T74 T^iiiSiSSSSL . ._ Cornell University Library HG 529.T74 Silver restoration— The duty of the Repu 3 1924 013 817 006 New York State College of Agriculture At Cornell University Ithaca, N. Y. Library Silver Restoration — The Duty of the Republiean Party. SPEECH oy- Hon. Chas. A. Towne OF MINNKSOTA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Satubday, FebeUaey 8, 189G. WASHINGTON, t). C. ».-....> 1896. JAN 20 1''^4fi SILVER RESTORATION-THE DUTY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. SPEECH or HON. CHAS. A. TOVV^NB, OF MINNESOTA, IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES, Saturday, February 8, 1896. The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the UntoU) and having under consldei-ation the bill {H. B. 2904) to maintain and protect the coin redemption fund, and to- authorize the Jssue of certificates of indebtedness to meet temporary deQciencles of revenue, with Senate amendments — ^ Mr. TowNB said: Mr. Chairman: If it were not for a profound, an almost overpowering, sense of duty, I should not on this occasion vex the ear of the House nor venture to do vio- lence to that feeling of embarrassment which I assure you is most oppressive to myself and, I fear, all too evident to my auditors; particularly when I must follow the distinguished and eloquent gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Hepburn], whom the House is always glad to hear. Under these circumstances I am reminded of those familiar lines of Shakespeare, As in a theatre the eyes of men, When a well-graced actor leaves the stage. Are idly bent on him that enters next. But, sir, I conceive Ihat the general Subject which is brought before this House by the pending measure is by all odds the most ipiportant one that will engage or has engaged the attention of this body at this session of Congress, The eminent gentle- man who opened the discussion upon this measure [Mr. Dingley]. following a meta- phor that had its origin, I believe, with Aristotle, and which has had frequent em- ployment since, well likened the money of the commercial nations of the world to the life-blood of the physical -body. Sir, the comparison is most apt; for not more do the health and efficiency and happiness of the physical organism depend npon the quantity and condition of the blood, than do the welfare, the prosperity and the progress of society depend upon the volume and character of the money that flows in the channels of its oommetcial circulation. This it is which gives importance and special emphasis to the question now pending; because there are hundreds of thou- sands of men in the United States and elsewhere in the world today who believe that there is a studied effort on the part of certain interests by subtle surgery to abstract from the blood of the body politic its white corpuscles [applause], and to allow to atrophy one of the ventricles of its great central heart whose harmonions pulsations give power and energy and movement to its organization. [Applause.] The question, sir, is an imminent one. It is a question that, like Banquo's ghost, will not down. - "A vaunt and quit my sight" will not banish it. Gentlemen may cry, "Peace, peace:" but there is no peace. Politicians may say, "We will make this thing or that thing or the other thing the issue." But, sirs, it is issues that make- parties, not parties that make issues. [Applause.] Some gentlemen say, "Let it alone; let the question settle itself; do not agitate it." Sir, that is not the languajf^ 3f brave men; that is not the language of statesmen; that is not the language of the whilom and customary leadership of the grand old Republican party. [Applause. J- Its constant reiteiration shows a decline in the ancient and salutary standards of self- government. ■ Our institutions are founded upon and presuppose the fullest investigation, the genuineness of opinions, fair, tree, and fea^rless discussion. Had men in the past neglected to exemplify these requirements and to insist upon thei* guaranty, whait would have been the history of liberty? To what unhappy condition would not mankind have been reduced had John Hampden been afraid to arraign his king for the unconstitutional exactions of ship money; had Sam Adams and Patrick Henry been obsequiously BUent as to the stamp duty, or hesitated to affirm the great prin- ciple of "no taxation without representation;" had Thomas Jefferson permitted him- self to entertain politic doubts whether "all men are created equal;" had Washington deemed it safer to submit to British tyranny than to defy it; had Garrison, Lovejoy, and Phillips been frightened from their liigh purpose by the calling of hard names and threats of personal violence; had Sumner, Seward, and Lincoln thought it indis- creet to denounce the treatment of Kansas as a crime, to assert that the conflict between freedoni and slavery was "irrepressible," and to make a new application of the old proverb that "a house divided against itself cannot stand." [Applause.] No, sir; let us not abandon our duty. Let us stand to it like men. Said Daniel Webster, in answer to a similar argument sixty years ago: If any evU arises to destroy or endanger this medium or this oarreney, our duty Is to meet It, not to retreat from It — to remedy It, not to let W alono. We are to control and correct the mischief, not to submit to It. Moreover, a question of this magnitude and significance ought to be discussed in a, spirit and manner appropriate to so high a theme. To treat it as if it were the claim of a small private interest seeking an avenue for self-aggrandizement at the expense of the general good, is to show a grave incompetence to weigh and handle the mo- mentuous concerns.!Of the people. That so many in this House are unable to grasp the higher and only real issues involved, is not complimentary to the standard of American statesmanship. Similar but much severer strictures must be drawn upon a considerable part of the public press. , To call one's opponent in an argument , "fool," "crank," "lunatic," "traitor," is as unprofitable as it is impolite. People are apt to suspect one who "doth protest too much." Better answer your antagonist's argument than abuse him; and if he really be a fool his argument ought to be easly answered. Nor can you escape the ordeal of critical examination by merely pasting a label on your faith. Calling it "honest" and "sound" does not by any means make it so. It only begs the question. Nobody contends for unsound and dishonest money . I will permit no man to call me dishonest, nor shall he affix such a brand upon any proposal of mine. The people can not be deceived. They are studying this question as Wver before. Epithets can not deter them from penetrating to its mystery. The "craze" may have passed, but the era of sober and deliberate investigation has begun, nay, is already far advanced; and I warn gentlemen that there never has been so much interest in tills great question as there is now. "What is 'honest money?'" men are asking. "Have we it now? If not, how shall we obtain it?" These questions must be an- swered by arguments, not by adjectives. Nor, sir, on the other hand, does this discussion give proper place to wild talk of revolution, secession and bloodshed. Sir, that kind of declaration has no justifica- tion in this forum or in any other in the United States. This is a government of the people. It is the highest form yet known of that kind of government which a great commentator has called "a government by discussion;" and it is by orderly, sane, passionless, though earnest, discussion in the presence of the intelligent public opin- ion of the United States that we must settle all large questions of policy. Duclos said in reference to public opinion: "The man in power commands, but the intelli- gent govern, because in time they form public opinion, and that sooner or later sub- jugates every kind of despotism." We bow to the reign of law, and he who advocates any other way of settling differences is preaching anarchy, and will find no sympa- thy in this country. In the discussion of this question the first line of demarcation should be plainly drawn between the advocates ot the Single Gold Standard upon the one side and the advocates of Bimetallism upon the other. In this matter there is great confusion of terms. It has been noticeable in the discussions on this floor, it is noticeable in sim- ilar discussions everywhere among those who take part In this controversy. Men call themselves bimetallists, men have to-day upon this floor called themselves bimetallists, who believe in a monetary system having one metal as a, basis and another metal practically refteemable in it or resting upon it. That is not bimetallism. That, I repeat, is not bimetallism. Nothing can be gained by a false use of terms. Everybody ought to favor the removal of all uncertainty in the meaning ot the terms employed in this argument. If a man actually believes in the continuance of the present system, and I concede that there are two sides to the question, and that a man may rationally contend for the one or the other; but If a man honestly believes that gold should be the sole measure of value in the world, why can not he say so, and stand boldly and bravely up to his declaration? [Ap- plause,] I have no patience with the believer in the gold-standard who exhausts all the resources of ingenuity in an attempt to avoid stating his real position. Such evasion bespeaks a lack of confidence either in his own conclusions or in their accept- ability to the country. Now, sir, a man who is honestly a bimetallist, who believes in the use of both gold and silver as standard money, as money of ultimate redemption, the final basis of all token and representative currency, cannot consistently stand up here and deny the evils of the single gold standard. It amazes me to hear gentleman upon this floor loudly proclaim themselves bimetallists, and then launch themselves into tedious arguments to prove that the gold standard Is wholly satisfactory. They are bimetal- lists, yet gold is a stable measure of values! They are bimetallists, yet there is no appreciation of gold! They are bimetallists, yet prices have not iallen! They are bimetallists, yet prices have fallen, and entirely becauseof cheapened cost of produc- tion! They are bimetallists, yet the restoration of silver is Impossible! Thev are bimetallists, yet the nresent system must continue indefinitely! They are bimetal- lists, but the single gold standard Is good enough for them! Why, sir, this Is the very acme of Inconsistency. I know not which Is the more pitiable, that such folly should be tolerated, or that so many who commit it should be unconscious of it. It may be thought, sir, that I am spending too much time upon this matter. But in the forum where this discussion Is soon to be taken, I mean the great tribunal of the nublio opinion of the Union States, it is of the utmost importance to both sides that we agree upon the meaning of the terms used in the inquiry, and that men honest in their convictions shall boldly take their places under the banners they mean to follow. Mr. Maurice L. Muhleman, deputy assistant treasurer of the United States at New York, In his reoeent book, Monetary Systems of the World, page 12, says: By bimetallism, strictly defined, is meant the free and unlimited coinaere of both e-nid otiM silverinto coins offuUdebtrpaylng power. "omgom and I refer to Mr. Muhleman's definition because he speaks