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P 105.P32"'l89l'"""">' '■'""'V 
 
 PRINCIPLES 
 
 OP THK 
 
 HISTORY OF LANGUAGE 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 BY 
 
 HERBERT A. STRONG, M.A., LL.D. 
 Professor of Laiin, University College^ Liverpool ', 
 
 WILLEM S. LOGEMAN, 
 Newton School^ Rock Ferry ^ Birkenhead ', 
 
 AND 
 
 BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, 
 Professor of Greek in Cornell University^ U^S.A, 
 
 8vo. 10s. 6d. 
 London: LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO, 
 
PRINCIPLES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HISTORY OF LANGUAGE 
 
 BY 
 
 HERMANN PAUL 
 
 PROFESSOR OF THE GERMAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE IN THE 
 UNIVERSITY OF FREIBURG 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE SECOND EDITION 
 OF THE ORIGINAL 
 
 BY 
 
 H. A. STRONG, M.A., LL.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR OP LATIN IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LIVERPOOL 
 
 NEW AND REVISED EDITION (iSgo) 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST 16'" STREET 
 189I 
 
PREFACE 
 
 An attempt has been made to assist in making Professor 
 Paul's great work better known to the English public, by 
 translating^ it into English. In the original, by far the 
 greater number of illustrative instances are drawn from the 
 German language. In cases -where English examples 
 served precisely the same purpose as those drawn from 
 German they have been frequently substituted. Additional 
 examples, mainly drawn from English, have been inserted 
 in brackets. It is hoped that it may be possible on a 
 future occasion to add an Appendix fully illustrating the 
 principles laid down by Paul from the English and other 
 languages. Several references have been made to works 
 which have been published since the appearance of Paul's 
 work, such as the most recent productions of Darmesteter, 
 Skeat, and Regnaud. 
 
 The versions of Chapters xvi., xviii., and part of 
 Chapter xx., have been contributed by Professor C. H. 
 Herford of University College, Aberystwyth, who has 
 also revised the whole. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 To Dr. Kuno Meyer the thanks of the Translator 
 are due for valuable help, 
 
 Thanks are due to Professor Paul and Herr Niemeyer 
 for their kind approval of the intention to publish a trans- 
 lation of the Principien der Sprachgeschichte. 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE 
 
 Even before the first edition of this work had issued from the 
 press, I could not doubt that my explanations greatly needed 
 supplementing, as many important sides of the life of language 
 were but very scantily touched on. I therefore considered the 
 form which such supplement should take, and was uninterruptedly 
 employed in getting together whatever matter seemed to me 
 serviceable for the purpose. The demand, however, of my pub- 
 lisher for the preparation of a second edition came upon me too 
 quickly and unexpectedly to permit me to carry out my inten- 
 tions. I should even now have preferred to postpone bringing it 
 out, in order to permit much to come better to maturity. But I 
 , was finally obliged to yield to the justifiable pressure put upon 
 me by the publisher, owing to the large demand for the book. 
 
 This second edition will not find much more favour in the eyes 
 of many of my professional brethren than the first. Some will 
 find it too general, some too elementary. Many will wish for 
 something more cleverly expressed. I declare, once for all, that I 
 write for those alone who are convinced with myself that science 
 is not forwarded by complicated hypotheses, however cleverly and 
 sagaciously they may be puzzled out ; but by simple fundamental 
 thoughts, which are evident in themselves, but only prove fruitful 
 if they are brought to clear consciousness and carried out with 
 strict consistency. 
 
 The following chapters have been taken with some unimportant 
 changes from the first edition : — Chapter xiii. ( = viii.), xiv. ( = vii.), 
 xxi. ( = xiii.), xxiii. ( = xiv.), also ix. ( = x.), with the exception of the 
 
AUTHORS PREFACE. 
 
 omission of the last section, the object of which has been treated 
 at greater length in chapter vi. The following chapters have 
 received changes or additions of greater importance : the Introduc- 
 tion ( = chap. i.), chap. ii. ( = xii.), iii. ( = iii.), more still xix. ( = ix. 
 from p. 1 60), XX. ( = xi.), x. ( = the chief parts of v. and vi.). The 
 following chapters are entirely new or answer to merely short 
 indications in the first edition — iv. vi. vii. viii. xii. xv. xvi. xvii. 
 xviii. and xxii. 
 
 It was originally my intention to add a methodological chapter 
 on the distinction between sound-change and those changes of 
 sound which are determined by the influences of function. I do 
 not, however, wish to repeat what I have already set forth at 
 length in my Beitrdge zur Gesch. d. deutschen spr. ji. lit. vi. i. sqq. 
 I certainly see, not merely from the philological methods pursued, 
 but also from the theoretical doctrines laid down in recent years, 
 that the positions there maintained have' met with little recogni- 
 tion. In particular they have been ignored by all those who have 
 denied that any considerable advance has been lately made in 
 the method of morphological research. 
 
 H. PAUL. 
 
 Freiburg i. 'E.,June 1886. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PACE 
 
 INTRODUCTION, . xxi 
 
 Necessity for a general theoretical science or system of principles to 
 accompany the History of Language, not less than other branches 
 of the Science of History — Closer definition of its task — The 
 doctrine of principles at the same time the basis for the doctrine of 
 method — Transference of the method of observation usual in natural 
 science to the science of culture — The science of language admits 
 of more perfect methodical treatment than other historical sciences 
 — Co-operation of psychical and physical factors in all development 
 of culture — The science of culture always a social science — Criticism 
 of the ' popular psychology ' of Lazarus and Steinthal — Reciprocal 
 influence of mind upon mind only indirectly possible by physical 
 aid — Transformation of indirect associations into direct — Peculiari- 
 ties of the science of language as contrasted with other sciences — 
 Scientific treatment of language only possible by means of histori- 
 cal observation. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE NATURE OF THE 
 DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 Subject of the science of language — Organisms of idea groups the basis 
 of all linguistic action — Such organisms the true media of historical 
 development — Requisites for the description of a condition of lan- 
 guage—Change of usage is the result of the ordinary exercise of 
 speech — Language develops by gradations— Classification of the 
 changes — Grammar and Logic, ..... 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Analogies from organic nature— Statement of the problem— Linguistic 
 change and differentiation— Varying states of intercourse— Indivi- 
 dual spontaneity and social influence — Mutual independence of 
 each differentiation— The image of a genealogical tree inadequate- 
 Dialectical divisions graduated— The essential mark of a dialect its 
 sounds — Technical and poetic language, . . • .21 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 The active factors in the production of sound — Slight consciousness of 
 the element of a word — The word a continuous series of infinitely 
 numerous sounds — Limits to power of distinguishing sounds — 
 Deviations from the prescriptions of the motory sensation inevitable 
 — Modification or displacement of the motory sensation — Causes 
 of the divergence — ' Convenience ' a secondary cause, the motory 
 sensation the primary cause — Control through the sound-picture — 
 Relation of the individual speaker to his linguistic milieu — Sound- 
 changes which do not depend on a displacement of the motory 
 sensation — Uniformity of the laws of sound-change, . . 37 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 
 
 Change of meaning consists in a widening or narrowing of its scope 
 
 Distinction between 'usual' and 'occasionar meanings— Distinc- 
 tion between 'abstract' and 'concrete' meanings— PJurahty of 
 meaning— Means by which abstract words may receive in their 
 occasional uses a concrete meaning — Means by which meanino- is 
 specialised — The occasional meaning does not necessarily include 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 all the elements of the 'usual' meaning — Transference to things 
 spatially, temporally, or causally connected with the original denota- 
 tion — Change of usage effected by ' occasional ' modification — 
 Classification of changes of meaning — Specialisation — Increase of 
 connotation — Limitation to a part of the original connotation — 
 Transference to things spatially, temporally, or causally associated 
 — Combination of the above classes — Change of meaning in groups 
 of words — Scope of meaning conditioned by the state of culture of 
 the individual speaker — Scope of meaning conditioned by the state 
 of culture of the whole society, ..... 65 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ON ANALOGY. 
 
 Material- and formal-groups — Proportion-groups — Material-formal in- 
 fluence of proportional groups upon speech (analogical creation) 
 — Analogical creation in syntax — Analogy in inflexion and word- 
 formation — Divergence of analogical formation from usage — 
 Analogy in sound-substitution, ..... 92 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 A sentence is the linguistic expression of the combination of several 
 ideas— Means of denoting the combination— Means of distinguishing 
 subject and predicate — Emphasis, position, etc. — Concrete and 
 abstract sentences — Sentences of apparently one element only — 
 Impersonal verbs — Negative sentences— Sentences of assertion 
 and demand — Interrogative sentences — Extension of the sentence- 
 Double subject— Double object— Use of a sentence as subject or 
 predicate — Union of dependence and independence — Indirect 
 speech— Sentence in apposition to a noun^A noun in apposition to 
 a sentence— Parataxis— Graduated approximation to hypotaxis— 
 Transition from demand or interrogation to hypotaxis, . . 1 u 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 CHANGE OF MEANING IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SYNTAX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Comparison of syntactical witli verbal change of meaning— The genitite 
 —The accusative— The prepositions— Apposition and partitive geni- 
 tive—Subject of a verb— Substantive and adjectival predicate- 
 Participial constructions — Conjunctions, .... 147 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 ON CONTAMINA TION. 
 
 Definition— Contamination (i) Phonetic— (2) Syntactical contamination 
 —Anomalies (i) Momentary— (2) Usual— Pleonasms arising from 
 contamination, ......•• 
 
 160 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 ORIGINAL CREATION. 
 
 The conditions of new creatjon still present — Creation has never wholly 
 ceased — Application to original creation of the results won in other 
 departments of the history of language — Interjections — Nursery 
 language — The first creations belonged to no grammatical category, 
 denoted complete intuitions, and were uttered with no thought of 
 communication — Incapacity of primitive man to produce speech at 
 will — Reproduction necessary to the conception of language, . 174 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 
 
 Possibility of a regularly observed system of grouping in each linguistic 
 period — System conditioned solely by correspondence in form and 
 meaning — Causes of isolation — Destruction of groups — (i) Etymo- 
 logico-phonetic groups — (2) Syntactical groups — (3) Formal and 
 material groups (a) by change of meaning, {b) by change of sound — 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Reaction by aid of unification — Unification of differences which 
 result from difference of position in the sentence — Unification of 
 phonetically differentiated forms which belong to the same stem — 
 The qualifies of unification owing to favouring and hostile conditions 
 — (2) Varying cohesion of the etymological groups — Influence of the 
 formal grouping — Conversion of a merely formal difference into a 
 difference of meaning — Conversion of elements of the stem into 
 inflexions — All phonetic changes involuntary, . . . 190 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 
 
 Obliteration of distinctions by sound-change — Union of unrelated words 
 in material groups (simplest form of popular etymology) — Phonetic 
 transformation (complex kind of popular etymology) — Union in 
 formal groups {a) where function is the same — Union in formal 
 groups {b) where the 'function is different, .... 229 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 ON THE INFLUENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CHANGE ON 
 FORMA TION B Y ANALOGY. 
 
 Transference into another group changes the direction of analogical for- 
 mation — Consequences of the mutation of an appellative into a 
 proper name, of a case into adverb, of the fusion of a syntactical 
 combination into a verbal unity— Crystallisation— Operation of 
 change of meaning on the construction— Construction differently 
 understood owing to the influence of a synonym, . . -251 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 DISPLACEMENTS IN THE GROUPING OF WORDS 
 ETYMOLOGICALLY CONNECTED. 
 
 The grouping of etymologically connected words diverges in the course 
 of time from that required by their formation ; hence springs analo- 
 gical creation on a new basis— Examples— Fusion of two suffixes- 
 Displacement of relations in compounds, . . • .261 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Causes of superfluity in language— Tendency to eliminate it— Elimina- 
 tion and utilisation— Phonetic differentiation for the purpose of 
 differentiating meaning, only apparent— ^ ox\% on douilets—Ca.sts 
 of apparent differentiation— Examples of real differentiation— Cog- 
 nate processes as a result of partial identity of meaning— Syntactical 
 differentiation, . . . • • ■ • .272 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 The original harmony between psychological and grammatical cate- 
 gories is in course of time disturbed ; tendency to remove the dis- 
 crepancy — Gender — Number — Tense — Voice, . . . 288 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 
 
 The divergence of psychological and grammatical distribution — Duality 
 and multiplicity of elements — ^The psychological predicate — Psycho- 
 logical subject and copula — Elements which are regularly psycho- 
 logical subject or predicate — The discrepancy avoided by ' peri- 
 phrasis — The discrepancy eliminated — Psychological treatment of 
 adverbial determinants — Rarity of discrepancy in languages of slight 
 formal development — Change of functions between the determinant 
 and the determinate — Separation of elements grammatically con- 
 nected — Genitive and adjective — Genitive and substantive — Verb 
 and adverb— Infinitive and an element dependent on it — Origin of 
 connecting words — Indirect reference becomes direct — An element 
 equally related to two other elements is attracted to \he first — Com- 
 pound sentences — Transition from dependence to independence — 
 Inversion of the relation of principal and subordinate sentence — 
 Impossibility of drawing a hard and fast line between principal and 
 subordinate sentences, . . . . . . -31-' 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 ON CONCORD. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Concord started from cases in which one word came to agree with 
 another without regard for the latter, and was then analogically 
 extended to other cases — Cases in which the secondary growth of 
 concord is historically traceable — Variation of concord between 
 two parts of a sentence — First rudiments from which concord 
 proceede ......... 339 
 
 CHAPTER XVin. 
 
 ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 
 
 Relative economy of expression depends on the ««i?rf— Ellipse either to 
 be assumed in a minimum of cases, or else to be recognised as part 
 of the essence of expression — Words or phrases supplied — Absence 
 of links — A psychological subject or predicate may be drawn from 
 the situation — Isolated sentences in form dependent, . • S"!' 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 
 
 Original new creation in word-formation secondary in its nature — 
 Growth of composition— Transition from syntactical juxtaposition 
 to true composition of a verb with an adverb — Of a verb with an 
 objective-accusative— With a prepositional determinant — Verbal 
 complexes which have the character of compounds— Co-ordination 
 between the elements of a compound and an independent word— 
 Sound-change with isolating effect— Limits within which the com- 
 pound appears as such— Origin of derivative and inflectional suffixes 
 —Formation of suffixes constant and unceasing— Rise of new suf- 
 fixes— Rise of inflectional suffixes— Criticism of the analysis of Indo- 
 European ' grund-formen,' ....•• ?P7 
 
xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The division of the parts of speech due to consideration not of any logi- 
 cal principle, but of three points — Meaning, function, and inflexion — 
 Criticism of the usual division— Finite verb — Connecting-words, con- 
 junctions and prepositions — Intermediate stages between classes 
 of words— Substantive and adjective — Adverbs — Adjectives used as 
 a predicatival attribute— Origin of prepositions and conjunctions — 
 The preposition — Conjunctions — Difference between preposition and 
 conjunction in the simple sentence, . . . . " 403 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 
 
 Advantages and shortcomings of writing as compared with spoken 
 language— Alphabets in use not as useful as they might be made— 
 Dialectical differences concealed by writing — Incapacity of writing 
 to communicate alterations of pronunciation — Effect of fixity of 
 orthography— Natural tendency in orthography towards greater 
 fixity— Analogies between the development of writing and that of 
 language — AboUtion of variations in sound-signs of identical value 
 — Effect of etymology, .....," a-,<i 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 
 
 Mixture in the wider and the narrower sense— Mixture of distinct 
 languages, dialects, and stages of language— Mixture originates in 
 individuals— Bilingualism— The chief modes of influence— A. Adop- 
 tion of foreign material— B.jysage of native material after a foreign 
 model— Causes of the adoption of words— Stages in the process of 
 adoption— Treatment of foreign phonetic material— Assimilation of 
 words already adopted— Competition among languages in the con- 
 tribution of loan-words— Pleonastic combination of a native with a 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 foreign suffix — Borrowing of derivative suffixes — Influence on the 
 inner linguistic form of language — Mixture of dialects— Borrowing 
 from an older period, ....... 456 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 THE COMMON LANGUAGE. 
 
 Intercourse between areas lying separate from each other— For a common- 
 language to be created the necessity for it must be felt— A common- 
 language must be based upon an existing dialect — Circumstances 
 which must necessarily precede the formation of a common-language 
 — Development necessary even in an artificial language, . 475 
 
 INDEX, 503 
 
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. 
 
 A.S. = Anglo-Saxon. 
 Andr. Volkset. = Andresen, Uber deutsche volksetymologie. 4th edition. 
 Heilbronn, 1883. 
 Andr. Spr. = Andresen, Sprachgehrauch und sprachrichtigkeit im 
 deutschen. 3d edition. Heilbronn, 1883. 
 Delbruck SF. = Delbruck, Syntaktische forschtmgen. 
 
 Diez. = Diez, Grammalik der romanischen. sprachen. 4tli 
 edition. 
 Draeg. or Draeger = Draeger, Historische syntax der lateinischen sprache. 
 2d edition. 
 DWb. = Deutsche! Worterhuch von Jac. und Wilh. Grimm. 
 GOE. = Goethe. 
 
 I.E. = Indo-European (the Indo-Gerraanic of the author). 
 Le. = Lessing. 
 Lu. = Luther. 
 , M.H.G. = Middle High German. 
 Madvig, Kl. schr. = Madvig, JiTleiiie schriften. 
 
 Matzner engl. = Matzner, Englische grammatik. 2d edition. 
 Matzner franz. = Matzner, Syntax der neufranzosischen sprache. 
 Michaelis = Caroline Michaelis, Romanische wortschopfung. 
 Morph. Unt. = Morphologische untersuchungen auf dem geiie/e der 
 indogermaniscken. sprachen von Osthoff und 
 Brugmann. 
 N.H.G. = New High German. 
 
 O. F. = Old French. 
 O.H.G. = Old High German. 
 O.N. = Old Norse. 
 SCHI. = Schiller. 
 Sh. = Shakespeare. 
 Steinthal, Haupttyp. = Steinthal, Characteristik der hauptiypen des mensch- 
 {or Typen). lichen sprachiaus. 
 
 Wegener = Wegener, Untersuchungen iiber die grundfragen 
 des sprachlebens. Halle, 1885. 
 Ziemer = Ziemer, Junggrammatische streifziige im gehiete 
 der syntax. Colberg, 1882. 
 Ziemer, Comp. = Ziemer, Vergleichende syntax der indogermauischen 
 comfaration. Berlin, 1884. 
 Zschr.f. Vdlkerps. = Zeitschrift fUr Volkerpsychologie, herausg. von 
 Lazarus und Steinthal. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 LANGUAGE, like every other production of human culture. Necessity o{ 
 falls under the cognisance of history; but the history of doctrine of 
 language like every other branch of the science of history has, side by side 
 running parallel with it, a science, which occupies itself with ?^« history of 
 general conditions of the existence of the object historically developing, 
 and ' investigates the nature and operations of the elements which 
 throughout all change remain constant. This science lacks as yet 
 a title generally applicable and admittedly suitable. The name 
 'philosophy of language' implies something rather different. 
 And in any case there seem to be good grounds for preferring 
 to avoid this expression. Our unphilosophical age readily scents 
 under such a title metaphysical speculations which the historical 
 investigator of language as it deems may well discard. The 
 truth is that the science of which we are thinking is philosophy 
 in the same way as physics or physiology is philosophy, neither 
 more nor less. Least of all are we justified in opposing the 
 historical portion, as empirical, to this general portion of the 
 science of language. The one portion is just as empirical as the 
 other. 
 
 It is very seldom that a knowledge of the laws of any i,s spe 
 single simple experimental science suffices to enable us to under- Hl^^ 
 stand the process of historical development : it is rather in the 
 essence of all historical movement, especially where this is con- 
 nected with any department of human culture, that very numerous 
 
 ^ It must be noticed that Paul employs the word ' culture ' where we should 
 more naturally use ' civilisation '- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 used in its widest sense, and not confined to the development of 
 the human race. It is presumable a priori that certain general 
 conditions of fundamental importance will be found to constitute 
 the necessary basis for every kind of historical development ; it 
 is, however, more certain still that the development of each object 
 must be in a special manner conditioned by its particular nature. 
 Whoever undertakes to lay down the principles of any historical 
 science must never lose sight of the other division, especially the 
 most closely allied branches of the science of history, so as thus 
 to grasp the most general leading features, and not lose sight 
 of them again. On the other hand, however, he must beware of 
 losing himself in mere generalities, and thereby failing to notice 
 the special application to the special case. He must beware, too, 
 of transferring metaphorically the results attained in different 
 departments, a process whereby the real facts which form the 
 strict object of investigation are merely hidden. 
 The doctrine It is not Until such sciences of principles are founded that the 
 
 of principles • i - . • /• i . 
 
 the basis of special mvestigation of history finds its true value. Not till then 
 
 the doctrine , i_ ■ • i i • 
 
 - nethod. does historical research rise above the mere process of stringing 
 together apparently accidental dates, and in the general applica- 
 bility of its results approach the exact sciences, which would fain 
 dispute its right, equal to their own, to the title of science. Now if 
 the science of principles appears to be the highest goal to which all 
 the endeavours of special sciences are directed, we must remember, 
 on the other hand, that the former is the indispensable guide of the 
 latter, without whose aid it cannot advance a step with certainty 
 beyond mere ascertained facts which never appear in any other way 
 than, on the one hand, as fragmentary, on the other hand, in con- 
 fused complications which have previously to be analysed. The 
 effectual scrutiny of the conditions of historical growth, taken in 
 conjunction with general logic, gives at the same time the basis for 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ication 
 to the science 
 
 the doctrine of method which has to be followed in the verification of 
 each single fact. 
 
 It cannot be maintained that, up to the present time, a spirit of Appii, 
 equal earnestness and equal thoroughness has been displayed with o°f Liture 
 respect to questions of principle in all the departments of historical °^,oZoiZ^ 
 research. This spirit has been displayed in a far greater degree com'mon"in 
 -with respect to the historical branches of natural science than to Xa^z^ 
 that of the history of culture. One main reason for this difference 
 is that the difficulties that present themselves in the latter case are 
 much more serious than in the former. It has, as a rule, to deal 
 with far more complicated factors, and the confused thread of 
 these as long as it remain's unravelled renders an exact knowledge 
 of the causal connexion! an impossibility. We have further to 
 remember that its most important basis, viz., experimental psycho- 
 logy, is a science of very recent date, and has only lately begun to 
 be brought into any kind of relationship with history. On the 
 other hand, however, in the same proportion as the difficulty 
 manifested itself as greater, the need was less, or at any rate 
 less sensible. The history of the human race has always re- 
 garded data as to facts proceeding in each case from cotem- 
 porary witnesses (though, it may be, arrived at through several 
 intermediate links) as its proper source, and has only regarded as 
 of secondary importance those records, the products ot human 
 culture, which have approximately maintained the form given 
 to them by the latter. In fact we even hear the expressions a 
 * historical ' and ' prehistorical ' times, and the limit is fixed by 
 the commencement of historical tradition. For the former, there- 
 fore, the picture of a historical development is already given, dis- 
 torted as this picture, may be ; and it is easily intelligible that 
 science may deem it has done its part with the critical process of cor- 
 recting this picture, and may even proceed deliberately to reject all 
 
INTRO D UCTION. 
 
 speculation which ventures beyond it. The question is very dif- 
 ferent with the prehistoric period of human culture, and even with 
 the history of the development of nature, organic and inorganic, 
 which reaches back to epochs infinitely more remote. In this 
 case, hardly any historical element at all is given as such. All 
 attempts at a historical apprehension — with the exception of the 
 scanty traditions handed down by older times — depend upon 
 inferences alone. And there is absolutely no result to be attained 
 without confronting the questions of principle, and fixing definitely 
 the general conditions of historical growth. These questions of 
 principle have therefore always stood in the very centre of 
 research ; they have ever been the point of conientioD in the 
 conflict of opinions. At present the domain of organic nature is 
 the scene of the fiercest struggle ; and it must be acknowledged 
 that it is here that the thoughts most fruitful for the understanding 
 of all historical development, not excluding that of the human race, 
 have for the first time attained a certain definiteness. 
 
 The tendency of science is at present apparently to extend this 
 speculative method of regarding subjects to the history of culture 
 as well, and we are persuaded that this tendency will assert itself 
 more and more in spite of all opposition, active and passive, that 
 may be brought to bear against it. We have already fully con- 
 ceded that such a method is not so indispensable a need for the 
 science of culture as it is for natural science, and that for the 
 former we have no right to expect any such far-reaching results as 
 for the latter. But this does not exempt us from the duty of 
 testing exactly what results we can attain ; and even the possi- 
 bility of a negative result of this testing process does not prevent 
 the exact definition of the limits of our knowledge attainable from 
 possessing what may prove to be under certain circumstances of 
 considerable value. Besides, we have as yet no cause to despair 
 
INTROD UCTION. 
 
 of actually attaining positive results, at least in certain depart- 
 ments of knowledge. In any case we should be wholly unjustified 
 in thinking lightly of the methodological gain accruing from a dis- 
 tinct statement of the questions of principle. We merely deceive 
 ourselves, if we think we can state the simplest fact in history with- 
 out some accretion of speculation. Indeed we always speculate, 
 though perhaps unconsciously, and we have to set it down to a 
 fortunate instinct if we hit the right mark. We may, very probably, 
 maintain that hitherto the very methods of historical research in 
 vogue have been discovered rather by instinct than by any many- 
 sided reflection penetrating the inmost essence of things. And the 
 natural result of this is that a quantity of personal fancies obtrude 
 themselves, giving rise to an endless strife of opinions and schools. 
 There is only one way out of the difficulty : we must earnestly 
 apply ourselves to carry these methods back to the first funda- 
 mental principles, and reject all which cannot be deduced from 
 these. Now these principles, as far as they are not actually purely 
 logical in their nature, result precisely from the examination of the 
 essence of historical development. 
 
 There is no branch of culture in which the conditions ofThe==^»« 
 its development permit of being apprehended with such exact- tt=-°^' 
 ness as that of language, and it follows that there is no science amo,« 'Jj= 
 of culture whose method can be brought to such a degree of-je-«°f 
 perfection as that of the science of language. No other has as method. 
 yet been able to transcend so far the limits of tradition ; no other 
 has proportionately proceeded at once speculatively and con- 
 structively. It is mainly owing to this peculiarity that it appears 
 to be closely related to the historical natural sciences ; and this 
 has led to the misdirected attempt at excluding them from the 
 circle of the sciences of culture.^ In spite of this position which 
 the science of language has occupied from its very foundation, we 
 1 Prof. Paul understands by this phrase rather what we should express by mental 
 and moral sciences. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 seem far removed from the time when we can say that its method 
 is worked out to the degree of perfection of which it is capable. 
 Even now a tendency has set in which makes for a thorough 
 subversion of that method. In the course of the arguments which 
 have been brought forward on both sides, it has clearly come out 
 how great is the confusion in the minds of many investigators of 
 language, even as to the elements of which their science is com- 
 posed. It is precisely these arguments which have immediately 
 prompted this treatise. Its object is to contribute its best to 
 infuse lucidity into these views, and to aim at attaining an under- 
 standing at least among those who bring to their task an un- 
 prejudiced sense for truth. It is to this end of main importance to 
 set forth the conditions of the life of language, scrutinising them 
 from as many sides as possible, and thus to draw the fundamental 
 lines for a general theory of the development of language. 
 
 Combination We divide the historical sciences, taken in their widest sense, 
 
 of psychical 
 
 and physical into the two main groups of historical natural sciences and sciences 
 
 elements in 
 
 all culture, of culture} The characteristic mark of culture lies in the co- 
 operation of psychical with other factors. This seems to me 
 to be the single possible delimitation of its area as against 
 the objects of natural science pure and simple. Accordingly we 
 must be prepared, indeed, to recognise a certain culture in the 
 animal world, and we must reckon the history of the development 
 of the art-impulses and of social organisation among animals as 
 belonging to the sciences of culture. Such a course can only be 
 beneficial to the right appreciation of these facts. 
 
 The psychical element is the most essential factor in all movements 
 of culture : everything turns on it : and it follows that psychology ts 
 the most important foundation of the whole science of culture taken 
 in its highest sense. It does not, however, follow that the psychical 
 
 ' See note on p. xxvii. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 element is the only factor : no culture is possible on a purely psychical 
 basis: and hence it seems, to say the least of it, very inaccurate to 
 define the sciences of culture as mental sciences. The truth is that 
 there is only one pure mental science, that is, Psychology regarded 
 as an exact science. As soon as we enter the area of historical 
 development we have to deal with physical side by side with 
 psychical forces. The human mind must always work in harmony / 
 with the human body and with its environing nature in order to ; 
 bring forth any product of culture ; and the secret of its growth, 
 the way in which it comes to its completion, depends upon 
 physical no less than on psychical conditions ; and both these sets 
 of conditions must necessarily be known in order to gain a perfect 
 appreciation of historical growth. A necessity is thus imposed of 
 mastering not merely psychology, but also the laws according to 
 which the physical factors of culture move. The natural sciences 
 besides, and mathematics, are a necessary foundation for the 
 sciences of culture. If we are not commonly conscious of this, the 
 reason has to be sought in the fact that we generally speaking 
 content ourselves with an unscientific observation of daily life, just 
 as we manage fairly well with what we commonly understand under 
 the name of history. The psychical side has fared in much the 
 same way, and notably up to the most recent times. But it is in- 
 conceivable that, without the aid of a number of experiences made 
 as to the physical possibility or impossibility of a process occurring, 
 any one should be in a position to understand any event of history 
 or to practise any kind of historical criticism. It seems therefore 
 to follow that the main task\}f the doctrine of the principles of the 
 Science of Culture )is to expound the general conditions under which 
 the psychical and physical factors, obeying their own special lawsy 
 succeed in co-operating for a common purpose. 
 
 The task of the doctrine of principles presents itself in a some- 
 
INTROD UCTION. 
 
 The science what different lisfht from the following point of view. The science 
 
 of culture 
 
 is always of culturc ts ulwavs a social science. Not till society is formed is 
 
 a social 
 
 science. culturc possibk ; society gives the first impulse to make man a 
 historical being. It is no doubt true that a human mind in a 
 state of entire isolation has a historical development of its own, 
 and this too with respect to the relation to its body and its 
 environment; but even the most gifted human mind could only 
 succeed in arriving at a very primitive degree of development ; 
 and this would be cut short by death. It is not until what an 
 individual has gained becomes transferred to other individuals, 
 and till several individuals co-operate to the same end, that a 
 growth beyond these narrow limits is possible. Not merely the 
 industrial arts, but every kind of culture depends upon the principle 
 of the division of labour and upon co-operation. The most special 
 task imposed upon the doctrine of principles with regard to all 
 social science— the task whereby it maintains its independence as 
 against the exact sciences which lie at its base — seems to be 
 that of showing how the single individual is related to the com- 
 munity ; receiving and giving ; defined by the community and 
 defining it in turn ; and how the younger generation enters on 
 the heritage of the elder. 
 
 In this respect, the history of the development of organic nature 
 approaches closely the history of culture. Every higher organisa- 
 tion is the result of the agency of a quantity of cells which 
 co-operate according to the principle of division of labour, and 
 are differentiated in their configuration according to this prin- 
 ciple. But this principle is active even within the single cell, 
 the most elementary organic formation ; and it is owing to this 
 that maintenance of the form is found possible amid the change 
 of material. EacTi organism breaks up sooner or later ; but each 
 may leave behind it remnants detached from its own being, in 
 
INTROD UCTION. 
 
 which the formative principle, to which it owed its own existence, 
 actively operates, and which profits by every step forward which it 
 has succeeded in making in its own formation ; always assuming 
 that no disturbing influences coming from without interfere. 
 
 It might seem as if the doctrine of the principles of Social CrWckmof 
 Science as set forth by us were identical with what Lazarus and stXtL'f 
 Steinthal denominate ' Volkerpsychologie,' which they claim to ^pTZ'icgie. 
 represent in their journal. But the two are far from coinciding. 
 From our remarks already made it is quite evident that our know- ^ ' 
 ledge has to interest itself to a great extent in what does not 
 belong to psychology at all. We can bring the influences, 
 which the individual experiences from society, and which he on 
 his side, in conjunction with the rest, makes felt, into four main 
 categories. In the first place, psychical perceptions, or collections 
 of ideas are called into being in his mind, to which he would never 
 have attained at all, or at all events much less readily, if others had 
 not prepared the way for him. In the second place, he learns to 
 carry out certain appropriate movements with the different parts 
 of his body, which eventually serve to set in motion foreign bodies 
 or tools : it holds true in the case of these also that without the 
 example given him by others he would have been much slower in 
 learning them, and perhaps never have mastered them at all. We 
 thus find ourselves upon physiological but at the same time upon 
 psychological ground. Movement in itself is physiological ; but 
 the attainment of the necessary power to control it at will, which 
 is the point here concerned, involves the co-operation of psychical 
 factors. • In the third place, natural objects worked by the aid of 
 the human body, or merely transferred from the spot where they 
 were produced with the view of serving some practical purpose 
 and thus becoming tools or capital, are transferred from one 
 individual to another, from an elder to a younger generation ; and 
 
INTROD UCTION. 
 
 there is a common participation of different individuals whicli takes 
 place in the process of working or shifting these objects. In the 
 fourth place, individuals exert a physical force on each other which 
 may undoubtedly operate as much to the disadvantage as to the 
 advantage of progress, but which is inseparable from the nature 
 of culture. 
 
 Of these four categories the first is at all events the only one 
 in which ' volkerpsychologie,' in the sense in which it is used by 
 Lazarus and Steinthal, is interested. It is therefore only that 
 part of our doctrine of principles, which has reference to this first 
 category, which might be supposed to tally more or less accurately 
 with this. But setting aside the fact that this category cannot 
 be regarded merely as isolated from the rest, it remains true that 
 what I have in my mind is very different from what Lazarus and 
 Steinthal, in the introduction to their periodical (vol. i. p. i, 73), 
 lay down as the object of ' volkerpsychologie '. 
 
 Much as I appreciate the important services rendered by both 
 these writers to psychology, and especially to the psychological 
 method of treating history, still it appears to me that the definitions 
 proposed in this introduction are untenable, in part misleading, and 
 tending to conceal the real state of things. The fundamental 
 thought pervading the whole work is that popular psychology bears 
 exactly the same relation to the several nations, and to humanity 
 as a whole, as that which we denominate by the simple name of 
 psychology bears to the individual. Now precisely this thought 
 seems to me to be based on a series of logical confusions ; and I 
 am compelled to see the reason of these confusions in the fact 
 that the fundamental difference between an exact and a historical 
 science has not been maintained,^ but the two are continually 
 invading each other's domain. 
 
 1 It is no doubt true that this difference is hinted at on p. 25555., where a distinction 
 
INTRO D UCTION. 
 
 The conception of " popular psychology " itself fluctuates be- 
 tween two essentially different ways of viewing the subject. On the 
 one hand, it is regarded as the doctrine of the general conditions 
 of mental life in society; on the other hand, it is regarded as 
 the characterisation of the mental peculiarity of different nations, 
 and as an inquiry into the reasons from which this peculiarity 
 took its origin. On p. 25 sqq. these two views of science are 
 presented as two portions of universal science, of which the first 
 forms the synthetic foundation of the second. Now according 
 to neither of these views does popular psychology stand in the 
 assumed relation to individual psychology. 
 
 If we turn, in the first place, to the second view, there can 
 
 is drawn between the " synthetic or rational ' and the ' descriptive ' studies of natural 
 science, and a corresponding division of national psychology is attempted. But complete 
 confusion reigns, e.g. on p. 15 sqq. From the fact that theire exist only two forms of all 
 being and growth, viz. nature and spirit, the authors conclude that there can be found 
 only two classes of real sciences — one having for its object nature, and the other spirit. 
 In this, therefore, no account is taken of the circumstance that it is possible for sciences 
 to exist whose task it is to examine the reciprocal effects of nature and spirit. It seems 
 even more questionable when they proceed . . . ' Accordingly we find opposed to each 
 other natural history on the one hand, and the history of humanity on the other. ' In 
 this case, in the first place, 'history' must be taken in a sense very different from that 
 which we commonly connect with the word, viz., as the knowledge of events and processes. 
 But how does the ' humanity ' come to stand all at once in the place of ' spirit ' ? The 
 contents of the two words are far from tallying. Further, it is laid down as a distinction 
 between nature and spirit that nature moves in a perpetual round of her processes 
 according to fixed laws, in which the different courses remain isolated and independent, 
 in which it was always the past that was repeated, and nothing new could arise ; while 
 spirit, it is said, lives in a series of interconnected creations, and displays progress. This 
 distinction, thus abstractly stated, is unquestionably inadequate. Nature as well as 
 spirit — organic nature at any rate — moves in a series of interconnected creations ; and in 
 nature too there is such a thing as progress. On the other side it is nlaintained by the 
 authors that spirit moves in one regulated course, in a perpetual repetition of the same 
 fundamental processes. Now here we have a confusion of two contrasts which must be 
 kept completely apart : that between nature and spirit on the one hand, and between 
 procedure according to fixed law and historical development, on the other. We can 
 only ascribe it to this confusion that the authors have been able at all to call in question 
 whether psychology is to be accounted a branch of the science of nature or of spirit, and 
 that they finally decide on giving it a place between the two. This confusion is, to be 
 sure, the traditional one ; but it is time that we broke away from it after the instances of 
 progress made by psychology on the one hand, and the science of organic uatuie on the 
 other. 
 
INTROD UCTJON. 
 
 surely be nothing but the characteristics of different individuals to 
 answer to the characteristics of different nations. This, however, 
 is not called psychology at all. Psychology has never anything 
 to do with the concrete shaping of any individual human spirit, 
 but with the general conditions of spiritual processes. What 
 then justifies us in employing the name of this science for the 
 description of the concrete form assumed by the mental peculiarity 
 of a people? What the authors are thinking of is nothing but 
 a portion, no doubt the most important portion, but still one 
 that admits of no isolation, of what has been elsewhere called 
 the history of culture or ' philology,' placed however on a psycho- 
 logical basis, a demand which must necessarily be made at the 
 present day for all researches based upon the history of culture. 
 This is, however, no exact science like psychology, and no doctrine 
 of principles, or, to employ the expression of the authors, no 
 synthetical basis for the history of culture. 
 
 The incorrect parallels thus drawn have led to further con- 
 sequences hardly admissible. ' Popular psychology,' say the 
 authors, ' has to deal with the mind of the entire community, which 
 is again different from all the several minds which belong to it, 
 and which sways them all ' (p. S). Further we read (p. ii) : 'The 
 facts of which ' popular psychology ' takes cognisance exist partly 
 in the popular mind, conceived as a unity, and in the relations 
 between its several elements (as, for instance, religion and art, the 
 state and morality, language and intelligence, etc.), and partly in 
 the relations between the single minds which make up the people. 
 Here, therefore, the same fundamental processes appear as in 
 individual psychology, only on a more complicated and extensive 
 scale.' Surely this is to conceal the true nature of the processes 
 involved by assuming a series of abstractions. All psychical 
 processes come to their fulfilment in individual minds, and no- 
 
INTROD UCTION. 
 
 where else. Neither the popular mind, nor elements of it, such 
 as art, religion, etc., have any concrete existence, and therefore 
 nothing can come to pass in them and between them. Away, 
 then, with these abstractions ! For ' away with all abstractions ! ' 
 must be our watch word if we ever wish to attempt to define 
 the factors of any real event or process.^ I will not very 
 seriously reproach the authors with a fault often met with at 
 every step in science, and which even the most careful and pro- 
 found thinkers do not always avoid. Many an inquirer who feels 
 himself at the high level of the nineteenth century smiles with 
 lofty contempt at the strife of the nominalists and realists of the 
 middle ages, and fails to understand how people can have been 
 led to consider the abstractions of the human understanding as 
 actually existing things. But the race of unconscious realists 
 is far from extinct, even among the students of nature. And 
 among our students of civilisation they flourish and thrive most 
 markedly, and especially among the very class which piques itself 
 on talking in Darwinian metaphors. But quite apart from this 
 abuse, the epoch of scholasticism — indeed the epoch of mythology 
 . — is far from lying as far behind us as seems to be thought ; our 
 sense is too much entangled in the toils of both, because they 
 control our language, which cannot break loose from them. The 
 man who fails to employ the necessary effort of thought to liberate 
 himself from the despotism of the mere word will never rise to 
 an unprejudiced contemplation of things as they are. Psychology 
 became a science at the moment when she ceased to acknowledge 
 
 1 Misteli, Zeitschrift fur Volkerpsychologie, xiii. 385, has, curiously enough, so mis- 
 apprehended me as to suppose that I would hear of no abstractions at all being made. 
 Of course I mean merely that no abstractions must be allowed to interpose an obstruction 
 between the eye of the observer and the actual things, so as to prevent him from grasping 
 the connexion of cause and effect among the latter. The instruction which he imparts to 
 me on the value of abstracting is therefore just as superfluous as his critical remark on 
 the fact that I actually make more extensive abstractions than others. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the abstractions of mental powers as something really existing. 
 Thus, perhaps, it will come into our power to gain important 
 conquests in many domains, solely by setting resolutely aside 
 abstractions bearing the stamp of realities, which obtrude them- 
 selves between the eye of the observer and the concrete pheno- 
 mena, and disturb his vision. 
 
 I beg that these remarks may not be regarded as a mere 
 digression.! They refer to what we ourselves have in the following 
 pages to observe with regard to the development of language, and 
 what, on the other hand, the exposition of Lazarus and Steinthal 
 does not permit us to recognise as likely to be of any service. We 
 pass naturally from this point to the criticism of the first apprecia- 
 tion of the conception o{ folk-psychology. 
 The natural As wc, of course, cannot here reckon with a general mind, and 
 
 influence of 
 
 minds with elements of this general mind, it follows that in popular 
 
 only possible 
 
 by physical psychology wc cannot possibly have any concern except with 
 
 mediation. 
 
 relations existing between single minds. But the assertion that in 
 this the same fundamental processes display themselves as in 
 individual psychology is, for the reciprocal operation of these 
 single minds, only permissible if understood in a certain sense, and 
 this would require a closer explanation than we can give. At any 
 
 ^ In spite of this express request, L. Tobler, in the Lit. Bldtt. fiir germ, und rom. 
 fhil. l88l, sf. 122, remarks upon my introduction : ' All these introductory definitions 
 of conceptions are rather proper to a philosophical review, and exercise no influence upon 
 the further course of the exposition.' And Misteli, u.s. p. 400, supports him, and thinks 
 he might have added 'fortunately.' I must confess that it is disappointing to me that 
 two savants who, in spite of their special knowledge, profess to take interest in general 
 questions, have so completely failed to recognise the real point on which my whole work 
 turns. The very essence of it, in my view, is to trace the development of language from 
 the reciprocal effects which individuals produce on each other. Thus a criticism of the 
 views of Lazarus and Steinthal, whose fault consists precisely in their inattention to this 
 reciprocal influence, is closely bound up with the general tendency of my book. Misteli 
 especially is of the view that my general theoretical positions needed no attention on the 
 1 art of the philologist, and that the latter would find sufficient material in the traditional 
 categories of grammar. He thus gives his approbation to the old dualism of philosophy 
 .and science, which it is cur duty at the present day most strenuously to oppose. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 rate it is not the case that the ideas pass beyond the limits of the 
 single mind, and operate upon the ideas of other minds, as they 
 operate upon each other within the limits of a single mind. And 
 just as little can we speak of the entire groups of ideas in 
 individual minds acting upon each other, as single ideas do in the 
 mind of an individual. It is rather an axiom of fundamental 
 significance which we must never lose from sight, that all purely 
 psychical reciprocal operation comes to its fulfilment in the individual \ 
 mind alone. All intercourse of mind with mind is mer'cly indirect, 
 and such intercourse depends upon purely physical conditions. If 
 we therefore apprehend psychology in Herbert's sense as the 
 science of the relation borne by ideas to each other, there can 
 exist only an individual psychology, to which no 'popular 
 psychology,' or whatever else it may be called, can properly be 
 opposed. 
 
 We find, however, in the exposition of individual psychology, a 
 second special part added to this' general one, which treats of the 
 history of the development of the more complicated groups of 
 ideas which, in the process of experience, we find in an essentially 
 similar way in ourselves, and in the individuals whom we have to 
 contemplate. No objection can be taken to this, so long as we 
 only remain conscious of the fundamental contrast which prevails 
 between the two parts. The second is no longer exact science, 
 but history. It is easy to see that these more complicated groups 
 owe the possibility of their formation to the fact that an individual 
 lives in society with a number of other individuals, And in order 
 to penetrate more deeply into the secret of their origin, we must 
 endeavour to picture clearly to ourselves the different stages which 
 they have successively passed through in individuals that have 
 lived before. It is from this point that Lazarus and Stein thai 
 have evidently arrived at the conception of popular psychology. 
 
INTRO D UCTION. 
 
 But just as we have no right to give the name ' psychology ' 
 to a historical representation which exhibits the actual course of 
 this development, so we have none to apply that term to the 
 science of principles, which sets forth the general conditions 
 under which such a development is possible. What is psychical 
 in this development comes to its fulfilment within the individual 
 mind according to the general laws of individual psychology. 
 But everything whereby the operation of one individual upon 
 another is rendered possible belongs to another domain than that 
 of psychology. 
 
 In speaking of the different stages in the development of the 
 psychical groups, I have employed the ordinary metaphorical 
 method of expression. In accordance with our previous explana- 
 tions, we cannot suppose that an image-formation, as it has taken 
 shape in the individual mind, can actually be the real foundation 
 whence the formations in other minds take their rise. The fact is 
 rather that each mind must start from the beginning. We can 
 place nothing already formed in it, but everything must be 
 created anew in each mind; the primitive ideas by means of 
 physiological excitations, the groups of ideas by the relations 
 which the primitive ideas have assumed towards one another 
 within the mind itself. In order to evoke in one mind a train of 
 ideas corresponding to one which has taken its rise in another 
 mind, the latter can do nothing but create by the action of the 
 motor nerves a physical product, which in its turn calls forth the 
 corresponding ideas, correspondingly associated in the mind of the 
 other individual by exciting his sensory nerves. The most im- 
 jportant of the physical products which serve this purpose are 
 precisely the sounds of language. Besides these, there are the 
 i tones of other kinds, facial expressions, gestures, pictures, etc. 
 
 The means by which these physical products are qualified to 
 
INTR on UCTION. 
 
 serve as a medium for transmitting ideas to another individual is 
 either an inner and direct relationship to the ideas in question (as 
 for instance, a cry of pain, a gesture of passion), or a connexion 
 depending on an association of ideas, in which process the idea 
 standing in direct relation to the physical instrument forms the 
 connecting link between this and the idea imparted ; this is the 
 case with language. 
 
 Now, the matter of ideas, which is the point in question, can 
 never be created in the mind by this kind of communication. It 
 must, on the contrary, be already existent in the mind, through 
 the agency of physiological excitations. The effect of communica- 
 tion can be no other than this, that certain masses of ideas repos- 
 ing in the mind are awakened thereby, and raised to the level of 
 consciousness, by which process under certain circumstances new 
 connexions between them are created or old ones cemented. 
 
 The matter of ideas then as such is incommunicable. All that 
 we imagine that we know about the ideas of another individual 
 depends exclusively upon conclusions drawn from our own. We 
 assume in forming these concliisions that the mind of another indi- 
 vidual stands in the same relationship to the exterior world as our 
 own, that the same physical impressions produce on it similar ideas 
 to those in our own, and that these ideas connect themselves in a 
 similar way. A certain degree of correspondence in mental and 
 bodily organisation, in surrounding nature, and in the circum- 
 stances of Hfe, is accordingly the condition precedent for the 
 possibility of an understanding between different individuals. 
 The greater the correspondence, the easier the understanding. 
 Conversely, every divergence in this relation must promote, nay, 
 must actually entail, either a failure to understand, or an imperfect 
 understanding. 
 
 The power of understanding is carried furthest by those 
 
xl INTRODUCTION. 
 
 physical means which stand in direct relationship to the ideas 
 communicated ; for it proceeds often from the general points of 
 correspondence in human nature. On the other hand, where the 
 relation is an indirect one, it is presupposed that in the different 
 minds the same association is formed, and this presupposes a cor- 
 respondence in experience. Accordingly we must presuppose as 
 an axiom, that all commnnication among mankind began with the 
 former kind, and that it only passed over to the second when this 
 was attained. At the same time, it must be insisted on that 
 the resources of the former kind are indisputably limited, while 
 in the case of the second, a wide scope for action presents itself, 
 seeing that when association is voluntary countless combinations 
 are possible. 
 Transforma- If wc now ask on what the fact depends that the individual, in 
 
 tion of 
 
 indirect into spitc of the fact that it is compelled to create for itself its own 
 
 direct associ- 
 ation, range of ideas, still receives by means of society a defined direc- 
 tion for its mental development, and a far wider extension than it 
 could attain to in isolation, we must fix as the essential point on 
 !', the conversion of indirect into direct associations. This conversion 
 fulfils itself within the individual mind ; but the result attained is 
 transferred to other minds, of course by means of physical mechanism 
 in the way described. The gain then consists in this, that in these 
 other minds the groups of ideas do not require to make the same 
 detour in order to come together, as was the case in the first mind. 
 This is, therefore, especially a gain in cases where the connexions, 
 which serve as the immediate links, are of minor importance com- 
 pared with the connexion finally resulting. It is owing to this 
 economy of labour and time to which one individual has assisted 
 another, that the latter is in his turn in a position to employ the 
 result of this economy to set up a further connexion, for which the 
 first individual had no time at his disposal. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xli 
 
 With the transference of a connexion converted from an in- 
 direct one into a direct, it does not follow that the movement of 
 ideas which has originally conduced to the origin of this connexion 
 is transferred as well. If, for instance, the Pythagorean maxim (the 
 theorem of Euclid i. 47) is transmitted to anyone, he does not there- 
 by learn from this transmission the way in which it was originally 
 discovered. He may then either simply content himself with the 
 direct connexion imparted to him, or he may, by means of his own 
 creative combination, prove the theorem by the agency of other 
 mathematical theorems already known to him, in which process he 
 has a much easier task than the original discoverer. If, however, 
 as "is here the case, various means of arriving at the result are 
 possible, it does not necessarily follow that he must light upon the 
 same as the original discoverer. 
 
 It appears, therefore, that in the course of this important process, 
 seeing that the starting and final points of a series of ideas are trans- 
 mitted in direct connexion, the connecting links which originally 
 aided in setting up this connexion must, often to a large extent, be 
 lost for the following generation. This is in many cases a salutary 
 riddance of useless ballast, whereby the space necessary for a higher 
 development is secured. But the difficulty of arriving at a knowledge 
 of the genesis of the ideas is, of course, very much increased thereby. 
 
 After these remarks, which hold good for the entire develop- 
 ment of culture (the special application of which to the history of 
 language has to engage our attention further on), we will now 
 endeavour to specify the most important peculiarities whereby 
 the science of language differs from the other sciences of culture. 
 As we take close cognisance of the factors with which it has to 
 reckon we shall at once be in a position to justify our assertion 
 that the science of language, of all historical sciences, is able to 
 give us the surest and most exact results. 
 
xlii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Peculiar Evcry sciciice depending on experience attains greater accuracy 
 
 character- 
 istics of the in proportion as it succeeds in observing, in the phenomena with 
 
 science of 
 
 language, which it has to deal, the operation of the single factors when isolated. 
 It is precisely in this that the difference between the scientific and 
 the popular method of looking at things lies. Isolation is, of 
 course, more difficult to effect, the more intricate the complications 
 are in which the phenomena, as such, are presented. In this 
 respect we are singularly favoured in respect of language'. This 
 certainly does not hold true if we embrace in our view the whole 
 material contents deposited in language. For we, no doubt, find 
 there that all which has in any way touched the human mind, the 
 organisation of the body, its environing nature, the entire range of 
 culture, all the experiences and circumstances of life, have left 
 behind effects on language, and that language, therefore, when 
 looked at from this point of view, is dependent upon the most 
 manifold factors, indeed on every kind of factor imaginable. But 
 the peculiar task of the science of language is not to observe these 
 material contents. It can only offer its contribution to this end in 
 conjunction with all the other sciences of culture. Its task, strictly 
 speaking, is to observe the relations which this subject-matter of 
 idea assumes towards definite groups of sound. Thus we find that 
 of the four categories of social influence given above (p. xxxi.), 
 only the two first come into consideration. We need also, as of 
 main importance, only two exact sciences as the basis of the 
 science of language, viz. psychology and physiology, and of the 
 latter certain portions only. What we commonly understand by 
 the physiology of sound or phonetics certainly does not comprise 
 all the physiological processes which belong to linguistic activit}-, 
 not, for instance, the excitement of the motor nerves whereby the 
 organs of language are set in motion. Further, acoustics con- 
 sidered as a branch of physics, and of physiology, will come under 
 
INTRODUCTION. xliii 
 
 its purview. Acoustic processes, however, are not directly 
 influenced by psychical processes : they are so influenced only 
 indirectly by the processes connected with the physiology of 
 sound. They are defined by these to this extent : that after the 
 impulse once given, their course, generally speaking, receives no 
 further impulses to deviation, at all events none such as are of 
 importance for the essence of language. Under these circum- 
 stances any deeper research into these processes is, at any rate, 
 not so indispensable as the knowledge of the movements of the 
 organs of speech. I do not mean to assert by this that there 
 may not be many conclusions to be drawn from acoustics as well. 
 
 The relative simplicity of linguistic processes comes out plainly 
 if we compare with them, say, those of economic science. In the 
 latter we have to deal with the reciprocal operation of the entirety 
 of physical and psychical factors with which mankind enters into 
 any relation whatever. The most earnest endeavours will never 
 succeed in expounding with absolute accuracy the part played by 
 each single one of these factors in the process. 
 
 Another point of great importance is the following. Every 
 linguistic creation is always the work of one single individual only. 
 Several no doubt may create similar products, but neither the act 
 of creation nor the product is affected by that. It never happens 
 that several individuals create anything by working together with 
 united forces and divided functions. This is quite different from 
 what we see in economic or pohtical sciences. In the develop- 
 ment of economics and politics it grows ever more difficult to 
 observe closely the different relations, the more that the union of 
 forces and the distribution of duties proceeds ; and thus the very 
 simplest relations in these departments are at once less evident 
 than the linguistic ones. No doubt, so far as a linguistic creation 
 is transferred to another individual and transformed by him, and 
 
xliv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 as this process goes on repeating itself ever anew, a division of 
 labour and a union of labour is apparent here ; and indeed with- 
 out such, as we have seen, no culture is conceivable. And where 
 in our tradition a number of intermediate stages are wanting, 
 there the student of language is also compelled to resolve per- 
 plexed complications arising not so much from the co-operation as 
 from the successive labours of different individuals. 
 
 It is further of great importance, from this point of view also, 
 to remark that linguistic formations are created without pre- 
 conceived intention, at all events without any intention of 
 establishing anything lasting, and without any consciousness on 
 the part of an individual of his creative activity. In this respect, 
 the formation of language is distinguished especially from all 
 artistic production. The involuntary character which we here 
 attribute to linguistic creations is certainly not so generally 
 recognised, and still needs proving in detail. We must, however, 
 while considering this characteristic, draw a distinction between 
 the natural development of language and the artificial which 
 is brought about by means of a conscious directing interference. 
 Such voluntary efforts are almost exclusively directed towards the 
 foundation of a general language on an area split up into dialects. 
 In what follows, we must in the first instance put such efforts 
 entirely out of consideration, in order to acquaint ourselves with 
 the simple course of natural development, and then and not till 
 then we must deal with their operative power under a special 
 head. This course of procedure is not merely legitimate but 
 necessary. We should otherwise be acting like a zoologist or 
 botanist who, in his endeavours to explain the origin of the animal 
 and vegetable world of the present day, should in every case 
 proceed on the assumption of artificial breeding and improvement , 
 This comparison is indeed in the highest degree appropriate. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlv 
 
 Just as the cattle-breeder or the gardener can never create any- 
 thing absolutely at his own will from nothing ; as these are con- 
 fined in all their experiments to an alteration of natural growth 
 possible only within certain definite limits ; just so does an artificial 
 language rise only on the foundation of a natural one. Just as no 
 artificial grafting or breeding can neutralise the operation of the 
 factors which determine the natural development, so no intentional 
 regulation can produce this effect in the department of language. 
 These factors, interfere as we may, work constantly and con- 
 sistently, and everything which is formed artificially and adopted 
 into language is subject to the play of their forces. 
 
 It would now be our task to show how far the involuntary nature 
 of linguistic processes facilitates our examination of their nature. 
 The first conclusion again to be drawn is, that these must be 
 relatively simple. In the case of each change, a short step only 
 can be taken. How, indeed, could it be otherwise, seeing that 
 each change is secured without any previous calculation, and 
 commonly speaking without any suspicion on the part of the 
 speaker that he is producing something not produced before ? No 
 doubt we are then called upon to trace the evidence whereby these 
 processes make themselves felt as closely as possible, step by step. 
 It follows, however, also from the simplicity of linguistic processes 
 that there is no room for individual peculiarities to make themselves 
 prominent therein. The most simple psychical processes are similar 
 in the case of all individuals, their peculiarities depend only upon 
 varieties in the combinations of these simple processes. The great j 
 resemblance of all linguistic processes in the most different individuals 
 is the most essential foundation for an exact scientific knowledge of 
 these processes. 
 
 It is thus then that the process of learning language falls into 
 an early period of development, in which, generally speaking, in 
 
xlvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 all the psychical processes there is very little voluntary effort and 
 consciousness, and very little individuality displays itself. And 
 the case is much the same with the period in the development of 
 the human race which originally created language. 
 
 Were not language so completely reared on the basis of the 
 common properties of human nature, it would not be the fitting 
 instrument for general communication that it is. Conversely, the 
 fact that it is so entails the necessary consequence that it rejects 
 everything of a purely individual character which seeks in any 
 way to force itself upon it, and that it accepts and retains nothing 
 but what is sanctioned by the agreement of a number of individuals 
 in connexion with each other. 
 
 Our position that the involuntary nature of the processes 
 favours the attainment of an exact scientific knowledge is easily 
 confirmed from the history of the other branches of culture. 'The 
 development of social relations, of law, of religion, of poetry, and 
 generally speaking of the other arts, exhibits the greater uni- 
 formity, and makes a stronger impression of natural necessity, in 
 proportion as the stage of development concerned is the more 
 primitive. While in these departments voluntary design and 
 individualism have become increasingly conspicuous, language in 
 this respect has remained far nearer to the original state of things. 
 And this circumstance is one more proof that language is the 
 original basis of all higher mental development in the individual 
 as in the entire race. 
 Scientific [ ' I have briefly to justify my choice of the title ' Principles of 
 
 treatment 1 , , . 
 
 ofianguag4 the htstovy of Language. It has been objected that there is 
 
 only possible . 
 
 byahistori- another view 01 language possible besides the historical.^ I must 
 
 cal method. ,. , . -itti • i • 
 
 contradict this. What is explained as an unhistorical and still 
 scientific observation of language is at bottom nothing but one 
 
 ^ Cf. Misteli, u.s., p. 382 sqq. 
 
INTROD UCl ION. xlvii 
 
 incompletely historical, through defects partly of the observer,\ 
 partly of the material to be observed. As soon as ever we pass 
 beyond the mere statements of single facts and attempt to grasp the 
 connexion as a whole, and to comprehend the phenomena, we 
 come upon historical ground at once, though it may be we are not 
 aware of the fact. No doubt a scientific treatment of language 
 is possible, not only in cases where different stages of develop- 
 ment of the same language are before us, but also where the 
 materials at our disposal occur side by side. The most favourable 
 case for our purpose is, when several related languages or dialects 
 are known to us. In that case it is the task of science not merely 
 to determine what reciprocally corresponds in the different 
 languages or dialects, but as far as possible to reconstruct the ' 
 fundamental forms and meanings which have not come down to 
 us from those which have. But in this process comparative 
 immediately passes into historical observation. But also in cases 
 where only one definite stage of development of a single dialect is 
 before us, scientific observation is a possibility up to a certain 
 point. How ? it may be asked. If we compare, for example, the 
 different significations of a word with each other, we attempt to 
 establish which of these is the fundamental one, or to what funda- 
 mental signification, now obsolete, they point. If, however, we define 
 a fundamental signification from which the others are derived, we lay 
 down a historical fact. Or we compare the related forms together, 
 and deduce them from a common fundamental form. In this case 
 again, we lay down a historical fact. Indeed, we cannot even assert 
 that related forms are derived from a common basis without becom- 
 ing historical. Or we lay it down that there is an interchange of sounds 
 (lautwechsel) between certain related forms and words. If we would 
 ' explain this we are necessarily drawn to the conclusion that such 
 interchange is the effect of a phonetic development {lautwandel), in 
 
xlviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 other words, of a historical process. If we attempt to characterise 
 the so-called inner form of language in the sense in which it is 
 employed by Humboldt and Steinthal, we can only do this by 
 going back to the origin of the forms of expression employed, and 
 to their fundamental meaning. And so I cannot conceive how any 
 one can reflect with any advantage on a language without tracing 
 to some extent the way in which it has historically developed. The 
 only elem.ent which might still claim exemption from historical 
 observation would be general reflexions upon the individual em- 
 ployment of language, and about the relation of the individual 
 speaker to the general usage of language. However, the following 
 pages will prove that precisely these reflexions are to be closely 
 connected with the observation of historical development. 
 
I 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE NATURE OF THE 
 DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 T is of main importance for the historian that he should clearly Subject of 
 
 the Science 
 
 and precisely appreciate the extent and natiire of the subject "f Language 
 he has undertaken to investigate. This remark seems a truism, 
 and yet the Science of Language is only now beginning to realise 
 its truth, and to remedy the neglect of many past years. 
 
 2. Historical Grammar took its rise from the older Descriptive 
 Grammar, and retains even now much from its predecessor. It has 
 maintained, at least in the system of its classification, absolutely 
 the old form. It has merely laid down a series of descriptive 
 grammars parallel to each other. In fact comparison, and not 
 explanation of development, is regarded as in the first in- 
 stance the proper characteristic of the new Science. Inde'ed 
 Comparative Grammar, concerning itself as it does with the re- 
 ciprocal relations of cognate families of speech whose common 
 source is lost to us, is actually opposed formally to Historical 
 Grammar, which traces from the starting-point given by tradition 
 all further development. And even now many philologists and 
 scholars hardly think ot both of these as merely a single science, 
 with the same task and the same method, only that the relation 
 between the 'given material and the combining intelligence takes 
 different forms. But the same kind of comparison has been applied 
 
 A 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 in the department of Historical Grammar in the narrower sense ; 
 descriptive grammars of different periods have been tacked to- 
 gether. Practical utility has dictated this method of procedure, 
 which is necessary for systematic exposition ; and this utility will 
 always, to a certain point, assert its claims. But it cannot be 
 denied that the entire conception of the development of language 
 is directly influenced by this method of exposition. 
 
 3. Descriptive Grammar has to register the grammatical forms 
 J and grammatical conditions in use at a given date within a certain 
 
 community speaking a common language ; to take note, in fact, 
 of all that can be used by any individual without his being mis- 
 ' understood and without his utterances seeming to him unusual. Its 
 \j contents consist not in facts, but merely in abstractions from 
 observed facts. If we make such abstractions at different times 
 ;, within the same linguistic community, we shall find the results 
 different. It is through comparison that we obtain the certainty 
 , { that revolutions in the language have occurred ; we discover too, 
 • perhaps, a certain regularity in the reciprocal relations of such 
 : revolutions ; but this method sheds absolutely no light on the true 
 mature of these. The connexion of cause and effect is hidden as 
 long as we calculate by means of these abstractions only, as if 
 one had actually taken its rise from the other. For there is no 
 , such thing as a connexion of cause between abstractions ; cause 
 and effect exist only between real objects and facts. As long as 
 we are content with descriptive grammar in the case of abstrac- 
 tions, we are far indeed removed from a scientific apprehension of 
 the life of language. 
 
 4. The true object of philological study is rather the entire 
 sum of the products of the linguistic activity of the entire sum .of 
 individuals in their reciprocal relations. All the groups of sound 
 ever spoken, heard, or represented, with the associated ideas, whose 
 
!•] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 3 
 
 symbols they were ; all the numerous relations entered into by 
 the elements of speech in the minds of individuals — all these 
 belong to the history of language, and must, properly speaking, all 
 be thoroughly apprehended to render a full apprehension of its 
 development a possibility. It need hardly be said that to solve 
 such a problem is an impossibility. It is good to state the ideal 
 aim of a science in all its bareness of outline. By so doing we 
 become aware of the gulf between our powers and our possibilities. 
 We learn that we must in many questions content ourselves with 
 an avowal of ignorance ; and that super-acuteness, which imagines 
 that it can explain the most complicated historical developments 
 by a few ingenious apergus, is humbled. But it is for us an inevit- 
 able necessity to get a general idea of the play of the forces at 
 work in this huge complex — forces which we must always keep 
 before our eyes, if we would endeavour to arrange correctly the 
 few scanty fragments which we can really claim to possess out 
 of it. 
 
 i,. A part — and a part only — of these operating forces is organisms 
 
 J i^ c J 1 o Idea-Groups 
 
 visible to us. Speaking and hearing are not the only processes ^f=j^^^=i°[.^ 
 bound up with the history of language. Nor, again, does this 
 history stop at the ideas awakened by language and the language- 
 pictures which pass through consciousness in unspoken thought. 
 No ; probably the greatest progress made by modern psychology 
 consists in the recognition of the fact that numerous psychical 
 processes fulfil themselves unconsciously, and that everything which/' 
 has ever been in consciousness remains as an efficacious factor in; 
 unconsciousness. The recognition of this fact is of the greatest | 
 importance for the Science of Language as well, and has been used 
 by Steinthal on a large scale for the purpose of that science. All 
 the utterances of linguistic activity flow from this dark chamber 
 of the unconscious in the mind. All the linguistic material at 
 
4 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the disposal of, any individual is there to be found; in fact, we 
 might say, even more than he can dispose of under ordinary 
 circumstances. It is to be found as a highly-complicated psychical 
 formation, consisting of many groups of ideas, confused and inter- 
 penetrating with each other. It is no business of ours here to 
 examine the general laws under which these groups are found. 
 We may refer our readers for this to Steinthal's Introduction to 
 Psychology and the Science of Language. We are merely concerned 
 to set forth their contents and their activity. 
 
 6. These groups are the product of all that has entered into 
 our consciousness whether through listening to the utterances of 
 another, through our own speaking, or through thought clothed in 
 the forms of language. Through these groups what has once been 
 in consciousness can again, under favourable circumstances, be 
 recalled to consciousness, and also what has been once under- 
 stood or uttered can again be either understood or uttered. We 
 must, according to the general rule already laid down, accept as 
 truth that no idea which has once been introduced by linguistic 
 activity into consciousness disappears and leaves no traces, though 
 these traces may often be so weak, that certain special circum- 
 stances, which may be never occur at all, are needed to impart to 
 this idea the faculty of conscious acceptance. Ideas are introduced 
 in groups into consciousness, and hence as groups remain in 
 unconsciousness. Ideas awakened by sequences of sound associate 
 themselves into a series; and ideas called up by movements ot 
 the organs of language associate themselves into a sequence. 
 Series of sounds associate themselves with series of movements 
 of the organs of speech. The ideas for which they serve as 
 symbols associate themselves with both alike; not merely the 
 ideas of meanings of words, but likewise those of syntactical 
 relations. 
 
!•] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 5 
 
 7. And not merely do single words, but larger sequences of 
 sound — nay, entire sentences, associate themselves immediately 
 with the constituent parts of the thought which they clothe. 
 These groups, furnished at least originally by the exterior world, 
 now proceed to organise themselves in the mind of each individual 
 into far fuller and more complicated combinations, which come to 
 their fulfilment for the most part unconsciously, and then proceed 
 to operate unconsciously — which in by far the greater number of 
 cases never arrive at clear consciousness, and which still effectually 
 operate. Thus it is that the different uses, in which we have come 
 to be acquainted with a word or a phrase, associate themselves with 
 each other. Thus, too, the different cases of the same noun, the 
 different tenses, moods, and persons of the same verbs, the different 
 derivatives from the same root, associate themselves, thanks to the 
 relationship between their sounds and their meaning ; further, all 
 words of similar functions — e.g. all substantives, all adjectives, all 
 verbs ; further, derivatives formed from different roots with the same 
 suffixes ; further, forms of different words with similar functions — 
 e.g. all plurals, all genitives, all passives, all perfects, all conjunc- 
 tives, all first persons ; further, words similarly inflected — e.g. in 
 NHG. all weak words as contrasted with all strong words, all 
 masculines which form their plural by means of umlaut as con- 
 trasted with those that form it otherwise, also words only partially 
 inflected, may group themselves in contrast to such as depart more 
 violently from the regular use ; and further, clauses alike in form 
 or in function similarly associate themselves. And thus there are 
 besides these a quantity of associations connected by manifold 
 links — associations of greater or less importance for the life of 
 language. These associations may one and all rise and operate 
 without consciousness, and they must by no means be confounded 
 with grammatical categories, which are the result of conscious 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 abstraction, though they not unfrequently cover the same 
 ground. 
 
 8. It is not less significant than natural that this organism of 
 groups of ideas is in a state of perpetual change in each individual. 
 In the first place, each impetus which receives no accession of 
 strength by repetition of its impact, or by a fresh introduction 
 into consciousness, loses force, and this perpetually. In the 
 next place, every activity of language, hearing, or thought adds 
 something new. Even in the process of the exact repetition of an 
 earlier activity certain impulses at least — of the organism already 
 existing — are strengthened. And however rich be the record of 
 an individual's past activity, still the occasion for something new 
 to arise is perpetually occurring, at least in the form of new varia- 
 tions of old elements (irrespective of the fact that something hither- 
 to unusual may make its appearance in language). In the third 
 place, the relations of association within the organism are ever be- 
 ing displaced, by the weakening as by the strengthening of the old 
 elements, and finally by the addition of new ones. Thus, if the 
 organism of the adult, when contrasted with the stage of develop- 
 ment of earliest boyhood, exhibits a comparative degree of stability, 
 it still remains exposed to many oscillations. 
 
 9. Another point equally obvious and equally important is the 
 following : The organism of the group of ideas which depend 
 on language takes a peculiar development in the case of each 
 individual, and thus in each takes a peculiar form ; should such 
 organism be compounded of different elements drawn from identical 
 sources, still these elements will be introduced to the mind in 
 different sequence, differently grouped, with different intensity, in 
 some cases more, in others less frequently; and the reciprocal 
 relation of their force, and thus the manner of their grouping, will 
 result differently, and this even though we take no account of the 
 
!•] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 hieQU 
 
 difference in the capacities common to all, and those peculiar to 
 the individual. 
 
 10. The mere consideration of the boundless variability, and of 
 the peculiar conformation of each single organism, is sufficient 
 to make us realise the necessity of a boundless variability of 
 language as a whole, and of a growth of dialectic varieties not 
 less vast. 
 
 1 1. The psychical organisms here described are the true media Organisms 
 of historical development. What has been actually spoken has no ^f]j^^7 
 development. It is misleading to say that one word has arisen ^itdo"' 
 from another word spoken at some previous time. The word 
 as a product of our physical organs — disappears, and leaves no 
 trace when once the organs it has set in motion have returned 
 to their state of repose. And in the same way the physical 
 impression on the hearer passes away. If I repeat the same 
 movement of the organs of speech which I have once made' a 
 second, a third, or a fourth time, there is no physical connexion of 
 cause between these four similar movements; but they are con- 
 nected by the psychical organism, and by this alone. In this alone 
 remains the trace of the past, whereby further procedure of the 
 kind can be caused : in this alone lie the conditions of historical 
 development. 
 
 12. The physical element of language has exclusively the 
 function of communicating the effects of the single psychical 
 organisms to each other ; but it is for this purpose indispensable, 
 because, as has already been insisted on in the Introduction, there 
 is no such thing as a direct influence of mind upon mind. In 
 itself but a transitory phenomenon, it still, by its co-operation 
 with the psychical organisms, enables these to leave effects even 
 after it is past and gone. As its effect ceases with the death of 
 the individual, the development of a language would naturally be 
 
8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 confined to the duration of a single generation, were it not that 
 new individuals gradually supervene in whom new organisms of 
 language are produced under the influence of those already in 
 I existence. The vehicles of the historical development of a language ' 
 i always disappear, and are replaced by new ones after a compara- 
 1 tively brief space of time. This is a simple truth, but not the less 
 . important, and not the less often overlooked. 
 Requisites 13. Let US HOW considcr — the nature of the object being what 
 
 of'stltes'of it is — the task of the historian. He cannot avoid describing states 
 angvage. ^^ language, seeing that he is concerned with large groups, of 
 [ simultaneously co-existing elements. If, however, this de- 
 \scription is ever to become a really useful basis for historical 
 ■contemplation, it must attach itself to the real objects — i.e., 
 the psychical organisms just described. It must give as true a 
 picture of these as possible ; it must not merely give an exhaustive 
 list of the elements of which they are composed, but must also realise 
 their relation to each other, their relative strength, the numerous 
 connexions they have formed witli each other, the degree of the 
 closeness and durability of such connexions ; it must, to express 
 ourselves in more popular fashion, show us how the instinct of 
 -language is setting. To describe the condition of a language 
 adequately, it would be, strictly speaking, necessary to observe 
 with full accuracy every individual belonging to one community of 
 speech, to note the character of such groups of his ideas as 
 depend upon language, and to compare with each other the results 
 gained in each individual case. As a matter of fact, we have to 
 content ourselves with something far less perfect than this— some- 
 thing falling short of our ideal more or less— always, however, 
 considerably. 
 
 14. We are often confined to the observation of some few indi- 
 viduals—sometimes even to that of a single one ; and we are able 
 
I.] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 only partially to become acquainted with the organism of lan- 
 guage of these few or of this single one. By comparing indi- 
 vidual organisms of language, we obtain a certain average, by 
 which the strictly normal part of language — namely, its usage — is 
 defined. This average is, of course, more infallible the more indi- 
 viduals studied, and the more fully each can be observed. The 
 less perfect the observation, the more doubts remain as to what 
 is to be set down to individual peculiarity and what is common 
 to all or most. In any case, usage — to the exposition of which 
 the efforts of the grammarian are almost exclusively directed 
 — governs the language of the individual to a certain degree 
 only; but side by side with this there is always much which 
 is not so defined — nay, which actually is in direct opposition to 
 usage. 
 
 15. Even in the most favourable cases, the observation of an 
 organism of language is beset with the greatest difficulties. In no 
 case can it be observed directly. It is an unconscious something 
 reposing in the mind. It is cognisable by its effects only — the 
 single acts of linguistic activity. A picture of the groups of ideas 
 lying in unconsciousness can only be obtained by the aid of 
 many inferences. 
 
 16. Of the physical phenomena of linguistic activity, the acoustic 
 are the most readily accessible to observation. Still, no doubt the 
 results of our aural apprehension are for the most part hard to 
 gauge and to define, and it is even harder to give an idea of them 
 except again by means of direct communication to the ear. The 
 movements of the organs of speech are less immediately accessible 
 to observation, but are capable of a more exact definition and 
 description. No proof is needed at the present day that no exact 
 representation of the sounds of a language exists except that which 
 teaches us what movements of the organs are necessary to produce 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 them. The ideal of such a manner of representation can only 
 approximately be realised when we are able to make observa- 
 tions on living individuals. When we unfortunately cannot do this, 
 ive must always keep this ideal before our eyes, and endeavour 
 to realise it as nearly as we can by restoring the living sound 
 to the best of our powers from the substitute of writing. This 
 endeavour, however, can only result successfully for one who 
 has had some training in phonology, atnd has already made 
 observations on living languages which he can transfer to dead 
 languages ; and who has, further, conceived a correct idea of the 
 relation between writing and language. Thus here we have 
 already a wide field open for power of combination ; here already 
 familiarity with the conditions of the life of the object is an indis- 
 pensable demand. 
 
 17. The psychical side of linguistic activity is, like everything 
 psychical, to be directly learnt by self-observation only. All 
 observation of other individuals supplies us in the first instance 
 with physical facts only. We can only succeed by the aid of 
 analogical inferences in referring these to psychical facts on the 
 basis of observations made on our own mind. Thus, self-observa- 
 tion ever applied anew, and scrupulous analysis of our individual 
 instinct of language, are indispensable for the training of the 
 philologist. Then analogical inferences are naturally most easy 
 in the case of objects which approach most nearly to the actual 
 ego. Thus the true nature of linguistic activity is more readily 
 apprehended in the case of the mother - tongue than in any 
 other. Further, we are naturally in a better position when we 
 can employ observations on the living individual than when 
 we are referred to the casual remnants of the past. Only in the 
 case of the living individual can we obtain results free frgm 
 every suspicion of adulteration ; only in this case can we at 
 
!■] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. ii 
 
 pleasure verify our observations and make methodical experi- 
 ments. 
 
 1 8. Thus, to describe a linguistic condition, which may give 
 a thoroughly trustworthy basis for historical investigation,^ is no 
 easy task, and may, under certain circumstances, be a very difficult 
 one. To fulfil this task adequately, we must have clear views 
 as to the conditions of the life of language, and this is the more 
 necessary in proportion as the material at our disposal is less full 
 and less trustworthy, and as the resemblance existing between the 
 language to be described and the mother-tongue of the describer 
 is less. We cannot, therefore, be surprised if the ordinary 
 grammars fall far short of our claims. Our traditional grammatical 
 categories are mosj: unsatisfactory as a means for enabling us to 
 realise the way in which the elements of language are grouped. 
 Our grammatical system is far from being finely enough differ- 
 entiated to meet the requirements of the psychological groups. 
 We shall hereafter have frequent occasion to show in detail the 
 inadequacy of this system. It tempts us, besides, to transfer, when ^ 
 the circumstances are not applicable, what is abstracted from one j 
 language to another. Even if we confine ourselves to the circle | 
 of the Indo-European languages, the employment of the same , 
 grammatical framework causes numerous discrepancies. The 
 picture of a particular condition of language is often blurred 
 when the beholder happens to be acquainted with a language 
 nearly related to the object of his consideration, or with an older 
 or more recent stage of its development. The greatest care is, in 
 this case, necessary to prevent the intrusion of any foreign material. 
 Historical Philology has fallen markedly short in this very par- 
 
 i What we have claimed as indispensable for Scientific Grammar is no less indispens- 
 able for Practical Grammar, subject always to the necessary restrictions imposed by the 
 capacity of the learner; for the aim of practical grammar is nothing but to familiarise 
 the learner with the instinct of a foreign language. 
 
12 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ticular ; it has transferred wholesale its philological abstractions, 
 drawn from researches into an older stage of language, into a more 
 recent one. Thus, for instance, the signification of a word is made 
 to depend upon its etymology even though all consciousness of 
 this etymology has long since vanished, and an independent 
 development of the signification has set in. Thus, again in acci- 
 dence as it is taught, the grammatical divisions applicable to the 
 most primitive period have been maintained through all later times ; 
 a proceeding thanks to which the after effects of the original 
 conditions are doubtless brought out, but not the new psychical 
 organisation of the groups. 
 
 19. When descriptions of different epochs in the life of a 
 language are drawn up conformably to our requirements, a con- 
 dition is fulfilled which renders it possible, from the comparison of 
 the various descriptions, to form an idea of the processes which 
 have taken place in the past. This will naturally enough be the 
 more successful the nearer the circumstances which enter into 
 comparison. But even the slightest variation in usage is com- 
 monly found to be the result of the co-operation of a series of 
 single processes which, in great part, or indeed entirely, escape our 
 observation. 
 Change of | 20. Suppose that we now endeavour to answer the question, 
 Jj|"^5.=jjj°'" I What is the real cause of the change of usage in language? 
 Speech? ° Chaugcs produced by the conscious intention of single individuals 
 are not absolutely excluded \cf. the history of the words gas, 
 etc.]. Grammarians have endeavoured to reduce written languages 
 to regularity. The terminology of sciences, arts, and trades is 
 settled and enriched by teachers, investigators, and discoverers. 
 Under a despotism, it may happen that the caprice of the monarch 
 has in a single point prevailed. But it has not in most cases 
 aimed at an absolutely new creation, but only at the settlement 
 
I.] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 13 
 
 of some point on which usage had not yet decided; and the 
 significance of such capricious decisions is as nothing compared , 
 with the slow, involuntary and unconscious changes to which the | 
 usage of language is perpetually exposed. The real reason for 1 
 the variability of usage is to be sought only in regular linguistic \ 
 activity. From this all voluntary influence on usage is excluded. 
 No other purpose operates in this, save that which is directed to the 
 immediate need of the moment — the intention of rendering one's 
 wishes and thoughts intelligible to others. For the rest, purpose ' 
 plays in the development of language no other part than that 
 assigned to it by Darwin in the development of organic nature, — 
 the greater or lesser fitness of the forms which arise is decisive 
 for their survival or disappearance. 
 
 21. If usage is displaced by linguistic activity without any 
 one's voluntary interference, this, of course, depends on the fact --^ 
 that usage does not perfectly dominate linguistic activity, but ' 
 always leaves a certain measure of individual freedom. The 
 part played by this individual freedom reacts on the psychical 
 organism of the speaker, though it acts as well on the organism 
 of the hearer. The result of the sum of a series of such displace- 
 ments in the single organisms, assuming that these displace- 
 ments tend in one direction, is a displacement of usage. A 
 new usage forms from what was in its origin individual only, 
 and this, in certain cases, succeeds in expelling the other. Side 
 by side with this we find a quantity of similar displacements 
 in the single organisms which have no such thorough-going 
 success, simply because they do not mutually support each 
 
 other. 
 
 22. The result of this is that all the doctrine of the principles of 
 the history of language centres round the question. What is the \. 
 relation between linguistic usage and individual linguistic activity? j 
 
14 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 How is the latter defined by the former, and how does this con- 
 versely react on it ? ^ 
 Language 23. It must, then, be our object to bring under the head of com- 
 
 develoijs by 
 
 Gradations, mon Categories the different changes of usage which occur in the 
 development of language, and to examine each single category 
 according to its growth and the different stages of its development. 
 To arrive at this goal we must confine ourselves to the cases in 
 which these stages of development display themselves to us with 
 the greatest possible fulness and precision. It thus happens that, 
 generally speaking, modern periods of language afford us the 
 most useful materials. But even the smallest variation in usage 
 is already a complicated process, which we do not comprehend 
 without taking count of individual modifications of usage. Where 
 ordinary grammar makes it its business to divide or to draw lines 
 of demarcation, we must exert ourselves to detect every possible 
 intermediate step and connecting process. 
 
 24. A graduated development is possible in every department 
 of the life of language. This gentle graduation manifests itself on 
 one side in the modifications undergone by individual languages ; 
 on the other, in the relations borne by individual languages to each 
 other. The object of this work is to manifest this in detail. It is 
 well to point out at once in this place, that the single individual 
 may possibly have, with reference to the linguistic material of the 
 linguistic community of which he is a member, a relation partly 
 
 ' It is hence clear that philology and linguistic science must not define their 
 several territories in such a way that the one might properly concern itself with merely 
 the finished results of the other. The only tenable distinction between linguistic science 
 and philological handling of language would be this, that the former deals with the 
 general and pennanent facts of speech, the latter with their individual application. Yet 
 the work of an author cannot be properly estimated without a just view of the relation of 
 his productions to the whole complex of his linguistic perceptions, and of the relation of 
 this complex to general usage. And conversely, the modification of usage cannot be 
 understood without a study of individual speech. For the rest I refer to Brugmann, Zum 
 heutigen Stand der Sprachwissenschaft, p. i sq. 
 
I-] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 IS 
 
 active, partly only passive — i.e. he does not himself employ all that 
 he hears and understands. Besides, we must notice that, of the i 
 linguistic material employed by many individuals conjointly, one j 
 prefers one part, another prefers another. It is on this that the 
 variation mainly depends, even between the individual languages/ 
 which stand nearest to each other, and the possibility of a gradual 
 displacement of usage. 
 
 25. The changes in language fulfil themselves in the individual, 
 partly through his spontaneous activity, by means of speaking \ 
 and thinking in the forms of language, and partly through 
 the influence which each individual receives from others. A \ 
 change in linguistic usage can hardly be brought about without j 
 the co-operation of both. The individual always remains exposed 
 to lasting influences from others, even when he has thoroughly 
 absorbed what is the common usage of language. But the main 
 period for the exercise of such influence is the time of the first 
 acquisition — of the learning of language. This is in principle not to 
 be separated from any other kind of influence ; and it, generally 
 speaking, follows in the same way ; and it cannot be said that 
 there is in the life of any individual a particular point after which 
 we could reasonably maintain that the power of acquiring language 
 is excluded. But the difference in different stages is, after all, 
 very great. It is quite clear that the processes in the course of 
 learning language are of the highest importance for the explanation i 
 of the variations in the usages of language — that they afford the 
 weightiest reason for these variations. If we compare two epochs 
 divided by a long space of time from each other, and say that the 
 language has changed in such and such points, we are not describing 
 the true state of matters : the case stands rather thus— the language 
 has undergone a new creation ; and the new creation is not quite 
 identical with the former, which has now perished and disappeared. 
 
i6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ckKificatioa 26. In the classification of the changes in the usage of language we 
 
 Changes. , _ . , , , 
 
 may proceed from various pomts of view. There is one important 
 difference of general application which should be noted. The 
 processes may be either positive or negative — i.e. they consist either 
 I in the creation of what is new, or in the disappearance of what is 
 old ; or, in the third place, they consist in a replacement — i.e. the 
 disappearance of the old and the appearance of the new are 
 due to the same act. The last is exclusively the case in sound- 
 change. The semblance of this displacement shows itself in other 
 departments as well. The semblance is occasioned by the fact 
 that the intermediate stages are disregarded, an appreciation of 
 which would show that in truth we have to deal with a succession 
 af positive and negative processes. The negative processes always 
 ■est on the fact that in the language of the younger generation 
 something has not been created afresh which was in existence in 
 ;he language of previous ones ; thus, to speak accurately, it is not 
 with negative processes, but with the non^^ccurrence of processes 
 that we have to deal. But this non-occurrence must be con- 
 ditioned by the fact that what later disappears altogether has 
 already become a rarity in the case of the older generation: 
 1 generation, which has a merely passive relation to it, inter- 
 venes between one with an active relation and one with none 
 it all. 
 
 2;. On the other hand, the changes in usage might be classified 
 vith respect to whether sounds or the signification were affected. 
 Thus we meet at once with processes affecting the sounds without 
 he signification coming into consideration at all; and we meet 
 irith processes affecting the signification without the sounds being 
 imilarly affected— z>. we thus obtain the two categories of sound- 
 h.ange, and of change in signification. Every change in meaning 
 iresupposes that the group of ideas which has reference to the 
 
I.] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 17 
 
 distribution of sounds is felt as identical ; and in the same way 
 every change of sound presupposes that the signification has 
 remained unchanged. This does not, of course, exclude the pos- 
 sibility of change occurring in the sound as well as in the meaning. 
 But the two processes do not stand in any relation of cause and 
 effect with each other ; the one is in no way conditioned by the 
 other, nor are both the result of the same cause. In the case of 
 other changes the distribution of sounds and signification together 
 comes into consideration. Under this head we may at once class 
 the very primitive combination of sound and meaning, which 
 we may designate as 'original creation.' It is, of course, with 
 this that the development of language began, and no other pro- 
 cesses are possible excepting on the basis of what this original 
 creation has produced. Under the same head, however, will 
 come different processes which have this in common, that the 
 sound-elements of language already existing enter into new com- 
 binations on the basis of the signification they have received. 
 The most powerful factor in this process is analogy, which plays 
 indeed a certain part in the department of pure sound, but finds 
 its main scope where signification co-operates with it as well. 
 
 28. If our method of observation be correctly carried out, it will 
 follow that its general results will be applicable to all languages 
 and to all stages of their development ; and, indeed, generally 
 speaking, to the first beginnings of language. The question as to 
 the origin of language can only be answered on the basis of the 
 doctrine of principles. There are no other means of answering the 
 question. We are unable to give a historical picture of the origins 
 of language on the basis of tradition. The only question that we 
 can answer is, How was the origin of language possible? This 
 question can only be satisfactorily answered if we succeed in 
 deducing the origin of language exclusively from the activity of 
 
 B 
 
l8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 those factors which we still see in activity in the further development 
 of language. Besides, no tenable contrast can be drawn between 
 original creation of language and its mere further development. 
 As soon as the first start has been made, we have language and its 
 further development. There exist merely graduated differences 
 between the first origins of language and later epochs. 
 Grammar 2Q. There is One point to which attention must be drawn. In 
 
 ^d Logic. ^ 
 
 their opposition to the former customary method of dealing with 
 language, in which all grammatical relations were simply derived 
 from logical relations, some have gone so far as to wish to exclude 
 those logical relations which find no expression in grammatical 
 form. This is not to be approved of For, necessary as it is to 
 mark the difference between logical and grammatical categories, 
 it is equally necessary on the other side to define the relations of 
 either to the other. Grammar and logic do not coincide, because 
 the formation and application of language does not proceed on 
 the basis of strict logical inquiry, but by the natural and untrained 
 movement of the groups of ideas, which either follows or not the 
 agency of laws more or less logical according to the natural or 
 acquired capacity of each individual. But the linguistic form of 
 the expression does not always tally with the true movement of 
 the groups of ideas with their now greater, now less, logical con- 
 sistency. Besides this, psychplogical and grammatical categories 
 do not cover the same ground. It follows from this that the 
 philologist must keep the two apart ; but it does not follow that 
 in analysing human utterances he is at liberty to disregard 
 psychical processes which fulfil themselves in speaking and hearing, 
 without, however, manifesting themselves in linguistic expression. 
 30. It is not until he has made a full consideration of what does 
 not indeed actually lie in the elements of which individual utterances 
 are composed, but which the speaker still has before his mind, 
 
I.] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 19 
 
 and which is understood by the hearer, that the philologist can 
 arrive at an acquaintance with the origin and transformations of 
 linguistic forms of expression. Whoever considers grammatical 
 forms as merely isolated, without marking their relation to indi- 
 vidual mental activity, can never arrive at an understanding of the 
 development of language. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 
 Analogies T T is' established past all doubt by Comparative Philology 
 
 from Organic ■ 
 
 I 
 
 Nature. _|^ ^j^^(. several different languages have often developed out 
 of a single essentially uniform language, and that these again 
 have not remained uniform, but have split up into a series of 
 dialects. It would be natural to expect that the observation of 
 this process would, more than any other possible circumstance, 
 force on our notice analogies which might be drawn from organic 
 nature. It is surprising that Darwinian philologists have not 
 specially thrown themselves into this view. The parallel, when not 
 pressed beyond fixed limits, is indeed justifiable, and instructive as 
 well. If we would carry the comparison out, we must compare the 
 language of the individual — in other words, the entire materials of 
 language of which he disposes — with the individual animal or plant ; 
 and the dialects, languages, families of language, etc., with the 
 species, genera, classes, etc., of the animal and vegetable world. 
 
 32. There is another important point in which it is of moment 
 to recognise the absolute justice of the parallel. The great revolu- 
 tion through which zoology has passed in modern times depends to 
 a great extent upon the recognition of the fact that nothing has a 
 real existence except single individuals — that the families, genera, 
 and classes are nothing but comprehensions and divisions formed 
 
 by human understanding, which may result according to individual 
 
 20 
 
Ch. II.] THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 21 
 
 caprice ; that divisions between species and those between indi- 
 viduals differ not in essence, but only in degree. In judging of 
 dialectic differences we must put ourselves on a similar basis : we 
 have, strictly speaking, to differentiate as many languages as there } 
 are individuals. If we comprehend the languages of a definite 
 number of individuals in one group, and exclude those of other 
 individuals as contrasted with this group, we abstract in this 
 process on each occasion something from certain differences while 
 we set value upon others. Thus some room is always left for 
 arbitrary arrangement. We have no right to start by assuming 
 that individual languages, speaking generally, must admit of being 
 brought under a classified system. We must be prepared to find 
 that into however many groups we may divide languages, there 
 will always remain a number of individuals which we shall be 
 uncertain to ascribe to one or to the other of two nearly related 
 groups. And the same dilemma becomes really formidable when 
 we try to combine the smaller groups into larger, and to mark 
 , these sharply off from each other. A sharp and well-marked 
 division is not possible until the community of intercourse has 
 been broken off for several generations in succession. 
 
 33. If, then, we speak of the severing of an originally uniform 
 language into different dialects, the phrase expresses but ill the 
 true nature of the process. The truth is that at any given moment 
 within any given community there are as many dialects spoken 
 as there are individual speakers ; and, what is more, dialects 
 each having its own historical development, and each being in a 
 state of perpetual change. Severance into dialects means really 
 nothing more than the growth of individual variations beyond 
 a particular limit. 
 
 34. Another point in which we may establish a parallel is this 
 —the development of an individual animal depends on two factors. 
 
22 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 On the one side it is conditioned by the nature of its parents, 
 whereby it receives a definite impulse imparted by inheritance ; on 
 the other side we have to set the chance effects of climate, food, 
 way of hfe, etc., to which each individual is exposed in its own 
 existence. One of these entails an essential resemblance to the 
 parents ; the other the possibility of a certain departure from this 
 within definite limits. And thus the language of each individual 
 shapes itself on one side according to the influences of the 
 languages of the several companions with whom he holds com- 
 merce, which, from our point of view, we may regard as the 
 progenitors of his own ; on the other side, according to peculi- 
 arities wholly independent of these, and the special motives 
 supplied by his spiritual and bodily nature. Here, too, we find 
 agreement in this respect — that the first-named factor is always by 
 far the more powerful of the two. A violent change in the type is 
 not manifest till after a lapse of time, and is only produced by the 
 fact that each modification of the nature of the individual, which 
 varies from- the original drift imparted to it, aids in imparting the 
 drift to the following generation. It is just so in the history of 
 language. We may further make this statement about language 
 as about every animal organism : the lower the grade of develop- 
 ment, the stronger will be the second factor in comparison with 
 the first. 
 
 35- On the other hand, we must not overlook the great differ- 
 ences which exist between linguistic and organic generation. In 
 the latter the direct effect of the parent ceases at a definite point ; 
 after this we have merely the tendency imparted, which operates 
 afterwards. In the generation of the language of an individual, 
 the surrounding languages maintain their share till his end, though 
 it may be true that their influences are most powerful in the earliest 
 childhood of the language in question, and grow weaker and weaker 
 
II.] THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 23 
 
 the more this grows and gains strength. The generation of an 
 animal organism is due to an individual or to a pair. In the 
 generation of the language of an individual, the languages of a 
 great quantity of other individuals are concerned ; in fact, of all 
 with whom he has in the course of his life come into linguistic 
 contact, though, of course, in different degrees. And, what makes 
 the matter more complicated still in this process of generation, 
 it may happen that the different individual languages may be 
 active and passive at once in their relations to each other ; the 
 parents may be the children of their own children. Finally, we 
 must remark that, even if we speak of the language of an in- 
 dividual, we have to deal not with a concrete being, but with an 
 abst ractio n, except when we understand by the expression the 
 entirety of the groups of ideas combined in the mind, with their 
 manifold and complicated relations, all depending upon linguistic 
 activity. 
 
 36. It is by intercourse, and nothing else, that the language of \ 
 the individual is generated. The family origin claims our notice 
 only as far as it influences the physical and mental capacity of the 
 single individual. This, as has been remarked, is no doubt a 
 factor in the form taken by language, but a very secondary one 
 as compared with the iniluences of direct communication. 
 
 ^7. If we start from the undeniable truth that each individual statement of 
 
 01 • ' the Problem. 
 
 has his or her own language, and that each such language has its 
 own history, the problem is not so much how from a language 
 essentially uniform different dialects arise — the rise of variations 
 seems a mere matter of course. The problem which challenges 
 solution is this : How comes it that while the language of each 
 individual has its own special history, this degree of agreement — j 
 be it greater or less — maintains itself within this miscellaneously ,' 
 constituted group of individuals ? 
 
24 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Linguistic 38. The increase of dialectic varieties depends, of course, on 
 
 Change and 
 
 Uon°™''*' ^^^ cliange in linguistic usage. The more violent the change, the 
 greater the opportunity afforded for the growth of variations. But 
 the degree of this growth is not conditioned merely by the violence 
 of the change, for no change necessarily entails a lasting differen- 
 tiation ; and the circumstances which operate towards the main- 
 tenance of the agreement, or towards the speedy restoration thereof, 
 may exist in very different degrees. 
 
 39. The life of a language cannot be conceived of apart from 
 continuous differentiation. If it were conceivable that in one 
 linguistic centre every individual language were absolutely iden- 
 tical, in the very next moment the impulse would be given for the 
 formation of varieties among them. The spontaneous develop- 
 ment of each individual must strike out a particular path, according 
 to peculiarities in the natural bent and experiences of the being 
 who serves as its vehicle, and the circumstances of his life. The 
 ! influence exercised by or upon the single individual never extends 
 to more than a fraction of the whole, and within this fraction we 
 find important graduated . variations. Correspondingly, no doubt, 
 / there is a continuous tendency to cancel the differentiations which 
 have appeared — a tendency operating thus : departures from a 
 former usage are either rejected or are transferred to individuals 
 who have never developed them spontaneously. This process 
 of cancelling, however, is never quite perfect. It only becomes 
 approximately so within a circle in which a continuous inter- 
 change of communication takes place. The less active the inter- 
 course the more differences arise, and are maintained. The possi- 
 bility of differentiation goes still further if all direct communication 
 has ceased, and there is only an indirect connexion by means of 
 • connecting links. 
 
 States of 40. If the activity of intercourse were perfectly uniform in 
 
 Intercourse, 
 
IL] THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 25 
 
 degree at all points in one linguistic centre, we should have nothing 
 but individual languages, of which those which stood in close con- 
 nexion with each other would differ in each case from each other 
 but slightly, while between the furthest points of contrast strongly- 
 marked differences might have arisen. It would then be impossible 
 to comprise a number of individual languages in a single group 
 which we might set over as a whole, perfect in itself, against any 
 other such comprehension. Each individual language would 
 necessarily be apprehended as a connecting link between several 
 others. But such a state of matters has nowhere existed, and 
 never does exist in fact. It would be conceivable only if no 
 natural boundaries existed, no political and religious unions — if, 
 let us say, the whole people lived in a plain without any large river, 
 in isolated houses, at approximately identical distances from each 
 other, without any central place of assembly. Even under these 
 circumstances the process of grouping into family languages would 
 take place, But in reality, we find either a collective life as in 
 towns and villages, or perhaps, in the case of nomadic tribes, in 
 hordes ; or, where the system of isolated homesteads prevails, we 
 find at least smaller or greater political and religious unions with 
 places of assembly. In mountainous countries single valleys are 
 more or less completely shut off from each other. Islands are 
 divided by the sea. Even where no such barriers exist, unculti- 
 vated stretches of land, woods, moors, swamps, etc., lie between the 
 single settlements. Individual languages, therefore, are driven to 
 form groups according to the natural environing circumstances 
 which determine the relations between them, as well as according 
 to their political and religious circumstances. These groups are, 
 comparatively speaking, uniform, and are sharply marked off from 
 others outside of them. Thus, such groups are in the first instance 
 formed by the smallest unions— by single townships. Where the 
 
26 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 inhabitants of the place live together, each single individual will 
 stand nearer to the other than to those who belong to another 
 place. It is thus possible for a real border to form here — a 
 boundary-line not obscured by any connecting grades. Under no 
 other circumstances can variations, at once plainly marked and 
 enduring, take their rise, such as cannot maintain themselves, 
 at least permanently, between inhabitants of the same place. 
 As long, however, as neighbouring places keep up a vigorous 
 communication with each other, it may also be that no plainly 
 marked and enduring difference arises between them ; in any 
 case the differences will remain comparatively insignificant. If 
 we, however, endeavour to group round each local dialect such 
 local dialects as are in lively intercourse with it, we shall find as 
 a result a quantity of groups which reciprocally intersect each 
 other. It is possible that the process of grouping may have a 
 slightly different result for each single place. Places may be 
 added or subtracted, and the communication may be to some 
 extent modified with respect to those which remain. 
 Individual 41- Evcry change in linguistic usage is a product, on the one 
 
 Md'socSi side, of the spontaneous impulses of single individuals, and on the 
 n uence. Qj-j^gj. ^f ^j^g couditions of intercourse above described. In cases 
 where a spontaneous tendency is diffused evenly over an entire 
 linguistic area, affecting the majority of the speakers, it will be found 
 to affect the generality in a comparatively short time. It may be, 
 however, that in different divisions this impulse is distributed with 
 different strength. Under such circumstances, in districts lying far 
 from each other, and connected by no communication, the cancelling, 
 as far as it is necessary, must conduce to different results. Between 
 these the strife will continue to rage, and will not be easily settled, 
 because one side has a more vigorous influence upon one part, the 
 other side on the other. This ' no man's land ' forms a boundary 
 
27 
 
 II.] THE DIFFERENTIA TION OF LA NG UA GE. 
 
 wall through which the influences cannot pass from one side to the 
 other, or only when so weakened as to be practically ineffective. 
 
 42. A border-land like this must be forthcoming, if the continuity 
 of the communication through the whole linguistic area were uniform 
 — if no bars were placed to free communication by distance 
 in space, by natural obstacles, or by political border-lines. As 
 the reciprocal influence of areas divided by such barriers is reduced 
 to a small proportion, distinct limits may also form for dialectic 
 peculiarities. An entire cessation of intercourse is not necessary 
 for the purpose. It need necessarily be only so weak that it 
 remains irieffectual without a certain degree of spontaneous re- 
 ciprocity. Thus it is, too, that a dialectic frontier which has 
 long existed may be gradually again removed if the spontaneous 
 reciprocity, which was at first wanting, manifests itself later, or if, 
 again, similar circumstances proceed from different sides. 
 
 43. Each linguistic change, and, further, the origin of every Mutual 
 linguistic peculiarity, has its own special history. The limit which denceoT 
 marks the prevalence of one is not decisive for the limit of the entiation."' 
 other. Were the relative activity of intercourse alone decisive, no 
 doubt the borders of the different dialectic peculiarities would 
 necessarily coincide absolutely. But the spontaneous tendencies 
 
 to change may distribute themselves in a fashion essentially dif- 
 ferent, and the result of the reciprocal power of influence must 
 accommodate itself to this. If, for instance, a linguistic area 
 divides itself in respect of a dialectical difference into the groups 
 a and b, it may happen, and, in fact, will often do so, that a 
 division made in respect of another peculiarity coincides with it ; 
 but it may also happen that a part of a unites with b, or vice 
 versa ; or even a part of a and b may conceivably stand in contrast 
 to another part of a and b. 
 
 44. If, therefore, we draw border-lines for all the dialectic 
 
28 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 "Ta G^n^^ varieties which may occur in one continuous linguistic area, we get 
 logical Tree ^ ygj-y. complicated system of manifold lines crossing each other. 
 
 inadequate. J r j o 
 
 A neat partition into main groups, which we might divide again 
 into so many sub-groups, is not possible. The simile of a 
 genealogical tree, commonly adopted to enable learners to appre- 
 hend the facts, is always inexact. We can only employ this by 
 voluntarily seizing on certain differences as essential, and by 
 overlooking others. If the prominent characteristics are actually 
 seized upon, we cannot perhaps deny that a genealogical tree may 
 aid us to realise the actual circumstances, only we must beware 
 of encouraging the delusion that an exact representation of the 
 facts is thereby given. 
 
 45. The difficulty of representing the facts by means of a genea- 
 logical tree is enhanced if we endeavour, by its means, to give the 
 chronology of each development, as is natural for a genealogy 
 to do. 
 
 46. Since communication and the power of reciprocally influ- 
 encing each other, as between neighbouring districts, has not been 
 abolished by the appearance of certain differences, should changes 
 set in at a later period, the development may still be a common 
 one. Thus changes may make their way in an entire linguistic 
 area after it has been already strongly differentiated, or they may 
 set in in several parts already characterised by peculiarities. Thus, 
 for instance, the lengthening of the short root vowels {cf. MHG. 
 lesen, geben, reden, etc.) is, in the case of the Low and Middle 
 German dialects, carried out in an essentially uniform manner, 
 whilst many older changes have attained a much less extent. 
 We must keep this always before us in our consideration of the 
 older linguistic periods, which we are enabled to endeavour to 
 picture to ourselves by inferences alone. We are too much 
 accustomed to consider all such changes of an original condition of 
 
II.] THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 29 
 
 language as pervade an entire area as older than such as are con- 
 fined to single portions of this area : and from this point of view 
 we assume something like a common European period, a Slavo- 
 Germanic, a Slavo-Lettic, an original Teutonic, an East and West 
 German original language. Certainly it is not to be disputed that, 
 commonly speaking, the wider extent of a linguistic peculiarity 
 justifies the assumption of its higher age, but nothing more than a 
 mere assumption. Further, besides the cases in which we can 
 positively prove it, there will be various others in which the more 
 widely diffused change is more recent than that which is confined 
 to a more limited area. 
 
 47. It likewise does not always follow that the peculiarities which 
 seem most striking are necessarily the oldest. The fashion now in 
 vogue, of dividing German into the three main heads of Upper, 
 Middle, and Low German, depends upon the conditions of sound- 
 change. This change probably did not set in before the seventh 
 century A.D., and continued to operate till the ninth, and indeed in 
 certain points even longer. But actually before this date striking 
 differences were in existence which are thrown into obscurity by 
 the present classification. For instance, under the head of Low 
 German, three not unessentially different groups are comprised — the 
 Frisian, the Saxon, and a part of the Franconian ; the Franconian 
 is divided between Low and Middle German. 
 
 48. Further, we cannot lay it down as a principle of universal 
 application, that the groups which have earliest begun to differ- 
 entiate themselves as against each other must therefore be most 
 strongly differentiated, or, conversely, that in the case of the most! 
 strongly differentiated groups the differentiation must have begun; 
 earliest. The degree in which communication is maintained may 
 change. The geographical position of the groups in reference to 
 each other may alter. Even apart from this, spontaneous agree- 
 
30 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ment may cause new changes to make their way past older 
 limits, while they themselves perhaps find a limit where before 
 none existed. Or it may be that a special district, whose develop- 
 ment has been essentially identical with that of an adjoining one, 
 while differing from all the others, is affected by specially violent 
 changes, while the district which hitherto has followed the same 
 track remains with the rest in the earlier stage. 
 Dialectical 49. Sincc the levelling effect of communication forbids the 
 
 Divisions 
 
 graduated. Operation of too violent changes between districts closely situated 
 which enjoy a regular communication, each small group shows 
 an intermediate stage between the groups which bound it on 
 different sides. It is a false idea, which is still very prevalent, 
 that intermediate stages owe their origin to a secondary contact 
 between two dialects hitherto separated. We cannot, of course, 
 maintain that such has never been the case. A transitional stage 
 may be formed by a group, either by the fact that it represents the 
 actual connecting link between two distinct formations already 
 existing in neighbouring groups, or that it represents them side 
 by side, or by the fact that it has certain dialectic peculiarities in 
 common with one group and another set with the other. When 
 the relations of dialects stand thus with respect to each other, 
 the mutual understanding between neighbouring districts need 
 never be stayed, because the divergences are too trivial, and 
 because people accustom themselves to these too easily ; and 
 there may thus nevertheless exist differences between those more 
 remote which make mutual understanding impossible. 
 
 50. This relation can be observed in the most widely differing 
 languages. It is specially obvious in German. A Swiss finds it 
 impossible to understand a Holsteiner — nay, even a Hessian or 
 a Bavarian, and yet he is indirectly connected with these by 
 unchecked streams of communication. The gradual shading of! 
 
II.] THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 31 
 
 of the German dialects on a large scale may be seen to great 
 advantage in the so-called High German process of sound- 
 shifting.^ The same process of gradual shading off can be easily- 
 observed by a casual examination of Firmenich, Germaniens volker- 
 stimmen. A clearer idea still of the wonderful multiplicity of 
 this shading-off process may be obtained by the Atlas of Lan- 
 guages prepared by G. Wenker. The circumstances are much 
 the same not merely within the single Romance languages, but 
 actually within the entire Romance linguistic territory. The 
 territories of the separate nations are to be defined with any 
 accuracy by the written languages, and by these alone, and not by 
 the dialects. Thus, for instance, the North Italian dialects have 
 some very important peculiarities in common with the French ; 
 and are nearer the neighbouring dialects of France than to the 
 Italian written language or the dialect of Tuscany. The Gascon 
 dialect again in many respects is the transition stage from the 
 Provengal (South French) to the Spanish ; the Sardinian shows the 
 transition step from the Italian to the Spanish, etc. 
 
 51. This sketch of the development of languages presupposes 
 that the individuals are settled. Each change of an individual — still 
 more so, of groups of individuals — produces modifications which we 
 have to treat in Chapter XXII. as mixtures. The existence of a 
 written language operates equally as a moderating factor ; of which 
 we shall have to speak in Chapter XXIII. 
 
 52. The case may also, of course, present itself that the com- 1=?^^'^™°' 
 munication between the several parts of a linguistic community is 
 completely broken by strongly marked natural or political limits, 
 
 by the emigration of one part, by the interposition of a foreign 
 
 people, etc. From this moment the language of each single part 
 
 develops itself likewise independently, and violent contrasts arise 
 
 1 Cf. Braune, Beitrdge, i. p. I sqq-, and Nbrrenberg, ib. ix. p. 371 sqq. 
 
32 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LAGNUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 without transition stages to connect them. It thus happens that 
 several independent languages arise out of one, and this process 
 may repeat itself several' times. 
 
 S3. It is scarcely conceivable that no noteworthy changes should 
 have occurred through the whole linguistic territory down to the 
 moment when such a division of a single speech into several has 
 taken place. It is inconceivable that a language should exist 
 ranging over a fairly wide district, and having a fairly long 
 development behind it, without some dialectic variations. We 
 must therefore regard, as a rule, the independent languages which 
 have developed out of a common original language as continua- 
 tions of the dialects of the original language ; and we may assume 
 that a part of the differences prevailing between them dates 
 back to the period of their continuous connexion. The same 
 would hold true of this part as holds true, generally speaking, 
 with respect to dialectic differences in an unbroken linguistic 
 area. It might therefore happen, if we designate the dialects 
 which have developed into independent languages by the letters 
 of the alphabet, that a might have something in common with 
 b in contrast to c and d, something else in common with e in con- 
 trast to b and d, and again something else with d in contrast to 
 b and c, etc. ; and these agreements might rest upon a real causal 
 connexion. From this point of view the relations of the Indo- 
 European families of language, for instance, ought to be regarded. 
 But in single cases it is hard to decide whether reciprocal influ- 
 ence has really and truly contributed to the agreement in the 
 development. The impossibility of a coincidence even in the 
 case of quite independent development can hardly ever be proved. 
 
 54. The separation, further, need not necessarily tally with 
 ancient dialectic limits, and particularly not when it is caused by 
 migration. It is possible for a portion of a group which agrees 
 
II.] THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 33 
 
 in the most essential points to separate, while the other portion 
 remains in connexion with the other groups which are further 
 removed from it. It is possible again for portions of different 
 groups to detach themselves at once. For instance, Anglo-Saxon 
 is originally closely connected with Frisian, — indeed, it seems 
 improbable that it ever existed on the Continent as a separate 
 dialect ; but it seems to have owed its origin to the time when 
 Frisian hordes broke from their homes, and united with them- 
 selves certain elements of other Teutonic stocks. But Anglo- 
 Saxon then received its own special development, while the Frisian 
 has remained connected with other German dialects. There is a 
 sharply-defined limit between English and German, while no such 
 limit exists between Frisian and Low Saxon. 
 
 55. The character of the sounds remains, and always must The Essen- 
 
 ■ ■ r • 1 1 ■ 1 • 1 ■ -1 ''''' Mark ol 
 
 remain, the characteristic factor in the dialectic distribution of a Dialect us 
 
 .11 • t /Tti r 1 • . 1 . 1 Sounds. 
 
 a district linguistically united. The reason of this is that in their 
 formation everything depends upon the direct influence gained by 
 immediate personal intercourse. Vocabulary and signification, 
 the formal and syntactical parts of language, may be transferred 
 without difficulty. Whatever has here arisen that is new may \ 
 wander far and wide without any essential alteration, supposing 
 that it strikes a responsive chord. But sound, as we shall see in 
 the following chapter, is never exactly handed on as it is received. 
 Where a wide gulf exists, the influencing power in regard to 
 changes of sound entirely ceases. Here then far more violent 
 differences develop themselves than in the case of the vocabulary, 
 inflexions and syntax, and these diiferences pass more uniformly 
 through long spaces of time than in the case of sounds. On the 
 other hand, if a real severance of language has set in, the differences 
 between the different languages may make themselves felt as 
 characteristically in other departments as in that of sound. 
 
 C 
 
34 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Technical II ^6. The Icast characteristic feature in language is the voca- 
 
 and Poetic I ! & & 
 
 Language, jjjulary and its application. In this case, more than in any other, 
 We find elements transferred from one dialect into another, just 
 as we do.. from one language into another. In this case there 
 are more individual variations than in any other. Nay, differences 
 may actually occur here which have nothing to do with dialectic 
 differences, and which even cross with these and interpenetrate 
 them. In each higher stage of culture, technical expressions arise 
 for the different trades, arts, and sciences, which, mainly or indeed 
 exclusively employed by one particular professional class, are 
 hardly understood, or not understood at all, by others. In the 
 case of the formation of such technical languages, similar relations 
 are observed as in the case of the rise of dialects. Under this 
 head will come also the difference between the language of poetry 
 and that of prose, which likewise extends to what is formal and 
 syntactical in language. Peculiar circumstances in the case of 
 ancient Greece actually led to a purposely artificial employment 
 of differences of sounds. There may, however, be such a thing 
 as a poetical language (and this is the most common case), which 
 in the most different dialectical combinations of sound contrasts 
 uniformly with the language of prose. 
 
 57. All natural development oflanguage conduces to a continual 
 unbounded growth of dialectic differences. The reasons which 
 impel to this are given with the common conditions of the life of 
 language, and are completely inseparable from these. The idea 
 is unfortunately still met with in philological works which 
 enjoy a high reputation, that the earlier centrifugal movement, by 
 the operation of which dialects were said to have arisen, was 
 counteracted in a higher stage of culture in a time of more lively 
 intercourse, by a backward ' centripetal impulse. This idea rests 
 upon imperfect observation. The formation of a common language. 
 
II.] THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. 35 
 
 which writers have in view when using this language, does not 
 come about by a gradual assimilation of the dialects to each other. 
 The common language does not . proceed from the single dialects 
 by the same process as that by which a later form of the dialect 
 arose from a previous one. It is rather a foreign idiom to which 
 the dialect is sacrificed. On this head more will be said in Chapter 
 XXIII. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 The Active T j^ order to understand the phenomenon which we usually 
 
 Factors in I 
 
 thcproduc- J|_ designate as sound-change, we must get a clear idea of the 
 Sound. physical and psychical processes which operate in the production 
 of groups of sound. If we disregard — as in this case we ought, and 
 indeed must do — the function which these subserve, the following 
 points challenge our consideration : — In the first place, the move- 
 ■■ ments of the organs of language, as originated by the excite- 
 ment of the motor nerves, and the muscular activity thereby 
 awakened ; secondly, the series of sensations by which these 
 movements are necessarily accompanied — the ' motory sensation ' 
 {bewegungs-gefiihl, as Lotze and, following him, Steinthal have 
 named it) ; thirdly, the sensations of tone produced in the hearers, 
 among whom, under normal circumstances, the speaker himself 
 must be reckoned. These sensations are, of course, not merely 
 physiological processes, but psychological as well. Even after 
 the physical excitement has passed away, these sensations leave 
 a lasting psychical effect, viz., in the shape of memory-pictures, 
 which are of the greatest importance for sound-change. For these 
 are the only means of connecting the single physiological pro- 
 cesses, and these set up a connexion of cause and effect between 
 the earlier and later production of the same combination of sounds. 
 The memory-picture left behind by the sensation of the move- 
 
 1 See his Medicinische Psychologie (1852), § 26, p. 304 ; also his Metaphysik, ii. p. 
 586, sqq. For motory sensation, see G. E. Miiller Zmc grundlegung der psychophysik, 
 g iio-ii:, and A. Strumpell in Archiv fur klinische Medicin, xxii. p. 321, sqq. Wundt 
 employs the expression ' innervation '. 
 
Ch. III.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 37 
 
 ments carried out before is that which renders possible the repro- 
 duction of similar movements. Motory and sound sensations 
 need necessarily stand in no intimate connexion with each other. 
 But both enter into an external association, since the speaker hears 
 himself speaking at the same time. The mere act of listening to 
 others gives no motory sensation, and thus gives no capacity of 
 reproducing the combination of sounds once heard. For this 
 reason, an effort and a certain amount of practice is necessary, in 
 order to enable us to reproduce in speaking any sound which we 
 have not been hitherto accustomed to utter. 
 
 59. The question naturally presents itself — What is the sught con- 
 sciousness of 
 analysis of the motory and sound sensations respectively, and to the Element 
 
 of a Word. 
 
 what grade are the special factors in their analysis consciously 
 perceived ? Probably nothing has hindered a correct appreciation 
 of the nature of sound-change so much as the fact that the extent 
 and the distinctness of consciousness in this subject has been over- 
 rated. It is a great mistake to suppose that for the apprehension 
 of the right sound of any word in its peculiarity — in fact, for the 
 possibility of an excitement of the ideas bound up with it — the 
 single sounds composing the word need come into consciousness 
 at all. Indeed, it is not always indispensable to the apprehension 
 of an entire sentence that even the single words composing it 
 should come into consciousness according to their sound and their 
 signification. The self-deception under which grammarians labour 
 depends on their having regarded the word not as a portion of the 
 living language — audible for a moment, and then passing away — 
 but as something independent to be analysed at leisure, with a 
 view to its leisurely dismemberment. A further source of deception 
 lies in the habit of starting not from the spoken, but from the 
 written word. In writing, no doubt, the word seems separated into 
 its elements, and it may appear requisite that every one who writes 
 
38 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 should presuppose this dismemberment. But in real truth the 
 matter is somewhat different. No doubt when writing was dis- 
 covered, and each time that it was applied afresh to a language not 
 hitherto expressed by its aid, such dismemberment must necessarily 
 have been presupposed. Further, it must continuously happen that 
 each time that handwriting is learned anew, an exercise in the 
 spelling of spoken words must go hand in hand with it. But after 
 a certain facility has been attained, the process in writing is not 
 exactly in the first place the dismemberment of each word into its 
 single component sounds, and then for each single sound the setting 
 down of its proper letter. The speed with which the process is 
 carried out excludes the possibility of the single factors coming 
 clearly into consciousness, and demonstrates at the same time that 
 it is unnecessary that they should do so for a regular and normal 
 course. But a really abbreviated process comes in, whereby writing 
 is to some extent emancipated from language — a process which we 
 shall on a later occasion have to consider rather more closely. And 
 if we observe a little more accurately the facts connected with this 
 dismembering faculty of the man who can write, it will clearly 
 force itself on our notice how little consciousness intrudes into the 
 elements of word-sound. We can daily make experience of the 
 fact that the manifold discrepancies between writing and pro- 
 nunciation pass to a great extent unheeded by the members of 
 any given linguistic community, and strike the foreigner first, 
 though he can give himself no satisfactory explanation of what 
 these discrepancies repose on. Thus every German who has not 
 enjoyed a training in the physiology of sound is convinced that he 
 writes as he speaks. Suppose, however, that he really is justified 
 in entertaining this conviction as against the Englishman and the 
 Frenchman, still, to omit niceties, there are plenty of striking 
 instances in which the pronunciation differs greatly from the 
 
in.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 39 
 
 writing. It occurs to few that the final consonant in tag, feld, and 
 lieb is a different sound from that caught in tages, feldes, liebes, or 
 that the n in the German word anger represents a sound essentially 
 different from that of the n heard in land. In the common pro- 
 nunciation of ungnade we have a guttural nasal, in that of unbillick 
 a labial nasal ; but no one thinks of this. It excites actual sur- 
 prise to assert that in the German word lange, g is not heard ; that 
 in the second syllable of legen, reden, ritter, schutteln, e is not heard ; 
 that the final consonant of leben in the ordinary pronunciation 
 contains no n, but is an vt with no e preceding it. Indeed, it is safe 
 to assert that most people will dispute these facts, even after their 
 attention has been drawn to them. This holds true in many cases, 
 even of good scholars. We see from this how entirely the analysis , 
 of the word is learnt with the writing, and how small is the con- ) 
 sciousness of the actual elements of the spoken word. 
 
 60. A real analysis of the word into its proper elements is not The word a 
 
 * continuous 
 
 merely extremely difficult, but is actually impossible.* A word is Series of 
 
 infinitely 
 
 not a united compound of a definite number of independent sounds, numerous 
 of which each can be expressed by an alphabetical sign ; but it is « cf. Sweet's 
 
 Handbook 0/ 
 
 essentially a continuous series of infinitely numerous sounds, and ^^''«'*- p- 
 alphabetical symbols do no more than bring out certain character- 
 istic points of this series in an imperfect way. The remainder, 
 which remains undenoted, no doubt necessarily reveals itself from 
 the definition of these points, but reveals itself only up to a cer- 
 tain point. The continuity of sound is seen with the greatest clear- 
 ness in the case of the so-called diphthongs, which exhibit such a 
 series of very numerous elements (cf. Sievers' Phonetik, § 19, i. a). 
 Sievers was the first to expressly bring out the significance of the 
 transitional sounds. But it follows from this continuity of the 
 word that an idea of the individual parts cannot be a self-yielded 
 result, but must be the fruit of scientific reflection, however primi- 
 
40 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 tive this may be, and it is the practical need of writing to express 
 sounds which has conduced to this. 
 
 6i. What is true of the sound-picture is also naturally true of the 
 motory sensation. Indeed, we must go further in this point. No one 
 can maintain that the individual ever has any idea of the different 
 movements made by his organs in the act of speaking. It is plain 
 that these can only be ascertained after the most careful scientific 
 observation, and that scientific men are not agreed upon many 
 points in connexion with this question. Even the most superficial 
 and roughest views as to these movements are not possible without 
 a voluntary habit of careful and protracted observation. They 
 are superfluous, and not needed to produce sounds and sound- 
 groups which we are trained to produce. The process seems to 
 be the following. Each movement excites in a definite manner 
 certain sensitive nerves, and thus evokes a feeling which associates 
 itself with the direction of the movement of their centre by means 
 of the motor nerves. If this association is sufficiently established, 
 and if the memory-picture left by the feeling is sufficiently strong 
 — a condition which, as a rule, is not reached without practice 
 {i.e. without frequent repetition of the same movement, varied, it 
 may be, with many vain attempts) — then the memory-picture of 
 the sensation may have power to reproduce the "movement asso- 
 ciated therewith as its reflection ; and if the sensation called up 
 thereby corresponds with the memory-picture, then we may 
 also rest assured that we have carried out the same movement as 
 formerly. 
 
 62. But we might concede that the degree of consciousness which 
 the single factors of the sound-picture and of the motory sensation 
 attain by dint of mastery of writing, and, further, by reflection, was 
 even greater than it is ;— we might concede that an absolutely clear 
 consciousness of these elements was absolutely necessary for a 
 
III.J ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 41 
 
 mastery of the mother-tongue as of any foreign language (and 
 certainly a higher degree of clear consciousness is necessary than 
 in the application of what has been learnt by practice) ; still from 
 this it would not follow that the same degree of clearness must be 
 attained in common daily discourse. It rather lies in the nature 
 of the psychical organisation that all ideas which originally oper- 
 ated merely by consciousness receive by practice the capacity of 
 operating automatically ; and that this automatic operation is the 
 first and indispensable condition of the speedy course of ideas 
 demanded in every position of daily life and in language as well. 
 Even the professed student of the physiology of sounds will speak 
 much and hear much without a single sound revealing itself dis- 
 tinctly to his consciousness. 
 
 63. For the proper judgment, then, of the natural life of lan- 
 guage, regulated by no species of pedantry, we must cling to the 
 fundamental maxim that sounds are produced and taken cognisance 
 of without any clear consciousness. This statement contradicts all 
 such explanatory theories as presuppose in the minds of indi 
 viduals an idea of the sound-system of language; under which 
 head come several hypotheses as to the German sound-shifting 
 process. 
 
 64. On the other hand, however, the unconsciousness of the Control of 
 
 ~ Speech, 
 
 elements does not exclude an exact control over them. We may 
 utter or hear a group of sounds to which we are accustomed 
 without ever thinking that it is in fact precisely this group, made 
 up in such and such a way ; but as soon as in a single element a 
 departure from the usual is observed — which departure needs to 
 be but very slight — it is noticed, unless indeed any extraordinary 
 obstacles supervene to prevent it ; and each departure from the 
 accustomed unconscious course of ideas naturally forces itself 
 upon our consciousness. Of course it does not follow that, with 
 
42 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the consciousness of the departure, the consciousness of its nature 
 and cause is also given. 
 ■imitsto 65. The possibility of control extends as far as the power of 
 
 istinguUh- perceiving differences. This, however, is not limitless, while the 
 ]g oun s. pQggj{jjjjj.y qJ gfadual transitions in the movements of the organs 
 of speech, and of course also in the sounds produced thereby, is 
 certainly limitless. Thus, between a and i, as well as between a 
 and u, there lies an unbounded number of possible transitions of 
 vocal sound. In the same way the places of the articulation of all 
 the lingual-palatal sounds lend themselves to representation by the 
 picture of a continuous line in which each point may be the one 
 preferred. Between them and the labial sounds certainly such an 
 imperceptible transition is impossible ; still the denti-labials stand 
 in close relationship to the denti-linguals (tk,f). In the same way 
 the transition from check to fricative, and vice versa, may be gradu- 
 ally brought about ; for complete closure and the greatest possible 
 narrowing process approach each other nearly. All differences of 
 quantity, of pitch, of energy in articulation, as in expiration, are 
 conceivable in all possible transitions. And so with much besides. 
 It is this circumstance specially which renders sound-change 
 intelligible. 
 
 66. Now, if we reflect that it does not depend merely upon the 
 differences in those sounds into which we commonly, though 
 inaccurately, divide the word, but also upon the differences in the 
 transition sounds, in the accent, the time, etc. ; and further, if we 
 reflect that unequal portions may always be brought into combina- 
 tion with a series of equal portions, — it must then be clear that 
 a manifold variety, is possible in the groups of sound, and this 
 even in the case where the actual difference is comparatively 
 small. For this reason it is possible that strikingly different 
 groups may be still conceived of as essentially identical, owing to 
 
III.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 43 
 
 their, on the whole, superior resemblances ; and this is what renders 
 an understanding possible between speakers of different dialects, so 
 long as the differences do not pass beyond a certain limit. But 
 for this very reason a number of variations may cet in whose 
 difference it is hard to note, or indeed impossible, until attention 
 has been specially drawn to them. 
 
 6^. Early childhood is for every one an experimental stage, in Deviations 
 which the individual gradually learns by manifold efforts to Prescriptions 
 
 1 oftheMotorj 
 
 imitate what has been spoken before him by those who surround sensation 
 
 iucvitable> 
 
 him. When the greatest amount of success has crowned his 
 efforts a period of comparative rest ensues. The former important 
 vacillations cease, and there exists from this time forward a great 
 uniformity in the pronunciation and freedom from disturbing 
 causes, unless indeed the evident influences of foreign dialects, or 
 of a written language, come between. This uniformity, however, 
 can never become absolute. Less important vacillations in the 
 pronunciation of the same word in the same place in the sentence 
 are inevitable. For, speaking generally, in the case of every 
 movement of the body, however much such movement may be 
 the result of training, however iully the motory sensation may have 
 been developed, there still remains a certain amount of uncertainty ; 
 it still remains left to chance (in a certain extent, however limited), 
 whether the pronunciation be uttered with absolute exactness, or 
 whether a slight deviation from the correct path towards, one side 
 or the other manifests itself. Even the most practised marksman 
 misses his mark sometimes, and would miss it in most cases if it 
 were a mere point with no extension, and if his weapon had only 
 a single point which could touch the goal. Any one's hand- 
 writing may be as defined and characteristic as you please, and 
 his general peculiarities may be at once recognisable, still he will 
 not reproduce, each time he writes, the same letters and the same 
 
44 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 combinations of letters in absolutely the same way. It must be 
 the same with the movements whereby sounds are produced. 
 This variability of pronunciation, which remains unnoticed because 
 of the narrow limits in which it moves, gives the key to our com- 
 prehension of the otherwise incomprehensible fact that a change 
 of usage in the sounds of a language sets in and comes to its 
 fulfilment without the least suspicion on the part of those in 
 whom this change is being carried out. 
 viodifica- 68. If the motory sensation were always to remain unchanged as 
 
 ion, or Dis- 
 
 jiacement, of a mcmory-picturc, the insignificant deviations would always centre 
 
 he Motory 
 
 >ensation. round the same point with the same maximum of distance. In fact, 
 however, this sensation is the product of all the earlier impressions 
 received in the course of carrying out the movement in question, 
 and, according to a common law, the impressions, not merely 
 those which are absolutely identical, but also those that are 
 imperceptibly different from each other, are fused into one. Cor- 
 respondingly to their difference, the motory sensation must be 
 somewhat modified with each new impression, to however 
 insignificant an extent. It is, in this process, of importance that 
 the later impressions always have a stronger after-influence than 
 the earlier. It is thus impossible to co-ordinate the sensation with 
 the average of all the impressions rt-ceived during the whole 
 course of life ; rather, the numerically-speaking inferior may, by the 
 fact of their freshness, outbalance the weight of the more frequent. 
 It must, however, be observed that supposing the distance of the 
 possible divergence to remain the same, a displacement of the 
 limits of this divergence is brought about with each alteration 
 of the sensation. 
 
 Qg. Let us now take a line in which every point is exactly fixed 
 as the proper normal path of movement to which the motory 
 sensation leads; then, of course, the distance from that point 
 
III.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 45 
 
 which is possible as maximum when the movement is really 
 carried out without conflicting with the sensation, is commonly 
 as great upon one side as upon the opposite. But it does not 
 follow from this that the deviations which really set in must be 
 uniformly divided on either side according to number and 
 extent. 
 
 70. These deviations, which are not defined by the motory sensa- 
 tion, have, as is natural, their independent causes — causes, moreover, 
 wholly unconnected with the motory sensation. If such causes act 
 at the same moment, with exactly the same force, in opposite direc- 
 tions, then their operations cancel each other, and the movement 
 is carried out with absolute exactness. This case will occur very 
 seldom indeed. In by far the most numerous cases the balance 
 will incline to one side or the other. It is, however, possible for 
 the relation of the forces to undergo manifold changes according 
 to circumstances. If this change is as favourable for one side 
 as for the other ; if a deviation towards one side always alternates 
 with a corresponding deviation towards the other side, in this case 
 the very smallest displacements of the motory sensation will be 
 immediately arrested. Matters are, however, very different when 
 the causes which impel to one side have the preponderance over 
 those which have an immediately opposite tendency, whether this 
 be in each particular case or only in the generality. The original 
 deviation may have been ever so insignificant, the motory sensation 
 having suffered thereby the slightest possible displacement, still for 
 the next time a somewhat greater displacement from the original 
 is rendered possible, and with this coincidently a displacement of 
 the sensation. There thus gradually arises, by adding together all 
 the displacements (which we can hardly imagine small enough), 
 a notable difference — whether it be that the movement progresses 
 steadily in a special direction, or that the advance is regularly 
 
46 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 interrupted by relapses, if only the latter are less frequent and 
 smaller than the first 
 Causes of the 71, Xhc reason whv the inclination to deviation is greater on 
 
 Divergence. 
 
 one side than on the other must be probably sought in the fact 
 that the deviation towards the side to which it tends is in some 
 respect more conj^enient. The examination of the nature of this 
 greater or less degree of convenience is a purely physiological task. 
 It must not, however, be supposed that it is not at the same time 
 conditioned by psychology. Accent and time, which are of such 
 decisive significance in the process, and also the energy dis- 
 played in muscular activity, are essentially dependent on psychical 
 conditions, but their operation upon sound relations is neverthe- 
 less physiological. In the process of progressive assiinilation it 
 can be nothing but the idea of the sound yet to be uttered which 
 operates upon the preceding one ; but this is psychical relation of 
 a very simple kind manifesting itself uniformly throughout, while 
 all special definition of the process of assimilation must be based 
 upon an examination of the physical generation of the sounds in 
 question. 
 
 72. For the task which we have set ourselves, it is sufficient to 
 point to certain general points of view. There are a great number 
 of cases in which we may say quite simply, This sound-group is 
 more convenient than that. Thus the Italian words otto and cattivo 
 are without any doubt easier to pronounce than the Latin octo, and 
 the NHG. empfangen than a form * entfangen, unaffected by assimi- 
 lation, would be. Assimilation, either partial or entire, is a 
 phenomenon occurring in all languages. When, on the other 
 hand, the single sounds come into question, hardly any general 
 principles can be laid down as to the greater or less facility of 
 pronouncing one rather than another, and all theories on this point 
 based on abstractions from narrow grounds show themselves worth- 
 
HL] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 47 
 
 less when confronted with a fuller experience. And, further, no 
 perfectly general definitions can be given for the combination of 
 several sounds. Facility depends to a great extent upon condi- 
 tions of quantity and upon the accentuation, expiratory as well 
 as musical. One sound-group is convenient in the long syllable, 
 another in the short; one in the syllable which bears the stress, 
 another in that which has no stress ; while the circumflex makes 
 other demands than the grave or the acute. But, further, the 
 measure of convenience adapts itself to a quantity of circumstances 
 which may be different for each individual, but which may attach 
 themselves to larger groups as well in the same or in a similar 
 way without being shared by the others. One point requires 
 specially emphasising in this case.* A certain harmony of theV^^J^^^^''' 
 sound-system is found existing in all languages. We see from \qj^' ^ '''^ 
 this that the direction in which a sound deviates must be partially 
 conditioned by the direction taken by the other sounds. Much 
 depends, as Sievers has shown, in this case on the so-called neutral 
 position of the organs. Each variation in this entails, of course, 
 also a variation in relation to the convenience of single sounds. 
 A gradual displacement of this neutral position will have to be 
 judged precisely after the analogy of what we have said above 
 about the similar displacement of the motory sensation. 
 
 7^. It is of great importance never to lose sight of the fact 'Convcni- 
 
 ' ^ *^ ^ ence ' a 
 
 that the consideration of convenience in each production of sound secondary 
 
 Cause : the 
 
 affords in every case only a very subordinate and secondary cause ; Mowry 
 
 ^ ■ ._ Sensation 
 
 the motory sensation always remains the really decisive motive the Primaiy 
 . power. One of the commonest errors is the supposition that a 
 change which has arisen in a long period by numerous small dis- 
 placements is to be referred to a single act resulting from a desire 
 for convenience. This error partly results from the method in 
 which rules for sound are apprehended in practical grammars and 
 
48 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 even in grammars which claim to teach on scientific principles. 
 For instance, it is commonly said that if a sonant consonant 
 appears as a check, it takes the form in this language of the corre- 
 sponding surd {cf. MHG. mtde — meit, ribe — reip), just as if we had 
 to do with a change occurring each time occasioned by the fact 
 of the surd being better adapted to the close of the word. The 
 truth is that it is in this case the motory sensation developed 
 by tradition which produces the surd, while the gradual reduction 
 of the voice-tone to absolute annihilation, and strengthening of the 
 pressure of expiration connected therewith, belong to a period 
 perhaps long past and gone. It is equally mistaken to refer the 
 appearance of a sound-change in each case to some particular 
 manifestation of laziness, weariness, or neglect, and to ascribe its 
 non-appearance in other cases to some special care and observa- 
 tion. It may well be that the motory sensation is not in every case 
 developed to the same degree of certainty. But there is no such 
 thing as a conscious effort made to prevent a sound-change. For 
 those who are affected by the change have no suspicion that there 
 is anything to guard against, and they habitually pass their lives 
 in the belief that they speak to-day as they spoke years ago, and 
 that they will continue to the end to speak in the same way. 
 Were any one able to compare the movements which his organs 
 made in the utterance of a word many years before with those 
 which they make at present, he would most likely find a striking 
 difference. But to make any such real comparison would be an 
 impossibility. The only possible test is in each case the motory 
 sensation ; and this is correspondingly modified — in fact, exists no 
 longer in his mind as it existed on the previous occasion. 
 
 74. There is, however, a controlling source which opposes a 
 powerful barrier to the development of the single individual just 
 described — that is, the sound-piqture. Motory sensation is' formed 
 
Ill-] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 49 
 
 from the movements of the speaker only ; the sound-picture, on the 
 other hand, takes shape not merely from our own, utterances, but 
 also from all that we hear from those with whom we enter into 
 communication. Now, if it were the case that a notable displace- 
 ment of the motory sensation were to occur, accompanied by no 
 corresponding displacement of the sound-picture, a discrepancy 
 would be felt between the sound produced by the first and the 
 sound-picture obtained by the previous sensations. Such a dis- 
 crepancy is avoided by the motory sensation correcting itself after 
 the sound-picture. This happens in the same way as the motory 
 sensation directs itself at first in childhood according to the sound- 
 picture. It belongs to the very essence of language as a means of 
 communication, that the single individual should always find him- 
 self in agreement with the companions with whom he communi- 
 cates. Of course no such thing as a conscious effort at this result 
 exists, but the demand for such agreement remains, as something 
 self-intelligible, unconscious. This demand cannot either be com- 
 plied with with absolute exactness. If the motory sensation of the 
 individual cannot fully master his movements, and is actually 
 exposed to slight deviations, the free room for the movement 
 which finds play within a group of individuals must of course be 
 still greater, for it will certainly never be in the power of the 
 mptory sensation of each individual to satisfy completely the 
 sound-picture which floats before him. And there is this further 
 consideration, that this sound-picture as well must take a some- 
 what different shape in the case of each individual, thanks to the 
 differences which exist in sound-sensations, and is likewise subject 
 to perpetual vacillations. But these vacillations, within a group 
 connected by active communication, cannot pass beyond rather 
 narrow limits. They are in this case unnoticed, or, even should 
 they be noticed on nearer observation, they still hardly admit 
 
 D 
 
so PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 of definition, or indeed of expression, even by the aid of the 
 most perfect alphabet. This is not merely a matter of i priori 
 suspicion, but lends itself to objective observation in the case of 
 living dialects — of course not in the case of those which show a 
 graduated influence of the written language If deviations more 
 or less violent in the case of an individual are found — for instance, 
 as the result of an organic fault— this makes little difference in the 
 result of the whole. 
 Relation 75. As long, then, as the single individual with his tendency to 
 
 "ndivlduai deviation stands alone opposed to his companions in intercourse, 
 toUs'"^ he can only yield to this tendency in a very limited measure, 
 vXk.'"^ seeing that its operations are always counteracted by counter- 
 operations, which regulate the result. A displacement of greater 
 extent can only appear if it prevails throughout the entirety of 
 the individuals in a group which is to some extent secluded from 
 all external influences, at least in comparison to the activity of 
 the communication prevailing within its circuit. The possibility of 
 such a process needs no demonstration in cases where the deviation 
 suits the convenience of all, or almost all, the organs of speech 
 better than the strict conservancy of the direction of the motory 
 sensation. It must be specially^ noticed in this connexion that the 
 already existing correspondence in accent, time, etc., gives an 
 impulse towards the same path. The same holds good of corre- 
 spondence in the neutral position. But this is not nearly sufficient 
 to explain the whole proceeding. We see, of course, that manifold 
 developments proceed from the same starting-point, and this 
 without necessarily in every case being conditioned by changes 
 in accent or other circumstances of any kind which claim as their 
 exciting cause psychology ; and we must ever put the question 
 anew — How comes it that precisely the individuals composing 
 this group undergo in common the influence of such and such 
 
III.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 51 
 
 change? Similarity of climate, of soil, of life has been cited to 
 explain the difficulty. We have, however, to state with reference 
 to this that up to the present date not even the first steps have 
 been taken for methodically collecting materials relating to these 
 which might tend to prove dependence of the development of 
 language on such influences. What is advanced in favour of this 
 theory in individual cases may be easily reduced to a reductio ad 
 absurdum. It hardly admits of doubt that peculiarities in the 
 organs of speech are transmitted by inheritance, and hence a degree 
 of relationship, closer or more remote, is to be reckoned among the 
 other factors which condition a greater or less correspondence in 
 the construction of the organs. But this is not the only cause on 
 which the latter depends. And just as little does the development 
 of language depend solely on the construction of the organs. In 
 addition, however, dialectic separation and dialectic reconciliation 
 seem in very many instances to belie the actual physical relation- 
 ship. It will then be labour in vain to endeavour to explain 
 the fact of the agreement of all the individuals in a single group as 
 a spontaneous result, and therein to overlook the other factor, 
 which is operative side by side with this spontaneity, viz., the force 
 of community of intercourse. 
 
 •j6. If we start from the assumption that each individual has 
 his special bent and his special development, the possibility of very 
 numerous variations is certainly admitted. But if we take each 
 factor which comes under our consideration as isolated, then the 
 number of the possible variations is indeed very limited. If we 
 observe the changes of each single sound taken singly, and if we 
 again differentiate in this process the displacement of the locality 
 of articulation, transition of closure to narrowing, and vice versa, 
 strengthening or weakening of the pressure of expiration, etc., 
 we shall often be in the position of obtaining two possible cases, 
 
52 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 and only two, of deviation. Thus, for instance, the a sound may 
 gradually change into that of all possible vowels ; but the direction 
 in which it moves can still in the first instance be only that towards 
 i, or that towards u. Now it can certainly easily occur that the 
 two or three possible directions may, in a large linguistic area, 
 all things considered, be fairly balanced. But it is very unlikely 
 that this should occur in all the different points at every time. 
 The case that, in an area held together by an extremely active 
 intercourse, one tendency should gain the upper hand may easily 
 occur, solely by the caprice of chance — i.e. even if the agreement 
 of the majority is not conditioned by a more close inner connexion 
 as against the individuals who stand outside the group, and if 
 the causes which impel to this definite direction are different, as 
 they may be, in the case of different individuals. The fact of 
 the prevalence of a tendency in such a narrow circle suffices to 
 prevail against the opposing barriers. The active cause is, that the 
 displacement of the motory sensation to which the majority leans 
 entails a simultaneous displacement of the sound-picture in the cor- 
 responding direction. The individual is, in fact, not dependent on 
 the entirety of the members of the whole linguistic community 
 with respect to the arrangement of his ideas of sound, but only, as 
 an invariable rule, on those with whom he enters into intercourse. 
 Nor is his dependence even on these uniform, but differs widely, 
 according to the frequency of the communication, and according 
 as each individual brings his activity to bear in the process. It 
 does not matter from how many persons he hears such and such 
 peculiarity of language; the whole consideration is how, often 
 he hears them. We must, while on this topic, observe that the 
 speakers who deviate from the commonly adopted standard may 
 again differ among themselves, and that their several influences 
 may thus reciprocally neutralise each other. If, however, a definite 
 
53 
 
 III.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 displacement of the motory sensation has set in owing to the 
 removal of the retarding influence of communication, we then 
 find that in the course of this tendency a further slight deviation is 
 rendered possible. Meantime, however, the minority as well is 
 swept into the current by the movement. Precisely the same 
 causes which prevent the minority from departing too far from 
 the common usage in their progressive movement, forbid also 
 that it should lag much behind the advance of the majority. For 
 the superior frequency of any pronunciation is the only measure 
 for its correctness and fitness to serve as a standard. Thus the 
 movement progresses in this way — there is always a part some- 
 what in front of the average and another part somewhat behind it ; 
 but the whole advances with so little difference between its parts 
 that a striking contrast never occurs between individuals who 
 stand in equally close communication with each other. 
 
 TJ. In this way it will always be found that the displacements 
 which occur within the same generation are slight and scanty. 
 More notable displacements do not occur until an older generation 
 has been thrust aside by a new one springing up. In the first 
 place, if a displacement has already penetrated to the majority, 
 while a minority still opposes it, it will be found that the coming 
 generation will naturally adapt itself to the majority, especially 
 when the majority has the more convenient pronunciation. Even 
 if the minority in these cases should cling to the old custom, it 
 must yet die out. It may, however, be the case that the impulse 
 of the younger generation may set in a special direction differing 
 from the elder one. The same motives which in the case of the 
 elder generation impel to a particular kind of deviation, from the 
 impulse already formed, must in the case of the younger generation 
 operate at the very outset upon the shape to be taken by their 
 language. It may therefore be properly said that the main occasion 
 
54 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 I of sound-change consists in the transmis_sion of sounds, to_new 
 ' individuals. For this process, then, the expression ' change,' if we 
 would remain true to facts, is quite inapplicable ; we have rather 
 to deal with a new creation deviating from the old form. 
 
 78. In the process of mastering language the sounds alone are 
 transmitted, and not the motory sensations as well. The agree- 
 ment of the sounds which are self-generated with those heard from 
 others gives the individual the assurance requisite that he is 
 speaking correctly. That the motory sensation has taken an ap- 
 proximately identical form can only be assumed on the supposi- 
 tion that approximately similar sounds can only be produced by 
 i approximately identical movements of the organs of language. If 
 it is possible to produce an approximately identical sound by 
 means of different movements, it must also be possible that the 
 motory sensation of any learner of language may take a different 
 shape from that of the persons from whom he learns it. For a 
 few particular cases such deviation of the form taken by motory 
 sensation must be conceded as possible. Thus, for instance, the 
 dorsal t and s sounds are not very different from the alveolar in 
 *H{kdb'oTk^ sound,*although their articulation is essentially different. Lingual 
 p^ «, § 15= ^jjj uvular r are still fairly easy to distinguish, and it seems that 
 in different German dialects the one or the other prevails all 
 through ; but the transition of the one into the other can hardly 
 be explained in any other way than by the fact that deviating 
 utterances were not corrected because the sound-deviations were 
 not sufficiently marked. 
 Sound- ig- There are other sound-changes which do not depend upon 
 
 changes - j • 1 t . 
 
 which do not the displacement or deviating form taken by the motory sensation, 
 
 depend on a i_'i_i r 
 
 displacement which, therefore, have to be separated from sound -change in the 
 
 ofAeMotory 1.1 1 .it .m 
 
 Sensation, narrower sense hitherto described. These changes, however, have 
 this much in common with that, that they proceed to their fulfil- 
 
in.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 55 
 
 ment without any regard to the function of the word. The effect 
 of these processes is not the change of the elements of which 
 the sentence is composed, by substitution, but merely an inter- 
 change of these elements in certain definite cases.^ 
 
 80. The first of the phanges which fall under this head is 
 
 that of metathesis.* Of this there are two main divisions. The *// ?H^a''l 
 
 -"*«i — .. p — rrinciples of 
 
 first of these is when two sounds immediately following are trans-lSSlsyf '^" 
 posed, as m the case o\ K^.fix = OUG. fisc; first = frist ; trnan = 
 rinnan. The second is when two sounds not immediately follow- j 
 ing change their places; cf. the case of OHG. erila by the side 
 oi elira = NHG. erU and eller ; AS. weleras, the lips, as against the 
 Gothic wairilos ; OHG. ezzih, which must have had the sound 
 of * etik before the sound-shifting proc'ess set in = Lat. acetum ; 
 Ital. dialectically^w/«(?.f(? = glorioso ; crompare = comprare ; MHG. 
 kokodfille = I.at. crocodilus \_cokodrilles{Maundevile.J\ 
 
 81. Under this head, too, must be ranged assimilations 
 between two sounds not related, as Lat. quinque from *pinque ; 
 original German finfi (five) = ^finhwi, etc. 
 
 82. We more commonly find dissimila.tions between two 
 similar sounds not in contact; cf. OHG. turtiltilba, from the Lat. 
 turtur ; marmul, from Lat. marmor ; MHG. martel with marter, 
 from martyrium ; przol with prior: and conversely, MHG. pheller 
 with phellel, from Lat. palliolum ; OHG. flupbra 'consolation,' 
 as against OS. frdfra and_ AS. frdforjunG. kaladrius with kara- 
 drius ; Middle l^aX. pelegrinus itoxa. peregrinus?' 
 
 83. Further, the falling out of a single sound may be regarded 
 as j^similation, if this be caused by the fact of the same sound 
 occurring in its neighbourhood : cf. Greek Spv^aKTO'; ' wooden 
 
 ' C/. Brugmann, Zum keutigen Stand der Sprachwissemchaft, p. 50. 
 
 2 Cf. Bechtel, Ueber gegenseitige Assimilation und Dissimilation der beiden Zitter- 
 laute. Gottingen, 1876. I cannot, however, accept all Bechtel's examples as properly 
 referred to this head. 
 
56 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 barrier,' derived from ippda-a-a), and e/eTroyXo? from ttX^o-ctci). It is 
 just so with the disappearance of an entire syllable occurring near 
 a similar one closing with the same consonant : cf. rifiiBi/ivov, 
 
 br'S^k?'' ^ double of •^/MLfieBi/j.vop, afji,(f>opev<; of * a/J,^i<f)opevi, KeXaive^i]? 
 
 s^rZh- instead of* KsXaivove^ri^ ; Lat. semestris for * semimestris. 
 
 /arsch.y^. i8. 
 
 84. These processes seem to admit of no other explanation than 
 that they are based upon repeated mispronunciations affecting 
 spontaneously a considerable part of the linguistic community. It 
 is a well-known circumstance that in the act of speaking the order 
 of the words, syllables, or single sounds becomes displaced, owing 
 to one element forcing itself prematurely into consciousness. It is 
 equally well known that of two similar elements one is easily 
 dropped. It is further notoriously difficult to pronounce with 
 accuracy a succession of similar and yet different sounds uttered 
 quickly. It is on this that the joke depends about If Peter Piper 
 picked a peck of pickled pepper, etc. ; Round about the rugged rock 
 the ragged rascals ran, etc. It will also be impossible to deny that 
 conditions favourable to certain mispronunciations exist, and that 
 hence these mispronunciations occur in the mouths of quite 
 different persons, and this repeatedly. The.,..mispronunciations 
 may then pass by inheritance as a normal form to the younger 
 generation. These processes are most easily understood when 
 they affect foreign words which contain series of sounds repugnant 
 t^ the^genius of the language which adopts them. In these cases 
 inexact perception and defective recollection will likewise occur. 
 The phenomena often therefore resemble those which will be dis- 
 cussed, under the head of Sound-substitution, in Chapter xxil. 
 below. It suggests itself also often for our consideration if popular 
 etymology is not also at work in producing them. Everything 
 is not yet clear in these processes. 
 
 85. We have now to answer the important question, which 
 
.in.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 
 
 57 
 
 has been in recent times the subject of so much dispute : Can Uniformity 
 
 of the Law£ 
 
 we assert uniformity in sound-laws ? In the first place, we must of Sound- 
 
 change. 
 
 fully understand what we mean, generally speaking, by a sound- 
 law. The word * law ' is itself used in very different senses, and 
 this very fact induces errors in its application.^ The idea of sound- 
 law is not to be understood in the sense in which we speak of 
 ' laws ' in Physics or Chemistry, nor in the sense of which we were 
 thinking when we contrasted exact sciences with historical sciences. 
 Sound-law does not pretend to state what must always under 
 certain general conditions regularly recur, but merely expresses 
 the reign of uniformity within a group of definite histoxical 
 phenomena. 
 
 86. In the statement of sound-laws the rule has been to start 
 with a comparison. The circumstances of one dialect have been 
 compared with those of another; those of an older stage of 
 development with those of a more recent. Abstractions have 
 been made by comparing the relations of one dialect with those 
 of another, those of an older stage of development with those of 
 a later one. Sound-laws have also been formed by abstraction 
 Dy comparing the different relations within the same dialect 
 existing at the same time. The rules commonly adopted even 
 into practical grammars are of the latter kind. Thus, to cite 
 a sentence taken word for word from Kruger's Greek Gram- 
 mar:— A T-sound, followed by another, passes regularly into o-. 
 . Examples: avva-drjvatjrom avvrca, epeicrdrivai from epeihw, Tretcr- 
 Qriva,. from ireiOc^. It has been before remarked that we must 
 not allow ourselves to be led away by such rules to adopt the 
 view that the sound transitions in question are each time 
 effected anew by the creation of the one form out of the other. 
 The forms in question which stand in such a relation to each 
 other are either both taken up by the memory, or one is formed 
 1 Cf. L. Tobler, Ueber die anwendung des begr'iffs von gesetzcn auf die sprache 
 (Vierteljahrsschriftf. wiss. phil., iii., p. 3^ m-J 
 
S8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. , 
 
 from the other by analogy (cf. Chapter v.). This relation will be 
 designated not as sound-change {laut-wandel), but as sound-substitu- 
 tion {laut-wecksel). Sound-substitution is not identical with sound- 
 change, but is merely an after-effect of it. Accordingly we ought 
 I never to apply the term ' sound-law ' to sound-substitution, but only 
 'to sound-change. A sound-law may no doubt reflect itself in the 
 effects left in the conditions of any given language as they exist 
 side by side ; but as a sound-law it never applies to such language, 
 but invariably to a historical development carried out in a definite 
 period. 
 
 ?,y. If we, therefore, speak of the uniform operation of sound- 
 laws, this can only mean that in the case of sound-change occur- 
 ring within the same dialect, all the separate cases, in which the 
 same sound-conditions occur, are treated uniformly. It must 
 either happen, therefore, that where the same sound existed pre- 
 viously, the same sound always remains in the later stages of 
 development as well ; or, where a separation into different sounds 
 has occurred, there must be a special reason to be assigned ; 
 and, further, a reason of a kind affecting sound alone — such as the 
 effect of neighbouring sounds, accent, place of syllable, etc. — 
 for the fact that in one case one sound has arisen and in an- 
 other a different one. No doubt we must take into account in 
 this all the different factors in the production of sound. 
 Especially we must regard the word not as isolated, but in the 
 light of its place within the sentence taken as a whole. Not till 
 then is it possible to recognise the real uniformity of sound- 
 changes. 
 
 88. It is not difficult, after the enunciation of these prin- 
 ciples, to show the necessity of this uniformity as far as it turns 
 on actual soun^d-change depending on a gradual displacement of 
 the motory sensation ; to speak more accurately, we should no 
 
m-] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 59 
 
 doubt rather say, not ' uniformity,' but the occurrence of all devia- 
 tions from it within limits too fine for our detection. 
 
 89. It must be plain to every one who acknowledges in all 
 phenomena the operation of general laws, that the process of de- 
 velopment works uniformly to its fulfilment. A motory sensation 
 does not form itself specially for every word, but in every case 
 where the same elements recur in language their production is 
 guided by the same sensation. Should, then, the motory sensation 
 suffer displacement by reason of the pronunciation of an element 
 in any word, then this displacement is also a precedent for the 
 same element in another word. Thus the pronunciation of this 
 element in the different words vacillates just as much as does 
 that of the same word within the same narrow limits. Vacillations 
 in pronunciation caused by quicker or slower, louder or gentler, 
 more careful or more negligent utterance, will always affect the 
 same element in the same manner, in whatever word it may 
 occur, and these must always move in corresponding distances 
 from the normal or standard manner. 
 
 90. The development of sound-change in the case of a single 
 individual is always urged as an objection against the uniform work- 
 ing of sound-laws. It is maintained that our etymological con- 
 sciousness — our regard for related forms, stands in the way of 
 the operation of a sound-law. Whoever maintains this, must, in 
 the first place, clearly understand that it involves no denial of 
 the continuous activity of the factor which impels to sound-change 
 — only the supposition of a factor of an entirely different nature 
 which operates against this. It is decidedly not a matter of indif- 
 ference whether we assume that a factor is at one time operative, 
 and at another time inoperative ; or whether we maintain that it is 
 under all circumstances operative, and that its operating power is 
 counteracted by that of another factor. But how are we to con- 
 
6o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ceive of the chronological condition in the operation of these factors? 
 Do they both operate simultaneously, so that no change occurs, or 
 does the one operate after the other, so that the operation of the 
 latter is always cancelled ? The first alternative could only be 
 conceivable on the assumption that the speaker knew something 
 of the threatened change, and sought to guard himself against it 
 beforehand. I think that I have made it sufficiently clear that there 
 can be no question of this at all. If we, however, allow that the 
 effect of the factor of sound makes its influence first felt, but is 
 then counteracted by the other factor, which we shall have in a 
 following chapter to characterise more closely, the uniformity of 
 the sound-laws is hereby admitted. We can advantageously dis- 
 cuss this point at most : Whether it is a rule that analogy asserts 
 itself immediately after the appearance of a very slight difference 
 between the etymologically connected forms, or that it does not 
 show itself operative until the contrast declares itself more un- 
 mistakeably. In principle, there is no difference. That the 
 latter case is however very frequent, we can see by experience, 
 and we shall discuss it at greater length later. But it is in the 
 nature of the case that differences which are not yet felt as such 
 cannot circumscribe the feeling for etymology, and are not circum- 
 scribed by this feeling. 
 
 91. Equally inadmissible is the supposition that considerations 
 as to the clearness and intelligibility of a form stand in the way of 
 a transition of sound. We come sometimes upon conditions which 
 seem to prove the affirmative. Thus, for instance, in NGH. the 
 medial e of the weak preterites and participles after t and d is 
 maintained as in redete, rettete, while it is in other cases rejected. 
 But if we revert to the sixteenth century we find that double forms 
 are the rule in every verb ; on one hand we find zeigete by the 
 side of zeigte ; on the other, redte by that of redete. Sound-change 
 
III.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 6i 
 
 has thus made its appearance with no consideration of utility ; 
 and the greater utility of one set of forms has served to guarantee 
 merely their continued existence. 
 
 92. Thus the question can only remain whether the communi- 
 cation of the different individuals among each other can occasion 
 breaches of uniformity. This would only be conceivable under the 
 supposition that the single individual were to be exposed simul- 
 taneously to the influence of several groups of persons who had 
 plainly parted asunder owing to a different system of sound- 
 development, and that he learnt some words from one, and others 
 from the other group. This, however, presupposes a wholly 
 exceptional state of things. Normally speaking, there exist no 
 such differences within the linguistic community within which the 
 individual grows up, and with which he stands in far more intimate 
 connexion than with more distant associates. Where it does not 
 happen that, in consequence of special historical causes, larger 
 groups are detached from their original dwelling-place, and thrown 
 together with others where the population is, at most, modified by 
 slight accessions or departures, but remains constant as far as its 
 main body is concerned, no differences can be developed, which 
 are apprehended as such. Even if A pronounces a somewhat 
 different sound from B in the corresponding place, still the 
 apprehension of the one sound as well as that of the other fades 
 into the sound-picture which the hearer already carries in his 
 mind; and thus it follows again that only the same motory 
 sensation can correspond with them. It is absolutely impossible 
 that, owing to two differences so slight, two different motory 
 sensations should form in the same individual. As a general rule 
 it would be impossible, even supposing that the extremes which 
 occur within a small linguistic domain were the only existing ones. 
 But even if the hearer were in a position to apprehend the differ- 
 
62 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ence between these two, still the series of fine transition-steps, 
 which he always hears without any break, would render it im- 
 possible to keep a frontier line unbroken. And so, even assuming 
 that he hears one word more frequently and earlier from people 
 who tend to this extreme, and the other more frequently and 
 earlier from people who tend to the other extreme, still this can 
 never produce the result that, in his efforts to I'epeat the word, 
 the production of a sound in one word should be guided by a 
 different motory sensation from the production of a sound in the 
 other word, if the same individual would set an identical sound in 
 both places. 
 
 93. Thus within the same dialect no irregularity develops, 
 excepting either as the result of a mixture of dialects, or, as we 
 shall have to detail with more accuracy, as the result of the 
 borrowing of a word from a foreign dialect. We shall have later 
 to examine to what extent and under what conditions such 
 borrowing appears. Of course in our statement of sound-laws 
 we do not have to reckon with any such apparent irregularities. 
 
 94. The attempts which have been made to explain sound- 
 change as dependent on individual caprice or on an inaccurate ear 
 are hardly worth mentioning. A single inaccuracy of ear cannot 
 possibly have any lasting results for the history of language. If I 
 do not accurately catch a word from any one who speaks the same 
 dialect as myself, or another with which I am well acquainted, 
 but if I guess, his meaning from the context of his discourse, 
 then I supply the word in question according to the memory- 
 picture which I have 'in my mind. If the connexion is not 
 sufficient to explain clearly the meaning, it may be that I shall 
 supply a wrong meaning, or I may supply nothing at all, and 
 satisfy myself with understanding nothing, or I may ask again. 
 But how I should come to think that I have heard a word of 
 
III.] ON SOUND-CHANGE. 63 
 
 dififerent sound, and still to set this word in the place of the one I 
 understand, is to me incomprehensible. Certainly it may more 
 easily happen to a child who has never yet heard a particular 
 word to apprehend that word imperfectly, and to reproduce it 
 again imperfectly. But the child will also frequently reproduce 
 imperfectly that which it has apprehended more correctly because, 
 in its case, impulse is not yet adequately formed. Its apprehen- 
 sion, as its reproduction, will correct itself, if it always hears the 
 word anew ; if this be not so, it will forget it. Wrong apprehen- 
 sion of sound is only regularly seen when people who belong to 
 different dialectic areas or different languages converse with each 
 other, and the shape in which foreign words are adopted is no 
 doubt much influenced by this circumstance, but certainly more 
 by the want of motory sensations for the sounds which are wanting 
 to their own dialect. 
 
 95. There remain now certainly some kinds of sound-changes 
 in which uniformity of action cannot theoretically be proved 
 necessary. These, however, make up a relatively small part of the 
 entire sound-changes, and they admit of sharp delimitation. Thus, 
 on the one hand, we have to reckon under this head the cases in 
 which a sound is imitated by means of a deviating articulation. 
 On the other side we must include the metatheses, assimilations, 
 and dissimilations referred to on p. 5 5, sq. For the rest, even in this 
 case, we find as a matter of fact, to some extent, that regularity is 
 the rule, especially in the case of the metathesis of .sounds immedi- 
 ately following each other, and further, e.g., in the case of the 
 dissimilation of the aspirates in Gr^ek, as in Kexu^a, ire^ev^a, and 
 elsewhere. 
 
 96. The question, as to how far sound-laws are to be regarded 
 as admitting of no exceptions, cannot be absolutely decided by the 
 materials of language before us, because there are changes in 
 
64 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. Ch. III.] 
 
 language which, although in their nature absolutely different from 
 sound-change, still produce corresponding results with this. Thus 
 our question is intimately connected with the second question : 
 How far does the operation of these other changes extend, and 
 how are they to be divided from sound- change? Of this we shall 
 have to treat below. 
 
s 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 
 
 OUND-CHANGE is effected by repeated substitution of achangeof 
 sound or sounds almost imperceptibly differing from the consists in a 
 original. In this process the disappearance of the old is simul- narrowing 
 taneous with the appearance of the new. In the case however of 
 change in signification, the maintenance of the old is not excluded 
 by the appearance of the new. It consists invariably in a widening 
 or narrowing of the extent of the signification, corresponding to 
 which we find an impoverishment or an enrichment of the con- 
 tents. No signification absolutely different from the original can 
 be formed but from the successive processes of widening and 
 narrowing. 
 
 98. Change in signification, however, resembles sound-change in Distinction 
 this, that it is effected by a departure in individual usage from the Ld'Oc^ 
 common usage, which departure passes only by gradual stages into Meanings. 
 common usage. The possibility, we may even say the necessity, of 
 change in signification, springs from the circumstance that the sig- 
 nification which attaches to a word each time that it is employed, 
 is not necessarily coincident with that which by usage attaches to it 
 considered in itself. As it seems desirable to adopt distinct names 
 for this discrepancy, we shall employ the expressions 'usual' 
 and ' occasional ' signification ; possibly ' general ' and ' individual ' 
 might serve as well. We understand then by ' usual signification ' 
 
 [1 Cf. Skeat's Princ. of Eng. Eiym-.. ch, i- § 7 ; Whitney's Language and the Study 
 of Language, ch. ii. and iii.] 
 
66 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 \ the entire contents of the conception bound up in any given word 
 as it presents itself to the member of any body of individuals 
 speaking one common language : by the term ' occasional signifi- 
 cation' we understand the contents of the conception which the 
 speaker, in uttering the word, connects therewith, and which he 
 expects the listener to connect with it likewise. 
 Distinction 99- The occasional signification is very commonly richer in 
 
 and'cl"'^ content than the usual one, and narrower in extent. In the 
 Mea'nings. ^''st place the word in its 'occasional' sense may denote some- 
 thing concrete, while in its 'usual' sense it denotes only some- 
 thing abstract, i.e. some general conception under which different 
 concrete ones may be ranged. By a 'concrete' conception I shall 
 be understood to mean something pre-supposed as really existing, 
 subject to definite limits of time and space : by an ' abstract ' one 
 I understand a general conception, the contents of a mere idea and 
 nothing more, freed from all trammels of time and place. This 
 distinction has accordingly nothing to do with the favourite division 
 of substantives into abstract and concrete. The substantive ap- 
 pellations which we call ' concrete ' denote a conception no less 
 general than the so-called abstract nouns ; and, conversely, the 
 latter are occasionally used as concretes, employed as they are to 
 express a single quality or activity defined by limits of space and time. 
 100. By far the greater number of words are capable of bearing 
 in occasional use abstract and concrete significations indifferently. 
 There are indeed some which are by their very essence intended to 
 denote something concrete, but which still do not refer to something 
 immediately and definitely concrete, this reference being given them 
 by individual application. Such words as these are the personal, 
 possessive, and demonstrative pronouns, the demonstrative adverbs, 
 and such words as now, to-day, yesterday. 
 
 loi. Words like /, here, dieser, serve no other purpose but to 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 
 
 67 
 
 define some one's position in the concrete world •} but in them- 
 selves they contain nothing delinite, and it requires the aid of 
 individualising elements to give them such definiteness. Then 
 take the case of proper names. These doubtless denote a single 
 object or person ; but seeing that the same name may attach to 
 different persons and different localities, the result is that there 
 remains a variation between occasional and usual signification. 
 Finally, a small number of words have to be considered express- 
 ing an object regarded as existing once, and once only; such 
 are God, devil, world, earth, sun. These are at the same time 
 general and proper nouns, but only when understood in a certain 
 way and regarded from a definite, not from a general, point of 
 view. Conversely there are some words which from their very 
 nature must be ranged with the general and not with the con- 
 crete : such are the adverbs and pronouns — ever, any ; the German 
 /e, irgend; MHG. ieman, dehein; Lat. quisquam, ullus, unquam, 
 uspiam ; but the general character even of such words as these 
 suffers certain limitations in the occasional usage — cf.: If he ever did 
 it at all; If he ever really shoiilddo it; Have you been at any trouble ? 
 
 102. A further and very important difference between usual Plurality of 
 
 Meaning. 
 
 and occasional signification is the following. The ' usual ' significa- 
 tion of a word may be various ; its ' occasional ' meaning is always i 
 single except in cases where ambiguity is intentionally attached to I 
 the word, either to deceive, or to point a witticism. Attempts have 
 been made, as by Steinthal, Zschr. f. volkerpsych. i. 426 — though 
 unsuccessful we believe — to prove that there are no such things 
 as words with several significations. Under this head must be 
 ranged first those words which correspond in sound, but differ in 
 meaning, such correspondence being purely accidental ; such is 
 
 1 Even our demonstrative pronouns — and the vvord he—xa&y be employed as 
 denoting abstract conceptions : e.g. , T/te whale is a mammal. In German er can be used 
 in the same way, e.g.^ Er bringt lehendige junge zur welt. 
 
68 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 nf'ht^"'^''''^^^ German acht=diligentia — -proscriptio — octo.* These cases are 
 naturally enough excluded by Steinthal, who maintains that here 
 the words in question are not the same, but different words. In 
 sound, however, they are identical, and whoever hears such a 
 combination of sounds spoken without any connexion is power- 
 less to recognise which of the significations inherent in the 
 word is in the mind of the speaker. We thus have, if we keep 
 to the actual state of things, and add nothing which does not 
 strictly belong to it, a word which usually receives several signi- 
 fications. But in the many cases in which we have identity 
 not merely of sounds, but of etymology as well, we are driven 
 to recognise actual plurality of signification. Take, for instance, 
 the word fuchs in modern High German. It means, in the first 
 and most common case, ' a fox ; ' then ' a horse of foxy colour ; ' 'a 
 red-haired person ; ' ' a sly fellow ; ', ' a gold coin ; ' ' a freshman at 
 college.' Bock, a ' he-goat ; ' bock, ' the outside seat of a coach,' and 
 ' a mistake ;' futter, ' food for cattle ' and ' lining ; ' ma/, ' a spot,' ' a 
 token,' 'a point of time ;' messe, ' a mass ' and ' a fair ;' orf, ' a place' 
 and 'a shoemaker's tool;' rappe, 'a black horse' and 'a coin;' 
 siem, 'a stone' and 'a weight,' and 'a disease;' geschick, 'fate' 
 and 'dexterity;' geschickt, 'sent' and 'dexterous;' steuem, 'to 
 pilot a vessel,' ' to pay taxes,' and ' to hinder ;' MHG. beisen, ' to bait ' 
 and 'to chase with a falcon ;' erbeizen, ' to dismount from horseback;' 
 weide ' pasture,' ' chase ' \cf. in connexion with this word anderweit,. 
 anderweitig, evidently connected by the p6pular mind with weit] ; 
 ' fishery,' ' time ' (as in anderweide, ' another time ') ; Latin, exainen, 
 'swarm' and ' examination.' ^ Steinthal recognises the primary 
 signification in such cases as the only one : of those which have 
 in the course of history sprung from this he denies the claim to 
 mdependence. But his view is correct only as a statement of 
 what exists at the time when the derived signification first springs 
 from the primary meaning. This state of things is however merely 
 \} Cf. the list of doublets appended tc Skeat's Etytnologkal Dictionary.-] 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 69 
 
 transitory. In most of the cases cited above it is impossible to re- 
 cognise, without some historical knowledge, the original connexion 
 between the various significations, and these bear the same relation 
 to each other, as if the identity in sound were purely accidental. 
 This is especially true when the primary meaning has disappeared. 
 But in many cases also where the relationship of the derived to the 
 primary signification is still recognisable, we cannot but acknow- 
 ledge the independence of the former, especially in all cases where 
 it has become the ' usual ' one. There is one sure criterion of these 
 cases, viz., whether a word ' occasionally ' used in the derivative 
 sense in question, can be understood without the aid of the 
 primary meaning, i.e. without the necessity of the primary mean- 
 ing forcing itself on the consciousness of the speaker or hearer. 
 There are further two negative te^ts whereby we may judge that 
 a word has not a simple but a complex signification ; the first 
 of these is that no uniform definition can be framed wherein the ' 
 whole extent of the meaning, neither more nor less, can be in-' 
 eluded ; and the second is that the word cannot, if employed . 
 ' occasionally,' be used in the whole extent of its signification. The 
 reader may apply these tests to the examples cited above. 
 
 103. Even in cases where the usual signification may be 
 regarded as simple, the individual meaning may vary from this, 
 and still not become concrete, proceeding as it may on one of 
 the different bye-meanings included in the general conception. 
 Thus the simple word nadel can in single cases be understood as 
 stecknadel, ndhnadel, stopfnadel, stricknadel, hdkelnadel, etc. 
 
 104. All understanding between individuals reposes on the cor- 
 respondence in their psychical attitude.^ For the common under- 
 standing of the usual meaning no more correspondence is needed 
 
 1 The following illustrations proceed much on the same lines as the views put forward 
 by Wegener in his book, Aus dem leben der sprache ; and to a certain extent resemble 
 those of Breal, Les Mies latentes du Langage (Paris, 186S). 
 
70 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 than such as naturally exists between all the members of a given 
 number of individuals who speak the same language, assuming 
 always that they have thoroughly mastered their language. When, 
 however, in the 'occasional' use the signification attaching 
 to a word is specialised and still claims to be understood, such 
 claim can only be based upon a closer accord between the 
 speakers. The same words may either be perfectly intelligible or 
 unintelligible, or, again, may be liable to misconception according 
 to the frame of mind of the person accosted and the chance 
 environment of other circumstances, according as certain aids 
 to understanding are present or absent. These aids do not 
 need to be of linguistic nature at all. We must endeavour 
 to form a clear notion of these in detail. 
 Meansby 10$. Words which propeHy have an abstract signification 
 
 which Abs- , , 
 
 tract Words may be brought mto relation with something concrete by connect- 
 in their ' iug them with such words as those described (p. 66), whose func- 
 
 ' Occasional '... , -iii .11 
 
 Uses, a tion it IS to express the concrete, more especially those with the 
 Meaning, article where it is developed. But the use of the article has 
 generally developed in such a way that it is not confined to the 
 function of individualising, but is also attached to the noun where 
 it expresses the general conception. Languages which have 
 developed no article employ abstract words (without any special 
 mark of denotation) for the concrete. 
 
 106. Whether the reference to the concrete is expressly 
 denoted or no, in any case other means must be adopted for its 
 closer definition. The first of these is the perception common to 
 f the speaker and hearer. The latter recognises the fact that the 
 former in speaking of tree or tozver means a definite single tree 
 or tower, that is, assuming that they both have before their eyes 
 the object in question. The perception may be supported and 
 defined by signs made by the eyes or hands, or by other 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 71 
 
 gestures. Such signs as these may likewise serve to point to 
 objects not directly cognisable by the senses, so long as the 
 direction in which they lie is known. 
 
 107. A second method whereby the word is made to refer to 
 something definite and concrete is found in the past utterances 
 of the speaker, or, it may be, in his special explanation. If it 
 is understood that a word once bears a concrete sense, it is 
 possible that this same sense may continue to attach to the word 
 throughout the further course of the conversation. In this case 
 the remembrance of the previous utterance takes the place of 
 immediate perception. This reference to the past can again be 
 supported by the demonstrative pronouns and adverbs.^ Originally 
 employed to express a certain perception, the transference of 
 their function to denote previous utterance serves admirably to 
 render the individualising of the signification, intended by the 
 speaker, clear and intelligible to the hearer. 
 
 108. In the third place, we have to take account of the 
 special force which may attach itself to the representation of 
 anything concrete, even when this force dispenses with the aid 
 of perception or mention of a word previously used in a par- 
 ticular sense. This force may make itself jointly and commonly 
 felt in the mind of the interlocutors. Such agreement or cor- 
 respondence is dependent for its existence on the fact of common 
 residence, common age, common position, business, and manifold 
 common experiences of the speakers. An instance of this is 
 seen in the use of the rhetorical usage commonly known as /ear' 
 k^oxr^v. Countrymen talk of going to town without more 
 definite specification, meaning thereby the town nearest to 
 where they happen to live. Words like the town-hall, the market, 
 are used by the inhabitants of a particular town for the town- 
 hall or market of that particular town ; the kitchen, the dining- 
 
 \} Cf. Urbem quam dicunt Romam.— Verg. , Ed. i., 35.] 
 
73 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 room, in the mouths of the members of a given family, refer 
 solely to the kitchen or dining-room of their particular house. 
 Thus again, when we speak of Sunday we mean the nearest 
 Sunday to the day on which we happen to be speaking, and it 
 only needs to be indicated, in order to fix the Sunday with perfect 
 accuracy, whether the day referred to is past or future. Words 
 expressing the relationship of one person to another are naturally 
 referred to persons who stand in such relationship to the hearer 
 and to the speaker alike : and, further, the singular, in such 
 cases, is perfectly clear, as long as there is only one person who 
 could be properly so described. Thus for the purposes of inter- 
 course between the sisters and brothers of a family, the concrete 
 reference of the words father and mother is sufficiently intel- 
 ligible, as is the employment of such words as the Queen or the 
 President to the British or the Americans respectively. Nay, even 
 in cases where the relation exists on one side only — on that of the 
 speaker, or on that of the hearer — it is still possible, under the 
 influence of auxiliary circumstances, that the reference should be 
 unmistakeable. Such a question as How is the wife f may be as 
 intelligible as How is your wife? If a concrete object have once 
 at an earlier period in any way acquired a signification appre- 
 hended alike by the speaker and the hearer, it can be called into 
 consciousness by the word that denotes it. This is especially 
 true if it is still fresh in the memory, or when a situation recurs 
 similar to that in which the object presented itself, as challenging 
 special observation. Suppose, for instance, that two friends are out 
 walking together, and they meet a lady previously unknown to 
 either, about whom they have exchanged remarks. They take the 
 same walk again, and one asks, Shall we meet the lady again? 
 In this case the reference in the mind of the other is clear and 
 unmistakeable. 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 
 
 73 
 
 109. In the fourth place, a closer definition may be summoned 
 to the aid of the speaker. But it is commonly found that such 
 a definition /£rj£ produces no concrete sense, but only when used 
 concurrently with the other factors already described. By means 
 of such definition the word to which the definition is attached 
 must either have received a reference to a group of concrete objects, 
 out of which by definition a further selection is made ; or a con- 
 crete reference must thereby be given to the defining word. Both 
 processes may in fact happen at once. Thus the epithet old, if 
 attached to duke, gives per se no concrete sense. But if the facts 
 of the situation point the reference to some definite ducal family, 
 the person referred to is distinctly defined. The word casile gains 
 no concrete meaning by the addition of the word royal or kin^s 
 unless the known facts have previously given the word king a 
 concrete reference. But the phrase the king's castle comes to 
 mean one object and no more when it can be assumed that a single 
 castle of the royal personage in question exists, or if there are any 
 facts in the situation which tend to single out an individual ; for 
 instance, if any one be referred to a particular place in which he 
 must necessarily suppose the castle in question to lie. 
 
 1 10. Finally, concrete sense spreads from one word to others 
 placed in relation to it. In sentences like John never drew bridle ; 
 I never laid hand upon him ; I took him by the arm ; You hit me 
 on the shoulder, — the words bridle and hand gain a concrete 
 meaning owing to the subject, and arm: and shoulder owing to 
 the object. 
 
 111. In the same way as general names receive a definite 
 concrete reference, proper names which belong to different indi- 
 viduals come to denote but one. The simple appellation Charles 
 is sufficient to identify an individual, supposing that he is in our 
 presence, or that we have recently mentioned him. He is 
 
74 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 sufficiently identified then, even apart from thiSj within the circle 
 of his family, or of a small body of acquaintances who have no 
 other Charles within their body. Under other circumstances we 
 define him more closely — e.g. : Charles the Sixth of France — 
 Charles the First of England. In the same way the same name 
 is given to many places ; but one name is sufficient to define it 
 for the whole neighbourhood, and even for larger circles when 
 the place meant is by far the most important of all the places 
 bearing the same name (such as Melbourne, London, Strass- 
 burg) : otherwise a nearer definition has to be used, as Stony 
 Stratford, Newton-le-willows. 
 
 112. The same factors which serve to impart to a word a 
 concrete reference serve equally to specialise its signification. On 
 .hearing a word, the natural tendency is to think of the most ordi- 
 nary of its various significations, or of its primary one. These 
 tendencies frequently coincide. Where, however, it happens that 
 several meanings, each tolerably common, stand side by side, it 
 will be found that the primary meaning will present itself to con- 
 sciousness before those derived from it ; and this will often be 
 found true where the derived meaning is in the more common 
 use. This is in accordance with an ordinary psychological law. 
 But the matter is at once different if certain groups of ideas are 
 awakened in the mind of the hearer before the word is uttered, 
 or will be awakened simultaneously with its utterance, ideas which 
 are more closely connected with a derived or comparatively un- 
 usual meaning. It makes a great difference whether I hear the 
 word sheet in a haberdasher's shop, or on a yacht, or at a 
 publisher's ; as it does if I hear the words to bind at a book- 
 seller's, or in a harvest-field. When different men of different 
 trades and professions— as joiners, gamekeepers, medical men — 
 meet and converse, they are given to apprehend each word as 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICA TION. 75 
 
 it comes most nearly home to their profession. The connexion 
 in which a word occurs is of great importance. By means of 
 such connexion the different possibilities of the apprehension of 
 a word are minimised. Take such instances as a good point, a 
 point of view, a point of honour ; the bar of an hotel, the bar of 
 justice; the foot of a mountain, the foot of the table; the tongue 
 of a woman, the tongue of a balance; a well-attended ball, a 
 football club ; a bay and a grey; the cock is turned on ; it costs a 
 crown; the train starts, a train of thought; a clear voice, a clear 
 day; clean linen, a clean heart; John is a donkey; the money 
 goes, the milk goes ; to stand still, to stand upon ceremony, to stand 
 
 - ^ * Substituted 
 
 at ease' by Trans-. 
 
 lator. 
 
 113. In the cases we have mentioned the variation of the occa- The 
 sional meaning from the usual one consisted in the fact that the Meaning 
 former contained all the elements of the latter, and at the same necessarily 
 time something beyond. There are, however, cases where the Iheeie^ems 
 occasional meaning does not contain all the elements of the usual °usu°ar 
 
 Meaning^. 
 
 meaning, while it still may contain something which does not, 
 strictly speaking, belong to the latter. The fundamental condition 
 for the possibility of such partial utilisation of the usual significa- 
 tion of a word is given most ordinarily by the fact that the word 
 is in most cases made up of different elements which may be 
 separated. Any idea of any substance must necessarily com- 
 prehend the idea of several characteristics. But there are also 
 many ideas of qualities and activities possible to designate by 
 a single word, which are likewise compound. For instance, the 
 names of colours denote (of course speaking from a psychological 
 point of view) perfectly simple qualities ; blue, red, yellow, white, t^^^^?J;_ 
 black, f And even these may well be employed to denote qualities *•"■ 
 which, according to their proper meaning, are not fully adequate. 
 For each colour may, of course, be mixed with each other colour 
 
76 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 at will ; and thus there arises an infinite number of transition stages 
 
 which cannot possibly each receive a definite name. And the result 
 
 is that we are content to leave unimportant admixtures without any 
 
 name, so that the limit within which a name expressive of colour 
 
 is applicable remains uncertain and shifting. But a much wider 
 
 room for inadequate application is given us by words whose sig^i- 
 
 \V- ^f.^ fication consists in a complex assembly of ideas.* 
 
 dfftr' 114. Such, among others, are all so-called metaphorical ex- 
 
 / pressions. We are accustomed to say that, for a comparison to 
 
 be made, there must necessarily be, besides the two objects 
 
 compared, a tertium comparationis, or third object with which 
 
 they are compared. But this tertium is nothing new, nothing 
 
 added to what we have already, but it is that part of the contents 
 
 of the two combinations (groups) of ideas compared with each 
 
 other which they have in common. If we say of a man he is 
 
 . like a fox, we do not identify the two qualities as in the case of 
 
 a mathematical equation ; nothing more is meant than this, that 
 
 one of the characteristic qualities of which the conception 'fox' 
 
 is made up is likewise implied in the idea that we have of this 
 
 particular man : i.e. as a rule, of his craftiness. And so we are 
 
 able to speak more accurately by expressing the tertium as well — 
 
 He is as sly as a fox. On the other hand, we can say even more 
 
 simply he is foxy, in which case again the adjective does not 
 
 indicate the full extent of all the qualities of a fox, but only a 
 
 selection of these ; and lastly, simplest of all, we can say he is 
 
 a fox. 
 
 Transference I IS- There IS another possibility which enables a word to pass 
 
 Spatially, beyoud the limits of its own proper signification ; i.e. into a 
 
 Temporally, . . ..... , . , ., 
 
 or Causally usagc agam ot course m its orio-m purely occasional. It consists 
 wlhX° in this, that something which is according to ordinary experience 
 denotation. Connected with the usual contents by relations of space, or time, or 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICA TION. 
 
 77 
 
 cause, is understood together with the word, or, it may be, under- 
 stood alone, when the word is uttered. Under this head falls the 
 figure of speech known in Latin treatises on style as pars pro toto 
 [as where trabs or, again, carina stands for ' a ship ']. 
 
 1 1 6. On each occasion when the word oversteps the limits of 
 its usual signification, a directing impulse must lend its aid — that 
 is, if the reference is to be rightly understood. Such an impulse 
 is in this case more necessary than where nothing further is 
 required than to ascertain which of several significations already 
 recognised as usual is intended {cf. above, pp. 74-S). We never 
 feel ourselves impelled to understand a word in a sense which 
 does not include all the elements of its usual meaning, as long 
 as we are not reminded by something that such a sense is im- 
 possible. It becomes then a matter of necessity if we would 
 arrive at the right sense, that this reminder should set us on 
 some positive right track. In such proverbs as Speech is silvern, 
 but silence is golden, we should not think of the predicates as 
 used metaphorically, if they could be understood as connected 
 with their subjects in their proper sense. When Shakespeare 
 talks about the 'majesty of buried Denmark,' we guess from the 
 combination of majesty, buried, and Denmark, the right sense which 
 we are to attach to each.^ 
 
 117. These departures of the occasional meanings from the change , 
 
 . . of Usage i 
 
 usual meanine are starting-points for true change of signification, effected b/ 
 
 o <^ ^ < Occasional' 
 
 As soon as these departures repeat themselves with a certain regu- Modification. 
 
 larity, what was individual and momentary becomes gradually 
 
 generic and usual. The border line between what constitutes the 
 
 occasional and usual signification of a word is shifting. In each 
 
 individual case the beginning of the transition from an occasional 
 
 to a usual meaning is made as soon as, on the employment or 
 
 apprehension of the former, the recollection of an earlier employ- 
 
 1 In this again, and in similar cases, a substitute has been employed for Professor 
 Paul's German instances. 
 
78 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ment or apprehension comes into play: the full transition may- 
 be deemed accomplished as soon as such recollection only is 
 effective, and when employment and apprehension alike follow, with- 
 out any reference to the usual signification of the word. Between 
 these two we may have a manifold gradation. Within the circle 
 of friends who hold inter-communication, the different individuals 
 who compose it may find themselves at different stages in this 
 transition process. It is quite impossible for the process to 
 run its natural course in an individual, while his interlocutors re- 
 main totally unaffected by its influence. For we must observe that 
 the essence of the process is that it should pass to its fulfilment by 
 repeated and regular employment of a signification which in its 
 commencement was but occasional, and this must pre-suppose 
 an apprehension on the part of a portion of the interlocutors; 
 and this apprehension is, for these again at least, a commence- 
 ment of the process. The process will, however, in the case of 
 one individual, not easily pass to its fulfilment, unless the influence 
 which he exercises on his associates is reciprocated by these. 
 Such reciprocal action will of course most readily arise where there 
 is not only external influence at work, but where a spontaneous 
 impulse exists to employ the word in the same occasional sense 
 as it naturally adopts from the common mutual relations of the in- 
 dividuals. One of the most powerful efficients in the change from 
 an occasional meaning into a usual one is the first tradition tq_a 
 new generation. The process of learning the meaning of words is 
 not commonly assisted by any definition by whose aid the usual 
 signification is specified in its contents and full extent ; such defin- 
 ing process is in fact an impossibility until a fair knowledge of 
 language is acquired, and must be considered even then excep- 
 tional. A child learns only occasional applications of a word, and, 
 what is more, learns in the first place nothing but its relations 
 
79 
 
 IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 
 
 to a concrete object. In spite of this the child, when once 
 it has acquired the application of the word, begins at once to 
 generalise it. And this is quite natural. The reference to the 
 single concrete object cannot in any case be permanent. For 
 the mental impression left by such object contains in itself 
 nothing whereby, on a new cognition of the object in question, 
 its actual identity or non-identity with the object once taken 
 cognisance of, can be recognised. The right appreciation of such 
 object depends on a succession of conclusions drawn from a suc- 
 cession of instances, and cannot be gained without this process 
 — nay, in many cases cannot be gained at all. In the simple 
 and unreasoning mind of childhood agreement in the contents 
 of the idea presented suffices to warrant an identification on 
 his part, and this whether real identity exists or not. And 
 further, such agreement needs to be partial only — indeed under 
 some circumstances merely trivial — to cause this identification ; 
 — that is, as long as the mental impression is still vague and 
 confused. Thus it is that from the very commencement of 
 the process of acquiring language, the custom grows of defining 
 by the same word, not merely a single object but several — not 
 merely objects which actually resemble each other, but such 
 as bear even a remote resemblance. And this custom maintains 
 its ground, even when differences, disregarded previously, are 
 noticed, since it is strengthened and supported by the example 
 of adults. But this procedure implies at once that no clear 
 conception can exist of the contents and extent of the usual 
 meaning. The child makes numerous mistakes from the fact that 
 it connects with the word a conception sometimes too wide, some- 
 times too narrow, and attaches to it an application correspond- 
 ingly too narrow or too wide. He will more commonly err on 
 the side of width than of narrowness of application, and the more 
 
8o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 so according as his stock of words is more limited. A child will 
 include a sofa under the name of a chair, an umbrella under that 
 of a stick, a cap under that of a ^a^/— and this repeatedly. 
 Another impulse to inexact appreciation of meaning proceeds 
 from the fact that the objects indicated are frequently parts of 
 a larger^ whole, or are indissolubly connected with other objects 
 in the speaker's mind. In this case the child cannot but be un- 
 certain how the part which the word is intended to define, when 
 eliminated from the whole idea, should be limited. It will draw 
 these limits now wider, now narrower, than use demands ; not 
 unfrequently omitting what of right belongs to the meaning, 
 and including what does not so belong. Besides, the process of 
 learning new words and new methods of applying old ones is far 
 from confined to early childhood. Expressions of rare occurrence, 
 or which denote complex ideas, or which pre-suppose a high or a 
 special standard of culture, have to be mastered by the adult no 
 less than by the child ; and supposing that he learns them merely 
 in their occasional application, he is exposed to the same errors as 
 the child. All these inaccuracies in the apprehension of the usual 
 meaning are, taken singly, of no account, and are, as a rule, cured 
 by time. Yet it cannot but be that in particular instances the 
 union of a large number of individuals in the same misapprehen- 
 sion, leaves behind it lasting traces. We shall thus have to recog- 
 nise a kind of change of meaning depending on the fact that for 
 the meaning which among the elder generation is usual, a meaning 
 only partially corresponding with it is substituted. But we shall 
 have to confine the area of this change to the rarer kinds of con- 
 ceptions which more easily defy exact determination, as, in the 
 case of others, a gradual process of correction in accordance with 
 actual use cannot fail to ensue. 
 
 Ii8. In most cases the impulse to change of meaning proceeds 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 8i 
 
 from the elder generation which holds already complete control of 
 usage. But the younger generation has likewise a special share in 
 forwarding the process, from the fact that the different applications 
 of a word group themselves from the very outset somewhat differ- 
 ently from the way in which they group themselves in the case of 
 the older generation. Each method of application, apprehended 
 as it is for each immediate case, may be mastered for itself with- 
 out regard to other possible ones ; and hence each may receive a 
 greater degree of independence than it enjoyed in the minds of the 
 older generation. The derived is often learnt before the primary > 
 meaning : and this fact contributes not a little to fixing its inde- 
 pendence. A child may for instance often hear a horse spoken 
 of as a bay, or a stupid fellow as an ass. In such cases the 
 primary meaning is from the very outset dispensed with as an 
 aid to right comprehension. Until an individual has fully mastered 
 the usage of a word, he is not often qualified to distinguish whether 
 a particular manner of application which comes before him is 
 usual or merely occasional, and will thus be inclined to adopt the 
 occasional meaning, — if circumstances have strongly impressed that 
 meaning on his mind — not less readily than the usual one. 
 
 119. Seeing that the change in the usual signification takes classification 
 its rise from modifications in the occasional application, we find of Meaning: 
 in both cases the same kinds of change.* The first and main sition. 
 kind, accordingly, is specialisation of the meaning by narrowing connotation. 
 
 * Cf. Wliit- 
 
 the comprehension of the word, and the enriching of its contents, ney,' p. loej 
 
 ut sup. 
 
 The German word schirm is an instructive instance of the differ- 
 ence between occasional and usual specialisation. The word can 
 be used of any object employed as a ' screen.' In the occasional 
 usage it may signify a ' fire-screen,' or ' lamp-screen ; ' a ' screen ' 
 for the eyes, an 'umbrella,' a 'parasol,' etc. But while it is 
 only by some definite situation that we are led to think of the 
 
 F 
 
83 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 word as 'fire-screen' or 'lamp-screen,' it immediately occurs to 
 us to conceive of it as ' umbrella ' (regen-sckirni), or ' parasol ' 
 {sonnen-schirm), and we then think less of the ordinary function of 
 ' screening ' than of an object of special shape and construction; 
 Thus we must perforce acknowledge that this meaning has dis- 
 severed itself from the more general meanings, and stands as a 
 special and independent one ; and it matters not whether it can 
 logically be ranged under them or not. For this logical subordina- 
 tion is only possible by discarding factors not less essential to the 
 meaning than what we immediately have in view. Other examples 
 are the use of frumentum for ' corn ' in Latin, of fruit for the pro- 
 duce of certain trees as compared with ' the fruits of the earth ; ' 
 corn in English is restricted to wheat, while in German korn denotes 
 any species of grain ; dach was used in MHG. for any kind of 
 covering ; it is now restricted to the covering of a house [fowl in 
 English means specially a ' barn-door fowl ']. And a special 
 usage of this kind is seen in the names of materials used for pro- 
 ducts of materials — as glass, horn, gold, silver, copper, paper, as 
 when we talk of paper money, etc. It is the business of the 
 lexicographer to distinguish, in the enumeration of the special 
 usages of a word, between such as have become usual and such as 
 ch^"'li^K^/' ^""^ purely occasional : a distinction which is commonly neglected.* 
 "'^' 1 20. Proper names take their rise from the change of the 
 
 occasional concrete meaning of certain words into usual meanings. 
 All names of persons and places took their origin from names 
 of species ; and the usage Korr i^o'^ijv forms the starting-point for 
 this process. We are able to watch this process distinctly in 
 numerous instances of place-names. Such commonly recurring 
 appellations are especially instructive, as the following : — Field, 
 Hill, Bridge, Townsend, Hedges, Church, Stone, Meadows, Newton, 
 Villeneuve, Newcastle, Neucliatel, Neuburg, Milltown, etc. Such 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION 83 
 
 appellations served, in the first instance, merely to indicate to 
 dwellers in the vicinity the person or town tq be indicated ; and 
 they were sufficient to distinguish the persons or places intended 
 from others in the immediate neighbourhood. They passed into un- 
 mistakable proper names from the moment when they were adopted 
 and apprehended by more distant neighbours in this concrete 
 sense ; or when they were more sharply divided from the names 
 of species originally identical with them, by agencies which isolated 
 them still further. No doubt there are besides these a large class 
 of names of places, which in their origin approach the nature 
 of strict proper names, derived as they manifestly are from the 
 names of persons, or at least influenced by personal names. 
 
 121. There is one particular specialising process which be- 
 gins to operate directly the word is employed. This is especi- 
 ally found in the case of words which can be derived at will 
 from other words in common use according to the laws of 
 any language, but which do not come into actual use until a 
 special need calls them into play. Such words as these are often 
 only to be referred from the first stage in their career to the root- 
 word, with a more special meaning than the derivative per se 
 expresses. Thus the substantive formations in er, MHG. czre, 
 coming from other substantives in English and German, denote 
 properly a person who stands in some relation to the idea of the 
 root-word, of whatever kind this relation may be ; but in the case 
 of single words thus terminated the most varied instances of 
 specialisation are seen. In the case of the MHG. cehtczre, from 
 dhte (NHG. acht, 'persecution'), the word denotes alike the 'pur- 
 suer ' and the ' pursued ; ' but in the individual application the 
 two can never be understood together. In the case of scholar 
 (Latin scholaris) the idea of ' schoolmaster ' might well have been 
 included, but there is no trace of the word ever having been 
 
84 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 employed in that sense, or in any other sense than that which it 
 bears to-day. [Similarly a poulterer is never used otherwise than 
 in the sense of a vendor of poultry ; a fisher always denotes one 
 who tries to catch fish ; a burgher, the dweller in a burgh (or 
 borough) ; 3. falconer, one who keeps falcons for the chase ; while a 
 pensioner denotes one who receives a pension.] It is the same 
 with verbs like the German bechern, buttern, haaren, hausen, herzen, 
 kopfen, mauern, etc. In the case of many words we are not in a 
 position to decide whether an application in a more general sense 
 has preceded or not. This original specialisation must, of course, 
 be itself in the ftrst instance only an occasional one, seeing that 
 the word, as such, only points to the general idea evolved by the 
 combination of the root-word with the derivative suffix, and it is 
 the common situation of the speaker and hearer which adds, for 
 the first time, anything to the range of the meaning. It is, in 
 this case also, only gradually that the usage can be formed, and 
 according to the general fundamental necessary conditions of 
 language. 
 2. Limita- 122. In every case where the need of denoting a conception 
 
 part of the hitherto undenoted makes itself felt, one of the most obvious 
 
 original ... 
 
 Connotation, expedients is to choose a word easily formed, expressive of an 
 important part of the contents of a conception ; in fact, some 
 prominent characteristic. Etymology teaches us that many sub- 
 stantives have thus proceeded from the appellations of more 
 simple qualities. But the conclusion is certainly not warranted 
 that all substantives took their origin in this way — for example, 
 that all are necessarily derived from verbs. 
 
 123. The second main kind of change in signification — a 
 change contrasting with the former — is its reduction to one part of 
 the original contents ; though commonly such reduction is accom- 
 panied by amplification on another side. It is hardly possible 
 
m-] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 
 
 85 
 
 to reduce the great mass of phenomena occurring under this 
 head into definite groups. A few of marked peculiarity may be 
 however mentioned. In many cases the appearance presented to 
 the eye gives the motive to the appellation, e.g., in the case of the 
 eye of a potato ; the head or heart of a cabbage, the arm of a river, 
 the cup of a flower. A statue or a picture is named directly after 
 what it represents, as an Apollo, a Laocoon, the Adoration of the 
 Magi. We call a part of one object after the part of another object 
 which by its position corresponds with it ; for instance, we talk of 
 the neck or belly of a bottle, the shoulder of a mountain, the foot 
 of a mountain, the tail of a kite ; we call a measure by the name 
 of some object which has a size, or length, or breadth in some 
 measure corresponding, as a cubit, an ell, a foot. The correspond- 
 ence of the function fixes the name in the German word feder 
 for • steel pen.'* The analogy between place and time renders it^' 'J^ ''■•• 
 possible that we should transfer expressions formed to express 
 ideas of conceptions of time to those of place ; e.g., long and short ; 
 before, after ; behind, and numerous other adverbs and prepositions. 
 The analogy between different modes of sense-perception renders 
 possible the transference of the impression made on one sense to 
 that made on another : take such instances as sweet, beautiful, 
 clear (originally applicable to hearing alone), and the Latin clarus 
 (originally applicable to the sense of sight alone). The words 
 used to denote sensual and corporeal ideas are transferred to 
 spiritual and intellectual [as in such cases as apprehension, re- 
 flection — nay, the word spirit itself, and the Latin animd\^ Take L'jf cK", 
 also such words as to feel, to see, sweet, bitter, lovely, taste, dirty, 
 great, small, lofty, low, warm, fire, to sting, to thrill, etc. Words 
 again which, strictly speaking, denote one species only, are con- 
 verted into symbols denoting a wider extension, as cat, crab, apple, 
 rose. By confining ourselves to one prominent characteristic, we 
 
86 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 may make proper names pass into class names, as when we talk 
 of a man as a Cicero, an Agafnemnon, a Cato ; and we have such 
 further developments as a cannibal, a vandal ; Tom, Dick, and 
 Harry ; John Doe and Richard Roe. Such adjectives as romantic, 
 Gothic, etc., may also serve as illustrations of the development.^ 
 3. Trans- 124. The third main head of change in meaning is the trans- 
 
 f^rcncc to 
 
 things ference of the idea to what is connected with the fundamental 
 Temporally, conception by local, temporal, or causal relations.^ 
 Ssociatcd.'' 125. The simplest subdivision of this is where a part is sub- 
 
 stituted for the whole. The part is in such cases always a 
 prominent characteristic, and is only as such capable of denoting 
 the whole. Take such instances as bow, blade, fleche, and the 
 MHG. rant (nhg. rand), 'rim,' used in epic poetry for shield. 
 Persons and animals are often named after characteristic parts 
 of the body and mind : as grey -beard, curly-head, thick-head; 
 red-breast, fire-tail ; a good soul, a bright spirit ; in French, 
 blanc-bec, grosse-t^te, rouge-gorge, rouge-queue, pied-plat, gorge- 
 blanche, mille-pieds ; esprit fort, bel esprit. Similar to this 
 usage is the application of names for objects commonly found 
 in connexion with others instead of those with which they are 
 connected. Such are names taken from garments, as blue- 
 stocking, green domino, a red-coat, a blue-jacket. There are 
 other appellations which are transferred from one object to that 
 included or contained within it, such as ' the town ' in such cases 
 as the talk of the town ; the Cabinet, the Church, the Court, etc. 
 Conversely we find a transference of the idea from the object to 
 its surroundings, as in the Round Table, the Porch, the Moun- 
 tain. Very commonly it happens that the name of a quality is 
 transferred to the person or thing possessing the quality, as in 
 age, youth; plenty, plain, desert, bitters: in German a quantity 
 of words in -schaft, as mannschaft, verwandtschaft [a termination 
 
 1 Cf. Darmesteter's Life of Words, p. 48, sqq.; Whitney's Life and Growth of 
 Language, ch. vii. and viii. 
 
 " Cf. such adjectives as frank, sterliner. 
 
III.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 87 
 
 answering to -ship in English ; and the usage may be paralleled 
 by such expressions as his worship in speaking of a magistrate.] 
 There are others in -head, originally denoting condition, as God- 
 head ; but there are many more instances in German of words 
 ending in -heit or -keit, which are similarly employed, such as 
 christenheit, mehrheit, neuigkeit ; and the use of titles generally, 
 such as, your highness, his majesty, his excellence, his holiness, etc. 
 As the examples show, collective names take their rise in this 
 •way as well as names for single persons and things ; but the 
 words in question do not invariably form names for substantives. 
 The same truth holds good about the so-called nouns of action 
 as about the names of qualities. By nouns of action we mean 
 appellations of activity and conditions which are derived from 
 verbs — e.g. : overflow, train, income, government, providence, gilding, 
 warning ; in German such words as rat, fluss, vortrab, zukunft. 
 In these cases the name of the action has been transferred to 
 its subject; but it might equally well be transferred to its 
 object, if object be taken in the widest sense. Thus it may be 
 transferred to the inner object, the consequence of which is the 
 denotation of the result — e.g. : rift, spring, growth, a rise (out of 
 a plain), assembly, union, education; or to the exterior object 
 which in any way is affected by the activity, thus, seed, speech, 
 doings, lamentations, bewailings, resort, excuse, dwelling ; add the 
 German einfahrt, ausflucht : by this method names also are created 
 for the place where anything happens, for the means whereby 
 anything is brought to pass, etc. Here, too, we may classify the 
 practice of denoting writings by the name of their author, as 
 Have you read Shakespeare ? — or works of art by the name of 
 their painter or sculptor, as a Raphael, a Michael Angela ; further, 
 that of calling a person by some nickname derived from some 
 favourite word of his own, as Heinrich Jasomirgott [and Cedo 
 
88 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 '^Atinais, alteram in Tacitus];*Hhe nursery names of animals, as a bow-wow, 
 a gee-gee, etc. ; besides these we may add the names of such 
 plants as noli me tangere, forget-me-not, etc. 
 
 combmation 126. Of course the different kinds of change in meaning may 
 
 ciass'es. ""^^ foIIow each other, and so combine. Thus the word abendmal 
 has in one sense gained in its comprehension, seeing that it is 
 confined to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, z.r\d the solemn 
 ceremony connected with it : on the other hand, it has lost some 
 of its meaning, seeing that it is used of a solemn ceremony which 
 does not take place in the evening. Rosary is used of a special 
 kind of necklace composed of beads, and used for a definite 
 sacred purpose, but has lost in its meaning all connexion with 
 roses. A horn is a wind instrument which may be made of horn ; 
 but the name may equally well apply to an instrument made out 
 of other materials. 
 
 127. It is common enough to find that some idea foreign 
 to the essence of a word, but only accidentally connected with 
 it, gradually becomes absorbed into its signification as a mere 
 accessory ; and this is then thought of as the proper meaning, 
 the primary meaning passing out of memory. Thus names of 
 relations of place and time gradually pass into causal words : as 
 consequence, purpose, end (in such phrases as He did it to the end 
 that, etc.) m.eans, way. 
 
 Change of 128. Seeing that all language proceeds in sentences — in fact, 
 
 Groups of that the unit of language, alike in thought and in sound is 
 Words. ^1 ^ , , , . . ' 
 
 the sentence and not the word — it is natural enough that the 
 
 change in meaning should affect not merely the separate words 
 
 but also groups of words and entire sentences. These are 
 
 capable, of course, of assuming a meaning at first occasional, 
 
 which presently, however, by repetition becomes usual : a meaning 
 
 which is not covered by the words which we receive when we 
 
 ' Cf. Praise-God Barebones ; Archibald Bell-the-Cat, &c. 
 
IV,] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 89 
 
 connect the meanings of the words which compose the whole 
 group. . A very few examples of this process may suffice, 
 as we shall have to recur to this peculiarity in Chapter xix. 
 There are many combinations in German, in which the word 
 hand plays a great part, in which, however, the signification 
 hand is hardly thought of, unless special attention is drawn 
 to it Such are auf der hand liegen, an die hand geben, bei 
 der hand sein, unter handen haben, etc. We might parallel these 
 expressions in English by such phrases as well in hand, offhand, 
 hands off, at hand, etc. We cannot say in these cases that special 
 meanings of the word hand have been developed ; they have rather 
 been obscured by the attention which we have come to pay to the 
 meaning of the phrase as a whole. English, like German, is full of 
 such turns of expression. In many of these the sense can only be 
 derived from the meanings of the several words by the aid of an 
 historical knowledge of language. Take such phrases as das bad 
 austragen, einem. ein bad zurichten, einem das bad gesegnen (from 
 Clytemnestra's murder of Agamemnon in the bath), einen baren 
 anbinden, einen bock schiessen, einen ins bockshorn j'agen (from 
 the tall talk of sportsmen) weder hand noch fuss haben, einem 
 einen korb geben, maulaffen feil halten, einem etwas auf die nase 
 binden, einem den pelz waschen, einem ein x fiir ein u machen, etc. 
 [In English we may cite such cases as to dine with Duke 
 Humphrey, to tell a cock and bull story, all his geese are swans, 
 to stuff one up, to give one the sack, to be half seas over, etc.] 
 
 12Q. The entire store of ideas in the human mind strives toScop=of 
 
 -^ ^ Meaning 
 
 attach itself to the vocabulary of language. But the circle of the cond;tio.ied 
 
 by the state 
 
 ideas of single individuals in any society differs widely from that of culture 
 
 ... of the 
 
 of others in the same society, and what is more, the circle of individual 
 
 speaker. 
 
 the ideas of each individual is always liable to expansion or 
 contraction. Hence it follows that a quantity of individual 
 
90 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 peculiarities must necessarily be found in the ideas attached to 
 the vocabulary ; — peculiarities which pass without recognition 
 in the common definitions of meaning in the case of single 
 words, and groups of words. For instance, it is doubtless true 
 that the word horse has the same meaning for everybody, in 
 so far as everybody refers it to the same object ; but it is 
 equally true that each man in his own particular line, a rider, or 
 a coachman, or a zoologist will connect therewith a richer quan- 
 tity of conceptions than any one who has nothing to do with 
 horses. The idea of the position of a father with respect to his 
 own child is composed of a series of factors, which are not always 
 present in their entirety when the word father is employed. We 
 can propound a definition of the word father which may satisfy 
 the claims of physical and legal science ; but the very point 
 which, according to this definition, makes up the very essence of 
 the fathership, is not contained at all in the ideas which a little 
 child connects with the word. The differences in the ground 
 covered by feeling and ethical judgment are the most obvious 
 and remarkable. What different individuals understand by good 
 and bad, by virtue and vice, is impossible to bring under one 
 definition, indisputable and undisputed. 
 Scope of 130. As the circle of ideas of each individual connects itself 
 
 Meaning 
 
 conditioned With the store of words at his disposal, it follows that the meanin? 
 
 by the state r r. • 
 
 ofcuiture ot the cntirc store of words in a language must arrange itself 
 
 of the whole - . " & 
 
 commumty. accordmg to the entirety of ideas found in any people, and must 
 change as these change. The meaning of the words adapts itself 
 to the standard of culture attained from time to time by each 
 nation. This comes about, not merely owing to the fact that new 
 words are created for new objects and new relations, or that 
 kindred though different meanings become attached to the old 
 words (as in the instance of stahl and feder, ' a steel pen,' literally 
 
IV.] CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. 91 
 
 'a steel feather'), but there are besides many scarce perceptible 
 changes which are not commonly remarked as such at all, and 
 which are the immediate result of a change in the whole culture of 
 a nation. [Take such words as humility, talent, spirituality, and 
 the numerous other words to which Christianity has given a deeper 
 and more spiritual significance.] Then again, such a word as ship 
 may have taken its origin when there were only the most primitive 
 kind of ships in existence, and the word may have lived on after a 
 time when ships are constructed of enormous size and complexity. 
 We do not in such cases assume any change in meaning, but still it 
 must be conceded that the ideas attaching to the word ship have 
 changed considerably. And thus it fares with all the products of 
 civilisation, whether these be sensuous objects, or purely mental 
 or intellectual conceptions. 
 
Material- A J 
 
 and Formal- / % 
 Tjroups. J^ ^ 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ON ANALOGY. 
 
 Material- A S has been noticed in Chapter I., single words attract each 
 other in the human mind, and the result is the appearance 
 of a quantity of larger or smaller groups. This reciprocal attrac- 
 tion depends always upon a partial correspondence of the sound ''■ 
 or of the meaning, or of the sound and the meaning conjoined. 
 The separate groups do not always run in separate parallel lines. 
 There are larger groups which comprise several smaller groups, 
 and a constant process of reciprocal crossing is taking place among 
 the groups. We must distinguish two main divisions which we 
 will denominate as the ' material ' and the ' formal.' 
 
 132. A material-group is formed by, for instance, the different 
 cases of a substantive. This group again admits of division into 
 smaller groups according to two different principles ; into cases on 
 the one hand of the singular, dual, and plural ; or into the forms of 
 nominative of the singular, plural, and dual, and genitives, datives, 
 etc., of the same numbers ; and these two methods of grouping 
 cross each other. A more complicated system of groups principal 
 and subordinate is supplied us by the forms of the verb, especially 
 in Greek. Larger material-groups with looser connexions arise 
 next by the connexion of all words which correspond in their 
 meaning. As a rule, partial agreement in signification is accom- 
 panied by partial agreement in the form taken by the sounds ; and 
 
 92 
 
Ch. V.l ON ANALOGY. 93 
 
 this again commonly depends upon the etymological connexion of 
 the word. There are, however, material-groups based solely on 
 meaning and not upon sound : such as sein — werden, be-^—was, 
 here — there, good — better, am — is,, parvus — minor, opdos — elSov — 
 o'\Jro/iai. 
 
 133. We understand by formal-groups the sum of all nouns of , 
 .action taken together, of all comparatives, of all nominatives, of all ' 
 first persons of the verb, etc. 
 
 134. There are also in this case larger groups, which again 
 comprise smaller ; for instance, the last-named ist singular indica- 
 tive present may be grouped with the ist singular subjunctive 
 present. Further, the connexion may be of a closer or looser 
 character as it may happen. The connexion of a functional cor- 
 respondence with one of sound is in the case of the formal-groups 
 not nearly so commonly formed as in the case of the material ones. 
 Commonly the formal-groups fall into several smaller ones, each 
 single one of which is held together by correspondence of its 
 sounds, whilst they differ among themselves ; cf., the datives /ibro, 
 anno — mensae, rosae—paci, luci, etc. Then, according to the 
 measure, greater or smaller, of correspondence in sound, there arises 
 again a subordination of lesser groups to larger ; cf. : gab, nahm — 
 bot, log—briet, riet— held, fell, which correspond with each other, as 
 contrasted with instances like sagte, liebte, etc. [and said and loved:\. 
 
 135. The material-groups are all the way through crossed with 
 the formal. 
 
 136. Not merely do single words tend to coalesce into »;- 
 groups, but analogous proportions between different words do Mat^ai- 
 likewise. The motive to the creation of such proportion-groups, 
 which form at the same time an equation of proportions, is given 
 
 by the interpenetration of the material- and formal-groups spoken 
 of. The basis for the comparison is in this case the correspon- 
 
94 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ence of the signification of the material element in the one direc- 
 tion and the formal in the other ; so that we may call this division 
 the material-formal proportion-groups. A correspondence in sound 
 may possibly occur in both directions ; cf. tag : tages : tage=arm : 
 armes : arme=fisch : fisches : fische ; filhren : fuhrer : fuhrung= 
 erziehen : erzieher : erziehung, etc. ; cf. lead, leader, leading ; ride, 
 ^ rider, riding; — or with the permutation, which is possible in the 
 case of all proportions, of the connectingmembers tag : arm : 
 fisch = tages : armes : fisches, etc. The correspondence in sound 
 may, however, be confined to the material element ; cf. gebe : gab = 
 sage : sagte = kann : konnte ; Lat. mensa : mensam : mensae = hortus : 
 hortum : horti=nox : noctem : noctis, etc.; rauben : raub = ernten : 
 ernte = sden : sat—gewinnen : gewinst ; as against gebe : sage : kann 
 =gab : sagte : konnte, etc. Equations, however, in which the cor- 
 respondence of sound is limited to the formal element, are of 
 much less importance, as gut : besser=schon : schoner, as are those 
 in which no correspondence of sound occurs at all, as in the case 
 of bin : war^= lebe '• lebte ; opdm : elSov = tutttcb : ervdra ; am : was = 
 live : lived=go : went ; do and did. 
 
 137. It is possible too for proportion-groups to form with- 
 in the forms which belong to a material-group, as soon as an 
 arrangement of these is possible from different points of view. 
 Thus, in the case of the noun, the cases of the singular may be set 
 in proportion with those of the plural, as in hortus : horti : horto = 
 horti : hortorum : hortis. A verbal system gives still more mani- 
 fold proportions. We may, for example, propose equations like 
 amo : anias : amavi : amavisti=amabam : amabas, etc. There exists 
 here then no difference of the material element in the correspond- 
 ing members, as in the case of the material-formal proportion- 
 groups; but in its place a partial difference manifests itself in 
 the function of the formal element by the side of the partial 
 
v.] ON ANALOGY. 
 
 95 
 
 correspondence. A correspondence in the sound may possibly 
 connect itself with the correspondence in the function ; cf. amabam : 
 amabas = amaveram : amaveras [the tense stem being amd\. 
 
 138. Another kind of equation of proportions depends on the 
 sound-substitution ; * cf. ^/««^gj (phonetically written klannes): klang *Lauu 
 
 ' {klank) = singe : sang= hdnge : hdngte, etc., or spruch : spriiche = tuch : 
 tucker = buck : bilcklein (change between guttural and palatal ck), 
 \cf. wife: wives = calf : calves, etc.]. 
 
 139. The members of each proportion here consist of words 
 connected etymologically, and hence showing connexion in their 
 material element with respect to their signification and the arrange- 
 ment of their sounds ; showing at the same time, however, a 
 difference in sound, which manifests itself correspondingly in all 
 other proportions. The connexion of the formal elements in this 
 case does not enter into consideration. As long as we only con- 
 sider cases like Manges : klang=sanges : sang=dranges : drang, we 
 cannot definitely decide if we have not rather to do with a material- 
 formal equation of proportions. The sound substitution must — if 
 it is to be cited here — appear in cases which as far as the rela- 
 tions of function are concerned have nothing in common, and 
 must thereby appear independent of the meaning. We dis- 
 tinguish this division of proportion-groups as the material-sound- -^ 
 groups, or etymological-sound-groups, 
 
 140. A further kind arises from syntacticaLconnexions. This J 
 differs from those hitherto described, in the fact that the con- 
 nexion of the members of which the single proportions are made 
 up, forces itself on the mind from without, i.e. by hearing or speak- 
 ing. The connexion of analogous proportions with each other 
 must likewise be called into existence by attraction in the mind 
 itself For instance, sentences like Rose a nurse of ninety years, 
 associate themselves with others like Out spake the mighty Appius ; 
 
96 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the predicate in both cases preceding. Again, associations come 
 about Hke that of pater mortuus with filia pulchra and caput 
 magnum (where in each case there is agreement in gender, number, 
 and case) ; and by such associations we get the equation rose : 
 nurse = spake : Appius, and pater : mortuus = filia : pulchra = caput: 
 magnum. The feeling for a particular function associates itself 
 with the exterior form of the syntactic connexion, and this function 
 then, in common with the exterior form, constitutes the bond which 
 holds the proportions together. All syntactic functions can be 
 abstracted from such proportions, and such alone. And hence it 
 arises that the syntactical proportion-groups are in some degree 
 the necessary antecedent for the creation of the formal-groups 
 and of the material-formal relation-groups. For instance, it is 
 impossible for genitives to group themselves together unless 
 such connexions as the house of the father, Charles' brother, etc. 
 do so antecedently. 
 Influence of 141. There is hardly a word in any language which can be said 
 
 Proportional 
 
 Groups upon to Stand completely out of the groups here sketched. Others are 
 
 Speech 
 
 (Analogical always to be found in some respects like them, to which they can 
 
 Creation). 
 
 attach themselves. But with respect to the greater or less variety 
 of the connexions into which a word enters, and with respect to 
 the intimacy of the connexion, there are notable differences. The 
 process of grouping comes to its accomplishment so much more 
 easily, and is so much the more durable, on the one hand, the 
 greater the correspondence in signification, and in the shape taken 
 by the sounds ;— on the other, the more intensely the elements 
 adapted to form groups are pressed on our notice. In the last 
 respect we have to take into account for the proportion-groups 
 on the one side, the frequency of the occurrence of single words • 
 on the other, the number of possible analogous proportions has to 
 be taken into account. Where the single elements are not impres- 
 
v.] ON ANALOGY. 
 
 97 
 
 sive enough, or where their inter-correspondence is too weak, they 
 either fail to unite at all, or their union is at best a loose one. 
 There are again in this case numerous intermediary grades possible. 
 
 142. Those proportion-groups which have gained a certain 
 degree of solidity are of supreme importance for all linguistic 
 activity, and for all development of language. It is unjust to 
 this important factor in the life of language to neglect to take it 
 into any account, until it produces an actual change in the use 
 of language. One of the fundamental errors of the old science of 
 language was to deal with all human utterances, as long as they 
 remain constant to the common usage, as with something merely 
 reproduced by memory, and the result of this has been that we 
 have not been in a position to form any right conception of the 
 share taken by proportion-groups in the alteration of language. 
 True it is that W. v. Humboldt insisted on the fact that speaking 
 is a perpetual creation. But even down to the present day we 
 find ourselves confronted by spirited and often unintelligent 
 opposition as soon as we insist upon the logical results of this 
 view. 
 
 143. The fact is that the mere reproduction by memory of what 
 it has once mastered is only one factor in the words and groups 
 of words which we employ in our speech. Another hardly less 
 important factor is the combinatory activity based upon the exist- 
 ence of the proportion-groups. The combination consists to some 
 
 ^xtent in the solution of an equation between proportions, by the ; 
 
 /process of freely creating, for a word already familiar, on the ! 
 
 Imodel of proportions likewise familiar, a second proportional 
 
 Vmember. This process we call formation by analogy. It is an 
 
 incontrovertible fact that a quantity of word-forms and syntactic 
 
 combinations which have never been introduced into the mind 
 
 from without, are able not merely to spring into being by the 
 
 G 
 
98 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 aid of proportion -groups, but also henceforward are confidently- 
 produced without the speaker having any consciousness that 
 he is leaving the safe ground of what he had learnt. For the 
 nature of this proceeding it is immaterial whether anything, 
 during the process, appears, which was usual in language 
 before, or something which was not there before. Further, 
 it makes no essential difference whether the new stands in 
 any kind of contradiction to that which prevailed hitherto : it 
 suffices that the individual who is uttering a word feels no con- 
 tradiction with what he has already learned. In other cases it is 
 doubtless true that a reception has taken place from outside ; but 
 the after-effects of this would be too weak for the matter received 
 to be again recalled into memory, were it not that the proportion- 
 group into which it has been ranged comes to its aid. 
 Analogical 144. It will be readily conceded that a minimum of the sen- 
 
 Creation in 
 
 Syntax. tetices which we utter is learnt by heart as such — that most of 
 them, on the contrary, are composed on the spur of the moment. If 
 we try to master a foreign language methodically, rules are given us, 
 according to which we join together the single words into sentences. 
 But no teacher, who has mastered the rules of his profession, will 
 fail, as he goes on, to give examples to illustrate the rules, i.e. with 
 a view to the sentences which are to be independently framed. 
 Rule and example mutually supplement each other in their activity, 
 and we can see by this procedure of our teachers that certain 
 advantages attach to the concrete example which are lackino- to 
 the abstract rule. In the process of naturally masterino- one's 
 mother-tongue no rule, as such, is given, but only a number of 
 examples. We hear gradually a number of sentences which are 
 connected together in the same way, and which hence associate 
 themselves together into one group. The recollection of the special 
 contents of the single sentences may grow less and less distinct in 
 
v.] ON ANALOGY. 
 
 99 
 
 \the process ; the common element is always strengthened anew by- 
 repetition, and it thus comes about that the rule is unconsciously ab- 
 stracted from the examples. It is precisely because no abstract rule 
 is laid down that no single example suffices, but only a group of 
 examples whose special contents appear a matter of indifference. 
 For the idea of the general applicability of the examples cited, which 
 gives each individual the feeling that he is authorised to compose 
 sentences on his own account, becomes developed only by this 
 process. As soon as a rule learned by rote has been frequently 
 enough applied, the time has arrived when it can begin to operate 
 automatically. It is unnecessary to call either the rules or 
 a particular example into consciousness, in order to still form 
 perfectly correct sentences. In fact, as far as the common practice 
 in practical exercise goes, the learner arrives by a circuitous route 
 at the very same point attained by the man who has enjoyed no 
 grammatical training at all. 
 
 145. One of the main disadvantages entailed on the individual 
 who has received his ideas by example only, as opposed to him 
 who has received the rule and example at once, consists in the 
 fact that he is not, like the latter, fully instructed as to the appli- 
 cability of his examples. For instance, whoever hears the German 
 preposition in repeatedly employed with an accusative, will be 
 easily led to apprehend this as the ordinary usage of in; and 
 whoever hears the same word employed sometimes with an accusa- 
 tive, and sometimes with a dative, will need at least a certain 
 time before he has correctly mastered the difference, and meanwhile 
 will use one or the other promiscuously. In a case like this, a 
 definite rule simplifies matters. Such a combination of two 
 groups which by usage should be kept apart, becomes more 
 possible the finer the logical distinction needed for the purpose, 
 and the greater the room left thereby for subjective apprehension. 
 
loo PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 146. But a group is in the best position for extending 
 its precedent over the area of a related group, if it decidedly 
 surpasses the latter in respect of the frequency of the cases 
 which occur. And besides, much that occurs in the usage 
 of language stands isolated and alone, and neither fits in with 
 any consciously abstracted rule, nor with a group that has uncon- 
 sciously arisen. But all that part of language which lacks the 
 support of an environing group, or which enjoys it only in a 
 limited measure, proves, unless impressed by repeated usage 
 intensely upon the memory, not strong enough to withstand the 
 power of the larger groups. Thus, to cite one example, in German, 
 as in other IE. languages, the rule is, that in cases where two 
 objects depend on one verb, one stands in the accusative, the 
 other in the dative. But there are accompanying this rule certain 
 cases, and there were formerly more, in which a double accusa- 
 tive stands instead. These cases have to be learnt by heart, and 
 always must have been. The instinct of language becomes 
 hesitating in consequence of the contravention of the common 
 rule, and this may finally lead to the disappearance of the con- 
 struction as it becomes isolated. We hear at the present day 
 almost as often the expression ' Er lehrt mir die kunsi,' as 
 'Er lehrt mich die kunst ;' and no one says any longer ' Ich 
 verhehle dick die sacke' after the mhg. model, but only ' Ick ver- 
 hehle dir! 
 
 147. But the creative activity of the individual is very marked 
 in the area of word-formation, and still more in that of inflexion. 
 Very few of the verbal and noun forms that we pronounce are due 
 to reproduction by a mere effort of memory ; there are many which 
 we have never before spoken nor heard ; others so seldom, that 
 without the aid of the groups with which they have connected 
 themselves, they could never be recalled into consciousness. In 
 
v.] ON ANALOGY. 
 
 lol 
 
 any case the ordinary rule is that production and reproduction 
 operate together, and this in very different relative proportions to 
 each other. 
 
 148. The operations of analogy force themselves on our atten- j 
 tion with special clearness in the case of the grammatical adoption i 
 of the inflexional forms of a foreign tongue. A quantity of para- 
 digms are committed to memory, and then of the single words 
 only so many forms are impressed on the mind as are sufficient 
 to fix the fact that they belong to such or such paradigm. Some- 
 times a single form is sufficient. The other forms are created at 
 the moment when they are wanted, according to the paradigms — 
 i.e. according to analogy. In the beginning the paradigm which 
 has been committed to memory will be that which each will have 
 before his eyes. But after a fairly large number of words has 
 been formed after this model, and these have left traces in the 
 mind, the act of creation follows even without the word which has 
 served as paradigm coming into consciousness. The forms at 
 an earlier period shaped from other words now co-operate, and 
 the result is that only the formal element common to all alike 
 comes into consciousness, while the different material elements 
 reciprocally bar each other's way. And thus now the relation- 
 ship of the speaker to the inflexion-forms at the moment of his 
 application of them is much the same as that gained in the 
 natural process of mastering the mother-tongue. This natural 
 process of learning leads, by a less direct but in the end not less 
 certain path, to the same goal. In this process there is no special 
 adhesion of the formal elements to a special single material one, 
 and the totality of the possible forms never ranges itself in a 
 definite sequence into one series. The principle is never laid down 
 that such a word must accommodate itself to another. The cir- 
 cumstance that a quantity of forms of different words have like 
 
102 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 we are justified in carrying this likeness still further. As soon as 
 all the forms of a quantity of words have imprinted themselves on 
 the mind and closed into groups, the instinct of language regards it 
 as self-evident that the forms of other groups belong as well to 
 such groups : e.g., that the other cases of a substantive belong as a 
 necessary complement to the nominative or genitive of a sub- 
 stantive. And hence it comes also that we do not apprehend 
 each case and each verbal form as a special word, but that we 
 comprise at once the whole series of forms under the ordinary 
 titular form (nominative, infinitive) of a substantive or a verb. 
 
 149. The conditions connected with word-formation resemble 
 only partially those connected with inflexion. It is true that 
 numerous methods of such formation are produced as easily and 
 simply as inflexional forms, as for instance the comparative and 
 superlative from the positive. In other cases the words trans- 
 mitted produce creations by analogy only in limited quantities, 
 and again in the case of others they produce none at all. This 
 difference of behaviour is simply conditioned by the different 
 adaptability of the material transmitted to group-formation. 
 
 150. Seeing that most of the forms common in language 
 permit of being reduced to similarly related groups, it is natural 
 enough that by the aid of proportions, groups should often be 
 created which were before common in language. But if this was 
 to be invariably the case, on the one hand, all forms which could 
 have been formed according to proportion would have had to be 
 already once formed ; and, on the other hand, the form system 
 must have been supposed to exist in such perfect harmony as we 
 nowhere find in fact ; or at least, where different methods of for- 
 mation existed side by side (different classes of declensions or 
 conjugations, different methods of forming a noun of the agent 
 from a verb, etc.), corresponding forms from different classes would 
 
v.] ON ANALOGY. 
 
 103 
 
 never have taken analogous forms ; but every single form would 
 indicate, without the least ambiguity, to which of the existing 
 classes the word in question belonged. As soon as a form is 
 capable, from a structural point of view, of belonging to more 
 classes than one, it becomes likewise possible to construct the other 
 forms attaching to it after more than one scheme. Which of the 
 two alternative schemes shall then prevail depends solely upon 
 their relative strength. 
 
 A proportional formation meets with no check in the mind 
 where no expression for the function for which it is created is 
 as yet in existence. It meets none either where a divergent 
 expression is indeed in use, which has not, however, been 
 transmitted to the person in question ; and this is common 
 enough in words not in common use. If, however, the ordinary 
 form has once been received into the memory, it is a mere question 
 of power if, at the moment when a particular function is to be 
 exercised, a form is raised into consciousness for this purpose by 
 means of simple reproduction or by the aid of a proportion. It 
 may in this case happen that the proportion asserts itself in the 
 first place, but that the connexion formed at an earlier period 
 with the memory-picture of the usual form is still strong enough 
 to render perceptible the contrast between the new creation 
 and the picture in the memory. One begins then to reflect that 
 one was going to say, or has already said, something wrong. This 
 is, then, one of the various ways according to which one can com- 
 mit linguistic errors. It is a similar linguistic error when the 
 speaker, after he has spoken, does not spontaneously notice the 
 contrast with the picture in his memory, but immediately recog- 
 nises it when his attention is called to it by. the slightest hint. 
 But the power of the memory-picture may be so small that it 
 proves unable to contend against the proportional formation, and 
 then the latter prevails unchallenged. 
 
104 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 151.. By the operation of the groups each individual has thus 
 at once the power and the provocation to pass out of the usual in 
 language, and both in a high degree. 
 
 152. We have now to notice that everything created in this 
 manner leaves a lasting effect behind. Should this not be from 
 the very outset strong and tenacious enough to render an im- 
 mediate reproduction possible, still it renders a future repetition 
 of the same creative process more easy, and contributes towards 
 the further removal of possible opposing obstacles. By dint of 
 such repetitions, such power can afterwards be added to the new 
 formation as it demanded to facilitate its direct reproduction. 
 
 153. But each such transgression of usage, when confined to 
 the case of an individual, where it adds something to the usual 
 sense without contradicting it, gives the impression of a certain 
 audacity ; where it does contradict it, it appears as an unmistak- 
 able fault. It is possible for such fault to remain isolated, and not 
 to pass into any sort of custom ; it is likewise possible for it, even 
 after it had passed into custom, to be laid aside again by dint of 
 intercourse, whereby the usual is again assumed, whether this be 
 for the first time or anew. Assuming, however, even that it is not 
 laid aside, it commonly perishes with the individual, and is not 
 readily transferred to any other. It is much easier for a creation 
 which conflicts with no previously existing one to be thus trans- 
 ferred ; in this case it is far easier for a single individual to give 
 the impulse. On the other hand, it results similarly with the re- 
 placing of the hitherto-usual by the new as with sound-change and 
 change in meaning. It is only on an occasion when, within a 
 limited area of intercourse, the same new creation makes its influ- 
 ence completely felt, and this spontaneously, in a large number 
 of individuals, that a change of usage can take form. The possi- 
 
^■] ON ANALOGY. 105 
 
 bility of such spontaneous coincidences as evidenced in several 
 persons depends on the overwhelming agreement in the organi- 
 sation of the idea-groups which influence human speech. The 
 greater the number of those among whom the new formation 
 makes its appearance, the easier will be its transmission to 
 others ; in fact, the faster will what at first seemed an " irregu- 
 larity" or error gain in authority. 
 
 154. Just as in the case of the sound-relations, and in the case 
 of the meaning attributed to words, we find in new analogical for- 
 mations the most violent departures from ordinary usage in the 
 language of children. The less finished, and the weaker the im- 
 pression made by single words and forms, the fewer are the restric- 
 tions put upon the new creation ; the wider play, in fact, will it. be 
 found to have. Thus all children have a tendency to employ 
 regular and usual methods of composing words for irregular and 
 unusual modes, which latter attach themselves but loosely to their 
 memory. In NHG. [or English], for instance, they are disposed 
 to treat all verbs as weak. If, with the increasing development 
 of the individual, the process of new formation grows more and 
 more rare, this is of course not a consequence of any disappear- 
 ance of an operative force which was originally there, but of the 
 decreasing necessity for any such formation ; since, to serve the 
 very purpose for which they were at an earlier period called into 
 being, forms caught up by memory tend to present themselves 
 more and more. Commonly it will be found that in this particular 
 area the " irregularities " of children's talk leave behind them no 
 particular consequences for the further development of language in 
 general ; but here and there we may trace signs even of this. 
 Particularly in cases where the adults are disposed to new word- 
 formations will a corresponding inclination manifest itself even 
 more strongly in the children ; and these will allow their fancy a 
 
io6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 free career as soon as ever the necessary restriction due to the 
 language of the adults is removed. 
 
 155. An analogical new formation has no power to drive out of 
 the field at a single blow a pre-existent form of similar meaning. 
 It is scarcely conceivable that the picture of the latter should 
 at one and the same moment become so faint in all the indivi- 
 duals of a community that analogical formation could proceed on 
 its course without let or hindrance. On the contrary, it always 
 happens that certain individuals persistently maintain the old form, 
 while others avail themselves at once of the new formation. But 
 as long as ever an unbroken intercourse is maintained between 
 the two, there must be some kind of compromise as well, and 
 thus, in a smaller or more numerous group of individuals both 
 forms must necessarily become current. Not till after a long and 
 obstinate struggle between both forms can the new formation be 
 invested with undisputed sway. 
 
 156. Seeing that the new analogical formation is the solution of 
 an equation between proportions, it follows that at least three 
 terms must be present to enable such an equation to be instituted. 
 Each must be capable of being compared in some point with the 
 other — i.e. in this case an agreement must appear, with the one 
 in the material, with the other in the formal element. Thus in 
 Latin such an equation may be instituted as this, — animus : animi 
 = senatus : x, but not animus : animi=inensa : x. And thus it happens 
 
 I that a word can undergo no analogical influence from other words 
 unless it agrees with these in the formation of one form or of several. 
 No doubt it is true that influence at times makes itself felt without 
 such agreement, but this can then hardly be called formation by 
 analogy in the strict sense of the word. A flexional termination 
 may be felt owing to the special frequency of its occurrence as the 
 regular and usual termination for a flexional form. It then extends 
 
"^•1 ON ANALOGY. 107 
 
 simi- 
 
 probably to other words even without the support of words 
 larly formed. Of this nature is, in Attic Greek, the extension of the 
 genitive termination -ov from the second declension to the mascu- 
 Hnes of the first : we find iroXirov instead of -n-dklTew, as we should 
 expect, from the Homeric -ao and Doric -d; the coincidence of 
 both in gender has in this case sufficed to set the influence at work. 
 [There are many similar instances in modern Greek.] The genitive 
 dual of the third declension in Greek has borrowed its termination 
 from the second ; iro^olv is formed after the analogy of iiriroiv. 
 In German the genitive ending in s is transferred to the feminine 
 proper names with the termination a, as Berthas, Claras. 
 
 157. Of course new formations come into existence as well on 
 the basis of the proportion-groups described before, which combine 
 out of forms of a similar material-group. In MHG. the third per- 
 sons plural run as follows: — Indie, ^^rt?,. gebent, con]. geben ; indie. 
 pret. gaben, conj. gaben. In nhg. the form geben has also been 
 adopted in the indie, pres., after the analogy of the other three 
 forrris ; in late MHG., ent has found its way into the other forms 
 by a reverse process. The second person sing, indie, pret. of the 
 strong verb, which was formed after a peculiar fashion in MHG. {dii 
 gcebe, wceri) is altered after the analogy of the other second persons. 
 
 158. The creative effect of analogy in the region of sound-sub- Analogy m 
 
 Sound- 
 
 stitution has hitherto received very little attention. Sound-substi- ^''''"''"''°°' 
 tution is in the first instance, as we have seen, an effect of sound- 
 change, which sets in when a similar sound or group of sounds 
 has split into several, in consequence of different conditions of 
 sound. As long as these conditions are maintained, and, besides 
 this, no disturbance of the effects of the sound-transformation 
 comes in through other influences, it is possible that the forms 
 which have arisen through the process of sound-mutation may 
 arrange themselves into proportion-groups (see examples, p. 95). 
 
io8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch 
 
 In this case we may speak of the sound-substitution as a living one 
 If, however, the conditions disappear which caused the differen 
 treatment of the sound, then no more etymological sound-propor 
 tions are able to form themselves ; in fact, the process of sound- 
 substitution is petrified. Thus, for instance, the change betweer 
 h and g in ziehen — zug, gedeiken — gediegen, is conditioned nc 
 longer by relations in the speech of the present day — the reason 
 which originally called into existence this substitution, i.e. the 
 changing Indo-European accent, has long been put out of account. 
 The change between hoher — hoch, sehen — gesicht, geschehen — 
 geschichte, coincides no doubt with a change of the position within 
 the syllable; but seeing that in most cases where a perfectly 
 analogous change of position takes place, no sound-substitution any 
 longer occurs (cf. rauher — rauli, sehen— sah and sieht, geschehen, 
 geschah, and geschieht), this change is likewise dead. It is differ- 
 ent in MHG., where it is an all-prevailing principle that the sound 
 of ser,ti)on ch answers to an h in the beginning of a .syllable where 
 it stands after the sonant of the syllable. Thus vsre find rdher 
 — riich, sehen — sach, geschehen — geschach; before s and t in early 
 MHG. we certainly find an h written as well (as in sihst, siht) ; while 
 in later MHG. we find it likewise denoted by ch {sichst, sicht). 
 
 159. The material-sound proportion -groups are productive, it will 
 be observed, in the same way as the material-formal. It is for instance 
 inconceivable that both the different pronunciations of the German 
 ch are specially learnt by each individual to meet each special case ; 
 rather do memory-impressions and creation-by-analogy operate 
 simultaneously ; and, indeed, without the co-operation of the latter 
 the invariability in the change between both which actually exists 
 could not be acquired. 
 
 160. The operation of analogy in the case of j««^^2-phenomena 
 is past all doubt. What would on any other hypothesis be the 
 
v.] ON ANALOGY. 
 
 rog 
 
 explanation of the fact that in French the final consonants s, z, t, n 
 are treated differently according as the word connected with them 
 begins with a consonant or a vowel ? It is no doubt possible that 
 a quantity of such combinations as nous vendons — nous aimons, 
 2m fils — un ami, have perpetuated themselves by memory from 
 generation to generation, but certainly this cannot be the case 
 with nearly all that come into use, and have at an earlier period 
 done so. In spite of this, the change is accurately observed even 
 by those quite unversedin grammar, and in the case of any new 
 combination at will. 
 
 i6i. The action of etymologico-phonetic proportional groups 
 commonly produces such forms as would also be produced by 
 the fundamental sound-change. Still it sometimes happens 
 that new forms are produced which would be impossible ac- 
 cording to the strict law of sound-change. The reason of this 
 is either a reversal of the proportions not properly justifiable, or 
 a confusion of the' relations by means of later sound-change. 
 
 162. The sound-law in many High and Middle German dialects 
 holds good that n in the auslaut of syllables has disappeared, but has 
 maintained itself at the end of the word, when the following word 
 commences with a vowel, and it has transferred itself to this : thus 
 in Swabian % ros {ein ross) — e-n ob^t {ein abend), i diig ( = MHG. ick 
 tuon) — du^-n-i. The speakers are therefore accustomed to find an 
 n in many cases apparently intruding between a vowel-ending and 
 a vowel-commencement ; and in consequence of this, the n trans- 
 fers itself to cases where in the older time no n existed. Thus in 
 
 * Cf. Win- 
 
 Switzerland*we find combinations like wo-n-i, 'where \;' s^-n-iE,^Az€sKer■ 
 enzer mun- 
 
 • SO it is ;' wzg-n-g, ' how a. ;' so-n-g, 'so a;' bi-n-%m, 'by him ;' tsu§-n-^m,'^^'^^^'i'^- '!^' 
 'to him.' The same phenomenon meets us in Swabia, e.g. in the 
 
 t as com- 
 
 dialect of the country round B.orh-!\bei-n-gm, 'by them ;' zug-n-eng,'^^^^''^^° 
 ' to them ;' di ma-n-i — dich mag ich, Id-n-gms — lass es ihm, ' leave it Kauffmann. 
 
II o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTOR Y OF LANG UA GE. [Ch. V. 
 
 »Schinoiier' ^'^ him ; ' ^^^z'-w-^wj — gib es ihin, 'give it him;' while similarly in 
 
 Bajyens,"' Bavarian Swabia, and in a neighbouring portion of the regular 
 p- 134. 
 
 Bavarian zrea,*si-n-zs( = sie ist, wie-n-i—wie ich, etc. In the Carin- 
 
 K-irm.^ thian dialect we also find b&-n-enk = bei euch,\ In the old Provencal 
 
 ^V'bck., p. 
 
 xiii. we find the form fon, a variant of fo, formed after the analogy of 
 
 jcycNeu. '^'''^ — ^"-X Under this head comes also v e.^^KKvcniKov, so far as 
 
 mann,Zeitsch. . ^ . „ . .^ , 
 
 ram.fhu. it IS not ctymologically justified. 
 
 viii. 257. ° 
 
 163. [Familiar examples of this transference of n are seen in 
 cases like newt in English for an eft, etc.j 
 
 164. The same law which holds good in the Alemannic and 
 Swabian for n holds good in Bavarian for r. The Bavarian, there- 
 fore, says d^r arm, but dejung; ^r is, but ^ hdt ; meibru^d^r od^ri, 
 
 mdkrfp''" but 2 0^^ mei brugdg.^ In consequence of this, we see combina- 
 141, " sup. ^JQj^g ^^jgg jjj^g wig-r-i — wie ich, ge-r-^ — gehe er, da. sig-r-i — da sehe 
 m'jI Leifr i'^f^^ kd^-r-i — kann ich, ag-r-i — abhin = hinab.\\ Correspondingly we 
 ».«<;(., p. gnd MHG. y^r^, nilrd ixom. jd, nu,+ d, which must be explained 
 
 after the analogy of the relation dd (from an older ddr) to ddrane, 
 
 wd to wdrane, hie to hierane, sd to sdrie. 
 
 165. Double formations in the phonetics of sentences are doubt- 
 less the domain in which this kind of analogical creation most 
 commonly manifests itself. But it is not confined to these. If in 
 late MHG. after the final e is dropped from zcehe, geschahe, hcehe, etc., 
 the forms zach, geschcech, hoech take their rise, we must probably not 
 suppose a transition of the h sound into ch : the forms have rather 
 attached themselves to the analogy of the change which existed 
 before between hoch — hohes, geschehen—geschach, etc. It will be 
 precisely the same in cases like sicht, geschicht (written in olden 
 times siht, geschiht), from sihet, geschihet. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX.* bZmZTIj 
 
 Phonet., p. 
 86 sqg. 
 
 ALL linguistic activity consists in the formation of sentences, a Sentence , 
 The sentence is the hnguistic expression or symbol, denot- Linguistic 
 
 . Expression 
 
 mg that the combmation of several ideas or groups of ideas has of the 
 
 , -^ combination 
 
 been effected m the mmd of the speaker ; and is at the same time of several 
 
 1 r 1 ■ t ideas. 
 
 the means of reproducmg the same combmation of the same 
 ideas in the mind of the hearer. Any narrower definition of the 
 sentence than this must be rejected as insufficient. Among the 
 common errors touching the essence of a sentence, we must reckon 
 the notion that it must contain a finite verb. Combinations such tcic.z.,^«M, 
 
 79/ 
 
 , as omnia prcBclara rara ;'\suinmum ius suinma iniuria ;^ trdume \.^lt, ^^ 
 schdume ; I a liar f — I thank YOU ? — You talk to ME ? — are in 
 every respect sentences as good as The man lives ; he is dead. 
 
 \6j. We possess the following means of expressing in language Means of 
 
 , denoting the 
 
 the combination of ideas : (i) The juxtaposition of the words combina- 
 tion, 
 which correspond to the ideas by themselves ; (2) the order of 
 
 these words ; (3) the gradation amongst these in respect to 
 
 energy of utterance, to the relative strength of emphasis, as, Charles 
 
 is not COMING — Charles is NOT coming ; (4) the modulation of the 
 
 pitch — cf., Charles is coming, as spoken in a mere assertion, and 
 
 Charles is coming f — as an interrogative sentence; (5) the time, 
 
 which is commonly found to stand in close correspondence with 
 
 the energy and the pitch ; (6) link-words, such as prepositions,, 
 
112 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 conjunctions, and auxiliary verbs ; (7) the inflexional modifica- 
 tion of the words, whether {a) the method of the combination be 
 more closely defined by the inflexional forms themselves {fairi 
 librum dai), or (b) the connexion between the words be denoted 
 by formal agreement, as in anima Candida. It is self-evident that 
 the two last methods have only been able to shape themselves 
 gradually by means of a somewhat prolonged historical develop- 
 ment, while the five first-named stand at the disposal of the 
 speaker from the very outset. But (2) to (5) inclusive are 
 not always directly determined by the natural course of the ideas 
 and feelings they represent, but are capable of a traditional de- 
 velopment \cf. the method of distinguishing homonyms in Chinese, 
 by lowering or raising the tone]. 
 
 168. The way in which the ideas are capable of being connected 
 with each other is fixed with more or less exactness according to 
 the frequency and definiteness of the methods employed. It is 
 with regard to the method of combination, just as with respect to 
 the single idea. The linguistic expression for this does not need 
 to be equivalent to the psychical relation as it exists in the mind ■ 
 of the speaker, and as it is to be produced in the mind of the 
 hearer. It may be much less definite. 
 Subject and 1 69. It thus happens that every sentence consists of at least two 
 
 Psycho- ' elements. These elements are related to each other, not as exact 
 Gramm^ equivalcnts, but are differentiated according to their function. 
 They are termed subject and predicate. These grammatical 
 categories repose on a psychological, a logical, relation. No doubt 
 we have to distinguish between the psychological and the gram- 
 matical subject or predicate, as the case may be— since the two 
 do not always correspond, as we shall presently see in detail. But 
 still it remains true that the grammatical relation is built up solely 
 on the foundation of the psychological. 
 
 tical. 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 "3 
 
 170. The psychological subject is the group of ideas which is 
 first present in the consciousness of the speaker or thinker; with this 
 a second, the psychological predicate, unites itself. The subject is, 
 to speak with Steinthal, the apprehending portion ; the predicate 
 the apprehended. Von der Gabelentzi is quite right in defining 
 both elements from the point of view of the hearer. The psycholo- 
 gical subject, according to him, is that on which the speaker wishes 
 to make the hearer think, and to which he would direct his obser-^ 
 vation ; the psychological predicate that which he wishes him to 
 think about it. Still, such definition of the predicate might easily 
 lead to an erroneously narrow conception, such as is commonly 
 current in our grammars. The main point after all for us to 
 remember is this, that one idea is in consciousness connected with 
 the other idea, 
 
 171. We are accustomed nowadays to attach a narrower sense 
 to the relationship of the subject to the predicate. If the predicate 
 is a noun, we demand for the normal structure of the sentence 
 that it should either be identified with the subject, or that it should 
 denote the wider conception to which the narrower one of the subject 
 should be subordinated, or that it should announce a quality inher- 
 ing in the conception of the subject. But in the case of proverbs 
 and proverbial expressions relations of quite another nature are 
 expressed by the grammatical form of the juxtaposition of subject 
 and predicate ; take such expressions as one man one vote ; much 
 cry and little wool; first come first served; a word to the wise; 
 like master like man; better aught than nought ; in Q&xvad.vi, gleiche 
 briider gleiche kappen; vielfeind' vielehr' ; viele kopfe viele sinne; alter 
 fuchs alte list; klein geld kleine arbeit ; neuer arzt neuer kirchhof ; 
 heisse bitte kalter dank ; kurz gebet tiefe andacht ; roter bart untreue 
 art; gevatter Ubernzaun gevatter wider herUber; gliick im spiel unglilck 
 
 ^ Zeitschrift fiir volkerpsychologie, vi. 378. 
 H 
 
114 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 inderliebe; mit gefangen mit gekangen ; friih gesattelt spat geritten ; 
 allein getan allein gebiisst : correspondingly in other IE. languages, 
 as in French we find don capitaine bon soldat ; bonne terre mauvais 
 chemin ; longue langue courte main; brum matinee belle journ^e ; 
 froides mains chaudes amours ; feves fleuries temps de folies ; soleil 
 d la vue bataille perdue; point d' argent point de Suisse, etc. 
 Certainly we are accustomed to apprehend such sentences as 
 abbreviated hypothetical periods, and accordingly to set a comma 
 between the two component parts : but the fact that they may be 
 paraphrased by a hypothetical period (such as where there is much 
 cry there is little wool) does not concern us. The grammatical form 
 of such is precisely the same as that of borrow sorrow ; most haste 
 least speed. In the first sentences formed by children, the mere 
 collocation of words serves for the expression of all possible 
 relations. 
 
 172. Examples taken from experience are given by Steinthal 
 (Einl. pp. S34-6): cf.papa hat = papa has a hat on ; mamma baba = 
 I will sleep with mamma. Where a foreign language has to 
 be employed, with which the speaker is only imperfectly ac- 
 quainted, he turns in his need to the same primitive method of 
 rendering himself intelligible, and is understood, supported as he 
 is by the situation. He says, for instance, wine table, and is under- 
 stood to mean that he wishes the wine to be placed on the table. 
 The conditions which cause the production of such sentences, and 
 which enable the hearer to guess the unexpressed relation of the 
 conceptions, occur, of course, not merely in the commencement of 
 each man's linguistic activity, or in that of mankind generally speak- 
 ing, but at all times. If they come to be employed in the stages 
 of higher development only in a limited degree, the reason of this 
 is merely that more perfect means of expression are at hand. 
 
 173. Originally there was one method, and one only, of mark- 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 115 ■ 
 
 ing the difference between subject and predicate — i.e. stress of Means of 
 tone. In the case of the isolated sentence, the psychological ing subject 
 predicate is always the more strongly accented, as the more im- cate : 
 
 ...ri t . . t Kmphasis, 
 
 portant portion of the sentence, and as contammg the new matter. Position, etc 
 This may be regarded as a law pervading all nations and all ages. 
 The place in the sentence may have afforded a second means of 
 distinction. Von der Gabelentz, in the treatise mentioned above 
 (p. 376) lays it down that the order subject-predicate (both regarded 
 as psychological categories) maybe held as admitting no exceptions.'- 
 This view does not seem to me quite correct. In pronouncing judg- 
 ment on this question, we must leave out of consideration the 
 language, and the cases in which a strict rule has been laid down by 
 tradition for the position of the grammatical subject and predicate. 
 We may only cite cases in which both may change their place — 
 cases therefore in which the position is conditioned, not by gram- 
 matical, but solely by psychological rules. The view held by Von 
 der Gabelentz, that a preceding grammatical predicate is always the 
 psychological subject, no doubt meets in many instances the case, 
 as, for instance, in this passage from Goethe : ' Weg ist alles, was 
 du liebtest, Weg, warum du dick betrUbtest, Weg dein gliick und 
 deine ruh.' If, however, we say ' A puff of wind caught the hat, 
 and away it went', we cannot possibly take away as a psycho- 
 logical subject. In the same way there exists a correspondence 
 between the psychological and grammatical subject if, in reply to 
 the remark, 'John seems a sensible man', the answer should be 
 given, "Tis an ass that he is ;' and so in many cases. The idea 
 of the subject, no doubt, always precedes in the consciousness of 
 the speaker ; but as soon as he begins to speak, the more significant 
 idea of the predicate may press so far into the foreground that it 
 
 1 Wegener, on the other hand (p. 31 sqq.), holds the precedence of the predicate to 
 be the natural order, a view which I cannot adopt. \,Cf. Herbert Spencer's Essay on 
 the Philosophy of Style for a discussion of the question.] 
 
ii6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 must be uttered in the first place, and the subject need not be 
 added till afterwards. This often occurs when the idea of the 
 subject was previously present in the conversation, as in the in- 
 stances just mentioned. Then the person addressed has, as a 
 general rule, while he is hearing the predicate, the corresponding 
 subject in his mind, which, indeed, may as well remain unex- 
 pressed : cf., ' What is John ? ' — ' A merchant! But even when the 
 person addressed is not prepared for the subject, a desire to pro- 
 duce superior emphasis may cause the predicate to come to the 
 front. The speaker, then,^in his eagerness to present the main 
 idea, holds the accurate guidance of his interlocutor as of 
 secondary importance ; and it does not occur to him till later 
 that such guidance is necessary. It is a similar psychological 
 process when the subject is expressed at first by a pronoun, 
 whose relation is not self-evident to the person addressed, and 
 is not expressed more definitely till later, as. She is com.ing,my dove, 
 *Maud. my dear (Tennyson);*/?^ sie blind, meine Hebe (Lessing); sie 
 hindert nicht allein nicht, diese binde (ib.) ; was fiir ein bild 
 hinterldsst er, dieser schwall von worten (ib.) ; MHG. wie j&merliche 
 ez stdt, daz here lant ( Walth. v. d. VOGELWEIDE) ; si ist iemer unge- 
 ^\S^',v^Zt.]Schriben, diu froude^die si hdten (Hart. v. AUE) ; Fr. elle approche, 
 cette mart inexorable} It is clear from the citations given above 
 , that the sentences with a psychological predicate preceding bear a 
 relationship to the sentences to be considered afterwards, in which 
 the predicate alone is expressed. They are an anomaly, as against 
 the custom of placing the subject first, which obtains in less pas- 
 sionate narration or description ; but they are an anomaly which 
 still cannot be disregarded, and an anomaly of not unfrequent 
 occurrence. Thus the position of the words cannot be regarded as 
 a means of marking the separation between subject and predicate 
 given with the commencement of sentence-construction. 
 
 ^ See other examples in Wegener, p. 41. 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 117 
 
 174- Just as single words may possess concrete and abstract concrete and 
 significations, so may sentences as well. A sentence is concrete SentMcL 
 when one of the main members of it, the psychological subject 
 or the psychological predicate, is concrete. Normally the subject 
 which gives the sentence its concrete nature would be concrete. 
 Concrete and abstract sentences do not need to be different 
 according to the form of their expression. We can say generally 
 with respect to the nature of a horse, The horse is swift, just as 
 with respect to some particular horse we can say. The horse is 
 worthless : and the different nature of the sentences can only be 
 told by the connexion and the situation. In the first sentence 
 we might employ a plural means of expression. Horses (or, alt 
 horses) are swift. But it cannot be said in that case to remain 
 properly abstract ; for ' all horses ' must mean all horses which 
 exist, and is consequently to be looked on as a concrete 
 expression. If the subject is concrete, the sentence cannot be 
 abstract. No doubt the different possibility exists that the 
 predicate can be thought of as something simply attaching to 
 the subject, something stationary or repeating itself, or as some- 
 thing attaching itself only at a particular time. In the first case 
 there exists in some sense a middle step between an abstract and 
 a concrete sentence, and it may be allowed in default of a better 
 to employ for this kind of sentences the expression 'abslxact- 
 concrete.' This difference, however, does not require to be met 
 by a corresponding difference in form of expression. He speaks 
 quickly may denote ' He speaks quickly at this moment,' and ' He 
 commonly speaks quickly ; ' He is lazy, may denote a fault on 
 a given occasion, or a lasting characteristic. 
 
 175. Our assertion that two members at least go to make up Sentences ot 
 
 apparently 
 
 a sentence seems to be contradicted by the fact that we find one element 
 
 only. 
 
 sentences consisting of only a single word or of a group forming a 
 
ii8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 unit. The contradiction is explained by the fact that in this case 
 iB one member of the sentence (as a rule the logical subject) is taken 
 for granted and finds no expression in language. It may be 
 completed from what has been said before. We ought specially 
 to notice that in the course of conversation it often needs to 
 be taken from words of the other. The answer commonly con- 
 sists of a predicate alone ; the subject is either contained in the 
 question, or the whole question is the logical subject, (i) ' Who 
 struck you ? ' — 'John.' (2) ' Was it you f ' — ' Yes ' (No, certainly, 
 surely, of course). Similarly remarks like the following may serve 
 as predicate to a sentence spoken by another, Avowedly, all right, 
 very possibly, strange enough, no wonder, nonsense, stuff, balderdash, 
 etc. In other cases, it is the object of perception common to 
 speaker and hearer alike — the situation — that forms the logical 
 subject, to which the attention may be still more pointedly 
 directed by gestures. This object of perception may be the 
 speaker or the person accosted ; cf., your servant, most obedient 
 servant ; all right, welcome ; so sad I why so sad f Besides these we 
 have many exclamations of astonishment and alarm and appeals 
 for aid, like fire ! — thieves ! — murder ! — help ! and challenges, 
 like Friend or foe ? We have questions, too, like Odd or even ? 
 — Right or left ? When the Prince in Lessing's Emilia begins 
 with Klagen, nichts als klagen ! Bittschriften, nichts als bittschrif- 
 ten ! — these are mere predicates : the subject is formed by the 
 letters which he takes up in his hand. In the case of such 
 sentences, which as far as their mere expression goes consist of 
 j a single member, what for the speaker is the psychological pre- 
 dicate becomes for the hearer the subject instead. For the man 
 I who, on seeing a house on fire, calls out 'Fire!' the situation is 
 the subject, and the common idea fire is the predicate ; on the 
 other hand, for the man who hears 'Fire!' cried before he him- 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 119 
 
 self sees a fire, the idea of fire is the subject, and the situation 
 is the predicate. There may also occur sentences in which, for 
 both sides alike, what is uttered is the subject, and the situation 
 is the predicate. Supposing, for instance, that any one sees a 
 child in danger, he naturally cries out to the person entrusted 
 with its custody merely — 'The child.'' Hereby the object alone 
 is denoted to which attention is intended to be called — i.e. the 
 logical subject : the predicate, on the other hand, has to be 
 gathered by the person addressed from what he sees, if he follows 
 the direction to which his attention is called. Or, supposing 
 that one of two companions in travel remarks that the other has 
 forgotten his umbrella, the mere exclamation, ' Your umbrella ! ' 
 is quite sufficient to make the latter complete the predicate. The 
 vocative, pronounced as such, to summon or warn, or entreat any 
 one, or to call his attention to his turn of action, is such another 
 sentence — lacking a verbal predicate, but not a psychological 
 one. On the other hand, by the side of a verb in the second 
 person without subject pronoun, the vocative may be appre- 
 hended as the subject to this. We commonly punctuate ' Charles, 
 come ! ' and ' Come, Charles 1 ' — but, on the other hand, ' You come I ' 
 and ' Come you 1 ' and yet the relations are in the two cases the 
 same. 
 
 176 This is the place to determine the position of the so- impersonal 
 
 ' Verbs. 
 
 called impersonal verbs. It is a much-disputed question whether 
 these are to be regarded as lacking a subject or not. A critical 
 discussion of the current views upon it is to be found in Miklosich's 
 treatise, Subjectlose sdtze (second edition, Vienna, 1883); a treatise 
 by Marty in the Vierteljahrsschr. f. wissenschaftliche philos. viii. 
 56 sq., is chiefly based upon Miklosich's material. 
 
 177. In order to answer the question properly, a strict division 
 must be made between the grammatical form and the logical 
 
120 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 relation denoted thereby. If we regard the first merely, it 
 cannot be doubted that sentences like es rauscht ; il gele ; Low 
 Servian vono se biyska ('it lightens') have a subject. But all 
 efforts have proved fruitless to treat this es, il, vono, as a logical 
 subject, and to give it a definite interpretation. Again, in sen- 
 tences like the Latin pluit, Greek wet, Sanscrit varsati (' it rains '), 
 Lithuanian sninga (' it snows '), we may assume that the formal 
 subject is not wanting ; for such subject may be contained in the 
 verbal termination under which a personal he or she, may be 
 understood. It might certainly be said for the opposite view 
 that in the languages in question the third person can stand 
 also by the side of an expressed subject \z.s Jupiter pluit, o ZeO? vet, 
 etc.].^ But it is impossible to prove that the impersonal did not 
 arise before this form of applying it. It seems most natural in 
 this case to recognise a formal subject. It is with the personal 
 ending just as with the independent pronoun. The sentence, as 
 it is brought into the normal form, has received a formal subject 
 which has nothing to do with the psychological. We must pre- 
 suppose an older stage, in which the simple verbal stem was set 
 down ; a stage which is actually seen in Hungarian at the present 
 day, where the third person singular has no suffix (see Miklosich, 
 p. 15). And we can form a lively idea of this stage of language 
 after the analogy of the sentences just discussed, which consist 
 of a single (not verbal) word. These are really and truly, as far 
 as the linguistic expression goes, subjectless. 
 
 178. We may then lay it down that the psychological subject 
 is as little expressed in the sentence it is hot as in the sentence /re. 
 But we must guard against being misled into the view that none 
 exists. In this case too we have a junction of two ideas. On one 
 side stands the perception of a concrete phenomenon, on the other 
 the idea of burning or of fire ; an idea already reposing in the 
 
 ['In A.S. we find passive and impersonal verbs employed absolutely with no 
 subject expressed or understood : cf. Mason's Eng. Gram., p. 149. Translator.] 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 mind, under which the perception in question may be ranged. 
 The word fire can be a sentence only as an imperfect expression 
 for the connexion of these two elements. It is conceivable that in 
 the case of the verb in the corresponding application, the infinitive 
 might have become usual instead of the impersonal. And indeed 
 the infinitive is actually employed where an order or demand is 
 in question. For instance, as a word of command, aufsitzen stands 
 on the same plane as marsch ! and psychologically speaking it 
 may.be regarded as the imperative to the impersonal, es wird 
 aufgesessen \cf. the jussive use of the infinitive in ancient Greek, 
 and in modern French in such instances as voir, pp. lo and 50], 
 
 179. Miklosich and Marty dispute the existence of a psycho- 
 logical subject for impersonal sentences. They hold these as 
 true sentences composed of a single member in accordance 
 with Brentano's psychology, and they see in them a proof of 
 the theory that the logical judgment does not necessarily con- 
 sist of two members. It seems that Marty was brought to this 
 view partly by the consideration that for the expression of per- 
 ception in a concrete sentence linguistically consisting of two 
 members, something more must be demanded than the connexion 
 of the two members. If we say, for example, This pear is hard, 
 we must have previously brought the object of which we wish to 
 say anything under the common category of pear, and the quality 
 which we have remarked as attaching to it under the common 
 category oi hard. We must thus, in order to pronounce our judg- 
 ment, have formed two additional auxiliary judgments. Thus one 
 might imagine from this point of view that the impersonal sentence 
 really contains no more than the predicate of a normal sentence ; 
 and as the latter is denoted as consisting of two members, it then 
 seems but commonly consistent to denote the former as consisting 
 of one member only. According to this view, however, the fact 
 
122 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 is overlooked that what in one case was nothing but an auxiliary- 
 judgment, in the other has become an end in itself. We might 
 with equal right neglect the difference which exists between the 
 member of a sentence the mortal vian, and the sentence man is 
 mortal. But under all circumstances a sentence like Fire, it is 
 hot, is of two members. 1 It is hard to form an intelligible idea 
 of judgments consisting of but a single member, and logicians 
 should not cite language as a proof of the existence of such : 
 otherwise, they show that their very thoughts are dependent on 
 linguistic expression — the very thing from which they ought to 
 seek to emancipate themselves. 
 
 1 80. According to our investigations hitherto pursued, it is 
 clear that impersonal sentences, consisting according to their 
 linguistic expression of a single member, are always concrete, 
 never abstract. For their very object and end is to produce a 
 concrete intuition with a common conception. 
 Negative 181. If we have defined the sentence as the expression for the 
 
 Sentences. 
 
 connexion of two ideas, negative sentences seem to contradict this, 
 since they rather denote a separation. Still, such a separation 
 finds no expression unless the ideas in question have met in the 
 consciousness of the speaker. We may define the negative sentence 
 of affirmation as the expression of the fact that the attempt to 
 establish a relation between" two ideas has failed. The negative 
 sentence is in any case of later birth than the positive. Probably 
 negation finds in every case a special expression in language. One 
 might, however, very well imagine that negative sentences might 
 be formed in a primitive stage of development of language, in 
 which the negative sense might be indicated by nothing else than 
 the stress and the accompanying gestures. 
 Sentences of 182. What cau Only be laid down as a possibility in the case of 
 andDemand. the difference between positive and negative sentences is certainly 
 
 1 For the auxiliary judgments in such cases obviously consist of two members. 
 
123 
 
 VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 true of the difference between sentences of assertion and sentences 
 of demand. The term ' sentences of demand ' seems appropriate 
 as the most neutral. Under the term demand we comprise of course 
 requests, commands and forbiddings, advice and warning, encour- 
 agement, concession, declining, and deprecating. No examples 
 are necessary to show that for all this the same expression of 
 language can be employed, and that the different shades of mean- 
 ing attaching to the word can be only recognised by the different 
 tones indicative of feeling. We must however add to these, 
 sentences implying a wish. A ivish may be expressed with the 
 expectation that its utterance may have an influence upon its 
 realisation ; then it is equivalent to a demand ; but it can equally 
 vyell be uttered without any such expectation at all. This is a 
 difference which is not always remarked by the naive consciousness 
 of a child or uncivilised man. The language of poetry, and indeed 
 that of untutored conversational language, finds it natural to raise 
 mere wishes to demands, and to express these by the imperative. 
 Willing and demanding touch one another even more in con- 
 junctive or optative forms of expression. 
 
 183. We are at present accustomed to regard the affirmation as 
 the only normal sentence. The sentence of demand is however as 
 old, if not older than this. The earliest sentences which are uttered 
 by children — the very earliest of course consist of a single word only 
 — have reference to their needs. They serve to express demands , 
 or affirmations made to indicate a need which requires to be satis- 
 fied. It may be assumed that the circumstances were similar 
 at the earliest stage of speech development. Thus no special 
 linguistic resource was needed originally to characterise the sen- 
 tence of demand ; the simple correlation of subject and predicate 
 sufficed for this case as well as for the sentence of affirmation ; the 
 stress of the voice was the only means by which the difference 
 
124 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 could be told. Even now we employ such sentences of demand in 
 numbers ; sentences in which the demand is not characterised as 
 such. These are sentences without a verb, such as : Eyes right ! — 
 Attention ! — Hats off! — This way ! — All aboard! — Joking apart — 
 An eye for an eye — Peace to his ashes — A health to all good lasses — 
 Away with him — Here with it! etc. Then there are sentences 
 composed of a single member, as far as their expression in 
 language goes, such as : Hush ! — Quick I — Slow ! — Forwards ! — 
 Up! — To work! — Confusion! etc. Sentences of demand especi- 
 ally occur in this primitive form, which as a rule does not hold 
 good for sentences. It is indeed from this circumstance that the 
 consequence arises, that these negative sentences may be imme- 
 diately recognised by us as demands. Still there are instances 
 which are capable of bearing either meaning, as ' Fire .' ' as a cry 
 of alarm and ' Fire .' ' as a word of command. 
 
 184. Besides this, instead of a definite characteristic form of the 
 verb, a form essentially indefinite may be employed for demands. 
 Thus, the past participle, as in German rosen auf den weg gestreut, 
 
 "luMcare!"' '^^^^^ harms vergessen (Holty),*/« die welt, in die freiheit gezogen 
 (Schiller). The infinitive is more common still ; cf. the German 
 use of absitzen, schritt fahren [and that of the French voir, where 
 we say see (see p. 121)]. In Italian the infinitive is usual in 
 
 \]^rSkio negative prohibitions— as non ti cruciare ;-\ and the same usage is 
 common in Roumanian, Provengal, and Old French. Cf. Diez, 
 iii. 212; [Gospel of Lyons : Es biens dou monde ne te croire ; i.e. 
 Ne crois pas en les biens du monde.] Jolly {Geschichte des infin., pp. 
 158-209) would explain these infinitives by the original dative 
 function of the infinitive, and this explanation must be held to 
 account for the imperative use of the infinitive in Greek. But the 
 usage in German and Roumanian is of modern origin, and must not 
 be connected with conditions which tool* their origin in IE. times, 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 125 
 
 the consciousness of which had long passed away from the instinct 
 of language. For the epoch in which this usage has grown up the 
 infinitive is nothing more than the denomination of the verbal 
 conception per se ; and hence these infinitive sentences are to be 
 placed upon the same plane as sentences like ' March t' It is 
 noteworthy that the second person singular of the IE. imperative 
 exhibits the pure tense stem (Xe'ye). 
 
 185. The interrogative sentences are commonly ranged as a interrogative 
 
 , Sentences. 
 
 third class by the side of the sentences of affirmation and demand.' 
 No single principle can, however, be found for such a triple 
 division of sentences, and these three classes cannot be co-ordi- 
 nated with each other. We must rather assume a double method 
 of division into two. The sentences of affirmation, as well as 
 those of demand, have their pendant in interrogative sentences ; 
 cf. the Latin quid faciam with quid facio ? We employ the 
 term 'deliberative questions' to express this use, but we might 
 designate them simply as interrogatory-demand sentences. 
 
 186. Of the two main divisions of the questioning sentence, 
 that in which a single member of a sentence is called into question j 
 is certainly of later origin than that in which the whole sentence is ! 
 questioned.^ The former requires a special interrogative pronoun 
 or adverb which is not required by the second. The interrogative 
 is in the IE. languages indefinite as well. There seems to be no 
 criterion by which we may decide which is the original of these 
 two functions. To suppose the latter to have taken its origin 
 from the former causes no difficulty. But the reverse process 
 
 iCf. for what follows, Imme, Die fragesatze nach pydwlogischen gesichtspunktcn 
 eingeteilt und erlautert. Cleve, 1879, p. 81. 
 
 ^ No one has yet succeeded in discovering a perfectly satisfactory terminology for 
 these two kinds. Delbriick, SF., p. 75. calls the former ' verdeutlichungsfragen ; ' the 
 second 'bestatigungsfragen.' Imme, u. .. i. 15, adopts the second term, and replaces 
 the former by 'bestimraungsfragen.' It appears to me, however, that the expression 
 ' bestatigungsfragen ' is unsuitable, as it includes the expectation of an affirmative answer. 
 
126 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 is conceivable, and thus we should have a path from the older 
 form of interrogative sentence to the later form. To the question 
 ' 1st j'emand da?' — we may answer '(/«) der vater,' or '{Nein) 
 niemand.' Now if we discard our usual method of framing an 
 interrogatory, 'Jemand ist daf — the point where this touches 
 ' Wer ist da?' is obvious. Questions with an interrogative pro- 
 noun stand even nearer to questions with an indefinite pronoun 
 in cases where a negative answer is looked for as the natural one ; 
 cf. : Who will do that ? — Will any one do that ? — What can I 
 answer? — Can I answer anything? — Where is such a vtan to be 
 found? — Is such a man anywhere to be found? 
 
 187. The question to which the simple answer yes or no is 
 expected is in many languages characterised by a special particle, 
 in the Teutonic and Romance languages by the position of the 
 words. Thus — ne in Latin \li in Russian] serves to mark an 
 interrogation. But the interrogative position of words is not 
 confined ab initio to the interrogative sentence. We find 
 it, for instance, in OHG., OS., and AS., commonly in the sentence 
 of affirmation ; cf. : verit denne stuatago in lant, holoda inan 
 truhtln, etc. 
 
 188. Accordingly the interrogation was not to be recognised 
 by the position alone, and the interrogative stress was the only 
 decisive characteristic whereby it differed from affirmation. We 
 have at the present day interrogations in which this stress or tone 
 is the only criterion, namely, those which contain no verb ; cf. : 
 Any one there?— All ready?— A glass of beer. Sir? (spoken by 
 a waiter) ; in French, Votre dhir? [Monsieur desire?] 
 
 189. We can thus easily imagine that there may have been 
 / long sentences before any other determining method was found for 
 
 them besides the interrogative tone. It thus seems that the 
 interrogative form of the sentence is possible even in a quite ] 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 127 
 
 primitive stage of language, though it must be regarded as more 
 recent than the assertive and demanding forms. 
 
 ipo- The interrogation pure and simple occupies in some ways 
 a half-way position between positive and negative assertion. It is 
 neutral in the sense that it can make no essential difference 
 whether it be cast in a positive or negative form, except that the 
 positive form is naturally taken in preference as the simpler, and 
 the negative form assumes the function of expressing a modi- 
 fication of the question pure and simple. 
 
 191. There are, in fact, various modifications, whereby the 
 interrogation can be more or less made to approach the character 
 of the assertive sentence. It may thus, for instance, become a 
 dubious assertion, in which one is disposed, at the outset, to a 
 definite assumption, and expects nothing but a final confirmation 
 from another. In this case the negative interrogatory form 
 comes in where a positive answer is expected — Were you not 
 there f I thought I ^aw you. It makes no essential difference as 
 far as the sense goes, if we employ instead of this the positive 
 assertive form, with a tone of query — You were there? — You are 
 contented? Thus we may arrive at this intermediate stage from 
 both sides. 
 
 192. The circumstances attending the expression of admira- 
 tion or surprise are similar to these. Surprise is the subjective 
 incapacity to take in one collection of ideas by means of another, 
 in spite of an external instigation to do so, whether this proceed 
 from one's own observation or from the suggestion of another. 
 For this again we may employ either the interrogative form, or 
 the assertive form, with the interrogatory tone — Is Francis deadf 
 — Francis is really dead? — Are you here again? — You are here 
 again ? Sentences without a verb are neutral in this respect : 
 — You my long lost brother ?— What, THAT to UK? — Already 
 
128 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 here ? — So soon f And infinitival clauses are similarly used, as, 
 He to turn out such a rascal ! Expressions of surprise also occur 
 in which the psychological subject and predicate are connected by 
 '■and', as in German — So jung und schon so verderbtf — A maid, 
 ♦Henry VI., ^;2^ l,g ^q martial f (Shakespeare.)* The expression of surprise 
 is weakened into a mere formula wherewith to introduce a con- 
 versation ; of.: Ausgeschlafen? — So vergnugtf — Noch immer bei 
 der arbeitf etc. [As we might ask in English, A good napf — 
 Always in good spirits ? — As merry as ever? etc.] 
 
 193. A special case is to be noted in the surprised or indignant 
 repudiation of an assertion. For this the primitive form of 
 expression without any finite verb is specially common : fa liar? 
 
 glr,^-"""-^^ w«^ bezahlenf Latin— ^^^ lanistaf (ClC.)t French— ifi?/ 
 ill. ■' ^' vous abandonner f Italian — lo dir bugie ?% English — She ask 
 X Inf. li. 31. '^^ pardon ? — How ? not know the friend that served you f 
 Besides this the indignant repudiation of advice tendered occurs, 
 as in such cases as, Ich dich ehren ? (GoETHE.) A sentence such 
 as this must probably be reckoned amongst the interrogatory 
 demands. 
 
 194. Of course the provocation to an interrogation is originally 
 a need felt by the interrogator. There are, however, questions — of 
 course of later origin — in which the proposer of the questions 
 has no doubt about the natural answer, and merely wishes to 
 give the person addressed occasion to find it out for himself. 
 Such cases are questions put by teachers to the taught. If a 
 hint is added as to the nature of the answer expected by the 
 interrogator, we have the class of questions commonly described 
 by the vague term rhetorical. The interrogator by the process 
 compels the person addressed to admit a truth on the strength 
 of his own conviction gained after consideration ; and thereby 
 the process is brought home to him more emphatically and' 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 129 
 
 energetically than it would have been if merely communicated 
 to him. 
 
 195. The relation of subject and predicate in the wide sense Extension 
 indicated above is the relation from which the other syntactic con- ttn*^^'°' 
 ditions take their rise, with one sole exception, namely, the copula- 
 tive connexion of several elements into a single member of a 
 sentence. This connexion may in the case of developed languages 
 
 be denoted by a particle, but the mere collocation in succession 
 suffices, and thus we cannot be surprised that in a primitive stage 
 of language it was found possible to dispense with any special! 
 linguistic expression for coupling. 
 
 196. Every other mode of extending sentences is effected by a Double 
 recurrence of the relation between subject and predicate. Two ° ^"'' 
 main cases may be distinguished. It may either happen that two 
 members unite themselves as contemporaneous with a third — «.g. 
 that two subjects attach themselves to a single predicate or two 
 predicates to a single subject, which might be represented by the 
 formula (« + {b) + c). Or a connexion of subject and predicate 
 may present itself as subject or predicate in relation to a further 
 member, a case which might be represented by the formula 
 
 {a +,^) + c. This further member may of course be compounded 
 again. Suppose that in the first case the logical relation of 
 the two subjects to the common predicate, or that of the two 
 predicates to the common subject, is exactly alike, then such a 
 sentence, consisting of three members, may be replaced without 
 any essential change in the sense, by one of two members, one 
 of which will be a copulative combination. From this there arise 
 points of contact between these two kinds of sentence and con- 
 fusions between the two. The double member of a sentence 
 seems most neatly parted from the copulative combination forming 
 a single member, when the pair of members take between them 
 
 I 
 
I30 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 a member common to both without the employment of a copu- 
 lative particle ; this is the so-called construction airo kolvov, a 
 construction common enough in MHG. ; cf.: Dd spranc von dem 
 gesidele her Hagene alsd sprach. Should we however say, Da 
 spranc vom sitze Hagen und sprach so, we have at once a transition 
 stage from a double predicate to a single compound one. Not, 
 however, that the two predicates are really conceived as one, as is 
 manifest from the fact that the predicate regularly stands in the 
 singular after such double subject, as in German : Der mann ist 
 tot und die frau (' The man is dead and so is the woman '). In 
 the older stage of the language they were apprehended as one if a 
 further predicate still was subjoined ; cf. : Petrus aber antwortete 
 und die Apostel und sprachen (Lu.), a case in which we now have 
 to supply a new subject. -"^ The instinct of language is much less 
 decided when the two members are not thus separated by any 
 insertion. In that case it is just as possible to assume several 
 members, successively connected with the different members of 
 the sentence, as it is to assume a compound sentence united by a 
 single act. The first-named way of apprehension is less obvious 
 when the couple of members of the sentence is placed at the 
 beginning than when they are placed at the end. The vacillation 
 in the instinct of language manifests itself in the fact that where 
 several subjects are present, of which the one standing last is a 
 singular, the predicate can stand as well in the plural as in the 
 singular. Where the predicate comes at the end we feel ourselves 
 nowadays compelled to employ the plural, but in Latin the 
 singular is equally permissible — cf. : Speusippus et Xenocrates et 
 "sf"'''"' Polemo et Grantor nihil ab Aristotele dissentit (ClC.) ;* Consu/es, 
 • • praetores, iribzini plebis, senatns, Italia cuncta semper a vobis depre- 
 
 ^'' cata est (ClC.);fflia atque uniis e filiis captus est (Caes.) ; even Et 
 
 Jiv. 17, 3- ego et Cicero mens flagitabit (CiC. ad Att.).t So in Italian, Le 
 
 [' Cf. Gedaliah who with his brethren and son were twelve (i Ckron. xxv. q).] 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 131 
 
 ricchezze, gli honori e la virtic e stimata grande ; in French, Le 
 
 fer, le bandeau, la flamme est toute prite (Racine) ;* and thus in * Diez., p. 
 
 832, 
 
 old Modern High-German, Wolken und dunkel ist um ihn her 
 (Lu.) ; dass ihre steine und kalk sugerichtet wurde (Lu.). 
 
 197. The logical relation, however, of two subjects to the same 
 predicate may also be of different natures. In this case we have 
 the foundation laid for the possibility of the differentiation, in 
 the course of the development of language, of the double subjects 
 into subject and object. We can best portray this process by one 
 sentence, like / smell the dinner. We can say equally well, omit- 
 ting the personal subject. The dinner smells ; and we are thus able 
 to transport ourselves in fancy back to a time in which, owing to 
 the complete absence of all case-suffixes, and of anything to fix the 
 position of the words in a sentence like / smell dinner — A dinner 
 smell I — the words / and dinner fell under the same common 
 category of the psychological subject. The affinity between sub- 
 ject and object is also evident from the fact that the object can be 
 made the subject by turning the verb into the passive. 
 
 198. The object — to take the word in the widest possible DouUe 
 
 Object. 
 
 seijse — may again include very different logical relations. Here 
 again many objects may be attached to the same predicate, either 
 in the same or in a different logical relation. By this means the 
 impulse is given to a grammatical differentiation of the object 
 corresponding to the logical relation (Accusative, Dative, Genitive 
 of the object, etc.). 
 
 199. The object may be conceived of by the side of the subject as 
 a third member of the sentence of equivalent value with it. It may, 
 however, equally well enter into a nearer relation to the predicate /][g 
 than that occupied by the subject, so that a sentence of two mem- 
 bers takes the place of one of three members, the object forming 
 one member in unison with the predicate, in such a way that it 
 
132 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 stands in subordination to it and serves to define it. There is no 
 sharply defined border-line between these two relationships. 
 
 200. Just as the predicate may receive a defining word subor- 
 dinated to itself, so may the subject and the object which is 
 developed therefrom. Substantival and adjectival attributes com- 
 monly stand us in the place of such defining words, and genitives 
 of substantives, though substantives and adverbs connected by 
 means of prepositions sometimes do the same. The aid of these 
 different methods of definition renders it possible to express to 
 some extent even in language the difference of the logical relation 
 between the defining factor and the defined. A language which 
 has yet developed no inflexion and no connecting words is not yet 
 in a position to do this. Such a language has no other resource 
 but the simple juxtaposition of the defined matter and the 
 defining word. The fact that the determinant attached to the sub- 
 ject is not a predicate, can then, in case no fixed order of the 
 words has become normal, be only discovered by the presence of a 
 third word, which is detached from the two words which together 
 make up the subject by a more decided stress, and it may be by a 
 slight pause. The relation of the determining element to that deter- 
 mined is analogous to that of the predicate to the subject in the 
 broad sense in which we have apprehended it above. And in truth 
 the determinant is nothing but a degraded predicate, not uttered or 
 spoken for its own sake, but merely in order that a further predi- 
 cate may be assigned to the subject (or object). Just as the 
 determination of the predicate has its origin in sentences containing 
 a double subject, so the determination of the subject— and accord- 
 ingly that of nouns in general— has its origin in sentences con- 
 taining a double predicate. 
 
 20 1. We can most readily appreciate the degradation of the 
 predicate to a mere determination in cases where a finite verb is 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 133 
 
 affected by them. We meet here with a process which has grown 
 up spontaneously in different languages and at different epochs, 
 and which is, indeed, to some extent to be traced historically. 
 The starting-point is afforded by the construction airo kolvov 
 spoken of, p. 130. 
 
 202. In this process one of the two predicates may be logically 
 subordinated to the other, so that it may be replaced by a relative 
 sentence.! This usage is found in OHG. and in MHG. ; c/.: mit 
 ziihten si ze Mse bat ein frouwe saz darinne ( = ' a lady who had 
 her dwelling therein'), wer was ein man lac vorme Grdlf ( = who 
 lay before the Graal), die worhte ein smit hiez Volcdn ( = named 
 Vulcan); nist man, thoh er uuolle, thaz gumisgi al irzelle ( = there 
 is no man, who, even if he wished it, could completely count the 
 number of human beings). A case depending on the main verb 
 may also serve as the subject of the dependent verb : thus von 
 einem slangen was gebimden (the title of a fable of Bonar) : ich hab 
 ein sUiit ist wider euch (H. Sachs) ; dar inne sack er glitzen von 
 Men rot ein glut wart auf sein fallen (which waited for his fall, ib). 
 This construction becomes more frequent towards the close of the 
 middle ages than before.^ The corresponding usage in English, 
 Swedish, and Danish, has gained a far larger area ; cf. the follow- 
 ing examples from Shakespeare : — ' There is a devil haunts thee,' 
 
 ' On this phenomenon a considerable literature exists : cf. especially J. Grimm, 
 Ueber einige falle der attraction (A7. sch7: 3. 312 sqq.); Steinthal, Assimilation und 
 Attraction (Zschr. f. volkerps. i. 93 sqq. = Kl. schr. 107 sqq. ; cf. especially p. \Tisqq. ; 
 Tobler, Ueber auslassung und vertretung des pronomen relativum (Germ. xvii. 257 sqq.) ; 
 Jolly, Ueber die einfachste form der hypotaxis im idg. (Curtius, Studien vi. 217) ; Kolbing, 
 Untersuchungen iiber den ausfall des relativpronomens in den germanischen spiachen, 
 Strassburg, 1872 ; Erdmann, Syntax Otfrids, ii. p. 124 sq. ; Behaghel, Asyndetische 
 parataxe {Germ. xxiv. 167 sqq.) ; Lohmann, Ueber die auslassung des englischen relativ- 
 pronomens (Anglia, iii. 115 sqq.). In some of these writings we find conclusions widely 
 differing from those given above. I have deemed it unnecessary to state my reasons for 
 disagreeing with these, as it seems to me that the correctness of the views which I have 
 adopted, those of Jolly and Behaghel, must be sufficiently evident to all who are not 
 slaves to their own instinct of language and traditional grammar. 
 
 ^ [The usage is found in nhg. as vyell, cf. der junge GSthe, ii. p. 270 Gegen Frank- 
 furt liegt ein Ding iiber, heisst Sachsenhausen]. 
 
134 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ' it is thy sovereign speaks to thee,' ' here are some will thank you,' 
 ♦M. of V.I. 'I have a mind presages me,'* 'it is not you I call for,' 'you do 
 not meet a man but frowns' {Cymb. I., i. i). 
 
 203. In the examples hitherto cited, the common clause stood 
 in the middle. There occur in OHG. cases as well, in which it 
 takes precedence, or is inserted between the first predicate and its 
 determinations. In this use it may serve as subject, or as object, 
 or as any other kind of adverbial determination ; and further, it 
 need not necessarily bear the same relation to both predicates. 
 Under this head will come cases like these passages quoted from 
 Otfrid, where the second predicate is subordinated — e.g. : thaz selba 
 sie into sagetun sie hiar bifora zelitun (' They said the same thing 
 to him that they had said before ') ; uuer ist thes hiar thenke (' Who 
 is there that could here think such a thing ') ; nist mati nihein in 
 uuorolti thaz saman al irsageti (' There is no one in the world who 
 
 oa'pnmer could Say all that together ').t The first predicate is subordinated 
 in the following case : in selben uuorton er then ma7i tho then eriston 
 giuuan so uuard er hiar fon thesemo firdamnot (' by the same 
 words with which he overcame the first man, was he condemned 
 by the other '). In a sentence like this, so resumes the words in 
 selben worton, as it may resume any given element of a sentence. 
 In another case the common element of the sentence is resumed by 
 a pronoun : alio uuthi in uuorolti thir gotes boto sageti, sie quement 
 sd gimeinit ubar thin houbit. 
 
 204. The construction a-no koivov is most frequently found in 
 OHG., in sentences containing general statements, especially where 
 these are negative, with a conjunctive dependent verb. This con- 
 struction is not unknown to the Romance languages •,^ cf.: Old 
 
 , Italian, non vi rimasse un sol, nan lacrimassi; prov. una non sai, vas 
 
 vos non si' aclina, anc non vi dona tan mi plagues ; Old French or 
 n'a baron, ne li envoit son fil. (Li romans de Raoul de Cambrai). 
 
 1 Cf. Diez, iii. 381. 
 [' For numerous instances of this use, very common in Elizab. Eng. Abbott § 224.] 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 I3S 
 
 205. If we examine dispassionately the testimony of history, 
 we shall find the view untenable that this construction, wherever 
 found, is a traditional inheritance from the IE. original language. 
 On the contrary, it seems probable that it has likewise sprung 
 into existence spontaneously in later epochs, although other 
 more perfect forms of expression had already been created. Out- 
 side the IE. family of languages it is found (for instance) in 
 Arabic, where we meet with expressions like, ' I passed by a man 
 slept ;' cf. Steinthal, Haupttyp. 267. 
 
 206. If, then, the finite verb could be degraded to the value of 
 an attributive determinant, how much more easily could a pre- 
 dicate be so degraded, which hitherto bore no distinguishing 
 marks of its verbal character? The origin of the attributival 
 relation is accordingly quite clear. 
 
 207. With regard to the function of the deternjination, we 
 have to notice certain differences which commonly find no expres- 
 sion in language, but which are, nevertheless, logically of very 
 great importance. The determinant may leave unaltered the 
 extent of the meaning which the word serving as the subject has 
 independently, or in virtue of a limitation, already imposed by 
 other means, the determinant itself applying to this whole extent : 
 cf. : der sterbliche mensch, der allmdchtige gott, das starve eis ; it may, 
 however, on the other hand, if it applies to a part only of what 
 is contained in the usual or already otherwise specialised meaning 
 of the word, narrow and individualise it ; cf: old houses, an old 
 house, a {or'' the) sou of the king, the journey to Paris, Charles tJie 
 Great : in the same way, ' the old house,' when the expression is 
 used to contrast it with a new one : whereas the combination falls 
 under another head if it is obvious, without any adjective, what 
 house is meant. In those cases which come under the second 
 category, the determination is indispensable, because without it 
 
136 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the predicate has no value. In the first category the following 
 further distinctions are of importance. In the first place, the 
 'determinant may already be known as applicable to the concep- 
 tion to which it is appended (as is the case with the repetition of 
 the standing epithets in the language of Epic poetry) : or it may 
 communicate something new. In the latter case the determinant 
 has a greater independence, and approaches the value of a true 
 predicate [as Tullia ferox, Tullia mitis (LiVY)]. We prefer, in 
 such cases, commonly to use periphrases by means of a relative 
 sentence ; as ' Charles, who was poor ; ' ' Louis, who was a clever 
 painter.' In the second place, while the determination has not 
 necessarily any relation to the predicate, it may yet stand in a 
 causal relation to it, as in ' The cruel man would not listen to the 
 victim's prayers.' 
 
 208. We have conceived the deterjninant as a weakened 
 predicate. There is, further, an intermediate stage at which the 
 determination has a greater independence still, and is not so 
 closely connected with the subject. For this reason it seems 
 best to regard it as a special clause in the sentence. Under 
 this head comes what we commonly call the predicatival attribute ; 
 for instance, 'he arrived safe and sound.' But prepositional 
 determinants may equally well stand in the same logical relation ; 
 e.g. ' he begged, me on his knees,' for which ' kneeling ' would be 
 a perfect substitute. The relation of the predicatival attribute 
 to its substantive is not so close, because it denotes, not a pecu- 
 liarity necessary and enduring, but a merely accidental and trans- 
 itory situation. It may, therefore, be regarded as an independent 
 link connected with subject and predicate alike. This independ- 
 ence shows itself in most languages by the greater freedom of 
 the position of the words as contrasted with the fixed position 
 of the pure attribute. In nhg. the nearer affinity to the predicate 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 137 
 
 has further found expression in the use of the uninflected form 
 of the adjective, as in the case of the predicate. When once 
 the adverbial and abnominal determinations have been developed, 
 as special varieties, from original subjects or predicates, a further 
 complication of the sentence becomes possible, since a combina- 
 tion consisting of a determined and a determining element may 
 again be determined by a new element, or itself serve as a deter- 
 minant ; and since, further, several determining elements may be 
 joined to one determinate, or several determinate elements to 
 one determinant, just as several subjects may be joined to one 
 predicate, or several predicates to one subject. As examples we 
 may take (i) alle guten geister, Miillers dlteste tochter, er gerdt leicht 
 in zorn (to be understood gerdt in zorn -\- leichi) ; (2) sehr gute 
 kinder, alles opfernde Hebe, er spricht sehr gut ;\i) triibes, regner- 
 isches {triibes und regnerisches) wetter, er tanzt leicht tend sierlich ; 
 (4) Karls hut und stock, er schldgt weib und kind. 
 
 209. The first method of combination is that commonly 
 described as the relation of inclusion. It is not always possible 
 to draw a sharp line between it and the third. For instance, if 
 I say large round hats, it makes no essential difference whether 
 we classify this combination under (i) or (3). In NHG., where 
 two adjectives are used together, the use of the strong or of the 
 weak form affords a means of distinguishing the relation of juxta- 
 position from that of inclusion, a means which leaves us, however, 
 in perplexity when both forms phonetically coincide. But the 
 difficulty of correctly maintaining the difference manifests itself 
 in many instances where the writers have offended against the 
 i-uies of grammar; compare the instances given in Andresen, 
 Sprachgebrauch, p. 38 sqq. 
 
 210. Constructions (3) and (4) may be interpreted in two 
 fundamentally distinct ways. They may either, as has been stated 
 
138 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 above, be conceived as constructions airo koivov, or as the com- 
 bination of one element with two elements united by a copula. 
 Hence it is that we find in (4), in those languages which have 
 developed grammatical concord, the same vacillation in the form 
 of the attribute as we have found above (p. 130) in the form 
 of the predicate. Cf , on the one hand, the French le honheur et 
 le courage constants, la langue et la littirature francaises ; Latin, 
 * C''=- Har- Qai et Appii Claudiorum ; * on the other hand, la fille et la mere 
 
 reusp. 12. ^■'^ ' -^ 
 
 offensee (Racine) ; the Latin Tiberius et Gajus Gracchus, et tri- 
 bunis et plebe incitata in patres (LiVY, iii. 66). Not, however, that 
 all cases of the same grammatical form are in this way open to 
 two meanings. In the cases cited each of the two substantives 
 denotes an independent substance. It may, however, also happen 
 that the combination denotes merely two aspects of the same 
 object, e.g. my uncle and foster-father. In this case, where the 
 combination appears independently as either subject or object, 
 we must classify only as my + uncle and foster-father. When 
 each word denotes a particular object, the German language in 
 modern times prefers [as also the English], at least in the case 
 of singular nouns, to assign to each its special attribute ; so that 
 my uncle and my foster-father bears a different meaning from my 
 uncle and foster-father. We can refer the former combination to 
 a person only when it is expressly placed in relation to one 
 either as predicate or as attribute, or finally as an address. On 
 the other hand we find, though the grammarians condemn the 
 usage, frequently enough the simple juxtaposition of the attri- 
 bute with several substantives, each of which denotes a special 
 object; cf the numerous examples given in Andresen, Sprach- 
 gebrauch, p. 125 sqq. Similarly Lessing wrote iiber die grenzen 
 der malerei und poesie. 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 139 
 
 211. The amplifications of the sentence hitherto described pro- Use of.. 
 
 Sentence 
 
 ceeded from the formula {a + {b) + c), — cf. p. 129 — in connexion subject « 
 
 . , . predicate. 
 
 With the copulative combination. We turn to the amplifications 
 according to the formula {a+b) + c. We find these, for instance, 
 represented by the combination of a verb with the accusative and 
 infinitive, or with two accusatives, of which the one is a predicate : 
 memini — me audire, reddo — te beatum. In order, however, to under- 
 stand the origin of these constructions, we shall be compelled to take 
 another point of departure. Our best course is to confine ourselves 
 in the first place to such cases as those in which a composite 
 member of a sentence (a-\-b^ still plainly exhibits the form of the 
 independent sentence, and thus contains a finite verb. We here 
 pass again beyond the borders of the so-called simple sentence, and 
 encroach on the area of the compound sentence. Actual historical 
 and psychological observation shows us that this division cannot 
 be strictly maintained. It depends upon the assumption that the 
 presence of a finite verb is the strict characteristic of the sentence ; 
 a view which is absolutely inapplicable to many languages and 
 epochs, and is absolutely applicable to none. In cases where the 
 definite stamp of a finite verb is wanting, the division too between 
 the simple and compound sentence in the ordinary sense ceases to 
 hold good. The so-called composite and the so-called amplified 
 sentence are accordingly in their essence absolutely identical. It 
 thus appears further to be a mistaken view that the degradation 
 of a sentence to the position of member of a sentence— the so- 
 called hypotaxis—6:\^ not develop until a comparatively late stage 
 of language. The existence of the amplified sentence, which is 
 found even in the most primitive languages, presupposes this 
 degradation as completely carried out. Further, the ordinary view 
 that the hypotaxis has consistently arisen from parataxis is mis- 
 taken. It might be asserted with equal reason that the division of 
 
140 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 a sentence into subject and predicate has arisen from the copulative 
 connexion of two words. This view was enabled to arise because 
 the oldest form oihypotaxis no doubt lacks any special grammatical 
 denomination, and is merely logical and psychological. But to call 
 a logical sub-ordination such as this a co-ordination {^parataxis) 
 is quite incorrect. 
 
 212. It happens very often in Modern German, and in other 
 languages in which the structure of the sentence is already richly 
 developed, that combinations, in form undistinguishable from the 
 main sentence, are used as objects. Under this head we may 
 reckon the ' Oratio directa.' Under the same head too come sen- 
 tences like, I maintain he is a liar ; I think you are mad; I see you 
 tremble ; consider, it is dangerous. Demands, too, and questions 
 are thrown into the same relation of dependence : Pray ^ give it me ; 
 cf. Latin quaeso, cogita ac delibera ; sage, hast du ihn gesehen ; 
 sprich, was bekiimmert dich ; also Latin, videte quantae res his 
 IfiCjf'^"'" testimoniis sunt confectae (CiC.) ;* quaero de te, qui possmtt esse 
 XBacch.vi. beati {Clc);fresponde, quis me vendit (PLAUTUS).t It is more 
 
 VI. i8. 
 
 rare to meet with subjects of this kind, excepting where the 
 passive is used, as besser ist, du Idsst es bleiben ; das macht, 
 sie ist sehr mannigfaltig (Lessing). 
 )f 213. It is no doubt true that in all these cases the subject or 
 
 ,ence 
 
 le- object sentences possess a certain independence ; and, excepting 
 in the case of the ' Oratio directa,' they cannot be employed without 
 an independent value being assigned to them. For instance, we 
 cannot say, I thought you are ill ; nor in German either, ichglaubte, 
 du bist krank, or ich glaubte, du warst krank. It does not, however 
 follow from this limited independence that the relation to the main 
 verb was in its origin paratactical ; but, with reference to the 
 main verb a decided case of hypotaxis arises, and independence 
 only in as far as the presence of this is disregarded. The inde- 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 141 
 
 pendence is more marked if the governing sentence is placed last 
 or intercalated, as in this case the dependence is not noticed until 
 the conclusion — e.g. : He is a liar, T believe ; or, he is, T think, a 
 liar; so in Latin, quid illi locuti inter se? die mihi {YtA-HTUS);** '""'"■ "■'^'^ 
 signi, die, quid est f (PLAUTUS).t In the case of intercalation our ufeT*"'' 
 grammarians are disposed to treat the intercalated sentence as 
 subordinate, and they might appeal to the fact that such an 
 expression as / think is nearly equivalent to as I think, or in my 
 opinion, or in my belief. In the older NHG. it is quite common to 
 set down a sentence in the first instance as independent, and then 
 simultaneously to make it the subject or the object of a succeeding 
 sentence : of. the following examples from Hans Sachs — ein evolk 
 dreissig jar fritlich lebet, verdross den teufel gar ; der fraue?i wart 
 sein hab vnd gut,geschah nach Christi geburt zware vierhundert vnd 
 auch funfsig jare ; des wirt ein base letz der Ion, deut der schwam 
 von dem scorpion ; das betrUbt weib sich selbst erstach vnd nam ein 
 kleglich end, beschreibt Boccatius ; darum jm jederman wol sprach, 
 tut Plutarchus beweisen. In these cases it would be quite unjusti- 
 fiable to assume the ellipsis of a das. 
 
 214. The use of the persons in such sentences as follow must 
 also be explained from this union of independence and depen- 
 dence^ e.g. : er denkt, er hat was rechtes getan, instead of ich habe ; 
 that is, from the point of view of the speaker, and not from that of 
 the person to whom the thought is ascribed : similarly as believe me, 
 you are in error; he thinks he can deceive you. 
 
 215. It occurs also that some writers and speakers prefer the 
 emphasised form of the parataxis in spite of the logical dependence. 
 A common instance of this is the German sei so gut und tue das 
 {' Be so good and do that '). Cf. Hans Sachs' expression, ir seidt 
 gewonet alle zwen vnd tragt mit euch was nit wil gehn. Other 
 examples may be found in Andr. Sprachg, p. 140. 
 
142 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Indirect 2 1 6. The ' Oratio obliqua ' in German must at the present day 
 
 Speech. 
 
 be regarded as grammatically dependent, and the sign of its 
 dependence is the conjunctive mood. If we, however, regard the 
 origin of the construction, it is clear that, in this case also, a some- 
 thing half-way between logical dependence and logical indepen- 
 dence lies at the root. Such a construction as er meitit, er konne 
 dick betriigen originally stood on the same footing as the phrase 
 cited above, er ineint, er kann dich betriigen ; only that the asser- 
 tion is made with less confidence, and that therefore the conjunc- 
 tive (or optative) is employed in a potential meaning. The fact 
 that the potential has ceased to be employed in main sentences 
 has promoted the apprehension of the relation as- one of real 
 grammatical dependence. 
 Sentenced 21/. Now, a Combination of the form (<a;-|-i^)-i-t may, just like 
 
 apposition to . 
 
 a Noun, the Simpler formula a + b, be degraded from the position of a sen- 
 tence to that of a member of a sentence. In this manner a sen- 
 tence may become determinant to a noun, or be put in apposition 
 to it. Compare such sentences as er sprach die worte : das tue ich 
 niemals ; eins weiss ich : es geschieht nicht wieder ; folgendes ist 
 mir begegnet : ich traf eitien mann ; ein sonderbarer zufall hat sich 
 gestern zugetragen : es begegneten sich zwei freunde, etc. ; er hat die 
 gewohnheit : er erwidert nie einen brief ; ich habe die iiberzeugung : 
 du wirst dich noch bekehren. A pronoun is especially often used 
 in this way, to which the sentence stands in the place of an appo- 
 sition ; cf. : das ist sicker, er wird es nicht wagen ; es ist besser, du 
 gehst; Latin, hoc relicuomst : si infitias ibit, testis mecum est amilus 
 (Ter.); hoc capio commodi: neque agri, neque urbis odium me 
 unquam percipit (Ter.). In the same way sentences stand in 
 apposition to a demonstrative adverb : er ist so lieb, man kann 
 ilim nicht base sein. 
 
 2 1 8. If it is only a pronoun which is defined by the sentence. 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 
 
 143 
 
 we can omit it in thought without any essential change in the 
 sense. In this case we have again the form referred to above, in 
 which the sentence is directly made the subject or the object. Cf. O 
 es ist gewiss, du bleibst with gewiss ist, du bleibst. Thus the two 
 forms of expression come into very close contact. 
 
 219. Conversely, a noun may become appositive to a sentence ; a No™, to a 
 cf.: You always squint, a bad habit. This construction is especially 
 common when a relative sentence is in addition connected with 
 the noun ; as, He means to start, a resolve which has cost him 
 dear. In this case w e again clearly recognise the apposition as 
 a- degr adation of the predica te. And it is precisely this degrada- 
 tion that has prevented the sentence preceding from being itself 
 degraded to a mere subject. 
 
 220. We have thus traced the development of the sentence Parataxis, 
 from its simplest to its most complicated form. We now turn 
 to the paratactic conjunction of several sentences. This stands 
 parallel to the copulative corhbination of co-ordinate members of 
 a sentence ; for which reason even the most highly developed 
 languages employ the same resources in order to designate both 
 kinds of connexion. Originally in this case, too, mere juxta- 
 position had to suffice. And if, as we have seen in the case of 
 hypotaxis, the one member may have a certain independence, so, 
 on the other side, we find that a parataxis with full indepen- 
 dence of the sentences connected together nowhere occurs ; that, 
 in fact, it is impossible to connect sentences together without a cer- 
 tain kind of hypotaxis. We can call a sentence independent, or 
 designate it a principal sentence, in the strictest sense, only if it is 
 uttered merely for itself, and not to give a determination to another 
 sentence. In correspondence with this we should have to define 
 
144 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the subordinate sentence as one uttered merely in order to deter- 
 mine another. Now it is quite obvious that a sentence can at 
 one and the same time be uttered for its own sake, and may- 
 still serve as determinant to another sentence, and that it is 
 accordingly sure to exhibit a series of intermediate stages be- 
 tween the two extremes. It is further obvious that no reason- 
 able ground could exist for arranging sentences paratactically to 
 each other, were it not that there were an inner connexion be- 
 tween them ; that is, unless one in some way determined the 
 other. There is thus no such thing as a purely paratactical 
 relation between two sentences in the sense that neither is de- 
 termined by the other ; and the only possible conception of 
 parataxis is this, that instead of one sentence determining the 
 other, the two reciprocally determine each other. 
 
 221. Pure parataxis in this sense exists between parallel 
 sentences, whether the thoughts conjoined be of analogous or of 
 contrary import ; he is blind, she is deaf ; he laughs, she cries. 
 This is no longer, however, the case with narrative. If any one 
 tells us : T arrived in London at twelve o'clock ; I went to the 
 nearest hotel; I was told that they were all full ; T went on; — 
 in such a case the preceding sentence in every case gives to the 
 following a temporal as well as a causal determination. This is,. 
 however, a function not yet thought of at the moment when 
 the sentence is spoken. Accordingly we have again a union of 
 independence and dependence. We might desire a more cir- 
 cumstantial method of expression in which the sentence should 
 always occur twice ; once as independent, once as dependent.. 
 Instead of such a repetition, which at any rate occurs but ex- 
 ceptionally in practice, language avails itself of substitution by- 
 means of a pronoun or a demonstrative adverb. It was for the 
 development of syntax a most significant step by which the 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL EACTS OE SYNTAX. 
 
 145 
 
 demonstrative, which originally referred solely to something 
 immediately before the senses, acquired a reference to some- 
 thing just uttered. By this means it became possible also to 
 give grammatical expression to the psychological process in 
 which a sentence is set down as independent, and at the same / 
 time serves as determinant to a sentence following it. The 
 demonstrative may have reference to an entire sentence, or 
 merely to one member of the sentenc e. In the latter case also 
 it frequently happens that the entire sentence which contains 
 this member serves to determine the following. If, for instance, 
 a German says ich begegnete einem knaben ; der fragte mich, the 
 word der refers to einem knaben; but the entire signification of 
 der is not exhausted by the general notion knabe ; it is 'the 
 boy whom I met' Thus the preceding independent sentence 
 is to some extent changed by the influence of the demonstrative 
 into a compound member of a sentence ; the other parts of the 
 sentence subordinating themselves to the word referred to by 
 the demonstrative as its attributional determinant. 
 
 222. Now if it is of the essence of all combination of sen- Graduated 
 
 Approxima- 
 
 tences that even the sentences set down as independent should tion to 
 
 Hypotaxis. 
 
 maintain a certain element of subordination, it is quite natural 
 that from this point the possibility is open for a graduated 
 approximation to entire subordination, the independent value of 
 a sentence tending more and more to give way to the function 
 of serving as determinant to another. In the case of narrative, 
 the logical subordination is indicated in the IE. languages by 
 the employment of the relative tenses (the imperfect and plu- 
 perfect). Cf.: Cincta premebantur trucibus Capitolia Gallis ; Fece- 
 rat obsidio jam diuturna famem: Juppiter ad solium superis 
 regale vocatis ' Incipe ! ' ait Marti (Ov. Fast VI. 35 O- This usage 
 is very common in Ovid ; it serves to introduce the situation 
 
 K 
 
146 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 from which the narrative starts. Sentences principal in form, but 
 with decided logical subordination, are especially frequent in the 
 most various languages, if such words zsjust, already, scarcely, still, 
 etc., are added, or in such phrases as es dauerte nicht lange, etc. ; 
 cf.: kaum sek' ich mich auf ebnem plan, flugs schlagen meine doggen 
 an (Schiller) ; Latin, vix bene desierat, currus rogat ille paternos 
 Ix^'^t^' (Ovid).* In Latin such also occur connected by the copulative 
 ^ ^ .. particle : vix ea fatus erat senior, subitoque fragore intonuit laevum 
 
 t Aen. 11. J. J Q 
 
 ^93- (Vergil) ; t nee longum tempus et ingens exiit ad caelum (Vergil) . \ 
 
 XGeorg.ii. {Vix prima inceperat aestas Et pater Anchises dare fatis vela inbebat 
 (Vergil).] The most ordinary form of this construction — universal 
 in NHG. — is where a demonstrative appears in the appended 
 sentence, as ich war noch nicht eingeschlafen, da h'orte ich einen 
 Idrm ; es dauerte nicht lange, so kam er wider, etc. [I was awake 
 and I heard a noise, etc.] 
 
 223. In MHG. it occurs not unfrequently that of two sen- 
 tences placed asyndetically together, the former serves merely 
 as determinant to some member of the second.^ Cf. : ein marc- 
 grave der heiz Herman : mit deme er iz reden began (Rother %6) ; 
 Josephus hiez ein wiser man : alse schiere er den rat vernam, mit 
 michelen listen muose er sick vristen (Kaiserchronik) ; em 
 wazzer heizet In : da vdhten die Beiere mit in (Kaiser.). 
 
 224. In the case of sentences introduced by either . . . or, the 
 former may be logically subordinated in such a way that it is 
 equivalent to a sentence introduced by in so far as . . . not; cf. 
 MHG., die ir christenlichen anthdiz mit andern gehdizzen habent 
 gemeret, . . . eintweder diu schrift tst gelogen oder si choment in 
 ein vil michel ndt (Heinrich v. Melk) ; French, ou 7non amour 
 me trompe, ou Zaire aujourd'hui pour Velever d soi descendrait 
 
 jusqu'd lui (VoLTAIRE). 
 
 ^ Cf. Behaghel in the Introduction to Veldeke's Eneide, p. xxviii. 
 
VI.] THE FUNDAMENTAL FACTS OF SYNTAX. 147 
 
 225. Where the sequence in the sentence is inverted, logical 
 independence and dependence cannot be united in the same 
 way. If a sentence serves as definition to a preceding one, it 
 is clear from the outset that it is uttered merely for the sake 
 of that sentence ; cf. : ich kam nach hause, es schlug gerade 1 2 
 uhr ; T had to tell him. everything, he was so curious. The fact 
 of the dependence comes out most clearly if the determining 
 sentence is intercalated in that which it determines. Such 
 intercalated sentences (or parenthesis) are of course common in 
 all, even the most highly developed languages, and they occur 
 indifferently in the most diverse logical relations to the governing 
 sentence. 
 
 226. When sentences of demand or interrogation come into Transition 
 
 from demand 
 
 logical dependence, they pass into designations of the condition or 01 interro- 
 gation to 
 of the concession. Cf. : geh hin : du wirst sehen or so (dann) wirst Hypotaxis. 
 
 du sehen ; L,a.tin, eras J>etito : daditur (Plavtus) ; sint Maecenates, 
 
 non deerunt, Flacce, Marones (Martial) ; * also in combinations * vi;;. 56. 
 
 effected by a copulative particle, as sage mir, mit wem du um- 
 
 gehst, und ich will dir sagen, wer du bist ; Latin, divide et impera ; ^am.fup. 
 
 impinge lapidem et dignum accipies praemium (Phaedrus). f 
 
 From similar cases of the employment of sentences of demand, 
 
 forms of sentences have arisen in different languages which are 
 
 felt as independent from the fact that what originally was an 
 
 only ' occasional ' conception has received a ' usual ' value. 
 
 Cf. : ich bin dir nah, du seist auch nock so feme, or the English 
 
 imperatives, such as suppose, say [grant] (' Say you can swim, ^^^ ^^ 
 
 'tis but a while; Shakespeare),! which have to some extent v^v.^4; ako 
 
 passed into the rank of conjunctions. Under this head we i]i;,JJ^."i.' 
 
 - . 7 i> 75j a"d 
 
 must reckon, too, the Latin conditional sentences with modo elsewhere. 
 {cf : ego ista studia non improbo, moderata modo sint), § which ^ ^^ ^ 
 must not be apprehended as a governing construction, and 
 
148 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. VI.] 
 
 which can actually stand equally well side by side with dum. 
 In the same way it is well known that from the interrogation 
 has arisen a form of conditional sentences very common in 
 German and in English, and not unknown to the Romance 
 languages {willst du est tun, so beetle dich). (If you, want to do it, 
 lose no time). 
 
 PASSAGES TRANSLATED. 
 
 Page 126. — Verit denne, etc. Then doomsday comes into the land, the Lord called 
 
 him ; cf. the Eng. He says, says he. 
 Page 130. — Dd spranc, etc. Then Hagene sprang from the seat thus spake. 
 Page 133. — Mit ziihten, etc. Decorously a lady who had her dwelling therein asked 
 
 her to the house. 
 Page 133. — Die worhte, etc. A smith wrought them (who) was called Vulcan. 
 Page 133. — Von einem slangen, etc. Of a snake (which) was bound. 
 Page 133.— 7cA hah, etc. I have a sin (which) is against you. 
 Page 133. — Dar inne, etc. Therein he saw glisten of red coals a glow (which) waited 
 
 for his fall. 
 Page 141. — Ein evolk, etc. A married couple lived thirty years in peace (which) 
 
 vexed the devil greatly ; The lady got his possessions (which) happened after 
 
 Christ's birth verily 450 years ; Thus the wages become an evil parting-present 
 
 (that as) the scorpion's tail signifies ; The sorrowful woman stabbed herself and 
 
 took a miserable end, Boccaccio describes ; Therefore everybody spoke well of him, 
 
 Plutarchus proves. 
 Page 146. — Ein marcgrdve, etc. A margrave was called Herman : with him he began 
 
 to talk about it (Rother 86) ; A wise man was called Josephus : as soon as he 
 
 heard the advice, he had to himself with great cunning ; A water (river) is 
 
 called Inn ; there the Bavarians fought with them. 
 Page 146. — Die ir, etc. Those who have increased their Christian promise (vow) by 
 
 other promises (in so much as scripture is not a lie), either scripture is a lie or 
 
 they will get into very great trouble. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 CHANGE OF MEANING IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SYNTAX. 
 
 THE most general of the statements which have been made Comparison 
 about the signification of words and their changes in ticai with 
 
 Verbal 
 
 Chapter IV. may be equally applied to the signification of syntactic change of 
 
 t> Ti i'--ii 111 meaning. 
 
 relations. In these, too, we must distinguish between ' usual and 
 ' occasional ' meaning. The ' usual ' meaning may be more than a 
 single one : its changes arise from the variations of the occasional 
 signification, and they consist either in the enrichment or in the 
 impoverishment of the contents with a corresponding narrowing 
 or enlargement of the extent. Peculiar circumstances, however, 
 arise from the fact that we have here to deal with the relations 
 of several elements to each other (cf. : amo patrem, amor patris), 
 and tha,t these relations are compounded into narrower or wider 
 groups {e.g., verb — objective accusative, substantive — genitive of 
 another substantive). Accordingly, besides the difference between 
 'usual' and 'occasional' signification, we must make another dis- 
 tinction, likewise a very important one, namely, that between 
 I the signification of a general relation absolutely, and that of the 
 'relation to some definite word. The signification which the 
 accusative has in its relation to a single definite verb must be 
 distinguished from the general signification which it has in its 
 relation to any word whatever, and also from that which it has 
 in its relation to any transitive verb whatever. The signification 
 
150 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 it bears in the first-mentioned instance may be closer and more 
 special, and more or less isolated with respect to the general 
 signification. In modern times the view of the older grammarians 
 has been much disputed, that a case is actually governed by a verb 
 or a preposition, or a mood governed by a conjunction, etc. ; 
 and it has been sought to derive the use of the case or the mood 
 from its general signification. But still, in a certain sense, and 
 with certain limitations, the traditional doctrine may be defended. 
 These general statements will be supported in what follows by 
 examples. 
 TheGenitive. 228. No simplc signification can be laid down for the genitive 
 from which the functions which it already fulfils in the original 
 Indo-European language can be directly gathered. For in- 
 stance, we must from the very outset regard the genitive when 
 dependent on verbs as jn a different category from the same case 
 when dependent on substantives. If we examine the latter, we 
 are justified in maintaining that the genitive, as is, generally 
 speaking, the case in ancient Greek, could be employed in IE. 
 for the expression of any given relation between two substantives ; 
 we may, therefore, ascribe to this category a simple signification 
 of very meagre content and very wide extent, which is only occa- 
 sionally specialised. On the other hand, in NHG. the function 
 of the genitive in connection with substantives ,is considerably 
 restricted. Many usages possible still in MHG. — cf., goldes zein 
 
 (' staff of gold '), langes lebens zvdn {' hope of long life ') are 
 
 at the present day obsolete. We must nowadays look for more 
 special meanings if we would denote the usage of the geni- 
 tive, and in this we are compelled to distinguish several cate- 
 gories, and to set side by side several independent significations. 
 « These might be most simply denoted in this way : possessive- 
 
 ^ genitive, partitive-genitive, and the genitive denoting that the 
 
VII.] CHANGE OF MEANING IN DEPARTMENT OF SYNTAX. 151 
 
 governing substantive is what it is, in virtue of that which de- 
 pends upon it {e.g. : the maris brother, the god of wine, the 
 writer of the work, the exploit of the hero). The last-named cate- 
 gory may be divided into two subdivisions in the case of nouns 
 of action, viz., the subjective and the objective genitive \cf.: the 
 government of the Czar, or the government of the country\. The 
 statement of such categories has no doubt been lately regarded 
 as a purely logical division, to be sharply separated from grammar. 
 This view is, however, hardly correct, assuming that the state- 
 ment is made accurately and properly. The categories in ques- 
 tion have gained an independent position with respect to their 
 original general signification, and only owing to this fact has it 
 been possible for these alone to survive, while the other ways 
 of applying them, which would likewise range themselves under 
 the original signification, have disappeared. 
 
 229. The relation of the accusative to its governing verb is The Accusa- 
 analogous to that of the genitive to its governing substantive. 
 If we would give a general statement of the meaning of the 
 accusative, under which all the single methods of employing it 
 might be arranged, we must say that it denotes generally every 
 conceivable kind of relation which a substantive can bear to a 
 verb, except that of a subject to its predicate. But still we are 
 unable to employ it in each case in which such a common relation 
 occurs ; and, indeed, as early as in the epoch of the IE. funda- 
 mental language this was inadmissible, even though the applica- 
 tion was still much freer and more extended in its range, as we 
 may see, for example, in Greek. Hence the assumption of one 
 single all-comprehending meaning is insufficient: we must place 
 side by side different usages which have gradually become 
 independent. But in this place the further fact must be taken 
 into consideration that in its relation to single verbs also a 
 
 tive. 
 
152 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 fixed usage, with regard to the employment or otherwise of the 
 accusative, and a specialisation of the signification, has established 
 itself. We must accordingly distinguish between the free accusa- 
 tive, which is independent of the nature of the verb to which it is 
 attached, and the attached accusative, which is placed in connexion 
 with a small number of verbs only, and in each individual case in 
 a restricted signification. 
 
 230. Among the free uses of the accusative dating from the 
 earliest times, is its employment for the designation of what 
 extends over sp^ce and time (used not merely with verbs) : also 
 the accusative of the contents of substantives etymologically 
 
 na^ £» "" connected with the verb (as to fight a hard fight) ;*in Latin the 
 ^yam. u. j^(-(-yg^^jyg pf ^j^g names of towns in answer to the question 
 Whither? A usage of comparatively recent origin is the ac- 
 cusative after verbs commonly intransitive in connexion with a 
 predicative adjective ; cf. : to cry one's eyes red — to wash one's 
 forehead cool — to eat oneself full — to dance oneself tired — to cry 
 oneself hoarse, etc. In these cases, therefore, we should have a 
 widening of the signification. Still we must take into considera- 
 tion that special factors have contributed to start this construc- 
 tion ; on the one hand, probably, the feeling — not yet thoroughly 
 extinct — for the general signification of the accusative ; on 
 the other, the analogy of cases like to shoot a man dead— to 
 buy a man free — to strike a man dumb — to beat black and blue, 
 etc. The case is similar in constructions like those in the vulgar 
 phrases to talk one's head off^to worm oneself into another's con- 
 fidence — to read one's own thoughts into those of one's author — to 
 laugh a man down, etc. 
 
 231. The accusative with compounds occupies a kind of 
 border-ground between the absolutely 'free' and the 'attached,' 
 when the simple verbs are either intransitive or govern quite a 
 
VII.] CHANGE OF MEANING IN DEPARTMENT OF SYNTAX. 153 
 
 different kind of accusative. We say a border-ground, consider- 
 ing that at least a great number of such verbs unite into a 
 group ; while in their formation and transitive application, as 
 opposed to use, a certain freedom of movement makes itself 
 felt. Composites with be- in German [and in a less degree in 
 English] have the quite general function of making an intransitive 
 verb transitive, or of enabling a transitive verb to adopt a different 
 kind of object : cf.: befallen, beschrciben, bestreiten ; besetzen, bewer- 
 fen, bezahlen ; belabour, begrudge, bewitch. 
 
 232. The accusative, when attached to a definite individual 
 verb, has, as a rule, only a single meaning, limited by use. But 
 multiplicity of meaning is not quite exceptional, and this is in 
 such cases partly old — perhaps to be referred to the original 
 general signification of the accusative — and partly it proves 
 that originally one signification, and one only, has been ' usual,' 
 while the other has grown up by ' occasional ' transgression of the 
 usage ; cf. in German, wunden schlagen — den feind schlagen — 
 das schwert schlagen ; einen mit steinen werfen — steine auf einen 
 werfen ; einen mit dem messer stechen — ihm das messer durch das 
 herz stechen; worte sprechen — einen menschen sprechen; in Latin, 
 defendere aliquem ab ardore solis — defendere ardorem solis ab 
 aliquo ; prohibere calamitatem a provincia—prohibere provinciam 
 calamitate [in English, toke^ a man from harm— to keep harm from 
 a man ; to stick a knife into a man — to stick a man tvith a knife\ 
 Undoubtedly the following constructions, which are especially 
 common in poetry, are a later development, due partly to ' occa- 
 sional ' usage: in German, ein kind schenken { = saugen), wasser 
 in einen eimer fullen; in Latin, vina cadis onerare (Verg.,* a 
 
 , ^ * Aen. i. 199. 
 
 variation for cados vinis), liberare obsidioncm (LiVY, mstead of 
 liberare urbem obsidione) ; in Greek,i BuKpva reyyeiv, 'to wet tears ' ti^«.j4i ; 
 (instead of 'to wet with tears,' Pindar) ;t alfia Seveiv, 'to stain =°°.«9. 
 
 1 Such constructions as the following, which are especially common in poetry, are 
 of later development and partly due to occasional usa^e. Greek Syntax. 
 
154 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 blood ' (Instead of 'to stain with blood,' SOPHOCLES).^ \Cf., ' The 
 • Gray's OA Attic Warbler fiouTS her throat'^* More examples are given by 
 
 to spring;, ■« -■ i. ^ 
 
 Madvig, Kleine schriften (p. 337). Since the relation expressed 
 by the accusative may in itself be more than a single one, the 
 connexion of one verb with several accusatives is a circumstance 
 which arises quite naturally. 
 ThePreposi- 233. It would be incorrect to say of the IE. prepositions 
 
 tions. 
 
 that they governed this or that particular case. The case in 
 question was rather directly to he referred to the verb ; its 
 general meaning was still apprehended, and was merely special- 
 ised by the preposition ; whence it comes that different cases 
 could also, stand after the same preposition, each with its own 
 special meaning. The Greek stands in many respects near to this 
 original state. But the case has more and more lost its inde- 
 pendence with respect to the preposition ; the connexion of the pre- 
 position with the case has become matter of custom, and the con- 
 sciousness of the original case-signification has grown fainter. In 
 the case of the NHG. prepositions which govern one case only, like 
 zu, um, or which govern several without any difference in the sense, 
 like trotz, the meaning of the case has certainly disappeared ; the 
 employment of the particular case is merely a traditional habit, to 
 which no value can be attached. Between the present absolute fixity 
 and fast connexion on the one hand, and the original life and freedom 
 of the cases on the other, stands half-way the employment of the 
 dative and accusative in a different sense after in, auf, ilber, unter. 
 Apposition 234. Appositional construction often appears when we ought 
 
 and Partitive . > 
 
 Genitive, if strict accuracy of expression were aimed at, to employ a partitive 
 genitive; not merely where the apposition consists of several 
 members which, taken together, give the same meaning as the 
 substantive to which they are appended ; e.g. : They^zvent, one this 
 way, the other that way ; Classes populi Romani, alteram naufra<rio, 
 ^ [' To languish a drop of blood a day '—Shakespeare, Cymh. I., ii.] 
 
VII.] CHANGE OF MEANING IN DEPARTMENT OF SYNTAX. 155 
 
 alteram a Poenis depressam interire (CiCERO, de Div. ii. 8, 20) ; Capti 
 ab Jugurtha pars in crucem acti pars bestiis objecti sunt (Sallust, 
 Jug, 14, 15) ; but also where the whole apposition represents a part 
 only of the substantive belonging to it — cf.: Volsci maxima pars 
 caesi (LiVY vi. 24) ; Cetera multitudo decimus quisque ad supplicium. 
 lecti (LiVY ii. 59) ; Nostri ceciderunt tres (Caesar) : and correspond- 
 ingly in cases where the subject is expressed by the personal termi- 
 nation of the verb only — cf. : Plerique meminimiis, ' most of us 
 remember' (LiVY) ; Simoni adesse me quis nuntiate, ' one or other of 
 you' (PlauTUS Pseud, v. i, 37). So in MHG. : siweinien siimeluhe, 
 ' many of them ; ' j'd sini iu dock genuogen diu mcere wol bekant, ' to 
 many of you.' In the case of the designation of materials, which 
 would regularly be expressed by the partitive genitive, the less ac- 
 curate appositional relation appears ; ^., in Latin : aliquid id genus, 
 instead of ejus generis (CiCERO, ad Ait. xiii. 12, 3), coronamenta omne 
 genus (Cato, R. R., chap, viii.), arma magnus numerus (LiVY). This 
 more simple method of construction has gained a wide hold in NHG. as 
 against MHG. ; cf. : ein stuck brot (MHG., stucke brotes), ein pfund meld, 
 ein scheffel weizen, ein glas wasser, eine menge obst, eine art tisch, etc. 
 cf, the Scotch use of ' a wee bit body ' see Matz Eng. Gr. iii. 309.] 
 In this case the collective material appellations are indeclinable 
 throughout. We cannot, if we analyse correctly the instinct of 
 language, longer recognise here any nominative or accusative, but 
 merely the simple stem without any designation of case. Language 
 has returned to its most primitive method of construction, the only 
 one posssible before the appearance of the case, and as it appears to 
 us in the old compounds \cf., LiVY xxi. 24 for Illiberi as oblique case]. 
 
 235. As the object, so even the subject of a verb can lend itself sabj«t of 
 to denote a relation in a way varying from previous usage. Cf 
 NHG. phrases, such as die bank sitzt voller mensche^i, ihm h'dngt der 
 himmel voller geigen, der eimer lauft voll wasser, or lauft leer [in 
 English, The cistern is running dry\. In MHG. the employment of 
 
156 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 such combinations with vol is even more frequent ; cf. : das hzls saz 
 edeler vrouwen vol, ouch gienc der wait wildes vol, daz gevilde was 
 volkz pavelune geslagen {cf. Haupt on Brec, 2038) ;'even in Hans 
 Sachs, den {wald) sack er springen vol der wilden tiere, all specerey 
 voll wiirme loffen ; and a similar use prevails in Danish. Cf. 
 further, der narren herz ist wie ein topf, der da rinnt (Lu., — at the 
 present day, rinnen and laufen are used in a precisely similar w^ay) ; 
 dass unsere augen mit trdnen rinnen, und unsere augenlieder mit 
 wasser fliessen (Lu.) ; das gefdss fliesst iiber; in Italian, le vie corre- 
 vano sangue (MalesPINI) ; in Spanish, corrieron sangue los rios 
 (Calderon, c/". Diez iii. 114); in \ja.'i\x\, cultrum cruore mattantem, 
 (LiVY i. S9) ; brachia sudore flmuit {F'LOK. ii. 4) ; in English, the hall 
 thick swarming now with complicated monsters (MiLTON, P. L., 523); 
 [their eyes run with tears'] ; NHG., der wald erklingt von gesang ; das 
 fenster schliesst schlecht ; just so in French, la fenUre ne clot pas bien. 
 The Germans can say indifferently die blume riecht and ich rieche die 
 blume, der wein schmeckt and ich schmecke den wein. Compare the 
 use of the NHG., stinken ; Latin, sapere ; French, sentir. The 
 MHG. use of sehen for aussehen is a parallel \cf., it looks bad]. If 
 we lay it down that the relation between subject and object 
 is to be fixed and immovable for all time, we are compelled 
 to assign a double meaning to the verb in cases lik& those 
 cited. 
 jubEtantive 236. The Corresponding departure from ordinary usage occurs 
 vai Prcdi- when a substantive is connected with an adjectival predicate, and 
 on a still larger scale when the connexion is attributival. Whereas 
 the adjective ought, properly speaking, to be employed only for the 
 quality which inheres in the substantive attaching to it, we find it 
 also employed where the relation is merely indirect. Cf. such 
 expressions as auf schulaigen wegen (SCHILLER) — i.e. 'ways in 
 which one incurs guiltiness ;' einige gelassetie augenblicke (Goethe) 
 
 cate. 
 
VII.] CHANGE OF MEANING IN BEPARTMENT OF SYNTAX. 157 
 
 — I.e. ' moments in which one is quiet ; ' der hofffiun'gsvolhn gabe 
 (Goethe) ; bei ihrem unbekannten besuche (Lessing) — i.e. 'one in 
 which she remains unknown ; ' des trones, ungewiss, ob ihn mehr 
 vorsicht schiitst, als Hebe stutzt (Lessing) — i.e. ' in which it is un- 
 certain.' Many such linguistic licences have become quite ' usual.' 
 We say quite commonly, a happj^event, a joy ful surprise, happy hours, 
 a learned treatise, in an intoxicated condition, in a foolish manner, 
 etc. ; and further, we say, he gives us an unhealthy impression, and 
 a stingy gift, etc. The word sicher in German, like secure and sAr, 
 refers in the first instance to a person who has no need to be 
 anxious ; in the second place to a thing or a person about whom 
 or which no one need be anxious:* £/§g/ refers on the one hand to'tof in Exg- 
 
 //f A, I am safe 
 
 a person who easily feels disgust; on the other to an object at iSti't^jJe ^is 
 
 safe.] 
 
 which disgust is felt. If such freer combinations are apprehended 
 after the analogy between the substantive and the adjective agree- 
 ing with it, we arrive at a point where we may lay it down that a 
 change in word-meaning has occurred. 
 
 237. Such a licence is allowed with special frequency in the 
 case of participles ; cf. : einer reuenden trdne (Lessing) ; Idchelnde 
 antwort (Goethe) ; in der schaudemden stille der nacht (LESSING) ; 
 zum schaudemden concert (Schiller) ; der kdnig betrachtet ihn 
 mit nachdenkender stille (Schiller) ; in seiner windenden todesnot 
 (Goethe) ; nach dem kostenden preise (NlCOLAl).^ [We can say in 
 English a suspicious calmness — a smiling answer — a melancholy 
 task. ] 
 
 238. Common examples of this are to be found in such usages 
 as sitzende, liegende stellung—fallende sucht — schwindelnde hohe — 
 im wachenden traume, etc., and the now condemned phrase bei 
 nachtschlafender zeit. Many similar expressions are very common 
 in English, such as, dying day— parting glass — writing materials 
 
 ' Further examples are given in Andresen, Sprachgebrauch, p. 82 sqq. 
 
!58 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 — dining room — sleeping apartment — singing lesson— falling sick- 
 ness. Cf. also such examples in French as, tM dansant, cafi 
 chantant. Tacitus has such uses as Muciano volentia rescribere, in- 
 
 *HM.-m. stead oi volenti* etc. {cf. Draeger, § 193, 4). We find examples 
 for the perfect participle in ein Idngst entwohnter schauer (Goethe) ; 
 in diesen letzten zerstreuten tagen (GOETHE) ; der beschuldigten 
 heucMung (ScHILLER), i.e., ' the hypocrisy of which I am accused ; ' 
 and in English, the ravished hours (ParNELL), for ' the hours of 
 ravishing pleasure.' Common examples are ein eingebildeter mensch, 
 ein bedienter. 
 
 239. Parallel to this use is probably the custom of freely 
 attaching a predicative attribute, which is indeed condemned as 
 careless, but which still occurs frequently enough in such cases 
 as seltene taten werden durch jahrhunderte nachahmend zum 
 gesetze geheiligt (Goethe) ; lustig davonfahrend wurden die 
 eindrucke des abends noch einmal ausgetauscht (RiEHL) ; zuriickge- 
 
 .w^ErroS' kehrt wurde des ermordeten kleidung untersucht (BRACHVOGEL).t 
 
 Eng., 6ed., Andresen cites other instances, mostly from newspapers {Sprach- 
 103. 
 
 gebrauch, p. 113). In this case we feel ourselves compelled to 
 
 supply a subject to the predicative attribute ; but it would be 
 
 equally possible to fill up the example cited above ' mit nachden- 
 
 kender stille ' to ' ■^nit stille, wdhrend welcher er nachdenkt ' without 
 
 any thing of this being contained in the expression. 
 
 Participial 240. In the case of participial constructions the time-relation 
 
 tionl:^™- alone is expressed in which the state or the event which has 
 
 junctions. ]-,ggjj denoted by the participle stands to the finite verb. It is 
 
 possible, however, for numerous relations to subsist at the 
 
 same time, so that in resolving the participial construction 
 
 • into a single sentence we have to employ sometimes one 
 
 conjunction and sometimes another. Still we cannot on this 
 
 account maintain that the participial construction as such admits 
 
VII.] CHANGE OF MEANING IN DEPARTMENT OF SYNTAX. 159 
 
 of different meanings — i.e. that it denotes now the reason, now 
 the condition, now a contrast, etc. These conditions remain in each 
 case only ' occasional ' and accidental. The case is otherwise, 
 however, with dependent sentences introduced by a temporal con- 
 junction. In this case it is possible for the accidental relation to 
 the governing sentence to attach itself to the conjunction, and to 
 become an integral portion of its ' usual ' signification. Thus, for 
 instance, the employment of the word wahrend in German to 
 denote a contrast must be acknowledged as a peculiar ' usual ' 
 function, side by side with the fundamental meaning. This is 
 manifest, apart from our feeling for language, from the considera- 
 tion that this function operates no less where what is said to 
 have passed between the dependent and governing sentence is 
 not contemporaneous — cf. : du belugst mich, wahrend ich dir immer 
 die zuakrheit gesagt kabe. In the same way we must grant that the 
 MHG. sit, besides its temporal signification, possessed that of the 
 NHG. causal da, as an independent one, for sit can be used in a way 
 at variance with the fundamental meaning when contemporaneous 
 action between dependent and governing sentence is implied — cf. : 
 sit ich ane einen vrumen man mm lant niht bevriden kan, so gewinne 
 ich gerne einen. The development may then proceed further, as the 
 original temporal signification disappears entirely, as in the case of 
 NHG. weil. In precisely a corresponding way prepositions such as 
 through, by, of local or temporal meaning, pass over to a causal one. 
 
 PASSAGES TRANSLATED. 
 
 Page 156. — Daz h&s, etc. The house sat (was) full of noble ladies, and the wood went 
 (was) full of game. The field was (pitched) full of tents. 
 
 Page 159. — SU ich, etc. Since without a valiant man I cannot keep my land in peace, I 
 will gladly obtain one. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ON CONTAMINATION. 
 
 Definition. TT) Y 'Contamination' I understand the process by which two/ 
 X_J synonymous forms of expression force themselves simul-/ 
 taneously into consciousness, so that neither of the two makes itsi 
 influence felt simply and purely : a new form arises in which! 
 elements of the one mingle with elements of the other. This 
 process is also of course in the first place individual and momentary. 
 However, by means of repetition, and the intercourse of different 
 individuals, it is possible for the individual usage gradually to 
 become ' usual.' 
 Contamina- 242. Contamination manifests itself partly in the phonetic form 
 I. Phonetic, of single words, partly in their syntactical combination. 
 
 243. A confusion of two words not etymologically connected is 
 comparatively rare.^ Schuchardt has indicated one characteristic 
 example. In the Aemilian dialect there is a word cminzipid., 
 ' to begin,' a contamination arising from the words cominciare and 
 principiare of the Italian written language. The confusion was 
 rendered easier in the case of forms which are reciprocally com- 
 pleted into a paradigma. The older form wis ('j^r), from OHG. 
 wesan, is in MHG. gradually thrust aside by bis under the influence 
 of bist. Ohg. bim {bin) is probably a contamination of im (Gothic), 
 and *bium (AS. beom) ; a similar occurrence may be noted in the 
 converse way in AS. eom. 
 
 ' [C/. Penke's Origincs Ariacae, p. 150 sqq. ; Grober's grundriss der roman philol., 
 p. 636. Translator .'\ 
 
[Ch. VIIL] ON CONTAMINATION. i6i 
 
 244. The confusion of words belonging to the same etymologi- 
 cal group is more common. Cf. gewohnt from the MHG. adjective 
 gewon (still found in gewohnheit and gewohnlicK), and the MHG. par- 
 ticiple gewent from wenen {gewoknen) ; doppelt from the adjective I 
 <a?i?//^/ ( = French double), and the participle gedoppelt, still usual in 
 the last century; zu guter letzt from zu guter letz (mhg. letze, 
 
 ' departure ') and zu letz. 
 
 245. Not merely do two single forms suffer reciprocal contami- 
 nation, but single forms affect each other similarly. In this way 
 then there arises not unfrequently a pleonasm of the formative 
 elements, a form composed in an unusual way being further 
 enriched by the suffix of the regular formation. Under this head ^ 
 come forms like NHG. ihrer, iknen, derer, denen ; OHG. inan (from 
 in influenced by blintan, etc.) ; NHG. Fritzens, Martens, from the 
 older Fritzen, Marten, forms which have been affected by the most / 
 common genitival termination. Further, words like the Latin 
 jactitare, cantitare, ventitare, instead oi jactare, etc., have arisen 
 under the influence of volitare, etc. ; and Spanish adjectives, like 
 celestial, divinal, humanal (cf. MiCHAELls, p. 38). Especially com- 
 mon is the multiplication of the suffixes of the comparative and 
 superlative ; cf. NHG. dftrer (common in LessING) ; letzteste 
 (Goethe) ; OHG. miriro, as against the Gothic maiza ; Gothic 
 aftumists, aukumists, frumists by the side of aftuma, auhuma, 
 fruma ; hinduviisis, spidumists ; late Latin pluriores, minimissimus,'^ 
 pessiinissimus, extremissimus, postremissimus ; Greek apeioTepot, 
 
 XepeioTepoi;, TTjOtoTto-To?, etc. [Cf. in English the forms former,*\^'^°'^^^^. 
 
 fr*7 TT 1 torum mini- 
 
 nearer, lesser, and Most Highest. \ In the same way we must missicmns. 
 
 explain the double prefix in gegessen, MHG. gezzen. 
 
 246. Contamination plays a great part in the area of syntax. Syntactical | 
 
 Contamina- 
 
 We will cite, in the first instance, a few examples of merely tion. 
 
 I. Momen- 
 1 Cf. Brugman, Morph. Unt. iii. 67 sqq., and Ziemer, Streifz. 146. '^'T'- 
 
 ^Erst appears in Wyclirs works [ed. Arnold, v. iii.] as a superlative sufBx: 
 hsi-erste, p. 363 ; lewid-erst, p. 355 ; Skeat in N. &• Q., Feb. 22, i8go. 
 
l62 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 passing anomalies which have no influence on usage. Lessing 
 uses the phrase, um deines lebens wegen ; a confusion between 
 um . . . willen and wegen; a similar confusion is quoted by 
 Andresen {Sprachgebrmich, 194), from the Kolnische Zeitung, as 
 between um and halber. Goethe writes : freitags als dem. ruhigsten 
 tage, as if am freitage had been written. Lessing writes : ich 
 habe nur leugnen wollen, dass ihr alsdann der name m.alerei 
 weniger zukomme ; a confusion between leugnen . . . dass . . . 
 zukomme and behaupten . . . dass . . . weniger zukom,me. Hans 
 Sachs writes : Ein jedes thut, als es dann wolt als jhm von jhem 
 gesckeken salt. In this the two thoughts are confused ; wie es 
 wollte dass ihm von jenem geschehen sollte, and wie ihm geschehen 
 sollie. Hartmann von Aue writes : er bereite sick dar zuo als er ze 
 velde wolde komen (from dar zuo daz er ze velde kcBme, and als er ze 
 velde wolde komen). Again the same author writes : des weinens tet 
 in michel ndt from daz weinen tet in and des weinens was in. 
 Goethe : im betragen unterschied sick auch hier der gesandte von 
 Plotho wider vor alien andern ; a confusion with zeichnete sick 
 aus or something similar. Goethe writes : die sckicksale meiner 
 wandersckaft werden dick mekr davon iiberzeugen, als die wdrmsten 
 versickerungen kaum tun konnen ; here the word kaum belongs 
 properly to an entirely different manner of expression. 
 =. Usual. 247. We turn to cases in which the contamination has be- 
 
 come usual, or at least appears as a frequently occurring licence. 
 The construction das gehort mein is very common {cf. Grimm, 
 Deutsches Wbrterbuch, 4a, 2508); a confusion between gekort 
 mir and ist mein. In English we say, ' I am friends with himl 
 from / am friendly witk kirn and we are friends ; the Danish 
 popular idiom is similar, han er gode venner med hem ('he is good 
 friends with her'). The Danish popular idiom also has the 
 expression, jeg folges med kam (' I follow with him '), from jeg 
 
VIII.] ON CONTAMINATION. 163 
 
 fdlger med ham, and ve folges ad (' we follow each other,' i.e. ' we 
 go together').^ In Greek we find expressions like o ■!jfiia-v<; 
 Tov 'x^povov,* rrjv "TrXeiarrjv rj)? trrpaTta?, a confusion between * Xen., cj^r. 
 
 III. ii. 2, 
 
 o Tj/j.ierv^ j(^p6vo^ and to '^fiia-v tov ■x^povov, etc. ; correspondingly 
 
 we find in Spanish muchas de virgines, instead of muchas virgines 
 
 or mucho de virgines ; d. pocos de dias, una poca de miel, tantas 
 
 de yerbas, la mas de la gente (Cervantes) ; in Italian, in poca d'ora, 
 
 la piii della gente {Boccaccio). Similar confusions are found also 
 
 in Portuguese, Provengal, and OF. {cf. DlEZ, iii. 15.2.)^ We have a 
 
 similar contamination in the case of the Latin gerund : poenarum 
 
 solvendi tempus (LuCRETlUS),t from poenarum solvendarum and t v. 23. 
 
 poenas solvendi; exemplorum eligendi potestas (Cicero;! cf. x di invent. 
 
 Draeger, 597 d). Cicero writes: eorum partim in pompa 
 
 partim in acie illustres esse voluerunt,^'m which there is a confu- ^_j"- *'"'-''• 
 
 sion between eorum pars and ii partem: the corresponding process 
 
 is common in older NHG. ; cf. theils leute nennen ihn zum spott den 
 
 unverstand (Cronegk). 
 
 248. Not unfrequently, in referring to what has preceded, an 
 
 inaccuracy arises owing to the displacement of a word by the idea 
 
 of a word etymologically related with the word actually employed, , 
 
 where the speaker might equally well have employed either. "' 
 
 Thus, for instance, the idea of the inhabitants displaces that of the 
 
 town or of the country ; cf @eiJ,icrroK\ri<; ^evyei, e? KlpKvpav, wv 
 
 il 1. 136. 
 avr&v evepyerr)'; (ThuC.);|| Domitius navibus Massiliam pervenit 
 
 atque ab iis recepius urbi praeficitur (Caesar) ;'^ Suirium, sociosifl"'^'"- 
 
 • populi Romani (Livy);**NHG. so waren wir denn an der grenze von^^^ 
 
 Frankreich alles franzosischen wesens auf einmal bar und ledig. 
 
 Ihre lebensweise fanden wir zu bestimmt und zu vornehm, ihre 
 
 dichtung kalt, etc. (Goethe). Other examples are : innere stdrke 
 
 kann man der Bodmerischen und Breitingerischen kritik nicht 
 
 ' See Madvig, Kl. Schriften. irjf. 
 2 [In the chanson de Roland we find ' tantparfut bels '=il Halt si beau ; a con- 
 fusion between il etait tant beau and il Halt par (per) beau']. 
 
i64 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 absprecken, und man m,uss den ersten als einen patriarchen ansehn 
 (Herder) ; het ich mich nichtjung thun verweiben, die tr mir jetzt 
 drey jar anhengen thet (the die referring to a wife whom he should 
 have taken ; Hans Sachs) ; ^ MHG. in dent palas, der wol gekerzet 
 was, die {i.e. ' welche kerzen ') harte liehte brunnen (Wolfram) ; 
 entwapent wart der tote man und an den lebenden gelegt {diu wdpen 
 must be suppHed as subject ; id.) ; servili tumultu, quos (as if 
 
 *.Oc Mad- servorum, had preceded ; Caesar).* The most common case is 
 that the relative refers to a possessive pronoun, as if the personal 
 pronoun had preceded ; cf laudare fortunas meas, qui gnatum 
 haberem tali ingenio praeditum (TERENCE) ; t^? e'/i'?? eTreicroSov, 
 
 !onf S«/?;' ^^ M"^' oKveire (SoPH.);2tin MHG. it is universal. 
 
 jc/Thomp- 249. In Latinjthere arise from the confusion of the comparative 
 
 son, p. 20, 
 
 and superiative manner of expression, combinations like /li cetero- 
 ^Agrkoia rum Brittannorum fugacissimi {Taciius)-^ omnium ante se genito- 
 2 rum diligentissimus (Pliny).^' \Cf. Milton's copy of this use : Adam 
 the goodliest man of men since born ; the fairest of her daughters. Eve; 
 and Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream, v. i. 252 : This is 
 the greatest error of all the rest.] Conversely the superlative occurs 
 sometimes with the meaning of the comparative ; cf. : omni vero 
 verissimum certoque certissimum (Arnobius). Compare the Old 
 Norse hcestr borinn hverjun jqfri (Gripisspa, ' the highest,' for 
 ' higher than any prince '). 
 
 250. In Latin we often have joined to the imperative the word 
 jam dudum ; e.g.,jamdudum sumite poenas — a confusion between 
 the thoughts ' pray take ' and ' you should long ago have taken,' as 
 if Vergil had written jam dudum debitas. \Cf. Those dispositions 
 that of late transform you from what you rightly are (Lear, I. iv. 
 242) ; and He is ready to cry all the day.] 
 
 ' Other examples may be found in Andresen, Sprachg. 232 sqq. 
 2 Cf. Hodgson, ut suf., pp. 72, 74, for instances in English. 
 ' Cf. Ziemer ; Comp. 55 sqq. 
 
VIII.] ON CONTAMINATION. 165 
 
 251. In MHG. an interrogation is common with the infinitive, 
 e.g. : do enweste er wie gebaren ; we expect a finite verb, and the 
 construction is probably only to be explained by our assuming the 
 simultaneous influence of those cases in which the infinitive was 
 directly dependent on the verb, without any interrogative. The 
 same thing holds good, of course, of the corresponding Romance 
 constructions. Cf. in French, je ne sais quel parti prendre ; in 
 Italian, non so che fare (DlEZ, iii. 230) ; [and in English / do not .. 
 know what to do]. We see a similar construction in the Italian 
 phrase non ho che dire ; in the Spanish, non tengo con quien hablar ; 
 in the French, il trouva i qui parler, and la terrefournit de quoi 
 nourrir ses habitants ; in Late Latin, non habent quid respondere 
 (DlEZ, «.j.) ; in English, how have I then with whom to hold converse 
 (Milton) ; then sought where to lie hid {ib.) ; [hath not where to lay 
 his hea({\, etc. 
 
 252. It must further be regarded as a contamination, if an 
 interrogative sentence be made dependent on a verb, and at 
 the same time be made the subject of this interrogative sentence 
 
 as nominal object; cf., in Latin, nosti Marcellum quam tardus sit ,^^^^ 
 (Cicero) ; viden scelestum ut aucupetur (Plautus) ;* observatote "■ ■•■ '■ 
 eum quam blande palpatur mulieri (Terence) ; die modo hominem t a. 1163. 
 qui sit (Vl.K\iT:\J?,);\ patriam te rogo quae sit (PLAUTUS);Jin Italian, xpers.tzs. 
 tu V safirai bene chi e (BOCCACCIO) ;S and a similar use is common 
 
 ^ ^ ■"'> § Dec. 7, 8. 
 
 in the older Romance languages. {Cf. : You hear the learned 
 Bellario what he writes (Merchant of Venice, IV. i. 167) ; cf also 
 Lear, I. i. 272] ; cf. Diez, III. 391. Just in the same way a nominal 
 object stands side by side with an object sentence with dass ; 
 cf. MHG. swenne er sin sile scehe daz si in tdtsiinden wcere, die 
 liset man si wtlen war en des wunderlichen Alexandres man, do 
 hiez in got das er dar in gienge, die wil ich daz siz merken ; 
 NHG. da ihn sahen alle, die ihn vorhin gekannt hatten, dass er 
 
1 66 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 mit den propheten weissagete (LUTiiER) ; welchen ihr sprecht, 
 et set euer gott (ib.). The object of the governing sentence 
 may also be contained in the dependent object, cf. : vier- 
 hundert taler, die sie nicht wiisste, wie sie sie bezahlen sollte 
 (Lessing). In the same way it is possible, by the side of a 
 subject sentence with dass as subject, for the subject or object 
 of that sentence to appear as subject of the main sentence ; cf. : 
 ■mich will Antonio von hinnen treiben und will nicht scheinen, 
 dass er mich vertreibt (GOETHE) ; and again, nichts, was ihn 
 gereuen konnte, dass ers gab {ib.). 
 
 253. In German instead of der selbe der or der gleiche wie 
 they sometimes use the phrase der selbe wie and der gleiche der ; 
 just so in Latin, idem, ut ; e.g., in eadem sunt injustitia, ut si in 
 
 *denat. ui. suam rem. aliena convertant (CiC.).* We often meet with phrases 
 of the following kind : dass sie nichts spricht kommt daher, weil 
 sifi nichts denkt (Lessing) ; der gedanke wurde dadurch notwendig, 
 weil man voraussah (WiELAND) ; wortstreit, der daraus entsteht, 
 weil ich die sachen unter andern com.binationen sentiere (GOETHE) ; 
 in dem augenblicke, wenn wir ihn auch seines bogens beraubt sehen 
 (Lessing) ; die grosste feinheit eines dramatischen richters zeiget 
 sich darin, wenn er in jedem falle zu unterscheiden weiss (LES- 
 SING). In universal, and in some cases even obligatory, use are 
 combinations like jedesmal wenn or wo (instead of dass) in dem 
 augenblicke wo (Goethe still says in dem augenblick, dass er 
 amen sagte) ; correspondingly we find in French, au temps oii; 
 at an earlier period, au temps que; zu dem zwecke, in der 
 absicht damit ; deshalb, deswegen, aus dem grunde weil; desto 
 besser weil (MHG. daz) ; and in English, the rather because, as 
 • well as the rather that. 
 
 254. When Cicero says cum accusatus esset, quod contra rem- 
 {^^"■"■''■publicam sensisse eum dicerent,\hG makes a confusion between quod 
 
VIII.] ON CONTAMINATION. 167 
 
 . . . sensisse eunt dicebant and quod . . . sensisset. For further 
 examples cf. Draeger, § 537. Plato even uses constructions like 
 ToSe, £09 olfMai, avar^Kaiorarov elvai, Ziem., 105 \cf--' Marry, that 
 I think be young Petruchio {Rom. and Jul., I. v. 133), which is a 
 confusion between ' that, I think, is', and ' I think that that be' — 
 Abbott, §411.] 
 
 255. A common construction in MHG. seems to have been 
 in gesehe ' vil schiere min liep (' unless I see my love soon '), ich 
 bin, or sd bin ich tdt. The same sense would have been yielded 
 by the paratactical combination ich gisihe vil schiere mtn liep 
 oder ich bin tdt. Instead of this the minnesinger Steinmar says 
 in gesehe vil schiere min lieb alder { = oder) ich bin tot. Another 
 kind of confusion is still more striking, in which oder appears 
 before the sentence with ne ; ich gelige tot under minen van 
 oder ich nebeherte mtn ere (Kaiserchronik).^ 
 
 259. A predicatival attribute may have the same function 
 as a dependent sentence introduced by a conjunction. Con- 
 sequently many conjunctions may be placed before the simple 
 adjective, whereby a more exact description of the circumstance 
 is attained. English is peculiarly rich in such constructions ;, 
 cf.: talents angel-bright, IF wanting worth, are shining instrume?its 
 ' (Young) ; nor ever did I love thee less, THOUGH mourning o'er 
 thy wickedness (Shelley) ; Mac Ian, WHILE putting on his 
 clothes, was shot through the head (Macaulay).^ In German, too, 
 it is possible to say: ich tat es, obschon gezwungen, etc. Cor- 
 respondingly, in Latin, many conjunctions are placed before 
 the ablative absolute ; cf. : quamvis iniqua pace honeste tamen 
 
 ' "^ ■ -^ ^ * ham. vu. 
 
 viverent (Cicero) ;* etsi aliquo accepto detrimento (C^SAR) ;t etsi 3.^«-^ ^^^ 
 magna aestu {ib. 3, 95).^ The conjunctions quasi and sive, which ' 
 
 1 Further examples are given by Dittmar, Zeitsckrift fur deutsche Philologie, Ergan- 
 zungsband, p. 211. » Cf. Matzner, iii. p. ^^. ^ Cf Drager, § 592. 
 
i68 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 originally could merely serve to introduce a sentence, are quite 
 commonly added to mere dependent clauses. 
 
 257. Conversely, coincidence in the function of dependent sen- 
 tences and prepositional determinants tends to the employment of 
 prepositions to introduce dependent sentences. English has many 
 examples of this; cf.: FOR / cannot flatter thee in pride (Shake- 
 
 •Hy.VI. B., 
 
 i-3.i«9. speare) ;* AFTER he had begotten Seth (GENESIS) ;t WITHOUT 
 they were ordered (Marryat). [(This use of without is incorrect.) 
 '/ HATE him for he is a Christian, but more FOR THAT . . . 
 he lends', etc. {Merck of Ven. I. iii. 43).] Till and until are 
 specially common in this use. [Indeed the prepositional use 
 has almost died out in written English, but was common 
 in the Elizabethan age; cf. Shakespeare, /w;^ the first corse TILL 
 he that died to-day (^Hamlet, I. ii. 105), where he should be strictly 
 speaking him. Other instances are quoted by Abbott, § 184.J It 
 must, however, be particularly noticed that the constructions for 
 that, after that, etc., are permissible as alternatives to for, after, etc., 
 when used as conjunctions. A preposition also stands before 
 indirect questions; cf: at the idea of how sorry she tvould be 
 
 s^Piei.3. •(Marryat);! ^^« '^<^^b' quarrels about who shall squander most 
 (Gay) ;^§ cf., in Spanish, este capitulo habla de como el rev non 
 
 § Beggar's "^ 
 
 operax.-,. ^ei)a consentir: and similar constructions are found in Portuguese 
 
 and Old Italian.^ 
 Pleonasms 258. The result of contamination in the area of syntax is 
 
 arising from 
 
 Contamina- oftcn a plconasm. Thus, for instance, in Latin we meet with a 
 multiplication of particles expressing similarity, as pariter hoc fit 
 
 W^Ampk. atque ut alia facta J««/ (Plautus) ;2|U/ the common but in- 
 correct German expression als wie, [and the English like as if], 
 ^ Similarly we find in Latin quasi si,^ nisi si.^ In English we can 
 
 ' Matzner, iii. p. 445. a cf. Diez, iii. p. 388 
 
 » Cf. Drager, § 516, 14. « 16. § 518, 16. ^ lb. % sSl.fg. 
 
VIII.] ON CONTAMINATION. 169 
 
 connect a preposition either with a substantive or with a governing 
 verb ; the two even occur in combination ; cf. : that fair for 
 which love groaned for (SHAKESPEARE) [cf. also, lit what enor- 
 mity is Marcius poor in ? (Coriol. II. i. 18)].* Nay, we often find \%i^l^T' 
 
 1 • /• n /c^ \ Matzner, ii. 
 
 such expressions as of our generals (Shakespeare) instead of 49i.ed !'864. 
 of our general or our generaPs. Not uncommonly a preposition 
 denoting whence is added to adverbs of place, which of them- 
 selves denote the same direction ; this preposition should, strictly 
 speaking, be connected with an adverb denoting rest in a place ; 
 cf Latin deinde, exinde, dehinc, abhinc ; nhg. von hinnen, von 
 dannen, von wannen, von woher, [Span, donde from de unde ; cf 
 the English use of from henceforth.'] In Latin we often find 
 in the passive a pleonastic denotation of the pluperfect ; eg. : censa 
 fuerunt civium capita (LiVY, iii. 24, 10) ; sicuti praeceptum fierat 
 (SALLUSTf).^ We often meet with expressions V^&erlauben Sie, 
 dass ich mich dabei beteiligen darf. ^ ^J^s- s^.s- 
 
 259. The forms of comparison of the adjective and adverb jc/ Abbot 
 present many examples which seem instructive in this connexion.i:^' ''''' 
 In MHG. we often find a baz added to the comparative, as grcezer ^^°^^ 
 baz, etc. ; and in the same way in Latin, especially with the ^;;^t 
 comic poets, we find magis or potius ;§ in Greek fiaXXov ; * thus 
 also in Gothic, mais vulprizans. We find a similar use with 
 the superlative ; cf. fioKiaTa fieyia-Tov (Xenophon) ; die zundchst- 
 stehendsten (quoted from the Frankfurter Zeitung by Andresen). 
 We may compare with this such combinations as magis ox potius 
 malle, prius praecipere, irXeov irporitiav (Xenophon), Trporepov 
 7rpo\aiJ,^dveiv (DEMOSTHENES). Lessing writes in the Laokoon : 
 niemand hatte mehr recht, wegen eines solchen geschwieres bekannter 
 zu sein [cf : most unkindest {ful. Cces. ill. ii. 187) ; thy most worst 
 
 1 Drager, § 134. "^ For other instances see Andresen, Sprachg. 136, 7. 
 
 s Cf. Ziemer (comp. 154, 5). 
 
I/O PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 t^««.,i.347. 
 
 (Winter's Tale, III. ii. i8o).] The comparative is united with a 
 preposition denoting preference ; such preposition could of course, 
 strictly speaking, be only united with the positive : olaiv fj rvpavvU 
 irpo iXevdeplri'; rjv aairaa-roTepov (HerODOTUS) ;* aipercorepov 
 elvai Tov KoXov ddvarov dvrl rov ala-'X^pov ^iov (XenoPHON) ; 
 prae illo plenius (Gellius) ; ante alios immanior omnis (VERGIL).it 
 \Cf. numerous instances drawn from old Greek, where the 
 comparative degree is used where several, or indeed all the objects 
 belonging to the same class are compared with a single object : e.g. 
 Theocritus, xv. 139, "E/ctw/s, "EiKd^a<; 6 yepaiTepo<; eUaTL iralhwv. 
 Cf. Berliner Phil Wochenschrift, No. 52, p. 1622.] Wolfram von 
 Eschenbach places the two possible turns side by side : diu 
 priievet manegen fiir in baz dan des mceres herren Parzivdl (in 
 refers to Parzival). ^ 
 
 260. Pleonasm arising from contamination occurs most exten- 
 sively in the case of negations. It has almost disappeared from 
 the [English and] German written language ;* but in the last 
 century it was still very common in the latter. Thus, we find 
 after negative expressions, in the dependent sentence intro- 
 duced by dass, a negation which seems to us illogical ; cf. : 
 es kann nicht fehlen, dass die meisten stimmen itzt nicht gegen 
 ■mich sein sollten (Lessing) ; wird das hindern konnen, dass 
 man sie nicht schlachtet ? (ScHlLLER) ; der verfasser ver- 
 bittet sich, dass man seine schrift nicht zu den elenden spot- 
 tereien rechne (CLAUDIUS) ; dir abzuraten, dass du. sie nicht 
 brdchtest (SCHILLER) ; nun will ich zwar nicht Idugnen, dass an 
 diesen bUchern nicht manches zu verbessern sein sollte (Lessing) ; 
 ich zweifle nicht, dass sie sich nicht beide Uber diese krdnkung 
 hinwegsetzen werden (Lessing) ; der lord Shaftesbury erkldrt sich 
 
 ^ Cf. Ziemer (comp. 95 sqq.). 
 
 ^ Further examples are cited in Dittmar, Zeits.f.d. Philol., Erganzungsband, T.ij'jsqq. 
 
 ^ It is very common in English popular language (cf. Storm, U.S., p. 256), 
 
VIII.] ON CONTAMINATION. 171 
 
 aawider, dass man nicht zu viel wahrkeit sagen solle (Translation 
 of Tom Jones, 1771). We find a corresponding usage in MHG. dar 
 umbe liez er daz, daz er niht wolte minnen (Kudrun) ; ich wil des 
 haben rdt, daz der kuene Hartmuot bt mir niht enstaf (KUDRUN). 
 [In Chaucer and Shakespeare the use of the double negative is 
 common, 2^5, first he denied you had in him no right {^Comedy of 
 Errors, iv. ii. 7) ; you may deny that you were not the cause 
 (^Richard III., i. iii. 90). See other instances in Abbott's Shak- 
 spearian Gratnmar, 406.] 
 
 261. As early as in MHG. the negation can be dispensed with. 
 If the governing sentence is negatived, in MHG. the dependent sen- 
 tence is not commonly introduced by a conjunction ; instead, merely 
 the negation en with the subjunctive is used ; cf. : mtn vrouwe sol 
 inch niht erldn irn saget iuwer mcere. The origin of the construc- 
 tions seems to be owing to the thought of the dependent sentence 
 forcing itself into consciousness, on the one hand, as dependent 
 on the governing sentence ; on the other hand as independent. 
 When, for instance, we read in the Kudrun daz wil ich widerraten, 
 daz ir mich mit besemen gestrafet nimmer mer, this is, strictly 
 speaking, a confusion of the two thoughts, / will counsel you not to 
 punish me ever again and never punish me again. This explana- 
 tion is certainly only applicable in cases where the governing 
 sentence is positive. Not until the application of the negative has 
 become usual can it be transferred to the cases with a negative 
 governing sentence. It is possible — nay, it is probable — that the 
 employment of the negation is traditional, and dates from a time 
 when no strict grammatical subordination of one sentence to the 
 others existed at all. Assuming the truth of this, we still have to 
 deal with a contamination. Kindred peculiarities occur in Latin, 
 in the Romance languages, and in others. 
 
 262. Correspondingly, the negation appears in connexion with 
 
172 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTOIiY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the infinitive, in cases where it is not possible to derive it from an 
 originally independent position ; (f. : freilich hiiten wir uns sie nicht 
 an den gnddigen herrn zu erinnern (GOETHE) ; ich habe verschworen 
 nicht mehr an sie zu denken (Goethe) ; ich habe es verredet, in meiner 
 gegenwdrtigen lage niemals wieder eine nacht in Braunschweig zu 
 bleiben (Lessing) ; der habe ilim verboten, den ring weder der 
 kbnigin zu geben, noch dein grafen zurUck zu senden (Lessing). \Cf. 
 He waived indifferently 'twixt doing them neither good nor harm 
 {Coriolanus, II. ii. 19, 20) ; cf. Abbott, 405. J 
 
 263. A negation may also be found after an expression not 
 essentially negative, but negatived ; cf: vnd gentzlich kein hoffnung 
 mehr handt zu samb zu kuinmen nimmer meh (Hans Sachs). 
 
 264. A pleonastic negation occurs in various languages after 
 tvithout {cf. Maetzner, French Grammar, § 268). Cf. : sans nul 
 ^gard pour nos scrupules (BfiRANGER) ; sin fuerza ninguna (CaL- 
 DERON) ; senza dir niente ; sin hablar palabra ninguna ; sans que son 
 visage n'exprimat la peine (Saint-Pierre) ; sin que nadie le viese 
 (Cervantes) ; NHG. ohne dass wir bei seiner beurteilung weder auf 
 irgend ein gesetz noch auf irgend einen zweck riicksicht nehmen 
 (Schiller) ; ohne dass ich weder von detn vorhergehenden noch von 
 dem nachfolgenden irgend unterrichtet gewesen ware (GOETHE).^ 
 A similar construction is found with ausser: ihr findet widerspruche 
 uberall, ausser da nicht, wo sie wirklich sind (Lessing) ; ^ and after 
 als referring to a preceding nichts, cf. : es mangelt ihm nichts, als 
 dass es nicht gekldret ist (Schoch) ; es fehlt nichts als dass du nicht 
 da bist (Goethe). 
 
 265. A regular negative is sometimes prefixed to words which 
 ■n themselves have no absolutely negative signification, but merely 
 
 cquire it by litotes. Thus in MHG. we find nie attached to selten ; 
 
 ' Another example is found in Andresen, p. 145. 
 * Cf. Andresen, loc. cit. 
 
VIII.] ON CONTAMINATION. 173 
 
 cf. : ein wtp, der ich selten nie vergaz (Minnesinger) ; daz man nie 
 deheinen also rtchen sd senftes willen selten vant (BiTEROLF) ; in the 
 same way selten nieman = never any one. In NHG. we sometimes 
 find a negative word after kaum : nichts inagkaum sein so ungelegen 
 (Fischart)^= ' Scarcely can anything be so difficult ; ' and after 
 schwerlich : schwerlich niemals (Lessing).^ 
 
 1 Cf. D. W., 5, 355. " Cy. Sanders, 2 i, 1048 b. 
 
 PASSAGES TRANSLATED. 
 
 Page 164, — In dem palas, etc. In the palace, which was well furnished with candles 
 (tapers) which burnt very brightly, the dead man was disarmed, and (the arms) 
 were put on the living. 
 
 Page 165. — Do entweste er, etc. Then he knew not how to behave. 
 
 Page 165. — Swenne er sin, etc. When he saw his soul that it were in deadly sins. These 
 one reads they whilom were the men of the wonderful Alexander. Then God com- 
 manded him that he went therein. I want them to notice it. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 ORIGINAL CREATION. 
 
 Thecondi- T T TE havc hitherto, in considering: linguistic processes, made 
 
 tionsofnew » /» / ' fa t> jr ' 
 
 w^r 
 
 creation still V V it a rule to base our views on observations made on 
 
 present. 
 
 the historic development of language, which is easily traced ; 
 and, taking this as a starting-point, to draw conclusions bearing 
 on the original history of language. We must endeavour to 
 extend this principle to our judgments on original creation as well ; 
 though in this case we find ourselves confronted by greater 
 difficulties. We do not easily meet with opportunities which 
 facilitate accurate observations on this subject. For exceptional 
 cases, such as the capricious invention of the word gas, do not 
 throw much light on the natural development of language. A 
 mysterious darkness veils the process, and views are always 
 being put forward which refer to it as a special heirloom, now 
 declared to be lost, of the original human race. All such views 
 must be decidedly rejected. The conditions requisite for primitive 
 language-making must one and all be inherent in the bodily and 
 intellectual nature of mankind as man now exists. Indeed, if 
 our intellectual tendencies have developed into higher perfec- 
 tion, we shall be actually driven to conclude that these con- 
 ditions are now present, and in a higher state of perfection than 
 at the period of the rise of human language. If we, generally 
 speaking, create no new material of language, this is simply due 
 
 174 
 
[Ch. IX.] ORIGINAL CREATION. 
 
 175 
 
 to the fact that the need for doing so no longer exists. It is 
 scarcely possible for an idea or sensation to manifest itself in 
 us without some link of the material of language which we have 
 inherited from it. This immense mass of material, to which we 
 are once for all habituated, forbids anything new to spring up by 
 its side, allowing, as it does, of convenient augmentation by means 
 of manifold combinations and by transitions of meaning. But if 
 the experiment were to be made of allowing a number of children 
 to grow up unacquainted with any language, excluding them 
 carefully from outside intercourse and limiting them to their own 
 society, we can hardly doubt as to the result ; they would, as 
 they grew up, form a language of their own out of words origi- 
 nated by themselves. Something approaching such an experiment 
 is said to have been actually made. Robert Moffat's report of 
 the state of language, as evidenced in isolated desert villages 
 of South Africa, is well known from Max Miiller's lectures. 
 According to that report, the children invent a language for 
 themselves during the prolonged absence of their parents. But 
 I phould not be inclined to attach too great value to such stories 
 without ample confirmation. 
 
 267. We do not, however, require to go so far afield. We Creation 
 
 has never 
 
 have every right, I think, to maintain that even in the languages wholly 
 
 ceased. 
 
 of the European civilised peoples the creation of new material 
 has never completely ceased. After all the progress made by 
 IE. etymology in the last ten or twenty years, there still remains 
 a very large residuum of words which can neither be referred to j 
 roots of the original language, nor yet proved to be borrowed ' 
 from foreign languages. Even when we go through the repertory 
 of the living German dialects we find much there that we are 
 unable to connect with the MHG. repertory. We must doubt- 
 less account for this fact in part from the imperfection of 
 
176 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 our record as we have received it, and must remember that our 
 scientific combinations are as yet imperfect. Still, however, 
 there remain a large number of cases in which it is difficult to 
 see how, by the aid of sound development and formation by 
 analogy, a connexion with older material could ever be possible. 
 We shall thus have to ascribe to the more and most recent 
 periods of language not merely the capacity for original creation, 
 but, what is more, the actual translation of this capacity into 
 action. We must here enter our objections to the theory that 
 two periods have to be distinguished in language — in the one of 
 which the original material of language, the so-called roots, was 
 created, and a second in which speakers confined themselves to 
 the formation of combinations out of the material at hand. The 
 fact is that in the development of popular language no point of 
 time can be assumed from which original creation is excluded. 
 On the other hand, it is undoubtedly true that shortly after the 
 first original creations the same kinds of further development as 
 we have observed in the later periods have appeared. In this 
 respect there exists between the various phases of development 
 no difference in their nature, but solely in their degree. There 
 is no change save in the proportion of original creation to trans- 
 mission by tradition of the material created, and to the other 
 means whereby language is enriched — the enlargement of signi- 
 fication by apperception, the combination of simple elements, 
 formation by analogy, etc. 
 
 268. The essence of original creation consists, as we have 
 'already seen, in the fact that a sound-group is placed in relation 
 to a group of ideas, which then comes to constitute its signifi- 
 cation, and this without the aid of a connected group of ideas 
 already attached to the sound-group. Such an original creation 
 is in the first instance the work of the impulse, which may dis- 
 
IX.] ORIGINAL CREATION. 
 
 177 
 
 appear and leave no lasting traces. In order that a real language 
 may thus arise, it is necessary for such utterances to leave behind 
 them a psychical after-operation as well, whereby the sound can 
 be reproduced by memory by means of the signification, and the 
 signification by means of the sound. Further, the word must 
 be understood by other individuals, and then be reproduced by 
 them as well. 
 
 269. The experiences which we have made as to the rise of Application 
 
 to original 
 
 new words by analogical formation, and the apprehension of new creation of 
 
 the results 
 
 conceptions by the aid of the existing vocabulary, may serve won in other 
 
 departments 
 
 to aid us equally in the judgments we form as to original cfthe 
 
 history of 
 
 creation. Hitherto we have always seen that the process of language. 
 naming the new follows as a result of a perception connecting it I 
 with the already known, whether it be that we simply transfer \ 
 the name already existing to the new, or that we form from 
 it a compound or a derivative. In other words, a connexion of 
 cause and effect exists between the newly-named object and its 
 name, and the connecting link is an object named before. This 
 connexion of cause and effect is necessary, in the first instance, 
 in order that the name should be called into utterance by who- 
 ever employs it first, and in order that it should be understood 
 by others. Such relation of cause and effect only becomes super- 
 fluous by frequent repetition, as the mere external association is 
 gradually attached by a link strong enough for the purpose. 
 The conclusion that original creation, in order to have come 
 into being and been understood at all, ne^ds such causal con- 
 nexion, is certainly not to be rejected. Now as there is no 
 connecting link, we must look for a direct, connexion between 
 object and name. But besides this, the possibility of under- 
 standing is originally rendered possible, just as in the process 
 of adding additional ideas to a word already in existence, by 
 
 M 
 
178 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the aid of the intuition given by the situation and by gesture- 
 language. * 
 
 270. We have seen that nothing can, generally speaking, 
 become usual in language unless it is the spontaneous creation 
 of different individuals. It is a further indispensable condition 
 I that it may be spontaneously created by the same individual at 
 different times, and this without co-operation on the part of the 
 memory. If, however, the same combination of sounds is found 
 connected with the same meaning, at different times and in 
 different individuals, then this connexion must necessarily be 
 conditioned by the same cause. And this cause must be rooted 
 in the nature of sound and of meaning, and not in any for- 
 tuitously accompanying circumstance. It may be conceded that 
 occasionally even a connexion created by a single individual on 
 a single occasion meets with general acceptance. But the possi- 
 bility of such" occurrence is confined within definite limits. If 
 the first to name an object happen to be the discoverer or in- 
 ventor of that object, so that all others receive their knowledge 
 about it from him, then the name given by him enjoys a 
 certain authority. But such cases naturally occur but seldom. 
 The common acceptation of the name given can depend on 
 nothing but its appropriateness: in other words we have again 
 to deal with the intimate relation between sound and meaning, 
 which, in the absence of any apparent connecting link, must 
 depend on the impression made by the sound on the senses of 
 the hearer, and on the satisfaction accorded to the speaker by 
 the activity of the motor nerves indispensable to sound-produc- 
 tion. 
 
 271. Now if we closely scrutinise words which may fairly 
 be suspected of being comparatively new creations, we shall 
 find them in the main to denote different noises and movements; 
 
IX.] ORIGINAL CREATION. 
 
 179 
 
 cf. : NHG, bambeln, bammeln, bummeln, bimmeln, batzen (ng. to ring 
 out), bauzen ( = batzen — ' bark '), belfen, belfern, blaffen, blarren, 
 blerren, blatzen, platzen, pletzen, bletschen, pletschen, platschern, 
 planschen, panschen, pldtschern, blodern, plaudern, blubbern, plappern, 
 blauzen, boiler, bollern, bullern, ballern, boldern, poltern, bompern, 
 bumpern, buff, buffen, puff, puffen, btirren, bubbeln, puppeln, puppern, 
 dudeln, fimmeln, fummeln, flattern, flinder, flindern, flinderling, 
 flandern, flink, Jlinken, jlinkern, fiirren, flarren, flarzen, flartschen, 
 flismen, flispern, flitter, flodern, flunkern, flustern, gackeln, gackern, 
 gautsche, gautschen, glucken, glucksen, grackeln, hampeln, hiimpen, 
 humpeln, hdtscheln, holpern, hurren, kussen, kabbeln, kichern, kirren, 
 kischen (zischen), klabastern, klachel or kldchel (Bavarian = tongue 
 of a bell or other dangling object), klatsclten, kletzen, kleschen ( = 
 klatscheii), klimpern, klirren, klunker, knabbeln, knabbern, knacken, 
 knacks, knarpeln, knarren, knarzen, knarschen, knirren, knirscken, 
 knurren, knascheln, knaspeln, knastern, knisten, knistern,knaster{-bart), 
 knatschen, knetschen, knitschen, knutschen, knattern, knittern, kmffen, 
 kniiffeln, kniillen, kmippern, kr^spern, kollern, kullern, krabbeln, krib- 
 beln, krakeln, krdkeln, kreischen, kuckern, (cucurire), lodern, lullen, 
 mucken, mucksen, munkeln, nutschen, pfuschen, pimpeln, pimpelig, 
 pinken, pladdern,plumpen,plumpsen, prasseln, prusten, quabbeln, quab- 
 belig, quackeln, quaken, qudken, quiken, quitschen, rappeln, rapsen 
 rascheln, rasseln, rduspern, rempeln, rummel, rumpeln, riippeln, schlab- 
 bern, schlampen, schlampampen, schlockern, schlottern, schliirfen, 
 schmettem, schnack, schnacken, schrill, schummeln, schwabeln, schwap- 
 pen, stdhnen, stolpern, strullen, summen, surren, tatschen, tdtschen, 
 tdtscheln, ticken, torkeln, turzeln (Hessian = torkeln), tuten, wabbeln, 
 wibbeln, watscheln, wimmeln, wimmern, wudeln, ziepen, zirpen, zischen, 
 zischeln, zullen, and zulpen (' to suck '), zUsseln (schictteln), zwitschern} 
 
 1 \Cf. the numerous similar words cited as occurring in English, and other languages, 
 in Wedgwood's Introduction to the Dictionary of English Etymology. ^ 
 
i8o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Some words denote at once a noise and an explosion, like klack, 
 klaff ; others denote a noise and a stain, such as Macks, klecks, 
 klatsch. I have purposely confined myself to words not demon- 
 strably existent till late MHG. times. It would likewise be possible 
 to collect a rich list of words dating from the older German 
 dialects, which have nothing corresponding with them in the other 
 IE. languages, and the same holds good as to Greek and Latin. 
 We cannot resist the conclusion that, as far as our observations 
 ! reach back, the proper domain of linguistic original creation is 
 to be found in words like these. -"^ 
 
 272. Because, in the case of words like these, we recognise an 
 intimate affinity between the sound and the signification, it does 
 not follow that they really owe their origin to such affinity. 
 There exist demonstrably many words which, owing to the 
 form or the meaning which they have acquired by secondary 
 development, convey the impression of being onomatopoetic. But 
 an examination of these words in their entirety excludes the pre- 
 sumption of the universal play of chance. One circumstance of 
 great weight has still to be considered : the frequent occurrence of 
 similar words of similar meaning, mostly differing in their vowels 
 alone, which still cannot, conformably to the laws of sound, be 
 deduced from a single original form. Thus we frequently find in 
 different languages words of this kind, resembling each other in 
 sound, but which the laws of sound forbid us from regarding as 
 related \cf. stumble and tumble in Skeat's Etym. Die. sub verbis:\ 
 
 273. The onomatopoetic tendency explains, besides, certain 
 transformations of words already coined. One of the most in- 
 structive examples is the MGH. gouch=-ii\i.Q. kukuk, with the transi- 
 tion iQtms. guckauch, kuckuch, etc. \cf om gowk and cuckoo]. These 
 formations also denote in some cases noises ; in some cases restless 
 movements. Such transformations must not be confused with 
 
 i[The Eng. reader should consult Whitney's Lang, and Study of Lang., ch. xii.. 
 and Mason's Eng. Gram., p. 131. Translator.] 
 
IX.] ORIGINAL CREATION. igl 
 
 sound-change, and must be regarded, in some measure, as new 
 creations. Indeed, the words previously cited cannot be regarded 
 as absolutely new creations, as will be explained later. Strictly 
 speaking, the only absolutely new creations are interjections. 
 
 274. This is the place to dwell somewhat more fully upon the interjections 
 nature of this part of speech. We cannot but be interested in the 
 question whether we are right in thinking that we see in interjec- , 
 tions the most primitive utterances of linguistic activity ; a theory 
 maintained by some, denied by others. We understand by inter- 
 jections involuntary reflex sounds, elicited merely by suddeny 
 emotion, and without any design of communication. But we 
 must not therefore assume that they are genuine natural 
 sounds, arising by original necessity from sudden emotion, like 
 laughing and crying. The fact is that the interjections usually 
 employed are learned as truly by tradition as the other elements 
 of language. Association alone transfers them into reflex emotions. 
 This accounts for the fact that expressions for the same feeling 
 may result very differently in different languages and dialects, and 
 also in the case of different individuals speaking the same dialect* ja'^/g^^;! 
 The fact holds good in the most different languages that interjec- 
 tions owe their origin to other words and groups of words : cf. ach 
 ^ott, alle wetter, Gott set dank, leider, \dear me! Heavens 1 etc.]. 
 The origin may be so completely obscured by sound-changes as to 
 be past recognition, even by the aid of reflexion : cf. herrje ! {herr 
 Jesus), jemine (Jesu Domine) [Zounds, by Jeminy r[. Thus in deal- 
 ing with interjections which admit of no analysis, and which seem 
 perfectly simple, we are from the outset exposed to doubt as to 
 whether they did not come into being in the same way. But, 
 on the other hand, we meet among interjections of indisputably 
 recent origin, and fairly certain etymology, a considerable number 
 which seem to own affinity to no other words — or only to the 
 
l82 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 category cited above — and very probably owe their origin im- 
 mediately to reflexive emotion. Most of these, and those which 
 bear the strongest stamp of individuality as regards the form taken 
 by the sound and the tone expressive of the feeling, are produced in 
 response to sudden excitements of the sense of hearing or of sight. 
 This, at any rate, we must imagine to have been their origin. 
 They then come to be employed when we recollect and recount 
 the causes of such sudden excitement. I mean words like paff, 
 putsch, bardautz, perdauz, bauz, blauz, blaff, buff puff, bums, futsch, 
 hurre, husch, hussa, klacks, klaps, kladderadatsch, knacks, plump, 
 plumps, ratsch, rutsch, schrumm, schwapp, wupp, etc. 
 
 275. Many of these words are substantives as well, or have 
 corresponding verbs ; and in these cases it is often hard to say 
 which is the original of the two. This is, however, of no great 
 importance if only the words be apprehended as reactions against 
 excitement of the feelings. The onomatopoetic character of 
 such words comes out even more strongly in the case of the 
 duplication and triplication often employed, and especially when 
 the elements collected from different letters are differentiated by 
 ablaut ; cf. : fickfack, gickgack, kliffklaff, klippklapp, klitschklatsch, 
 klimperklamper, kribbeskrabbes, krimskrams, mickmack, pinkepanke, 
 ripsraps, ritschratsch, schnickschnack, schnippschnapp (schnur), strip- 
 strap (strull), schwippschwapp, ticktack, lirumlarum, bimbambmn, 
 piffpaffpuff; English, criddle-craddle, widdk-waddle, hankey-pankey, 
 ding-dong; French, clic-clac, cric-crac, drelin-drelon. These words 
 are to some extent used as substantives as well, and indeed sub- 
 stantives are directly formed in this way, as kringelkrangel, tingel- 
 tangel [hurly-burly] ; and further derivatives are formed from such 
 formations like fickfacken,fickf acker, wibbelwabbelig. Old language- 
 material, too, which has no true interjectional character apart from 
 this is often employed in the process ; cf. : klingklang, singsang, 
 
IX.] ORIGINAL CREATION. 183 
 
 hick/tack, mischmasch, wirrwarr, zickzack. We may compare 
 also such onomatopoetic false formations as klinglingling (possibly 
 derived from klingklingkling\ and hoppsasa. There are other 
 words due to the same impulse, which confine themselves, how- 
 ever, to the limits of regular language, such as combinations of 
 several words echoing the sound, and differing only in their 
 vowels, such as flimmen und flammen, flimmern und flammern, 
 kickezen und kackezen, klippen und klappen, klippern und klappern, 
 klistern und klastern, klitschern und klatschern, knistern und knas- 
 tern, knittern und knattern, krimmen und krammen, kritzen und 
 kratzen, gekritz und gekratz, rischeln und rascheln. All these 
 occur in the works of standard authors. 
 
 276. Most words belonging to nursery language are onomato- Nursery \ \ 1 
 
 language. 
 
 poetic, and reduplication plays an important part in these as 
 well ; cf., in German, wauwau, putput, papa, mama, etc. ; \bow- 
 wow, puff-puff, etc.]. This language is not an invention of children, 
 but is handed down to them just like any other language. Its 
 value consists in the fact that it serves to aid the purpose of 
 the teacher. The more intimate relation of the sound to the 
 meaning which still exists therein, and is in any case constantly 
 being renewed, facilitates considerably the connexion of both. 
 This indeed goes so far that actually words of the language of 
 culture are to some extent learnt in the first instance composed 
 with words of nursery language ; cf., wauwauhund, bdschaf, puthuhn 
 \moo-cow, baa-sheep, etc.]. 
 
 277. There is, again, a notable difference between the original 
 creations whereby a language which has already arrived at a 
 state of culture is enriched, and those with which language 
 creation has universally begun. The former, where they are 
 not pure interjections, simply accommodate themselves to the 
 existing form system. They appear with the derivation and 
 
1 84 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 flexion syllables common at the time when they were created. 
 For instance, assuming poltern to be a word of this sort, polt is 
 the only part due to original creation ; em is formed by analogy. 
 And thus in such a word as this we can recognise only a partial 
 original creation. We gather, moreover, from this example that 
 what we commonly abstract, as the root, from a word, need 
 certainly never have existed as an independent element, not 
 even in an older phonetic form ; but immediately upon its 
 appearance may be provided with one or several suffixes, and 
 indeed must be so provided if the exigencies of the language 
 of the day require it. 
 
 278. Not merely are suffixes created according to the analogy 
 of the material of language at hand, but the function of words 
 as substantive, verb, etc., is determined by the same analogy, 
 and thus an element is imported into the new words which 
 does not depend upon original creation. 
 The first 279. We cannot of course suppose that analogy co-operated 
 
 creations ... . , 
 
 belonged to m this manner m the case of the first creations with which lan- 
 maticai guagc began. No trace of any grammatical category is seen in 
 denoted ' them. They answer to entire conceptions. They are primitive 
 S'-tuftions, sentences of which we may form an idea from such sen- 
 *». 118, § tences as fire! — thieves !* s'adk&n in a single word. Thev are 
 
 I75i supra. t. o j 
 
 thus, like these, strictly speaking, predicates, and a sense-impres- 
 sion forms their subject. For a human being to arrive at the 
 utterance of any such sentence, something definite must be 
 selected from the store of all that falls at the same time 
 into his perception. Now this selection cannot be made by 
 any logical operation, and must therefore be due to the outer 
 world. Something must come to pass which directs th- atten- 
 tion to a definite goal. It is not the world of rest and silence, 
 but the world of movement and of noise which first comes home 
 
IX.] ORIGINAL CREATION. 185 
 
 to man's consciousness, and to suit which he creates the first 
 sounds of language. A movement of his own body may also 
 take the place of a movement of his environments, and serve 
 to direct his eyes to an unexpected sight. The impres- 
 sion will naturally be the more intense when joy or sorrow, 
 curiosity or fear, are awakened thereby. Hence the object 
 which awakes curiosity is represented by the linguistic utterance 
 no less than what is happening to the object. We approach 
 this primitive method of speech in exclamations of surprise and 
 in emotion. We may thus say of the oldest words that they 
 connect the imperfect expression of a conception, as it is at al 
 later period reproduced by a sentence, with an interjectional 
 character. 
 
 280. There is another respect in which the circumstances and were 
 
 uttered with 
 
 attending new creations differ from those attending later ones, no thought 
 
 ofcommuni- 
 
 In the case of the latter the intention of communication may lend cation, 
 its aid from the very outset ; not so in the case of the for- 
 mer. We do not arrive at a point when we intentionally call 
 an activity into operation to carry out a particular purpose, until 
 we know by experience that this purpose can be thus attained ; 
 and we gather this experience by seeing that the unintentional 
 activity, or indeed the activity employed with another object, 
 has had the success due. Before the creation of language man 
 is ignorant of the fact that he can communicate anything to 
 another by the aid of the sounds of language. This reason 
 would of itself suffice to justify us in rejecting any assumption 
 of an intentional invention. With regard to the first sounds of 
 language, we must abide by Steinthal's^ views that they are 
 nothing but reflex movements. As such, they satisfy merely a 
 need of the single individual without taking any account of his 
 ' Cf. his Ursprung der sprache SiTiihis Einleitung in die psychologie und sprachwis- 
 sensckaft. 
 
i86 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 living with others. But immediately upon the perception by other 
 individuals of a reflex-sound like this, together with the feeling 
 which caused its utterance, each can be set in relation to the 
 other. The fact that another individual feels this relation may 
 depend on the true connexion of cause and effect which exists 
 between the feeling and the sound by the aid of the excitement 
 of the nerve. If the different individuals are in essential points 
 similarly organised, then the same impression of feeling will 
 produce in them almost the same reflex-sound, and when they 
 hear this from others they must feel themselves sympathetically 
 touched. But no doubt the number of the reflex-sounds thus 
 produced has been, comparatively speaking, small. Conceptions, 
 widely contrasting with each other, will have called into utter- 
 ance the same reflex-sound. It is therefore inconceivable that 
 such a sound, even assuming it to be repeatedly produced by 
 different individuals in the same way, can call into life the 
 memory-picture of a definite conception. The utmost that 
 it can achieve is to excite attention. It is only the con- 
 ception itself which gives more special details. The fact 
 that the attention of the other individuals is directed to the 
 same object which has elicited the reflex-sound in one or in 
 several may to some extent be due to the accompanying 
 gestures. We shall have to suppose, on the whole question, 
 that the language of sounds commenced by developing side by 
 side with gesture-language, and that its power to dispense 
 with this aid was a comparatively late acquisition, and grew 
 with its more perfect development. Gesture-language must of 
 course owe its origin to involuntary reflex-movement. This 
 origin is the more easily traceable in its case, as we can 
 watch it in a more primitive stage of development. If an indi- 
 vidual has repeatedly succeeded in attracting attention by a 
 
IX.] ORIGINAL CREATION. 187 
 
 reflex-movement, whether such attention be attracted by his eyes, 
 his features, his hands, or by the organs of his speech, he is 
 gradually led to excite attention voluntarily, by the aid of such 
 movement, as soon as he is compelled by necessity to do so. 
 
 281. As soon as the possibility of intentional communication 
 is recognised, nothing prevents sounds, in whose production the 
 intention of communication has from the very first assisted, from 
 attaching themselves to those produced by involuntary reflex- 
 movement. We lay stress upon the words intention of com- 
 munication, because there is no intention of creating a lasting 
 instrument of communication. Any such intention remains 
 excluded from original creation as from the regular development 
 of language. It is the necessity of the moment which produces 
 a new sound-group. But whether such sound-group disappears 
 with the first production, or whether it leaves behind a lasting 
 effect, this depends on its adaptability and on many fortuitous 
 circumstances. 
 
 282. We have yet to take notice of a difficulty which must incapacity 
 
 of primitive 
 
 be surmounted before even the first rudiments of language can™™ to pro- 
 duce speech 
 
 be formed, a difficulty which appears to have been hitherto at win. 
 appreciated by no one. The original human being, who has as 
 yet not spoken at all, is as unable as a new-born babe to utter 
 at will any sound of speech. He has to learn such sound first : 
 in his case also it is only gradually, owing to manifold activity of 
 the organs of language, that a motory sensation associated with a 
 sound-formation can develop, which may then serve as a regulator 
 for his future speech. We must not therefore suppose that a sound, 
 group, as it has once been uttered by an individual, could 
 immediately be imitated by others. Indeed even the same 
 individual could not voluntarily repeat it. The problem is 
 harder for the original human being than for the children of our 
 
l8S PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 time. The latter are, commonly speaking, surrounded by a number 
 of their fellow-beings in whom ' essentially identical motory 
 sensations have already developed. They hear, therefore, out of 
 the whole series of possible sounds a definite and limited number 
 ever anew. Thereby a definite tendency is given from the very 
 outset, in the direction of which their own motory sensations 
 develop, and to which their attempts at language approach ever 
 more nearly. There is no fixed rule or authority for human 
 beings before the creation of language. It seems accordingly 
 that language must have begun with a confused utterance of the 
 most various articulations such as we never find combined in any 
 language. But how out of such a chaos could consistency in 
 motory sensation develop ? 
 
 283. These considerations force us once more to the conclu- 
 sion that certain sound-groups must very frequently be produced 
 not merely from the same individuals, but from different ones 
 spontaneously ; i.e. without the co-operation of any sort of imi^ 
 tation, and to all intents contemporaneously. In the absence 
 of a rule for guidance, no motory sensation can take form, 
 except for such sound-groups as are favoured by their natural 
 conditions. Among these stand first and foremost the pure 
 reflex-sounds, and it is in connexion with these that the first 
 motory sensations will have developed themselves. We can 
 hardly fancy the process to have been other than this: the 
 motory sensations connected with the single sounds must have 
 developed very slowly one after the other, and the traditional 
 language must have contented itself at its origin with a minimum 
 of sound-signs, even though, during the process of development, 
 different sounds were on difierent occasions uttered by the diff'erent 
 individuals. 
 
 284. It is plain from what we have laid do\yn that a long 
 
IX.] ORIGINAL CREATION. 189 
 
 period of linguistic activity must have preceded, before anything Reproduc- 
 tion neces- 
 
 came into being worthy to be called a language, in the sense sary to the 
 
 conception 
 
 in which we speak, say, of the German and French languages, of language. 
 This holds good even if the language consist but of a couple of 
 words. What we have called original creation is of itself in- 
 sufficient to form a language. Its product must be stored up in 
 memory by individuals who belong to one linguistic community. 
 True language does not exist until speech and apprehension depend j 
 upon reproduction. 
 
 285. Now if we regard this as sufficient for the recognition 
 of the existence of a language, no doubt we must ascribe language 
 to many beasts. It will hardly be disputed that their calls, 
 whether of enticement or warning, are traditional and not spon- 
 taneous. They represent a stage of development which must 
 have been passed through by human language as well ; the stage, 
 in fact, which we have endeavoured to depict. But yet another 
 step is necessary before such a language can come into being as 
 we iind nowadays common among the human race. It is un- 
 doubtedly of great significance that the number of the traditional 
 words, and herewith the number of the differentiated conceptions, 
 is far greater among mankind than among any species of beasts ; 
 but the strict characteristic which differentiates the "language of 
 men from that of animals, existing language from a previous 
 linguistic stage, consists in something very different. This 
 decisive advance consists in the collocation of several words 
 into one sentence. Only thus does man receive the power to 
 free himself from simple intuition, and to pronounce judgment 
 on what is not before him. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 
 Possibility ' I ^HE concentration of linguistic elements into groups depends 
 
 of a regularly I o o 
 
 observed J_ upoH each individual member of a linguistic community. 
 
 system of 
 
 grouping in Thus thcse groups are in their nature thoroughly subjective. But 
 tic period, ^s the elements of which they are composed are within any definite 
 community practically identical, it follows that the formation of 
 groups by all the individuals who compose that community must be 
 similar, in virtue of the essential correspondence of their psychical 
 organisation. Thus, as we are in a position to describe the general 
 linguistic phenomena which characterise a definite period, we are 
 equally in a position to propose a system of grouping which shall 
 essentially hold good for each period of the development of a 
 language. This common material in the elements composing the 
 groups gives scientific observation the firm hold it has, while the 
 individual peculiarities of single speakers — to discard exceptions 
 which disappear in the great mass — escape observation. 
 Varieties 28/. Now if we Compare our abstractions made at different 
 
 in these 
 
 systems: times as to the process of groupmg, we become aware of con- 
 siderable differences — differences not merely caused by the loss of 
 some elements and the appearance of others ; but also in cases 
 where the old elements have maintained themselves,^ they fall 
 
 ' I mean, of course, maintained themselves not in the strict sense, but as we commonly 
 apply the expression in the history of language. I have shown with sufficient clearnej.s 
 how the process is to be apprehended in its essential reality. 
 
 Isolation. 
 
[Ch. X.]OJV ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 191 
 
 into different groups, according as a change has passed upon either 
 their sound-form or their meaning, or both. What at an earlier 
 period hung closely together now coheres but loosely — or indeed 
 not at all. We may properly give the first-named process the 
 name of isolation^ since even the loosening of the tie is a partial 
 isolation. This expression, likewise, is of course due to our 
 inevitable employment of abstractions. Strictly speaking, it 
 would be wrong to say that what was before united has become 
 isolated ; we might only maintain that what was in the minds of a 
 former generation united, is no longer so in the minds of a later 
 generation. • 
 
 288. The formation of groups depends upon the similarity or System \ 
 
 ', _ conditioned ' 
 
 yy identity of the sound-form and of the meaning. This similarity or solely by 
 
 correspond 
 
 identity depends eventually, in by far the greatest number of cases, encein 
 
 form and 
 
 ^ on etymological connexion. But etymological connexion is not in meaning. , 
 itself absolutely decisive in producing the union, but only in as 
 far as it manifests itself in each linguistic stage in a total or 
 partial identity of sound and meaning ; and conversely, each cor- 
 respondence, as it may casually arise, has the same consequence. 
 Numerous errors of the old school of philology are due to the non- 
 recognition of this indisputable fact. 
 
 289. We have to consider, in this Chapter, in the first place, the Causes of , 
 
 isolation. 
 
 loosening and dislocation of the groups. This is due to change in 
 sound ■a.'oA change in meaning; sometimes to analogical formation 
 as well. No doubt the latter operates, as we shall see further, 
 chiefly in promoting the reconstruction of the union, now broken ; 
 but since different principles of analogy cancel each other, it may 
 have the contrary effect. 
 
 290. We have already seen in Chapter IV. that the different 
 significations of a word may tend to isolate themselves more and 
 more completely from each other. We have seen in the same 
 
192 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 *p. 88. Chapter*that a word regarded as the element of a firm syntactical 
 connexion may isolate itself as against its ordinary method of 
 application. In the same way the groups of words and word- 
 forms described in Chapter V. may be dislocated. 
 Destruction 29 1. The etymologico-phonetic groups are deranged when, from 
 
 (i)Etyinoio- whatever reason, the conditions which have caused the sound- 
 
 Kics-phonetic 
 
 groups. change, and by whose guidance, aided by analogy, they have 
 proceeded, disappear. According to Verner's Law, in the original 
 German a regular change has set in between the hard and the soft 
 fricative (^-^, ]i-«. f-t, s-z), and this change depends upon the posi- 
 tion of the accent according to the original IE. method of accentua- 
 tion. On the replacement of this method by the younger and speci- 
 ally German method of accentuation, there was no longer any 
 appreciable reason for the change, which accordingly could not but 
 appear a matter of perfect caprice. A general feeling might, no 
 doubt, grow up, that the sounds in question had a habit of 
 interchanging, but it was impossible for speakers to accommodate 
 themselves to the usage of language in any other way than by 
 mastering each several form specially. The sound-change had in 
 fact ceased to be a living force: it was stiff and dead. In the 
 second place, it is possible for a more recent sound-change to act 
 destructively on this kind of groups. HG. has, instead of the 
 original German change between hard and soft fricatives, the 
 change h-g (sometimes ck), d-t,f-b (sometimes //), s-r. Thus the 
 single method of change has split up into several quite different 
 ones, and any such split is always equivalent to a weakening. 
 But the real enemy of the etymological sound-groups is the 
 assimilating effect of the material-formal proportion-groups, as we 
 • shall have to explain later. 
 
 WSyntac- 292. Thc cascs of isolation which can occur in the department of 
 
 Ileal groups. ^ 
 
 syntax have b;en partly described in Chapter VII. We have here 
 
X.J ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 193 
 
 in the first instance, the cases of isolation of the different meanings 
 of a syntactic relation as against each other. ^ By this process the 
 syntactical proportion-groups are not disarranged as long as each 
 single function of the condition remains perfectly alive. But each 
 case of deadening by customary connexion with a definite word 
 tends also to loosen from the common proportional connexion. 
 Thus, for instance, we can hardly say that the combination zu dir 
 can stand in any analogous relation to the connexion of any other 
 preposition with the dative, far less that a more general function 
 of the dative is placed in an analogical relation to it by the 
 operation of the instinct of language. This connexion, however, 
 still keeps its place within the limits of a narrower proportion- 
 group, and one in which the same member passes through all 
 the proportions : thus, zu : dir=zu : dem vater=zu : alien, etc. 
 
 293. In this case it is possible to vary at will the word in 
 which the syntactical relation is formally expressed. There is 
 still another kind of isolation, in which this word is fixed, while the 
 other, in which the relation finds no expression, may change at will. 
 This isolation consists in the fact that methods of construction 
 commonly disappear, but maintain themselves in certain survivals 
 which have left their impress specially strong owing to their frequent 
 use, so that they need no aid from analogous proportions, and 
 hence are enabled to survive, even after the disappearance of these. 
 
 294. Thus in NHG. there exist several functions of the 
 
 genitive once fully alive, but at the present day confined to 
 
 the genitives of some few words, which now stand entirely by 
 
 themselves, or crystallise into comparatively small groups, capable 
 
 of only a very small analogical extension, or indeed of none at all. 
 
 To indicate a point of time (if we disregard the isolated formulae 
 
 der zeitjener zeit, dieser tage), ndchstertage, no case can be employed 
 
 except the genitive singular of masculine and neuter substantives. 
 
 1 Cf. Analogy and the Scope of its application in language, by Prof. Wheeler 
 (Cornell Univ., 1887), a most instructive work for the English reader. 
 
194 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 German admits of such phrases as des morgens, eines morgens, abends, 
 tages,jahres ; but not of saying der stunde, einer stunde, etc., and 
 further, not of <^^j monats. Moreover, these genitives cannot be con- 
 nected with any adjective at will ; they appear in standing formulae 
 alone, such as eines schonen tages, morgens, etc. The function of 
 denoting the point of time is in this case bound up, not with the 
 genitive as such, but with the suffix (^).r, whose original identity 
 with the genitival suffix is scarcely felt any more at the present 
 day. We see this even more distinctly in the case of forms 
 without an article such as abends, morgens, tags ; particularly in 
 the archaic form {des^ nachts, which is now differentiated in 
 sound likewise from the form which performs the function of 
 the regular genitive. Certain genitives which denote a relation of 
 space are even more isolated than such definitions of time ; cf., des 
 weges, gerades weges, rechter hand, linker hand, allerorten, aller 
 zvegen. Further, there are certain causal genitives, such as hungers 
 sterben, todes verblichen ; and again, such formulae as der hoffnung 
 and des glaubens leben, if these are not to be taken in a different 
 way. Those which express a modal relation are more numerous 
 and not less isolated. Different applications have to be dis- 
 tinguished in this case. One group of related genitives is used 
 predicatively. German admits of ick bin der ansicht, meinung, 
 hoffnung, suversicht, des sinnes, des glaubens ; willens is similarly 
 used without any article, as also anderer ansicht, guter hoffnung ; 
 compare also such expressions as er ging fort, der meinung, dass, 
 etc. The expressions guten mutes, guter dinge are somewhat 
 different [ cf., be of good cheer\ The expressions reinen sinnes, 
 gdttlicher natur, etc., seem already antiquated. The following are 
 immediately joined to the substantive like an adjective, and they 
 appear to be no more felt as genitives, allerhand, mancherhand, 
 einerhand, keinerhand, allerlei, aller art, etc. The expression is 
 
X.] ON J SOLA TION AND THE RE A CTION A GAINST /: , 195 
 
 also common, es ist einerlei. Other formulae, again, are adverbially 
 joined to the verb, as meines bedunkens, meines erachtens, alles 
 ernsies, stehenden fusses, eilenden schrittes, kurzer hand, leichten 
 kaufes, unverrichteter sache, vorsichtiger weise, tdrichter w., verniinf- 
 tiger w., etc., vorkommenden falls, besten f, keines f, etc., keineswegs, 
 einigerniassen, gewissermassen, etc., dergestalt, solchergestalt. Some 
 of these formulae, as the ordinary way of writing them shows, are 
 simply regarded as adverbs. The same holds good oiflugs, sporn- 
 streichs, augenblicks, teils, grossten tells, etc., and of the following 
 adjectival derivatives, anders, rechts, links, stets, straks, bereits, 
 besonders, blindlings, etc. 
 
 295. The formula es set denn dass is a survival of an old way of 
 construction, usual in MHG. ; cf. Genesis xxxii. 26, ick lasse dich 
 nicht, du segnest mich denn ; the same was even more common in 
 MHG. with the negative en and also without denne. We have an 
 unrecognisable survival of this in the adverb nur=en'waere. 
 
 296. The process of isolation may finally proceed even further, 
 
 since none of the members connected is able to change freely, 
 
 so that then each single formula is passed on by memory alone 
 
 « 
 without producing any new combination. 
 
 297. It is no longer possible in NHG. to connect prepositions 
 with a singular substantive without prefixing the article. For , 
 instance, it is not permissible to say an hause, vor tiir, zu see, etc., 
 but only am hause, vor der tiir, zur see. But within certain definite 
 limits it is still possible to create combinations without any article ; 
 e.g., vor Hebe, besorgniss, kummer, etc. [to explain the preventing 
 cause : thus, Ich konnte vor kummer nicht welter lesen\ ; auf ehre, 
 gewinn, weisheit, geld gerichtet (thus auf may be connected with 
 every abstract or collective to denote the goal of the effort) : zu 
 gelde, weine, wasser werden, machen, and thus with all collective.^, 
 but die arbeit wird ihm zur erholung, zum genuss, der knabe wird 
 
196 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 zum mann, das mddchen zur frau. Other combinations, however, 
 belong no longer to any creative group ; and nothing perfectly 
 analogous to them can be created. The formulae with zu are 
 probably the most common, as zu kause^ (but not zu dorfe, zu stadt), 
 zu wasser, zu lande (this last is only used in contrast to the former, 
 and is no longer employed like the MHG. ze lande, analogously to 
 zu kause), zu schiffe, wagen, fusse, pferde, zu anfang, ende, zu tische, 
 bette, markte, zu hide, Hebe, gute, zuriick, zurecht, zunichte ; other 
 usages are now limited to the connexion with definite verbs, 
 while in older NHG. in many cases a more free usage prevails ; zu 
 grunde gehen, zu rande sein mit etwas, zu berge stehen, zu kopfe 
 steigen, mir ist zu mute, zu sinne, einem zu gemiite fiihren, zu 
 schaden kommen (but zum schaden gereichen), zu tode kommen, 
 qridlen, zu statten kommen, zu wege bringen, zu gesichte kommen, 
 etnem. etwas zu danke machen, einem. zu willen sein, zu rate gehen, 
 halten, zu abend, zu nacht, zu mittag speisen, zu tage bringen, fordern, 
 but not zu tage in the sense of ' on the day' or ' on this day,' though 
 it is so used in heut zu tage. Such parallel connexions as zu nutz 
 undfrommen are noteworthy, though zum frommen and zum nutzen 
 are correct ; not to speak of the phrase sich etwas zu nutze machen ; 
 zu spiel und tanz, but zum spiel, zum tanz ; in freud und leid, but 
 in der freude, im leide ; in krieg und frieden, but im kriege, im 
 frieden {in frieden has a different meaning) ; in, or durch feld und 
 wald, but im felde, im walde, durch das feld, durch den wald ; in 
 dorf und stadt, but im dorfe, in der stadt, etc. 
 
 298. Another example under this head is the following : — In 
 MHG. the adjective may still be used, when placed attributively, 
 especially after the indefinite article, in the nominative singular of all 
 genders, and in the accusative singular neuter, in the so-called unin- 
 
 1 In several of these formula zti is still used to denote rest in one place, a use only 
 possible in quite definite combinations. 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT 197 
 
 fleeted form, as ein guot (sckaene) man, frouive, kint. On the other 
 hand, in NHG. we can only employ the inflected form : ein guter matin, 
 eine gute frau, ein gutes kind. But the old method of construction has 
 left numerous traces in the improper compounds which have arisen 
 through the growth of an adjective into a substantive, as altmeister, 
 bosewicht, kurzweil, Neumann, Schdnbrunn, etc. And further, the 
 uninflected form still appears in certain standing combinations, as 
 gilt wetter, schlecht w., ander w., ein gut stUck, ein gut teil, ein ander 
 mal, manch mat, ein ander bild {ander occurs in this use down to 
 the eighteenth century), gut ding will weile haben. Such phrases 
 as j'ung Roland, schbn Suschen, lieb miltterchen, are antiquated. 
 
 299. Isolated survivals are seen in zweifelsohne (in MHG. Si,ne 
 can be suffixed to any given genitive), mutterseelenallein (in MHG. 
 aleine is commonly used with the genitive in the sense of ' deprived 
 of), vergissmeinnicht (vergessen was once ordinarily constructed 
 with the genitive), dass es gott erbarme (MHG. mich erharmet ein 
 dinc= ' something grieves me '). 
 
 300. The instances of syntactic isolation are, to some extent, at (3) Formal 
 
 and material 
 
 the same time isolations in the department oi formal grouping, for groups w by 
 
 change of 
 
 this too depends in great measure on the syntactical function ; cf. meaning. 
 especially the genitives cited above. But the formal isolation again 
 stands in close relation to the isolation of the material element, as far 
 as the latter is a result of change of meaning. A separation of 
 etymologically united forms is avoided as long as the development 
 of meaning of the single forms moves in parallel lines. This will 
 be found to be more and more true the more they are referred 
 anew to each other. The relation, however, is the most strongly 
 felt, when it does not merely hand on each by itself by an effort of 
 memory, but when one is perpetually being created after the other, 
 on extraneous analogies. Seeing that in the case of every new 
 creation of any form, two groups, a material and a formal, co- 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 operate, both of these reciprocally suit themselves to the conditions 
 of their creative force. A formal isolation is almost always at the 
 same time a material one as well. As soon as rechts ceases to be 
 felt as a genitive, it ceases to stand in the same intimate relation 
 to the nominative recht. Kunst does not stand in the same intimate 
 relationship with konnen as fuhrung with fuhren ; for -ung is still 
 a living suffix, and by its aid we can always form new substantives 
 from verbs : not so with -st. Indeed we may assert that regierung 
 in the sense of ' a governing body,' mischung in that of ' a mixture,' 
 kleidung in that of ' a way to clothe,' etc., do not stand in such inti- 
 mate relation with the verbs that answer to them as regierung in 
 the sense of ' the act of ruling,' etc. For the living function of the 
 suffix -ung is confined to the designation of an activity ; and in this 
 a substantive can be placed by the side of every transitive verb. 
 
 301. The groups which depend upon inflexion hang naturally 
 closer together than those which depend on word-formation. On 
 the one hand the measure of the common element is greater ; on 
 the other the feeling for the method of the formation is most vivid. 
 In this respect the position of the nominal forms of the verb is 
 characteristic. As long as these are used as real nouns, the 
 infinitive provided with the article, the participle employed to 
 denote a lasting characteristic, the connexion with the remaining 
 verbal forms is loosened, and thereby the possibility is created for 
 a further departure in the meaning. 
 
 302. An enlargement of the meaning of the root-word, or of 
 the word which commends itself as such to the instinct of lan- 
 guage, communicates itself more readily to the derivation, than 
 an enlargement of the derivation communicates itself to the root- 
 word. In fact, while in the case of the derivation we remember 
 the root-word more readily than in the opposite case, we connect 
 the derivation more readily with all the meanings of the root-word 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 
 
 199 
 
 than we connect the root-word with all the meanings of the deriva- 
 tion. And hence the impulse to isolation commonly proceeds from 
 a change in the meaning of the derivation. The relation of the 
 simple to the compound is as that of the root-word to the derivation. 
 303. The reason for the discrepancy in the development of 
 meaning of words etymologically connected is, as far as it is not 
 conditioned by some other process of isolation, to be sought for in 
 the originally exis^g difference in their function. A noun may 
 develop itself in directions in which a verb cannot follow it. It is 
 only the proper nouns of the agent and nouns of action which 
 stand in true correspondence with the verb. As soon as the noun 
 of the agent has passed into the denomination of a permanent 
 quality or of the owner of a permanent quality, and the noun of 
 action has come to denote a standing condition, or a product, or a 
 tool, it is possible for an enlarged meaning to attach thereto, such 
 as cannot attach itself to a verb. Thus the NHG. ritter is the noun 
 of the agent connected with reiten, but at a later period comes merely 
 to signify a man who commonly pursues riding as a profession. 
 Up to this stage it is closely connected with the verb. But as the 
 word is specially applied to mounted warriors, and as a privileged 
 class or order developed from these, it passed into a meaning 
 which has no verbal meaning to correspond to it. And thus it has 
 proceeded to adopt a sense which has nothing to do with the 
 original one. Thus, many developments of meaning are possible 
 to the adverb which are impossible to the adjective. Take as an 
 example the common adverbs, whether strengthening or limiting, 
 such as NHG. sehr = yiilQ. sire, derived from an adjective ser 
 ('wounded'), OHG. harto and drdto ('valde') from the adjectives 
 herti ('hard') and drAti ('swift'), NHG. in the language of common 
 intercourse schrecklich, furchtbar, entsetzlich, fast as related to f est; 
 and also such as schon as against schdn. 
 
200 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 MBychange 304. The etymological groups, and the forms which correspond 
 
 of sound. 
 
 in sound, and thus the proportion-groups to be compounded of 
 both, undergo operations due to sound-change, which either notably 
 limit the power of cohesion or entirely cancel it. A quantity of 
 purposeless differences are produced thereby. For the most com- 
 mon conditions of sound-change prove that a sound very rarely 
 
 1 undergoes consistent changes each time that it appears in language. 
 Even such a spontaneous sound-change as the original German 
 sound-shifting process has found certain opposing barriers which 
 have prevented a systematic and regular carrying out of the 
 process ; for instance, in the case of the combinations sk, st, sp, the 
 shifting-process has not operated. A much stronger disposition to 
 the differentiation of sounds originally identical is given where the 
 change is conditioned by the surrounding sounds or by the system 
 of accentuation. There thus arise, almost in the case of each 
 sound-change, purposeless differences between the different deriva- 
 tions from the same root, and between the different inflexion- 
 forms of the same word ; (cf. e.g. Greek a-ri^o) — o-tL^w — o-Tt«Tos — 
 aTvyjia; NHG. sitse — sass, heiss — heitze — hitze; schneide — schnitt ; 
 friere— frost, etc.) ; the same derivative and flexional suffixes sepa- 
 rate into different forms ; {cf. e.g. the different shapes taken by the 
 IE. suffix -ti- in Lat. hostis, messis, pars, in Goth, ansts — gabaur'ps 
 — qiss ; the different treatment of the nominatival termination in 
 OT^.sonr — stemn (from *steinr) — heill — tss—fugl {irom *fuglr, etc.) : 
 nay, the same word takes different forms according to its position 
 in the sentence ; (cf the different forms of Greek prepositions 
 such as h> — e'/i — £7, crw — avu — icruy). An unnecessary burden to 
 the memory for future generations is the result. At the same 
 time the inevitable consequence is that the single forms, owing to 
 
 \ the diminished amount of sound-correspondence, draw now less 
 easily and less firmly into groups. The result of this is that a 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST n. 201 
 
 change of meaning transfers itself less easily from one related 
 word to another. Thus the cancelling of the agreement in the 
 shape taken by the sounds favours the cancelling of the agreement 
 in meaning. 
 
 305. The disappearance and death of living modes of forma- 
 tion dates, generally speaking, from an isolation of sound which 
 is frequently material as well as formal ; the isolation of meaning is 
 a later matter. We may, for instance, assume in German a period 
 in which possibly a weak causative might have been formed from 
 every intransitive strong verb. This was from the IE. period 
 differentiated in the root-vowel from the present of the root-word, 
 but as it agreed with the singular indicative preterite {brinna — brann 
 — brannjan, etc.), a near sound-relation was maintained. But a 
 separation had already set in in the original German period, owing 
 to the operation of Verner's Law, in consequence of which in 
 many cases a consonantal deviation of the causative — not merely 
 from the present, but from the singular preterite of the root-word, 
 ensued. This deviation entails in OHG. further deviations in 
 the vowels. The causative, deviating in this from the singular 
 preterite, takes the umlaut where possible. Thus, in MHG. relations 
 appear like springen — spranc — sprengen, varen — vuor — viieren, sthen 
 — sick — seigen, ziehen — zdch — zdugen,genesen — genas — neren. Under 
 such circumstances it was natural that the root-word and the 
 causative should now proceed on their respective ways, so that -in 
 the case of NHG. no connexion is any longer felt between genesen 
 and ndhren. But the sound-changes mentioned have the effect 
 of attacking the uniformity of the method of formation, and there- 
 by the connexion of the causative verbs suffers on the side of 
 meaning as well, and is finally wholly destroyed. 
 
 306. The disappearance of the IE. derivative suffixes in the 
 Teutonic languages is due, in the first instance, mainly to a 
 
202 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 sound-change. Thus, for instance, the t of the suffixes -tei, -teu, 
 -to, etc., appears, after the Lautverschiebung, in five different forms : 
 t (Goth, \aurfts, 'need,' connected with 'paurban ; gaskafts, 'crea- 
 tion,' with skapj'an; mahts, 'might,' with magan ; fravaurhts, 'to 
 pass away,' with vaurkjan); ]> {gaqum\s 'meeting,' with qiman ; 
 gabaurps, 'birth,' with bairari); d {-deds, 'deed,' with O. Saxon ddn; 
 gamunds, 'memory,' with munan) ; st {ansts, 'pardon,' with unnan ; 
 alabrunsts, 'burnt-offering,' with brinnan) ; s {-gis-s, 'speech,' with 
 qi\an ; -stass, 'step,' with standan ; gaviss, 'connexion,' with gavi- 
 dan). Of course there can be no such thing as a consciousness 
 of the original identity of the different shapes taken by these 
 sounds. The great group separates into five smaller groups. Of 
 the five suffixes none can be universally employed. Further, the 
 connexion with the root-word is frequently loosened by changes 
 in the auslaut of the root, as in the examples given. Hence 
 the inevitable consequence has been that the old suffixes were 
 j deprived of their capacity of again serving for the creation of new 
 words ; that henceforward only the old formations were trans- 
 mitted by memory, though only so far as through constant 
 use they were able to dispense with the support of the root-word. 
 Thus, again, the suffix no has died out, because it had in many 
 cases become unrecognisable in consequence of the assimilation 
 of the n to the preceding consonants ; cf. fulls = l^S^^plnos, etc. 
 Reaction by 307. Thus the Symmetry of any system of forms meets in 
 
 aid of Unifi-/ 
 
 cation. sound-change an incessant and aggressive foe. It is hard to 
 realise how disconnected, confused, and unintelligible language 
 would gradually become if it had patiently to endure all the 
 devastations of sound-change without any possibility of reaction. 
 Such reaction is, however, rendered possible by analogical for- 
 mation. By the aid of analogy language gradually works its 
 way into more satisfactory circumstances, to a firmer cohesion 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 203 
 
 and a more convenient method of grouping in inflexion and 
 word-formation. And thus it is that we see in the history of 
 language a perpetual oscillation between two opposite tendencies. 
 Each disorganisation is followed by a reorganisation. The more 
 violent the attack to which the groups are exposed by sound- 
 change, the more vigorous is the activity in new creation. 
 
 308. Where an unnecessary and inconvenient difference, due 
 to sound-change, has arisen, it may be cancelled by the aid of 
 analogy ; a form marked by such difference may be gradually 
 thrust aside by a new creation which . does not contain the dif- 
 ference in question. We may call this process unification; only, 
 we must clearly recognise that this term does not satisfactorily 
 describe the actual course of procedure, which, strictly speaking, 
 consists in a complicated system of single processes as described 
 in Chapter V. 
 
 309. Unification is hindered by the material-sound propor- 
 tions. A sound-change yet living and supported by such pro- 
 portions resists unification for a long period, without, however, 
 setting any insurmountable obstacle to eventual unification. If 
 the material-sound proportions are once broken through, the sound- 
 change loses much of its power of resistance. 
 
 310. We will now endeavour to observe the different modes Unification 
 
 of differences 
 
 of unification a little more closely. Where one and the same which result 
 
 from differ- 
 
 form has parted into several different forms, owing to the differ- ence of posi- 
 tion in the 
 ence of their position in the sentence, the original difference in sentence. 
 
 the employment of these forms is lost when the one form is used 
 also in that position in the sentence in which phonetic develop- 
 ment has led to the production of the others. 
 
 311. G. Curtius has shown, in his Studien, x. 205 sqq., that 
 the final sound of the Greek preposition, as well as that of the 
 accusative singular of the article, depended at a former linguistic date 
 
204 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 on the opening sound of the following word ; cf. kuS Se — kuk 
 ice(l)a\r}v — Ko/y yovv — kcltt TrehLov — Kav v6/j,ov — Kafj, fiev — Kap poov 
 KoX Xairaprjv, rofi jSeXTia-rov — Toy icpdroa-Tov — rov BpaavTarov — ■ 
 ToX Xaa-Tov, etc., while at a later date a single form only of these 
 manifold varieties, or the adverbial form,^ which differs again 
 from it, became the regular form in use.^ 
 
 312. In the Teutonic languages we find the following process 
 repeating itself at various periods. Words used as adverbs and 
 as prepositions indifferently, as they receive the full stress or 
 are mere enclitics, and as, in their position of enclitics, they receive 
 a collateral stres.s, or have none at all, separate into two different 
 forms or, it may be, more, whose original difference of function 
 however is not always maintained, since one form intrudes into 
 the place of the other ; cf. Beitrdge z. Gesch. d. deutschen Sprache, 
 vi. 144, 191 sqq., 199 sqq., 207 sqq., 248 sqq., 137I To cite one 
 example only. The original Teutonic td ('to'), in cases where 
 it received the full stress and remained unweakened in adverbial 
 use, was shortened as a proclitic to *to. From this the forms 
 in OHG. za, ze, zi arise under the influence of accentual differences. 
 These forms are employed in some of the oldest records indif- 
 ferently side by side ; in more recent times one takes firm root 
 in each dialect. All three appear in MHG. as ze. But side by 
 side with this appears the form zuo regularly developed as a 
 preposition, and in NHG. this form alone holds the field. The 
 same holds good of the forms of the pronouns and the article; 
 cf. Beitrdge, vi. 137^, 144 sqq. 
 
 313. In the period of the transition from OHG. to MHG. r in 
 
 For as such we must regard i.v6., KarA, rapi in contrast to av, Kar, irap, with theii 
 different collateral forms ; in the same way iyi, irepl, irorl, irporl, as against iv, rep, ttot 
 or iros, irpoT or Trpos. 
 
 ' How far this applies merely to writing, and how far to actual usage in language, 
 remains still doubtful in many cases. 
 
' X.] ON TSOLA TION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT 205 
 
 auslaut after a long vowel disappears in dd from ddr, hie from hier, 
 etc., though it survives, and is maintained in close connexion with 
 a following word, because it is then drawn over to the following 
 syllable, thus dar an, hier an, etc. In nhg. hier often takes the 
 place of hie, and eventually completely supplants it in the written 
 language, to say nothing of the phrase hie und da. Conversely in 
 MUG. we also find the combinations hie inne, hie ■ilze, and the con- 
 tracted forms hinne, h^ze, which remain South German forms to 
 this day. 
 
 314. The process of differentiation and of unification may repeat 
 itself several times in succession. In OHG. the form ana parted 
 into ana the adverb, and an the preposition ; the first form then 
 displaced the second. In MHG. ana again parted into ane and 
 an, and the second then displaced the first. Aba {ab) has gone 
 through a similar development. 
 
 315. The influence of the component parts of the sentence 
 upon the sound-development is explained, as we have seen, by 
 the fact that a word-group, like a single word, is apprehended 
 as a unity, which does not require to be previously analysed by the 
 hearer into its several parts, nor to be made up by the speaker 
 from the elements which compose it. Thus the circumstances are 
 the same as in a compound ; and indeed there is no sharp line, as 
 will be afterwards more fully explained, to be drawn between a 
 compound and a word-group. Least of all is it to be supposed 
 that a distinction originally existed between the connexion of 
 the preposition with a noun, and that with a verb. Thus, in the 
 case we have chosen, a newly created method of composition takes 
 the place of the traditidnal configuration of the group. 
 
 316. There are two different ways of development possible in 
 this process. Either one form may encroach on the function of 
 the others, or the encroachment may be reciprocal. The latter case 
 
2o6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 will naturally occur when the different forms occur with fairly- 
 equal frequency ; the former, if one form occurs more frequently 
 than the other. As a result, in both cases in the first instance, 
 double, or it may be triple, forms run parallel to each other for a 
 long period ; in the one case, however, only with restricted limits, 
 while elsewhere uniformity is maintained ; in the other case they 
 run parallel with unlimited application. A general uniformity 
 results in the course of a further development, owing to the 
 disappearance of one form. In cases where plurality of form 
 in one department is met by uniformity in the other, it cannot, 
 of course, be long doubtful which form will eventually triumph. 
 But where plurality of form has once become general, the forces 
 are not so unevenly distributed, the struggle is not so easily de- 
 cided ; the issue depends upon chance circumstances not always 
 appreciable by us. The more dissimilar the relation, the shorter 
 is the struggle, and the earlier the commencement of the attack. 
 
 317. The severance of one form into several different forms 
 may take place in such a way that a change occurs under every 
 circumstance ; but it may also take place in such a way that the 
 root-form remains preserved side by side with a single or several 
 changed forms. In the last-mentioned case, in the course of further 
 development, the root-form, as such, has no advantage over the 
 derived forms, for it is not recognised as such. No doubt, how- 
 ever, this form has an advantage over the others in which the 
 word appears, if it is independent of any influence from the syntax ' 
 of the sentence, whether it be the root-form or not. A French- 
 man, who has no scientific knowledge of his' mother-tongue, hears 
 with surprise that the phrase a-t-il represents a more original form 
 than il a, and that in un ami the n represents a more original pro- 
 nunciation than in un fils. If he thinks about the matter at all, 
 he will be rather inclined to take the t for an insertion, and to 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 
 
 207 
 
 assume the pronunciation of the n in un ami to be a departure 
 from the regular pronunciation. 
 
 318. These remarks are, mutatis mutandis, equally applicable 
 to every other kind of unification due to formation by analogy. 
 
 319. Essentially similar is the unification of forms phonetically Unification 
 
 ..__ . , , . , - - ofplioned- 
 
 dmerentiated which proceed from the same stem, or of words caiiy differ- 
 formed from the same root. We may call this material in con- forms which 
 
 , ^ . . helong to the 
 
 trast to formal unification, the latter being concerned with the same stem. 
 corresponding formations from dififerent roots, or differ.ent systems 
 of formation of inflexions of word-composition. It often happens, 
 however, that material unification is at the same time formal. 
 
 320. Examples of this are not far to seek. The most in- 
 structive are certain systematic differentiations which make their 
 appearance at a very early period. The following generations 
 have often to reckon with the reaction against these for many 
 centuries to come, during which one case after another falls a victim 
 to unification, though eventually there still remain not unfrequently 
 certain traces of differentiation. The development is more mani- 
 fold and instructive as well, if, after the commencement of the 
 diff"erentiation of sounds, the language has parted into many 
 different dialectic shapes. The example of this kind known to 
 me as occurring on the largest scale is the graduation of vowels 
 in the IE. original language, the traces of which the surviving 
 languages are still endeavouring to efface. In the Teutonic 
 domain the operations of Verner's Law are the most striking, 
 according to which, in the original German, the hard fricatives 
 ^f,/ J have maintained themselves after an originally accented 
 syllable, but after an originally unaccented syllable have passed 
 into the corresponding soft fricatives (Gothic g, d, b, z). The 
 impulse created thereby is specially adapted for methodic study, 
 especially as we find ourselves here upon safe and generally 
 
2o8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 recognised ground. The philologist who has been at the pains 
 to follow the instances of reaction against any such sound-law 
 into every detail, cannot conceivably harbour such perverse asser- 
 tions and objections as to formation by analogy as are unfortu- 
 nately so widely in vogue. And as with one phonetic law, so is it 
 with the rest. There is in fact no phonetic law which, having once 
 in a number of cases differentiated in sound what holds closely 
 together in etymology, fails to produce a reaction against this 
 differentiation, unless in the case where the sound-change left 
 be continuously supported by analogy (see p. 107). This must 
 be recognised as a fundamental maxim of the historical investi- 
 gation of language. We may examine every language whose 
 development admits of a continuous investigation to find a single 
 sound-law which has failed to show, as a result, some centuries 
 after it has operated, some kind of reaction. However great the 
 prize offered for such discovery, no one would win it. 
 Inequalities 32 1. Whoevcr has followed such a development in all its con- 
 
 of unification 
 
 owing to nexions will not, as many have recently done, claim by an explana- 
 
 favouring . _ - 
 
 and hostile tion of forms, based upon the assumption of unifications, that 
 
 conditions. 
 
 the unification in all the forms affected by the sound-law must 
 have come about uniformly, and in the same direction. This 
 would be to demand a development directly contradicting the 
 experience which we can abstract from the facts which we have 
 actually to observe. Besides, any such demand depends on a 
 manifest confusion of ideas. In the case of sound-change we 
 certainly must demand that it should make its appearance in the 
 same way in every case in which the same phonetic conditions are 
 present. But identity or non -identity of the phonetic circum- 
 stances has nothing to do with unification. Either does such 
 group, connected by material relationship, proceed on its own 
 course of development, or, if several such groups operate on each 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 209 
 
 Other, it happens owing to the fact that formal unification is simul- 
 taneously at work; but the fact of being affected by the same 
 sound-law does not in itself yield any reason for a reciprocal 
 influence in the unification. On the other hand, there are many 
 circumstances, serving either to foster or to check the process, 
 which cause it to have very different results in different cases. 
 
 322. To^ these must be added as well a phonetic impulse. 
 Those forms which are differentiated by the operation of several 
 sound-laws are less favourable to unification than those in which 
 only one of them has operated towards differentiation. 
 
 323. The well-known nhg. lengthening of the vowels never, 
 except in certain definite connexions, appears before double 
 consonants, in which case, on the contrary, a syllable origi- 
 nally long is actually shortened {cf., brachte = MHG. brdhte, 
 acht = MHG. ahte, etc.). In accordance with this, the second and 
 third persons singular and the second person plural of the 
 present indicative are shortened in cases where the terminal 
 vowel is syncopated, and this holds good of cases where the 
 other forms of the present have allowed the lengthening to set 
 in. But in by far the greatest number of cases unification has 
 set in ; this is regularly the case in the weak verb {e.g., lebe — lebst, 
 lebt), where the quality of the vowel was always uniformly 
 identical from the earliest times ; and further, in the strong 
 verbs with radical a: trage. — trdgst, tragi (in Low German with 
 shortened vowel, drdchst, drbcht). On the other hand, the short 
 syllable of the second and third persons singular is maintained 
 in those verbs in which the root-vowel has fluctuated from 
 the earliest times between e and i : in nehme — ninimst, nimmt, 
 trete — trittst, tritt, this change is general ; and it appears like- 
 wise in lese — list, gebe — gibst, gibt ; at least according to the 
 usual pronunciation in Lower Germany. The reason for the more 
 
 o 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 successful resistance opposed by these verbs than the others to 
 the unification affecting the quantity must certainly be sought 
 in the fact that the quality is at the same time different. This 
 assumption is confirmed by the fact that they have not, in the 
 case of the second person plural, withdrawn from the influence 
 of unification. The difference between a and a is not felt in this 
 way, because the umlaut seems natural to our instinct of language. 
 
 324. In OHG. the participles of the verbs lesan, ginesan, uuesan 
 ought, according to Verner's Law, to be sounded gileran, gineran, 
 giuueran ; but, with the exception of a few traces in the oldest 
 records, the forms gilesan, ginesan, giuuesan — approaching the 
 present form — actually appear. On the other hand, the parti- 
 ciples of kiesen, friesen, verliesen appear even in MHG., maintaining 
 the change gekoren, gefroren, verloren. The identity of the vowel 
 in the one case, and the difference in the last, account for the 
 arrangement of the consonants. 
 
 325. The strong verbs which have the same vowel in the 
 singular and plural of the preterite, likewise cancelled at an early 
 period the consonantal difference which rose according to Verner's 
 Law ; cf. OHG., sluog — sluogun, hieng — hiengun, huob — huobun, hluod 
 — hluodun against zoh — zugun, meid — miiun. \Cf. OE. slog, 'I 
 struck ' — sldgon, with teah, ' I drew ' — tugon.\ We can see how 
 in this way even such forms as are not merely affected by the 
 same phonetic law, but are connected by their function and by 
 their method of formation in other respects, are differently treated. 
 
 326. This phenomenon demands a psychological explanation. 
 We should be inclined at first sight to suppose that since what 
 we call unification proceeds by analogy from a new creation, 
 the phonetic configuration of the form expelled by the new 
 creation did not come into consideration at all. If the picture 
 of the traditional phonetically differentiated form comes into con- 
 
X.] ON I SO LA TJON AND THE RE A CTION A GAINST IT. 211 
 
 sciousness, no new creation is possible ; if, however, it does not 
 so come into consciousness, the new creation is given free play. 
 But no real reason appears why one form should more easily 
 come into consciousness because, phonetically speaking, it differs 
 more strongly than another form from a related one. The diffi- 
 culty can only be explained by the assumption of the co-operation 
 of simple reproduction by the aid of memory and creative com- 
 bination in the creation of new forms, just as we were compelled 
 to recognise this in the daily utterance of the forms already usual 
 in language. There is a state in which the picture of the tradi- 
 tional form is not powerful enough to enter into consciousness 
 under any circumstances more easily than a new creation due 
 to analogy ; but still not so weak as to retire without opposition 
 before such new creation. There thus appear in opposition to 
 each other two ideas contending as to whether of the two shall 
 first enter into consciousness, and thus drive the other back. It 
 is only where a relation like this exists that the degree of 
 divergence between the traditional form and the eventual new 
 creation comes into consideration. If the latter is on the point 
 of pressing first to the front, the former may yet, even without 
 being plainly apprehended in consciousness, exercise a retarding 
 influence upon it, which, in the case of the latter, the linguistic 
 sense prevents from acquiring the instinctive sureness requisite, 
 and thus prompts to reflexion upon it. The idea of the tradi- 
 tional form, however, co-operates as a stronger retarding agent, 
 the more widely its contents differ from the new combination. 
 And it is with .the hearer as with the speaker. A new creation 
 operates the more bewilderingly upon him, and is the less readily 
 accepted and imitated, the more many-sided the opposition which 
 it presents to the traditional form, so far as the memory of it is 
 still in some degree operative in his mind. 
 
212 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 327. There are two other circumstances which play a much 
 more important part in the process of furthering or impeding 
 unification than phonetic difference, namely, the greater or less 
 stability of the connexion of the etymological groups and the 
 greater or less intensity with which the single forms are stamped 
 on the memory, 
 coh^^'^'^'"? 3^^' '^^^ ^'^^'^ depends on the degree of correspondence in 
 
 theEtyrao- ^hg meaning, and on the degree of living capacity for formation 
 groups. in the several forms. Both stand, as we have already seen, in 
 reciprocal relations to each other. The more or less intimate 
 nature of the connexion may be at once given with the mere 
 function of the forms ; as, for instance, the forms of the present 
 are more closely connected with each other than with those 
 of the preterite, the forms of the same word more closely con- 
 nected with each other than with the forms of words derived 
 from the same root. The tie between them may, however, be 
 weakened by secondary development Every kind of isolation 
 which affects the function increases the difficulty of reaction against 
 the isolation by which the sounds are affected, and renders it 
 actually impossible as soon as it has reached a certain degree. 
 
 329. A few examples may serve to illustrate these sentences. 
 The numerous consonantal differentiations, which took their rise 
 by the operation of Verner's Law, are completely obliterated in 
 noun inflexions, as seen in the earliest records which have come 
 down to us. We see, however, their traces in many double 
 forms which remain parallel to each other without any difference 
 of meaning. In the verb, however, the differentiation has main- 
 tained itself better, obviously aided by the differentiation of vowels 
 (ablaut) which coincides with it ; cf. MHG. ziuke—zdch—zugen— 
 gezogen. We are able now in several ways to observe how the 
 process of unification which sets in later begins by cancelling 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 213 
 
 the difference between the singular and plural of the preterite, 
 and cancelling it so as to differentiate the singular by this pro- 
 cess for the first time from the present. This has happened in 
 the case of the West Teutonic languages in almost all those 
 cases in which no variation of the vowels interposed to retard 
 the process ; thus OHG. s/a^u — s/uog — sluogun, instead of *sluok — 
 sluogun, fdhu—fiang—fiangun, instead of *fiah—fiangun, etc. We 
 see an example in which this development is not prevented even 
 by the difference of the vowel arrangements in the OS. fUhan. 
 This ought, according to strict phonetic development, to form 
 the preterite fdth—fundun. We find, however, fand—fundun 
 only ; and though it be true that in the present we find the 
 form findan, yet this is only by the side of ftthan. The few 
 NHG. traces of this old change all display a departure from the 
 older circumstances still existent in MHG., where the singular of 
 the preterite is assimilated to the plural : ziehe — zog (OHG. zdh) — 
 zogen,leide — litt (OHG. kid) — litten, schneide — schnitt (OHG. sneid) — 
 scknitten, siede — sott (OHG. sdd) — sotten, erkiese — erkor (OHG. irkos) 
 — erkoren. In the same way the ablaut has certainly maintained 
 itself in NHG., but a correspondence has been re-established 
 between the singular and plural of the preterite. 
 
 330. We are often able to observe that phonetic differentiations 
 which are disregarded, either completely, or with the exception of 
 scanty traces, maintain their place between words etymologically 
 connected, or are only cancelled when their relationship to each 
 other is very close. In the Teutonic languages a change dating 
 from the oldest times has been in operation between the sound of 
 NHG. h and NHG. ch, — the sound of h appearing at the beginning 
 of a syllable, that of ch at the end of a syllable and before con- 
 sonants : cf. MHG r&ch, ' raw,' gen. rAhes, ich sihe—er siht (pro- 
 nounced like the NHG. sickt)—er sack — wir sdhen. In the case of 
 
214 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the written language of to-day, this change in the inflexion is 
 disregarded, except in the case of hoch; while, besides this, the 
 comparative and superlative have been approximated to the posi- 
 tive, except in the case of hoher — kockste,3ind ndher — ndchste. In 
 other cases, however, it is maintained : cf. sehen — gesicht, geschehen 
 — geschichte, fliehen — -flucht, ziehen — zucht, schmach — schmdhen. An 
 interchange prevailing in many instances in the case of the vowels, 
 appeared in the OG. dialects under the influence of the vowel of the 
 following syllable, viz., between e and i and between u and o. This 
 interchange has been almost disregarded in the noun-inflexion 
 before the commencement of our tradition. In MHG. it is consis- 
 tently maintained within groups etymologically connected, except- 
 ing in cases of feminine formations of nouns of the agent ; cf got 
 — gotinne (OHG. gutinna), but cf also the present use of birin by the 
 side of berinne, and wolf by the side of wiclpinne and the diminu- 
 tives (cf. vogel — vogelin [OUG. fugi/^]). In NHG. the unification only 
 appears in the case of close relationship. Thus it appears regularly 
 in the case of names of materials (cf. leder — ledern, MHG. liderin ; 
 gold — golden [MHG. guldtn\ ; holz — holzern [Itulztn] ; besides e.g., in 
 wort — antwort, antworten [mhg. antwurte, antwiirten] ; gold, ver- 
 golden,(sti\l in the old-fashioned style vergulden). On the other 
 hand, we find at the present day recht — richten, richtig, gericht ; 
 berg—gebirge; feld—gefilde; herde—hirt ; hold—kuld; v oil— fal- 
 len ; koch — kuche, etc. 
 
 331. As a matter of course, no unification sets in where the 
 feeling for the etymolog!cal connexion has completely disappeared 
 owing to a divergence in the development of meaning, or even 
 where it is so far faded that it does not come into con- 
 sciousness without some reflexion. This explains, for instance, 
 why the differences in sound just described are maintained in 
 the following cases : rauh — rauchzverk, rauchwaare, rauchhandel ; 
 
X.] ON IS OLA TION AND THE RE A CTION A GAINST IT. 215 
 
 nach (mhg. tidcli) — nahe ; erde — irden, irdisch; gold— gulden (an 
 adjective used substantively). In mhg. the contracted forms du 
 treist, er treit from tragen actually exist ; these are in NHG., again, 
 replaced by trdgst, trdgt ; but the contraction is maintained in the 
 derivation getreide. Mhg. gar shows in its inflected form a w 
 (garwe, etc.), which ought, according to the laws of sound-change, 
 to develop into b ; but an inflexion, gar — garber, could not be 
 maintained indefinitely, and the inflected followed the example 
 of the uninflected forms : on the other hand, the b of the verb 
 gerben remained, owing to the different development of mean- 
 ing. Every language, in every possible stage of development, 
 affords a plentiful supply of proof of this phenomenon. 
 
 332. The intensity of the impression received by the memory 
 determines, in the first instance, the relative strength of the factors 
 opposed to each other, in which respect the remarks made above 
 (p. 206) equally apply. If, e.g., in ON. the first person singular of 
 the conjunctive mood ends, in both present and preterite, in a {gefa, 
 gcefd), while in all other forms an i appears {gefir, gefi, gefim, gefi6, 
 gefi and g(^fir, gczfi, etc.) the chances are, of course, highly un- 
 favourable to the former, and thus gefi and gcefi appear in the more 
 recent sources likewise. But, of course, under certain circumstances, 
 one isolated form may carry the day against several correspond- 
 ing forms — that is, if it is more frequently used in itself than 
 the others taken together. If, for instance, in NHG. zieinen the i 
 runs generally through the present, from which then, instead of the 
 old strong preterite, a further new weak preterite is formed, while 
 in MHG. most forms still maintain e, this depends on the fact that 
 the third person singular es ziemt occurred, then, as now, more 
 frequently than all the others. 
 
 333. But most of the irregularities in the treatment of etymo- 
 logical groups, which otherwise stand perfectly parallel to each 
 
2i6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 other, proceed from the fact that the individual groups differ very 
 markedly from each other with respect to the frequency of their 
 occurrence, and thus with respect to the facility with which the 
 individual forms can be reproduced by an effort of memory 
 with their traditional differences. The rarest words are those 
 which, assuming circumstances in other respects to be similar, 
 are earliest exposed to unification ; the most commonly occurring 
 are the latest to be so exposed, or indeed not exposed at all. 
 This assertion can be proved inductively as well as deductively. 
 
 334. But besides this, the course of the movement is influenced 
 by many accidental processes in the mental activity of the single 
 individuals and their reciprocal effect — processes which lie beyond 
 the sphere of our reasoning, as of our observation. Especially 
 do factors withheld from our knowledge play a great part in 
 the contest which the double forms, which have taken their rise 
 owing to unification, have to go through with respect to each 
 other. Omniscience alone could explain in every case why 
 the result has been in certain cases thus, and in other cases 
 otherwise. And we cannot close our eyes to the fact that 
 very frequently analogous cases result differently in the same 
 dialect, and one and the same case have different issues in different 
 dialects. Thus, to cite only a quite certain example : while the 
 Gothic has in other cases unified the so-called grammatical 
 change, by generalising the use of the consonant of the present 
 and of the singular preterite, the verbs hvairban, svairban, skaidan 
 have taken the opposite course, and have generalised the use 
 of the consonant of the plural preterite and of the participle ; and 
 especially in the case of the last-mentioned verb in HG., which 
 carries the consonant of the plural preterite through more com- 
 monly than the Gothic, the consonant of the present has succeeded 
 in carrying the day. 
 
X.] ON IS OLA TION AND THE REACTION A GAINST IT. 217 
 
 335- Of course, however, the development in the indivi- influence of 
 
 the fonnal 
 
 dual material groups is not wholly independent of the formal grouping. 
 grouping. When a phonetic differentiation affects all the 
 etymological parallel groups belonging to a former group, a 
 co-operation of the material and the formal grouping is thereby 
 caused. This co-operation sometimes serves to decide the direction 
 of the unification. In the original Teutonic there occurred in 
 the numerous noun-formations with the suffix -no, a change of 
 tlie vowel preceding the n between u (afterwards further de- 
 veloped into o-d) and e (i), so that both distributed themselves 
 among the different cases according to a regular rule.^ Next, 
 at a later period, we find u (a) and e (?) regularly carried 
 through all the cases of a word. Thus in the Gothic we find 
 forms like yiudans, 'king,' standing beside forms like maurgins, 
 ' morning ;' and in ON. forms like Jqrmunn beside forms like 
 O^inn, and morgunn and tnorginn standing together. But the 
 participles falling under this head have, in contrast with the 
 lawless caprice evidenced in the other forms, invariably -an in 
 Gothic, and invariably -in in ON. The decisive part played by 
 the formal grouping is especially seen from the fact that such 
 participles as have been completely transformed into adjectives 
 or substantives, have in some cases struck out a new path ; cf. 
 Gothic,/u/gins, ' hidden,' as against fulhans, the genuine participle 
 of filhan, ' to hide ; ' aigm, ' property ' {eigenthuni), the participle of 
 aigan, ' to have,' used substantivally ; further, the ON.jgiunn, ' giant,' 
 the old participle of eia, ' to eat,' with an active signification. 
 
 336. The formal grouping may, however, not merely determine 
 the direction of the unification, but also whether it shall occur at all. 
 The less phonetic differentiation disturbs the formal parallelism of 
 the single groups among themselves, the more capable are they of 
 
 ^ Cf. Beitrdge, vi. 238 sqq. 
 
2i8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 withstanding the tendencies towards unification. Thus, for instance, 
 the maintenance of the ablaut series in Teutonic for so long a 
 period would have been impossible if each verb had had its own 
 special kind of ablaut, and had there not existed larger groups 
 of verbs with the same scheme. And it can be demonstrated 
 that the schemes preserved to us represent merely a selection 
 from those which were in existence before the commencement of 
 our tradition, all those which were represented either by a few or 
 by only a single example having perished, save for a few traces. 
 The disappearance of others may be traced historically ; e.g. Gothic 
 truda — trad — tridunt — trudans. It is the same with the umlaut 
 in the second and third persons of the singular indicative present 
 of the strong verbs ; OHG. faru — ferist — ferit, and thus in NHG. 
 fahre — fdhrst — fdhrt. 
 Conversion 33/. Another circumstance which contributes to the preserva- 
 
 of a merely '. .,.^. ., i-t ••i-i 
 
 formal dif- 1 tion of a phonetic difference is when this happens to coincide with a 
 a difference difference of function. If, for instance, all the cases of the singular 
 
 of meaning. , i . t 1 1 i ' r^ ^ \ \ 
 
 are arranged so as to correspond with all the cases of the plural, 
 the relation they bear to each other is more easily and more 
 indelibly stamped on the memory than if certain forms of the 
 singular, coupled with certain forms of the plural are arranged so 
 as to correspond with certain other forms of the singular and plural. 
 And thus it is also natural that where, in the majority of cases, the 
 phonetic differentiation corresponds with the difference of function, 
 the unification should be confined to the groups which are more 
 immediately connected, and this unification thus perfects the 
 correspondence between phonetic and functional difference. In 
 Old Danish the plural of 3«r«, ' bairn,' in accordance with a general 
 Scandinavian sound-law, is bfrn, barna, b^mum, b^rn ; while in 
 the singular, a prevails throughout. Modern Danish has admitted 
 birna also instead of barna. In another word, lagh, ' law,' o is 
 
X.] ON ISOLA riON AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 219 
 
 carried even in Old Danish throughout the whole plural. The 
 unification within the narrower groups is frequently enough the 
 preliminary to wider unification. Thus, in the case of lagh, the o is 
 actually making "its appearance sometimes in Old Danish, and in 
 Modern Danish lov is the prevailing form. The coincidence with 
 a functional difference may, however, be the reason for the lasting 
 retention of a phonetic difference, and especially when it is ren- 
 dered capable by formal analogy of resistance in the way already 
 described. 
 
 338. The 'coincidence of these two circumstances enables the 
 idea of the phonetic variation to connect itself so closely with the 
 functional variation that the two may appear inseparable to the 
 instinct of language. Thus it is that the non-significant variation 
 originated by accident became significant. It will become more 
 significant still, the less plainly that variation in meaning is 
 accentuated by other phonetic variations. Language thus claims 
 compensation for the loss of the characteristic signs of the 
 functional variation which set in as a consequence of .phonetic loss. 
 
 339. The ablaut in the German verb depends upon a vowel 
 differentiation already manifest in the IE. original language. This 
 is a mechanical result of the shifting accent, and has nothing to Ao\ 
 with the original difference in the function of the single forms. 
 This differentiation was even for the original language superfluous, 
 except as regards the distinction between the present and imper- 
 fect on the one hand, and the aorist upon the other {cf. GK. Xei-rrm, 
 eXeiirov, Xeiiroifu — eXiirov, Xivoifii). The perfect stem, in parti- 
 cular, was clearly differentiated from the present stem by re- 
 duplication. Hence we see, even in Greek, distinct signs of decay 
 in the vowel-change between present and perfect ; we have, on 
 the one hand, XetVo) — \e\onra, but •n-Xe'/cw — treirXexa and no 
 * -TreirXoxa- And only a few traces remain of the original change 
 
220 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 between the singular and the plural of the perfect {olha — 
 icrfxev). The ablaut disappears, in fact, simply because it is 
 superfluous ; and it was superfluous because the old characteristic 
 sign of the perfect stem, the reduplication, survived, and was con- 
 sistently maintained, while the present stem was also, in many 
 respects, specially characterised. In Teutonic, on the other hand, 
 the loss of the reduplication went hand in hand with the confir- 
 mation of the ablaut. We cannot indeed assert that one was the 
 cause of the other. Rather, the primary impulse to the loss of the 
 reduplication was given by the phonetic development, in conse- 
 quence of which certain forms were no longer recognisable as re- 
 duplicated {cf. the type biruni) ; and the preservation of the ablaut 
 is due, in the first instance, to the existence of parallel series. But 
 in the further course of development, a reciprocal causal relation 
 has become manifest. For instance, it is instructive for our purpose 
 that, in Gothic, those verbs ,have chiefly maintained the reduplica- 
 tion in which the IE. vowel variation between present and perfect 
 (preterite) has disappeared on phonetic grounds ; and this holds 
 good of every case ; cf., halda — kaihald, skaida — skaiskaid, stauta 
 — staitaut. Still, even in OHG., there was as yet no absolute 
 necessity of differentiating the root syllable of the present and 
 preterite, because the variation was marked in the termination as 
 well in the case of each single person of the indicative as of the 
 conjunctive. The case is different in MHG., where in the first and 
 second persons plural of the indicative, and throughout the whole of 
 the conjunctive, the variation between the present and the preterite 
 depends entirely upon the form taken by the root-syllable, cf.geben 
 = gdben, gebet = gdbet, gebe = gabe, etc. In NHG. the second 
 person singular and the third person plural of the indicative must 
 be added to the list. Thus the ablaut has become a character- 
 istic, whose necessity has been increasingly felt. But it is only 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 221 
 
 the distinction between the present and the preterite that is of im- 
 portance, and not that between the singular indicative preterite, or 
 merely the first and third persons of it, and the other forms of the 
 preterite. The last-mentioned distinction, passing as it did like- 
 wise from the original language, was maintained solely owing 
 to the frequency of the occurrence of certain verbs, and the exist- 
 ence of parallel series. It was thus, in the case of certain 
 classes, cast aside at an early date (Gothic /(^r — fdrum, faifdii — 
 faifdhum, OU.O. fiang — fiangum) [AS. scoc — scocon, &\.c.\. In the 
 case of other classes it has maintained its ground even into NHG., 
 but has finally been cast aside entirely except in a few instances. It 
 is merely in respect of phonetic convenience a gain to say, as we 
 do now, sprang — sprangen, flog — fiogen, and not as in OHG., 
 spranc — sprujigen, floug — fliigen. Thus the ablaut received no 
 functional value till the NHG. period. And in this connexion 
 there is one noteworthy circumstance. The variation between 
 the singular and plural is (except in the past-present verbs) re- 
 tained by the modern written language solely in the common verb 
 werden [ward — wurdon], and in this case also by-forms prepon- 
 derate, in which the variation is lost ; on the other hand, there is 
 still a number of verbs in which, though the vowel of the singular 
 has penetrated into their plural, yet the conjunctive has main- 
 tained its peculiar vowel arrangement : siarl> — stilrbe, schwamm — 
 schwomme (with a by-form schwdmme), etc. In this case a phonetic 
 contrast is maintained within nrirrower limits, but again in virtue 
 of its coincidence with a functional one. Since, however, the 
 umlaut alone would suffice to express the latter {schwammen — 
 sckwdmmen), it would be superfluous to maintain the old vowel. 
 But precisely in the case of those verbs in which the umlaut is 
 maintained most strictly {verdilrbe, stiirbe, wiirbe, wurfe, hiilfe) 
 another consideration comes in, namely, the need for distinction 
 
222 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 from the conjunctive present : helfe and hdlfe, which form occurs 
 as a variant of hulfe, are no doubt differently written, but phone- 
 tically they correspond with each other. On the other hand, there 
 is no verb with i going through all the persons of its present 
 tense which still forms a subjunctive preterite with ii {e.g., singe ■ — 
 siinge), because in this case it is precisely the old form, which, 
 according to the pronunciation prevalent in most German dialects, 
 would fall into correspondence with the conjunctive present. And 
 this explains the fact why the verbs with ■mm and nn show double 
 forms still (schwdmine — sckwomme, sdnne — sbnne ; cf. gesckwom- 
 men, gesonnen as contrasted with gestmgen). 
 
 340. A part similar to that played by the ablaut is that played 
 by the umlaut produced by an i or / of the following syllable. 
 In the masculine z-declension in OHG. it had happened to become 
 the rule that the whole singular was free from, and the whole 
 plural affected by, its umlaut {gast—gesti, etc.), and it is hence 
 that the difference is maintained. The circumstance is best ex- 
 plained if we compare the history of the change between e and 
 i, u and o, caused by the following vowel. The z^-declension 
 must in original German have run much as follows : — ^ 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 PI. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 PL 
 
 N. 
 
 meduz 
 
 midiviz 
 
 sunuz 
 
 suniviz 
 
 G. 
 
 medauz 
 
 medevo 
 
 sonauz 
 
 sonevd 
 
 D. 
 
 niidin 
 
 medumiz 
 
 sicniu 
 
 sunuvi 
 
 A. 
 
 medu 
 
 ineduns 
 
 sunu 
 
 sununs 
 
 So purposeless a change was not likely to be long maintained. 
 And thus we find traces of it in Old Norse alone. OHG. has 
 from the very earliest times made the u of sunu uniform through- 
 
 ' The terminations are comparatively unimportant for our purpose. 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 223 
 
 out; in metu, eku, eru, the e; and in situ, quirn, the i)- The 
 umlaut in the z-declehsion has not yet come to be a necessity 
 in OHG., as the cases of the plural are independently of its aid 
 clearly differentiated from those of the singular ; indeed it is not 
 a necessity in MHG. either as long as the e of the flexional 
 terminations is retained ; for the nominative, accusative, and 
 genitive plural geste could not easily be confused with the dative 
 singular gaste, even should they dispense with the aid of the 
 umlaut. But directly the e disappears — and this is the case 
 notably in the South German dialects — the umlaut remains in the 
 nominative and accusative as the only mark of distinction be- 
 tween the singular and the plural. At this stage of development 
 the «-declension has a decided advantage over the a-declension, 
 and the purely dynamical value of the umlaut is complete. 
 This is very clearly manifest in the fact that it spreads beyond 
 its original domain. This disposition to spread stands in the 
 closest connexion with the absence or presence of a differen- 
 tiating e. In the same way in South German the umlaut has 
 affected almost all the substantives of the old a-declension capable 
 of being affected by it {cf. Schmeller, Mundarten Baierns, § 796, 
 and WiNTELER, Kerenzer mundart, p. 170 sqq?). Thus they say 
 tag — tag, arm — arm, etc. The Middle and Low German dialects 
 have this tendency in a much less degree, and notably only in 
 the case of words of more than one syllable, such as sattel, wagen, 
 in which they too reject the e of the plural. At an early period 
 the umlaut succeeded in affecting words expressive of relationship, 
 which originally belonged to the consonantal declension, and thus 
 could dispense with a termination in the nominative and accusative 
 plural ; MHG. vater — veter, muoter — mueUr, etc. 
 
 1 CfBeitragf, z. g. d. d. spr. vi. 80. The possible alternative remains of a unifica- 
 tion in different directions, assuming that for OHG. a phonetic transition of ? into i before 
 ti is to be supposed. 
 
224 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 341. The formal unification, which we have already had oc- 
 casion to call repeatedly into consideration, is also often a reaction 
 against an objectless phonetic differentiation. The process is then 
 the following. Within a class which hitherto adopted similar for- 
 mations, phonetic differences arose in one form or in several. For 
 instance, the genitive in certain words was formed in one way, 
 and in others differently, while in other cases the uniformity was 
 not disturbed. Then the tendency makes itself felt of restoring the 
 same uniformity in the one or the few differentiated forms as well, 
 and of changing the partial agreement of the method of formation 
 again into a complete agreement. This method of unification is 
 specially seen in connexion with the material method, as the 
 instances cited may serve to show. But even independently of 
 
 ft 
 
 this it occurs frequently enough. Under this head falls, for 
 instance, the unification of the hard and soft fricative in the ter- 
 minations of the cases and persons of the Old Teutonic dialects.^ 
 According to Verner's Law p = IE. / was divided into f and tS (d), s 
 into J (hard) and z (soft). Accordingly in the original German we 
 had * tvdesi (du trittst, ' thou treadest '), *txde\i {er tritt), * txde\e (ihr 
 tretei) * trdonyi {sie treten), as against * b^rezi, ' thou bearest,' *dere^z\ 
 * bh'^e, *berondi, while in the first persons singular and plural no 
 differentiation had yet appeared ; further, in the o-declension, the 
 nominative singular was * stigSs isteg), but * ehwoz (' horse ') ; the 
 nominative i^Xwxal * stigds, but ^hwoz ; accusative-plural * stigSns 
 but ^hwonz*vjh.].\e. the other case-endings remained the same ; and 
 similarly in other classes of inflexion. The unification which 
 ensued terminated in nearly every case in favour of the soft 
 sound ; on which we have to remark that z appears as r in the ON. 
 and in the West Teutonic .dialects, but disappears from the latter 
 in the case of original auslaut. Still, in certain cases, too, the hard 
 
 ^ Cf. Beitrdge, vi. 548 sqq. 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 225 
 
 s has carried the day. Thus, in the nominative plural of the a- 
 declension, we find in AS. and Old Friesic dagas by the side of ON. 
 dagar ; in OS. the Heliand exhibits -os, only in solitary cases or 
 a {grurio, slutild) ; while in the Freckenhorst Roll a appears more 
 frequently than os and as. OHG. recognises in appellatives a only ; 
 on the other hand, in genealogical designations which have passed 
 into names of towns, it displays -as as well, supposing that these 
 are not to be taken in any other way.i 
 
 342. An example, taken from modern times, is the restoration 
 of the inflexion e in NHG. in cases where it had already disappeared 
 in MHG. The derivatives terminating in -en, -er, -el are par- 
 ticularly instructive. In the case of substantives the MHG. rejec- 
 tion of the e is maintained ; cf., des inorgens, dem wagen, die wagen, 
 der wagen, den wagen, as against tages, tage, tagen, and in the same 
 way schiissel, schiisseln, as against schule, schulen. On the other 
 hand, in the case of adjectives which are connected more firmly, 
 owing to the prevailing uniformity which characterises them, the e 
 has been restored after the analogy of the monosyllabic words : 
 gefangenes like langes, gefangene, gefangenen (MHG. gevangen), 
 andere, anderes, andere ( = MHG. ander, anders, ander). The NHG. 
 forms occur even in MHG. by the side of the syncopated forms. 
 We are able in this' case to make observations again on the pro- 
 cess of isolation. We write invariably die and den eltern, beside 
 die, den dlteren ; der jiinger, den jUngern (substantive), beside 
 der JUngere, den jUngeren {z.d]ect{v€) ; einzeln, dative plural of the 
 MHG. adjective einzel ; anderseits, unserseits, as against andere seite, 
 unsere seite; vorderseite, hinterseite, oberarm, unterarm, edelmann, 
 innerhalb\ ausserhalb, oberhalb, unterhalb (all spurious composites 
 sprung from the union of the adjective and substantive), as against 
 die vordere seite, etc. ; anders, as against anderes. 
 
 1 CyiCogel, Zeitschrift fiir deutsches aliertum, xxviii. p. \10 sqq. 
 
 P 
 
226 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 343. Another case in which the umlaut has become dynamic 
 from analogous reasons is the subjunctive mood of strong pre- 
 terites, and of the weak ones formed with no intervening vowel, 
 MHG. fuor—fuere, sang, pi. sungen — sungen, mohte — mohte, brahte — 
 hrahte, etc. In this case the umlaut is either uniformly prevalent, 
 or, at least for the plural, is the only method of distinction. 
 The dynamic acceptation of umlaut by the linguistic instinct 
 announces itself in NHG. by the fact that, in spite of all other 
 unification of the vowel-system, the umlaut still remains, as sang, 
 sangen — sange, for sungen, silnge ; and further, even more decidedly 
 in MHG., in the transference of the umlaut from the preterites 
 which had originally no vowels to the syncopated preterites {brante 
 — brente, instead of brante after the analogy of brdhte — brcehte)}- 
 Conversion 344- A third case is the umlaut in the present as contrasted with 
 
 of elements .^, ,., . ,, • • t 
 
 of the stem the suppression of the umlaut m the preterite and the participle: 
 flexions. OHG. brennu — branta—gibranter. In the participle a change has 
 developed phonetically: gibrennit — gibrant-. The first result, 
 however, of unification under these circumstances is that the unin- 
 flected form gibrennit is rejected in favour of gibrant. But then 
 the contrast is maintained in the root .syllable between the present 
 and preterite participle for centuries unintermittently, although it 
 is not necessary to the characterisation of the forms. 
 
 345. In this way it is possible for even elements of the stem of 
 the word to be changed into flexional terminations. This is the 
 case in the German weak declension. In this the n (as in words 
 like namen, frauen, herzen) belongs to the original stem. As, how- 
 ever, every trace of the original flexional termination has been 
 wiped out by phonetic decay, and as, on the other side, the n in 
 the nominative (in the case of the neuter, in the accusative as well) 
 singular has disappeared, as in the case of name, frau, berz, it has 
 
 ^ Cf, Bech, Germania, xv. p. 129 sgg. 
 
X.] ON ISOLATION AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. 227 
 
 come to be a characteristic of the oblique cases in contrast with 
 the nominative singular. Another case-suffix, which took its rise 
 in a similar manner, is the syllable -er, which serves to form 
 plurals {rad^-rdder, mann — manner). The method of formation 
 took its origin in certain neuter j-stems (cf. Latin genus — generis), 
 in which s had, obeying the law of sound-change, turned into r. 
 In the nominative singular this same s had naturally, according to 
 the same laws, to disappear together with the preceding vowel. 
 Thus, under the partial influence of the vowel-declension, there 
 arose in the first place in OHG. the following scheme : — 
 
 Sing. 
 
 PI. 
 
 N. kalp 
 
 kalbir 
 
 G. kalbir-es 
 
 kalbir-o 
 
 D. kalbir-e 
 
 kalbir-um 
 
 A. kalp 
 
 kalbir 
 
 In the genitive and dative singular, at least, the -ir- was useless 
 and puzzling. And thus the forms in question have already dis- 
 appeared at the time from which our oldest sources date, leaving but 
 isolated traces, and are replaced by kalbes, kalbe, which are formed 
 after the model of the normal inflexion from the nominative 
 accusative. Then the -ir necessarily appeared as the characteristic 
 of the plural, and the more so since there was in the nominative 
 and accusative no other differentiating symbol. The functional 
 character then of the -ir (=,MHG., NHG. -er) is attested by the fact 
 that it is gradually transferred to a quantity of words with which 
 it had originally no connexion. 
 
 ■\a6. These examples will suffice to make it plain how a varia-/Aii phonetic 
 
 '^* ■*■ ,' changes in- 
 
 tion which sprang up without any idea of purpose, if favoured by voluntary. 
 the casual coincidence of different circumstances, may unperceived, 
 and unintentionally, be made to subserve a purpose, causing it 
 
228 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE.[C\l. X 
 
 to appear as though the variation were designedly made to suit 
 this very purpose. This appearance grows actually stronger the 
 more perfectly the differences which arose at the same time un- 
 intentionally are abolished. We may generalise our experience 
 drawn from historical development as far as we can trace it, in 
 the proposition that there is no such thing as variation of sound 
 created of set purpose with a view to denote a difference of 
 function. The difference of function only attaches itself to the 
 variation of sound by secondary development, and this through a 
 development which the individual speaker neither designs nor per- 
 ceives by means of a natural association of ideas. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 
 
 IF sound-change has, generally speaking, the effect of producing Obliteration 
 differences where none existed previously, it serves, on thetionsbT 
 other hand, not unusually to obliterate existing differences. This change, 
 is under certain circumstances a salutary arrangement ; but in most 
 cases it does more harm than good. For by this process differences 
 essential to the denotation of the function disappear ; and in 
 addition, the clear division of the single groups from each other is 
 rendered an impossibility. Hence the effect of sound-change is 
 commonly to produce further results, and is especially operative 
 in producing many analogical new-creations. 
 
 348. The simplest process under this head is, when words ety- 
 mologically unconnected, and equally unconnected in signification, ' 
 come to coincide phonetically owing to secondary development ; 
 e.g., enkel (ta/us) = MHG. — enkel — enkel (nepos) = MKG. enenkel, 
 garbe {manipulus) = MHG. garbe — garbe (schafgarbe) = MHG. 
 garwe, kiel (carina) = M}iG. kiel — kiel {caulis pennae) = yiYiG. kil, 
 mdhre {narratio) = MHG. mcsre — mdhre {equd) — MHG. merhe, tor 
 (porta) = MUG. tor — tor (stuUus) = MHG. t6re, los (solutus) = MBG. 
 Ids — los (sors) = MHG. I6z, ohm (amphora) = MHG. dme — ohm 
 (avunculus) = oheim, schnur (lined) = MHG. snuor — schnur {nurus) 
 — MHG. snur. English is specially rich in instances of this process. 
 \cf. such cases as shed (asceddan, ' to part '), shed, ' a hut ' (doublet of 
 
230 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 sliade) ; sheer (allied to Icelandic skarr, ' bright ') ; sheer (a doublet 
 of shear, akin to Dutch scheren); sallow ('a willow'), sallow, 
 (' yellowish ') ; rouse, row, rock, quarry, purl, punch, pump, box, etc. J 
 349. It sometimes happens that two such words, in spite 
 of their different meaning, become, for the instinct of language, 
 one. No one without special philological knowledge will suspect 
 that two entirely distinct words have coalesced in the German 
 word unter, namely the Latin word mter and another con- 
 nected with the Latin infra (SKT. andhari). Few would 
 suspect that the phrase ein schiff lichten is of a different 
 origin (mhg. Ithten, ' to lighten ') from die anker lichten (Low 
 *cf. Eag. German form for liiften, English lift),* Schlingen {devorare) is the 
 W A.s"''"" MHG. form of an elder slinden {cf, schlund), and the word has 
 perhaps taken firm root in the written language because it has 
 coalesced with schlingen = M.}iG. slingen. In the phrase in die 
 schanz schlagen few are aware that we are dealing with the French 
 word chance, and not with the German word schanz. Certain cases 
 are more instructive still in which formal influence has been at 
 work. It may be a mere conjecture that mahlen (MHG. main) has 
 passed from the strong into the weak conjugation under the 
 influence of malen (MHG. mdlen). But it is less questionable that 
 the transference of laden {einladen, OHG. ladon) into the strong con- 
 jugation has been caused by contact with laden {aufladen, OHG. 
 hladan, English lade) ; while conversely weak forms of the latter 
 tz«7c. 103. appear as well — e.g. iiberladete occurs in LESSiNG.tand laSest B.x\d 
 ladet are in actual use. It is certain that a strong form er befdhrt 
 occurring in jEAN PAUL, in connexion with befahren (else conjugated 
 as a weak verb = MHG. vdren) is due to a confusion with the strong 
 befahren (MHG. varn). In Austria, kennen and kijnnen are confused ; 
 one hears, for instance, der schauspieler hat seine rolle nicht gekannt. 
 In the case of the two last instances, we have words etymologically 
 
XL] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 231 
 
 connected, but still essentially different, confused. It} mhg. we 
 find two etymologically different particles wan; one with an 
 adversative, the other with a causal meaning used in the sense of 
 NHG. denn. The latter has a fuller by-form, wande, which comes 
 to be used sometimes in an adversative sense, where such sense 
 is not justified by its origin {cf. MHG. Worterbuch, iii. 479 b). In 
 (HIG. the prepositions int- and in in composition with a verb, 
 have often coalesced into the form in-, the t disappearing by assimi- 
 lation with the following consonants. It thus happens that the 
 form int-, being taken for a doublet of in-, has passed into cases 
 where in should, strictly speaking, be used ; cf., NHG. entbrennen, 
 entzunden, etc. The German prefix zer- had in olden times a by- 
 form ze-, which developed into zer- before a vowel, and ze- before 
 a consonant. This form was, phonetically speaking, identical with 
 the preposition ze-, which is of wholly different origin. The 
 adverbial form zuo (MHG. zii) appeared side by side with these, 
 which gradually thrust completely aside the form ze. This zu is 
 also found for ze- = zer-, e.g., in LuTHER. The AS. td-, used in the 
 sense of zer-, is to be similarly explained. ^ 
 
 350. Unconnected words coalesce into material-groups owing Union of 
 
 .T.1 • • 1 • I • unrelated I 
 
 to accidental partial unification. This is the simplest variety of words in 
 
 • • . < [. material 
 
 so-called popular etymology, consisting solely in a change of groups; 
 meaning effected by the impulse of language without the sound- form of 
 
 t X - T • /• 1 ■ popular ety- 
 
 form undergoing any change. It is a necessary condition 01 this moiogy). 
 that the true etymology of one of the words has been obscured, 
 so that it has no other more natural connexion. 
 
 351. The component parts of a compound word are specially 
 subject to such changes; thus the German word erivdhnen is 
 apprehended as compounded with •wd/tnen = MnG. wanen, while 
 it really and truly contains rather the MHG. {ge^wehenen : in 
 the case of freitag we are tempted to think of the adjective frei. 
 
 1 \Cf. the curious survival 'to brake ' Judges, ix. 53. Translator]. 
 
232 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 [In sovereign we think that we see the word reign, whereas the 
 old English form was soveraine, French souverain : in island 
 we fancy that we have a word connected with the Latin insula, 
 whereas it represents in fact the AS. igland.'] Proper names are 
 more exposed than any others to change of significance ; cf. 
 Reinwald, Bdrwald, Braunwald, in which the latter half was 
 not originally equivalent to silva, but was the noun of the agent 
 from walten ; Glaub-recht and Lieb-recht are originally probably 
 compounded with brecht = OHG. berakt; Sauerlant is a High 
 German form of Stterland=Siiderlant. Other instances may be 
 seen in Andresen's Volksetymologie [and A. S. Palmer's Folk-Ety- 
 mology, 1882]. In this case the change of meaning has ensued 
 without any support derived at the very outset from a connexion 
 in the meaning. Nothing is in fact operative but the natural 
 expectation of finding, in a word which looks like a compound, 
 familiar elements. 
 
 352. Proper names hold out least successfully against such 
 secondary relationship attaching to the sound alone, simply be- 
 cause here no contradiction, any more than agreement, of mean- 
 ing is possible. There are, however, cases as well in which 
 it is possible to restore a relation between the significations of 
 the word in question ; cf. MHG. endekrist, phonetically developed 
 from antikrist ; NHG. lanzknecht from landes knecht ; wahnwitz, 
 wahnsinn, wahnschaffen, falsely connected with wahn (MHG. w&n), 
 while the MHG. wan ('empty' [seen in wan-kope]) lies at their 
 real root ; friedhof, from MHG. frithof; vormund is referred to 
 mund, 'a protection ; ' verweisen does not belong to weisen { = mbg. 
 wtsen), but comes from the MHG. verwtzen. Umringen, as its 
 weak inflexion proves, is in its origin no compound from ringen, 
 but is a derivative from the mhg. umberinc, now obsolete. But 
 the fact that it is accentuated umringen shows that it is appre- 
 
XL] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 
 
 333 
 
 hended in meaning as a compound from um and ringen. A 
 further result of the change of meaning was the formation of a 
 participle umrungen, and even of a preterite umrang {see Sanders, 
 ii. 764). Words, too, which are really and truly no compounds, 
 but which give the effect of being so owing to the full conforma- 
 tion of their sounds, are thus stamped as true compounds ; 
 of. leumund, which is appreciated as hutemund, but is really 
 derived from the Gothic hliuma (auris) ; weissagen, MHG. wissagen 
 = OHG. wizagon, which is really a derivation from wtzago, 'the 
 witting one,' 'the prophet;' trubsdlig, armsdlig, etc., which are 
 mere derivatives from trubsal, arnisal, etc., are supposed to be 
 formed by the derivative suffix -sal. 
 
 353. It is a rarer case when a word is apprehended as a derivative 
 of another with \Vhich it is wholly unconnected.^ The NHG. sucht 
 is apprehended by the instinct of language as connected with 
 suchen. It really comes from the MHG. suht ( = Gothic saukts), 
 which has nothing to do with the MHG. suochen (Gothic sokjan). 
 The NHG. inclination to connect the word with suchen depends 
 on such compounds as wassersiicht, mondsucht, gelbsucht, schwind- 
 sucht, eifersucht, sehnsucht, ehrsucht, etc., which were apprehended 
 as ' a longing for water,' ' for the moon,' etc. Hans Sachs appre- 
 hends -suht still as an ' illness,' as he shows by writing wann er 
 hat auch die eifersucht. On the other hand we may compare 
 the well-known proverb eifersucht ist eine leidenschaft, die mit 
 eifer sucht, was leiden schafft. The word laute is regarded as 
 connected with laut, but is really a loan word from the Arabic. 
 [In the same way in Y-n^i^, posthumous is popularly connected 
 •with, post humum, dismal with dies malus ; the sixteenth century 
 connected abominable (written abhominable) with ab-hotno, as if the 
 
 1 Cf. Outlines of a History of the German Language (last Chapter), by Strong and 
 Meyer (London : Sonnenschein). 
 
etymology). 
 
 234 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 word signified inhuman.] In the case of the word hantieren, which 
 comes from Fr. hunter, we think of hand; in the case ol fallieren 
 (from Fr. faillir) of fallen; in the case of beschwichtigen, the 
 Low German form of the MHG. swiften, of schweigen ; in that 
 of schmdlen (properly 'to make schmal,' 'to impair') we think 
 of schmdhen. The words Herrschaft, herrlich, and herrschen are 
 derived from hehr (hence MHG. form hirschaft, etc.), but are now 
 referred to herr, with which word they were originally but in- 
 directly connected. 
 Phonetic 354. There is a more complex kind of popular etymology 
 
 transforma- 
 tion (com- which must be distinguished from those described. This consists 
 
 plex kind of 
 
 popular in a phonetic transformation whereby a word which reminds us of 
 another by the similarity of its sound is brought into nearer corre- 
 spondence with it still. Such transformation may be made of set 
 purpose, and with the full consciousness that those who employ 
 the word are deliberately altering its form. Such linguistic con- 
 tortions are often handy tools for humorous writers: Fischart 
 employs them on a large scale in German [and Dickens and 
 Thackeray in English]. Many of these are handed down as tradi- 
 tional jokes, especially in student's slang. This intentional 
 humorous phonetic transformation offers no problem to the philo- 
 loger. It merely concerns him so far as it is not apprehended as a 
 contortion by the simple minds of children and of the uneducated, 
 but is accepted and propagated as the genuine form. There is, 
 however, doubtless such a thing as an unintentional and uncon- 
 scious transformation, which proves itself to be such by the absence 
 of any humour.^ Foreign words, proper names, and other words 
 whose etymology has become obscured are specially exposed to 
 this ; and almost exclusively compounds, or words which in virtue 
 
 ' We must remark that this must not be confused with the phonetic substitution to 
 be discussed in Chapter XXII. The operations of the two processes are not always, 
 however, clearly separated. 
 
^^■] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 23- 
 
 of their fuller sound- apparatus give the impression of being 
 
 such. In this process either the first element is exposed to a 
 
 change, as in the case oi jubeljakr (Hebrew jodel), dienstag, Hul- 
 
 dreich (from MHG. UoMch), maulwurf (irom MHG. moltwurf), Latin 
 
 aurichalcum, from the Greek hpdxaXKo^ : or it may be the second 
 
 only ; cf., hagestolz, Reinhold, Gotthold, Weinhold, etc., from -olt= 
 
 wait} abspannen, from MHG. spanen, 'to allure;' absireifen, from 
 
 MHG. stroufen;^ eindde, from MHG. einoete {cete being a mere suffix) : 
 
 or both parts may be affected; cf., armbrust, from the Latin 
 
 arcubalista ; liebstdckel, from the Latin ligusticum ; felleisen, from 
 
 French valise; ekrenhold, from herolt; Hebrew sanhedrin, from 
 
 Greek crvveBptov [cf. the vulgar English sparrow-grass for aspa- 
 
 ragus]. One part changes its form, while the other merely 
 
 changes its' meaning, in the case of abseite, formerly upside, from 
 
 the Greek ai/rt?; KUssnacht from Cussiniacum ; probably also 
 
 in Mailand from MHG. Mildji. These examples help to show 
 
 that an additional impulse is given to unification if the meaning 
 
 of the transformed word permits of being connected with that 
 
 of its model ; but such impulse is not absolutely necessary for 
 
 its production. To explain the process we have to notice in 
 
 the first instance that we do not as a rule apprehend the words 
 
 and sentences which we hear with absolute exactness according 
 
 to their several factors. We commonly to some extent divine 
 
 them by guesswork, and our guess depends on the sense which 
 
 the context leads us to expect. In the process we come naturally 
 
 upon sound-groups with which we are quite familiar ; and it may 
 
 thus happen that the very first time that the word is heard, 
 
 instead of an intrinsically meaningless portion of a long 
 
 word, a word in ordinary use with a similar sound may 
 
 ^ The h has probably been scarcely ever pronounced, and in that case we have only 
 a change of meaning, which has found expression in the orthography. 
 
 ^ In this case the dialectic transition from eu into ei comes into consideration. 
 
236 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 substitute itself. And further, a portion of a word, which 
 otherwise has no hold on language, has, even when correctly 
 caught, no firm hold on the memory, and it is therefore possible 
 that on the attempt at reproduction a familiar element may sub- 
 stitute itself as an independent word. And when such substitution 
 has once taken place either in the process of hearing or in that 
 of speaking, the substitution has the advantage over the renuine 
 of imprinting itself more lastingly on the memory. It is natural 
 to expect that this process should be, as a rule, confined to words 
 of more than ordinary length. Shorter words are more readily 
 caught and more readily retained. But further, we are accus- 
 tomed to expect to find that there are a number of simple words 
 standing isolated, or at least grouped with derivatives generally 
 familiar, and admitting of being found at will, while we expect 
 besides, in a word which gives the impression of a compound, 
 that its single elements should admit of connexion with simple 
 words. 
 Union in 355. Phonetic coincidence is a more active efficient on the 
 
 lormal 
 
 WW fine- ^°'''"^' *^" °" *^ material side of language. The processes 
 tionisthc which range themselves under this head fall under two main 
 
 same. 
 
 groups— /.«. according as forms functionally identical or func- 
 tionally different come to coincide. 
 
 356. The disappearance of phonetic differences in cases of 
 identity of function may act beneficially by simplifying the forma- 
 tion of the formal-groups. Sometimes, in the process, only the 
 phonetic differentiation described in the last chapter is again 
 cancelled. Thus, for instance, the ORG. formative syllables -ul, 
 -al, -il, which lie on the same lines, converge into the form -el; 
 and similarly the three -un, -an, -in, converge in the form -en, 
 etc. But such differences as the double formation of the com- 
 parative and superlative in OHG. -iro, -ist—-dro, -dst, or the two' 
 
 • We have here to disregard the isolated case of einag—einig, where a difference of 
 signification meets us. 
 
XI.] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 237 
 
 synonymous methods of forming the adjective in -ag and -ig — in 
 the case of the isolated instance oieinag, eintg, we have a difference 
 of signification — serve no purpose, and it is thus a clear gain that 
 we have at present only -er, \e\st, and -ig. The convergence, 
 again, of two entire classes of inflexions like the OHG. words in 
 -dn, -in, into the MHG. -en is merely a useful simplification. 
 
 357. But it does not always happen that phonetic convergence 
 affects so regularly entire systems of material-formal groups. 
 Commonly speaking it affects only a single part of forms con- 
 nected with each other. Then it contributes not to the simplifica- 
 tion of the relations, but often to their confusion. 
 
 (a.) The phonetic divergence affects consistently the entire 
 forms of a system of inflexion ; but it affects in one class of 
 inflexions or in several only one part of the words which originally 
 belonged to it. While, as we have seen, of the three OHG. classes 
 of the weak verbs in MHG. two have completely converged, only 
 those of the third class which have the root-syllable short (Gothic 
 ending in -jan) have fully united with them ; those with long 
 root-syllable remain still differentiated by the old syncope of the 
 central vowel in the preterite and perfect participle, and it may 
 be by the ' Ruck-umlaut ' ; cf.}manete, lebete, wenete, from manota, 
 lebeta, wenita, connected with manen, leben, wenen, by the side 
 of neicte, brante, connected with neigen, brennen. The OHG. i- 
 declension has completely coalesced with the 0- declension with 
 respect to its terminations, but with respect to the arrangement 
 of its stem only when the root-vowel admits of no umlaut. Thus 
 in this case there is always a separation closely connected with 
 the convergence, or it may be that a separation has preceded 
 thfe convergence. 
 
 (^.) The convergence affects all the words of several classes 
 of inflexion similarly, but not all the forms of a system of in- 
 
 1 [In English we owe some forms to lautliche ruckubersetzung from ho.; such as 
 tins, OS. LO., for zins, census: Dutch daaldey (hence dollar) for taUr : lo. grote (Eng. 
 groat) for mho. gros, grosse (grossus). Translator]. 
 
238 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 flexions. This is a very common case. Thus the second declension 
 in Latin has converged with the fourth in the nominative and 
 accusative singular only ; and so with the o- and ?-declensions 
 in Gothic {fisks,fisk — gasts, gast). 
 
 (c) The convergence affects only one part of the words of 
 several inflexional classes, and only one part of the forms of the 
 inflexional system. Thus in OHG. the nominative and accusative 
 of the 2-, U-, and o- stems, in the case of words ending with either 
 a long syllable or of words which are polysyllabic, while these 
 cases have remained separate in the case of those terminating 
 in a short syllable ; cf., gast, wald, arm, from *gasti{z), *waldu(z), 
 *armo{z), as against wini, sunu, and a form *goto which may at 
 least be assumed. 
 
 358. When the case (a) has occurred, the convergence, as well 
 as the divergence, of inflexional classes is definite, and admits of 
 no reaction. The lasting result is a displacement in the relative 
 forces of the groups in question, the one receiving an accession 
 at the expense of the others. The cases of (B) and (c), on the 
 other hand, produce a confusion in the grouping. Where different 
 phonetic modifications are once employed for the same function, 
 it is most convenient for the phonetic difference to go through 
 all the forms of a system, so that a sharp line of demarcation 
 may be drawn between the single classes of inflexions, and each 
 single form may betray at a glance the class to which it belongs. 
 
 359. Now supposing that certain forms in two classes coincide, 
 while some diverge, then we shall find that a word is easily 
 arranged wrongly on the basis of the forms that agree, and ana- 
 logical formations arise in the place of the traditional forms of 
 the one class which rightly belong to the other. It is then possible 
 for language to gradually work its way out of the vacillation, and the 
 confusion which is its result, to simpler and more stable conditions. 
 
II.] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 
 
 239 
 
 360. Examples are easy to find in numbers. I would refer 
 particularly to the reciprocal influences exercised by the different 
 classes of the declensions of the IE. language on the single lan- 
 guages — influences which have almost always followed as a result 
 of phonetic convergence in several cases, especially in the nomi- 
 native and accusative singular. In most cases the classes which 
 thus converge had at an earlier period an identical or approxi- 
 mately identical method of formation ; and this original identity 
 has only become obscured owing to secondary sound-develop- 
 ment, against which an immediate reaction is not possible, because 
 the differentiation was so consistent. Thus, for instance, the 
 unity of the IE. declension had been mainly destroyed owing to 
 the vowel separation which has set in under the influence of the 
 accent, and the contraction of the final syllable of the stem with 
 the regular inflexional termination. These changes were so wide- 
 reaching that many further changes — and notably changes in 
 the direction of weakening — were necessary in order to partially 
 unite again on an entirely different basis what was separated. 
 
 361. In this kind of convergence the result commonly is that 
 words of a class formed in one way pass into a class formed in 
 a different way, and they may do this either entirely or only in 
 some cases ; either in all forms or only in certain ones. The 
 following may serve as an example of the latter. In Gothic the 
 masculines of the i- declension in the singular have passed into 
 the a- declension on account of the phonetic convergence in the 
 nominative and accusative, and the case is similar in OHG. The 
 plural, however, remains in both dialects differently inflected. 
 The fact of the unification being arrested at this particular point 
 is a result of the never-failing co-operation of the etymological 
 grouping, and so far the maxim is confirmed ; " the closer the 
 bond, the more easy the influence." 
 
240 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 362. It may happen that either only the one group is active 
 while the other contents itself with a passive rdle ; or that both 
 groups are active and passive at once. In NHG. a quantity of 
 weak masculines have taken the inflexion of the strong ones in 
 -en, from which they differed even in MHG. only in their nomina- 
 tive and genitive singular ; cf., bogen ( = MHG. boge), garten, kragen, 
 schaden, etc. There are, however, certain cases in which conversely 
 a strong masculine in n has passed over into the weak inflexion ; 
 cf., heide ( = MHG. heiden), krist{e) ( = MHG. kristen), rabe ( = MHG. 
 raben). 
 
 363. If such reciprocal influencing and counter-influencing of 
 two groups appears in the same words, it may also happen that 
 after a long period of vacillation a completely new system of 
 flexional formation comes into existence. Thus a mixed class 
 has arisen by contamination of the two classes just referred 
 to : der glaube — des glaicbens, der gedanke — des gedankens, etc. 
 The rise of this mixed class is easily explained if we remark 
 that once double forms existed in the nominative just as in the 
 genitive: der glaube — der glaubhi, des glauben — des glaubens. Then 
 the nominative of one class and the genitive of the other class 
 became established in the written language. Thus, again, a mixed 
 class has arisen from the reciprocal influence exercised by the 
 weak masculines with rejected final vowel on the one hand, and 
 by the strong masculines on the other, which inflect the singular 
 strong and the plural weak : schmerz, -es, -e — sckmerzen. Similarly 
 in the case of neuters : bett, -es, -e — betlen. The most extensive 
 instance of the kind in NHG. is the regular inflexion of the femi- 
 nines in -e, which is a fusion of the old a-declension with the 
 n- (or weak) declension. In MHG. the inflexion still runs as 
 follows : — 
 
XI.] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 241 
 
 SG. N. vrbude zunge. 
 
 G. vroude zungen. 
 
 D. vroude zungen. 
 
 A. vroude zungen. 
 
 PL. N. vroude zungen. 
 
 G. vrouden zungen. 
 
 D. vrouden zungen. 
 
 A. vroude zungen. 
 
 364. In NHG. the word freude or zunge holds good for the 
 whole singular throughout, and the forms freuden and zungen 
 . run through the whole plural. This is again a characteristic 
 example of a useful transformation attained without any con- 
 sciousness of its result. The greater advantage of the NHG. 
 scheme consists not merely in the fact that the memory is thereby 
 considerably relieved ; but thereby the two terminations which are 
 alone common to both are distributed in the most convenient fashion 
 possible. It is more important to discriminate numbers than 
 cases, because the latter are also characterised by the article which 
 is in most instances attached to them. In MHO. die vroude and 
 die zungen may be the accusative singular and the nominative 
 accusative plural, while der zungen may be the genitive singular 
 and plural. These uncertainties are now no longer possible ; on 
 the other hand, in the case of zunge, only the power of marking 
 the difference between the nominative and accusative singular is 
 cancelled. But if we examine how these circumstances have 
 developed, we shall find that as a preliminary process a general 
 encroachment has taken place of each of the two classes into the 
 department of the other. And it was natural that this should 
 be the result as soon as once phonetic convergence had declared 
 itself in the case of three forms (nominative singular, and genitive 
 and dative plural). The circumstance was thus produced that 
 
 Q 
 
242 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 each form, with the sole exception of the nominative singular, 
 might terminate in -e as well as in -en. In all this no single 
 form was created with the special object of serving a purpose ; 
 but the maintenance or disappearance of every form has been 
 determined by its utility. 
 
 365. Reciprocal influence in the case of two groups always 
 assumes that their reciprocal forces are not too unevenly balanced. 
 In any other case the influence will be one-sided, and thus more 
 prevailing and more rapid in attaining its end. Those classes 
 of course are always exposed to especial risk which are not re- 
 presented by numerous examples — that is, supposing that 
 these are not protected by the special frequency with which 
 they occur. The limited extent of certain classes as contrasted 
 with others may have existed from the very earliest times, 
 through no more words having been formed in the way in 
 question, but it is often, in the first instance, a result of secondary 
 development. It either happens that many words originally 
 belonging to the class die out, in which process the case 
 may occur that one method of creating forms, originally a 
 living method, dies out, and is merely handed on as a 'usual' 
 formation, in a few cases in common use. Or it may be that 
 the class splits up into several sub-divisions owing to phonetic 
 variations, which lose all bond of connexion as no immediate 
 reaction against them is made. Thus the greatest possible sub- 
 division of one is sometimes the best possible way of finally 
 uniting two different methods of formation with each other. 
 Observations in this sense may be made, for instance, in the 
 history of the gradual disappearance of the consonantal and the 
 ^-declension in German. 
 
 366. Supposing that one class has gained any decisive advan- 
 tage over one or several others with which it has certain points 
 
XI.] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 243 
 
 of contact, the latter are infallibly predestined to perish. It 
 is only the fact of frequent occurrence which is able to impart 
 force enough to enable certain words to escape for any long period 
 the otherwise overwhelming influence. These then exist for the 
 future in their isolation under the name oi anomalous forms* *■"■ Maizner 
 
 ■' 1. 212. 
 
 367. Every language is incessantly engaged in eliminating all 
 useless irregularities, and securing identity between functional and 
 phonetic expression. All languages are not equally successful. 
 We find single languages, and single stages of development of these 
 languages, anything but equidistant from this goal. But even 
 the language which succeeds in approximating most nearly to its 
 aim, fails signally in attaining it. In spite of all the transforma- 
 tions which operate to this end, it remains always unattainable. 
 
 368. The reasons why it is thus unattainable are easily appre- 
 hended from the remarks previously made. In the first place 
 forms and words which have been isolated, by whatever means, 
 remain untouched by the normalising process. For instance, 
 a case formed after an ancient model survives as an adverb 
 or as a member of some compound, or a participle formed 
 after an older model survives as a purely nominal form. This 
 certainly does not interfere with the regularity of the actually 
 living methods of formation. However, in the second place, it 
 is a matter of the merest accident whether a partial abolition 
 of the class-differences by phonetic means, which is so often the 
 condition precedent to entire unification, appears or not. In 
 the third place, the capacity for resistance shown by the single 
 words of the same formation differs considerably according to the 
 degree of force with which they are impressed on the memoiy ; 
 and this is why, as a rule, precisely the most indispensable elements 
 of daily language survive as anomalies. In the fourth place, the 
 inevitable prevalence of a single class is always the result of a 
 
244 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 chance convergence of circumstances. As long as this prevalence 
 does not exist, it is possible for the single words to be impelled 
 now to one side and now to another, and thus it is possible, owing 
 to the operation of analogy, for a chaotic confusion to be created, 
 until the very excess of such confusion conduces to the cure of the 
 evils in question. In the face of so many adverse circumstances, 
 it is natural enough that the process under the most favourable 
 circumstances should advance so slowly that before it has even 
 approximately come to a termination, new phonetic differences 
 should have arisen, requiring unification. The same ever-variable 
 character of the sounds which is indispensable as an impulse to the 
 work of unification, proves also the destroyer of the work which it 
 has started, before that work is accomplished. 
 
 369. We can see the truth of this in the conditions of the de- 
 clensions in the NHG. written language. In the feminine the three 
 main classes of MHG., i.e., the ancient i-, a-, and ^-declension are 
 reduced to two {cf. supra, p. 241). As the remains of the con- 
 sonantal and of the 2^-declensions {cf., e.g., MHG., hant, plural 
 hende, hande, handen, hende) have also gradually intruded into 
 the z-class, we should have two simple and easily-distinguish- 
 able schemes : (i) the singular without -e, the plural with -e, 
 and it may be with the umlaut (bank — bdnke, hinderniss — 
 hindernisse); (2) the singular with -e, the plural with -en (zunge 
 ■—zungen). However, the non-monosyllabic stems in -er and 
 -el do not at once accommodate themselves to these schemes 
 {mutter ^ mutter, achsel — achseln), having, according to a com- 
 mon rule already established in MHG., throughout lost their e 
 (where it was present at all). These would not be very effective as 
 disturbing factors. But there are, besides, many feminines which 
 have lost their terminal -e in the singular ; all the non-monosyllabic 
 stems in -inn and -ung, and many monosyllabic, as frau, huld, kost, 
 
XI.] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 245 
 
 t.\.c. = wa.Q,.frouwe,hulde,koste, etc. The process of development 
 in the case of the latter has probably been this, that originally 
 in the case of all bisyllabic feminines in -e, duplicate forms 
 made their appearance, according to their different positions in 
 the sentence, and that the unification which again set in after 
 this has had a different result. Besides this, the strife between 
 Upper German and Middle German for the supremacy in the 
 written language comes into consideration. However this may 
 be, a new separation appears : zunge — zungen, but frau — -frauen. 
 And at the same time the clear distinction between the two 
 classes is an impossibility for the future ; frau corresponds to 
 bank in the singular, in the plural to zunge. This new confusion 
 was certainly of advantage to the further unification. The contact 
 between the formation frau and the formation bank entailed the 
 attraction of a great number of words, indeed of the majority, from 
 the former into the latter; cf, burg (plural burgen = U'HG. burge), 
 flut, welt, tugend, etc., and all the words in -heit, -keit, -schaft. By 
 this method we might have arrived at a uniform way of forming 
 the plural in -en (n), and the difference between words with and 
 without e would have subsisted in the singular only. But the 
 impulse did not hold to the end, and considerable traces of the old 
 2-declension remain in antagonism to it. 
 
 370. Similar observations hold good for the case of the mas- 
 culine and neuter ; only that, in the case of these, still more 
 confusing circumstances are combined. In this case, too, the 
 relations were calculated to produce a sharp inflexional division 
 between the substantives without -e and those which have -e in the 
 nominative singular (arm — arme, wori — worte ; h\xt funke—funken, 
 auge — atcgen) were it not that the rejection of the e in one part of 
 the word had interfered (mensck — menschen, herz — kerzen). 
 
 371. The phonetic convergence of forms functionally different, 
 
246 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 fo°ma"i'" comes about within the etymological groups. Thus in OHG. the 
 groups: w transition from final unstressed m to n causes the coincidence of 
 
 where the 
 
 function is thc secoudarv termination of the first and third person plural: in 
 
 diHerent. •' ^ 
 
 the older sources gdbum — gabun, gdbim — gdbin, in the later for 
 two persons gdbun, gdbtn. Such coincidence is occasioned on the 
 largest scale by the weakening of the full final vowels of the OHG. 
 to a consistent e. Thus, MHO. tage = OHG. tage (dative singular) — 
 taga (nominative plural) — tago (genitive plural) ; MHG. hanen, OHG. 
 hanin (genitive and dative singular) — hanun (accusative singular, 
 and nominative and accusative plural) — kandno (genitive plural) — 
 handm (dative plural) and in the OHG. forms we find already 
 evidence of the convergence of forms which differed before. The 
 convergence does not prevail always through an entire inflexional 
 class ; it need not necessarily affect more than one part of the 
 words which originally belonged to that class ; cf e.g., tag — tage — 
 tagen with sessel — sessel — sesseln, winter — winter — wintern, and 
 wagen — wagen — wagen. This convergence in the case of deriva- 
 tives from the same base is rarer than in the case of inflexional 
 forms. Since such derivatives may of themselves merely make up 
 an entire system of forms, it is possible for the convergencer to be a 
 merely partial one in two directions. It is possible, on the one 
 hand, that in several classes of words originally differing pho- 
 netically, only a part of the words may coincide. Thus, for 
 instance, it is possible in OHG. for two weak verbs to be formed 
 out of each adjective, viz., an intransitive in -6n and a transitive in 
 -en ( = Gothic -jan). In mhg. both classes come to coincide in their 
 terminations, but in the form of the root-syllable this coinci- 
 dence is only partial, as most of them remain separated by the 
 ' presence or absence of the umlaut ; cf. on the one side leiden from 
 
 leiddn, ' to be unpleasant,' and leiden from leiden, ' to render un- 
 pleasant ; ' rtchen, ' to become rich,' and ' to render rich ; ' niuwen, ' to 
 
XL] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 247 
 
 become new ' and 'to render new;' on the other hand, armen, 'to 
 become poor ' — ermen, ' to render poor,' swAren, ' to become heavy ' 
 — swceren, ' to make heavy.' On the other hand, there is no neces- 
 sity for phonetic convergence to spread over all the forms of two 
 related words. In the case of NHG. schmelzen, two words absolutely 
 different have converged, viz., smelzen (with open e) strong and 
 intransitive, and smelzen with closed e, weak and transitive. The 
 convergence, however, extends only to the forms of the present, 
 and even from these the second and third persons of the indicative 
 singular, and the second person singular of the imperative are 
 excluded ; cf., schmilzt, schmilz — schmelzt, schmelze. 
 
 372. The phonetic convergence of functionally different forms 
 has further results. One such result is this, that persons grow 
 so accustomed to phonetic regularity, that they transfer it to 
 cases where it is not yet warranted by the natural process of 
 sound-development. In the case of the OHG. verb the first person 
 plural has taken the same form as the third person plural ; this is 
 owing to the transition of m final into n {gdbun from gAbum — 
 g-dbun), with the exception of the case of the indicative preseilt 
 where the difference has passed even into the MHG. period ; geben 
 —gebent. This difference disappears in the first place in Middle 
 German, and then in Upper German as well, as has been already 
 remarked on p. 107, by the identification of the form of the third 
 person plural with that of the third person plural of the preterite and 
 subjunctive. It may be that the process of becoming gradually 
 accustomed to the coincidence of the first and third person plural 
 has co-operated to this end. It is, no doubt, the effect of such 
 process when, in the Alemannic, forms in -ent have been used from 
 the fourteenth century for the first person plural as well. The 
 coincidence between the first and the third persons plural appears 
 even in the written language of to-day in sind =MfiG. stn—sint; 
 
248 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 in Upper Saxon, conversely, the third person pi. is sein. Another 
 example is given us by the coincidence between the nominative 
 and accusative in German. In original Teutonic both cases were 
 in the masculine and feminine for the most part still different. It 
 seems probable that identity merely existed in the plural of the 
 feminine «-stems (GOT. gibds, ON. giafar). In OHG., as in the 
 other West-Teutonic dialects, the nominative singular of the o-, 
 i', and z/-stems, and of the consonantal stems with the exception 
 of the so-called weak declension, has become identified with the 
 accusative by the disappearance of the final s {fisc, balg, sunu, man 
 = GOT. fisks — fisk, balgs — balg, sunus — sunu and ON. fiskr — 
 fisk, belgr — belg, sonr — son, maSr — mann) ; further, phonetic 
 coincidence has made its appearance in the nominative and accu- 
 sative pi. of the weak declension {kanun, zungUn; Orig. Teut. prob. 
 *kanoniz — *kanonz). This gives a tendency to further convergence. 
 The form of the nominative plural of the o-, i-, and u- stems and 
 of the consonantal stem has penetrated into the accusative, and 
 has thus restored the same agreement as in the singular: taga, 
 balgi {belgi), sum = Gothic dagSs — dagans, balgeis — balgins, 
 sunjus — sununs, and ON. dagar — daga, belgir — belgi, synir— 
 sunu (somi). The forms which regular sound-change in OHG. 
 would have led us to expect in the accusative, would have been 
 *tagun, *balgin, *sunun. In the case of the consonantal stems, 
 unification has also set in in Gothic and ON. ; we may assume that 
 in original Teutonic such forms as mannis* — mannunz* existed = 
 OHG. man — mannun, which latter form has been ousted by the 
 former. In the case of the adjective as well, and the pronoun which 
 marks gender, the nominatival form has affected the accusative : 
 blinte {-a), die {did) = GOT. blindai—blindans, \ai—yans. In the case 
 of the feminine «-stems on the other hand, the phonetic identity of 
 both cases has brought about an identification in the singular. In 
 
XI.] FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. 
 
 249 
 
 the first place both forms, the nominative and accusative form, were 
 used indifferently ; next the accusative form established itself as a 
 rule, while the nominative form was confined to definite cases, and 
 disappeared more and more. While AS. differentiates z^efu and z^efe, 
 dr — Are, we have in OHG. only the accusative forms geba and ira, 
 and side by side as nominative and accusative halba and halp, wtsa 
 and wts, etc. In NHG. further, in the feminine of the weak adjective, 
 the accusative form is ousted by the nominatival form : lange = 
 MHG. lange — langen ; further the feminine nominative form of the 
 article is ousted by the accusatival form: die—yiYLQ. diu — die ■ 
 as early as in mh^;. the nominative siu is ousted by sie. In 
 Rheno-Franconian and Alemannic, on the contrary, we find also 
 the nominative form of the article der used accusativally. 
 
 373. If, in any language, a convergence of originally different 
 case-forms occurs on a large scale, the cause of this may be that 
 the remains which were spared ff-om this convergence are entirely 
 or mostly abolished, as has happened in the case of English and 
 the Romance languages. Thus pure stem-forms again take their 
 rise as they existed before the case-formation which we incorrectly 
 call nominative or accusative. 
 
 374. When the forms of cognate words partially converge, the 
 feeling for the difference of these words is rendered less keen, and 
 thus the forms which have not yet converged are easily confused. 
 The partial coincidence, touched on above, of MHG. smelzen and 
 smelzen has entailed the result that the strong forms schmilzt, 
 schmolz, geschmolzen are employed transitively as well : the weak 
 forms have at the present time fallen completely into disuse. In 
 the same way, the weak forms of verderben, which acquired an 
 exclusively transitive signification, are ousted by the strong forms, 
 
 which were originally transitive only, and can be used at the .[c/Vema- 
 
 leken 
 
 present day only in a moral sense.* In the case of quellen, o.syn. 
 
 66.] 
 
2S0 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch.XL] 
 
 schtvellen, Idschen, the difference is maintained in what passes for 
 correct language nowadays ; but from loscken weak forms some- 
 times come in an intransitive form, e.g., es Idscht das licht der sterm 
 (Schiller) ; in the case of quellen and schwellen, we find a confusion 
 in both directions, e.g., dem das frischeste leben entquellt (GOE.) — 
 gleichwie ein born sein wasser quillt (Lu.) ; schwelle, brust (GOE.) 
 die haare schwellten (TiECK) — die ehrsucht schwillt die brust 
 (Gunther), seifenblasen, die mein hauch geschwolkn (ChamisSO). 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 ON THE INFLUENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CHANGE ON FORMATION 
 
 BY ANALOGY. 
 
 T 
 
 HE arrangement of single words and forms, and of the Entrance 
 
 into a new 
 
 _i_ syntactical connexions between different linguistic groups group 
 depends in every case upon their function. Thus a functional direction of 
 change may be the ultimate cause of a transition into another formation, 
 group. Participation, however, in this group entails participation 
 in its creative power. Thus there arise new analogical creations 
 which proceed in a direction different from that which the origin 
 of the word-form or method of construction would have led us to 
 believe. The following examples may serve to exemplify this. 
 
 376. The change of an appellative into a proper name causes a Results of 
 
 the change 
 
 corresponding change of declension; cf the accusatives andofana>js«^ 
 
 iative into 
 
 datives of such words as Mullern, Schneidern, Beckern, etc. It was ^.proper 
 
 name; 
 
 a consequence of the monotheism introduced by Christianity, that 
 from got an accusative gotan was formed in OHG. after the analogy 
 of proper names. We may compare with this such datives and 
 accusatives as vatern and niuttern which we commonly hear in 
 Berlin. 
 
 377. The Greek adverbs in -w; were originally cases of theofaM« 
 (?-declension.^ But when they had once become detached from the admrb; 
 inflexional system, and -«? felt as a formative word-suffix, it 
 
 was able to attach itself to other stems which had received no 
 
 \See Victor Henry's Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin, § 187 (London ; 
 Sonnenschein, 1890). Translator.] 
 
252 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 influence from the <7-stems ; cf. such cases as 'hi^ka^, a-atppovco^, etc. 
 The case is similar with the adverbial suffix -o in OHG., which has 
 been likewise transferred from the o-stems to the old i- and u- 
 stems : kleino and harto, following Hobo, etc. 
 
 378. There are in NHG. many adverbs which are in their origin 
 genitives singular of nouns ; such are falls, rings, rechts, stracks, 
 blindlings} But the s has long since ceased to be felt as a sign of 
 the genitive ; it must now appear as an adverbial suffix. Conse- 
 quently it has since the seventeenth century been transferred to 
 other adverbs, which were originally cases of nouns, or unions of 
 a preposition with a case, but not being apprehended as such, 
 have passed into the general category of adverbs ; cf. allerdings 
 (from aller dinge, gen. pi.) schlechter dings, jenseits, disseits (MHG. 
 
 j'enstt, ace. sing.), abseits (from ab seite), hinterriicks, in the seven- 
 teenth century also hinterriickens (from an old form hinterrUck, 
 hinterrilcken), unterwegs, unterwegens (from unter wege, unter 
 wegen), vollends (earlier vollen, vollend ) ; erstens, zweiUns, etc. 
 The change of the s from a case-suffix into a formative element of 
 words has also made it possible for it to be adopted in derivations : 
 desfallsig, allenfallsig. 
 
 379. Hans Sachs forms a comparative y&V>^jgr from ^«_^j. This 
 results from the fact that the substantival case has come to stand 
 on the same line with the adjectival adverbs which alone originally 
 admit of comparison. 
 
 ofasyntac- 380. If a Syntactic combination has passed into a verbal unit, 
 
 tical group 
 
 into a single then this Hcw utiit IS treated after the analogy of the simple 
 
 word. 
 
 word, and the possibilities affecting this are transferred to it. 
 In many languages an inseparable particle attaches itself to a 
 • pronoun. The result may be that the inflexion is transferred after 
 
 the model of the simple words from the middle to the end. 
 Plautus employs still the accusatives emnpse, eampse, and the 
 
 1 [So also eigangs, J. Grimm's alt deut. Meistergesang, 170 {Gottingen, 1811). 
 
 Translator]. 
 
XII,] INFLUENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CHANGE BY ANALOGY. 
 
 253 
 
 ablatives eopse, eapse, from i-pse, which forms are later replaced by 
 
 ipsum, etc. A similar development has been undergone by the 
 
 German pronoun dii_er, as may be proved especially by the ON. 
 
 Runic forms. This word is a compound of the article and the 
 
 particle se. Language is notably enriched by the fact that out of 
 
 such compoun,ds, which owe their origin to secondary fusion, the 
 
 same derivations are formed as from simple words, and that they , 
 
 are able to serve like these, as the member of a compound : cf 
 
 Uberwinder, uberwindung, ergiehig, befahrbar, gedeihlich, betriibniss, 
 
 gevangenschaft, befangenheit ; edelmdnnisch, hochmutig,jungfrdulich, 
 
 landesherrlich, landsmannschaft, grossherzogtum, bdrenhduter, kinder- 
 
 gdrtnerinn ; sofortig, bissherig, jenseitig ; rotweinflasche, <rdnseleber- 
 
 pastete ; uberhandnahme, vorwegnahme, zurilcknakme. 
 
 381. Not unfrequently an inflexional form becomes fixed, when 'Crystallisa- 
 tion.* 
 it is transferred to cases with which it has strictly speaking nothing 
 
 to do.^ The German setter"^ is the nominative singular masculine, 
 
 and at the same time, the genitive and dative singular feminine 
 
 and genitive plural, of an older adjective selb, which is preserved as 
 
 an adjective still only in the word der selbe. The word selbst= 
 
 older selbes, of the same signification, is the nominative and 
 
 accusative singular neuter, and at the same time the genitive 
 
 singular masculine and neuter, of the same word. In MHG. the 
 
 adjective is inflected sometimes strong, sometimes weak, and 
 
 follows the noun with which it is connected in gender, number, and 
 
 case ; cf im selbem, ir selber, stn selbes, etc. Now when the forms 
 
 received in MHG. have forced themselves into places where others 
 
 properly belong, this must result from the fact that the word is no 
 
 longer felt as an adjective. Since, in the word selber, nothing more 
 
 was felt than the function of an energetic identification, the form 
 
 came to be employed in every case where such identification had 
 
 ^ Cf. Brugmann, Ein problem der homerischen text-critik, p. lig sqi^. 
 '[Cf. VoUer, lauter, etc.] 
 
254 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 to be affirmed. The case of the dialectic halber is parallel : die 
 nacht ist halber hin, es ist halber eins ; and it is the same with 
 einander, instead of which we find in OHG. regularly inflected : ein 
 under an, ein andermo, etc. In MHG. it was still possible to say 
 beider des vater und des sunes in which phrase des vater und des 
 sunes stands strictly speaking in an appositional relation to beider. 
 More commonly, however, we find beide, des vater und des sunes. 
 We thus find the nominatival form beide crystallised, as the origin 
 of the construction presents itself no more to our consciousness and 
 the function of beide — und approaches the modern German sowohl 
 — als auch. In Latin the nominative quisque coupled with the 
 reflexive pronoun and the possessive which corresponds to it has 
 
 « Sail. Jug. passed beyond its proper area, cf. e.g., multis sibi quisque iinperium. 
 
 Roby's Lat. petentibus. * In Nonius we find praesente testibus for prmsentibus, in 
 Terence absente nobis -.Hrom this we must acknowledge that the 
 
 t C/. Roby ..... 
 
 ii- los. participial forms in question have approached the characteristics of 
 prepositions. Combinations like agediim conferte, agedum, creemus, 
 etc., result from the fact that age was no longer felt as the second 
 person singular imperative, but merely as a general cry of exhorta- 
 tion. Correspondingly we find in Greek cir^e used before a plural, 
 and again etVe, j>epe, Ihov;'^ further, in Latin we find cave dirumpatis 
 (Pla.utMS, Poen. Prol., ii6), etc. ; in ordinary German conversation 
 we hear sometimes such expressions as warte mal, even where the 
 words are addressed to several persons, or to one only who is com- 
 monly addressed by Sie. In the older stages of NHG. we find sieht 
 employed even where more than one are accosted ; the French 
 voici and voild. are completely crystallised. In late Greek &<^€kov 
 and d)(^e\6 were employed, without any consideration of number or 
 
 . person as simple conjunctions. The German nur took its origin 
 
 from enw(Bre {es zvdre denn). Thus this enwcere has forced its way 
 in the place of enwcerest, enwceren, eni, enstn, etc. 
 
 ' Brugmann, u.s., p. 124. 
 
XII.] INFLUENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CHANGE BY ANALOGY. 255 
 
 382. It is a similar process when in late mhg. the word sicli 
 dependent on a preposition, makes its way also into sentences 
 in which the subject is the first or the second person.^ This 
 results from the fact that an expression like iiber sick or unter 
 sick is no longer analysed, but is apprehended as = upwards 
 or downwards ; cf the NHG. expressions vor sick gekn and an und 
 filr sick. And hence these combinations are also employed in 
 cases where they cannot be referred to the subject, but only to 
 an oblique case ; cf. keb kinten iiber sick das glas (' raise your glass 
 high,' Uhland, Volkslieder). The same crystallisation has occurred 
 in such expressions as seiner zeit ; cf. e.g., die jugend ist unterneh- 
 mend, wir sind es seiner zeit auch gewesen (HacklANDER). Cor- 
 respondingly we find in Latin suo loco, sua sponte, suo nomine. In 
 Roman jurists we find combinations like si sui juris sumus.^ In 
 ON. a middle and passive is formed by the aid of the reflexive. 
 In this case the -sk, later -z, which goes back to -sik, and could 
 originally be applied to the third person only, is transferred in 
 the first place to the second, and afterwards to the first person ; 
 e.g. Mkomz, instead of an older lukomk { = *luko-mik); the ^^ was 
 no longer apprehended in its original meaning, but merely as a 
 sign of the middle or passive. In very many Upper and Middle 
 German dialects the word sick is also employed as a reflexive 
 for the first person plural ; occasionally indeed for the second 
 person as well. The ordinary practice of confining its use to the 
 first person plural is probably to be explained by the fact that 
 by this restriction the process of transference is rendered more 
 easy,^ owing to the formal correspondence of the verbal form with 
 
 ' Cf. Brugmann, u.s. 
 
 2 [And sui heredes ; Roby, ii. p. 492- The same is seen in sein Tag, cf. Goethe's 
 Egmont, Wenn ich Schlage was gegeben hatte, ware sein Tag nichts aus mir geworden 
 Ac, and cf. other phrases like Sein Thor kenntjede Kuh (Sprichwort).] 
 
 3 The view put •forth by Brugmann, u.s., p. 123, that this stcA has risen from a 
 form unsich seems to me untenable, because the form unsich had already disappeared 
 before this application of sich appears at all. The wide area covered by the phenomenon 
 forbids our assuming with Weinhold, Bair. Gram. § 359, and Schuchardt, Slawodeutsches, 
 p. 107, ary Slavonic influence. 
 
256 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the third person plural. In the Bavarian dialect the possessive 
 sein is made to refer to the feminine, and to the plural as well ; 
 cf. Schmeller, p. 198. 
 Influence c. 383. Plautus* [Catullus, and other poets], employ the words 
 
 change of 
 
 meaning j)erire, deperire, and demori in the sense of to be mortally enamoured 
 
 upon con- 
 
 struction. of, with the accusative ; in the same way Vergil, Horace, and other 
 ► c/. Cure, authors employ ardere in the sense of to be inflamed by love for. 
 It is plain that the construction of these words is influenced by 
 that of amare, because their metaphorical use approximates to the 
 proper use of amo. We may fairly conclude that this signification 
 of these words was already somewhat obsolete, at least in the 
 language of the poets. For if their full significance had been 
 still completely appreciated, it is probable that no such change 
 in the construction would have set in. Still, in a case like this, we 
 have always to set something down to the account of an intentional 
 audacity of language on the part of the poet. It is different with 
 the ordinary language of prose. In this case, too, it frequently 
 occurs that a word changes the method of its construction which 
 should characterise it according to its fundamental meaning, for 
 another which does not suit this, since it is influenced either by a 
 particular single word or by a group of words to which it has 
 in the course of time approximated its meaning. In this case the 
 change of construction is an infallible mark of the disappearance 
 of the fundamental meaning. Especially often do we find thus 
 indicated the detachment from the concrete perception which 
 originally lay at its root. 
 
 384. We find many compounds with adverbs of place which 
 are especially instructive for this process of detachment. For 
 instance, the preposition in belongs originally to the words 
 cinwirken and einwirkung ; and this use was common up to the 
 last century ; cf sobald kunst und wissenschaft in das leben eimvirkt 
 
XII.] INFLUENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CHANGE BY ANALOGY. 257 
 
 (Goethe) ; durch die einwirkung in gewisse werkzeuge (Garve). 
 These words are at the present day connected with auf, and this 
 proves that the feeling for the sensuous perception, to which the 
 ein points, has disappeared. The same change has made its 
 appearance in the case of einfluss ; cf. gesundheit ist ein gut, welches 
 in alles einfluss hat (Garve) ; and this was the general usage in the 
 last century {in and aufvi&re. formerly connected with einfliessen 'to 
 have influence,' as well) ; einschrdnken, cf. es hat Idngst aufgehort 
 in die engen grenzen eingeschrdnkt zu sein (LesSING), etc. ; eindruck, 
 cf. die ndhe des schonen kindes musste wol in die seek des jungen 
 mannes einen so lebhaften eindruck machen (Goethe). More 
 sensuous still is um durch das grosse dieses todes einen unauslosch- 
 lichen eindruck seiner selbst in das herz seiner Spartaner zu graben 
 (Schiller) ; though it already appears with auf in Lessing. 
 Abneigung gegen, or, as the older writers also express it, vor, can- 
 not have been an original usage, but von only, which Sanders cites 
 Heine alone to prove. The earliest instance of nachdenken iiber 
 seems to occur in Schiller's Don Karlos ; in other cases the simple 
 dative (properly dependent on nacli), is common ; e.g. um ihren 
 brie fen nachzudenken (NiCOLAI).* *[c/ verna- 
 
 •^ ^ leken, U.S. 
 
 385. If we now say in German sei mir willkommen in meinem fg^,"??.^' 
 hause, it is evident that the last-named component pirt of the word 
 
 is no longer apprehended as a participle of kommen. As long as 
 it was so apprehended the denotation of a certain direction was 
 also understood ; e.g. willekomen her in Guntheres lant (NlBE- 
 lungenlied). 
 
 386. Sucsh an expression as quin conscendimus equos is, properly 
 speaking, why do we not mount our horses f but is understood as 
 
 let us mount our horses ;f and hence it follows that we are abletcfRoby, 
 
 I^.Gr. u. 20$, 
 
 to employ even after quin an imperative or so-called adhortative 
 subjunctive ; e.g. quin age istud, quia experiamur. Correspondingly 
 
258 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the MHG. wan fiirchtent si den stap (warum fiirchten sie nicht den 
 stab), approximates to the sense of mogen sie den stab fiirchten ; 
 as a consequence of this we find after wan the ordinary subjunctive 
 preterite employed in optative clauses without any introductory 
 conjunction ; cf. wan hcete ich iuwer kunst. It seems probable 
 that the OF. usage of car { = quare) connected with the con- 
 ditional and the imperative is to be thus explained ; cf. DlEZ, 
 iii. 214. 
 
 387. The Greek ovkovv is originally = ' not therefore,' and 
 serves to introduce a question to which an affirmative answer 
 is expected. The sentences introduced by ovkovv come, however, 
 gradually to be apprehended as direct positive assertions. And 
 thus the particle has retained merely the function of marking 
 consequence, and it is introduced in sentences which can no 
 longer , be apprehended as interrogative sentences, e.g. coupled 
 with the imperative ; cf, ovkovv a-Trdyaye fie avOi,<; e? rov l3iov 
 (Lucian).^ The Sanskrit na-nu shows a precisely parallel develop- 
 ment. It serves, in the first instance, like nonne, to introduce 
 interrogative sentences ; but then, as such interrogative sentences 
 are transformed into affirming sentences, it may be translated 
 by surely, and it occurs next in petition sentences ; cf. nanu 
 ucyat&m = it seems to be said. 
 
 388. The accusative with an infinitive could originally stand 
 only in connexion with a transitive verb, as long as the accusative 
 of the subject was felt as directly dependent from the finite verb ; 
 cf Chapter XVI. After, however, the interpretation of it had so 
 far changed, that the accusative and infinitive was looked upon 
 as a dependent sentence, and the accusative as its subject, it was 
 possible to extend the construction far beyond its original limits. 
 Thus in Latin, too, verbs are construed with the accusative and 
 
 ^ Cf. Kuhner's Griech. Gram., II. i. p. 717. 
 
XII.] INFLUENQE OF FUNCTIONAL CHANGE BY ANALOGY. 259 
 
 infinitive which cannot have any accusative of the object connected 
 with them, as gaudere, dolere; and further, we find combinations 
 h'ke magna in spe sum, spem habeo, etc. In very many cases it 
 then happens that the accusative and infinitive is employed as the 
 subject ; thus after such words as licet, accidit, constat, etc., after /aj, 
 ius est, etc., and in the case of passives with the nomijiative and 
 infinitive ; cf. nonmihi videtur ad beate vivendum satis passe virtidem. 
 (Cicero) ; Volscos et Aeguos extra fines exisse ajfertur (LiVY). 
 Then the accusative and infinitive construction passes into sentences 
 which depend on another accusative and infinitive. Thus, in the 
 first place, it passes into relative sentences loosely connected ; e.g. 
 niunduin censent regi numine deoruin, ex quo illud natura consequi 
 (Cicero) ;*cf Draeger, § 447, i.f Further, it passes into sentences 1^'"' '"'''' 
 
 t Cf. Cic. de 
 
 of comparison : e.g. ut /eras quasdam nulla mitescere arte, sic Am. x., § 34- 
 immitem ejus viri animum esse (Liw) ; addit etiam se prius 
 occisuin iri ab eo quam me violatum. iri (CiCERO) ; cf Draeger, 
 448, I ; 453, 2. It passes also into indirect questions : e.g. quid sese 
 inter pacatos facere, cur in Italiam non revehi (Livy) ;Jcf Draeger, 
 450. It even passes into temporal and causal sentences : crimina 
 
 § Ep. 97, 13. 
 
 vitanda esse, quia vitari metus non posse (Seneca) ;§cf. Draeger, 
 448, 2, 3. A corresponding extension is met with in Greek. The 
 custom of having the subject of the infinitive in the form of the 
 accusative conduces in this instance, too, to the employment of 
 this case by the side of the infinitive where the latter is turned 
 into a substantive by the article, in whatever case this may be ; 
 cf. atTto? Tov v(,K7)6rivai tow AaKeSaifioviovi;, Sta to ttjv ttoXiv 
 ■^prjcrdai, imp tov TavTa firj yiyveadai. 
 
 ^8q. If two methods of construction partially cover each other construction 
 
 •^ ^ ^ ■' ^ differently 
 
 in their functional use, it is possible, in the case of many tradi- nnderstooj 
 
 through 
 
 tional syntactic combinations, for an uncertainty to arise as to influence of 
 
 a synonyme, 
 
 which of the two is the fundamental one. In this way there 
 
26o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. XII.] 
 
 arises a new interpretation of the combination, which turns the 
 activity of analogy into another channel. 
 
 390. A genitive 'dependent on a substantive has a function 
 similar to that of the attributive adjective. In combinations like 
 Hamburger rauchfleisch or Kieler sprotten, the genitive of the 
 designation of the inhabitants is at the base as the first member ; 
 but it is more in accordance with the instinct of language to 
 apprehend it as an adjective derived from the name of the place ; 
 in any case we refer it directly to the place and not to the 
 inhabitants. No doubt the absence of inflexion proves that we 
 have no true adjective before us. On the other hand, the way in 
 which the article is employed in the connexion {das Hamburger 
 rauchfleisch) shows that the genitive is not felt any longer as 
 such ; for the position of a genitive between the article and the 
 substantive has now become an impossibility. OHG. had no 
 possessive pronoun of the feminine and the plural sie. It em- 
 ployed, instead of this, the genitive of this pronoun, ira, iro. 
 In MHG., too, we have the genitive ir : but here and there the 
 usage has set in of apprehending it as an adjective, and declining 
 it adjectivally. This use has become general in NHG., and this 
 is the origin of the German possessive pronoun ihr. It seems 
 probable that the contact of the genitive with the attributival 
 adjective was the occasion of employing it after the model of 
 the adjective predicatively ; cf er ist des todes, reines herzens, so 
 sind wir des herrn (Luther), etc. This use belongs most 
 probably to the IE. fundamental language. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 DISPLACEMENTS IN THE GROUPING OF WORDS ETYMOLOGICALLY 
 
 CONNECTED. 
 
 IF we collect and arrange all the words and forms which contain J^^ s^™?- 
 ing of ety- 
 the same root according to the original laws of formation, moiogicaiiy 
 
 connected 
 
 as they are found by the dissecting process proper to the older "'ords 
 
 diverges, in 
 
 comparative grammar, we obtain a system compounded of many the course of 
 
 time, from 
 
 members, or a larger system of smaller systems which may again that required 
 
 by their 
 
 on their side consist of systems. Even a single IE. verb in itself formation, 
 
 hence 
 
 represents a highly complicated system. From the verbal stem analogical 
 
 creation on a 
 
 are developed different stems marking tense ; from each tense-stem new basis, 
 different moods ; and then, and not till then, are the different 
 persons in both genders developed. It is the endeavour of 
 analytical grammar to separate what by its origin is closely, re- 
 lated from what is related only in a further degree ; always to 
 distinguish between root-word and derivative ; to avoid all sudden 
 leaps and bounds, and not to apprehend anything as a direct 
 derivation which is only a derivation from a derivation. But that 
 which, judged from its point of view, is an error in the judgment 
 formed as to word- and form-composition, is a thing to which 
 linguistic consciousness is extraordinarily liable. It is unavoid- 
 able that the way in which the etymologically connected forms 
 group themselves together in the mind of the members of any 
 linguistic community should, at a later period, prove quite other 
 
 2fll 
 
262 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 than when the forms first tooTc shape, and the result of this is 
 that the formation by analogy as well, which reposes upon irregular 
 grouping of this kind, diverges from the original laws of formation. 
 Secondary coincidence of sound and signification also often adds 
 its influence. The importance of the part played by this process 
 in the history of language may be shown by a list of examples. 
 Examples 392. There are in NHG. a large number of masculine names of 
 
 action traditionally bequeathed to us side by side with strong verbs 
 corresponding therewith ; cf fall— fallen, fang—fangen, schlag — 
 scklagen, streit — streiten, lauf — laufen, befehl (OHG. Hfelh) — befehlen. 
 If we go back to the original principle of the formation, we shall be 
 compelled to say that neither the noun is derived from the verb nor 
 the verb from the noun, but both are immediately derived from the 
 root. We have further certain cases in which, side by side with a noun 
 of the agent, there stands a weak verb derived from it ; cf hass — 
 hassen, krach — krachen, schall — schallen, ranch — rauchen, zil — 
 zilen, mord — morden, hunger — hungern. In NHG. these two classes 
 cannot be kept apart, and chiefly for this reason, that the difference 
 of the verbal terminations in the present has entirely disappeared. 
 The words schlag zxid. hass seem to bear a precisely similar relation- 
 ship to schlagen and hassen ; and the usage is now to form other 
 nouns similarly connected with other verbs, irrespective of the class 
 of conjugation to which they may belong, simply by omission 
 of the termination ; cf betrag, ertrag, vortrag, betreff, verbleib, 
 begehr, erfolg, verfolg, belang, betracht, branch, gebrauch, verbratich, 
 besuch, versuch, verkehr, vergleich, bereich, Schick, bericht, drger, etc. 
 \tn'£L '^^ MHG. we have side by side with the substantive gtt a -veth gitesen* 
 ^°"'^' derived from it. The latter in late MHG. develops regularly into 
 « geitzen, geizen ; and from this is formed the substantive geiz, which 
 
 thrusts aside the older form geit. 
 
 393. Where a noun and a verb of similar signification stand 
 
XIII.I DISPLACEMENTS IN ETYMOLOGICAL GROUPS. 263 
 
 side by side, it is inevitable that the derivative formed from the one 
 should proceed to form relations with the other as well, so that it 
 may seem to the instinct of language to be formed from the latter 
 as well as from the former ; and this relationship deviating from 
 the original condition may then give an impulse to new formations. 
 The German suffix -ig (OHG. -ag and -ig) serves originally merely 
 to mark derivatives from nouns. But words like gldubig, streitig, 
 geldufig stand, as far as their form and signification go, in just as 
 near relation to glauben, streiten, laufen as to glaube, streit, lauf; 
 while others, like irrig, stand in even a nearer relation to the verb 
 in question, because the substantive irre in the development of its 
 meaning has not proceeded in a parallel path with the ad- 
 jective ; in the case of others like gekorig, abwendig, the substantive 
 which lies at the base of the word (mhg. h6re) has been lost, or at 
 any rate is no longer in ordinary use. In the same way we have 
 next a quantity of adjectives formed straight from verbs ; cf. 
 erbiettg{as against the noun-derivative erbotig), ehrerbietig,freigebig, 
 crgiebig, ausfindig (this word seems, however, formed after the mhg. 
 fundec), zuldssig, rilhrig, wackelig, ddmmerig, stotterig: the word 
 abhdngig too must, according to its signification, be referred not to 
 hang, abhang, but only to abhangen. The circumstances are similar 
 in the case of the adjectives in -isch, of which at least the words 
 neckisch, miirrisck, and wetterwendisch must be apprehended as 
 derivatives from verbs, after the model of such words as neidisch, 
 spdttisch, argwohnisch, etc. The modern German suffix -er (OHG. 
 -dri, -eri, MHG. -cere, -er), which at the present day serves as the 
 general method of forming nouns of the agent from verbs, was 
 originally applied only to such formations as we have still in 
 burger, miiller, schuler, and many other words. In Gothic the words 
 bokareis, ' a scribe,' from boia (in the plural ' book ') ; daimonareis, 
 - one possessed,' from haijiaiv ; motareis, ' publican,' from mota, ' toll ;' 
 
264 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 vullareis, ' cloth-fuller,' from vulla, ' wool ;' liu^areis, ' singer,' from 
 an assumed word */««f = OHG. leod, nhg. lied. In the same way 
 we shall have to derive the words laisareis, ' teacher,' and sokareis, 
 ' inquirer,' not from the verbs laisjan and sokjan, ' to seek ' {sucken), 
 but from assumed substantives *laisa, = OHG. lira, NHG. lehre, 
 [English ' lore '], and *soka = MHG. suoche. These two last-men- 
 tioned verbs, however, exhibit already the possibility of bringing 
 the formation into connexion with a verb. By the side of liu\areis 
 stands also liu^on, 'to sing.' Thus, from association with instances 
 like these, the derivations from verbs begin in OHG. already. We 
 can see that the nominal derivation is the original, especially from 
 such instances as zuhtdri 'educator,' from zuht, and not from 
 ziuhan ; and again notnumftdri, ' robber.' In the cases in which the 
 root-vowel of the nominal derivative does not agree with the 
 present of the verb, it often happens that a new verbal formation 
 appears beside it ; and both formations have maintained themselves 
 side by side down to the NHG. time ; cf ritter — reiter, schnitter — 
 Schneider, ndhter — ndher, mdhder — mdher, sdnger — singer (OHG. 
 only sangdri), Schilter (as a proper name) = MHG. schiltcere 
 ('painter') — schilderer. The abstracts in OHG. ending in -ida 
 (Gothic -?f«) seem to have been originally formed from adjectives 
 only, and from verbs as a result of secondary relation only ; cf 
 kisuohhida with kisuohhen, pihaltida with pihaltan after chundida 
 — chunden — chund, etc. 
 
 394. As it is in derivation so is it in composition. The gradual 
 process of change of the first portion of a nominal compound into 
 a verbal, and the new formations called into existence thereby, have 
 been treated in great detail by OSTHOFF.^ Thus for instance, OHG. 
 waltpoto ' procurator,' sceltwort, betohus, spilonian, fastatag, wartman, 
 
 • Das verbum in der nominalcomposition im deutschen, griechischen, slavischen und 
 romanischen. Jena, 1878. 
 
XIII.] DISPLACEMENTS IN ETYMOLOGICAL GROUPS. 265 
 
 spurihunt, erbereht, which must be allowed to contain the nouns 
 wait {giwali), scelta, beta, spil, fasta, warta, spurt, erbi enter into 
 direct relationship with the verbs waltan, sceltan, betdn, spildn, fasten, 
 warten, spurien, erben;^ and from these and similar components 
 arises the class which has become so common in NHG. of com 
 pounds with a verbal noun, forming the first portion of the com- 
 pound, as esslust, trinksucht, schreibfeder, schreibfaul, etc. Under 
 this head come especially many compounds with -bar, -lick, -sam, 
 -haft),^ which, however, from the standpoint of linguistic instinct 
 are rather to be regarded as derivations, and to be ranged parallel 
 to the formations with -ig and -isck mentioned above ; cf words 
 like wdhlbar, unvertilgbar, unbeschreiblich, empfindlich, empfindsam, 
 naschhaft. The transition shows itself with special clearness in 
 the case of words like streitbar, wandelbar, vereinbar. Streitbar 
 may just as well be referred to streit as to streiten ; but unbestreit- 
 bar can only be referred to bestreiten. In MHG. wandelbcere is 
 referred straight to wandel ; and as this word signifies commonly 
 ' a spot,' the word commonly signifies accordingly ' marked by a 
 spot ;' in NHG. on the contrary we find wandelbar, unwandelbar 
 wholly attracted to the meaning of the verb wandeln. In mhg. 
 we have an adjective einbcere (emtrackttg ' concordsint'), conceivable 
 as wholly unrelated to the verb. 
 
 395. The case is very frequent that a derivative from another de- Fusion of 
 
 .... .... .... . ,, , two suffixes. 
 
 .nvative is placed m direct relationship to the root- word, by which 
 
 process it then happens that really direct derivatives are produced 
 
 with the fusion of two suffixes into a single one. This explains, 
 
 for instance, the rise of the NHG. suffixes -mss, -ner, -ling. In 
 
 Gothic there still survived a distinct suffix -assus, ufar-assus (over- 
 
 ness = abundance). This is, however, most commonly employed 
 
 for formations from verbs in -inon ; e.g. gudjinassus {priesteramt, 
 
 1 To rule, to reproach, to pray, to play, to fast, to watch, to track, to inherit. 
 ' Cf. Osthoff, ut sup., p. Ii5 sqq. 
 
265 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 ' post of priest ') from gudjinon, ' to perform priestly functions.' As 
 soon as this word was referred directly to gudja, ' a priest,' -nassus 
 must have been felt as a suffix. Further, an n was found in such 
 formations as ibnassus from ibns {eben, ' even '), and in derivations 
 from participles such as OHG. farloran-issa (forlorn-ness). It has 
 thus come to pass that the West Teutonic dialects always, with the 
 exception of a few antiquated fragments, exhibit an n coalescing 
 with the suffix. The formations in -ner start from noun-stems which 
 contain an n ; cf. gdrtner (mhg. gartencere), liigner (MHG. lugencere 
 from lilgene by the side of liige), hafner (MHG. havenczre), wagner, 
 or from verbs terminating in OHG. in -inon ; cf. redner (OHG. 
 redinari from redinon), gleissner (MHG. gelichsencsre from gelichsenen). 
 When then liigner, for instance, is referred to liege, and redner to 
 rede, reden, the suffix -ner arises, which we find in bildner (as early 
 as the fourteenth century, bildencsre, but earlier still bildcere), 
 harfner (MHG. harpfcere), s'dldner (late MHG. soldencere, earlier soldier). 
 In kiinstler (MHG. kunster) -ler also appears as a suffix, for we refer 
 it directly to kunst, because the verb kiinsteln, from which it strictly 
 speaking comes, is confined to a more special meaning. The suffix 
 -ling (in pflegling, zogling, etc.) proceeds from formations like the 
 OHG. ediling ' the noble ' from edili or adal ; chumiling (NHG. in 
 abkdmmling, ankdmmling) connected with {uo-)ckumilo. Thus be- 
 tween Jung and jungilinc there must probably have stood once a 
 diminutive form or *jungilo. 
 
 396. The NHG. verbs in -igen originated in derivatives from 
 adjectives in -ig. MHG. einegen, huldegen, leidegen, notegen, manec- 
 valtegen, schedegen, schuldegen, doubtless arise from einec, huldec, 
 leidec, ndtec, schadec, schuldec, etc. ; but the nhg. vereinigen, ' 
 beleidigen, beschuldigen, are rather to be directly referred to ein, kid, 
 and schuld: and in the case of huldigen and schddigen, no other 
 reference is possible than to huld and schade, because the adjectives 
 
XIII.] DISPLACEMENTS IN ETYMOLOGICAL GROUPS. 267 
 
 that forwarded the transition have disappeared, and ndtigen in the 
 same way, because ndtig no longer corresponds in meaning. Thus 
 then others appear directly derived from the substantive, such as 
 vereidigen, befehligen, befriedigen, einkdndigen, beherzigen, silndigcn, 
 beschdftigen, or from simple adjectives, as besckonigen, senfiigeti, 
 genehmigen. The verbs ending in -em and -eln arose from a 
 nucleus of derivations from nouns ending in OHG. in -ar and -at 
 {-ul, -il), the OHG. spurildn, {investigare) for instance, going back 
 not to the verb spurien, but to a presumable adjective *spuril 
 ( = OHN. spurall) ; but they are at the present day derived simply 
 from more simple verbs, cf folgern, rduchern (late mho. rouckern, 
 more anciently roucheri), erschilttern (MHG. even in the sixteenth 
 century erschiiiten), zogern (from MHG. zogeii), schiltteln, Idcheln, 
 schmeicheln (from MHG. smeichen, etc.). In the same way 
 derivatives from nouns like dugeln, fr'dsteln, ndseln, frommeln, 
 klugelii, krdnkeln, etc., have' been formed. 
 
 397. In MHG. many adjectives form an adverb in -Ikhe, cf. 
 frdltche, grozltche, lAterlicke, eigenliche, vermezzenltche, sinnecltclte, 
 einvaltecliche. Forms like this are of course derived in the first 
 instance from adjectival compounds. But as the adverb of the 
 simple adjective becomes obsolete, a direct relation sets in between 
 the adverb of the compound and the simple adjective. In fact, the 
 development proceeds even further, as after the analogy of 
 grimmecltche, statecltche, etc., which are referred directly to grim 
 or grimme and stcate, armecltche, miltecltche, snellecltche, etc., are 
 formed, although no such word as armec, etc., is in existence. The 
 English adverbs in -ly have the same origin. 
 
 398. Similar processes clearly came into operation at a period 
 so early that we are unable to trace their gradual development 
 We find in the different IE. languages, in the earliest period of their 
 development known to us, a large number of suffixes whose 
 
268 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch 
 
 phonetic arrangement proves to us that they are complications o 
 several simple suffixes, and which probably one and all took thei: 
 origin thus, that in the way indicated a derivative of the second ha 
 passed into a derivative of the first degree. 
 
 399. Further, the relation of compounds to each other givei 
 occasion to many displacements of the relations. If two relatec 
 words enter into composition with a similar element, it is almos' 
 inevitable that a direct relation between the two compounds musi 
 arise, and the consequence follows that one of them is apprehendec 
 no longer as a compound, but as the derivative of a compound. Con 
 versely it is possible for a derivative from a compound to be placed 
 in direct relation to the corresponding derivative from the simple 
 word, and the result is that it is apprehended as a compound. 
 
 400. The history of composition in German gives rich material 
 for the illustration of these processes. Originally a sharp distinc- 
 tion was made between verbal and noun composition. In verbal 
 composition prepositions alone are employed, as the first members 
 of a compound : in noun-composition, noun-stems, and adverbs— 
 at first only such as were identical with prepositions ; though at a 
 later period others as well. In the case of the verbal compounds, 
 the accent falls upon the second component portion of the word ; 
 in case of the noun-compounds it falls upon the first portion. It is 
 thus the accent which, in the case of composition with particles, is 
 the distinguishing sign. The case often occurs that a verb and a 
 noun of action connected therewith are compounded with the same 
 particle. There are numerous cases of such in which the old 
 relationship is maintained down to the present day in spite of the 
 parallelism of meaning between the two compounds ; ^ cf durch- 
 
 1 However, generally speaking, the noun-compounds have a tendency to follow thf 
 attraction of the improper verbal compounds, and this precisely because of the similaritj 
 of accent, whereas from the proper ones substantives in -ung are derived, cf. diirchfahra, 
 = liilrchfa/irt — durchfdhren = durchfahrung, etc. 
 
XIII.] DISPLACEMENTS IN ETYMOLOGICAL GROUPS. 269 
 
 brhhen — diirchbruch, durchschn^iden — dArchschnitt, durchstechen 
 
 — diirchstich, uberblicken — ii'berblick, Uberfdllen — ii.'berfall, iiber- 
 giben — u'bergabe, iibernehmen — ubernahme, uberschduen — iiber- 
 schau, ilberschldgen — ii'berschlag, ubers^hen — il'bersickt, uberziehen 
 
 — ii'berzug, umgeken — 4mgang, unterhdlten — linterhalt, unter- 
 schHden — unterschied, unterschriiben — icnterschrift, widerspr^chen 
 
 — widerspruch, etc. In other cases the difference of accentuation 
 has produced a different arrangement of the sounds of the particles, 
 by which process the verbal and nominal compound stand out in 
 even sharper contrast to each other. In this case the old condition 
 is maintained only in some few cases, where the development of 
 meaning has not been parallel, as in the case of erlauben — urlaub, 
 erteilen — urteil. In MHG. we have besides empfdngen — dmpfanc, 
 entheizen — dntheiz, entld'zen — dntlaz, entsdgen — antsage, begrdben 
 
 — bigraft, besprechen — bisprdche, bevd'ken — ibvanc, erh^ben — 
 ■Arkap, erstd'n — urstende, verbieten — vu'rbot ' citation before 
 justice,' versetzen — vu'rsaz {versetzung, 'pledge'), verziehen, — 
 vii'rzoc, etc. In all these cases whert the words have maintained 
 themselves at all, we find this discrepancy cancelled by the 
 attraction of the noun-compound to the verb : empfang, verzugy 
 etc. In other cases the unification set in as early as in MHG., 
 and the particle ga- (NHG. ge-) is always unaccented, at least 
 as early as in OHG., if not at as early a date as in original- 
 Teutonic. It is clear that in this process the relation of the 
 verbal compounds to the noun-derivation thence formed has 
 aided in this operation (MHG. erlcesen — erlcescere, erlcesunge, etc.), 
 which on their side are merely analogical formations from simple 
 verbs. There is the infinitive and participle as well, which 
 in many cases develop into simple nouns (cf NHG. behagen, 
 belieben, erbarmen, vergniigen; bescheiden, erfahren, verschieden, 
 etc.,) and the substantives compounded of the latter (cf. gewis- 
 
270 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 sen, bescheidenheit, bekanntschaft, verivandtschaft, erkenntniss, etc.) 
 co-operate. 
 
 401. On the other side, the principle that a verbal compound 
 cannot contain a noun, is severely damaged, to the instinct of 
 language, by the fact that derivatives like handhaben, lustwandeln, 
 mutmassen, nottaufen, radebrechen (proved by its weak inflexion to 
 be a derivative of MHG. -breche), ratschlagen, wetteifern, argwdhnen, 
 notzucktigen, rechtfertigen, verwahrlosen from handhabe, notzucht, 
 rechtfertig, etc., as well as the word weissagen misinterpreted by 
 popular etymology (OHG. wtzagon from the adjective wtzag, made 
 into a substantive wizago ' the prophet'), can equally be apprehended 
 as compounds. Perhaps the coalition of syntactical groups into com- 
 pounds {lobsingen, wakrsagen) is thereby favoured. 
 
 402. Another curious instance of the displacement of the 
 relations in composition is found in numerous examples in Late 
 and Middle Latin, and in the Romance languages. We have here 
 a large number of verbs which are either actually derived from the 
 connexion of a preposition with its case, or at least appear accord- 
 ing to their meaning to be so derived, cf. accorporare {ad corpus), 
 incorporare, accordare, excommunicare {ex communione), extcmporare 
 {extemporalis is found as early as the first century after Christ;) 
 emballer, d^baller, embarquer, ddbarquer, enrager, affronter, achever 
 {ad caput), s' endimancker, ' to dress one's-self in Sunday costume,' 
 s' enorgueillir} The words formed from adjectives are connected 
 with these which signify ' to place one's-self in the condition implied 
 by the word ; ' such are affiner, enivrer, adoucir, affaiblir, ennoblir, etc. 
 The original basis for these formations was twofold. On the one 
 hand, there were derivatives from compound nouns, cf assimilis — 
 assimilare, concors — concordare, deformis — deformare (with the 
 
 ^ More examples are given by Arsene Darmesteter, Traiti de la formation des mots 
 composis dans la langiie frattfaise {Bibliothiqzn de Vkole des hautes itudcs. Sciences 
 philologiques et hisloriqttes 19) Paris 1875, p. ?X) sqq. 
 
XIII.] DISPLACEMENTS IN ETYMOLOGICAL GROUPS. 271 
 
 meaning of ' to deform '), degener — degenerare, depilis — depilare, 
 exanimis — exanimare, exheres — exheredare, exossis — exossare, 
 exsucus — exsucare, demens — dementire, insignis — insignire ; 
 which stand to each other like sarius — sanare; further, dedecus — 
 dedecorare. On the other side there are compounds from denomi- 
 native verbs like accelerate {celerare is poetical), adaequare, addensare, 
 aggravare, aggregare, apprppinquare, assiccare, attenuare, adumbrare, 
 dearmare, decalvare, dehonorare, depopulari, despoliare, detruncare, 
 exhonorare, exonerare, innodare, inumbrare, investire. Both classes 
 had gradually to be fused with each other, and especially in the 
 case where in the first class the noun which lay at the foundation, 
 m the second the simple noun, became obsolete. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 
 Causes of \ ^ 7^ havc Seen that it is an essential characteristic of the 
 
 superfluity \ / \ / 
 
 in language. V V development of language that each individual is inces- 
 santly engaged in developing a plurality of words, forms, ana 
 constructions of similar meaning} One source of this pheno- 
 I menon we have found in formation by analogy, a second in 
 the converging development of meaning from different sides ; 
 we may add as a third the acceptation of a foreign word for a 
 conception which is already represented by a native word (cf. 
 vetter — cousin, base — cousine) ; and under this head we must of 
 course range words borrowed from a kindred dialect.^ 
 
 Tendency to 404- Inevitable, however, as the rise of such superfluity is, 
 it is as unable to maintain itself permanently. Language abhors 
 superfluity. The objection will not hold good that, if this were so, 
 she would not permit it to arise. It is not the habit of language 
 to adopt precautions against the occurrence of possible evils, but 
 merely to take measures against such as have actually occurred 
 The individual speakers who add new linguistic forms to those 
 of equivalent meaning already existing, take no account, at the 
 moment when they do so, of the latter, since these are either 
 unknown to them, or at least do not enter their consciousness at 
 
 ^ [Excellent illustrations of this chapter drawn from the French are found ia 
 Darmesteter's La Vie des mots, Chap, iv., Synonymic.'] 
 
 2 [In English the case is somewhat different, at any rate as regards Norman-French.J 
 
[Ch. XIV.] ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 273 
 
 the moment in question. It is, as a rule, only other persons who, 
 hearing the new form from one and the old from another of their 
 interlocutors, use both indiscriminately. 
 
 405. Our assertion applies in any case absolutely to the lan- 
 guage of common life. It applies somewhat less to the language 
 of literature, and less to the language of poetry than to that of 
 prose. But the deviation merely confirms our fundamental view, 
 that a need, and the means of satisfying that need, are always 
 striving to adjust their relations ; a process which equally involves 
 the rejection of superfluities and the filling up, as far as may be, 
 of lacunae. But the conception of a need must not be pressed 
 so as to comprise merely the elements absolutely necessary for 
 social life. On the contrary, we have to take account of the whole 
 sum of intellectual interests, and of all the impulses of poetry and 
 rhetoric. A cultivated style, which forbids the too frequent re- 
 petition of the same expression, demands of course that where 
 possible several phrases shall be available for the same thought. 
 In a still higher degree, rhythm, rhyme, alliteration, and similar 
 devices demand the possibility of choosing among several phonetic 
 groups of similar meaning, or otherwise the constraint which they 
 impose would be felt as exceedingly irksome. The result is that the 
 language of poetry avails itself of the groups of synonyms which 
 have gradually grown up, using them indiscriminately, where the 
 language of conversation attaches the use of each to special con- 
 ditions, and maintaining them where the language of conversa- 
 tion gradually restricts itself to a single use. This is indeed 
 one of the most essential factors in the differentiation of poetical 
 expression from that of prose. It is easy from the poetical 
 language of every people and age ■ to show that its super- 
 fluities are closely connected with the character of its poetic 
 technique ; most easily, it may be, in the language of the Old 
 
274 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Teutonic alliterative poems, which is remarkable for its special 
 ■wealth of synonyms. 1 
 
 406. But to assume, for the common language, the co-existence 
 through many centuries of double forms, or double words with 
 the same meaning, is opposed to all experience, and must decidedly 
 be designated as a fault in method, a fault which has very fre- 
 quently been committed in the construction of IE. original forms. 
 
 407. Here again we must beware of connecting the retrench- 
 ment of this superfluity with any conscious design. The purpose- 
 less overburdening of the memory brings its own remedy. 
 
 Elimination 408. The simplest case of retrenchment is the disappearance 
 
 and utilisa- 
 tion, of all among a group of similar forms and phrases, save one. It 
 
 is easy to see that the superfluity characteristic of the language 
 generally belongs only in a small degree to the individual. The 
 characteristic peculiarity of individual language consists mainly 
 in a certain consistency in the choice made by the speaker of the 
 different possible forms of expression at his disposal. For if one 
 form has for whatever reason become more usual than another — i.e. 
 if its capacity for forcing its way into consciousness under given 
 circumstances is greater — a tendency is also active whereby, 
 where no special influences draw in the opposite direction, this 
 preponderance will be reinforced on every fresh occasion. Now 
 as soon as the great majority of a moderate-sized linguistic com- 
 munity coincides in its selection from any group of forms, the 
 natural result is again that the correspondence becomes more and 
 more confirmed, and, after the disappearance of several generations, 
 absolute. Thus the different possibilities of choice form a main 
 source of the distinctions of dialect. It often happens also, of 
 course, that the choice leads to the same result over the whole 
 linguistic area, and especially in cases where conditions peculiarly 
 favourable for one form occur. 
 
 [English readers will find excellent examples of this in Vigfusson & Powell's 
 Corpu. Poeticum Boreale, p. 447 sqq. (Clar. Press).] 
 
XIV.] ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 275 
 
 409. In addition, however, to the merely negative process of rejec- 
 tion of the superfluous, a positive process operates simultaneously 
 towards the utilisation of superfluity by means of the differentiation 
 of identical meaning. This process is no more the result of conscious 
 purpose than the other. We have seen that the different senses of a 
 word, an inflexion, a particle, etc., have to be learnt separately and 
 successively. Now when a plurality of synonymous expressions is 
 in use, each of which comprises several meanings and applications, it 
 is self-evident that the different meanings cannot appear to each indi- 
 vidual in a linguistic community evenly divided among the different 
 expressions. On the contrary, it will often happen that he hears one 
 expression earlier, or more frequently connected with one meaning, 
 another expression earlier or more frequently connected with another 
 signification. Should it, however, happen that each of the different 
 expressions is familiar to him in a special meaning, he will main- 
 tain these expressions with their special meanings, unless he oe 
 drifted by specially powerful impulses to an opposite course. 
 
 410. In cases where we cannot trace historically the single fac- Phonetic 
 
 difTerentia- 
 
 tors of the development, but only perceive their total result, it often tion for the 
 
 purpose of 
 
 appears as if a differentiation of sound had set in for the purpose differentiat- 
 ing meaning 
 
 of differentiating meaning. And even now most philologists do only 
 
 apparent. 
 
 not shrink from assuming something of the kind. If it were only 
 to definitely show the unreasonableness of such assumptions, it is 
 very important to collect the cases which fall under this head taken 
 from modern languages as fully as possible. 
 
 411. What has been hitherto done in this subject relates chiefly woricson 
 
 Doublets. 
 
 to the Romance languages. As early as 1683, Nicolas Catherinot 
 published a work, bearing the title of Les Doublets de la Langue 
 Franqoyse, which collected material to our purpose. In fact the 
 matter has always excited interest since the foundation of the 
 scientific grammar of the Romance languages. Rich material 
 
276 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 from French has been gathered by A. Brachet, Dictionnaire des 
 doublets de la langue frangaise, Paris, 1868, Supplement, 1871 ; 
 from Portuguese by Coelho in the 'Romania,' ii. 281 sqq.; 
 from Spanish, and, by the way, from other Romance languages 
 by Caroline Michaelis, Romanische wortschopfung, Leipzig, 1876. 
 M. Breal has given us a collection of Latin doublets in the 
 Mimoires de la soci^t^ de linguistique de Paris, i. 162 sqq. (1868).^ 
 For German may be cited O. Behagel, Die neuhochdeutschen zwil- 
 lingswdrter, Germania 23, 257 sqq. A small collection of English 
 doublets is to be found in Matzner, Englische grammatik, i. 221 
 sqq. [Cf. also Skeat, Etym. Diet. ; Appendix.] C. Michaelis has 
 some discriminating observations on differentiation (cf especially 
 p. 41 sqq^. She decidedly supports our view that the differentia- 
 tion in sound and in meaning stand originally in no causal con- 
 nexion with each, other. Behagel (p. 292) speaks yet more positively 
 on the subject : ' In living language there is no such thing as a 
 voluntary conscious differentiation of form for the purpose of 
 differentiation of meaning.' His own work, however, deals almost 
 exclusively with the phonetic side. 
 Cases of 412. The material collected in the above-mentioned works does 
 
 apparent 
 
 differentia- DOt by any means entirely fall under the category with which we 
 have to deal. It stands to reason that all cases must be excluded 
 in which a loan-word is from the first accepted in a different sense 
 from a word either native or borrowed at an earlier period, or 
 from another source, even where the two words, when traced back 
 far enough, lead to a common source. The French chose and cause 
 owe their origin alike to the Latin causa ; but the difference in 
 their meaning did not arise from any differentiation on French 
 • soil ; but cause was borrowed as a law-term when chose had long 
 
 since developed into the general meaning of 'thing,' It is the 
 
 ^ rCf. Regnaud Milanges, p. 299. (Paris, 1886);.] 
 
XIV.] ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 277 
 
 same with by far the majority of doublets in the Romance [and 
 English] languages, which, for this reason, do not affect us here.^ 
 It is the same again with such NHG. words as legal^loyal, pfalz — 
 palast, pulver — -puder, spital — kdtel, etc. \regal — royal, orison — ora- 
 tion, penance — penitence. For a fuller list see Morris's Historical 
 Outlines of English Grammar, p. 32, § 28]. But we must further 
 exclude all those cases in which the differentiation of meaning is 
 the result of a grammatical isolation. If, for instance, the old 
 participle bescheiden is still employed as an adjective with the 
 meaning oi ' modestus^ while, on the other hand, as a proper parti- 
 ciple, we use beschieden, there is no doubt that the two words 
 bescheiden and beschieden were for a time used indifferently in this 
 latter function, but beschieden can never have been used for 
 modestus. 
 
 413. On the other hand, no notice is taken, in the works cited, Examples of 
 of our second class, in which the equivalence of meaning is only tiation. 
 the result of a secondary development. We are thus after all 
 without a clearly arranged collection of certain instances of the 
 undoubted differentiation of equivalent expressions. It will there- 
 fore be well to illustrate the process somewhat at large. These 
 instances are chosen for the most part from NHG. 
 
 414. The forms knabe and knappe are in MHG. absolutely 
 equivalent, each possessing the divergent NHG. significations. 
 Similarly raben ( = NHG. rabe^ and rappe are both applied to the 
 bird, whereas in modern times, in the written language, rappe is 
 confined to the metaphorical use as a term for a black horse.^ A 
 third form, rappen, with an n transferred from the oblique cases, 
 has established itself as a name for the coin (originally with a 
 
 ' C. Michaelis is certainly on the whole wrong (p. 42 sqq.) in apprehending the more 
 nearly Latin sense of the more nearly Latin form as the result of a differentiation. 
 * I cannot, it must be owned , adduce any example of rate in the transferred sense. 
 
278 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 black head of a bird), which was at first known as rafpe, rapp, and 
 further, as rabenheller, rabenpfennig, rabenbatzen, rabenvierer (cf. 
 Adelung). The MHG. bache (' hinterbacken,' ' schinken ') bears the 
 same relation to backe (original Teutonic bako — bakkd) as knabe to 
 knappe ; and it is hence probable enough that we have to deal 
 with a differentiation of meaning developed, as in the previous 
 instance, secondarily, at^a of much older date. The difference 
 between reiter (=MHG. riter) and ritter, scheuen and scheuchen, 
 belongs entirely to NHG., as does the different shade of meaning 
 hetween jungfrau a.nd jungfer. Hain is a contraction from hagen, 
 and in MHG. the same meaning attaches to both (as we see still in 
 the case of such compounds as hagebuche — hainbuche, hagebutte — 
 hainbutte, etc.) ; hagen in the derived sense, now restricted to hain, 
 appears in Burkhardt Waldis. 
 
 415. Double forms arising from the confusion of different 
 methods of declension are often differentiated ; thus Franke — 
 franken, tropf—tropfen (cf for their identical usage the examples 
 given by Sanders, e.g. Haller : Du bist der weisheit meer, wir sind 
 davon nur trbpfe ; and conversely Wieland : dem armen tropfen), 
 fieck—flecken, fahrt—fdhrte, stadt — stdtte (MHG. nom. vart, stat— 
 gen. verte, stete) ; at the same time, with difference of gender, der 
 lump — die lumpe, der trupp — die truppe, der karren — die karre, der 
 possen—die posse. The difference of gender, with the same 
 nominative form, is utilised in der band, das band (cf examples of 
 der band used in the sense of ' fascia,' ' vinculum,' in the Deutsches 
 ■wM.), der~die Jlur (the former only in the signification of ' haus- 
 flur', though the form die flur occurs also with the same significa- 
 tion); der— die haft (in MHG. the separation of meanings is already 
 fairly established) ; der — das inensch (the latter form was still 
 employed in the seventeenth century without any suggestion of 
 contempt) ; der — das schild (the separation is hardly, even yet. 
 
XIV.] ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 279 
 
 completely carried out, cf. Sanders, s.v.) ; der — das verdienst, der — 
 die see, der — die schwulst (examples for both genders, alike in the 
 proper and metaphorical signification, are to be seen in Sanders) ; 
 die — das erkenntniss (the latter form still used very frequently 
 by Kant in the sense of 'cognitio') \la critique, le critique: la 
 manceuvre d'un navire, le manxuvre : la statuaire des anciens, un 
 statuaire : le cripe, la cripe : similarly livre, manche, p^riode, poile\. 
 To these must be added the cases in which different plural forma- 
 tions are differentiated, bande — bander, dinge — dinger (as opposed 
 to the modern usage, e.g. cf LUTHER, Luke xxi. 26, fUr warten 
 der dinger die kommen sollen auf erden) ; gesichte — gesichter 
 (examples of cases where the distinction is not observed are given 
 by Sanders) ; lichte — lichter (the difference is not consistently 
 maintained) ; orte — orter (the same remark applies) ; tuche — tucker, 
 worte — w'drter (examples are given in Sanders iii. 1662^, in which 
 the former is still employed like the latter) ; sdue — sauen i(:i. for 
 an older stage passages like von den zahmen sauen entsprossen 
 or wilde sdue und bdren, etc., given in Sanders) ; effecte — effecten, 
 \rateul, les aieux, and aieuls : le travail, travaux, and travails (a 
 minister's 'reports')]. In an older stage of NHG. we have from druck 
 the plural drucke, as well as driicke : at the present day we have the 
 plural drucke employed only in the sense of 'printed works,' for 
 which Goethe still uses driicke : though, on the other hand, we 
 maintain the forms abdriicke, eindriicke, ausdriicke. The differentia- 
 tion of tor — tiir goes back further (cf Sievers, Beitrage v. Ill ^) and 
 luck — buche (OHG. buoh, still frequently feminine, is the old nomi- 
 natival form, buocha the accusative form) ; the old nominative 
 forms buoz, wis, halp are restricted to the employment in certain 
 formulae {mir wirdit buoz, managa wis, einhalp, etc., even yet we 
 use anderthalb, drittekalb), while the accusative forms buoza, wisa, 
 halba have become usual with no restrictions. 
 
 i[As in English brothers, brethren ; pence, pennies.] 
 
28o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 416. This utilisation of different inflexional forms meets us 
 in nearly all inflected languages. In English we might cite many 
 instances of duplicate plural formations : cloths, clothes ; brothers, 
 brethren, while in the older language both methods of formation 
 were employed indifferently as in the case of most similar words : 
 pennies, pence [dies, dice], [In Russian Chudo, a wonder, makes its pi. 
 in chudes-d to signify ' wonders,' and in chudd (the regular forma- 
 tion) to signify ' monsters ' : and there are many similar cases.] 
 Some substantives employ the irreg. inflection where the sub- 
 stantive has a collective meaning. In Dutch the plurals in -en 
 and -s are employed in the case of some words indifferently 
 (vogeLeii, vogels) ; in the case of others one alone is commonly used 
 {engelen, but pachters) ; again, however, in tke case of others both are 
 employed, but with different meanings ; cf hemelen (' heaven,' in 
 its proper sense), hernels (betthimmel), ' canopy of a bed ' ; letteren, 
 ' letter,' or ' literature,' letters, ' letters of the alphabet ' ; middelen, 
 ' means,' middels, ' waists ' ; tafelen, ' law-tables,' etc. ; tafels, 
 ' tables ; ' vaderen, ' ancestors,' vaders, ' fathers ' ; wateren, ' waters,' 
 waters, ' streams.' In the same way the forms in -en and -eren 
 stand side by side : kleeden, ' tablecloths,' kleederen, ' clothes ' ; 
 beenen, ' legs,' beenderen, ' bones ' ; bladen, ' leaves ' in a book, 
 bladeren, ' leaves,' in the proper sense. From the Danish we may 
 cite skatte {schdtze), ' treasures,' shatter, ' taxes,' vaaben, ' weapons,' 
 vaabener, ' armorial bearings.' Where in O. Norse a in the root- 
 syllable of the nouns changed with q (the -u umlaut), according to 
 the form of the inflexion ; e.g. sqk{u), sakar, etc., we find that 
 in later Norwegian, in the first place, double forms arose, one in 
 a and one in 0, of which it commonly occurs that either the 
 first or the second has disappeared. In some cases, however, both 
 have maintained themselves with a differentiation of meaning : gata 
 {gasse), ' street,' ' gate,' gota, ' road ' ; grav, ' grave,' grov, ' ditch ' ; 
 mark, 'field,' mork, 'wood' ; tram, 'height,' trom, 'border.' 
 
XIV,] ON THE DIFFERENTIATION Oi MEANING. 281 
 
 417. The difference observed at the present day in the use 
 of the shorter and more lengthened forms in the inflexion of der 
 was of gradual development. The forms der in the genitive 
 singular feminine, and in the genitive plural of all genders, and 
 den in the dative plural, which are now confined to the adjectival 
 use, still occur frequently in the seventeenth century, and occa- 
 sionally in the eighteenth, in the substantival sense; e.g., in Goethe: 
 die krone, der mein filrst mich wiirdig achtet. On the other hand, 
 we find conversely derer and denen used adjectivally — nay, even 
 as a pure article ; cf e.g. derer dinge, derer leute (LOGAU) ; derer 
 gesetze (Klopstock) ; zu denen dingen, zu denen stunden (Hein- 
 RICH von WiTTENWEILER, fifteenth century). Even as late as 
 the eighteenth century denen in this application is frequent in 
 the written language ; and even at the present day dene, with 
 the usual apocope of the n, is the generally prevailing form in 
 Alemannic and South Franconian dialects. Further, the usage 
 of the present day confines deren to the genitival function only, 
 while der, on the contrary, is exclusively employed in the dative ; 
 likewise a purely secondary formation : cf von deren ich reden, 
 in deren die schineichler seind (Gailer von Kaisersberg), 
 fiirstin, deren sick ein solcher fUrst verbiinden (WecKHERLIN). 
 Finally, the curious difference made in NHG. in the employment 
 of the forms derer and deren is of purely recent development; 
 cf wie viel seind deren die da haben (PauLI) ; and conversely 
 ■mit mancher kunst, derer sicks gar nit sckemen tkar (Melissus). 
 
 418. Sckaffen, as a strong verb, and schopfen, have arisen 
 from the same original form ; cf Gothic skapjan, pret. skop. 
 To the preterite scuof a. new regular present scaffan was formed in 
 OHG. beside the old form scepfen ; in MHO. a preterite schepfete 
 and a participle gesckepfet was then formed for sckepfen. In 
 MHG. schuof, gesckaffen, and sckepfete, geschepfete, are synonymous. 
 
282 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 uniting in themselves the signification of both the NHG. words. 
 The same conjunction is found in the present schepfen. The 
 present schaffen certainly appears from the earliest times confined 
 to the signification of to create, shape. 
 
 419. Ziicken and zucken are originally duplicate forms with 
 the same meaning ; cf der schon das sckwert zucket (Lessing) ; 
 den anblick eines zuckenden (Herder). It is the same with 
 driicken and drucken. 
 
 420. The conjunction als is derived from alsd through alse. 
 [So the English word as, like also, took its rise from AS. ealswd^* 
 
 * M.E. als In MHG. the pair are synonymous ; both alike can be used 
 
 =as. 
 
 demonstratively or relatively. In the same way there is no 
 Lmr^ith^ difference of signification between danne and denne, wanne and 
 
 then and , ,_,. .... 
 
 than.m'&xi^. wenne.\ ihe modern distmction m usage has been developed 
 by a very slow process ; and the fortuitous nature of its origin 
 shows itself at the present day in the want of a logical principle 
 of differentiation. The modern difference between warum and 
 woriini is likewise secondary. 
 
 421. The participle of the intransitive verdorben and that of 
 the corresponding transitive verderbt have separated; the latter 
 
 drmken!" ' being employed in a moral sense only.t [Cf wrung, wrong.'] The 
 
 swelled, 
 
 shaped ' difference of meaning is also secondary in the case of bewegt and 
 ' ^'^^- bewogen ; cf e.g. das meer . . . vom winde bewogen (Pratorius) ; 
 der hat im tanse nicht die beine recht bewogen (Rachel) ; on the 
 other hand, dass er dardurch bewegt ward, solches in eigener person 
 zu erfahren (Buch der Liebe) [cf the difference between aged 
 and ag^d\. 
 
 422. The words in -heit, -schaft, -turn, were formerly essentially 
 identical in meaning. They are all capable of denoting a pro- 
 perty ; many have in addition developed a collective meaning; 
 and words, too, in -niss, and simpler formations like hohe, tiefe 
 
XIV.] ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 283 
 
 often covered nearly the same ground. This state of things has, 
 on the whole, continued ; but in single cases we find that where 
 several of these formations stood side by side they have mostly 
 in one way or other suffered differentiation.^ Cases in which the 
 different usages now distributed over several such formations were 
 once completely united in each are certainly not very common ; 
 still, compare gemein(d)e and gemeinschaft, from which gemeinheit 
 also did not originally differ in meaning. The two following pairs 
 are also worth remarking : kleinheit, kleinigkeit ; neuheit, neuigkeit. 
 Examples of the earlier undifferentiated application of the former 
 pair are cited in the Deutsches Wbrterbuch ; cf so verhdlt es sich 
 audi viit gewissen kleinheiten, die es iin haushalt nicht sind (Goethe- 
 Zelter Correspondence), die ausnehmende kleinigkeit der ■masse 
 (Kant). As regards the latter pair Adelung teaches us that 
 neuheit was used 'in a concrete sense, a thing hitherto not ex- 
 perienced or known, for which, however, neuigkeit is more common' ; 
 on the other hand, ' die neuigkeit einer nachricht, einer empfindung, 
 eines gedankens, etc., for which neuheit is at the present day more 
 common in polite conversation.' 
 
 423. It is much the same with the adjectives in -ig, -isch, -lich, 
 -sam, -haft, -bar, in which the existing differences of meaning 
 do not depend upon any difference of meaning in the suffixes 
 themselves. An example in point is ernstlich, ernsthaft; 
 cf, for the older usage, die stets gar ernstlich und sauer sieht 
 (Ayrer) ; der ernsthaft fleisz (FISCHART). 
 
 424. In MHG. sd and als {also, alse) are absolutely synonymous ; 
 both serving equally as demonstratives and as relatives. In nhg. 
 they are differentiated, so being in general used as a demon- 
 strative, and fl/j,as a relative ; cf e.g. so wol als auch (mhg. sd wol 
 sd or als wol als), so bald ais. Still a trace of the demonstrative 
 als survives in alsbald [cf. English as soon as\ In MHG. Hhte and 
 
 i[C/. Christentum as against Ckristenheit .} 
 
284 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 vil lihte have equally the meaning of NHG. leicht and vielleicht. 
 The restriction of the form ehe to the conjunction is secondary. 
 Even Gleim writes ehe als Klopf stock ; GOETHE, er soil eh gewonnen 
 als verloren habett. 
 
 425. In MHG. sichern may bear the same meaning as NHG. 
 versichern, and, conversely, versichern may bear the same meaning 
 as NHG. sichern (e.g. die stat init muren und mit graben versichern). 
 The differentiation of sammeln, sammlung, and versammeln, 
 versammlung, is unknown to older NHG. ; cf. Moses und Aaron . . . 
 sanieleten auch die ganze gemeinde, Gott ist fast mdchtig in der 
 samlunge der heiligen (LUTHER) ; Des festlichen tages, an dem die 
 gegend mit jubel trauben lieset und tritt und den most in die fdsser 
 versammelt (Goethe) ; Die linsen sind gleichsam eine versainmlung 
 unendlicher prismen (GOETHE) ; Dass sie (the Jews in their dis- 
 persion) keiner versammlung mehr hoffen diirfen (LuTHER). The 
 simple form offnen is at an earlier period employed in the meta- 
 phorical sense of offenbaren ('to reveal'), like eroffnen at the 
 present day. A similar relation often exists between simple and 
 compound, or between different compounds which have a simple 
 verb in common. 
 
 426. Certain processes must also be noticed here which, with- 
 out being strictly speaking differentiations, yet arise from the 
 same fundamental processes as these, and are hence important 
 as aiding us to form a judgment on them. The starting-point is 
 here a partial, instead of complete equivalence of meaning. 
 
 427. It may be that that partial equivalence has been 
 preceded by a complete one, the immediate ground of the 
 change being that the one received an enlargement of meaning 
 in which the other did not participate. Then follows very 
 frequently the further consequence, that the former is completely 
 ejected from its original meaning by the latter, and confined to 
 
XIV.] ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 285 
 
 the new. Kristentuom and Kristenheit are certainly used even 
 by Walther v. d. Vogelweide in their distinct modern senses ; 
 but the latter is still employed in MHG> in the fundamental 
 meaning of christentum ; cf e.g. Tristan 1968 (of a child to be 
 christened), durch daz ez sine kristenheit in gates namen empfienge. 
 MHG. wistuom denotes the same as wisheit, but side by side of 
 this the derived meaning 'instruction in law' appears, and then 
 the NHG. weistum is restricted to this. mhg. gelkhnisse can 
 still be employed in the same sense as gelichheit, the NHG. gleich- 
 niss has renounced this original meaning. Indessen (indes) has 
 originally a purely temporal meaning; cf. ick bin indess krank 
 gewesen (Lessing) ; it has been ejected from this meaning by 
 unterdessen. 
 
 428. A more common occurrence is that a word, which at 
 an earlier date was quite different in meaning from another, 
 occupies one portion of the domain of the latter, and then gradu- 
 ally claims it for itself alone. Thus bcese is restricted to the area 
 of moral signification (mhg. also bcesiu kleit, etc.) by the encroach- 
 ment of schlecht (originally ' smooth,' ' straight,') [English ' slight ']. 
 Similar restrictions have been imposed upon siech (originally [like 
 English sick^ the common word for ' ill '), seuche, sucht, by krank, 
 krankheit (originally ' weak,' 'weakness'); «>^^(MHG. also in the 
 signification of ' avaricious '), by karg (originally ' shrewd ') ; als 
 by wie (originally an interrogative word ; then a relative, in the 
 first instance only of the generalising kind) ; ob by wenn. 
 
 429. Finally, it is very common to find that a newly-formed 
 word, or one borrowed from a foreign language, ejects an older 
 word from a portion of its domain. Thus the MHG. ritterschaft 
 has also the signification of rittertum ; but, on the formation 
 of the latter word, it loses this meaning. In the same wayfreund- 
 lich is menaced by freundschaftlich, wesentlich by wesenhaft, 
 
 ^ Thus ' arch ' in me. meant cowardly ; but is now restricted to meaning of ' sly.' 
 
286 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 empfindlich by empfindsam, einig by einzig, gemein by gemeinsam 
 and allgemein, lehen by durlehen, stegreij by steigbUgel, kunstlich 
 by kunstvoll and kunstreich, bein by ^«o<r^^« (originally Middle 
 Germ.). [For numerous examples v. Trench's Select Gloss^ 
 
 430. These various processes may appear in manifold com- 
 binations with each other and with the process of differentiation 
 in the stricter sense. Should the history of the development of 
 meanings ever grow into a science, it will be of primary import- 
 ance to take the most scrupulous account oi these phenomena 
 Our principle that every detail must only be scrutinized with con- 
 stant reference to the entire mass of linguistic material is confirmed 
 in this respect as well ; in no other way is appreciation of the causal 
 connexion possible. As the above hints might lead us to suppose, 
 it is exactly the absence of consistently applied logical principles 
 which is here characteristic. Accident and involuntary sequence 
 are everywhere evident. 
 Syntactical 43 1. We have previously touched on several occasions on the 
 
 diiferentia- 
 
 tion. domain of syntax. The processes above discussed manifest 
 
 themselves equally in the case of purely syntactical phenomena. 
 
 432. In OHG. duplicate forms had arisen in the strong declen- 
 sion of the adjective for the nominative singular as well as for 
 the accusative singular neuter guot—guoter, guotiu, guotaz. No 
 difference in the usage of these forms meets us at the outset. On 
 the one hand, the so-called uninflected attributive is employed 
 before the substantive, — this usage is still universally prevalent 
 in MHG. — while at the present day the inflected one has established 
 itself universally with the exception of a few isolated traces; 
 on the other hand, the inflected form is used as well in places 
 where the uninflected has at a later date established itself; it 
 "desUm- is thus used attributively after the substantive; e.g. Krist guater, 
 h,>pcs. thaz himilrkhi hohaz (OTFRlD),-*even in NHG. der knappe guoter ' 
 
XIV.] ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MEANING. 287 
 
 (Parzival) ; ein wolken so truebez (Heinrich von MORUNGEN), 
 
 by the side of the more usual der knappe guot, etc. ; further, as 
 
 predicate : ist iuuar mieta mihhilu^iJ^A.'TlAii) ; uuird thu stummir^ 
 
 (Otfrid) ; occasionally still in MHG., e.g. daz daz wtte velt vollez 
 
 frouwen wcsre^ (PAkzlVAL, 671, 19) ; thus also iA habetiz io giuuissaz 
 
 {' I always held it as certain,' Otfrid) ; a/sd nazzer muose ich 
 
 scheiden*"!^ A.'LTimii. v. d. VOGELWEIDE). In the case of ein and 
 
 the possessive pronoun the uninflected form has established 
 
 itself even before the substantive ; formerly the two forms stood 
 
 side by side : cf. stner sdmo, stnaz korn, einaz fisgizzi (Otfrid). 
 
 433. The duplicate forms ward and wurde have parted 
 
 company : the former being confined to the signification of the 
 
 aorist, while the latter alone can be employed in the sense of 
 
 the imperfect. The separation is, however, not completely carried 
 
 out, because wurde can be used in both ways. We may assume 
 
 with tolerable certainty that in IE. no original difference of 
 
 meaning existed between the indicative imperfect and indicative 
 
 aorist, nor, again, between the different moods of the present 
 
 and those of the aorist. For the double sense probably arose 
 
 from a single paradigm, where a discrepancy due to the shifting 
 
 accent was removed by two divergent processes of correction. 
 
 In Sanskrit, even in the form in which we have received it, the 
 
 forms are not distinguished in all classes of verbs. Whether we 
 
 prefer to call the Gothic viljau (' I will ') an optative present or 
 
 aorist is absolutely indifferent. Generally speaking, it may be 
 
 assumed that the tense and mood system of the IE. language 
 
 must have proceeded to its development by means of a number 
 
 ■of differentiations of meaning — a process accompanied at every 
 
 step by the opposite one, viz., the unification in meaning of 
 
 different formations. 
 
 '■ = Your reward is great. ^ = Become thou dumb. 
 
 * = That the wide field should be full of women. * = Thus wet I had to depart. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 The original T * VERY grammatical category is produced on the basis of a 
 
 harmony ^ 
 
 E 
 
 between I \i psychological onc. The former is originally nothing but 
 
 psychological 
 
 and gram- the transition of the latter into outward manifestation. As soon as 
 
 matical . 
 
 categories the agency of the psychological category can be recognised m the 
 
 is, in course 
 
 oftime, use of language, it becomes a grammatical category. Its agency, 
 tendency to howcvcr, by no means ends with the creation of the latter. It is 
 
 remove the .,_., , ^. .. .,,_ 
 
 discrepancy, itself m dependent of language. As it existed before the gram- 
 matical category, so it does not cease to operate when this 
 comes into being. In this way the original harmony between the 
 two may be in the course of time disturbed. The grammatical 
 category is to some extent a petrifaction of the psychological. It 
 adheres to a fixed tradition. The psychological, on the other 
 hand, remains always a free, living agent, capable of taking mani- 
 fold and changing forms according to individual apprehension. In 
 addition to this, change in meaning operates in many ways to pre- 
 vent the grammatical category from covering the same ground as 
 the psychological. Then, as a tendency to convergence makes itself 
 felt, the grammatical category suffers a displacement, whence may 
 arise ambiguous phenomena which admit of no simple adjustment 
 to the categories thus far existing. The consideration of these 
 processes, which we can observe more accurately, throws light at 
 the same time upon the origin, which our observation cannot reach, 
 
[Ch. XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 289 
 
 of the grammatical categories. We proceed accordingly to 
 consider some of the most important grammatical categories from 
 the points of view indicated. 
 
 Gender.1 
 435. The foundation of grammatical gender is the natural Gavia. 
 difference of sex in men and animals. If a masculine or feminine 
 gender is ascribed to other objects — nay, even to the names of 
 qualities and activities — this is the operation of fancy which 
 apprehends these after the analogy of human personality. But 
 neither natural sex nor that ascribed by fancy has in itself any- 
 thing to do with grammar. The speaker might think of anything 
 as a male or female individual without the least trace of any 
 such thought appearing in language. The linguistic instruments 
 whereby we now recognise the grammatical gender of a substantive 
 are the concord in which, on the one hand, attribute and predicate, 
 on the other hand, a substitutory pronoun stands therewith. Thus 
 the rise of the grammatical gender stands in the closest corre- 
 spondence with the rise of a variable adjective and pronoun. 
 The variability with regard to gender of the adjective presup- 
 poses that the difference in gender has become attached to a 
 special stem-ending. This phenomenon might be explained by 
 supposing that the stem-ending in question was originally an inde- 
 pendent word, a pronoun which, while still independent, had 
 acquired a reference to a male or female individual. Still this 
 assumption is not absolutely necessary. It might conceivably 
 happen that, by pure accident, an overwhelming majority had 
 pronounced for the masculine in the case of one stem-ending, and 
 
 1 For the subject of this section cf. especially Grimm, Gr. iii. 311 — 563; Kleine 
 schrift. iii. 349 sqq. ; Diez, iii. 92—8 ; Miklosich, iv. 17—37 5 Schroeder, p. 89 ; Brug- 
 mann, Z. f. spr. xxiv. 34 sqq. ; Delbriick, iv. 4—13; W. Meyer, Die schicksale des 
 lateinischen neutrums im romamschen, Halle 1883 ; Large, De suhstantims Graecis 
 feminini generis secundae declinationis capita tria, Lipsiae 1885 (Diss.). [See Sayce, 
 Principles of Comparative Philology, p. 264 sqq.'\ 
 
 T 
 
290 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 an equal majority for the feminine in the case of the other. 
 In the pronoun, as in the adjective, the distinction of gender may 
 appear in the stem-ending ; it may, however, also be expressed 
 by specific roots. It seems probable that grammatical gender 
 developed earliest in the case of the substitutory pronoun, just as 
 it is there that it has maintained itself longest in languages, such 
 as English, where it has partially disappeared. 
 
 436. When it first arose, grammatical gender doubtless 
 coincided throughout with natural sex. Departures from this rule 
 gradually came about, especially through changes in meaning, as 
 well as merely ' occasional ' modifications of meaning. As a result 
 of this, the natural sex again asserts its claims, in the first instance, 
 by causing a violation of the grammatical concord ; cf. such cases 
 as eines frauenzimmers, die sick ant artigsten gegen mich erwiesen 
 hatte (GOE.) ; die hdsslichste meiner kammermddchen (Wieland) ; 
 Lat. duo importuna prodigia, quos egestas addixerat (CiC.) ; capita 
 conjurationis virgis caesi ac securi percussi {l^lVY);* septem milia 
 
 t xl. 41. 
 
 V. Draeger hoimnum ifi navBS tmpositos (LlVY);t Greek, w ^'CKtot, w irepiaaa 
 TifiijOeU TeKvov (EUR.);§</)t\TaT' AlylcrOov /3ia (Aesch.). From this 
 stage we arrive next at a complete change of gender. Thus in 
 Greek we find that masculine designations of persons and animals 
 are made also feminine by the simple process of referring them to 
 feminine objects. For instance, we find side by side the duplicate 
 forms — 97 dyyeXo';, StSatj-AraXo?, larpo'}, rvpavvo<;, eXaKfjo:;, "■n-rro's^ 
 etc. Conversely, in Christian times a form o 7rap6evo<; ^ was con- 
 structed. The diminutives, originally neuter, readily assume the 
 masculine or feminine gender when the diminutive meaning has 
 been obscured. Just so in German die frdulein is common in the 
 dialects, even with older writers. If collectives or designations of 
 qualities become designations of persons, the result may be a 
 
 ' Cf. Lange, u.s. p. 27 sqq. 2 2bid. p. 28. 
 
 § Tro. 733. 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 291 
 
 change of gender. The French le guide, originally ' guidance,' 
 answers to the Italian la guida ; the French le garde, ' the watch- 
 man,' is originally identical with la garde, ' the guard ; ' cf. further, 
 the Spanish el cura, ' the priest,' el justicia, ' the magistrate ; ' the 
 Old-Bulgarian junota, 'youth,' as a masculine means "a youth;' 
 starosta, ' age,' as a masculine ' the elder of a village ; ' the Russian 
 golova, which in the feminine means ' a head,' and in the masculine 
 ' a conductor.' Of specially common occurrence are feminine sur- 
 names given to masculine personal names ; cf. Latin Alauda, 
 Capella, Stella ; It. Colonna, Rosa, Barbarossa, Malaspina, etc. 
 
 437. It often happens that the fact that a word belongs to a 
 special category decides its gender. This depends partly upon the 
 fact that the gender of the common designation of the species 
 fixes the gender of the more special designation. Thus it is easy 
 for a change of gender to follow in connexion with words connected 
 in idea. 
 
 438. Here therefore we have cases of analogy. Thus the 
 word mittwoch, earlier mitte woche {media hebdomas) used dialecti- 
 cally even at the present day as a feminine, has come, like the 
 French dimancke, to be used as a masculine after the model of the 
 other names for the week-days. The foreign names Tiber and 
 Rhdne have joined the majority of German river-names. In Greek 
 many names of trees and plants have become feminine ; the words 
 S/jv? and ^oravq, as class designations, causing the feminine gender 
 to become the normal one.i This process manifests itself most 
 clearly in words which in their proper meaning exhibit a different 
 gender, and have only become feminines in their transference 
 to plants: 2 cf o Kvavo%, 'steel' — 17 Kvavo<i, 'the corn flower,' 
 so called from its resemblance in colour to that metal. In the 
 same way the names of towns exhibit a tendency to the feminine 
 
 1 Cf. Large, u.s. p. 35 sqq. " Hid. pp. II, 42 sqq- 
 
292 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 gender ; cf. r\ Kepa/j.01; from 6 Kepafio^, ' clay ; ' ■^ K.iaa-6^ from 
 6 Ktaao^, ' ivy ; ' 17 M.dpa6o^ from d fidpaOo';, ' fennel ; ' 77 "Ittj/o? 
 from d ltrv6<;, ' oven ; ' ^ 'laXno-d?, the town, from d 'IaXi'a-o9, the 
 name of a person/ [cf. Mdtzner, FR. GR. p. 380.] 
 
 439. In other cases formal reasons have brought about a 
 change in gender. Thus in Latin it was customary for words in -a, 
 so far as they were not designations for male persons, to be of 
 feminine gender. In consequence we find that the Greek neuters 
 in -)xa in ante- and post-classical writers appear, at least in 
 popular Latin, as feminines : cf schema, dogma, diadema, and for this 
 reason they often appear in the Romance languages as feminines.^ 
 The Italian word ago, answering to the Latin acus, is masculine. 
 The Old Greek feminines in -09 are in Modern Greek mostly dis- 
 carded, in some cases having passed into the lists of mascuUnes : 
 e.g. d irXdravo^, d Kvirdpia-a-of.^ Even the natural sex has in some 
 cases not prevented the change of gender ; cf prov. papa and 
 prof eta used as feminines.* 
 
 440. The contrast between the traditional gender of the single 
 word and that which we expect from its termination may be 
 cancelled in another way, namely, by a change not of gender, 
 but of termination — the new termination being, of course, one 
 characteristic of the gender in question. 
 
 441. Thus we find that in Latin peristromum appears by the 
 side of peristroma. The Latin word socrus produced the Spanish 
 and Provengal word suegra, Portuguese sogra : the Latin nurus, the 
 It. nuora, Spanish nuera ; Port, and Prov. nora : Old French nore. 
 Modern Greek, again, has employed this method in order to 
 
 ■ Cf. Lange, u.s. p. 42 j-^y. 
 
 " Cf. W. Meyer, p. 93 sg^., where many other examples are found of change of gender 
 for formal reasons. 
 
 * Cf. Hatzidakis, Zschr. f. vgl. sfr. 27, 82; Lange, u.s. p. 9. ' 
 
 * Cf. W. Meyer, p. 9. 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 293 
 
 displace the feminines in -09: hence we get forms like 77 vapdiva, 
 fj ifkaTOLvr), etc. Even in Old Greek we find forms like 77 jiivOr) by 
 r) fj,lv6o(i, 7] i^evT) by 17 e^evo<s, etc.^ 
 
 442. In some cases the traditional was at the same time the 
 natural gender, — an additional reason for its modifying the termina- 
 tion, instead of being modified, by it. To this head too belongs 
 the fact that in Greek the ^^-stems which have become masculines 
 have adapted the s of the nominative (e.g. veavia<;)} 
 
 443. Thus far we are moving on fairly safe ground. But it 
 is a hard matter to decide how far the natural gender, as viewed 
 by imagination, has affected the change of grammatical gender. 
 The subjective views of separate individuals may take very dif- 
 ferent forms in connexion with the same object. In Modern 
 English this subjectivity is capable of asserting itself unchecked to 
 
 a certain point ;*and we are thus able to form an idea of the way Eng. pml 
 in which originally the transference of the masculine and feminine 
 genders to objects which possess no natural sex proceeded. In 
 other languages the free activity of the imagination is held in 
 check by the traditional sex, and cannot assert itself so long as 
 the memory of the latter continues vigorous. A certain hesitation 
 in regard to the tradition must therefore in every case give the 
 impulse which sets the imagination to work in this direction. If 
 however, the traditional sex is not impressed on the speaker, or 
 only insufficiently so, it needs no very violent effort of fancy to 
 impel him to attribute any gender at pleasure to the word in ques- 
 tion. For the difference in gender has so thoroughly permeated 
 language that it is in many cases impossible to leave the gender 
 undetermined, and is therefore needful to decide for one or another. 
 Under these circumstances, the issue is often decided by chance — 
 that is, by some trifling circumstance, not necessarily connected in 
 » Cf. Hatzidakis and Lange, u.s. " Cf. J. Grimm, Kl. schrift. p. 357. 
 
294 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 any way with the original grounds of grammatical gender. We 
 have merely to think of the errors we make in a foreign language. 
 
 444. Now whatever the positive causes for a change of gender 
 may be, the negative cause ought in no case to be passed over ; 
 indeed it proves often of more decisive importance than the posi- 
 tive. The part that it plays may be historically demonstrated 
 from the fact that those words have been especially exposed to 
 change of gender, the gender of which is, in connected speech, 
 most frequently without any special mark, and thus leaves the 
 slightest impress on the memory. German has no longer any 
 mark of gender in the plural, not even in the article. Hence it is 
 natural that precisely those words which are most commonly used 
 in the plural have changed their gender, sometimes coincidently 
 with a change in their phonetic form, which is rendered likewise pos- 
 sible by the fact that the singular was less firmly rooted than the 
 plural : cf wange (mhg. neuter), wage (mhg. der wdc), locke (MHG. 
 der loc), trahne (MHG. der traheri), zdhre (MHG. der zaker), wolke 
 (mhg. daz wolken), waffe (mhg. daz wdfen), dkre (MHG. daz eher), 
 binse (MHG. der binez). Further, if many weak masculines have 
 become feminine (cf. Paul's MHG. Gr. § 130, note 4), this will corre- 
 spond with the fact that the declension of the weak masculines 
 and feminines was absolutely identical in MHG. It may be 
 affirmed that no word will adopt a grammatical gender not habi- 
 tually associated with the inflexions attached to it, excepting in 
 those cases where natural sex operates. This negative function 
 of the formal element in causmg change of gender must not be 
 confused with its positive agency already discussed, though the 
 distinction may not admit in every single case of being sharply 
 drawn. 
 
 445. The neuter is in its origin nothing but the ' sexless,' as its 
 name rightly declares. The masculine and feminine existed as 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 295 
 
 psychological categories before they passed into grammatical 
 ones ; the neuter, on the other hand, has, solely as a consequence 
 of the formal abolition of the two natural genders, and as a conse- 
 quence of the consistent observance of concord, taken its place as 
 a third grammatical gender. 
 
 Number. 
 
 446. Number also passes into a grammatical category solely by Number. 
 the development of concord. Even in inflexional languages the 
 plural is not in all cases indispensable where a plurality has to be 
 designated. Every plurality may be conceived by the speaker as 
 
 a unity. And thus there are designations for a definite nymber 
 which are singular, such as score, dozen, lakh, just as originally 
 thousand, hundred, and probably also -other numerals also were 
 throughout. 
 
 447. Thus, further, the so-called collectives are comprehensive 
 singular designations of plurality. Now as the conception of an 
 aggregate as a unity or as a plurality depends so much on the sub- 
 jective caprice of the speaker, his conception may also conflict with 
 that which is exhibited by the grammatical form of the expression 
 chosen, and this variation of subjective conception attests itself by 
 the fact that it, and not the grammatical number, determines the 
 concord, — a result followed, in some cases, by variations in gender. 
 
 448. The most common case is where a plural follows a singu- 
 lar collective. This phenomenon is much restricted in modern 
 literary German, which in this, as in other ways, has been very 
 powerfully influenced by the pedantry of grammatical logic. But it 
 was of common occurrence during the last century, as it is in Greek 
 
 and Latin, and is at the present day in English.* Cf ich habe mich t,.s. ""97' 
 
 for more 
 
 offenbaret deines vaters hause, da sie noch in Egypten waren instances. 
 
* C/. Vernal, 
 i. io8. 
 
 296 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 (Luther) ;* im volhn kreise des volks entsprungen, unter ihtten 
 
 lebend (Herdkr) ; civitati persuadet ut exirent (Caesar) ;t ex eo 
 
 t E.G. i. 2. numero, qui per eos annos consules fuerunt (CiCERO) ;| angstlich im 
 
 J ^ ^ schlafe liegt das betaubte volk und trdumt von rettung, trdumt ihres 
 
 ' ^'" ^'' ohnmdchtigen wunsches erfiillung (GOETHE) ; das j'unge paar hatte 
 
 %fin^'^^'^ «f/^ nach ihrer verbindung nach engagement umgesehen (Goethe) ; 
 
 the whole nation seems to be running out of their wits (Smollett);§' 
 
 Israel aber zog aus in den streit und lagerten sich (LUTHER) ; alle 
 
 menge deines hauses sollen sterben, wenn sie manner worden sind 
 
 (Luther) ; dass der rest von ihnen sich durch Libyen nacli Cyrene 
 
 II HI Hy. VI. ^'etteten und von da in ihr vaterland zurUckkamen (Le.) ; the 
 
 army of the queen mean to besiege us (SHAKESPEARE) :|| pars saxa 
 
 ^^""■^si-jaciant (Ennius) ;1I concur sus populi, mirantium quid rei esset 
 
 •*i. 41. (Livy);** 00^0^ rjdpolfydTj, davfid^ovTei koX ISelv l3ovX6fievoi 
 
 reri. 171. (XenoPHON). [Cf Thompson, ut supra, p. 19]. 
 
 449. In the case of many words the combination with the 
 
 plural is so common that we may actually apprehend them as 
 
 plural— that is, supposing that no formal element points to the 
 
 singular. This is, for instance, the case with the English word 
 
 people. The development admits even of a further step, in which 
 
 the discrepancy between the grammatical and psychological 
 
 number is overcome by the assimilation of the former to the latter. 
 
 Thus in the case of OHG. the plural liute {people =leute), has 
 
 replaced the singular Hut {people = volk); perfectly analogous 
 
 instances are the Fr. gens (Old Fr. fa furent venu la gent), Italian 
 
 gentH^ts\A&gente)\\2.t&\.z.\:mpopuli{K^^v\€i\x5, Augustin), and 
 
 the English /^Z^j. In AS. -waru denotes a ' state ;' the plural -ware 
 
 mliiT"' ^^^^'^^^^- ++ The German die geschwister, ' brothers and sisters,' has 
 
 *°. § 7.' arisen from the collective das geschwister, which is still commonly 
 
 found in the last century. In Gothic there is a collective neuter 
 
 fadrein found in the sense of ' parents.' This is found not merely 
 
 1 For numerous instances see Matzner, ut sufra, vol. ii., p. 144. 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 297 
 
 connected with the plural of the predicate, but it turns the article 
 which belongs thereto into the plural : '^ai fadrein, ]>ans fadrein. 
 At the same time it appears as well in the plural form : ni skulun 
 barna fadreinam kuzdjan, ak fadreina barnam. 
 
 450. It happens, too, conversely, that a plural expression 
 receives the function of a singular by the fact that the parts which 
 are thereby indicated are comprehended into one united whole. 
 Thus in German one can say, ein zehn mark ; in English, / would 
 do it for another five shillings ; even, there's not another two such 
 women (Warren). * Further mhg. ze einen pfingesten ; Latin una, 
 
 ^ ' J-J i> ' * Ten thou- 
 
 bina castra, etc. ; English if a gallows were on land; there's some ^'^'^'^y""'- 
 good news ; that crystal scales (SHAKESPEARE), t Finally, such "3'- 
 plurals also receive a singular form. In German the names of 
 festivals, ostern, pfingstun, weihnachten, properly dative plurals, are 
 used as singulars. The German word buch is in Gothic a plural : 
 bokos, properly ' letters ; ' in OHG. the plural is still used for a book. 
 The Latin word castra is sometimes apprehended as a singular 
 feminine, and forms a genitive castrae ; in the same way festa in 
 the Romance languages has passed into a singular feminine. The 
 Latin litterae, in the sense of an 'epistle,' has passed into the 
 Italian lettera French lettre; [the Latin vela into the French voile\ ; 
 m,inaciae has become in French menace ; in Italian minaccia ; 
 nuptiae has become in French noce and noces ; tenebrae has become 
 in Spanish tiniebla as well as tinieblas. 
 
 451. When a word is used as an abstract it is, strictly speaking, 
 incapable of any distinction of number. Since, however, in respect 
 of the external form, a particular number has to be chosen, it 
 is a matter of indifference which this is. The sentences man is 
 mortal and men are mortal, used in an abstract sense, express 
 the same meaning. Hence a change of numbers is common in 
 the different languages. Otfrid employs the combination engilon 
 
298 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 joh manne. A pronoun which has reference to an abstract ex- 
 pression stands sometimes in the plural : nicht als ob in ihm kein 
 einziges punkt ware, die hat er (Herder) ; ein echter deutscher 
 manti mag keinen Franzen leiden, dock ihre weine trinkt er gem 
 (Goethe) ; nobody knows what it is to lose a friend, till they have 
 lost him (Fielding) ; mhg. swer gesiht die minneclichen, dem 
 muoz si wol behagen, daz si ir tugent prtsent ; j'edes triftige beiwort, 
 an denen er glUcklich ist (Herder). The predicate can stand 
 in the plural : MHG. daz iesltcher recke in den satel saz und in schar 
 ^*catt. ;u. schihten ;*Lat. ubi quisque vident, eunt obviam (Plaut.) •,'\uterque 
 Madvi •S'^^'^^'-S' defessi (ib.) ;J uter meruistis culpam (ib.) ;§ neuter ad me 
 Lat. r.% lygfi^ (ib.) ;|| It. cotne ogni uojno desinato ebbero ; Engl, neither of 
 ;^.B//i n. u. fj^g^j^ ^yg remarkable (Blair). Most IE. languages possess, for 
 29. ' ' ' denoting generality, a pair of pronouns, one singular and one 
 iwi/«». V. ii. plural {every, all; jeder, alle). These admit of being readily 
 ^'' interchanged. Thus, even in Latin, the singular is found by the 
 
 •iAmDr. i. 9. gj^jg of omues ; e.g. m.ilitat omnis amans (OviD) ;^in Italian the 
 singular ogni has become the exclusive form. In Greek, afKfyoTepoi; 
 and afifporepoi, stand side by side. Singular forms have grown 
 out of German beide. The neuter beides is common ; it is occa- 
 sionally found even in MHG. We likewise meet with ze beider sU 
 in MHG. ; cf. beiderseits. In older NHG. we meet with other 
 singular applications of the word: beider baum (Mathesius) ; 
 mit beidem arm (Lohenstein) ; auf beyde weise (Lessing). 
 Conversely the plural j'ede is common, especially in the previous 
 century (cf D Wb. 4^, 2290). 
 
 452. The category of number is further inapplicable to the 
 simple designations of materials. For individuals, as such, and 
 the contrast between individual objects and pluralities, arise only 
 when we contemplate form as well as matter. Hence the desig- 
 nations of materials are mostly employed only in the singular, 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 299 
 
 which has to serve the place of that neuter number which we 
 do not possess. But a transition is easily made from the desig- 
 nation of a material to the designation for an individual object, 
 and vice versa, since the individualising form is readily added, 
 or removed, in imagination ; cf. hair, grass, bloom, fruit, weed, 
 gram, cloth, stone, wood, field, meadow, marsh, heath, earth, landj 
 bread, cake, etc. Under this head, too, will fall fowl, for ' the meat 
 of fowl ; ' and in German, schwein for schweinefleisch ; cf. in Latin, 
 leporem et gallinam et anserem (Caesar),* and fagum atque * e.g. v. i». 
 abietem (Caesar, ib.) for beech and firewood. In the same way we 
 must explain the singular in cases like the enemy is approaching, 
 the Russian (i.e. ' the Russian army ') is drawing near us. Similarly 
 Livy uses the singular: Romanus, Poenus, eques, pedes,^ etc., andtc/Madvig 
 
 p. 51. § 5- 
 
 even ventures on the combination Hispani milites et funditor 
 Balearis. [In Hor. Sat. I, i. we have miles nautaequei\ In Seneca 
 we even find multo hoste. With this may be compared niit 
 willkUrlicher beliebung des ganzen kaufmanns (MiCRALlUS, u.a., 
 ci.DWb. 5,337). 
 
 453. The singular of many words, again, in the function of 
 an absolute form on which the category of numbers has not yet 
 been fully impressed, stands in NHG. after numerals. This method 
 of construction no doubt arose from cases in which a true plural 
 form, which has merely phonetically come to coincide with the 
 singular form, lies at the base ; thus in the case of mann — pfund, 
 buch. If, however, the archaic forms have maintained them- 
 selves immediately after numerals, and other words, such as 
 fuss, zoll, mark, have followed, their analogy, this fact must 
 depend upon special causes. The instinct of language is as 
 little conscious of a plural form in the archaic combinations as 
 in those analogically constructed after them. The fact is that, 
 immediately following a number, there is no need for any special 
 
300 PRINCIPLES QF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 expression of plurality, this being already sufficiently denoted 
 by the number itself. We thus arrive at a form which in respect 
 of number is neutral or absolute ; and so, once more, at a point of 
 view similar to that occupied before the rise of grammatical number. 
 
 Tense.^ 
 
 454. Various attempts have been made to reduce the tenses 
 of the IE. languages to a logical system, and neither arbitrary 
 judgment nor misplaced acumen has been wanting in the process. 
 We must, here as elsewhere, guard ourselves, when dealing with 
 logical definitions, against con.sidering solely the grammatical 
 phenomena, which we have before us, and, when forming a judg- 
 ment of the latter, against an exclusive regard to purely logical 
 divisions. There is no such thing as a perfect concord between 
 the logical and the grammatical categories. 
 
 455. The category of tense depends on the temporal relation 
 in which an event stands to a definite point of time. As such 
 may be taken, in the first place, the actual moment of speech; i 
 and thus arises the difference between past time, present and 
 future, to which the grammatical categories of perfect, present 
 and future, tense correspond. I assume the perfect as the just 
 expression for this relation, and not the aorist, though the latter 
 certainly does also occur in this function. The common defini- 
 tion, according to which the perfect denotes ' completed ' and the 
 aorist ' past ' action, is a mere verbal explanation with which no 
 clear conception can be associated. The characteristic feature 
 of the perfect in contrast to the aorist and the imperfect lies 
 in the fact that it expresses the relation of an event to the 
 present time. 
 
 > Cf. for this section, Brugmann, Bet: der phil.-hist. class, der sacks, gesellsch, d. 
 wissenschaften 1883, p. 169 sqq. 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATlCAi.. 
 
 456. Instead, however, of the present, a point may be taken 
 which lies in the past or the future ; and to this, again, corre- 
 spondingly a threefold relationship is possible. An event may 
 be contemporaneous, previous, or in prospect. Contemporaneous- 
 ness, with a moment in past time, has found its expression in 
 the imperfect ; that which has preceded it is denoted by the 
 pluperfect ; for what is in prospect in past time no special tense 
 exists ; we have to content ourselves with periphrases. That 
 which has preceded, a point of the future is denoted by the 
 futurum exactum ; that which is in prospect, from this point, 
 can be expressed by periphrases only ; the contemporaneous is 
 rendered by the simple future. In this scheme the aorist, and 
 the substitutes for it which have grown up in single languages, 
 has as yet found no place. It is the narrative tense — i.e. it denotes 
 a process which falls in the past ; not, however, in its relation 
 to the present, but in relation to another, but earlier, point of 
 past time. Herein, however, the process in question is not regarded 
 as impending, but as already fulfilled. The point of time at which 
 we place ourselves is continually changed and moved forwards. 
 
 457. What I have said of the relation of the tenses which 
 actually occur to those which must be ideally constructed holds 
 good absolutely for the indicative only. For the infinitive and 
 participle, the point of time with reference to which we record 
 our movements is defined by the finite verb to which they are 
 a/ttached. A threefold distinction of tense therefore suffices. 
 The same tenses which serve to express the relation to a present 
 moment of time are likewise employed to denote the relation 
 to a point of the past or of the future.^ This is also the reason 
 why the participles, in connexion with a finite verb, are so well 
 adapted to replace such tenses as happen to be defective. The 
 
 1 Cf. Brugmann, u.s. p. 174. 
 
302 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [CI 
 
 imperative is in its nature always future, and similarly the con 
 junctive and the optative, so far, that is, as they denote tha 
 anything is to happen or is wished for. 
 
 458. Before the formation of grammatical tenses one and th 
 same form had to do duty in their place, and the time-relatioi 
 had to be either denoted by special words, or else guessed a 
 by the context. No special form undistinguished by any marl 
 of tense any longer occurs. But the function of such a forn 
 is partially fulfilled by the Present as the least characteristic 
 tense side by side with its strictly Present function. We are 
 accordingly in a position to realise the circumstances which 
 preceded the formation of grammatical tenses. 
 
 459. The present fulfils the function of an absolute tense, in 
 the first instance, in all abstract sentenjces (cf p. 117). A sentence 
 like the ape is a 7nammal applies to the past and the future as 
 well as to the present. If another sentence is subordinated to 
 the abstract one, the action of this may be conceived as preceding 
 that of the main sentence, and thus the perfect may be employed ; 
 as we shut the door when the horse is stolen. What is foreign, 
 then, to the abstract sentence is not all tense-distinction as such, 
 but the fixation of a point of departure. 
 
 460. The concrete-abstract sentence (cf p. 117) has this in 
 common with the pure abstract sentence, that no definite single 
 point of time is decisive ; that it rather holds good for a number 
 of different points of time ; whence it comes that in it the present 
 includes in itself both past and future. Its time, however, is 
 not an absolute one. It is bounded before and behind in narrow 
 limits, and within these limits it is possible for interruptions to 
 occur. It is likewise possible for all the points of time to fall 
 into the past or the future, and hence it comes that the imperfect 
 or perfect, and the future, can stand. 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 303 
 
 461. The present, in very many languages, performs in the con- 
 crete sentence the functions of the future. This is specially the case 
 when another word sufficiently indicates that the action in question 
 is in the future ; cf. ich reise morgen ab, das nachstens erscheinende 
 buck ; and in English such phrases as / start to-morrow ; the next 
 day that dawns ; but in other cases also, where the situation ad- 
 mits of no ^misunderstanding. Further, the future character of the 
 main sentence is extended to the by-sentence, so that the present 
 and perfect receive a future sense ; cf wenn er kommt, werde ich 
 dich rufen ; wenn ich die arbeit beendigt habe, werde ich es dir 
 sagen. Conversely we find in Greek the present of the main 
 sentence after the future of the by-sentence ; cf. el av-rt) fj 7r6\t9 
 Xrj^doja-erai exerai /cal rj iraa-a SiKeXia (THUC.y In OHG. the pre- 
 sent is likewise used in a future sense without any further support. 
 
 462. We are not accustomed to use the present instead of 
 the preterite except in the case of the historical present, where, 
 however, we have to assume an actual displacement of the point 
 of view in the imagination. But in Sanskrit the word pura, in 
 Greek irdpo'i, is found with the present in the sense of the 
 preterite ; cf. nrapo'; ye fiev ov ti, 6afii^ei,<! = ' formerly thou camest 
 not often ' (HOMER,^ 5 386 and frequently), 
 
 463. There occur also cases in which the present refers alike to 
 past and future; cf ich weiss das schon lange = I know this now 
 .and have long known it : er ist seit 20 jahren verheiratet ; so lange 
 ich ihn kenne, habe ich das noch nie an ihm bemerkt ; seitdem er in 
 Rom ist, hat er mir nicht geschrieben. 
 
 464. The relative time-relation of two events which take place 
 in the past or in the future remains in many cases undefined.* The 
 Germans say als ich ihn erreichte as well as erreicht haite, wenn ich 
 ihn finde, as well as gefunden habe. It is well known that in 
 
 ^ Cf. Brugmann, u.s. p. 170. ^ Ibid. p. 170. 
 
 " A good example of this is found in English where the ^ast tense refers to the 
 future : cf. such a case as " I am going out. " " I thought you were.'" 
 
304 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Greek the aorist stands in dependent sentences instead of the 
 Latin pluperfect, in Latin the perfect even zStev postquam ; in MHG. 
 the simple preterite is quite common, where we now employ the 
 periphrasis which has to take the place of the pluperfect. This 
 inaccurate employment of the tenses is the more primitive. The 
 pluperfect is merely a secondary formation. More commonly still 
 the relative time-relation is neglected in the case of the participle ; 
 and in this the lack of forms strictly needful co-operates. Cf. In 
 Zug ans land steigend, kehrten wir im Ochsen ein (GoETHE, and 
 more examples may be found in Andr. Sprachg. 112); Jtaec Maurus 
 
 'jug.aCm.i.. secum ipse diu volvens tandem promittit (Sallust •* for further 
 examples vid. Draeger, § 572). Conversely we find in Latin the 
 perfect participle with a present meaning : moritur uxore gravida 
 relicta (Liv.,tcf Draeger, § 582). The participle in -ndus is not 
 used only in a future sense but in certain cases also as a present, 
 as in volvenda dies, volvendis mensibus (Vergil) ; alienos fundos 
 
 % Pro M. § signis inferendis^petebat\\{ClCER.O ;| Draeger, § 599). The German 
 participle present unites the signification of the present and the 
 future, cf. e.g. der nock immer betrauerte, friih verstorbene vater. 
 
 465. It is possible too for many factors of a secondary nature to 
 come into consideration for the signification of grammatical tenses. 
 Since, for instance, an event which has occurred commonly leaves 
 traces of itself, it is possible for the statement that an event has 
 occurred to carry with it the further suggestion of its subsequent 
 result; and this, strictly speaking, accidental portion of the 
 meaning may become its principal element. The result being 
 now, however, regarded as the essence of the signification, the 
 signification of the perfect necessarily appears as present. Thus 
 
 • the disappearance of the regular present conduces to the result 
 
 which is called in the German grsLmmars prateriioprasens. 
 
 466. The same logical relation as that of the present to the 
 
 ^i.e., by hostile attacks. 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 305 
 
 perfect, denoting result, may subsist also between distinct verbs : 
 — of. treten — stehen, fallen — liegen, verstummen — schweigen, 
 erwachen — wachen, entbrennen — brennen, sick setzen — sitzen. 
 Since in this case the passing into a given condition, and the 
 subsistence in such condition, are rendered by two different 
 linguistic expressions, there are also cases in which the same verb 
 may denote both. In MHG. it is possible for sitzen, stdn, ligen, 
 szvtgen to bear the sense of sick setzen, treten, sick legen or fallen, 
 verstummen ; cf NHG. aufsitzen, aiefstekn, abstehn, etc. ; and the 
 Modern Upper German use oi sitzen. Consequently the mhg. ich 
 bin gesezzen and ich sitze may bear an identical signification. 
 Similarly the Greek ^evyco may mean ' I am exiled,' and aSi,K&, ' I 
 am wrong.' Here too may be cited cases in which events belong- 
 ing to the past are denoted by the present because their effect is 
 still operative ; cf er lasst dick griissen ; der kerr schickt mick ; ich 
 kdre, dass er zurUckgekekrt ist ; er sckreibt mir, dass alles gut steht, 
 etc. In the same way the Greek aicovco, Trwddvojicui, alcr6dvo/j,ai, 
 fiavOavm, etc. are used ; and other languages employ the same 
 usage. 
 
 467. We have seen above (p. 303) that the modal and temporal 
 circumstances are not independent of each other. As it is 
 characteristic of the imperative to denote a process to be realised 
 in the future, it is easy to understand that the future can,- with the 
 aid of the situation and of the stress laid on the word be under- 
 stood as an imperative ; e.g. you will do it at once. In the same 
 way the future can be optative, cf.' sic me di amabunt, ut me tua- 
 rum miseritumst fortunarum (Terence).* In the interrogative */reaa<.in. 
 sentences of demand (' frageaufforderungssatzen ') cf p. 125 the 
 conjunctive and the future have the same function ; cf. Latin quid 
 faciamus with the Greek rt TroLtjaoiiev. Nay, the future may be 
 employed even as a potential, cf das wird sick so verkalten, ' that 
 
 u 
 
Scotch. 
 
 306 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 will be so ' : and similarly in Latin popular language, e.g. haec erit 
 * Trin.-ii:vi. iono genere nata (PLAUTUS),*cf. Draeger, § 136. The same use is 
 common in the Romance languages, cf. Diez, iii. 282 ; Matzn. Fr. 
 Gr. p. 72, 3, 4; 75, 2. It is possible to seek two different explana- 
 tions for this phenomenon. In the first place, since all that takes 
 place in the future is more or less uncertain, the signification of the 
 future might have developed in such a way that nothing but the 
 factor of uncertainty remained over. In the second place, however, 
 we might apprehend a sentence like he will be at home t as ' it will 
 Low5nd"'° turn out that he is at home.' The French conditional is a preterite 
 to this potential mood. It denotes originally the future process 
 from a point of time of the past, as, e.g., in such a sentence as nous 
 convtmnes que nous partirions le lendemain. As a strict conditional 
 it may, but need not necessarily, bear a future sense. In German 
 as well, a future periphrasis is employed which has not necessarily 
 a future sense ; but for this the conjunctive is employed, as ich 
 wurde zufrieden sein. As the future has been transferred to a 
 modal signification, conversely in Latin the conjunctive has passed 
 into a future. 
 
 Voice. 
 468. The tenses and moods have intrinsically nothing to do 
 with syntax, and only come to express syntactic relations owing to 
 their relationship to each other, and consequently not till we have 
 to deal with compound sentences. The distinction between Active 
 and Passive, on the other hand, is of essentially syntactical nature, 
 since it expresses nothing else but a differing relation of the verb 
 of the predicate to the subject. That which in the active is the 
 object, is in the passive the subject. Hence the employment of 
 the passive renders it possible to make a psychological subject, \ 
 which otherwise would necessarily take the grammatical form of 
 the object, into the grammatical subject as well ; and this is a 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 307 
 
 principal reason for the use of the passive construction. In 
 impersonal sentences it is a matter of indifference whether the 
 active or the passive is employed. The custom of language has 
 ruled that words which under normal circumstances are construed 
 personally, are employed passively when they are by an exceptional 
 usage employed impersonally (cf. the German es wird gesungen, 
 getanzt, etc.), while in the case of verbs which normally speaking 
 are used impersonally, the more simple active is employed {es 
 regnet, 'it rains, hails,' etc.). There occur, however, points of 
 contact between the active and passive constructions, cf der wald 
 rauscht — es rauscht, das haus brennt — es brennt. In the ON. 
 Sagas, we often find in the introductions to a division the formula 
 Mr segir ' here it says,' = ' here is treated of.' [The same usage is 
 common in Russian.] In Middle Latin dicit is equivalent to dicitur 
 of classical Latin. In a superscription of the OHG. Isidor we find 
 hear quidit umbi dhea bauhnunga = hier wird gehandelt von der 
 vorbildlichen darstellung : and similarly in other cases. The use 
 of skal in ON. in the sense of man soil {wird), etc. is similar. 
 
 469. The contrast between active and passive could not be 
 formed until the separation between subject and object had been 
 completed. Before this, in any case, the simple juxtaposition of 
 subject and predicate must have denoted the passive relation as 
 well as the active. We can still observe the change between the 
 active and passive signification in the nominal forms of the verbs, 
 which in their manner of formation have nothing to point to one 
 or to the other. 
 
 470. The participle present appears in archaic NHG. frequently 
 in a passive sense, cf seine dabei hegende verrdterische absicht 
 (Thummel), dem in petto habenden gedicht {ScnilJL^^) ■,^ especially 
 common are expressions like vorhabende reise. In English we say 
 
 ' Cf. Grimm, Gr. iv. 66. Andr. Sprg. 82. 
 
3o8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OP LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the horses are putting to, the casinos are filling, etc.^ This passive 
 application is to be apprehended precisely as the free addition of 
 the participle discussed supra, p. 157. 
 
 471. In the case of the so-called perfect participle, it is seen 
 quite plainly that the difference between active and passive cannot 
 consist in anything already attaching to the formation, since the 
 participles of the transitive verbs are employed passively, and those 
 of the intransitives in part actively. Even these limits, however, 
 are not invariably preserved. There arise turns of expression like 
 das den grafen befallene unglUck (GOETHE), des den erwartungen 
 nicht entsprochenen anfenthalts (GUTZKOW) ; stattgefunden, and 
 stattgehabt are tolerably common.^ Notably, however, a number 
 of participles of transitive verbs used in a transitive meaning have 
 passed into pure adjectives, cf. erfahren, verdient, geschworen, 
 gereist, gelernt, studiert, etc. [in English ' learned,' ' aged,' etc.]. 
 
 472. In Latin the passive sense does not originally attach to 
 the participles in -endus, -undtis, cf. oriundus, \volvenda dies, 
 Virgil, etc.], by the side of which in older writers others like 
 pereundus, ' dying out,' placendus, ' pleasing,' etc., range themselves. 
 
 Other observations of a similar nature may be made in Latin as 
 in other languages. 
 
 473. The verbal distinction of voice was originally as foreign to 
 the infinitive as to the ' nomina actionis.' The former, however, 
 immediately approximates to the voice-character, on the one hand, 
 since an object-case is put in dependence on it ; and, on the 
 other, since it shares with the governing verb the reference to the 
 subject of the latter {he is able to read) ; or further, to another word 
 contained in the sentence, to which it stands in no direct gram- 
 matical relation (befehlen steht ihm ilbel an, durch fliehen kann er 
 sich retten, etc.). Such reference is not in itself absolutely necessary. 
 
 1 Cf. Miitzner, ii. 56. 2 Cf. Andr. Sprg. p. 83 sqq. 
 
XV.] CATEGORIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 309 
 
 None such, for instance, is to be found in such a sentence as er 
 ' befiehlt zu schweigen or not lehrt beten. In this case the infinitive 
 is fundamentally neither active nor passive, but voiceless. In 
 Gothic we find not unfrequently the simple infinitive standing in the 
 place of the Greek infinitive passive in cases. where the modern 
 Germans also employ the periphrastic passive infinitive ; e.g. ze/«rj> 
 ^an gaswiltan \ainma unledin jah briggan fram aggilum = iyeveTO 
 Be aiToOavelv top TrreB^oj/ koI a,veve')(drivai viro t&v ayyeXoav, of. 
 Gramm. iv. 57 sgq. This is natural when we take notice of the 
 originally neutral nature of the infinitive. But on the other side 
 it is equally intelligible that the want felt in the individual IE. 
 languages led by gradual but inevitable steps to the creation of 
 a passive infinitive. The necessity for the employment of such 
 naturally made itself most felt in the case of those languages in 
 which the accusative has developed into the subject-case of the 
 infinitive. 
 
 474. A grammatical passive exists only in cases where such 
 passive has been formed from the same stem as the active, and has 
 been separated therefrom by a special method of formation. The 
 relation of an intransitive to the corresponding causative is 
 approximately analogous to the relation of the passive to the 
 active, cf. fallen — fallen, hangen — hdngen, and the pairs from 
 unrelated roots, warden — machen, sterben — tddien, (kin) fallen — 
 {hui) werfen. The difiference, however, consists in this, that in the 
 case of the intransitive, an operative agency is not contemplated as 
 normally as in the case of the passive. This difference is therefore 
 easily cancelled. In Greek the phrase is allowed, aTrodv^a-Keiv vvo 
 nvo^. In Latin Jio is employed in the present simply as the 
 passive offacio. In no other way than this are the periphrases for 
 the passive by means pf werden and sein intelligible. On the other 
 hand, the so-called deponents show us the transition from the 
 
310 PR/NCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch.XV.] 
 
 passive to the active. These cannot justifiably be placed in a 
 separate category from the proper passive or middle voice by the 
 circumstance that they have to be translated by the active in a 
 foreign language. On the other hand, we have to take into con- 
 sideration the entire loss of the active which originally belongs to 
 them, and what is still more important, a method of construction 
 which commonly falls only to the active ; thus especially the con- 
 nexion with an accusative of the object. 
 
 475. One of the most ordinary ways in which the passive takes 
 its origin is from the middle voice, which on its side is capable of 
 being formed from the composition of the active with the reflexive 
 pronoun. [Cf French se ■marier, the Scand. -sk, etc., the Russian 
 way of forming the passive in -sa, and possibly the Latin form 
 in -ier?^ The exact process is that one element in the significa- 
 tion of the middle disappears. The middle involves at once the 
 origin of an action in the subject and its return thither : the passive, 
 the latter only. In the case of many reflexive combinations in 
 NHG., the consciousness of an activity of the subject has likewise 
 disappeared ; but they approximate more to the simple intransi- 
 tive owing to the relationship which exists between this and the 
 passive ; cf sich regen, ausdehnen, drehen, teilen ; sich freuen, 
 schdmen, verwundern, irren, etc. Still more completely is every 
 active operation of the subject excluded in sichfinden, befinden, in 
 expressions like das Idsst sich koren, es Idsst sick da gut leben, das 
 hort sich gut an, hier tanzt es sich sehr leicht. 
 
 1 See however King & Cookson's Sounds and Inflections, p. 443. 
 
 PASSAGES TRANSLATED. 
 
 Page 297. — Ni shdun, etc. Nor shall children hoard for fathers, but fathers for 
 
 children. 
 Page 298.— Swey gesihi, etc. Whoever sees the lovely otff, to him must she he well 
 
 pleasing, so that they praise her virtue. 
 Page 298. — Das iesUcher, etc. That each knight sat in his saddle and arranged their 
 
 troop. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION.* cl',,Ia^tr. 
 
 los. 
 
 WE have already seen, in Chapter VI., that the distribution of The diver- 
 a sentence, — the manner in which we combine elements psycholo- 
 gical and 
 in larger or smaller groups, — admits of being readily modified. It grammatical 
 
 distribution 
 
 was likewise hinted there that the psychological (or logical) relation 
 of the elements among themselves, and their purely grammatical 
 relation, may be in absolute conflict. The syntactical forms (e.g. 
 the cases) arise, in the first instance, in connexion with definite 
 elements of the sentence, — such as subject, object, determination 
 of a substantive, etc. But they express at the same time a more 
 specific mutual relation than can be expressed by the mere juxta- 
 position of the several words.' Now the use of this method of mere 
 specific expression, while the old free combination of notions, 
 which can never be wholly abolished, still prevails, produces a 
 contradiction, which in its turn, if it becomes ' usual,' gives rise to 
 new constructions. The departure from the external form of 
 grammar here consists partly in a different way of grouping and 
 detaching the single elements, partly in a different psychological 
 arrangement of them, by which subject, predicate, object, etc., 
 change functions. 
 
 477. Duality of elements is, as we have seen, the primitive form Duality and 
 
 Multiplicity 
 
 of the sentence. Even the fullest sentences admit of being so of dements. 
 constructed, the whole of the supplementary matter being thrown 
 
 811 
 
312 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 into extensions of the two elements. But it is possible for the 
 determinants of the predicate, the nearer and remoter object, the 
 determinants of place and time, to likewise obtain the value of 
 independent members, so that a multipHcity of members arises. 
 Conversely, this multiplicity may itself give rise to a simple pair, 
 several members being grouped in one without regard to the 
 distribution which would be demanded by the historical develop- 
 ment of the mode of sentence in question. If we indicate the 
 subject by a, the predicate by b, the determinants of the latter by 
 Greek letters, and the single groups by brackets, we should have 
 as our fundamental scheme {d){baP'^h), and beside it {a){b){a){^) 
 (7)(S). Hence can develop schemes such as (aba^yXS) or 
 {aba^B){y), etc., or again (a)(ba^y)(B), (a){ba0B)(y), etc., and others 
 beside. The violation of the original distribution can go even yet 
 further, determinants of the subject being likewise detached from 
 it and combined with other elements ; and those of the object in 
 the same way, etc. 
 
 478. Multiplicity of elements, resulting from an approximate 
 
 equality in the value of each, occurs especially in calm, connected 
 
 exposition. Ordinary conversation Always tends to sentences of 
 
 two or three elements only. 
 
 The Psycho- 479. The element most sharply distinguished from the rest is 
 
 logic3,l Pre- 
 
 dicate. in the first place, the psychological predicate, as being the most 
 important of all, containing as it does that which it is the final aim 
 of the sentence to communicate, and on which therefore the 
 strongest emphasis is laid. The sentence Charles drives to-morrow 
 to London can be conceived as of four members in case it is spoken ' 
 to a wholly unprepared hearer, to whom all its several elements are 
 therefore alike new. We can then say equally well that three dis- 
 tinct predicates are attached to the subject Charles; or, perhaps 
 more correctly, that to the subject Charles is attached the predi- 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 313 
 
 cate drives, to the subject Charles drives the predicate to-morrow 
 and to the subject Charles drives to-morrow the predicate to 
 London. Here the last determinant is no doubt somewhat, but 
 only slightly, more emphasised than the rest. On the other hand, 
 where the mental disposition of the hearer is previously defined in 
 a manner known to the speaker, each of the four members may 
 become a sharply emphasised predicate. If Charles' journey to- 
 morrow has already been discussed, and only its goal remains 
 uncertain, then to London is the predicate. We might then ex- 
 press it otherwise — the goal of the journey which Charles makes 
 to-morrow is London. If his journey to London has been men- 
 tioned, and only the time was indefinite, then to-morrow is 
 predicate, and we might express it — Charles' journey to London 
 takes place to-morrow. If it is known that Charles will travel to 
 London to-morrow, but not whether he will walk or drive there, 
 the predicate lies in drives. But we could not exactly say that 
 drives is psychological predicate in accordance with the gram- 
 matical form ; it is rather to be split into two elements, a general 
 verb of motion and a determinant to this verb indicating the 
 species of motion ; and only the latter is predicate. If, finally, it 
 is known that some one is driving to London to-morrow, it is only 
 doubtful who, then the grammatical subject Charles is the psycho- 
 logical predicate, and we can say equally well — the person who is 
 driving to-morrow to London is Charles. 
 
 480. As opposed to the psychological predicate, all the other psychologi- 
 cal subject 
 
 elements of the sentence can be conceived as subject, as is clear and w/»/<j. 
 from the above examples. But it is also possible for a single 
 element to stand prominently out as subject, in which case it 
 approaches most nearly in importance, and therefore in emphasis, 
 to the predica^te. The other elements then appear as copulse, 
 which serve to connect the subject and predicate, and to define 
 
314 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the precise nature of their connexion. Thus, in psychological 
 analysis, the predicate of the sentence Mary has toothache is not 
 has but toothache, while has is only a copula ; in the sentence John 
 is accustomed to walk very fast, in the same way, the predicate is 
 very fast, is accustomed to walk being a copula; in he gesticulated 
 like one possessed, like one possessed is i^xz^\c's.\.^, gesticulated copula. 
 481. Every member of a sentence, in whatever grammatical 
 form it may appear, is capable, from a psychological point of 
 view, of being subject, predicate, or copula, or a constituent of any 
 of them. Subject and predicate can be indicated by position as 
 well as by emphasis. In German, wherever the place at the head 
 of the sentence, normally assigned to the subject, is occupied by 
 another element, this is either a logical subject or a logical pre- 
 dicate, the former more often than the latter. In the latter case 
 this part of the sentence is also the most strongly emphasised, 
 but not in the former. The view, frequently met with, that the 
 position at the head of the sentence always serves to emphasise ' 
 above all others the element which occupies that place, is there- 
 fore wholly wrong. 
 Elements 482. When a demonstrative, referring back to a previously 
 
 regularly expresscd substantive, occurs at the beginning of a sentence, it 
 Mi'subj^l't is ^s a rule the psychological subject, or a portion thereof For 
 St Pre icttte. .^ yifj-ue of this rctrospective reference, it represents the idea 
 from which the thought of both speaker and hearer proceeds, 
 and to which what follows is attached as new information ; cf ick 
 traf einen knaben, den fragte ich ; — dem sagte ich \ — bei dem erkun- | 
 digte ich m.ich ; — dariiber war ich erfreut ; or ich ging nach hause, da 
 fand ich einen brief; ich sah ihn am. sonntag zum letzten male, 
 damals sagte er mir ; or Fritz war gestern bei m,ir ; diesen menschen 
 ■mdchte ich immer zum hause hinaus werfen ; aber ich viuss ruck- 
 sicht auf seine faniilie nehmen ; aus diesem gninde kann ich es 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 315 
 
 nicht. In the same way the relative is regularly psychological 
 subject. The interrogative, on the other hand, is regularly a 
 predicate, or a portion of it. For the indefinite use of it in the 
 question, the answer substitutes a definite one. Hence, if Cicero 
 says, quam utilitatem aut quern fructum petentes scire cupimus ilia ? 
 or tu vero quibus rebus gestis, quo hoste superato contionein convocare 
 ausus es? — the psychological predicate lies not in the finite verb 
 but in the participle and its appendages. Further, every element 
 of a sentence, the connexion of which with the rest is denied 
 by means of a negative particle, is invariably a psychological 
 predicate ; cf. nicht ihn habe ich gerufen = ' the person, whom I 
 have called, is not he ; ' nicht ihm habe ich das geld gegeben — ' the 
 person, to whom I have given money, is not he,' etc. The nega- 
 tion belongs, therefore, though not invariably, to the grammatical, 
 yet invariably to the psychological predicate, or, to speak more 
 properly, it invariably relates to the connexion of the psycho- 
 logical subject with the psychological predicate. It follows, of 
 course, that the adversative clause which is placed in line with the 
 negated element is also a predicate ; e.g. nicht am morgen, sondern 
 am mittag will ich verreisen. Further, every element which is 
 emphasised by a nur, allein, ausschliesslich, only, exclusively, or the 
 like, for they can be replaced by not another; but besonders, vor 
 allem, especially, above all, mostly^ etc., are also marks of the 
 predicate. 
 
 4.8^. The discrepancy between grammatical and psychological The 
 
 " *^ ^ Discrepancy 
 
 predicate may be avoided by a more circumstantial form of avoided by 
 
 ^ ^ Periphrasis. 
 
 expression, which in many languages is abundantly resorted to ; 
 Christen sind es, die das getan haben, or von denen man das verlangt ; 
 English, 'tis thou that robbst me of my /(7r^;*French, dest moi qui, etc. ; hI"! vifi"" 
 
 2. 
 
 cest d vous queje m'adresse ; English, it is to you, young people, that 
 
 I speak ;-t German, was ihn am meisten drgerie, war ihre gleich- ne?u.^\t8. 
 
3i6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 giiltigkeit ; English, what I most prize in woman, is her affections, 
 * ,i'°"s- not her intellect* 
 
 fellow. 
 
 484. A familiar expedielit in German for converting into a 
 
 subject what would otherwise be the grammatical predicate, is the 
 
 periphrasis with tun ; cf verbieten tut es niemand. 
 
 rhe 485. In many languages we find the conflict of grammatical 
 
 sU^inaud. and psychological subject solved in the following interesting way:t 
 
 tQCMatz- the psychological subject is put first in the nominative, i.e. in the 
 
 ner iii. p. 25. 
 
 form proper to the grammatical subject, and is then resumed by 
 fekek, »™r a pronoun, the form of which is determined solely by its gram- 
 
 i. 176. 
 
 matical function -^ cf ein eichkranz, ewig Jung delaubt, den setzt die 
 nachwelt ihm aufs haupt (GOETHE) ; French, cette confiance, il 
 I'avait expriinie ; Italian, gli amid vostri non gli conosco ; MHG. 
 rUem.cere unde lUgencBre, swd die sin, den verbiute ich mtnen sane; 
 Spanish, claro i virtuoso principe, tanto esta sciencia le plugo; 
 Greek, eKelvov Se oii Seoaco avTw ovSev ; MHG. die Hiunen durck 
 ir haz der garte sich zwei tilsent ; French, tous ces crimes d'itat 
 qu'on fait pour la couronne, le del nous en absout ; Italian, quelli eke 
 hanno costituita una republica, tra le cose ordinate da loro e state 
 (Machiavelli) ; Greek, to /irjSev clkovto, riva i^a'Trarf/a-ai 
 fieya fiepo<; ets tovto r) r&v ■)(^pri/j,dTa)v KTrjcri's ^Vfi^aXXeTM 
 (Plato) ; ach, der hdligste von unsern trieben, warum quillt aus 
 iJiin die grimme pein f (SCHILLER). The possessive pronoun here 
 takes the place of a genitive : MHG. Parzivdl der valschheitswant 
 sin triuwe in Urte; English, 'tis certain, that every man that dies 
 ill, the ill is upon his own head (John, iv. I.) ; Spanish, la villa sin 
 regidores, su triunfo sera breve ; French, les soudans, qu'd genoux cet 
 univers contemple, leurs usages, leurs droits ne sont point man 
 exemple (Voltaire). A similar phenomenon occurs when an 
 attribute to the psychological subject appears in the nominative; ■ 
 cf Greek, hiacTKoirmv koX Sia\ey6/j,evo^ avrw eSofe /j,oi ovto^ o 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 317 
 
 avrip (Plato);* eBo^ev auTot? a-iroKTeivai, rov<} MiiTeX7;i/atou? sg /" ' ^™" 
 eiTiKaXovvrei ttjv air6a-ra<riv (Thuc.) ;;|; iradova-a ovto) Seiva vpo'; <^«- ■5>«. 
 rS>v (fxXraTCDV ov8el<; iirep jmov Baiaovav uTjvUrai, (Aesch.);§ French, ' "'• 3«. 
 
 § Eum. loo, 
 
 depuis deux jours, Fatime, absent de ce palais, enfin son iendre amour '°"' 
 le rend a mes souhaits (Voltaire). 
 
 486. A still more complete elimination of the discrepancy- 
 consists in simply giving to the psychological the form of the 
 grammatical subject, i.e. in putting it in the nominative. On the 
 Rhine they say, according to Andresen, Sprachgebrauch 80, es 
 geben dies jahr nicht viele dpfel. The nominative is used in the 
 same way, according to Hildebrand, D Wb. 4, \a, 1404, in Strass- 
 burg, Osterlande, Thtiringen, and Hesse. Andresen adduces from 
 literary German, es gibt nichts Idcherlicheres als ein verliebter mann 
 (Borne). Even Goethe {Derjunge Goethe, ii. 465) says : mUssen 
 es hier menschen gebtn ; and Herder, giebts aber keine andere emp- 
 findbarkeit zu trdnen als kbrperlicher schmerzf In the last case, 
 therefore, at least, the comparison is treated as if it belonged 
 to a grammatical subject. 
 
 487. Adverbial determinants, which commonly, as the name psycho- 
 shows, are simply attached to the predicative verb, play in reality mentof 
 
 , r 1 /-\ ■{ Adverbial, 
 
 very various parts m the structure of the sentence. On the one Deur. 
 hand they are really verb-determinants ; e.g. Charles eats slowly ; 
 das kind zappelt mit hdnden und fiissen. If, then, the essential 
 point of the communication lies in the adverbial determinant, this 
 can be treated as the predicate, and the verb as copula between 
 .it and the subject. But the distribution may also be of this 
 nature, that the adverb serves to define the combination of the 
 other members of the sentence. No sharp boundary between this 
 and the first-described distribution can be laid down. All tem- 
 poral, local, and causal determinants can be referred to this class. 
 These constitute, in antithesis to the other elements of the sen- 
 
3i8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 tence, as a rule the psychological subject, sometimes the predicate ; 
 cf. to-morrow evening I will visit you ; on the table lie two books ; 
 the books lie not on the table but in the box. But here the verb 
 is always subordinated in such a way that it can be equally 
 well conceived as a copula. On the other hand, there are certain 
 cases in which the adverb can only be conceived as a predicate 
 attached to an already completed sentence. To this head belong 
 all expressions of modality, such as certainly, assuredly, truly 
 in any case, probably, doubtless, perhaps, hardly. He will certainly 
 come is equivalent to it is certain that he will come. Further, such 
 expressions as unfortunately, otherwise, under these circumstances, 
 on this condition, German vorkommenden falls, leider, sonst, etc. ; 
 also, in German, torichterweise, and all other forms in -weise, which 
 are distinguished just in this point from the simple adverbs toricht, 
 etc. ; the latter refer to the predicate, the former to the relation 
 between subject and predicate. The attempt to give clear gram- 
 matical expression to the logical relation has led to such German 
 phrases as kaum, dass er mich ansieht; vielleicht, dass eine trdne 
 dann von seinem, auge fdllt (frequent in the last century) ; gluck- ' 
 licherweise, dass die gemdlde so hoch stehen (GOETHE). Expres- 
 sions of assurance, occurring alone in the first place — e.g. gewiss, 
 er wird es tun — are obviously predicates to the independent 
 sentences which follow. 
 Rarity of 488. In languages of slight formal development the discrepancy | 
 
 Discrepancy 3 
 
 ofdl°fr^''^ between psychological and grammatical subject or predicate is 
 Devdop- far more rare ; for this is occasioned precisely by the growth of a 
 manifold special form of expression for the various logical relations 
 of notions among themselves. The remarkable, and to us very i 
 singular, forms of expression in Dajak, adduced by Steinthal, 
 Typen, p. 172, 3, seem to me to rest essentially on the following 
 processes. The psychological subject or predicate is made the 
 
 ment 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 319 
 
 grammatical subject or predicate likewise ; whence either the 
 former or the latter is put in the first place; and these two 
 main members are thus, if originally compound, distributed on 
 the same principle. Compare especially, in Steinthal's translation, 
 the following: boat this boat of his choice = ' this is the boat 
 he has chosen'; witness two these which thy desire = ' ■which 
 of these two witnesses desirest thou ? ' thou place of my giving= 
 ' it is to you that I have given it ' ; too much to it moved be 
 bench by thee (zu sehr ihr geschoben sein bank durch dich)=' thou 
 hast moved the bench too much ' (where too much is the psycho- 
 logical predicate). Cf with this the Arabic construction Omar dead 
 his father=' Omz.r's father is dead' (Steinthal, Typen, 271), which 
 -further corresponds with the IE. constructions adduced above (p. 316). 
 
 489. The same inversion which marks the relation of the change of 
 
 Functions 
 
 psychological, in comparison with the grammatical, subject and between the 
 
 Deter- 
 
 predicate, may occur also in the relation of the determinant to ^inant and 
 
 the Detev' 
 
 the determinate. The case where it is least easy to decide which minatc. 
 of two members is the true determinant, and which the true 
 determinate, is that of two substantives in apposition. I can 
 say, e.g., Totila, a king of the Ostrogoths, or a king of the Ostro- 
 goths, Totila. Such a change of rdles is, however, only possible 
 when the relation of the two members is a somewhat loose one, 
 a condition of which is, that it is communicated as a piece of 
 new information. Then the whole combination approximates 
 to the nature of a sentence, and the first member is related to 
 that which follows as subject to predicate. If, on the other hand, 
 the relation is assumed to be already known, no arbitrary exchange 
 of roles is possible, and the order decides nothing. If, for in- 
 stance, a certain Mendelssohn is in question, and some one asks : 
 ' What Mendelssohn is meant ? ' in the reply, ' the composer 
 Mendelssohn,' Mendelssohn is undoubtedly the determinate, not 
 
320 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the determinant, in spite of its not standing first. Similarly, in 
 Queen Anne, Mr. Smith, brother John, the proper nouns are the 
 determinates, the titles and other defining epithets the deter- 
 minants. There also occurs, however, where no previous know- 
 ledge of the relation can be assumed, a closer combination of 
 the two members with addition of the definite articles; e.g. the 
 master-tailor Thomson. Here the article belongs, not to the 
 first member, but to the whole, and by this very means binds 
 it together in a unity. For we cannot say, instead of this, 
 Thomson the master-tailor, but, at most, Thomson a master-tailor ; 
 or, in German, omitting the article, e.g. Schulze schneidermeister, 
 when a further determinant follows, e.g. in Berlitt. ' But this 
 alteration would relax the closeness of the combination, and 
 the whole expression would accordingly have a different force. 
 In this construction, then, neither element is distinctly determinant 
 or determinate. To the more closely-connected appositional 
 relations belongs also the combination of Christian and surname. 
 It is indubitable that, at the present day, in John Smith, Peter 
 Robinson, Henry English, etc., the Christian name is the deter- 
 minant, the family name the determinate ; it is equally certain 
 that originally the converse was the case. There has occurred 
 here, therefore, a displacement of the distribution. 
 
 490. An adjectival attribute cannot thus simply change rble 
 with its substantive. We must here, however, refer to a very 
 frequent construction, in which, undoubtedly, the principal notion 
 is deposited in the adjective. When Grimm says jenes 
 heranzuziehen untersagt die mangelnde lautverschiebung, we must, 
 if we would make the grammatical form logical, transpose the 
 distribution, but at the same time introduce a further change of 
 construction : der mangel der lautverschiebung. Cf. the list of , 
 examples in Andresen, Spr. p. 122, 3. 
 
X7I.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 321 
 
 491. A displacement of quite another kind appears in such 
 phrases as ein sein wollendes original {Yi.'£.KT)'E^, so viele sein wollende 
 kenner (Ebert to Lessing), sein sollende* griechische simflicitdt * = ^ 
 (Iffland) ; ein gewesener soldat, ein sogenanter vetter, and the like ; simpifdty. 
 Fr. un nomm^ Richard. Here the substantives, which are properly 
 predicates of unnamed subjects, have taken the place of these 
 subjects, and accordingly determined the form of the participle 
 
 also. In cases, again, like sein frUherer {ehemaliger) herr, seine 
 spdtere {zukUnftige) frau, der angebliche baron, the substantives are 
 really predicates. 
 
 492. When the separation of elements which grammatically Separation of 
 
 elements 
 
 belong closely together has become ' usual,' new constructions grammati- 
 cally con- 
 arise, of which we are no longer at liberty to say that they still nected. 
 
 exhibit the discrepancy between the grammatical and the logical 
 
 distribution to which they certainly owe their origin. A relation 
 
 in origin purely psychological has developed into a grammatical 
 
 relation. 
 
 493. Thus the genitive frequently detaches itself from immediate Genitwe and 
 
 adjective. 
 
 connexion with the word on which it primarily depended ; where it 
 is dependent on a predicative adjective, the combination is never 
 very close, and it is immaterial whether we treat it as dependent 
 on the adjective alone or on the adjective together with its copula. 
 It enjoys therefore a similar degree of independence to that of an 
 object depending on a verb, and the same freedom of varying its 
 position. Cf. des erfolges bin ich sicker (' of success I am certain '). 
 Now in German the genitive es, which is frequently dependent on 
 combinations of this kind, has become phonetically coincident with 
 the accusative (MHG. ez), and accordingly has been accepted as 
 such by the linguistic sense : cf ich bin es zufrieden. Furthermore, 
 in some cases the genitive nichts of the MHG. niht has been 
 traditionally preserved, which was also inevitably treated as an 
 
 X 
 
322 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 accusative : cf. ich bin mir nichts bases bewusst. These circum- 
 stances have facilitated, but hardly been the sole cause of, the 
 further substitution in many cases of the accusative — the objective 
 case KaT i^o-x^ijv — for the genitive conceived as an objective 
 case ; a substitution precisely parallel to that which has occurred 
 in so many verbs, — e.g. erwdhnen, vergessen, etc. Cf was ich 
 mir kaum nock bewusst war (Wieland) ; sind sie das zufrieden ? 
 (Goethe), frequently ; wir sind die probe zufrieden (RUCKERT) ; 
 das bin ich vollkommen iiberzeugt (Lessing) ; so viel bin ich versichert 
 (Lessing) ; ingedenk zu sein die bescheen fragen (WeisTUMER). 
 The accusative is frequent with habhaft werden, universal with 
 gewahr werden, gewohnt, los, iiberdriissig, schuldig sein or werden. 
 What is true of the adjective applies naturally also to the 
 predicative adverb, hence inne werden is now used with accu- 
 sative. The substitution of the accusative is in any case favoured 
 by the fact that sentences in dass can be made dependent on such 
 combinations {ich bin \es\ zufrieden, dass du ihn besuchst), and 
 treated as the object. In many of these combinations we have 
 only evidence of the accusative of a pronoun. This shows the 
 influence of the es. But it is clear from analogous cases in Greek 
 Cyr. m. that the process is possible even where it is not thus facilitated, 
 e.g. iiria-TriiJ.ovet; rjaav to, irpocnjKovra (XeN.),* e'^api/o? el/ii, ra 
 
 t C/. Peile's , , ._ , . 
 
 Fr. of Phil. 6/3<0Ta)/X6I/a (rLATO).T 
 vii. 5. 
 
 Gemti-vc and 494. The naturally closer combination of genitive with a sub- 
 
 Substantive. 
 
 stantive is likewise in many cases relaxed, through its being made 
 logically dependent no longer on the substantive alone, but on the 
 combination of the substantive with a verb, and thus becoming an 
 independent element of the sentence. This is very common in 
 MHG. ; e.g. des wirdet mir buoz (' I have a remedy thence ') ; des han 
 ich guoten willen ; des sU cine sorge ; si wurden des ze rdte ; ich kume 
 eines dinges an ein ende {' I learn something with perfect precision '). 
 
 111. g, 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 323 
 
 Cf. NHG. des Idrmens ist kein ende; alter guten dingesinddrei; lass, 
 vater,genug sein des grausamen spiels (Schiller) ; nun will ich des 
 briefs ein ende niachen (SCHILLER) ; des ich ein diener warden bin 
 (Luther) ; dieses gerechten, welches ihr nun verrdter und in'drder 
 geworden seid (Luther) ; ein schiff, dessen man, so es vortiber ist, 
 keine spur finden kann (Luther) ; den leichten erwdhnungen, die 
 seiner einige alte grammdtiker tun (Lessing). For the most part 
 we have now to use a. preposition for the MHG. genitive. But 
 here also the genitive es was misinterpreted and treated as 
 nominative or accusative, so that the logical subject became 
 unreservedly the grammatical also. Cf. es ist genug {yiUG. genuoc 
 as substantive taking the genitive), es ist not, es ist zeit, etc. ; er 
 will es nicht wort haben ; er weiss es ihni dank. But the displace- 
 ment of distribution has had this further consequence, that the 
 genitive has been replaced by the nominative or accusative, a 
 change to which the dependent sentences in dass, conceived as 
 subject or object, doubtless contributed. We now say das nimmt 
 mick wunder as well as das wundert mich ; MHG. has des nimet mich 
 wunder=-' wonder about it seizes me.' Examples for the accu- 
 sative are wer wird ihm diese kleine iippigkeit nich vielmehr dank 
 wissen ? (LesSING) ; was er mir schuld gibt (LesSING, and similar 
 phrases elsewhere) ; in ansehung der stdrke wird niemand diese 
 assertion in abrede sein (Lessing, cf. Bliimner's note in his edition 
 of the Laokoon, 2d edition, p. 588). Wahrnehmen (mhg. war= 
 ' observation ') is now treated as a simple conception, and invariably 
 constructed with an accusative. Cf. constructions in Latin such as 
 quid tibi hanc tactiost (PlaUT.),* quid tibi hanc curatiost rem (ib.) , in *^^'""'- ^- ' 
 which the accusative cannot be conceived as depending solely on 
 the substantive ; further infitias ire, auctorem esse aliquid. Also 
 GR. %v fiev -rrpcoTa aol fjiOfKpnv e^ft) (EURIP.), and the like.i 
 
 495. In the languages which use a word originally substantive 
 i[C/ Thompson's Greek Syntax, p. 77, note 2, for further instances.] 
 
324 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 to express, or to strengthen the expression of, negation, we find in 
 connexion with it a genitive which, originally dependent on it, 
 has gradually passed into an independent member of the sentence, 
 and now serves as subject or object, while the word on which it 
 originally depended has lost its substantival nature. Cf. Fr. il lia 
 pas {point) d' argent ; properly, ' he has no step (point) of money.' 
 That the linguistic instinct is no longer sensible of any de- 
 pendence upon/«j or point is evident from this, among other facts, 
 that de is transferred by analogy to other negative sentences which 
 contain no word originally substantive (cf. il n'y a jamais de lois 
 observees), and also to sentences negative only in meaning, not in 
 form (cf. sans laisser d'esp^rance ; doit-il avoir d' autre volonte). 
 Similarly in MHG., cf. des enmac niht gesin ; mtn vrouwe Mzet iuwer 
 nikt : and so again a/sd grozer krefte nie mer reeke gewan. Cf. 
 further NHG. hier ist meines bleibens nicht. 
 
 496. The German Adverbs, which are at the same time pre- 
 positions, enter into a closer union with the verb, in consequence 
 of which the case, which is strictly dependent upon them alone, 
 appears to depend on the combination of verb and adverb; cf. 
 einem abgewinnen, anliegen, aufdrdngen, iiberwerfen, unterlegen, 
 vorstellen, zusprechen ; einen anreden, anklagen. That the case was 
 at first really dependent on the adverb is shown by the fact that 
 in the early period we regularly find the same case employed 
 which the adverb governed when used as a preposition ; and by 
 the special fact, more particularly, that the verbs which taken by 
 themselves are transitive can take a double accusative when 
 combined with an adverb ; thus in MHG. very frequently the verbs 
 combined with ane {er nam ze kinde sick den weisen an), sometimes 
 those with ■&/, in OS., also those with ttmbi, cf. stod ine uuerod umbi. 
 In English we can clearly trace the process by which a case de- 
 pending on a preposition is detached from direct connexion with it, 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 32$ 
 
 and attracted to the verb. In the great majority of cases, this 
 detachment is caused by the effort to put the psychological subject 
 at the head of the sentence. Cf. And this rich fair town we make 
 him lord o/(SHAKESPEARE);*ze/«j/%^j of all kind I had an antipathy" }"'"' "■ "^ 
 to (Goldsmith) ;t further examples in Matzn. ii. 518. The twofKi-are. 
 principal cases of this phenomenon are the relative sentences (cf a 
 place which we have long heard and read of, cf ib. 5 19), and passive 
 sentences (J;he tailor was seldom talked of, cf ib. 65 ff.), where the 
 passive construction serves, as elsewhere, to make the psychological 
 also the grammatical subject. This kind of passive construction 
 is used even with transitive words with an object attached to them 
 {they were never taken notice of, Sheridan, cf ib. 67). This de- 
 tachment is further usual in interrogative sentences, where the 
 precedence of the predicate accordingly comes into question {what 
 humour is the prince of, cf ib. 519). 
 
 497. An element grammatically depending on an infinitive may infinitive 
 
 and an 
 
 pass into psychological dependence on the combination of this element 
 
 dependent 
 
 infinitive with its governing word ; cf dies buch werde ich dich nie on it. 
 lesen lassen ; das ding selbst bin ich weit entfernt zu sehen 
 (Lessing) ; mit welchen sie sich erinnern, gegen mich glUcklich 
 gewesen zu sein (LesSING). In consequence of this the linguistic 
 instinct may become uncertain whether the element in question 
 ought to be directly connected with the infinitive or with its 
 government. Hence these cases come to bear a close resemblance 
 to others in which the dependence on the finite verb is really the 
 more primitive — cf was ich zu besorgen habe. Thus it happens 
 that a genuine transference of the government from the infinitive 
 to the finite verb takes place, which is attested unmistakably by 
 the use of the passive ; cf hier ist sie (Minna v. Barnhelm) auf 
 ansuchen des herrn von Hecht zu spielen verboten (Lessing) ; die 
 anklage ist fallen gelassen worden (Allgemeine Zeitung) ; die 
 
326 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. fCh. 
 
 stellung des fursten Hohenlohe wird zu untergraben versucht (ib.). 
 With these compare the Greek examples : '^iKicov Spax/J-oiv 
 6/x6Xoyri6eK7a)v a-n-dXa^elv ('it having been agreed that I should 
 receive looo drachmas,' Dem.) ; ra r/fitv ef "■PXU'' """apayyeXdivTa 
 Ste^eXOelv (PlATO) ; tmv Trpoecprjfievcov '^fiepwv to, iiriTrjheia e^^eiv 
 ('of the days for which it had been ordered to have provisions,' 
 Xenophon). To the same displacement is also due the passive 
 use of Latin coepi, desino,jubeo, prohibeo {liber legi coeptus est,jubeor 
 interfici), only that here the infinitive also is thrown into the pas- 
 sive, involving a double reference to the element which is made 
 the subject. A similar passive use occurs in archaic Latin with 
 possum and queo also, e.g. quod tamen expleri nulla ratione potestur 
 (Lucretius) ; * cf Draeger, § 93. [So caletur (Plaut. Capt. i. i. 
 12.)] Here belongs, further, the conversion in thought of an object 
 depending on an infinitive into the subject of a governing, but 
 absolutely impersonal, verb, as in rfv yap ti iv avTo2<; irpoariKov 
 Ihelv ('what it was becoming to see,' Plato) ; Xoyov tivcl 
 vpoarjKOVTa pr)6rjvai (ib.).^ 
 
 498. We have seen that the most heterogeneous elements of a 
 sentence are capable of being psychologically conceived as mere 
 copulas, when two others in their neighbourhood are emphasised 
 as its real essence. Certain words being regularly used thus, the 
 psychological category becomes a grammatical one, and the words 
 in question become connecting-words. By a connecting-word I 
 mean one which serves to indicate the relation subsisting between 
 two notions ; which can, accordingly, only be used in association 
 with two notions, and is incapable of any independent meaning 
 when used either alone or with a single notion only. The copula 
 is is a connecting-word between subject and predicate. It has 
 latterly been denied that we are justified in setting up such a class, 
 
 ■^ The above exposition is almost entirely based upon Madvig, A7. schr. p. 362. 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 327 
 
 and contended that the copula, like any other finite verb, is to be 
 treated as predicate, and the predicative substantive or adjective 
 as the determinant of the predicate. This view seems to me an 
 example of that misunderstanding of what is involved in the 
 demand for a separa^on between grammar and logic which I 
 have touched on at p. 16 above — an example of one-sided regard 
 for the outer grammatical form and neglect of its functional 
 value. We must not, however, ignore that sentences like trdunie 
 sind schdunie, gliicklich ist der mann, are equivalent in value to sen- 
 tences without copula, such as trdume schdume, gliicklich der mann, 
 and that sentences of the simpler form were obviously abundant in 
 the earliest period, and were only by degrees thrust into the back- 
 ground by sentences with copula. Were we to concede to the is 
 an independent value beside the substantival or adjectival pre- 
 dicate, all sentences of this class would become assertions of 
 existence, which, on the testimony of the linguistic sense, they are 
 obviously not. What nonsense would result from the interpreta- 
 tion of the sentence that is impossible, as ' that exists as something 
 impossible ' ! 
 
 499. The reluctance to recognise the copula as a connecting- 
 word arises from its preserving, by means of its inflexion, the 
 character of a verb. In the case of crystallised forms which are 
 devoid of flexional change, there is less difficulty in perceiving the 
 transition from an independent to a connecting-word. This trans- 
 ition is always effected by means of a displacement of the distri- 
 bution, as will be shown by a series of examples below. 
 
 500. A special variety of this displacement consists in giving to indired 
 
 Reference 
 
 two elements, which properly have only an indirect relation to each becomes 
 
 Direct. 
 
 other due to their common dependence upon a third, a direct rela- 
 tion. It is thus that we ought, probably, to conceive the origin of 
 the predicative accusative. We can now say equally well ich 
 
328 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 inache ihn zum narren and ich mache einen narren aus ihm. A 
 double mode of accusative is therefore possible with machen, one 
 indicating the object affected by the action, the other the result of 
 this action. If we attach both directly to the verb, as is still pos- 
 sible, in certain phrases, in MHG., e.g. ich inache in ritter, the idea 
 ' he becomes a knight,' or its equivalent, must enter the conscious- 
 ness at the same time, and thus both accusatives are set in mutual 
 relation on the analogy of subject and predicate. This explana- 
 tion is applicable to all the cases in various languages, in which a 
 substantive is used as predicative accusative. The transferred use 
 of the adjective as a predicative object might then be conceived as 
 modelled by analogy on the similar use of the sub.stantive. But it 
 must further be considered that, in addition to ich mache einen 
 menschen gliicklich, we can say ich mache einen glUcklichen men- 
 schen. The same explanation serves for the accusative and infini- 
 tive. The infinitive is originally a second object to the governing 
 verb. This is still the case with our ich heisse ihn aufstehen, ich 
 lasse ihn arbeiten, etc. The infinitive may even stand without 
 another accusative as object (ich lasse arbeiten). Er lehrt mich 
 franzosich sprechen is not essentially different in construction from 
 er lehrt mich die franzdsische sprache. So we can say in Latin 
 quod te jubet as well as jubet te facere. In the same way the 
 nominative and infinitive has an analogy in the passive construc- 
 tion of verbs which can take a double accusative. Bibidus nondum 
 audiebatur esse in Syria is identical in construction with Cicero per 
 legatos cuncta edoctus ; quodjussi sunt. The treatment of the sub- 
 stantival accusative as a subject of the infinitive is then a natural 
 result of the actual situation. 
 
 SOI. Another not infrequent mode of displacement occurs 
 when an element, which properly belongs to two co-ordinate or 
 adversative elements, is conceived as belonging solely to the first. 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 329 
 
 and placed in relation to a particle which connects the two. The An Eiemen 
 
 ^ equally 
 
 German entweder — oder is now thought of as a pair of correlative related to 
 
 two other 
 
 particles. But entweder arose from eindeweder, and means, pro- Elements is 
 
 attracted to 
 
 perly, 'one of the two' ; hence entweder das auge oder das kerz is ■Ca.^Fmt. 
 literally 'one of the two, the eye or the heart' The displacement 
 has allowed the form, to crystallise, so that entweder can be used in 
 every case, and with every part of speech at will. Where entweder 
 — oder serves to combine sentences, the attraction of the former 
 into the first sentence is shown also by the inversion (entiveder ist 
 er tot beside er ist tot). It is just the, same with weder — noch, with 
 MHG. weder — oder =l^dLtin utrum — an, WKG. beide — ««d?= English 
 both — and, etc. We translate Latin aeque ac by ' even as,' 'just as.' 
 But a phrase like hie mihi aeqiie placet atque ille is properly ' this 
 man and that please me alike.' That a real displacement of dis- 
 tribution has nevertheless taken place, and that the ac of com- 
 parison is, to a certain extent, detached from the copulative ac, is 
 shown by the regular use of a singular predicate where the ac is 
 attached to a singular subject ; also by the order ; and finally, 
 by cases in which it is no longer possible to render ac by ' and,' 
 — e.g. aeque a te peto ac si mea negotia essent. Instructive, 
 too, are analogous constructions which have failed to become 
 perfectly normal — where the displacement has eitljer not appeared 
 at all or not yet become 'usual.' Aeque et sometimes stands for 
 aeque ac : aeque promptum est mihi et adversaria meo (Q,\CE.^oy*'proMar. 
 cf. Draeger, § 311, 18. We find further ac or et after par, similis, 
 idem, alius, etc. (cf ih.) : pariter patribus ac plebi carus ; pariter n. 
 corpore et animo (TERENCE) ;tw««^ consul ex multis de hostium ,^^^^.^_ 
 adventu cognovit et ipsi hostes aderant (Sallust) ; solet alia 1-3. 
 
 § Ann. xiiL 
 
 sentire et loqui (Caelius) ;J viae pariter et pugnae (Tacitus);§ '4- 
 omnia fuisse in Themistocle paria et Coriolano {ClCEKO) •,\\ haec^^ mt.xi. 
 eodein tempore Caesari mandata referebantur et in Licori vadum 
 
sentences. 
 
 330 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 reperiebatur (Caesar). This displacement has also affected the 
 ON. ok. 
 
 Compound 502. The Same displacements which occur within the simple 
 
 sentence are naturally also found in the compound, since the 
 two kinds of sentence are separated by no essential and pervading 
 distinction. The subordinate sentence has the same function as 
 an element of the sentence, and is therefore subject to the same 
 laws as any other element in respect of the distribution of the 
 entire period. It is therefore wrong to divide, as is usually done, 
 every period at once into a principal and a subordinate sentence 
 (or sentences). In the first place, it is to be considered that the 
 subordinate sentence can represent an indispensable element such 
 as the subject (e.g. that he does not come, annoys me) ; and, further, 
 that what we commonly call the principal sentence is in truth 
 no sentence at all, but only an element or a complex of elements. 
 If the subordinate sentence contains an unessential portion of the 
 period — e.g. a time-determinant — it is doubtless possible to dis- 
 tinguish the principal sentence from it as an independent whole ; 
 but this distribution is grammatically wrong, and even psycho- 
 logically not always right. To divide the period I asked him after 
 his health when I met him at once into principal and subordinate 
 sentence, is no more justified than it would be to divide the 
 sentence / asked him yesterday after his health into / asked him 
 after his health -f yesterday. We can of course just as easily 
 put the subordinate sentence as the adverb between the other 
 members. Finally, the subordinate sentence does not always 
 contain an independent element, but frequently only a portion, 
 a determinant, of one : this is the case with all relative-sentences 
 which refer to a word in the principal sentence. Now the sub- 
 ordinate sentence may, just like any other element, demand, from 
 a psychological point of view, a distribution not in accordance 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 331 
 
 with pure grammar ; and it may, just like any other element, 
 share in the displacement of the distribution. Hence such a 
 displacement is often the condition which renders possible the 
 division into principal and subordinate sentence. The subordi- 
 nate sentence is here always psychological subject, the principal 
 sentence predicate — of course in the wide sense laid down in 
 Chapter VI. 
 
 503. If we apply the distinction drawn on p. 117 between 
 abstract, concrete, and concrete-abstract sentences to the com- 
 pound sentence, we find that the hypothetical sentences (in the 
 widest sense) comprise the abstract and abstract-concrete. To 
 the abstract group belong, e.g., if it rains, it is wet ; who touches 
 pitch will be defiled; to the abstract-concrete, if you do not yet know 
 it, I will tell you ; as often as he meets me, he asks me ; whoever 
 among you is not content, let him say so. The meaning of every 
 abstract or abstract-concrete sentence may therefore be expressed 
 by a hypothetical period. 
 
 504. Just as the grammatically independent sentence admits Transition 
 
 from 
 
 of a gradual transition to dependence, so one which is gram- Dependence 
 
 to Inde- 
 
 matically denoted as dependent may approximate by successive pendence. 
 steps to independence. In the intermediate stage described 
 above, p. 145, between logical dependence and independence, the 
 grammatical form may belong to either class. A preference for 
 one or for the other serves to distinguish different languages 
 and styles. Thus it is a familiar characteristic of Latin in the 
 historical period to communicate facts which are in themselves 
 new and have an independent value, but which at the same 
 time serve as temporal or causal determinants of some other fact, in 
 the form of a dependent sentence or a participial phrase, while 
 in German the independent sentence is preferred. In various 
 languages it is not uncommon to attach by a relative a sentence 
 
332 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE, [Ch. 
 
 which in no way defines or modifies what precedes, but gives 
 new information, and therefore has the force of a co-ordinate 
 sentence ; cf he went to Paris, whence later on he travelled to Lyons 
 ( = and thence) ; / met your father yesterday, with whom I had 
 a long talk (in contrast with / met to-day the gentleman with whom 
 I talked yesterday). This is of course especially frequent in Latin, 
 and we are there accustomed to treat long sentences introduced 
 by relatives as independent sentences. A similar loosely-attached 
 relative appears also in conjunctive sentences, such as quod Tiberius 
 quum fieri animadvertit, simi pugionem eduxit (Bel,!,. Hisp.) ; quae 
 si dubia aiit procul essent, tamen omnes bonos reipublicae subvenire 
 decebat (Sall.).^ A test of the complete independence of the 
 relative sentence is the use of the imperative in it. This I find 
 occurring in the Greek New Testament, 2 Tim. iv. 15 : ov koI <rv 
 <j)vXdcrs-ov, and Heb. xiii. 7 ■ wv avaBecopovvrei rrjv eK^aaiv Trji 
 avaarpo^rj's fj^ifiuaOe rrjv TridTiv ; in both passages likewise in 
 Luther's translation : vor welchem hilte du dich auch and welcher 
 ende schauet an und folget ihrem glauben nach. The use of quam- 
 quam and etsi = 'however' corresponds. Especially obvious 
 is the dissolution of the dependence in a case like do poenas temcri- 
 •Att. IX. X. tatis meae ; etsi quae fiiit ilia temeritas f (CiC.).* The same usage 
 is found with the German wiewol, obgleich, where the dissolution 
 of the dependence is attested by the order of subject and 
 predicate ; cf. Wie darfst du dich doch meinen augen weisen ? 
 wiewol du kommst mir recht (Hagedorn) ; obgleich das weissbrod 
 schmeckt auch in dem schloss nicht iibel (Hebel). 
 Inversion of S^S- Cases Hkcwise occur in which the logical dependence is 
 of prfncip°a'i preclscly the converse of the grammatical. The most familiar class 
 
 and sub- . ^ 
 
 ordinate i In itself, no doubt, the use of the relative in a conjunctive sentence does not imply J 
 
 sentence. any loosening of the -dependence. Cf. Luther, Apost. xv. 2g,dass ihr euchenthalletvom 
 gSHenopfer, etc., von welchen so ihr euch enthaltet, tut ihr recht (^| iiv SLarripoOiiTa 
 eavTods eS 7r/)d|ere). Here the relative is used, as elsewhere, as a portion of an element. , 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 
 
 333 
 
 of instances, and one common to many languages, is formed by time- 
 determinants, mostly eben, gerade, nock, kaum, =just, scarcely, etc., — 
 upon which the logical principal-sentence may follow not only, as 
 we saw (p. 145) in the form of the principal-sentence, but also in 
 that of the depepdent-sentence ; cf. kaum war icji angekommen, ah 
 ich befehl erhielt ; Fr. je n'eus pas mis pied a terre, que I'hdte vint me 
 saluer. Other examples are : Fr. le dernier des Bourbons serait tu^, 
 que la France n'en aurait pas mains un roi (MiGNET) = ' though 
 the last of the Bourbons were killed, France would none the less 
 have a king;'' WHG.jane git er nie so balde, erne benahte in dem 
 walde, = ' though he walk never so fast, night will overtake him in 
 the wood.' 
 
 506. The psychological distribution may also break down the 
 division between principal and subordinate sentence. A frequent case 
 of this is where a particle properly belonging to the principal 
 sentence coalesces with one in relation to it which introduces the 
 subordinate sentence, the whole group being then regarded by the 
 linguistic instinct as introducing the subordinate sentence. Cf. 
 sowie (Goth, swaswe, OHG. sdso), so dass, sobald als, auck wenn ; 
 Lat. sicut, simulac, postquam, antequam, priusqicam, etsi, etiamsi, 
 tain(en)-etsi. It is more important that certain words, especially 
 pronouns or particles, which originally belong to the principal 
 sentence, become connecting elements between the latter and a 
 psychologically subordinate sentence which was previously intro- 
 duced by no particle, or was even wholly devoid of any gram- 
 matical work of dependence. These words are then commonly 
 treated as a part of the subordinate sentence. In this way a 
 quantity of conjunctions have arisen which serve to introduce sub- 
 ordinate sentences, and this simple process of displacement of 
 distribution has been one of the most effective means of creating a 
 grammatical denotation for the dependence of sentences. For the 
 
334 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 most part these words referred originally to the logically dependent 
 sentence which followed (cf. p. 141). Here belongs the most 
 important German particle daz, English that, originally nominative 
 and accusative of the demonstrative pronoun. / see that he is 
 satisfied comes from I see that ; he is satisfied. When the that had 
 been drawn into the subordinate sentence and so converted into a 
 conjunction, this construction could be extended, like the accusative 
 and infinitive (cf p. 259), to cases in which a nominative or accusative 
 of the pronoun could not be used ; e.g. I am convinced (of this^, that 
 you are guilty ; he was (so) amazed, that he could not answer a word. 
 In many cases daz has passed into the subordinate sentence even 
 when accompanied by a preposition. Cf. MHG. durch daz ervidelen 
 kunde, ' because he knew how to fiddle,' literally ' for this reason : 
 he knew how to fiddle.' Similarly umlie daz, dne daz, fUr daz, Afdaz 
 (rare), bedaz (' the while '). NHG. has preserved ohne dass and aiif 
 dass ; ausser dass, w'dhrend dass and anstatt dass are probably to be 
 conceived as analogically modelled on them, since these preposi- 
 tions do not govern the accusative. On the other hand, some 
 prepositions with the dative of the demonstrative pronoun have 
 only in the NHG. period passed, through displacements, into con- 
 junctions: nachdem, seitdem, indem, wdhrenddem. Here and there I 
 we find darum ; darum ich es auch nicht Idnger vertragen, habe ich 
 ausgesandt (LUTHER, I Thess. iii. 5). The same is the case in 
 English with/^r that, AS. for Tpdm, aer \am. Also, so in OHG. and 
 early MHG. =J^ dass; and so in assurances and protestations: so 
 wahr mirgott helfe, so wahr ich hier stehe, for which may be equally 
 well said so wahr wie ich hier stehe. 6"^=' however much'; so 
 gutmiitig er (auch) ist, das wird er nicht tun ; cf. MHG. sd vil ze 
 Salcerne von arzenien meister ist, but also with a second relative 
 sd: sd manec wert leben sd Hebe frumt ; cf English Nature, as green \ 
 us she looks, rests everywhere on dread foundations (Carlyle), a 
 
'KMl.'l' DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 335 
 
 construction frequent in the older language, while the modern 
 mostly uses only the second relative as ; cf. also OF. si — com, 
 NFR. si — que. In the last cases, besides the so, a further element 
 not properly belonging to it is always thrust into the subordinate 
 sentence. It is thus with NHG. sobald (als, wie), so lange {als, wie), 
 {in) sofern, {in) soweit, sowie. This so is often conceived wrongly 
 as an original relative. Substantives too, in part with, in part 
 without, an article, in part depending on a preposition, have 
 frequently entered into a subordinate sentence which served to 
 explain them (cf. p. 141). E.g. MHG. die wtle ich weis drt hove, 
 NHG. dieweil, alldieweil,derweil, wgz7= English {the while) ; NHG. 
 falls, im falle, sintemal=sint dem mdle; seit der zeit er aufer- 
 standen ist (LUTHER) ; English on {upon) condition, in case (both 
 also with followiiig that), because. 
 
 507. A similar process is, in German at least, a partial ground 
 of the transition from the demonstrative to the relative. This 
 transition is a consequence of the. variety of airo icoivov construc- 
 tion described above, p. 133. The common member may consist 
 of the demonstrative pronoun der, or a demonstrative adverb, cf. 
 liefun thie nan minnotun (Otfrid) ; thdr ther sin friunt uuas iu er 
 lagfiardon dag bigrabanir {' where he, who had formerly been his 
 friend, lay the fourth day buried,' ib.) ; ni mag diufal ingegin sin 
 thdr ir ginennet namon min {' the devil cannot resist there, where 
 you utter my name,' ib.) ; thu giangi thara thu uuoltos {' you go 
 thither, whither you will,' ib.) ; der mich liebt und kennt ist in der 
 weite (Goethe). We should here, if we followed our linguistic 
 sense, interpret the pronoun or adverb as a relative, and as belong- 
 ing to the subordinate sentence, and this interpretation has 
 actually effected the substitution for the old demonstrative of the 
 other relative, coincident with the interrogative, which in universal 
 sentences is now alone used ; wer wagt, gewinnt ; wo nichts ist. 
 
336 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 da hat der kaiser sein recht verloren. But that the pronoun (and 
 hence also the adverb) originally belonged alike to principal and 
 subordinate sentence, appears from the following reasons : Firstly, 
 the pronoun can be combined with a substantive which must 
 necessarily belong to the principal sentence also ; in droume sie in 
 zelitun then uueg sie faran scoltun {' in dream they told him the 
 way which they were to travel,' Otfrid) ; der mdhte mich ergetzen 
 niht des mares mir iuzver munt vergiht {' he could give me no com- 
 fort for the tidings which your mouth announces to me,' WOLFRAM); 
 er sdr in thd gisageta thia salida in tho gaganta (Otfrid) ; diw 
 sick geltchen kunde der grSzen sul da zwischen stuont (WOLFRAM). 
 Secondly, the case of the pronoun is in OHG. and MHG., and even 
 in early NHG. determined usually by the principal sentence when- 
 ever this requires a genitive or dative, and the subordinate a 
 nominative or accusative ; uui demo in vinstrl seal stno virind 
 stuen (' woe to him who in darkness shall do penance for his sins,' 
 Muspilli) ; owwi des dd ndch geschiht (WOLFRAM) ; mit all dem 
 ich kan vnd vermag (Hans SacHS). Thirdly, the pronoun can be 
 dependent on a preposition, and this must likewise be drawn into 
 the principal and subordinate sentences : waz ich bceser handelunge 
 erliten hdn von den ichs wol erlazeji mdhte sin {' from those by 
 whom I might well have been spared it,' MINNESINGER). Fourthly, 
 a class distinct from these, but equally tending to prove that the 
 pronoun belonged originally to the principal sentence also, is that 
 in which it is dependent on a preposition which belongs solely tO' 
 the principal sentence. Cf. waz sol trAren fiir daz nieman kan 
 erwenden (MINNESINGER) ; daz ich singe owi von der ich iemer 
 dienen sol (Heinr. v. Morungen) ; or the case may even be 
 determined solely by the principal sentence ; der suerit bi demo '; 
 temple, suerit in demo ddr inne artSt ('swears by him who 
 dwells therein,' Fragmenta theotisca) ; den vater erit dd zi himili 
 
XVI.] DISPLACEMENT OF THE SYNTACTICAL DISTRIBUTION. 337 
 
 der sun mid den er h&t hi in erdi giwunnun {Summa Theologiae). 
 If the subordinate sentence precedes, the common element may be 
 resumed by a pronoun or adverb, cf. ther man thaz giagaleizit thaz 
 sih kuning keizit, der uuidarot in alauuAr themo keisore sar (' the 
 man who undertakes to call himself king, he assuredly opposes the 
 emperor,' Otfrid) ; daz erbe ■Ach ■d.were vorderen an br&chten unt 
 mit herscilte ervdckten, welt ir dd von entrinnen (Rolandslied);**i.32S- 
 den schaden he uns to donde plecht, dar vor kricht he nun sin recht 
 (Reineke vos). 
 
 508. For such cases as those adduced it is clear from the above 
 reasons that the element which introduces the sentence must really 
 be conceived as originally common to both divisions of it, and that 
 its repetition stands originally in the same place with such cases as 
 den schatz den hiez er fUeren ; beide schouwen unde grilezen swaz ich 
 mich daran versAmet h'dn (Walther). We are therefore also 
 entitled to assume the same origin for sentences like ther brAt 
 habet, ther seal ther brAtigomo sin (Otfrid). This is not, however, 
 intended to exclude the supposition that relative sentences have 
 also arisen from a primitive doubling of the demonstrative. 
 
 509. Principal and subordinate sentence may also be so intri- impossibiutj 
 
 of drawing a 
 
 cately blended that it is no longer possible to separate the ele- hard and 
 
 fast line 
 
 ments of the one from those of the other, as is shown also by the between 
 
 principal and 
 
 order of the words. In many languages the principal sentence is subordinate 
 
 sentences. 
 
 logically so subordinate that it can be treated as a connecting 
 element, and inserted in the dependent sentence. The part of the 
 latter which precedes is then the psychological subject or predi- 
 cate. This is especially common in interrogative and relative 
 sentences. Cf. Italian, mio padre e mio fratello dimmi ove sono 
 Latin tu nos fac antes (CiCERO) ; verbum cave faxis (Plautus) 
 matrem jubeo requiras (Ovid) ; ducas volo hodieuxorem (TERENCE) 
 quid vis curem f (Plautus) ; quid tibi vis dicam f (ib.) ; English, 
 
 Y 
 
338 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. XVI.] 
 
 something that I believe will make you smile (GOLDSMITH) ; 
 whereof I gave thee charge thou shouldst not eat (MiLTON) ; whose 
 fellowship therefore unmeet for thee good reason was thou freely 
 shouldst dislike (MiLTON) ; MHG. zuo Amelolt und Neren nu hceret 
 wie er sprach (Alphart) ; die enweiz ich war ich tuo ; MHG. eine 
 sammlung, an deren existenz ich nicht sehe warum Nik. Antonio 
 zweifebi wollen (LesSING). English, but with me I see not who 
 partakes ; which we would know whence learned (MiLTON). NHG. 
 auf diese veralteten worter haben wir geglaubt, dass wir unser 
 augenmerk vornehmlich richten miissten ; MHG. tiefe mantel wit sach 
 man daz si truogen ; zuo stnem brtltloufte bat er daz si qiicemen ; 
 Italian, questi mercati giudico io che fossero la cagione (Mach.) ; 
 Spanish, los forzados del rey quiere que le dexemos (CERVANTES) ; 
 Provengal, cosselh m'es ops qu'ieu en prenda (' it is necessary that I 
 take a resolve in regard to it ') ; Latin, hanc domum jam multos 
 annos est quom possideo (Plautus) ; MHG. swie sie wil, so wil ich 
 daz mtn fr'dude ste; Italian, solo Tancredi avvien che lei connosca 
 (Tasso) ; er hat alles, was man will das ein mann haben soil ; MHG. 
 daz ich ie wdnde daz iht wcere ; French, voila des raisons qu'il a cru 
 que f approuverais ; Italian, le opere che pajono che abbino in se qualche 
 virtii (Mach.) ; NHG. was wollen sie denn dass aus mir werde (LesS- 
 ING) ; wie wollt ihr, dass das geschehe ? woher befehlt ihr denn dass 
 er das geld nehnen soil? womit wollt ihr dass ich mich beschaftige? 
 die mischung, mit welcher ich glaube, dass die moral in heftigen situa- 
 tionen gesprochen sein will (Lessing). Hence in many cases it be- 
 comes uncertain whether the first part of the sentence is to be held 
 as still dependent on the verb of the grammatical dependent sen- 
 tence or rather on that of the grammatical principal sentence. The 
 difficulty is now solved in German by a repetition of it with varying 
 construction, by which the overlapping of principal and dependent 
 sentence is avoided : wovon er wusste, dass er es nie erlangen wiirde} 
 
 ^ Translated passages — vide p. 502. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 ON CONCORD. 
 
 IN inflexional languages there exists a tendency to place Concord 
 started from 
 words related in a way for which no specific means of cases in 
 
 _ which one 
 
 expression exists, as far as possible, in formal correspondence with word came 
 
 to agree 
 
 each other. Thus is explained the concord in gender, number, with anoth-r 
 
 , , without 
 
 case, and person, which subsists between a substantive and its regard for 
 
 ... . , the latter, 
 
 predicate or attribute, or a pronoun or adjective representing the 
 latter. We may couple with these, as kindred phenomena, the 
 correspondence in tense and mood within the same period. Such 
 concord is by no means to be in all cases considered as arising 
 naturally and inevitably from the nature of the logical relation. 
 For instance, there is no logical reason assignable why the 
 adjective should be placed in the same gender, number, and case 
 as the substantive. We have rather to think of the matter in this 
 way. The starting-point for the origin of concord was afforded by 
 cases in which the formal correspondence of a word with another 
 was produced not by any regard for the latter, but merely by the 
 identity of their relation. When, however, the concord once began 
 to be felt as such, it extended its area by analogical transference to andwasther 
 
 analogically 
 extended to 
 other cases. 
 
 other cases. We shall most easily recognise that this is the real exteS to 
 
 course of its development if we contemplate in the first place those 
 -cases in which the extension of concord can still be historically 
 .followed. 
 
340 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Case in 5 1 1. The correspondence in gender and number seems to be 
 
 which the 
 
 secondary illogically Spread beyond the area which rightly belongs to it, in 
 
 growth of .... 
 
 concord is cascs whcre attention is directed by the subject to something as 
 
 historically i i i • i /- • 
 
 traceable, yct unknown, which only receives a definite content by means of 
 the predicate. The pronoun which composes the subject ought 
 then always to stand in the neuter singular : and it actually does 
 so habitually in NHG. ; as in cases like das ist der mann ; das sind 
 die richtigeii ; and similarly the French say ce sont mes freres. On 
 the other hand, it appears in English brought into concord with 
 354.' ' ■ the predicate; thus, these are thy glorious deeds (MlLTON);*[but 
 \cBt sindon, etc., in AS.] ; in Italian, e questa la vostra figlia f in 
 Spanish, esta es la espada ; in ancient Greek, avri) roc BUrj ia-Ti 
 Cai. x>. 0eS)v (Homer); in Latin, ea deinum firma amicitia ^j^(Sall.j;+ 
 sexec. yiii. kaec morum vitia sunt {ClC.) ;XAthenae istae sunto (Plaut.) ;§^«ag 
 a!''"' "" ■ apud alios iracundia dicitur, ea in i^nperio superbia atque crudelitas 
 .Cat. SI. appellatur (SaLLUST) ;|| though we also find id tranquillitas erit 
 •^ ^'■'"^- "• (Seneca);1I and this use is common in negative and conditional 
 [eriiog."^^' senteoces. We shall probably best explain this phenomenon by 
 supposing that the subject has here conformed to the predicate, as 
 the predicate elsewhere conforms to the subject. 
 
 512. We often find words which commonly occur in the 
 singular only, placed by Latin writers in the plural when connected 
 by a copula with words that have no singular, and which have in 
 
 WMost. the plural a special meaning ; summis opibus atque industriis 
 •A Cat. 15. (PLAUT.);f ■t«^^2<g vigiliis neque quietibus {SALl,l!ST);llpaupertates^- 
 \%ap. Non. divitiae (VARRO);§§cf. Draeger, S 7, 4. 
 
 :6z, 20. 
 
 513. In a sentence like rnan nennt {heisst) ihn Friedrich, the 
 name strictly speaking ought to have no case ; the simple stem 
 should stand ; nay, we may apprehend Friedrich and other proper 
 names which contain no case-signs as the stem, or absolute case. 
 Further, so far as there is a reference to naming in an address we 
 
XVII.] ON CONCORD. 
 
 341 
 
 might expect the vocative, and we actually find this in Greek ; 
 rl fie KoXelre Kvpie? (St. Luke vi. 46), translated in the Vulgate 
 guzd vocatis me domine ?^ In default of a pure stem, the nominative 
 has to be used, which, in most cases, is undistinguishable in form 
 from the vocative. In Gothic the passage cited above is trans- 
 lated hwa mik haitid frauja f Correspondingly, Luther further 
 translates was heisst ihr mich aber herr, herr f And the nominative 
 or vocative is thus used in other places in MHG. and NHG. ; cf. 
 daz man in hiez der Bdruc (W0LFRAM),*2V^ Mess ihn mein Montan .ijs^ 
 (Gellert) ; den ich herr Stolle nennen horte (INSEL Felsenburg). 
 The most common usage at the present day is that of the accu- 
 sative ; and as early as in Gothic we find yanzei jah apaustuluns 
 namnida. This accusative is owing to the customary concord 
 occurring in such cases as the Gothic izei yhcdan sik silban taiiji\ 
 (' who makes himself king '). 
 
 514. In like manner, in the case of phrases like er hat den 
 namcn Max, the pure stem, or, in default of the existence of such, 
 the nominative, should stand; and this is the case in German. In 
 Latin, however, such a construction as lactea nomen habet (OviD) 
 is purely poetical and post-classical. In classical Latin the nomi- 
 native stands side by side with nomen only when this word is itself 
 in the nominative, so that concord is observed, e.g., cui nomen 
 Arethusa est (ClCERO).+ At the same time, however, we sometimes tK««-.iy. 53- 
 find the name made to agree with the person to whom it is 
 attributed, e.g-., nomen Mercurio est mihi (PLAUTUS).t A coxx&- 1 Ampu. 
 spending vacillation in the use of concord is seen where nomen is 
 
 S XXXV* 47- 
 
 in the accusative case, cf filiis duobus Philippum et Alexandrum et 
 filiae Apamam nomina imposuerat (Liv.)§— ^/ Superbo cognomen'''^^ ^^ 
 facta indiderunt (ib.).|| This vacillation is the best proof that 
 the concord in this case did not spring from the nature of the case, 
 
 ' Cf. Ziemer, p. 71. 
 
342 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 but rather from a certain perplexity felt by the speakers, who in 
 default of an absolute form were obliged to choose a case, and 
 in the process sought for any basis of usage which might seem 
 in harmony with the principle of concord already prevailing in 
 language. 
 
 515. A similar perplexity arises in the case of the predicatival 
 or predicatival-attributive noun with an infinitive. The NHG. is 
 well off in this respect, for it possesses an absolute form of the 
 adjective : es gluckte ihm unbekannt zu bleiben. The substantive 
 appears, when it is necessary to use a particular case clearly 
 marked as such, invariably in the nominative ; we find not merely 
 er strebt danach beriihmt zu werden, but also es steht dir frei als 
 verstdndiger viann zu handeln. In Latin the nominative stands if 
 a connexion with the subject of the governing verb is possible : e.g. 
 
 * Ter. Ad. 
 
 '25- pater esse disce*o7nitto iratus esse ; in poetry we find such expres- 
 
 t iv. 2. sions as ait fuisse naviiim celerrimus (Catull.) ; \rettulit Ajax esse 
 
 ^ ... .Jovis pronepos (OviD) jjand similarly in Greek, even in the case of 
 
 '■*' the infinitive used substantivally, in whatever case this may stand ; 
 
 opkr/ovrai, tov tt/scoto? e/tao-ro? y{yveer6ai (ThUCYDIDES) ; eSo^e 
 
 Trdacrocpo^ elvai Sia to avro^ fir] ol6<; t elvai (PlaTO). In Greek 
 
 such connexion is found even with a genitive or dative depending 
 
 on the governing sentence ; as in diracrov dvdyKr} to3 Tvpdvvtp 
 
 ■7ro\e/j,ia) elvau (Plato) ; oi AaKeSaifiovioi Kvpov iSeovTo (is 
 
 irpo0vjx,OTdTov 7r/3o? tov -jroXefiov jevea-6ai (Xenophon). In Latin 
 
 too we find the connexion with a dative, though to a more limited 
 
 extent ; cf ammo otioso esse impero (Terence) ; da mihifallere, da 
 
 %Ep. I. iv. justo sanctoque videi-i (HoR.) •,%nec fortibus illic profuit armentis nee 
 
 WMet.ym. equis velocibiis esse (OviD) ;||and commonly in the case oi licet. At 
 
 553- 
 
 the same time after licet niihi we sometimes meet with the accu- 
 
 ?9.^'''"^'"'"" sative (e.g. si civi Romano licet esse Gaditantim, CiCERO) jITthis 
 
 construction is to be explained by the fact that the accusative is 
 
XVII.] ON CONCORD. 
 
 343 
 
 the ordinary case of the subject with the infinitive.^ Cf. Ziemer, 
 p. 96. 
 
 516. I proceed to cite a few cases in which no concord is carried 
 out, and indeed is to some extent incapable of being carried out. 
 In these cases, in default of the pure stem, which is the only form 
 really justifiable, its place has been supplied by the nominative. 
 In German, for instance, such expressions are common as dent als 
 eine schreiende ungerechtigkeit bezeichenten befehle, mein beruf als 
 lehrer, even such as die stellung des kdnigs als erster burger des 
 staates ; in einer lage wie die seinige side by side with der seinigen. 
 In Latin we find such constructions as Sempronius causa ipse pro 
 se dicta dantnatur; flumen Albim transcendit, longius penetrata 
 
 Germania quam quisquani priorum (Tacitus).* In these cases no *^«». iv. 
 
 40. 
 
 doubt ipse and quisquam depend upon the subject of the finite 
 verb, but belong strictly speaking to the ablative absolute only, 
 which offers them no immediate connecting link.^ 
 
 517. The speaker is specially apt to feel perplexity in cases 
 where a grammatical concord is fi'om the sense impossible, and a 
 third clause comes in which custom has led us to expect to agree 
 with both. We have to decide in favour of one or the other, and 
 in the case of such decision, usage may establish itself differently in 
 different languages, while it may actually vary in the same language. 
 
 518. In the case of subject, predicate, and copula, the original variation 
 
 of concord 
 
 and normal rule unquestionably is that the copula, like every other between two 
 
 parts of a 
 
 verb, follows the number of the subject ; and accordingly we find sentence. 
 in English such cases as it was my orders, what is six winters ? \ m.'i. 3. 
 
 Matzner 
 
 in French dest eux, § detail les petites ties ; in Latin neque pax est ^"f-^^''- 
 induciae (Gellius ||). In German,1f however, when the predicate is ^J^J^^^J^ 
 plural, the copula is used in the same number, as das sind zwei °''^" ^ ''°' 
 
 It Drager § 
 ^ See on this point Madvig, Kl. schr., sqq. 
 
 verschiedene dinge. Other languages have similar usages ; thus ^^^ 
 
344 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 in Greek we find to ^(ojpiov rovro, oirep irporepov 'Ewea ohoi, 
 iicaXovvTo (Thucydides), and in French we find such expressions 
 as ce sont Id. des vertus de roi. This usage seems due to the fact 
 that the plural makes itself more characteristically felt than the 
 singular. In several languages, however, the converse usage is 
 possible ; viz., the copula in the singular is added to a plural 
 subject, and to a singular predicate ; cf. such Greek sentences as 
 * Jug. i8. at j^pprf'ylai, iKavov eiiSaifMovelai; arnxelov eari (AnT.) ;^ such Latin 
 ones as /oca quae Numidia appellatur (Sallust) ;*such English 
 ones as two paces in the vilest earth is room enough (SHAKESPEARE) ; 
 the Spanish los encantisados era gente medrosa (Cervantes) ; and 
 the NHG. falsche wege ist dem herrn ein greuel (Lu.). We find a 
 corresponding use in the person of the verb, — cf. the English it 
 was you, is that you f the French c'est moi, cest nous, cest vous, in 
 the older form of the language [in Regnier v. Diez p. 830] we actu- 
 ally find cest eux. On the other hand, we find in NHG. das waren 
 Sie, sind Sie das ? O. FR. ce ne suis je pas, c'estez vous. 
 
 519. In the case of the anticipatory undefined subject with 
 logical subject and predicate, we find that in French the use is 
 to write such sentences as rarement il arrive des revolutions, il est 
 des gens de bien. On the other hand, we find in German, es 
 geschehen umwdlzungen. 
 
 520. A participle used as predicate or as copula may follow in 
 gender and number the predicatival substantive instead of the 
 subject. Cf. the Greek iravTa hvri'yqtn'i ovaa rvyx^dvei, (Plato) ; the 
 
 I. ii. 44- Latin paupertas mihi onus visum (TERENCE) ^^nisi honos ignominia 
 xp.Baito.-i.put'^n'^ eji? (Cicero) ;J on the other hand, we find S emir amis puer 
 § i. =.. ""^^ credita est (JUSTIN).§ A similar usage prevails in the case of the 
 
 predicatival accusative ; cf the Greek t^v ^Soi'^k Stm/cere (09 ar^adov ov 
 I x^cix 14 (^^^'^°) ' "^^"^ attributively as the Greek ^9 dvyaTepa<}, -n-aiSui ovra 
 
 (Demosthenes) ; the Latin ludi/uere, Megalesia appellata (LlVY).|| 
 1 Cf. Thompson, Gh. Syn., § 24, and the examples cited there from Eng. and Fr. 
 
XVII.] ON CONCORD. 
 
 34S 
 
 521. The predicate, instead of following the subject, may follow 
 some apposition belonging to it ; of @fj^at, 7ro\t? acrrvyeoTcov, ix 
 fx,ecrr)<i rrji; 'EXXciSo? avijpTraa-rai, (Aeschines) ; Latin, Corinthuvt 
 
 totius Graeciae lumen extinctum esse voluerunt {ClCE.^O);*Volsinii*Leg.Man. 
 oppidum Tuscorum concrematuin est; NHG. die Aegypter aber, dies 
 harte und gesetzmdssige volk, schlug gleich die form der regel und 
 der gewohnheit auf ihre versuche (Herder). This holds good 
 even when the sentence is turned into the ablative absolute ; omni 
 ornatu orationis tamquam veste detracta (ClC^RO).^ In connexion t zfr^i!. 75. 
 with a distributival apposition we find the singular, in spite of the 
 fact that the subject is plural ; cf, al ri-xyai, rb avTi]<; eKacrrr) epyov 
 ipyd^erai, (Plato) ; die sick nach des meisters tode sogleich ent- 
 zweiten und offenbar jeder nur eine beschrdnkte sinnesart filr das 
 rechte erkannte (GOETHE) ; d& die Kahetine und die sarjande von 
 Semblidac ieslicher stner kUnste pflac (Wolfram). J ,^.. ^ ^ 
 
 522. More striking is the construction whereby the predicate is 
 made to agree with a noun compared with the subject (i) in gender, 
 magis pedes quam anna tuta j«<«^ (Sallust) ; (2) in number, menon 
 taiitum literae quantum longinquitas temporis mitigavit {ClCE^O); ei 
 cariora semper omnia quam decus fuit (Sallust) ; (3) in gender 
 and number, as quand on est j'eunes, riches et jolies, comme vous, 
 mesdames, on nen est pas rdduites d V artifice (Diderot) ; (4) in 
 person, ogoi wcrirep rfp.el'i iirt^ovXevofieda (Thucydides) ; (5) 
 in person and number, as 17 tv^v ael ^iXriov rj ij/iet? •^/Mmv 
 aiircov i-jn/MeXovfieda (DEMOSTHENES). The concord of the 
 predicate is also curious with a second subject connected by 
 the words and not, as heaven and not we have safely fought to-day 
 (Shakespeare) § \y. Matzner, vol. ii., p. 152]. ?^"-^Hy. iv. 
 
 523. In Greek an apposition, if it is separated from the noun 
 to which it belongs by a relative sentence, may follow the relative 
 pronoun in case ; as, Ku/cXwtto? Ks-^oKmrai, 6v 6<f)6aXfiov aXdaxrev, 
 
346 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 avrideov noXvcfiTjfiov (HOM. Od.) ; ol -iraXaiol eKelvoi, S)v ovofiara 
 
 IJ.eyd\a Xeyerai, IIiTTaKav re xal Blavroi (PlaTO). 
 
 524. A demonstrative or relative, instead of following the 
 substantive to which it refers, may follow a noun predicated of it, 
 as in Latin Leucade sunt haec decreta ; id caput Arcadiae erat 
 
 •xxxiii. 17. {Jji-v.) ■* quod St non Jiominis summum bonum quaereremus, sed 
 
 cujusdam animantis, is autem esset nihil aliud nisi animus (CiC.) ; 
 
 "^ ^'^^'^''' animal hoc quern, vocamus hominem (CiC.) ;t « sunt, quant tu 
 
 XproSesi. natiomm appellasti (ClC.);t2« pratis Flaminiis, quein ntuic cir- 
 
 45- ■ 
 
 cum Flaminium appellant (LiV.) ;§ Greek dto^o'i, r)v alBm eliroLbev 
 
 § 111. 54. 
 
 (Pla.). The predicate of the main sentence may then follow 
 Com. ii. 19. the relative pronoun ; cf Carmonenses, quae est longe firmissima 
 totius provinciae civitas, per se cohortes ejecit\ 
 
 525. A relative pronoun which logically refers to an undefined 
 subject usually follows the defined predicate which belongs to it, 
 and of course the predicate of the pronoun as well. Thus the 
 Germans have to say, es war ein inann, der es mir gesagt hat; es 
 sind die besten menschen, die dir das raten. In the same way in 
 French, dest eux qui ont bdti. In French it is further to be observed 
 that the person of the verb in the relative sentence follows the 
 defined predicate, as dest moi seul qui suis coupable. On the other 
 hand, the NHG. use is to say, du bist es, der mich gerettet hat. 
 
 526. In a relative sentence the verb goes into the first or second 
 person in connexion with the subject of the governing sentence, 
 although the relative pronoun refers to the predicate, and the third 
 person would consequently in strictness be demanded ; cf in Latin 
 non sum ego is consul, qui nefas arbitrer Gracchos laudare CClC.) ; 
 
 1_ Favi. V. \ / ' 
 
 "'>■ 6- neque tu is es, qui nescias (ib.lT) ; English, if thou beest he, who in the 
 ***p.L. i. happy realms of light didst outshine myriads (MiLTON **) ; / am the 
 
 84. 
 
 person, that have had (Goldsmith ff). This kind of construction 
 tt G^ iViA jjjigjj^. certainly be equally well regarded as contamination, in which 
 
XVII.] ON CONCORD. 347 
 
 case, in the last example given, the thoughts, I am the person who 
 has had, and / have had, must have become confused. The same 
 holds good of a combination like eine der penibelsten aufgaben, 
 die meiner tatigkeit auferlegt werden konnte instead of konnten 
 (GOE.). With this we may compare allaro barno betsta thero the io 
 giboran uurdi (Heliand) and secga cenegum }drape ttrledses trade 
 sceawode, ' to one of the men who looked at the inglorious track ' 
 (Beowulf) ; and so commonly in Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon. 
 
 527. The predicate or attribute, instead of agreeing with the 
 subject or the word which it defines, may agree with a genitive 
 depending on it, cf. ^\9e 8' eVt y}rvxv @97/3atoi; Tetpeaiao xpv(Teov 
 (TKriTTTpov exov (HOM.).* Stranger still is the English use, fhere*oa.x\.ga. 
 are eleven days' journey from Horeb unto Kadesh-barnea {T>Gnt i. 2). 
 
 In French, the idiom is, to say, la pliipart de ses amis I'abandon- 
 nerent, but la plupart du peuple voulait. If it often happens that 
 after a collective with a plural partitive genitive the plural stands 
 (in such an instance as eine anzahl soldaten sind angekommen), the 
 genitive certainly does not need to be regarded as the only reason 
 for the plural, since such an usage is possible in itself after the 
 collective : see Chap, xv., section 447. 
 
 528. In isolated cases we find in Latin an attribute referring to 
 a person addressed, placed in the vocative, as quibus, Hector, 
 
 ab oris exspectate venis ? (VERG.t) \cf. Hor., Sat. ii. 6]. . ^^^ ^ 
 
 529. We may gather, then, from the examples given, the way ^^^' 
 in which concord has spread beyond the area which strictly speak- 
 ing belongs to it. We are able, accordingly, to form some idea of 
 the way in which this process grew up at a period so early as to 
 reach back far beyond all our tradition. No doubt we have to 
 note the fact that concord was not so inevitable in the oldest 
 stages of language, because absolute forms without inflexional 
 suffixes were then the rule. 
 
348 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 First rudi- 
 ments from 
 which 
 concord 
 proceeded. 
 
 530. Let us now consider the first rudiments from which con- 
 cord proceeded. This process bears a certain analogy to the 
 concord of the verb in number and person. Verbal forms seem 
 mostly to owe their origin to the coalition of a personal pronoun 
 with the tense stem. We must in any case suppose a period in 
 which substantives coalesced in the same way with the stem, and 
 in which pronouns could precede the stem as well. We must 
 therefore suppose, to illustrate by an instance, that it was possible 
 to say gehen vater, vater gehen and ich gehen, just as much as to 
 s2iY geken ich, gehen du, gehen er, etc. There are various non-Indo- 
 European languages, such as the Hungarian, in which the third 
 person singular differs from the other persons of the same number 
 by dispensing with a suffix. In these languages, then, the original 
 plan maintains itself of coalition according to the formula gehen 
 vater or vater gehen. The further development then proceeds from 
 a reduplication of the subject, a process not without analogies at 
 certain stages in the life of modern languages ; cf. der kirchhof er 
 hegt wie am tage, die glocke sie donnert ein mdchtiges eins ; freilich 
 ist er zu preisen, der mann (cf supra, p. iiG); je le sais, moi, il ne 
 voulut pas, lui ; toi, tu vivras vil el malheureiix. [This use is of 
 course very common in English and German ballad poetry.] We 
 must here mention the anticipation of the subject by means of an 
 indefinite es, as es geniigt ein wort. The pronoun originally was 
 doubled only in cases where it had to be specially emphasised. 
 But how such pronominal reduplication is able gradually to spread, 
 and especially as it is favoured by the phonetic reduction of the pro- 
 nominal forms, is shown by Bavarian dialects in which we find such 
 curious amalgams as the following: mir hammer { = wir haben wir) 
 or hammer mir ; ess lebts = ' ihr lebt ihr' or lebts ess. The process 
 has thus repeated itself in the case of the verbal forms, when 
 already made and finished, which at an earlier period was ifl 
 
XVII.] ON CONCORD. 349 
 
 operation on the tense stems. The pronouns which coalesce 
 enclitically have become fused with the verb, and have shown an 
 increasing tendency to lose their original character of the subject 
 of the verbs with which they are connected. In the IE. original 
 language the development must already have gone so far that the 
 formula vater gehen was entirely replaced by the formula vater 
 gehen er. The suffixed pronoun however maintains, in the first 
 place, still a double function. In certain cases it still serves as the 
 subject (as in the Latin lego, legit) ; in other cases it is merely by 
 the concord that it shows its relationship with the subject (as pater 
 legit, ego scribo). In most IE. languages of the present day the 
 second function alone has survived. The main reason which has 
 conduced to render the employment of a second subject-pronoun 
 general, is this, that the suffixes were no longer sufficient for the 
 characterisation of the forms. For the rest, the concord of the 
 verbal predicate with the subject has no value in itself. Thus our 
 personal endings would merely be so much superfluous ballast, did 
 they not, on the one hand, serve to mark the verb as such, and, on 
 the other hand,- in certain cases to express the difference between 
 different moods; though such service is, indeed, but very imperfectly 
 performed, and in an unnecessarily complicated way. 
 
 531. As for the concord of nouns, that of gender and number 
 at any rate is first formed in the pronoun to which reference is 
 made, to which grammatical gender also owes its origin. Concord 
 in case first appears in the case of apposition. Here, likewise, no 
 absolute necessity exists for employing the case-sign twice.^ At 
 the same time we are tempted to regard the apposition to one part 
 
 ' We see this best by observing that at a more recent epoch, when the connexion is 
 very close, the principle of concord is again given up, and the inflexion of the first com- 
 ponent part omitted ; cf. mhg. des kunic Guntheres Up, an kiitiec Artltses hove ; NHG. 
 Friedrich Schillers, des herrn Muller ; even in Goelhe we find des herrn CarlyWs, etc. 
 Hans Sachs even says, hen- Achilli, dem ritter. 
 
3SOPR/NC/PLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. XVII.] 
 
 of the sentence as a repeated employment of this part. A concord 
 in gender and number occurs even at the present day only where 
 it is demanded by the nature of the case. The concord of the 
 attributive and predicative adjective can have grown only out of 
 the substantive used as an apposition or as a predicate : in other 
 words, their origin reaches back to an epoch in which the adjec- 
 tive had not yet freed itself from the category of the substantive, 
 and assumed a position in a category of its own. The starting- 
 point was afforded by those substantives which in the Latin 
 grammars are called mobilia, such as coqims — coqua ; rex — regina, 
 etc. As such substantives passed into adjectives (cf below, Chap- 
 ter XX.), they maintain the concord, and it came to be regarded as 
 of the essence of the adjective. 
 
 532. The concord of tense, the so-called consecutio temporum, 
 has, generally speaking, failed to extend beyond the area originally 
 assigned to it. The exceptions to the rules laid down on this sub- 
 ject show that the tense in dependent sentences does not, strictly 
 speaking, follow that of the clause on which such sentence 
 depends, but that it settles itself independently on principles of 
 its own. The concord of the mood, which sometimes further 
 affects that of the tense, is somewhat more extended. Cf the 
 Latin tantum voluit error, ut, corpora cremata cum scirent, tamen ea 
 fieri apud inferos fingerent, quae sine corporibus nee fieri pos sent nee 
 intelligi (instead of possunt, CiC.) ■*invitus feci, ut fortissimi viri 
 XVI. 37. J' Flaminii fratreni e senatu ejicerem septem annis postquam consul 
 
 WeSen.m.fuisset {fuerat, ClC.);fcu7n tiniidius ageret, quam superioribus 
 
 42. 
 
 diebus consuesset (Caes.).^ The assimilation of mood is toler- 
 ably regular in mhg. 
 
 • 1 Cf. Draeger, 151, 5- 
 
 PASSAGES TRANSLATED. 
 
 Page 341, — Daz man, etc. That they called him Baruch. 
 Page 34i.—J>anzcijah, etc. (Those) whom he called or named apostles. 
 Page ZA1-—AUaro barno, etc. The best of all children (bairus) of those that ever were 
 born. 
 
CHAPTER XVni. 
 
 ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 
 
 THE more economical or more abundant use of linguistic ReMve 
 economy of 
 means of expressing a thought is determined by the need, expression 
 
 depends on 
 
 It cannot indeed be denied that these means are often employed the need. 
 in luxurious superfluity. But, on the whole, our linguistic activity 
 is characterised by a certain trait of parsimony. Everywhere we 
 find modes of expression forced into existence which contain 
 only just so much as is requisite to their being understood. The 
 amount of linguistic material employed varies in each case with 
 the situation, with the previous conversation, with the relative 
 approximation of the speakers to a common state of mind. 
 Under some conditions a word may speak as plainly as a whole 
 sentence under others. If we take as a standard the form of 
 expression which will convey a thought under all possible condi- 
 tions to any possible hearer, the other forms in use appear to be 
 defective. 
 
 534. It is natural, therefore, that what is called ^^je should Ellipse 
 
 either to be 
 
 have played a great part with our grammarians. When the assumed in a 
 
 . , _ . . minimum of 
 
 terser expression is invariably referred to a more circumstantial cases, oreise 
 equivalent as the standard, there is scarcely any limit to thenLdS^frt 
 possible assumption of ellipses. The abuses to which this led °f^^4"sbn! 
 in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are well known. They 
 were, however, only an extreme result of conceptions still repre- 
 
352 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 sented in our grammars. This standard must be given up, anrl 
 every form of expression be apprehended in accordance with its 
 origin without any intrusion of alien matter. The assumption 
 of eUipse will then be reduced to a minimum. Or else, the notion 
 of ellipse will have to be given a far wider application than it 
 has hitherto had ; it will have to be conceded that it is of the 
 essence of linguistic expression to be elliptical, to contain less 
 than the full contents of what is thought, so that, in regard to 
 ellipse, the various modes of expression differ only in degree. 
 Words or 535. We will coHsidcr first the cases in which a word or a 
 
 phrases 
 
 suppiitd. phrase is supplied from what precedes or from what follows. Here 
 the question immediately presents itself, whether and how far 
 we are justified in the expressions supplied. We saw above (p. 129) 
 that an element of a sentence may be posited more than once. 
 The other elements then assume a similar relation to both 
 positions. It will hardly be contended for all cases that these 
 other elements would in the normal sentence be also doubly 
 posited, that they are actually posited once, and a second (third, 
 fourth) time have to be supplied. Least of all is the notion 
 of supplying applicable in the construction airo koivov. But in 
 such a sentence as he saw me and grew pale it will likewise not 
 be thought necessary to supply he with grew pale ; nor, in such 
 a combination as in fear and hope, will any one think of ' supplying ' 
 the preposition before hope, because we can also say in fear and in 
 hope. It is a question, however, whether the notion of ' supplying ' 
 cannot be wholly dropped, and replaced by that of single positing 
 with plural reference. Only, in this case, we must further cease 
 to conceive what is commonly called a sentence as a closed 
 • and independent unity, and regard it rather as a link in a con- 
 
 tinuous series. 
 
 536. It is customary to assume ellipse in cases such as die 
 
XVIII.J ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 353 
 
 deutsche unci die franzosische sprache, and still more decidedly in 
 the form die deutsche sprache und die franzosische. But that 
 wc have here merely a pair of elements standing in the same 
 relation to a third, is shown by the fact that in other languages 
 though not in German, similar modes of expression can be 
 replaced by others in which the two elements are treated as a 
 unity, and attached as such to the third, which now becomes 
 properly speaking, the second. This is shown by the use of 
 the plural. We say, for instance, quarta et Martia le£-iofies* (beside cf^^'Pam. 
 legio Martia quartaque, both in Cicero), Falernum et Campanuin' ''' 
 agros (for agrum, LiV.) ; t Italian, le lingue greca e latina (beside* ''^"- 's- 
 la lingtia greca e latina) ; French, les langues frangaise et allemande, 
 les onzieme et douzieme siecles ; English, the German and French 
 languages. 
 
 537. Similar is the case where a single common element is 
 accompanied by a plurality of mutually corresponding elements ; 
 e.g. John writes well, James badly. That the current assumption 
 of an ellipse is here likewise superfluous, nay inadmissible, is 
 shown again by the use in many languages of the plural predicate ; 
 of. Latin, Palatium Romulus, Remus Aventinum ad inaugurandum 
 templa capiunt (Liv.) ;+ and similarly with the ablative absolute : * i. e. 
 ille Antiocho, hie Mithridate pulsis (Tac.).§ Even in the case , 
 
 ' jr \ / o SiAnn. 111. 
 
 of disjoined subjects the plural predicate is in many languages*^" 
 as current as the singular ; cf. Latin, si quid Socrates aut Aristippus 
 contra morem consuetudinemque civilem fecerint locutive sint (CiC.) ; 
 haec si neque ego neque tu fecimus (Cic.) ; Roma an Carthago jura 
 gentibus darent (Liv.);|| French, ou la honte ou I' occasion le detrom-u^^-z'h^; 
 peront ; ni la douceur, ni la force riy peuvent m«;**English, nor 
 wood, nor tree, nor bush are there (Scott). This plural has in-„cy-Die2. 
 any case originated from instances in which the copulative con- 
 nexion could be substituted without essential alteration of meaning, 
 
 z 
 
354 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 and thence been extended by analogy to cases where no such 
 substitution was possible. It proves that for the linguistic 
 instinct the predicate has been posited once and not twice. 
 
 538. Instances of an element common to both principal and 
 subordinate sentence (or, if it be preferred, to be supplied in 
 one of them) occur in the variety of airo koivov discussed on 
 p. 133, and also in relative sentences, which have a different 
 origin ; e.g. the Latin {qui tacet consentit). Further, in MHG., when 
 a subordinate sentence without conjunction stands in the relation 
 of object to the principal sentence : da wande ich stcete funde 
 (Minnesinger) ; her sprach were intrunnin (Rother). Rarer are 
 other cases : nune weiz ich wie es beginne (TRISTAN) ; wes er 
 im gedAhte das elliu diu wolde bedwingen (JUDITH) ; mitthiu ther 
 heilant gisah thio menigi steig ufan berg {Fragm. theot.) ; kem 
 einer her mit dent opfer, brecht auch vil golts darvon (H. Sachs) ; 
 da ihn die schone fraw erblicket, winckt ihm (ib.) ; was ich da 
 trdumend jauchzt und litt, muss wachend nun erfahren (GOE.) ; 
 dass, indem er ihn gesegnete, ihm gebot und sprach (Lu.). 
 
 539. It occurs very commonly in dialogue that words of one 
 speaker are not repeated by the other. But this will not serve 
 to justify the assumption that the words are necessarily supplied 
 For dialogue itself must, not less than the single speech, be 
 regarded as a continuous and connected whole. 
 
 540. It strikes us now as a singular anomaly when an element 
 belongs in common to two sentences which, instead of being 
 continuous, are separated by a third sentence; cf. swaz er den 
 kunic e geschalt, des wart ir zehenshmt mer, und (er) jach, si wmre 
 gar ze hir (WOLFRAM) ; wer mit wdlfen zvil geulen, der muss auch 
 mit in heulen, sunst tun sie sich bald meulen und (er) ist bei in 
 unwert (H. Sachs). Similarly, when the sentences to which the 
 element is jointly referable are only formally continuous, without 
 
XVIII.] ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 
 
 3SS 
 
 any direct relation to one another ; cf. s6 ist geschehen des ir dd 
 gert und wcenent ('ye ween'), mir st wol geschehen (Hartmann 
 VON Aue). 
 
 541. The common element may either stand between those 
 which are not common, so that it is referable with equal ease to 
 either {atto koivov), or it stands at the outset or at the close of 
 the whole sentence ; it is then nearer no doubt to the one, but 
 still without difficulty referable also to the other ; or, finally, it 
 is inserted in one of the groups to which it is jointly referable, 
 in which case it appears, in the first instance, to belong to this 
 group alone. In modern German such insertions are only familiar 
 in the first group. It is here that the hypothesis of supplying the 
 second (third, etc.) group has the most in its favour. In MHG. 
 insertion in the second group is not very rare : mdge und mine man 
 (' my relatives and subordinates ') ; gelucke und Stfrides heil ; daz 
 ich muoz und sterben sol. Instances in NHG. are : nicht sonne, mond 
 und sternenschein, mir gldnzte nur mein kind (BiJRGER) ; es belt' 
 und wute, wie der hiind auch immer will (Heinr. Alberts arien). 
 Cf. Italian, il mar tranquillo e I'aura era soave (Petrarca) ; non 
 pur per I'aria gemiti e sospiri, ma volan braccia e spalle (Ariosto) ; 
 Old French, Breton Vensaigne lor signor (' their lord's battle-cry '), 
 e li Romain orient la lor ; Greek, ovTe. /8&)/io? ov-t" 'ATroWtaz/o? Soytto? 
 o-(Bo-64 ae. (Euripides). In this construction, again, there can be 
 no question of ' supplying.' The case is rather that the first 
 group remaiqs incomplete until the common element is uttered, 
 which, in the moment of utterance, serves to complete the first 
 and the second group at once. 
 
 542. The function of a common element is often not perfectly 
 identical in its several relations. Hence arises a grammatical 
 discord, since the grammatical form of the element can only 
 indicate a single function. The dislike of this discord, evidenced 
 
v.) 
 3S6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 by the repetition of the common element, varies greatly in dif- 
 ferent languages and periods. 
 
 543- Such a discord is everywhere least offensive in the person 
 and number of the verb. Cf er hat mich eben so lieb wie du ; du 
 glaubst es, ich nicht ; sie reisen morgan ab — ich auch. It strikes 
 us, however, as abnormal, when the common element is made 
 to conform to the second group ; cf auro? filv vBtop, iym Se olvov 
 irivco (Dem.) ; dass ich im. vater und der vater in mir ist (Lu.) ; 
 •Mviu. 24-K(7« socii in fide, nan exercitus in officio ■mansit (LiV.).* Discord 
 of tense is ignored in the following : ^/tet? ofioloi koI rore koX vvv 
 ia-fiev (ThuC.) ; aXXa jxev irporepov, dXXa Se vvv ireipa, Xiiyeiv (Xen.). 
 Difference of tense and mood at once is ignored in eVetS^ oi 
 Tore, aWa vvv Bei^ov (Dem.). It is further of fairly common 
 occurrence that the infinitive has to be borrowed from a finite 
 verb: er hat gehandelt, wie er musste; still in MHG. nach der min 
 herze ie ranc und iemer muoz; Greek, iravv ■^aKe.irm'i 6%g), olp,ai 
 8e KoX vficbv T0V9 TToXXou? (Pla.). It is rarer for a participle 
 to be thus borrowed, as in mhg. : daz diu minn dich verleitet, als si 
 manegen hdt. The same form sometimes serves in German as 
 both infinitive and participle : ich habe es nicht und werde es nicht 
 vergessen (Klopstock) ; cf further examples in Andresen, Sprachg. 
 p. 133. H. Sachs says zu ehren sein wir zu euch kumen, ein histori 
 vns fur genumen, although the perfect of the second verb would 
 have had to be written in full with haben, not sein. 
 
 544. In the case of nouns such discords are in modern 
 German almost without exception discarded ; but they occur 
 frequently in the older language, especially in the sixteenth 
 century, and also in other languages. Thus the adjective agrees 
 with the nearer only of two copulatively connected substantives : 
 aus meinem grossen kummer und traurigkeit (Lu.) ; von eurer saat 
 und weinbergen (Lu.) ; sein sonstiger ernst und trockenheit (GOE.) ; 
 
XVIIL] ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 357 
 
 seiner gewohnlidien trockenheit und ermt (ib.) ; many examples 
 are given in Andresen, Sprachg. 127 ff. ; French, un homme ou une 
 femme noy^e ; Italian, in publica utilitd, ed onore, le cittd. ed i villagi 
 magnificki ; Spanish, toda sa parentela y criados, la multiiud y 
 dolor, los pensiamentos y memorias, un pabellon o tienda ; Latin, 
 ttrbem ac portum validum (Liv.).* A word governed by two or*xxiv. a. 
 more prepositions which require different cases may be posited 
 only once without difficulty where its cases are phonetically 
 identical, as in mit und ohne kost ; but also where they phonetically 
 diverge, as in um und nehen dem hochaltare (GOE.) ; durch und 
 mittelst der sprache (Herder) ; further examples in Andresen, 
 Sprachg. p. 128. Similarly, a single form, standing in relation 
 to two or more verbs, may represent two or more cases, as in 
 Latin, quod factum est et ille adjunxit (ClC) ; quae neque ego teneo 
 neque sunt ejus generis (ib.) ; NHG. was geschieht und ich nicht 
 hindern hann (Le.) ; eine dose, die er mit 80 gulden bezahlt hdtte und 
 nur 40 wert ware (GOE.) ; ^ wom.it uns fur die zukunft der himmel 
 schmeicheln und bedrohen kann (GOE.) ; bei dessen gebrauch wir ein- 
 ander mehr schmeicheln als verletzen (GOE.) ; ^ leidlicher wer mir vnd 
 het auch lieber das drey oder vierteglich fieber (H. Sachs) ; with 
 insertion, vnd wissen nit jr widervart mag offt lang haben nit mehr 
 fug (H. Sachs). Even a word dependent on a preposition may 
 be at the same time made the subject of the following verb : 
 dan leszt er tins fUrtragen schon das heilig euangelion durch sein 
 heilige junger, deuten all christlich prediger (H. Sachs) ; von ritter 
 Cainis ich lasz het lieb fraw Gardeleye (ib.). The licence is also 
 extended to cases in which phonetically divergent forms would 
 properly be required. Especially frequent is the use of an oblique 
 case, as at the same time the subject of a following verb. Thus 
 with asyndetic juxtaposition : Hess der bischoff die seinen iiber das 
 ' Cf. Andresen, Sprachg. pp. 129, 130. 2 (y_ j^j^_ p_ J23. 
 
3S8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 her laufen, erstachen der etlich (WiLTWOLT VON Schaumburg, 
 1507) ; with insertion, ich war selb bei dieser hattdlung, gschach e du 
 warst geborn (H. Sachs). Similarly in constructions with und\ 
 very common in MHG., as ez inohte uns wol gelingen und brcehten 
 dir die frouwen ; but also still in NHG., as in er setzte sick auf einen 
 jeglichen unter ihnen und wurden alle voll des heiligen geistes (Lu.); 
 den es krenke meinethalben und ineinen ohren offenbare (Lu.) ; auch 
 dem, der sie verfolgt, und fleht und schenkt und schworet, wird kaum 
 ein blick gegonnt, und wird nur halb gehbret (Les,). In con- 
 structions with wan ( = 'for'): thut euch bedenken, wan wisset 
 selber ge gar wol (H. SacHS). Incongruence may further accom- 
 pany the anomaly noticed on p. 354, as in belibe ich ane man bt 
 iu zwei jdr oder driu, so ist min herre lihte tot und kument (' you 
 come ') in so grdze not (Hartmann VON AUE). Examples in the 
 case of airo Kotvov with logical subordination have been given 
 above, pp. 133 and 134. In Latin even a nominative may replace 
 an accusative : gui fatetur . . . et . . . non timeo (CiC.) ; a dative 
 an accusative : cuifidem habent et bene rebus suis consulere arbitraii- 
 tur (ib.). A possessive pronoun may also represent the corre- 
 sponding personal pronoun ; ja was ez ie din site unde hast mir da 
 mite gemachet niayiege swcere (Hartmann VON AuE) ; alsobald 
 stunden seine sckenkel und kndchel feste, sprang auf (Lu.). Or 
 a da connected with an adverb may represent the demonstrative 
 pronoun : da mite so milezeget der muot und (das) ist dem Itbe ein 
 Trist.i.gumickel guot (GOTTYKIT) VON StrASSBURG).* Finally, two different 
 elements may, as a single whole, form the subject of a following 
 verb; as in da vuorte si in bt der hant und sdzen zuo einan- 
 der nider (HARTMANN von Aue) ; dd nam daz Constantinis 
 wib ir tochter, die was herltch, unde bdtin Diethertche (Rother) ; 
 wie herzog Jason wardt verbrandt von Medea also genandt; 
 hetten doch vor viel zeit vertrieben (H. Sachs) ; so hertzlieb 
 
XVIII.] ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 359 
 
 von hertzlieb musz scheiden vnd gentzlich kein hoffnung mehr 
 handt (ib.). 
 
 545. We have seen in Chapter XVI.' that two principal notions 'f*««« "/ 
 
 links. 
 
 may be connected by several links, which serve to define more 
 closely the nature of the connexion, whether this relation be at 
 once grammatical and psychological, or purely psychological and 
 at variance with the grammatical connexion. Now since expres- 
 sions frequently occur in which these links are dispensed with, we 
 are easily tempted to explain these as ellipses. This view is 
 however in many cases to be entirely rejected. If, for instance, 
 instead of Hectoris Andromache and Caecilia Metelli we can say 
 more exactly Andromache uxor Hectoris and Caecilia filia Metelli, 
 it by no means follows that in the shorter expressions the forms 
 uxor or filia are to be supplied, for they may be independently 
 explained from the general function of the genitive ; and whoever 
 assumes an ellipse here must, if he be logical, follow the gram- 
 marians of the sixteenth century in assuming ellipse for every 
 genitive. Beside these, however, occur expressions in regard to 
 which the term elliptical cannot be denied a certain justification, 
 in so far as they have originated in more complete expressions, 
 where, however, we are not on that account to assume the omission 
 of a definite word. 
 
 546. Indications of direction were doubtless originally devel- 
 oped only with verbs of motion. Direction is now often stated 
 with verbs of preparing and the like ; as in MHG. sich bereite von 
 dem lande vil manic ritter j^«;-^(NlBELUNGENLlED) ; wir suln ouch 
 uns bereiten heim in mtniu lant (ib.) ; d6 soumte man (' accoutred ') 
 den degenen von dannen wafen und gewant (ib. C.) ; di sich ge- 
 garwet haten ze strtte Uf daz velt (Alphart) ; do vazte sich der 
 herzoge in des kuniges hof (' then the duke arranged himself to go 
 to the king's court ') (Kaiser chronik), and often elsewhere in this 
 
36o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 work ; cf. Greek, ^avep6<; ?)v o'Uahe irapaa-Keva^o/j.evo'; (Xen.) ; 
 similarly, eKeXevcxav e-rrl to, ovrXa (ib.).^ Similarly with MHG. 
 ri'linen : heiz ins rAmen von dan (Hartmann VON AUE) ; ich rAme 
 dir daz riche von hinnen vluhticltche (RuDOLF VON Ems). Cf. 
 also Greek, eKKeiireiv rrjv iroXiv eh ■)((opiov. It is not to be 
 supposed that in such phrases there floated in the speaker's mind 
 the unexpressed infinite of a definite verb such as to go or ride. 
 The psychological process to which, e.g., the phrase irapaaKevd^ea-dai 
 oiKuBe owes its origin is rather the following. In the first place, 
 the two notions of preparing one's-self, and of the local terminus 
 which the preparation is designed to attain, present themselves 
 to consciousness, and are directly connected as psychological 
 subject and predicate. Since, however, it was already usual in 
 such sentences as iropevovrai, oLxaSe or irapaa-Keva^ovTai o'Uahe 
 rrropeveadai to express the local terminus in a definite form, this 
 was also applied in the present case. The process is thus the 
 work of two distinct factors : first, the capacity which existed in 
 language even before the rise of its formal elements, and which 
 never dies out of it, of expressing the mutual relation of two 
 notions in consciousness — whether this relation be given im- 
 mediately, or only mediately through other notions — by mere 
 juxtaposition of the terms which denote these notions ; secondly, 
 the analogy of the already developed forms of expression. 
 
 S47. The same process occurs in numerous other cases. Many 
 of the expressions discussed in Chapter VI., such as scAerz bei seite, 
 wer da? etc., belong to this head. When once the majority of 
 words had assumed formal elements, the capacity just described, 
 
 ' When such combinations become usual, the meaning of the verb may be modified, 
 motion in a particular direction being treated first as an essential part of the meaning, 
 and finally as its principal constituent. Thus in nhg. schicken originally meant ' to 
 put right ' ; reise, ' a breaking up ' ; aufbrechen, the opposite of aufschlagen (i.e. the 
 camp). 
 
XVIII.] ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 361 
 
 and more closely investigated in Chapter VI., could not come 
 into play without the meaning of these formal elements assert- 
 ing itself at the same time. We have now to consider a few 
 other constructions of this kind which are commonly treated as 
 elliptical. 
 
 548. Most nearly akin to those already discussed are terms 
 of direction following the verbs : konnen, mdgen, sollen, wollen, 
 diirfen, miissen, lassen, e.g. ick mag nicht nach kause, ich lasse dich 
 nickt fort. These have become so far 'usual' that from the 
 standpoint of our present linguistic instinct they cannot possibly 
 be described as elliptical. Further, such phrases as er ist weg, er 
 ist nach Rom, which are to be understood exactly in the same 
 way as er ist in Rom, i.e. weg and nach Rom are to be taken as 
 predicates, ist as copula. Cf. Latin constructions such as quando ^ 
 cogitas Romam f (CiC.) ;* ipsest quern volui obviam (' of whom I s- 
 wished that he should meet me,' T'E'R.)','\ puto utrumque ad aquas •[ Phor>n. 1. 
 
 iv. 19. 
 
 (Cic.).i 
 
 549. If we say ich inochte dich nicht anders, als du bist, this 
 will hardly be explained as an ellipse of kaben. I^n ellipse of 
 sein would be more natural ; but its insertion would produce 
 an un-German construction. And the same reason which forbids 
 us to supply a sein here, forbids us equally to supply esse in 
 the Latin Strata physicum se voluit (Clc). 
 
 550. In Latin a subject-nominative is occasionally followed 
 by an accusative without a verb : sus Minervam, fortes fortuna, 
 manus manum, dii meliora ; quae cum dixisset, Cotta finem (Cic.) ; 
 ego si litteras tuas (ib.) ; quid tu mihi testis ? These constructions 
 are not explained by naming a verb to be supplied. We must 
 rather say : Two notions are here combined in the form of nomi- 
 native and accusative, because they stand in the same relation 
 as that which, in a more complete sentence, holds between subject 
 
 ^[In the Semitic and Slavic languages the forms of the present of the word ' to be ' 
 are regularly suppressed— c/. Drager, § 115. Translator.] 
 
362 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 and predicate. Similarly to be conceived is the immediate con- 
 nexion of a subject-nominative with a prepositional determinant 
 *i?i». V. I. or an adverb, as in itaque ad tempus ad Pisones omnes (Q,\c^*hcec 
 hactenus (where hmc could no doubt be equally conceived as accu- 
 sative), an tu id vtelius ? ne quid tenure, ne quid crudeliter ; ravTa 
 ^julv ovv Sri ovTca (Pla.). There are analogous instances even 
 in German ; in lively narrative one can say : ick rasch hinaus, ich 
 hinterher, and the like ; graf nun so eilig sum tore hinaus (GOE.); 
 cf. der sultan gleich dent tone nach (Wieland). 
 
 551. In similar fashion a subordinate sentence may be directly 
 combined with a principal sentence which, if the thought were 
 more fully expressed, would have to be connected with it 
 mediately by another subordinate sentence, or by some sentence- 
 element. This mode of connexion may then become ' usual,' so 
 that no omission is any longer felt. Cf wie Lavater sick hiebei 
 benommen, sei nur ein beispiel gegeben (GOE.), where for our present 
 linguistic instinct dafur is wanting before sei ; und fragst du mich 
 nach diesen beiden schdtzen: der lorbeer ist es und die gunst der 
 frauen (GoE.) ; dass ichs dir gestehe, da ergriff ihn mein gemut (ib.) ; 
 besuche deine briider, obs ihnen wohl gehe (LUT.). To this class 
 belong also such phrases as was das anbetrifft, was ich davon weiss, 
 and the like, which have analogies in the most various languages. 
 Similar is the case with infinitive phrases such as die wahrheit zu 
 sagen, es kurz zu sagen, um nur eins anzufiihren, um von allem 
 iibrigen zu schweigen ; further, kurz, (' I do not know,') mit einem 
 worte, gerade heraus, beilaufig, d propos. 
 
 552. Words are supplied from the situation when, instead of 
 a substantive with a determining epithet, the latter alone is 
 expressed. We do not here refer to such usages as der gute, to 
 denote any good person whatever, or das gute, to denote any good 
 thing whatever. There is here no ellipse at all. The notion of 
 
XVIII.] ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 
 
 363 
 
 person in the last resort of male person, or of thing, is denoted by 
 the gender of the article. We have here to do only with cases in 
 which there is a reference to a more special notion, as in rechte, 
 linke (hand) ; calida, frigida (aqua) ; alter, neiier, siisser, Burgunder, 
 Champagner, etc;, UKpuTO^ (wine) ; agnina, caprina (caro) : Appia 
 (via) ; aestiva, hibema (castra) ; natalis (dies) : quarta, nana (hora) ; 
 T^ vaTepaLa, Ty Tpirrj {rjfjbepcf); octingentesimo post Romam conditam 
 (anno) ; decima (pars) ; 'loi/to? {KoKnvoi) ; Moucrt/cj;, etc. {rexvr)) ; 
 OHG. frenkisga {zungd). If any one desires to assume ellipse here, 
 no great objection can be raised. Only we must not ignore the fact 
 that we supply from the situation, in very many cases, where we 
 do not think of assuming an ellipse. If we understand der alte to 
 mean ' old wine,' it is for the same reason that we understand the 
 same words to mean not any old man, but some particular one 
 whom we have before us, or who has just been the subject of 
 conversation. In the cases referred to, the special application of 
 the adjective has already become more or less 'usual.' The more 
 fixed the usage becomes, the less does it need to be enforced by 
 the situation. Thus the terms alter, neuer, are probably only 
 understood of wine in taverns, in the wine-trade, or where the 
 attention is already occupied with wine, and they are in general 
 used only in wine-growing districts ; Champagner on the contrary 
 is, even in the absence of all such mental preparation, far more 
 readily understood of the wine than of the inhabitant of Cham- 
 pagne. And as soon as the word becomes intelligible without the 
 support of the situation, it is to be regarded no longer as an 
 adjective, but as a true substantive. 
 
 553. A perfectly analogous development meets us in the case of 
 genitive determinants. Cf. Latin ad Martis, ad Dianae (templum) ; 
 ex Apollodori (libro) ; de Gracchi apud censores (oratione) ; French 
 la saint Pierre (f6te). In German the names of festivals Michaelis, 
 
364 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Johannis, Martini, etc., and of places 6'^. Gallen, St. Georgen, St. 
 
 Mdrgen, have become completely independent, and are no longer 
 
 felt to need supplementing, and therefore no longer felt as genitives. 
 
 A psycho- SS4- I" the cases discussed, an element of a sentence has its 
 
 logical 
 
 subject or meaning completed from the situation. But it is possible for such 
 maybe I an element, for a psychological subject or predicate, to be entirely 
 
 drawn from !, ^i,.,^-,,,,,, 
 
 the situation.; drawn from the situation. To this class belong the sentences of 
 apparently one member only, discussed above, p. 118, such as "firel 
 ' thieves' etc. Even the form of such sentences may be influenced, 
 in the way described, by the analogy of more complete ones. 
 When one says, for instance, in a threatening tone, keinen schritt 
 weiter, only the psychological predicate is expressed, the under- 
 stood subject being the person to whom the threat is addressed. 
 That the former, however, is in the accusative case, has the same 
 explanation as in sentences of the form Cotta finem. The same 
 holds of sentences like guten tag, schbnen dank, herzlichen gliick- 
 wunsch, and the like. In such cases as gliickliche reise, keine 
 wnstdnde, viel gliick, and many others, the form affords no evidence 
 whether the accusative is meant. In a sentence like manum de 
 tabida we may take manum as psychological subject, de tabula as 
 predicate; but the accusative manum shows that here also a 
 subject is to be taken from the situation, and that the relation of 
 manum to it is conceived on the analogy of object to subject. The 
 same is the case with ultra istum a me (Plaut.), ex ungue leonem 
 = e^ ovvxaiv Xkovra, malam illi pestem (Cic), etc. In German we 
 have such sentences as den kopfin die hohe, and hence also probably 
 such as gewehr auf, scherz bei seite, davon ein ander mal mehr, 
 even though the form affords no evidence of the accusative. Other 
 • cases also, prepositional determinants 'and adverbs can be used in 
 
 I this way, as the examples adduced show ; cf further, sed de hoc alio 
 
 loco pluribus (ClC), de conjectura hactenus, nimis iracunde. 
 
XVIII. I ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. 365 
 
 555- Sometimes the psychological predicate is also to be taken 
 from the situation, in which case intelligibility may be promoted 
 by the tone, facial expression, and gestures. Thus e.g., in sup- 
 pressed threats : ich will (dick), cf., the well-known Vergilian quos 
 ego* Further, expressions of wonder or indignation, or of regret, 
 which only state the object upon which these emotions are directed.'^e*.;. 135. 
 The predicate is here chiefly indicated by the tone of feeling. Cf 
 subject nominatives such as dieser kerl, diesefUlle, der ungluckliche, 
 ich armer. Also, infinitives such as so lange zu schlafen, so ein 
 schuft zu sein; Latin tantamne rem tarn negligenter cgefe 
 {'Y'E,K),\non puduisse verberare hominem senem (ib.) ; accusative with'°" 
 infin. te nunc sic vexari, sic jacere, idque fieri mea culpa (CiC.) ;*cf " -fajK- xiv. 
 Draeg. § 154, 3. 
 
 556. The same explanation applies also to isolated sentences, isolated 
 
 sentences 
 
 which in form are dependent. They are originally either psycho- in form 
 
 dependent. 
 
 logical subjects or predicates, the correlative element being under- 
 stood from the situation ; ±hey may, however, by ' usual ' applica- 
 tion, generally attain the character of independent principal 
 sentences. Expressions introduced by dass are, like the above 
 adduced expressions of wonder and regret, originally subjects ; 
 dass du gar nicht miide wirst ! dass mir dass begegnen muss ! dass 
 dir auch so wenig zu helfen ist ! Further, conditional sentences as 
 threats : wenn er mir in den wurf kommt — , eriappe ich ihn mir — ; 
 Latin verbum si addideris (Ter.). Conditional sentences to ex- 
 press wishes : wiire ich erst da I wenn er dock kame ! Conditional 
 sentences for which no completion can be found : wenn du nock 
 nicht uberzeugt bist, wenn er aber nicht kommt; Latin si quidem 
 istuc impune habueris (Ter.). Conditional sentences which serve 
 to reject assertions or proposals which are made in ignorance 
 of the real circumstances : ivenn du in mein herz sehen konntest ; 
 wenn du wusstest, wie hid es mir tut. Sentences of wishing and 
 
Z(A PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGElCa.'^SSIWl^ 
 
 proposing, with dass, are original predicate, or, according to the 
 grammatical form, objects : dass ich dock dabei sein konnte ; MHG. 
 daz si schiere got gekcene ; French que faille a son secours ou 
 queje meure; Italian che tu sia maledetto, and similarly in all the 
 Romance languages 
 
 PASSAGES TRANSLATED. 
 
 Page 354. — D& wdnde, etc. There I weened would I find constancy. 
 
 Page 354. — Her sprach, etc. Er sprach er ware entronnen. 
 
 Page 354. — Nunc weiz ich, etc. Now I know not how I am to begin it, or set about it. 
 
 Page 354. — Mitthiu ther, etc. While the Saviour saw the multitude he ascended the 
 
 hill. 
 Page 354. — Kem einer her, etc. If any came with the offering he would bring much 
 
 gold away. 
 Page i^^.—Swaz er, etc. Whenever he reproached ihe king before, he now reproached 
 
 her ten times more and said she was quite too haughty. 
 Page 355. — Sd ist, etc. So it has happened for which you long and think it has happened 
 
 well to me. 
 Page 356. — Nach der mm, etc. After whom my heart ever wrestled and ever must. 
 Page 356. — Zu ehren, etc. We have set before us a history. 
 Page 357. — Leidlicher, etc. More tolerable to me would be and I would sooner have the 
 
 tertian or the quartan fever. 
 Page 357. — Und wissen. And know not their opponent may often long have no more 
 
 right. 
 Page 357. — Dan leszt, etc. Then his holy disciples, who betoken all Christian preachers, 
 
 he causes to be set before us in his holy gospel. 
 Page 357. — Von ritter, etc. I read of the knight Cainis who loved lady Gardeleye. 
 Page 357. — Liess der bischoff, etc. To run over the army of whom they stabbed some. 
 Page 358. — Ich war selb, etc. I was myself at this transaction, it occurred before thou 
 
 wast born. 
 Page 358. — Es mohte uns, etc. We might succeed in bringing the women to you (like 
 
 our English phrase try and do it). 
 P^g6 358. — Thut euch, etc. For you know it yourselves very well. lb. : belibe if I 
 
 stayed without men with you two years or three my lord might easily be dead and 
 
 you would come into such great danger. 
 I'^ge 358. — fa was ez, etc. It always was thy custom, and thou hast thereby given me 
 
 much trouble. 
 Page 358. — Dd mite, etc^ With that the mind becomes idle and that is a fresh food for 
 
 the heart. j j j 
 
 Page 358.— Z)n vuorte, etc. Thereon she led him by the hand and they sat down near 
 
 each other. 
 Page 358.— Do nam, etc. Then took C.'s wife her daughter who was glorious and they 
 
 asked D. 
 Page 358.~Wie herzog Jason, etc. How duke Jason was burnt by Medea thus called 
 
 who had formerly passed much happy time together. 
 P^gs 358- — So hertzlieb, etc. And absolutely no hope more have. 
 Page 35g.Sich bereite, etc. Many a strong knight prepared himself (to go) out of the 
 
 land. 
 P^ge 359- — Wir suln, etc. We should also prepare ourselves home into my land. 
 Page 359. — D& soumte, etc. Who had armed for the strife to the field. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLETXION. 
 
 WE have occupied our attention much with the question of original 
 new creation 
 analogical new creation in the area of word-formation in word- 
 formation 
 and inflexion. We must now direct our attention to original, non- secondary in 
 
 its nature, 
 
 analogical creation in this department. This is not, like the 
 
 simplest syntactical combinations, primary in its nature, but 
 
 secondary only, and of slow development. There are, as far as I 
 
 can see, three ways, and three only, by means of which etymological 
 
 groups of words are formed out of simple single words standing in 
 
 no inner relation to each other. One of these is differentiation of v 
 
 sound, which is itself followed by a differentiation of meaning. An 
 
 example to the point would be the division in IE. between the 
 
 imperfect and the aorist^ (cf. supra, p. 287). 
 
 558. Similar divisions are no doubt conceivable enough even in 
 
 the primitive elements of language. Still, in most cases, our own 
 
 observation will give us proof that no groups are formed, seeing 
 
 that in this process the feeling of relationship is lost ; and still less 
 
 are parallel groups formed, as in the case cited. A second method 
 
 ^ Of course the process is very different, even though it conduces to the same result, 
 when a secondary sound-difference, after the loss of the other differentiating tokens, 
 becomes the only token of the functional difference, as in the English /oo< — feet, tooth 
 — teet/i, man — men. Where such forms are to be found in our oldest traditions, it will 
 often prove impossible to decide whether they owe their origin to this process or to that 
 discussed in the text. 
 
 367 
 
composition. 
 
 368 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 ^ ! is the junction of converging development of signification with 
 converging sound-development (cf suchen and sucht) ; of which we 
 have spoken, p. 233. It is obvious enough that any such process 
 can occur only as an isolated one. Thus the strictly normal 
 method of the growth of everything formal in language is, and 
 ^ I remains, the third : viz. composition. 
 Growth of 559. We have plenty of opportunities of watching the growth, 
 
 of composition. In the IE. languages there are two strata of com- 
 pounds which must be distinguished from each other: an older 
 one which has either come direct from the original language, or 
 has, at least, been formed on original models ; and a later one,, 
 which has been independently developed on the foundation of the 
 single-languages, and which, in modern languages, has gained a. 
 great prevalence. This last method we can see to a great extent 
 actually growing before our eyes, and this consistently by means, 
 of the conjunction of elements originally independent. Con- 
 nexions of any kind serve this purpose. Thus, for instance, we 
 find that compounds take their rise from the junction of the geni- 
 tive with the governing substantive : cf. NHG. hungersnot, hasen- 
 fuss, freudenfest, kindergarten ; French lundi {lunce dies), Thionville 
 ( Theodonis villa), connetable {comes stabuli), Montfaucon (mons fal- 
 conis), Bourg-la-Reine ; Latin paterfamilias, legislator, plebiscitum, 
 caprifoliicm ; [English Lady Day, Stagsfooi\ ; from the union of 
 the attributive adjective with the substantive : cf. NHG. edelmann 
 (mho. still edel man, genitive edeles mannes), altmeister, hochmut,. 
 Schdnbrunn, oberhand, Liebermeister, Liebeskind, morgenrot ; French 
 demi-cercle, double-feuille, faux-marM, haute-justice, grand-mere,, 
 petite-fille, belles-lettres, cent-gardes, bonjour, prudhom.me, prin-temps,. 
 Belfort, Longueville, amour-propre, garde-nationale,ferblanc,vinaigre,. 
 Villeneuve, Rocliefort, A igues-Mortes ; Latin respublica, jiisjuran- 
 dum ; [English half circle, grandmother, upper hand, etc.] ; further,. 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 369 
 
 in NHG. einmal, jenseits (MHG. jensit), einigermassen, mittlerweile ; 
 French encore {hanc horam), fitrement {/era mcnte), autrefois, auU'e- 
 part, ioujours, longtemps ; Latin kodie, magnopere, reipsa ; from the 
 appositional connexion of two substantives, cf. NHG. Christkind, 
 gottmensch, furstbischof, prinz-regent, herrgott, Basel-land ; French 
 maiire-iazlleur, maitre-garcon, cardinal-ministre, Dampierre (dom- 
 inus Petrzts), Dammarie (domina Maria), OFR. damedeus (dominus 
 deus) ; [English master-mariner, prince-regent, head-hoy, etc.] ; from 
 the co-ordination of two substances, in NHG. only to denote the 
 coalition of two countries, as Schleswig-Holstein, Oestreich- 
 Ungarn ; from the appositional or copulative connexion of two 
 adjectives, or that of an adverb with an adjective, a difference 
 which cannot always be distinctly marked, cf NHG. rotgelb, bitter- 
 siiss, altenglisch, niederdeutsch, hellgrun, hochfein, gutgesinnt, wolge- 
 sinnt ; French bis-blanc, aigre-doux, sourd-muet, bienheureux, mal- 
 content; from the addition of two cardinal numbers, cf NHG. 
 fiinfzekn, English ' fifteen,' Latin quindecim ; from the connexion of 
 the adjective with a dependent case, cf. NHG. ausdrucksvoll, sor- 
 genfrei, rechtskraftig, Latin jurisconsultus, -peritus, verisimilis ; 
 from the connexion of two pronouns, or it may be of the article 
 with a ^xonown, ci. "^110,. derselbe, derjene (at present only used in 
 the derivative derjenige), French quelque {quale quid), autant 
 (alterum tantum), lequel ; from the connexion of an adverb, or of 
 a conjunction, with a pronoun, cf NKG.j'eder (from ie-weder), kein 
 (from nik-ein), French celle {ecce illam), ceci {ecce istum hie), Latin 
 quisque, quicunque, hie, nullus ; from the connexion of several par- 
 ticles, cf. NHG. daher, darum, hintan, fortan, voraus, widerum, 
 entgegen, immer, French jamais, aiftsi {aeque sic), avant (ab ante), 
 derrtere (de retro), dont {de unde), ensemble {in simut), encontre ; 
 Latin desuper, perinde, sicut, unquam, etiam ; from the connexion 
 of a preposition with the dependent case, cf NHG. anstatt, zunichte, 
 
 2 A 
 
370 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 zufrieden, vorhanden, inzwischen, entzwei, French contre^nont, par- 
 tout, endroit, alors {ad illam horani), sur-le-champ, environ, adieu, 
 affaire, sans-culotte [English uphill, downstairs], Latin invicem, 
 obviam, illico ( = in loco), denuo { = de novo), idcirco, quamobrem ; 
 from the connexion of an adverb with a verb, cf NHG. auffahren, 
 hinbringen, herstellen, heimsuchen, mislingen, vollfUhren, French 
 malmener, maltraiter, meconnaitre, bistourner [English foretell, gain- 
 say, withstand], Latin benedicere, maledicere ; from the connexion of 
 a dependent case with its verb, cf NHG. achtgeben, wahrnehmen 
 (OHG. wara, with feminine stem), wakrsagen, lobsingen, handlangen, 
 hochachten, preisgeben ; French maintenir, colporter, bouleverser ; 
 Latin animadvertere, venum dare — venundare — vendere, crucifigere, 
 usuvenire, manumittere, referre. It is also possible for more than 
 two elements to thus unite into a compound ^, cf NHG. einund- 
 swanzig, einiindderselbe, Latin decedocto ( = decern et octo, cf Corssen, 
 Aussprache des lat. ii. p. 886^) ; French tour-}i-tour, tete-a-tete, vis-a- 
 vis ; French aide-de-camp, trait-d' -union, garde-du-corps , Languedoc, 
 belle-a-voir, pot-au-feu, Fierabras, arc-en-ciel, Chalons-sur-Marne ; 
 Latin duodeviginti ; NHG. brautinhaarn (a flower) ; Latin plusquam- 
 perfecticm ; NHG. nichtsdestoweniger [English notwithstanding, never- 
 theless] ; Italian nondimeno. Compounds also rise from dependent 
 sentences, cf NHG. newcere, contracted from niur, etc. = NHG. nur ; 
 * Cf. Diez. Italian, avvegna [adveniat), avvegnache, chicchessia* ; Latin, quilibet. 
 quanivis, quantunivis, quamlibet, ubivis. Similarly they arise from 
 sentences which are formally independent, but which are still 
 used in logical subordination, e.g. as intercalations ; cf NHG. weiss- 
 gott, MHG. neizwaz = AS. nat. hwcet = Latin nescio quid, Frenct 
 je ne sais qiioi, MHG. deiswar ( = daz ist zvdr), French peut-itre 
 pieqa, naguere, Latin licet, ilicet, videlicet, scilicet, forsitan, Spanisl: 
 quiza{' perhaps,' properly ' who knows ?'). Further, sentences maj 
 
 [1 See Darmesteter, La vie des mots,'p. -23.'] 
 
 ^ I, of course, distinguish between this and the cases where a compound forms ( 
 new connexion with another word. 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 371 
 
 be turned into compounds by the aid of metaphors, and more 
 especially imperative sentences ; cf. NHG. Fiirchtegott, taugenichts, 
 storenfried, geratewol, vergissmeinnicht, gottseibeiuns ; French, 
 baisemain, passe-partout, rendez-vous ; Modern Latin, facsimile, 
 notabene, vademecum, nolimetangere ; NHG. jeldngerjelieber. It is 
 harder for a true sentence which has preserved its independence 
 to pass into a compound. For it is the very essence of a sentence 
 to denote the act of combining its several members, whilst it 
 would seem to be the essence of a compound to denote the process 
 of combination as a result already attained. In spite of this, 
 however, compound sentences do appear in the most different 
 languages, and particularly in the IE. and Semitic verbal forms. 
 
 560. The transition from syntactical juxtaposition to true Transition 
 composition is very gradual; no sharp line of demarcation can be ticaijuxta- 
 drawn between them. This is proved by the great uncertainty J',„^"°'^'° 
 which prevails in the orthography of modern languages with"""^"'™' 
 regard to the treatment of various combinations as compounds 
 
 or as separate words. This uncertainty has led to an ortho- 
 graphical compromise — the use of the hyphen. In English 
 the orthographical union of words is often neglected in cases 
 where, in other literary languages, it would appear indispensable. 
 In MHO. we often find compounds formed after the IE. model, 
 written separately. 
 
 561. The purely relative character of the difference between 
 a compound and a mere group of words can have only one 
 ground, viz., that the cause of such difference displays its activity 
 in very various degrees. We must not be seduced by the written 
 language to seek this cause in some supposed special intimacy 
 of union distinguishing the members of a compound from the 
 members of a group of words. Combinations such as article and 
 substantive, preposition and substantive, substantive and attributive 
 
372 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 adjective, or dependent genitive, have exactly the same continuity 
 as a single word. Then, again, the cause has been sought in the 
 accent. It is doubtless indisputable that the unity of a word 
 consists in the graduated subordination of its other elements to 
 the one selected by the accent. But the case is precisely the 
 same with the unity of the sentence, and of every portion of the 
 sentence consisting of several words, of every group of closely- 
 connected words. The accent of an independent word may, in 
 many cases, be as far depressed as that of a subordinate member 
 of a compound. In a combination like durch Hebe, durch receives 
 no stronger stress than in durchtrieben ; zu in zu bett no stronger 
 than in zufrieden, herr in herr Schidze, no stronger than in hausherr. 
 Indeed we cannot always consistently maintain this distinction, 
 that the position of the accent in a compound is fixed and invari- 
 able, while in a group of words it can change. I can say h^rr 
 Schulze as contrasted with frdu Schulze, but I can say equally der 
 hanshe'rr as contrasted with die kausfrdu. Nor is any special posi- 
 tion of the chief accent necessary to the formation of a compound ; 
 it may occur in any position at will. It is requisite indeed, in 
 order that the more recent method of composition may be brought 
 into line with the earlier, that the system of accentuation be 
 identical in the two cases. In order, for instance, that a formation 
 like rindsbraten or rinderbraten should be felt as substantially 
 identical with a formation like rindfleisch, it was indispensable that 
 the main accent should fall on the dependent genitive which 
 precedes. Where, however, the analogy of the older method 
 of composition does not come into consideration, in this case, even 
 •in German, the stronger stress laid upon the second element in no 
 way prevents the formation of a nominal compound. 
 
 562. We have to seek the distinction between a compound and 
 a group of words united under one main accent, not in any physio- 
 
XIX.] mSE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 373 
 
 logical cause, but in the conditions of the psychological grouping. | 
 The one essential point is that the whole as such be in some way 
 isolated {'covn the elements of which it is composed. The degree 
 of isolation necessary in order to cause the fusion to pass into a 
 compound cannot be expressed in any universally applicable 
 definition. 
 
 563. In this question, all the different kinds of isolation which 
 we have previously discussed have to be taken into account. It 
 may either happen that the whole undergoes a development which 
 the single parts in their independent usage do not share, or that, 
 conversely, the single parts undergo a development in which the 
 whole does not participate, and this equally in respect of the mean- 
 ing and of the sound-form ; or again it may happen that the single 
 parts in their independent usage disappear ; or finally the particular 
 mode of combination may become obsolete and survive only in the 
 special formula. 
 
 564. The occurrence of any one of these processes may suffice 
 to convert a syntactical combination into a compound. But it 
 is by no means true that we commonly regard as a compound 
 every composite phrase in which such isolation has already made 
 its appearance. It is precisely such combinations as these which 
 call for our special attention, if we would observe the first 
 beginnings of the process of fusion. 
 
 565. The first step towards isolation commonly consists in\ 
 the syntactical combination as a whole acquiring a signification 
 which does not precisely tally with that which results from the 
 juxtaposition of the several elements. We have already become 
 acquainted with this process (c£ p. "86). The consequence is 
 that the single elements of the combination come no longer 
 clearly into consciousness. But by this very process the nature 
 of their combination is obscured, and this constitutes the first 
 
374 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 step towards a syntactical isolation, which brings with it a formal 
 isolation also. The process of isolation, however, once started, 
 implies the possibility of farther advance. 
 
 566. With regard to syntactical isolation we must distinguish 
 two cases. Such isolation may conceivably affect merely the 
 relation in which the members of the compound stand to each 
 other, as, e.g., in hungersnot, edelmann ; but it is also possible 
 for the combination as a whole to become isolated as regards 
 
 I the other components of the sentence. The result is, then, 
 invariably an uninflected word ; cf keineswegs, gewisserinassen, 
 jederzeit, alldieweil, zurecht, abhanden, ilberhaupt, vorweg, allzumal; 
 Latin, magnopere, quare, quomodo, hodie, admodum, interea, idcirco, 
 quapropter, quamobrem ; French, toujours, toutefois, encore ( = hanc 
 horani), malgr^ ( = malum gratuni), amont, environ, parmi, pourtant, 
 cependant, tout-a-coup. Such combinations as these become 
 capable of inflexion by secondary development only, as, for 
 instance, zufrieden, debonnaire { = de bonne air). Where the 
 capacity for inflexion has not been destroyed by isolation, the 
 case may occur that the fusion of the members is arrested by 
 means of inflexion occurring in the interior of the group ; e.g. 
 in such a combination as das rote m.eer, mare rubrum, in which 
 cases we are always reminded of the independence of the single 
 members by the inflexion des roten meeres, tnaris rubri, etc. A 
 further process must set in before complete fusion becomes pos- 
 sible, namely, the crystallisation of an inflexional form (as a rule 
 that of the nominative singular), in consequence of the obscura- 
 tion of its original function ; a process which we have already 
 described (p. 253). 
 
 567. As we have seen on p. 253, the compound acquires the 
 same capacity of producing compounds from itself as the simple 
 word of the same class. Now we find that from a syntactical com- 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 375 
 
 bination which is not yet commonly regarded as a compound, a 
 derivative is composed on the model of the simple word, or that 
 this combination, like a simple word, is made into the member of a 
 compound after already existing models. We must draw the con- 
 clusion from this that the instinct of language has apprehended 
 these as a unity, and that thus, in any case, their development into 
 a compound is already, up to a certain point, accomplished. 
 
 568. In the case of copulative combinations the process of 
 fusion begins to operate as soon as it is possible to bring the whole 
 combination under one single conception. This is the case, first, 
 when the combined elements are syno^ms representing the same 
 thing from a different point of view ; cf art und weise, grund und 
 boden, wind und wetter, weg und steg, sack und pack, handel und 
 tvandel, hangen und bangen, tun tmd treiben, leben und weben, wie 
 er leibt und lebt, frank undfrei, weit und breit, hock und teuer, angst 
 und bange, ganz und gar, drauf und dran, nie und nimmer \bag and 
 b<^gg<^ge, wind and weather, moil and toil, etc.]. In the second 
 place, when the elements combined are antithetic terms which 
 reciprocally supplement each other, e.g., stadt und land, himmel und 
 holle, wol und weke, alt und jung, gross und klein, arm und reich, 
 dick und diinn, lieb und leid, tun und lassen, dieser und jener, einer 
 und der andere, dies und das, ab und an, ab und zu, aufund ab, ein 
 und aus, fiir und wider, kin und her, kin und wider, driiber und 
 drunter, hiiben und driiben, hie und da, dann und wann [hither and 
 thither, up and down, there and back]. There are besides many 
 other cases, such as kaus und hof, weib und kind, kind und kegel, 
 mann und maus \_house and home, kith and kin, etc.]. The two 
 members may also be formed by the same word, cf. durch unddurch, 
 fiir und fiir, nach und nach, Uber und ilber, wider und wider, fort 
 und fort, der und der {again and again, out and out, through and 
 through]. In the case of der und der, however, the two members, 
 
376 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 in spite of their formal identity, stand in contrast to each other. 
 In the case of some of these combinations a more thorough process 
 of isolation has set in. In the case of substantives we have a 
 criterion of the conception of a copulative combination as a unity, 
 in the agreement of an adjective attached to the combination with 
 its second member ; cf. durch meinen trewen hilffvndrat (H. Sachs) ; 
 mit allem mobilen haU und gut (GOE.). Another test, which occurs 
 more frequently, is the incapacity for inflexion of the first member. 
 In the case of the above-cited combinations of words in themselves 
 capable of inflexion, the inflexion which would recall the indepen- 
 dent nature of the members is in most cases discarded : thus we 
 cannot say mit sacke und packe or grundes und bodens. Cases also 
 occur, however, of inflexion in the second member alone ; e.g. des 
 zu Abdera gehbrigen grund und bodens (WiE.). Compare again von 
 tausend durchgeweinten tag- und ndchten (GOE.) ; dem wenigen 
 glaube, Hebe und hoffnung (GOE.) ; in Hans Sachs we even find 
 dent nimmer golt nock geldts gebrach. In German we constantly 
 find that the inflexion is omitted in the interior of the sentence 
 where two adjectives are conjoined ; cf. die blank- und blossen wider- 
 spriiche (Le.) gegen inn- und dussern feind (GoE.), auf ein oder die 
 andere weise (Le.), mit mein und deinem wesen (Le.).^ 
 
 569. Even in modern German the internal inflexion is neces- 
 sarily dropped in a sentence like einer schwarz- und weissen fakne, 
 schwarz- und wetsse fahnen, which differs in sense from schwarz 
 und weisse fahnen. The combinations, also written as such, einimd- 
 zwanzig, einunddreissig (formerly inflected as eines und zivanzig), 
 are analogous to the expression schwarz- und weiss [cf. the English 
 
 ' The omission, however, of the inflexion of the first member is not an absolute proof 
 that the two members have been conceived as a notional unity. It is common in eariy 
 NHG., and even in Goethe, where the combination consists of two adjectives. Hans 
 Sachs can even say weder mit hbss noch guten dingen. It is less common in combina- 
 tions of two substantives, cf. von thier mid menschen (H. Sachs), von merck vnd 
 steten (ib.). 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 377 
 
 one-and-twentietli\. Fixed combinations, no longer admitting of 
 any flexion in the middle are, further, all tmd jeder, ein und alles. 
 The word einundderselbe is written together ; the ein being some- 
 times inflected and sometimes not. The Greek Ka\oKa'^a66<; was 
 probably formed from analogy under the influence of the old IE. 
 method of composition, otherwise the stem-form koXo would be 
 hard to account for. Complete fusion would probably be of more 
 frequent occurrence if it were not checked by the copulative' 
 particle. This check is removed when this particle, owing to 
 phonetic weakening, is no longer recognised as such ; as in the 
 case of the Low German ritensplit, compounded of the imperatives 
 oi riten and spliten {' tGdiX and split,' Ger. reissen and spleissen). A 
 copulative combination without a particle fuses more easily. Thus 
 schwarzrotgolden and Oestreich- Ungarn, which logically are related 
 to each other as schwars und weiss and Neapel und Sicilien, are 
 felt as real compounds. In the period of the IE. languages when 
 no inflexion and no copulative particle as yet existed, or when at 
 any rate both were not absolutely indispensable, the fusion into a 
 copulative compound {dvcndvd) must of course have been very easy. 
 570. The combination of a substantive with an attributive, 
 genitive, or any other kind of determinant may pass through all 
 the phases of signification-change described in Chapter iv. without 
 the substantive, as such, being thereby affected. It happens very 
 commonly, in the first place, that the whole acquires a richer and 
 more specific meaning than_ that yielded by mere combination of 
 the. parts. The determinant often serves, especially, to indicate 
 merely some one characteristic, while others which coexist with this 
 are ignored. Further modifications may then set in, in consequence 
 of which the epithet in its strict meaning is no longer appropriate. 
 Thus in the language of botany viola odorata does not mean a 
 sweet-smelling violet, but a special kind of violet, characterised by 
 
378 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Other qualities than its sweet smell ; and the name is applied even 
 to a dried violet which no longer emits any trace of a sweet smell, 
 and to the plant when not in flower. By the French moyen dge we 
 understand a strictly defined period of time, though no such defini- 
 tion is involved in the word moyen itself. Geheimer rat and wirk- 
 licher geheimer rat are titles which, as wholes, possess a definite 
 traditional value, which cannot be gathered from the words ge- 
 heim and zvirklich in themselves ; cf further, der heilige geist, die 
 heilige schrift, die schonen kiinste, gebrannte mandeln, kaltes blut, der 
 blaue m.ontag, der grilne donnerstag, der heilige abend, die hohe 
 schule ; der stein der weisen ; die weisen aus dem morgenlande. As 
 regards the substantival determinants, we have still to remark that 
 they are only able to fuse with the word defined into one single 
 conception if their signification is not, in ' occasional use,' indi- 
 vidualised ; i.e. they must, except in the case of proper names, 
 and the denominations of such objects as are conceived of as 
 existing only once, be employed in an abstract sense. Many 
 compounds exist which are analogous to the instances cited of 
 syntactical combinations, including both cases in which the process 
 of fusion is historically traceable, as schwarzwild, weissbrot, dunn- 
 bier, rotdorn, sauerkraut, edelstein ; haubenlerche, seidenraupe, blu- 
 menkohl, bundesrat ; arc-en-ciel ; and cases in which the mode of 
 composition belongs to a prehistorical epoch, as eisbdr, holzwurm, 
 hirschkdfer, steineiche. It not seldom happens that the same con- 
 ception is expressed by a compound in one language, and in 
 another by a syntactical combination ; cf e.g. mittelalter with 
 moyen dge. 
 
 57 1. A subdivision of this great class is formed by generic 
 names of locality, which by the aid of some determinant, which 
 may itself be likewise unspecific, have become proper names. Such 
 are die goldene aiie, das rote meer, der schwarze see, der breite iveg 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 379 
 
 [the name of a street in Magdeburg and elsewhere], die hohe pforte 
 [the name of a gate in Magdeburg] ; die inseln der seeligen, das cap 
 der guten hoffnung. With these may be compared such compounds 
 as Hochburg, Schonbrunn, Kaltbad, Lindenau, Kbnigsfeld; Hirsch- 
 berg, Strassburg, Steinbach. Here too must be mentioned the case 
 in which an epithet added to a proper name as a distinguishing 
 mark passes into an integral portion of the proper name, being 
 learnt as attaching to a definite individual ; cf. Karl der grosse — 
 der kahle — der kiihne — der dicke, Ludwig derfromme — der heilige 
 — das kind, Wilhelm der eroberer; Davos platz — Davos dorfli; 
 Basel land — Basel stadt ; Zell am see. With these we may- 
 compare such compounds as Althans, Kleinpaul ; Gross-Basel — 
 Klein-Basel, Oberfranken — Unterfranken, Eichen-Barleben ; Kirch- 
 zarten. 
 
 572. The metaphorical application of a word is rendered recog- 
 nisable and intelligible not merely by the context (cf § 114), but 
 in a special degree by addition of a determinant ; cf der lowe des 
 tages, des haupt der verschworenen, die nacht des todes, der abend des 
 lebens, die seele des unternehmens \the heart of the enterprise, the life 
 of the undertaking^ The same effect is produced by a determi- 
 nant when it forms an element in a compound. Thus we ven- 
 ture with the aid of such a determinant to use metaphors such 
 as, if we considered merely the undetermined word, we should 
 refrain from using, because the determining element contains at 
 the same time a correction of the metaphor ; cf neusilber, katzen- 
 gold, ziegenlamm, bienenkdnigin, hienenwolf ameisenldwe, dpfelwein, 
 namenswetter ; hirschkuh, heupferd, seeldwe, buchweizen, erdapfel, 
 gallapfel, augapfel, zaunkonig, stiefelknecht, milchbruder. 
 
 573. We have to distinguish from these cases, those in which 
 the compound has a proper as well as a metaphorical meaning, 
 and only as a compound acquires its metaphorical use, as himmels- 
 
38o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 schlussel, kaknenfuss, I'divenmmU, schwalbensckwanz, stiefnmttercfien, 
 brummbdr [swallow-tail, negrohead (of tobacco)]. 
 
 574. The terms discussed above (§ 125.), drawn from parts of 
 the body and mind or from clothes, are almost exclusively syn- 
 tactic combinations or compounds. The reason of this is that the 
 simple words, as in themselves lacking characterisation, would be 
 useless for any such application. 
 
 575. It is now our task to trace further how the fusion of the 
 determinant with the determinate is furthered by the syntactical 
 and formal isolation. 
 
 576. In the case of the coalescence of the genitive with its 
 governing substantive in German, we have, in the first place, to 
 observe that it only occurs where the genitive precedes. The 
 converse position is unsuitable for composition in the first place, 
 because where it occurs an inflexion occurs in the interior of the 
 combination whereby we are continually reminded of the inde- 
 pendence of the elements ; and for this reason the fusion in 
 such a Latin word as pater-familias is less complete than in 
 plebiscitiim. Further, where the genitive precedes, the accentu- 
 ation becomes analogous to that of genuine compounds 
 (OHG. tdges sterro = tdgosterro ; on the other hand, sterro des 
 tdges). The decisive impulse, however, to coalescence consists in 
 changes of the syntactical application of the article. As this 
 has in many cases sunk to the position of a mere case-sign, it has 
 especially become indispensable with the genitive of all appella- 
 tives not connected with an attributive adjective. Only the 
 clearly-marked genitive singular of the strong masculines and 
 neuters still occurs at times without an article, especially in pro- 
 verbs, such as biedermanns erbe, and titles such as schdfers klagelied, 
 geistes gruss, wandrers nachtlied. In OHG. the article is still 
 quite commonly absent. While this construction gradually died 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 381 
 
 out, certain combinations without article were traditionally handed 
 down, and thus the fusion became complete. It was still further 
 specially favoured by the usage, originally universal and then 
 likewise dying out, of placing the genitive as in Greek between 
 the article and its substantive. This construction long maintained 
 itself, especially in the language of the popular epic, only, it is 
 true, in the case of proper names and allied words ; cf. in the Nibe- 
 lungenlied, daz Guntheres lant, das Nibelunges swert, diu Sivrides 
 kant, daz Etzelen wtp *etc. Combinations such as der gates haz* =""> 
 segen, diu gates hant, etc., are still habitual in the thirteenth century. 
 In the older period the genitive of every substantive might be thus 
 inserted without being itself connected with the article ; cf ther 
 marines sun (' the son of man '), common in Tatian, then Muuiskes 
 fater (' patremfamilias '), H- 44. 16 (on the other hand, thes h.fater 
 72,4; 147, B;fatere Muuiskes^TJ, s), ein ediles manni^s. man ofj^o™^'!^- 
 noble descent'), Otfrid iv. 35, i. We find a similar insertion 
 between the ordinal number and the substantive in zwd dMono 
 gimachun ('two pairs of pigeons'), Otfrid i. 14, 24. As the 
 immediate juxtaposition of article and substantive gradually 
 became necessary, the combination was necessarily apprehended 
 by the instinct of language as a unity. In the course of time 
 many formal cases of isolation have been added to these, the 
 older forms of the genitive having been preserved in composition 
 {lindenblatt, frauenkirche, kahnenfuss, schwanenhals, gdnseleber, 
 Mdgdesprung, nachtigall, etc.). These cases have arisen further 
 from the fact that, in the case of masculine and neuter mono- 
 syllables, the syncopated forms have become general in composi- 
 tion, and the non-syncopated in the simple word; cf. hundstag, 
 landsmann, schafskopf, windsbraut, as contrasted with hundes, etc. 
 (though we have also gatteshaus and liebeskummer). A final 
 source of such instances is that the genitive form in the compound 
 
 conts, same 
 30t a: 
 rath. 
 
382 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 often corresponds with that of the nominative plural, and is 
 hence connected with the form of the Nom. Plur. by the lin- 
 guistic instinct where the signification agrees ; cf. bienenschwarm, 
 dpfelwein, biirgermeister. In the last-mentioned case the form 
 also coincides with that of the nominative singular : in the case of 
 Baierland, Pommerland (OHG. Beiero lant) with this alone, while 
 the plural of the simple word has changed its inflexion. 
 
 577. The most ancient stratum of genitival compounds in 
 French proceeded from the old Latin genitives without the addi- 
 tion of the preposition de. In old French this method of con- 
 struction was, at least in the case of personal notions, still in 
 common and living use; e.g. la vo/onie le rei { = ' dn roi'); it had 
 to give way gradually, because the form had come to coincide 
 with that of the dative and accusative, and thus the relation 
 denoted was no longer clear. Certain traditional remains of the 
 old usage have maintained themselves down to the present day 
 without being orthographically denoted as compounds ; rue St. 
 Jacques, etc., ^glise Saint Pierre, mus^e Napoleon. In other cases 
 the fusion has become more complete, in part favoured by isola- 
 tion of another kind ; cf Hdtel-Dien, Connetable {comes stabuli), 
 Chateau- Renard, Bourg-la-Reine, Montfaucon, Fontainebleau {f. 
 Blialdi). [In English, Lady-day.] In French, unlike German, 
 owing to the disappearance of all case-signs, the fusion is rendered 
 possible, even when the genitive is placed in the second place. 
 It must have been first completely effected in compounds where 
 the genitive preceded, since this order early became obsolete ; 
 thus we have Abbeville {abbatis v.), Tkionville {Theodonis villa), 
 etc.i 
 
 578. The coalescence of the adjective with the substantive 
 
 '[Cf. such instances as Houlegate, v. Kluge, die Normannen, in Grober's, Grundriss 
 der romanischen Philologie, p. 394. See also Gibber, u.s. p. 423. Translator.] 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 383 
 
 belonging to it originates, in German, principally in the so-called 
 uninflected form, which in its attributive use gradually becomes 
 obsolete ; cf. above, p. 197, In MHG. {eiri) June geselle, {eiii) edel 
 mann, {ein) niuwe j'dr, are still quite ordinary constructions ; in 
 NHG. junggeselle, edelmann, neujahr can only be apprehended as 
 compounds. A wider starting-ground for this process is afforded 
 by the weak nominatives of polysyllabic adjectives in r, I, n, which 
 in MHG. reject their e, while this is in NHG. restored after the 
 analogy of the monosyllabic ones. In MHG. der ober roc, diu 
 ober hant, daz ober teil appear still as regular syntactical com- 
 binations (whence we also find the accusative die obern hant by 
 the side of die oberhanf) ; in NHG. der oberrock, die oberhand, das 
 oberteil can only be regarded as compounds, because they would 
 otherwise have to appear as der obere rock, etc. In spite of this 
 the simple plan of abiding by the old condition is insufficient for 
 the creation of actual composition, and many compounds of the 
 kind took their rise before the appearance of this syntactical 
 isolation. As early as in OHG. we find altfater, frihals,* guottdt, * =f'-«"i'an, 
 hdhstuol, and many others. The process is rather that the com- 
 bination becomes so stereotyped, the notion conveyed by it so 
 completely single, that internal inflexion is felt by the linguistic 
 instinct as an inconsistency, and it is then only natural that the 
 form adopted should be the really normal case, viz., the nominative 
 singular, which, owing to the disappearance of the inflexion-ending, 
 appears at the same time as the stem of the word. Since the 
 uninflected form had ceased to be employed attributively, the 
 fusion of the adjective with the substantive became correspondingly 
 more difficult. For the inflected forms of the nominative singular 
 {guter, gute, gutes) had, from the very outset, a much smaller 
 range, and were, from the very circumstance of their inflexional 
 termination, not so fitted to stand as representatives of the word 
 
3S4 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 in itself. There was now, however, less need for such fusions, 
 since a quantity of compounds was already at hand with their 
 uninflected forms, which were also capable of producing analogical 
 new formations. Still, even in this period, certain cases of fusion, 
 complete or incipient, appear ; the explanation being, in some 
 cases, that combination has been treated on the analogy of the 
 older combinations already fused (cf geheimrat by the side of 
 gekeime(r) rat); in other cases, that the inflected nominatival 
 form is generalised, as in krausemUnse, jungemagd, in Gutersohn, 
 Liebeskind, and other proper names. In the case of certain words 
 the feeling for the unity of the conception betrays itself in the 
 fact that, instead of internal inflexion, the two elements are 
 written as one ; cf langeweile, hohepriester, hohelied. Lessing 
 even writes : ein Jiingstesgericht en mignature. Compare also 
 derselbe, derfenige. 
 
 579. Even where no complete fusion of the attributive ad- 
 jective with the substantive belonging to it has taken place, 
 derivations are still made from the combination ; cf hohepriesterlich, 
 langweilig, kurzatmig, hochgradig, vielzungig, vielsprachig, rotbdckig, 
 einhdndig, blaudugig, blondhaarig, kleinstddtisch, . kleinstddter, 
 schwarzkilnstler, tausetidkunstler, einsilbler; which stand on pre- 
 cisely the same footing as grossmutig, edelmdnnisch, etc. We 
 are forbidden to treat these as noun-compounds by the circum- 
 stance that many of the simple words which would in this case 
 have to be prefixed, such as -weilig, -atniig, -gradig, do not 
 exist at all, and in fact have never existed. 
 
 580. Such combinations are also employed to form compounds 
 which, in spite of all the opposition of the grammarians, stubbornly 
 hold their ground. The ordinary objection made to such com- 
 binations as reitende artillerie-caserne (' mounted artillery barracks '), 
 that the ' barracks ' are not ' mounted,' will not bear examination. 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 385 
 
 No one who uses the expression means to imply that they are, 
 and the true distribution is not reitende + artillerie-caserne, but 
 reitende artillerie + caserne. But a diiificulty arises owing to the 
 inflexional and congruent nature of the adjective. The latter, 
 therefore, commonly accommodates itself to the second element, 
 not merely in cases where it could in any case be referred to 
 this as well as to the first, as in franzosischer sprachlehrer, freie 
 handzeichnung, but also in other cases, as in der sauern gurkenzeit. 
 In the case of many of these combinations it has become usual 
 to unite them continuously ; cf. alteweibersommer, armesUnder- 
 glockchen, etc. In spite of this the adjective often agrees with the 
 latter element. Goethe writes : aiif dein armesunderstiihlchen ; 
 Heine, on the other hand, auf eineni armesiinderbdnkchen ; the 
 Kolnische Zeitung, nebst armsilndertreppe. Klopstock even em- 
 ploys hohpriestergewand, and Luise Miihlbach den gutennachts- 
 gruss} In English, where no inflexion produces confusion, such 
 combinations cause no difficulty. 
 
 581. In French coalescence is less diiificult than in German, 
 because the distinction of cases is lost. Where only the distinc- 
 tion of singular and plural remains, the suggestion of composite- 
 ness is necessarily far less frequent. Besides this there are many 
 combinations which from their very nature occur in the singular 
 only (e.g. sainte-^criture, terre-sainte), or again, in the plural only 
 (e.g. beaux-arts, belles lettres). Hence the sense of the essential 
 unity of such phrases commonly asserts itself by the use of the 
 hyphen. Another more important means of obtaining the evidence 
 of the linguistic instinct is afforded by the employment of the 
 partitive article. It is in French usual to say, for instance, il a des 
 belles lettres, just as it is to say il a des lettres, while it is correct 
 to say il a de belles maisons. Instances of isolation alike of form 
 ' Cf. Andresen, Sprachg. p. 152 and 64. 
 2 B 
 
386 PRINCIPLES OF THE HIS7VRY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 and syntax may here come in to strengthen the union yet further. 
 In old French the adjectives which in Latin are inflected according 
 to the third declension have as yet taken no e in the feminine, 
 which was not added till later, according to the analogy of 
 adjectives of three terminations ; e.g. grand — grandis ; later 
 grande, after the analogy of bonne. In the case of compounds 
 forms without e maintain themselves : grand'mere, grand' messe, 
 Granville, R^almont, Ville-real, Rochefort. In the case of Vaucluse 
 {vallis clausa) the compound, apart from other phonetic peculiarities, 
 has not undergone the change of gender of the simple word {le val) 
 which has taken place in modern French. There follow assimila- 
 tions just as in German. In the case of adjectives which occur 
 more frequently in composition, the form of the masculine and 
 of the singular is generalised ; thus in mi-, demi-, mal- {malfaqon, 
 malheure, maltdte), nu- (nu-tete, nu-pieds).*' By this means the 
 composition is plainly marked. 
 
 582. In cases where in NHG. the genitive has coalesced with 
 a governing adjective, it frequently appears that the construction 
 is either obsolete or grown unusual, and replaced by another ; 
 e.g. ehrenreich — reich an ehren, geistesarm — ann an geist, freuden- 
 leer — leer von freuden. 
 
 583. In NHG. it is common in cases where adverbs, according 
 to the ordinary syntactical rules, precede the verb, to unite them in 
 writing with the verb : cf aufheben, vordringen, zuriickweichen, weg- 
 ■werfen, etc. We can gather that no composition, strictly so called, 
 has set in by the transposition {er treibt an, er steht auf, etc.). On 
 the other hand, the circumstance that the words are conjoined in 
 writing denotes that the whole has begun to be apprehended as a 
 unity. 
 
 584. In the case of most of these combinations we can distinctly 
 trace an isolation setting in against the elements. The old pre- 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 387 
 
 positional adverbs in general cannot any longer be employed freely 
 and independently, but are confined to a special group of combina- 
 tions. Instead of these, combinations with her and hin are chiefly 
 employed for free syntactical combination. Cf hinaus gehen, 
 heran kommen, which differ essentially in meaning from ausgehen 
 and ankommen. There then sets in in most cases an independent 
 development of meaning of the combination as such : e.g., anstehn, 
 ausstehn, vorstehn, zustekn, auslegen, aufbringen, umbringen, subrin- 
 gen, auskommen, umkommen, vorwerfen, vorgeben, etc. However, 
 the apprehension of these combinations as compounds is aided 
 by the parallel noun-compounds like ankunft, abnahme, zunahme, 
 vorwurf, ausspruch, zusage, anzeige, etc. These of course, influence 
 most easily the nominal forms of the verb in which the combina- 
 tion is already most firm, and becomes more so, the more they 
 approach the character of a pure noun (cf. the following chapter). 
 They possess the firmest character naturally when they only — and 
 not the finite verb — are usual in a definite meaning or remain so ; 
 cf. aufsehen, nachsehen, abkommen ; ausnehmend. In the case of 
 the participle the fusion may appear in the formation of the com- 
 parative or superlative, which are meaningless unless the whole is 
 apprehended as a unity, cf die zwei entgegengesetzesten eigenschaften 
 (GOE.), der eingeborenste begriff (GOB.), unter nachsehendern gesetzen 
 (Le.) ; other examples may be found in Andr. Sprachg. p. 1 19. 
 From the union of the verb with the adverb further arise nominal 
 derivatives which are indisputably verbal unities, such as austreibung, 
 vorsehung, auferstehung, abschreiber, anstellig, ausgiebig, zuldssig, 
 angeblich, absetzbar} For adverbial determinants the same rule 
 holds good as for the substantival words affixed to nouns,*namely,«j,. p. 3„. 
 that 'occasional' individualisation stands in the way of fusion. 
 
 ^ We might be tempted to regard these words rather as nominal compounds ; but by 
 doing so we should set ourselves in opposition to the instinct of language, and in some 
 cases we should arrive at simple words which have no existence, such as stellig and geblich. 
 
388 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 Hence it is that the demonstrative adverbs of place, for instance, 
 maintain their independence ; wer da ist, her konimt, and not daist, 
 herkommt. In the case of the nominal forms, it is no doubt true 
 that orthographical cases of union occur like sein hiersein, but we 
 do not in spite of these apprehend the whole so thoroughly as a 
 unit as we do such words as einkommen, zutrauen. The case is far 
 different with dasein in the sense of 'existence;' in this case precisely 
 da is not individualised. The conditions are much the same with 
 herkommen and darreichen, darbringen, etc., because dar has lost 
 its original function of demonstrative adverb equivalent to dahin. 
 There appear also to be symptoms of an inclination to turn the 
 finite verb as well into a true compound. In German newspapers — 
 and Germanists are at one with them on this point — it has become 
 the fashion to write er anerkennt [for erkennt an\. We thus see 
 plainly enough the path on which the old verbal compounds in 
 German (such as diirchbrkhen, betreiberi), and in the other IE. 
 languages have taken their rise from syntactical combination. 
 
 585. An adverb derived from an adjective sometimes fuses with 
 the nominal forms of the verb. The first impulse to this fusion is 
 sometimes given by the metaphorical application of one of the two 
 component parts, cf tieffuklend, weitgreifend, weittragend, hochflie- 
 gend. The combination becomes even closer when the first part 
 retains a function which, in general, it has lost. Under this head 
 we may class combinations with wol, such as wolleben, wolschmeck- 
 end, wolriechend, woltuend, etc., which have been handed down 
 to us from the time when wol was still the common adverb of gut. 
 We may further compare the word erstgeboren, which dates from a 
 time when the word erst bore the sense of the zuerst of the present 
 day. No doubt the analogy of nominal compounds is here also at 
 work; cf. zartfuhlend — zartgefuhl, scharfblickend — scharfblick. 
 Here too the comparative and superlative forms may serve to test 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMA TION AND INFLEXION. 389 
 
 the completion of the fusion ; cf. bis zur schwerfdlligsten, klein- 
 kauendsten weitschweifigkeit (SCHOP.) ; der tieffuhlendste geist 
 (GoE.), die reingew'dlbteste stirn (ib.), die freigelegenste wohnung. 
 Superlatives like weitgreifendste, hochge'ehr tester, hochvei'ehr tester 
 are common. Still more remarkable are cases in which, from a 
 combination in which the adverb is already superlative, another 
 superlative is formed ; cf. die zundchststehendsten (Frankfurter 
 Zeitung).^ 
 
 586. There are many combinations of a verb with an object- of a vert 
 
 with an ob- 
 
 accusative which occupy a similar intermediate position between ject-accusa- 
 
 tive. 
 
 the compound and the syntactic group ; cf acht geben or achtgeben, 
 haushalten, standhalten, stattfinden, teilnehmen ; further, combina- 
 tions of a verb with a predicate-adjective, like loskaufen, freigeben, 
 freisprechen, feilbieten, feilkalten, hochachten, wertschatzen, gut- 
 inachen. The causes which in this case further the impulse to 
 composition are exactly the same as in the case of the combina- 
 tions which contain an adverb. There do occur, however, in the 
 process displacements of distribution, especially in the case of the 
 fusion of the predicative adjective, where this is normal, see p. 328. 
 Of course the transition to a compound is here also the easiest in 
 the case of nominal forms. There occur a great number of 
 participles which have coalesced with an objectival accusative ; 
 cf. feuerspeiend, grundlegend, notleidend, leidtragend, wutschnaubend, 
 segenbringend, nichtssagend. Here too the comparative forms may 
 serve as a test whether real fusion has set in ; cf die nichtsbedeu- 
 tendsten kleinigkeiten (SCH.), das grundlegendste der maigesetze 
 (Kolner Zeitung), am gefdhrlichsten und feuerfangendsten (Deut- 
 scher Reichstag).^ But no sharp line can be drawn between 
 spontaneous fusion and formation by analogy after the model of 
 
 ^ The examples are taken from Andr. Sprackg., p. 120 and 42-3, where still more 
 are adduced. ^ Cf. Andresen, u.s. 
 
390 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 nominal compounds which certainly meets us in words like saft- 
 strotzend, kraftbegabt, mondbegldnzt, but which are almost wholly 
 confined to the high poetic style. We have transition into true 
 composition in the case of lobsingen, and wahrsagen (wahr is taken 
 substantivallyand denotes truth),in which the influence of derivatives 
 from compounds, such as ratschlagen and weissagen, cf p. 270, may 
 have contributed to the result. Derivatives are also formed from 
 combinations in which the fusion is not yet perfectly accom- 
 plished, cf haushdlter, teilnehmer, freigebig; even grundlegung, 
 preisverteilung, waffentrdger, holzhauer, etc. j and further bekannt- 
 ■machung, kundgebimg, lostrennung?- 
 with.i 587. Like adverbs, substantives dependent on a preposition 
 
 prepositional ..... ,-. ... 
 
 determinant, coalesce up to a ccrtam pomt With the verb. It is true that it is 
 not usual to write continuously combinations like zu grunde legen 
 or in stand setzen, except in the case of the substantival use of the 
 infinitive, but we form the derivations zugrundelegung, instandset- 
 zung, ausserachtlassung, zuhiilfenahme. Besides, we have such 
 superlative formations as an dem sichtbarsten, in die augen fallend- 
 sten orte (Le.). 
 
 Verbal Com. 588. I would Call attention, further, to the numerous combina- 
 
 plexes which 
 
 have the tioHs which, Hkc the copulatives cited above, are not commonly 
 
 character of 
 
 Compounds, apprehended as compounds, but which, nevertheless, represent a 
 single notion ; e.g. so wie so, vor wie nach, mann fur mann, schritt 
 filr schritt (cf French m's-d-vis, dos-d-dos, tete-d-tite), von neuetn, 
 von hause ajts, sobald als moglich, so gut wie, was fiir ein, etc. In 
 many of these combinations the coalescence into a unity is 
 at the same time a displacement of the distribution in the sen- 
 
 ^ In this case also a doubt may arise whether the words in question are not to be 
 • apprehended as nominal compounds, but the instinct of language again decides for the 
 
 view here taken. No doubt the analogy of nominal composition may to some extent 
 have co-operated, but formations like freisprechung, bekanntmachung could from theii 
 signification not suit this analogy ; otherwise they would necessarily be = freie sprechung, 
 bekannte machung. 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 391 
 
 tence, which announces itself in the mode of construction. If, for 
 instance, Lessing says ein mehr ah natUrliches gift, the attributive 
 application of mehr als natiirlich and the inflexion at the end has 
 only become possible by the fact that this combination is appre- 
 hended as a unity like ubernaturlich, and that accordingly the 
 feeling for the method of combination has vanished. The 
 same is the case in the following constructions : mit einer nichts 
 weniger als schonen bewegung (Le.), in so wenig als mogliche worte 
 (Le.), ausser der so lang als mdglichen dauer (Le.). More striking 
 still, and differing in the fact that an inflexion occurs in the middle 
 of the combination, is the construction which occurs several times 
 in Lessing : in der letzten ohn eine zeile. For so gut wie we may 
 compare phrases like er hat mirs so gut wie versprochen. The sub- 
 stantive belonging to was fur ( = quails') depended originally on fur. 
 Thus, for instance, the phrase was habt ihr fur pferde means pro- 
 perly ' what have you in the place of horses.' If, however, we say 
 at the present day mit zvas fur pferden, this shows that the words 
 was far are apprehended by the instinct of language as an inde- 
 clinable attribute to the substantive, which should properly depend 
 on fiir. 
 
 589. The impossibility of drawing a sharp line between com- co-ordmation 
 
 between the 
 
 pound and syntactical combination manifests itself also in this, elements of a 
 
 compound 
 
 that frequently members of an otherwise undoubted compound are and an 
 
 independent 
 
 placed upon the same footing with independent words. We do word, 
 not shrink from saying offentliche und privatmittel, das ordindre und 
 das feierkleid. Hans Sachs even combines gesotten, pachen vnd 
 pratfisch} Further, the first or determining member of a com- 
 pound may itself be followed by determinants, as though it were* 
 an independent word ; and not merely by such as might be also 
 applied to the whole, such as dankesworte fUr die gnade, but others 
 also, such as ein her ausforderungs lied zum zweikampf (Le.) : ein 
 
 \i,e., boiled pig (bacon) and baked fish.] 
 
392 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 bases erinnerungszeichen fur ihn an die treulosen Griechen (Her.); 
 
 glaubensfreiheit an wunder und zeichen (GOE.) ; der vertragsent- 
 
 wurf mit Deutschland (Kolner Zeit.) ; hoffnungsvoll auf die zukunft 
 
 (GoE.) ; erwartungsvoll des ausgangs (WiE.) ; hopeless to circumvent 
 
 ^p.L.ix. US join' d (Mil.);* fearless to be overmatch' d (ib.).t Lastly, pronouns 
 
 259. 
 
 til. 850. are referred to a member of a compound : cf. menschengebote, die 
 
 <:ich von der wahrheit abwenden (Lu.) ; er hatte einen ameisenhaufen 
 zei'treten, die seine herrschaft nicht anerkennen wbllten (GOE.) ; es 
 gibt iin menschenleben augenblicke, wo er dem weltgeist ndher ist 
 als sonst (SCHI.). 
 
 590. Sound-changes which effect isolation are promoted by 
 various circumstances in the traditional groups. We may pro- 
 bably with reason maintain, even though we be unable to follow 
 the development historically, that such changes, for the most part, 
 occur at first as a general result of a closer syntactical combina- 
 tion, but are afterwards displaced by levelling, and are maintained 
 only in cases where, as a consequence of the development of 
 meaning, the elements have already coalesced too closely for 
 change. The change most easily effected is the transference of a 
 final consonant to the following syllable ; cf NHG. hinein, hieran, 
 allein, einander ; Latin etenim,, etiam. Attraction of this kind has 
 no tendency to produce isolation in cases where, as in French, it 
 regularly occurs in all close syntactic combination. In cases, for 
 instance, like peut-etre it cannot conduce to the formation of a closer 
 connexion, because it equally occurs in il pent avoir. Where, how- 
 ever, through the operation of the etymological principle it is con- 
 fined to the traditional forms, these are welded the closer thereby. 
 We further have to notice the contraction of a vowel in auslaut 
 with the vowel in anlaut of the following word, or elision of one of 
 them, as the case may be ; cf the Latin reapse, magnopere, alior- 
 sum, rursus (from *re-ursus) ; French aub^pine {alba espina), Bon- 
 
XIX.] RISE OP WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 
 
 393 
 
 nitable (place in the department of the Sarthe), malaise, Gothic 
 sah (' this ' from sa-uk), ]>ammuk (' to this,' from \amma-uk), MHG. 
 hinne { = kie inne), Msen = NU.G. haussen, NHG. binnen. The 
 elision in the French article (I'^tat) or in the preposition de, again, 
 does not produce composition, because it follows according to a 
 general rule, and is not confined to single formulae. A third case 
 of frequent occurrence is the assimilation of a consonant in auslaut 
 to the anlaut of the following word : cf NHG. hoffart, Homburg 
 { — Hohenburg), Bamberg { = Babenberg), empor { = entbor), sintemal 
 { = sint dem mal); Latin illico, affatim, possum. The most 
 thorough isolation, however, is effected by the influence of the 
 accent; cf. NHG. w«c>%3fly ( = MHG. ndckgeb^r), junker {=juncherre), 
 jungfer {=juncfrouwe), grummet {—gruonmdi), immer (ie mSr), 
 mannsen, weibien { = mannes, wibes name), neben (from in eban, 
 eneben) ; Latin denuo { = de novo), illico ; French celle {ecce ilia) ; 
 cf. the corresponding phenomena in the case of compounds formed 
 in the IE. method : NHG. adler (MHG. adel-ar), wimper {wint-brd), 
 wildpret {wiltbrat or wiltbrcete), schulze — schultess (sckultkeize), 
 Schuster (schuoc/ts^tcere, ' schuhnaher ' [' shoe-sewer,' ' souter ']), glied 
 {gelit), bleiben (beliberi) ; French confer (computare), coucher {collocare), 
 cpudre {consuere) ;■ Latin ^ subigere (compared with agere), reddere 
 (with dare), surgere (from sub-regere), prcebere (from prce-hibere). 
 contio (from conventio), cuncti (from cojuncti). 
 
 591. It is less common to find that phonetic changes occurring 
 in simple words occasion isolation. This happens, for instance, in 
 this way, that a consonant in auslaut holds its ground, through 
 having been attracted to the following word, while in other cases it 
 falls away : cf. NHG. da (OHG. ddr), wo (OHG. w&r), as against daran, 
 woran, etc., MHG. hieran, etc., as against hie, sdrie as against sd. 
 
 ' In order to understand the origin of the forms cited it is necessary to go back to 
 the prehistorical method of accentuation. 
 
394 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 A different modification is avoided by this transition in vinaigre as 
 against vin. Just as the diminished strength of stress in the case 
 of the member of a compound may call changes into existence to 
 which the simple word is not liable, so, on the other hand, it may 
 act protectively where the simple word is changed under the 
 influence of the chief stress ; of. NHG. heran, herein as against her, 
 and the French cordieu, corbleu as against coeur. In NHG. the 
 vowel of a first member of a compound is preserved from the 
 lengthening to which the simple word is exposed by the following 
 double consonants, cf herzog, Hermann, herberge, wollust. 
 
 592. The same phonetic changes which divide the compound 
 from the simple word divide also from each other the individual 
 compounds which contain the same member ; and this process also 
 contributes to diminish the sense of the independence of the 
 members. It is, of course, also of special import for the coales- 
 cence of the elements if one of them is lost as a simple word : cf 
 such instances as NHG. brdutigam (OHG. -gumo ' man '), nachtigal 
 {-gala ' songstress '), weichbild {wick- ' holy '), augenlid {-lid ' a 
 covering'), einerlei {-leie 'kind'), wahrnehnen ; French aub^pine 
 {alb-), printemps {primum-), tiers-dtat {tertius-), minuit {media-), bon- 
 heur {-auguriuin), ormier {-meruiti). 
 Limits with- 593. We have hitherto only considered the contrast between 
 
 in which the 
 
 compound Verbal groups and verbal unities, and endeavoured to apprehend 
 
 appears as 
 
 such. all the factors which serve to resolve the former more and more 
 
 decidedly into the latter. We have, however, to notice another 
 contrast. The development we have described must have pro- 
 ceeded up to a certain point before the combination produces the 
 effect of a compound ; it must not, however, go beyond a certain 
 
 , point if it is to continue to produce merely this effect, and not 
 
 rather that of a simple word. What from the point of view of the 
 linguistic instinct we may call a compound lies between these points. 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 395 
 
 594. Syntactical and formal isolation do not easily lead to an 
 advance beyond this second point ; as a rule, this is occasioned by 
 the obsolescence of one element in independent usage or by 
 phonetic isolation, especially the shrinking together of the complex 
 of sounds under the influences of accent. 
 
 595- The liveliness of the feeling for composition manifests 
 itself especially in the capacity of a compound to serve as model 
 for analogical formations. If we have deduced composition from 
 syntax, we in no way intend to assert that each single compound 
 has taken its rise from a syntactical combination. Possibly, indeed, 
 the greater part of the so-called compounds in the different 
 languages are merely analogical formations modelled upon those 
 to which in its strict sense the name compound belongs. Thus, 
 for instance, every genuine noun-compound formed in the in- 
 flexional period of the IE. original language, and especially every 
 such compound formed within the time of the development of the 
 individual languages is to be regarded as a formation by analogy, 
 and not as the union of an obsolete crude form with an inflected 
 word. In the same way the NHG. genitival and adjectival com- 
 pounds were to a great extent in their origin not syntactical. This 
 may be best seen in cases where the s of the first member, derived 
 from the genitive termination, is transferred to words to which in 
 the genitive it does not properly belong (such as regierungsrat, etc.), 
 and again to words where the genitive is out of place ; cf wahr- 
 heitsliebend formed after wahrheitsliebe, etc. 
 
 596. When the limit is once overstepped, up to which the com- 
 pound appears as such to the linguistic instinct, the formation, 
 apart from the inflexional endings which may eventually belong 
 to it, makes the impression either of perfect simplicity, or that of 
 a derivative formed with a suffix or prefix. Thus, for instance, 
 words like NHG. amt (Gothic and-bahti), ohmd ( OHG. uo-mdt)* *uem^? 
 
396 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 schulze (mhg. schuldheise), edit (from MHG. ihaht^yi^AG. i-haft\ 
 heute (from *kiu tagri), heint (MHG. hi-nahi), Seibt (OHG. Sigi- 
 boto), bange (from *bi-angd), gdnnen (from *gi-unnan), fressen 
 {Gothic fraitan), nicht (ixova. ni io wiht); Latin demere (from *de- 
 emere),promere (from *pro-emere), surgere (from *sub-regere), prorsus 
 (from *proversus), stand on precisely the same footing as (for 
 instance) stand, fi,ase, bald, binden, pangere, versus ; and words like 
 adler (OHG. adal-ar), Schuster (MHG. scktiocksiuicBre), wimper (OHG. 
 wint-brdwd), drittel { = dritte teit), Meinert { = Meinhard) as 
 Schneider, leiter, mittel, hundert. Also in words like nachbar, brduti- 
 gam, nachtigal, the last syllable will be apprehended in the same 
 way as the full derivative syllables in triibsal, rechnung, etc. 
 riginof 597- We have here arrived at the origin of derivative suffixes 
 
 idlnfllx- ' 3rid prefixes. These always originate in a loss of touch between a 
 member of a compound and the originally identical simple word. 
 But much more must happen before a word-forming element can 
 arise. In the first place the other member must be etymologically 
 clear, must be associated, that is, with a related word, or a related 
 word-group ; which is not the case in (e.g.) adler and wimper. In 
 the second place, the element must appear not merely in isolated 
 words (as in nachbar, brdutigarn), but in a group of words, and in 
 all be used in the same sense. If these two conditions are fulfilled, 
 the group may become productive, and be augmented by means of 
 new formations modelled on the examples which have originated 
 by way of composition. It is, however, in the third place, necessary 
 that the signification of the member of the compound in question 
 should either, even in its usage as a simple word, possess a certain 
 abstract generality of meaning (such as being, quality, action), 
 or undergo a development within the compound from the more 
 individual and sensuous meaning of the simple word. This last 
 circumstance may even under certain circumstances be decisive, 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 397 
 
 even though the feeling of the connexion with the simple word be 
 not yet completely lost. 
 
 598. We have within the historical development, as far as we 
 can trace it, opportunity enough to observe how a suffix arises. 
 The best known of these among German suffixes are those in -heit, 
 -schaft, -turn, -bar, -lick, -sam, -haft. The type of such a word as 
 weiblich, for instance, reaches back to an old bahuvrlhi-compound, 
 the original German *wtboltkis -^ properly ' woman's form,' then 
 by the agency of metaphor "possessing woman's form.' Between 
 such a compound as this, and the simple word NHG. lich, NHG. 
 leiche, such a discrepancy, first of meaning, secondly of the sound- 
 forms, has developed itself, that all connexion ceases. Above all, 
 however, from the merely material signification of the simple word 
 ' form,' ' outward appearance,' the more abstract ' quality ' has de- 
 veloped. In the case of such a word as schonheit, the development 
 of a compound and of a derivative from the compound took place 
 for the first time in the west-Germanic period. The original German 
 form was *skaunis haidus, ' fine quality ' ; hence was developed 
 according to the regular laws of sound-change OHG. scdnheit. The 
 composition is completed by the transference of the uninflected 
 form to the oblique cases, exactly as in the case of hdchzit, etc., 
 cf. p. 381. In virtue of its abstract meaning, the second member 
 then becomes a suffix, especially when it has become lost in its 
 independent meaning. 
 
 599. Even yet, at a later epoch, many second members of a 
 compound approach the character of a suffix. Thus, for instance, 
 the words schmerzvoll and schmerzensreich are in their meaning 
 identical with the Latin dolorosus, French douloureux ; and the dif- 
 ference between anmutsvoll and anmutig, reizvoll and reizend, is 
 
 1 My object here and in what follows is merely to explain and illustrate the manner 
 of composition, and I will not maintain that precisely the word chosen as the example 
 must have belonged to the primitive formation. 
 
39S PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 very small. The -tel { = teH) in drittel, viertel, etc., is to the instinct 
 of language a mere suffix. Again, in allerhand, allerlei, gewisser- 
 massen, seltsamerweise, a first step has been taken to the formation 
 of a suffix. As to the termination -weise, we can easily imagine 
 that had the generalisation gone further, it might have developed 
 into a regular adverbial suffix like -mente in the popular language 
 of the Romance nations. 
 
 6oD. The boundary line between the members of a compound 
 and a suffix can be defined by the instinct of language only. We 
 have objective proofs to aid our judgment ready to hand as soon 
 as modes of composition are formed which are inconceivable as 
 compounds. Thus, for instance, the French fierement might 
 naturally be conceived of as fera mente ; but such a word as r^cem- 
 ment could not rationally be referred to recente mente. The funda- 
 mental meaning of the German -bar ( = MHG. -bcere) is ' bearing,' 
 'bringing.' Words like ehrbar, furchtbar, tpunderbar would to 
 some extent suit this meaning ; but the MHG. magetbcere (virginal) 
 meienbcere (belonging to May), scheffenbcere (admissible to the func- 
 tion of sckoffen), would no longer do so. The suffix-character is 
 decisively present if the analogy leads to a transference into quite 
 different domains, as in vereinbar, begreiflich, duldsam, etc., which 
 can only be apprehended as derivatives from vereinen, begreifen, 
 dulden (cf. on this point ante, p. 265) ; or when fusions of suffixes 
 set in (see on this point ante, p. 265) as in MHG. miltecheit, miltekeit 
 from miltec-heit; from which next rise formations by analogy; 
 as frommigkeit, gerechtigkeit, on the one hand, and, on the other 
 eitelkeit, heiterkeit, dankbarkeit, abscheulichkeit, folgsamkeit. 
 Formation ^oi. From thesc observations, to which we might append a 
 
 "'and number of similar ones based on other languages, we must 
 conclude that the formation of suffixes is not the work of a 
 definite prehistorical period, limited by a definite point of time; 
 
 \ constant 
 unceasing. 
 
XIX.] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 399 
 
 but rather a process continually repeating itself as long as 
 language is living and developing. We may especially conjec- 
 ture that even the general IE. suffixes were not all in existence 
 before the rise of inflexions, as analytical grammarians are 
 too, prone to assume, but that even the prehistoric inflexional 
 period cannot have been entirely barren in this respect. We must 
 judge of the prehistoric origin of suffixes entirely according to 
 the standard afforded us by historical experience ; breaking with 
 all theories not based upon this experience, which at the same 
 time shows us the only way of making the process psychologically 
 intelligible. 
 
 602. There is one other important point to be insisted upon. Rise of new 
 The rise of new suffixes perpetually alternates with the disappear- ( 
 ance of old ones. We may say that the suffix, as such, has 
 disappeared as soon as it has ceased to be employed for new 
 formations. The manner in which sound-change especially tends 
 to destroy this capacity has been explained above (p. 201). Thus 
 from time to time the need recurs of replacing a suffix which has 
 become too much weakened, and is split up into a number of 
 phonetic forms by one fuller and more uniform. This purpose 
 is often served by suffix-groups which have become fused to- 
 gether. We may consider, for instance, how in OHG. the more 
 ancient and simpler methods of formation have been expelled by 
 the nomina agentis in -&ri, the nomina actionis in unga and the 
 abstracts in -nissa. In other cases, however, the compounds of 
 the kind described afford the substitute desired. These, as a 
 rule, appear in the first instance parallel with the ancient forma- 
 tions, but then speedily, owing to their greater plainness and their 
 closer connexion with the fundamental word, obtain a decided 
 preponderance over these, and succeed in ousting all traces of it, 
 save a certain number of traditional survivals. Thus schbnheit 
 
400 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 succeeds in ousting the now obsolete schdne, and finsterkeit the 
 diu vinster, which was yet living in MHG. 
 
 603. Inflexional suffixes take their rise in the same way as 
 derivative suffixes. In fact no sharp line of demarcation betwben 
 the two exists at all. We have here too, in the processes his- 
 torically observable, a standard for prehistorical ones. The 
 coalescence of the pronoun into the tense-stem, for instance, 
 admits of illustration by means of processes drawn from the 
 Bavarian dialects of the present day which have been already 
 described (p. 348 seq?). The formation of the tense-stem 
 shows itself most conveniently in the Romance future : faimerai 
 = amare habeo. But it seems superfluous, when the mass of 
 materials is so well known and so easy of access, to collect 
 further examples. 
 Criticism of 604. Whoevcr draws from our survey the conclusions as to 
 
 of'indo-''''^ method which it involves must confess that the proceeding hitherto 
 commonly adopted in the theoretic construction of the IE. language 
 is very perverse. I shall indicate a few principles, obvious enough 
 after what has been said, in accordance with which the theories 
 in vogue require either qualification or absolute rejection. 
 
 605. If we dissect the IE. original form of a word (even assum- 
 ing it to be rightly constructed) in the usual way, into stem and 
 inflexional suffix, and then dissect the stem again into root and 
 derivative suffix or suffixes, we must not suppose that we have now 
 gained the elements of which the word is actually composed. For 
 instance, it should not be supposed that the second person singular 
 optative present *bherois (represented earlier as *bharais) really 
 and truly took its origin from bher-\-o-^i-\-s. In the first place we 
 must bear in mind that while no doubt the first foundations of 
 word-formation and inflexion came into being by the coalescence 
 of elements originally independent, these foundations, once in 
 
XIX,] RISE OF WORD-FORMATION AND INFLEXION. 401 
 
 existence, were necessarily used immediately as models for ana- 
 logical formations. In the case of no single IE. form can we 
 absolutely decide whether it has arisen from a syntactic word- 
 group, or whether it is merely an analogical creation from a form 
 already in existence. We must not however, on the other hand, 
 assume off-hand that the type of a form must have originated in 
 the former way. We must rather assume the play of the same 
 factor in the earlier period which in the more modern periods has 
 played so great a part, namely the displacement of the formative 
 principle by analogical formation. Small grounds as exist for 
 referring such types as besuch, unbestreitbar, unverdnderlich, ver- 
 waltungsrat to a syntactical combination, there are no greater 
 grounds for so treating many IE. formations. In the second place, 
 we must notice that even in the case of those forms which are 
 really of syntactical origin, the elements do not necessarily lie 
 before us in the phonetic shape which they had before their 
 coalescence. We have as little right to derive an IE. genitive 
 akmenos from ak + men -{- os, as Schusters from schu+ster+s. Many 
 changes which may have occurred only after the formation of 
 the complex have long been recognised : others have lately been 
 demonstrated. And it is not only possible, but even likely, that 
 the whole sum of such changes is far from exhausted by what we 
 at present know. 
 
 606. Still less is it to be supposed that the elements discovered 
 by analysis are the fundamental elements of speech in general. 
 Our incapacity to analyse an element proves nothing whatever as 
 to its original unity. 
 
 607. We must also entirely reject the distinction, so habitual 
 
 in the history of IE. flexion, between a period of construction and a 
 
 period of decay. That which is termed construction occurs, as we 
 
 have seen, only as a consequence of decay, and that which is 
 
 2C 
 
402 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. XIX.] 
 
 termed decay is but the continuation of this process. Construc- 
 tion is impossible without the aid of syntax. Such a process of 
 construction may take place at any period, and new constructed 
 material never fails to offer its compensation whenever decay has 
 set in beyond certain proportions. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 
 
 THE customary division of the parts of speech in the ie. The division 
 of tile parts 
 languages, as handed down from the grammarians of ofspeeciidue 
 
 , , to considera- 
 
 antiquity, rests upon no systematic application of logical principles ; tion not of 
 
 • , , any logical 
 
 it IS rather due to the consideration of very diverse sets of facts, principle, 
 It bears accordingly the mark of arbitrariness. Its defects are 
 easily pointed out. Yet it would be hard to replace it by anything 
 essentially better so long as we aim at assigning every word to a 
 particular class. The attempt to erect a system of strictly logical 
 division is in all cases impracticable. 
 
 609. The usual division has been effected by the consideration but of three 
 of three points : the meaning of a word, taken by itself, its function 
 in the sentence, and its behaviour in regard to inflexion and word- 
 formation. 
 
 610. As regards the first point, the grammatical categories — criticism of 
 substantive, adjective, verb — correspond to the logical categories division, 
 of substance, quality, and activity or, more accurately, occurrence. 
 
 But though it may be the proper function of a substantive to 
 denote substance, — a function of which the adjective and the verb 
 are incapable, yet there are also substantive terms for quality and 
 occurrence. There are also verbs which denote continuous states 
 and qualities. Regard to the meaning of words has further con- 
 tributed to the erection of pronouns and numerals into separate 
 
 403 
 
404 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 classes. To co-ordinate these with the classes of substantives and 
 adjectives involves a grave logical error. The contrast of sub- 
 stantive and adjective also pervades the pronouns and numerals. 
 And, on the other hand, if pronouns and numerals are separated, 
 as distinct species, from the noun-class, the same separation must 
 be made in the case of the adverb-class, since bene — htic — bis are 
 related to one another just as bonus — hie — duo. 
 
 6 1 1. If we have regard to function in the sentence, we might 
 perhaps, in the first place, divide words into those which can of 
 themselves form a sentence, those which can serve as members of 
 a sentence, and those which can only serve to connect such 
 members. 
 
 612. In the first class we might place the interjections, which in 
 isolation are to be considered imperfect sentences. But they 
 occur also as members of a sentence, sometimes immediately, 
 sometimes with a preposition, as in woe to the land! o iiber die 
 toren, MHG. ach mines libes. 
 
 Finite verb. 613. More perfect as a sentence, with a suggestion of subject 
 and predicate, was originally the fitiite verb. We find it, however, 
 also occurring, even in the earliest stage of which we have a record, 
 as a mere predicate attached to a subject separately denoted ; and 
 in our present language it occurs, apart from the imperative, only 
 thus. It is therefore after all not possible to define the verb as 
 that which can constitute a sentence. And the so-called auxiliary 
 verbs are still further degraded to connecting-words. 
 Connecting- 614. The conuecting-words are, as we saw above, p. 326, 
 conjunctions derived by a ' displacement of the distribution ' from independent 
 
 andpreposi- , —,- . . . ,, , . 
 
 tions. words. This process is contmually bemg repeated. Were it only 
 
 • on this account therefore, they cannot be sharply distinguished. And 
 
 there is this further ground, that a word may be an independent 
 
 member of the particular sentence to which it belongs, and yet at 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 405 
 
 the same time serve to connect this with another. If I say, for 
 instance, a man who believes that is a fool, the who is at once an 
 independent member of the relative sentence and a connecting-word 
 between the principal and subordinate sentence. This holds uni- 
 versally of the relative pronoun and adverb. It is true also of the 
 demonstrative, in so far as it refers to the preceding or following 
 sentence, but not where it applies to the idea actually in question. 
 
 615. If we then attempt a more complete division, we entangle 
 ourselves in fresh difficulties. The substantive has, in contrast to 
 the adjective and verb, above all, the function of serving as subject, 
 and hence, in the widest sense, as object. The formation of names 
 of qualities and of occurrences in addition to names of substances 
 probably originated in an imaginative mode of intuition which set 
 upon qualities and processes the mark of things and persons. But 
 further, the capacity of the substantive to serve at will as subject or 
 object is precisely the chief occasion for its formation. Neverthe- 
 less, it can also be used attributively, and predicatively like an ad- 
 jective, and on the other hand, other words may serve as subject ; I 
 do not mean merely as psychological subject in the widest sense, but 
 also as grammatical subject in the usual'limited sense. Cf sentences 
 Wkefrischgewagt ist halb gewonnen, aiifgeschoben ist nicht aufgehoben, 
 kin ist hin, verloren ist verloren, griin ist die farbe der hoffnung ; 
 ehrlich wdhrt am Idngsten, doppelt gendht halt gut, jung gefreit hat 
 niemand gereut, allzu scharfmacht schartig, gleich wider ist die beste 
 
 Jjezahlung, geradezu gibtgute rentier, [slow and steady wins the race\. 
 An adjective may also occasionally act as object, as in er halt gut 
 fUr bose, or, depending on a preposition, schwarz aufweiss, aus arg 
 drger machen. 
 
 616. If we now turn to the connecting-words, serious difficulty 
 is raised by the class of conjunctions as commonly described. In 
 the first place, their separation from the demonstrative and relative 
 
4o6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 adverbs, the position of which has already been described (p. 40S)j 
 is rather arbitrary, — where, for instance, being called an adverb, as, 
 while, conjunctions. In the single sentence we find prepositions 
 and conjunctions distinguished by the presence or absence of case- 
 government, i.e. in general, according as the construction is 
 hypotactic or paratactic. It is true that these two distinctions do 
 not absolutely coincide. On the other hand, all connecting-words 
 which join sentences together are called conjunctions, although the 
 same distinction between hypotactic and paratactic construction 
 ought to be made here also. Thus, e.g., before, since, while, when 
 occurring in simple sentences, are called prepositions ; when they 
 connect sentences, conjunctions ; although their function is 
 analogous in both cases.^ 
 
 617. The division most capable of being systematically carried 
 1 out is that which starts from the mode of flexion. ' Such a division 
 is actually employed, and consists of three classes : nouns, verbs, 
 and uninflected words (indeclinabilia, particles). Here again, how- 
 ever, the nominal forms of the verb and the indeclinable substances 
 resist the division. And for further distinction the mere considera- 
 tion of inflexion affords no ground. The indeclinable particles 
 have accordingly to be treated as an indivisible class. The 
 pronouns deviate in their inflexion to some extent from the other 
 nouns, but only to some extent, and they differ among themselves. 
 The distinction between substantive and adjective inflexion is not 
 absolute. Even the formation of degrees of comparison is not a 
 decisive mark of the adjective, since the very meaning of some 
 adjectives renders them incapable of comparison. 
 Intermediate 618. If then the currcnt division of the parts of speech involves 
 tw«n classes such diversc and incompatible points of view, it is natural enough 
 ofwords. ^^^ .^ should not admit of being practically carried out The 
 ^ On the use of prepositions in English to introduce subordinate sentences, cf. p. 168, 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 407 
 
 facts we have to deal with are too complex and too variously 
 combined to be comprehended under eight or nine rubrics. There 
 are a host of intermediate stages which render possible a gradual 
 transition from one class into another. Such a transition results 
 from the general laws of change of meaning and of analogical 
 formation discussed in the preceding chapters. If we follow out 
 these transitions we detect at the same time the grounds which 
 originally prompted the division of the parts of speech. 
 
 619. Let us take first the division of substantive and adjective. Substantive 
 
 and 
 
 This formal distinction rests, in the IE. languages, on the power of adjective. 
 the latter to admit inflexions of gender and degrees of comparison. 
 In individual languages still further distinctions have arisen. Thus, 
 especially, the Teutonic adjective has become susceptible of a 
 double, we may even say a triple, mode of inflexion (cf gut — guter 
 — der gute) in which forms occur absolutely without analogy in the 
 substantives. 
 
 620. On the ground of such tests we have no difficulty, for 
 instance, in declaring hund to be a substantive, jung an adjective. 
 But in spite of all differentiation of form the adjective may at 
 any time receive, at first as an ' occasionally,' then ' usually,' the 
 function of a substantive. The content of meaning is at the same 
 time enriched, either the general notion of a thing or a person 
 being added, or else more special notions arising from the situa- 
 tion (cf p. 363). This operation can take place 'occasionally' 
 with any adjective whatever, the latter being recognised as a 
 substantive in modern German orthography by the use of a 
 capital. From this substantival adjective a pure substantive may 
 then be derived by traditional use, especially if it becomes in any 
 way isolated as against the other forms of the adjective. Its 
 approximately complete conversion into a substantive is chiefly 
 indicated, in regard to the construction, by its connexion with 
 
4oS PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 an attributive adjective, which replaces an adverb, or with a 
 genitive, which ultimately takes the place of a dative governed 
 by the adjective ; cf. Latin bonum publicum, malum publicum, 
 amicus fidelis ; and even where the substantival quality is less 
 
 >^<; /viM^"^' traditionally fixed: nonnulli nostri iniqui* nonnullis invidis meisi 
 
 ^cic. y'err. (cf. Draeger, § i6); of. also English my like, equal, better, younger, 
 etc. (Matzner, iii. p. 232) ; his worthier (MiLTON) ; MHG. mtn 
 geltche (whence NHG. meines gleicheri). We also find mixture of 
 adjectival and substantival construction, as in Latin multorum bene 
 factorum (Cic). The thought shows a different kind of confusion 
 when, in spite of the conversion into a substantive, a superlative 
 
 'y^^'^g.'^"'"' is formed : mei familiarissimiXpessimo publico%,{c{. Draeger, § 16). 
 
 Re Rust. In Latin the complete transition is effected without difKculty, since 
 
 ch. xiii. ad 
 
 ■fi"- the inflexions coincide. In German, on the contrary, even when 
 
 it is very far advanced, the adjectival inflexion continues to 
 recall the original nature of the word. Der bekannte, verwandte, 
 gesandte, vertraute, geliebte, verlobte, beamte, bediente, liebste, are 
 now felt as substantives, and constructed accordingly {der bekannte 
 des mannes, mein bekannter), but they still betray their ad- 
 jectival nature by the regular change of strong and weak inflexion 
 {der bekannte —^ ein (mein) bekannter), and the corresponding 
 feminines in addition by the weak inflexion of the singular 
 which in the regular substantive has died out {die bekannte 
 [Gen. der bekannten], and die zunge [Gen. der zunge for -eii^. 
 The following, however, are completely transformed : der junge 
 {ein junge), der greis (MHG. grtse, from adjective grts), der 
 jilnger (both changed from the weak to the strong declen- 
 sion), oberst. Of older growth are feind, freund, heiland, MHG. 
 wtgant ('warrior'), vdlant ('devil'), all old present participles, 
 also filrst (old superlative), herr (old comparative from hehr), 
 mensch (adjective mennisch from man), and the neuters gut, 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 409 
 
 iibel, recht, kid, wild. This transformation of adjectives into 
 substantives is familiar t)o every one, and has left marks in all 
 languages. 
 
 621. Less familiar and far more interesting is the converse 
 process, the transformation of a substantive into an adjective. 
 This comes about through the elimination of some part of its 
 meaning — including at least the notion of substance — so that 
 only the qualities attaching to the substance remain. This trans- 
 formation virtually occurs as an ' occasional ' use, whenever a 
 substantive is employed as predicate or attribute. For what 
 happens in such cases is merely the attribution of certain qualities 
 to the substance of the subject, or of the determinate word, not 
 the positing of a fresh substance. Apposition approaches the 
 nature of an adjective especially where it is used to specify a class, 
 and particularly if the combination contains some further bold 
 irregularity. Cf Greek av-qp TroXtVi??, pi^riop, oTrXtTij?, etc., yvvr] 
 Sia-rroiva, irapOevo<; yeip ; Latin exercitus victor (LiV.) ; tirones 
 milites (CiC.) ; bellator equus (VlRG. Ov.) ; bos arator (SUE.) ; 
 French un dieu sauveur (Volt.) ; [a boy warrior ;] flatteur, and 
 other words in -eur must be regarded absolutely as adjectives. 
 The adjectival nature may disclose itself in the addition of an 
 adverb only suitable to an adjective, as in weg du traum, so 
 gold du bist (GOE.) ; diesen widerspruch, so widerspruch als er ist 
 (Le.) ; so kriegerinn als sie war (ib. and often) ; so ist er fucks 
 genug (Le.) ; nemo tarn puer est (Sen.).* vPi^S!-' 
 
 622. Some substantives are in NHG. felt to be completely §^'°''=-='« 
 adjectives when used predicatively, but are distinguished from 
 
 the adjectives in not being attributive and in not adopting the 
 adjectival inflexion. To this class we may probably refer the 
 German herr or meister sein (werden). Goethe says : als wenn sie 
 (Narciss and Landrinette) herr und meister der ganzen truppe 
 
4IO PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 wdren. Here the two words still show a substantival nature, in 
 so far as a genitive is made dependent on them, but at the same 
 time they are treated like predicative adjectives, since they could 
 not otherwise be attached without inflexion to a plural subject, 
 and, besides, would not agree with a feminine person. Still more 
 decisive is the case of einem feind sein, on account of the dative. 
 Also schuld sein, where the isolation in respect of the substantive 
 schuld is shown by the orthography ; less clear are es ist not, zeit, 
 where es is at bottom a genitive. The isolation is carried still 
 further in es ist schade, the substantive being now usually schaden 
 [cf. 'tis pity beside 'tis a pity ; ' 'tis true 'tis pity, and pity 'tis 'tis 
 true']. In MHG. the development had gone still further. Here 
 schade is also used as predicate to personal subjects, and a com- 
 parative and superlative are formed from it ; e.g. in KoNRAD VON 
 Wurzburg'S Trojan War: der was den Kriechen scheder dan 
 icmen anders bi der ztt ; ^ further, an adverb is formed to it as if 
 it were an adjective : swie schade er lebe (MHG. Wb. ii.'' 63''). In 
 OliG.fruma ('advantage') is used in the same way, e.g. Otfried, iii. 
 10, 33, nist, quad er th6,fruma thaz' ('that is no advantage '). Even 
 in MHG. this gives rise to a real adjective friim, NHG. fronim. 
 They said einfrumer man, etc. How far the border-line is obliter- 
 ated appears from a passage in the Flore, 1289, daz wirt in nUtze 
 unde frume (: kume), where, if we regard the combination with 
 niitze, we must treat the word as an adjective ; if the final e, as a 
 
 ^ Comparatives are also formed from other substantives in MHG., even where the 
 
 syntax forbids their being regarded as adjectives. Thus from zom, as in do enkimde 
 
 Giselhire nimmer zorner gestn ; from n6t, as in diner helfe viir nie nmter wart ; from 
 
 durft, as in wand im nie orses diirfler wart. From angst a comparative occurs in 
 
 archaic NHG., as in also viel engster sol dir werden (Luther, Wb. i. 359'). In these 
 
 cases the result is due to the analogy rather of the adverb than of the adjective. This is 
 
 shown even by the frequent combination angst und bange [bange is originally only an 
 
 I, adverb). In Gottfried's Tristan, 17845, we read in was dd zuo einander vil anger und 
 
 ■vil ander; ange is adverb to enge, ande substantive ('schmerz '). We still use the adverb 
 
 ^ .. in this way in mir ist wol, weh. Latin superlatives from substantives occur in Plautus : 
 
 jQ ■ '■ ■ oculissime homo, fatrue mi /iatruissime,*h\it probably with a designedly comic effect. 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 411 
 
 substantive. The adjective ernst also, which first appears in 
 Luther, lias arisen in the same way as fromm from the substantive. 
 The substantive geek has become an adjective in Low and Middle 
 German dialects. Entwicht, from MHG. ein wiht, enwiht (properly 
 'an insignificant being ' = ' nothing at all,' nichtig), is in the six- 
 teenth century a pure adjective, as in entwicht vnd ark (H. Sachs) ; 
 du bist vil entwichter (ib.) ; die bos entwichten (Ayrer). 
 
 623. The same process had been already carried out in a far 
 earlier period of language. All the so-called bahuvrlhi-compounds 
 were originally substantives. For poSoSa.KTvXo'i, ^apvOvfio^, ^aQv- 
 dpv^, eveKiTK, magnanimiis, ignipes, misericors, are of course pro- 
 perly ' rosy finger,' ' melancholy,' ' deep hair,' ' good hope,' ' great 
 spirit,' 'fire foot,' 'pitiful heart' The substantival origin is still 
 evidenced in part by a defective expression of the adjectival 
 function. The masculine poSoMktv\o<! has also to serve for the 
 feminine. 
 
 624. Somewhat different is the course of development in barfuss 
 from bar vuoz (' bare foot '). It was first used as an absolute nomi- 
 native or accusative in the phrase barvuoz gdn. It is now felt as 
 an adjective. It has true adjectival inflexion, e.g. in H. Sachs : 
 mit barfussen fUssen} 
 
 625. If we disregard whether the noun is conceived as a thing 
 or not, there is no doubt a distinction of yet another kind between 
 substantive and adjective. The adjective denotes a simple quality 
 or one regarded as such, the substantive embraces a group of 
 qualities. If we treat this distinction as the fundamental one, we 
 may certainly understand orator in such phrases as Cicero orator or 
 Cicero est orator as a pure substantive. But this distinction itself 
 cannot be carried through. It traverses the other distinctions: 
 failing, for instance, to meet the case of, on the one hand, adjectives 
 
 1 Yet another variety of transition is discussed on p. 260. 
 
412 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 like koniglich, kriegerisch, etc., on the other, of adjectives used as 
 substantives, Hke der gute. Between these also there is an inter- 
 mediate stage which leads imperceptibly from one to the other. 
 The transition from the denotation of a simple quality to that of 
 a group of qualities is effected by the use icaT ^^oyr]v of a sub- 
 stantival adjective, this usage then became fixed. Whoever first 
 employs the word in this way himself supplies the notions not 
 yet explicit in its hitherto current meaning. For a subsequent 
 speaker, however, employing the usage at second-hand, the notions 
 supplied by the former may attach themselves from the first just 
 as closely to the sound-group as the fundamental notion, and the 
 latter need no longer precede the others in entering his conscious- 
 ness. When this last is the case, the transition to a substantive is 
 complete as regards the meaning, and by means of further isola- 
 tions its complete severance from the adjective is then effected. 
 Cf the above examples. 
 
 626. The inverse process, by which all the qualities of a group 
 retire in favour of one, may be observed in the case of adjectival 
 derivatives from substantives, which develop into denotations of 
 perfectly simple qualities. Especially instructive in this respect 
 are the names of colours, cf Gr. ■7rop<f)vpeo<; from -Trop^vpa (' purple- 
 snail '), ^otvUeio^ from (fioivi^, aepivo<; (' air colour '), firj\t,vo<; 
 (' quince-yellow '), Lat coccinus from coccum (' scarlet-berry '), 
 crocinus from crocus, luteus from lutmn ('woad'), miniaceus from 
 -minium (' cinnabar '), niveus, roseus, violaceus. In all these words 
 there is no essential limitation of the reference to the colour of the 
 object denoted, and they are in part used also without such limita- 
 tion, e.g., unguentum crocinum, vinculum roseum ('rosary'), etc. 
 Substantives may also be turned directly into names of colours ; 
 e.g. iTopjtvpa, coccum, crocus, lutum, and the modern lilac, rose, 
 which are also used adjectively (' a rose ribbon '). 
 
XX. ; THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 413 
 
 627. This process gives us the clue to the origin of terms for 
 simple qualities. That these arose later than terms for groups of 
 qualities is self-evident, if we start from the assumption that 
 complete perceptions are the primary stage of all. Here as else- 
 where it can be, at the outset, only the instantaneous conception in 
 the speaker's mind which makes it possible for one notion in a group 
 to thrust the others into the background. It is at bottom the same 
 process as in the figurative usage of a word. When we say, e.g., 
 the man is an ass, an ox, a sheep, a fox, etc., we are always regarding 
 a particular characteristic of the animal in question, abstracted 
 from the rest. This is only possible when a word is used as 
 predicate or attribute. For as soon as we connect the notion of 
 an independent thing with it, we connect also that of an entire 
 group of qualities. When this usage became fixed in a number 
 of words especially adapted to it, the first step was taken to the 
 formation of a separate word-class. 
 
 628. Again, in spite of their greater former differentiation, the 
 distinction between noun and verb is far from absolute. There are^ 
 certain points which serve to characterise the verb and distinguish 
 it from a noun ; such are personal terminations, distinctions be- 
 tween active and middle and passive, and forms for the denotation 
 of mood and tense. Hence springs the possibility of the existence 
 of forms which possess a portion only of these characteristics ; 
 and the scope for variation is yet further increased by the fact that 
 forms may or may not possess the positive characteristics of the 
 noun, denotation of case and difference of gender. And lastly, the 
 differentiation of the construction attaching to the verb and noun 
 respectively gives occasion to manifold transitions and confusions. 
 
 629. Commonly speaking its personal endings are regarded as 
 the strictly formal characteristic of the verb. By this criterion 
 participles and infinitives would be excluded from the verbal 
 
414 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 forms ; and so would, in strictness, many forms of the second 
 person singular imperative : for a form like /SaWe or ^aXe is 
 nothing else but the mere stem of the present or the aorist. The 
 personal terminations are accordingly, if we disregard the second 
 person singular imperative, a necessary original condition for the 
 function of the verb as a normal sentence, and further for its 
 function as predicate or copula in the normal sentence. They are, 
 however, not indispensable as a condition for the formation of 
 sentences, and other peculiarities of the verb are absolutely inde- 
 pendent of them. 
 
 630. The contrast of meaning which we commonly assign to the 
 verb as compared with the adjective (or substantive used predi- 
 catively or attributively), has nothing to do with the verbal termina- 
 tions as such. It may exist without these, and may be lacking in 
 spite of their presence. Such an expression as the Greek iyKorel'i or 
 /SacrtXeuet? may have precisely the same signification as eyKOTo's el 
 and ^acnXeiii el. The contrast remains sharply marked only just so 
 long as the adjective or substantive expresses a lasting quality, and 
 the verb a process defined and limited by time. We must, however, 
 consider that the adjective can be employed not merely for the 
 description of a quality attaching to the essence of a thing, but like- 
 wise for the description of a transitory quality: and in this it 
 approaches the character of a verb. Conversely the verb may also 
 be employed to describe states, even permanent states. How 
 nearly the two significations of dein^^ in and passing into a state 
 touch each other, we have seen on p. 305. 
 
 631. When a signification denoting a process temporally hmited 
 is connected with the form and function of an adjective, there 
 arises the participle, of which the special value is, that it gives us 
 the power of using the expression for an event attributively. We 
 are able in many cases to trace historically the transition from the 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 415 
 
 adjective strictly so called into the participle. This holds good, 
 among other cases, of the so-called German perfect or preterite 
 participle (such as gegeben or gelegt), which took its origin thus : 
 the adjectives in -no- and -to- which have survived from IE., have in 
 signification become approximated to the verbs formed from the 
 same root, and more particularly to the perfect (preterite) of these. 
 This has continued to operate and has entailed many further 
 formal approximations. The case is the same with the participle 
 perfect in Latin and in Slavonic. We must also assume a corre- 
 sponding origin for the older participles already existing in the IE. 
 language. We must decidedly decline to derive, as has been done 
 by many, the category of the adjectives from that of participles : 
 on the contrary, the former must have been completely developed 
 before the latter could arise at all. Participial formations must 
 have arisen from forms which could be as well apprehended as 
 derivatives from the stem of the aorist, or present as derivatives 
 from the root, on the model of which adjectival forms related to 
 other verbal stems were then formed. 
 
 632. The characteristic difference between the participle and 
 the so-called verbal adjective is the participation in the denotation 
 of tense. A further consequence of the approximation to the 
 forms of the verb is the assumption of its method of construction. 
 The participle is constructed as a noun merely as regards the 
 substantive to which it stands as an attribute. It may, however, 
 take an even further departure from the character of a noun by 
 striking out a special path in the further formation of the method 
 of construction. In German, the fact that in such phrases as er ist 
 gegangen, er wird gefangen, er ist gefangen worden, case and gender 
 are no longer indicated, weakens also the sense of the nominal 
 character of the participle, even although the construction in the 
 two former combinations is that of the ordinary adjective, and in 
 
4l6 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the latter differs therefrom merely by the presence of warden 
 instead oi geworden. In the phrases er hat ihn gefangen, er hat 
 gerukt, etc., we must admit a complete departure from the way of 
 constructing an adjective. No doubt it may be proved historically 
 that the former of these two phrases signified originally er hat ihn 
 als einen gefangen ; but this is a matter of indifference for our 
 modern linguistic instinct. At an earlier period they said habet 
 inan gefanganan and this left no doubt as to the nominal character. 
 The circumstances in the corresponding combinations in the 
 Romance languages are peculiar and noteworthy. In these we can 
 watch the transition from the general adjectival into the special 
 participial construction. In French the idiom is to say fai vu les 
 dames, but^^ les ai vus, and les dames que fai vues. In Italian it is 
 still possible to say ho veduta la donna, and ho vedute ledonne as 
 well as ho veduto. In Spanish all inflexion in the case of peri- 
 phrases formed with haber is abolished ; it is correct to say la carta 
 que he escrito, just as it is to say he escrito una carta. On the 
 other hand, in the case of the periphrasis with tener — a later intro- 
 duction into the language — the inflexion is always retained : tengo 
 escrita una carta is as correct as las cartas que tengo escritas. 
 
 633. Conversely, however, it is possible for the participle to be 
 gradually brought back to a purely nominal nature. This process 
 of reduction may be considered strictly speaking as accomplished 
 as soon as the present participle comes to be used for the lasting 
 or recurring activity, and the perfect participle for the result of the 
 activity, just as each form of the present or perfect can be 
 employed. A method of usage Kwr i^o'Xijv, or an usage in a 
 metaphorical sense or any other kind of isolation may have the 
 result of completing the transformation ; cf such examples as 
 schlagend, treffend, reizend, zwingend, bedeutend, getrieben, gelungen, 
 berufen, verstorben, verzogen, verschieden, bekannt, unumwunden. 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH, 417 
 
 verlegen, gewogen, verwegen, erhaben, bescheiden, trunken, volkommen, 
 etc. [Cf. agM, learnid, crabbM, charming, etc.] Even the com- 
 bination with another word after the laws of verbal construction 
 does not impede this process ; only then the entire composition 
 must be in a position to approximate to the analogy of nominal 
 composition, cf. ansprechend, auffallend, ausnehmend, anwesend, 
 abwesend, zuvorkommend, hochfliegend, hellsehend, wolwollend, 
 fleischfressend, teilnehmend ; abgezogen, ausgenommen, hochgespannt, 
 neugeboren, wolgezogen, etc. \Well educated, ill behaved, etc., cf 
 also the peculiar English compounds on the analogy of good- 
 natured, which seem to be a survival of an IE. method of 
 composition.] 
 
 634. The formation of a comparative and superlative may be 
 regarded as a test for the transformation of the participle into an 
 adjective pure and simple. Sometimes, however, this appears side 
 by side with a verbal construction ; cf. dasu erschien mir nichts 
 wtinschenswerteres, den character der nation ehrenderes (GOE.) : die 
 Oestreich kr'dftigendsten elemente (Kolner Zeitung).i Another test 
 is the method of construction, e.g. in Latin the combination of the 
 participle with a genitive ; cf amans tuorum ac tui (Cic.*), re- *^^'^° '''""■ 
 Ugionum colentes (ib.t), solitudinis fugiens — societatis appetens (ib., 
 
 * ^pro Plane. 
 
 Cic. ap. Lact. vi. 10).^ 33- 
 
 635. The participle, like all adjectives, may become a substan- 
 tive, and the substantival may, like the participle adjectival, denote 
 a momentary activity or a state. The same resemblance is seen 
 in its power of casting off its verbal nature ; cf der liebende, vorsit- 
 zende, geliebte, gesandte, abgeordnete, beamte ( = beamtete), MHG. der 
 vamde, gernde (both = ' player ') ; of older date heiland, freund, 
 feind, etc., ^r«^« = Latin (f^«j = Greek oZov<i (part, of essen, edere) 
 [I'amant, I'aime']. 
 
 6^6. The nomen agentis, just like the participle, is able to 
 
 ^ Cf. Andr. 119 sqq. ° See Draeger, § 207. ' 
 
 2d 
 
4i8 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 denote either a momentary or a lasting, or it may be a recurring, 
 activity. In the first-mentioned application it always remains 
 closely connected with the verb : and it might easily be conceived 
 that it might as naturally as the participle adopt the verbal man- 
 ner of construction ; in fact, that it might be possible to say in 
 German, dererzieher den knaien, }ust as in the compound knabener- 
 zieher at least it is felt that the former part of the compound is an 
 accusative, and is constructed after the analogy of knaben erziehen. 
 Already in combinations like der sieger in der schlacht, der befreier 
 aus der not'^ the verbal character of the substantive is evident ; 
 and, still more in such as the Greek vTrrjperri'i rot? v6/ioi<s, or as we 
 *^f- actually find it in Latin dator divitias, justa orator* Conversely 
 the nomen agentis, as denoting lasting or repeated activity, may 
 isolate itself more and more as regards the verb, and thus finally 
 lose the character of a nomen agentis altogether [especially when 
 the meaning of the verb grows faint, as in tailorl ; cf. Schneider, 
 beisitzer, ritter, herzog (heerfukrer) vater, etc. 
 
 637. There is still another path from verb to noun. Beside the 
 nomina agentis stand the nomina actionis. These, like the sub- 
 stantival denotations of qualities, must owe their origin to a meta- 
 phor only, the activity being apprehended under the category of 
 the thing. These too may denote a momentary or a lasting and 
 recurring activity. These too may approximate to the verbal 
 construction ; cf. die befreiung aus der not, r) toi? i/o/tot? vTrrjpeaia, 
 knabenerziehung. And it is again the denotation of the lasting 
 and recurring activity which conduces to the loss of the character 
 of a nomen actionis. Thence develops the denotation of a lasting 
 condition ; cf besinnung, bewegung, aufregung, verfassung, stellung, 
 
 , stimmung. 
 
 638. From this point a further development to the denotation 
 ' Cf. even more striking combinations with prepositions in Andr. p. 209. 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 419 
 
 of things is possible, as has already been shown (p. 86). In the 
 course of this development the correspondence of the meaning 
 with that of the verb may be broken ; cf haltung, regung, gleichung, 
 rechnung, festung, etc. And as the isolation proceeds, every trace 
 of the verbal origin may then be destroyed. 
 
 639. Thus far the nomen actionis bears an analogous relation 
 to the nomen agentis. It however approximates far more to the 
 verbal character than the latter, more even than the adjective or 
 participle : mainly from the fact that the infinitive and supine take 
 their origin from it. The infinitive bears in many ways a strong 
 analogy to the participle. While, however, the latter generally 
 speaking maintains the adjectival form and maintains the adjec- 
 tival method of construction by the side of the verbal, and only 
 occasionally develops for itself a special method of construction, 
 laying aside the formal characteristics of the adjective, — isolation 
 from the form and method of construction of the noun is a condi- 
 tion of the origin of the infinitive. The infinitive is, as formal 
 analysis proves, a case of nomen actionis, and must originally have 
 been employed after the analogy of those methods of construction 
 which hold good for the combination of the noun with the verb. 
 But it must no longer be felt as a case, its mode of construction 
 must no longer be after the analogy of the original models, or else it 
 is no infinitive. The isolated form and the isolated mode of con- 
 struction become then the basis for further development. The 
 form and method of construction of the infinitive is on the one 
 hand verbal, like those of the participle: on the, other hand, how- 
 ever, it is not nominal, but specifically infinitival. 
 
 640. The infinitive, too, admits of a gradual return to the 
 nature of a noun ; but it meets with more impediments in the pro- 
 cess than the participle on account of its want of inflexion. The 
 approximation to the nominal character manifests itself therefore, 
 
420 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 as long as no special methods of distinction are resorted to, 
 especially in cases in which the characterisation by means of a 
 terminal inflexion is least indispensable ; i.e. in the employment as 
 subject or object. In the forms of such sentences as wagen gewinnt, 
 
 * jE/*. xcviii. T ,. 7 7 . . - , . 
 
 II. l^atm Imoere eripitur, habuisse nunquam (SEN.),*and certainly m^ 
 
 \Biicch.i. ^"<^h ^ ^^'^ vereri { = verecundiam) perdidit (PLAUT.),twe may 
 doubtless assume that the infinitive is constructed after the analogy 
 of a noun. This is less certain in such cases as ich lasse schreiben, 
 ich lerne reiten. At any rate, if the infinitive is really and truly 
 employed in this case after the analogy of an accusative of the 
 object, this analogy no longer exists for the instinct of language 
 of the present day. The combination with prepositions finds its 
 way into language with even more difificulty. In MHG. durch is 
 especially common with the infinitive ; in the Roman popular 
 language the combination of the infinitive with prepositions occurs 
 instead of the gerund {ad legere in place of ad legendum, etc.) : 
 similarly sometimes in the poets and later prose writers, praeter 
 plorare, ' except lamentations ' (HOR.), multum interest inter dare et 
 accipere (SEN.). A further approximation of the infinitive to the 
 noun requires special favouring circumstances. Generally speaking 
 those languages alone attain to this which possess in their article 
 a means of creating substantives and denoting cases. Hence it is 
 that Greek has advanced further in this direction than Latin ; 
 though in the latter it is true that the demonstrative pronouns too 
 '•'• may have a similar effect ; cf totum hoc philosophari {Clc.),XinMbere 
 §^«.x,n. illud tuum (ib.).§ Nhg., however, and the Romance languages 
 have gone even further than the Greek, for in them the infinitive is 
 employed as an equivalent to the noun pure and simple, even in 
 • respect of inflexion. This equation is rendered possible in the 
 
 Romance languages by the general abolition of case-difference. 
 Old French and Provengal go so far as to give the infinitive the -j 
 
 tdcFin. 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 431 
 
 of the nominative ; li plorers ne t' i vaut rien ; Meliers chanza es 
 donars que penres. In the case of NHG. the circumstance comes 
 into consideration on the one hand that the case-differences in the 
 substantives in -en are all cancelled excepting the genitive ; on the ' 
 other side the approximation of the gerund (mhg. gebennes, ze 
 gebenne) to the infinitive, with which it originally had nothing 
 to do. 
 
 641. In the course of this development different steps are 
 again possible with respect to the maintenance of the verbal con- 
 struction. It commonly occurs without any process of prefixing 
 an article or a pronoun ; cf e.g. MHG. durch behalten den lip, durch 
 dventiure suochen. In Greek, too, the article is no impediment 
 to this : we there find such expressions as to a-Koirelv to, Tr/jay- 
 fiara, to eavTov<; e^erd^eLV, ettI too jSeXria) KaTaffTijcrai rrjv avr&v 
 Bidvoiav. In NHG. the verbal construction is confined, in accord- 
 ance with the assumption of the nominal inflexion, to the same 
 limits as in the case of the nomen actionis. In MHG., on the other 
 hand, a genuine verbal construction sometimes occurs : in fact a 
 relative referring to an infinitive may have a verbal construction ; 
 cf Hartman Greg. 2667, des scheltens des in der man tete ; Tristan 
 1067, diz sehen daz ich in han getdn. In the Romance languages 
 as well we find the verbal construction of the infinitive provided 
 with an article or a pronoun side by side with the nominal con- 
 struction ; cf the Italian al passar questa valle (but also il trapassar 
 del rid) ; Spanish el huir la occasion (but also al entrar de la ciu- 
 dad); Old French au prendre le congi^feven in Montaigne, H se*J^^^ 
 fienoient du tenir le chasteau : further, in Italian, il conoscer chiara- 
 
 '^ t Cf. Diet 
 
 mente; Spanish el bien morir ; Old French son sagemant parler.f p-9=2- 
 
 642. As soon as the difference between infinitfve and noun 
 resulting from inflexion is set aside, there remains nothing further 
 to hinder the transformation of the former into a noun pure and 
 
422 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 simple, and this is accordingly of very common occurrence in 
 NHG., and of not unfrequent occurrence in the Romance languages ; 
 cf. NHG., leben, ableben, leiden, scheiden, sckreiben, tun und treiben, 
 wesen, vermogen, betragen, belieben, einkommen, abkommen, auskom- 
 men, ansehen, aufsehen, andenken, vorhaben, wolwollen, wolergehen, 
 gutdilnken, etc. ; French itre, plaisir, pouvoir, savoir, savoir-faire, 
 savoir-vivre, etc. In this process it is possible for the same 
 differences of signification to occur as in the case of the nomina 
 actionis, and the same isolation as regards the verb. 
 Adverbs g^2_ Xhe udverbs, as far as we can trace their origin, are almost 
 
 I exclusively the outcome of crystallised cases of nouns, and to some 
 extent of the combination of a preposition with its case. We are 
 thus led to suspect that the oldest stratum of the adverbs also 
 proceeded in like manner from nouns ; only with the difference 
 that this process occurs in point of time before the development 
 of inflexion, and that hence no case as yet, but merely the stem- 
 form pure and simple, has come to be employed. The adverb 
 stands in the closest relationship to the adjective. It has a 
 relation in the first place to the verb, and then to the adjective as 
 well, analogous to that of an attributive adjective to a sub- 
 stantive. This proportional relation shows itself also in this, that, 
 generally speaking, an adverb may be formed out of any adjective 
 at will. 
 
 644. The formal difference between the adjective and the 
 adverb depends on the capacity of the former for inflexion, and 
 the consequent possibility of agreement with the substantive. 
 When this formal test is absent, the division between the two 
 parts of speech cannot be strictly maintained by the instinct of 
 • language. In NHG. it is actually to some extent broken through 
 
 when the adjective, used predicatively, has become unchangeable, 
 and when the difference which, generally speaking, still exists in 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. ' 423 
 
 MHG. between the flexionless form of the adjective and the ad- 
 verb (starc-starke, sckcene-scMne, guot-wol, bezzer-baz) is cancelled. 
 There is, strictly speaking, no reason to distinguish the gut in 
 sentences like er ist gut gekleidet, er spricht gut, from that in er ist 
 gut, man halt ihn fur gut, and to call the former an adverbial, the 
 latter an adjectival usage. The instinct of language knows nothing 
 of such distinctions. We can best gather this from the fact that 
 the adverbial form of the superlative has intruded into the place 
 which commonly falls to the flexionless form of the adjective. 
 The Germans say es ist am besten, and even du bist am schonsten, 
 wenn, etc. 
 
 645. On the other hand, many adverbs in different languages 
 take, when joined with an adverb, an adjectival inflexion. Thus, 
 in French, it is correct to say toute pure, toutes pures. Corre- 
 spondingly we find in Italian tutta livida, in Spanish todos desnudos, 
 etc. : just so, in Italian, mezza morte ; Spanish, medios desnudos. 
 In many German dialects, too, we have such phrases as ein ganzer 
 guter m.ann, eine ganze gute frau ; solche schlechte ware ; eine rechte 
 gute frau (Le.). 
 
 646. The function of the adjective corresponds especially with 
 that of the adverb used in connexion with 7iomina actionis and 
 agentis ; cf eine gute erzdhlung, ein guter erzdhler (' a good story- 
 teller'). In this case the adjective denotes the manner of a 
 process in the same way as the' adverb in other cases. The latter 
 combination is, however, capable of two interpretations, as we 
 might reasonably apply the word good, generally speaking, to the 
 person of the story-teller. This ambiguity would be removed if 
 the adverb were employed for one case after the analogy of the 
 verbal construction ; and so it is in fact in English, as an early 
 riser. The Germans unite the conceptions into a single word; 
 cf. friihaufsteher, langeschlafer. schoaschreiber, feinschmecker, etc. ; 
 
424 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 derivations from friih aufstehen, etc. The uncertainty attaching 
 to the meaning is, besides, not confined to the nomina. agentis ; cf. 
 ein guter kutscher, ein arger narr, ein grosser esel, ein junger ehe- 
 mann. The adjective can either be simply referred to the person 
 or to the quality attributed to it by the substantive. In the latter 
 case it bears the same relation to the substantive as an adverb to 
 the adjective which it qualifies. The adjective holds a corre- 
 sponding position with respect to substantival denominations of 
 quality ; cf. die hohe vortrefflichkeit, grosse giite. 
 
 647. The adjective and the adverb thus corresponding with 
 each other, the need is at once felt to have the two together for 
 each single case. There are, however, a great number of adverbs 
 which are not derived from any adjective, and which thus have 
 none parallel to them. In this case necessity impels to transfer 
 the function of the adjective to the adverb as well. The adverb 
 is most readily employed predicatively in this connexion ; as 
 related to the adjective, the verb has sunk into a mere link-word. 
 In sentences like er ist da, er ist auf, die tiir ist zu, alles ist vorbei, 
 er wird mir zuivider, the construction is apprehended by the 
 instinct of language as identical with that found in the phrases 
 die ttir ist offen, er wird unangenehm. The adverb, however, added 
 as it is to a substantive as its definition, becomes undistinguishable 
 from the adjectival attribute. When the Germans say der berg 
 dort, die fahrt hierher, der baum driiben, the adverb marks its 
 difference from the adjective by its position in the sentence. It 
 is different with the Latin constructions (which are not, however, 
 
 Pen. III. 
 
 57- very common), as mine hominuni mores vides? Flavt.* ignari 
 
 Aen.i.-,gz.^iimi(s ante malorum (VlRG.) ■,-\' discessu turn meo (Cic.).^+ The 
 
 Pis. ix. 21 ; 
 
 cDraeger, adverb, however, approximates most nearly to the functions of 
 an adjective when it is, as in Greek, inserted between the article 
 
 ^ Cf. Draeger, § 79. 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS. OF SPEECH. 42S 
 
 and its substantive ; as in t^v eKei TraiSeva-iv, rrjv "TfKi^a-iov rv^vv, 
 TO) vvp yivei, 17 Xiav Tpv<j>'^ ; in English, ok the hither side, the above 
 discourse ; ^ in Spanish, la sempre senora mia. In NHG. any such 
 employment of the adverb is an impossibility. The Germans 
 have created inflected words to meet the exigency. These words 
 are sometimes secondary derivations, employed only attributively, 
 not predicatively ; cf. alleinig, hiesig, dortig, obig, jetzig, vorig, nach- 
 herig, sofortig, alsbaldig, vormalig, diesseitig; of rarer occurrence 
 are such as are employed predicatively as well, such as niedrig, 
 iibrig (to which may be added alleinig in South German dialects). 
 On the other hand, many adverbs have simply adopted inflexional 
 terminations, a process which is favoured by the fact that in its 
 predicatival employment the adjective was not formally dis- 
 tinguished from the adverb, because its flexionless form was 
 employed ; cf nahe,fern, selten, zufrieden, vorhanden, behende (from 
 OHG. bi henti), tdglich (from OHG. tagoUch), ungefdhr, teilweise, 
 anderweit. In dialects such expressions are used as ein zues 
 fenster, ein weher finger, ein zuwiderer mensch. The adjective 
 einzdn, recently formed from the adverb (strictly speaking a dative 
 plural), has driven the adjective einzel, which is at the root of 
 the word, from the field. The German word oft is affected by 
 adjectival augmentatives ; cf such expressions as the Latin propior, 
 proximus, which depend on prope, and the Greek forms iyyvrepo^, 
 .iyryvTaTO<;, which depend on iyyv<;. 
 
 648. The adjective, used as a predicatival attribute, closely Adjective 
 
 . used as a 
 
 approaches the adverb. This portion of the sentence stands m predicatival 
 
 . , attribute. 
 
 close relation to the subject, with which it is connected by concord, 
 but has become independent of it, and is hence enabled to enter into 
 direct relationship with the predicate. The adverb, on the other 
 hand, is connected with the predicate, but may in a similar manner 
 » C£ Matzner, vol. iii. pp. 148-g [p. 141, Edit. 1865]. 
 
426 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 become independent of the latter, and so approximate more closely 
 to the subject. There are also cases, however, in which a qualifica- 
 tion is equally suitable to the subject and to the predicate. It is 
 thus intelligible that in many languages the adjective and the 
 adverb may be equally admissible, and that in one language one 
 of these parts of speech, in another the other, is customary. In 
 NHG. it often happens that the adverb stands as the equivalent of 
 an adjective used in other languages ; cf. allein as against the 
 Latin solus, the French seul, etc. ; zuerst and zuletzt and Latin 
 primus and postremus, etc. ; gem and Greek kKmv, da-fievo';, Latin 
 liiiens and libenter; ungern and Latin invitus, or the less common 
 invite. We find constructions like the following striking — which 
 indeed are not general in foreign languages — e.\i?>ov TravviiXMi 
 ■ (HOM.) ; Kprivq d(f>6ovos peovaa (XeN.) ; 'Ao-&)7ro? <7roTa/io<i ippvrf 
 fj,€ya<; (Thuc.) ; Latin beatissimi viveremus, propior hostein collo- 
 catus, proximi Rhenuin incolunt; nocturnusque vocat clamore Cithae- 
 ron (Verg.) ; Aeneas se matutinus agebat (Verg.) ; frequens te 
 audivi (CiC.) ; in agmine atque ad vigilias multus {=frequenter) 
 adesse (Sall.) ; est enim multus in laudanda niagnificentia (CiC.) ; 
 
 %^.a^^c\I& is nullus { = non) venit (Plaut.) ; tametsi nullus moneas (Ter.);^ 
 
 1069. 
 
 tOr. i. 20; Italian che piii lontana se ne vada (ARIOST.).t 
 
 cf.'D\a.^(,^. 
 
 ong:nof 649. Prepositions and conjunctions as connective elements 
 
 prepositions 
 
 andconjunc- took their origin, in every case, from independent words through 
 
 tions. 
 
 a displacement of the distribution. This displacement must be 
 definite. In ' occasional ' use the most diverse kinds of component 
 parts of sentences may, of course, be degraded to mere connecting 
 members. Not till a word is employed with some regularity as a 
 connecting word can it be regarded as possibly a preposition or 
 conjunction. Another indispensable condition, however, is that 
 the method of its construction should have become isolated from 
 that which it possessed as an independent word. But even then it 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 427 
 
 may at the same time fulfil it own function as an independent 
 word, so that it is thus impossible to bring it simply under the 
 head of a definite class of words. This strict classification is not 
 possible until the word in its independent application has disap- 
 peared, or until a phonetic differentiation has attached itself to the 
 two methods of application, or until some other kind of isolation 
 has crept in. 
 
 650. We are thus able to propose for the preposition the fol- The preposi- 
 
 tion. 
 
 lowing definition : — the preposition is a connecting word, with 
 which a case of any substantive may be connected without any ' * 
 
 connective analogy to nominal or verbal methods of construction. 
 If we adopt this definition we shall not explain entsprechend in 
 such a sentence as er hat ihn seinen verdiensten entsprechend belohnt 
 as a preposition, because its construction is that of the verb ent- 
 sprechen. When we come to anstatt it is different. In anstatt des 
 mannes the genitive was originally the regular sign of the inde- 
 pendence of the noun. But whether the genitive is still felt as 
 such depends on the question whether we still feel anstatt to be a 
 combination of the preposition an with the substantive statt. If it 
 is not so felt, the construction with the genitive leaves the place it 
 had hitherto occupied in the group, and the preposition is created. 
 It is possible in this case for the instinct of language to be in a 
 high degree vacillating ; nay, even different in the case of different 
 individuals. For there can be no doubt that statt is no longer a 
 substantive of general application, but is confined to certain 
 isolated combinations. If, however, we say an meiner statt we are 
 more emphatically reminded of the substantival nature of the word 
 statt. In other cases, the isolation has become absolute. The 
 German nach is originally an adverb, and identical in meaning 
 with nahe. But between seinem ende nahe and nach seinen ende all 
 relation is lost, though both go back to the same method of con- 
 
428 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 struction. In this case the isolation of the method of construction 
 is due to the obscuration of the etymological relationship, owing 
 to divergency in the development of signification. In other cases 
 it is due to the disappearance of this method of construction from 
 living usage. In IE., as in Latin, the ablative was used after the 
 comparative. This construction was still maintained in OG., 
 excepting that there the ablative, as is generally the case, became 
 confused with the instrumental and dative. As it disappeared 
 from general use, it maintained itself, among other instances, in 
 
 • the case of two adverbial comparatives, which, owing to this isola- 
 
 tion, became prepositions, MHG. i (NHG. still found in ehedem) and 
 
 tEng. «■«. sit (NHG. j««V)J= Gothic sei\s in ^anasei^s, which is, phonetically 
 speaking, the regular comparative of sei\us. In the oldest preposi- 
 tions of the IE. the case must have been, in the first instance, 
 referred to the verb. For it denoted by itself the direction in 
 which or whence, or the condition of being in one place. 
 
 651. The particle was added merely with the view of a nearer 
 definition of the relation of space ; it was in fact still an adverb. 
 As the case, apart from its combination with the preposition, lost 
 its old signification, a special method of construction was created 
 simply from this combination. 
 
 Conjunc- 652. The genesis of conjunctions, like that of prepositions, 
 
 admits, to some extent, of being historically traced. Those which 
 serve to connect sentences are to a large extent developed from 
 the conjunctional adverbs, or from isolated forms of the conjunc- 
 tional pronouns, which, it may be, are connected with other words 
 (cf. daker, darum, deshalb, deswegen, weshalb, indem). These 
 words, therefore, actually serve to connect sentences before they 
 become conjunctions pure and simple. The question as to 
 whether they will be accepted as such must be one, to a great 
 extent, of subjective feeling : no sharp and definite line can be 
 
 ions. 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 429 
 
 drawn. A great deal must depend upon the degree in which the 
 origin of the word has been obscured. The existence of such 
 obscurity is a necessity, if we are to apprehend the word as a mere 
 link for sentences. 
 
 653. A special method of the genesis of conjunctions has been 
 touched on above (p. 333). In this instance, too, in most cases we 
 shall find a conjunctional — and that a demonstratival — pronoun at 
 the root, whether standing independently, or in connexion with 
 another word. There are, however, cases without any demonstra- 
 tive, such as those of the NHG. well, falls, and the English because^ 
 in case. But, in this case as well, the indication of what is to follow 
 has attached itself to and affected the substantives which lie at the 
 root of the conjunctions. 
 
 654. A quantity of conjunctions take their rise from words 
 expressive of a comparison ; cf. inghichen, ebenfalls, gleichfalls, 
 ^leichwol, andernfalh, iibrigens ; Greek o/ttos, oKKa ; Latin ceterum ; 
 further the comparatives ferner, welter, vielmehr; Latin potius, 
 nihilominus ; French mais, plutot, n^anmoins. A relation is, from 
 the very outset, expressed by these words ; on the other hand, an 
 expression is lacking for the object to which the relation tends : 
 this must be. guessed from the connexion in which the word occurs. 
 
 655. The case is different, on the other hand, where words of 
 assuring have passed into conjunctions connecting sentences ; cf> 
 allerdings, freilich, ndmlich, wol, zwar (MHG. ze ware, furwalir) ; 
 Gothic raihtis (' but ' or ' because ') ; Latin certe, verum, vera, scilicet,, 
 videlicet, etc. These words are in themselves expressive of no 
 relation to another sentence. The logical relation in which the 
 sentence in which they are contained stands to another, is originally 
 thought as their adjunct, without finding any expression in thought. 
 As it is, however, precisely this relation which forces upon the 
 speaker the necessity of adding an express assurance, it comes to 
 
430 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. TCh. 
 
 pass that this relation appears to be expressed by the assurance. 
 Just as little does the Latin licet originally express any reference 
 to the governing sentence ; in this case too, a reference — originally 
 existirtg in thought alone — has in a secondary way attached to this 
 verbal form, which has thereby passed into a conjunction. 
 
 656. One method of denoting the relations of two sentences or 
 portions of sentences is afforded by the anaphorical use of two 
 adverbs, not intrinsically conjunctional : bald — bald, jetzt — jetzt, 
 einmal — einmal; modo — modo,nunc — nunc, turn — turn, etc. Of 
 course a similar employment of words which have already become 
 conjunctions has nothing to do with this. 
 
 657. The parallelism in the relation of members of a sentence, 
 and that of entire sentences to each other, appears in the fact that 
 the connecting words created for the one relation are analogically 
 transferred to the other. Thus from the oldest times the same 
 copulative and disjunctive particles have been employed for both 
 relations. The transference from the member of a sentence to a 
 sentence can be distinctly traced in words like weder, entweder, 
 MHG. beide, cf. p. 329. In the same way a parallelism exists in the 
 employment of the demonstrative and relative particles of com- 
 parison. In this case we shall have to assume the converse trans- 
 ference from sentence to member of sentence. For the other cases 
 of the employment of conjunctions which introduce a sentence 
 to introduce members of a sentence, cf p. 166; for the method of 
 employing prepositions before sentences, cf p. 168. 
 
 Difference 658. The difference between the preposition and conjunction in 
 
 between 
 
 preposition thc Simple sentcuce is sharply defined by the fact that the former 
 
 andconjuno- 1-111 o -n <• ■ 
 
 tion in tiie govcms z. case while the latter does not. btill confusions present 
 
 . sentence. thcmselvcs cvcn in this obvious difference. As far as the sense 
 
 goes, it matters little whether we say ich mit{sammi) alien ubrigen 
 
 or ich und alle iibri_^en : and it thus happens that the predicate or 
 
XX.] THE DIVISION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH. 431 
 
 the apposition to a connexion introduced by mit is often placed in 
 the plural in cases where a regard for the strict grammatical 
 relation would demand the singular ; cf scherz mit huld in anmuts- 
 vollem bunde entquollen dem. beseelten munde (SCHI.) ; Greek Ar/fio- 
 <r6evT]i fiera r&v o-vaTpaTrjywv airevhovTai (Thuc.) ;*Latin ipse dux*y- Thomp. 
 cum aliquot principibus capiuntur (Liv.) \\filiam cum filio accitos ''" 
 (ib.) ; English old sir John with half a dozen more are at the door t xxi. ix. 7. 
 (Sh.) ; I French Vertumne avec Pomone ont embellt ces lieux (St. {, jjy ly. 
 Lambert) ; further examples cited from the Romance languages ner i! p. 150. 
 are found in Diez, iii. 301, and from the Slavonic languages in 
 Miklosich, iv. "JT, 78. In these cases we must regard the connecting 
 word, if we consider the case attached to it, as a preposition ; if 
 however, we regard the form taken by the predicate, as a conjunc- 
 tion. Examples of an absolute transference from a prepositional 
 to a conjunctival function are afforded by the NHG. words ausser 
 and ohne ; cf e.g. niemand kommt mir entgegen ausser ein unver- 
 schdmter (Le.), dass ich nicht nachdenken kann ohne mit der feder in 
 der hand (Le.), kein gott ist ohne ich (Lu.). On the other hand, the 
 conjunction wan in MHG. passes into a preposition constructed 
 with the genitive, cf. daz treip er mit der reinen zvan eht des alters 
 einen (KONR. V. WuRZB.). We can thus understand that in a 
 state of language previous to the formation of cases a line of 
 demarcation bejtween prepositions and conjunctions can hardly 
 exist. 
 
 659. The transference from subordination into co-ordination is 
 rendered more easy when there is no case government from the 
 outset, and when consequently the connecting word is already a 
 conjunction or a conjunctional adverb. This is most easily seen in 
 such correlations as that of sowol with als auch, etc. ; cf. die zuriick- 
 weisung, welche sowol Fichte als auch Hegel . . erfahren haben 
 (Vaknhagen v. Ense); 'English your sister as well as myself are 
 
432 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. XX.] 
 
 * Jos. ATidr. greatly obliged to you (FIELDING);* Latin ut proprium jus tarn res 
 publica quam privata haberent (FRONT.) ; French la santi comme la 
 fortune retirent leurs faveurs d ceux qui en abusent (Saint-Evre- 
 MONT) ; Bacchus, ainsi qu' Hercule, etaient reconnus pour demi- 
 dieux (Volt.). [See Matzner, Fr. Gram., p. 380]. 
 
 PASSAGES TRANSLATED. 
 
 Page 410. — Der was, etc. He was more hurtful to the Greeks than any one else at 
 
 that time. 
 Page 410. — Swie schade, etc. However badly he lives. 
 Page 410 (note). — Do enkunde, etc. Then I could never he more angry. 
 Page 421 — Durch behalten, etc. Through preserving life through seeking adventure. 
 Page 431. — He carried this on with the pure woman, except for age 
 
 alone. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 LANGUAGE AND WRITING.* "/-^ l""v 
 
 Eng. Saunas 
 
 p. 59 sgf. 
 
 WHATEVER information we possess as to the divergences Advantages 
 ° and short- 
 
 of the linguistic conditions of the past from those of comings 
 
 of writing 
 
 to-day is due to the use of writing. No philologist should ever as compared 
 
 with spoken 
 
 disregard the fact that what is written is not language itself ; language. 
 that speech rendered into writing always needs to be rendered 
 back into speech before it can be dealt with. Such rendering 
 back is only partially possible — another fact which should be 
 constantly kept in mind ; but as far as it is possible at all it is 
 an art which needs to be mastered ; and in this the unprejudiced 
 observation of the relation of writing and pronunciation prevailing 
 at present among different peoples renders great service. 
 
 66i. Writing is, however, an object of philological investiga- 
 tion not merely on account of the mediating part which it thus 
 plays : it is also an important factor in the development of 
 language itself, which we have hitherto purposely avoided dwelling 
 on. It remains to us to define the extent and the limits of its 
 activity. 
 
 663. The advantages possessed by written over spoken matter 
 with regard to effective operation are sufficiently obvious. By 
 its means the narrow circle to which the influence of the individual 
 is otherwise confined may spread till it embraces the entire 
 linguistic community ; by its means that narrow circle may extend 
 tself beyond the generation then living, and exert an immediate 
 
 2 E 
 
434 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. TCh. 
 
 influence on all that follow. No wonder that these evident 
 advantages are commonly much overrated — overrated even in 
 the science of language, since it requires a somewhat deeper 
 reflexion to bring out those points in which writing lags behind 
 living language. 
 
 663. A distinction is commonly made between languages 
 which are, and those which are not, pronounced as they are 
 written. The former phrase must be understood in a very relative 
 sense if we would not involve ourselves in an error of serious 
 moment. Not merely is writing not language, but it is in no 
 way an equivalent for it. To rightly appreciate the relations 
 between them, we have to consider not this or that single dis- 
 crepancy, but a fundamental difference. We have seen above 
 (p. 48 sqq^ the importance of the continuity as well in the series 
 of possible speech-sounds as in the series of sounds consecutively 
 spoken, for a proper view of the phonetic side of language. But 
 an alphabet, however perfect it may be, lacks continuity in both 
 these respects, Language and writing bear the same relation to 
 each other as line and number. We may employ as many signs 
 as we like, and may define as closely as we like the corresponding 
 a:rticulations of the organs of language : each will still remain the 
 sign, not for a single articulate sound, but for a series of infinitely 
 numerous ones. And even though the transition from one articu- 
 lation thus denoted to the other is in some respects a necessary 
 one, yet a free course remains open for many variations. And 
 then there remain quantity and accent, 
 it'usfnot ^^4- The alphabets actually in use are, moreover, far behind 
 
 Sbe"'mfhT ^^^'^ might be attained. To make the sounds of one language 
 *ema(ie. distinguishable from those of another — Ray, even those of one 
 dialect from those of another — can never be the purpose of an 
 alphabet which seeks to serve, not scientific phonology, but only 
 
XXL] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 435 
 
 ordinary practical needs ; and this need necessarily occur only 
 so far as the differences in question have a functional value. 
 And thus it is that most of the alphabets in question go no 
 further than this. It is unnecessary to denote the differences 
 conditioned by the position in the syllable, in the word, in the 
 sentence, by means of quantity and accent, provided only that 
 the conditioning factors in the dialect in question have always 
 the same result. If, for instance, the hard s sound in lust, brust, 
 etc., is represented by the same sound which elsewhere denotes 
 the soft s sound, while in words like reiszen and flieszen it is 
 represented by sz {si), this no doubt depends upon a historical 
 tradition (MHG. lust — rtzeri) ; but it is still a great question whether 
 the method of writing sz would have maintained itself, were it 
 not that in the beginning of the syllable a need had made itself 
 felt to draw a distinction between the hard and the soft sound 
 (cf. reiszen — reisen, flieszen^fliesen), while in the combination st 
 the st is always hard even in forms derived from words which 
 have otherwise soft.y (er reist being in pronunciation undistinguish- 
 able from er reiszt). That the fact of its origin from MHG. z has 
 not been the only determining factor is confirmed by the form 
 it takes when written in auslaut. Here, again, there is no differ- 
 ence in pronunciation between the s which proceeded from MHG. 
 s and that which proceeded from MHG. z ; the s in hasz, heisz, is 
 pronounced like the s in glas, eis. Sz is at the present day 
 written in auslaut (for MHG. z) only in cases where etymologically 
 allied forms with hard s in inlaut exist along with it; thus we 
 find heisz, heiszer, etc. ; but, on the other hand, das^ es, alles, 
 aus ; also bios as an adverb, and bischen (' a little '). Again, it 
 is not usual to write kreisz, kreises = MHG. kreiz, kreizes. 
 
 1 The exception in the conjunction dasz is to be explained by the necessity felt by the 
 grammarians for differentiating. 
 
436 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 665. From all this it is clear that the separation in the ortho- 
 graphy started only from cases in which more than a single 
 pronunciation was possible in the same dialect. Thus, too, in 
 the process of orthographically settling most languages, it was 
 not felt necessary to employ any special sign for the guttural 
 and palatal nasal ; but the same sign is employed as for the 
 dental, the labial receiving its own peculiar sign. The reason 
 of this was that the guttural and palatal nasal always occurred 
 only before other gutturals and palatals ; i.e. in the combinations 
 nk, ng, etc. ; and in this position occurred without exception, 
 while the labial and the dental were also common in auslaut, and 
 before vowels in anlaut and inlaut ; and thus had to be differ- 
 entiated from each other. In French, again, where the guttural 
 also appears in the auslaut of words, and in that of syllables 
 before labials and dentals, no such pressing necessity presents 
 itself for any special notation ; and indeed such would have been 
 with difficulty introduced, even if in other respects a closer 
 equivalence of spelling and pronunciation had been carried out ; 
 for a guttural nasal is a universal rule for the auslaut of a 
 syllable. It is again unnecessary in NHG. to denote the distinc- 
 tion between the guttural and palatal ch. For the pronunciation 
 is definitely fixed by the preceding vowel, and changes accordingly 
 within the same stem : fach—fdcker, loch — locker, buch — bucher, 
 sprach, gesprochen — sprechen, spricht. If, on the other hand, there 
 were such a thing as a palatal ch also after a, 0, u, a guttural 
 ch after e, i, a, o, u, then the need for differentiation would certainly 
 exist, and possibly would also be satisfied. Still less is it necessary 
 to denote such differences as are necessarily conditioned by the 
 position in the auslaut or inlaut of syllables ; e.g. in the mutes 
 to denote whether the formation or the dissolution of the termina- 
 tion is audible. Everywhere we find kk, tt, pp written, and yet 
 
XXI.] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 437 
 
 the same movement is in no case twice carried out ; but the 
 latter is the inversion of the former. In no case, further, have 
 the numerous economies of movement in the transition from one 
 sound to another found phonetic expression ; cf. on this, Sievers, 
 Grundzuge der Imitphysiologie, p. 84 sqq. 
 
 666. No doubt there are also certain alphabets, such as the 
 Sanscrit, which go beyond the measure ol what is demanded by 
 immediate practical needs, and which satisfy somewhat exacting 
 claims on the part of phonetic physiology, since they keep separate 
 similar, though not identical, sounds, even in cases where the 
 differentiation is self-intelligible for any one who knows the lan- 
 guage, even without any regard to sense or context. Far more 
 common, however, are alphabets which fail even in such modest 
 demands as we have described. The main reason of such short- 
 comings is that almost every nation, instead of creating an alphabet 
 independently to suit the demands of its own language, has adapted 
 the alphabet of a foreign language, as be^t it might, to its own. 
 Besides this we have to reckon with the fact that, as language 
 develops, new differences may well arise which could not be fore- 
 seen or taken account of at the time of the introduction of the 
 alphabet. The same causes may, however, further produce an 
 unnecessary superfluity. Superfluity and defect often stand side 
 by side. , Nhg. may serve as an example. We have instances of 
 several signs serving to denote the same sound in c — k — ch — q, 
 c — z,f—v, V — w, J — sz, a — e, ai — ei, du — eu, i—y. Again there are 
 symbols capable of denoting different sounds, the nature of which 
 is not fixed by their mere position. Such a symbol is e, which 
 may represent both the French / and the French e. Thus in the 
 relations between a and e we see superfluity and defect united. 
 It is the same with v (only in foreign words, it is true) in its 
 relation to / and w. Ck also may in foreign words have different 
 
 I 
 
438 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 values, as in the case of chor — charmant. To denote the length of 
 vowels several methods are in use, such as doubling the consonant, 
 h and e (after i) ; and yet there are many cases in which it remains 
 unnoted. These defects are in great part as old as the drawing up 
 of the records of the German spoken language ; and at an earlier 
 period they made their influence felt in a still more provoking way. 
 Others which were before in existence have gradually disappeared. 
 Thus it was likewise an instance of luxury and poverty when 
 u and V, i andj, were used each to denote not merely the vowel, 
 but the fricative as well, and were considered, in accordance with 
 orthographic traditions, to be interchangeable. In MHG. MSS. o — o, 
 u (it) — ii (ill) — uo — ue are not distinguished. And there would be 
 no difficulty in citing numerous other instances of the imperfec- 
 tions from which German orthography has had to sufifer in the 
 different periods of its development. 
 
 667. If we further consider that the accentuation commonly 
 remains either wholly or mostly undenoted, it must be clear that 
 even those among the conventional orthographical symbols in 
 which the phonetic principle has not been intruded on by regard 
 for etymology and the phonetic conditions of an earlier period 
 present a very imperfect picture of living speech. Writing bears 
 about the same relation to language as that of a rough sketch to a 
 picture worked out with the utmost care in colour. The sketch 
 suffices beyond doubt to satisfy a person who has a clear 
 remembrance of the picture that it is intended to represent this, 
 and also to enable him to identify the single figures in both. On 
 the other hand, one who has merely a confused idea of the picture 
 would, if he trusted to the sketch, be able to correct and fill out 
 its details at most in regard to certain made points. And one who 
 has never seen the picture is of course quite unable to rightly 
 imagine the details of the drawing, colouring, and shading. Should 
 
XXI.] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 439 
 
 several painters simultaneously attempt to execute a perfect picture 
 from the sketch, their productions would show great divergences. 
 Suppose, for instance, that in the original picture there occurred 
 beasts, plants, utensils, etc., which these painters have never in 
 their life seen in nature or in exact copies of nature, but which 
 possess a certain likeness to other objects known to them, would 
 they not in their own picture substitute these familiar objects for 
 those of the sketch ? It must necessarily be the sam'e with all who 
 learn a foreign language or a foreign dialect from written specimens 
 only, and seek to reproduce it from these alone. What can they 
 do but introduce for each letter and combination of letters the 
 sound and the combination of sounds which they are accustomed 
 to connect with them in their own dialect ; while quantity and 
 accent will further be regulated according to its principles, except 
 in so far as divergences, are expressly indicated to them by symbols 
 which they understand. It is commonly agreed that in the process 
 of learning foreign languages, even when the alphabet they employ 
 is identical with our own, at least a detailed description of the 
 value of each sound is requisite, and that even this can in no way 
 supersede the necessity of listening to the spoken utterance, 
 especially when it is not presented to us as based upon phonetics. 
 It is obvious, however, that the same need is present when we wish 
 to attain a correct apprehension of the sounds of a dialect belonging 
 to the same larger group as our own. It is important for us not 
 to overlook the consequences which flow from this fact. 
 
 668. In every linguistic area, divided into many different dia- D-aiecticai 
 
 differences 
 
 lects, there exists, as a rule, a large number of different gradations concealed by 
 
 writing. 
 
 of sound ; certainly far more, even when we regard only what can 
 be clearly distinguished, and neglect all barely perceptible nuances, 
 than the letters contained in the common alphabet used by all the 
 dialects alike. In each single dialect, however, there exists only a 
 
440 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 definite fraction of these gradations, the most nearly related in 
 many cases excluding each other ; so that if we count those, which 
 for practical purposes do not require to be distinguished, as one 
 only, their number will fairly tally with the number of letters to be 
 disposed of If under such circumstances writing is applied in 
 different places to express the dialect spoken at each, the only 
 conceivable way in which this can be done is by employing each 
 letter for exactly the particular species of a wider family of sounds 
 which occurs in the dialect in question ; in other words, the same 
 letter is used here for one sound, there for another. In this pro- 
 cess it also occurs that if two nearly related species occur in a 
 single dialect side by side, one symbol has to serve for both ; 
 while, conversely, of two signs, indispensable for the other dialects, 
 one may be dispensed with for one or the other. We need only 
 examine some of the most important of such cases as they occur 
 in the German linguistic area, including not merely the dialect 
 strictly speaking, but also the language spoken by the greater 
 part of the educated classes. The distinction between hard and 
 soft fricatives exists in Upper as well as in Lower Germany. But 
 while in the former it rests on the greater or less energy of exspira- 
 tion, in the latter i a further characteristic comes in — the absence 
 or presence of the vocal tone. The Upper-Saxon and Thuringian 
 dialects, however, have no distinction either by vocal tone or by 
 the energy of exspiration. Accordingly b, for instance, denotes for 
 the Upper German a different sound (unvoiced lenis\ from that 
 which it denotes for the Nether-German (voiced lenis\ and again 
 another still for the Upper-Saxon (unvoiced /or^w). Besides, k, t, 
 p in certain places denote for the Upper-Saxon and Thuringian 
 a different sound (unbreathed fortis) from that which they denote 
 
 ^ There is no necessity to define the limits more closely ; and I am unable to do so. 
 The fact was first established by Winteler, Grammatik der Kermzer mwidart, p. zosqq. 
 2 The word gerausch Laute has a wider meaning than fricatives. 
 
XXL] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 441 
 
 for the mass of other Germans {aspirate)} The Nether-German 
 pronounces the zy as a labio-dental ; the Central-German as a 
 labio-labial fricative ; the Aleman as a consonantal vowel. The s 
 in the beginning of words, before t and p, is in a great part of 
 Nether-Germany pronounced as hard s, in the rest of Germany it 
 is spoken like sch. R is in one part a lingual, in another a uvular 
 sound ; and numerous other variations occur. G is in one 
 part of Nether and Central Germany, as well as in certain Upper 
 German districts, pronounced as a guttural or palatal fricative 
 sound, either invariably or only in inlaut. In the Germanic dia- 
 lects g has always denoted mute as well as the fricative. The 
 Alemannic does not distinguish the pronunciation of the ch 
 according to the nature of the preceding vowel. On the other 
 hand, it makes a distinction between /=NG./' and/=NG.y; which 
 is wanting elsewhere. 
 
 669. Where identity of symbol coincides with etymological 
 identity, but the pronunciation varies, the written form conceals a 
 dialectical difference. As this is of veiy common occurrence, 
 especially when we take into account the numerous variations 
 which, though insignificant in single cases, are, on the whole, per- 
 ceptible enough, as also, in most cases, the quantity and, above all, 
 the modulations of the pitch and of the energy of exspiration 
 remain undenoted, we must admit that a considerable portion of 
 the dialectic differences is taken no account of in writing. It is 
 precisely this fact which renders writing of special convenience as 
 a channel of communication in general intercourse. But it like- 
 wise renders it unsuited to influence pronunciation, and it is a per- 
 fectly mistaken view that we can operate as effectually with the 
 written word ^t a distance as with the spoken word on what is 
 near. 
 
 ^ Cf. Krauter, Zeitschrift filr vergleichende sprachforschung, 21, Z^ sqq. 
 
442 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 670. How, for instance, can any one, on seeing the written 
 symbol g, know which of the easily distinguishable pronunciations 
 current in Germany — they are at least seven in number, and in 
 part very divergent — was intended by the employer of the 
 symbol ? How can we even know, merely from the writing, that 
 so many pronunciations exist at all ? What can he do in such a 
 case but assume, as corresponding to it, the pronunciation current 
 in his own home ? 
 Incapacity of 671. Only the most extreme departures from one's own dialect 
 
 writing to 
 
 communicate can bc detcctcd in written speech ; and even then without any 
 
 alterations of 
 
 pronuncia- sure discovcry of the special characteristics of the divergent 
 
 tion. 
 
 sounds. As far as we recognise departures we are, of course, able 
 to imitate these,. This must, however, occur with full conscious- 
 ness and with full intention, the imitation of the foreign dialect 
 being undertaken as something distinct from the use of one's own. 
 It is a process distinguishable only in degree and not in kind from 
 the acquisition of a foreign language ; and, on the other hand, 
 totally different from the unconscious process of being influenced 
 by the speech of our associates, already described in p. 43. The 
 fundamental condition of this is, as we saw, the small compass 
 within which the differences between individuals lie, and the 
 infinite capacity of the spoken sounds for gradation. Within the 
 sphere in which this kind of influence finds its scope, writing shows 
 no differences as yet, and therefore is incapable of influence. 
 
 672. And as with influence in the distance, so with influence 
 on the future. It is pure fancy to suppose that in writing we have 
 a control over sound-changes. Just as, in different places, sounds 
 markedly different can be denoted by the same letters, so, and even 
 more easily, in the same place at different times. No letter, of 
 course, is connected really with any particular sound by a real 
 bond capable of maintaining itself independently : the connexion 
 
XXI.l LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 
 
 443 
 
 depends exclusively upon association of the ideas. We connect 
 with each letter the association of just such sound as is in use at a 
 particular time. The process in the case of natural sound-change 
 is — as we have seen (p. 44),-^that in the place of this idea, another 
 slightly different is substituted, which, transmitted to the following 
 generation, is received from the outset as bound up with the letters. 
 The sound-image associated with the letter is thus unable to 
 exercise any check upon the sound-change, because it is itself 
 modified by this. And naturally, the actual phonetic value of 
 a letter is always assumed for it in the records of the past. There 
 is no possible way to compare the earlier phonetic value with 
 the present one. It is of course possible, by the aid of 
 scientific researches, to conjecture the variations ; this does not 
 affect the present question. Commonly speaking, the changed 
 pronunciation may long go hand in hand with unchanged ortho- 
 graphy without any insupportable inconveniences arising from the 
 discrepancy. At all events, these do not declare themselves as 
 such until the change has become very violent. But then, a change 
 of language to suit orthography, if possible at all, can only be 
 brought about by conscious intention, and any change of the 
 kind would again be directly contrary to natural development. 
 As long as this follows its path undisturbed, it remains but to 
 put up with the inconveniences as well as we can, or to alter the 
 orthography to suit the language. 
 
 673. The defects of written-speech, so far enumerated, are far 
 from indicating the degree of divergence which may obtain between 
 writing and speech. We have hitherto regarded, strictly speaking, 
 only the condition incident to the period when language first 
 begins to be fixed by writing ; when every one who writes is still 
 taking part independently in the creation of orthography ; the 
 sign, for each single sound being indeed settled, but not the spell- 
 
444 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. jCh. 
 
 ing of the word as a whole ; so that the writer has always to break 
 the word up into its elements as best he can, and compound the 
 letters corresponding to these elements. There is no doubt, how- 
 ever, that mature practice in reading and writing renders the 
 process continually shorter. Originally the connexion between 
 the phonetic signs and the signification was always brought about 
 by the image of the sound and by the motory sensation. As 
 soon, however, as these two are approximated by this combin- 
 ing element they form a direct connexion, and the combining 
 factor can be dispensed with. The possibility of fluent reading 
 and writing depends of course on this direct association. This 
 can be easily demonstrated by an inverse proof If the written 
 symbols of a particular dialect are laid before some one who is 
 perfectly conversant with it, but who has hitherto known it only 
 aurally, he will always at first find some difficulty in adapting the 
 written symbols to the sounds, especially when the former do not 
 precisely conform to the system of the literary language with all its 
 inconveniences. And he may be more puzzled still if he be required 
 himself to write in such a dialect, even though it be that which he 
 has spoken from childhood. He will always evade a real solution 
 of the task, by submitting unduly to the influence of the familiar 
 orthography of the literary language. All modern dialectical 
 poets give proof of this.^ We must cast aside this background of 
 literary orthography which now always serves as an analogy, if we 
 would clearly realise the difference between the position which we 
 nowadays occupy in committing our common language to writing 
 and that of, say the Old High German scribes, in finding written 
 symbols for their own dialect. We shall then be more ready to look 
 with compassionate toleration on our forefathers' want of skill. We 
 shall rather discover, especially if we do not confuse different writers, 
 but examine the orthographic usage of each separately, that they 
 
 ' Cf. The Exmoor Scolding and Courtship.^ Edited by F. T. Elworthy. 
 
XXI.] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 445 
 
 observed the sounds more correctly than is commonly done at the 
 present day ; and this for a reason which, regarded from another 
 side, seems a defect in comparison with our present conditions, 
 viz. that they were contorted by no fixed standard of orthography, 
 and thus their unprejudiced observation of the sound was not 
 confused by the perpetual contemplation of such orthography. In 
 other words, they could not yet dispense with the phonetic image 
 as mediating link between the orthographic image and the 
 signification. 
 
 674. The two stand in the closest mutual relation. If the direct Effect of 
 
 fixity of 
 
 connexion between the orthographic image and the signification orthography. 
 is very close in the mind of all tolerably educated persons, this is 
 in great part due to the fixity of our orthography. We see this 
 particularly in such words as are in pronunciation identical, but 
 different in writing. Every divergence in spelling, even though 
 from a phonetic point of view it may be a decided improvement, 
 increases the difficulty of understanding. If this is a striking proof 
 of the direct combination of writing and speech, on the other side 
 the negative conclusion must be drawn from it, that the less fixed 
 the spelling, the less is any direct connexion possible between it 
 and the meaning. The want of fixity may arise from the un- 
 suitability of the material at hand, or from the awkwardness 
 of the writers, — as when several signs are used interchange- 
 ably in the same acceptation, or, conversely, when a single sign 
 appears now in one acceptation, now in another ; or it may be due 
 to the want of regulative authorities who might render possible a 
 concentration and union of the different orthographical efforts. It 
 may, however, be also due to the very perfection and consistency 
 of the phonetic-physiological phenomena. If, e.g., the spelling of 
 the stem in the different forms changes with the sound (mhg. tac 
 — tages, neigen — niicte, etc.), or if, as in Sanscrit, even the spelling 
 
greater 
 fixity. 
 
 446 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 of the same form changes with its position in the sentence, — the 
 single meaning is confronted with a number of variations in spell- 
 ing, and it is impossible for an absolutely distinct orthographical 
 image to connect itself with the first. As long as fixity in spell- 
 ing is wanting, it is impossible, however great may be the skill 
 attained in writing and reading, to make the direct connexion 
 perfect. At the same time, however, the very practice tends to 
 produce a greater fixity. Every advance made in the former is 
 to the advantage of the latter, and every advance in the latter 
 facilitates the former. 
 Natural ^7^- Wc thus find that the natural progress of the development 
 
 orthography of the Orthography of any language is towards greater fixity, and 
 ' this even at the cost of phonetic-physiological accuracy. It is no 
 doubt true that consistent progress in this direction is not the rule. 
 Violent phonetic changes are especially apt to produce variations 
 and retrogressive movements. There are three means by the aid 
 of which orthography strives to gain fixity : (i) the abolition of 
 the variation between several different manners of writing ; (2) by 
 paying attention to etymology ; (3) by keeping close to tradition, 
 and disregarding changes of sound. The first-named method is, 
 viewed even from a phonetic standpoint, often an advance, or at 
 least not a retrogression, though it not unfrequently occurs that the 
 phonetic principle is discarded in the operation ; the two others, 
 however, are direct contraventions of this principle. Naturally, 
 however, the tendency to bring language and writing into closer 
 connexion with each other still remains active : and this tendency 
 works partly in the direction of cancelling original deficiencies, 
 and partly in the reaction against the new inconveniences per- 
 petually arising owing to sound-change. As this tendency in most 
 cases comes into conflict with the effort to attain fixity, the history 
 of orthography exhibits the spectacle of a perpetual struggle 
 
XXL] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 
 
 447 
 
 between these two tendencies, the state of which at any given 
 moment gives a criterion of the relative strength of the combatants 
 at that moment. 
 
 676. If we follow the movement in detail, we find striking Analogies 
 analogies with the development of language side by side with devlbpmeni 
 notable differences. The latter depend chiefly on the following Ld that of 
 points. In the first place, changes in orthography are effected with ^"^"^^*" 
 much more consciousness and purpose than changes in language ; \ 1 
 though we must beware of exaggerating the degree of purpose. 
 In the second place, in the struggle over orthography, it is 
 not, as in the struggle over language, the whole linguistic com-j 
 munity which is interested, but at most the writing (or printing 
 and publishing) portion of that community, and the individual 
 members of this in very different degrees and with very different 
 intensity ; the preponderance of special individuals makes its in- 
 fluence felt to a much stronger degree than in language. In the 
 third place, since the capacity of influence is not limited to prox- 
 imity in space, it is possible in the department of orthography for \ 3 
 quite other ramifications of the reciprocal influences to develop ' 
 than in the department of language. In the fourth place, ortho- 
 graphic changes stand in decided contrast to sound-change in this ^ 
 respect, that they are unable to advance by means of fine grada- 
 tions, but can only do so by leaps and bounds. 
 
 bjT- Let us examine, in the first place, the means by which Abolition of 
 
 . variations in 
 
 fluctuation between sound-signs of identical value is overcome, sound-signs 
 
 . of identical 
 
 Such fluctuation may arise in several ways. The signs may have value. 
 been already employed indiscriminately in the language from 
 which the alphabet is borrowed : thus it stands in OHG. with the 
 doublets i—j, u — v, k — c, c—z. Or it may happen that two signs 
 had a different value in the original language, but that the language 
 which borrows them possesses no corresponding distinction, so 
 
448 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 that now both signs fall upon the same sound. It especially 
 happens that both easily pass into use when the single sound of 
 the borrowing language lies between the two sounds of the other. 
 Thus in Upper German, at the time of the introduction of 
 the Latin alphabet, there was in the guttural and labial series 
 no difference fully answering to the Latin distinction between 
 voiced media and tenuis ; in the anlaut of syllables there was 
 nothing even approximately answering to it ; but merely a sound 
 which differed from the Latin media in lacking the voice-tone ; 
 from the tenuis by a weaker exspiration. Hence arose a vacillation 
 between^ and k, b and/. The vacillation too between /"and v (u) 
 and in MG. that between v and b arose in the same manner. 
 Further, double symbols may arise only in the course of further 
 development where two originally different sounds fall together, 
 their two signs being then exchanged. Thus, for instance, in later 
 MHG. hard s and s fall together, whence, sas written for saz, and 
 conversely huz for hus, etc. ; though the latter case is certainly 
 rarer from the very outset. Finally, however, it is possible for a 
 division to appear owing to the different development of the same 
 written symbol ; compare Latin i—j, u — v, and in German text 
 C fracturschrift ') f and §. It is possible for these differences to 
 multiply, especially if at a later period we try to utilise an older 
 grade of development, as we see, for example, in the use of capital 
 letters side by side with small letters. 
 
 678. The superfluities thus arising are disposed of in a similar 
 fashion to that which removes the superfluities in words and forms. 
 The simplest way is by the gradual obsolescence of one of the two 
 signs. The other way is by the differentiation^ of the signs 
 originally used indifferently. This may be exclusively phonetic, 
 the removal of the superfluity at the same time serving to supply 
 a closely related want ; e.g. when in NHG. i, u, and J, v were 
 
XXL] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 
 
 449 
 
 gradually differentiated as vowel and consonant. It happens not 
 unfrequently that the position of the sound within the word gives 
 the key to the differentiation without any phonetic difference being 
 present, or at least without any such being remarked by the 
 writers ; as when we find j and v for a long continuous period 
 principally used in the anlaut of the word (even in the place of the 
 vowel) ; c in MHG. (irrespective of the combinations ch and scli) in 
 a preponderating majority of cases confined to the auslaut of a 
 syllable {sac, tac, micte, sackes) and in NHG. only in the gemination 
 ck, it being in other cases ousted by etymological orthography ; 
 in MHG., finally, f much more frequently before r, I,' and u 
 and kindred vowels than before a, e, o. A third method lastly 
 consists in this, that without any phonetic or graphic motivejj 
 according to individual caprice and fancy, one orthography becomes 
 usual in one word and another in that. This accounts for the 
 relation in NHG. between/— w {fall — vater, etc.), t. — th {tuch — tJmn, 
 gut — muth, etc.), r — rk, ai — ei, and further between the cases in 
 which length is denoted and those in which it is not denoted, and 
 between the different methods of such denotation {nehmen — geben, 
 aal — wahl, viel—ihr, etc.). An essential factor in this process, and 
 one of the main reasons which have prevented the consummation 
 of a uniform orthography, in fact which in modern times is ever 
 anew opposing itself to a consistent reform of orthography, is the 
 effort to distinguish words which have the same sounds but 
 different meanings. Compare, among others, ferse — verse, fiel— 
 viel, tau — thau, ton— than, rein — Rhein, rede — rhede, laib—leib, 
 Main — mein, rain — rein, los — loos, mal — mahl, malen — mahlen, 
 loar—wahr, sole — sohle, stil—stiel, aale — ahle, heer—hehr, meer^ 
 mehr, moor — mohr. Even different meanings of words originally 
 identical are thus distinguished ; cf das—dasz, wider— wieder, etc. 
 Here, too, should be noticed, the gradual process whereby it 
 
 2 F 
 
I 4SO PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. fCh. 
 
 became usual to employ capital letters for the initial letters of 
 substantives which were employed at an earlier period merely to 
 emphasise the word. Here again we see the tendency to utilise 
 writing for the expression of distinctions unknown to speech. 
 This manner of differentiation is one of the most characteristic 
 signs for enabling the written to become independent over-against 
 the spoken language. It also does not occur till such time as a 
 true written language has freed itself from the dialects, and it is 
 the product of grammatical reflexion. It is, however, worthy of 
 remark that even this reflexion does not in the first place create 
 differences in the way of writing to express its distinctions, but 
 merely utilises for its own purposes the variations which have by 
 accident arisen. In cases where no such variations exist, it is 
 possible for the impulse to differentiation to fail to make itself felt ; 
 of the homonyms cited above, p. 228. Moreover, it does not 
 exhibit itself as operative in all those cases where we might have 
 expected that it would have done so. 
 Effect of 679. Like the unphonetic differentiation, the operation of 
 
 etymology. 
 
 , etymology makes itself felt most strongly and most consistently 
 I in written language; though it is in many cases unmistakably 
 present in dialectic records. We may compare the expulsion of 
 a more archaic phonetic orthography by an etymological one, with 
 the process of analogical creation whereby unmeaning sound- 
 differences are levelled ; indeed we may actually designate it as a 
 kind of analogical creation peculiar to written language, for which 
 the laws hold good which we have brought before our readers' 
 notice. In this case, too, of course the etymology is not in itself 
 decisive, but rather the manner of grouping prevalent in the 
 language at the time. Isolation is a protection against assimila- 
 tion, and conversely, secondary rapprochement between sound and 
 meaning causes an attraction over into analogy. 
 
XXL] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 451 
 
 680. Let us now consider from this point of view the most 
 important cases in which the NHG. has deserted the phonetic 
 spelling of MHG., and has allowed assimilation to set in. In MHG. 
 the media in auslaut, and before hard consonants in writing,^ as 
 in pronunciation, becomes a tenuis ; in NHG. this is the case in 
 pronunciation only, not in writing: MHG. tac, kit, gap, neicte = 
 NHG. tag, hid, gab, neigte. We see the MHG. rule observed in 
 haupt { = koubet, koupt), behaupten, because there are no longer 
 any related forms with unsyncopated vowels remaining by its 
 side ; in the proper name Schmitt, Schmidt; and in schidtheiss, 
 where the composition with schuld is no longer felt. In MHG. 
 consonantal doubling is not expressed in writing in auslaut and 
 before another consonant : m.ann — niannes, brante — brennen. NHG. 
 represents the doubling in cases where forms etymologically 
 closely connected give the model for« such ; cf mann, brannte, 
 mdnnlich, mdnnchen (though we find it already discarded in brand, 
 brunst, etc.) ; still in the pronoun man, and further in brantewein, 
 brantwein (which is no longer apprehended as gebrannte wein); 
 on the other hand, with a later attraction to kerr we have herrlich, 
 herrschaft, herrschen, which appear in MHG. as kirlick, herschaft, 
 hersen from k^r='NnG. hehr. In MHG. it is true that the umlaut 
 of the long a is in most cases separated from e zs ce; while that 
 of the short a is denoted by e. In NHG. d is likewise employed 
 for the umlaut of the sound which was originally short, but is 
 now in many cases drawn out when we are still clearly conscious 
 of the relation to a form from the same root which has not under- 
 gone umlaut ; thus, vater — vdter, vdterchen, vdterlich, kraft — 
 krdfte, krdftig, glas — gldser, gldsern, kalt — kdlter, kdlte, land — 
 geldnde, arg — drger, drgern, fahre — -fdhrst; in the same way in 
 the diphthongs, baum — bdume, haut — haute, hduten, bdrenhduter 
 ' Less regularly, it is true, in the MSS. than in the critical editions. 
 
452 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 (mhg. Mt—hiute) ; on the other hand, erbe, ente (MHG. ant, gen. 
 ente), enge, engel, besser, regen (verb), although spoken with an 
 open e as well ; leute, etc., since here kindred forms unaffected 
 by umlaut are wanting. The difference between ligen and legen, 
 winden and wenden, hangen and hdngen, and fallen and fallen, is 
 worth noticing ; in the first-named pairs we doubtless find also a 
 in the preterite {lag, wand), but it is merely the present which 
 is brought into relation with the present. Where the bond that 
 unites the group has been severed or loosened e remains ; cf. vetter 
 with vater, gerben with gar, scherge with schar, hegen, gehege, and 
 kecke with hag, heu with Iiauen, fertig with fart (on the other 
 hand hoffdrtig), eltern with dlteren, behende with kdnde, ausmerzen 
 with mdrz (the a owing to the Latin a), strecke with stracks. The 
 assimilation likewise fails in cases where the form affected by 
 umlaut appears as the primary one ; cf. brennen — brannte, nennen 
 — nannte, etc. The observation may be also made that the 
 accession of a further phonetic difference operates as a restraint ; 
 thus we find hahn — henne, nass — netzen, henken, henker, as com- 
 pared with hdngen. On the other hand, the e is in certain cases — 
 even where it has not arisen through umlaut, but is the equivalent 
 of the original 1 euton. e (e), — nevertheless apprehended as a case 
 of umlaut, if a word with a stands by it, from which that in e 
 can appear to be derived ; cf rdchen (MHG. rechen) referred to 
 rache (MHG. rdche), schdmen (MHG. schemen) to scham, wdgen, 
 erwdgen (a form which arose from a confusion of the MHG. wegen 
 with wegen) to wage (on the other hand we have bewegen)} 
 
 68 1. Etymology plays an important part also in the re- 
 gulation of sound-vacillations spoken of above, p. 448. We 
 
 ■ The correctness of the inductions given above is by no means impugned by the fact 
 that the a is found instead of e and e in some other cases as well where it has not been 
 motived by any reference to an a. To a certain extent the tendency to differentiation 
 also comes into account ; cf. e.g. wtihren, gnvdhren, gewdhr — wehren, gewehr. 
 
XXL] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 453 
 
 naturally write fahren — -fahrt — gefdhrte — -furt, etc., with an f in 
 each case. Where h is used as a symbol of lengthening, it is 
 as a rule consistently carried through in all related forms with 
 change of vocalisation ; cf nehmen — nahm — genehm — iibernahme, 
 befehle — befiehlt — befahl — befohlen — befehl, etc. As examples of 
 isolation we may cite zwar (= MHG. zew&re), as against wahr; 
 drittel, viertel, etc., against theil ; vertheidigen (from tagedingeii) as 
 against tag. 
 
 682. This assimilation, however, is as a rule confined within 
 definite limits, as it only occurs in cases where it cannot render 
 the pronunciation doubtful. It is possible in NHG. to write lebte 
 with a b without any inconvenience, because the language does 
 
 . not in any case distinguish between b and / in the auslaut of 
 a syllable. But we can consistently carry a long-symbol, for 
 instance, only so far through the related forms as the vowel 
 maintains its length (thus genommen as related to nehmen, furt to 
 fahren), and the doubling can only be consistently carried out as 
 far as the preceding vowel is short (hence kam as related to 
 kommen, fiel to fallen). 
 
 683. Analogy, too, operates protectively against changes of 
 the older spelling ; and here, again, we have a divergence from 
 the conditions of spoken language. This is specially to be 
 observed in the case of the orthography of the French language. 
 If the consonants which in auslaut have become mute are 
 maintained in writing, the reason is that related forms in most 
 cases maintain themselves as well, in which these consonants 
 are still pronounced, and that they are also pronounced in the 
 same form when a word beginning with a vowel connects 
 itself with them. If the French were to write, for instance, 
 fai, lai, gri, il aval, tu a, a startling contrast would appear be- 
 tween these forms and faite, laide, grise, avait-il, tu as /^/; 
 
454 PRINCIPLES OI- THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 as has actually not been avoided in il a — a-t-il. Thus con- 
 sistency in writing would also be destroyed if we should endeavour 
 to introduce a special sign for the guttural nasal ; in such cases 
 un would be differently written in un pere and un ami. Further, 
 if it were desired to draw a distinction between the nasalised 
 and the non-nasalised vowel, it would be necessary to employ 
 different signs in the case of cousin and cousine, un and une, ingrat 
 and inigal. We may gather that the analogy of the related 
 forms has been decisive for the result from a number of isolated 
 forms like plutdt, toujours, hormis, faufiler, plafond (on the other 
 hand plat-bord), verglas (referred to vert), morbleu, inorfil, Granville, 
 Girarcourt, Aubervilliers, faineant, vaurien, Omont (referred to kaut). 
 We may also compare such cases of isolation as Clermont — clair. 
 
 684. If writing cannot keep up with the phonetic development 
 of language, it is easy to see that the reason of this is to be 
 sought in nothing else but in its want of continuity. In the phonetic 
 conditions it is unquestionable that continuity alone renders 
 possible the union of continuous advance with fixity of usage. 
 A similar fixity of usage in writing implies an unchange- 
 ableness of the latter ; and this again implies a perpetual increase 
 of the discrepancy between writing and pronunciation. On the 
 other hand, the more vacillating that orthography is, the more 
 capable is it of development ; or, conversely, the more it seeks 
 to follow the development of language, the more vacillating does 
 it become. 
 
 685. We must, however, in addition emphasize certain points 
 of view according to which a faithful adherence to the old 
 spelling, when the pronunciation is changed, becomes still more 
 intelligible. In judging of the relation of writing and sound in a 
 language it often happens that the standard of another language 
 intrudes improperly, while the orthography of every language 
 
XXI.] LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 
 
 45S 
 
 claims to be judged according to its own conditions. As long 
 as ever a definite sound corresponds to a definite symbol, there 
 can be no question of any discrepancy between writing and pro- 
 nunciation. In one language it may be one sound, in another 
 a different one ; this does not affect the question at all. Hence 
 if a sound consistently changes in all its positions, and in the 
 course of these changes does not coincide with another sound 
 already existing, no change in the orthography need ensue, and 
 the correspondence between writing and pronunciation is main- 
 tained. But even when the change is not consistent, a division 
 occurs, if only none of the different sounds coincides with 
 one already existing, no other alternative as a rule remains but 
 to maintain the old orthography ; for, in order to distinguish 
 the sound, we should need at least one symbol more than we 
 have ; and this cannot be created at will. The only resource is 
 where a superfluity existed before, which it is now possible to 
 employ to some purpose. In order to maintain the phonetic 
 principle intact certain violent innovations would from time to 
 time be indispensable, and it is hard to reconcile these with the 
 maintenance of unity in the orthography. 
 
 686. We must add to this that the operation of analogy 
 described counts for much in the preservation of forms. And 
 finally, we should remark that by the introduction of phonetic 
 writing many distinctions would be completely cancelled which 
 now are maintained in the written language. Thus in the French 
 language the plural would in most cases cease to be distinguished 
 from the singular ; and in many cases the feminine would be undis- 
 tinguished from the masculine (clair — claire, etc.). In those cases, 
 however, in which differences still remained, the consistency of 
 the method of formation which now mainly prevails in writing 
 would be abolished. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE.^ 
 
 the wider and 
 
 sense. 
 
 I 
 
 Mixture m "T p ^g gj-^rt by assuHiing that individual languages are the only 
 the narrower | Qj^gg which have any real existence, we are justified in 
 
 asserting that as soon as any two individuals converse, a mixture 
 in language is the result. The speaker in speaking influences the 
 idea-groups of the hearer which have reference to language. If we 
 accept the expression ' mixture in language ' in this wide sense, we 
 must admit that Schuchardt is right in his assertion that of all the 
 questions with which the science of language at the present day 
 has to deal, none is of greater importance than mixture of lan- 
 guage. • In this sense we have necessarily been discussing ' mix- 
 ture in language ' throughout all the previous chapters, since it is 
 inseparable from the life of language. Here, however, we take the 
 word in a narrower sense, to denote a process not absolutely indis- 
 pensable to the life of language, though it be wholly wanting in 
 hardly any domain of speech. 
 Mixture of 688. Mixture of language in this more restricted sense is, in 
 
 distinct lan- 
 guages, dia- the first instance, the influence exercised by one language upon 
 
 lects, and 
 
 »esof another, when the two languages are either wholly unconnected, 
 
 '[Cf. for this chapter Whitney, On Mixture in Language (Transactions of the Ameri- 
 can Philological Association, 1881) ; and particularly Schuchardt, Slavodeutsches und 
 slavoiiaKenisches, Graz, 1885 also Sayce, Principles of Comparative Philology, Chapter 
 v., 1885 ; also Am. Jour, of Phil., x. 2 ; cf. also Dilke's Prob. Greater Brit., I. ch. ii., 
 p. 53 ; and Storm., p. 162 on Cant, or Gyp. Lang. ; also Vernaleken, u.s., v. ii., p. 12]. 
 
 guage. 
 
[•Ch. XXII.] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 457 
 
 or, though originally connected, are so far differentiated that one 
 has to be specially learnt by those who are acquainted with the 
 other : it also signifies the influence to which one dialect is subjected 
 by another belonging to the same unbroken and continuous lin- 
 guistic area, even when the two dialects do not yet differ so 
 strongly as to prevent a reciprocal understanding holding good 
 between the constituents of the two separate areas. There is yet 
 another kind of mixture in language which consists in the re- 
 adoption into the language of material which existed at an earlier 
 period in that language, but has since died out. 
 
 689. We will consider, in the first instance, the mixture of dif- Mixture 
 
 originates in 
 
 ferent languages clearly and sharply divided from each other. In individuals. 
 order to understand the process in the case of mixture, we must, of 
 course, closely observe what passes in the case of single indi- 
 viduals. The strongest predisposition to mixture is given when 
 there are individuals who speak more than one language ; possibly 
 several languages indifferently, but, at least, one other besides 
 their mother-tongue. Under any circumstances a certain mini- 
 mum understanding of a foreign language is indispensable. At 
 least what is adopted from the foreign language must be under- 
 stood, even if only imperfectly. 
 
 690. The most ordinary cause of bilingualism, or a more or less Bilingual- 
 
 ism. 
 
 perfect apprehension of a foreign tongue is, of course, the situation 
 of a community upon the confines of two linguistic areas, and it 
 occurs in a greater or less degree according to the activity of the 
 intercourse between them. Again, it may be due to journeys and 
 the temporary residence of individuals in foreign countries ; it 
 becomes more marked when individuals permanently migrate from 
 one country to another ; and still more, when large masses of 
 population are permanently transplanted by conquests and by 
 Colonisation. 
 
458 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 691. Finally, the knowledge of the language of a foreign people 
 may be imparted by writing, without any direct contact between 
 the learners and teachers. In the last-mentioned case the know- 
 ledge thus gained commonly remains confined to certain excep- 
 tionally well-educated strata of society. It must thus be remarked 
 that the method of communication afforded by writing facilitates 
 not merely the process of borrowing from a foreign language, but 
 further, of borrowing from a primitive and distant epoch of its 
 development. 
 
 692. In cases where two nations have been brought into con- 
 tact, and have been mixed on a large scale, bilingualism, and, con- 
 sequently, instances of reciprocal influence exercised on and 
 received by one language from another are common. If one 
 nation has a decided preponderance over the other, whether 
 this be due to its size or to pre-eminence — political or industrial 
 or intellectual — it will be found that the employment of its 
 language will tend to spread at the expense of the other : there 
 will be a gradual change from bilingualism again to unilingualism. ■ 
 This process will be more or less speedy in its fulfilment, accord- 
 ing to the capacity for resistance of the inferior language, and this 
 language will leave traces more or less strongly marked in the 
 victorious one. 
 
 693. The mixture again will not easily affect a single indi- 
 vidual, so as to cause his diction to embrace component parts 
 taken from one language in approximately similar proportions to 
 tho,se taken from the other. Assuming that he is equally master 
 of both languages, it may be that he will find no difficulty in 
 passing from one to the other : but it will still be found that 
 within a single clause of a sentence one language will form the 
 strict basis ; the other, though it may exercise a more or less modi- 
 fying influence, will still play but a secondary part This, of 
 
XXII.] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 459 
 
 course, applies even more to one who has as yet gained no real 
 command over the foreign language, but merely more or less 
 power of understanding it. The person who speaks two languages 
 will, of course, be liable to have each of these influenced by the 
 other : his mother-tongue by the foreign language, and the foreign 
 language by his mother-tongue. The influence of the latter will, 
 as a rule, be stronger than that of the former. This is inevitable 
 as long as the foreign language is not completely mastered. Still 
 the influence of the foreign idiom may also bd very strong upon 
 the mother-tongue when the speaker applies himself earnestly to 
 its study : and this is commonly the case when a foreign language 
 and foreign culture is more highly prized than the native language 
 of the speaker. 
 
 694. If, however, the impulse necessary to cause one language 
 to feel the influence of another must proceed from persons who 
 are masters of both languages, in however imperfect a degree ; this 
 sensitiveness to influence may still spread within the same 
 linguistic community by means of the ordinary assimilating effect 
 of intercourse ; and may thus reach persons who have not the 
 remotest direct contact with the foreign idiom. The latter are in 
 the process influenced not merely by the members of their own 
 community, but under certain circumstances by members of a 
 foreign people as well, who have adopted their language. They 
 will, of course, in every case assimilate the foreign elements, but 
 slowly and in small quantities. 
 
 6qi;. There are two main ways in which a foreign idiom may Two chief 
 
 •^•^ modes of 
 
 exert an influence. In the first place, foreign material may be influence. 
 
 A. Adoption 
 
 adopted into the mother-tongue. In the second place, though only of foreign ; 
 
 *^ material. 
 
 native material may be employed, still the methods of linking this b. Usage \ 
 
 of native 
 
 into sentences, and its application to the conceptions it represents materiaufter 
 
 a foreign 
 
 may follow a foreign model : in this case the influencing force model. 
 
46o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE [Ch. 
 
 extends merely to what Humboldt and Steinthal have described 
 as the inner language form (' innere Sprachform '). 
 Causes of the 696. Of course the first and foremost of the causes for the 
 
 adoption of - 
 
 words. adoption of foreign words into the mother-tongue is the need felt 
 for them. Words are accordingly adopted for ideas which have as 
 yet no words to express them. As a rule, both the idea and the 
 word to express it are taken together from the same source. The 
 names of places and persons are the most obvious and common 
 among such adopted words ; to which may be added, the names of 
 foreign products. If these are natural products their names may 
 pass, together with the objects themselves, from the least cultivated 
 people to the most highly cultivated ; while on the other hand, the 
 introduction of artificial products with their names presupposes a 
 certain predominance of foreign culture, which may no doubt 
 extend to but a very limited area. Such predominance must be 
 presupposed more decidedly still when technical, scientific, re- 
 ligious, or political terms are introduced. A Strong civilising 
 influence entails almost invariably a large importation of foreign 
 words. One other want must be mentioned as capable of causing 
 the adoption of words from a lower sphere of culture, namely, that 
 of describing the circumstances of a foreign country, whether this 
 description be designed as information, and so attempt to give 
 accurate delineation or narration, or whether it be applied for 
 poetical purposes. The process of borrowing transcends its actual 
 need when the foreign language and culture is prized higher than 
 the native, and when accordingly the mixture of words and phrases 
 taken from the foreign language passes as specially elegant or 
 tasteful. 
 
 697. There are practically no limits to the number of words 
 transferred from the mother-tongue into the foreign one when a 
 speaker is compelled to employ that language without full mastery 
 
XXII.] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 461 
 
 of it. Thus words of the most varied description may be intro- 
 duced into a language by persons who speak that language as a 
 foreign idiom. 
 
 698. Borrowed words are subject to much the same laws as stages in the 
 
 process of 
 
 newly-coined words. The first employer of such words has no adoption, 
 intention commonly speaking of making them usual. He merely 
 employs them to satisfy the momentary need felt of making 
 himself understood. Such employment leaves no lasting effects 
 until it is repeated ; as a rule, indeed, leaves none, except when it 
 proceeds spontaneously from different individuals. A loan-word 
 does not become usual at once. There are different grades of 
 usual employment. In the first place, there is a narrow circle 
 within a given community whose existence depends either upon 
 the ties of neighbourhood or similarity of culture, within which a 
 word becomes usual. It may be that there are several such circles. 
 Many words remain in this restricted application, while others 
 spread oyer the whole population. If these words have quite 
 generally become usual, and if they present no reniarkable 
 phonetic irregularitie.s, the instinct of language regards them much 
 as it regards native linguistic material. In fact, to the instinct of 
 language they are no longer foreign words at all. 
 
 699. The treatment of foreign phonetic material, in cases where Xreaimen 
 
 of foreign 
 
 foreign words are borrowed, merits particular attention. We have phonetic 
 
 material 
 
 seen that in no two languages does the stock of sounds precisely 
 tally. To learn to speak a foreign language with exactness, new 
 motory sensations need to be acquired and put in practice. This 
 process is necessary unless the speaker would continue to work on 
 with the same motory sensations as those with which he utters his 
 mother tongue. Consequently he will, as a rule, replace the foreign 
 sounds by those nearest related to them in his own mother tongue, 
 and in cases where he attempts to utter sounds not occurring in 
 
462 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 his own language, he will, in the first instance at least, fail in his 
 attempt. No doubt a long course of hearing and practising a 
 foreign language may impart a more correct pronunciation, but 
 still it is notoriously seldom that any one masters a foreign 
 language so perfectly as not to be taken for a foreigner. Thus, 
 where a language spreads its domain over a nation that originally 
 spoke a different language, it must almost certainly result that the 
 earlier language of the people must leave some traces in the pro- 
 duction of sounds, and that other departures, more or less violent, 
 from the normal usage, should set in, because the motory sensations 
 connected with the tv/o languages are not harmonious. Where the 
 acquirement of the foreign language is the result of writing alone, 
 of course there is no attempt made to imitate the foreign sounds, 
 but the sounds of the speaker's native language are assumed as 
 those of that thus acquired. 
 
 700. In cases where one people merely comes into contact with 
 another in the course of travel, or by literary intercourse, it will be 
 found that a minority only will understand the language of the 
 foreign people ; a smaller minority will be able to speak it, and a 
 yet smaller to speak it accurately. It will thus happen that in the 
 course of borrowing a word from a foreign language, the persons 
 I who first introduced the word will insert sounds belonging to their 
 ;Own language among the foreign ones. Assuming, however, that 
 the foreign word be adopted with an absolutely correct pronuncia- 
 tion, such pronunciation certainly will not be able to maintain it- 
 self when it spreads to persons who are only imperfectly acquainted 
 with the foreign language, or, it may be, absolutely unacquainted 
 with it. The lack of a corresponding motory sensation makes in 
 this case the intrusive element, the sound-substitution (to speak 
 with Grober) an absolute necessity. If a foreign word has once 
 made its way into a language, it is generally composed of the 
 
XXII.] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 463 
 
 .materials of the language into which it has entered. Even those 
 who, owing to their exact knowledge of the foreign language, are 
 aware of the departure it has taken, have to give in to the majority, 
 at the risk of appearing pedantic or affected. Only in rare circum- 
 stances does a foreign sound gain complete right of citizenship in 
 a language ; those sounds, of course, succeeding most easily which 
 occur most frequently, and which contrast most sharply with those 
 native to the language. Thus, for instance, in spite of all the 
 numerous loan-words in the NHG. written language, one new sound \ 
 and one only has been introduced, viz., that of the French/ or ^ in ' 
 jalousie, genie, genieren, etc. And even this sound is replaced in 
 popular dialects, and even in the ordinary language of intercourse 
 of towns, by the sound of the German sch English sh. 
 
 701. It happens, not unfrequently, that several different foreign 
 sounds are replaced by the same native sound. Thus in OHG. the 
 Latin sounds of/" and v are both represented by /"(which is some- 
 times written as v or «) ci. fenstar, fiebar, fira,* etc.— fers, fogat*=/eier. 
 (vocatus), evangelio, etc.i The reason why v as well as f was 
 reproduced by/" is the lack of a sound exactly corresponding to 
 the Latin, a u, still consonantal, being spoken in the place of the 
 modern German w. Besides, in OHG. the Latin strong p, just like 
 the sonant lenis b, is reproduced by the surd lenis which lies 
 between the two, now written as b, now as / ; cf. beh {feh) =pix, 
 bira=pirum, bredigon=praedicare, etc. — becehi {pecckt) = baccinum, 
 buliz = boletum, etc. The reason is that in Southern German there 
 was no voiced b after the sound-shifting, because the previously 
 existing one had ceased to be voiced, and no strong /, because that 
 which had previously existed was now shifted to ph. Conversely, 
 it may be possible to reproduce the foreign sound now by one, , 
 
 ^ Cf. Franz : die lateinisch-romanischen elements im alihochdeutschen. Strassburg, 
 1884, pp. 20, 22. 
 
464 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 now by another approximately similar native sound. It will, 
 however, commonly be found in cases where in the loan-words of 
 a language the same foreign sound is reproduced now by one now . 
 by another sound, that the adoption of these words has taken 
 place at different periods. Thus it is that the Latin v is repro- 
 
 *vicia,vetch. duced by w in the oldest German loan-words (cf. wtn, wiccha?pf&wo, 
 etc.), most probably because like the NHG. v it was still the 
 equivalent of the consonantal u, or in any case was still bilabial.* 
 In the later OHG. loan-words it appears as / (cf above) ; in those 
 of more recent times again it appears as w. 
 
 702. In cases where a word passing from one language into 
 another depends merely upon the powers of hearing of those who 
 adopt it, and where they are but imperfectly acquainted with the 
 foreign idiom, it is quite easy for wider-spreading corruptions of 
 the word to make their appearance, depending on the one hand on 
 the imperfect powers of hearing of those who adopt the word, and 
 on its imperfect retention by the memory. One result, in special, 
 of this, is that unwonted combinations of sounds are replaced by 
 more ordinary ones ; abbreviations are adopted ; and very fre- 
 quently popular etymology begins to operate. 
 
 AssimUation 703. The changcs affecting foreign words upon their adoption 
 
 of words 
 
 already must not be confuscd with those that do not affect them till they 
 
 adopted^ 
 
 have been naturalised in the language of their adoption. As, 
 however, we have only received many words long after their 
 adoption, it is not always so easy to prevent such confusion. The 
 foreign words which have become naturalised of course are subject, 
 no less than the native words, to the laws of sound-change. The 
 Jact of the participation or non-participation of a word in the 
 sound-change may, in default of tradition, reveal to us the relative 
 epoch of each process of borrowing. Thus, if in OHG. the Latin t 
 
 ' Cf. Franz, u.s. 
 
XXIL] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 465 
 
 appears in some words as t and in others as z (cf. tempal, turri, 
 abbdt, altari — ziagil, strdza scuzzila), and the Latin p appears in 
 some words as p or b and in others as pk or / (cf. ptna, priestar — 
 pMl, phlanza, phtfa, pfeffar), there is no doubt that the words with 
 z and ph or / represent an older stage of borrowing than those 
 with t and p. For the changes in question could never have set in 
 if the words had not been adopted already before the sound- 
 shifting, so as to share the fate of the genuine German words.-"^ 
 
 704. Not only so, but foreign words are exposed in the course 
 of their extension to the same assimilating tendencies as at their 
 first adoption. A word may in the first place be exactly or 
 approximately so adopted with its foreign sounds correctly ren- 
 dered by persons who are perfect masters of the foreign language. 
 In the next place, however, as it is transferred to persons un- 
 acquainted with the foreign language, it may be corrupted by the 
 substitution of another motory sensation, through imperfect audi- 
 tion and through popular etymology. In cases where any such 
 corruption comes into common use among the great mass of 
 people, it may also have a reflej? action upon those who are well 
 acquainted with the correct sounds of the original word. They 
 must, in spite of their superior knowledge, adapt themselves to the 
 pronunciation which has become current, if they would not remain 
 unintelligible or appear affected. In other cases, on the other 
 hand, a combination of sounds approximating to the original 
 model maintains itself in the mouth of the educated, while side by 
 side with this one or more popular variants develop, e.g. corporal 
 —kaporal, sergeant— scharsant, gensd' armes—schandarre (it is thus 
 pronounced in Lower Germany), kastanie-^kristanje, chirurgus— 
 gregorius, renovieren — renneftren, etc. 
 
 705. A special kind of assimilation consists in the transference 
 
 [1 Cf. Kluge : Etymologisches WSrterbuch, s.v. 'Pfingsten.'] 
 2 G 
 
466 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 of the native system of accentuation to foreign words. Such 
 transference probably does not set in as a rule when the words are 
 in the first instance transferred, — not till the word has become 
 quite naturalised. In English it is easy to trace how the French 
 words adopted originally with a French accent have only gradually 
 passed over to the German method of accentuation [Chaucer has 
 Idngage and langdge, fdrtune and fortune, bdttaile and hattaille : 
 Idboure and labour, see Meiklejohn's edition of Chaucer's Prologue 
 (1880); so Pope, galldnt]. In German the same remark maybe 
 made as to foreign proper names. In OHG. (and this is partly true 
 of MHG. as well) the accent fell thus, Addm, Abil, David, etc. 
 Appellatives, on the other hand, appear already in the earliest 
 OHG. records with the accent thrown back, and with the effects of 
 this process ; cf e.g.fogat {vocatus), mettina {matutina), fenstar. It 
 is probable, however, that in these cases too, the throwing back of 
 the accent did not follow closely upon the adoption of the word. 
 
 706. The phonetic modifications described tend to estrange a 
 word more and more from its origin, until it may at last become 
 unrecognisable, even by a person well acquainted with the lan- 
 guage from which it comes. But such estrangement may also be 
 enhanced by changes in the language from which the word 
 is borrowed. Thus, for instance, the German pronunciation of 
 the words borrowed by that language from French depends to 
 a great extent upon a pronunciation no longer current in France ; 
 cf Paris, concert, officier, etc. Words which have passed into the 
 Romance languages from the German have become even more 
 violently transformed in their passage ; cf e.g. the French words 
 tape, tafion^zapfen; Italian toppo = zopf; French touaille = ^QM\\\. 
 = clever. German swehle, Middle German quehle ; Italian drudo = traut. In 
 the same way it is possible for the signification with which the 
 word is borrowed to change in the parent speech as well as in the 
 
XXII.] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 467 
 
 language into which it has passed, and finally it may entirely 
 disappear in the parent language. 
 
 707. The same word may be borrowed several times at different Repeated 
 
 , adoption of 
 
 periods. It appears then in different phonetic combinations, of the same 
 
 word. 
 
 which the more recent connects itself more nearly with the parent 
 language, while the older has experienced changes more or less 
 violent. Sometimes the meaning with which a word is adopted on 
 the second occasion of its borrowing differs from that prevailing 
 on the first occasion, and the result is that no connexion between 
 the two forms is perceived ; cf. such forms as the German ordnen— 
 ordinieren, dihten — dictieren, predigen — prddicieren, OHG. zabal 
 (draft-board) by the side of tavala, both from tabula; the two 
 ■wovAs prilfen i.x\A probieren may also be mentioned as not precisely 
 tallying in meaning. [There are many so-called doublets in 
 
 * Diet d» 
 
 French and English ; cf for French, Br^al,* and for English, Skeat, doMcu, 
 
 x86S. 
 
 Principles of English Etymology, ch. xx.] In cases where the 
 meaning is perfectly identical the older form easily disappears, as 
 in the case of altar (in MHG. already alter), or it may be that the 
 older form is confined to the ordinary and popular diction ; cf. 
 ade — adieu, melodei (regularly developed from MHG. melodte) — 
 melodie, newly adopted from the French; phantasei—phantasie, 
 kdnel {kdnnel, kdndel, kener) — kanal, kdmi — kamin, kappel — kapelle, 
 keste — kastanie. Plurality of forms is very frequently found as a 
 result of various borrowing processes in the names of persons : it 
 frequently happens in this case that their origin from the same 
 stock is no longer recognised, the older forms merely appearing 
 still as family names ; cf. Andres — Andreas, Bartel — Bartholomdus, 
 Michel — Michael, Velten — Valentin, Metz — Mattis — Matthias, 
 Marx—Markus, Zacher—Zacharias, Merten— Martin, etc. 
 
 708. Sometimes it happens that instead of an absolutely new 
 loan being made, the loan-word already long since naturalised 
 
468 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 and phonetically modified receives a merely partial assimilation to 
 the word in the foreign language which is at its base ; cf. MHG. 
 irache='!^'B.G. dracke {draco), MHG. tihten = 'N'aG. dichten (dictare), 
 MHG. Kriecke = N'aG. Griecke {Graecus). The word Jude also seems 
 to depend upon a secondary attraction to the word Judaeus, as 
 Jilde would be the only form correctly developed according to 
 the laws of sound. 
 Competition 709. Where two nearly related languages co-operate to influence 
 
 among 
 
 languages a third, it may easily happen that the words corresponding to each 
 
 in the con- 
 tribution of other are adopted from both ; these will then agree in their 
 
 loan-words. 
 
 signification ; and in their sound-form differ but little from each 
 other. We find this markedly the case in loan-words borrowed 
 from Latin and from French — thus the German has the two 
 parallel forms ideal and ideell, real and reell, at the present day 
 differentiated in their meaning, but at an earlier epoch identical ; 
 Schiller actually uses material in the sense of materiell. Goethe 
 writes religios instead of religids. In the mouth of a south 
 German referenddr answers to a north German form referendar. 
 Instead of the words trinitdt, majestdt, etc., we find in MHG. such 
 forms as trinitdt, majestdt; in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
 centuries, both forms may be proved to have existed ; the a 
 can only proceed from the French.^ 
 
 710. In these cases, even the form which has arisen from 
 the French would be naturally referred by a Latin scholar to 
 the Latin directly. In other cases words are not, generally 
 speaking, taken directly from the parent language, but merely from 
 another in which they occur as loan-words. Thus, for instance, 
 Greek words came to us in the first instance from Latin ; hence 
 they had the Latin accentuation and the termination -us instead of 
 -OS. In the same way, Latin words which on their part again may 
 ' Cf. J. Grimm : Kl. Schr. i. 337, who, however, appreciates the matter differently. 
 
XXII.] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 469 
 
 be borrowed from the Greek, have come into English and German, 
 thanks to the French language ; cf. such words as musik,protestant, 
 religion, etc., and also such proper names as Horace, Ovid, and 
 Livy. In this case too a direct relationship presents itself to a 
 person conversant with the original language, and the result is that 
 even when he takes words directly from the original language, he 
 gives these a phonetic combination analogous to those which have 
 entered by another channel ; so that he, for instance, alters the 
 Greek into the Latin accent ; that he lets the Latin terminations 
 -us -um and others drop ; he changes the terminations of the Latin 
 words in -io into -ion. It should here too be mentioned that words 
 taken directly from the Latin have received the termination -ieren 
 which comes from the French : cf. negieren, spazieren, poculieren, 
 praedicieren, annectieren, regulieren, prdstieren, prdparieren, etc. 
 From an older form personifieren, found in Lessing, a word personi- 
 ficieren has been coined with direct reference to the Latin. 
 
 711. We have seen above (p. 161) that a derivative formed with Pleonastic 
 
 combination 
 
 an unusual suffix may easily receive in addition the normal suffix of a native 
 
 withaforeigr 
 
 for its special function. A special instance of this process is when suisx. 
 a native synonymous suffix is added to the foreign one; as for 
 instance, Sicilianer, Mantuaner, Kuntianer ; Italiener; Atlunienser, 
 Waldenser ; Genueser, Bologneser ; sicilianisch, italienisch, genuesisch, 
 idealisch, kolossalisch (both of these words were common in the last 
 century), koUegialisch, musikalisch, physikalisch, etc. ; princessin, 
 dbtissin (MHG. ebbetisse). The words in -ieren took their rise from 
 the fact that the German verbal terminations attached themselves 
 to the OF. infinitive form in -ier already in existence. 
 
 712. Words are always borrowed in their entirety; never Borrowing oi 
 
 1 /•/- -r r t derivative 
 
 derivative and mflexional suffixes. If, however, a large number susaxcs. 
 of words containing the same suffix is borrowed, these range 
 themselves into a group just as easily as native words with 
 
470 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 the same suffix : and such group may become productive in 
 its turn. The suffix thus adopted may be attached, by means 
 of analogical new-creation, to a native root. This case is far 
 from rare in the case of derivative syllables. German has 
 formed after the analogy of abtei, etc. such words as bdckerei, 
 gerberei, druckerei, etc. ; while popular spoken German has crea- 
 tions like takelage, kledage, bommelage, etc., after that of bagage 
 (cf. Andr. Volkset. 98); again, after the analogy of corrigieren, 
 we find hofieren, buchstabieren, sich erlustieren, mhg. wandelieren ; 
 and in Hans Sachs gelidmasieret. We find again Romance 
 creations like the Italian falsardo with a Teutonic suffix : and 
 English words like oddity, murderous, eatable with a French 
 suffix.^ In German several suffixes are found of foreign origin, 
 current, however, in the language of the educated classes alone ; 
 these proceed to enter into combination, not merely with elements 
 drawn from the same language, but also with elements drawn from 
 another foreign language, and at times with native linguistic 
 material; cf. the German suffix -ist in jurist, purist, romanist, 
 tourist, manierist, kornist, hoboist, Carlist, etc. ; -ismus in atavismus, 
 purismus, fanatismus, sonambulismus, etc. ; -ianer, in Hegelianer, 
 Kantianer, etc. These formations are found too to some extent in 
 French, and ars indeed partly borrowed from that language. If 
 creations W^.^ purist and purismus be objected to as hybrids between 
 Latin and Greek, the answer is that they are in truth neither Latin 
 nor Greek, but German, or, it may be, French creations. 
 
 713. It is rarer for inflexional terminations to be thus adopted.^ 
 Such a process implies a very intimate contact between two 
 languages. The French plural formation in s is fairly common in 
 North Germany, as in kerls, mddchens, frduleins, ladens: it is 
 
 ^ Cf. Whitney, ti.s., p. 17. Examples of Slavonic suffixes in German dialects may 
 be found in Schuchardt, p. 86. 2 Cf. Schuchardt, p. 8. 
 
XXII.] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 
 
 471 
 
 pleonastic in jungens. It has also found its way into the written 
 language in the case of words originally indeclinable ; as for 
 instance, d!s, o's, neins, abers, vergissmeinnichts, stelldicheins ; and 
 again in the case of foreign words which end in a full vowel, and 
 hence do not naturally range themselves under any other declen- 
 sion : such are papas, sophas, mottos, kolibris ; albums as the plural 
 of album is not so common nor so admittedly correct. The French 
 plural formation has spread further in Dutch, cf mans, zons, vaders, 
 breeders, waters, euvels, lakens, vroukens, vogeltjes ; and so generally 
 with neuters in -er, -el, en, and the diminutives ; the s in jongens, 
 gebentes (from gebente), bladers (a by-form of bladen and bladereri), 
 benders (a by-form of benderen from ben\ etc. The English 
 genitival termination has made its way into the Indo-Portuguese ; 
 we find in that dialect, for instance, hombre's casa. The adoption 
 of inflexional terminations on the largest scale has taken place in 
 the Romany or language of the gipsies. There are thus Spanish, 
 English [and Hungarian] gipsy dialects. 
 
 714. A language suffers influence in its inner linguistic form irOiyxnceoa 
 
 the inner 
 
 principally in the mouths of those who speak it as a ioreign uneuistic 
 
 form of 
 
 tongue. By no means exclusively, however. As regards the language. 
 literary language, the influence of translations in this respect is 
 noteworthy. 
 
 715. In cases where a word taken from a foreign language only 
 partially tallies in meaning with a word of the native language, 
 the temptation is great to invest the former with the full significance 
 of the latter. This is of course one of the most usual faults in 
 exercises of translation. Mistakes like this may very easily be- 
 come common in bilingual areas.^ Thus a South Slavonic author 
 writes habt ihr keine scheu und schande, because the word sramota 
 may mean schande (' disgrace ') as well as scham (' shame ')• The 
 
 ' Cf. Schuchardt, u.s. 95 sqq. 
 
472 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 word schnur is used among the German Ruthenians in the sense 
 of bride, because nevesta in Slovenian signifies at once daughter-in- 
 law and bride. We often find the word damals used [like olim in 
 Latin] in Slavo-German, of the future ; in the same way wo is used 
 as the equivalent for wokin, because in Slavonic the same word is 
 used for both. 
 
 716. It is an essentially different process, when in order to 
 express an idea which has hitherto lacked a name, a word is 
 coined on the model of a foreign language, or when a transference 
 of meaning is effected in the case of one already existing on the 
 same model. This process is specially common in scientific and 
 technical language where foreign material is directly adopted. We 
 may compare, for instance, the attempts to reproduce the Latin 
 grammatical terms by means of German ones. The Latin ones 
 are in their turn mere imitations of the Greek. 
 
 717. Groups of words, again, which as such have developed a 
 special meaning, are translated word for word. Thus the Austrians 
 say es steht nicht dafur for ' it is not worth the cost or the trouble,' 
 after the model of the Czechish nestoji za to. [Cf. Schuchardt, 
 Romanisches und Keltisches, p. 280, who cites the following idioms 
 as occurring in Alsace : Est-ce cela vous gottte ? II a frapp^ dix 
 heures. II br^le chez M. Meyer. Ce qui est liger, vous I'apprendrez 
 facilement. Cher ami, ne prends pas pour mauvais. Pas si beau- 
 coup. Attendez, fapporterai tine citadine.y In South-west 
 Germany it is common to hear, after the French model, such a 
 phrase as es macht gut wetter. 
 
 718. Finally, we have to consider the influence undergone 
 by syntax.2 As the Slavs can employ one form for all genders 
 and numbers of the relative, we find in Slavo-German the 
 word was correspondingly employed; cf ein mann, was hat 
 
 1 See Schuchardt, u.s. p. 96. 2 Cf. Ibid., u.s. p. 99 sqq. 
 
XXII.] ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. 
 
 473 
 
 geheissen Jacob ; der knecht, was ich mit ihm gefahren bin ; also 
 ich bin nicht in der stadt gewesen, was ( = ' so long as ') er weg ist. 
 In the last century it was almost the universal custom to write, 
 after the French model, ich lasse ihm das nicht fUhlen, etc. In 
 Lithuanian the German construction was filr ein mann is literally- 
 copied. 
 
 719. Mixture in dialects, w,^£;« occurringin onecontinuous linguistic Mixture of 
 
 , , dialects. 
 
 area, distinctly emancipates itself from the normal assimilating effect 
 of intercourse when it occurs as between dialects whose territories 
 are not geographically coterminous. On the other hand, no 
 regular border can be drawn when the territories are geographically 
 neighbours, and are in constant communication with each other. 
 In drawing a distinction we can only look to this : whether a 
 sharply-marked contrast exists between the dialects in question, 
 or whether the differences are small, and are already bridged over 
 by transitional gradations. 
 
 720. Generally speaking, the same holds good here as in the 
 case of the mixture of different languages. Here, too, word- 
 borrowing is the process which most easily and frequently makes 
 its appearance. On the other hand, phonetic material is not 
 easily changed. Here, again, we meet with the substitution of 
 the nearest native sounds for the foreign ones. Hence a word 
 adopted from a kindred dialect appears commonly in the same 
 form as it would have obtained had it maintained itself from the 
 time of the ancient unity of language. This will, as a rule, be 
 the condition of things, though there will be unimportant differ- 
 ences in the phonetic developments. The case is of course 
 different when two dialects have, in the course of their develop- 
 ment, parted wider asunder, so that what corresponds etymo- 
 logically has lost all close resemblance on the phonetic side. Thus 
 e.g. the ch in the words sacht and nichte has not, in the adoption 
 
AT^PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE.{Ch.'SKll.] 
 
 of these words into HG., been replaced by the ft which, etymo- 
 logically speaking, corresponds to it. 
 
 721. It very commonly happens that a mixture occurs in a 
 literary terrain before the settlement of a general language in 
 this way: that a record is transmuted from the dialect in which 
 it was originally drawn up into another. This is possible in the 
 case of written as of oral tradition. The transmutation remains, 
 commonly speaking, an imperfect one, especially when the rhythm 
 is opposed to it. This kind of mixture is wholly distinct from 
 that which takes place in the organism of linguistic ideas in single 
 individuals. 
 BoiTowing 722. The process of borrowing from an older linguistic grade 
 
 period. of language can of course result only by the agency of writing. 
 The phonetic material can accordingly never be influenced there- 
 by. This kind of borrowing takes place as a rule consciously 
 in the course of literary production. A distinction must be 
 drawn here. Either in the process certain actual or imaginary 
 advantages of the older language are intended to be stirred into 
 new life ; or the old-fashioned characteristics of the language 
 are intended to serve as a characteristic of the time into which 
 the description transports us. In the latter case the tendency 
 is to go much further than in the former. 
 
■ norm 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 
 
 IN all modern civilised countries we find side by side with The common 
 manifold dialectic ramifications a widely-diffused and gen- has no real 
 erally recognised common-language. The conditions of our task butlro"y 
 obliged us to defer the investigation of the nature and essence f° ' " 
 of this language till the end. We must again observe, in the 
 first instance, the given circumstances which present themselves 
 to our immediate observation. 
 
 724. We have up to this point always started with the view 
 of grasping the actual processes of the life of language. From 
 the very beginning we have insisted that in considering these 
 processes we must not regard what descriptive grammar calls a 
 language, the collection of the current usages, as an abstraction 
 which has no real existence. The common-language is naturally 
 an abstraction, and one of the first order. It is not a complex 
 of real facts, real forces, but merely an ideal norm prescribing rules 
 for speech. It bears the same kind of relationship to actual 
 linguistic activity as that of a particular code of laws to the 
 entire legal activity in the district to which the laws apply, or 
 of a confession of faith, or a dogmatic text-book, to the entirety 
 of religious views and feelings. 
 
 725. Regarded as such a norm, the common-language, like a 
 code or a dogma, is in itself unchangeable. Changeability would run 
 
 475 
 
476 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 directly counter to its very essence. Wherever a change is pro- 
 posed it can only be imposed by a force outside of the norm, by 
 means of which a part is purposely removed from it, and replaced 
 by something else. The occasions of such changes are analogous 
 in the different civilisations. A codex, however carefully executed, 
 will still always leave a certain freedom of movement ; and it will 
 always happen that in practice a series of unforeseen cases present 
 themselves. The codex may, however, also contain difficulties, 
 and in places permit of several interpretations. Besides this, we 
 must take into account possible misunderstandings and lack of 
 knowledge on the part of those who should base their actions 
 upon it. Finally, it may be that the codex contains much that 
 is inapplicable, in some cases from its very inception, in some 
 cases owing to the changes in moral or economical conditions 
 which have set in since it was fixed. This inapplicability may 
 cause the legal instinct of the entire community, or of its most 
 influential circles, to set itself against the strict execution of the 
 letter of the law. The combined action of such circumstances 
 as these finally leads to a legislative alteration of the code. . This 
 is precisely the condition of the common-language. It is nothing 
 but a rigid rule which would bring linguistic movement to a 
 standstill, if it were always strictly carried out, and is only com- 
 patible with change in so far as its authority is disregarded. 
 
 726. With all this, however, there is the difference that the 
 common-language is not actually codified. Generally speaking, 
 it remains true that usage determines the norm. This, however, 
 cannot be the usage of the entire community. For this very 
 community is very far from being homogeneous. We find even 
 in those areas in which the common-language has taken the 
 strongest hold, that the- single individuals differ considerably 
 from one another, and this even when we regard them only so 
 
XXIII.] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 477 
 
 far as they are expressly bent on speaking the written language. 
 And even if these divergencies ceased, it would be certain that 
 under the common conditions of the development of language 
 new ones would always arise. Both for the creation of a unity, 
 and for the maintenance of one already created, something is 
 needed which shall be- independent of the linguistic activity of 
 the whole community, and stand in objective isolation from it. 
 This something is in every case to be found in the usage of a depending 
 
 , . on the usage 
 
 definite narrow circle. of a narrow 
 
 circle. 
 
 727. We find, however, as far as our observation goes, that the 
 norm is settled in two different ways, viz. — (i) by spoken Ian- spoten and 
 
 .. ,., . written 
 
 guage ; (2) by written authorities. If a norm, which can m any language. 
 degree be called settled, is to result from the first, the individuals 
 who are regarded as authorities must stand with respect to each 
 other in oral communication with each other, either continuous 
 or, at least, interrupted only by short pauses, the mutual inter- 
 course of these individuals being of the utmost frequency, and in 
 • the most various combinations. As a rule we find the language of 
 some special district or town looked on as the model. But con- 
 sidering that in every case in which a real common-language has 
 developed, in however narrow an area, appreciable differences 
 exist between the different classes of the population, the capacity 
 to serve as model must be restricted to the language of the edu- 
 cated classes of the district in question. But the model language 
 may even declare its independence of this ; as is, for instance, the 
 case in Germany. It is pure prejudice when any particular dis- 
 trict is picked out in which it is alleged that the ' purest German ' 
 is spoken. The language which serves as the German model German 
 
 language of 
 
 is rather that employed in the theatre in serious drama, with the stage. 
 which the prevailing pronunciation of educated persons in no place 
 exactly agrees. The representatives of this ' stage-language ' form 
 
478 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 a comparatively small, but geographically diffused, circle. This 
 geographical diffusion, however, contravenes only seemingly our 
 assertion that direct oral communication is an absolute necessity 
 for the existence of a model language. In fact the unity, the con- 
 sistency, which characterises the language of the stage could not 
 be attained or maintained, were it not for the perpetual process of 
 shifting of the individuals attached to the several stages of Ger- 
 many, even the furthest removed from each other, and for the 
 existence, present or past, of certain central points which serve 
 again as examples to the others. There is, further, the fact that in 
 this case a shorter period of direct contact may produce the same 
 effect as a longer one in other cases ; since, in this case, a regular 
 process of schooling is employed, a process which is actually based 
 on a careful observation of the physiology of sound. The reasons 
 why the stage-language, of all others, necessarily maintained itself 
 as a special unity, departing from all the local dialects, are not far 
 to seek. Nowhere else has there existed a community of persons 
 from the most different districts so closely bound together, and. 
 compelled to co-operate in language. Nowhere else has a lin- 
 guistic community had such inducements to pay diligent heed to 
 its own pronunciation and to that of others, and to take deliberate 
 pains with it. Attention had to be paid, on the one hand, to 
 secure that the generality of a large audience should understand the 
 language employed, while, on the other hand, aesthetical proprieties 
 could not be left out of sight. Both of these considerations alike 
 forbid the admissibility of dialectic variations from the standard 
 language, even within the narrow limits in which they still con- 
 tinued to distinguish the different local circles of the educated. It 
 is obvious that a pronunciation consistently maintained, to, which 
 the public gradually grows accustomed, is important as a factor in 
 promoting intelligibility. And more, any inconsistency in this re- 
 
XXIII.] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 479 
 
 spect shocks the sense of beauty too, unless it is deliberately intro- 
 duced as an aid to characterisation. Thus, where no characterisa- 
 tion is intended, dialect must be avoided, precisely because its use 
 suggests characterisation. Now when different dialectic shades of 
 difference were struggling for the predominance, before any agree- 
 ment was settled on, it might well happen that, even though per- 
 haps, on the whole, one predominated, still in this or that point it 
 yielded to another. The endeavour to attain the greatest possible 
 clearness would be the decisive factor in this decision. And this 
 endeavour must in every case have necessarily conduced to a 
 departure from the colloquial language. Such sounds and com- 
 binations of sounds as are only employed in this, when special 
 clearness is aimed at, were raised in the stage-language to the 
 regular and normal. Especially was it the case that the forms 
 which arose under the influence of the sentence, or even under that 
 of word-composition, and were affected by assimilation or by 
 weakness, as a result of the light stress they received, were, as far 
 as possible again rejected, and replaced by the sound-forms usual to 
 isolated words. There was in many ways a tendency to fall back 
 upon the orthography in cases where the pronunciation had already 
 deviated from the ordinary form. These peculiarities, caused by 
 the need felt to make things plain to a large audience, prevent, and 
 must prevent, the language of the stage from passing as an absolute 
 model for the colloquial language. In ordinary language such 
 laborious endeavour after clearness would appear mere affectation. 
 
 728. The language of the stage then creates a more rigid norm Unyielding 
 
 cliaracterof 
 
 for the sound-conditions than that created by the colloquial Ian- its norm, 
 guage of any definite district. But its guiding influence is limited 
 to the phonetic side. Moreover its language is doled out to it by 
 the poets, and it cannot exert so much influence in other directions 
 as the colloquial language. 
 
48o PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 729. The degree of agreement existing in the language of the 
 circle which passes for an authority can, of course, never be abso- 
 lute. It is difficult for it, in the case of any colloquial language, to 
 exceed the degree which exists in the idiom of a narrow district 
 which has grown up by natural processes. In an artificial stage- 
 language it is, no doubt, possible to effect a little more than this. 
 And just as the normal language is liable to variations, so is the 
 artificial language liable to gradual change like any other idiom. 
 In fact the conditions of its life are identical with those of the 
 other. Even though the norm may occupy an independent posi- 
 tion as regards a wider circle, it cannot do so to the same extent 
 in relation to the narrower circle which sets the fashion ; but must 
 rather, from natural causes, be gradually modified by the speech of 
 this circle. This would be the case, even if this narrower circle 
 were able to maintain itself quite independent of the influences of 
 the wider one. But it is impossible to suppose that in the course 
 of an uninterrupted linguistic communication it should always 
 have merely been the contributor, and never the receiver. And in 
 this way the common-language also is determined by the gener- 
 ality of those who speak it ; only the part which individual 
 speakers take in the determination is very different. 
 Effect of 7 10. The second norm of the common-language, which is 
 
 theTommon- Created by its reduction to writing, presents many considerable 
 to"writfng. advantages. Not till it has been fixed by writing does the norm 
 become independent of the individuals who speak it, and capable 
 of being transmitted unchanged to the following generations. It 
 may further be diffused without any direct intercourse. Finally,, 
 in so far as it has merely to exert its influence again upon written 
 language, it has a much easier task, since, in order to accommo- 
 date ourselves to it, we do not need to habituate our motory sen- 
 sations anew as is the case when we have to master a foreign 
 
XXIII.] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 481 
 
 pronunciation. On the other hand, it has the disadvantage of 
 leaving a very wide scope for variations in the pronunciation, as is 
 clear from our instances given in the previous chapter ; and there- 
 fore it is not a good example to take as a model for this purpose. 
 
 731. With a view to the settlement of written language in 
 the strict sense of the word, it is at all events possible to propose 
 the usage of definite writers, definite grammars, and dictionaries 
 as sole authorities, and to adhere consistently to their usage. 
 This happens, for instance, when modern Latinists aim at repro- 
 ducing the style of Cicero. But even from this example we can 
 judge how all but impossible it is, even when we have a perfectly 
 definite model before our eyes, to produce its absolute equivalent. 
 It is essential to the process that we should keep ourselves in un- 
 interrupted familiarity with our model, and scrupulously strive to 
 protect ourselves against any extraneous influences. The most 
 successful in this pursuit attains his success only by a self- 
 imposed limitation in the communication of his thoughts, by a 
 renunciation of all individuality, and at the same time of ex- 
 actness and clearness of expression. Rich as the writer's store of 
 thought may be, still even a cotemporary belonging to the same 
 stage of civilisation will fail to find in him the corresponding 
 power of representing all that he himself wishes to say, and this 
 will be much truer as applied to one of a later epoch still, when 
 the character of the civilisation has changed. 
 
 732. A written language to serve any practical purpose must 
 change with the times, just like a living dialect. Even where 
 it is based, in the first instance, on the usage of a single author, 
 or of a particular school of authors, still it must not attach itself 
 unconditionally for all time to its model, and, above all, must 
 not tend to exclude improvements in cases where the model is 
 inadequate. The individual must cease to keep the model before 
 
 2 H 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 his eyes in whatever he writes ; he must, as in dialect, employ 
 his linguistic materials unconsciously with a firm "confidence in 
 his own instinct; nay, this instinct should itself endue him with 
 a certain creative energy employed in the formation of language, 
 and enable him to influence others by his very creations. The 
 linguistic usage of the present must be his aim and model, if not 
 exclusively, at least in conjunction with ancient models. This 
 is the case with the Latin of the Middle Ages. The Humanists, 
 by cutting short the living development of the Latin language, 
 and re-establishing the ancient models as solely authoritative, 
 gave in fact the death-blow — quite against their intention — to 
 Latin as a world-literature, and rendered it henceforth completely 
 unfit to satisfy the general requirements of scientific or mercantile 
 intercourse. 
 
 732. As a literary language emancipates itself from its original 
 models, it is doubtless inevitable that it should lose in regularity, 
 and that numerous variations should occur in the usage of indi- 
 viduals. But it does not follow that it need split up into different 
 dialects geographically separated, as must inevitably be the case 
 under similar circumstances with spoken language. One, and 
 indeed the most important, source of dialectic differentiation is 
 completely wanting to the written language, viz., sound-change. 
 Inflexion, word-formation, word-signification, and syntax un- 
 doubtedly remain exposed to change, and hence to differentia- 
 tion ; though even this is less the case than in the spoken dialect. 
 A principal disposing cause to change in this domain is, as we 
 have seen, the divergent character of the grouping which de- 
 pends upon the phonetic form of words from that which depends 
 upon their signification. It need hardly be said that even the 
 written language, as originally fixed, is not free from this diver- 
 gence; but it differs from the colloquial idiom, in which fresh 
 
XXIII.] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. - 483 
 
 discrepancies are constantly called into play by sound-change ; 
 nor are the different linguistic areas rendered, through dissimilar 
 development of their sounds, unequally adapted to analogical 
 creation. Thus it is that much less opportunity is given for 
 changes in the laws for the formation of inflexions and word- 
 composition. Nor is it simply and solely that fewer changes set 
 in ; but those which do set in may easily spread over the whole 
 area, as long as the literary connexion is not broken. In cases 
 where they have not sufficient strength, they will, as a rule, 
 have to yield to overwhelming influences even in the narrow 
 area in which they may have established themselves. Least of 
 all will the unity of language be imperilled if the ancient models 
 continue to maintain a certain authority side by side with those 
 of more recent date, if they are much perused, and if rules are 
 abstracted from them which are generally recognised as authorita- 
 tive. The maintenance of agreement is most easily reconciled with 
 adaptation to changed conditions of civilisation, by keeping as 
 nearly as possible to the ancient models in syntax, and more 
 still in accidence, while preserving, on the other hand, a certain 
 freedom in the creation of new words, and in the application of 
 new significations to old ones. This is, generally speaking, the 
 case with the more cultivated Middle-Latin authors. 
 
 733. It is in middle and in modern Latin that we are best 
 able to study the essence of a common-language which is a 
 written language only.^ The national general languages, on the 
 other hand, are at once literary and colloquial languages. Hence 
 in these we find a norm proper to the written language, and 
 
 1 It is true that Middle-Latin was not a language living and developing exclusively 
 in writing. It was also employed in oral intercourse. This can, however, have had but 
 little influence upon its development, as it was always learned on the basis of written 
 examples. On the other hand, another factor totally unconnected with the influence of 
 writing was certainly of great importance, especially for the arrangement of the syntax, 
 viz., the mother-tongue of the writers. 
 
484 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE [Ch. 
 
 another proper to oral intercourse existing side by side. It 
 seems obvious that both must be brought into agreement, and 
 continuously maintained in it. But, as we have seen in the 
 previous chapter, no such agreement is, strictly speaking, possible 
 on the phonetic side ; and the emancipation of the written from 
 the colloquial language may go so far that their reciprocal 
 influence nearly ceases. And precisely the introduction of a 
 fixed norm favours this emancipation. It appears from this 
 how necessary it is that there should be a special norm for the 
 spoken language, seeing that on the basis of the mere written 
 norm it would hardly be possible to attain even an approximate 
 agreement in the sounds, though it would doubtless be easier 
 to attain this with an orthography like that of German than with 
 one like that of English. 
 
 734. We must further take the fact into account that between 
 written and colloquial language there exists a permanent dis- 
 tinction of style, which no one seeks to set aside. In conse- 
 quence of this, methods of construction, words, and combinations 
 of words, maintain themselves in the former, wh'ich in the latter 
 have become wholly obsolete ; and on the other hand, much 
 that is new forces its way into the latter, which is rejected by the 
 former. 
 
 735. There is thus no absolute agreement of both depart- 
 ments in what is regarded in them as normal. They are, how- 
 ever, even apart from the two points mentioned, always liable 
 to the risk of separating in different directions. The authoritative 
 persons are in the two cases only partially identical, and the 
 degree of influence exerted by the individual is in the case of 
 the one not the same as in the other. To this must be added 
 in the written language the ever-renewed influence of the older 
 writers while in the language of intercourse none but the living 
 
XXII.] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 485 
 
 generation operates directly. Thus, to avoid a wide gulf between 
 the two, s. kind of compromise must always be arranged between 
 them, each yielding something to the other. 
 
 736. We have seen above (p. 33) that we have to seek that 
 which strictly characterises a dialect and differentiates it from 
 others in its sound-system. The same holds true of the common- 
 language in contrast to the individual dialects. We must not, 
 therefore, co-ordinate a technical language, or a poetical or arti- 
 ficial style, with a common-language any more than with a dialect. 
 
 737. In every domain in which a normal common-language Gradations 
 
 in the 
 
 exists, the languages of individuals are found to present very language? of 
 manifold gradations. Between those which approach the norm speaking a 
 most closely and those which represent the different dialects as °° 
 least affected by the norm, there are numerous connecting stages. 
 In these, most individuals employ two, sometimes even more, 
 languages, one of which approaches more nearly the norm, the 
 other the dialect. The latter is the cradle language which comes 
 naturally to the individual ; the former is only acquired in later 
 years by artificial efforts. No doubt it happens now and then 
 that an individual learns at the very outset two side by side, 
 and special circumstances may even cause many, even in later 
 life, to learn and employ a language more widely differing 
 from the norm. The contrast between the two languages may 
 be of very different magnitudes. It may be so small that 
 they are distinguished in ordinary life merely as a somewhat 
 more careful and a somewhat more careless pronunciation ; in 
 this case, again, it is easy for gradations again to set in between 
 the two. A wide gulf may, however, exist between the two. 
 The magnitude of the contrast depends of course not less upon 
 the degree in which the natural language differs from the norm 
 than upon that in which the artificial language approaches it. In 
 
486 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 both respects there are great variations. If in ordinary life we 
 are contented to denote the artificial language simply as a literary 
 language, we leave out of calculation a quantity of not un- 
 important local and individual differences : if we denote the 
 natural language simply by the name 'dialect,' we overlook im- 
 portant variations occurring within the same narrow area. There 
 are of course cases of individuals who employ only one language ; 
 on the one hand, such as in their natural language approach 
 or think that they approach the norm so nearly that it seems 
 to them no longer necessary to approach it any nearer by any 
 artificial exertions ; on the other hand, such as are still unaffected 
 by the necessities which have conduced to the creation and em- 
 ployment of the common-language. 
 
 738. The further the natural language of an individual departs 
 from the norm, the more will he tend to feel the artificial language 
 by its side as something foreign ; on the other hand, commonly 
 speaking, the greater will be the diligence which he expends 
 on mastering the artificial language, and the more complete his 
 final approach to the norm, especially in all those points which 
 can be fixed by writing. In Lower Germany a more correct 
 literary German is spoken than in Middle or Upper Germany. 
 In the same way the so-called gut deutsch of Switzerland is much 
 more correct than that, for instance, of the neighbouring territory 
 of Baden or of Wiirtemberg, because in these districts the town 
 dialects have approached the norm much more closely than in 
 Switzerland. 
 
 739. If on the same area many gradations exist side by side, 
 these must of course exercise a perpetual influence upon each 
 other. This must hold especially true of both the gradations 
 which are found together side by side in the same individual. 
 All gradations on the same territory must have certain peculi- 
 
XXI I L] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 
 
 487 
 
 arities in common with each other. The gradations in the dif- 
 ferent territories which stand nearest to the norm must still always 
 stand in a relation to one another somewhat analogous to that 
 between those most remote from the norm. 
 
 740. The norm of the literary language is in all cases more 
 definite and freer from variations than that of colloquial lan- 
 guage ; and the written language actually excels in this re- 
 spect in actual practice even those forms of colloquial language 
 which approach nearest to the norm. This is a statement 
 whose general truth may be found confirmed by experience 
 wherever we may look, and which, moreover, results necessarily 
 from the nature of the case. For in the first place, as we have 
 seen, all the finer differences of pronunciation must of themselves 
 disappear in writing ; and in the second place, it is easier for an 
 individual to adopt a particular method of writing than a pro- 
 nunciation differing from his usual one. Thus a very little un- 
 prejudiced consideration will enable us to detect the fallacy of 
 certain hypotheses which assume for an older period a greater 
 degree of unity in the spoken than in the written language. 
 
 741. In the relation of the single individual languages to the Artificial 
 
 efforts pro- 
 norm there occurs a continuous succession of displacements. While ducing an 
 
 approxima- 
 
 these, on the one hand, are unable to emancipate themselves tion to the 
 
 norm. 
 
 from the general conditions of the natural development of language 
 and are hence impelled towards an ever-increasing differentiation, 
 and therefore to an ever-increasing distance from the norm ; on 
 the other hand, artificial efforts succeed in producing an ever- 
 increasing approximation to the norm. It is of importance to 
 master the fact that both tendencies are in operation side by 
 side, and that it is not the case that where the latter begins to 
 operate the effectiveness of the former is checked. We are in 
 "some degree able to directly observe the graduated approximation 
 
488 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE- , [Ch. 
 
 to the norm. But besides this, we find all the stages of develop- 
 ment through which the single individuals gradually pass con- 
 temporaneously side by side. Let us now attempt to get a clear 
 appreciation of the single processes, by means of which such 
 approximation is effected. 
 
 742. In the first place, an individual learns, in addition to 
 the natural language alone hitherto employed, an artificial one 
 standing nearer to the norm. This is effected, in modern educated 
 countries, in the first instance, mainly by school-instruction ; and 
 the written language in its strict sense is thus learnt contempo- 
 raneously with a colloquial language approximating to the written 
 language. It is possible, however, to learn an artificial language 
 by joining a fresh community which employs a language more 
 nearly resembling the norm than that of the community in which 
 one has hitherto lived, or at least by coming into nearer contact 
 with such a community than was the case when one first learnt 
 to speak. In the latter case it is not even necessary to learn 
 reading and writing at all. The relation of the individual to the 
 new language is of course for a long time a passive one before 
 it becomes an active one— that is, he learns, in the first place, 
 to understand the language and accustom himself to it before 
 speaking it. The individual has often a similar more or less 
 intimate passive relation to a great many dialects and graduations 
 of the colloquial language without ever passing from this point 
 into any active relation with them. To effect this a special 
 impulse, an unusually energetic influence, is necessary. The acqui- 
 sition of the artificial language is at first always incomplete; a 
 gradual advance may be made to an ever-increasing complete- 
 ness ; but many never succeed in employing it confidently and 
 correctly. Under all circumstances a man's natural language, 
 earlier acquired, determines the specific character of his artificial 
 
XXIIL] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 489 
 
 language. Even in cases where the latter takes the widest 
 possible departure from the former, it is still not learnt as an 
 absolutely foreign language, but always as having some relation 
 with the natural language, and this relation co-operates and aids 
 in its application. We guide ourselves, in the first instance, as 
 indeed generally in the emjiloyment of any foreign language or 
 dialect, as much as possible by the motory sensations in which 
 we are versed. The finer phonetic divergences of the model- 
 language, which we are striving to imitate, remain disregarded. 
 Thus it may happen that even when the model language in 
 question stands as near as possible to the norm of the common- 
 language, still in the course bf the endeavour to form language 
 on its model, small touches, reminding us of the original dialect, 
 make themselves apparent. We have, moreover, to consider that 
 the individual, as a rule, learns his artificial language from the 
 companions of his home, whose language is already built up 
 on the foundation of the same dialect. Further, as far as the 
 artificial language is learnt by reading, it is matter of course 
 that a process of inserting kindred sounds from one's own dialect 
 must take place. 
 
 743. But the stock of words and their meaning, the inflexions 
 and the syntax of the artificial language are not composed merely 
 after the models, but after the contents of the native natural 
 language. The stock of words especially drawn from the model 
 language is increased, if it is inadequate or does not come with 
 sufficient readiness, from the natural language : words are employed 
 which have never been heard in the model language or which the 
 person employing them, even assuming him to have heard them, 
 would be unable to reproduce if they did not likewise occur in this 
 model language. We proceed in this case, commonly speaking 
 with a certain straightforward confidence, because indeed a great 
 
490 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch, 
 
 portion, or indeed the greater portion of the words occurring in 
 the natural language, occurs in the model language as well, and 
 because we in many cases supply, and rightly supply, in this way, 
 the points wherein our knowledge of the latter falls short. It must, 
 however, in this process naturally occur that words are taken over 
 into the artificial language which 'are unknown to the model 
 language, or are known to it only with some discrepancy of 
 meaning. Where the same word occurs in the model language 
 and in the natural language, phonetic differences of form often 
 appear. If these differences appear regularly in any large series 
 of words, it follows that parallel series will form themselves in the 
 mind of the person who is master of both languages at once (e.g. 
 NG. water — HG. wasser ; eten — essen ; laten — lassen, etc.). There 
 grows up in his case a feeling, however dim and undefined, of the 
 regular relationship borne by the sounds of one language to those of 
 the other. This feeling may actually so operate as to transfer 
 correctly words with which it is familiar in its natural language 
 alone into the corresponding sounds of the artificial language. 
 Psychologically speaking, the process is similar to what we have 
 described as creation by analogy. In its carrying out, it is possible 
 for mistakes to arise owing to an incorrect generalisation of the 
 value attaching to a proportion : as a German boy brought up to 
 speak a Low German dialect has been heard in speaking High 
 German to say zeller for teller. Such faults as these, however, are 
 generally speaking merely individual and of transitory effect, as a 
 counteracting control soon sets in. On the other hand, however, 
 the parallel series do not always show themselves operative, and 
 words are transferred into the artificial language in their dialectic 
 form, differing from the phonetic arrangements of the model lan- 
 guage. For the rest, it is in other respects as with the phonetics : 
 as a rule the colloquial language which in the first place serves 
 
XXIII.] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 
 
 491 
 
 as each individual's model takes its shape through a co-operation 
 of the strict normal language with the home dialect. 
 
 744. In the second place, the artificial language affects the 
 natural language by borrowing from it words, and occasionally 
 infleicional forms and methods of construction. The words are, 
 of course, such as have reference to groups of ideas to express 
 which the artificial language would naturally be preferred. In the 
 case of any converse process of borrowing, these words are either 
 transformed into the phonetic shape proper to the natural language, 
 or are maintained in the phonetic form of the artificial language. 
 There is no single German dialect which has kept itself com- 
 pletely free from such a contagion as that described, although the 
 degree in which it has maintained its purity differs widely. 
 
 745. In the third place, in the case of persons who speak an 
 artificial and a natural language side by side, the use of the former 
 spreads at the expense of the latter. Originally the artificial 
 language is employed in cases only where a real need occurs for 
 its employment, i.e. in the case of intercourse with foreigners who 
 belong to an essentially different dialectic area. This comes about 
 more by means of written than by oral agencies : an artificial 
 written language is more a necessity for the purpose than an 
 artificial language of intercourse. In the case of communication 
 between persons from the same home, the artificial language dbes 
 not come to be employed until a foreign language at the same 
 time claims attention. As soon as it has taken firm root in its 
 application to literature and to official documents, it has a tendency 
 to spread generally to all written records, even those of a private 
 character, which are not intended for a foreign dialectic area. 
 This is the natural consequence of learning to read and write from 
 literary records,— a result of which is that it is easier to accom- 
 modate ourselves to the orthography prevalent therein, than to 
 
492 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OP LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 master a system of writing applicable to one's own dialect as well, 
 or to invent one ourselves. 
 
 746. Further, the artificial language is customary for public 
 declamations delivered from written documents, for preaching, 
 instruction, etc. Not till it has found a wider application in all 
 the forms of intercourse mentioned, does it come so naturally to 
 any portion of the people that they begin to use it for private 
 intercourse in their homes as well, in fact that it becomes the 
 common-language of the cultured classes. The class who first 
 habitually employ it is naturally composed of those who first come 
 under the influence of literature, schools, etc. It is of course not 
 till this stage of development is attained that the employment of 
 a dialect in ordinary intercourse is able to pass as a sign of 
 inferior education : not till then does the diakct yield in pres- 
 tige to the artificial language. In Switzerland things have not 
 universally reached this stage. In the most highly educated circles 
 of Bale, Bern, and Zurich, persons converse, unless indeed any 
 regard has to be paid to the needs of foreigners, in the natural 
 dialect of the speaker's youth, and the use of Swiss German, even 
 in political assemblies, gives offence to no one. The same or 
 nearly the same state of things was seen in Holstein, Hamburg, 
 Mecklenburg, and other Low German districts some twenty or 
 thirty years ago. In the entire district of South and Middle 
 Germany a noteworthy variation from the strict normal language 
 is still tolerated, at least in the language of intercourse. The mere 
 consideration of the circumstances at present existing may serve 
 to teach how preposterous is the view that when two languages, 
 the artificial and the natural, co-exist, the latter need necessarily 
 sink in estimation as compared with the former, and how mis- 
 taken it is to set down as the first motive for the acquisition and 
 creation of an artificial language not the need felt for it, but the 
 
XXIII.] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 
 
 493 
 
 degire to contrast with the great mass of the people by more 
 refinement of culture. To assume anything of the sort is to listen 
 to the prejudices of an unscientific pedantry, heedless of the facts 
 of historical development. The employment of the language in 
 daily intercourse may spread in very various and very finely- 
 marked gradations. In the first place they are employed with the 
 natural language interchangeably. In this stage a difference is 
 made according to the degree of acquaintance with the natural 
 language possessed by the person who is addressed, and the de- 
 gree in which he employs it. Finally, it may be that persons 
 arrive at a stage when they no longer employ the natural lan- 
 guage at all. There occur at the present day cases enough in 
 which it is possible to follow this entire course of development 
 stage by stage in a single individual. Persons never arrive at 
 the exclusive use of the artificial language without the previous 
 existence of a period of longer or briefer duration, in which 
 bilingualism was the rule. 
 
 747. If a number of persons has succeeded in employing the 
 artificial language, either exclusively or to a prevailing extent> 
 then the portion of the younger generation which chiefly falls 
 under their influence learns from the very beginning as its natural 
 language what was to them still an artificial language. The fact 
 that the elder generation arrived at this language by artificial 
 means is afterwards a matter of indifference as far as concerns its 
 existence, and its survival in the younger generation. This latter 
 stands towards that language much as the elder generation or 
 other strata of the people stand to their dialect uninfluenced by 
 the norm of the general language. We must beware of simply 
 confusing the contrast between artificial and natural language with 
 that between common-language and dialect. We must always 
 have a clear idea of whether we wish to judge the different indi- 
 
494 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 vidual languages, after the objective shape they have taken, with 
 respect to their greater or less distance from the norm, or accord- 
 ing to the subjective relation of the speaker to them. Of two 
 languages which we hear from two different persons, A may stand 
 nearer to the norm than B, and yet A may be a natural, B an 
 artificial, language. 
 
 748. If in a single linguistic area one portion keeps to the 
 original dialect, while another employs a language artificially 
 introduced, even for the purposes of its daily life, there are, of 
 course, a number of persons who, from their earliest youth, are to 
 some extent equally influenced by both groups, and thus different 
 mixtures cannot fail to rise. Every mixture, however, favours the 
 rise of new mixtures. And thus a large quantity of manifold 
 gradations necessarily arises in the natural language as well. 
 In High and Middle Germany we can pass almost everywhere 
 from the dialectic conformations nearest approximating to the 
 norm to those which depart from it most widely ; and this quite 
 gradually, and without a broad division occurring in any place. 
 On the other hand, in Switzerland, where the artificial language 
 has not yet penetrated into daily intercourse, a graduation is seen, 
 no doubt, between the dialects according as they are more or 
 less strongly affected by the written language ; but between the 
 written language and the dialect, which is most strongly influenced 
 thereby, a contrast bridged over by no gradations exists. 
 
 749. If any one from his earliest years have learnt a language 
 standing nearer to the norm, he naturally has no such pressing 
 necessity to learn an artificial language in addition, as if he had 
 learnt the pure dialect of his home. It thus frequently happens 
 that a single language suffices for his oral intercourse. Circum- 
 stances may, however, compel him to aim at attaining a greater 
 proximity still to the norm, and then he becomes again bilingual, 
 
XXIII.] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 
 
 495 
 
 and once again his artificial language may pass into the natural 
 one of a following generation, and this process may frequently 
 repeat itself 
 
 750. We have hitherto attempted to realise how circumstances Rise of a 
 
 norm for 
 
 settle themselves, on the assumption that a generally recog- '•>« <^°™""°°- 
 nised norm for the common-language is in existence. We have 
 yet to consider the way in which such a norm is able to come 
 into existence at all. It must be pretty commonly admitted that 
 no such norm can have originally been found in the areas where it 
 exists at present ; that there must have been a preceding period in 
 which merely pure dialects, with equal privileges, stood side by 
 side. But it seems difficult to many people to picture to them- 
 selves a language employed for literary purposes without a norm, 
 and the inclination seems very prevalent to date its origin as far 
 back as possible. I can merely see in this the after effects of 
 ancient prejudices, which regard the written language as the only 
 one with a right to exist, and the dialect as a perverted form of 
 the same. The reason why any doubt at all is possible on the 
 subject is that olden times have bequeathed us only written 
 records, and not spoken language.. In consequence, there is much 
 room for conjecture as to the character of the latter. The ex- 
 periences hitherto gathered as to the conditions of the life of 
 language are the sole possible test of the justness, or other- 
 wise, of these conjectures. All that fails under this test must 
 be content to submit and be convinced. 
 
 751. Of the impulses which operate towards the creation of a impulses 
 
 towards the 
 
 common-language, the necessity felt for such a language must creation of 
 
 a common- 
 first come into consideration ; as may be seen from our previous language. 
 
 investigations. Such necessity does not arise until the dialectic 
 
 differentiation has gone so far that all the members of a linguistic 
 
 community cannot conveniently understand each other : and even 
 
496 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 in this case the necessity will only be felt for the reciprocal com- 
 munication of those whose native places lie far from each other, as 
 no overwhelmingly strong contrasts develop among near neigh- 
 bours. Nothing of more questionable veracity can be advanced 
 than the assumption that a common-language has formed, in the 
 iirst instance, within a narrow area which has as yet only trifling 
 dialectic differences to show, and that this has spread thence over 
 the further lying areas. It is far more natural to suppose, and 
 experience confirms our supposition, that a language becomes a 
 common-language and is taken as a model in areas whose dialect 
 is pretty far removed from itself, while smaller variations pass 
 entirely unnoticed. Indeed the whole character of a common-lan- 
 guage may be strengthened by the fact of its transference to an 
 unquestionably foreign linguistic area, as we may observe in the 
 case of the Greek kowt], and in that of the Latin language. 
 Intercourse 752- Assuming accordingly the existence of a pressing need, 
 
 are^°r^ng the intercourse between the areas far separated from each other 
 from each must be already developed to a certain degree of intensity ; active 
 relations, commercial, political, or literary, must already exist be- 
 tween them. To some extent too, the circumstances attending 
 the intensity of the wider communication must regulate the size of 
 the area over which the common-language spreads its domination. 
 The boundaries of the area do not by any means necessarily corre- 
 spond with those which we should draw as most useful if we merely 
 wished to regard the relation of the dialects to each other. If the 
 dialectic differences are approximately equal even in two different 
 linguistic areas, it may still happen that on one merely a single 
 common-language develops, on another two, three, or, it may be, 
 more. For instance, there is no doubt that greater differences 
 exist between Upper and Lower German dialects than between 
 Polish and Czechisch, or Servian and Bulgarian, nay, even than 
 
XXI II,] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 497 
 
 between Polish and Servian. It is possible for two areas with very 
 nearly related dialects to take widely different departures as 
 regards the common-languages which establish themselves in them, 
 while two others with dialects widely contrasting may assume the 
 same common-language. 
 
 753. How much depends on the necessity, the following con- For a 
 sideration may serve to show. It is difficult, if not impossible, language to 
 after a common-language has to a certain extent established itself the necessity 
 in an area of any large size, to create a special common-language be felt. 
 for a portion of such area. It is too late to hope to create a Low 
 German or a Provengal common-language. Even the efforts which • 
 have been made to create a special Norwegian common-language 
 
 have proved useless before the existing predominance of the 
 Danish. Conversely, it is not easy to enforce the predominance of 
 a common-language over any large area, if the single parts of this 
 area have already their special common-language, which itself- 
 sufficiently responds to the calls of the greatest necessity. We can 
 see this in the failure of the efforts of the Panslavists. An entirely 
 foreign language too, if it has once become the accredited language 
 of literary and official communication, tends to hinder the for- 
 mation of a national common-language. Thus the efforts to found 
 a Flemish literary language have been crowned with but little 
 success; French has taken too deep root in Flemish-speaking 
 Belgium. Latin, from its claim to be considered a universal 
 language, exerted this impeding influence in a very marked way. 
 
 754. Direct communication alone feels the necessity in its 
 greatest extent. No necessity in many cases exists for indirect 
 communication at all, even if the persons between whom the com- 
 munication takes place are dialectically far removed from each 
 other. If the communication be made by the agency of other 
 persons whose dialects lie between the two extremes, it may, owing 
 
 21 
 
498 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 to numerous cases of transference, receive such a shape as to be 
 easily intelHgible even to those to whom it would have appeared 
 unintelligible in the original dialect. Such a transference obviously 
 occurs if the productions of poetry pass orally from one place to 
 another. But even records committed to writing and spread 
 further by copyists yield to it also. In any case, the transference 
 remains always imperfect, so that mixed dialects arise. Very 
 numerous examples of this proceeding are afforded by the different 
 national literatures of the middle ages. In this way a literary link 
 becomes possible without the agency of a common-language be- 
 tween territories, which, dialectically speaking, stand far removed 
 from each other. Indeed this obvious process absolutely prevents 
 a dialect in which any literary records of special prominence are 
 drawn up from gaining a prevailing influence in its own territory, 
 because it is not spread with the records in question ; at least not 
 in its simple form. Matters are very different when once printing 
 has begun to do the work of extension. By its aid it is possible to 
 spread a written record in every place without restriction, in its 
 genuine form, in the shape given it by the author or the printer. 
 And, for the advantages of printing to have full play, one type of 
 letters must, if possible, suffice for the whole linguistic area, and it 
 is of course also indispensable that the language expressed by this 
 type shall be everywhere understood. Thus the introduction of 
 printing introduces on the one hand the necessity of a common- 
 language, while on the other hand greater conveniences for the 
 satisfaction of this need are provided. For the rest, not until 
 printing was discovered was any diffusion of a knowledge of read- 
 ing and writing possible in large circles. Before the application of 
 printing there must always have existed but a narrow circle 
 capable of being touched by the operation of the norm of a written 
 language. 
 
XXIII,] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. 499 
 
 755- The want is not of course in itself sufficiently strong to a common- 
 language 
 create the norm of a common-language. It is also incapable of must be 
 
 based upon 
 
 giving the impulse to create such a language voluntarily. Neither an existing 
 
 dialect. 
 
 does purpose prevail to this extent in this department, however 
 much greater may be its power than in the case of the natural 
 development of language. In every case the norm is represented 
 not, in the first instance, by any new creation, but by one of the 
 existing dialects. Nor is one of these chosen as the result of 
 deliberate consultation. It is rather true to say that the dialect 
 destined to become the norm must already possess some natural 
 preponderance, it may be in commerce, politics, religion, literature, 
 or in respect of several of these simultaneously. The intentional 
 creation of a common-language is a later matter, and only arises 
 after the first steps have been taken towards it. At all events 
 it seems to be of quite modern occurrence that the plan has been 
 deliberately adopted of creating a common-language without some 
 previously existing basis for its existence ; and even in cases 
 where such attempts have been made [as in the case of Volapiik], 
 they have rarely proved successful. The creators of any such lan- 
 guage have taken as their guide the circumstances of other lin- 
 guistic areas already possessing a common-language. When the 
 common-languages of the great civilised countries of Europe were 
 founded, there were as yet no guides to follow. The discovery 
 • had to be reached that the existence of such a language was 
 possible before the attempt could be made to create one. 
 
 756. Any impulse to the formation of a common-language circum- 
 imnlies the existence of a number of persons compelled by circum- which must 
 
 ^ r^ ^ necessarily 
 
 stances to make themselves acquainted with one or with several precede the 
 
 , formation 
 
 foreig-n dialects, so that they can easily understand them, and to ofacon.mon- 
 
 S ,,,/-!• language. 
 
 some extent apply them as well. This may be the result of their 
 having passed into another territory and settled there ; or of their 
 
joo PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. [Ch. 
 
 having made a long stay there in passing through ; or of constant 
 association with persons who have arrived from a foreign land; or of 
 close familiarity with written records which took their origin there. 
 The relationships established in this way may be very manifold. 
 One who belongs to dialect A may learn dialect B, another may 
 learn C, another D ; and again, conversely, one who belongs to 
 dialect B, C, or D may learn dialect A. As long as the reciprocal 
 influences of the different dialects are fairly balanced, no progress 
 is possible. If, however, one dialect presents in a marked degree 
 more occasion to master it than all the rest, and if this occasion 
 appeal to those who belong to all the dialects, this is then pre- 
 destined to be the common-language. Its predominance manifests 
 itself in the first place in the communication between the persons 
 who belong to it and those who belong to the other dialects, as it 
 is in this process mastered more generally and with more facility 
 by the latter than their dialect is mastered by the former ; while 
 the other dialects remain more in a position of equality with each 
 other. The first really decisive step, however, is not made until 
 the prevailing dialect is actually employed for communication 
 between those who belong to other different dialects. A natural 
 result of this is that a larger quantity of persons become acquainted 
 with it. For it is then more convenient to employ it, when once 
 the native dialect has ceased to suffice, than to learn a third or 
 fourth dialect in addition. It presents itself most naturally when 
 the speaker desires to appeal not less to those who by birth belong 
 to it than to the rest of the nation, as is the case in literary 
 intercourse, and political intercourse as well, presuming always the 
 existence of political unity. Immediately that the consciousness 
 that such dialect is suitable for further intercourse has arisen, 
 the propagation of the development by voluntary means begins 
 as well. 
 
XXIII,] THE COMMON-LANGUAGE. t,o\ 
 
 757. The suitability, however, of a special dialect to serve as 
 model, is, as a rule, only a transitional step in the development of 
 the norm of the common-language. The imitations of the model 
 remain, as we have seen, in every case, more or less imperfect 
 Mixtures arise between the model and the different native dialects 
 of the single individuals. It can scarcely fail to occur that these 
 mixed dialects as well obtain a certain authority, especially when 
 eminent writers employ them. On the other hand, the original 
 model dialect is exposed to incessant change as such, — while the 
 normal language must be more conservative in its tendencies, and 
 indeed, cannot maintain itself but by remaining true to the models 
 of past times. Thus it is that the dialect must gradually lose its 
 character of absolute model, and must strive for the mastery with 
 others of varying shades of difference. 
 
 758. Accordingly, the artificial language of a large area has a Deveiopmem 
 tendency to become dialectically differentiated in a certain stage of=«n'"a» 
 
 ^ artificial 
 
 development, in much the same degree as the natural language language, 
 within a particular territory. Centralisation of a mote perfect 
 kind is commonly attained only by laying down actual rules, by 
 directions given orally, by grammars, lexicons, academies, etc. 
 But, however consciously, and with however set purpose, the norm 
 of a common-language may be created, the involuntary develop- 
 ment described in the former chapters can never be stayed ; such 
 development is inseparable from all linguistic activity. 
 
502 PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 PASSAGES TRANSLATED (Chapter XVI.). 
 
 Page 316. — Ruenuere, etc. Boasters and liars, whoever they are, to them I forbid my 
 
 song. 
 Paue 316. — Die Hiunen, etc. The Huns, through the hatred of them, two thousand, 
 
 made themselves ready (geared themselves). 
 Paire 322. — Des wirdet, etc. I have a remedy thence : lit. thence is there to me better- 
 ment. 
 Page 322. — Si wurden des rdte. On this they came to counsel (they were profited). 
 Page 324. — Des enmac, etc. That may not be. My lady bites you not. Such great 
 
 stren-gth hers attained have since. 
 Page 324. — Er nahm ze kinde, etc. He took the orphan (boy) to himself as child. 
 Page 324. — St6d ine, etc. A host stood around him. 
 Page 333. — Liefun thie, etc. They ran (who) loved him. 
 
 Page 336. — Er sdr in. He at once told them then the bliss which awaited them. 
 Page 336. — Diu sich gelichen. Which could liken itself to the great pillar which stood 
 
 between. 
 Page 336. — Owwe, etc. Alas ! for what happens after. 
 
 Page 336. — Waz sol, etc. What shall give pain for this no one can find to turn aside. 
 Page 336. — Dasz ich singe. That I sing alas ! of her to whom I must ever serve. 
 Page 336. — Den vater, etc. The father honours in the heaven the son with whom he has 
 
 won upon earth. 
 Page 337. — Daz erbe, etc. The inheritance to you your forbears brought and with 
 
 army gained will you run from it. 
 Page 337. — Den schaden, etc. The damage he was wont to do he now gets his due. 
 Page 337. — Den schatz, etc. The treasure, this he had carried. Both looking and 
 
 feeling what I may have neglected in that. 
 Page 337. — Ther brut, etc. He who has a bride, he shall be the bridegroom. 
 Page 338. — ZAo Amelolt, etc. To Amelolt and Neren now hear how he spake. 
 Page 338. — Tiefe mantel, etc. One saw that they were deep mantles wide. He asked 
 
 that they should come to his marriage procession. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 a stems, identification in feminine, 248. 
 
 aba(ab), 205. 
 
 abendmal, 88. 
 
 abhdngig, 263. 
 
 Ablative Absolute, 167, 343, 345, 353. 
 
 Ablaut, 212, 218, 2ig, 22. 
 
 abominable, 233. 
 
 Absolute tense, the present as, 302. 
 
 case, 155, 340. 
 
 Abstract meaning, 66, 70. 
 
 sentences, 117, 302, 331. 
 
 words, number in, 297. 
 
 ac, aeque, acd, &-c., 329. 
 
 Accentuation of foreign words, 466, 
 
 Accusative, 151, 358, 361. 
 
 attached, 152. 
 
 in naming, 341. 
 
 origin of Predicative, 327. 
 
 substitution of Ace. for Genit. (objec- 
 tive case), 322. 
 
 with Infinitive, 258, 328, 334, 342. 
 
 achever, 270. 
 
 Action, definition of nouns of, 87. 
 
 Active and Passive, separation into, 307. 
 
 Adjective, the, 156, 199, 320, 403, 414-5. 
 
 and adverb, 422-6. 
 
 formed from verbs, 263. 
 
 formative felements ag,-ig, 237. 
 
 as predicative object, 328. 
 
 , M.H.G. use of uninflected form, 
 
 196-7, 286. 
 
 Conversion of Substantive to (and 
 
 vice versa), 407. 
 
 Adverb, the, 66, 67, 142, i6g, 204, 335, 
 386, 404. 
 
 arising from cases, 251. 
 
 Adverb, origin of, 422. 
 
 capable of developed meaning where 
 
 the adjective is not so, igg. 
 
 German, 324. 
 
 Adverbial determinants, 317. 
 
 cehtere, 83. 
 
 S-ye before a plural, 254. 
 
 aleine (m.h.g.), 197. 
 
 Alphabets, imperfection of existing, 434. 
 
 als, 282, 283, 285. 
 
 ah wie, 168. 
 
 alsbald, 283. 
 
 ana-an-ane, 205. 
 
 Analogy, 92, 184, 202, 208, 251, 260, 395, 
 
 401, 450. 
 
 between place and time, 81. 
 
 modes of sense-perception, 81. 
 
 conserves the older spelling in written 
 
 language, 453, 455. 
 anderweide, 68» 
 dne in m.h.g., 197. 
 Anglo-Saxon, origin of, 33. 
 Animals, language of, i8g. 
 Anomalous forms, 243. 
 anstatt, 427. 
 Aorist tense, 300, 304. 
 ivh Koivov construction, 130, 133-5, ^3^< 
 
 335. 352, 355, 358. 
 Apposition, 409. 
 of sentence and noun, pronoun, 
 
 adverb, 142-3. 
 
 instead of partitive genitive, 154. 
 
 armsalig, 233. 
 
 Assimilation, 46, 55, 63, 450-3, 464. 
 
 -assus, Gothic suffix, 265. 
 
 a-t-il, 206. 
 
 ila, 454. 
 
504 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 auf, use of, 195. 
 
 ausjindig, 263. 
 
 Automatic operation in speaking, 41, 99. 
 
 B 
 
 backe, 278. 
 
 barfuss, 411. 
 
 -bar, compounds in, 265, 283, 397, 398. 
 
 barn (Danish), 218. 
 
 be, composites with, 153. 
 
 befahrm, 230. 
 
 beide, 254, 298, 329, 430. 
 
 bdzen, 68. 
 
 bescheiden, 277. 
 
 beschwichtigen, 234. 
 
 bewegt-bewogen, 282. 
 
 Bilingualism, 457, 493, 494. 
 
 bim, 160. 
 
 bock, 68. 
 
 buch-buche, 279. 
 
 6«cA, 297. 
 
 Capital letters, use of, 450, 
 car (in of.), 258. 
 Case, concord in, 340, 345, 349. 
 Categories psychological and grammati- 
 cal, 288, 326. 
 cause, 276. 
 
 Causal words, origin of, 88. 
 Causative verbs, 201, 309. « 
 ch (in MHG.), 108. 
 , palatal and guttural. 95, 436. 
 
 Childhood and language, 43, 78-81, 105, 
 
 114, 133, 175, 183, 187. 
 chou, 276. 
 Class-names, 86. 
 cminzipia, 160. 
 Coincidence (due to sound-change) of 
 
 words not etymologically connected, 
 
 229. 
 Collectives, 87, 295. 
 Common language, the, 475. 
 Community of circumstances as affecting 
 
 word-signification, 71. 
 Comparative, pleonastic, 161, 169. 
 , confusion of superlative and, 164. 
 
 Composition, 268-71, 368-402. 
 
 Compounds, 205, 268-71, 368-402, 417. 
 
 , displacement of relations in, 268. 
 
 in German beginning with a verbal 
 
 noun, origin of, 265. 
 
 , verbal and noun in German, 268. 
 
 Compound sentences, 330-8. 
 
 Concord, 338-50. 
 
 , origin of, 348. 
 
 Concrete meaning, 66, 70. 
 
 sentences, 117, 321. 
 
 -abstract sentences, 117, 302, 331. 
 
 Conditional, the French, 306. 
 
 (Latin) sentences with modo, 147. 
 
 Conjunctions, 158, 167, 333, 404. 
 
 , origin of, 333, 428. 
 
 Conjunctive mood is future in nature, the, 
 302, 306. 
 
 Connecting words, origin of, 326, 404. 
 
 Consonantal stems, identification of nomi- 
 native and accusative in, 248, 
 
 differentiation, 210, 212, 216, 
 
 Contamination, 160, 346. 
 
 Copula, agreement of the, 343. 
 
 not a predicate, the, 327. 
 
 Creation in syntax, analogical, 98. 
 
 original, 174-189. 
 
 Crystallisation, 253, 374. 
 
 Cuckoo, 180, 
 
 danne — denne, 282. 
 
 dass, 165, 166, 170, 334, 365, 435. 
 
 Dative after in, &-c., 154. 
 
 Defining words and determinants, 132. 
 
 prepositional, 136, 168. 
 
 Demand, sentences of, 122, 147, 305. 
 Demonstrative as psychological subject, 
 
 the, 314. 
 Denti-labial sounds, 42. 
 
 -lingual sounds, 42. 
 
 Deponents, 309. 
 
 der, 281. 
 
 Derivation firom verbs in ohg., 264. 
 
 Determinants. See defining words above. 
 
 Dialect, essential mark of a, 33, 485. 
 
 Dialects, mixture of, 62,473, 498. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 505 
 
 Dialects, intermediate stages between 
 
 two, 30. 
 , relation of the common language to, 
 
 35. 499. 
 
 , origin of the as., 33. 
 
 , severance into, 21. 
 
 , sounds the test of, 33. 
 
 Dialectic difference concealed by writing, 
 
 439- 
 
 variation, increase of, 24. 
 
 variation, overlapping of, 27. 
 
 Differentation of meaning, 272-87, 366. 
 
 , syntactical, 286. 
 
 Diminutives, 290. 
 
 diser, 253. 
 
 dismal, 233. 
 
 Dissimilation, 35, 63. 
 
 doppelt, 161. 
 
 Double forms, 274, 276-87. 
 
 , works on, 275. 
 
 draio,' igg. 
 druck, 279. 
 drUcken — drucken, 282. 
 
 E 
 
 e, declension of m.h.g. feminine in, 241, 
 
 244-5- 
 e inflexion in n.h.g., restoration of, 225. 
 
 einag-einig, 237. 
 
 einander, 254. 
 
 ^influss, 257. 
 
 einundderselbe, 377. 
 
 einwirken, 256. 
 
 einzeln, 425. 
 
 ckelf 157. 
 
 Ellipse, 351, 359, 363. 
 
 -el (-ul,-a-l,-il), 236. 
 
 -elni origin of verbs in, '267. 
 
 -en (-un,-an,-in), 236. 
 
 -en (-dn,-en), 237. 
 
 -en, Dutch plurals in, 280. 
 
 endekrist, 232. 
 
 enkel, 229. 
 
 entweder-oder, 329, 430. 
 
 eom (a.s.), 160. 
 
 -e»-,'case suffix, 227. 
 
 ■er, suffix of agent., 263. 
 
 -er, specialisation in substantive forma- 
 tions in, 83. 
 
 erbergen, 68. 
 
 erde, 215. 
 
 -cm, origin of verbs in, 267. 
 
 evwiihuen, 231. 
 
 etsi, 322, 333. 
 
 Etymological connection, 95, igi-2, igg, 
 212-18, 261, 366. 
 
 Etymology, effect on written language, 
 450. 
 
 , popular, 231-6, 464, 463. 
 
 ■eiir, words in, 407. 
 
 examen, 68. 
 
 F 
 
 fadrein (Gothic), 296. 
 
 fallen fallen, 432. 
 
 fallieren, 234. 
 
 Final sounds, 42. 
 
 Jliehen-flucht, 214, 
 
 flicchsen (flugs), 252. 
 
 Foreign words, introduction of, 272, 285, 
 
 459-73- 
 
 , accentuation of, 466. 
 
 Formal groups, 93, 197, 217. 
 
 change in gender, 292, 294. 
 
 union in same function, 236. 
 
 union in different function, 246. 
 
 Formation, word, 102, 366, 400. 
 Franconian, 29. 
 Free Accusative, 132, 
 freitag, 231. 
 
 French, final consonants in, log. 
 Fricatives, 42. 
 friedhof, 232. 
 Frisian, 33 
 fruma, 410 
 fuchs, 68. 
 fuller, 68. 
 Future tense, present for, 303. 
 
 as an Imperative and Optative, 303. 
 
 as Potential, explanation of, 303-6. 
 
 Futurum exactum, 301. 
 
 gas, 174. 
 gar, 213. 
 
So6 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 garbe, 229. 
 
 gedeihen-gediegen, change between h and 
 
 g in, 108. 
 geiz^ 262. 
 
 gelichnesse-gelicheH, 285. 
 Gender, 289-295. 
 
 , concord of, 340, 343, 349. 
 
 , rise of Grammatical, 289, 349. 
 
 , influence of Natural, 293. 
 
 Genitive, 150, 154, 260, 321-4, 347, 363. 
 , forming compounds, 377, 380-2, 
 
 386, 395- 
 
 , Objective and Subjective, 151. 
 
 , Surivals of m.h.g. functions of,i93-5. 
 
 ge7is, 296. 
 
 German, division into upper, middle, and 
 
 lower, 29. 
 gescheken-gesckichte, 108, 214. 
 
 -geschach, 108. 
 
 geschick, 68. 
 geschickt, 68. 
 geschwister, die, 296. 
 Gesture language, 186. 
 gewent, i6i. 
 gewohni, 161. 
 gold, 215. 
 
 got (ace. gotan), 251. 
 _gouch, 180. 
 
 Government of cases, doctrine of, 150. 
 grand 'mere, 386. 
 Grammar, comparative, i. 
 
 , descriptive, 2. 
 
 , historical, i. 
 
 Grammatical Categories, origin of, 288, 
 
 326. 
 
 H 
 -haft, compounds in, 265, 283, 397. 
 hain, 278. 
 halber, 254. 
 hand, 89. 
 
 hangen — hdngen, 452, 
 hantieren, 234. 
 harto, igg. 
 
 herr — {schaft, lich, schen), 234. 
 herrje, 181. 
 ■hist, words ending in, 282, 397, 398. 
 
 Historical, present, 303. 
 
 hoch, 214. 
 
 hohe, 282. 
 
 koher — hoch, 108. 
 
 hoher — hochste, 214. 
 
 hoppsasa, 183. 
 
 hvairban, 216. 
 
 Hyphen, use of the, 371, 385. 
 
 Hypotaxis, 139-41, 145, 406. 
 
 Hypothetical sentences, 331. 
 
 i, stems, identification of nom. and ace, , 
 
 in, 248. 
 -ida, O.H.G., abstracts in, 264. 
 I. E., development of tense and mood, 
 
 system in, 287. 
 -ieren, words ending in, 469. 
 -ig (o.H.G. — ag and ig), 263. 
 -ig, adjectives in, 283. 
 -igen, origin of n.h.g., verbs in, 266. 
 ihr, origin of the possess, pronoun, 260. 
 Imperative, 303, 305, 332, 414. 
 Impersonal verbs, iig-22, 308, 326. 
 in (when a«/is now used), 256. 
 indessen, 285. 
 
 Infinitive, 198, 301, 306, 413, 419. 
 accusative and, 258, 328, 334, 342. 
 
 for command or demand, 121, 124. 
 
 passive, origin of, 309. 
 
 and an element dependent upon it, 
 
 325- 
 Inflexion, Analogy in, 100-2, 107. 
 , conveyance of, 237-g. 
 
 in compounds, 374, 376, 383. 
 
 , rise of, 367, 400 
 
 as a base for division into parts of 
 
 speech, 406. 
 
 Inflexions, stem elements became, 226. 
 
 sometimes fixed or crystallised, 253, 
 
 int, 231. 
 
 Interjections, 181, 404. 
 
 Interrogatory — demand sentences, 125, 
 
 305. 
 Interrogation, conditional sentences aris- 
 ing from, 148. 
 
 with Infinitive, 163. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 507 
 
 Interrogative sentences, 125, 147, 165, 
 
 325. 337- 
 
 as psychological subject, 315. 
 
 Intransitive verbs, 309. 
 
 ifse, 252. 
 
 -isch, Adjectives in, 263, 283. 
 
 island, 232. 
 
 Isolation, igo, 373, 380, 385, 392, 419, 
 
 427. 450. 453- 
 
 jamduduni, 164. 
 jemine, 181. 
 jungfrau—jungfer, 278. 
 
 K 
 
 KaXoKaya86s, 377. 
 
 kalp, schematic declension of, 227. 
 
 /cot' i^ox^v, 71, 82, 412, 416. 
 
 kennen, 230. 
 
 kiel, 229. 
 
 kleinheit — kleinigkeit, 283. 
 
 klinglingUng, 183. 
 
 knabe — knappe, 277. 
 
 konnen, 230. 
 
 Kristentuom — Kristenheit, 285. 
 
 kukvk, 180. 
 
 Labial sounds, 42. 
 laden, 230. 
 Lady-day, 382. 
 lagh (Danish), 218. 
 Language, the common, 475. 
 
 , mixture in, 457. 
 
 , written and spoken compared, 433, 
 
 477-485. 487- 
 lanzknecht, 232. 
 Latin of the Middle Ages, 482. 
 laute, 233. 
 
 letzst, 161. ' 
 
 Uumund, 233. 
 
 -lich, compounds in, 265, 283, 397. 
 -liche, MHG. adverbs in, 267. 
 lichten, 230. 
 ligen — legen, 452. 
 -ling, origin of mhq. suffix, 265. 
 
 Lingual — palatal sounds, 42. 
 
 Linguistic generation, 22. 
 
 Links, absence of, 359. 
 
 liut, 296. 
 
 Logic, grammar and, 18, 327. 
 
 los, 229. 
 
 -ly (English), 267. 
 
 M 
 
 m final to « in ohg., transition of, 246, 
 
 247. 
 ma (Gk. /io), gender of Romance nouns 
 
 in 292. 
 machen, 328. 
 mahlen, 230, 
 mdhre, 229. 
 mal, 68. 
 
 Material-groups, 93, 197, 217, 231. 
 Materials, number in names of, 298. 
 Meaning, change of, 65-91, 149-59, 197, 
 
 256. 
 , change of influence on constructioi 
 
 of, 256. 
 Memory pictures, 36, 103, 186. 
 -mente, 398. 
 messe, 68. 
 Metathesis, 55, 63. 
 Middle voice, 310. 
 
 Mispronunciations as factors in sound- 
 change, 57. 
 Mixture of dialects, 473. 
 
 in language, 456. 
 
 Mpdo in Latin condit. sentences, 147. 
 Moffat's account of language in isolated 
 
 villages in South Africa, 175. 
 Mood, concord of, 350. 
 
 system, development of in ie., 287. 
 
 Motory sensation, development of in 
 
 primitive man, 187-8. 
 , development of in primitive children, 
 
 188. 
 , only one for same sound, 61-2. 
 
 N 
 
 u, transference of, log-io. 
 
 n in un ami, 206. 
 
 n in German weak declension, 226. 
 
5o8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 V i(pe\Kv(rTtK6y, no. 
 
 na — nu, 258. 
 
 nach, 215, 427. 
 
 nackdenken uber, earliest instance of, 257. 
 
 nachts, 194. 
 
 nadel, 6g. 
 
 ndher — ndchste, 214. 
 
 -ndus, Latin participle in, 304, 308. 
 
 Negatives, 315. 
 
 , double, 170-3. 
 
 Negative sentences, 122, 324. 
 ner, origin of nhg. sufBx, 215. 
 neuheit — neuigkeit, 283. 
 Neuter gender, origin of, 294. 
 
 number, 299, 300. 
 
 Neutral position of the organs, so called, 
 
 47- 
 
 newty no. 
 
 Nicknames, 87. 
 
 -niss, origin of nhg. suffix, 215. 
 
 -no, words ending in, 282. 
 
 ■no, 202, 217. 
 
 Nominative in default of pure stem in 
 sentences of naming, 341, 343. 
 
 and Infinitive, 328, 342. 
 
 Noun in apposition to a sentence, 143. 
 
 and verb, distinction between, 413. 
 
 compared with verb, enlarged mean- 
 ing in, igg. 
 
 -forms of verbs, igS. 
 
 and verbal compounds in German, 
 
 268. 
 
 Number, 295-300. 
 
 , neuter, 29g, 300. 
 
 , concord in, 340, 343, 349. 
 
 Numerals, singular after, 299. 
 
 nur, igs, 254. 
 
 Nursery language, 183. 
 
 o, stems, identification of nom. and ace. 
 
 in, 248. 
 obgleich, 332. 
 Object, two depending on one verb, 100, 
 
 , double, 131. 
 
 , separation of subject and, 131, 307. 
 
 Objective genitive, 151. 
 
 Occasional meaning, 65, 149, 153. 
 Oder, 167, 
 offnen, 284. 
 
 ofi, 425- 
 
 ogni, 298. 
 
 ohm, 229. 
 
 ok (o.N.), 330. 
 
 olt — { = walt), transformation to — old, 
 
 235- 
 Onomatopoetic Words, 180, 182, I83. 
 Oratio Obliqua in German, 142. 
 Original creation, 17. 
 ort, 68. 
 
 Orthography, fixity of, 445. 
 -OS, Greek feminines in, 292. 
 -as, ,, adverbs in, 250. 
 -ov and — ay, Greek genitives in, 107. 
 ovKovv, 25S. 
 
 i Parataxis, 139-41, i43i 167, 406. 
 Trdpos, 303. 
 
 Pars pro toto, 77, 86. 
 Participle, 198, 301, 304, 308, 356, 413, 
 
 414-ig. 
 , origin of, 415. 
 
 for demands, 124. 
 
 , present in passive sense, 307. 
 
 as predicate or copula, agreement 
 
 of, 344- 
 
 and adjectives, License in use of, 
 
 157. 307- 
 
 , origin of German perfect, 415. 
 
 Participial constructions, 158. 
 
 Partitive genetive, 154. 
 
 Passive, separation into Active and, 307- 
 
 10. 
 people, 296. 
 
 Perfect tense, 300, 304. 
 Place names, 82. 
 Pleonasm, 161, 168. 
 Pluperfect tense, 304. 
 Plural expressions with singular function, 
 
 297. 
 verb following singular collective, 
 
 295. 
 Poetic and technical language, 34, 123 
 
 I53> 273, 485- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 S°9 
 
 Poetical constructions, 123, 153. 
 
 foltern, 184. 
 
 Popular Etymolygy, 231-6, 464, 465. 
 
 posthumous, 233. 
 
 Praterito-prasens, 304. 
 
 Predicate in agreement with several sub- 
 jects, 130. 
 
 , the derminant a degraded, 132. 
 
 , the sentence as, 139. 
 
 , the Copula not a, 327. 
 
 , concord of, 343-7. 
 
 , psychological and grammatical, 112, 
 
 312, 314, 318, 331, 337, 364. 
 
 , substantive in connection with an 
 
 adjectival, 156. 
 
 Predicative accusative, 327, 344. 
 
 , attribute, 136, 158, 167, 342, 350, 
 
 425. 
 
 Prefixes, origin of derivative, 396. 
 
 Prepositions, 154, 159,- 168-9, 204, 404. 
 
 , origin of, 426. 
 
 and conjunction, 430. 
 
 , pleonastic use of, 169-70. 
 
 in M.H.G., 195. 
 
 , final sound of Greek, 203. 
 
 and its case, verbs derived from con- 
 nection of, 270. 
 
 Prepositional determinants, 136, 168. 
 Present tense, 302-5. 
 
 referring alike to past and future, 
 
 303- 
 Pronouns, 66, 67, 142, 164, 252, 298, 333, 
 
 335> 403- 
 
 (demons, and relat.), concord of, 
 
 340, 346. 
 
 as subject, agreement of, 340. 
 
 Pronunciation and spelling, divergence 
 
 between, 38, 446, 453, 454. 
 Pronunciation, convenience as a factor 
 in, 46, 47. 
 
 of same word inevitably varies, 43. 
 
 Proper names, 67, 73, 82, 86, 199, 232, 
 
 234, 251, 291, 320, 340, 379, 381. 
 Proportion — groups, 93-7, 200. 
 Proverbs, Syntax in, 113. 
 Psychological categories, 288-326. 
 — subject or predicate. See under 
 
 subj. and pred. 
 
 pura {Sansk.), 303. 
 
 quanquam, 332. 
 
 R 
 
 r in auslaut after long vowel, disappear- 
 ance of, 204. 
 
 r in Bavarian, sound-law for, no. 
 
 raben, 277. 
 
 radebrechen, 270. 
 
 rant, 86. 
 
 rappe, 68, 277. 
 
 rmih, 214, 
 
 Reaction agst. sound-change, 202, 208. 
 
 -recht in proper nameSj 232. 
 
 Reduplication, 182, 183, 219. 
 
 Reflex Sounds, 185, 188. 
 
 reiter, 278. 
 
 Relative introducing independent sen- 
 tences, 332. 
 
 as psychological subject, 315. 
 
 Rhetorical c[uestions, 128. 
 
 ritensplit, 377. 
 
 ritter, 199, 278. 
 
 rosary, 88. 
 
 ruher-ruch, 108. 
 
 J, Dutch plurals in, 280. 
 
 J of Nom. in Greek Masc. d stems, 293. 
 
 -sal, 233. 
 
 sallow, 230. 
 
 -sam, compounds in, 265, 283, 397. 
 
 sammeln sammlung, versammeln, &*c,y 
 
 differentiation of, 284. 
 sandhi phenomena, 108. 
 schade, 410. 
 schaffen, 281. 
 
 -schaft, words ending in, 282, 397. 
 schanz, 230. 
 scheuen-scheuchen, 278. 
 schirm, 81. 
 schlingen, 230. 
 schmach schmahen, 214. 
 schmalen, 234. 
 schmelzen, 247, 249. 
 
5IO 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 schnur, 229. 
 
 schopfer, 281. 
 
 schweigen, 234, 305. 
 
 sehen-sach, 108. 
 
 sehen-gesicht, 108, 214, 
 
 icA«B (used for aussehen), 156. 
 
 isAr, igg. 
 
 sein in Bavarian, 256. 
 
 selbey, 253. 
 
 Sentence, the, 88, 110-48, 139, 142, 310, 
 
 365. 
 shed, 229. 
 sheer, 230. 
 sJcA, 255. 
 
 sichey, secure, stir, 157. 
 Singular after numerals, 299. 
 sU, M.H.G., 159. 
 ■sk in o. N., 255. 
 skaidan, 216. 
 skal, in O.N. , 307. 
 so, 283, 334. 
 
 Sound, continuity of, 39. 
 Sound-change, the main occasion of, 53. 
 Sounds of language, first, 185-6. 
 Sound-change, isolation by, 200, 392. 
 independent of individual caprice, 
 
 &c., 62. 
 
 , reaction against, 202, 208. 
 
 — obliterates distinctions, 229-50. 
 
 Sound-groups, etymological or material, 
 
 95. 101-2. 
 conception of widelyjdifferent groups 
 
 as essentially identical, 42. 
 Sound lavifs, definition of, 57. 
 for » in H. & M. German dialects, 
 
 log. 
 Sound-shifting, 31, 41, 55, 200, 465. 
 Sound signs of identical value, variation 
 
 abolished in, 447. 
 
 substitution, 58, 107. 
 
 variations all involuntary, 227. 
 
 sovereign, 232. 
 sparrowgrass, 235. 
 
 Specialisation, difference between occas- 
 ional and usual, 81. 
 Spelling and pronunciation, divergence of, 
 
 38, 446, 453, 454. 
 
 spurilon, 267. 
 
 -St, 198. 
 
 Stage-language, German, 477. 
 
 stein, 68. 
 
 Stem, without case designation, use of, 
 
 155. 340- 
 stevern, 68. 
 streitbar, 265, 
 Subject, 155. 
 
 , double, 129. 
 
 in impersonal verbs, 120. 
 
 , psychological and grammatical, 112, 
 
 306, 316, 318, 331, 337, 364-5. 
 
 , psychological and copula, 313. 
 
 , the sentence as, 139. 
 
 , concord of the pronoun as, 340. 
 
 Subjective genitive, 151. 
 
 Subordinate sentences, 330-8, 354, 362. 
 
 Substantive, 403-5. 
 
 , transformation into adjective; and 
 
 vice versa, 407. 
 sucht, 233. 
 
 SufSxes, 184, 201, 396, 400. 
 Suffixes, fusion of two, 265, 
 
 of foreign origin, 469. 
 
 ffvveSpiov, 235. 
 
 Superfluity in language, causes of, 272. 
 
 Superlatives, pleonastic, 161, 169, 389. 
 
 , confusion of comparative and, 164. 
 
 Supplied, words or phrases, 353. 
 Surprise or admiration, expressions of, 
 
 127, 185. 
 svairhan, 216. 
 
 Syntax, The fundamental facts of, ill. 
 Syntactical differentiation, 286. 
 groups, 192. 
 
 -tel, 398. 
 Tense, 300-6. 
 
 , concord of, 350. 
 
 , system in I. E. , development of, 287, 
 
 -ii, 200. 
 
 tiefe, 282. 
 
 till, prepositional use of, 168. 
 
 to, 204, 231. 
 
 tor, 229. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 5" 
 
 tor — tiir, 279. 
 
 tragen, lengthening of vowel in, 215. 
 
 Transformation of words, 180. 
 
 , phonetic, 234. 
 
 trotz, 154. 
 trubsalig, 233. 
 . -turn, words ending in, 282, 397. 
 
 U 
 
 «, declension in original German, 222, 242. 
 «, stems, identification of Nom. and Accus. 
 
 in, 248. 
 um, 154. 
 
 Umlaut, 201, 218, 221-3, 226, 237, 246. 
 umrlngen, 232. 
 -ung, 198. 
 
 Unification, 202-11, 214, 243. 
 and formal groups, 207, 224, 236-50. 
 
 and material „ 207, 231. 
 
 between verbal and noun compounds, 
 
 269. 
 
 Uninflected words, 406. 
 
 Unit of language, 88. 
 
 unter, 230. 
 
 ' Usual ' meaning, 65, 149, 153. 
 
 V 
 
 Vaucluse, 386. 
 Verb, 403, 404. 
 
 • and adjective, contrast in meaning 
 
 of, 414. 
 
 and noun, distinction between, 413. 
 
 derived from connection of preposi- 
 tion and its case, 270. 
 
 Verbal and noun compounds in German, 
 
 268. 
 verderben, 249. 
 verdorben — verderbt, 282. 
 vergessen, 197. 
 
 Verner's Law, 192, 201, 207, 210, 224. 
 verweisen, 232. 
 Vocative, 347. 
 
 in naming, 341. 
 
 Voice, 306-10. 
 
 vol, use of, 156. 
 
 vor, 257. 
 
 vormund, 232. 
 
 Vowels, M.H.G., lengthening of, 209. 
 
 W 
 
 ■wahn, {wan), in compounds, 232, 
 wdhrend, use of, 159. 
 wald, in proper names, 232. 
 wan, 231. 
 
 construction after, 258. 
 
 wandelbaere, 265. 
 wanhope, 232. 
 wanne—wemie, 282. 
 ward — wtirde, 287. 
 warum — worum, 282. 
 warn— ware (a.s.), 296. 
 weder — noch, 329. 
 
 Oder, 329. 
 
 weges {gerades), 194. 
 
 weide, 68. 
 
 weil, 159. 
 
 ■weise, 378. 
 
 weissagen, 233, 270. 
 
 werden, variation in sing, andplur. of, 221. 
 
 wiewol, 332. 
 
 winden — wenden, 452. 
 
 wis, 160. 
 
 Wish and demand sentences, 123. 
 
 wistuom — wisheit, 285. 
 
 without, incorrect use of, 168. 
 
 wol, combinations with, 388. 
 
 Writing, Language and, 433. 
 
 ze — zuo, 204, 231. 
 zer, 231. 
 
 Ziehen — zug, change between h and g in, 
 108. 
 
 zucht, 214. 
 
 ziemen, 215. 
 zu, 154, 196. 
 ziicken — zucken, 282. 
 zuhidri, 264. 
 
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