid off here, consequently the Masters of the Small Vessels are not likely to receive any from us this Season or indeed the other claimants it being doubtful whether any more Emigrants will come this year.” P.A.N.S., Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., C. E. Leonard to [Charles Wallace], Sydney, Dec. 27, 1833 “T enclose the amount of Money received by myself from the Emigrant fund. The first Charge of £52 you will find the Road Commissioner Accts & receipts for among the accounts of last year 1832. “The next £25 paid Judge Marshall and Myself was distributed to about Fifty Seotechmen which I have his orders for and which can be transmitted with the amount of distribution if required “The other sums I now forward the receipts for—’’ The money specified in these letters, £122 in all, as coming from the immigrant fund plus the money from the same fund referred to in general terms would appear to justify an estimate (at five shillings per head) of between 500 and 1,000 immigrants at Sydney in 1833. [P HARBOUR Scots P.A.N.S., Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., John Jean (Collector of Customs) to Charles Wallace, Arichat, Aug. 23, 1833 Brig Amity, from Creek Tobermory, Port of Greenock, landed 258 ‘“Passengers’”’ at Ship Harbour on August 21. Jean collected the passenger money—£64/10/0 78 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA PUGWASH Irish Idem, Michael Gordon to Charles Wallace, ‘““Custom House Cumber- land,” July 24, 1833 Brig Latonia, from Dublin, landed ‘176 Passengers” at Pugwash. Gordon travelled forty miles to Pugwash to get the passenger money — £44, 1834 HALIFAX Irish Novascotian, May 8, 1834 Brig Molly Moore, 21 days, Waterford, ‘‘119 passengers” Idem, May 22, 1834 Brig King 47 days, Waterford, ‘“‘passengers”’ Acadian Recorder, May 24, 1834 Barque Ceres, 42 days, Sligo, ‘47 passengers.’ (The Novascotian of May 29 reported that the Ceres had ‘‘172 passengers’”’ and was bound for St. John. Presumably 47 were landed at Halifax.) Novascotian, May 29, 1834 ' Brig Henrietta, 8 days, Carbonear, Nfld., ‘30 passengers” Idem, June 5, 1834 Brig Jane, 45 days, Waterford, “108 passengers”’ Brig Eden, 32 days, Cork, ‘181 passengers, bound to Bay Chaleur.”’ (Novascotian, June 12, 1834: Cleared—Brig Eden, “Bay Chaleur— ballast.’’) Scots Idem, May 1, 1834 Ship Acadian, 29 days, Greenock, 14 steerage Idem, May 8, 1834 Ship Jean Hastie, 25 days, Greenock, 13 steerage Brig Aberdeenshire, 57 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘24 passengers” Idem, Aug. 28, 1834 Brig Albion, 28 days, Aberdeen, 31 steerage Idem, Sept. 18, 1834 Brig Aberdeenshire, 44 days, Aberdeen, 11 steerage Idem, Oct. 2, 1834 Ship Jean Hastie, 33 days, Greenock, 7 steerage English Idem, May 8, 1834 Brig Damon, 23 days, Jersey, 27 steerage Passengers from the United States Idem, March 27, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 2 steerage IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 79 Idem, May 1, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 3 steerage Idem, June 19, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 4 steerage Idem, Aug. 7, 1834 Brig Halifax, 5 days, New York, 9 steerage Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 5 steerage Idem, Aug. 28, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 60 hours, Boston, 11 steerage Idem, Sept. 11, 1834 Brig Micmac, 4 days, Boston, 4 steerage Idem, Oct. 2, 1834 Brig Cordelia, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, Nov. 20, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 60 hours, Boston, 3 steerage Passengers from British North American Colonies Idem, July 17, 1834 Schooner Brothers, 11 days, Miramichi, 20 passengers CTOU P.A.N.S., Vol. 282, Doc. 118; Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., 1834 Scots July 7, Chieftain, Cromarty, 119 passengers July 28, William Henry, Cromarty, 102 passengers Aug. 18, Mercator, Greenock, 5 passengers Aug. 26, Geo. Barclay, Greenock, 47 passengers English May 12, Sceptre, London, 3 passengers May 14, Stephen, Newcastle, 7 passengers May 22, Elizabeth, Newcastle, 1 passenger Irish Aug. 30, Molly Moore, Waterford, 14 passengers No reports were found of immigration at Sydney. Passenger money paid into the Provincial Treasurer from different places amounted to £307 in 1834 (P.A.N.S., Vol. 400). This was not the total amount paid at the various ports, as some was always withheld for local expenses, but it affords a basis for figuring. It is known that £74, in passenger money was paid at Pictou. At five shillings a head, the amount for Halifax 80 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA would have been about £149. The balance, or most of it, £84, probably came from Sydney where, it seems safe to say, at least 300 to 350 immigrants landed in 1834. 1835 HALIFAX Irish Novascotian, June 25, 1835 Brig Timanda, 37 days, Waterford, ‘66 passengers” * Acadian Recorder, July 4, 1835 Schooner Tria, 3 days, Sydney, “with 94 passengers and 18 of the crew of the ship William Ewing, wrecked off Seatarie’ (The Acadian Recorder of July 18 has a report from Sydney to the effect that the William Ewing had about 300 passengers from Londonderry. They were almost all saved and the greater number of them sent to Quebec. The others went to Halifax, but were finally sent to Quebec. Minutes of Council, July 7, 1835). Novascotian, Oct. 8, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 6 days, St. Johns, Nfld., 28 steerage Scots Idem, April 30, 1835 Brig Albion, 38 days, Aberdeen, 25 steerage Brig Aberdeenshire, 41 days, Aberdeen, 7 passengers Idem, Sept. 24, 1835 Acadian, 24 days, Greenock, 6 steerage Acadian Recorder, Sept. 12, 1835 Brig Aberdeenshire, 46 days, [Aberdeen], ‘‘7 passengers’”’ English Novascotian, May 14, 1835 Ship Halifax, 33 days, Liverpool, 3 steerage ‘*Passengers”’ Idem, Sept. 10, 1835 Schooner Lady Ogle, 23 days, Sable Island, ‘44 passengers” Passengers from the United States Idem, Jan. 22, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 60 hours, Boston, 3 steerage Acadian Recorder, March 14, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 8 days, Boston, 5 steerage Novascotian, May 7, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 5 steerage Idem, June 4, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 5 days, Boston, 4 steerage IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 81 Idem, June 25, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 60 hours, Boston, 1 steerage Idem, July 23, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 5 days, Boston, 4 steerage Idem, Aug. 20, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 55 hours, Boston, 7 steerage Idem, Sept. 10, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 60 hours, Boston, 7 steerage Idem, Oct. 8, 1835 Brig Halifax, 4 days, New York, 6 steerage Idem, Oct. 29, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, Nov. 5, 1835 Schooner Industry, Boston, 9 steerage Idem, Nov. 19, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 50 hours, Boston, 2 steerage Idem, Dee. 10, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 70 hours, Boston, 5 steerage YDNEY ‘“Passengers’’ P.A.N.S., Vol. 338, Doc. 72, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1835 331 ‘“‘free Hmigrants”’ ICTOU No reports were found of immigration at Pictou. Passenger money paid into the Provincial Treasurer from different places amounted to £177 in 1835 (P.A.N.S., Vol. 400). At five shillings a head, the 611 passengers from Britain at Halifax and Sydney, recorded above, would account for £152. £25 or more probably came from Pictou and, if so, passengers there numbered 100 or more. 1836 ALIFAX P.A.N.S. Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., 1836 The passenger money received by the Provincial Treasurer from the Collector of Customs at Halifax £144, accounts for about 570 pas- sengers landed at that port in 1836. Under the amendment to the Passenger Act, two children (between 7 and 14) and three children (between 1 and 7) counted as one adult. Irish Novascotian, May 26, 1836 Brig Bob Logic, 42 days, Cork, “86 Passengers’”’ 82 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, June 2, 1836 Brig Eagle, 34 days, Waterford, “122 passengers.” (The Eagle cleared for Miramichi with ‘‘passengers,”’ probably 11, because the Acadian Recorder of May 28 records the arrival of the Hagle with ‘109 passengers.’’) Elizabeth, 45 days, Cork, ‘‘75 passengers” Idem, June 9, 1836 Brig Molly Moore, 35 days, Waterford, ‘‘70 passengers”’ Acadian Recorder, June 11, 1836 Schooner Michael Wallace, 3 days, Sable Island, “17 passengers.” “The brig Lancaster... 70 days, from Dublin, Cargo Whiskey, Porter &c. 77 passengers, bound to New York, on the 2ist May —Cargo and passengers saved: the vessel has been set on fire by the Captain.”’ Idem, July 2, 1836 Brig Maria, 33 days, Sable Island, ‘‘whiskey and porter and 67 passengers”’ Novascotian, July 28, 1836 Schooner Water Witch, 9 days, St. Johns, Nfld., 9 or more passengers. Scots Idem, May 12, 1836 Brig Albion, 43 days, Aberdeen, 38 steerage Idem, Sept. 22, 1836 Brig Albion, 42 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘49 passengers”’ English Acadian Recorder, May 21, 1836 Brig Argus, 43 days, Jersey, “‘18 passengers” Novascotian, June 2, 1836 Brig Buchanan, 35 days, London, 7 steerage “*Passengers”’ Acadian Recorder, Sept. 10 & 17, Nov. 12 American Ship Florida, 45 days, Harve, with ‘250 passengers mostly, we believe, natives of Germany,’’ bound for New York, put into Halifax for repairs on September 6. She did not leave until November 9, 1836. The Acadian Recorder of Sept. 17 reported that fifty of the passengers who ‘possessed money sufficient to pay their passage to Boston”’ embarked on the Acadian on September 12. Some of the other passengers for the United States in September and October were probably from the Florida. The number on board when she finally sailed was not reported in the newspapers. Passengers from the United States Idem, Jan. 30, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 6 days, Boston, 3 steerage IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 Novascotian, Feb. 4, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 6 days, Boston, 8 steerage Idem, May 5, 1836 Brig Cordelia, Boston, 2 steerage Idem, June 9, 1836 Brig Acadian, 6 days, Boston, 4 steerage Idem, July 7, 1836 Brig Acadian, 4 days, Boston, 6 steerage Acadian Recorder, July 23, 1836 Brig Acadian, 70 hours, Boston, 4 steerage Novascotian, July 28, 1836 Brig Halifax, 4 days, New York, 10 steerage Idem, Aug. 4, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 2 steerage Idem, Aug. 11, 1836 Brig Acadian, 33 days, Boston, 5 steerage Idem, Aug. 18, 1836 Schooner Industry, 4 days, Boston, 1 steerage Idem, Aug. 25, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 1 steerage Idem, Sept. 8, 1836 Brig Acadian, 33 days, Boston, 7 steerage Idem, Sept. 29, 1836 Brig Acadian, 2 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, Oct. 13, 1836 Brigt. Halifax, 7 days, New York, 10 steerage Idem, Oct. 20, 1836 Brig Acadian, 68 hours, Boston, 4 steerage Acadian Recorder, Dee. 17, 1836 Schooner Industry, 60 hours, Boston, ‘‘15 passengers”’ YDNEY **Passengers”’ 83 P.A.N.S., Vol. 338, Doc. 72, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1836 281 ‘free Emigrants”’ Scots Idem, Vol. 252, Doc. 88, John G. Marshall to T. W. James (Deputy Provincial Secretary), Sydney, Sept. 14, 1836; Idem, Vol. 150, p. 130, T. W. James to J. G. Marshall, Sept. 28, 1836 Ship Clansman had “‘lately arrived” at Sydney with “a great number of Scotch Emigrants.’’ Some of them had small pox and the disease was spreading, but 200 of them had got off the ship before they could be stopped. The others were still on board. 84 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA ST. ANN’S Scots Idem, Vol. 313, Doe. 82, Petition of Rev. Norman McLeod and others, St. Ann’s, Nov. 8, 1836 “104 improvident emigrants from the Highlands of Scotland” had “lately arrived” at St. Ann’s. Idem, Vol. 252, Doc. 101, Report of Customs Officers, Sydney, Jan. 5, 1837 Ship Albion, Tobermoray, landed ‘‘75 passengers’? at St. Ann’s on December 6, 1836. PICTOU ““Passengers’’ Idem, Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., 1836 The passenger money received by the Provincial Treasurer from the Collector of Customs at Pictou, £34, accounts for about 130 pass- engers landed at that port m 1836. Idem, Vol. 252, Doc. 90; Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., 1836 Port of Ship Departure Passengers Max dune oa6" Ani Grants. see ee Greenock 11 £2/15/0 Septer 6 Liezabeth oP ea wee Liverpool 1 0/10/0 Sepu29 Ann Grant. 1 nae ee Greenock ll 2/15/0 Oct. 14 British Merchant...... Liverpool 3 1/10/0 Oct: AiG Stephen). wena Neweastle 1 0/10/0 ATRGDOSKG). = selec eee Liverpool 4 1/ 0/0 31 9/0/0 1837 HALIFAX Irish Novascotian, May 25, 1837 Barque Lord John Russell, 41 days, Waterford, “181 passengers” Acadian Recorder, June 3, 1837 Brig Don, 42 days, Waterford, ‘112 passengers’’ Brig Eagle, 46 days, [Waterford], ‘‘106 passengers” Schooner Adelle, Bay Chaleur, ‘18 passengers” from the Ship Margaret, bound from Belfast to New York. The Margaret was leaky and the passengers and crew, about 170, taken off by the barque Carleton bound for ‘‘Restigouche” Novascotian, June 15, 1837 Schooner Emily, 5 days, St. John’s, Nfld., 14 steerage Idem, Aug. 3, 1837 Brig Clitus, 42 days, Cork, ‘‘106 passengers’’ Oo a IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 Scots Acadian Recorder, April 29, 1837 Brig Albion, 31 days, Aberdeen, 15 steerage Idem, Sept. 9, 1837 Brig Albion, 30 days, Aberdeen, “26 passengers”’ English Novascotian, Aug. 3, 1837 Barque Exporter, 56 days, London, 4 steerage Acadian Recorder, Sept. 2, 1837 Ship Peruvian, 40 days, London, 7 steerage Novascotian, Oct. 19, 1837 Schooner Des Landries, 30 days, Guernsey, ‘‘8 passengers”’ Brig Westmoreland, 28 days, Liverpool, ‘‘8 passengers” Passengers from the United States Novascotian, Jan. 19, 1837 Brig Acadian, 48 hours, Boston, 5 steerage Schooner Industry, 60 hours, Boston, ‘15 passengers” Idem, Feb. 23, 1837 Brig Acadian, Boston, 2 steerage Idem, March 23, 1837 Brig Acadian, 70 hours, Boston, 2 steerage Idem, March 30, 1837 Schooner Pictou, 7 days, New York, ‘‘8 passengers’’ Idem, April 13, 1837 Brig Acadian, 3 days, Boston, 11 steerage Idem, May 11, 1837 Brig Acadian, 57 hours, Boston, 13 steerage Schooner Pictou, 4 days, New York, 10 steerage Idem, June 1, 1837 Brig Acadian, 56 hours, Boston, 9 steerage Halifax, New York, 13 steerage Idem, June 29, 1837 Brigt. Pictou, 6 days, New York, ‘‘10 passengers’”’ Brig Acadian, 33 days, Boston, 20 steerage Acadian Recorder, July 1, 1837 Schooner Industry, 3 days, Boston, “27 passengers” Novascotian, July 20, 1837 Brig Halifax, 5 days, Bridgeport, U.S.A., ‘18 passengers” Brig Cordelia, 3 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, July 27, 1837 Brig Acadian, 65 hours, Boston, 4 steerage Idem, Aug. 3, 1837 Brig St. Lawrence, 7 days, New York, 2 steerage 86 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, Aug. 10, 1837 Brig Cordelia, 55 hours, Boston, 9 steerage Acadian Recorder, Aug. 19, 1837 Schooner Mariner, 6 days, Boston, ‘‘12 passengers” Novascotian, Aug. 24, 1837 Schooner Leonidas, 14 days, New York, ‘3 passengers’ Acadian Recorder, Aug. 26, 1837 Brig Acadian, 53 days, Boston, 10 steerage Novascotian, Aug. 31, 1837 Schooner Industry, 8 days, Boston, 8 steerage Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, Sept. 21, 1837 Brig Acadian, 3 days, Boston, 8 steerage Idem, Sept. 28, 1837 Brig Cordelia, 4 days, Boston, 4 steerage Brigt. Pictou, 12 days, New York, 10 steerage Acadian Recorder, Oct. 7, 1837 Schooner Industry, 7 days, Boston, 14 passengers Novascotian, Oct. 12, 1837 Brig Acadian, 3 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, Oct. 26, 1837 Brig Cordelia, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, Nov. 9, 1837 Brig Acadian, 54 hours, Boston, 3 steerage Idem, Nov. 16, 1837 The Brig Cordelia, bound from Boston to Halifax, was lost off Barrington. . Acadian Recorder, Dec. 16, 1837 Brig Acadian, 5 days, Boston, 10 steerage Schooner Industry, 3 days, Boston, “12 passengers”’ Passengers from British North American Colonies Acadian Recorder, July 1, 1837 Schooner Restigouche Packe, 8 days, Richibucto. “10 Dees. Novascotian, Aug. 17, 1837 Schooner North American, 12 days, Quebec ‘9 passengers” Idem, Aug. 24, 1837 Schooner Hartford, 17 days, Quebec, ‘‘4 passengers”’ Idem, Sept. 7, 1837 Brig Nile, 3 days, St. John, N. B., “8 passengers” Acadian Recorder, Oct. 28, 1837 Schooner Joseph Smith, 7 days, Quebec, “8 passengers”’ SYDNEY ‘‘Passengers P.A.N.S., Vol. 338, Doc. 72, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1837 578 “free Emigrants” IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1888 87 Idem, Vol. 252, Doc. 127: Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., 1837 Scots ; April 5—July 5 Barque Hercules (252 tons), Stornoway, ‘‘70 passengers’’ Brig Henry & William (64 tons), Stornoway, “43 & 1/3 passengers.” (This indicates that children, two or three according to their age, counted as one passenger.) July 10—Oct. 10 Brig Thistle, Stornoway, “65 & 1/3rd passengers”’ Isabella, Greenock, ‘120 & 2/3rds passengers” Eclipse, Tobermoray, “100 passengers” Irish April 5—July 5 Brig Royalist (250 tons), Londonderry, 136 passengers July 10—Oct. 10 Belsay Castle, Belfast, ‘18 passengers” CTOU Idem, Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., 1837 Scots April 5—July 5 Isabella, Greenock, 190 passengers July 10—Oct. 10 Isabella, Greenock, 24 passengers English April 5—July 5 Sally, Liverpool, 3 passengers Irish July 10—Oct. 10 Lady Ann, Belfast, “36 1/3 adults” 1838 iLIFAX Irish Acadian Recorder, June 16, 1838 Schooner Margaret, 13 days, St. Johns, Nfld., 6 steerage 88 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, June 30, 1838 Brig Zephyer, Shelburne, N. S., with 50 passengers of “the brig Jane of Cork cast away near Shelburne’”’ Brigt. Pictou, 9 days, St. Johns, Nfld., 7 steerage Idem, Aug. 11, 1838 [Brigt.] Pictou, Nfld., 3 steerage * Novascotian, Aug. 23, 1838 Government Schooner Victory, Sable Island, with 7 men and 22 passengers of the Barque Granville, bound from Sligo to St. John, N. B., wrecked on Sable Island Acadian Recorder, Sept. 8, 1838 Schooner Jane, St. Johns, Nfid., “6 passengers” Idem, Oct. 6, 1838 Brigt. Pictou, 13 days, St. Johns, Nfld., 9 steerage Idem, Oct. 27, 1838 Brig Hebe, St. John’s, Nfid., ““6 passengers”’ English Idem, June 9, 1838 Barque England, 34 days, London, ‘‘3 passengers” Barque John Porter, 33 days, Liverpool, 4 steerage Idem, June 16, 1838 Schooner Speedy Packet, 32 days, Jersey, ‘‘4 passengers” Idem, July 28, 1838 Brig Neptune, 54 days, London, 8 steerage Novascotian, Aug. 30, 1838 Lady Paget, {Liverpool?], 8 steerage Idem, Oct. 11, 1838 Ship Halifax, 50 days, Liverpool, 2 steerage Scots Idem, Sept. 6, 1838 Brig Albion, 34 days, Aberdeen, ‘‘21 passengers” Passengers from the United States Acadian Recorder, Jan. 20, 1838 Brigt. President, 8 days, New York, ‘3 passengers” Idem, Feb. 17, 1838 Schooner Industry, 11 days, Boston, ‘‘5 passengers’”’ Idem, March 3, 1838 Brig Roxana, 3 days, Boston, 2 steerage Idem, March 24, 1838 Schooner Industry, 11 days, Boston, ‘‘10 passengers” Idem, March 31, 1838 Brig Acadian, 4 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, April 7, 1838 Schooner Mary Ann, 12 days, New York, 11 steerage IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 Idem, April 21, 1838 Brig Acadian, 3 days, Boston, 6 steerage Idem, April 28, 1838 Schooner Industry, 33 days, Boston, ‘‘21 passengers’’ Idem, May 19, 1838 Brig Roxana, 5 days, Boston, 4 steerage Schooner Irene, 6 days, New York, ‘‘23 Passengers” Brig Acadian, 60 hours, Boston, 11 steerage Idem, May 26, 1838 Schooner Industry, 4 days, Boston, ‘‘14 passengers” Idem, June 9, 1838 Brig Roxana, 4 days, Boston, 5 steerage Idem, June 16, 1838 Schooner Lady, 6 days, Boston, “6 passengers” Novascotian, July 12, 1838 Brig Acadian, 5 days, Boston, 9 steerage Acadian Recorder, July 14, 1838 Schooner Richmond, 15 days, New York, 3 steerage Idem, July 21, 1838 Schooner Shannon, 7 days, New York, “‘7 passengers” Idem, July 28, 1838 Schooner Industry, 4 days, Boston, ‘‘19 passengers” Idem, Aug. 11, 1838 Brig Acadian, 4 days, Boston, 3 steerage Idem, Sept. 1, 1838 Schooner Industry, 3 days, Boston, ‘‘20 passengers’’ Brig Acadian, 50 hours, Boston, | steerage Idem, Sept. 22, 1838 Barge Sybella, 14 days, New York, 5 passengers Brig Acadian, 6 days, Boston, 2 steerage Schooner Collector, 9 days, Boston, ‘‘3 passengers” Novascotian, Sept. 27, 1838 Brig Acadian, 6 days, Boston, 2 steerage Schooner Industry, 43 days, Boston, 10 steerage Idem, Oct. 18, 1838 Brig Acadian, 60 hours, Boston, 10 steerage Schooner Barbara, 43 days, New York, ‘6 passengers”’ Idem, Nov. 8, 1838 Schooner Industry, 4 days, Boston, “16 passengers’”’ Idem, Nov. 22, 1838 Brig Acadian, 4 days, Boston, 4 steerage Passengers from British North American Colonies Acadian Recorder, July 21, 1838 Schooner Two Brothers, 25 days, Quebec, ‘‘8 passengers’”’ Idem, Aug. 4, 1838 Schooner Marie, 5 days, Paspebiac, P. Q., “10 passengers’”’ 90 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, Aug. 11, 1838 Schooner Jon, 9 days, St. John, N. B., ‘‘8 passengers” SYDNEY Scots P.A.N.S., Financial Mss., Passenger Money, op. cit., 1838 Jan. 5, 1838 Barque Isabella, Greenock, “23 & 1/3d passengers.” (They were evidently included in the total number of passengers for the year 1837 reported by the Customs at Sydney.) ““Passengers”’ g Idem, Vol. 338, Doc. 72, Customs Return of Immigrants at Sydney, 1838 158 “‘free Emigrants”’ Idem, Vol. 252, Doe. 147 Scots Sept. 4, Corsair, Tobermoray, 155 passengers English May 18, Elizabeth, Neweastle, 3 passengers PICTOU Scots Idem, Vol. 253, Doe. 1 Aug. 29, [Barque] Isabella, Greenock, “37 Adults” **Passengers’’ Idem, Vol. 252, Doe. 151 . The passenger money received by the Provincial Treasurer from the Collector of Customs at Pictou, £39, less £9 paid by the passengers on the Isabella, accounts for about 120 more passengers landed at that port-in 1838. IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 APPENDIX II Passengers from the British Isles and Newfoundland 91 1815-1838 Scots Irish English Welsh ‘‘Passengers’’ Total (Including (Including (Including ‘‘Passengers’” ‘‘Passengers’ (Including (Ports of “Passengers” from ports in from ports in ‘‘Passengers”’ Departure from ports in Ireland and England and from ports in not Scotland) Newfound- the Channel Wales) recorded) land)1 Islands) Port of Entry 1815 EToulsbexine =.2< = << 236 94 330 PIGEON cs... « 366 366 Cape Breton..... 28 20 6 59 Gi ae 630 119 6 755 1816 (ies 3S 201 800 1,001 PRC CON a en. =, os 520 520 Cape Breton..... 129 47 176 JNO SS eee 850 847 1,697 1817 Plalitaxea. <2 <0: 623 1,255 387 2,265 Syenayeesee. o.- 632 632 WarinOmet en. «5 5% 50 50 Motalees: ss. s 1,305 1,255 387 2,947 1818 ELAS 3 3 eae 1,637 559 320 112 2,628 1819 Riclatamscirce-c. << 974 912 197 94 2,177 (PC EOL faicsc sisi « 561 561 MOGH ae. ss 1,535 912 197 94 2,738 1820 PPalibaxcnie siz)2« «<= 803 93 75 971 StyAnts.....-.. 78 78 St. Peter’s....... 50 50 Mota: -.:. <2. « 931 93 75 1,099 if 1,769 passengers from Newfoundland were noted. See page 97. 92 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Passengers from the British Isles and Newfoundland 1815-1838 (Including (Including (Including ‘‘Passengers’’ ‘‘Passengers’” (Including (Ports of “Passengers’’ from ports in from ports in ‘‘Passengers”” Departure from ports in Ireland and England and from ports in not Scotland) Newfound- the Channel Wales) recorded) land) Islands) Port of Entry 1821 Halifaxt.eoeercn- 60 237 297 Sycneyva ee ae 350 350 Pictou nner 80 80 Totalis.25 t... 490 237 727 1822 Halifaxenerys ete 42 74 11 127 Piclousee er 147 39 186 Syvdnievae ee 181 181 Plaster Rock..... 50 50 Motal..0)) a. 420 74 50 ” 544 1823 Mahitaxin ce 403 50 453 1824 Halifax vi o-...0 3 106 109 SHCUNEW. saoneacae 215 215 Pactounwe. . 22.7 25 25 AMOS ah rate eo oe 215 3 131 349 1825 Plalivarx aise aster 92 50 2 144 Sydneyssoc nie: 429 429 Motels rac 521 50 2 573 1826 Halifax) hig ee. 2 673 15 690 Cape Breton..... 800 800 Liverpool........ 84 84 Pictovwe eee eee 50 50 Rotaliaanvarek.. 802 807 15 1,624 1827 Halitaxnn seer 205 1,617 8 1,830 Sydneyso5....40. 944 200 1,144 Pictor ne 100 100 Port Hastings 50 50 Dotalyy cs: 1,199 1,817 108 3,124 IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 Passengers from the British Isles and Newfoundland 1815-1838 (Including (Including (including ““Passengers” “Passengers” (Including (Ports of “Passengers” from ports in from ports in “Passengers” Departure from ports in Ireland and England and from ports in not Scotland) Newfound- the Channel Wales) recorded) land) Islands) Port of Entry 1828 al 142 408 91 641 Syeriey.-.:-2.... 2,413 90 2,503 Port Hawkesbury 208 208 Rc 66 33 99 LN See 2,829 498 124 3,451 1829 Galle 218 138 6 362 SL GY eee 719 719 Piviediatee 255... - 50 50 Ghai. 257 42 299 Ot 1,244 180 6 1,430 1830 SEARS 3 cis 115 174 97 386 Sy oS ae See 994 37 1,031 PERT CIRAEN chs, ss 100 100 Preto s_.. <5. 350 350 Gut of Canso 114 114 Pugwash........ 50 50 Lon 1,223 674 134 2,031 1831 ia So 87 1,028 85 1,200 Syeeweee.2<< 2<. 765 205 250 1,220 ACEGWE ic ews se 377 245 622 Granville........ 60 60 Wallace......... 20 20 Liverpool........ 14 14 OT eee 1,249 1,538 99 250 3,136 1832 RR nE ARE Ry) = Sass 143 831 126 22 1,122 Syaneg-.-....... 1,091 105 1,196 PIGEORE ES «55 2.5 cise 496 496 Wallace......... 68 68 Antigonish...... 25 25 Liverpool........ 18 18 Retthoee ss 2 1,730 899 256 22 18 2,925 94 Passengers from the British Isles and Newfoundland PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA 1815-1838 (Including (Including (Including ‘‘Passengers’’ ‘“‘Passengers’” (Including (Ports of “Passengers” from ports in from ports in “Passengers” Departure from ports in Ireland and England and from ports in not Scotland) Newfound- the Channel Wales) recorded) land) Islands) Port of Entry 1833 Halifax eae 168 233 73 30 504 Sydneyaen ere 750 750 Pictoup eee 317 38 355 Port Hawkesbury 258 258 Pugwash........ 176 176 TRotale ee 743 447 73 780 2,043 1834 Halifax )-e. fone 100 535 27 662 Svdneyeeeese ee: 325 325 PACtol ne een 273 14 11 298 MNO Geils = pene 373 549 38 325 1,285 1835 Halifax. see. cou: 45 94 3 44 280 Sydney rere 331 331 Pictou ee 100 100 Motale ase: 45 94 3 475 617 1836 Halifax. (hoes). 87 433 25 45 590 Sydneyre se ness 281 281 IPIGtOUsee Sere st 22 9 100 131 St Ammis!. 4. 325 179 179 ADKOVFEN Wires ates ae 569 433 34 145 1,181 1837 alitaxe eye are 41 537 27 605 Sydtieyse ces 399 154 553 Pictowrene seer 214 36 3 253 Dotala. tpt 654 727 30 1,411 1838 } Halifax e400 21 87 29 137 Sydneysace se: 178 3 181 Pictow see: 37 120 157 TRO tall ise: kesh 236 87 32 120 475 IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 95 TOTALS 7 F. ahh pt SAU yee ae eR AO ep ane he 9 oe ee 21,833 S01. Re OR SO eae me ay at Bk a 12,949 LE 2 Be. SES ee Se = bs 2,120 Es. aah eR ARI ES RE PN 08 aes oe a 228 TIERS NY. es Tet. | tern CU ne A 2,113" EYE Dect alte Sopdet lA eho tl SR Oe ae 39,243 PORTS OF ENTRY Halifax (Returns, complete or incomplete, for every year) EI as) aE a re 10,915 EE A S.cek Pe ere. Se a ie Cb lle BUSY! 6,445 a DE Ee a, BOs BO ee ee eee 1,710 ere ae: ete Se eet is A eee 228 EUS ACTS Ae yee = ee ed vie ll, el RR 119 (SU LIERL LN Dp Is a i cite ee Rea a cn ee ee 19,417 Sydney (No returns found for the years 1818, 1819, 1820, 1823. Returns for some of the other years are obviously incomplete.) SRNR POD ai a Rec cata ihe Ulceel parand /b 16 a ie, deoisnckon ieee 10,548 EIU 204 hor eA CE Oe aks cas CIES Ge ee 826 PEPER Were 2280 oe Ra 4 dei Lid Wire 2 eee te at 46 mrommerta ema. Loy. oli. i. oT Pe Ble ae 1,656 eae tRSESMMO NCR CN y yh RLS. 5 Se «Xs asad s S050 resend See 13,076 Pictou (No returns found for the years 1817, 1818, 1820, 1823, 1825. Returns for some of the other years are obviously incomplete.) oD Sn Si A ee ane eee ea 3,733 J es ALT CCAR ene. Ee aaa ge TRE: Co) AES pas MRE aN er EOS oo tort Pt ge 220 ET SEES a ee oe re a Ook | Stee ae 320 EUBPIETIN Ry F216 a Soa AOR te EN et Soa 5,048 1. As 1,656 of these “‘passengers’’ landed at Sydney and 320 at Pictou, it is more than probable that the most of them were Scots. 119 landed at Halifax and 18 at Liverpool. 96 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Other Places (Occasional references were found to immigrants landing at places other than Halifax, Sydney, and Pictou.) Year Antigomish: 4... 55:48 (S32) eee English... ..=eeee : 25 Arichatie:ce os. hee (1S 29h cans ae Scots. ...... .a eee 50 (1830) ......Drish. .. 100 Cansonise vtec ues ee (1817)... .... Scots. aaa MS eee 50 Granville..............(881)..... Trish). 60 Gut of Canso. .........(1830)......Scots. .. 7) 114 leiverpooln, fos) ee (1826)... .....Jrish. .. 3 84 (1831)... .. English. 7 14 CLS32)iec. ae “ Passengers’ see 18 Plaster Roek: 2.20.42: (1822). ..... Scots... eee 5) Port’ Hastings 2.5... ..2 (1827)... .. Scots: “: 7. 50 Port Hawkesbury...... (1828)... ... Scots: .. an 208 (1833) ..... Scots. .. >) eee 258 Pugwash 2 852 cece (1830)... ... Irish... 50 (G833) eee Trish... ee 176 Sits AMM sips oe cee ee (1820) 222452 Scots... ... .. ee 78 (1836)... .. Scots... .. 7 179 St.Peteris:. e016 sae (1820) .........Scots.. . .. ee 50 Wallace 'os.7. 55 ieee (1831). .....Scots... 2) oe 20 (1832). .....Jrish. . 68 1,702 1,107 Scots, 538 Irish, 39 English, & 18 ‘Passengers’ IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 97 APPENDIX III Passengers from Newfoundland 1815-1838 It is not supposed that these are complete returns of ‘“‘passengers’’ from Newfoundland to Nova Scotia. The letter of Sir James Hamilton (page 51) and other contemporary comments indicate that there were more people coming from Newfoundland than are here recorded. These are yearly totals of figures (given in Appendix I) found in the Halifax shipping lists. Except for the 125 noted as landing at Arichat and Sydney, they all arrived at Halifax or, if shipwrecked, were making their way to Halifax. Nearly a thousand, perhaps there were more, came in 1816 and 1817 and it is known they were Irish. Those at Arichat in 1830 were also Irish. Most of the others were probably Irish. All are included as Irish in the foregoing appendices. LLG 3 ae eee 500 RSS Oe megs eer 100 (Arichat) USSU) 200 SS eee 475 RSS ore ee tc kms 29 _bLS eee 22 25 (Sydney) Lo) eee 5 WSS Deeb ae Sie eto 14 L235 25 ok ee 50 SSS.) Pies eels 65 Ls a re 3 183 42) Se RENE wien ers 30 io ee 16 PSS irs 28 LS or A 122 HS3O oe ee ee See 9 LET) a Se ere 200 S5 meee ey eer ee es 14 SS, Ea Se oe 25 WSSS2 eso de eee. 37 98 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA APPENDIX IV Passengers from other British North American Colonies (To Halifax) 1815-1838 These ‘‘passengers,’’ noted in the shipping news of Halifax as arriving at that port, were from Quebec and New Brunswick. For passengers from Prince Edward Island to Nova Scotia it was easier to cross the Northumber- land Strait to Pictou, but no records were found of their arrival there or elsewhere. While some of the passengers included in these figures were probably military or colonial people (no troop transports are included or cabin passengers classified as such or persons mentioned by name), the rest seem to have been immigrants whose original destination may have been Halifax, who may have heard of work in Halifax, or who may have been on their way to the United States. Nearly all of them came from Miramichi (192), Quebee (143), and St. John (89). Port of Port of Year Number Departure Year Number Departure 1822 50 Miramichi 1833 12 Quebec 1827 31 Miramichi 1834 20 Miramichi 6 Quebee 1837 21 Quebec 1829 2 Quebee 10 Richibucto 8 St. John 1831 48 Quebee 24 St. John 1838 10 Paspebiac 21 Miramichi 8 Quebec 8 St. John 1832 70 Miramichi 49 St. John 46 Quebec PO tal. 0s otic ses See oe Oe Oe OEE 444 IMMIGRATION TO NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 99 APPENDIX V Passengers from the United States (To Halifax) 1815-1838 Two thirds of these ‘“‘passengers’’ were specifically noted in the shipping news of Halifax as being in the steerage. The other third, put down as ‘passengers,’ came in schooners most of which probably had no steerage class. Established residents of both countries who were constantly coming and going in the cabin class of the regular packet boats were usually mentioned by name and none of those who were are included in these figures. All passengers designated as being in the cabin class are excluded. The great majority of these people came from Boston and nearly all the others from New York. About 700 of them came in the last four years, 1835-38, when the United States felt the pinch of depression. Port of Port of Year Number Departure Year Number Departure 1819 17 Boston 1832 14 New York 9 New York 6 Boston 1820 4 Boston 1833 21 Boston 6 New York 1821 13 Boston j 1834 38 Boston 1824 12 Boston 9 New York 1826 ss Boston 1835 58 Boston 5 New York 6 New York 3 Philadelphia 1836 68 Boston 1827 3 Boston 20 New York 1829 17 Boston 1837 222 Boston ; 56 New York 1830 14 Boston 18 Bridgeport 1831 34 Boston 1838 189 Boston 20 New York 58 New York PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA APPENDIX VI Grand Totals—Immigration 1815-1838 British Isles & Newfoundland... 2.....4...... 37,474 Newfoundland: | 2:7) 40.2: adda ye ere 1,769 New Brunswick & Quebec. «../....5..4.0. eee 444 United States... (4.0.04 0.gsuia duce ee 945 Refugee Negroes... 025. .c4.. Mase... eee 1,700 (?) Disbanded Soldiers & Pensioners.................... 693 (?) 43,025 EMIGRATION FROM NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 101 EMIGRATION APPENDIX VII “Passengers” are included only where it is relatively certain they were emigrants. All cabin class passengers designated as such are excluded, as are all passengers mentioned by name, even those who seem to have been emigrants. If the shipping news of Halifax which provided most of the following figures is any indication, it is evident that 1817 and 1818 were comparatively heavy years of emigration to the United States, that after a lull during the years 1819-31, this emigration was even greater, the majority of emigrants going to Boston and most of the others to New York, and that few steerage passengers left Halifax for England and practically none for Canada. 102 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA 1817 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, Aug. 2, 1817 Schooner Robert, ‘‘46 passengers,’’ for Boston Schooner Concord, ‘‘82 passengers,” for New York Schooner Sally Ann, ‘‘23 passengers,’’ for New York Idem, Aug. 9, 1817 Schooner Roseway, “‘a great number of passengers,” arrived at Boston Idem, Aug. 30, 1817 ; A schooner ‘from Halifax for Amboy, N. Y. with 100 passengers left Newport, R. I. Aug. 15.” Idem, Nov. 29, 1817 Schooner Thomas Jefferson, ‘30 passengers,’’ arrived at Baltimore HALIFAX TO QUEBEC Idem, Aug. 30, 1817 Ship Nancy, “34 passengers,’”’ arrived at Quebec Idem, Sept. 27, 1817 Minerva, ‘‘7 settlers,’ ’ arrived at Quebee HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, Jan. 17, 1818 Schooner Critic, “‘18 passengers,’ for Boston Idem, July 4, 1818 Brig Thompson's Packet, ‘183 passengers,” for Philadelphia Schooner Britannia, “14 passengers,” arrived at New York Idem, Aug. 8, 1818 Schooner Consolation, ‘‘53 passengers,’ arrived at Philadelphia Schooner Margaret Rose, ‘passengers,’ for New York Idem, Aug. 15, 1818 Schooner Rising Sun, ’ ce 7 passengers,’ arrived at Baltimore 1819 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, May 15, 1819 Schooner Cherub, passengers, for Boston Idem, Oct. 16, 1819 Rambler, ‘‘4 steerage passengers,’’ for Boston EMIGRATION FROM NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 103 1822 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, Nov. 2, 1822 Schooner Billow, 11 steerage, for Boston 1823 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, June 28, 1823 Schooner George Henry, ‘‘30 steerage passengers,”’ for Boston 1824 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, Oct. 16, 1824 Schooner Billow, 6 steerage, for Boston 1825 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, May 28, 1825 Schooner George Henry, 6 steerage, for Boston 1826 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, Sept. 30, 1826 Brig James, 20 steerage, for Philadelphia 1827 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Novascotian, Sept. 27 Potomac, ‘‘43 of the passengers of the brig James,” for Alexandria 1829 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, April 11, 1829 Brig George Henry, 7 steerage, for Boston NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, 1840, p. 74 (Imperial Blue Book) 123 Emigrants at Quebec in 1829 from ‘“‘Nova Scotia. Newfoundland, West Indies, &e.”’ 104 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA HALIFAX TO ENGLAND Acadian Recorder, Dec. 5, 1829 Ship Atlantic, 9 steerage, for Liverpool 1830 HALIFAX TO ENGLAND Acadian Recorder, Jan. 16, 1830 Ship Halifax, 5 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, May 29, 1830 Ship Halifax, 5 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, Aug. 14 & 21, 1830 Ship Atlantic, 3 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, Sept. 18, 1830 Ship Halifax, 4 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, Dee. 18, 1830 Ship Atlantic, 10 steerage, for Liverpool NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 451 Emigrants at Quebec in 1830 from ‘‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland. West Indies, &e.”’ 1831 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Acadian Recorder, Jan. 15, 1831 Brig Cordelia, 8 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 24, 1831 Brig Cordelia, 1 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 15, 1831 Brig Cordelia, 3 steerage, for Boston HALIFAX TO ENGLAND Idem, Jan. 22, 1831 Ship Jean Hastie, 2 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, July 2, 1831 Ship Halifax, 5 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, Sept. 3, 1831 Ship Jean Hastie, 8 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, Dee. 17, 1831 Ship Jean Hastie, 2 steerage, for Liverpool EMIGRATION FROM NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 105 NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 424 Emigrants at Quebec in 1831 from ‘‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, West Indies, &c.”’ 1832 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Novascotian, March 15, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 17 steerage, for Boston Idem, May 31, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 12 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 28, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 12 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 2, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 22 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 6, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 12 steerage, for Boston Idem, Dee. 20, 1832 Brig Cordelia, 15 steerage, for Boston HALIFAX TO ENGLAND Idem, Dee. 20, 1832 Ship Janet, 8 steerage, for Liverpool NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 546 Emigrants at Quebec in 1832 from ‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, West Indies, &e.”’ 1833 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Novascotian, May 23, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 10 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 13, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 15 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 20, 1833 S.S. Royal William, 10 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 8, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 15 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 5, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 10 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 31, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 50 steerage, for Boston Idem, Dec. 26, 1833 Brig Cordelia, 25 steerage, for Boston 106 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 345 Emigrants at Quebec in 1833 from ‘‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, West Indies, &e.”’ Novascotian, July 4, 1833 S. S. Royal William, 70 steerage, for Quebec 1834 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Novascotian, April 10, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 20 steerage, for Boston Idem, May 8, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 20 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 5, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 37 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 26, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 14 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 24, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 24 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 21, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 32 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 28, 1834 Brig Micmac, 6 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 11, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 12 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 18, 1834 Brig Micmac, 8 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 9, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 20 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 16, 1834 Brig Micmac, 12 steerage, for Boston Idem, Nov. 6, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 30 steerage, for Boston Idem, Dee. 4, 1834 Brig Cordelia, 24 steerage, for Boston NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 339 Emigrants at Quebec in 1834 from ‘‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, West Indies, &c.”’ EMIGRATION FROM NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 1835 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Novascotian, Feb. 5, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 10 steerage, for Boston Idem, April 16, 1835 Brig Sarah, 12 steerage, for New York Idem, April 23, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 7 steerage, for Boston Idem, May 14, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 30 steerage, for Boston Acadian Recorder, May 30, 1835 Brig Sarah, 41 steerage, for New York Novascotian, June 11, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 46 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 25, 1835 Brig Halifax, 30 steerage, for New York Idem, July 2, 1835 Brig Sarah, 30 steerage, for New York Idem, July 9, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 45 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 16, 1835 Brig Industry, 11 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 30, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 45 steerage, for Boston Brig Halifax, 40 steerage, for New York Acadian Recorder, Aug. 15, 1835 Brig Industry, 7 steerage, for Boston Novascotian, Aug. 27, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 45 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 10, 1835 Brig Halifax, 30 steerage, for New York Idem, Oct. 1, 1835 Brig Industry, 13 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 8, 1835 Brig Industry, 18 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 15, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 39 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 22, 1835 Brig Halifax, 40 steerage, for New York Idem, Nov. 12, 1835 Brig Industry, 14 steerage, for Boston Idem, Nov. 26, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 30 steerage, for Boston Acadian Recorder, Dec. 12, 1835 Athenian, ‘“‘several in the steerage,’ for New York Idem, Dee. 19, 1835 Brig Cordelia, 15 steerage, for Boston 107 108 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 225 Emigrants at Quebec in 1835 from ‘“‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, West Indies, &c.”’ HALIFAX TO ENGLAND Acadian Recorder, Aug. 15, 1835 Corsair, 3 steerage, for Liverpool Novascotian, Sept. 24, 1835 ‘Ship Halifax, 4 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, Nov. 5, 1835 Ship John Porter, 6 steerage, for Liverpool 1836 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Novascotian, Feb. 11, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 13 steerage, for Boston Idem, April 21, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 30 steerage, for Boston Idem, May 12, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 35 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 16, 1836 Brig Halifax, 30 steerage, for New York Brig Acadian, 50 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 23, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 57 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 14, 1836 Brig Acadian, 42 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 21, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 17 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 28, 1836 Schooner Pictou, 10 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 11, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 40 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 25, 1836 Brig Acadian, 20 steerage, for Boston Robert Noble, 18 steerage, for Boston Schooner Pictou, 25 steerage, for New York Idem, Sept. 1, 1836 Schooner Pride, 23 steerage, for New York Idem, Sept. 8, 1836 Brigt. Halifax, 30 steerage, for New York Idem, Sept. 15, 1836 Brig Acadian, 45 steerage, for Boston EMIGRATION FROM NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 109 Idem, Sept. 22, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 3 steerage, for Boston Schooner Stranger, 12 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 6, 1836 Brig Cordelia, 25 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 20, 1836 Brig Halifax, 30 steerage, for New York Schooner Pride, 16 steerage, for New York Idem, Noy. 10, 1836 Schooner Pictou, 14 steerage, for New York Acadian Recorder, Dec. 3, 1836 4 Brig Acadian, 25 steerage, for Boston Idem, Dee. 31, 1836 Brig Acadian, 5 steerage, for Boston NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 235 Emigrants at Quebec in 1836 from ‘‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, West Indies, &e.”’ 1837 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Novascotian, Jan. 26, 1837 Brig Acadian, 3 steerage, for Boston Idem, March 30, 1837 Brig Acadian, 30 steerage, for Boston Idem, April 13, 1837 Schooner Pictou, 26 steerage, for New York Idem, April 20, 1837 Brig Acadian, 35 steerage, for Boston Idem, June 8, 1837 Brig Acadian, 12 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 13, 1837 Brig Acadian, 10 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 27, 1837 Brig Cordelia, 20 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 10, 1837 Brig Acadian, 20 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 17, 1837 Brig Cordelia, 8 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 7, 1837 Brig Acadian, 20 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 14, 1837 Brig Cordelia, 4 steerage, for Boston Idem, Sept. 28, 1837 Brig Acadian, 8 steerage, for Boston 110 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA Idem, Oct. 5, 1837 Brig Cordelia, 6 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 12, 1837 Schooner Pictou, 14 steerage, for New York Acadian Recorder, Oct. 21, 1837 Brig Acadian, 6 steerage, for Boston _ Idem, Oct. 28, 1837 Brig Cordelia, 5 steerage, for Boston Idem, Dec. 23, 1837 Brig Acadian, 7 steerage, for Boston NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 274 Emigrants at Quebec in 1837 from ‘‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, West Indies, &e.”’ 1838 HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Novascotian, Feb. 22, 1838 Brig Acadian, 4 steerage, for Boston Idem, May 3, 1838 Brig Acadian, 15 steerage, for Boston Idem, July 26, 1838 Brig Acadian, 50 steerage, for Boston Idem, Aug. 16, 1838 Brig Acadian, 3 steerage, for Boston Acadian Recorder, Sept. 8, 1838 Brig Acadian, 8 steerage, for Boston Idem, Oct. 27, 1838 Brig Acadian, 25 steerage, for Boston Idem, Dec. 22, 1838 Schooner Stranger, ‘‘6 passengers,” for Boston NOVA SCOTIA TO QUEBEC Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Board, op. cit. 273 Emigrants at Quebec in 1838 from ‘‘Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, West Indies, &c.’’ HALIFAX TO ENGLAND Acadian Recorder, June 23, 1838 Ship Halifax, 3 steerage, for Liverpool Idem, Sept. 15, 1838 Ship Lady Lilford, 4 steerage, for Liverpool EMIGRATION FROM NOVA SCOTIA, 1815-1838 111 APPENDIX VIII Emigration—Totals HALIFAX TO THE UNITED STATES Port of Port of Year Number Destination Year Number Destination 1817 205 New York 1829 a Boston 121 Boston 1831 12 Boston 30 Baltimore 1832 90 Boston 356 1833 135 Boston 1818 236 Philadelphia 87 Baltimore 29 New York 1834 259 Boston 18 Boston — 1835 375 Boston 370 228 New York 1819 19 Boston 603 1836 447 Boston 1822 11 Boston 168 New York 1823 30 Boston 615 1837 194 Boston 1824 6 Boston 40 New York 1825 6 Boston 1826 20 Philadelphia 234 1827 43 Alexandria 1838 111 Boston Grands hotalls.c.4 ween ane nee 2,927 (To Boston—1,841; to New York—670; to Philadelphia—256; to Baltimore—117; to Alexandria— 43; Grand Total 2,927) 112 PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF NOVA SCOTIA HALIFAX TO ENGLAND aowawoaeoeaeoqzo“a™seq“oée—=gogoyowoyqoqoq‘oowoo———————a Port of Year Number Destination 19295 CAMs SRC ees 9 Liverpool LSSO ree Beto he Meat ae era 27 Liverpool DSSS Dee ei TAN I 17 Liverpool DSS 20) Os ila ae Ee Cook eats 8 Liverpool 1 SS A ME Oe 13 Liverpool 74 HALIFAX TO QUEBEC Port of Year Number Destination Th WY ee Pn a RTE 41 Quebec “NOVA SCOTIA, NEWFOUNDLAND, WEST INDIES, &c.”’ TO QUEBEC Total for the years, 1829-1838................ 3,235 7 ‘i? ans « Ff 4 ini: : oat ~. i ‘ ‘ f ‘ “ Se ” | . | | Pea a: Lai ‘ at d i ; a WAN DO01089562V AZ9968010G JaUueD soIes Aleiqiq ayng