1 lijlii ii in I I I lifiiiiniHiiHniiiJiiiiiiJiiiiititiiiiitifttiiiiiiiiifiiiimtifiiJiiiiiiiiiiii^ till ! liiiirrrnHtiifniimunniniiiiiifiHntnniiHiHNiiiiiuNTninniHHrHriiiHUiiuNiniiiMMiiHiiii^ CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BEQUEST OF STEWART HENRY BURNHAM 1943 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924032767539 v^y^K^^vc^-^. ABRAHAM LINCOLN BY CARL SCHURZ THE GETTYSBURG SPEECH AND OTHER PAPERS BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN TOGETHER WITH TESTIMONIES BY EMERSON WHITTIER, HOLMES, AND LOWELL NEW TORK CLEVELAND Chicago El)e (iDbantauqna '^teee Copyright, 1871, By JAMES EUSSELL LOWELL. Copyright, 1891, By carl SCH0RZ. Copyright, 1885 and 1899, By HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. All rights reserved. This edition of Carl Schurz's "Abraham Lincoln," and Abraham Lincoln's " Gettysburg Speech and Other Papers " ia issued for The Chautauqua Press by Hough- ton, MifBin & Co., publishers of the work. The Riverside Press, Cambridge,, Mass., U. S. A. Eleotrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company. ABRAHAM LINCOLN AN ESSAY BY CARL SCHUEZ TOGETHER WITH TESTIMONIES BY EMERSON WHITTIER, HOLMES, AND LOWELL AND A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF CARL SCHURZ CONTENTS. PASS BioGBAPHicAii Sketch of Cakl ScEnsz .... 5 CHBONOiiOGicAii List of Events dj the Life of Abraham LnfcoLK 9 AnTtATTAUT LnTCOIiK. By CaBL SCHtTBZ 11 ATiTCATTAivr Lincoln. Remarks at the Funeral Services HELD IN Concord, April 19, 1865. By Ralph Waldo Emerson 77 The Emancipation Group. By John Gbbenleaf Whittier 84 Foe the Services in Memory Of Abraham Lincoln, Bos- ton, June 1, 1865. By Oliver Wendell Holmes . 86 Extract from the Ode recited at the Harvard Commem- oration, July 21, 1865. By Jambs Russell Lowell 88 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF CARL SCHURZ. It is interesting to note that one of the best studies of an American statesman and the best brief summary of Abraham LincoLi's career came from the hand of one born out of the country ; for the fact points two ways, — it indicates the hospitality of America, and it intimates how great a contribution the rest of the world is constantly making to the development of American life. We sometimes think and speak as if Americans and American institutions all sprang from the colonization which took place from England in the seventeenth century, forgetting that the nineteenth century has seen a far more exten- sive and more varied migration from all Europe. Carl Schurz was born March 2, 1829, near Cologne, Prussia, and was a student in the University of Bonn in 1848, when the revolutionary movement in Ger- many drew to itself many enthusiastic young men who thought they saw the opportunity for the estab- lishment of republican principles. The movement was quickly suppressed by the existing government, and led to the exUe of some of the most promising men of intellectual powers. Many came to this coun- try and found positions in colleges and universities. One of the conspicuous men was Francis Lieber, who continued his academic life and was long a force as a political thinker and writer. Another was Carl Schurz, who, with more of the qualities of a public 6 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. man, began at once, on coming to this country in 1852, to prepare himself for active life. He knew little or no English when he landed, but in three years he had so mastered the study of law that he was admitted to the bar in Jefferson, Wisconsin. He found himself amongst his former countrymen in the Northwest, and at once threw himself ardently into politics in sympathy with the movement against the extension of slavery. So rapidly did he come to the front that he was candidate for the office of Lieutenant-Governor of Wisconsin in 1857, and came within two hundred votes of an election. In the great debate between Lincoln and Douglas in 1858, he joined himself to Lincoln and took an active part in that political cam- paign. That was the beginning of his friendship with Lincoln ; and tiiough as chairman of the Wiscon- sin delegation to the convention in 1860, he persist- ently advocated the nomination of Mr. Seward, he accepted heartily the choice of Lincoln, and from that time till the election was incessantly working for him and addressing political meetings. Mr. Lincoln set so high a value on Mr. Schurz's worth that he appointed him Minister to Spain. At the time, he was actively engaged in organizing the first cavalry regiment of volunteers ; and when after a few months at Madrid he returned to lay before the administration the result of his observation of the political attitude of Eutopean governments, he was appointed Brigadier-General, and a few months later Major-General, and served in the field tiU the end of the war. His clear intelligence of public affairs was recog- nized in his appointment by President Johnson as CARL SCHURZ. 7 special commissioner to report on the condition of the seaboard and Gulf States. His report had great weight with Congress in its subsequent legislation, but Mr. Schurz made his political judgment still more effective in the years of reconstruction by his writings as a journalist. Successively a special correspondent of The Ifew Yorh Tribune and editor of the Detroit Post, he became in 1867 part owner and editor of the Westliche Post of St. Louis. So strong a power did he now become that in 1869 he was elected United States senator from Missouri. He was, however, a man who held firmly to what he conceived to be political principles when they came into conflict with party policy, and he threw himself into the movement known as the Liberal Republican party in 1872. In 1876 he returned to the support of the Republican party, and President Hayes invited him into his cabinet as Secretary of the Interior. His administration of that o£B.ce afforded a fresh illustra- tion of his application of political principles to con- duct. He had identified himself with the movement for the reform of the civil service, and being now in a position where he could put his belief into practice, he made the department a witness to the efficacy of the merit system, and gave a striking object lesson of the possibility of carrying on the government on this basis. At the close of Mr. Hayes's administration Mr. Schurz abandoned official life, and returned to jour- nalism, giving also a few years to business, but he did not abandon the public service. An independent in politics, he continued to give his powerful influence, in speech and in writing, on all the great political questions, maintaining a devotion to high ideals, so that it is doubtful if any private citizen in the last 8 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. twenty years has been listened to more attentively. When the seventieth anniversary of his birthday came, there was a large popular expression of grati- tude and admiration. One source of Mr. Schurz's influence may be traced to the singular ability with which he has made him- self at home in American political history. Another German, Dr. Von Hoist, has also shown this remark- able faculty, but Dr. Von Hoist has been especially a political philosopher ; Mr. Schurz has been a politi- cal historian, and his " Henry Clay," in the American Statesmen series, displays an intimate familiarity with the ins and outs of politics. He has written it from an American, not a German- American point of view ; and it is this identification of himself with his adopted country, illustrated also by his idiomatic use of the English language, while yet retaining the power of speaking freely in his mother tongue to his former countrymen, which lies at the basis of his moral influ- ence. He brought an ardent love of free institutions with him when he came to this country, and he has always lived enveloped with this atmosphere while having a firm hold of the soil of American life. Slight as the sketch is which follows, it has a double value. It is a fine, discriminating analysis of Lincoln's greatness, couched in a strong, lucid style, and it reflects a habit of mind which political stu- dents may wisely cultivate : the habit, that is, of re- ferring political careers to standards of righteousness and not of expediency. Such a habit is of untold worth in a democratic country like America, where the disposition, inherent in the political consciousness, of accepting the judgment of the majority is liable to be misled into a too hasty following of the crowd which is making the loudest noise. CHKONOLOGICAL LIST OF EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. FAax Bom in a log-cabin near Hcdgensyille, now Lame County, Kentncky Febraary 12, 1809 7 His father moves with his family into the wilderness near Geutryville, Indiana 1816 9 TTia mother dies, at the age of 35 1818 10 His father's second marriage .,.,,. 1819 17 Walks nine miles a day, going and retoming to school . 1826 19 Makes a trip to New Orleans and back, at work on a flat-boat 1828 20 Drives in an ox-cart with his father and stepmother to a clearing on the Sangamon River, near Decatur, Illinois 1829 20 Splits laUs, to surround the clearing with a fence . . 1829 20 Makes another flat-boat trip to New Orleans and back, on which trip he first sees negroes shackled together in chains, and forms his opinions concerning slavery . May, 1831 22 Begins work in a store at New Salem, Illinois ■ August, 1831 23 Enlists in the Black Hawk War ; elected a captiun of vol- unteers ......... 1832 23 Announces himself a Whig candidate for the Legislature, and is defeated 1832 24 Storekeeper, Postmaster, and Surveyor .... 1833 25 Elected to the Illinois Legislature 1834 26-33 Reelected t» the Legislature .... 1835 to 1842 28 Studies law at Springfield 1837 31 Is a Presidential elector on the Whig national ticket . . 1840 S3 Marries Mary Todd November 4, 1842 35 Canvasses Illinois for Henry Clay 1844 37 Elected to Congress 1846 39 Supports General Taylor for President .... 1848 40-45 Engages in law practice 1849-1854 46 Debates with Donglas at Peoria and Springfield . . . 1855 46-47 Aids in organizing the Republican party . . 1855-1856 49 Joint debates in Illinois with Stephen A. Donglas . , 1858 10 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 60 Makes political speeches in Ohio 1859 51 Visits New York, and speaks at Cooper Union . February, 1860 51 Attends Republican State Convention at Decatur ; declared to be the choice of Illinois for the Presidency . May, 1860 61 Nominated at Chicago as the Republican candidate for President May 16, 1860 51 Elected President over J. C. Breckenridge, Stephen A. Douglas, and John Bell .... November, 1860 52 Inaugurated President March 4, 1861 62 Issues first order for troops to put down the Rebellion, April 15, 1861 53 Urges McClellan to advance April, 1862 53 Appeals for the support of border States to the Union cause, March to July, 1862 53 Calls for 800,000 more troops .... July, 1862 63 Issues Emancipation Proclamation . . . January 1, 1863 64 Thanks Grant for capture of Vioksburg . . July, 1863 64 His address at Gettysburg . • • November 19, 1863 55 Calls for 500,000 volunteers July, 1864 65 Renominated and Reelected President .... 1864 55 Thanks Sherman for capture of Atlanta . . September, 1864 56 His second inauguration March 4, 1865 56 Assassinated April 14, 1865 ABEAHAM LINCOLN. By carl SCHTJRZ. NO' American can study the character and career of Abraham Lincoln without being carried away by sen- timental emotions. We are always inclined to ideal- ize that which we love, — a state of mind very unfa- vorable to the exercise of sober critical judgment. It is therefore not surprising that most of those who have written or spoken on that extraordinary man, even while conscientiously endeavoring to draw a life-like portraiture of his being, and to form a just estimate of his public conduct, should have drifted into more or less indiseriminating eulogy, painting his great fea- tures in the most glowing colors, and covering with tender shadings whatever might look like a blemish. But his standing before posterity will not be exalted by mere praise of his virtues and abilities, nor by any concealment of his limitations and faults. The stature of the great man, one of whose peculiar charms con- sisted in his being so unlike all other great men, will rather lose than gain by the idealization which so easily runs into the commonplace. For it was dis- tinctly the weird mixture of qualities and forces in him, of the lofty with the common, the ideal with the uncouth, of that which he had become with that which he had not ceased to be, that made him so fascinating a character among his feUow men, gave him his singu- lar power over their minds and hearts, and fitted him to be the greatest leader in the greatest crisis of our national life. 12 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. His was indeed a marvellous growth. The states- man or the military hero born and reared in a log cabin is a familiar figure in American history ; but we may search in vain among our celebrities for one whose origin and early life equalled Abraham Lin- coln's in wretchedness. He first saw the light in a miserable hovel in Kentucky, on a farm consisting of a few barren acres in a dreary neighborhood ; his father a typical " poor Southern white," shiftless and improvident, without ambition for himself or his chil- dren, constantly looking for a new piece of land on which he might make a living without much work ; his mother, in her youth handsome and bright, grown prematurely coarse in featute and soured in mind by daily toil and care ; the whole household squalid, cheerless, and utterly void of elevating inspirations. Only when the family had " moved " into the malari- ous backwoods of Indiana, the mother had died, and a stepmother, a woman of thrift and energy, had taken charge of the children, the shaggy-headed, ragged, barefooted, forlorn boy, then seven years old, " began to feel like a human being." Hard work was his early lot. When a mere boy he had to help in sup- porting the family, either on his father's clearing, or hired out to other farmers to plough, or dig ditches, or chop wood, or drive ox teams ; occasionally also to " tend the baby " when the farmer's wife was other- wise engaged. He could regard it as an advancement to a higher sphere of activity when he obtained work in a " cross-roads store," where he amused the cus- tomers by his talk over the counter ; for he soon distinguished himself among the backwoods folk as one who had something to say worth listening to. To win that distinction, he had to draw mainly upon SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 13 his wits ; for while his thirst for knowledge was great, his opportunities for satisfying that thirst were woefully slender. In the log schoolhouse, which he could visit but little, he was taught only reading, writing, and ele- mentary arithmetic. Among the people of the settle- ment, bush farmers and small tradesmen, he found none of imcommon intelligence or education ; but some of them had a few books, which he borrowed eagerly. Thus he read and re-read ^sop's Fables, learning to tell stories with a point and to argue by parables ; he read Robinson Crusoe, The Pilgrim's Progress, a short history of the United States, and Weems's Life of Washington. To the town con- stable's he went to read the Bevised Statutes of Indi- ana. Every printed page that fell into his hands he would greedily devour, and his family and friends watched him with wonder, as the uncouth boy, after his daily work, crouched in a corner of the log cabin or outside under a tree, absorbed in a book while munching his supper of corn bread. In this manner he began to gather some knowledge, and sometimes he would astonish the girls with such startling re- marks as that the earth was moving around the sun, and not the sun around the earth, and they marvelled where "Abe" could have got such queer notions. Soon he also felt the impulse to write, not only mak- ing extracts from books he wished to remember, but also composing little essays of his own. First he sketched these with charcoal on a wooden shovel scraped white with a drawing-knife, or on basswood shingles. Then he transferred them to paper, which was a scarce commodity in the Lincoln household, taking care to cut his expressions close, so that they 14 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. might not cover too much space, — a style-forming method greatly to be commended. Seeing boys put a burning coal on the back of a wood turtle, he was moved to write on cruelty to animals. Seeing men intoxicated with whiskey, he wrote on temperance. In verse-making, too, he tried himself, and in satire on persons offensive to him or others, — satire the rustic wit of which was not always fit for ears polite. Also political thoughts he put upon paper, and some of his pieces were even deemed good enough for pub- lication in the county weekly. Thus he won a neighborhood reputation as a clever young man, which he increased by his performances as a speaker, not seldom drawing upon himself the dissatisfaction of his employers by mounting a stump in the field, and keeping the farm hands from their work by little speeches in a jocose and sometimes also a serious vein. At the rude social frolics of the settle- ment he became an important person, telling funny stories, mimicking the itinerant preachers who had happened to pass by, and making his mark at wres- tling matches, too ; for at the age of seventeen he had attained his full height, six feet four inches in his stockings, if he had any, and a terribly muscular clod- hopper he was. But he was known never to use his extraordinary strength to the injury or humiliation of others ; rather to do them a kindly turn, or to enforce justice and fair dealing between them. All this made him a favorite in backwoods society, although in some things he appeared a little odd to his friends. Far more than any of them, he was given, not only to read- ing, but to fits of abstraction, to quiet musing with himself, and also to strange spells of melancholy, from which he often would pass in a moment to rollicking SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 15 outbursts of droll humor. But on the whole he was one of the people among whom he lived ; in appear- ance perhaps even a little more uncouth than most of them, — a very tall, rawboned youth, with large fea^ tures, dark, shrivelled skin, and rebellious hair ; his arms and legs long, out of proportion ; clad in deer- skin trousers, which from frequent exposure to the rain had shrunk so as to sit tightly on his limbs, leaving several inches of bluish shin exposed between their lower end and the heavy tan-colored shoes ; the nether garment held usually by only one suspender, that was strung over a coarse home-made shirt ; the head covered in winter with a coonskin cap, in sum- mer with a rough straw hat of uncertain shape, with- out a band. It is doubtful whether he felt himself much superior to his surroundings, although he confessed to a yearn- ing for some knowledge of the world outside of the circle in which he lived. This wish was gratified ; but how? At the age of nineteen he went down the Mississippi to New Orleans as a fiatboat hand, tem- porarily joining a trade many members of which at that time still took pride in being called " half horse and half alligator." After his return he worked and lived in the old way until the spring of 1830,- when his father " moved again," this time to Illinois ; and on the journey of fifteen days " Abe " had to drive the ox wagon which carried the household goods. Another log cabin was built, and then, fencing a field, Abraham Lincoln split those historic rails which were destined to play so picturesque a part in the presiden- tial campaign twenty-eight years later. Having come of age, Lincoln left the family, and "struck out for himseK." He had to "take jobs 16 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. whenever he could get them." The first of these carried him again as a flatboat hand to New Orleans. There something happened that made a lasting im- pression upon his soul : he witnessed a slave auction. "His heart bled," wrote one of his companions; " said nothing much ; was silent ; looked bad. I can say, knowing it, that it was on this trip that he formed his opinion on slavery. It run its iron in him then and there, May, 1831. I have heard him say so often." Then he lived several years at New Salem, in Illinois, a small mushroom village, with a mill, some " stores " and whiskey shops, that rose quickly, and soon disappeared again. It was a desolate, dis- jointed, half-working, and half-loitering life, without any other aim than to gain food and shelter from day to day. He served as pilot on a steamboat trip, then as clerk in a store and a mill; business failing, he was adrift for some time. Being compelled to measure his strength with the chief buUy of the neighborhood, and overcoming him, he became a noted person in that muscular community, and won the esteem and friendship of the ruling gang of rufQans to such a degree that, when the Black Hawk war ^ broke out, they elected him, a young man of twenty-three, captain of a volunteet c6mpany, composed mainly of roughs of their kind. He took the field, and his most note- worthy deed of valor consisted, not in killing an Indian, but ia protecting against his own men, at the ^ Black Hawk was a chief of the Indian tribe of Sacs. The Sacs and Foxes made a treaty in 1830, by which their lands in Illinois were ceded to the United States, and the Indians were to remove beyond the Mississippi. Black Hawk refused sub- mission, and in 1832 appeared with a thousand men ; but a force was raised in Illinois which destroyed, dispersed, or made captive the whole body. — Ed. SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 17 peril of his own life, the life of an old savage who had strayed into his camp. The Black Hawk war over, he turned to politics. The step from the captaincy of a volunteer company to a candidacy for a seat in the legislature seemed a natural one. But his popularity, although great in New Salem, had not spread far enough over the district, and he was defeated. Then the wretched hand-to-mouth struggle began again. He " set up in store business " with a dissolute partner, who drank whiskey while Lincoln was reading books. The result was a disastrous failure and a load of debt. There- upon he became a deputy surveyor, and was appointed postmaster of New Salem, the business of the post- office being so small that he could carry the incoming and outgoing mail in his hat. All this could not lift him from poverty, and his surveying instruments and horse and saddle were sold by the sheriff for debt. But while all this misery was upon him, his ambi- tion rose to higher aims. He walked many miles to borrow from a schoolmaster a grammar with which to improve his language. A lawyer lent him a copy of Blackstone, and he began to study law. People would look wonderingly at the grotesque figure lying in the grass, " with his feet up a tree," or sitting on a fence, as, absorbed in a book, he learned to construct correct sentences and made himself a jurist. At once he gained a little practice, pettifogging before a jus- tice of the peace for friends, without expecting a fee. Judicial functions, too, were thrust upon him, but only at horse-races or wrestling matches, where his acknowledged honesty and fairness gave his verdicts undisputed authority. His popularity grew apace, and soon he could be a candidate for the legislature 18 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. again. Although he called himself a Whig, an ardent admirer of Henry Clay, his clever stump speeches won him the election in the strongly Democratic district. Then for the first time, perhaps, he thought seriously of his outward appearance. So far he had been content with a garb of " Kentucky jeans," not seldom ragged, usually patched, and always shabby. Now he borrowed some money from a friend to buy a new suit of clothes — "store clothes" — fit for a Sangamon County statesman ; and thus adorned he set out for the state capital, Vandalia, to take his seat among the lawmakers. His legislative career, which stretched over several sessions, for he was thrice reelected, in 1836, 1838, and 1840, was not remarkably brilliant. He did, indeed, not lack ambition. He dreamed even of making himself "the De Witt Clinton of Illinois," and he actually distinguished himself by zealous and effective work in those "log-rolling" operations by which the young State received " a general system of internal improvements " in the shape of railroads, canals, and banks, — a reckless policy, burdening the State with debt, and producing the usual crop of political demoralization, but a policy characteristic of the time and the impatiently enterprising spirit of the Western people. Lincoln, no 'doubt with the best intentions, but with little knowledge of the subject, simply followed the popular current. The achieve- ment in which, perhaps, he gloried most was the removal of the state government from Vandalia to Springfield, — one of those triumphs of political man- agement which are apt to be the pride of the small politician's statesmanship. One thing, however, he did in which his true nature asserted itself, and which gave SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 19 distinct promise of the future pursuit of high aims. Against an overwhelming preponderance of sentiment in the legislature, followed by only one other member, he recorded his protest against a proslavery resolu- tion, — that protest declaring " the institution of slavery to be founded on both injustice and bad policy." This was not only the irrepressible voice of his conscience ; it was true moral valor, too ; for at that time, in many parts of the West, an abolitionist was regarded as little better than a horse-thief, and even " Abe Lincoln " would hardly have been forgiven his anti-slavery principles, had he not been known as such an " uncommon good fellow." But here, in obedience to the great conviction of his life, he mani- fested his courage to stand alone, — that courage which is the first requisite of leadership in a great cause. Together with his reputation and influence as a politician grew his law practice, especially after he had removed from New Salem to Springfield, and associated himself with a practitioner of good stand- ing. He had now at last won a fixed position in society. He became a successful lawyer, less, indeed, by his learning as a jurist than by his effectiveness as an advocate and by the striking uprightness of his character; and it may truly be said that his vivid sense of truth and justice had much to do with his effectiveness as an advocate. He w;ould refuse to act as the attorney even of personal friends when he saw the right on the other side. He would abandon cases, even during trial, when the testimony convinced him that his client was in the wrong. He would dissuade those who sought his service from pursuing an obtain- able advantage when their claims seemed to him 20 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. unfair. Presenting his very first case in the United States Circuit Court, the only question being one of authority, he declared that, upon careful examina- tion, he found all the authorities on the other side, and none on his. Persons accused of crime, when he thought them guilty, he would not defend at all, or, attempting their defence, he was imable to put forth his powers. One notable exception is on record, when his personal sympathies had been strongly aroused. But when he felt himself to be the protector of inno- cence, the defender of justice, or the prosecutor of wrong, he frequently disclosed such unexpected re- sources of reasoning, such depth of feeling, and rose to such fervor of appeal as to astonish and overwhelm his hearers and make him fairly irresistible. Even an ordi- nary law argument, coming from him, seldom failed to produce the impression that he was profoimdly con- vinced of the soundness of his position. It is not sur- prising that the mere appearance of so conscientious an attorney in any case should have carried, not only to juries, but even to judges, almost a presumption of right on his side, and that the people began to call him, sincerely meaning it, " honest Abe Lincoln." In the mean time he had private sorrows and trials of a painfully afflicting nature. He had loved and been loved by a fair and estimable girl, Ann Eutledge, who died in the flower of her youth and beauty, and he mourned her loss with such intensity of grief that his friends feared for his reason. Recovering from his morbid depression, he bestowed what he thought a new affection upon another lady, who refused him. And finally, moderately prosperous in his worldly affairs, and having prospects of political distinction before him, he paid his addresses to Mary Todd, of SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 21 Kentucky, and was accepted. But then tormenting doubts of the genuineness of his own affection for her, of the compatibility of their characters, and of their future happiness came upon him. His distress was so great that he felt himself in danger of suicide, and feared to carry a pocket-knife with him ; and he gave mortal offence to his bride by not appearing on the appointed wedding day. Now the torturing conscious- ness of the wrong he had done her grew unendurable. He won back her affection, ended the agony by marry- ing her, and became a faithful and patient husband and a good father. But it was no secret, to those who knew the family well, that his domestic life was full of trials. The erratic temper of his wife not seldom put the gentleness of his nature to the severest tests ; and these troubles and struggles, which accompanied him through all the vicissitudes of his life from the modest home in Springfield to the White House at Washington, adding untold private heartburnings to his public cares, and sometimes precipitating upon him incredible embarrassments in the discharge of his public duties, form one of the most pathetic features of his career. He continued to "ride the circuit," read books while travelling in his buggy, told funny stories to his fellow lawyers in the tavern, chatted familiarly with his neighbors around the stove in the store and at the post-office, had his hours of melancholy brooding as of old, and became more and more widely known and trusted and beloved among the people of his State for his ability as a lawyer and politician, for the upright- ness of his character and the ever-flowing spring of sympathetic kindness in his heart. His main ambi- tion was confessedly that of political distinction ; but 22 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. hardly any one would at that time have seen in him the man destined to lead the nation through the great- est crisis of the century. His time had not yet come when, in 1846, he was elected to Congress. In a clever speech in the House of Representatives, he denounced President Polk for having unjustly forced war upon Mexico, and he amused the Committee of the Whole by a witty at- tack upon General Cass. More important was the expression he gave to his anti-slavery impulses by offering a bill looking to the emancipation of the slaves in the District of Columbia, and by his repeated votes for the famous "Wilmot Proviso, intended to exclude slavery from the Territories acquired from Mexico. But when, at the expiration of his term, in March, 1849, he left his seat, he gloomily despaired of ever seeing the day when the cause nearest to his heart would be rightly grasped by the people, and when he would be able to render any service to his country in solving the great problem. Nor had his career as a member of Congress in any sense been such as to gratify his ambition. Indeed, if he ever had any be- lief in a great destiny for himself, it must have been weak at that period; for he actually sought to obtain from the new Whig President, General Taylor, the place of Commissioner of the General Land Office, willing to bury himself in one of the administrative bureaus of the government. Fortunately for the coun- try, he failed ; and no less fortunately, when, later, the territorial governorship of Oregon was offered to him, Mrs. Lincoln's protest induced him to decline it. Returning to Springfield, he gave himself with renewed zest to his law practice, acquiesced in the Compromise of 1850 with reluctance and a mental SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 23 reservation, supported in the presidential campaign of 1852 the Whig candidate in some spiritless speeches, and took but a languid interest in the politics of the day. But just then his time was drawing near. The peace promised, and apparently inaugurated, by the Compromise of 1850 was rudely broken by the introduction of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, opening the Territories of the United States, the heritage of com- ing generations, to the invasion of slavery, suddenly revealed the whole significance of the slavery question to the people of the free States, and thrust itself into the politics of the country as the paramount issue. Something like an electric shock flashed through the North. Men who but a short time before had been absorbed by their business pursuits, and deprecated all political agitation, were startled out of their secu- rity by a sudden alarm, and excitedly took sides. That restless trouble of conscience about slavery, which even in times of apparent repose had secretly disturbed the souls of Northern people, broke forth in an utterance louder than ever. The bonds of ac- customed party allegiance gave way. Anti-slavery Democrats and anti-slavery Whigs felt themselves drawn together by a common overpowering sentiment, and soon they began to rally in a new organization. The Republican party sprang into being to meet the overruling call of the hour. Then Abraham Lincoln's time was come. He rapidly advanced to a position of conspicuous championship in the struggle. This, however, was not owing to his virtues and abili- ties alone. Indeed, the slavery question stirred his soul in its profoundest depths ; it was, as one of his intimate friends said, " the only one on which he 24 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. would become excited ; " it called forth all his facul- ties and energies. Yet there were many others who, having long and arduously fought the anti-slavery battle in the popular assembly, or in the press, or in the halls of Congress, far surpassed him in prestige, and compared with whom he was still an obscure and untried man. His reputation, although highly honor- able and well earned, had so far been essentially local. As a stump-speaker in Whig canvasses outside of his State, he had attracted comparatively little attention ; but in Blinois he had been recognized as one of the foremost men of the Whig party. Among the oppo- nents of the Nebraska bill he occupied in his State so important a position, that in 1854 he was the choice of a large majority of the " Anti-Nebraska men " in the legislature for a seat in the Senate of the United States which then became vacant ; and when he, an old Whig, could not obtain the votes of the Anti- Nebraska Democrats necessary to make a majority, he generously urged his friends to transfer their votes to Lyman Trumbull, who was then elected. Two years later, in the first national convention of the Re- publican party, the delegation from Illinois brought him forward as a candidate for the vice-presidency, and he received respectable support. StiU, the name of Abraham Lincoln was not widely known beyond the boundaries of his own State. But now it was this local prominence in Illinois that put him in a position of peculiar advantage on the battlefield of national politics. In the assault on the Missouri Compromise which broke down aU legal barriers to the spread of slavery, Stephen Arnold Douglas was the ostensible leader and central figure ; and Douglas was a senator from Illinois, Lincoln's State. Douglas's national SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 25 theatre of action was the Senate, but in his constitu- ency in Illinois were the roots of his official position and power. What he did in the Senate he had to justify before the people of Illinois, in order to main- tain himself in place ; and in Illinois all eyes turned to Lincoln as Douglas's natural antagonist. As very young men they had come to Illinois, Lin- coln from Indiana, Douglas from Vermont, and had grown up together in public life, Douglas as a Demo- crat, Lincoln as a Whig. They had met first in Van- daJia, in 1834, when Lincoln was in the legislature and Douglas in the lobby ; and again in 1836, both as members of the legislature. Douglas, a very able politician, of the agile, combative, audacious, " push- ing " sort, rose in political distinction with remarkable rapidity. In quick succession he became a member of the legislature, a State's attorney. Secretary of State, a judge on the supreme bench of Illinois, three times a representative in Congress, and a senator of the United States when only thirty-nine years old. In the national Democratic convention of 1852, he appeared even as an aspirant to the nomination for the presidency, as the favorite of " young America," and received a respectable vote. He had far out- stripped Lincoln in what is commonly called political success and in reputation. But it had frequently happened that in political campaigns Lincoln felt him- self impelled, or was selected by his Whig friends, to answer Douglas's speeches; and thus the two were looked upon, in a large part of the State at least, as the representative combatants of their respective parties in the debates before popular meetings. As soon, therefore, as, after the passage of his Kansas- Nebraska bill, Douglas returned to Illinois to defend 26 - ABRAHAM LINCOLN. his cause before his constituents, Lincoln, obeying not only his own impulse, but also general expectation, stepped forward as his principal opponent. Thus the struggle about the principles involved in the Kansas- Nebraska biU, or, in a broader sense, the struggle be- tween freedom and slavery, assumed in Illinois the outward form of a personal contest between Lincoln and Douglas ; and as it continued and became more animated, that personal contest in Illinois was watched with constantly increasing interest by the whole coun- try. When, in 1858, Douglas's senatorial term being about to expire, Lincoln was formally designated by the Republican convention of Illinois as their candi- date for the Senate, to take Douglas's place, and the two contestants agreed to debate the questions at issue face to face in a series of public meetings, the eyes of the whole American people were turned eagerly to that one point ; and the spectacle reminded one of those lays of ancient times telling of two armies, in battle array, standing still to see their two principal cham- pions fight out the contested cause between the lines in single combat. Lincoln had then reached the full maturity of his powers. His equipment as a statesman did not em- brace a comprehensive knowledge of public affairs. What he had studied he had indeed made his own, with the eager craving and that zealous tenacity char- acteristic of superior minds learning under difficulties. But his narrow opportunities and the unsteady life he had led during his younger years had not permitted the accumulation of large stores in his mind. It is true, in political campaigns he had occasionally spoken on the ostensible issues between the Whigs and the . Democrats, the tariff, internal improvements, banks, SCHURZ'S ESSAY. ' 27 and so on, but only in a perfunctory manner. Had he ever given much serious thought and study to these subjects, it is safe to assume that a mind so prolific of original conceits as his would certainly have pro- duced some utterance upon them worth remembering. His soul had evidently never been deeply stirred by such topics. But when his moral nature was aroused, his brain developed an untiring activity until it had mastered all the knowledge within reach. As soon as the repeal of the Missouri Compromise had thrust the slavery question into politics as the paramount issue, Lincoln plunged into an arduous study of all its legal, historical, and moral aspects, and then his mind became a complete arsenal of argument. His rich natural gifts, trained by long and varied practice, had made him an orator of rare persuasiveness. In his immature days, he had pleased himself for a short period with that inflated, high-flown style which, among the uncultivated, passes for " beautiful speak- ing." His inborn truthfulness and his artistic instinct soon overcame that aberration, and revealed to him the noble beauty and strength of simplicity. He possessed an uncommon power of clear and compact statement, which might have reminded those who knew the story of his early youth of the efforts of the poor boy, when he copied his compositions from the scraped wooden shovel, carefully to trim his expressions in order to save paper. His language had the energy of honest directness, and he was a master of logical lucid- ity. He loved to point and enliven his reasoning by humorous illustrations, usually anecdotes of Western life, of which he had an inexhaustible store at his command. These anecdotes had not seldom a flavor of rustic robustness about them, but he used them with 28 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. great effect, while amusing tte audience, to give life to an abstraction, to explode an absurdity, to clinch an argument, to drive home an admonition. The natural kindliness of his tone, softening prejudice and dis- arming partisan rancor, would often open to his rea- soning a way into minds most unwilling to receive it. Yet his greatest power consisted in the charm of his individuality. That charm did not, in the ordi- nary way, appeal to the ear or to the eye. His voice was not melodious ; rather shrill and piercing, espe- cially when it rose to its high treble in moments of great animation. His figure was unhandsome, and the action of his unwieldy limbs awkward. He com- manded none of the outward graces of oratory as they are commonly understood. His charm was of a dif- ferent kind. It flowed from the rare depth and gen- uineness of his convictions and his sympathetic feel- ings. Sympathy was the strongest element in his nature. One of his biographers, who knew him before he became President, says : " Lincoln's compassion might be stirred deeply by an object present, but never by an object absent and unseen. In the former case he would most likely extend relief, with little inquiry into the merits of the case, because, as he expressed it himself, it ' took a pain out of his own heart.' " Only half of this is correct. It is certainly true that he could not witness any individual distress or oppression, or any kind of suffering, without feel- ing a pang of pain himself, and that by relieving as much as he could the suffering of others he put an end to his own. This compassionate impulse to help he felt not only for human beings, but for every liv- ing creature. As in his boyhood he angrily reproved the boys who tormented a wood turtle by putting a SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 29 burning coal on its back, so, we are told, he would, when a mature man, on a journey, dismount from his buggy and wade waist-deep in mire to rescue a pig struggling in a swamp. Indeed, appeals to his com- passion were so irresistible to him, and he felt it so difficult to refuse anything when his refusal could give pain, that he himself sometimes spoke of his inability to say " no " as a positive weakness. But that cer- tainly does not prove that his compassionate feeling was confined to individual cases of suffering witnessed with his own eyes. As the boy was moved by the as- pect of the tortured wood turtle to compose an essay against cruelty to animals in general, so the aspect of other cases of suffering and wrong wrought up his moral nature, and set his mind to work against cruelty, injustice, and oppression in general. As his sympathy went forth to others, it attracted others to him. Especially those whom he called the " plain people " felt themselves drawn to him by the instinctive feeling that he understood, esteemed, and appreciated them. He had grown up among the poor, the lowly, the ignorant. He never ceased to re- member the good souls he had met among* them, and the many kindnesses they had done him. Although in his mental development he had risen far above them, he never looked down upon them. How they felt and how they reasoned he knew, for so he had once felt and reasoned himself. How they could be moved he knew, for so he had once been moved him- self, and he practised moving others. His mind was much larger than theirs, but it thoroughly compre- hended theirs ; and while he thought much farther than they, their thoughts were ever present to him. Nor had the visible distance between them grown as 30 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. wide as his rise in the world would seem to have warranted. Much of his backwoods speech and man- ners still clung to him. Although he had become " Mr. Lincoln " to his later acquaintances, he was still " Abe " to the « Nats " and " BiUys " and " Daves " of his youth ; and their familiarity neither appeared unnatural to them, nor was it in the least awkward to him. He still told and enjoyed stories similar to those he had told and enjoyed in the In- diana settlement and at New Salem. His wants remained as modest as they had ever been ; his do- mestic habits had by no means completely accom- modated themselves to those of his more high-born wife ; and though the " Kentucky jeans " apparel had long been dropped, his clothes of better material and better make would sit ill sorted on his gigantic limbs. His cotton umbrella, without a handle, and tied to- gether with a coarse string to keep it from flapping, when he carried on his circuit rides, is said to be re- membered still by some of his surviving neighbors. This rusticity of habit was utterly free from that affected contempt of refinement and comfort which self-made men sometimes carry into their more afflu- ent circumstances. To Abraham Lincoln it was en- tirely natural, and all those who came into contact with him knew it to be so. In his ways of thinking , and feeling he had become a gentleman in the highest sense, but the refining process had polished but little the outward form. The plain people, therefore, still considered " honest Abe Lincoln " one of themselves : and when they felt, which they no doubt frequently did, that his thoughts and aspirations moved in a sphere above their own, they were all the more proud of him, without any diminution of fellow feeling. It SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 31 was this relation of mutual sympathy and understand- ing between Lincoln and the plain people that gave him his peculiar power as a public man, and singu- larly fitted him, as we shall see, for that leadership which was preeminently required in the great crisis then coming on, — the leadership which indeed thinks and moves ahead of the masses, but always remains within sight and sympathetic touch of them. He entered upon the campaign of 1858 better equipped than he had ever been before. He not only instinctively felt, but he had convinced himself by arduous study, that in this struggle against the spread of slavery he had right, justice, philosophy, the enlightened opinion of mankind, history, the Constitu- tion, and good policy on his side. It was observed that after he began to discuss the slavery question his speeches were pitched in a much loftier key than his former oratorical efforts. While he remained fond of telling funny stories in private conversation, they dis- appeared more and more from his public discourse. He would still now and then point his argument with expressions of inimitable quaintness, and fiash out rays of kindly humor and witty irony ; but his genera^ tone was serious, and rose sometimes to genuine so- lemnity. His masterly skill in dialectical thrust and parry, his wealth of knowledges his power of reason- ing, and elevation of sentiment, disclosed in language of rare precision, strength, and beauty, not seldom astonished his old friends. Neither of the two champions could have found a more formidable antagonist than each now met in the other. Douglas was by far the most conspicuous member of his party. His admirers had dubbed him "the little giant," contrasting in that nickname the 32 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. greatness of his mind with the smallness of his body. But though of low stature, his broad-shouldered figure appeared uncommonly sturdy, and there was some- thing lion-like in the squareness of his brow and jaw, and in the defiant shake of his long hair. His loud and persistent advocacy of territorial expansion, in the name of patriotism and " manifest destiny," had given him an enthusiastic following among the young and ardent. Great natural parts, a highly combative temperament, and long training had made him a de- bater unsurpassed in a Senate fiUed with able men. He could be as forceful in his appeals to patriotic feel- ings as he was fierce in denunciation and thoroughly skilled in all the baser tricks of parliamentary pugil- ism. While genial and rollicking in his social inter- course, — the idol of the "boys," — he felt himself one of the most renowned statesmen of his time, and would frequently meet his opponents with an over- bearing haughtiness, as persons more to be pitied than to be feared. In his speech opening the campaign of 1858, he spoke of Lincoln, whom the Republicans had dared to advance as their candidate for "his" place in the Senate, with an air of patronizing if not contemptuous condescension, as " a kind, amiable, and intelligent gentleman and a good citizen." The little giant would have been pleased to pass off his antago- nist as a tall dwarf. He knew Lincoln too well, how- ever, to indulge himself seriously in such a delusion. But the political situation was at that moment in a curious tangle, and Douglas could expect to derive from the confusion great advantage over his opponent. By the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, opening the Territories to the ingress of slavery, Douglas had pleased the South, but greatly alarmed the North, . SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 33 He had sought to conciliate Northern sentiment by- appending to his Kansas-Nebraska bill the declaration that its intent was " not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." This he called " the great principle of popular sovereignty." When asked whether, under this act, the people of a Territory, before its admission as a State, would have the right to exclude slavery, he answered, "That is a question for the courts to decide." Then came the famous "Dred Scott decision," in which the Su- preme Court held substantially that the right to hold slaves as property existed in the Territories by virtue of the Federal Constitution, and that this right could not be denied by any act of a territorial government. This, of course, denied the right of the people of any Territory to exclude slavery while they were in a terri- torial condition, and it alarmed the Northern people still more. Douglas recognized the binding force of the decision of the Supreme Court, at the same time maintaining, most illogicaUy, that his great principle of popular sovereignty remained in force nevertheless. Meanwhile, the pro-slavery people of western Missouri, the so-caUed " border ruffians," had invaded Kansas, set up a constitutional convention, made a constitution of an extreme pro-slavery type, the " Leeompton Con- stitution," refused to submit it fairly to a vote of the people of Kansas, and then referred it to Congress for acceptance, — seeking thus to accomplish the admission of Kansas as a slave State. Had Douglas supported such a scheme, he would have lost all foothold in the North. In the name of popular sovereignty he loudly 34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. declared Ms opposition to the acceptance of any consti- tution not sanctioned by a formal popular vote. He " did not care," lie said, " whether slavery be voted up or down," but there must be a fair vote of the people. Thus he drew upon himself the hostility of the Buch- anan administration, which was controlled by the pro- slavery interest, but he saved his Northern follow- ing. More than this, not only did his Democratic admirers now call him " the true champion of free- dom," but even some Republicans of large influence, prominent among them Horace Greeley, sympathizing with Douglas in his fight against the Lecompton Con- stitution, and hoping to detach him permanently from the pro-slavery interest and to force a lasting breach in the Democratic party, seriously advised the Eepubh- cans of Illinois to give up their opposition to Douglas, and to help reelect him to the Senate. Lincoln was not of that opinion. He believed that great popular movements can succeed only when guided by their faithful friends, and that the anti-slavery cause could not safely be intrusted to the keeping of one who " did not care whether slavery be voted up or down." This opinion prevailed in Illinois ; but the influences within the Republican party, over which it prevailed, yielded only a reluctant acquiescence, if they acqui- esced at all, after having materially strengthened Douglas's position. Such was the situation of things when the campaign of 1858 between Lincoln and Douglas began. Lincoln opened the campaign on his side, at the convention which nominated him as the Republican candidate for the senatorship, with a memorable say- ing which sounded like a shout from the watch-tower of history: "A house divided against itself cannot SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 35 stand. I believe this government cannot endure per- manently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery wUl arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction ; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, — old as well as new. North as well as South." Then he proceeded to point out that the Nebraska doctrine combined with the Dred Scott decision worked in the direction of making the nation "all slave." Here. was the "irre- pressible conflict " spoken of by Seward a short time later, in a speech made famous mainly by that phrase. If there was any new discovery in it, the right of pri- ority was Lincoln's. This utterance proved not only his statesmanlike conception of the issue, but also, in his situation as a candidate, the firmness of his moral courage. The friends to whom he had read the draught of this speech before he delivered it warned him anxiously that its delivery might be fatal to his success in the election. This was shrewd advice, in the ordinary sense. While a slaveholder could threaten disunion with impunity, the mere suggestion that the existence of slavery was incompatible with freedom in the Union would hazard the political chances of any public man in the North. But Lin- coln was inflexible. " It is true," said he, " and I will deliver it as written. ... I would rather be de- feated with these expressions in my speech held up and discussed before the people than be victorious without them." The statesman was right in his far- 36 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. seeing judgment and his conscientious statement of the truth, but the practical politicians were also right in their prediction of the immediate effect. Douglas instantly seized upon the declaration that a house divided against itself cannot stand as the main objec- tive point of his attack, interpreting it as an incite- ment to a " relentless sectional war," and there is no doubt that the persistent reiteration of this charge served to frighten not a few timid souls. Lincoln constantly endeavored to bring the moral and philosophical side of the subject to the fore- ground. " Slavery is wrong " was the keynote of all his speeches. To Douglas's glittering sophism that the right of the people of a Territory to have slavery or not, as they might desire, was in accordance with the principle of true popular sovereignty, he made the pointed answer : " Then true popular sovereignty, according to Senator Douglas, means that, when one man makes another man his slave, no third man shall be allowed to object." To Douglas's argument that the principle which demanded that the people of a Territory should be permitted to choose whether they would have slavery or not " originated when God made man, and placed good and evil before him, allowing him to choose upon his own responsibility," Lincoln solemnly replied : " No ; God did not place good and evil before man, telling him to make his choice. On the contrary, God did tell him there was one tree of the fruit of which he should not eat, upon pain of death." He did not, however, place himself on the most advanced ground taken by the radical anti-sla- very men. He admitted that, under the Constitution, " the Southern people were entitled to a congressional fugitive slave law," although he did not approve the SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 37 fugitive slave law then existing. He declared also that, if slavery were kept out of the Territories dur- ing their territorial existence, as it should be, and if then the people of any Territory, having a fair chance and a clear field, should do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, he saw no alternative but to admit such a Territory into the Union. He declared further that, while he should be exceedingly glad to see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia, he would, as a member of Congress, with his present views, not endeavor to bring on that abolition except on condition that emancipation be gradual, that it be approved by the decision of a majority of voters in the District, and that compensation be made to unwilling owners. On every available occasion, he pronounced himself in favor of the deportation and colonization of the blacks, of course with their consent. He repeatedly disavowed any wish on his part to have social and po- litical equality established between whites and blacks. On this point he summed up his views in a reply to Douglas's assertion that the Declaration of Independ- ence, in speaking of all men as being created equal, did not include the negroes, saying : " I do not under- stand the Declaration of Independence to mean that aU men were created equal in all respects. They are not equal in color. But I believe that it does mean to declare that all men are equal in some respects ; they are equal in their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." With regard to some of these subjects Lincoln modified his position at a later period, and it has been suggested that he would have professed more advanced 38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. principles in his debates with Douglas, had he not feared thereby to lose votes. This view can hardly be sustained. Lincoln had the courage of his opin- ions, but he was not a radical. The man who risked his election by delivering, against the urgent protest of his friends, the speech about " the house divided against itself " would not have shrunk from the ex- pression of more extreme views, had he really enter- tained them. It is only fair to assume that he said what at the time he really thought, and that if, subse- quently, his opinions changed, it was owing to new conceptions of good policy and of duty brought forth by an entirely new set of circumstances and exigen- cies. It is characteristic that he continued to adhere to the impracticable colonization plan even after the Emancipation Proclamation had already been issued. But in this contest Lincoln proved himself not only a debater, but also a political strategist of the first order. The " kind, amiable, and intelligent gentleman," as Douglas had been pleased to call him, was by no means as harmless as a dove. He pos- sessed an uncommon share of that worldly shrewdness which not seldom goes with genuine simplicity of character ; and the political experience gathered in the legislature and in Congress and in many election campaigns, added to his keen intuitions, had made him as far-sighted a judge of the probable effects of a public man's sayings or doings upon the popular mind, and as accurate a calculator in estimating polit- ical chances and forecasting results, as could be found among the party managers in Illinois. And now he perceived keenly the ugly dilemma in which Douglas found himself, between the Dred Scott decision, which declared the right to hold slaves to exist in the Terri- SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 39 tories by virtue of the Federal Constitution, and his "great principle of popular sovereignty," according to which the people of a Territory, if they saw fit, were to have the right to exclude slavery therefrom. Douglas was twisting and squirming to the best of his ability to avoid the admission that the two were incompatible. The question then presented itself if it would be good policy for Lincoln to force Douglas to a clear expression of his opinion as to whether, the Dred Scott decision notwithstanding, " the people of a Territory could in any lawful way exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a state con- stitution." Lincoln foresaw and predicted what Doug- las would answer : that slavery could not exist in a Territory unless the people desired it and gave it protection by territorial legislation. In an impro- vised caucus the policy of pressing the interrogatory on Douglas was discussed. Lincoln's friends unani- mously advised against it, because the answer fore- seen would sufficiently commend Douglas to the peo- ple of Illinois to insure his reelection to the Senate. But Lincoln persisted. "I am after larger game," said he. " If Douglas so answers, he can never be President, and the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this." The interrogatory was pressed upon Doug- las, and Douglas did answer that, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court might be on the abstract question, the people of a Territory had the lawful means to introduce or exclude slavery by terri- torial legislation friendly or unfriendly to the institu- tion. Lincoln found it easy to show the absurdity of the proposition that, if slavery were admitted to exist of right in the Territories by virtue of the supreme law, the Federal Constitution, it could be kept out 40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. or expelled by an inferior law, one made by a terri- torial legislature. Again the judgment of the poli- ticians, having only the nearest object in view, proved correct: Douglas was reelected to the Senate. But Lincoln's judgment proved correct also : Douglas, by resorting to the expedient of his " unfriendly legisla- tion doctrine," forfeited his last chance of becoming President of the United States. He might have hoped to win, by sufficient atonement, his pardon from the South for his opposition to the Lecompton Constitution ; but that he taught the people of the Territories a trick by which they could defeat what the pro-slavery men considered a constitutional right, and that he called that trick lawful, — this the slave power would never forgive. The breach between the Southern and the Northern democracy was thence- forth irremediable and fatal. The presidential election of 1860 approached. The struggle in Kansas, and the debates in Congress which accompanied it, and which not unfrequently provoked violent outbursts, continually stirred the popular excitement. Within the Democratic party raged the war of factions. The national Democratic convention met at Charleston on the 23d of April, 1860. After a struggle of ten days between the ad- herents and the opponents of Douglas, during which the delegates from the cotton States had withdrawn, the convention adjourned without having nominated any candidates, to meet again in Baltimore on the 18th of June. There was no prospect, however, of reconciling the hostile elements. It appeared very probable that the Baltimore convention would nomi- nate Douglas, while the seceding Southern Democrats would set up a candidate of their own, representing extreme pro-slavery principles. SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 41 Meanwhile, the national Eepublican convention as- sembled at Chicago on the 16th of May, full of enthu- siasm and hope. The situation was easily understood. The Democrats would have the South. In order to succeed in the election, the Republicans had to win, in addition to the States carried by Fremont in 1856, those that were classed as "doubtful," — New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, or Illinois in the place of either New Jersey or Indiana. The most eminent Republican statesmen and leaders of the time thought of for the presidency were Seward and Chase, both regarded as belonging to the more advanced order of anti-slavery men. Of the two, Seward had the largest following, mainly from New York, New England, and the Northwest. Cautious politicians doubted seri- ously whether Seward, to whom some phrases in his speeches had undeservedly given the reputation of a reckless radical, would be able to command the whole Eepublican vote in the doubtful States. Besides, during his long public career he had made enemies. It was evident that those who thought Seward's nomi- nation too hazardous an experiment would consider Chase unavailable for the same reason. They would then look round for an " available " man ; and among the " available " men Abraham Lincoln was easily discovered to stand foremost. His great debate with Douglas had given him a national reputation. The people of the East being eager to see the hero of so dramatic a contest, he had been induced to visit several Eastern cities, and had astonished and de- lighted large and distinguished audiences with speeches of singular power and originality. An address deliv- ered bj him in the Cooper Institute in New York, before an audience containing a large number of im- 42 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. portant persons, was then, and has ever since been, especially praised as one of the most logical and con- vincing political speeches ever made in this country. The people of the West had grown proud of him as a distinctively Western great man, and his popularity at home had some peculiar features which could be expected to exercise a potent charm. Nor was Lin- coln's name as that of an available candidate left to the chance of accidental discovery. It is indeed not probable that he thought of himself as a presidential possibility, during his contest with Douglas for the senatorship. As late as April, 1859, he had written to a friend who had approached him on the subject that he did not think himself fit for the presidency. The vice-presidency was then the limit of his ambi- tion. But some of his friends in Illinois took the matter seriously in hand, and Lincoln, after some hesitation, then formally authorized " the use of his name." The matter was managed with such energy and excellent judgment that in the convention he had not only the whole vote of Illinois to start with, but won votes on all sides without offending any rival. A large majority of the opponents of Seward went over to Abraham Lincoln, and gave him the nomination on the third ballot. As had been fore- seen, Douglas was nominated by one wing of the Democratic party at Baltimore, while the extreme pro-slavery wing put Breckinridge into the field as its candidate. After a campaign conducted with the energy of genuine enthusiasm on the anti-slavery side, the united Republicans defeated the divided Democrats, and Lincoln was elected President by a majority of fifty-seven votes in the electoral colleges. The result of the election had hardly been declared SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 43 when the disunion movement in the South, long threatened and carefully planned and prepared, broke out in the shape of open revolt, and nearly a month before Lincoln could be inaugurated as President of the United States, seven Southern States had adopted ordinances of secession, formed an independent con- federacy, framed a constitution for it, and elected Jefferson Davis its president, expecting the other slaveholding States soon to join them. On the 11th of February, 1861, Lincoln left Springfield for Wash- ington ; having, with characteristic simplicity, asked his law partner not to change the sign of the firm " Lincoln and' Herndon " during the four years' una- voidable absence of the senior partner, and having taken an affectionate and touching leave of his neigh- bors. The situation which confronted the new President was appalling : the larger part of the South in open rebellion, the rest of the slaveholding States wavering, preparing to follow ; the revolt' guided by determined, daring, and skilful leaders; the Southern people, apparently full of enthusiasm and military spirit, rushing to arms, some of the forts and arsenals already in their possession ; the government of the Union, before the accession of the new President, in the hands of men some of whom actively sympathized with the revolt, while others were hampered by their traditional doctrines in dealing with it, and really gave it aid and comfort by their irresolute attitude ; aU the departments full of " Southern sympathizers " and honeycombed with disloyalty ; the treasury empty, and the public credit at the lowest ebb ; the arsenals ill supplied with arms, if not emptied by treacherous practices ; the regular army of insignificant strength. 44 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. dispersed over an immense surface, and deprived by defection of some of its best officers ; the navy small and antiquated. But that was not all. The threat of disunion had so often been resorted to by the slave power in years gone by that most Northern people had ceased to believe in its seriousness. But when disunion actually appeared as a stern reality, some- thing like a chill swept through the whole Northern country. A cry for union and peace at any price rose on all sides. Democratic partisanship reiterated this cry with vociferous vehemence, and even many Republicans grew afraid of the victory they had just achieved at the ballot-box, and spoke of compromise. The country fairly resounded with the noise of " anti- coercion meetings." Expressions of firm resolution from determined anti-slavery men were indeed not wanting, but they were for a while almost drowned by a bewildering confusion of discordant voices. Even this was not all. Potent influences in Europe, with an ill-concealed desire for the permanent disruption of the American Union, eagerly espoused the cause of the Southern seceders, and the two principal maritime powers of the Old World seemed only to be waiting for a favorable opportunity to lend them a helping hand. This was the state of things to be mastered by " honest Abe Lincoln " when he took his seat in the presidential chair, — " honest Abe Lincoln," who was so good natured that he could not say " no ; " the greatest achievement in whose life had been a debate on the slavery question ; who had never been in any position of power ; who was without the slightest ex- perience of high executive duties, and who had only a speaking acquaintance with the men upon whose SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 45 counsel and cooperation he was to depend. Nor was his accession to power under such circumstances greeted with general confidence even by the members of his party. While he had indeed won much popu- larity, many Republicans, especially among those who had advocated Seward's nomination for the presi- dency, with a feeling little short of dismay, saw the simple "Illinois lawyer" take the reins of govern- ment. The orators and journals of the opposition were ridiculing and lampooning him without measure. Many people actually wondered how such a man could dare to undertake a task which, as he himself had said to his neighbors in his parting speech, was " more difficult than that of Washington himself had been." But Lincoln brought to that task, aside from other uncommon qualities, the first requisite, — an intuitive comprehension of its nature. While he did not in- dulge in the delusion that the Union could be main- tained or restored without a conflict of arms, he could indeed not foresee all the problems he would have to solve. He instinctively understood, however, by what means that conflict would have to be conducted by the government of a democracy. He knew that the impending war, whether great or small, would not be like a foreign war, exciting a united national enthu- siasm, but a civil war, likely to fan to uncommon heat the animosities of party even in the localities controlled by the government ; that this war would have to be carried on, not by means of a ready-made machinery, ruled by an undisputed, absolute will, but by means to be furnished by the voluntary action of the people : — armies to be formed by voluntary enlistment ; large sums of money to be raised by the people, through their representatives, voluntarily tax- 46 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ing themselves ; trusts of extraordinary power to be voluntarily granted ; and war measures, not seldom restricting the rights and liberties to which the citizen was accustomed, to be voluntarily accepted and sub- mitted to by the people, or at least a large majority of them ; — and that this would have to be kept up, not merely during a short period of enthusiastic excite- ment, but possibly through weary years of alternating success and disaster, hope and despondency. He knew that in order to steer this government by public opinion successfully through all the confusion created by the prejudices and doubts and differences of sen- timent distracting the popular mind, and so to propi- tiate, inspire, mould, organize, unite, and guide the popular will that it might give forth all the means re- quired for the performance of his great task, he would have to take into account all the influences strongly affecting the current of popular thought and feeling, and to direct while appearing to obey. This was the kind of leadership he intuitively conceived to be needed when a free people were to be led forward en masse to overcome a great common dan- ger under circumstances of appalling difficulty, — the leadership which does not dash ahead with brilliant daring, no matter who follows, but which is intent upon rallying all the available forces, gathering in the stragglers, closing up the column, so that the front may advance well supported. For this leadership Abraham Lincoln was admirably fitted, — better than any other American statesman of his day ; for he understood the plain people, with all their loves and hates, their prejudices and their noble impulses, their weaknesses and their strength, as he understood him- self, and his sympathetic nature was apt to draw their sympathy to him. SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 4:1 His inaugural address ^ foreshadowed his official course in characteristic manner. Although yielding nothing in point of principle, it was by no means a flaming anti-slavery manifesto, such as would have pleased the more ardent Republicans. It was rather the entreaty of a sorrowing father speaking to his wayward children. In the kindliest language he pointed out to the secessionists how ill-advised their attempt at disunion was, and why, for their own sakes, they should desist. Almost plaintively he told them that, while it was not their duty to destroy the Union, it was his sworn duty to preserve it ; that the least he could do, under the obligations of his oath, was to possess and hold the property of the United States ; that he hoped to do this peaceably ; that he abhorred war for any purpose, and that they would have none unless they themselves were the aggressors. It was a masterpiece of persuasiveness ; and while Lincoln had accepted many valuable amendments suggested by Seward, it was essentially his own. Probably Lincoln himself did not expect his inaugural address to have any effect upon the secessionists, for he must have known them to be resolved upon disunion at any cost. But it was an appeal to the wavering minds in the North, and upon them it made a profound impression. Every candid man, however timid and halting, had to admit that the President was bound by his oath to do his duty ; that under that oath he could do no less than he said he would do; that if the secessionists resisted such an appeal as the President had made, they were bent upon mischief, and that the govern- ment must be supported against them. The partisan sympathy with the Southern insurrection which still * Printed in Number 32, Riverside Literature series. 48 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. existed in the Nortli did indeed not disappear, but it diminished perceptibly under the influence of such reasoning. Those who still resisted it did so at the risk of appearing unpatriotic. It must not be supposed, however, that Lincoln at once succeeded in pleasiug everybody, even among his friends, — even among those nearest to him. In select- ing his cabinet, which he did substantially before he left Springfield for Washington, he thought it wise to call to his assistance the strong men of his party, espe- cially those who had given evidence of the support they commanded as his competitors in the Chicago convention. In them he found at the same time repre- sentatives of the different shades of opinion within the party, and of the different elements — former Whigs and former Democrats — from which the party had recruited itself. /J^his was sound policy under the circumstances. It might indeed have been foreseen that among the members of a cabinet so composed, troublesome disagreements and rivalries would break out. But it was better for the President to have these strong and ambitious men near him as his cobpera- tors than to have them as his critics in Congress, where their differences might have been composed in a common opposition to him. As members of his cabinet he could hope to control them, and to keep them busily employed in the service of a common pur- pose, if he had the strength to do so. Whether he did possess this strength was soon tested by a singu- larly rude trial. There can be no doubt that the foremost members of his cabinet, Seward and Chase, the most eminent Republican statesmen, had felt themselves wronged by their party when in its national convention it SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 49 preferred to them for the presidency a man whom, not unnaturally, they thought greatly their inferior in ability and experience as well as in service. The sore- ness of that disappointment was intensified when they saw this Western man in the White House, with so much of rustic manner and speech as still clung to him, meeting his fellow citizens, high and low, on a footing of equality, with the simplicity of his good nature unburdened by any conventional dignity of deportment, and dealing with the great business of state in an easy-going, unmethodical, and apparently somewhat irreverent way. They did not understand such a man. Especially Seward, who, as Secretary of State, considered himself next to the Chief Executive, and who quickly accustomed himself to giving or- ders and making arrangements upon his own motion, thought it necessary that he should rescue the direc- tion of public affairs from hands so unskilled, and take full charge of them himself. At the end of the first month of the administration he submitted a " memorandum " to President Lincoln, which has been first brought to light by Nicolay and Hay,^ and is one of their most valuable contributions to the history of those days. In that paper Seward actually told the President that, at the end of a month's administration, the government was still without a policy, either do- mestic or foreign ; that the slavery question should be eliminated from the struggle about the Union ; that the matter of the maintenance of the forts and other possessions in the South should be decided with that view ; that explanations should be demanded categor- ically from the governments of Spain and France, 1 In their Life of Lincoln, in ten volumes, published by The Century Company, New York. 50 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. which were then preparing, one for the annexation of San Domingo, and both for the invasion of Mexico ; that if no satisfactory explanations were received war should be declared against Spain and France by the United States ; that explanations should also be sought from Russia and Great Britain, and a vigorous conti- nental spirit of independence against European inter- vention be aroused all over the American continent ; that this policy should be incessantly pursued and di- rected by somebody ; that either the President should devote -himself entirely to it, or devolve the direction on some member of his cabinet, whereupon all debate on this policy must end. This could be understood only as a formal demand that the President should acknowledge his own incom- petency to perform his duties, content himself with the amusement of distributing post offices, and resign his power as to all important affairs into the hands of his Secretary of State. It seems to-day incomprehen- sible how a statesman of Seward's calibre could at * that period conceive a plan of policy in which the slavery question had no place ; a policy which rested upon the utterly delusive assumption that the seces- sionists, who had already formed their Southern Con- federacy, and were with stern resolution preparing to fight for its independence, could be hoodwinked back into the Union by some sentimental demonstration against European interference ; a policy which, at that critical moment, would have involved the Union in a foreign war, thus inviting foreign intervention in favor of the Southern Confederacy, and increasing tenfold its chances in the struggle for independence. But it is equally incomprehensible how Seward could fail to see that this demand of an unconditional SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 51 surrender was a mortal insult to the head of the gov- ernment, and that by putting his proposition on paper he delivered himself into the hands of the very man he had insulted ; for had Lincoln, as most Presidents would have done, instantly dismissed Seward, and published the true reason for that dismissal, it would inevitably have been the end of Seward's career. But Lincoln did what not many of the noblest and great- est men in history would have been noble and great enough to do. He considered that Seward, if rightly controlled, was still capable of rendering great service to his country in the place in which he was. He ignored the insult, but firmly established his superior- ity. Li his reply, which he forthwith dispatched, he told Seward that the administration had a domestic policy as laid down in the inaugural address with Seward's approval; that it had a foreign policy as traced in Seward's dispatches with the President's approval ; that if any policy was to be maintained or changed, he, the President, was to direct that on his responsibility ; and that in performing that duty the President had a right to the advice of his secretaries. Seward's fantastic schemes of foreign war and conti- nental policies Lincoln brushed aside by passing them over in silence. Nothing more was said. Seward must have felt that he was at the mercy of a superior man ; that his offensive proposition had been gener- ously pardoned as a temporary aberration of a great mind, and that he could atone for it only by devoted personal loyalty. This he did. He was thoroughly subdued, and thenceforth submitted to Lincoln his dispatches for revision and amendment without a murmur. The war with European nations was no longer thought of ; the slavery question found in due 52 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. time its proper place in the struggle for the Union ; and when, at a later period, the dismissal of Seward was demanded by dissatisfied senators who attributed to him the shortcomings of the administration, Lin- coln stood stoutly by his faithful Secretary of State. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, a man of superb presence, of eminent ability and ardent pa- triotism, of great natural dignity and a certain out- ward coldness of manner, which made him appear more difficult of approach than he really was, did not permit his disappointment to burst out in such ex- travagant demonstrations. But Lincoln's ways were so essentially different from his that they never be- came quite intelligible, and certainly not congenial to him. It might, perhaps, have been better had there been, at the beginning of the administration, some decided clash between Lincoln and Chase, as there was between Lincoln and Seward, to bring on a full mutual explanation, and to make Chase appreciate the real seriousness of Lincoln's nature. But as it was, their relations always remained somewhat formal, and Chase never felt quite at ease under a chief whom he could not understand, and whose character and powers he never learned to esteem at their true value. At the same time, he devoted himself zealously to the duties of his department, and did the country arduous service under circumstances of extreme diffi- culty. Nobody recognized this more heartily than Lincoln himself, and they managed to work together until near the end of Lincoln's first presidential term, when Chase, after some disagreements concerning ap- pointments to office, resigned from the treasury ; and after Taney's death, the President made him Chief Justice. SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 53 The rest of the cabinet consisted of men of less eminence, who subordinated themselves more easily. In January, 1862, Lincoln found it necessary to bow Cameron out of the war office, and to put in his place Edwin M. Stanton, a man of intensely practical mind, vehement impulses, fierce positiveness, ruthless energy, immense working power, lofty patriotism, and severest devotion to duty. He accepted the war oflice, not as a partisan, for he had never been a Republican, but only to do all he could in " helping to save the coun- try." The manner in which Lincoln succeeded in taming this lion to his will, by frankly recognizing his great qualities, by giving him the most generous confidence, by aiding him in his work to the full of his power, by kindly concession or affectionate per- suasiveness in cases of differing opinions, or, when it was necessary, by firm assertions of superior authority, bears the highest testimony to his skill in the manage- ment of men. Stanton, who had entered the service with rather a mean opinion of Lincoln's character and capacity, became one of his warmest, most de- voted, and most admiring friends, and with none of his secretaries was Lincoln's intercourse more intimate. To take advice with candid readiness, and to weigh it without any pride of his own opinion, was one of Lin- coln's preeminent virtues ; but he had not long pre- sided over his cabinet council when his was felt by all its members to be the ruling mind. The cautious policy foreshadowed in his inaugural address, and pursued during the first period of the civil war, was far from satisfying all his party friends. The ardent spirits among the Union men thought that the whole North should at once be called to arms, to crush the rebellion by one powerful blow. The 64 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ardent spirits among the anti-slavery men insisted that, slavery having brought forth the rebellion, this powerful blow should at once be aimed at slavery. Both complained that the administration was spiritless, undecided, and lamentably slow in its proceedings. Lincoln reasoned otherwise. The ways of thinking and feeling of the masses, of the plain people, were constantly present to his mind. The masses, the plain people, had to furnish the men for the fighting, if fighting was to be done. He believed that the plain people would be ready to fight when it clearly ap- peared necessary, and that they would feel that neces- sity when they felt themselves attacked. He there- fore waited until the enemies of the Union struck the first blow. As soon as, on the 12th of April, 1861, the first gun was fired in Charleston harbor on the Union flag upon Fort Sumter, the call was sounded, and the Northern people rushed to arms. Lincoln knew that the plain people were now in- deed ready to fight in defence of the Union, but not yet ready to fight for the destruction of slavery. He declared openly that he had a right to summon the people to fight for the Union, but not to summon them to fight for the abolition of slavery as a primary object ; and this declaration gave him numberless sol- diers for the Union who at that period would have hesitated to do battle against the institution of slavery. For a time he succeeded in rendering harmless the cry of the partisan opposition that the Republican administration was perverting the war for the Union into an " abolition war." But when he went so far as to countermand the acts of some generals in the field, looking to the emancipation of the slaves in the districts covered by their commands, loud complaints SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 65 arose from earnest anti-slavery men, who accused the President of turning his back upon the anti-slavery cause. Many of these anti-slavery men will now, after a calm retrospect, be willing to admit that it would have been a hazardous policy to endanger, by precipitating a demonstrative fight against slavery, the success of the struggle for the Union. Lincoln's views and feelings concerning slavery had not changed. Those who conversed with him in- timately upon the subject at that period know that he did not expect slavery long to survive the triumph of the Union, even if it were not immediately destroyed by the war. In this he was right. Had the Union armies achieved a decisive victory in an early period of the conflict, and had the seceded States been re- ceived back with slavery, the " slave power " would then have been a defeated power, — defeated in an attempt to carry out its most effective threat. It would have lost its prestige. Its menaces would have been hollow sound, and ceased to make any one afraid. It could no longer have hoped to expand, to maintain an equilibrium in any branch of Congress, and to con- trol the government. The victorious free States would have largely overbalanced it. It would no longer have been able to withstand the onset of a hostile age. It could no longer have ruled, — and slavery had to rule in order to live. It would have lingered for a while, but it would surely have been " in the course of ultimate extinction." A prolonged war precipi- tated the destruction of slavery; a short war might only have prolonged its death struggle. Lincoln saw this clearly; but he saw also that, in a protracted death struggle, it might still have kept disloyal senti- ments alive, bred distracting commotions, and caused 56 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. great mischief to the country. He therefore hoped that slavery would not survive the war. But the question how he could rightfully employ his power to bring on its speedy destruction was to him not a question of mere sentiment. He himself set forth his reasoning upon it, at a later period, in one of his inimitable letters. " I am naturally anti- slavery," said he. " If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember the time when I did not so think and feel. And yet I have never under- stood that the presidency conferred upon me an unre- stricted right to act upon that judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitu- tion of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using that power. I understood, too, that, in ordi- nary civil administration, this oath even forbade me practically to indulge my private abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I did understand, however, also, that my oath imposed upon me the duty of preserving, to the best of my ability, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which the Constitution was the organic law. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the Constitution if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together." In other words, if the salvation of the government, the Constitution, and the Union demanded the destruction of slavery, he felt it to be not only his right, but his sworn duty to destroy it. Its destruction became a necessity of the war for the Union. SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 57 As the war dragged on and disaster followed dis- aster, the sense of that necessity steadily grew upon him. Early in 1862, as some of his friends well re- member, he saw, what Seward seemed not to see, that to give the war for the Union an anti-slavery charac- ter was the surest means to prevent the recognition of the Southern Confederacy as an independent nation by European powers ; that, slavery being abhorred by the moral sense of civilized mankind, no Euro- pean government would dare to ofEer so gross an insult to the public opinion of its people as openly to favor the creation of a state founded upon slavery to the prejudice of an existing nation fighting against slavery. He saw also that slavery untouched was to the rebellion an element of power, and that in order to overcome that power it was necessary to turn it into an element of weakness. Still, he felt no assur- ance that the plain people were prepared for so radical a measure as the emancipation of the slaves by act of the government, and he anxiously considered that, if they were not, this great step might, by exciting dis- sension at the North, injure the cause of the Union in one quarter more than it would help it in another. He heartily welcomed an effort made in New York to mould and stimulate public sentiment on the slavery question by public meetings boldly pronouncing for emancipation. At the same time he himself cau- tiously advanced with a recommendation, expressed in a special message to Congress, that the United States should cooperate with any State which might adopt the gradual abolishment of slavery, giving such State pecuniary aid to compensate the former owners of emancipated slaves. The discussion was started, and spread rapidly. Congress adopted the resolution re- 58 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. commended, and soon went a step farther in passing a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. The plain people began to look at emancipation on a larger scale, as a thing to be considered seriously by patriotic citizens ; and soon Lincoln thought that the time was ripe, and that the edict of freedom could be ventured upon without danger of serious confusion in the Union ranks. The failure of McClellan's movement upon Rich- mond increased immensely the prestige of the enemy. The need of some great act to stimulate the vitality of the Union cause seemed to grow daily more press- ing. On July 21, 1862, Lincoln surprised his cabinet with the draught of a proclamation declaring free the slaves in all the States that should be still in rebel- lion against the United States on the 1st of January, 1863. As to the matter itself he announced that he had fully made up his mind ; he invited advice only concerning the form and the time of publication. Seward suggested that the proclamation, if then brought out, amidst disaster and distress, would soimd like the last shriek of a perishing cause. Lincoln accepted the suggestion, and the proclamation was postponed. Another defeat followed, the second at Bull Run. But when, after that battle, the Confed- erate army, under Lee, crossed the Potomac and in- vaded Maryland, Lincoln vowed in his heart that, if the Union army were now blessed with success, the decree of freedom should surely be issued. The vic- tory of Antietam was won on September 17, and the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation came forth on the 22d. It was Lincoln's own resolution and act ; but practically it bound the nation, and permitted no step backward. In spite of its limitations, it was the SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 59 actual abolition of slavery. Thus he wrote his name upon the books of history with the title dearest to his heart, — the liberator of the slave. It is true, the great proclamation, which stamped the war as one for " union and freedom," did not at once mark the turning of the tide on the field of mili- tary operations. There were more disasters, — Fred- ericksburg and Chancellorsville. But with Gettys- burg and Vicksburg the whole aspect of the war changed. Step by step, now more slowly, then more rapidly, but with increasing steadiness, the flag of the Union advanced from field to field toward the final consummation. The decree of emancipation was naturally followed by the enlistment of emancipated negroes in the Union armies. This measure had a farther reaching effect than merely giving the Union armies an increased supply of men. The laboring force of the rebellion was hopelessly disorganized. The war became like a problem of arithmetic. As the Union armies pushed forward, the area from which the Southern Confederacy could draw recruits and supplies constantly grew smaller, while the area from which the Union recruited its strength con- stantly grew larger : and everywhere, even within the Southern lines, the Union had its allies. The fate of the rebellion was then virtually decided ; but it still reqiiired much bloody work to convince the brave warriors who fought for it that they were really beaten. Neither did the Emancipation Proclamation ^ forth- with command universal assent among the people who were loyal to the Union. There were even signs of a ^ The text of the Emancipation Proclamation will be found in Number 32, Riverside Literature series. 60 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. reaction against the administration in the fall elec- tions of 1862, seemingly justifying the opinion, enter- tained by many, that the President had really antici- pated the development of popular feeling. The cry that the war for the Union had been turned into an " abolition war " was raised again by the opposition, and more loudly than ever. But the good sense and patriotic instincts of the plain people gradually mar- shalled themselves on Lincoln's side, and he lost no opportunity to help on this process by personal argu- ment and admonition. There never has been a Presi- dent in such constant and active contact with the public opinion of the country, as there never has been a President who, while at the head of the government, - remained so near to the people. Beyond the circle of those who had long known him, the feeling steadUy grew that the man in the White House was " honest Abe Lincoln " still, and that every citizen might ap- proach him with complaint, expostulation, or advice, without danger of meeting a rebuff from power-proud authority or humiliating condescension ; and this privilege was used by so many and with such unspar- ing freedom that only superhuman patience could have endured it all. There are men now living who would to-day read with amazement, if not regret, what they then ventured to say or write to him. But Lin- coln repelled no one whom he believed to speak to him in good faith and with patriotic purpose. No good advice would go unheeded. No candid criticism would offend him. No honest opposition, while it might pain him, would produce a lasting alienation of feeling between him and the opponent. It may truly be said that few men in power have ever been ex- posed to more daring attempts to direct their course, SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 61 to severer censure of their acts, and to more cruel misrepresentation of their motives. And all this he met with that good-natured humor peculiarly his own, and with untiring effort to see the right and to im- press it upon those who differed from him. The con- versations he had and the correspondence he carried on upon matters of public interest, not only with men in official position, but with private citizens, were al- most unceasing, and in a large number of public let- ters, written ostensibly to meetings, or committees, or persons of importance, he addressed himself directly to the popular mind. Most of these letters stand among the finest monuments of our political litera- ture. Thus he presented the singular spectacle of a President who, in the midst of a great civil war, with unprecedented duties weighing upon him, was con- stantly in person debating the great features of his policy with the people. While in this manner he exercised an ever-increas- ing influence upon the popular understanding, his sympathetic nature endeared him more and more to the popular heart. In vain did journals and speakers of the opposition represent him as a light-minded trifler, who amused himself with frivolous story-tell- ing and coarse jokes, while the blood of the people was flowing in streams. The people knew that the man at the head of affairs, on whose haggard face the twinkle of humor so frequently changed into an ex- pression of profoundest sadness, was more than any other deeply distressed by the suffering he witnessed ; that he felt the pain of every wound that was inflicted on the battlefield, and the anguish of every woman or child who had lost husband or father ; that whenever he could he was eager to alleviate sorrow, and that 62 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. his mercy was never implored in vain. They looked to him as one who was with them and of them in aU their hopes and fears, their joys and sorrows, — who laughed with them and wept with them ; and as his heart was theirs, so their hearts turned to him. His popularity was far different from that of Washington, who was revered with awe, or that of Jackson, the unconquerable hero, for whom party enthusiasm never grew weary of shouting. To Abraham Lincoln the people became bound by a genuine sentimental attach- ment. It was not a matter of respect, or confidence, or party pride, for this feeling spread far beyond the boundary lines of his party ; it was an affair of the heart, independent of mere reasoning. When the soldiers in the field or their folks at home spoke of " Father Abraham," there was no cant in it. They felt that their President was really caring for them as a father would, and that they could go to him, every one of them, as they would go to a father, and talk to him of what troubled them, sure to find a willing ear and tender sympathy. Thus, their President, and his cause, and his endeavors, and his success gradually became to them almost matters of family concern. And this popularity carried him triumphantly through the presidential election of 1864, in spite of an oppo- sition within his own party which at first seemed very formidable. Many of the radical anti-slavery men were never quite satisfied with Lincoln's ways of meeting the problems of the time. They were very earnest and mostly very able men, who had positive ideas as to "how this rebellion should be put down." They would not recognize the necessity of measuring the steps of the government according to the progress of SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 63 opinion among the plain people. They criticised Lincoln's cautious management as irresolute, halting, lacking in definite purpose and in energy ; he should not have delayed emancipation so long ; he should not have confided important commands to men of doubt- ful views as to slavery ; he should have authorized military commanders to set the slaves free as they went on ; he dealt too leniently with unsuccessful generals ; he should have put down all factious oppo- sition with a strong hand instead of trying to pacify it ; he should have given the people accomplished facts instead of arguing with them, and so on. It is true, these criticisms were not always entirely un- founded. Lincoln's policy had, with the virtues of democratic government, some of its weaknesses, which in the presence of pressing exigencies were apt to deprive governmental action of the necessary vigor ; and his kindness of heart, his disposition always to respect the feelings of others, frequently made him recoil from anything like severity, even when severity was urgently called for. But many of his radical critics have since then revised their judgment suffi- ciently to admit that Lincoln's policy was, on the whole, the wisest and safest ; that a policy of heroic methods, while it has sometimes accomplished great results, could in a democracy like ours be maintained only by constant success ; that it would have quickly broken down under the weight of disaster ; that it might have been successful from the start, had the Union, at the beginning of the conflict, had its Grants and Shermans and Sheridans, its Farraguts and Por- ters, fuUy matured at the head of its forces ; but that, as the great commanders had to be evolved slowly from the developments of the war, constant success 64 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. could not be counted upon, and it was best to follow a policy wbich. was in friendly contact with the popu- lar force, and therefore more fit to stand the trial of misfortune on the battlefield. But at that period they thought differently, and their dissatisfaction with Lincoln's doings was greatly increased by the steps he took toward the reconstruction of rebel States then partially in possession of the Union forces. In December, 1863, Lincoln issued an amnesty proclamation, offering pardon to all implicated in the rebellion, with certain specified exceptions, on condi- tion of their taking and maintaining an oath to sup- port the Constitution and obey the laws of the United States and the proclamations of the President with regard to slaves ; and also promising that when, in any of the rebel States, a number of citizens equal to one tenth of the voters in 1860 should reestablish a state government in conformity with the oath above mentioned, such should be recognized by the Execu- tive as the true government of the State. The pro- clamation seemed at first to be received with general favor. But soon another scheme of reconstruction, much more stringent in its provisions, was put for- ward in the House of Kepresentatives by Henry Winter Davis. Benjamin Wade championed it in the Senate. It passed in the closing moments of the session in July, 1864, and Lincoln, instead of making it a law by his signature, embodied the text of it in a proclamation as a plan of reconstruction worthy of being earnestly considered. The differences of opin- ion concerning this subject had only intensified the feeling against Lincoln which had long been nursed among the radicals, and some of them openly declared their purpose of resisting his reelection to the presi- SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 65 dency. Similar sentiments were manifested by the advanced anti-slavery men of Missouri, who, in their hot faction-fight with the " conservatives " of that State, had not received from Lincoln the active sup- port they demanded. StiU another class of Union men, mainly in the East, gravely shook their heads when considering the question whether Lincoln should be reelected. They were those who cherished in their minds an ideal of statesmanship and of personal bear- ing in high office with which, in their opinion, Lin- coln's individuality was much out of accord. They were shocked when they heard him cap an argument upon grave affairs of state with a story about " a man out in Sangamon County," — a story, to be sure, strikingly clinching his point, but sadly lacking in dignity. They could not understand the man who was capable, in opening a cabinet meeting, of reading to his secretaries a funny chapter from a recent book of Artemus Ward, with which in an unoccupied mo- ment he had relieved his care-burdened mind, and who then solemnly informed the executive council that he had vowed in his heart to issue a proclamation eman- cipating the slaves as soon as, God blessed the Union arms with another victory. They were alarmed at the weakness of a President who would indeed resist the urgent remonstrances of statesmen against his policy, but could not resist the prayer of an old woman for the pardon of a soldier who was sentenced to* be shot for desertion. Such men, mostly sincere and ardent patriots, not only wished, but earnestly set to work, to prevent Lincoln's renomination. Not a few of them actually believed, in 1863, that, if the na- tional convention of the Union party were held then, Lincoln would not be supported by the delegation of 66 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. a single State. But when the convention met at Baltimore, in June, 1864, the voice of the people was heard. On the first ballot Lincoln received the votes of the delegations from all the States except Missouri ; and even the Missourians turned over their votes to him before the result of the ballot was declared. But even after his renomination, the opposition to Lincoln within the ranks of the Union party did not subside. A convention, called by the dissatisfied radi- cals in Missouri, and favored by men of a similar way of thinking in other States, had been held already in May, and had nominated as its candidate for the presidency General Fremont. He, indeed, did not attract a strong following, but opposition movements from different quarters appeared more formidable. Henry Winter Davis and Benjamin Wade assailed Lincoln in a flaming manifesto. Other Union men, of imdoubted patriotism and high standing, persuaded themselves, and sought to persuade the people, that Lincoln's renomination was iU advised and dangerous to the Union cause. As the Democrats had put off their convention until the 29th of August, the Union party had, during the Jarger part of the summer, no opposing candidate and platform to attack, and the political campaign languished. Neither were the tidings from the theatre of war of a cheering charac- ter. The terrible losses suffered by Grant's army in the battles of the Wilderness spread general gloom. Sherman seemed for a while to be in a precarious position before Atlanta. The opposition to Lincoln within the Union party grew louder in its complaints and discouraging predictions. Earnest demands were heard that his candidacy should be withdrawn. Lin- coln himself, not knowing how strongly the masses SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 67 were attached to him, was haunted by dark forebod- ings of defeat. Then the scene suddenly changed as if by magic. The Democrats, in their national con- vention, declared the war a failure, demanded, sub- stantially, peace at any price, and nominated on such a platform General McClellan as their candidate. Their convention had hardly adjourned when the capture of Atlanta gave a new aspect to the military situation. It was like a sun-ray bursting through a dark cloud. The rank and file of the Union party rose with rapidly growing enthusiasm. The song " We are coming, Father Abraham, three hundred thousand strong," resounded all over the land. Long before the decisive day arrived, the result was beyond doubt, and Lincoln was reelected President by over- whelming majorities. The election over, even his severest critics found themselves forced to admit that Lincoln was the only possible candidate for the Union party in 1864, and that neither political combinations nor campaign speeches, nor even victories in the field, were needed to insure his success. The plain people had aU the while been satisfied with Abraham Lincoln : they confided in him ; they loved him ; they felt them- selves near to him ; they saw personified in him the cause of Union and freedom ; and they went to the ballot-box for him in their strength. The hour of triumph called out the characteristic impulses of his nature. The opposition within the Union party had stung him to the quick. Now he had his opponents before him, baffled and humiliated. Not a moment did he lose to stretch out the hand of friendship to all. " Now that the election is over," he said, in response to a serenade, " may not all, hav- ing a common interest, reunite in a common effort to 68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. save our common country ? For my own part, I have striven, and will strive, to place no obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply sensible to the high compliment of a reelec- tion, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be pained or disappointed by the result. May I ask those who were with me to join with me in the same spirit toward those who were against me ? " This was Abraham Lincoln's character as tested in the furnace of prosperity. The war was virtually decided, but not yet ended. Sherman was irresistibly carrying the Union flag through the South. Grant had his iron hand upon the ramparts of Richmond. The days of the Confederacy were evidently numbered. Only the last blow re- mained to be struck. Then Lincoln's second inaugu- ration came, and with it his second inaugural address. Lincoln's famous " Gettysburg speech " ^ has been much and justly admired. But far greater, as well as far more characteristic, was that inaugural in which he poured out the whole devotion and tenderness of his great soul. It had aU the solemnity of a father's last admonition and blessing to his children before he lay down to die. These were its closing words : " Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet if God wills that 'it continue until all the wealth piled up by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unre- quited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand 1 Both the second inaugural address and the Gettysburg speech are printed in No. 32, Riverside Literature series. SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 69 years ago, so still it must be said, ' The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive to finish the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds ; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan; to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." This was like a sacred poem. No American Pre- sident had ever spoken words like these to the Ameri- can people. America never had a President who found such words in the depth of his heart. Now followed the closing scenes of the war. The Southern armies fought bravely to the last, but all in vain. Richmond fell. Lincoln himself entered the city on foot, accompanied only by a few officers and a squad of sailors who had rowed him ashore from the flotUla in the James River, a negro picked up on the way serving as a guide. Never had the world seen a more modest conqueror and a more characteristic triumphal procession, — no army with banners and drums, only a throng of those who had been slaves, hastily run together, escorting the victorious chief into the capital of the vanquished foe. We are told that they pressed around him, kissed his hands and his garments, and shouted and danced for joy, while tears ran down the President's care-furrowed cheeks. A few days more brought the surrender of Lee's army, and peace was assured. The people of the North were wild with joy. Everywhere festive guns were boomingj bells pealing, the churches ringing with thanksgivings, and jubilant multitudes thronging the thoroughfares, when suddenly the news flashed over 70 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the land that Abraham Lincoln had been murdered. The people were stunned by the blow. Then a wail of sorrow went up such as America had never heard before. Thousands of Northern households grieved as if they had lost their dearest member. Many a Southern man cried out in his heart that his people had been robbed of their best friend in their humilia- tion and distress, when Abraham Lincoln was struck down. It was as if the tender affection which his countrymen bore him had inspired all nations with a common sentiment. All civilized mankind stood mourning around the coffin of the dead President. Many of those, here and abroad, who not long before had ridiculed and reviled him were among the first to hasten on with their flowers of eulogy, and in that universal chorus of lamentation and praise there was not a voice that did not tremble with genuine emotion. Never since Washington's death had there been such unanimity of judgment as to a man's virtues and great- ness; and even Washington's death, although his name was held in greater reverence, did not touch so sympathetic a chord in the people's hearts. Nor can it be said that this was owing to the tragic character of Lincoln's end. It is true, the death of this gentlest and most merciful of rulers by the hand of a mad fanatic was well apt to exalt him beyond his merits in the estimation of those who loved him, and to make his renown the object of peculiarly tender solicitude. But it is also true that the verdict pro- nounced upon him in those days has been affected little by time, and that historical inquiry has served rather to increase than to lessen the appreciation of his virtues, his abilities, his services. Giving the full- est measure of credit to his great ministers, — to Sew- SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 71 ard for his conduct of foreign affairs, to Chase for the management of the finances under terrible difficulties, to Stanton for the performance of his tremendous task as war secretary, — and readily acknowledging that without the skill and fortitude of the great command- ers, and the heroism of the soldiers and sailors under them, success could not have been achieved, the histo- rian still finds that Lincoln's judgment and will were by no means governed by those around him ; that the most important steps were owing to his initiative; that his was the deciding and directing mind ; and that it was preeminently he whose sagacity and whose character enlisted for the administration in its strug- gles the countenance, the sympathy, and the support of the people. It is found, even, that his judgment on military matters was astonishingly acute, and that the advice and instructions he gave to the generals commanding in the field would not seldom have done honor to the ablest of them. History, therefore, with- out overlooking or palliating or excusing any of his shortcomings or mistakes, continues to place him fore- most among the saviours of the Union and the libera- tors of the slave. More than that, it awards to him the merit of having accomplished what but few polit- ical philosophers would have recognized as possible, — of leading the republic through four years of furious civil conflict without any serious detriment to its free institutions. He was, indeed, while President, violently de- nounced by the opposition as a tyrant and a usurper, for having gone beyond his constitutional powers in authorizing or permitting the temporary Suppression of newspapers, and in wantonly suspending the writ of habeas corpus and resorting to arbitrary arrests. 72 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Nobody should be blamed who, when such things are done, in good faith and from patriotic motives pro- tests against them. In a republic, arbitrary stretches of power, even when demanded by necessity, should never be permitted to pass without a protest on the one hand, and without an apology on the other. It is well they did not so pass during our civil war. That arbitrary measures were resorted to, is true. That they were resorted to most sparingly, and only when the government thought them absolutely required by the safety of the republic, wiU now hardly be denied. But certain it is that the history of the world does not furnish a single example of a government passing through so tremendous a crisis as our civU war was with so small a record of arbitrary acts, and so little interference with the ordinary course of law outside the field of military operations. No American President ever wielded such power as that which was thrust into Lincoln's hands. It is to be hoped that no American President ever will have to be intrusted with such power again. But no man was ever intrusted with it to whom its seductions were less dangerous than they proved to be to Abraham Lincoln. With scrupulous care he endeavored, even under the most trying cir- cumstances, to remain strictly within the constitutional limitations of his authority ; and whenever the bound- ary became indistinct, or when the dangers of the situ- ation forced him to cross it, he was equally careful to mark his acts as exceptional measures, justifiable only by the imperative necessities of the civil war, so that they might not pass into history as precedents for similar acts in time of peace. It is an unquestiona- ble fact that during the reconstruction period which followed the war, more things were done capable of SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 73 serving as dangerous precedents than during the war itself. Thus it may truly be said of him not only that under his guidance the republic was saved from dis- ruption and the country was purified of the blot of slavery, but that, during the stormiest and most peril- ous crisis in our history, he so conducted the govern- ment and so wielded his almost dictatorial power as to leave essentially intact our free institutions in all things that concern the rights and liberties of the cit- izen. He understood well the nature of the problem. In his first message to Congress he defined it in admirably pointed language : " Must a government be of necessity too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? Is there in all republics this inherent weakness?" This question he answered in the name of the great American republic, as no man could have answered it better, with a triumphant " No." It has been said that Abraham Lincoln died at the right moment for his fame. However that may be, he had, at the timfe of his death, certainly not ex- hausted his usefulness to his country. He was proba- bly the only man who could have guided the nation through the perplexities of the reconstruction period in such a manner as to prevent in the work of peace the revival of the passions of the war. He would indeed not have escaped serious controversy as to details of policy ; but he could have weathered it far better than any other statesman of his time, for his prestige with the active politicians had been immensely strengthened by his triumphant reelection ; and what is more important, he would have been supported by the confidence of the victorious Northern people that he would do all to secure the safety of the. Union and 74 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the rights of the emancipated negro, and at the same time by the confidence of the defeated Southern peo- ple that nothing would be done by him from motives of vindictiveness, or of unreasonable fanaticism, or of a selfish party spirit. " With malice toward none, with charity for all," the foremost of the victors would have personified in himself the genius of reconcilia- tion. He might have rendered the country a great ser- vice in another direction. A few days after the fall of Richmond, he pointed out to a friend the crowd of office-seekers besieging his door. " Look at that," said he. " Now we have conquered the rebellion, but here you see something that may become more danger- ous to this republic than the rebellion itself." It is true, Lincoln as President did not profess what we now call civil service reform principles. He used the patronage of the government in many cases avowedly to reward party work, in many others to form combi- nations and to produce political effects advantageous to the Union cause, and in still others simply to put the right man into the right place. But in his endeavors to strengthen the Union cause, and in his search for able and useful men for public duties, he frequently went beyond the limits of his party, and gradually accustomed himself to the thought that, while party service had its value, considerations of the public interest were, as to appointments to office, of far greater consequence. Moreover, there had been such a mingling of different political elements in support of the Union during the civil war that Lincoln, standing at the head of that temporarily united motley mass, hardly felt himself, in the narrow sense of the term, a party man. And as he became SCHURZ'S ESSAY. 75 strongly impressed with the dangers brought upon the republic by the use of public offices as party spoils, it is by no means improbable that had he survived the all-absorbing crisis and found time to turn to other objects, one of the most important reforms of later days would have been pioneered by his powerful au- thority. This was not to be. But the measure of his achievements was full enough for immortality. To the younger generation Abraham Lincoln has already become a half-mythical figure, which, in the haze of historic distance, grows to more and more heroic proportions, but also loses in distinctness of outline and feature. This is indeed the common lot of popular heroes ; but the Lincoln legend will be more than ordinarily apt to become fanciful, as his individuality, assembling seemingly incongruous qual- ities and forces in a character at the same time grand and most lovable, was so unique, and his career so abounding in startling contrasts. As the state of society in which Abraham Lincoln grew up passes away, the world will read with increasing wonder of the man who, not only of the humblest origin, but remaining the simplest and most unpretending of citi- zens, was raised to a position of power unprecedented in our history ; who was the gentlest and most peace- loving of mortals, unable to see any creature suffer without a pang in his own breast, and suddenly fouijd himself called to conduct the greatest and bloodiest of our wars ; who wielded the power of government when stem resolution and relentless force were the order of the day, and then won and ruled the popular mind and heart by the tender sympathies of his nature ; who was a cautious conservative by temperament and mental habit, and led the most sudden and sweeping 76 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. social revolution of our time ; who, preserving his homely speech and rustic manner even in the most conspicuous position of that period, drew upon him- self the scoffs of polite society, and then thrilled the soul of mankind with utterances of wonderful beauty and grandeur ; who, in his heart the best friend of the defeated South, was murdered because a crazy fanatic took him for its most cruel enemy ; who, while in power, was beyond measure lampooned and ma- ligned by sectional passion and an excited party spirit, and around whose bier friend and foe gathered to praise him — which they have since never ceased to do — as one of the greatest of Americans and the best of men. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. KEMAEKS AT THE FUNERAL SERVICES HELD EST CON- COED, APRIL 19, 1865. BY RALPH WALDO EMEESON. We meet under the gloom of a calamity which darkens down over the minds of good men in all civil society, as the fearful tidings travel over sea, over land, from country to country, like the shadow of an uncalculated eclipse over the planet. Old as history is, and manifold as are its tragedies, I doubt if any death has caused so much pain to mankind as this has caused, or will cause, on its announcement ; and this, not so much because nations are by modern arts brought so closely together, as because of the mysteri- ous hopes and fears which, in the present day, are con- nected with the name and institutions of America. In this country, on Saturday, every one was struck dumb, and saw at first only deep below deep, as he meditated on the ghastly blow. And perhaps, at this hour, when the coffin which contains the dust of the President sets forward on its long march through mourning States, on its way to his home in Illinois, we might well be silent, and suffer the awful voices of the time to thunder to us. Yes, but that first despair was brief : the man was not so to be mourned. He was the most active and hopeful of men ; and his work had not perished: but acclamations of praise for the task he had accomplished burst out into a 78 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. song of triumph, which even tears for his death can- not keep down. The President stood before us as a man of the peo- ple. He was thoroughly American, had never crossed the sea, had never been spoiled by English insularity or French dissipation ; a quite native, aboriginal man, as an acorn from the oak ; no aping of foreigners, no frivolous accomplishments, Kentuckian born, working on a farm, a flatboat-man, a captain in the Black Hawk war, a country lawyer, a representative in the i-ural legislature of Illinois ; — on such modest foun- dations the broad structure of his fame was laid. How slowly, and yet by happily prepared steps, he came to his place. AU of us remember — it is only a history of five or six years — the surprise and the disappointment of the country at his first nomination by the convention at Chicago. Mr. Seward, then in the culmination of his good fame, was the favorite of the Eastern States. And when the new and compara- tively unknown name of Lincoln was announced (notwithstanding the report of the acclamations of that convention), we heard the result coldly and sadly. It seemed too rash, on a purely local reputa- tion, to build so grave a trust in such anxious times ; and men naturally talked of the chances in politics as incalculable. But it turned out not to be chance. The profound good opinion which the people of Illi- nois and of the West had conceived of him, and which they had imparted to their colleagues, that they also might justify themselves to their constituents at home, was not rash, though they did not begin to know the riches of his worth. A plain man of the people, an extraordinary for- time attended him. He offered no shining qualities EMERSON'S REMARKS. 79 at the first encounter ; he did not offend by superior- ity. He had a face and manner which disarmed sus- picion, which inspired confidence, which confirmed good will. He was a man without vices. He had a strong sense of duty, which it was very easy for him to obey. Then he had what farmers call a long head ; was excellent in working out the sum for himself ; in arguing his case and convincing you fairly and firmly. Then it turned out that he was a great worker ; had prodigious faculty of performance ; worked easily. A good worker is so rare ; everybody has some disabling quality. In a host of young men that start together and promise so many brilliant leaders for the next age, each fails on trial ; one by bad health, one by conceit, or by love of pleasure, or lethargy, or an ugly temper, — eaxih has some dis- qualifying fault that throws him out of the career. But this man was sound to the core, cheerful, persist- ent, all right for labor, and liked nothing so well. Then he had a vast good nature, which made him tolerant and accessible to all ; fair minded, leaning to the claim of the petitioner ; affable, and not sensible to the affliction which the innumerable visits paid to him when President would have brought to any one else. And how this good nature became a noble humanity, in many a tragic case which the events of the war brought to him, every one wiU remember ; and with what increasing tenderness he dealt when a whole race was thrown on his compassion. The poor negro said of him, on an impressive occasion, " Massa Linkum am eberywhere." Then his broad good humor, running easily into jocular talk, in which he delighted and in which he excelled, was a rich gift to this wise man. It enabled 80 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. him to keep his secret ; to meet every kind of man and every rank in society ; to take off the edge of the severest decisions ; to mask his own purpose and sound his companion ; and to catch with true instinct the temper of every company he addressed. And, more than all, it is to a man of severe labor, in anxious and exhausting crises, the natural restorative, good as sleep, and is the protection of the overdriven brain against rancor and insanity. He is the author of a multitude of good sayings, so disguised as pleasantries that it is certain they had no reputation at first but as jests ; and only later, by the very acceptance and adoption they find in the mouths of millions, turn out to be the wisdom of the hour. I am sure if this man had ruled in a period of less facil- ity of printing, he would have become mythological in a very few years, like -^sop or Pilpay, or one of the Seven Wise Masters, by his fables and proverbs. But the weight and penetration of many passages in his letters, messages, and speeches, hidden now by the very closeness of their application to the moment, are destined hereafter to wide fame. What pregnant definitions ; what unerring common sense ; what fore- sight ; and, on great occasion, what lofty, and more than national, what humane tone ! His brief speech at Gettysburg will not easily be surpassed by words on any recorded occasion. This, and one other Amer- ican speech, that of John Brown to the court that tried him, and a part of Kossuth's speech at Birming- ham, can only be compared with each other, and with no fourth. His occupying the chair of State was a triumph of the good sense of mankind, and of the public con- science. This middle-class country had got a middle- EMERSON'S REMARKS. 81 class President, at last. Yes, in manners and sympa- thies, but not in powers, for his powers were superior. This man grew according to the need. His mind mastered the problem of the day; and as the pro- blem grew, so did his comprehension of it. Rarely was man so fitted to the event. In the midst of fears and jealousies, in the Babel of counsels and parties, this man wrought incessantly with all his might and aU his honesty, laboring to find what the people wanted, and how to obtain that. It cannot be said there is any exaggeration of his worth. If ever a man was fairly tested, he was. There was no lack of resistance, nor of slander, nor of ridicule. The times have allowed no state secrets ; the nation has been in such ferment, such multitudes had to be trusted, that no secret coidd be kept. Every door was ajar, and we know all that befell. Then, what an occasion was the whirlwind of the war. Here was place for no holiday magistrate, no fair-weather sailor ; the new pilot was hurried to the helm in a tornado. In four years, — four years of battle-days, — his endurance, his fertility of resources, his magnanimity, were sorely tried and never found wanting. There, by his courage, his justice, his even temper, his fertile counsel, his humanity, he stood a heroic figure in the centre of a heroic epoch. He is the true history of the American people in his time. Step by step he walked before them ; slow with their slowness, quickening his march by theirs, the true representative of this continent; an entirely public man ; father of his country, the pulse of twenty mil- lions throbbing in his heart, the thought of their minds articulated by his tongue. Adam Smith remarks that the axe, which in Hon- 82 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. braken's portraits of British kings and worthies is engraved under those who have suffered at the block, adds a certain lofty charm to the picture. And who does not see, even in this tragedy so recent, how fast the terror and ruin of the massacre are already burn- ing into glory around the victim ? Far happier this fate than to have lived to be wished away; to have watched the decay of his own faculties ; to have seen — perhaps even he — the proverbial ingratitude of statesmen ; to have seen mean men preferred. Had he not lived long enough to keep the greatest promise that ever man made to his fellow men, — the practical abolition of slavery ? He had seen Tennessee, Mis- souri, and Maryland emancipate their slaves. He had seen Savannah, Charleston, and Eichmond surren- dered ; had seen the main army of the rebellion lay down its arms. He had conquered the public opinion of Canada, England, and France. Only Washington can compare with him in fortune. And what if it should turn out, in the unfolding of the web, that he had reached the term ; that this heroic deliverer could no longer serve us ; that the rebellion had touched its natural conclusion, and what remained to be done required new and uncommitted hands, — a new spirit born out of the ashes of the war ; and that Heaven, wishing to show the world a completed benefactor, shall make him serve his coun- try even more by his death than by his life ? Nations, like kings, are not good by facility and complaisance. " The kindness of kings consists in justice and strength." Easy good nature has been the dangerous foible of the Republic, and it was necessary that its enemies should outrage it, and drive us to .unwonted firmness, to secure the salvation of this country in the next ages. EMERSON'S REMARKS. 83 The ancients believed in a serene and beautiful Genius which ruled in the affairs of nations ; which, with a slow but stern justice, carried forward the for- tunes of certain chosen houses, weeding out single offenders or offending families, and securing at last the firm prosperity of the favorites of Heaven. It was too narrow a view of the Eternal Nemesis. There is a serene Providence which rules the fate of nations, which makes little account of time, little of one generation or race, makes no account of disasters, conquers alike by what is called defeat or by what is called victory, thrusts aside enemy and obstruction, crushes everything immoral as inhuman, and obtains the ultimate triumph of the best race by the sacrifice of everything which resists the moral laws of the world. It makes its own instruments, creates the man for the time, trains him in poverty, inspires his genius, and arms him for his task. It has given every race its own talent, and ordains that only that race which combines perfectly with the virtues of all shall endure. THE EMANCIPATION GROUP. BY JOHN GEEENLBAF WHITTIEE. Moses Kimball, a citizen of Boston, presented to the city a duplicate of the Freedman's Memorial Statue erected in Lincoln Square, Washington, after a design by Thomas Ball. The group, which stands in Park Square, represents the figure of a slave, from whose limbs the broken fetters have fallen, kneeling in gratitude at the feet of Lincoln. The verses which follow were written for the unveiling of the statue, December 9, 1879. Amidst thy sacred effigies Of old renown give place, O city. Freedom-loved ! to his Whose hand unchained a race. Take the worn frame, that rested not Save in a martyr's grave ; The care-lined face, that none forgot, . Bent to the kneeling slave. Let man be free ! The mighty word He spake was not his own ; An impulse from the Highest stirred These chiselled lips alone. The cloudy sign, the fiery guide, Along his pathway ran. THE EMANCIPATION GROUP. 85 And Nature, through his voice, denied The ownership of man. We rest in peace where these sad eyes Saw peril, strife, and pain ; His was the nation's sacrifice, And ours the priceless gain. O symbol of God's wiU on earth As it is done above ! Bear witness to the cost and worth Of justice and of love. Stand in thy place and testify To coming ages long. That truth is stronger than a lie, And righteousness than wrong. FOR THE SERVICES IN MEMORY OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. CITY OF BOSTON, JUNE 1, 1865. BT OLIVEE WENDELL HOLMES. chobal: "Luther's Judgment Hymn." O Thou of soul and sense and breath The ever-present Giver, Unto thy mighty Angel, Death, All flesh thou dost deliver ; What most we cherish we resign, For life and death alike are thine, Who reignest Lord forever ! Our hearts lie buried in the dust With him so true and tender. The patriot's stay, the people's trust. The shield of the offender ; Yet every murmuring voice is still, As, bowing to thy sovereign will, Our best-loved we surrender. Dear Lord, with pitying eye behold This martyr generation, Which thou, through trials manifold, Art showing thy salvation ! Oh, let the blood by murder spilt Wash out thy stricken children's guilt. And sanctify our nation ! IN MEMORY OF LINCOLN. 87 Be thou thy orphaned Israel's friend, Forsake thy people never, In One our broken Many blend That none again may sever ! Hear us, O Father, while we raise With trembling lips our song of praise. And bless thy name forever ! EXTKACT FKOM ODE RECITED AT THE HARVAKD COMMEMOKATION, JULY 21, 1865. BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL. Whither leads the path To ampler fates that leads ? Not down through flowery meads. To reap an aftermath Of youth's vainglorious weeds ; But up the steep, amid the wrath And shock of deadly-hostile creeds, Where the world's best hope and stay By battle's flashes gropes a desperate way, And every turf the fierce foot clings to bleeds. Peace hath her not ignoble wreath, Ere yet the sharp, decisive word Light the black lips of cannon, and the sword Dreams in its easeful sheath ; But some day the live coal behind the thought. Whether from Baal's stone obscene. Or from the shrine serene Of God's pure altar brought, Bursts up in flame ; the war of tongue and pen Learns with what deadly purpose it was fraught, And, helpless in the fiery passion caught, LOWELL'S ODE. 89 Shakes all the pillared state with shock of men : Some day the soft Ideal that we wooed Confronts us fiercely, foe-beset, pursued, And cries reproachful : " Was it, then, my praise, And not myself was loved ? Prove now thy truth ; I claim of thee the promise of thy youth ; Give me thy life, or cower in empty phrase, The victim of thy genius, not its mate ! " Life may be given in many ways, And loyalty to Truth be sealed As bravely in the closet as the field, So bountiful is Fate ; But then to stand beside her. When craven churls deride her, To front a lie in arms and not to yield. This shows, methinks, God's plan And measure of a stalwart man. Limbed like the old heroic breeds. Who stands self-poised on manhood's solid earth, Not forced to frame excuses for his birth, Fed from within with all the strength he needs. VI. Such was he, our Martyr-Chief, Whom late the Nation he had led, With ashes on her head. Wept with the passion of an angry grief : Forgive me, if from present things I turn To speak what in my heart will beat and bum. And hang my wreath on his world-honored urn. Nature, they say, doth dote. And caimot make a man Save on some worn-out plan, Eepeating us by rote : 90 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. For him her Old- World moulds aside she threw, And, choosing sweet clay from the breast Of the unexhausted West, With stuff untainted shaped a hero new. Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true. How beautiful to see Once more a shepherd of mankind indeed. Who loved his charge, but never loved to lead ; One whose meek flock the people joyed to be, Not lured by any cheat of birth. But by his clear-grained human worth, And brave old wisdom of sincerity ! They knew that outward grace is dust ; They could not choose but trust In that sure-footed mind's unfaltering skill. And supple-tempered will That bent like perfect steel to spring again and thrust. His was no lonely mountain-peak of mind. Thrusting to thin air o'er our cloudy bars, A sea-mark now, now lost in vapors blind ; Broad prairie rather, genial, level-lined. Fruitful and friendly for all human-kind. Yet also nigh to heaven and loved of loftiest stars. Nothing of Europe here. Or, then, of Europe fronting mornward still. Ere any names of Serf and Peer Could Nature's equal scheme deface And thwart her genial will ; Here was a type of the true elder race. And one of Plutarch's men talked with us face to face. I praise him not ; it were too late ; And some innative weakness there must be LOWELL'S ODE. 91 In him who condescends to victory Such as the Present gives, and cannot wait, Safe in himseK as in a fate. So always firmly he : He knew to bide his time, And can his fame abide, Still patient in his simple faith sublime. Till the wise years decide. Great captains, with their guns and drums. Disturb our judgment for the hour. But at last silence comes ; These all are gone, and, standing like a tower, Our children shall behold his fame. The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man, Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame. New birth of our new soil, the first American. THE GETTYSBUEG SPEECH AND OTHER PAPERS BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND AN ESSAY ON LINCOLN BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL WITH PREFACE AND NOTES PREFACE. It is still too early to know Abraham Lincoln, but it is none too soon to use sucb knowledge as we have for adding to our conception of him, and for shaping our praise and honor. He lived so openly among men, and he was surrounded by such a mass of eager, posi- tive men and women in a time when the mind of man was especially alert, he was so much the object of criti- cism and of eulogy, and above all he was himself a man of such varied attitude toward other men, that we are likely for years to come to have an increasing volume of testimony concerning him. Meanwhile there is slowly taking form in the general apprehension of men a figure so notable, so individual, so powerful, that men everjrwhere are rec- ognizing the fact, that however other Americans may be regarded, there is one man who holds the interest, the profound respect, and the affection of the people as none other has yet done. Franklin has been widely influential, but he has not appealed to the highest spirit. He does not invite reverence, and only he is truly great to whom we look up. Washington has a place by himself, so aloof from other men, that with all our efforts we cannot perfectly succeed in human- izing him, but are content to leave him heroic. Jack- son is the idol of a party ; but Lincoln, appearing at a critical period, and showing himself a great leader, is 4 PREFACE. so humane, lie comes so close to the eye, his homely nature seems so familiar, that every one makes him a personal acquaintance. He had detractors during his lifetime; there are a few now who are repelled by some characteristics of the man, but his death did much to haUow his memory, and the emphatic testi- mony of poets and statesmen, who are quick to recog* nize their peers and their superiors, has been accumu- lating an expression of feeling which represents the common sentiment that has never been absent from the minds of plain people. Every year the anniversary of Lincoln's birth is likely to have increased honor : its nearness to Wash- ington's birthday is likely to cause a joint celebration of the two great Americans. Both then and at other times, Lincoln's career wiU be studied, and this pam- phlet is put forth as a modest aid to those who desire some brief handbook. It contains as an introduction the important essay by James Eussell Lowell, who was one of the earliest, and he has been the most persistent, of American scholars to recognize the greatness and the peculiar power of Lincoln. Lowell's own sympa- thy with the soil quickened his apprehension of sons of the soil. As a tail-piece, so to speak, it has the threnody by Walt Whitman, one of the notable bits of verse called out by Lincoln's death, and so rhyth- mical, so charged with feeling, that one scarcely ob- serves the almost random use of rhyme, — it all seems rhymed ; nor does one resent what on close inspection might seem an arrogant assumption of the poet's indi- vidual grief, for every one will feel that he is hunself a solitary mourner for the dead captain. The body of the pamphlet is occupied with a few of the most striking speeches, messages, and letters of the PREFACE. 5 President. It would be easy to increase the number, but these will be found significant of Lincoln's char- acter and political policy. Introductions and notes have been added wherever it seemed desirable to make the matter clearer. But it is to be hoped that our schools will take the opportunity afforded by the great mass of material easUy accessible to acquaint them- selves in detail with Lincoln's life. In order to aid teachers and scholars in this work, we have added to the pamphlet some pages which give suggestions for the celebration of Lincoln's birthday, a brief chronology of the leading events in his life, and a sketch of the material which is at the service of every one for carrying on a study of this most inter- esting and important subject. No one can apply him- self carefully to an inquiry into Lincoln's Hfe in its whole course without acquainting himself with the most vital principles of American national life. Ho must study the democratic social order, the slavery conflict, and the war for the Union. It is greatly to be hoped that the growing interest in American history, and the increasing attention paid to the investigating rather than the mere memorizing method of study, will tend to give a conspicuous place to the biography of Abraham Lincoln. CONTENTS. PASS Abraham LnfCOLu: ah Essay by Jambs Rtjsselii Lowell. 7 Mr. Lincoln's Speeches, Papers, and Letters L The Gettysburg Speech 37 II. The First Inauguial Address ..... 40 in. Letter to Horace Greeley 53 IV. Keply to a Committee 54 V. The Emancipation Proclamation 59 VI. Account of the Emancipation Proclamation . . 62 VII. Letter to Dissatisfied Friends 65 VIII. Proclamation appointing a National Fast Day . . 71 IX. Announcement of News from Gettysbui^ . . .73 X. Letter to A. G. Hodges 74 XI. The Second Inaugural Address 77 XII. Speech in Independence Hall 80 XHI. Last Public Address 82 O Captain ! my Captain. By Walt Whitmait ... 89 Lincoln's Birthday Materials for Sketch of Lincoln's Life 91 Chronological List of Events in the Life of Abraham Lincoln 95 Programmes 97 Note. — Number 133 of the Biverside Ziterature Series contains Abraham Lincoln, by Carl Schurz ; Abraham Lincoln, Bemarks at the Funeral Services held in Concord, April 19, 1865, by Ralph Waldo Emerson ; Airaham Lincoln, by WiUiam Cullen Bryant ; The Eman- cipation Group, by John Greenleaf Whittier; For the Services in Memory of Abraham Lincoln, Boston, June 1, 1865, by Oliver Wen- dell Holmes; and an Extract from the Ode recited at the Harvard Commemoration, July 21, 1865, by James Bussell LowelL In the selection of books for the " American Year " in the C. L. S. C. the members of the Reading Council have thought that the growing interest in the life of Abraham Lincoln might render timely this little volume of essays and poems selected with especial reference to the delineation of his personal character. The plan was suggested by the profound impression which the recent essay upon Lincoln by Mr. Schurz has made Upon the reading public, and with this essay have been bound some selections from the most famous of Lincoln's speeches and a few of the essays and poems relating to his life, which have already become classic. Although the essay by Lowell, which was writ- ten in war times, is for that reason expressed in partisan phraseology, yet in view of the fact that it was written during Lincoln's lifetime and by one who, like many of Lincoln's friends, often misapprehended his motives, it is so remarkable in its testimony to his greatness of character, that it is included in this little volume in the belief that no Chautauqua reader will misappre- hend the spirit in which the book has been pre- pared. 8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. cut o£E from oup past, and be forced to splice the ragged ends of our lives upon whatever new conditions chance might leave dangling for us. We confess that we had our doubts at first whether the patriotism of our people were not too narrowly provincial to embrace the proportions of national peril. We felt an only too natural distrust of im- mense public meetings and enthusiastic cheers. That a reaction should follow the holiday enthusi- asm with which the war was entered-on, that it should follow soon, and that the slackening of public spirit should be proportionate to the previous over-tension, might well be foreseen by all who had studied human nature or history. Men acting gregariously are al- ways in extremes ; as they are one moment capable of higher courage, so they are liable, the next, to baser depression, and it is often a matter of chance whether numbers shall multiply confidcEce or discouragement. Nor does deception lead more surely to distrust of men, than self-deception to suspicion of principles. The only faith that wears well and holds its color in all weathers is that which is woven of conviction and set with the sharp mordant of experience. Enthusi- asm is good material for the orator, but the statesman needs something more durable to work in, — must be able to rely on the deliberate reason and consequent firmness of the people, without which that presence of mind, no less essential in times of moral than of ma- terial peril, wUl be wanting at the critical moment. Would this fervor of the Free States hold out ? Was it kindled by a just feeling of the value of constitu- tional liberty ? Had it body enough to withstand the inevitable dampening of checks, reverses, delays? Had our population intelligence enough to comprehend LOWELL'S ESSAV. 9 that the choice was between order and anarchy, be- tween the equilibrium of a government by law and the tussle of misrule by pronunciamiento f Could a war be maintained without the ordinary stimulus of hatred and plunder, and with the impersonal loyalty of principle ? These were serious questions, and with no precedent to aid in answering them. At the beginning of the war there was, indeed, oc- casion for the most anxious apprehension. A Presi- dent known to be infected with the political heresies, and suspected of sympathy with the treason, of the Southern conspirators, had just surrendered the reins, we will not say of power, but of chaos, to a successor known only as the representative of a party whose leaders, with long training in opposition, had none in the conduct of affairs ; an empty treasury was called on to supply resources beyond precedent in the history of finance ; the trees were yet growing and the iron unmined with which a navy was to be built and ar- mored ; officers without discipline were to make a mob into an army ; and, above all, the public opinion of Europe, echoed and reinforced with every vague hint and every specious argument of despondency by a powerful faction at home, was either contemptuously sceptical or actively hostile. It would be hard to over-estimate the force of this latter element of disin- tegration and discouragement among a people where every citizen at home, and every soldier in the field, is a reader of newspapers. The pedlers of rumor in the North were the most effective allies of the rebel- lion. A nation can be liable to no more insidious treachery than that of the telegraph, sending hourly its electric thrill of panic along the remotest nerves of the community, till the excited imagination makes 10 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. every real danger loom heightened with its unreal double. And even if we look only at more palpable difficid- ties, the problem to be solved by our civil war was so vast, both in its immediate relations and its future consequences ; the conditions of its solution were so intricate and so greatly dependent on incalculable and uncontrollable contingencies ; so many of the data, whether for hope or fear, were, from their novelty, incapable of arrangement under any of the categories of historical precedent, that there were moments of crisis when the firmest believer in the strength and sufficiency of the democratic theory of government might well hold his breath in vague apprehension of disaster. Our teachers of political philosophy, sol- emnly arguing from the precedent of some petty Gre- cian, Italian, or Flemish city, whose long periods of aristocracy were broken now and then by awkward parentheses of mob, had always taught us that democ- racies were incapable of the sentiment of loyalty, of concentrated and prolonged effort, of far-reaching conceptions ; were absorbed in material interests ; im- patient of regular, and much more of exceptional re- straint ; had no natural nucleus of gravitation, nor any forces but centrifugal ; were always on the verge of civil war, and slunk at last into the natural almshouse of bankrupt popular government, a military despotism. Here was indeed a dreary outlook for persons who knew democracy, not by rubbing shoulders with it lifelong, but merely from books, and America only by the report of some feUow-Briton, who, having eaten a bad dinner or lost a carpet-bag here, had written to The Times demanding redress, and drawing a mournful inference of democratic instability. Noi LOWELL'S ESSAY. H were men wanting among ourselves who had so steeped their brains in London literature as to mis- take Cockneyism for European culture, and contempt of their country for cosmopolitan breadth of view, and who, owing all they had and aU they were to demo- cracy, thought it had an air of high-breeding to join in the shallow epicedium that our bubble had burst. But beside any disheartening influences which might affect the timid or the despondent, there were reasons enough of settled gravity against any over-confidence of hope. A war — which, whether we consider the expanse of the territory at stake, the hosts brought into the field, or the reach of the principles involved, may fairly be reckoned the most momentous of mod- ern times — was to be waged by a people divided at home, unnerved by fifty years of peace, under a chief magistrate without experience and without reputation, whose every measure was sure to be cunningly ham- pered by a jealous and unscrupulous minority, and who, while dealing with unheard-of complications at home, must soothe a hostile neutrality abroad, waiting only a pretext to become war. All this was to be done without warning and without preparation, while at the same time a social revolution was to be accom- plished in the political condition of four millions of people, by softening the prejudices, aUajdng the fears, and gradually obtaining the cooperation, of their un- willing liberators. Surely, if ever there were an occasion when the heightened imagination of the his- torian might see Destiny visible intervening in human affairs, here was a knot worthy of her shears. Never, perhaps, was any system of government tried by so continuous and searching a strain as ours during the last three years ; never has any shown itself stronger; 12 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. and never could that strength be so directly traced to the virtue and intelligence of the people, — to that general enlightenment and prompt efficiency of public opinion possible only under the influence of a political framework like our own. We find it hard to under- stand how even a foreigner should be blind to the grandeur of the combat of ideas that has been going on here, — to the heroic energy, persistency, and self- reliance of a nation proving that it knows how much dearer greatness is than mere power ; and we own that it is impossible for us to conceive the mental and moral condition of the American who does not feel his spirit braced and heightened by being even a spectator of such qualities and achievements. That a steady purpose and a definite aim have been given to the jarring forces which, at the beginning of the war, spent themselves in the discussion of schemes ■which could only become operative, i£ at all, after the war was over ; that a popular excitement has been slowly intensified into an earnest national will ; that a some- what impracticable moral sentiment has been made the unconscious instrument of a practical moral end ; that the treason of covert enemies, the jealousy of rivals, the unwise zeal of friends, have been made not only useless for mischief, but even useful for good; that the conscientious sensitiveness of England to the horrors of civil conflict has been prevented from com- plicating a domestic with a foreign war ; — aU these results, any one of which might suffice to prove great- ness in a ruler, have been mainly due to the good sense, the good-humor, the sagacity, the large-minded- ness, and the unselfish honesty of the unknown man whom a blind fortune, as it seemed, had lifted from the crowd to the most dangerous and difficult eminence LOWELL'S ESSAY. 13 of modern times. It is by presence o£ mind in untried emergencies that the native metal of a man is tested ; it is by the sagacity to see, and the fearless honesty to admit, whatever of truth there may be in an adverse opinion, in order more convincingly to expose the fallacy that lurks behind it, that a reasoner at length gains for his mere statement of a fact the force of argument ; it is by a wise forecast which allows hostile combinations to go so far as by the in- evitable reaction to become elements of his own power, that a politician proves his genius for state-craft ; and especially it is by so gently guiding public selitiment that he seems to follow it, by so yielding doubtful points that he can be firm without seeming obstinate in essential ones, and thus gain the advantages of com- promise without the weakness of concession ; by so in- stinctively comprehending the temper and prejudices of a people as to make them gradually conscious of the superior wisdom of his freedom from temper and prejudice, — it is by qualities such as these that a magistrate shows himself worthy to be chief in a commonwealth of freemen. And it is for qualities such as these that we firmly believe History will rank Mr. Lincoln among the most prudent of statesmen and the most successful of rulers. If we wish to appreciate him, we have only to conceive the inevita- ble chaos in which we should now be weltering, had a weak man - or an unwise one been chosen in his stead. " Bare is back," says the Norse proverb, " without brother' behind it " ; and this is, by analogy, true of an elective magistracy. The hereditary ruler in any critical emergency may reckon on the inexhaustible resources of prestige, of sentiment, of superstition, of 14 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. dependent interest, while the new man must slowly and painfully create all these out of the unwilling material around him, by superiority of character, by patient singleness of purpose, by sagacious presenti- ment of popular tendencies and instinctive sympathy with the national character. Mr. Lincoln's task was one of peculiar and exceptional difficulty. Long habit had accustomed the American people to the notion of a party in power, and of a President as its creature and organ, while the more vital fact, that the executive for the time being represents the abstract idea of government as a permanent principle superior to all party and all private interest, had gradually become unfamiliar. They had so long seen the pub- lic policy more or less directed by views of party, and often even of personal advantage, as to be ready to sus- pect the motives of a chief magistrate compelled, for the first time in our history, to feel himself the head and hand of a great nation, and to act upon the fun- damental maxim, laid down by all publicists, that the first duty of a government is to defend and maintain its own existence. Accordingly, a powerful weapon seemed to be put into the hands of the opposition by the necessity under which the administration found itself of applying this old truth to new relations. Nor were the opposition his only nor his most dangerous opponents. The Republicans had carried the country upon an issue in which ethics were more directly and visibly mingled with politics than usual. Their leaders were trained to a method of oratory which relied for its ef- fect rather on the moral sense than the understanding. Their arguments were drawn, not so much from experi- ence as from general principles of right and wrong. LOWELL'S ESSAY. 15 When the war came, their system continued to be ap- plicable and effective, for here again the reason of the people was to be reached and kindled through their sentiments. It was one of those periods of excitement, gathering, contagious, imiversal, which, while they last, exalt and clarify the minds of men, giving to the mere words country, human rights, democracy, a meaning and a force beyond that of sober and logical argument. They were convictions, maintained and de- fended by the supreme logic of passion. That pene- trating fire ran in and roused those primary instincts that make their lair in the dens and caverns of the mind. What is called the great popular heart was awakened, that indefinable something which may be, according to circumstances, the highest reason or the most brutish unreason. But enthusiasm, once cold, can never be warmed over into anything better than cant, — and phrases, when once the inspiration that filled them with beneficent power has ebbed away, retain only that semblance of meaning which enables them to supplant reason in hasty minds. Among the lessons taught by the French Revolution there is none sadder or more striking than this, that you may make everything else out of the passions of men except a political system that will work, and that there is noth- ing so pitilessly and unconsciously cruel as sincerity formulated into dogma. It is always demoralizing to extend the domain of sentiment over questions where it has no legitimate jurisdiction ; and perhaps the se- verest strain upon Mr. Lincoln was in resisting a ten- dency of his own supporters which chimed with his own private desires while wholly opposed to his con- victions of what would be wise policy. The change which three years have brought about 16 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. is too remarkable to be passed over without comment, too weighty in its lesson not to be laid to heart. Never did a President enter upon office with less means at his command, outside his own strength of heart and steadiness of understanding, for inspiring confidence in the people, and so winning it for himself, than Mr. Lincoln. All that was known of him was that he was a good stump-speaker, nominated for his availability, — that is, because he had no history, — and chosen by a party with whose more extreme opin- ions he was not in sympathy. It might well be feared that a man past fifty, against whom the ingenuity of hostile partisans could rake up no accusation, must be lacking in manliness of character, in decision of prin- ciple, in strength of will ; that a man who was at best only the representative of a party, and who yet did not fairly represent even that, would fail of political, much more of popular, support. And certainly no one ever entered upon office with so few resources of power in the past, and so many materials of weakness in the present, as Mr. Lincoln. Even in that haK of the Union which acknowledged him as President, there was a large, and at that time dangerous minor- ity, that hardly admitted his claim to the office, and even in the party that elected him there was also a large minority that suspected him of being secretly a communicant with the church of Laodicea.^ All that he did was sure to be virulently attacked as ultra by one side ; all that he left undone, to be stigmatized as proof of lukewarmness and backsliding by the other. Meanwhile he was to carry on a truly colossal war by means of both ; he was to disengage the country from diplomatic entanglements of unprecedented peril un* I See the Book of JRevelation, chapter 3, verse 15. LOWELL'S ESSAY. 17 disturbed by the help or the hinderanee of either, and to win from the crowning dangers of his administrar tion, in the confidence of the people, the means of his safety and their own. He has contrived to do it, and perhaps none of our Presidents since Washington has stood so firm in the confidence of the people as he does after three years of stormy administration. Mr. Lincoln's policy was a tentative one, and rightly so. He laid down no programme which must compel him to be either inconsistent or unwise, no cast-iron theorem to which circumstances must be fitted as they rose, or else be useless to his ends. He seemed to have chosen Mazarin's motto, Le temps et moi.^ The moi, to be sure, was not very prominent at first ; but it has grown more and more so, tiU the world is beginning to be persuaded that it stands for a character of marked individuality and capacity for af- fairs. Time was his prime-minister, and, we began to think, at one period, his general-in-chief also. At first he was so slow that he tired out all those who see no evidence of progress but in blowing up the engine ; then he was so fast, that he took the breath away from those who think there is no getting on safely while there is a spark of fire under the boilers. Qod is the only being who has time enough ; but a prudent man, who knows how to seize occasion, can commonly make a shift to find as much as he needs. Mr. Lincoln, as it seems to us in reviewing his career, though we have sometimes in our impatience thought otherwise, has always waited, as a wise man should, till the right mo- ment brought up all his reserves. Semper nocuit dif- ferre paratis^ is a sound axiom, but the really effica- ^ Time and I. Cardinal Mazarin vas prime-minister of Louis XIY. of France. Time, Mazarin said, -vras lus prime-minister. ^ It is always tad for those who are ready to put off action. 18 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. cious man will also be sure to know when lie is not ready, and be firm against all persuasion and reproach tUl he is. One would be apt to think, from some of the criti- cisms made on Mr. Lincoln's course by those who mainly agree with him in principle, that the chief ob- ject of a statesman should be rather to proclaim his adhesion to certain doctrines, than to achieve their triumph by quietly accomplishing his ends. In our opinion, there is no more unsafe politician than a con- scientiously rigid doctrinaire, nothing more sure to end in disaster than a theoretic scheme of policy that admits of no pliability for contingencies. True, there is a popular image of an impossible He, in whose plas- tic hands the submissive destinies of mankind become as wax, and to whose commanding necessity the tough- est facts yield with the graceful pliancy of fiction ; but in real life we commonly find that the men who con- trol circumstances, as it is called, are those who have learned to allow for the influence of their eddies, and have the nerve to turn them to account at the happy instant. Mr. Lincoln's perilous task has been to carry a rather shaky raft through the rapids, making fast the unrulier logs as he could snatch opportunity, and the country is to be congratulated that he did not think it his duty to run straight at all hazards, but cautiously to assure himself with his setting-pole where the main current was, and keep steadily to that. He is stiU in wild water, but we have faith that his skill and sureness of eye will bring him out right at last. A curious, and, as we think, not inapt parallel, might be drawn between Mr. Lincoln and one of the most striking figures in modern history, — Henry IV. of France. The career of the latter may be more pi& LOWELL'S ESSAY. 19 turesque, as that of a daring captain always is ; but in all its vicissitudes therje is nothing more romantic than that sudden change, as by a rub of Aladdin's lamp, from the attorney's office in a country town of Illinois to the helm of a great nation in times like these. The analogy between the characters and circumstances of the two men is in many respects singularly close. Succeeding to a rebellion rather than a crown, Henry's chief material dependence was the Huguenot party, whose doctrines sat upon him with a looseness dis- tasteful certainly, if not suspicious, to the more fanati- cal among them. King only in name over the greater part of France, and with his capital barred against him, it yet gradually became clear to the more far-see- ing even of the Catholic party that he was the only centre of order and legitimate authority round which France could reorganize itself. While preachers who held the divine right of kings made the churches of Paris ring with declamations in favor of democracy rather than submit to the heretic dog of a B^amois,^ — much as our soi-disant Democrats have lately been preaching the divine right of slavery, and denouncing the heresies of the Declaration of Independence, — Henry bore both parties in hand till he was convinced that only one course of action could possibly combine his own interests and those of France. Meanwhile the Protestants believed somewhat doubtfully that he was theirs, the Catholics hoped somewhat doubtfully that he would be theirs, and Henry himself turned aside remonstrance, advice, and curiosity alike with a jest or a proverb (if a little high, he liked them none the worse), joking continually as his manner was. 1 One of Henry's titles was Prince of B^am, that being the old proTince of France from which he came. 20 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. We have seen Mr. Lincoln contemptuously compared to Sancho Panza by persons incapable of appreciating one of the deepest pieces of wisdom in the prof oundest romance ever written ; namely, that, while Don Quix- ote was incomparable in theoretic and ideal statesman- ship, Sancho, with his stock of proverbs, the ready money of human experience, made the best possible practical governor. Henry IV. was as full of wise saws and modern instances as Mr. Lincoln, but beneath aU. this was the thoughtful, practical, humane, and thor- oughly earnest man, around whom the fragments of France were to gather themselves till she took her place again as a planet of the first magnitude in the European system. In one respect Mr. Lincoln was more fortunate than Henry. However some may think him wanting in zeal, the most fanatical can find no taint of apostasy in any measure of his, nor can the most bitter charge him with being influenced by mo- tives of personal interest. The leading distinction be- tween the policies of the two is one of circumstances. Henry went over to the nation ; Mr. Lincoln has stead- ily drawn the nation over to him. One left a united France ; the other, we hope and believe, will leave a reunited America. We leave our readers to trace the further points of difference and resemblance for them- selves, merely suggesting a general similarity which has often occurred to us. One only point of melan- choly interest we will allow ourselves to touch upon. That Mr. Lincoln is not handsome nor elegant, we learn from certain English tourists who would consider similar revelations in regard to Queen Victoria as thoroughly American in their want of hiensSance. It is no concern of ours, nor does it affect his fitness foi the high place he so worthily occupies; but he is LOWELL'S ESSAY. 21 certainly as fortunate as Henry in the matter of good looks, if we may trust contemporary evidence. Mr. Lincoln has also been reproached with Americanism by some not unfriendly British critics ; but, with all deference, we cannot say that we like him any the worse for it, or see in it any reason why he should govern Americans the less wisely. People of more sensitive organizations may be shocked, but we are glad that in this our true war of independence, which is to free us forever from the Old World, we have had at the head of our affairs a man whom America made, as God made Adam, out of the very earth, unancestried, unprivileged, unknown, to show us how much truth, how much magnanimity, and how much statecraft await the call of opportunity in simple manhood when it believes in the justice of God and the worth of man. Conventionalities are all very weU in their proper place, but they shrivel at the touch of nature like stubble in the fire. The genius that sways a nation by its arbitrary will seems less august to us than that which multiplies and reinforces itself in the instincts and convictions of an entire people. Au- tocracy may have something in it more melodramatic than this, but falls far short of it in human value and interest. Experience would have bred in us a rooted distrust of improvised statesmanship, even if we did not believe politics to be a science, which, if it cannot always com- mand men of special aptitude and great powers, at least demands the long and steady application of the best powers of such men as it can command to master even its first principles. It is curious, that, in a coun- try which boasts of its intelligence the theory should be so generally held that the most complicated of 22 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. human contrivances, and one which every day be* comes more complicated, can be worked at sight by any man able to talk for an hour or two without stop- ping to think. Mr. Lincoln is sometimes claimed as an example of a ready-made ruler. But no case could well be less ia point ; for, besides that he was a man of such fair- mindedness as is always the raw material of wisdom, he had in his profession a training precisely the oppo- site of that to which a partisan is subjected. His ex- perience as a lawyer compelled him not only to see that there is a principle underlying every phenomenon in human affairs, but that there are always two sides to every question, both of which must be fully under- stood in order to understand either, and that it is of greater advantage to an advocate to appreciate the strength than the weakness of his antagonist's position. Nothing is more remarkable than the unerring tact with which, in his debate with Mr. Douglas, he went straight to the reason of the question ; nor have we ever had a more striking lesson in political tactics than the fact, that opposed to a man exceptionally adroit in using popular prejudice and bigotry to his purpose, exception- ally unscrupulous in appealing to those baser motives that turn a meeting of citizens into a mob of barba- rians, he should yet have won his case before a jury of the people. Mr. Lincoln was as far as possible from an impromptu politician. His wisdom was made up of a knowledge of things as well as of men ; his sagacity resulted from a clear perception and honest acknowl- edgment of difficulties, which enabled him to see that the only durable triumph of political opinion is based, not on any abstract right, but upon so much of justice, the highest attainable at any given moment in human LOWELL'S ESSAY. 23 affairs, as may be had in the balance of mutual conces- sion. Doubtless he had an ideal, but it was the ideal of a practical statesman, — to aim at the best, and to take the next best, if he is lucky enough to get even that. His slow, but singularly masculine, intelligence taught him that precedent is only another name for embodied experience, and that it counts for even more in the guidance of communities of men than in that of the individual life. He was not a man who held it good public economy to pull down on the mere chance of rebuilding better. Mr. Lincoln's faith in God was qualified by a very well-founded distrust of the wisdom of man. Perhaps it was his want of self-confidence that more than anything else won him the unlimited confidence of the people, for. they felt that there would be no need of retreat from any position he had delib- erately taken. The cautious, but steady, advance of his policy during the war was like that of a Roman army. He left behind him a firm road on which pub- lic confidence could follow ; he took America with him where he went ; what he gained he occupied, and his advanced posts became colonies. The very homeliness of his genius was its distinction. His kingship was conspicuous by its workday homespun. Never was ruler so absolute as he, nor so little conscious of it ; for he was the incarnate common-sense of the people. With all that tenderness of nature whose sweet sadness touched whoever saw him with something of its own pathos, there was no trace of sentimentalism in his speech or action. He seems to have had but one rule of conduct, always that of practical and successful pol- itics, to let himself be guided by events, when they were sure to bring him out where he wished to go, though by what seemed to impractical minds, which 24 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. let go the possible to grasp at the desirable, a longer road. Undoubtedly the highest function of statesmanship is by degrees to accommodate the conduct of commu- nities to ethical laws, and to subordinate the conflict- ing self-interests of the day to higher and more perma- nent concerns. But it is on the understanding, and not on the sentiment, of a nation that all safe legisla- tion must be based. Voltaire's saying, that " a consid- eration of petty circumstances is the tomb of great things," may be true of individual men, but it cer- tainly is not true of governments. It is by a multi- tude of such considerations, each in itself trifling, but all together weighty, that the framers of policy can alone divine what is practicable and therefore wise. The imputation of inconsistency is one to which every sound politician and every honest thinker must sooner or later subject himself. The foolish and the dead' alone never change their opinion. The course of a great statesman resembles that of navigable rivers, avoiding immovable obstacles with noble bends of con- cession, seeking the broad levels of opinion on which men soonest settle and longest dwell, following and marking the almost imperceptible slopes of national tendency, yet always aiming at direct advances, always recruited from sources nearer heaven, and sometimes bursting open paths of progress and fruitful human com. merce through what seem the eternal barriers of both. It is loyalty to great ends, even though forced to com- bine the small and opposing motives of selfish men to accomplish them ; it is the anchored cling to solid prin- ciples of duty and action, which knows how to swing with the tide, but is never carried away by it, — that we demand in public men, and not sameness of policy, LOWELL'S ESSAY. 25 or a conscientious persistency in what is impracticable. For the impracticable, however theoretically enticing, is always politically unwise, sound statesmanship being the application of that prudence to the public business which is the safest guide in that of private men. No doubt slavery was the most delicate and embar- rassing question with which Mr. Lincoln was called on to deal, and it was one which no man in his posi- tion, whatever his opinions, could evade ; for, though he might withstand the clamor of partisans, he must sooner or later yield to the persistent importunacy of circumstances, which thrust the problem upon him at every turn and in every shape. It has been brought against us as an accusation abroad, and repeated here by people who measure their country rather by what is thought of it than by what it is, that our war has not been distinctly and avow- edly for the extinction of slavery, but a war rather for the preservation of our national power and greatness, in which the emancipation of the negro has been forced upon us by circumstances and accepted as a necessity. We are very far from denying this ; nay, we admit that it is so far true that we were slow to renounce our constitutional obligations even toward those who had absolved us by their own act from the letter of our duty. We are speaking of the government which, le- gally installed for the whole country, was bound, so long as it was possible, not to overstep the limits of orderly prescription, and could not, without abnegar ting its own very nature, take the lead in making re- bellion an excuse for revolution. There were, no doubt, many ardent and sincere persons who seemed to think this as simple a thing to do as to lead o£E a Virginia reel. They forgot, what should be forgotten least of 26 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. all in a system like ours, that the administration for the time being represents not only the majority which elects it, but the minority as well, — a minority in this case powerful, and so little ready for emancipation that it was opposed even to war. Mr. Lincoln had not been chosen as general agent of an anti-slavery society, but President of the United States, to perform certain functions exactly defined by law. Whatever were his wishes, it was no less duty than policy to mark out for himself a line of action that would not further distract the country, by raising before their time questions which plainly would soon enough compel attention, and for which every day was making the answer more easy. Meanwhile he must solve the riddle of this new Sphinx, or be devoured. Though Mr. Lincoln's policy in this critical affair has not been such as to satisfy those who demand an heroic treatment for even the most trifling occasion, and who will not cut their coat according to their cloth, unless they can borrow the scissors of Atropos,! it has been at least not unworthy of the long-headed king of Ithaca.^ Mr. Lincoln had the choice of Bassanio ^ offered him. Which of the three caskets held the prize that was to redeem the fortunes of the country ? There was the golden one whose showy spaciousness might have tempted a vain man ; the silver of compromise, which might have de- cided the choice of a merely acute one ; and the leaden, — dull and homely-looking, as prudence al- ways is, — yet with something about it sure to attract the eye of practical wisdom. Mr. Lincoln dallied 1 One of the three Fates. ^ Odysseus, or Ulysses, the hero of Homer's Odyssey. ' See Shake^eaie's Merchant of Venice. LOWELL'S ESSAY. 27 with his decision perhaps longer than seemed needful to those on whom its awful responsibility was not to rest, but when he made it, it was worthy of his cau- tious but sure-footed understanding. The moral of the Sphinx-riddle, and it is a deep one, lies in the childish simplicity of the solution. Those who fail in guessing it, fail because they are over-ingenious, and cast about for an answer that shall suit their own no- tion of the gravity of the occasion and of their own dignity, rather than the occasion itself. In a matter which must be finally settled by public opinion, and in regard to which the ferment of preju- dice and passion on both sides has not yet subsided to that equilibrium of compromise from which alone a sound public opinion can result, it is proper enough for the private citizen to press his own convictions with all possible force of argument and persuasion ; but the popular magistrate, whose judgment must be- come action, and whose action involves the whole coimtry, is bound to wait till the sentiment of the people is so far advanced toward his own point of view, that what he does shall find support in it, in- stead of merely confusing it with new elements of di- vision. It was not unnatural that men earnestly devoted to the saving of their country, and profoundly convinced that slavery was its only real enemy, should demand a decided policy round which all patriots might rally, — and this might have been the wisest course for an absolute ruler. But in the then unset- tled state of the public mind, with a large party de- crying even resistance to the slaveholders' rebellion as not only unwise, but even unlawful ; with a majority, perhaps, even of the would-be loyal so long accus- tomed to regard the Constitution as a deed of gift 28 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. conveying to the South their own judgment as to pol- icy and instinct as to right, that they were in doubt at first whether their loyalty were due to the country or to slavery ; and with a respectable body of honest and influential men who still believed in the possibility of conciliation, — Mr. Lincoln judged wisely, that, in laying down a policy in deference to one party, he should be giving to the other the very fulcrum for which their disloyalty had been waiting. It behooved a clear-headed man in his position not to yield so far to an honest indignation against the brokers of treason in the North as to lose sight of the materials for misleading which were their stock in trade, and to forget that it is not the falsehood of sophistry which is to be feared, but the grain of truth mingled with it to make it specious, — that it is not the knavery of the leaders so much as the honesty of the followers they may seduce, that gives them power for evU. It was especially his duty to do nothing which might help the people to forget the true cause of the war in fruitless disputes about its inevitable consequences. The doctrine of State rights can be so handled by an adroit demagogue as easily to confound the distinc- tion between liberty and lawlessness in the minds of ignorant persons, accustomed always to be influenced by the sound of certain words, rather than to reflect upon the principles which give them meaning. For, though Secession involves the manifest absurdity of denying to a State the right of making war against any foreign power while permitting it against the Ignited States ; though it supposes a compact of mutual con- cessions and guaranties among States without any ar- biter in case of dissension ; though it contradicts coia« LOWELL'S ESSAY. 29 mon-sense in assuming that the men who framed our government did not know what they meant when they substituted Union for Confederation ; though it falsi- fies history, which shows that the main opposition to the adoption of the Constitution was based on the ar- gument that it did not allow that independence in the several States which alone would justify them in seced- ing ; — yet, as slavery was universally admitted to be a reserved right, an inference could be drawn from any direct attack upon it (though only in self-defence) to a natural right of resistance, logical enough to sat- isfy minds untrained to detect fallacy, as the majority of men always are, and now too much disturbed by the disorder of the times, to consider that the order of events had any legitimate bearing on the argument. Though Mr. Lincoln was too sagacious to give the Northern allies of the Rebels the occasion they desired and even strove to provoke, yet from the beginning of the war the most persistent efEorts have been made to confuse the public mind as to its origin and motives, and to drag the people of the loyal States down from the national position they had instinctively taken to the old level of party squabbles and antipathies. The wholly unprovoked rebellion of an oligarchy proclaim- ing negro slavery the corner-stone of free institutions, and in the first flush of over-hasty confidence ventur- ing to parade the logical sequence of their leading dogma, " that slavery is right in principle, and has nothing to do with difference of complexion," has been represented as a legitimate and gallant attempt to maintain the true principles of democracy. The rightful endeavor of an established government, the least onerous that ever existed, to defend itself against a treacherous attack on its very existence, has been 30 ABRAHAM LINCOLN: cunningly made to seem the wicked effort of a fanati' cal clique to force its doctrines on an oppressed popu- lation. Even so long ago as when Mr. Lincoln, not yet con- vinced of the danger and magnitude of the crisis, was endeavoring to persuade himself of Union majorities at the South, and to carry on a war that was half peace in the hope of a peace that would have been all war, — while he was still enforcing the Fugitive Slave Law, under some theory that Secession, however it might absolve States from their obligations, could not es- cheat them of their claims under the Constitution, and that slaveholders in rebellion had alone among mortals the privilege of having their cake and eating it at the same time, — the enemies of free government were striving to persuade the people that the war was an Abolition crusade. To rebel without reason was pro- claimed as one of the rights of man, while it was care- fully kept out of sight that to suppress rebellion is the first duty of government. All the evils that have come upon the country have been attributed to the Abolitionists, though it is hard to see how any party can become permanently powerful except in one of two ways, — either by the greater truth of its princi- ples, or the extravagance of the party opposed to it- To fancy the ship of state, riding safe at her constitu- tional moorings, suddenly engulfed by a huge kraken of Abolitionism, rising from unknown depths and grasping it with slimy tentacles, is to look at the nat- ural history of the matter with the eyes of Pontop- pidan.^ To believe that the leaders in the Southern treason feared any danger from Abolitionism, would be to deny them ordinary intelligence, though there ^ A Danish antiquary and theologian LOWELL'S ESSAY. 31 can be little doubt that they made use of it to stir the passions and excite the fears of their deluded accom- plices. They rebelled, not because they thought slav- ery weak, but because they believed it strong enough, not to overthrow the government, but to get posses- sion of it ; for it becomes daily clearer that they used rebellion only as a means of revolution, and if they got revolution, though not in the shape they looked for, is the American people to save them from its con- sequences at the cost of its own existence ? The elec- tion of Mr. Lincoln, which it was clearly in their power to prevent had they wished, was the occasion merely, and not the cause, of their revolt. Abolition- ism, till within a year or two, was the despised heresy of a few earnest persons, without political weight enough to carry the election of a parish constable ; and their cardinal principle was disunion, because they were convinced that within the Union the posi- tion of slavery was impregnable. In spite of the proverb, great effects do not follow from small causes, — that is, disproportionately small, — but from ade- quate causes acting under certain required conditions. To contrast the size of the oak with that of the parent acorn, as if the poor seed had paid all costs from its slender strong-box, may serve for a child's wonder; but the real miracle lies in that divine league which bound aU the forces of nature to the service of the tiny germ in fulfilling its destiny. Everything has been at work for the past ten years in the cause of anti-slavery, but Garrison and Phillips have been far less successful propagandists than the slaveholders themselves, with the constantly growing arrogance of their pretensions and encroachments. They have forced the question upon the attention of every voter 32 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. in the Free States, by defiantly putting freedom and democracy on the defensive. But, even after the Kansas outrages, there was no wide-spread desire on the part of the North to commit aggressions, though there was a growing determination to resist them. The popular unanimity in favor of the war three years ago was but in small measure the result of anti-slavery sentiment, far less of any zeal for abolition. But every month of the war, every movement of the allies of slavery in the Free States, has been making Aboli- tionists by the thousand. The masses of any people, however intelligent, are very little moved by abstract principles of humanity and justice, until those prin- ciples are interpreted for them by the stinging com- mentary of some infringement upon their own rights, and then their instincts and passions, once aroused, do indeed derive an incalculable reinforcement of impulse and intensity from those higher ideas, those sublime traditions, which have no motive political force till they are allied with a sense of immediate personal wrong or imminent peril. Then at last the stars in their courses begin to fight against Sisera. Had any one doubted before that the rights of human nature are unitary, that oppression is of one hue the world over, no matter what the color of the oppressed, — had any one failed to see what the real essence of the contest was, — the efforts of the advocates of slav- ery among ourselves to throw discredit upon the fun- damental axioms of the Declaration of Independence and the radical doctrines of Christianity, could not fail to sharpen his eyes. While every day was bringing the people nearer to the conclusion which all thinking men saw to be inev- itable from the beginning, it was wise in Mr, Lincoln LOWELL'S ESSAY. 33 to leave the shaping of his policy to events. In this country, where the rough and ready understanding of the people is sure at last to be the controlling power, a profound common-sense is the best genius for states- manship. Hitherto the wisdom of the President's measures has been justified by the fact that they have always resulted in more firmly uniting public opinion. One of the things particularly admirable in the public utterances of President Lincoln is a certain tone of familiar dignity, which, while it is perhaps the most difficult attainment of mere style, is also no doubtful indication of personal character. There must be something essentially noble in an elective ruler who can descend to the level of confidential ease without losing respect, something very manly in one who can break through the etiquette of his conventional rank and trust himself to the reason and intelligence of those who have elected him. No higher compliment was ever paid to a nation than the simple confidence, the fireside plainness, with which Mr. Lincoln always addresses himself to the reason of the American people. This was, indeed, a true democrat, who grounded him- self on the assumption that a democracy can think. " Come, let us reason together about this matter," has been the tone of all his addresses to the people ; and accordingly we have never had a chief magistrate who so won to himself the love and at the same time the judgment of his countrymen. To us, that sim- ple confidence of his in the right-mindedness of his feUow-men is very touching, and its success is as strong an argument as we have ever seen in favor of the theory that men can govern themselves. He never ap- peals to any vulgar sentiment, he never alludes to the humbleness of his origin ; it probably never oo- 34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. curred to him, indeed, that there was anything higher to start from than manhood ; and he put himself on a level with those he addressed, not by going down to them, but only by taking it for granted that they had brains and would come up to a common ground of reason. In an article lately printed in The Nation, Mr. Bayard Taylor mentions the striking fact, that in the foulest dens of the Five Points he found the portrait of Lincoln. The wretched population that makes its hive there threw all its votes and more against him, and yet paid this instinctive tribute to the sweet humanity of his nature. There ignoraiice sold its vote and took its money, but all that was left of manhood in them recognized its saint and martyr. Mr. Lincoln is not in the habit of saying, " This is my opinion, or my theory," but " This is the conclu- sion to which, in my judgment, the time has come, and to which, accordingly, the sooner we come the better for us." His policy has been the policy of public opinion based on adequate discussion and on a timely recognition of the influence of passing events in shaping the features of events to come. One secret of Mr. Lincoln's remarkable success in captivating the popular mind is undoubtedly an un- consciousness of self which enables him, though under the necessity of constantly using the capital /, to do it without any suggestion of egotism. There is no single vowel which men's mouths can pronounce with such difference of effect. That which one shall hide away, as it were, behind the substance of his dis- course, or, if he bring it to the front, shall use merely to give an agreeable accent of individuality to what he says, another shall make an offensive challenge to the self-satisfaction of all his hearers, and an unwar. LOWELL'S ESSAY. 35 ranted intrusion upon each man's sense of personal importance, irritating every pore of his vanity, like a dry northeast wind, to a goose-flesh of opposition and hostility. Mr. Lincoln has never studied Quinti- lian ; ^ but he has, in the earnest simplicity and un- affected Americanism of his own character, one art of oratory worth all the rest. He forgets himself so entirely in his object as to give his I the sympathetic and persuasive effect of We with the great body of his countrymen. Homely, dispassionate, showing aU the rough-edged process of his thought as it goes along, yet arriving at his conclusions with an honest kind of every-day logic, he is so eminently our repre- sentative man, that, when he speaks, it seems as if the people were listening to their own thinking aloud. The dignity of his thought owes nothing to any cere- monial garb of words, but to the manly movement that comes of settled purpose and an energy of reason that knows not what rhetoric means. There has been nothing of Cleon, still less of Strepsiades ^ striving to underbid him in demagogism, to be found in the pub- lic utterances of Mr. Lincoln. He has always ad- dressed the intelligence of men, never their prejudice, their passion, or their ignorance. On the day of his death, this simple Western attor- ney, who according to one party was a vulgar joker, and whom the doctrinaires among his own supporters accused of wanting every element of statesmanship, was the most absolute ruler in Christendom, and this 1 A f amons Latin writer on the Art of Oratory. ^ Two Athenian demagognes, satirized by the dramatist Aristo- phanes. 36 ABRAHAM LmCOLN. solely by the hold his good-humored sagacity had laid on the hearts and understandings of his countrymen. Nor was this all, for it appeared that he had drawn the great majority, not only of his fellow-citizens, but of mankind also, to his side. So strong and so per- suasive is honest manliness without a single quality of romance or unreal sentiment to help it ! A civilian during times of the most captivating military achieve- ment, awkward, with no skill in the lower technicali- ties of manners, he left behind him a fame beyond that of any conqueror, the memory of a grace higher than that of outward person, and of a gentlemanliness deeper than mere breeding. Never before that star- tled April morning did such multitudes of men shed tears for the death of one they had never seen, as if with him a friendly presence had been taken away from their lives, leaving them colder and darker. Never was funeral panegyric so eloquent as the silent look of sympathy which strangers exchanged when they met on that day. Their common manhood had lost a kinsman. I. ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT THE DEDICATION OF THE NATIONAL CEMETEKT, GETTY* BUEG, PENNSYLVANIA, NOVBMBEK 19, 1863. The great battles fought at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, in July, 1863, made that spot historic ground. It was early perceived that the battles were critical, and they are now looked upon by many as the turning-point of the war for the Union. The ground where the fiercest conflict raged was taken for a national cemetery, and the dedication of the place was made an occasion of great solemnity. The orator of the day was Edward Everett, who was regarded as the most finished public speaker in the country. Mr. Everett made a long and eloquent address, and was followed by the President in a little speech which instan- taneously affected the country, whether people were educated or unlettered, as a great speech. The impression created has deep- ened with time. Kalph Waldo Emerson in his essay on Elo- quence says : " I believe it to be true that when any orator at the bar or the Senate rises in his thought, he descends in his lan- guage, that is, when he rises to any height of thought or passion, he comes down to a language level with the ear of all his au- dience. It is the merit of John Brown and of Abraham Lincoln — one at Charlestown, one at Gettysburg — in the two best specimens of eloquence we have had in this country." It is worth while to listen to Mr. Lincoln's own account of the education which prepared him for public speaking. Before he was nominated for the presidency he had attracted the notice of people by a remarkable contest in debate with a famous Illinois statesman, Stephen Arnold Douglas. As a consequence Mr. Lincoln received a great many invitations to speak in the East- em States, and made, among others, a notable speech at the Cooper Union, New York. Shortly after, he spoke also at New Haven, and the Rev. J. P. Gulliver, in a paper in the New York 88 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Independent, Sept. 1, 1864, thus reports a conversation wMch he held with him when traveling in the same railroad car : — " ' Ah, that reminds me,' he said, ' of a most extraordinary circumstance, which occurred in New Haven, the other day. They told me that the Professor of Rhetoric in Yale College — a very learned man, is n't he ? ' ' Yes, sir, and a very fine critic, too.' ' Well, I suppose so ; he ought to be, at any rate — They told me that he came to hear me and took notes of my speech, and gave a lecture on it to his class the next day ; and, not satis- fled with that, he followed me up to Meriden the next evening, and heard me again for the same purpose. Now, if this is so, it is to my mind very extraordinary. I have been sufficiently as- tonished at my success in the West. It has been most unex- pected. But I had no thought of any marked success at the East, and least of all that I should draw out such commendations from literary and learned men ! ' " ' That suggests, Mr. Lincoln, an inquiry which has several times been upon my Hps during this conversation. I want very much to know how you got this unusual power of " putting things." It must have been a matter of education. No man has it by nature alone. What has your education been ? ' " ' Well, as to education, the newspapers are correct. I never went to school more than six months in my life. But, as you say, this must be a product of culture in some form. I have been putting the question you ask me to myself while you have been talking. I say this, that among my earliest recollections, I remember how, when a mere child, I used to get irritated when anybody talked to me in a way I could not understand. I don't think I- ever got angry at anything else in my life. But that al- ways disturbed my temper, and has ever since. I can remember going to my little bedroom, after hearing the neighbors talk of an evening with my father, and spending no small part of the night walking up and down, and trying to make out what was the exact meaning of some of their, to me, dark sayings. I could not sleep, though I often tried to, when I got on such a hunt af- ter an idea, until I had caught it ; and when I thought I had got it, I was not satisfied until I had repeated it over and over, until' I had put it in language plain enough, as I thought, for any boy I knew to comprehend. This was a kind of passion with me, and it has stuck by me, for I am never easy now, when I am bandling a thought, till I have bounded it north and bounded it GETTYSBURG SPEECH. 89 south and bounded it east and bounded it west. Perhaps that accounts for the characteristic you observe in my speeches, though I never put the two things together before.' " But to the speech itself. FoTJESCOEE and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in lib- erty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. "We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final rest- ing-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we shoiild do this. But in a larger sense we can- not dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly ad- vanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion, —that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, — arid that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 11. THE FIRST INAUGUEAL ADDRESS. On the 4th of March, 1861, Mr. Lincoln took the oath of office as President of the United States, and then from the east portico of the Capitol deKrered to an immense throng his in- augural address. He had written it before coming to Washing, ton, and had asked criticism upon it from a few prominent men, among them WUliam H. Seward, who was looked upon by most as the great Republican statesman of the day. The criticism of these men was considered by Mr. Lincoln, and in some instances used to modify his address. The most interesting change was due to Mr. Seward's advice that " some words of a£Eection, some of calm and cheerful confidence should be added." To make his meaning clear, Mr. Seward drew up a paragraph for Mr. Lin- coln's use if he chose to take it. Mr. Lincoln liked the thought, but his style difBered from Mr. Seward's, and he rewrote the paragraph in his own words. For the sake of comparison, Mr. Seward's paragraph is given in a foot-note at the proper place. He wrote full, sonorous English, Mr. Lincoln terse, nervous, di- rect speech, and the contrast between the two is very striking. Fellow-citizens of the United States : In compliance with a custom as old as the Government it- self, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Con- stitution of the United States to be taken by the Presi- dent "before he enters on the execution of his office." I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Repub- lican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There THE FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 41 has never been any reasonable cause for such appre- hension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the con- trary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : " Resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institu- tions according to its own judgment exclusively, is es- sential to that balance of power on which the perfec- tion and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." I now reiterate these sentiments ; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most con- clusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Ad- ministration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause — as cheerfully to one section, as to another. 42 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions : "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be dis- charged from such service or labor, but shall be deliv- ered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." It is scarcely questioned that this provision was in- tended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this pro- vision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves, whose cases come within the terms o^' his clause, " sl^all be delivered up " their oaths are unani.nous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanim- ity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State au- thority ; but surely that difference is not a very mate- rial one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him, or to others, by which authority it is done. And shoidd any one, in any case, be content that his oath shall go unkept, on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept' Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and hu- mane jurisprudence to be introduced so that a free THE FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 43 man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave ? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Consti- tution which guarantees that " the citizen of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and imramiities of citizens in the several States " ? I take the official oath to-day with no mental reser. vations and with no purpose to construe the Constitu- tion or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Con- gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. Dur- ing that period fifteen different and greatly distin- guished citizens have, in succession, administered the Executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with aU this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitu- tional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, hereto- fore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that, in contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution, the union of these States is per- petual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our 44 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. National Constitution, and the Union will endure for. ever — it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably un- made by less than aU the parties who made it ? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak, but does it not require aU to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitu- tion. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Asso- ciation in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was, " to form a more perfect Union." But if destruction of the Union by one, or by a part only, of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circum- stances. THE FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 45 I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitu- tion and the laws, the Union is unbroken ; and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitu- tion itseK expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in aU. the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part ; and I shall perform it, so far as practicable, un- less my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared pur- pose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or vio- lence ; and there shall be none,- unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me wUl be used to hold, occupy, and possess the prop- erty and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no inva- sion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Govern- ment to enforce the exercise of these offices, the at- tempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be fur- nished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect 46 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a mod- ification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised accord- ing to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at aU events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny ; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak ? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the de- struction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to as- certain precisely why we do it ? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist- ence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from — will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in the Union, if all consti- tutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied ? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minor- ity of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, THE FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 47 in a moral point of view, justify revolution — certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of in- dividuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmar tions and pegations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No fore- sight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority ? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slav- ery in the Territories ? The Constitution does not ex- pressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitu- tional controversies, and we divide upon them into ma- jorities and minorities. If the minority will not acqui- esce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative ; for continuing the Gov- ernment is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them ; for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be con- trolled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it ? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the 48 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitu- tional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible ; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly in- admissible ; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Su- preme Court ; nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled, and never be- come a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government, upon vital questions affect- ing the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by de- cisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in per- sonal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribu- nal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the THE FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 49 court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought be- fore them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes Slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured ; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sec- tions, than before. The foreign slave-trade, now im- perfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived with- out restriction in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surren- dered at aU by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We can- not remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A hus- band and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other ; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more ad- vantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before f Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully en- forced between aliens than laws can among friends ? 50 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. This coimtry, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their rev- olutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommends^ tion of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful au- thority of the people over the whole subject, to be ex- ercised iu either of the modes prescribed in the instru- ment itself ; and I should, under existing circumstan- ces, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution — which amendment, however, I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the do- mestic institutions of the States, including that of per- sons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose, not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitu- tional law, I have no objections to its being made ex- press and irrevocable. THE FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 51 The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose ; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people ? Is there any better or equal hope in the world ? In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the right ? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief ; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no adminis- tration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; but no good object pan be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive 52 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. point, the laws of your own framing under it ; wMe the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dis- pute, there stiU is no single good reason for precipi- tate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are stUl competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government wiU not assail you. You can have no conflict, without being yourselves the aggressors. Fbu have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while /shall have the most solemn one to " preserve, protect, and defend it." ^ I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of af- fection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave, to every liv- ing heart and hearth-stone, all over this broad land, ^ The original draft, after the words " preserve, protect, and de- fend it," concluded as follows, addressing itself to " my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen " ; ** You can forhear the assault upon it, I cannot shrink from the defense of it. With you, and not with me, is the sol- emn question of ' Shall it he peace or a sword ?'" Mr. Seward suhmitted two separate drafts for a closing paragraph. The second of these, containing the thought adopted by Mr. Lincoln, was as follows : — " I close. We are not, we must not be, aliens or enemies, but fel- low-countrymen and brethren. Although passion has strained our bonds of affection too hardly, they must not, I am sure they will not, be broken. The mystic chords which, proceeding from so many bat- tlefields and so many patriot graves, pass through all the hearts and all hearths in this broad continent of ours, will yet again harmonize in their ancient music when breathed upon by the guardian angel of the nation." LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY. 53 Will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. III. LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY. The Administration, during the early months of the War for the Union, was greatly perplexed as to the proper mode of dealing with slavery, especially in the districts occupied by the Union forces. In the summer of 1862, when Mr. Lincoln was earnestly contemplating his Proclamation of Emancipation, Horace Greeley, the leading Republican editor, published in his paper, the New York Tribune, a severe article in the form of a letter addressed to the President, taJdng him to task for failing to meet the just expectations of twenty millions of loyal people. Thereupon Mr. Lincoln sent him the following letter : — Executive Mansion, Washington, August 22, 1862. Hon. Hoeace Geeelet. — Dear Sir : I have just read yours of the 19th, addressed to myself through the Ifew York Tribune. If there be in it any state- ments or assumptions of fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right. As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the National authority can be restored, the nearer the 54 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Union will be " The Union as it was." If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union and is not either to save or destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it ; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about Slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less, when- ever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause ; and I shall do more, whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors ; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. I have here stated my purpose according to my view of offi- cial duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-ex- pressed personal wish that all men, everywhere, could be free. Yours, A. LmcoLN. IV. REPLY TO A COMMITTEE. While the President was considering seriously the proposal to issue a proclamation of emancipation, he was naturally urged by many to take such a step and by many not to take it. The following reply to a. committee from the religious denomina- tions of Chicago, which waited on him September 13, 1862, urging him to issue the proclamation, is a good example of how the President was in the habit of thinking aloud and stating REPLY TO A COMMITTEE. 55 both sides of a question, even when he had practically made up his mind. The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men who are equally certain that they represent the divine will. I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He would reveal it directly to me ; for, tmless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I wiU do it. These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right. The subject is di£6.cult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the other day four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York called as a delegation on business connected with the war ; but, before leaving, two of them earnestly beset me to proclaim general emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them. You know also that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of anti-slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the same is true of the religious people. Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favor their side ; for one of our sol- 56 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. diers who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wil- son a few days since that he met with nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case. What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated ? I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull against the comet. Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitu- tion in the rebel States ? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there ? And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines ? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a proclamation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them ? How can we feed and care for such a multitude ? General Butler wrote me a few days since, that he was issuing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white troops imder his command. They eat, and that is all ; though it is true General Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousand, for it nearly amounts to a famine there. If, now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again ? For I am told that whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off. tlEPLY TO A COMMITTTE. 57 They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it ! For instance, when, after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the govern- ment would probably do nothing about it. What could I do ? Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a pro- clamation as you desire ? Understand, I raise no ob- jections against it on legal or constitutional grounds ; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy ; nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical war mea^ sure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I TviU also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that 58 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance ; but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the rebels ; and, indeed, thus far we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops. I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and contempt. There are fifty thousand bayo- nets in the Union armies from the border slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I do not think they aU would — not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as six months ago — not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more : I think you should admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite the people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake. This is a fundamental idea going down about as deep as anything. Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclama- tion of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement ; and I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I wiU do. I trust that in the freedom with which I have can- vassed your views I have not in any respect injured your feelings. THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 59 V. THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. Some time before the letter to Mr. Greeley was written, Lin- coln had drawn up a Proclamation of Emancipation, and was only waiting for a suitable hour when to publish it. He waited until after the battle of Antietam, and then, on the 22d of Septem- ber, 1862, issued his provisional proclamation in which he sol- emnly declared that on the first day of January following " all persons held as slaves within any State, or any designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and fcyreoer free." The announcement drew forth only bitter response from the Confederacy, and on the first day of January, 1863, the Presi- dent issued the final proclamation which is here given. The parts of the South excepted in the proclamation were those which were loyal or were occupied by Union troops. Wheeeas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lprd one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the Presi- dent of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit : — " That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or desig- nated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and forever free, and the Executive Government of the United States, including the mil- itary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. " That the Executive will, on the fii-st day of Janu- 60 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ary aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the peo- ple thereof, shall on that day be in good faith repre- sented in the Congress of the United States by mem- bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have partici- pated shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States ; " — iVbw, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority of, and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full pe- riod of one hundred days from the day first above- mentioned, order, and designate, as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit : Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assump- tion, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans, Mis- sissippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Eliza- THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 61 beth City, York, Princess Ann and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, and which ex- cepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be free ; and that the Executive Government of the United States, in- cluding the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain from all violence, unless in neces- sary self-defense, and I recommend to them, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for rea- sonable wages. And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable condition wUl be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man ves- sels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon mil- itary necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. In Testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my name and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight himdred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the Pkesident : WnxiAM H. Sewakd, Secretary of Stale. 62 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. VI. ACCOUNT OF THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. Mr. Frank B. Carpenter painted a large historical picture of the signing of the proclamation, which is now in the capitol at Washington. While working on it, he saw much of the Presi- dent, who gave him the following account in conversation. Mr. Carpenter priQted the account in his Six Months at the White House. " It had got to be," said Mr. Lincoln, " midsummer, 1862. Things had gone on from bad to worse until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on the plan of operations we had been pursuing ; that we had about played our last card, and must change our tac- tics or lose the game. I now determined upon the adoption of the emancipation policy ; and without con- sultation with or the knowledge of the Cabinet, I prepared the original draft of the proclamation, and, after much anxious thought, called a Cabinet meet- ing upon the subject. This was the last of July or the first part of the month of August, 1862. [The exact date was July 22, 1862.] . . . All were present excepting Mr. Blair, the Postmaster-General, who was absent at the opening of the discussion, but came in. subsequently. I said to the Cabinet that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them to- gether to ask their advice, but to lay the subject- matter of a proclamation before them, suggestions as to which would be in order after they had heard it read. Mr. Lovejoy was in error when he informed you that it excited no comment excepting on the THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 63 part of Secretary Seward. Various suggestions were offered. Secretary Chase wished the language stronger in reference to the arming of the blacks. " Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the policy on the ground that it would cost the administration the fall elections. Nothing, however, was offered that I had not already fuUy anticipated and settled in my own mind until Secretary Seward spoke. He said in substance : ' Mr. President, I approve of the procla- mation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted gov- ernment, a cry for help ; the government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government.' His idea," said the President, " was that it would be con- sidered our last shriek on the retreat. [This was his precise expression.] 'Now,' continued Mr. Seward, ' while I approve the measure, I suggest, sir, that you postpone its issue until you can give it to the country supported by military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, upon the greatest disasters of the war.' ". Mr. Lincoln continued : " The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of State struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case that, in aU my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. The result was, that I put the draft of the proclamation aside, as you do your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory. " From time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously watching the progress of events. Well, the next news we had 64 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. was of Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than ever. Finally came the week of the bat- tle of Antietam. I determined to wait no longer. The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our side. I was then staying at the Soldier's Home (three miles out of Washington). Here I finished writing the second draft of the pre- liminary proclamation, came up on Saturday, called the Cabinet together to hear it, and it was published on the following Monday." LETTER TO DISSATISFIED FRIENDS.' 65 VIL LETTER TO DISSATISFIED FEIENDS. The Proclamation of Emancipation was received with great satisfaction by some, with discontent by others. The people of the North were by no means unanimous as yet upon the subject of the abolition of Slavery, and the criticism made upon the Pres- ident's course indicates his wide acquaintance with public senti- ment, by which he was enabled to act in crises, neither too soon nor too late. In the early fall of 1863 he was invited to meet his old neighbors at Springfield, Illinois, and the following letter was addressed to the chairman of the Committee of Invitation : — ExEOUTivT! Mansion, Washington, August 26, 1863. Mt Dear Sir, — Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of unconditional Union men, to be held at the capital of Illinois on the 3d day of September, has been received. It would be very agreeable to me thus to meet my old friends at my own home ; but I cannot ]ust now be absent from this city so long as a visit there would require. The meeting is to be of all those who maintain un- conditional devotion to the Union ; and I am sure that my old political friends will thank me for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those other noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's life. There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say : You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it ? There are but three conceivable ways : First, to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for 66 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. it ? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. If you are, you should say so, plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, theT"© only remains some imaginable compromise. I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. AU that I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion is its military — its army. That army dominates aU the country and all the peo- ple within its range. Any offer of any terms made by any man or men within that range in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them. To illustrate : Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in con- vention, and frame and proclaim a compromise em- bracing the restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be used to keep Gen. Lee's army out of Pennsylvania ? Gen. Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think can ulti- mately drive it out of existence. But no paper com- promise to which the controllers of Gen. Lee's army are not agreed, can at aU affect that army. In an ef- fort at such compromise we would waste time, which the enemy would improve to our disadvantage, and that would be all; A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control the Rebel army, or with the people, first liberated from the dom- ination of that army by the success of our army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from the Rebel army, or from any of the men control- ling it, in relation to any peace compromises, has ever LETTER TO DISSATISFIED FRIENDS. 67 come to my knowledge or belief. All charges and in- timations to the contrary are deceptive and ground- less. And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the people, according to the bond of service, the United States Constitution ; and that, as such, I am responsible to them. But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while you, I supposes, do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor pro- posed any measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided you are for the Union. I sug- gested compensated emancipation, to which you re- plied that you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I have not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxa- tion, to save the Union exclusively by other means. You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is uncon- stitutional. I think differently. I think that the Constitution invests its Commander-in-chief with the laws of war in the time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that the slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed ? And is it not needed when- ever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy ? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it ; and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a 68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. But the proo- lamation, as law, is valid or is not valid. If it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess to think that its retrac- tion would operate favorably for the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the issue? There was more than a year and a half of trial to sup- press the rebellion before the proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice, that it was coming unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the commanders of our armies in the field, who have given us our most important victories, believe the emancipation policy and the aid of colored troops con- stitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of those important successes could not have been achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the commanders hold- ing these views are some who have never had any affinity with what is called abolitionism, or with " re- publican party politics," but who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit their opinions as being entitled to some weight against the objections often urged that emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in good faith. You say that you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem to be willing to fight for you — ■■ LETTER TO DISSATISFIED FRIENDS. 69 but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively to save the Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare that you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that, in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differ- ently ? I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them ? If they stake their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the prom- ise, being made, must be kept. The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great North- west for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The job was a great Na- tional one, and let none be banned who bore an honor- able part in it ; and while those who have cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and better done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At aU the 70 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. waters' margins they have been present : not only on the deep sea, the broad bay and the rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou ; and wherever the ground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the great Eepublic — for the principles by which it lives and keeps alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. Peace does not .appear so far distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay : and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there will be some black men who can remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation ; while I fear that there will be some white men unable to forget that, with malignant heart and deceitful speech, they have striven to hinder it. Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a just God, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result. Yours, very truly, A. LmcOLN. James C. Coneung, Esq. A NATIONAL FAST DAY. 71 VIII. PROCLAMATION APPOINTING A NATIONAL FAST DAY. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMEKICA : A Proclamation. Wheeeas, the Senate of the United States, de- voutly recognizing the supreme authority and just government of Almighty God in all the affairs of men and of nations, has by a resolution requested the President to designate and set apart a day for national prayer and humiliation. And whereas, it is the duty of nations as well as of men to own their dependence upon the overrul- ing power of God ; to confess their sins and trans- gressions in humble sorrow, yet with assured hope that genuine repentance will lead to mercy and par- don ; and to recognize the sublime truth, announced in the Holy Scriptures and proven by all history, that those nations only are blessed whose God is the Lord. And insomuch as we know that by his divine law nations, like individuals, are subjected to punishments and chastisements in this world, may we not justly fear that the awful calamity of civil war which now desolates the land may be but a punishment inflicted upon us for our presumptuous sins, to the needful end of our national reformation as a whole people ? We have been the recipients of the choicest boun- ties of Heaven. We have been preserved, these many 72 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. years, in peace and prosperity. We have grown in numbers, wealth, and power as no other nation has ever grown ; but we have forgotten God. We have forgotten the gracious hand which preserved us in peace, and multiplied and enriche'd and strengthened us, and we have vainly imagined, in the deceitfulness of our hearts, that all these blessings were produced by some superior wisdom and virtue of our own. Intoxicated with unbroken success, we have become too self-sufficient to feel the necessity of redeeming and preserving grace, too proud to pray to the God that made us : It behooves us, then, to humble ourselves before the offended Power, to confess our national sins, and to pray for clemency and forgiveness : Now, therefore, in compliance with the request, and fully concurring in the views of the Senate, I do by this my proclamation designate and set apart Thurs- day, the 30th day of April, 1863, as a day of national humiliation, fasting, and prayer. And I do hereby request aU the people to abstain on that day from their ordinary secular pursuits, and to unite at their several places of public worship and their respective homes in keeping the day holy to the Lord, and de- voted to the humble discharge of the religious duties proper to that solemn occasion. All this being done in sincerity and truth, let us then rest humbly in the hope authorized by the divine teachings, that the united cry of the nation will be heard on high, and answered with blessings no less than the pardon of our national sins, and the restoration of our now divided and suffering country to its former happy condition of unity and peace. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand. NEWS FROM GETTYSBURG. 73 and caused the seal of tlie United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this thir- tieth day of March, in the year of our Lord [l. S.] one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the PREsroEirr : WnxiAM H. Sewakd, Secretary of State. IX. ANNOUNCEMENT OF NEWS FEOM GETTYSBDEG. Washington, July 4, 10.30 a. m. The President announces to the country that news from the Army of the Potomac, up to 10 p. M. of the 3d, is such as to cover that army with the highest honor, to promise a great success to the cause of the Union, and to claim the condolence of all for the many gallant fallen ; and that for this he especially desires that on this day He whose will, not ours, should ever be done be everywhere remembered and reverenced with profoundest gratitude. A. Lincoln. 74 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. LETTER TO A. G. HODGES. Executive Maitsioit, Washington, April 4, 1864. A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Kentucky. My dear Sir, — You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally said the other day in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows : — "I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never understood that the presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways, and I aver that, to this day, I have don.; o official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that LETTER TO A. G. HODGES. 75 nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation and yet pre- serve the Constitution? By general law life and limb must be protected, yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life ; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures otherwise unconstitutional might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together. When, early in the war. General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later. General Cameron, then Secre- tary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispen- sable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable neces- sity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military eman- cipation and arming the blacks would come unless averted by that measure. They declined the propo- sition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it I hoped for greater gain than loss ; but of this I 76 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, — no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no cavilling. We have the men ; and we could not have had them without the measure. " And now let any Union man who complains of the measure test himself by writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms ; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be but for the mea- sure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth." I add a word which was not in the verbal conver- sation. In telling this tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the nation's condition is not what either party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial his- tory will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. THE SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 77 XI. THE SECOND INAUGUEAL ADDRESS. Lincoln was reelected President, and delivered his second inaugural on the 4th of March, 1865, only a few weeks before he was assassinated. The words in the closing paragraph were, so to speak, his legacy to his countrymen. By a natural im- pulse, they were hung out on banners and on the signs of mourn- ing which throughout the Union marked the grief of the people at the loss of their great leader. Fellow-Countetmen : At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which aU else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself ; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encour- aging to all. With high hope for the future, no pre- diction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impend- ing civil war. All dreaded it ; aU sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union 78 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. without war, iusurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war — seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both par- ties deprecated war ; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive ; and the other woidd accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves con- stituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial en- largement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already at- tained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the con- flict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God ; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces : but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be an- swered ; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. " Woe unto the world because of offenses ! for it must needs be that offenses come ; but woe to that man by whom the of- fense Cometh." If we shall suppose American Slav- ery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of THE SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 79 God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time. He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terri- ble war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him ? Fondly do we hope, fer- vently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, " The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his or- phan ; to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a la;Sting peace among ourselves and with all nations. 80 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. xn. SPEECH IN INDEPENDENCE HALL. On Washington's birthday, 1861, when Lincoln was on his way to Washington to be inaugurated as the great successor to the great first President, it was arranged that he should raise a new flag at Independence HaE in Philadelphia. He did so, and on the occasion made the following speech. It was in this hall that his body lay when it was on its way to Springfield after his as« sassination. I AM filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to principle from which sprang the institutions under which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of restoring peace to our distracted country. I can say in return, sirs, that all the politi- cal sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in and were given to the world from this halL I have never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted that Declara. tion. I have pondered over the toils that were en- dured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the SPEECH IN INDEPENDENCE HALL. 81 mere matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoul- ders of all men and that aU should have an equal chance. This is the sentiment embodied in the De- claration of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be saved on that basis ? If it can, I will con- sider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving np that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course ; and I may say in advance that there wiU be no bloodshed unless it be forced npon the Government. The Government will not use force, unless force is used against it. My friends, this is wholly an imprepared speech. I did not expect to be called on to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely to do something towards raising a flag — I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet. [Cries of " No, No."] But I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by. 82 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. XIII. LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS. This address, given in Washington April 11, 1865, is especially interesting as outlining the President's policy of reconstruction. We meet this evening not in sorrow, but in glad- ness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the principal insur- gent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy peace, whose joyous expression cannot be restrained. In the midst of this, however, He from whom all blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call for a national thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly pro- mulgated. Nor must those whose harder part give us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. Their honors must not be parcelled out with others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of trans- mitting much of the good news to you ; but no part of the honor for plan or execution is mine. To Gen- eral Grant, his skilful officers and brave men, all belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active part. By these recent successes the reinauguration of the national authority, — reconstruction, — which has had a large share of thought from the first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with great difficulty. Unlike a case of war between independent nations, there is no authorized organ for us to treat with, — no one man has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS. 83 begin with and mould from disorganized and discord- ant elements. Nor is it a small additional embarrass- ment that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruc- tion. As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be pro- voked by that to which I cannot properly offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in setting up and seeking to sustain the new State government of Louisiana. In this I have done just so much as, and no more than, the public knows. In the annual message of December, 1863, and in the accompanying proclama- tion, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, which I promised, if adopted by any State, should be acceptable to and sustained by the executive government of the nation. I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable, and I also distinctly protested that the executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Con- gress from such States. This plan was in advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and distinctly ap- proved by every member of it. One of them sug- gested that I should then and in that connection apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the there- tofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana; that I should drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and that I should omit the protest against my own power in regard to the admission of members to Congress. But even he approved every part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed or touched by the action of Louisiana. 84 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. The new constitution of Louisiana, declaring eman- cipation for the whole State, practically applies the proclamation to the part previously excepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, and it is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, about the admission of members to Congress. So that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the Cabinet fully approved the plan. The message went to Con- gress, and I received many commendations bf the plan, written and verbal, and not a single objection to it from any professed emancipationist came to my knowledge until after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862, I had corresponded with different persons supposed to be interested in seeking a reconstruction of a State gov- ernment for Louisiana. When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident that the people, with his military cooperation, would recon- struct substantially on that plan. I wrote to him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the result is known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the Louisiaina government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before stated. But as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, and break it whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it is ad- verse to the public interest ; but I have not yet been so convinced. I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed on the question whether the se- ceded States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS. 85 It would perhaps add astoniahmeiit to his regret were he to learn, that since I have found professed Union men endeavoring to make that question, I have pur- posely forborne any public expression upon it. As appears to me, that question has not been, nor yet is, a practically material one, and that any discussion of it, while it thus remains practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischievous one of dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may hereafter become, that question is bad as the basis of a controversy, and good for nothing at all — a merely pernicious abstraction. We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their proper practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the government, civil and military, in regard to those States is to again get them into that proper practical relation. I believe that it is not only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without deciding or even considering whether these States have ever been out of the Union, than with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing the acts necessary to restoring the proper practical relations between these States and the Union, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether in doing the acts he brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of it. The amount of constitu- ency, so to speak, on which the new Louisiana gov- ernment rests would be more satisfactory to all if it contained 50,000, or 30,000, or even 20,000, instead of only about 12,000, as it does. It is also unsatisfac- tory to some that the elective franchise is not given 86 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. to the colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers. Still, the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, is quite all that is desirable. The question is, will it be wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and disperse it ? Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relations with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State government? Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave State of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized a State government, adopted a free-State constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the colored man. Their legislature has already voted to ratify the con- stitutional amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout the nation. These 12,000 persons are thus fully committed to the Union and to perpetual freedom in the State — committed to the very things, and nearly all the things, the nation wants — and they ask the nation's recognition and its assistance to make good their committal. Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We, in effect, say to the white man : You are worthless or worse ; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you. To the blacks we say : This cup of liberty which these, your old masters, hold to your lips we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and un- defined when, where, and how. If this course, dis- LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS. 87 couraging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the con- verse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the 12,000 to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring, to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, wiU he not attain it sooner by sav- ing the already advanced steps toward it than by run- ning backward over them ? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it. Again, if we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the na- tional Constitution. To meet this proposition, it has been argued that no more than three fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are neces- sary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not com- mit myself against this further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification by three fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable. I repeat the question : Can Louisi- ana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State government ? What has been said of Louisi- ana will apply generally to other States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such im- 88 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. portant and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and unprecedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such ex- clusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be iny duty to make some new announce- ment to the people of the South. I am considering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action wiU be proper. O CAPTAIN! MY CAPTAINI BY WAIT WHITMAlf. O Captaik I my Captain ! our fearful trip is done ; The ship has weathered every wrack, the prize we sought is won ; The port is near, the bells I hear, the people all exulting, While follow eyes the steady keel, the vessel grim and daring ; But O heart ! heart ! heart ! O the bleeding drops of red, Where on the deck my Captain lies, Fallen cold and dead. O Captmn ! my Captain ! rise up and hear the bells ; Rise up — for you the flag is flung, for you the bugle trills ; For you bouquets and ribboned wreaths, for yon the shores a-crowd< ing; For you they call, the swaying mass, their eager faces taming ; Here Captain ! dear father ! This arm beneath your head ; It is some dream that on the deck You 'ye fallen cold and dead. My Captain does not answer, his lips are pale and still ; My fatiier does not feel my arm, he has no pulse nor will ; The ship is anchored safe and sound, its voyage closed and done: From fearful trip the victor ship comes in with object won ; Exult, shores ! and ring, bells I But I, with mournful tread, Walk the deck my Captain lies Fallen cold and dead. LINCOLN'S BIETHDAY. MATERIALS FOE SKETCH OP LINCOLN'S LIFE. The fullest Life of Lincoln, and the one which makes the strongest claim for authority, is that written by the President's private secretaries, John George Nicolay and John Hay, who have also edited a full collection of Lincoln's speeches, state papers, letters, and mis- cellaneous writings. Both these works are issued by The Century Co., New York. Special importance attaches to those lives and sketches which have been written by men who per- sonally knew Lincoln, and who, writing often in close proximity to the events narrated, were likely to speak with vividness if not always with impartiality. The incompleted Life by Ward H. Lamon, who was long associated with Lincoln, covers the period up to the date of his inauguration in 1861. It is, however, now out of print. Abraham Lincoln : The True Story of a Great Life, by W. H. Herndon, who was Lincoln's law partner and long intimate with him, is published by D. Appleton & Co., New York, and is of great value. A Life by Dr. J. G. Holland deals with the personality of the subject, and has a popular aim. Six Months at the White House, or The Inner Life of Abraham Lincoln, is an exceedingly interesting volume of memoranda made by Frank B. Carpenter when engaged on a painting of Lincoln and his Cab- inet. Reminiscences by distinguished men who were contemporaries and in many cases near associates of Lincoln were prepared at the instance of AUen Thorn- dike Bice, editor of the North American Review, and afterward collected by him into a volimie of 656 pages, and published in 1886. 92 LINCOLN'S BIRTHDAY. The Life by Henry J. Kaymond, then the editor of the New York Times, published in New York in 1864, was in intention a campaign life, but it is especially valuable since it allows Lincoln to be his own bio- grapher by means of speeches, letters, messages, and the like. The Life by Isaac N. Arnold (A. C. McClurg & Co., Chicago) is chiefly devoted to the executive and legislative doings of Lincoln's administration. A campaign life was published by Thayer & Eldridge, Boston, 1860. Among later works, mention should be made of the lives by John T. Morse, Jr., in The American Statesmen series (Houghton, Mifflin & Co.), and Noah Brooks in Heroes of the Nations (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York) ; Abraham Lincoln : an Essay, by Carl Schurz (Houghton, Mifflin & Co.) ; President Lincoln and his Administration, by L. E. Chittenden (Harper & Bros., New York) ; and Abra- ham Lincoln and Men of War Times, by A. K. McClure. Other memoirs, mostly written for political purposes, are those by Joseph H. Barrett (Moore, Wilstaeh, Keys & Co., Cincinnati, 1865), A. A. Abbott (Dawley, New York, 1865), David N. Bart- lett (Derby & Jackson, New York, 1860), Linus P. Brockett (Philadelphia, 1865), Phoebe Ann Hanaford (B. B. Eussell & Co., Boston, 1865), John C. Power (Wilson & Co., Springfield, lU., 1875). Several popular lives for young people have been written, among them Abraham Lincoln, the Pioneer Boy, by W. M. Thayer ; The Forest Boy, by Z. A. Mudge ; Abraham Lincoln, the Backvjoods Boy, by Horatio Alger, Jr. ; Abraham Lincoln, by Charles Carleton Coffin ; The True Story of Abraham Lin- coln, the American, by E. S. Brooks ; and Abraham Lincoln, by W. O. Stoddard. LINCOLN'S BIRTHDAY. 93 After Lincoln's death there appeared numberless eulogies, addi-esses, sermons, poems, and magazine ar- ticles concerning his life, character, and public ser- vices. A zealous bibliographer and antiquarian, Mr. Charles Henry Hart, collected a list of these under the title Bibliographia Lincolniana ; an Account of the Publications occasioned hy the Death of Abraham Lincoln, Sixteenth President of the United States ; with Ifotes and an Introduction. It was published by Joel Munsell, Albany, N. Y., in 1870, and contains a valuable biographical introduction. Among preachers and public men who delivered addresses afterward printed were Henry Ward Beecher, James Ereeman Clarke, Richard Salter Storrs, Phillips Brooks, Octa- vius Brooks Frothingham, George Bancroft, James Abram Garfield, Alexander H. Bullock, Bichard Stockton Field. Ralph Waldo Emerson delivered a commemorative address at funeral services held in Concord, April 19, 1865, which is contained in the eleventh volume of his works, Riverside Edition. James Russell Lowell, besides the paper given in this book, introduced a striking portrait of Lincoln in the lines beginning, " Such was he our Martyr-Chief," in his Commemoration Ode. Hawthorne has an in- teresting paragraph in his article Chiefly about War Matters, contributed to the Atlantic Monthly, July, 1862, and reprinted in volume xii. of the Riverside Edition of his works. Bryant wrote a noble threnody. Dr. Holmes a memorial hymn, Stoddard a stately ode, Stedman a sonnet as also a poem on the cast of Lincoln's hand, and Whittier some strong verses on " The Emancipation Group " in Boston. An investigation into the Lincoln genealogy was 94 LINCOLN'S BIRTHDAY. made by Samuel Shackford, and published in the New England Historic Genealogical Segister, Boston, 1887. There are in the Boston Public Library more than two thousand copies of American and English newspapers containing accounts of the assassination with editorial comments. Full accounts of the trial of the conspirators were published by Peterson & Bros., Philadelphia, 1865, and by Barclay & Co., Philadel- phia, 1865. Benjamin Pitman's account was pub- lished by Moore, Wilstach, Keys & Co., Cincinnati, 1865. The obsequies in New York were described by D. T. Valentine in a book of 254 pages, published by E. Jones & Co., New York, 1866. For lists of works concerning Lincoln, besides the bibliography by Hart, one may consult the Boston Public Library Catalogue, and Monthly Reference Lists of Providence Public Library, vol. i. p. 21 (1881). Portraits of Lincoln serve as frontispieces to most of the volumes devoted to him, and there are several which can be had separately. The most considerable are the large steel engraving by Marshall, published by Bradley & Co., Philadelphia, and large photogra- vures published by A. W. Elson & Co. of Boston and W. H. Gilbo of New York. Gustav KrueU has made two striking engravings on wood. The most valuable photographs from life are those published by George B. Ayres of Philadelphia and M. P. Eice of Washington, which were taken in 1860 and 1864 respectively. Mr. J. C. Buttre, New York, publishes several small engravings, and there is a good plaster bust to be obtained of P. P. Caproni & Bro., Boston. Photographs of the Statue of Lincoln by St. Gaudens in Chicago can also be procured. CHRONOLOGICAI, LIST OF EVENTS m THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. MOB Bom in a log-cabin near Hodgensville, now Lame Comity, Kentucky Febraary 12, 1809 7 His father moves with his family into the wilderness near GentryviUe, Indiana 1816 9 His mother dies, at the age of 35 1818 10 His father's second marriage 1819 17 Walks nine miles a day, going and Tetnming to school . 1826 19 Makes a trip to New Orleans and back, at work on a flat-boat 1828 20 Drives in an oz-cart with his father and stepmother to a clearing on the Sangamon Biver, near Decatur, niinois, 1829 20 Splits rails, to surround the clearing with a fence . . 1829 20 Makes another flat-boat trip to New Orleans and back, on which trip he first sees negroes shackled together in chains, and forms his opinions concerning slavery . May, 1831 22 Begins work in a store at New Salem, Illinois ■ August, 1831 23 Enlists in the Black Hawk War ; elected a captain of vol- unteers 1832 23 Announces himself a Whig caudidate for the Legislature, andis defeated 1832 24 Storekeeper, Postmaster, and Surveyor . . • . 1833 25 Elected to the Illinois Legislature 1834 26-33 Reelected to the Legislature .... 1835 to 1842 28 Studies law at Springfield 1837 31 Is a Presidential elector on the Whig national ticket . . 1840 83 Marries Mary Todd November 4, 1843 85 Canvasses Illinois for Henry Clay 1844 37 Elected to Congress 1846 39 Supports General Taylor for President .... 1848 40-45 Engages in law practice 1849-1854 46 Debates with Douglas at Peoria and Springfield . . . 1855 46-47 Aids in organizing the Republican party . . 1855-1856 49 Joint debates in Illinois with Stephen A. Douglas . . 1858 96 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 50 Makes political speeches in Ohio 1859 51 Visits New York, and speaks at Cooper Union . Fehmary, 1860 51 Attends Republican State ConTention at Decatnr ; declared to be the choice of Illinois for the Presidency . May, 1860 51 Nominated at Chicago as the Kepublican candidate for President May 16, 1860 51 Elected President over J. C. Breckenridge, Stephen A. Donglas, and John Bell .... November, 1860 52 Inaugurated President March 4, 1861 52 Issues first order for troops to put down the Rebellion, April 15, 1861 53 Urges MoClellan to advance April, 1862 53 Appeals for the support of border States to the Union cause, March to July, 1862 53 Calls for 300,000 more troops .... July, 1862 53 Issues Emancipation Proclamation . . . January 1, 1863 54 Thanks Grant for capture of Vicksburg . . July, 1863 54 His address at Gettysburg . . . November 19, 1863 55 Calls for 500,000 volunteers July, 1864 65 Renominated and Reelected President .... 1864 55 Thanks Sherman for capture of Atlanta . . September, 1864 56 His second inauguration March 4, 1865 66 Assassinated April 14, 1865 PEOGKAMMES. [These programmes are merely in the way of suggestion. Teachers may find it more convenient to combine numbers from different programmes into a new one.] No. I. 1. Essay : Describing the scenes which take place at the inauguration of the President. 2. Recitation : Lincoln's second Inaug^al. 3. Song : America. 4. A Ust of the Presidents of the United States, with the age of each upon inauguration. 5. Anecdotes : Descriptive of Lincoln in connection with his cabinet. 6. Heading: That portion of Lowell's Commemoration Ode descriptive of Lincoln. No. n. 1. Description of the Interior of Independence Hall, Phil- adelphia. 2. Account of the signing of the Declaration of Inde« pendence. 3. Declamation : Lincoln's speech in Independence Hall. 4. Secitation : The Battle Hymn of the Republic. 5. Comparison of Washing^ton and Lincoln. 6. Opinions by distinguished men of Lincoln's character and power given in brief by several pupils. 7. Recitation: Captain, my Captain. 98 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. No, in. 1. Essay : Descriptive of the battle of Grettysburg. 2. Declamation : Lincoln's speech at Gettysburg. 3. Estimates of the speech by eminent men. 4. Anecdotes about Lincoln, chosen by six pupils. 5. Account of the eagle, Old Abe. 6. Beading : Selections from Emerson's address. No. rv. 1. Historical essay on the rise of the conflict with slavery. 2. Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation. 3. Recitation of Whittier's The Jubilee Singers. 4. Reading of Lincoln's letter to Horace Greeley. 5. Essay on the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery, giving a history of its passage. 6. Recitation of Bryant's Threnody. No. V. THE T&AS. 1. Essay: Lincoln's Parentage and Childhood, drawn from Chapter L of Holland's Life of Lincoln. 2. Essay : Lincoln's Early Life and Marriage, selected from Ward H. Lamon's Life of Lincoln. 3. Essay : Lincoln's Manhood, as drawn from Lamon's Life, to his election to the Presidency. 4. Reading : From Lincoln's Speech on accepting nom- ination to the U. S. Senate, Springfield, 111., June 17, 1858. Found in Raymond's Life of Lincoln, p. 52 et seq. 5. Essay : Descriptive of Lincoln's Famous Debate with S. A. Douglas, drawn from Chapter H. Raymond's Life of Lincoln. 6. Reading : Selections from Lincoln's Speech in Cooper Institute, New York, February 27, 1860. In Ray- mond's Idfe, p. 85. programmes: 99 7. Reading : Selections from R. W- Emerson's Lecture on Abraham Lincoln. 8. Beading: Estimate of Lincoln's Character, Chapter Xin. Charles G. Leland's Life of Lincoln in the New Phiiarch Series. No. VI. THE, PRESIDENT. 1. Beading : From first Inaugural, March 4, 1861. 2. Ussay .■ A Sketch of Mr. Lincoln's Presidential Life, drawn from any standard Life. 3. Beading: Descriptive of Lincoln's Tastes, from Six Months at the White House, Section XVI. 4. Beading: Herndon's Analysis of Lincoln's Charac- ter. Six Months at the White House, Section LXXIX. 5. Essay: Lincoln's Home Life as drawn from Six Months at the White House. 6. Beading: Anecdotes about Lincolni The last forty pages of Raymond's Life are devoted to Anecdotes and Reminiscences. 7. Declamation : Exordium to Edward Everett's Address at Gettysburg. 8. Becitation : Selections from Bayard Taylor's Gettys- burg Ode. 9. Declamodion : Lincoln's Address at Gettysburg. 10. Beading : Selections from Lincoln's second Inaugu- ral. No. vn. THE EMAirCrPATOB. 1. An Essay descriptive of the progress of the War to the Autumn of 1862. 2. Reading from Holland's Life of Lincoln, descriptive of the President's preparation and presentation of the Proclamation of Emancipation, reduced from pp. 390-395. 3. Beading : The Proclamation itself. 100 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 4. Beading : From Whittier, The Proclamation. 5. Singing: America. 6. Eeadings selected from R. W. Emerson's The Fm/iw citation Proclamation. 7. Beading: The Emancipation Proclamation, W. S. Bobinson, " Warrington," from Pen Portraits. 8. Beading : The Death of Slavery, Bryant. 9. Beading : The Proclamation, as culled from the first part of Chapter XII. of Frederick Douglass' Life and Times. 10. Beading : Lavs Deo, John G. Whittier. 11. Singing : Hymn, after the Emancipation Proclamar tion, Dr. O. W. Holmes. No. vin. THE MAHTTB. 1. Essay : Descriptive of the Assassination. 2. Becitation : Death of Lincoln, Bryant. 3. Beading : From BecoUections of Abraham Lincolni Noah Brooks, Harper's Monthly, vol. xxxi., p. 222, July, 1865. 4. Becitation : Abraham Lincoln, Alice Gary. 5. Beading : Easy Chair, Harper's Monthly, Vol. xxxi. p. 126, June, 1865. 6. Declamation: From Abraham Lincoln; an Hora- tian Ode, E. H. Stoddard. 7. Beading: Mr. Lowell's Essay. 8. Becitation : Our Oood President, Phoebe Cary. 9. Becitation: Second Beview of the Grrand Army, Bret Harte. 10. Beading : From Commemoration Ode, J. R. Lowell. 11. Song : For the Services in Memory of Abraham Lincoln, Dr. 0. W. Holmes.